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THEOLOGICAL UBl^KY
ANDdVJJR-ffiRl^RP
IHEOLOSICAmBRARy
THEOLOGICAL UBKARY
J
The Catholic Encyclopedia
VOLUME FOUR
Gland— Diocesan
.-^
THE CATHOLIC
ENCYCLOPEDIA
AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE
ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE,
DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE
CATHOLIC CHURCH
EDITED BY
CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, Ph.D., LL.D.
EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D, D.D. CONDE B. PALLBN, Ph.D., LL.D.
THOMAS J SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J.
ASSISTE3D BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS
FIFTEEN VOLUMES AND INDEX
VOLUME IV
'irt
View ]|K>rR
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA PRESS, INC.
Niha Ohatat, November 1, 1908
REMY LAPORT, S.T.D.
CBNaOB
Imprimaiur
*JOHN CARDINAL FARLEY
ABCHDISHOP OF NBW TO&K
Copyright, 1908
By Robert Applbton Company
Copyright, 191S
By the encyclopedia PRESS, INC.
The articfos in this work have been written specially for The Catholic
Encyclopedia and are protected hy copyright. All rights^ includ-
ing the right of translation and reproduction, are reserved.
^hksswork and aiNDiNO av j. m. lvon co., albanv. m. v.. u. a. a.
m
Contributors to the Fourth Volume
ABRAHAM, LADISLAUS» LL.D., Meubeb of
Agab^bmt of Science at Cbacow, Professor of
Canon Law, Royal Univsbsity, Lkmberg,
GaulciAi Auatbia: Cjrril and Methodius.
AHERNE, CORNELIUS, Profbsbor of New Teota-
liENT EXKGBBIB^ RbcTOR, 8t. JoSEPH's COL-
LEGE, Mill Hill> IiONpon: Colosaians, Epistle to
^e; Commentaries on the Bible; Corinthians,
'^'^^i to the.
AIKEN, CHARLES F., S.T.D., Professor of Afol-
oaBncs, Catbouo Unitersitt of America,
Washinqton: Confucianism.
ALSTON, G. CYPRIAN, O.S.B., Downside Abbey,
Bath, England: Cluny; Convent; Convent
Sdiools (Great Britain); Cort>ie, Monastery of;
Corvey; Crutched Fri^ire; , Deusdedit, Saint;
Dinooth.
ALVARADO, THOMAS CANON, Cuenca, Ecua-
dor: Cuenca.
ANGER, HENRY, LiTr.B., B.Sc., New York:
Delacroix, Ferdinand.
ARENDZEN, J. P., Ph.D., S.T.D., B.A., Professor
of Holy Scripture, St. Edmund's College,
Ware, England: Cosmogony; Demetrius (Syrian
Kings); Demiurge.
ASTRAIN, ANTONIO, SJ., BLu>Rn>: Congiegatio
de Auxiius.
AVEUNG, FRANCIS, S.T.D., Chelsea, London:
Condition; Deism.
BALESTRI, GIUSEPPE, O.S.A., Professor Emeri-
Tus OF Sacred Scripture, College of St.
Monica, Rome: Cyrus and John.
BANDELIER, AD. F., Hispanic Society of Amer-
ica, New York: Clavu»ro; Cobo; Cogolludo
Colombia; Columbus, Christopher; Gondamme
Oopacavana; Cordova, Juan de; Coronado,
CoroneL Juan; Qfa\Aa\ Costa Rica; Davila
Ftulilla.
BARNES, ARTHUR STAPYLTON, MA. (Oxon.
and Cantab.), Cambridge, England: Counsels.
BAtMGARTEN, Rt. Rev. Mgr. PAUL MARIA,
J.U.D., S.T.D., Domestic Prelate, Rome: De
Rossi.
BAUMSTARK, ANTON, S.T.D., Teacher in the
CaTROUC OTMNAaiUM OF SaABACH, BaDEN, GER-
MANY: Cosmas.
BEOCARI, CAMILLO, SJ., Postulator General
OF THE Society of Jbsub, Rome: Confessor.
BECHTEL, F., SJ., Professor of Hebrew and
Sacred Scripture, St. Louis Universtty, St.
Louis: Oordier; Core, Dathan, and Abiron;
Comelius (Centurion).
BENIGNI, U., Professor of Ecclesiastical His-
tory, Pont. Collbgio Urbano di Propaganda,
Rome: Codex Vaticanus; CoUe di Val d'Elsa;
Comacchio; Como; Concordia; Converzano;
Consa; Cortona; Cosenza; (k>trone; Cosza*
Lusi; Crema; Cremona; Cuneo; Demecracyt
Christian; Diaoo.
BIHL, MICHAEL, O.F.M., Lector of Ecclbsuoti-
CAL History, Collegio San Bonaventura,
C^UARAccHi, NEAR FLORENCE: Colctte; Conoep-
tionists; David of Augsburg.
BOEYNAEMS, LIBERT H., C.SS.CC., Titular
Bishop of Zeugma, Vicar Apostolic of the
Sandwich Islands: Damien.
BOOTHMAN, C. T., Kingstown, Ireland: Digby,
Kenelm; Digby, Sir Kenelm.
BOUDINHON, AUGUSTE-MARIE, D.D., D.C.L.,
Director, "Canonibte Contemporain", Pro-
fessor OF Canon Law, Institut Cathouque,
Paris: Desertion; Desservants.
BOWDEN^ SEBASTIaA, The Oratory, London:
Dalgaims.
BRAUN, JOSEPH, S.J., Luxemburg: Dalmatic.
BREHIER, LOUIS RENE, Professor of Ancient
AND Medieval History, University of Cler-
mont-Ferrand, Puy-db-D6me, France: Gom-
mines; Crusades; Dandolo.
BROCK, HENRY M., S J., Professor of Physics,
Holy Cross College, Worcester, Massachu-
setts: Coriolis; Curiey; Danti, Ignazio; Daubrte;
Denza; Desains.
BURTON, EDWIN, D.D., St. Edmund's Coujsge,
Ware, England: Clement, Csesar; Clenock;
Clerk; Clifton; Codrington; Colet; Constable,
Cuthbert; Cordell; Cuthbert, Saint; Daniel
John; Darrell ; Davenport, Christopher; De Lisle,
Digby, George.
BURTSELL, Very Rev. Mgr. RICHARD L., Ph.D.,
S.T.D., Rondout, New York: Consanguinity;
Crime; Defender of the Matrimonial Tie.
RUTIN, R., S.M., S.T.L., Ph.D., Jefferson College,
Convent, Louisiana: Cleophas; Contant de la
Molette; Crelier.
CABROL, FERNAND, O.S.B Abbot of St.
Michael's, Farnborougb, England: Oomplin;
Cross and Crucifix (Part II. Representations as
Objects of Devotion).
CAMM, BEDE, O.8.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Erdingtov
Abbey, Birmingham, England: ditherow:
Davies; Dean, William; Dingley.
CAMP]^LL, NOEL JOSEPH, SJ., B.A. (Oxow.),
Beaumont College, Old Windsor, Berks^
England: Covenanters.
CONTHIBUTOKS TO TJllO FOUHTH VOLUME
CAMPBELL, THOMAS J., SJ., St. Maky's Col- DE SMEDT, CH., S.J., Bbubsbls: Criticism, Hit-
LEGE, Montreal: Crasset; Croiset. torical.
CANDIDE, F., O^M.Cap., Lector in Philosopht, DEVAS, FRANCIS CHARLES, SJ., Classical
Capuchin Monastery, Ristigouche, Province Master, Stonyhurst College, Blackburn
OF Quebec: Cochem, Martin of. England: Devas. '
CAPES, FLORENCE MARY, London: Colomba of DEVLIN, WILIJAM, S J., Woodstock College,
Rieti; Coluxnba, Saints. Maryland: Cremation. . ^
CARMICHAEL, MONTGOMERY, British Vice MONNfi^N^^E^SA, k.b.^L.BRARiANTOT
Consul, Leghorn: Clerks Regular of the Mother ^ ^
of God of Lucca.
CASSIDY, JOHN JOSEPH, S J., Woodstock Col-
lege, Maryland: Conimbrioenses.
CHAPMAN, JOHN, O.S.B., B.A. (Oxon.), Prior of
St. Thomas's Abbey, Erdington, Birmingham,
England: Clementines; Qement I; Cornelius,
Pope; Cyprian of Carthage; Cyril of Al^xandria^;
Cyril of Jerusalem; Demetrius, Samt; Didaiche;
Didascalia Apostolorum; Didymus the Blind.
ISLATURE OF QuEBEc: DenoHville.
DONOVAN, STEPHEN M., 0.FJI., Franciscan
Monastery, Washington: dare of Montefalco;
Clare of Rimini: Ooelde: Oohnan, Walter; Con-
rad of Asooli; Conrad of Offida; Conrad of Pia-
cenza; Conrad of Saxony; Conry; Conversi;
Cozea; Crib; Crispin of Viterbo; Crown, Francis-
can; Cunegundes; Darnel and Companions;
Ddlino; Delphine; Didacus.
DOWLING, AUSTIN, Providence, Rho»b JsUnd:
Conclave.
CHARLES, BROTHER, C.S.C., Professor of Eng- ._.„._
USH, SCHOLASnCATE OF THE CONGREGATION OF DOWLING, M. P., 8 J., KaISBAS OtTY, MISSOURI :
THE Cross of Jesus, Rimouski, Canada: Cross
of Jesus, Brothers of the.
CLEARY, GREGORY, O.Fjyi., J.U.L., Pbqfessqr
OF Moral Theology and Canon Law, St. Isi-
dore's College, Rome: Commissariat of the
Holy Land; Custos.
Creighton Univeraity.
DRISCOLL, JABIES F., D.D., President of ftr. Jo-
seph's Seminary, Dunwoodis, New York:
Dan.
DRISCOLL. JAMES H., S.T.D., D.CX., House's
Point, New York: Contumacy.
CLEARY, HENRY W., Editor, "New Zealand
TABLirr", DuNEDiN, New Zealand: Cooktown; DRISCOLL, JOHN THOMAS, A. M., S.T.L., Fonda,
DaUey.
CLIFFORD, C0RNELIU5*, Sbton Hall Collhoe,
South Orange, New Jersey: Craigie; Crashaw.
COFFEY, PETER, Ph.D., S.T.L., Professor .of
Philosophy. St. Patrick's College, May-
nooth: Deauction; Dialectic.
COLEMAN, AMBROSE, O.P., M.R.IA., St. Sav-
iour's Priory, Dublin: Crolly.
COLEMAN, CARYL, B.A., Pblham Manor, New
York: Cosmati Mosaic,
CORBETT, JOHN, SJ., Assoclite Editor, "The
Messenger", New York: Comoldi; David,
King.
COUDERT, ANTOINE, O.M.I., Archbishop of
Colombo, Ceylon: Colombo.
COURSON, OOMTESSE ROGER db, Paris: Com-
mune, Martyrs of the Paris.
CURLEY, CHARLES F., A.B., LL.D., Wilmington,
Delaware: Delaware.
CUTHBERT, FATHER, O.S.F.C., Hassocks, Sus-
sex, England: Definitors (in Religious Orders).
D'ALTON, E. a., M.R.I.A.. Aihbnry, Ireland:
Clynn; Cogitosus; Creagn; Culdees; Dease.
DELAMARRE, LOUIS N., Ph.D., iNerniucroR in
French, College of the Ctty of New York:
Coppte; Comeille, Pierre; Dareftte de la Cha-
vanne; Deschamps, Eustaiche; Didot.
DELANY, JOSEPH F., New York: Correction;
Death; Decalogue; Despair; Detraotioii.
MJLAUNAY, JOHN BAPTIST STEPHEN, C.S.C.,
Lrrr.B., Ph.D., Notre Dame UniversftIt, In-
diana; d^manees; Cochin, Jacques; Oochin,
Pierre; Coll^ de France.
New York: Deity.
D'SOUZA, A. X., Bombay, India: Cuncc^im, Martyrs
of.
DUBRAY, C. A., S.T.B., Ph.D., Professor of Phil-
osophy, Marii^ College, Washington; Clich-
tove; Colonna, Egidio; Dhuoda.
DUNFORD, DAVID, Diocesan Inspector of
Schools, Hoddesdon, Herts, England: Cu
rate; Dcuan; Decree.
DUNN, JOSEPH, Ph.D., Professor of Celtic Lan-
guages and Literature, Catholic University
OF America, Washington: Oiescimbeni.
DURET, AUGUSTE, D.D., Prefect Apoefrouc of
the Delta of the Nile, Cairo, Egypt: Delta of
the NUe.
EDMONDS, COLUMBA, O.S.B., Fort Augustus,
Scotland: Coemgen; Ooiumba, Saint; Cblum-
ba, Saint, Abbot of lona; Columbanus.
ENGELHARDT, ZEPHYRIN, O.F.M., Watson-
viLLE, Caufornia: Deymann; Diego y Moreno.
ENNIS, A. T., Co;^coRDiA, Kansas: Cooc9cdia
(U.SjV.).
ENRIGHT, SISTER M. AUGUSTINE, St. Joseph's
Academy, Springfield, Illinois: DaU^ia. ,
FANNING, WILLIAM H. W., SJ.. PiioFESsoR of
Church History and Canon Law, St. Louis
University, St. Louis: Cleric; College (in
CuionLaw); Collegiate; Commissary Apostolic;
Competency; Conference; Confraternity; Con-
grua; Conservator; Constitutions; Papal; Cura-
tor; Cure of Souls; CuBBores Apostolici; Cus-
tom; Definitor (in Canon Law); Dels^tion;
Denunciation; De Smet; Devolution; Dimis-
sorial Letters.
OONTKIBirrOBS TO THE FOUttTU VOLUME
FENLON, JOHN F., S.S., S.T.D., PasaiDBNT of St.
AlTflfllN'B GOLLBOB, BBOOKUkND, D. C, PROFES-
SOR OF Sacred Scrifturb, St. Mart's Semi-
nary, Bai/timorb: Cbdex Alexandrinus; Codex
Amistfaius: Codex Bene; Cod^ Ephmmi B*-
scriptus; Codex Sinaiticus'; ConoordaiioeB of the
Bible; Creeoens.
FISCHER, JOSEPH, SJ., Profbmor or Obo-
GRAFHT AND HlBIORT, StBIXA MAnPTINA Coi/-
LEGB, FBLDKIRCH, AUSTRIA: OaTUB.
FISHER, J. H.J SJ., Woodstock Collbob, Mary-
land: Cursmg; Delrio.
FITA Y COLOMER, FIDEL, S J., Mbmbbr of the
ROTAL AOADBMT OF HlSTORT, MaDRIO: CoOl^
postela.
F0RTE8CUE, ADRIAN, Ph.D., D.D., Letchworth,
Herts, England: Collect; CommuRion-^Anti-
I^on; Coneelebration; Coniteor; Constanti-
nople, Rite of; Cowl; Densinger.
FOURNET, PIERRE AUGUSTS, S.S., Profbssor
OF BeLLBS-LbTTRBS, CoLL^B DB MOMTRiAL,
Montreal: Colin, Fr6d4ric; Cuoq.
FOX, JAMES J., S.T.D., B.A., Professor of Philos-
ophy, St. Thomas's College, Washinctton:
Cruelty to Animals.
FOX, WILLIAM, B.S., M.E., Associate Profbssor
OF Physics, College of the City of Nbw York:
Gierke.
FUENTES, VENTURA, A.B., M.D., Instructor,
CoLLEGB OF THB CiTY OF Nbw Yorx: Crus;
Cuba: Cueva; De Soto; Dias del Castillo; Dias
de Soils.
CANS, LEO, J.C.D., Sr. Cloud, Minnesota: Com-
promiee.
GARDNER, EDMUND GARRETT, M.A. (Cam-
bridgb), London: Colonna, Vittoria; Dante
Alighien.
GAYNOR, H. A., S J., Woodstock College, Mary-
land: Concubinage.
GERARD, JOHN, SJ., F.L.S., London: Coleridge;
^igbyy Bir Everard.
GEUDENS, FRANCIS MARTIN, O.Pr.™., Abbot
TrruLAR OF Barunos, Corpus Christi PiaoRY,
Mancbbstbr, England: Comillon.
GIETMANN, GERARD, 8. J., Teacher or Classkai
Languages and iEsTHETics, St. Ignatius Col-
lege, Valkenburg, Holland: Coruelisz; Cor-
nelius, Peter.
GIGOT, FRANCIS E., S.T.D Professor of Sacred
Scripture, St. Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie,
Nbw Youl: Daniel; Daniel, Book of.
GILLET, LOUIS, Paris: aovio; Delaroche.
OILLUT^MTTH, FREDERICK ERNEST, Bruges:
Common life, Brethren of the.
GODINHO, JOHN, Dabul, Bombay, India: DamSo.
GOLUBOVICH, GIROLAMO, OJ.M., Florence,
Italy: Dardel.
GORY, JAMES L., CovmoioN, Kentucky:
ington.
Cov-
▼ii
GOYAU, GEORGES, Associatb Editor, ''Rbvub
BBS Dbux Mondbb", Paris: Clermont; Gom-
pagnie du Saint-Saoreiiient; Concordat en 1801;
GoBfltantine, Diooeseof ; Coutanoef ; Digne; Dijon.
GRATTAN-FLOOD, W. H., M.R.IA., Mus.D..
Rmbmount. Ennboorthy, Irbland: dement of
Iremnd; Counan. Saints; Gonal; Conan; Cro-
nan; Dalton; Darerca; Deioolua; Diarmakl;
Dichu.
GRUPP, GEORG, Maihingbn near Mabxtoffin-
GEN, Bavaria: Gonstantine the Great (Historical
Appreciation).
GUASCO, ALEXANDRE, LL.D., Secretary Gen-
eral OF THE SOCIBTY FOR THB PROPAGATION OF
THB Faith, Paris: Corsica.
QULDNER, B^ S J., St. JosBPH'ii Golubgb, Pbila*
dblpbia: Coffin, Robert; Contsen; OonvBfsbn.
GURDON, EDMUND. O. Cart., Barcelona, Spain:
Contemplative Uw; DeBys the Carthusian.
HAGEN, JOHN G., SJ., Vatican Observatory,
Rome: Copemieus,
HANDLEY,M.L., Madison, New Jbrsey: Ooustou;
Coysevox; I^mti, Vincenso; Decker.
HANNA, EDWARD J., S.T.D., Professor of Thb-
OLOGY. Br. Bernard's SEMncABY, Rochester,
New York: Contrition.
HARTIG, OTTO, Assistant Librarian of the
Royal and City Library. Munich: Cosa; Cos-
mas Indicopleustes; DdMe; Dias; Dieuil.
HARTY, JOHN M., D.D., PRonDSsoR of Moral
Theology and Canon Law, St. Patrick's Col-
lege, Maynooth: Definition, Theological.
HASSETT, MAURICE M., S.TJ>., Harrisbubo,
Pennsylvania: Coliseum.
HAVEY, FRANCIS P., S.S., S.T.D., Professor of
HOMILETICS AND PASTORAL THEOLOGY, St.
John's Sbminary, Bbiohton, MAssACHusBm;
Clement of Alexandria.
HEALY, Most Rbvbrbnd JOHN, D.D., LL.D.,
M.R.I.A., ^NATOR OF THB ROYAL UNIVERSITY
OF Ireland, Archbishop of Tuam: Qonard;
Qonfert; Clonmacnoise; Cork, School of ; Deny,
School of.
HEALY, PAT .tICK J., S.T.D., Assistant Pbofbs-
aoR OF Church History, Cathouc University
OF America, Washington: Combefis; Commo-
dus; Decius.
HBCKMANN, FERDINAND, O.FJI., Teacher of
Latin and Greek, Mount St. Sbpulchrb Mon-
astery, Washington: Cord, Confraternities of
the.
HENRY, H. T., LrrT.D., Rbctor of Roman Catho*
Lie High School for Boys, Professor of Eno-
ush Litbraturb and of GRBGOiOAN Chant, St.
Charles's Sbminary, Overbrook, Pbnnsyi#»
vania: Congregational Singing; Dies Ine.
HERBERMANN, CHARLES G., Ph.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Latin Language and Litera«
TUBE, College of the CrrY of New York : Con-
stanthie the Great (First Part); Dance of Death
fFirst Part)
HERRERA, FELICIANO, Comayagua, Honduras:
Coma3ragua.
OONTHIBUTORB TO THE FOURTH VOLUBfE
HTND, GEORGE ELPHBGE, CSJa^GuufOfeoAN-' LAURBNTIUS, JOSEPH, S. J., Professor of
/ 91UKB1 Wal«»: Giiirk;dayt6d; iieai^nt, iohn;
Coeni^; 0>le; Ooleittan; Oc^urtenav; Crea^;
Cuthbert, Abbot of Weaimouth ; Cuthbert, Arcn-
, bishop of C^terbmy. ^ , , . . .
HINOJOS'Aj.EDTJ^DO db, MifiBfbBit of TBt I^an-
isH Academy, Professor OTf History, XJkxvbr-
siTY OF Madrid: Coimbra; Coria; Cruisade, Bull
of the; Cuenca (Spain).
HOfiBER, ICARL, Ph.D., Editor, " VoucajsEmmd''
AND "Die Akademischen MonatsqlAtTkr'V
(Cologne: Dillingen.
HOLWECK, FREDERICK G.i St. Louis: cilmar;
Deo Gratias ; De Prof undia ;• Deus io A4i utorium.
HOUOK, GEORCHE) F., Doueshc PiiELiai*B,'Dioo-»
BSAN Chancellor, ClbVelaKd, Ohio: Cleve-
land.
HOWIJETT, J. A., O.S.B., M.A.j SvufotMi Ewqland:
Desert (in the Bible).
HOWLETT, WILLIAM JOSEPH, Pueblo, CJolo-
BADo: Denvfr.
HUNT, LEIGH, Professor of Art, College of thb
,CiTY of Nfiw York: Cleei, Jan vaa; Cleef, Jbost
van; Qeef, Martin van : uouet; Corneille, Jean-
Baptiste; Comeille, Michel (2); pousin; Cri-
velli; D^r.
HUNTER»BLAIR,.D. O^ Bart., O.SJB., M.A., Ox-
ford, Enolahd: Qnoyiand. . .
HURTH, PBT«R JOSEPH, C^.C, S.T-D., Bibho*
OF Dacca, IifDiA: Daeea.
JENNER, HENRY, F.S.A., Assistant Librarian,
British Museum: Creed, Litufgieal Use of. '
JOUVE, ODORIC-M., O.F.M., Candiac, Canada:
Denis, Joseph.
KELLY; G. B., SJ., Woodstock College, Mary-
land: Coster; Cbton.
KELLY, LEO A., Ph.B., Rocbsstbr, New York
Coleti; Conoordiit (Second Part); Deusdedit
Pope.
KENT, W. H., O.S.C., Bayswater, London: Demon,
Demoniacs; Demonology; Devil; Devil-Wor-
shippers.
KERZE, FRANCIS L., Clevbland, Ohio: De-
harbe. '
KIRSCH, Mgr. J. P., PlROFBSSOR OF Patroloot and
Chbsstian Aaoh^boloqy, University of Fri-
DOURO, Switzerland: Cieiua;. Onrad of Maiv
burg; Damber^r; Darras; David Scotus; Dela-
tores; Desiderius of Cahors; Deusdedit, Car-
dinal; Diekamp; Dietrich von Nieheim.
KNOWLES, JOSEPH ALPHONSUS. 0.S A., Presi-
dent OF TH« CA'tttOLlC YOUNO UXS'^ SOODSTY,
Cork: OdrdXkel, Gregorio.
KEMPOTIC, M. P*, Kanras Om, Kaivsas: Oioatiai
Dalmatia.
JCURTH. GOPEFROTD, Director, Bbwjian His-
torical iNSTrruTE, LifeoE: Clotilda; Clovis.
LAUCHERT, FRIEDRICH, Ph. D^ AMatrnt: Die-
ringer.
Canon Law, St. laNAriua College, Vasken-
BUBO, Holland: Diocesan Ohanoery.
rf • • '
tl£ BARS, JEAN» B A., Lnr.D., Member of the
Aauanc Soaayrr,' PABas: Daguesaeau.
LEJAY, PAUL, Fellow of the UNivERsmr of
France, Professor of the CA'nK>uc Institute
of Paris: 'OaudianusMamertus; Commodianus;
Consentius; Dacier.
LENHART, JOHN M., O J£.Caf.) Lector or Phil.
osopHY, St. Fidelis Monastisry, Victoria,
Kansas: Coocaleo; Comboni.
LmSRT, P, PROSPER, 8.T.B., Librarian. St.
Bernard's Seminary, Rochester, New Yorki
De La Croix, Charles.
UNDSAY, LIONEL ST. G., B.8c., Ph.D., Editor-
in-Cbief, ''La Nouvbllb £Wncb", Quebec:
Denaut.
LINS» JOSEPH, Freiburg, Gsbmany: Cologne;
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UONNET, JOSEPH, Licentiate of Letters, Ed-
itor, ''JBrupEs Reuoieusbb"« Paris: Daniel^
Charles.
LOUGHLIN, Mgr. JAMES F., S.T.D., Philadel-
phia: Clement IIj III; IV; VIII; IX; X; XI;
, J^I; Clericis Laioos;. Colonna (Family); Con-
gregationalism; Conwell; Corcoran, James.
LUCAS, GEORGE J-, S.TJ>.,
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Blossburg, Pbnn<
LUEBBERMANN, BONIFACE, Professor of Sa-
cR¥o Scripture, Mt. St. Mary's Seminary, El-
LENORA, Ohiq: Diepcnbrock.
LUZIO, SALVATORE, D.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Pro-
FEssoR OF Canon Law, St. Patrick's College,
Maynooth: Dc^gradation; Deposition; Dero-
gation.
MAAS, a. J., S.J., Rector of WoonarrocK Collegb»
Maryland: Communicatio Idiomatum; Co-
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MacCAFFREY, JAMES, S.T.L., St. Patrick's Col-
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MACPHERSON, EWAN, NeW York: Dahomey.
McDOSAliD, MICHAEL, WfisTPofeT, Ireland;
Croagh Patrick.
McDonald, Walter, d.d., prefect of the
Dunboynb Establishment, Maynooth Col-
lege: Congruism.
McMAHON, ARTHUR L., O J., 8r. Dominic's Pri-
ory, San Francisco: Dedication, Feast of the;
Didon.
MAERE, R., DJ)., Professor of CHmanAN Alt-
CHJBOLOGY, University of Lou vain: Diaconi-
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MAGINNIS, CHARLES DONAGH, F.A.IA., Bos-
ton: Deli'Orme.'
MAGNIER, JOHN, G.SS.R» Rome: Qement Mary
Hofbausy; Bechamps, Victoi»; Desurtnont.
fDeoeaaed
Tiii
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MARUOCHI, ORAZIO, Professor of Christian
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MEEHAN, THOMAS F„ New York: Congresses
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land: Cosmas and Damian; Crispina; Crispin
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MERSHMAN, FRANCIS, O.S.B., S.T.D., Professor
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MONTEIRO d'AGUIAR, Joseph, Secretary of
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NAIRE LtON Xin, UnIVERSTTY OF LOUVAIN! COS-
mology.
ODANIEL, VICTOR F., O.P., S.T.L., Professor of
Dogmatic Theology, Dominican House of
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help Abbey, Belmont, North Carolina:
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OJETTI, BENEDETTO, S J., Consultor S.C.P.F.,
CoNsui/roR S.C.C, Consultor of the Commis-
sion ON THE Codification of Canon Law, Gre-
gorian University, Rome: Concordat; Courts,
Ecclesiastical.
O'NEILL, JAMES D., AM., S.T.D., Highland Park,
Illinois: Qandestinity; Coneursus; Consent.
CRIORDAN, JOHN, Cloyne, County Cork:
Cloyne.
OSUNA, MANUEL GARCU, S.TJ)., Cqrdova,
Spain: Cordova (Spain).
OTT, MICHAEL, 0.S3., Ph J)., Professor of the
History of Philosophy, St. John's Univer-
stty, College ville, Minnesota: Commenda-
tory Abbot; Gommendone; Conrad of Hoch-
stadt; Conrad of Leonberg; Conrad of Urach;
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tese; Constant; Couturier; Cracow, Diocese of;
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OITEN, JOSEPH, Ptttsburgh, Pennsylvania:
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terpoint; Coussemaker; Croce; Depr^.
PACfi, EDWARD A., Ph.D., D.D., Professor of
Psychology, Cathouc Universtty of America,
Washington: Colosne, University of; Copen-
hagen, University of ; Comaro.
PAPI, HECTOR, SJ., Ph.D., B.C.L., S.TJ)., Pro-
FESSOR OF Canon Law, Woodstock College,
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PETIT, L., A A., Constantinople: Delcus.
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uion; OoIosscb; Comana; Coracesium; Corfu;
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Dibon.
TKEOlOGUlUmKi
The Catholic Encyclopedia
VOLUME FOUR
Gland— Diocesan
THE
CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA
Olandestinity (In Canon Law). — Strictly speak-
ing, clandestinity sdgnifies a matrimonial impediment
introduced by the Council of Trent (Sess. XXIV, c. i)
to invalidate marriages contracted at variance with
the exigencies of the decree "Tametsi", commonly bo
called because the first word of the Latin text is
iametsi. The decree reads: "Those who attempt to
contract matrimony otherwise than in the preseoioe of
the parish priest or of another priest with leave of the
parish priest or of the ordinary, and before two or
three witnesses, the Holy Synod renders altogether
incapable of such a contract, and declares such con-
tracts null and void." The Council of Trent did not
transmit any historical record of this question. While
upholding the validity of clandestine marriages "as
long as the Chureh does not annul them '', the council
asserts that " for weighty reasons the holy Chureh of
God always abhorred and prohibited them". (Sess.
XXIV, De reformatione matrimonii). That this sen-
tence strikes the keynote of unending antipathy on the
part of the Chureh towards clandestine marriages can
be gathered by a brief review of the historical attitude
of the Church. In the fifth chapter of his Epistle
to Polycarp, St. Ignatius intimates how men and
women about to marry should enter wedlock with the
bishop's consent, so that their marriage may be in the
Lord (Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 100). Tertullian
writes that matrimonial unions contracted without
the intervention of ecclesiastical authority are liable
to be jud^ tantamount to fornication and adultery
(De pudicitiA, iv, in Migne, P. L., II, 987). In another
passage he extols the hap]:Hnes8 of that union which is
cemented by the Chureh, confirmed by oblation,
sealed with blessing, which angeb proclaim, and which
the Father in heaven ratifies (Ad uxorem, in Migne,
P. L., II, 9). The thirteenth canon of the so-called
Fourth Oouncil of Carthage requires parties contract-
ing marriage to be presented to a priest of the Chureh
bjT their parents or bridal attendants in order to re-
ceive the blessing of the Chureh (Hefele, History of
the Councils, II, 412). Whatever may be the age
of this canon, the custom therein enjomed had pre-
viously won the approval of St. Ambrose, who earn-
estly sought to have all marriages sanctified by the
priestly pall and benediction (Epistle xix to Vigilius,
m Migne, P. L., XVI, 984). The Code of Justinian
bears evidence to the influence which this imperial
legislator wielded to secure the public celebration of
marriage according to some legitimate form (" Novel-
las", or New Constitutions, xxii, Ixiv, cxvii).
In the ninth century the Emperor Basil gave the
force of written law to a widely observed custom of
having a priest assist at marriages to bless and crown
the married parties. Not long after, Leo the Philoso-
pher declared that marriages celebrated without a
Sriest's blessing were worthless. The replies of Pope
richdas I (863) to the Bulgarians, the Pseudo-Iaidor-
ian Decretals, as well as the " Deoretum" of Burchard
IV.— 1
and that of Gratian embody ample evidence to prove
that , during the ninth century and thereof t^nr, the pubiis
celebration of nuptials was prescribed and clandestine
marriage condemned. Thoujgh Gratian alleges forged
decretals to show the prohibition of clandestine mar*
riages, it must be granted that he faitlifuUy records
the usage of his age concerning the validitv of such
marria^. T^hough Alexander III (1159-1181)
maintained the vaSdity of clandestine marriage when
no other impediment intervened, he obliged parties
contracting such marriages to undergo penanoe^ and
suspended for three years any priest assisting thereat.
(Wems, Jus Decretalium, IV, title III, no. 516.)
Another step in advance was made when Iimocent
III, in the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), inaugu-
rated the proclamation of the banns.
Finally, a turning-point in the history of this ques*
tion was reached when the Council of Trent enacted
the " Tametsi '' as a measure destined to check abuses
and to safeguard the sacredness of the marriage con-
tract. The principal elements of this decree pertained
to the sentence of nullification affecting marriages of
Christians failing to ent<er wedlock in tne presence of
the parish priest or his legitimate representative and
in that of two or more witnesses; to the ways and
means of publishing the decree; and to the penalty
awaiting transgressors thereof. A succinct comment
concermng th^ points will elucidate the purport of
the decree. In the first place, to attain tne desired
end more effectually, the Council of Trent decreed
a singular method of promulgation. It ordered that
the decree should be published in every parish, and
that it should take effect only after thirty davs from
its publication. When a parish comprised many
churehes, publication in the parochial chmt^h was
sufficient . The term * 'parochial chureh " comprehends
missions attended by priests on whom the faithful de-
pend for the ministrations of religion (Cong, of the
Inquisition, 14 November, 1883). Publication of the
decree in churehes situated in sudi missions had the
force of law. A new publication was not necessary
when a newly-organized parish results from the disK
memberment of a parish wherein the law already ob-
tained. On the contrary, if a mrish subject to the
law should be united to one hitherto exempt, the
former would remain bound by the law and the latter
retain its immunity (Cong, of Inquis., 14 Dec., 1859).
For obvious reasons, the vernacular should be used
in publishing the decree. The use of Latin would,
according to the principles of canon law, render the
act illicit but not mvalia (Gasparri, Tractatus Oanon-
icus de Matrimonio, 11, v, 119). The publication
would be worthless unless the decree were made
known to the faithful as a Tridentine law or as an
ordinance emanating from the Holy See. While one
publication sufficed to induce oblipation, the council
suggested repeated publication during the first year of
tenure. This publication might be made whenever
1
OLANDESTlHrfy
OLAKDESTINITT
a congregation assembled in church. The decree
was sometimes published in a parish to bind parish-
ioners speaking one language to the exclusion of those
using a different tongue. Sometimes the law was
intended to oblige none but Catholics residii^ within
the parish lines. In a parish entirely Catholic,
wherein heretics settled after the law was duly pro-
mulgated, the obligation applied to all, Catholics and
heretics. In such cases tne "Tametsi'' declared
null heretical marriages or clandestine mixed marriages
(Pius Vin, 25 March, 1880). In a, non-Catholic
district containing only a few Catholic parishes, the
marriage of a Protestant with another Protestant, or
the clandestine marriage of a Protestant with a Cath-
olic, would be valid although the number of Catholics
in the neighbourhood shoiud so increase as to warrant
the actuaTpublication of the decree (Pius VII to Na-
poleon I, 27 June, 1805: Cong, of Inquisition, 24 No-
vember and 29 November, 1852). Finally, popula-
tions once lately Catholic in whose parishes the decree
was published might be supplantea by non-Catholics.
Though canonists are not unanimous in their verdict
regarding the application of the law in such conditions,
Gasparri, among others, holds that in such cases the
law would not bind non-Catholics. For this was,
says he, the case when Benedict XIV issued his Dec-
laration, for Holland (Gasparri, op. cit., II, v, 202).
After these general considerations concerning the
promulgation of this decree, it may not be amiss to
note where the decree was actually published. In the
United States this law was published in the province
of New Orleans; in the province of San Francisco,
together with Utah, except that part bordermg the
Colorado River; in the province of Santa F^ except
the northern part of Colorado; in the Diocese of In-
dianapolis; in St. Louis, St. Genevieve, St. Charles
(Missouri), St. Ferdinand, Kaskaskia, French Village,
and Prairie du Rodier. In Europe, the decree was
published in Italy and adjacent islands; in the eccle-
siastical province of the Upper Rhine; in Ireland,
France, Spain, Portugal, Austria, German Empire
(Pius X, 18 January, 1906), Poland, Belgium, Rotter-
dam, Geneva (Zitelli, Apparatus Juris Eccles., I, 428),
and Malta (Cong. Inc^uis., 18 March, 1884). It is
no easy matter to give accurate specifications for
regions outside Europe and the United States (Lehm-
kuhl, Theologia Moralis, II, 563). The decree was
not published in England, Scotland, Norway, Sweden,
Denmark (Zitelli, op. cit., I, 430). In some localities
circimistances paved the w^ towards a partial pro-
mulgation of the decree (Zitelli, op. cit., I, 437).
Furuiennore, althou^ the decree might have been
promulgated, the action of legitimate authority could
limit its binding force. Tlius Benedict XIV termi-
nated the controversy concerning the marriages of her-
etics in Holland. The fact that many Dutch Catholics
had abjured their faith paved the way for questioning
the application of the decree already promulgated
in that country. To solve this difficulty Benedict
XIV ruled that henceforth heretical or mixed mar-
riages, clandestinely contracted, would be valid,
provided no other impedim^ii intervened. This
declaration was subsequently extended to other
localities in which the Tridentine decree was not pro-
mulgated until heretics had organized their own con-
gregations in sudi places. In this way the declara-
tion of Benedict XIV found application in Canada,
Trinidad, the dioceses of the United States with the
exception of the San Francisco province, the German
Empire, Bcdgium, Russian Poland, the Malabar
Coast, the Uoromandel Coast, Constantinople and
suburbs, Diocese of Warsaw, Archdiocese of Bombay,
Diocese of Culm, Duchy of Cleves, Pondicherry,
Maastricht, and the suburb of St. Peter near Maastricht.
It may be well to note here the wa^r in which the
term heretic is to be understood in this declaration.
It comprehended individuals baptized in the Catholic
Church, but who subseauently adopted the tenets of
some sect ; Catholics wno had reacned theyears of dis-
cretion and had been alienated from their Faith by the
influence of Protestants whose religion they thereafter
professed ; apostates who allied themselves with some
sect: heretics professing no religion whatever (Gas-
parri, op. cit., 11, V, 208). Whenever the recjuirements
of this decree were reduced to practice owing to legit>-
imate tisage, no furtherpromulgation was necessary to
render the measure effective (Cong, of Holy Office,
I May, 1887). The decree once published m any
parish, could be set aside by revocation on the part
of the Holy See. It could also be abrogated by con-
trary usage or desuetude. Thus, Pius VII, in a letter
to the Archbishop of Mainz, 8 October, 1803, decided
that marriages contracted before a Protestant min-
ister are valid where the Tridentine decree has lapsed
into desuetude. In like maimer, the Congregation
of the Holy Office decided that the "Tametsi^' had
passed into desuetude in Japan (11 March, 1806). At
the same time the Holy See repeatedly declared that
the "Tametsi** did not lose its binding force in a
given place because heretics residing there declined
to observe it, no matter how long they refused to
abide by its requirements (Cong, of Holy Office,
6 July, 1892).
Regarding the subjects of this law, it is necessary
to note that the decree invalidating clandestine mar-
riages was both local and personal (Cong, of Holy
Office, 14 December, 1859). In its local application
the law comprehended all who contracted marriage
in any place where the decree had been duly promul-
gatea, whether they were residents, aliens, travellers,
transients, or persons having no fixed abode, because
those who come from an exempt territory are obliged
to recognize and observe universal laws. Moreover,
since jurists claim that territory governs contracts,
it fellows that residents, aliens, travellers, transients,
and those without fixed abode, must observe laws
circumscribing contracts in the place where such con-
tracts are made. A decision of the Holy Office, dated
25 January, 1900, gave new weight to this accepted
axiom of canonists. On account of the personal ele-
ment embodied in this decree, the obligation of ob-
serving it applied to those thereunto subjected where-
ever they might chance to be. For this reason parties
having a domicile or c}uasi-domicile in a aistrict
where the law held remamed liable to its obligation
as often as they betook themselves to an exempt
territory to evade the law. Those whose sole or
whose chief object in such case was to enter wedlock,
were ronsidered guilty of evading the law. However,
where one of the contracting parties had acquired a
domicile or quasi-domicile m an exempt territory,
their marriage, if contracted there, would be valid
because the privilege enjoyed by one was here com-
mimicable to the other (Benedict XIV, De Synodo,
VI, vi).
The better to complete this explanation, a word
concerning the terms domicile ana quasi-domicile is
necessary. An ecclesiastical domicile involves two
elements, namely, residence in a particular parish
and an intention of abiding there for the greater part
of a year. This intention is eauged by external acta
whose manifestatk>n marks the actual acquisition of
a domicile which is retained thereafter notwithstand-
ing i>rotracted absence, provided the intention of re-
turning perseveres. In like manner residence in a
parish and an intention of dwelling there during a
considerable portion of the year denote the elements
giving consistency to a quasi-domicile. Hence, an
mdividual may be domiciled in one parish and accjuire
a quasi-domicile in another. Six months' sojourn
in tne same parish entitled parties to invite the pastor
of that parish to assist at their nuptials. Neverthe-
less, in answer to a petition made oy the Fathers of
the 'Hiird Plenary Council of Baltimore, the Holy See
OLANDBSTINITT
OI«Un>XSXXRITT
(22 May, 1886) granted for the Uuitcd States to
parties moving from a parish where the ''Tametsi"
obtained to another parish and residing there for a
full month) the privilege of a quasi-domiciie so far as
the matrimonial contract was concerned. Nor
would the privilege be forfeited in case the contract-
ing parties Eiiould pass thirty days in such a place in
Older to enter wedlock there (Putzer, Commentarium
in Facultates Apostolicas, no. 49). Although the
decree involved a personal element, clandestine mar-
riages were valid as often as the observance of the
law was ph^^ically or morally impossible, provided
such impossibility was general and continued for a
month (Cong, of Inquis., 1 July, 1863; 14 November,
1883). Parties whose circumstances led them to
profit by this interpretation of the law were obliged
to seek the nuptial blessing at their earliest conven-
ience, and to see that their marriage was entered in
the proper register (Cong, of Inquis., 14 November,
1883).
To the pastor of either contracting party belonged
the right of officiating at their nuptials. Vicars ap-
pointed to exercise the functions of pastor with the
rullnefis of the pastoral ministry ejijoyed the same
right so long as they held office (Cong, of Inquis., 7
Sept . , 1898). The noman pontiff alone could counter-
act the exercise of this pastoral prerogative. The
presence of the pastor in the capacity of wntness satis-
fied the requirements of the Tridentine decree even
though he was not formally invited for that purpose
(Cong, of Inquis., 17 Nov., 1835). The consent of
those about to many had to be signified in the pres-
ence of the pastor and other witnesses required by the
decree. Since the sovereign pontiff enioys univensal
jurisdiction in the Church, he could vaiialy assist at
any marriage whatever. Cardinals had no longer the
right of assisting at marriages in their titular churches.
L^tes of the Holy See were qualified to assist at
marriagBB contracted within the confines of their lega-
tion. Bishops might minister at marriages in any
portion of tneir respective dioceses. According to
Gasparri (op. cit., II, v, 154), an archbishop might ex-
ercise this nght for the subjects of his suffragans pro-
vided be visited their dioceses according to the require-
ments of canon law. To a vicar-general was accorded
the right of officiating at any marriage in the diocese.
Those in whom this ri^t was vested yfeie at liberty
to dele^te another pnest to act in their stead. Such
delegation might be special or eeneral. As often as the
delegation was special, little danger of invalidity was
feared. On the contrary, when general jurisdiction is
transmitt^ to delegates, the Holy See questions, not
so much validity, as legitimacy of action. Hence,
the Consregation of the Cbuncu (20 July, 1889) re^
proved the conduct of those parish priests who habit-
ually interchange tlie faculty of assisting at the
marrii^M of their respective subjects, because such
method tended to render the ''Tametsi^' ineffectual
80 far as the presence of the parish priest is concerned.
At the same time this Congregation (18 March, 1893)
and th^ Congreeation of the Inquisition (9 November,
1898) approved ^Jieral delegation witliin judicious
limits. Notification of his commission to assist at
nuptials had to be given directly to the delegate, either
by the individual authorizing him to act or by a mes-
senger specially chosen for this purpose (Sanchez,
De Matnmonio, disp. xxvi, no. 8). The commission
might be granted orally or in writing. No priest
w<Hild be justified in presuming permission to assist at
marriages. So strict wa:^ t his rule that a pastor had no
power to ratify marriages whose invalidity was super-
mduoed in this way. In like manner, the Congrega-
tion of the Inquisition (7 SepteJtnber, 1898) decided
that the ordinary faculties granted by bishops to
prie0t4s, empowering them to adminster the sacra-
ments, did not quaufy them to assist at marriages.
Sanchei (op. vit., clb»p. xxxv, no. 20) claims tlmt Utni
iiutiiicatiou would be sufficient to justify a priest to
assist at nuptials.
Besides the parish priest, at least two witnesses
were required for the vahdity of a marriage contract.
The use of reason and the possibiUty of actually testi-
fying render any individual capable of exercising tlus
particular function (Benedict XIV, De Synodo, xxiii.
no. 6). The simultaneous presence of the pastor ana
witnesses was necessaiy to comply with the require-
ments of the "Tametsi" (Sanchez, op. cit., disp. xU,
no. 3). Parish priests or others officiating at mar-
riages without the necessary number of witnesses, or
witnesses assisting without the pastor, rendered them-
selves, together with the contracting parties, liable
to severe punishment at the hands of the bishop.
Moreover, a parish priest, or any other priest, whether
regular or secular, assisting without the pastor's con-
sent at nuptiab of parties belonging to his parish was
suspended from pnestly functions until absolved by
the bishop of the pastor whose rights had been disre-
garded.
New Legislation on Clandestine Marriage.—
Through the decree "Ne Temere,'* issued 2 Au^^ist,
1907, by the Congregation of the Council, in conjunc-
tion with thepontifical commission for the new canoni-
cal code, important modifications have been made re-
garding the form of betrothal and of marriage. This
decree was issued to render easier for the universal
Church the substantial form of matrimony, to pre-
vent more efficiently the too numerous, hasty, afid
clandestine marriages, and to make it easier for
ecclesiastical courts to decide as to the existence or
non-existence of a previous engagement to marry
(see EspousALsJ. With the exception in regard to
Germany noted below, this legislation went into
effect at Easter (19 April), 1908, and is thenceforth
binding on all Catholics throu^out the world, any
contrary law or custom being totally abolisheci
According to this decree, marriages of Catholics are
henceforth null unless celebrated before a duly quali-
fied priest (or the bishop of the diocese) and at least
two witnesses. The same is true of marriages in wliich
either of the parties is or has been a Catholic. The law,
however, doe^ not bind those who are not and never
have been Catholics. Priests charged with the care of
souls in the territory where a marriage is contracted,
or any approved priest whom one chai^^d with the
care of souls or whom the bishop of the diocese dele-
gates, are qualified io assist at nuptials. Marriages
contracted m a parish, district, or diocese, other than
the one to whicn tlie contracting parties belong, are
valid so long as the pastor of the pliacc or his delegate
assists at such marriages. However, priests are for-
bidden to assist at such marriages unless one of two
conditions is verified. Either, one of the parties must
have resided a month in the territory where tlie
marriage occurs, or else, one of the parties must have
obtained the permission of the priest or bishop
under whose jurisdiction such a party resides. In
cases of serious necessity such permission is not re-
quired.
The following conditions are enjoined by the decree
"Ne Teinere", not for the validity of the marriages of
Cathohcs, but to bring them into complete conformity
with the demands of riglit order. Marriages ought
to be celebrated in the parish of the bride. If the con-
tracting parties wish to many elsewhere, they must
ask the pastor of the place, or some priest authorized
by him or by the bishop, to assist at the marriage,
and one of the parties must have resided there for a
month. Wlien parties find tins procedure incon-
venient, one of them must obtain permission from his
or her parish priest or bishop to contract marriage
elsewhere. In such cases the parties will be obliged
to give the necessary assurance regarding their free-
dom to marry, and to comply with the usual condi-
tions for receiving tlie »^}irmment of Matrimony.
CLARENDON
CLASS
When parties have no fixed abode and arc travelling
throughout the country, they can enter we<^lock only
before a priest authorized by the bishop to assist at
their marriage.
The Sacred Congregation of the Council declared
(11 February, 1908) that the dispensations granted
in the Bull " Provida " of 18 Januanr, 1906, for Ger-
many will still remain in force. According to this
Bull, while Catholic marriages in Germany were
made subject to the decree "Tametsi", mixed mar- *
riages and those of Protestants among themselves
were exempted. (See Marriage; Parish Priest;
Domicile,)
Cantmtif tt Drer^n Sacrotaneii ^mmeniri Cimeiln Triden-
tini {Uome, 1893); Derrdum, " jVe Trmtrt'* (2 August, 19Q7);
GaspahjUp TractatuJi Canonic u* dt JJadrimirttw {Var'ia^ 1^4);
WtiiNiH JuJ DtcreialiuTit Utomi;. 11*04), IV'; OjtiTTi, Synopsis
Return MoTQlium t>i JhHh FutUi^rii tProfOn ltt04>j XtTBLU,
Ap-ptmitut JurtJt Keciaio^iia cTlouie, 19CKi); StfiTifp Eiemmiit
of kcciwioMiicai Law {^Je■|p York, 1887}^ I; DucKEJ^E^St Chry-
han Wormkip (London, 1004); pEtJUi De imped, ei diap. mairim.
(4tli ed., I^uviLUi, ia&3); Joder, ytjrmulmrt m^irxmcmial
(4th Pd., Pitrifl, XmiYr BA»»]BEr, De la dandratinUr dan$
It mitrtaae (Psria^ 1003|;LAtinENTZUis. fn*l it nf nm &j fnri9 ktI ,
(froihurf, 1903) 443-51; Tau.-jton. Tkn Law of the Church
(Londob, 1906). Fof ft ec^mtnenmry on the decree '* Ne
Teiuere." aeo McNrciK >!:,*,» in Arrutr. hcdfjiiaBtic^ Retfitw
(Philadclphm. Fcbruikry, 1&08); O'Nkill, i6iJ- (April. igogJ,
und CnosTN, Tfie Xett^ Mnlrimojiial Leffi*tatioii (Rump, J 908).
J. D. O'Neill,
Olarandon, CoNsrinmoNs of. See Thomas
Beckbt, Saint.
Glare of Assisi, Saint, cofoundress of the Order
of Poor Ladies, or Clai-es, and first Abbess of San
Damiano; b. at Assist, 16 July, 1194; d. there 11
Au^st, 1253. She was the eldest daughter of Fa-
vonno Scifi, Count of Sasso-Rosso, the wealthy rep-
resentative of an ancient Roman family, who owned
a large palace in Assisi and a castle on the slope of
Mount Subasio. Such at least is the traditional ac-
count. Her mother, Bl. Ortolana, belonged to the
noble family of Fiumi and was conspicuous for her
zeal and piety. From her earliest years Clare seems
to have been endowed with the rarest virtues. As
a child she was most devoted to prayer and to prac-
tices of mortification, and as she passed into giri-
hood her distaste for the world and her yearning
for a more spiritual life increased. She was eighteen
years of age when St. Francis came to preach the
Lenten course in the church of San Giorsio at Assisi.
The inspired words of the Poverello kindled a flame
in the heart of Clare; she sought him out secretly
and begged him to help her that she too might
live "after the manner of the holy Gospel", St.
Francis, who at once recognized in Clare one of
those chosen souls destined by God for great thin^.
and who also, doubtless, foresaw that many woma
follow her example, promised to assist her. On
Palm Sunday Clare, arrayed in all her finery, at-
tended high Mass at the cathedral, but when the
others pressed forward to the altar-rail to receive a
branch of palm, she remained in her place as if rapt
in a dream. All eyes were upon the young girl as the
bishop descended from the sanctuary and placed the
palm in her hand. That was the last time the world
oeheld Clare. On the night of the same day she
secretly left her father's house, by St. Francis's advice,
and, accompanied by her aunt Bianca and another
companion, proceeded to the humble chapel of the
Porziuncula, where St. Francis and his disciples met
her with lights in their hands. Clare then laid aside
her rich dress, and St. Francis, having cut off her
hair, clothed her in a rough tunic and a thick veil, and
in this way the young heroine vowed herself to the
service of Jesus Christ. This was 20 March, 1212.
Clare was placed by St. Francis provisionally with
the Benedictme nuns of San Paolo, near Bastia, but
her father, who had expected her to make a splendid
marriage, and who was furious at her secret flight, on
discovering her retreat, did his utmost to dissuade
Clare from her heroic proposals, and even tried to
drag her home by force. But Clare held her own with
a firmness above her years, and Count Favorino was
finally obUged to leave her in peace. A few days
later St. Francis, in order to secure Clare the greater
solitude she desired, transferred her to Sant' Angelo
in Panzo, another monastery of the Benedictine nuns,
on one of the flanks of Subasio. Here, some sixteen
days after her own flight, Clare was joined by her
younger sister Agnes, whom she was instrumental in
deHvering from the persecution of their infuriated
relatives. (See Aones, Saint, op Assisi.) Clare
and her sister remained with the nuns at Sant' Angelo
until they and the other fugitives from the world who
had followed them were established by St. Francis in
a rude dwelling
adjoinins the poor
chapel of San Da-
miano, situated
outside the town,
which he had to a
ereat extent re-
built with his own
hands, and which
he now obtained
from the Benedic-
tines as a perman-
ent abode for his
spiritual daugh-
ters. Thus was
founded the first
community of the
Order of Poor
Ladies, or of Poor
Clares, as this
secona order of
St. Francis came
to be called.
The history of
the Poor Cfares
wiU be dealt with
in a separate ar-
ticle. Here it suf-
fices to note that we may distinguish, during the lifetime
of St. Clare, three stages in the complicated eariy his-
tory of the new order. In the bediming St. Clare and
her companions had no written rule to follow beyond
a very short formula vita given them by St. Francis, and
which maybe found among his works. (See " Opus-
cula S. P. Francisci", ed. Quaracchi, 1904, 75, and "The
Writings of St. Francis", ed. Robinson, Philadelphia,
1906, 77.) Some years later, apparently in 1219,
during St. Francis'^s absence in the East, Cardinal
Ugolino,then protector of the order, afterwards Greg-
ory IX, drew up' a written rule for the Clares at
Monticelli, taking as a basis the Rule of St. Benedict,
retaining the fundamental points of the latter and
adding some special constitutions. This new rule,
which, in effect if not in intention, took away from
the Clares the Franciscan character of absolute
poverty so dear to the heart of St. Francis and made
them for all practical purposes a congre^tion of Bene-
dictines, was approved by Honorius III (Bull, "Sa-
crosancta", 9 Dec, 1219). When Clare found that
the new rule, though strict enough in other respects,
allowed the holding of property in common, she
courageously and successfully resisted the innova-
tions of Ugolino as being entirely opposed to the
intentions of St. Francis. The latter nad forbidden
the Poor Ladies, just as he had forbidden his friars,
to possess any worldly goods even in common. Own-
ing nothing, they were to depend entirely upon what
the Friars Minor could beg for them. This complete
renunciation of all property was however regardwl by
Ugolino as unpractical for cloistered women. When,
therefore, in 1228, he came to Assisi for the canoniza-
tion of St. Francis (having meanwhile ascended the
Tomb and Reucs or St. Clarb
AT AsaiBX
OLABE
OLAU;
pontifical throne as Gregory IX), he visited St. Clare
at San Damiano and pressed her to so far deviate
from the practice of poverty, which had up to this
time obtamed at San Damiano, as to accept some
provision for the unforeseen wants of the conununity.
But Clare firmly refused. Gregory, thinking that her
refusal might be due to fear ci violating the vow of
strict poverty she had taken, offered to absolve her
from it. "Holy Father, I crave for absolution from
my sins", replied Clare, "but I desiro not to be ab-
solved from tne obligation of following Jesus Christ".
The heroic unworldliness of Clare filled the pope
with admiration, as his letters to her, still extant,
bear eloquent witness, and he so far gave way to her
views as to ^nt her on 17 September, 1228, the
celebrated PnvUegium Paupertatis which some i^^id
in the hght of a corrective of the Rule of 1219. The
original autograph copy of this uniaue "privilege" —
the first one of Its kind ever sought tor, or ever issued
by the Holy See — ^ispreserved in the arohive at Santa
Chiara in Assisi. The text is as follows: "Gregory
Bishop Servant of the Servants of God. To our be-
loved daughters in Christ Clare and the other hand-
maids of Christ, dweUing together at the Church of
San Damiano in the Diocese of Assisi. Health
and Apostolic benediction. It is evident that the
desire of consecrating yourselves to God alone has
led you to abandon every wish for temporal things.
Wherefore, after having sold all your goods and hav-
ing distributed them amon^ the poor, you propose to
have absolutely no possessions, m order to follow in
all things the example of Him Who became poor and
Who is the way, tne truth, and the life. Neither
does the want of necessary things deter you from such
a proposal, for the left' arm of your Celestial Spouse is
b^ieath your head to sustain the infirmity of your
body, wmch, according to the order of charity, you
have subjected to the law of the spirit. Finally,
He who feeds the birds of the air. ana who ^ves the
lilies of the field their raiment ana their nourishment,
will not leave you in want of clothing or of food until
He shall come Himself to minister to you in eternity,
when, namely, the right hand of Iiis Consolations
shall embrace you in the plenitude of the Beatific
Vimon. Since, therefore, you have asked for it, we
confirm by Apostolic favour your resolution of the
loftiest poverty and by the authority of these present
lettere ^nt that you may not be constrained by any-
one to receive possessions. To no one, therefore, be it
allowed to infnnge upon this pa^ of our concession
or to oppose., it with rash temerity. But if anyone
shall presume to attempt this, be it known to him
that he shall incur the wrath of Almighty God and
his Blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul. Given at Peru-
gia on the fifteenth of the Kalends of October in the
second year of our Pontificate."
That St. Clare may have solicited a "privilege"
similar to the foregoing at an earlier date and ob-
tained it vivd voce, is not improbable. Certain it is,
that after the death of Gregonr IX Clare had once
more to contend for the principle of absolute poverty
prescribed by St. Francis, for Innocent IV would fain
nave given the Clares a new and mitigated rule, and
the firmness with which she held to her way won over
the pope. Finally, two days before her death, Inno-
oent, no doubt at the reiterated request of the dying
abbess, solemnly confirmed the definitive Rule of the
Clares (Bull, " Solet Annuere ", 9 August, 1253), and
thus secured to them the precious treasure of poverty
which Ciare, in imitation of St. Francis, had taken for
her portion from the beginning of her conversion.
The author of this latter rule, which is laigely an
adaptation, mtdoHs miUandiSf of the rule which St.
Fruicis composed for the Friars Minor in 1223, seems
to have been Cardinal Rainaldo, Bishop of Ostia, and
protector of the order, afterwards Alexander IV,
though it is most likely tliat St. Clare herself had a
hand in its compilation. Be this as it may, it can
no longer be maintained that St. Francis was in any
sense the author of this formal Rule of the Clares; he
only gave to St. Clare and her companions at the
outset of their religious life the brief formula vivendi
already mentioned.
St. Clare, who in 1215 had, much against her will,
been made superior at San Damiano by St. Francis,
continued to rule there as abbess until her death, in
1253, nearly forty years later. There is no good
reason to brieve that she ever once went beyond the
boundaries of San Damiano during all that time. It
need not, therefore, be wondered at if so compara-
tively few details of St. Clarets life in the cloister,
"hidden with Christ in God", have come down to us.
We know that she became a living copy of the poverty,
the humility, and the mortification of St. Francis;
that she had a special devotion to the Holy Eucharist,
and that in order to increase her love for uhrist cruci-
fied she learned by heart the Ofiice of the Passion
composed by St. Francis, and that during the time
that* remained to her after her devotional exereises
she engaged in manual labour. Needless to add, that
under St. Clare's guidance the community of San Da-
miano became the sanctuary of eyeiy virtue, a very
nursery of saints. Clare had the consolation not only
of seeing her younger sister Beatrix, her mother Orto-
lana, and her faithful aunt Bianca follow Aenes into
the order, but also of witnessing the foundation of
monasteries of Clares far and wide throughout Europe.
It would be difficult, moreover, to estimate how much
the silent influence of the pntle abbess did towards
euiding the women of medieval Ttaly to higher aims.
In particular, Clare threw around poverty that irre-
sistible charm which only women can communicate
to reli^ous or civic heroism, and she became a most
efficacious coadjutrix of St. Francis in promoting that
spirit of unworldliness which in the counsels of God,
''was to bring about a restoration of discipline in the
Church and of morals and civilization in the peoples
of Western Europe". Not the least important part
of Clare's work was the aid and encouragement she
Save St. Francis. It was to her he turned when in
oubt, and it was she who urged him to continue his
mission to the people at a time when he thoueht his
vocation lay ratner m a life of contemplation. When,
in an attack of blindness and illness, St. Francis came
for the If^t time to visit San Damiano, Clare erected
a little wattle hut for him in an olive grove close to the
monastery, and it was here that he composed his glori-
ous " Canticle of the Sun ". After St. Francis's death,
the procession which accompanied his remains from
the Forziuncula to the town stopped on the way at
San Damiano in order that Clare and her daughters
might venerate the pierced hands and feet of him who
had formed them to the love of Christ crucified — ^a
pathetic scene which Giotto has commemorated in
one of his loveliest frescoes. So far, however, as Clare
was concerned, St. Francis was always living, and
nothing is, perhaps, more striking in her after-life than
her unswerving loyalty to the ideals of the PovereUo,
and the jealous care with which she clung to his rule
and teaching.
When, in 1234, the army of Frederick II was devas-
tating the valley of Spoleto, the soldiers, preparatory
to an assault upon Assisi, scaled the walls of San
Damiano by nignt, spreading terror amone the com-
munity. Qare, calmly rising from her sick bed, and
taking the ciborium from the little chapel adjoining
her cell, proceeded to face the invaders at an open
window against which they had already placed a lad-
der. It is related that, as she raised the Blessed Sac-
rament on high, the soldiers who were about to enter
the monastery fell backward as if dazzled, and the
others who were ready to follow them took flight. It
is witli reference to this incident that St. Clare is
generally rej)re8ented in art bearing a ciborium.
GLAUS
6
CLA&E
When, some time later, a larger force returned to
•torm Assisi, headed by the General Vitale di Aversa
who had not been present at the first attack. Clare,
gathering her daughters about her, knelt with them
m earnest prayer that the town might be spared.
Presently a furious storm arose, scattering the tents
of the soldiers in every direction, and causing such a
panic that they again took refuse in flight. The
gratitude of the Assisians, who with one accord at-
tributed their deliverance to Clare's intercession, in-
creased their love for the ''Seraphic Mother". Clare
had long been enshrined in the hearts of the people,
and their veneration became more apparent as,
wasted by illness and austerities, she drew towards
her end. Brave and cheerful to the last, in spite of
her long and painful infirmities, Clare caused herself
to be raised in t>ed and, thus reclining, says her con-
temporary biographer, "she spun the finest thread
for tne purpose of having it woven into the most deli-
cate material from whidi she afterwards made more
than one hundred corporals, and, enclosing them in a
silken burse, ordered tnem to be given to the churches
in the plain and on the mountains of Assisi". When
at length she felt the day of her death approaching,
Clare, calling her'sorrowme religious around her^ re-
minded them of the many benefits they had received
from God and exhorted them to persevere faithfully
in the observance of evangelical poverty. Pope In-
nocent IV came from Perugia to visit the djring saint,
who had already received the last sacraments from
the hands of Cardinal Rainaldo. Her own sister, St.
Agnes, had returned from Florence to console Clare in
her last illness; Leo, Angelo, and Juniper, three of the
early companions of St. rrancis, were also present at
the saint's death-bed, and at St. Clare's request read
aloud the Passion of Our Lord according to St. John,
even as they had done twenty-seven years before,
when Francis lay dying at the Porziuncula. At
length before dawn on 11 August, 1253, the holy foun-
dress of the Poor Ladies passed peacefully away amid
scenes which her contemporary biographer has re-
corded with touching simplicity. The pope, with his
court, came to San Damiano for the saint's funeral,
which partook rather of the nature of a triumphal
procession.
The Clares desired to retain the body of their foun-
dress among them at San Damiano, out the magis-
trates of Assisi interfered and took measures to secure
for the town the venerated remains of her whose
prayers, as they all believed, had on two occasions
saved it from destruction. Clare's miracles too were
talked of far and wide. It was not safe, the Assisians
urged, to leave Clare's body in a lonely spot without
the walls: it was only rignt, too, that Clare, "the
chief rival of the Blessed Francis in the observance of
Gospel perfection", should also have a church in As-
sisi Duilt in her honour. Meanwhile, Clare's remains
were placed in the chapel of San Giorgio, where St.
Francis's preaching had first touched her young
heart, and where hifi own body had likewise been in-
terred pending the erection of the Basilica of San
Francesco. 'Two years later, 26 September, 1255.
Clare was solemnly canonized by Alexander IV, and
not long afterwards the building of the church of
Santa Chiara, in honour of Assisi 's second great saint,
was begun under the direction of Filippo Campello,
one of the foremost architects of tlie time. On 3 Oc-
tober, 1260, Clare's remains were transferred from the
chapel of San Giorgio and buried deep down in the
earth, under the high altar in the new church, far out
of si^t and reach. After having remained hidden
for SIX centuries — ^like the remains of St. Francis —
and after much search had been made, Clare's tomb
was found in 1850, to the great joy of the Assisians.
On 23 September in that year the coffin was un-
earthed and opened; the flesh and clothing of the
saint had been reduced to dust, but the skeleton was
in a perfect state of preservation. Finally, on the
20th of September, 1872, the saint's bones were trans-
ferred, with much pomp, by Archbishop Pecci. after-
wards Leo XIII, to the shrine, in the crypt at Santa
Chiara, erected to receive them, and where they may
now be seen. The feast of St. Clare is celebrated
throughout the Church on 12 August; the feast of her
first translation is kept in the order on 3 October, and
that of the finding ot her body on 23 September.
The sources of the nistory of St. Clare at our disposal are few
in number. They inelude (1) a TestamerU attributed to the
saint and some charming LtUen wntten by her to Blessed
Agnes. Princess of Bohemia; (2) the Rtde of the Clares, and
a certain number of early Pontifical BvXU rdatino to Oie Order;
(3) a contemporary Biography, written in 1266 by order of
Alexander IV. This life, which is now ^eneraUy ascribed to
Thomas of Celano. is the source from which StTtSare's subse-
quent bioeraphera hare deri\'«d most of their ihformation. It
was published by Surius in Be Probatie Sanctorwn hieloriie (Co-
logne, 1573), IV, 609-26; by SsDuuusin bia Historia Seraphiea
(Antwerp, 1613), 526-44; and by the Bollandistb in the Ada
SS.. Aug.. II (12 Aug.), 754-68, with a Comment. Praviue by
(TrpKh (pp. 739-54). A new critical edition of this early
life, according to the Assisi MS. 338, is in course of prep-
aration by Paor. Penaccbi (Assisi, 1908). Many early
vernacular versions of this biography were made, and some of
these have recently been re<^ted, v. g. tTusroFANz, La Leo-
oenda di S. Chiara (Assisi, 1872); Schoutbns, Legende dor
Glorioeer Maghet Sinte Clara (Hoogstraeten, 1904): GomN,Xfa
vie et ISgendcde Madame Saincte Claire (Paris, 1906). An En^lsh
translation, based on the text of the BolUndists, is g^ven by
FiBOB in The Princess of Poverty (EvanaviUe, Indiana, 1900).
The Biogra^y of St. Clare, by Giusbppb da Madrid, which ap-
peated in 172/, was published in Italian at Rome in 1832. and
m French at Paris in 1880. More recent lives of the saint are
those by Vinc. Locatblu, Vita di S. Chiara d' Assisi (Naples,
1854); Dehors, Vie de Ste Claire (Paris, 1856). new German
Ir. by ScMMiD (Ratisbon. 1906); Tommaso Locatblli. Viia di
S. Chiara (Assisi, 1882); Richard, Ste Claire d" Assise (Paris,
1895), ItAlian version by Pbnacchi (1900); CHlfcRANci, Ste
Claire ff Assise (Paris, 1902). The Privxleffium Paupertatis,
Testament of the saint, and Rule of tfie Clares are printed in the
SeraphicCB Leffislationia Textus Oriqinales ((^uanuxhi, 1897)^
aad the Bulls bearing upon the begmninsa of the order in the
Bullarium Franciscanum, ed. Sbarauba-Eubbl (Rome, 1759-
1898), passim. On the vexed question of the origin and evolu-
tion of the Rule of the Clares, see Lbicpp, Anf&nffe des Clarisseti'
ordens in Bribobr, Zeitschrift f. Kirchenoeechichte (Gotha.
1892). XIII, 181 sq.; ibid., XXIII (1903), 626-29, and XXIV
(1904), 321-23; Lbmmbns, Ani&nqe, etc. in Rdmisehe Quartal-
schrifl (1902). XVI, 93 sq., and Waubb, EnUtehung und Aus-
breiiung des Klarissenordens, etc. /Leipzig, 1906), 533-40 oq . See
also Chron. XXI V gencralium In Analecta Franciscana (Qua-
racchi, 1897), III, 175. 182-84; Barth. Pis., Liber Conformita-
twn in Analecta Francis. (Quaracchi, 1906). IV, 351-^7; Wad-
ding, Annales Minorum, I, ad an. 1212, and III, ad an. 1258;
Sbaralea. iSupp/emen/um (1806), 195; Cristopani. iS<ortade<fa
Chiesa e Chiostro di San Damiano (3d ed., Assbii, 1882), passim;
Clart, Lives of the Saints and Blessed of the Three Orders of St.
Francis (Taunton, 1886), II, 557-78; Bonav. di Sorrbmto, La
Gloriosa S, Chiara (2d ed., Naplee, 1895); CLARtsaxa-GoLLB-
TiNKS, Histoire de I ordre de Ste Claire (Lyons, 1906). passim ;
OozzA-LuST. Chiara di Assisi secundc alcune nuove acoperte e
documenti (Rome, 1895) ; Robinson. InverUarium omnium doeu"
mentorum qui tn monasterio S. ClanB Assisii asservaniur in
Archiv. Francis. Hist. (1908). II.
Paschal Robinson.
Glare of Montefalco, Saint, b. at Montefalco
about 1268; d. there, 18 August, 1308. Much dispute
has existed as to whether St. Clare of Monteraico
was a Franciscan or an Augustinian; and while
Wadding, with Franciscan biographers of the saint,
contends that she was a member of the Third Order
of St. Francis, Augustinian writers, whom the Bollan-
dist* seem to favour, hold that she belonged to their
order. It seems, however, more probable to say
that St. Clare, when she was still a very young girl,
embraced the rule of the Third Order of St. Francis
(secular), together with her older sister and a number
of other pious young maidens, who wore the habit
of the Third Order of St. Francis and followed that
particular mode of life in community which their
piety and fervour suggested. When later, however,
they became desirous of entering the religious state
in its strict sense, and of professing the tiiree vows
of religion, they petitioned the Bishop of Spoleto
for an approved rule of life ; and, the Third Order of St.
Francis (regular) not being then in existence as a^
approved religious institute, the btslioi) imposed
upon them in 1290 the rule of the TnirC Order
CLABB
0LAUDIANU8
(regular) of St. Augustine. From her very child-
ho^, St. Clare gave evidence of the exalted sanctity
to which she was one day to attain, and which made
her the recipient of so many signal favours from God.
Upon the death of her older sister in 1295, Clare was
chosen to succeed her in the office of abbess of the
community at Santa Croce; but it was only in obedi-
ence to the command of the Bishop of Spoleto that
she could be prevailed upon to accept this new
dignity. Kind and indulgent towards others, she
treated herself with the most unrelenting severity,
multiplying her fasts, vigils, and other austerities to
such an extent tliat at one time her life was even
feared for. To these acts of penance she added the
practice of the most profound humilitv and the most
perfect charity, while the suffering of her Redeemer
formed the continual subject of her meditation.
Shortly aft^r the death of St. Clare, inquiry into her
virtues and the miracles wrought through her inter-
cession was instituted, preparatory t^ her canoniza-
tion. It was not, however, until several centuries
later that she was canonized by Pope Leo XIII in
1881.
Wadding, Armalea Minorum. VI, 140: XIV. 519, and
passim; Ada SS., August, III, 664-88; Leo, Lttea of the
Saints and Bleaned of the Three Ordere of St. Francia (Taoaton.
1886), 111, 22>26.
Stephen M. Donovan.
dare of Bimini, Blessed (Chiara Agolanti), of
the order of Poor Clares, b. at Rimini in 1282; d.
there 10 February, 1346. Deprived at an early age
of the support and guidance of her parents and of her
pious husband, Clare soon fell a prey to the dangers
to which her youth and beauty exposed her, and b^bm
to lead a life of sinful dissipation. As she was one day
assisting at Mass in the church of the Friars Minor,
she seemed to hear a mysterious voice that bade her
say a Pater and an Ave at least once with fervour cmd
attention. Clare obeyed the command, not knowing
whence it came, and then began to reflect upon her
life. Putting on the habit of the Third Order of St.
Francis, she resolved to expiate her sins by a life of
penance, and she soon became a model of everv virtue,
out more especially of cliarity towards the aestitute
and afflicted. When the Poor Clares were compelled
to leave Regno on account of the prevailing wars, it
was mainly through the charitable exertions of Clare
that they were able to obtain a convent and means of
sustenance at Rimini. Later, Clare herself entered
the order of Poor Clares, alon^ with several other
pious women, and became supenoress of the convent
of Our Lady of the Angels at Rimini. She woriced
numerous miracles and towards the ^ close of her life
was favoured in an extraordinary tnanner with the
gift of contemplation. Her body now reposes in the
cathedral of Kimini. In 1784 the cult of Blessed
Clare was approved by Pius VI, who permitted her
feast to be celebrated in the city and Diocese of
Rimini on the tenth of February.
WA.DDISO, Annate* Minorum aeti hutloria trium ordinum a
9. Fnmei»c0 inatUulorum (Rome, 1731-36). Lro, Livea of
Uu Sainte andtBleeeed of the Three Ordere of St. Fronde (Taun-
ton. 1885), I, 235-238.
Stephen M. Donovan.
OlaroB, Poor (Clarissinbb). See Poor Clares.
Clark, B. T. See Aden, Vicariate Apobtouc of.
Olark, WiLUAM, En^ish priest, date of birth un-
known, executed at Wmchester, 29 Nov., 1603. He
was educated at Douai College, which he entered 6 Au-
^st, 1587. Passin)^ to the English College at Rome
in 1589, he wan ordained priest and returned to Eng-
land in April, 1592. Active in the disputes between
the seculars and the Jesuits on the appointment of
Blackweil as archpriest, he was one of the thirty-
three priests who signed the appeal against Black-
wpll da(o<l from Wisboach Cystic, 1? Novfmber, 1600,
Consequently he was included in the attack which
Father Persons made against thp characters of his op-
ponents. When Clement VIII declared in favour of
the appellant cler^ (5 October, 1602) and restored to
them their faculties, ac attempt was made, but in
vain, to exclude Clark from participation in the privi-
lege. At this time he was m the Clink prison. On
Low Sunday he was discovered preparing to say Mass
in the prison and was placed in still closer confine-
ment. Shortly after this he became connected with
the mysterious conspiracy known as the "Bye Plot".
He was committed to the Gatehouse, Westminster,
thence to the Tower, and finally to the Castle at Win-
chester. Nothing was proved again£(t him in relation
to the plot save various practitees in favour of Cath-
olic interests; nevertheless he was condemned to death
15 November, and executed a fortnight later. He
protested that his death was a kind of martyrdom.
He is the author of "A Replie unto a certain Libell
latelie set foorth by Fa. Parsons", etc. (1603, s. 1.).
Butler, Menwira (London. 1822), II, 81. 82; Folet.
Records S. J. (London, 1877). I, 28, 29. 35; Douay Diariea
(London, 1878), 216, 225, 298; Dodd, Church Hietory (Bnw-
aels, 1737), II. 387; Idem. Church Histmy (ed. Tiernkt, 1839).
Ill, cxHv, clvii, clxxxi; IV, xxxv sqq.; GiLLcyw, BiSbi. Dui. Bng,
Cath. (London. 1885). I.
G. E. Hind.
OlassiCB. See Literature. Classical.
Olaadia (KXavSk), a Christian woman of Rome,
whose greeting to Timothy St. Paul conveys with
those ofEubuIus, Pudens, Linus, "and all the breth-
ren" (II Tim., iv, 21). Evidently, Claudia was quite
prominent in the Roman communitv. The Linus
mentioned in the text is identified by St. Irenseus
(Adv.hsr.,III,iii,3) with the successor of St. Peter
as Bishop of Rome; and in the " Apost. Const.", VII,
46, he is caUed the son of Claudia, Mpot 6 KXavdias,
which seems to imply that Claudia was at least as well
known as Linus. It has been attempted to prove
that she was the wife of Pudens, mentioned by St.
Paul; and, further, to identify her with Claudia
Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens who was the friend
of Martial (Martial, Epigr., IV, 13; XI, 64). Ac-
cording to this theory Claudia would be a lady
of British birth, probably the daughter of King
Ck>^dubnus. Unfortunately there is not sufficient
evidence to make this identification more than pos-
sibly true.
Acta SS.. May, IV. 254; Alvord in Smith, Diet, of the BiUe
and nia referenors; LiORTroor, Apoet. Fathere: Clem.,
I. 29, 76-79.
W. S. Rbilly.
OUndianas Mamertus (the name Ecdicius is un-
authorized) a Gallo-Roman theologian and the brother
of St. Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne, d. about 473.
Descended probably from one of the leading families
of the country, Claudianus Mamertus relinquished his
worldly coods and embraced the monastic life. He
assisted his brother in the discharge of his functions,
and Sidonius Apollinaris describes him as directing
the psalm-singing of the chanters, who were formed
into groups and chanted alternate verses, whilst the
bishop was at the altar celebrating the sacred myste-
ries. "Psalmorum hie modulator et phonascus ante
altaria fratre gratulante instructas docuit sonare
classes'* (Epist., IV, xi, 6 ; V, 13-15). This passage
LB of importance in the history of liturgical chant. In
the same epigram, which constitutes the epitaph of
Claudianus Ikiamertus, Sidonius also informs us that
this distinguished scholar composed a lectionary, that
is, a collection of readings from Sacred Scripture to
be made on the occasion of certain celebrations
during the year.
According to the same writer, Claudianus *' pierced
the sects with the power of eloouence ", an allusion to
a prose treatise entitled *'0n the State of the Soul",
or "On the Substance of the Soul". Written between
OLAUDIOPOUS
8
CLAVIOKBO
468 and 472, this work was destined to combat the
ideas of Faustus, Bishop of Reii (Riez, in the depart-
ment of Basses-Alpes), particularly his thesis on the
corporeity of the soul. Plato, whom he perhaps
read in Greek, Porphyry, and especially Plotinus and
St. Augustine furnished Claudianus with arguments.
But his method was decidedly peripatetic and fore-
tokened Scholasticism. Even his language had the
same characteristics as that of some of the medieval
philosophers: hence Claudianus used many abstract
adverbs in ter (essentialiterf accidenler, etc.; forty
according to La Broise). On the other hand he re-
vived obsolete words and, in a letter to Sapaudus of
Vienne, a rhetorician, sanctioned the imitation of
Nsvius, Plautus, Varro, and Gracchus. Undoubtedly
his only acc^uaintance with these authors was througn
the quotations used by grammarians and the adoption
of their style by Apuleius, whose works he eagerly
studied. Of course this tendency to copy his pre-
decessors led Claudianus to acquire an entirely arti-
ficial mode of expression which Sidonius, in wishing
to compliment, called a modem antique (Epist., lV7
iii, 3). Besides the treatise and the letter to Sa-
paudus, both of which are of value in the study of the
progress of culture in Gaul, we have a letter from
Ulaudianus to Sidonius A(]^llinaris, found among the
letters of the latter (IV, S). Some poetry has also
been ascribed to him, althou^ erroneously. For in-
stance, he has been credited with the " Pange, lingua' ^
which is by Venantius Fortunatus (Carm., if, ii);
"Contra vanos poetas ad collegam", a poem recom-
mending the choice of Christian subjects and written
by Paulinus of Nola (Carm., xxii); two short
Latin poems in honour of Christ, one by Claudius
Claudianus (Birt ed., p. 330: Koch ed., p. 248) and
the other by Merobaudus (Vollmer ed., p. 19), and two
other Greek poems on the same subject, believed to
be the work of Claudius Claudianus.
Two facts assign Claudianus Mamertus a place in
the history of thought: he took part in the reaction
against Semipelagianism, which took place in Gaul
towards the close of the fifth century and he was the
. precursor of Scholasticism, forestalling the system of
Koscellinus and Abelard. The logical method
pursued by Claudianus commanded the esteem and
mvestigation of Berengarius of Tours, Nicholas of
Clairvaux, secretary to St. Bernard, and Richard de
Fournival.
Sidonius Apolunaris. Epiattdtg, IV, iii, xi, V, ii; Gbn-
NADius, De Viris iUuatrifnia, 83; R. db la BnoiSB, Mamerli
Claitdiani vita eiusque dodrina de aniind hominis (Paris, 1890);
the best edition is by Enoblbskcht in the Cor^pua acriplorum
eceleatasticorum laiinorum of the Academy of Vienna (Vienna,
1887); for supplementary information cf. Cmbvaubr, Riper'
toire dea amircea historiquea du moyeit'dge, Bio4f3fUooraphie
(Ptois, 1«05). II. 2977.
Paul Lejay.
Olaudiopolis, a titular see of Asia Minor. It
was a city in Cilicia Tracheia or Byzantine Isauria.
The old name is perhaps Kardabounda; under
Claudius it became a Roman colony, Colonia Julia
Augusta Felix Ninica Claudiopolis. None of its
coins are known. It was situated at the lower end
of the central Calycadnus valley, before the river
enters the narrow gorge which conducts it to the
coast lands. Leake (Journal of a Tour in Asia
Minor, 107 sq.) has identified it with Miit, the chief
village of a caza in the vilayet of Adana, a view which
has since been confirmed by epigraphical evidence
(Hogarth, Supplem. Papers, Royal Geogr. Society,
1893, III, 651). It was a suffragan of Seleuceia.
Only six bishopa are mentioned by I^quien (11^ 1027) ;
the first, i£desius, was present at Nicsea m 325;
the last, John, was present at Constantinople in 533,
and is probably identical with the prelate who was
a friend of Severus in 508-11 (Brooks, Tlie Sixth
Book of the Select Letters of Severus, II, 4, 7, 11).
In the tenth century Claudiopolis is meutioped by
Constantine Porphyrogenitus (Them., xxxvi), as
one of the ten cities of Isaurian Decapolis. It figures
still in the "Notitia episcopatuum" in the twelfth
or thirteenth century. MAt has about 900 inhabi-
tants, and exhibits vast ruins.
Ramsat, Asia Minor^ jmssim; Ruob in Pauly-Wissowa,
Real'Eneyk., Ill, 2662; Hkadlam, Ecd. Sites in Isouria. in
Soc. VCR Tus Promotion or Hbi^knic Stuoiks. Supjumm.
Papers, 1, 22 sq.; Cuinet, Turquie d^Asie, II. 78.
S. PUTRID E&
^ Claudiopolis, a titular see of Bith3mia, in Asia
Minor. Strabo (XII, 4, 7) mentions a to'WTi, Bithyiiiura
(Claudiopolis), celebrated for its pastures and cheese.
According to Pausanias (VIII, 9) it was founded by
Arcadians from Mantinea. As is shown by its coins,
it was commonly called Claudiopolis after Claudius.
It was the birthplace of Antinous, the favourite of
Hadrian, who was very generous to the city; after-
wards his name was added to that of Claudius on the
coins of the city. Theodosius II (408-50) made it
the capital of a new province, formed at the expense
of Bithynia and Paphlagonia, and called by him
Honorias in honourt>t the Emperor Honorius. Claudi-
opolis was the religious metropolis of the province
(so in all " Notitiae episcopatuum "). Lequien (1, 567)
mentions twenty titulars of the see to the thirteenth
century; tlie first is St. Autonomus, said to have suf-
fered martyrdom under Diocletian; we may add
Ignatius, a friend and correspondc»it of Photius.
The Turkish name for Claudiopolis is Bolou or Boli.
It is now the chief town of a sanjak in the vilayet of
Castamouni, with 10,000 inhabitants (700 Greeks,
400 Armenians, few Catholics). The town is on the
Filias Sou (River Billieus). There are no important
ruins, but many ancient fragments of friezes, cornices,
funeral cippi, and stelsB.
Tbxiisr, Asie Mineure, 149: Perrot, Galaiie el Bithunie, 42-
45; CoiNET, Turquie d'Asie, IV, 508 sq.; Smith, Did. of Gr. and
Rom. Oeogr. (London, 1878), s. v. Buhynium.
S. P^TRIDES.
Olaudiua, Apolunaris. See Apolunaris Clau-
dius, Saint.
Olavigoro, Francisco Saverio, b. at Vera Cruz,
Mexico, 0 September, 1731; d. at Bologna, Italy,
2 April, 1787. At the age of seventeen he entered
the Society of Jesus. Father Jos6 Rafael Campoi,
S. J., at the CJollege of St. Peter and St. Paul in
Mexico, directed his attention to the valuable collec-
tion of documents on Mexican history and antiqui-
ties deposited there by Siguenza y Gongora, and he
became an enthusiastic investigator in these fields.
Wlien the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico in 1767,
Father Clavigefo went to Bologna, where he founded
a literary academy and pursued diligently his docu-
mentary studies in Mexican aboriginal history. He
compiled there his "Historia antica del Messico"
(CJesena, 1780), in opposition to the worics of De
Pauw, Raynal, and Rooertson. While the "Historia
antica" is the principal work of Clavigero, be had
already published in Mexico several writings of minor
importance. After his death there appeared " Storia
della CaUfomia", less appreciated but still not to be
neglected by students.
The "Ancient History of Mexico" made consider-
able impression and met with great favour. Follow-
ing the book of the Cavaliere Boturini he included
a Est of sources, paying particular attention to the In-
dian pictographs, on tissue and other substances, form-
ing part of the Boturini collection, and increasing the
list by specimens then extant in various parts of
Europe. The catalogue of Indian writers is also taken
from Boturini, as (Jlavigero is careful to state. While
materially enlarged since then and though much ad-
ditional information has been gained, his catalogue
always remains of value. Finally he added a history
of the conquest of Mexico. While other Jesuit wri-
CLAVniS
9'
CLAVUS
t^TK on America, who wrote after the expulsion of the
order, hke Molina for instance, maintained in their
books an attitude of dignified impartiality, Clavi^ero
has not been able to conceal his resentment against
the Spaniards for that measure. He does not allude
to it, but criticizes the conquerons harshly, extolling
at the same time, beyond measure, the character ana
culture of the Indians. The writings of De Pauw,
Adair, and Robertson are severely criticized. The
two former have, in their hypercritical tendencies,
gone entirely too far in denymg to the Indians of
Mexico a certain kind and degree of polity, but Rob-
ertson was much more moderate, hence nearer the
truth, and more reliable than Clavigero himself. The
latter is an unsafe guide in American ethnology, on ac-
count of his exaggeration of the aboriginal culture of
the Mexican sedentary tribes. But the systematic ar-
rangement of his work, his style, and the sentimental
interest taken in the conquered peoples ensured to
his book a popular sympathy that for a long time con-
trolled the opinions of students as well as of general
readers. The " Storia antica del Messico '' was trans-
lated into £nglish by CuUen (Londonr, 1787); there is
a German translation of the English version (Leipzig,
1789); Spanish editions (London, 1826; Mexico, 1844
and 1853).
BKBxaTAiN DK SouzA, BQAioUca hUpano-americana Beplatirio'
nal (Mexioo, 1816 and 1883); Diccianario univeraal de liiatoria
y Oeografia (Mezioo. 1853).
Ad. F. Bandelier.
GlaviUB, Christopher (Christoph Clau), mathe-
matician and astronomer, whose most important
achievement related to the reform of the calendar
under Qregoiy XIII; b. at Bamben;, Bavaria, 1538;
d. at Rome, 12 February, 1612. The German form
of his name was latinized into ''Clavius". He
entered the Society of Jesus in 1555 and his especial
talent for mathematical research showed itself even
in his preliminary studies at Coimbra. Called to
Rome by his superiors as teacher of this branch of
science at the well-known Collegium Romanum, he
was engaged tminterruptedly there until his death.
The greatest scholars of his time, such men as Tycho
Brah^, Johann Kepler, Galileo Galilei, and Giovanni
Antonio Magini, esteemed him highly. He was called
the ** Euclid of the sixteenth century"; and. even his
scientific opponents, like Scaliger, said openly that
they would rather be censured by a Gavius than
praised by another man. There has, however, been
no lack of persistent disparagement of Catholic
scholars even down to our own times; and therefore
much that is inexact, false, and mythical has been
put into circulation about Clavius, as for example
that he was originally named "Schllissel" (davie,
" key "), that he was appointed a cardinal, that he met
his aeath by the thrust of a mad bull, etc. His rela-
tions with Galilei, with whom he remained on friendly
terms untfl his death, have also been often misrepre-
sented. The best evidence of the actual achieve-
ments of the mat man is presented by his numerous
writing^, whiSi at the end of his life he reissued at
Mainz in five huge folio volumes in a collective edi-
tion under the titie, "Christophori Clavii e 3<>cietate
Jesu opera mathematica, quinque tomis distributa".
The fint contains the Euclidean geometry and the
"Spheric'' of Theodosius (Sphsericorum Libri III);
the second, the practical geometry and algebra; the
third is composed of a complete commentary upon
•the ''SphflBra'' of Joannes de Sacro Bosoo (John Holy-
wood), and a dissertation upon the astrolabe; the
fourth contains what was up to that time the most
detailed and copious discussion of gnomonics, i. e. the
art of constructing all possible sun-dials; finally, the
fifth contains the oest and most fundamental exposi-
tion of the reform of the calendar accomplished under
Gregory XIII.
Many of these writings had already appeared in
numerous previous editions, especially the "Oom-
mentarius in Sphscram Joannis de Sacro Bosco"
(Rome, 1570, 1575, 1581, 1585, 1606; Venice, 1596,
1601, 1602, 1603, 1607; Lyons, 1600, 1608, etc.);
likewise the "EucHdis Elementorum Libri XV"
(Rome, 1574, 1589, 1591, 1603, 1605; Frankfort.
1612). After his death also these were republished
in 1617, 1627, 1654, 1663, 1717, at Coloene, Frankfort,
and Amsterdam, and Were eveil translated into Chi-
nese. In his "Geometria Practica" (1604) Clavius
states among other thines a method of dividing a
measuring scale into subdivisions of any desired
smallness, which is far more complete than that given
by Nonius and must be considered as the precursor of
the measuring instrument named after Vernier, to
which perhaps the name Clavius ought accordingly to
be given. The chief merit of CHavius, however, ues in
the profound exposition and masteriy defence of the
Gregorian calendar reform, the execution and final
victoiy of which are due chiefly to him. Cf . " Roman!
calendarii a Gregorio XIII restituti explicatio" (Rome,
1603); "Novi calendarii Romani apologia (ad versus
M. Msestlinum in Tubin^ensi Academic mathemati-
cum) " (Rome, 1588). Distinguished pupils of Clavius
were Grienberger and Blancanus, both priests of the
Society of Jesus.
SoMMERVoasL, Btbl. de {a e. de J. (Bniasela, 1891), IT, col.
1212; Lalandb, Bibliog, aatron. (1803); Dblambrs. HiM&ire
de I'aetronomie modeme (Park, 1821); Wolf, GeackidUe der
Aetronomie (Munich, 1877); Bttlletin a9tr<m. (Paris, 1905), mq.;
Retnie dee Quealione ScierUifigueB (Loavain, 1908), series III,
XIII, 324-331.
Adolf MOller.
OlavuB, Claudius (or Nicholas Niger), the latin-
ized form of the name of the old Danish cartographer
Claudius Clausson Swart, b. in the village of Sailing,
on the Island of FOnen, 14 September, 1388; date of
death unknown. He was the first oian to make a
map of North- Western Europe, which, moreover,
included the first ,map of Greenland. He was appar-
ently an ecclesiastic. In the course of his frequent
joumesrs he went to Italy, where in 1424 he aroused
much interest among the Humanists of Rome by
announcing that in the Cistercian monastery of Sorde,
near Roeskilde, he had seen three lar^ volumes which
contained the "Ten Decades" of Livv; according to
his own statement he had read the titks of the chap-
ters (decern Livii decade$t guarum capita ipse legisset)^
Through his intercourse with the Humanists he
became acquainted with the maps and descriptions of
Ptolemy, and was thus led to supplement the work of
Ptolemy by adding to it a chart and description of the
North- West country. Clavus first turned his knowl-
edge of Scandinavia and Greenland to account in the
geographical drawing and description which has been
preserved in the Ptolemy MS. of 1427 of Cardmal
Filiaster. The manuscript is now in the public library
of Nancy. Descriptions of it have been repeatedly
given by Waitz, Nordenskjold, Storm, ana others.
The facsimile of Clavus s map and his description of
the parts contained, which were published by Norden-
skidld and Storm, show that he aave Greenland and
Iceland the correct geographical position, namely,
west of the Scandinavian Peninsula.
Far more important, however, for the history of
cartography is the second map and description of
North-western Europe and Greenland that Clavus
produced. As yet, unfortunately, the original of this
work has not been found, nor does anv copy contain
both the map and the description. This second map
has been preserved in the works of the German car-
tographers. Donnus Nicholas Germanus and Henricus
Martellus Germanus, who lived at Florence in the
second half of the fifteenth century. Until recently,
the descriptive text belonging to the map has only
been known by the citations of SchQner and Friedlieb
(Irenicus) ; the complete text was not known until^ it
was foimd by Bjftmbo in two codices in the imperial
OLATTOK
10
CLXBF
library at Vienna. Bjornbo's discovery Is especially
important as it is now certain that Claudius Clavus
was actually in Greenland and that ht claims to have
pushed his journey along the west coast as far as
70° 10 N. lat. Ajaother fact that lends importance
to this discoveiv is that an explanation has at last
been found for tne incomprehensible names on the old
maps of Greenland. Local names in Greenland and
Iceland, so entirely different from those that appear
in the Icelandic sa^as, for a long time served the
defenders of the Zem as an argument that the map of
Greenland was the work of the elder Zeno. It is now
clear from the list of names given by Gavus that the
Icelandic names on the map are not the real designa-
tions of the places, but merely the names of Runic
characters. In the same manner, when he came to
Greenland, Claudius Clavus used the successive words
of the first stanza of an old Danish folk^ng, the
scene of which is laid in Greenland, to designate the
headlands and rivers that seemed to him most worthy
of note as he sailed from the north-east coast of
Greenland around the southern end, and up the west
coast. In the linguistic form of the words the dialect
of the Island of FUnen is still evident. The discovery
also makes clear how the younger Zeno was able to
add to the forged story of a journey made in 1558 a
comparatively correct map of the northern countries,
and how he came to make use of the lines beginning: —
ThcBT boer eeynh manh ij eyn Groenenlandz aa^* etc.,
which run in English:- -
There lives a man on Greenland's stream.
And Spieldebodh doth he be named;
More has he of white herrings
Than he has pork that is fat.
From the north drives the sand anew.
The second map of Clavus exercised a great in-
fluence on the development of cartography. As
Clavus in drawing his map of North- Western Europe
and Greenland made use of all the authorities to be
had in his time, e. g. Ptolemy's jwrtcianos (marine
maps) and itineraries, so the map-makers of succeed-
ing centuries adopted his map, either directly or
indirectly: thus, m the fifteenth century, Donnus
Nicholas Germanus and Henricus Martellus; in the
sixteenth century, WaldaeemOller, Nicold Zeno, Rus-
oelli, Moletius, Ramusio, Mercator, Ortelius; in the
seventeenth century, Hondius, Blaeu, and others; in
the eighteenth century, Homann and his suocessons.
It is evident that scarcely any other map has
exerted so permanent an influence as the map of
Greenland bv Claudius Clavus, *' the first cartographer
of America .
Storm, Den dtmtikt Oeograf Clauditu ClavuM eUer Nieotatts
Niger (Stockholm, 1891); Bjornbo and Peterbbn. Fyenboen
ClaudiuM Clausaim Swart (Copenhagen, 1904); Fischer. Die
kartogretphiwche DargMlung der RrUtUckunQen der Normcmnen
in Afnerika in Proceedings of the Jntemat. Amer, Congress
of 190U (Stuttgart, 1906).
Joseph Fischer.
Olayton, James, priest, confessor of the faith, b.
at Sheffield, England, date of birth not known; d. a
prisoner in Derby gaol, 22 July, 1588. He was the
son of a sho^naker, and, bemg apprenticed to a
blackffloiith for seven years, spent his leiBure hours in
educating himself, giving special attention to the
study of Latin. His studies led him to embrace the
Catholic religion, and he was sent to the English Col-
lege at Reims (1582). where he was ordained priest
in 1585, and immediately returned to England to
labour in his native county. Four years later, while
visiting the Catholic prisoners in Derby gaol, he was
apprehended and condemned to death for exercising
his priestly office. His brothers pleaded for lus par-
don and his execution was delayed, though he was
still kept a prisoner. Prison life brought on a sick-
\ of whion he died.
B'oLET, Reeordji S. J. (I^ndon, Koehampinn. 1875-1879),
III. 47, 230, 802; Douay Diariee, ed. Knox (London, 1878).
12, 29. 184, 186, 200, 205, 262. 296; Ely, Certain Brief Nolee,
etc. (PatiB. 1603), 206.
G. E. Hind.
Olazomenn, a titular see of Asia Minor. The city
had been first founded on the southern shore of the
Ionian Sea (now Gulf of Smvma), about 15 miles
from Smyrna: it was one of the twelve cities of the
Ionian Confeoeration, and reached the acme of its im-
portance under the Lydian kings. After the death of
Croesus its inhabitant, through fear of the Persians,
took refuge on the island opposite their town (to-day
St. John's Isle), which was joined to the mainland by
Alexander the Great ; the pier has been restored and is
yet used as means of communication between the
modem Vouria and the island, on which there is now
an important quarantine hospital. Clazomenie is the
birthplace of the philosophers Hermotimus and An-
axagoras. The see was a suffragan of Ephesus. Le-
quien (I, 729) mentions two bishops: Eusebius, pre-
sent at Ephesus and Chalcedon, in 431 and 451; and
Macarius, at the Eighth (Ecumenical Council, in 869.
When Smyrna was raised to the rank of a metropolis
(perhaps as early as the sixth century) Clazomense
was attached to it, as is shown by Parthey's " Noti-
tisB '', 3 and 10. In 1387 it was given again to Ephe-
sus bv a synodal act of the patriarch Nilus (Miklosich
and MUller, "Acta Patriarchatus Constantinopol. ",
II, 103). After this date there is no aoparent trace
of its history; nothing remains of the city except the
ancient pier.
Labarn. De r^bue Claaomenxcrum (1875); Smith, Diet, of Or.
and Ram. Geogr. (London, 1878), I. 631-32.
S. PUTRID l».
Glean and Uncldan.—The distinction between
legal or ceremonial, as opposed to moral, cleanness
and uncleanness which stands out so prominently in
the Mosaic legislation (q. v.).
0l6ef, Ja^t van, a Flemish painter, b. in Guelder-
land in 1646; d. at Ghent, 18 December, 1716. He
was a pupil of Luigi Primo (Gentile) and Gaspard de
Craeyer. When Craey er died , Cleef was commissioned
to complete his master's work in the churches and
to finisn the cartoons for the tapestry ordered by
Louis XIV. The churches and convents in Flanders
and Brabant are rich in his paintings.
He was a splendid draughtsman, a good colourist,
celebrated for his management of drapery and for his
charming portrayal of children's heads and the at-
tractive faces of his women. In a school pre-eminent
in portraiture Jan held a high place. He accoro-
plisned a vast amount of work, aU showing the influ-
ence of his masters and tending more to Italian tlian
Flemish methods. His favourite subjects were Scrip-
tural and religious, and liis treatment of them was
simple and broad. His masterpiece, ''Nuns Giving
Aid during the Plague", in the convent of the Black
Nuns, at Ghent, rivals the work of Van Dyck.
For bibliography, see Clkef, Joost van.
Leigh Httnt.
Oloef, Joost van (Jorse van Cleve), the "Mad-
man", a Flemish painter, b. in Antwerp c. 1520; died
c. 1556. He was one of twenty van Cleef s who
painted in Antwerp, but whether the well-known
Henry, Martin, and William (the younger) were kin
of his cannot be determined. Of his father, William
(the elder), we know only that he was a member of '
the Antw^erp Academy, which body Joost joined.
Joost was a brilliant and Imninous colourist,
rivalling, in this respect, the Italians, whose methods
he followed. Severitv and hardness of outline some-
what marred his otherwise fine draughtsmanship.
Portraiture in the sixteenth century was represented
by Joost van Cleef; and Kugler places him, artisti*
OLIEF
11
OUbftSNOBT
caily, between Holbein and Antonio Mono, his " Por-
trait of a Man " in Munich (Pinakothek) being long at-
tributed to Holbein. He painted in France, England,
and Germany. The celebrated portrait painter of
Cologne, Bruvn, was his pupil. Imagining himself
'inap^reciated, he went to Spain and was presented
\o rmlip II by Moro, the court painter.
Because Henry VIII, according to English author-
ities, chose Titian's- pictures in preference to his, van
Cleef became infuriated, and his frenzy later devel-
oped into permanent insanity. The French contend
tnat it was Philip, in Spain, who gave Titian the
preference. The most distressing feature of Joost's
uisanity was that he retouched and ruined his fin-
ished pictures whenever he could sain access to them,
and his family finally had to place him under restraint.
Beautiful altar-pieces by van Cleef are found in manv
Flemish churches, notably "The Last Judgment
(Ghent). Perhap the most celebrated of his works
is the "fiacchus (Amsterdam), whose younf face is
crowned with prematurelv grey hair. "A Virgin"
(Middlebuig) is noteworthy as havin^g a charming
landscape for the background, a combination rare in
those days. Other works are " Portrait of the Painter
and his Wife", at Windsor Castle; "Portrait of a
Young Man", at Berlin; and "Portrait of a Man", at
Munich.
Blanc, Hut. dea peintrea de Untiea let iceUa {icale Flamande)
(Pte.ris, 1877); Wactsbs, Hi»tory of Ftemish Painting (London,
1886): Dkscbamps, Lt via des Peinirea Flamanda, AUetnanda
et HoUandoia (Paris. 1753); BCboer, Triaora d'etH en Angle-
terre (Bnu»els, i860); Biographie NcUionaU de Belgique (Brus-
sdB. 1885); Reinach, Story ef AH throuQfunU the Agea, tr. Siic-
MONM (New York, 1004).
LdOH Hunt.
Oloef, Martin van, Flemish painter, b. at Ant-
werp in 1520; d. in 1570; was the son of the painter
William (the youn^^r William) and was throughout
his life closely associated with his brother Henry, who
exert^ great influence over his artistic career. Des*
champs asserts that Martin and Joost were brothers,
but the majority of writers on Flemish art agree that
Joost was the son of the elder William. Martin stud-
ied under Franz Floris, 'Hhe incomparable Floris",
and at first exhibited a strong predilection for land*
scape woik. Later on, however, persuaded by Henry,
he devoted himself whoUy to figure-painting. His-
torical subjects were his favourites, but ne also achieved
great success in genre painting. The latter has been
stigmatized as vulgar and 6U^[gestive, but while coarse,
and reflecting the peasant life of the Flemings, it dif-
fered but b'ttle in tnis respect from the canvases of the
great Dutchmen. After a few early attempts in large
compositions after the Italian manner of Floris, he
painted small pictures only, and these with great
spirit and thorough techmc. His work is delicate
and refined in treatment, harmonious in colour, and
excellent in draughtsmanship.
Martin van Cleef painted in the landscapes the
figures of many eminent contemporaries, GiUes and
Franz Floris among them, and he continually collabor-
ated with his brother Henry in that way. Hennr
reciprocated and added to Martin's figure-pieces lanci-
scape backgrounds charming in colour and design, and
harmonizipg well with the rest of the picture. On
many of his works Martin painted, as a mark, a small
ape — playing thus on his name — and in consequence is
frequently called the "Master of the Ape". He was
admitted to the Antwerp Academy, and in 1551
broame a member of the St. Luke's Guild of Artists.
He never travelled from his native Flanders, and died
of gout at the age of fifty, leaving four sons — all of
them painters.
For bibliognphy, see CLXKr, Joost van.
Leiqb Hunt.
OlemangeB, or Clamanoxs, Matrieu-Nicolas
PoiLLSviLLAiN DE, a French Humanist and theo-
logiiin, b. in ( nafni):i«;ne alxiut 1360; d. at Paris
between 14:}4 and M40. He made hi« studies in the
College of Navarre at Paris, and in 1380 received the
degree of Licentiate, later on that of Master of Arts.
He studied theology under Gerson and Pierre
d^Ailljr, and receivedthe degree of Bachelor of The-
ology in 1393. He had begun to lecture at the uni-
versity in 1391 and was appointed its rector in 1393,
a position he filled until 1395. The Church was then
agitated by the Western Schism, and three methods
were proposed to re-establish peace: compromise, con-
cession, and a general council. From 1380 to 1394
the University of Paris advocated a general council.
In 1394 another tendencry was manifest; i. e. both
Boniface IX and Clement VII were held responsible for
the continuance of the schism, and their resignations
decreed to be the means of obtainingjpeace. To
this end a letter was written to King Charles VI by
three of the most learned masters of the university,
Pierre d'Ailly, Gilles des Champs, and Cl^manges.
The two first prepared the content, to which C16-
manges gave a Ciceronian elegance of form. The letter
was unsuccessful, and the university was ordered to
abstain from further discussion. Cl^manges, forced
to resign the rectorship of the university, then be-
came canon and dean of Saint-CIodoald (1395), and
later on canon and treasurer of Langres. Tlie anti-
pope Benedict XIII, who admired his Latin style,
took him for his secretarv in 1397, and he remainea at
Avignon until 1408, when he abandoned Benedict
because of the tatter's coi^ict with Charles VI.
Cl^manges now retired to the Carthusian monastery
of Valfonds and later to Fontaine-du-Bosc. In these
two retreats he wrote his best treatises, "De Fructu
eremi" (dedicated to Pierre d'Ailly)^ "De Fructu
rerum adyersarum", "De novis festivitatibus non
instituendis'^ and "De studio theologico", in which
latter work he exhibits his dislike for the Scholastic
method in philosophy. In 1412 he returned to
Langres, ana was appointed Archdeacon of Bayeux.
His voice was heard successively at the Council of
Constance (1414), and at Chartres (1421). where he
defended the "liberties" of the Gallican Church. In
1425 he was teaching rhetoric and theology in the
College of Navarre, where, most probably, he died.
Cl^manees is also credited with the authorship of the
work "De comipto Ecclesiaj statu", first emted by
Cordatus (possibly Hutten) in 1513, a violent attack
on the morality and discipline of the contemporary
Church; hence he is sometimes considered a Reformer
of the type of Wyclif and Hus. Schubert, however,
in his book "1st Nicolaus von Cl^manges der Ver-
fasser des Buches De comipto Ecclesi® statu?"
(Groesenhain, 1882; Leipzig, 1888) has shown that,
although a contemporary, C16manges was not the
author of the book. His works were edited in two
volumes by J. Lydius, a Protestant minister of
Frankfort (Leyden, 1613). His letters are in
d'Achery (below) I, 473 sqq.
d'Achikry, Spicilegiutn (Faris, 1666). VII, praef. ^7;
J)vnti,Nouv.Md. dea auteuraecd^a. ^Xll, 78; Mi^vrt, Nieolaa da
Clhnanges, aa vie el sea icrite (Strasburg, 1846): Deniflk bt
Chatelain, ChaHtdarium Univ, Paris. (1894) III, 736; FfeBirr,
La faculty de thMogie de Paria, IV, 276-296; VoioT, Die
Wiederbelebuno dea daaaiaehen Altertuma, II. 349-356;
Creightov, A Hiatory of the Papacy (London, 1882), 1;
Pastor, Hvatory of the Popea, I ; Salembier, Le grand achiame
d'Oceident (Pans. 1902).
J. B. Delaunat.
Olemencet, Charles, Benedictine historian, b. at
Painblanc, in the department of Cdte-d'Or, France.
1703' d. at Paris, 5 August, 1778. Cl^mencet en-
tered the Congregation of Saint-Maur at an early age;
for a short time he was lector of rhetoric at Pont-le-
Vov, but, on account of his great abilities, was soon
called to Paris. Here he took part in almost all of the
important literary labours of his congregation, show-
ing a marked preference for historical research. At
OLEMEirS
12
OLKMKNt
first his superiors commissioned him to edit the
"Bibliotheca" (Myriobiblion) of Photius. Cl^men-
cet soon retired from this task and devoted all his
powers to a chronological work for which Dantine,
another member of the congregation, had made the
preparatory studies. This chronolo^, Cl^mencet's
principal work, had the very prolix title: "L'art de
verifier les dates ou faits historiques des chartes, des
chroniques, et anciens monuments depuis la nais-
sance de J^us-Christ, par le moyen d'lme table
chronologique, oil Ton trouve les ann^ de J^us-
Christ et de TEre d'Espagne, les Indictions, le C^cle
pascal, les P&ques de chaque ann6e, les Cydes solaires
et lunaires. Avec un Calendrier perp^tuel, THistoire
abr^e des conciles, des papes, des empereurs ro-
mains, grecs, frangais, allemands et turcs; des Rois
de France, d'Espsine et d'Angleterre, d'Ecosse, de
Lombardie, de Sicile, de Jerusalem, etc., des Dues de
Bourgoene, de Normandie, de Bretwie; des Comtes
de Toulouse, de Champi^e et de Blois par des re-
ligieux b^nddictins de la conp^ation de Saint-
Maur" (Paris, 1750). The work was compiled with
extraordinary industry, and contains, as the titie
shows, a lai^e amount of historical material. In its
judgment of persons and facts, however, it betrayed
a strong bias to Jansenism and Gallicanism, and was,
consequently, frequently attacked, one opponent
in particular being the Jesuit Patouillet. The asser-
tion was made, and not without reason, that the title
ought to read: '^L'art de verifier les dates et falsifier
les faits".
Cl&nencet also wrote volimies X and XI, issued at
Paris, 1756 and 1759, of the monumental work "His-
toire litt^raire de la France*'. The volumes prepared
by Cl^mencet are a rich collection of authorities, and
are of importance not only for the literary history of
France but also for the history of the development
of all the nations of the Middle Ages. It was intended
that he should edit volume XII of the "Histoire lit-
t^ire", preparing for it the life of St. Bernard of
Clairvaux, but he gave up the undertaJcine and wrote
instead an independent work entitled: "Histoire des
vies et ^rits de Saint-Bernard et de Pierre le V6n6r-
able" (Paris, 1773). His strong predilection for
Jansenism is shown in two of his writings, namely:
"Histoire g^n^rale de Port-Royal depuis la r^forme
de cette abbaye jusqu'^ son enti&« destruction
(10 vols., Amsterdam, 1755-1757), and "Conferences
de la M^re Ang^lique de Saint-Jean, Abbesse de Port-
Royal" (3 vols., Utrecht. 1760). Of the former of
these two works only the first half could be published,
as the second part contained too strong a defence of
Jansenism. On account of his leaning to Jansenism,
Cl^mencet was a bitter opponent of the Jesuits. He
attacked them in several exceedingly sharp pamph-
lets and worked for the suppression of the society.
Among his literary labours should also be mentioned
his share in an excellent edition of the works of St.
Gregory of Nazianzus. Prudentius Maranus, an-
other member of the Congregation of Saint-Maur, had
begun the task. Cl^mencet issued the first volimie
under the title: "Gregorii Theologi opera quae extant
omnia" (Paris, 1778). This edition is still valuable
and far surpasses all the earlier editions.
Tasmn, Htttoire liUiraire de la Congriffolion de Saint-Maur,
II, .374-«3: DB Lama, BiblioUihiue dea fenvaina de la Conffr^-
gatum de Sawt-Maur, 599-610.
Patricius Schlager.
Olemena, Franz Jacob, a German Catholic phil-
osopher, b. 4 October, 1815, at Coblenz; d. 24 Febru-
ary, 18jB2, at Rome. After spending some time in an
educational institution at Metz, he entered, at the age
of sixteen, the Jesuit College of Fribouig, Switzer-
land, attended the Gymnasium at Coblenz, and thence
passed to the University of Bonn. In 1835 he ma-
triculated at the University of Berlin, where he de-
voted s)>ecial attention to the study of phOosophy
and received the doctorate in philosophy (1839). At
the end of a literary journey through Germany and
Italy, he became, in 1843, mstructor in philosophy
at the University of Bonn, and taught there witK
great success until 1856. In 1848 he was elected a
member of the Frankfort Parliament, and attended,
at Mainz, the first General Congress of German Catho-
lics, at which he suggested the'foimdation of the
St. Vincent de Paul Society in Germany. In 1856
he was appointed professor of philosophy in the
Academy of Miinster. So great was his popularity
as a teacher at Bonn that, when he removed to Mon-
ster, he was followed by some seventy students. The
attendance at his lectures in the Westph^an capittd
was an extraordinarily lai^ge one; but ms health failed
after a few years. In 1^1, upon the advice of hia
physicians, he sought relief in a southern climate; he
died at Rome in tne beginning of the following year
and was buried at the Qes\X,
Clemens was a layman of sound Catholic principles,
who ably defended the Church even on tneolcMrical
aucstions. He published his first great work, **Gior-
ano Bruno und Nikolaus von Cusa'', in 1847, at
Bonn. He also wrote in defence of the Holy Coat
of Trier, " Der heilige Rock zu Trier und die protest-
antische Kritik " (1845), against Gildemeister and von
Sybel. His other principal writing were connected
with two controversies in which he became involved.
His book, "Die speculative Theolo^e A. GOnthers"
f Cologne, 1853), a clear demonstration of the oontra-
oiction between Catholic doctrine and the views of
Giinther, elicited answers from Professors Baltzer
and Knoodt, to which Clemens replied. His "De
Scholasticorum sententii, philosopniam esse theo-
logiiB ancillam, commentatio'' (Mtlnster, 1856)
treated of the subordinate position which philosophy
should occupy in regard to theology. It brought nim
into conflict with Professor Kuhn of TQbin^en, against
whom he published, in defence of his position: "Die
Wahrheit etc." (MOnster, 1860) and "Uber das
Verhfiltniss etc." (Mainz, 1860).
DerKalKolik (1862), I, 257-80; lAi. Handweieer (1862),
88-89; St5cu in A% deut. Biog. (Leipsig, 1876), IV, 315-17;
DuUin Rev. (1862-63). LII, 417-18. *
N. A. Weber.
OlemenB non Papa (Jacques Clement), repre-
sentative of the Flemish or Netherland School of music
of the sixteenth century; d. 1558. All that is known
with reasonable certainty of his Ufe is that he pre-
ceded Nicolas <]rombert (1495-1570) as choirmaster
at the court of Charles V. An indication of his fame
is his nickname non Papa, given to distinguish him
from the contemporaneous Pope Clement VII (1523-
34). While his style is always npble and fluent, he
shows the fault of nis time and school of elaborating
contrapuntal forms at the expense of a clear and dis-
tinct declamation of the text. Clemens was, never-
theless, one of the chief forerunners of Palestrina and
Orlandus Lassus. who alone were able to overshadow
him. Some of nis more important works are: ten
masses, one for six, five for five, and four for four
voices, published by Petrus Phalesius at Louvain
(1555-80), a large number of motets, and four vol-
umes of "Souter Liedekens", that is psalms set to
familiar Netherland melodies, published by Tylmann
Susato at Antwerp (1556-57).
Ambros, (7e8efk. der Mueik (Leipxis, 1881); RnitANN. Band-
bueh der Munhgetehiehte (Leipsic, 19(>7).
Joseph Ottsn.
Olemena PradentiaB. See Prudentius, Mabcus
Aurexjus (Xeioens.
Olement I, Saint, Pope (called Clemens Roikanus
to distinguish him from the Alexandrian), is the fiist
of the successors of St. Peter of whom anything
definite is known, and he is the first of the "Apostolic
OLSMXirT
13
OLEIUNT
Fathers". His feast is celebrated 23 November.
He has left one gpenuine writing, a letter to the
Church of Corinthi and many others have been at-
tributed to him.
I. Ths Fourth Popb. — ^Acoordins to Tertullian,
writing c. 190, the Roman Church claimed that
Clement was ordained by St. Peter (De Praeecript.,
xxzii), and St. Jerome tells us that in his time ''most
of the Latins" held that Clement was the immediate
successor of the Apostle (De viris illustr., xv). St.
Jerome himself in several other places follows this
opinion, but here he correctly states that Clement
was the fourth pope. The early evidence shows
great variety. The most ancient list of popes is one
made by Hegesippus in the time of Pope Anicetus,
c. 160 (Hamack ascribes it to an unknown author
under Soter, c. 170), cited by St. Epiphanius (Heer.,
xxvii, 6). It seems to have been used by St. Irenaeus
(HflBT., Ill, iii), by Julius Africanus, who composed a
chionography in
222, by the third-
or fourth-century
author of a Latin
poem againstMar-
cion, and by Hip-
polytus, whose
chronology ex-
tends to 234 and
is probably found
in the ''Liberian
Catalogue" of
364. That cata-
logue was itself
aoopted in the
''liber Pontifio-
alis". Eusebiusin
his chronicle and
history used Afri-
canus ; inthe latter
he slightly cor-
rected the dates.
St. Jerome's
chronicle is a
Clement I, Sistxks Chapbl, Romk
Tuscan School (Ideal)
translation of Eusebius's, and is our principal means
for restoring the lost Qreek of the latter; the Armenian
version and Coptic epitomes of it are not to be de-
pended on. The vaneties of order are as follows:
(1) linus, Cletus, Clemens (Hegesippus, ap. Epipha-
nium, Canon of Mass).
Linus, Anencletus, Clemens (Irenaeus, Africanus
ap. Eusebium).
Linus, Anacletus, Clemens (Jerome).
(2) Linus, Cletus, Anacletus, Clemens (Poem against
Marcion).
(3) Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus [Hippolytus
(7), "Liberian Catal."; "Liber. Pont.'*].
(4) Linus, Clemens^ Anacletus (Optatus, Augustine).
At the present tune no critic doubts that Cletus,
Anacletus, Anencletus, are the same person. Ana-
cletus is a Latin error; Cletus is a shortened (and
more (}hristian) form of Anencletus. Li^tfoot
thought that the transposition of Clement in the
"LiMrian Catalo^e" was a mere accident, like the
similar error "Amoetus, Pius" for "Pius, Anicetus",
further on in the same list. But it ma;^ have been a
deliberate alteration by Hippolytus, on the ground of
(lie tradition mentioned by TertuUian. St. Ireneus
rill, ill) tells us that dement "saw the blessed
Apostles and conversed with them, and had yet
ringing in his ears the preaching of the Apostles and
had their tradition before his eyes, and not he only,
for many were then surviving who had been taught
bv the Apostles". Similarly Epiphanius tells us
(trom Hegesimius) that Clement was a contemporaxy
of Peter and Paul. Now Linus and Cletus had each
twelve years attributed to them in the list. If Hip-
polytus found Cletus doubled by an error (Cletus
XII, Anacletus XII), the accession of Clement would
i^pear to be thirty-six years after the death of the
Apostles. As this would make it almost impossible
for Clement to have been their contemporary, it may
have caused Hippolytus to shift him to an earlier
position. Further, St. Epiphanius says (loc. cit.):
"Whether he received episcopal orcunation from
Peter in the life-time of tne ApoNitles, and declined
the office, for he says in one of his epistles ' I retire,
I depart, let the people of Qod be in peace', (for we
have found this set down in certain Memoirs), or
whether he was appointed by the Bishop Cletus alter
he had succeeded the Apostles, we do not clearly
know." The "Memoirs" were certainly those oS
Hegesippus. It seems unlikely that he is appealed
to only for the quotation from the Epistle, c. liv^
probably Epiphanius means that Hegesippus stated
that Clement had been ordained by Peter and de-
clined to be bishop, but twenty-four years later
reallv exercised the office for nine years. Epiphanius
could not reconcile these two facts; Hippolytus seems
to have rejected the latter.
Chronoloay. — ^The date intended by Hegesippus
is not hard to restore. Epiphanius implies that he
placed the martyrdom of tne Apostles in the twelfth
year of Nero. Africanus calciuated the fourteenth
year (for he had attributed one year too little to the
rei^ of Caligula and Claudius), and added the im-
perial date for the accession of each pope; but hav-
ing two years too few up to Anicetus he could not
get the intervals to tally with the years of episcopate
siven by Hegesippus. He had a parallel difficulty
m his list of tne Alexandrian bishops.
4/Hm»ii«
(from Interral
EoMblnii)
BMl4atwA.D.
Linus
.12
Nero 14 12
Nero 12 66
aetus
.12
Titus 2 12
VfBp. 10 78
aemen»
. 0
Dom. 12 (7)
Dom. 10 90
EuaristUB
. 8
Traian 2 99
Alexander . . . .
SixtUB
.10
.10
Tnuan 12. ....10
Trajan 10 107
Hadrian 1 .. .117
Teleephonu . . .
.11
Hadrian 12. . (10)
Hadrian 11... 137
Hyginus
. 4
Anton. 1 4
Anton. 1 138
Kbi.
.16
Anton. 5 15
Anton. 5 142
Anicetus
Anton. 20
Anton. 20 167
If we start, as Hegesippus intended, with Nero 12
(see last colunm), the sum of his years brings us right
for the last three popes. But Africanus has started
two years wrong, and in order to get right at Hyginus
he has to allow one year too little to each of the pre-
ceding popes, Sixtus and Teleephorus. But there is
one inharmonious date, Trajan 2, which gives seven
and ten years to Clement and Euaristus instead of
nine and eight. Evidently he felt bound to insert a
traditioniJ date; and in fact we see that Trajan 2
was the date intended by Hegesippus. Now we
know that Hegesippus spoke about Clement's ac-
quaintance with the Apostles, and said nothing about
any other pope until Telesphorus, "who was a glo-
rious martyr^'. It is not surprising, then, to find
that Africanus had, besides the lengthis of episcopate,
two fixed dates from Hegesippus, those of the death
of Clement in the second year of Trajan,' and of the
martyrdom of Telesphorus in the first year of An-
toninus Pius. We may take it, therefore, that about
160 the death of St. Clement was believed to have
been in 09.
Identity. — Origen identifies Po^ Clement with
St. Paul s fellow-labourer, Phil., iv, 3, and so do
Eusebius, Epiphanius^ and Jerome; but this Clement
was probably a Philippian. In the middle of the
nineteenth century it was the custom to identify the
pope with the consul of 95, T. Flavius Clemens, who
was martyred by his first cousin, the Emperor Domit-
ian, at the end of his consulship. But the ancients
never suggest this, and the pope is said to hav»
OLEMENf
14
OUSMMMT
Lived on till the reign of Trajan. It is unlikely that
he was a member of the imperial family. Hie con-
tinual use of the Old Testament in his Epistle has
suggested to Lightfoot, Funk, Nestle, and others that
he was of Jewish origin. Probably he was a freed-
man or son of a freedman of the ^nperor's household,
which included thousands or tens of thousands. We
know that there were Christians in the household of
Nero (Phil., iv, 22). It is highly probable that the
bearers of Clement's letter, Claudius Ephebus and
Valerius Vito, were of this number, for the names
Claudius and Valerius occur with great frequency in
inscriptions among the freedmen of the Emperor
Claudfius (and his two predecessors of the same gens)
and his wife Valeria Messalina. The two messengers
are described as "faithful and prudent men, who
have walked among us from youth unto old ace
unblameably^'; thus th^ were probably alreaoy
Christians and living in Rome berore the death of
the Apostles about thirty years earlier. The Prefect
of Rome during Nero's persecution was Titus Flavins
Sabinus, elder brother of the Emperor Vespasian,
and father of the martyred Clemens. Flavia Domi-
tilla, wife of the Martyr, was a granddaughter of
Vespasian, and niece of Titus and Domitian; she
may have died a martyr to the rigours of her banish-
noent. The catacomb of Domitilla is shown by
existing inscriptions to have been founded by her.
Whether she is distinct from another Flavia Domi-
tilla, who is styled "Virgin and Martyr", is uncer^
tain. (See Flavia Domitilla and Nerbus and
A<^BiLLBUS.) The consul and his wife had two sons,
Vespasian and Domitian, who had Ouintilian for
their tutor. Of their life nothing is known. The
elder brother of the martyr Clemens was T. Flavius
Sabinus, consul in 82, i>ut to death by Domitian,
whose sister he had married. Pope Clement is rep-
resented as his son in the Acts of Sts. Nereus and
Achilleus, but this would make him too young to
have known the Apostles.
Martyrdom. — Of the life and death of St. Clement
nothing is known. The apocryphal Greek Acts of
his martyrdom were printed by Cotelier in his
"Patres Apost." (1724, I, 808; reprinted in Migne,
P. a, II, 617; best edition by Funk, "Patr. Apost.",
II, 28). They relate how he converted Theodora,
wif3 of Sisinnius, a courtier of Nerva, and (after
miracles) Sisinnlus himself and four hundred and
twenty-three other persons of rank. Trajan ban-
ishes the pope to the Crimea, where he slakes the
thirst of two thoilfland Christian confessors by a
miracle. The people of the country are converted,
seventy-five churches are built. Trajan, in conse-
quence, orders Clement to be thrown into the sea
with an iron anchor. But the tide every year recedes
two miles, revealing a Divinely built shrine which con-
tains the martyr's bones. This story is not older
than the fotirth century. It is known to Gregory
of Tours in the sixth. About 868 St. Cyril, when in
the Crimea on the way to evangelize the Chazars,
dug up some bones in a mound (not in a tomb under
the sea), and also an anchor. These were believed
to be the relics of St. Clement. They were carried
by St. Cyril to Rome, and deposited by Adrian II
with those of St: Ignatius of Antioch in the high
altar of the basilica of St. Clement in Rome. The
history of this translation is evidently quite truthful,
but there seems to have been no tradition with regard
to the mound, which simply looked a likely place to
be a tomb. The anchor appears to be the only evi-
dence of identity, but we cannot gather from the
account that it belonged to the scattered bones.
rSee Acta SS., 9 March, II, 20.) St. Clement is
first mentioned as a martyr by Rufinus (c. 400).
Pope Zozimus in a letter to Africa in 417 relates the
trial and partial acquittal of the heretic Caelestius in
the basilica of St. Clement; the pope had ohosen this
church because Clement had learned the Faith from
St. Peter; and had given his life for it (Ep. ii). He
is also cEuled a imartyr by the writer known as Pre-
destinatus (c. 430) and by the Synod of Vaison in
442* Modern critics think it possible that his martyr-
dom was suggested by a confusion with his namesake,
the martyr^ consul. But the lack of tradition that
he was buried in Rome is in favour of his having
died in exile.
The Basilica. — The church of St. Clement at Rome
lies in the valley between the Esquiline and Coelian
hills, on the direct road from the Coliseum to the
Lateran. It is now in the hands of the Irish Province
of Dominicans. With its atrium, its choir enclosed
by a wall, its ambos, it is the most perfect model of
an early basilica in Rome, though it was built as late
as the first years of the twelfth century by Paschal
II, after the destruction of this portion of the city by
the Normans under Robert Guiscard. Paschal II
followed the lines of an earlier church, on a rather
smaller scale, and employed some of its materials
and fittings. The marble wall of the present choir
is of the date of John II (533-5). In 1858 the older
church was unearthed, below the present buildings
by the Prior, Father Mulooly, O. P. Still lower were
found chambers of imperial date and walls of the
Republican period. The lower church was built
under Constantine (d. 337) or not much later. St.
Jerome implies that it was not new in his .time:
''nominis eius [dementis] memoriam Maqpte hodie
Romae exsttucta ecclesia custodif (Die vins illustr.,
xv). It is mentioned in inscriptions of Damasus
(d. 383) &ad Siricius (d. 398). De Rossi thought the
lowest chambers belonged to the house of Clement,
and that the room immediately under the altar was
probably titie original memoria of the saint. These
chambers communicate with a shrine of Mithras,
which lies beyond the apse of the church, on the
lowest level. De Rossi supposed this to be a Chris-
tian chapel purposely polluted by the authorities
during the last persecution. Lightfoot has suggested
that uie rooms may have belonged to the house of
T. Flavius Clemens the consul, being later mistaken
for the dwelling of the pope; but this seems quite
gratuitous. In the sanctuary of Mithras a statue ol
the Good Shepherd was found.
II. Psbudo-Clembntinb Wmtinos. — Many writ-
ings have been falsely attributed to Pope St. Gem-
ent I: (1) The ''Second Clementine Epistle to the
Corinthians", discussed under III. (2) Two "Epis-
tles to Virgins", extant in Syriac in an Amster-
dam MS. of 1470. The Greek originals are lost.
Many critics have believed them genuine, for
they were knoi^Ti in the fourth century to St.
Epiphanius (who speaks of their bein^ read in the
Churches) and to St. Jerome. But it is now ad-
mitted on idl hands that they cannot be by the same
author as the genuine Epistle to the Corinthians.
Some writers^ as Hefele and Westoott, have attributed
them to the second half of the second century, but
the third is more probable (Hamack, Lightfoot).
Harnack thinks the two letters were originally one.
They were first edited by Wetstein, 1470, with Latfai
translation; reprinted by Gallandi, "Bibl. vett.
Patr.", I, and Migne, P. G., I. They are found in
Latin only in Mansi, "Concilia", I, and Funk»
"Patres Apost.", II. See Lightfoot, "Clement ol
Rome" (London, 1890), I: Bardenhewer, "Gesch.
der altkirchl. Litt." (Freiburg im Br., 1902), I;
Hamack m "Sitaungsber. der k. preuss. Akad. dcr
Wiss." (Beriin, 1891), 361 and "Chronol." (1904),
II, 133. (3) At the head of the Pseudo-Isidorian
decretals stand five letters attributed to St. Clement.
The first is the letter of Clement to James translated
by Rufinus (see III); the second is another letter to
James, founa in many MSS. of the "Recognitions".
The other three are the work of Psoudb-Isidoie.
OLEMENT
15
CLEMENT
(See FALsii Decretals.) (4) Ascril.^d to Clement
are the "Apostolical Constitutionfe ", "Apostolic
Canons", and the "Testament of Our Lord , also a
Jacobite Anaphora (Renaudot, Liturg. Oriental.
Coll.. Paris, 1716, II; Migne, P. G., II). For other
attributions see Hamack, "Gtesch. der altchr. Lit.",
I, 777-80. (5) The "Clementines" or Pseudo-Clem-
. entines. (q. v.)
III. The Epistle to the Corinthians.— The
Church of Corinth had been led by a few violent
spirits into a sedition against its rulers. No appeal
seems to have been made to Rome, but a letter
was sent in the name of the Church of Home by St.
Clement to restore peace and unity. He begins
by explaining that his delay in writing has been
caused by the sudden calamities which, one after
another, had just been falline upon the Roman
Church. The reference is clearly to the persecution
of Domitian. The former high reputation of the
Corinthian Church is recalled, its piety and hospi-
tality, ita obedience and discipline. Jealousy had
caused the divisions; it was jealousy that led Cain,
Esau, etc., into sin, it was jealousy to which Peter
and Paul and ^lultitudes with them fell victims. The
Corinthians are urged to repent after the example of
the Patriarchs, ana to be humble like Christ himself.
Let them observe order, as all creation does. A
curious passage on the Resurrection is somewhat of
an interruption in the sequence: all creation proves
the Resurrection, and so does the phoenix, which
every five hundred years consumes itself, that its
offspring may arise out of its ashes (23-6). Let us,
Clement continues, forsake evil and approach God
with purity, clinging to His blessing, which the
Patriarchs so richly obtained, for the Lord will
quickly come with His rewards: let us look to Jesus
Christ, our High-Priest, above the angels at the right
hand of the Father (36). . Discipline and subordina-
tion are necessary as in an army and in the human
body, while arrogance is absurd, for man is nothing.
The Apostles foresaw feuds, ana provided for a suc-
cession of bishops and deacons; such, therefore, can-
not be removed at pleasure. The just have always
been persecuted. Read St. Paul's first epistle to
you, how he condemns party spirit. It is shocking
that a few should disgrace the Church of Corinth.
Let us beg for pardon; nothing is more beautiful
than charity; it was shown by Christ when He gave
His Flesh for our flesh, His ISoul for our souls; by
living in this love, we shall be in the number of the
saved through Jesus Christ, by Whom -is glory to
God for ever and ever, Amen (58). But if any
disobey, he is in great danger; but we will pray that
the Creator may preserve the number of His elect
in the whole world. — Here follows a beautiful Euchar-
istic prayer (59-61). The conclusion follows: "We
have said enough, on the necessity of repentance,
unity, peace; for we have been spealcing to the faith-
ful, who have deeply studied the Scriptures, and will
understand the examples pointed out, and will follow
them. We shall indeed be happy if you obey. We
have sent two venerable messengers, to show how
great is our anxiety for peace among you" (62-4).
"Finally may the all-seeing God and Master of
Spirits and Lord of all flesh, who chose the Lord
Jesus Christ and us through Him for a peculiar peo-
ple, grant unto every soul that is called after His
excellent and holy Name faith, fear, peace, patience,
long-suffering, temperance, chastity, and soberness,
that they may be well-pleasing unto His Name
through our High Priest and Guard! "ji, Jesus Christ,
through whom*unto Him be glc.y and majesty,
might and honour, both now and for ever and ever,
Amen. Now send ye back speedily unto us our
messengers CJlaudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito,
together with Fortunatus also, in peace and with
joy, to the end that they may the more quickly
report the peace and concord which is prayed for
and earnestly desired by us, that we also may the
more speedily rejoice over your good order. The
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and with
all men in all places who have been called by (3od
and through Him, through whom is glory and honour,
power and greatness and eternal dominion, unto Him,
from the ages past and for ever and ever. Amen."
(64-5.)
The style of the Epistle is earnest and simple,
restrained and dignified, and sometimes eloquent.
The Greek is correct, though not classical. The quo-
tations from the Old Testament are long and numer-
ous. The version of the Septuagint used by (Element
inclines in places towards that which appears in the
New Testament, yet presents sufficient evidence of
independence; his readings are often with A, but
are less often opposed to B than are those in the
New Testament; occasionally he is found against
the Septuagint with Theodotion or even Aquila (see
H. B. Swete, Introd. to the O. T. in Greek, Cam-
bridge, 1900). The New Testament he never quotes
verbally. Sayings of Christ are now and then given,
but not in the words of the Gospels. It cannot be
proved, therefore, that he used any one of the Synop-
tic Gospels. He mentions St. PauFs First Epistle to
the Corinthians, and appears to imply a second. He
knows Romans and Titus, and apparently cites sev-
eral other of St. Paul's Epistles. But Hebrews is
most often employed of all New Testament books.
James, probably, and I Peter, perhaps, are referred to.
(See the lists of citations in Funic and Lightfoot,
Westcott and Zahn on the Canon; Introductions to
Holy Scripture, such as those of Comely, Zahn, etc.,
and "The New Test, in the Apost. Fathers", by a
Committee of the Oxford Society of Hist. Theology,
Oxford, 1906.) The tone of authority with which the
letter speaks is noteworthy, especially in the later
part (56, 58, etc.): "But if certain persons should be
disobedient unto the words spoken by Him through
us, let them understand that they will entangle them-
selves in no slight transgression and danger; but we
shall be guiltless of this sin" (59). "It may, per-
haps, seem strange", writes Bishop Lightfoot, "to
describe this noble remonstrance as the first step
towards papal domination. And yet undoubtedly
this is the case." (I, 70.)
Doctrine. — ^There is little intentional dogmatic
teaching in the Epistle, for it is almost wholly
hortatory. A passage on the Holy Trinity is im-
portant. Clement uses the Old Testament affirma-
tion "The Lord liveth", substituting the Trinity
thus: "As God liveth, and the Lord Jesus Christ
liveth and the Holy Spirit, — the faith and hope of
the elect, so surely he that performeth", etc. (58).
Christ is frecjuently represented as the High-Priest,
and redemption is oft^n referred to. CJlement speaks
strongly of justification by works. His words on
the Christian ministry have given rise to much dis-
cussion (42 and 44): "The Apostles received the
Gospel for us from the Lord Jesus Christ; Jesus
Christ was sent from God. So then Christ is from
G<Ki, and the Apostles from Christ. Both [missions]
therefore came m due order by the will of God
So preaching everywhere in country and town, they
appoint^ their first-fruits, having proved them by
the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons for those who
should believe. And this in no new fashion, for it
had indeed besn written from very ancient times
about bishoi)s and deacons; for thus saith the Scrip-
ture: *I will appoint their bishops in justice and their
deacons in faith'" (a strange citation of Is,, Ix, 17).
"And our Apostles knew through our Lord Jesus
Christ that there would be strife over the name of
the office of bishop. For this cause therefore, having
received complete foreknowledge, they appointed the
aforesaid persons, and afterwards they have given a
OLKMSNT
16
OLEMSNT
law, BO that, if these should fall asleep, other approved
men should succeed to their ministration." Rothe,
Michiels (Origines de T^piscopat, Lou vain, 1900, 197),
and others awkwardly understand "if they, the
Apostles, should fall asleep'*. For ivi¥o/i^v btlibicaaiv^
which the Latin renders legem dederunt, Lightfoot
reads infwriiv Miiicaffiv, "they have provided a con-
tinuance ''. In any case the general meaning is clear,
that the Apostles provided for a lawful succession
of ministers. Presbyters are mentioned several
times, but are not distinguished from bishops.
There is absolutely no mention of a bishop at Cor-
inth, and the ecclesiastical authorities there are
always spoken of in the plural. R. Sohm thinks
there was as yet no bishop at Corinth when Clement
wrote (so Michiels and man^r other Catholic writers;
Lightfoot leaves the question open), but that a
bishop must have been appointed in consequence of
the letter; he thinks that Rome was the origin of
all ecclesiastical institutions and laws (Kirchenrecht,
189). Harnack in 1897 (Chronol., I) upheld the
paradox that the Church of Rome was so conserva-
tive as ty be governed by presbyters until Anicetus;
and that when the list of popes was composed, c. 170,
there had been a bishop for less than twenty years;
Clement and others in the list were only presbyters
of special influence.
The liturgical character of parts of the Epistle is
elaborately discussed by Lightfoot. The prayer (59-
61) already mentioned, which reminds us of the
Anaphora of early liturgies, cannot be regarded, says
Duchesne, " as a reproduction of a sacrea formulary,
but it is an excellent example of the style of solemn
prayer in which the ecclesiastical leaders of that time
were accustomed to express themselves at meetings
for worship" (Origines du culte chr6t., 3rd ed., 50;
tr., 50). The fine passage about Creation, 32-3, is
almost in the style of a Preface, and concludes by
introducing the Sanctus by the usual mention of the
angelic powers: "Let us mark the whole host of the
angels, how they stand by and minister unto His
Will. For the Scripture saith: Ten thousand times
ten thousand stood by Him, and thousands of
thousands ministered unto Him ; and they cried aloud:
Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Sabaoth; all creation
is full of His glory. Yea, and let us ourselves then,
being gathered together in concord with intentness of
heart, cry unto Him. . ." The combination of
Daniel, vii, 10, with Is., vi, 3, may be from a liturgical
formula. It is interesting to note that the contem-
porary Apocalypse of St. John (iv, 8) shows the four
living creatures, representing all creation, singing the
Sanctus at the heavenly Mass.
The historical references in the letter are deeply
interesting: "To pass from the examples of ancient
days, let ub come to those champions who lived very
near to our time. Let us set before us the noble
examples which belong to our generation. By reason
of jealousy and envy the greatest and most righteous
pillars of the Church were persecuted, and contended
even until death. Let us set before our eyes the
good Apostles. There was Peter, who by reason of
unrightedUs jealousy endured not one or two, but
many labours, and thus having borne his testimony
went to his appointed place of glory. By reason of
jealousy and strife Paul by his example pointed out
the prize of patient endurance. After that he had
been seven times in bonds, had been driven into
exile, had been stoned, had preached in the East
and in the West, he won the noble renown which
was the reward of his faith, having taught righteous-
ness unto the whole world and having reacted the
farthest bounds of the West; and when he had borne
his testimony before the rulers, so he departed from
the world and went unto the holy place, naving been
found a notable pattern of patient endurance"' (5).
It is obvious that these two Apostles are mentioned
because they suffered at Rome. It seems that St.
Paul went to Spain as he intended (Rom., xv, 28)
and as is declared by the spurious Acts of Peter and
by the Muratorian fragment. "Unto these men of
holy lives was gathered a vast multitude of the elect,
who through many indignities and tortures, being the
victims of jealousy, set a brave example among our-
selves. By reason of jealousy women being perse-
cuted, after that they had suffered cruel and unholy
insults as Danaids and Dircse, safely reached the
?;oal in the race of faith, and received a noble rewaitl,
eeble though they were in body" (6). The "vast
multitude" both of men and women "among our-
selves" at Rome refers to the horrible persecution of
Nero, described by Tacitus, "Ann.", XV, xliv. It
is in the recent past, and the writer continues: "We
are in the same lists, and the same contest awaits
us" (7); he is under another persecution, that of
Domitian, covertly referred to as a series of "sudden
and repeated calamities and reverses", which have
prevented the letter from being written sooner. The
martyrdom of the Ck)nsul Clement (prgbably patron
of the pope's own family) and the exile of his wife
will be amon^ these disasters.
Date and Authenticity. — ^The date of the letter is
determined by these notices of persecution. It is
strange that even a few good scholars (such as
Grotius, Grabe, Orsi, Uhlhorn, Hefele, Wieseler)
should have dated it soon after Nero. It is now
universally acknowledged, after Lightfoot, that it was
written about the last year of Domitian (Harnack)
or immediately after his death in 96 (Funk). The
Roman Church had existed several decades, for the
two envoys to Corinth had lived in it from youth to
a§e. The Church of Corinth is called dpxota (47).
Bishops and deacons have succeeded to bishops and
deacons appointed by the Apostles (44). Yet the
time of the Apostles is "quite lately" and "our own
generation " (5). The external evidence is in accord.
The dates given for Clement's episcopate by Hegesip-
pus are apparently 90-99, and that early writer
states that the schism at Corinth took place un-
der Domitian (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., Ill, xvi, for
Karii Tbv iiikadfuvov is meaningless if it is taken t-o
refer to Clement and not to Domitian; besides, the
whole of Eusebius 's account of that emperor's per-
secution, III, xvii-xx, is founded on Hegesippus).
St. Irenseus says that Clement still remembered the
Apostles, and so did many others, implying an inter-
val of many years after their death. Volkmar placed
the date in the reign of Hadrian, because the Book
of Judith is quoted, which he declared to have been
written in that reijp. He was followed by Baur,
but not by Hilgenfeld. Such a date is manifestly
impossible, if only because the Epistle of Polycarp
is entirely modelled on that of Clement and borrows
from it freely. It is possibly employed by St. Igna-
tius, c. 107. and certainly in the letter of the Sm3rr-
naeans on the martyrdom of St. Polycarp, c. 156.
The Epistle is in the name of the Church of Rome,
but the early authorities always ascribe it to Clement.
Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, wrote c. 170 to the
Romans in Pope Soter's time: "To-day we kept the
holy day, the Lord's day, and on it we read your
letter; and we shall ever have it to give us instruc-
tion, even as the former one written through Clement"
(Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., IV, xxx). Hegesippus at-
tributed the letter to Clement. Iren«eus, c. 180-5,
perhaps using Hegesippus, says: " Under this Clement
no small sedition took place among the brethren at
Corintli, and the Church of Rome sent a most suffi-
cient letter to the Corinthians, establishing them in
peace, and renewing their faith, and announcing the
tradition it had recently received from the Apostles"
(III, iii). Clement of Alexandria, c. 200, frequently
quotes the Epistle as Cl'^ment's, and so do Origen
and Eusebius. Lightfoot and Harnack are fond of
CLSMENr
17
OLEMENT
pointing out that we hear earlier of the importance
of the Homan Church than of the authority of the
Roman bishop. If Clement had spoken in his own
name, they would surely have noted expressly that
he wrote not as Bishop of Rome, but as an aged
"presbyter" who had known the Apostles. St. Jonn
indeed was still alive, and Corinth was rather nearer
to Ephesus than to Rome. Clement evidently writes of-
ficially, with all that authority of the Roman Church
of which Ignatius and Ircnseus have so much to say.
The Second Letter to the Corinthians. — An ancient
homily by an anonymous author has come down to
us in the same two Greek MSS. as the Epistle of
Clement, and is called the Second Epistle of Clement
to the Corinthians. It is first mentioned by Eusebius
(Hist. EccL, III, xxxvii). who considered it spurious,
as being unknown to the ancients; he is followed
(perhaps not independently) by Rufinus and Jerome.
Its inclusion as a letter of Clement in the Codex
Alexandrinus of the whole Bible in the fifth century
is the earliest testimon^r to a belief in its authenticity;
in the sixth century it is quoted by the Monophysite
leaders Timothy of Alexandria and Severus of Anti-
och, and it was later known to many Greek writers.
This witness is a great contrast to the very early
veneration paid to the genuine letter. Hilgenfeld%
theory that it is the letter of Pope Soter to the Corin-
thians, mentioned by Dionysius in the fragment
quoted above, was accepted by many critics, until
the discovery of the end of the work by Bryennios
showed that it was not a letter at all, but a homily.
Still Hamack has again and again defended this view.
An apparent reference to the Isthmian Games in
§7 suff^sts that the homily was delivered at Corinth;
but tnu9 would be in character if it was a letter ad-
dressed to Corinth. Lightfoot and others think it
earlier than Marcion, c. 140, but its reference to
Gnostic views does not allow us to place it much
earlier. The matter of the sermon is a very general
exhortation, and there is no definite plan or sequence.
Some citations from unknown Scriptures are inter-
esting.
The editio vrinceps of the two "Epistles to the
Corinthians" is that of Patrick Young, 1633 (2d ed..
1637), from the famous Codex Alexandrinus (A) of
the whole Bible in Greek. A number of editions
followed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
(enumerated by Funk, Gebhardt, and Lightfoot).
in the nineteenth we may notice those of C. J. Hefele
(TQbingen, 1st ed.. 1839), Jacobson (Oxford, 1st ed.,
1840, etc.), Dressel (Leipzig, 1857), in the editions of
the Apostolic Fathers by these writers. An edition
by Bishop J. B. Lightfoot appeared in 1869 (London
and Camoridge), one by J. C. M. Laurent in 1870
(Leipzig), and one by 0. von Gebhardt and A. Har-
nack in 1 875 (Leipzie) • All these editions are founded
on the one MS., which gives both letters incom-
pletely, and not always legibly. On its doubtful
readings Tischendorf wrote in 1873* (Clementis Rom.
EpistuTse, Leipzig), and he gave a so-called facsimile
in 1867 (Appendix codicum celeberrimorum Sinaitici
et Vaticam, Leipzig). A photographic reproduction
of the whole codex was published at the British
Museum in 1879. In 1875 the complete text of both
Epistles was published by Bryennios at Constanti-
nople, from a MS. in the ratnarchal library of that
city. It was used in Hilgenf eld's * ' Clementis Roman!
Epistulffi" (2d ed., Leipzig, 1876), in the second
edition of Gebhardt and Hamack (1876). In Light-
foot's edition of 1877 (London) a Syriac version was
also used for the first time. The MS. was written in
1170, and is in the Cambridge University Library.
It has been published in full oy R. L. Bensley and
R. H. Kennett, "The Epistles of St. Clement to the
Corinthians in Sjrriac" (London, 1899). Dr. Funk's
"Opera Patrum Apostolicorum " first appeared in
1878-81 (Tubingen). The great and comprehensive
JV.— ?
posthumous edition of Lightfoot 's ' ' Clement of Rome *'
(which contains a photographic facsimile of the
Constantinople MS.) was published in 1890 (2 vols.,
London). The Greek text and English translation
are reprinted by Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers"
(1 vol., London, 1891). In 1878 Dom Germain
Morin discovered a Latin translation of the genuine
Epistle in an eleventh-century MS. in the library of
the Seminary of Namur (Anecdota Maredsolana, 2
vols., "S. clementis ad Corinthios Epistulae versio
antiquissima", Maredsous, 1894). The version is
attributed to the second century by Hamack and
others. It has been employed to correct the text
in Funk's latest edition (1901), and by R. Knflpf,
"Dererste Clemensbricf" (in "Texte und Unters.",
New Series, I^eipzig, 1899). Besides Lightfoot's excel-
lent English rendering, there is a translation of the
two Epistles in "Ante-Nicene Chr. Lit." (Edinburgh,
1873, I).
On the Epistle in general the complet^st commentary in that
of LiaHTrooT, 1890; Dr. Funk's, in Latin, will be found most
serviceable. See also Freppel, Lea Phrea Apoaioliquea (Paris,
1869; 4th ed., 1885); Habnack, Geaeh. der cStchriat. LU. (Vol.
I. Leipzig, 1893), (Vol. II, Chronologie, I, 1897); Wrede,
UnUrauchunqen zum eraten Clemenabriefe (1891); Br€xl, Der
erata Brief dea Clemens von Rom (Freiburg im Br., 1883).
Detiiiled references to other writers and to periodicals will be
found in Bardenhewer, Patralogie (1894); Idem, Gesch. der
altkirchl. LiU.; CThevauer, Rep. dea aoureea hist.. Bio-Bibl.;
Ehruard, Die aUchrist. LUL; Richardson, Bibliographical
Synopsis (Buffalo, 1887).
On the order and chronology of the fint popes, the earlier
investigations are fruitless; see P.L., CXXvI-VII. Modem
research begins with Mommsen, Ueber den Chronographen vom
Jakre 85/*, m Abhandlungm k, Sachs. Gea. der Wisa. (1§50),
I, 549, and the unsatisfactory works of Lipsius, Die Papstver^
teichniaae dea Euaetnoa (Kiel, 1868), ChronoL. der rdm. Bischofe
(Kiel, 1869). The next most important work is LiBer Pontifi-
calia, ed. Duchesne (1st part, 1884). Liohtfoot's long ex-
cursus in Clement of Rome, I, was epoch-making. Since then
Harnack, Chronol., I, 70-230; Turner, in Journal of Th.
Stud., Jan., 1000; Flaiuon, in Revue d'hiat. ecd^. (Dec,
1900); Ch.vpuan, in Revue BSnMictine (Oct., 1901, Jan. and
April, 1902).
On the Church of St. Clement see MniooiiT, Saint Clement
and his Basilica at Rome (1st ed.. Rome, 1869; 2d. 1873);
Db Rossi, Bull, di arched, crist. (1863, 1864, 1865, 1867, and
1870); Roller, Saint Climent de Rome (Paris, 1873). Shorter
accounts in Grxsar. Geach. Roma und der Ptipate (Freiburg im
Br., 1901); LjoHTTt>OT and the various Roman guide-books,
Murray, Baedeker, Chandlery, etc.
John Chapman.
Olement n, Pope (Sthdoer), date of birth unknown ;
enthroned 25 December, 1046; d. 9 October, 1047.
In the autumn of 1046 the King of Germany, Henry
III, crossed the Alps at the head of a large army and
accompanied by a brilliant retinue of the secular and
ecclesiastical princes of the empire, for the twofold
purpose of receiving the impenal crown and of re-
storing order in the Italian peninsula. The condi-
tion of Rome in particular was deplorable. In St.
Peter's, the Lateran, and St. Mary Major's, sat three
rivd claimants to the papacy, ^ee Benedict IX.)
Two of them, Benedict IX and Sylvester III, repre-
sented rival factions of the Roman nobility. The
position of the third, Gregory VI, was peculiar. The
reform party, in order to free the city from the in-
tolerable yoke of the House of Tusculum, and the
Church from the stigma of Benedict's dissolute life,
had stipulated with that stripling that he should re-
sign the tiara upon receipt of a certain amount of
money. That this heroic measure for delivering the
Holy See from destruction was simoniacal, has been
doubted by many; but that it bore the outward
aspect of smiony and would be considered a flaw in
Gregory's title, consequently in the imperial title
Henry was seeking, was the opinion of that age.
Strong in the consciousness of his good intentions,
Gregory met King Henry at Piac^nza, and was re-
ceived with all possible honours. It was decided
that he should summon a synod to meet at Sutri near
Rome, at which the entire question should be venti-
lated. The proceedings of the Synod of Sutri, 20
December, are well summarized by Cardinal Newman
CLEMENT
18
CLEMENT
in his "Essays Critical and Historical" (II, 262 sqq.).
Of the three papal claimants, Benedict refusea to
appear; he was again summoned and afterwards pro-
nounced deposed at Rome. Sylvester was "stripped
of his sacerdotal rank and shut up in a monastery".
Gregory showed himself to be, if not an idiota, at least
a man mircB simplicitaHs, by explaining in straight-
forward speech his compact witn Benedict^ and he
made no other defence than his good intentions, and
deposed himself (Watterich, Vita Rom. Pont., 1, 76);
an act by some interpreted as a voluntary resi^ation,
by others (Hefele), in keeping with the contemporary
ann^, as a deposition by the synod. The Synod of
Sutri adjourned to meet again in Rome 23 and 24
December. Benedict, failing to appear, was con-
demned and deposed in contumaciamt and the papal
chair was declared vacant. As King Henry was not
yet crowned emperor, he had no canonical right to
take part in the new election; but the Romans had no
candidate to propose and begged the monarch to sug-
gest a worthy subject.
Henry's first choice, the powerful Adalbert, Arch-
bishop of Bremen, positively refused to accept the
burden and suggested his fnend Suidger, Bishop of
Bamberg. In spite of the latter's protests, the king
took him by the hand and presented him to the ac-
claiming clergy
and people as
their spiritual
chief. Suid-
ger's reluc-
tance was final-
ly overcome,
though he in-
Saboophaoub op Clement II
(Cathedral of Bamberg)
I upon re-
taining the
[ bishopric of
his beloved see.
He might be
pardon^ for
fearing that
the turbulent Romans would ere long send him back to
Bamberg. Moreover, since the king refused to give
back to the Roman See its possessions usurped by the
nobles and the Normans, the pope was forced to look
to his German bishopric for financial support. He
was enthroned in St. Peter's on Christmas Day and
took the name of Clement II. He was bom in Saxony
of noble parentage, was first a canon in Halberstadt,
then chaplain at the court of King Henry, who on the
death of Eberhard, the first Bishop of Bamberg, ap-
pointed him to that important see. He was a man of
strictest integrity and severe morality. His first pon-
tifical act was to place the imperial crown upon his
benefactor and the queen-consort, Agnes of Aqui-
taine. The new emperor received from the Romans
and the pope the title and diadem of a Roman
Patricius, a dignity which, since the tenth century,
owing to the uncanonical pretensions of the Roman
aristocracy, was commonly supposed to give the
bearer the right of appointing the pope, or, more ex-
actly speaking, of indicating the person to be chosen
(Hefele). Had not God given His Church the in-
alienable right of freedom and independence, and
sent her champions determined to enforce this right,
she would now have simply exchanged the tyranny
of Roman factions for the more serious thraldom to a
foreign power. The fact that Henry had protected
the Roman Church and rescued her from her enemies
gave him no iust claim to become her lord and master.
Short-sifted reformers, even men like St. Peter
Damiam (Opusc., VI, 36) who saw in this surrender
of the freedom of papal elections to the arbitrarv will
of the emperor the opening of a new era, liveci long
enough to regret the mistake that was made. With
due reco^tion of the prominent part taken by the
Germans in the reformation of the eleventh century,
we cannot forget that neither Henry III nor his
bishops understood the importance of absolute inde-
pendence in the election of the officers of the Church.
This lesson was taught them by Hildebrand, the
young chaplain of Gregory VI, whom they took to
Germany with his master, only to return Tiith St.
Leo IX to begin his immortal career. Henry III,
the sworn enemy of simony, never took a penny from
any of his appointees, but he claimed a right of ap-
pomtment which virtually made him head of the
Church and paved the way for intolerable abuses
under his unworthy successors.
Clement lost no time in beginning the work of re-
form. At a great synod in Rome, January, 1047, the
buying and selling of things spiritual was punished
with excommunication; anyone who should know-
in^y accept ordination at the hands of a prelate
euilty of simony was ordered to do canonical penance
tor forty days. A dispute for precedence between the
Sees of Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia was settled in
favour of Ravenna, the bishop of which was, in the
absence of the emperor, to take his station at the
pope's right. Clement accompanied the emperor in
a triunaphal progress throu^ Southern Italy and
placed Benevento under an mtcrdict for refusing to
open its gates to them. Proceeding with Heniy to
Gfermany, he canonized Wiborada, a nun of St. Call,
martyred by the Huns in 925. On his way back to
Rome he died near Pesaro. That he was poisoned by
the partisans of Benedict IX is a mere suspicion with-
out proof. He bequeathed his mortal remains to
Bamberg, in the great cathedral of which his marble
sarcophagus is to oe seen at the present day. He is
the only pope buried in Germany. Many zealous ec-
clesiastics, notably the Bishop of Li^ge, now exerted
themselves to reseat in the papal chair Gregory VI,
whom, together with his chaplain, Henry held in
honourable custody; but the emperor unceremoni-
ously appointed Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, who took
the name of Damasus II. (See Gregory VI: Bene-
dict IX.)
Baronius, Annales^cd., ad ann. 1046, 1047; Lafitbav, La
vie de Climent 11 (Padua, 1752); WiLu Die Anfdnffe der Ree-
tauration der Kirche im XI. Jahrhundert (Marburc, 1869);
WiTTMANN, Clemens II. in Archiv f. kalkol. KirchenreJu, (1884),
LI, 238; Von Reumont, Geech. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), II,
339-44; Abtattd db Montor, History of the Rwnan Pontiff e
(New York, 1867); Heinbuann, Der.Patriziat d. devUchen
Kdniffe (Halle, 1887); Hefelb, Conciiiengesch., IV, 706-14.
James F. Louqhlin.
Olement m, Pope (Paolo Scolari), date of birth
unknown; elected 19 December, 1187; d. 27 March,
1191. During the short space (llSI-1198) which
separated the glorious pontificates of Alexander III
and Innocent III, no less than five pontiffs occupied
in rapid succession the papal chair. They were all
veterans trained in the school of Alexander, and
needed only their earlier youthful vigour and length
of reign to gain lasting renown in an age of great
events. Gregory VII I, after a pontificate of two
months, died on 17 December, 1187, at Pisa, whither
he had gone to expedite the preparations for the
recovery of Jerusalem; he was succeeded two days
later by the Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina, Paolo
Scolari, a Roman by birth. The choice was partic-
ularly acceptable to the Romans; for he was the
first native of their city who was elevated to the
papacy since their rebellion in the days of Arnold
of Brescia, and his well-known mildness and love
of peace turned their thoughts towards a recon-
ciliation, more necessary to them than to the
pope. Overtures led to the conclusion of a formal
treaty, by which the papal sovereignty and the mu-
nicipal liberties were equally secured; and in the
following February Clement made his entry into the
city amid the boundless enthusiasm of a population
which never seemed to have learned the art of living
either with or without the pope.
OLBMEHT
19
OLSMEHT
Seated in the Lateran, Pope Clement turned his
Attention U> the gi^ntic tftsic of massing the forces
of Christendom against the Saracens. He was the
ofganiser of the Third Crasade; and if that imposing
expedition produced insignificant results, the bhune
nowise attaches to him. He dispatched legates to
the diiGFerent courts, who laboured to restore harmony
ttpong the belligerent monarchs and princes, and to
(Uvert their ener^ towards the reconquest of the
Holy Sepulchre. Fired by the example of the Em-
peror Barbarossa and of the Kingjs of France and
jBngland, a countless host of Christian warriors took
the road which led them to Palestine and death. At
the time of Clement's death, just before the capture
of Acre, the prospects, notwithstanding the drowning
of Barbarossa and the return of Philip Augustus, still
seemed bri^t enough.
The death of the pope's chief vassal, William II of
Sicfly, precipitated another imfortunate quarrel be-
tween the Holv See and the Hohenstaufen. Henry
VI, tiie son and successor of Barbarossa, claimed the
kingdom by ri^t of his wife Costanza, the only le-
gitimate survivor of the House of Roger. The pope,
whose independence was at an end, if the empve
and the Two Sicilies were held by the same monarch,
as well as the Italians who detested the rule of a for-
eigner, determined upon resistance, and when the
Sicilians proclaimed Tancred of Lecoe, a brave but
illegitimate scion of the family of Roger, as king, the
pope gave him the investiture. Henry advanced into
Italy with a strong army to enforce his daim; an op-
portune death reserved the continuation of the con-
test to Qement's successor, Celestine III. By a wise
moderation Clement succeeded in quieting the dis-
turbances caused by contested elections in the Dio-
ceses of Trier in Germanv and St. Andrews in Scot-
land. He also delivered the Scottish Church from the
jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of York and declared
it directly subject to the Holy See. Clement canon-
ised Otto of Bamberg, the Apostle of Pomerania (d.
1139), and Stephen of Thiers in Auvergne, founder
of the Hermits of Qranmiont (d. 1124).
Baronius, Ann. Bed., ad aan. 1188: LiU ond IftUtn in
Mans, XXU, 543. P. L., CXHV. 5: Michaud. HU, dea Crai-
aadea (Brussels, 1841); Condbr, The Latin Kingdom of Jerur-
udtm (London, 1897): Artaud db Montor, aittory of the
Baman Pontiff e (New York. 1867).
Jamss F. Louohlin.
Clement IV, Popb (Guido Le Grob), b. at Saint-
Gilles on the Rhone, 23 November, year unknown;
elected at Perugia 6 February, 1265; d. at Viterbo,
29 November, 1268. After the death of Urban IV
(2 October, 1264), the cardinals, assembled in conclave
at Perugia, discussed for four months the momentous
question whether the Church should
continue the war to the end against
the House of Hohenstaufen by calhng
in Charles of Anjou, the youneest
brother of St. Lotus of France, or find
some other means of securine the in-
dependence of the papacv. No other
solution offering itself, the only pos-
sible course was to unite upon the
Cardinal-Bishop of Sabina, by birth a
Frenchman and a subject of Charles.
Guido Le Gros was of noble extraction. When his
mother died, his father, the knight Fouiquois, entered
a Carthusian monastery where he ended a saintly
life. Giiido married, and for a short time wielded
the spear and the sword. Then devoting himself
to the study of law under the able direction of the
famous Durandus, he ^ned a national reputation as
an advocate. St. Louis, who entertained a great re-
spect and affection for him, took him into his cabinet
and made him one of his trusted councillors. His
wife died, leaving him two daughters, where-
upon he imitated his father to tte extent that
ijp'^ijl'
*.
Arm K or
Clement IV
he gave up worldly concerns and took Holy o^
ders.
His rise in the Church was rapid; 1256. he was
Bishop of Puy; 1259, Archbishop of Narbonne; De-
cember, 1261, Cardinal-Bishop of Sabina. He was
the first cardinal created by Urban IV (Eubel, Hier-
archia Catholica, 7). He was in France, returning
from an important legation to England, when he re-
ceived an urgent message from the cardinals demand-
ing his immediate presence in Perugia. Not until he
entered the conclave, was he informed that the imani-
mous vote of the Sacred College had confided into his
hands the destinies of the Catholic Church. He was
astonished; for only a man of his large experience
could fully realise the responsibility of him whose
judgment, at this critical juncture, must irrevocably
shape the course of Itahan and ecclesiastical history
for centuries to come. His prayers and tears failing
to move the cardinals, he reluctantly accepted the
heavy burden, was crowned at Viterbo, 22 February,
and, to honour the saint of his birthday, assumed the
name of Clement IV. His contemporaries are unani-
mous and enthusiastic in extolling his exemplary piety
and rigorously ascetic life. He had a remaikable
aversion to nepotism. His first act was to forbid any
of his relatives to come to the Curia, or to attempt
to derive any sort of temporal advantckge from his
elevation. Suitors for the hands of his daughters
were admonished that their prospective brides were
"children not of the pope, but of Guido Grossus", and
that their dowers should be extremely modest. The
two ladies preferred the seclusion of the convent.
The Neapohtan question occumed, almost exclu-
sively, the thoughts of Clement IV during his short
pontificate of 3 years, 9 months, and 25 days, which,
however, witnessed the two decisive battles of Bene-
vento and Tagliacossso (1268), and the execution of
Conradin« The negotiations with Charles of Anjou
had progressed so far under the reign of Urban IV
that it is difficult to see how the pope could now weU
draw back, even were he so inchned. But Clement
had no intention of doing so. The power of Man-
fred and the insecurity of the Holy See were increas-
ing daily. Clement had already, as cardinal, taken
an active part in the negotiations with Charles and
now exerted himself to the utmost in order to supply
the ambitious but needy adventurer with troops and
money. Papal legates and mendicant friars appeared
upon the scene, preaching a formal crusade, with the
amplest indulgences and most lavish promises. Sol-
diers were obtained in abundance among the warlike
chivalry of France; the great difficulty; was to find
money with which to equip and maintain the army.
The clergy and people failed to detect a crusade m
what they deemed a personal quarrel of the pope, a
''war hard by the Lateran, and not with Saracens nor
with Jews'' (Dante, Inf., canto xxviii); though, in
reality, Saracens, implanted in Italy by Frederick II,
made up the main strength of Manfred's army. Al-
though reduced at times to utter destitution, and
forced to pledge everything of value and to borrow at
exorbitant rates, the pope did not despair; the expe-
dition arrived, and from the military point of view
achieved a brilliant success.
Charles, preceding his army, came to Rome by sea,
and upon the conclusion of a treaty, by which the
liberties of the Church and the overlordship of the
Holy See seemed to be most firmly securea, he re-
ceived the investiture of his new kingdom. On 6 Jan-
uary, 1266, he was solemnly crowned in St. Peter's;
not, as he had wished, by the pope, who took up his
residence in Viterbo and never saw Rome, but by
cardinals designated for the purpose. Gn 22 Febru-
ary was fou^t the battle of Benevento, in which
Charles was completely victorious; Manfred was
found among the slain. Naples opened her gates and
the Angevin dynasty was established. Though a
CUBMSNT
20
CUSMENT
good ge&eraii Charles had man^ weaknesses of char*
acter that made him a very different ruler from his
saintly brother. He was harsh, oruel, grasping* and
tyrannical. Clement was kept biisy reminding him
of the terms of his treaty, reproving his excesses and
those of his officials, and warning him that he was
gaining the enmity of his subjects. Nevertheless,
when, a httle later, yoimg Conradin, disregarding
papal censures and anathemas, advanced to the con-
quest of what he deemed his birthright, Clement re-
mained faithful to Charles and prophesied that the
gallant youth, received b^ the Ghibelline party every-
where, even in Home, with unbounded enthusiasm,
"was being led like a lamb to the slaughter '^ and
that ''his glory would vanish like smoke'', a prophecy
only too literally fulfilled when, after the fatal day of
Tagliacozzo (23 August, 1268), Conradin fell mto
Charles' merciless hands and was beheaded (29 Octo-
ber) on the market-place of Naples. The fable that
Pope Clement advised the execution of the imfortu-
nate prince by saying, "The death or life of Conradin
means the life or death of Charles", is of a later date,
and opposed to the truth. Even the statement of
Gregorovius that Clement became an accomplice bv
refusing to intercede for Conradin, is equally ground-
less; for it has been shown conclusively, not only that
he pleaded for his life and besousht St. Louis to add
the weight of his influence with his brother, but,
moreover, that he sternly reproved Charles for his
cruel deed when it was perpetrated. Clement fol-
lowed "the last of the Hohenstaufen" to the grave
just one month later, leaving the papacy in a much
Detter condition than when ne received the keys of
St. Peter. He was buried in the church of the Domin-
icans at Vit^rbo. Owing to divergent views among
the cardinals, the papal throne remained vacant for
nearly three years. In 1268, Clement canonized St.
Hedwig of Poland (d. 1243).
Jordan, Let registrea de Climent IV (Paris, 1893, Bqa.); Life
and Letters in MansI, XIV. 325; Hbidbmann, PapM Klemens
IV. (Man«t«r, 1903, pt. I): Hbteub, ConcHienq., VI, 1-265;
UrniOBKROmBB-KiRBCu, Ktrchengeach., 4th ed. (Freiburg,
1004). II, 576; Priest. Hist, de la ConqxUte de Naples par
Charles aAnjmi fParis, 1841); Bratda, La risponsabililii di
Clements IV e di Carlo X d'Anjou nella morte di Corradino di
Soevia (Naples. 1900).
James F. Louqhun.
Clement V, Pope (Bertrand db Got), b. at Vil-
landraut in Gasoony, France, 1264; d. at Roquemaure,
20 April, 1314. He was elected, 5 June, 1305, at Peru-
gia as successor to Benedict XI, after a conclave of
eleven months, the great length of which waa owing
to the French and Italian factions among the cardi-
nals. Ten of the fifteen (mostly
Italian) cardinals voting elected him.
Giovanni Villani's stoiy (Hist. Flor-
ent., Vm, 80, in Muratori, SS. RR.
lUl., XIII, 417; cf. Raynald, Ann.
£ccl., 1305, 2-4) of a decisive influ-
ence of Plulip the Fair, and the new
pope's secret conference with and
abject concessioitt to that king in
Abmb of Clem- the forest of Saint-Jean-d'Ang61y, is
KNT V quite unhistorical; on the other hand,
the cardinals were willing to please the powerful
French king whom the late Benedict XI had been
obli^d to placate by notable concessions, and it is
not improbable that some kind of a mutual under-
standing was reached by the king and the future
pope. As Archbishop of Bordeaux, Bertrand de
Got was actually a suoject of the King of £nfl[land,
but from early youth he had been a personal mend
of Philip the Fair. Nevertheless, he had remained
faithful to Boniface VIII. The new pope came
from a distinguished family. An elder brother
had been Arelioishop of Lyons, and died (1297) as
Cardinal-Bishop of Allxanio and papal legate in
France. Bert rund ntudicd the arts at Toulouse and
canon and civil law at Gri^ns and Bologna. He had
been suoeessively canon at Bordeaux, vicar-generai
of the Archbishop pf Lyons (his aforesaid brother),
papal chaplain, Bishop of Gomminges under Boniface
YUr, ana eventually Archbishop of Bordeaux, then
a difficult office because of the persistent ooaflict
between England and France for the possession of
Normandy. The cardinals besought him to come to
Perugia and go thence to Rome for his coronation,
but he ordered them to repair to Lyons, where he waa
crowned (14 November, 1305) in presence of Philip
the Fair and with great pomp. JDuring the usual
E' >lic procession the pope was thrown from his horse
a falling wall; one of his brothers was killed on
t occasion, also the aged Cardinal Matteo Orsini
who had taken part in twelve conclaves and seen
thirteen pope?. The most precious jewel in the papal
tiara (a carbuncle) was lost that day, an incident
prophetically interpreted by German and Italian
nistorians, and the next day another brother waa
slain in a quarrel between servants of the new pope
and retainers of the cardinals. For some time (1305-
1309), Pope Clement resided at different places in
France (Bordeaux, Poitiers, Toulouse), but finally
took up his residence at Avignon, then a fief of Naples,
though within the County of Venaissin that since 1228
acknowledged the pope as overlord (in 1348 Clement
VI purchased Avignon for 80,000 gold gulden from
Joanna of Naples). Strong affection for hb native
France and an equally influential fear of the quasi-
anarchical conditions of Italy, and in particular of the
States of the Church and the city of Rome, led him to
this fateful decision, wherebv he exposed himself to the
domination of a civil ruler (Philip tne Fair), whose im-
mediate aims were a universal French monarchy and a
solemn humiliation of Pope Boniface VIII in return
for the latter's courageous resistance to Philip's cun-
ning, violence, and usurpations (HergenrOther).
States of the Church. — ^The government of the
States of the Church was committ^ by Clement to a
commission of three cardinals, while at Spoleto hia
own brother, Amaud Gaisiaa de Got, held the office
of papal vicar. Giacomo degli Stefaneschi, a senator
and popular chief, governed within the city in a loose
and personal way. (Confusion and anarchy were
prevalent, owing to the implacable mutual hatred of
the Colonna and Orsini, the traditional turbulence of
the Romans, and the frequent angry conflicts be-
tween the people and the nobles, conditians which
had been growing worse all through the thirteenth
century and had eventually driven even the Italian
popes to such outside strongholds as Viterbo, Ana^,
Orvieto, and Perugia. No more graphic illustration
of the local conditions at Rome and in the Patrimony
of Peter could be asked than the description of
Nicholas of Butrinto, the historiographer of Emperor
Heniy VII, on his fateful Roman expedition of 1312
[see Von Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, Ber-
lin, 1867, II (1), 743-65]. Among the untoward
Roman events of Pope Clement's reign was the con-
flagration 6 May, 1308, that destroycJd the church of
St. John Lateran, soon rebuilt, however, by the Ro-
mans with the aid of the pope. Clement did not
hesitate to tiy the conclusions of war with the Italian
state of Venice that had unjustly seized on Ferrara,
a fief of the Patrimony of Peter. When excommuni-
cation, interdict, and a general prohibiticm of all
commercial intercourse failed, he outlawed the Vene-
tians, and caused a crusade to be preached against
them; finally his legate, Cardinal Pdkgrue, over-
threw in a terrific battle the haughty affiressors (28
August, 1309). The papal vicariate of Ferrara was
then conferred on Robert of Naples, whose Catalon-
ian mercenaries, however, were more (xlious to the
people than the Venetian usurpers. In any case, the
smaller powers of Italy had learned that they could
not yet strip with impunity the inheritance of the
GLBMSNT
21
eLBMCHf
Apo8tolic See, and an example was furnished which
the greatest soldier of the papacy, Gil d'Albomos
(q. v.)> would better befoie the century was over.
Process of Bonitacb VIII. — Almost at once King
Philip demanded from the new pope a formal con-
demnation of the memoiy of Bomface VIU; only
thus could the royal hate be placated. The king
wished the name of Boniface stricken from the list m
popes as a heretic, his bones disinterred, buraed, and
the ashes scattered to the winds. This odioiis and
disgraceful step Clement sought to avert, partly by
delay, partly fay new favours to the king; he renewed
the absolution granted the king by Benedict XI,
created nine French cardinals out of a group of ten,
restored to the Colonna cardinals tlieir places in the
Sacred College, and accorded the king tithes of church
property for five years. Finally, he withdrew the
BuU "Cleriois Laicos'V though i^ot the earlier l^isla*-
tion on which it was based, and declared that the
doctrinal Bull *^Unam Sanctam'' affected in no dis-
advantageous manner the meritorious French king,
and implied for him and his kingdom no greater
decree of subjection to the papal see than formerly
existed. The pope was also helpful to Charles of
Valois, the king's brother, and pretender to the im-
perial throne of Constantinople, by granting him a
two years' tithe of church revenues; Clement hoped
that a crusade operating from a reconquered Con-
stantinople would be sucoessfuL In Majr, 1307, at
Poitiers, where peace was made between iSigland and
France, Philip again insisted on a canonical process
for condemnation of the memoiy of Boniface VIII,
as a heretic, a blasphemer, an mimoral priest, etc.
Eventually, the pope made answer that so grave a
matter could not oe settled outside of a general
council, and the king for a while seemed satisfi^ with
this solution. Nevertheless^ he returned frequently
and utgentlv to his proposition. It was in vam that
the pope exhibited a willingness to sacrifice the Tem-
plars (see below); the merciless kizig, sure of his
power, pressed for the opening of this unique trial,
unheard of since the time of Pope Formosus. Clem-
ent had to yield, and designated 2 February^ 1309,
as the date, and Avignon as the place for the trial of
his dead predecessor on the shameful charges so long
colported about Europe by the Colonna cardinals
and their faction. In the document (citation) that
called (13 September, 1309) for the witnesses, Clement
expressed his personal conviction of the innocence
of Boniface, at the same time his resolution to satisfy
the king. Though the pope had soon (2 February,
1310) to protest against a false interpretation of ms
own words, the process was really begun in a con-
sistory of 16 March, 1310, at Avignon. Much delay
followed, on one side and the ot&r, apropos chiefly
of methods of procedure. Early in 1311, witnesses
were examined outside of Avignon, in France, and in
Italy, but by French commissaries and mostly on the
above-mentioned charges of the Colonna (see Boni-
FACB VIII). Finally, in February, 1311, the king
wrote to Clement abandoning the process to the
future council (of Vienne) or to the pope's own action,
and promising to cause the withdrawal of the charees:
at the same time he protested that his intentions hacl
been pure. One price of these welcome concessions
was a formal declaration by Pope Clement (27 April,
1311) of the king's innocence and that of his friends;
these representatives of France, the ''Israel of the
New Alliance", had acted, said the pope, in good faith
and with a pure seal, nor shouLd tney fear in the
future any canonical detriment from the events of
Anagni. William Nogaret was excepted, but on his
protestation of innocence, and at the intercession of
Philip, a penance was imposed on him and he too
leceived absolution. Only those who detained ec-
clesiastical proi)erty were fimdl^ excluded from par-
don. The religious seal of Phihp was agaia acknowl-
edged; all papal art« detrimental to him and his
kii^om since November, 1302, were rescinded; the
erasures are yet vifftble in the ** R^esta " of Bomface
VIII, in the Vatican Arehives (see Tosti, ''Storia di
Bonifazio VIII", Rome, 1886, II, 343-44). This
painful situation was closed for Clement V by the
Council of Vienne (16 October, 1311), most of whose
members were peraonally favourable to Boniface.
It is not certain that the council took up formally
the question of the guilt or innocence of Boniface. In
their present shape the official Acts of the council are
silent, nor do all contemporarv writers mention it as a
fact. It is true that Giovanni Villani dedcribes Philip
and his counsellors as ui^nt for the condemnation of
Boniface by the council, but, he says, the memory
of the pope was formally purged from aH adverse
chaiges by three cardinals and several jurists; more-
over, three Catalonian knights offered to defend with
their swords the good name of the Gaetani pope
against all comers, whereupon the king vielded, and
demanded only that he be declared euiltless of anv
responsibility for the turn affairs had taken. Witn
the death of his personal enemies, opposition to Boni-
face diminished, and his legitimacy was no longer
denied even in France (Balan, "II processo di Boni-
fasio VIU ", Rome, 1881).
CLEllfiNT V AND THE TEMPLARS. — SlUCC the final
expulsion (1291) of the crusading forces from the
Holy Land, the ecclesiastico-military orders in Europe
had aroused much adverse criticism, partly because
to their jealousies (Templars, Hospitallers or Knights
of St. Jonn, Teutonic Order) was attributed the humil-
iating defeat, partly because of the vast wealth they
had acquired in Uieir short existence. The Templara
(so-called from the Temple of Jerusalem, pauperea
comimUUmea Chnsti Templioue SolofntmicCf i. e. poor
fellow-soldiere of Christ ana of the Temple of Solo-
mon) were the richest. Their fortress-like monas-
teries, known as Temples, arose in every European
land, and by the end of the thirteenth century
sheltered the chief banking-system of Europe; the
knights were trusted by popes and kings and by per-
sons of wealth because of their uprightness, the good
management of their affairs, and their solid credit
based on the countless estates of the order and its
widespread financial relations. Already, before the
accession of Pope Clement, their status was growing
perilous ; apart from the envy aroused by their riches,
accusations of pride, exclusiveness^ usurpation of
episcopal rights, etc. were raised against them, lliey
had resisted several attempts to unite their order .
with the HospitaUerS) and while it is no longer easy
to fix the degree of their popularity with the common
people, it is certain that in many quarters of Europe
had aroused the cupidity of princes and tne
Eusy of many higher ecclesiastics, especially in
ce; without the co-operation of the tatter thejr
could never have fallen in so tragic a manner. Their
story is told in full in the article Templars; hence, to
avoid repetition, it will suffice to mention here the
principal facts. In the first year of the pontificate
of Clement V the French king began to demand from
the pope the suppression of this ecclesiastical order
and to set afoot a campaign of violence and calumny
such as had so far suoceeded in the case of Boniface
VIU. If the pope, as was naturally to be feared,
refused finally to yield in the matter, of the process
against his predecessor's memory, he would surely
be glad to buy relief with the sacrifice of the Tem-
plara. Owing to the weakness and irresolution of
Pope Clement, the royal plan succeeded. After an
unsuccessful attempt of the pope (in August, 1307) to
unite the Templara and the Hospitallere, he yielded
to the demands of King Philip and ordered an inves-
tigation of the order, against which the king brought
chaigea of heresy (renunciation of Christ, immorality,
idolatry, contempt of the Mass, denial of the sacra-
OIJBMINT
22
OLEMEVT
ments, etc.)- Philip, however, did not wait for the
ordinary operation of the Inquisition, but, with the
aid of his confessor, Guillaume de Paris (the inquisitor
of France), and his dever, unscrupulous jurists
(Nogaret, de Plaisians, Engueirand de Maximy)
struck suddenly at the whole order, 12 October, 1307,
by the arrest at Paris of Jacques de Molay, the Grand
Commander, and one hundred and forty knights, fol-
low^ed by the inouisitor's mandate to arrest all other
members throughout France, and by royal sequestra-
tion of the property of the order. Public opinion
was cunnin^y and successfully forestalled by the
aforesaid jurists. It was also falsely made to appear
that the pope approved, or was oonsentingly aware, of
the royal action, while the co-operation of French
inquisitors and bishops put the seal of ecdesiastioil
approval on an act tnat was certainly so far one of
gross injustice.
While Philip invited the other princes of Europe
to follow his example, Clement V protested (27 Octo-
ber) against the royal usurpation of the papal au-
thority, demanded the transfer to his own custody
of the prisoners and their prooerty, and susp^Qded
the inquisitional authority of the king's ecclesiastic
and the French bishops. Philip made an apparent
submission, but in the meantime Qement had issued
anoliier Biill (22 November) commanding an investi-
gation of the anti-Templar charges in aU European
countries. (It may be said at once that the results
were generally favourable to the order; nowhere,
given the lack of torture, were confessions obtainea
like those secured in France.) The feeble efforts of
Clement to obtain for the order strict canonical
justice (he was himself an excellent canonist) were
counteracted Inr the new Bull that dignified &Dd
seemed to conmm the charges of the firench king,
neither then nor later supjsorted by any material
evidence or documents outside of his own suborned
witnesses and the confessions of the prisoners, ob-
tained by tortiire or by other dubious methods of
their jailers, none of whom dared resist the well-
known will of Philip. The alleged secret Rule of the
TempIaJs, authorizing the aforesaid charges, was
never produced. In the meantime William Nogaret
had been busy defaming Pope Clement, threatening
him with charges not unlike those pending against
Boniface VIII, and working up successfully an anti-
Templar public opinion against the next meeting
(May, 1308) of the States-General. In July of that
year it was a^ed between the pope and the king that
the guilt or innocence of the order itself should be
separated from that of its individual (French) mem-
bers. The former was reserved to a general council,
soon to be convoked at Vienne in Southern France,
and to prepare evidence for which, apart from the
examinations now going on through Europe, and a
hearing before the pope of seventy-two members of the
order brought from the prisons of Philip (ail of whom
confessed themselves guilty of heresy and prayed for
absolution), there were appointed various special
commissions, the most important of which began its
sessions at Paris in Au^t, 1309. Its members, act-
ing in the name and with the authority of the pope,
were opposed to the use of torture, hence before them
hundreds of kni^ts maintained freely the innocence
of the order, while many of those who had formerly
yielded to the diocesan inquisitors now retracted their
avowals as contrary to truth. When Nogaret and de
Plaisians saw the probable outcome of the hearings
before the papal commissions, they precipitatMi
matters, caused the Archbishop of Sens (brother of
Enguerrand de Marigny) to call a provincial council
(Sens was then metropolitan of Pans and seat of the
local inquisition tribunal), at which were condemned,
as relapsed heretics, fifty-four knights who had re-
cently withdrawn before the papal commissioners
their former confessions on the plea that they had
been given under torture and were quite false. That
same day (12 May, 1310), all these Imights were pub-
licly burned at Paris outside the Porte St-Antoine.
To the end all protested their innocence.
There could no longer be any question of liberty of
defence; the papal conunission at Paris suspended
its sessions for six months, and when it met again
found before it only knights who had confessed the
crimes they were oha^gea with and had been reocm-
eiled by the local inquisitors. The fate of the Templars
was finally sealed at the Council of Vienne (open(^ 16
October, 1311). The majority of its three hundred
members were opposed to the abolition of the order,
beUeving the alleged crimes unproven, but the king was
uigent, appeaiedin person at the council, and finally
obtained from Clement V the practical execution of his
will. At the second session of the council, in presence
of the king and his three sons, was read the Bull " Vox
in excelsis'', dated 22 March, 1312, in which tiie pope
said that though he had no sufficient reasons lor a
fonnal condemnation of the order, nevertheless,
because of the common weal, the hatred borne them
by the King of France, the scandalous nature of their
tnal, and the probable dilapidation of the order's
property in every Christian land, he suppressed it by
virtue of his sovereien power, and not by any definitive
sentence. By another Bull of 2 May he vested in the
Hospitallers the title to the property of the sup-
TOessed order. In one way or another, however,
Fhilip managed to become the chief legatee of its
great wealth in France. As to the Templars them-
selves, those who continued to maintain their con-
fessions were set free; those who withdrew them
were considered relapsed heretics and were dealt with
as such by the tribunals of the Inquisition. It was
only in 1314 that the Grand Master, Jacques de Molay
and Geoffroy de CSiamay, Grand Preceptor of Nor-
mandy, reserved to the judgment of the pope, were
condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Thereupon
they prodaimea the falsity of their confessions, and
accused themselves of cowardice in betraying their
order to save their lives. They were at once declared
relapsed heretics, turned over to the secular arm by
the ecclesiastical authority, and were burned that
same day (18 March, 1314). Of Pope Clement it may
be said that the few measures of equity that appear
in the course of this great crime were owing to him ;
unfortunately his sense of justice and his respect for
the law were counterbalanced by a weak and vacil-
lating character, to which peihaps his feeble and un-
certam health contributed. Some think he was con-
vinced of the Templars' guilt, especially after so
many of the chief membera had acunitted it to him-
self; they explain thus his recommendation of the
use of torture, also his toleration of the king's sup-
pression of all proper Uberty of defence on the part
of the accused. Othera believe that he feared for
himself the fate of Boniface VIII^ whose cruel en^y,
William Nogaret, still lived, attorney-general of
Philip, skill^ in le^ violence, and emboldened by a
long career of successful infamy. His strongest
motive was, in all probability, anxiety to save the
memory of Boniface VIII from the injustice of a
formal condemnation which the malice of Nogaret
and the cold vindictiveness of Philip would have in-
sisted on, had not the rich prey of the Temple been
thrown to them; to stand for both with Apostolic
courage might have meant intolerable consequences,
not only personal indignities, but in the end the
graver evu of schism under conditions peculiarly un-
mvouraUe for the papacy. (See Philip thx Faik;
ViSNNS, COtTNCIL OF; TlAfPIiAJlS.)
C^jBMENT V AND Emperob Henbt VII. — In pur-
suance of the vast ambitions of the French monarchy
(Pierre Dubois, "De recuperatione terns sanctSB^', ed.
Langlois, Paris, 1891), Ein^ Philip was anxious to see
his brother Charles of Valois chosen King of Germany
0U5MENT
23
OLEMSNT
m succesfiion to the muxdered Adolph of Nassau,
of course with a view of obtaining later the imperial
crown. Pope Clement was apparently active in
favour of Pnilip's plan; at the same time he made it
known to the ecclesiastical electors that the selection
of Count Henry of Liitxelburg, brother of the Arch-
bishop of Trier, would be pleasing to him. The pope
was well aware that further extension of French au>
thority could only reduce still more his own small
measure of independence. Though elected, 6 Janu-
ary, 1309, aa Henry VII, and soon a^eured of the
papal agreement to his imperial consecration, it was
only in 1312 that the new king reached Rome and
was consecrated emperor in the church of St. John
Lateran by cardinals specially delegated by the pope.
Circumstances forced Henry^ VII to side with the
Italian Ghibellines, with the result that in Rome
itself he found a powerful Guelph party in possession
of St. Peter^s and the greater part of the city, actively
supported also by King Robert of Naples. The
new emperor, after the humiliating failiue of his
Italian expedition,' undertook to compel the Angevin
king to recognize the imperial authority, but was
crossed by the pap&l action in def^ice of Kmg Robert
as a vassal of the Roman Church, overlord of the Two
Sicilies. On the eve of a new Italian campaign in
sufmort of the imperial honour and rights Heniy VII
died suddenly near Siena, 24 August, 1313. He was
the last hope of Dante and his feUow-Ghibellines,
for whom at this time the sreat poet drew up in the
"De Monarchic" his ideal of ^)od government in
Ital^r through the restoration of the earlier strong
empire of German rulers, in whom he saw the ideal
overiords of the European world, and even of the
pope as a temporal prince.
Clement V and England. — ^Ambassadors of Ed-
ward I assisted at the coronation of Clement V. At
the reaueet of King Edward, the pope freed him from
the obii^tion of keeping the pronuses added to the
Charter m 1297 and 1300, though the king afterwards
took little or no advantage of the papal absolution.
Moreover, to satisfy the king, he suspended and
called to the papal court (1305) the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Kooert of Winchelaea, who had pre-
viously suffered much for adhering to the side of Boni-
face VIII, and whom Edward I was now pursuing
with unproved changes of treason. (See Clericis
Laioos.) It was only in 1307, after the accession of
Edward II, that this great churchman, at the royal
request, was permitted by Clement to return from
Bordeaux to his See of Canterbury, whose ancient
right to crown the kings of England he successfully
maintained. Clement excommunicated (1306) Rol>-
eit Bruce of Scotland for his share in the murder of
the Red Comyn, and he deprived of their sees Bishops
Lambarton and Wishart for their part in the subse-
quent national rising of the Scots. The Lords and
Commons at the Parliament of Carlisle (1307) exhibited
a strong anti-papal temper, apropos, among other
complaints, of the granting of rich English benefices
to fareigners, and though no positive action followed,
the later Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire look
back to this event as indicative of English temper.
(See Gasquet, "The Eve of the Reformation", essay
on "Mixed Jurisdiction'', and for other items of
English interest the "Regesta" of Clement V, and
Bliss, "Calendar of Ecclesiastical Documents relating
to England " London, 1893 sqq.. Rolls series.)
Clement V and the Canon Law. — He completed
the medieval "Corpus Juris Canonici " by the publica-
tion of a ooUectioii of papal decretals known as " Clem-
mtine", or "liber Clementinarum", sometimes
"Liber Septimus'' in reference to the "Liber Sextus"
of Boniface VIII. It contains decretals of the latter
pope, of Benedict XI, and oi Clement himself. To-
gether with the decrees of the Council of Vienne it
was promulgated (21 March, 1314) at the papal resi-
dence of Monteaux near Carpentras. It follows the
method of the "Decretals" of Gregory IX and the
"Liber Sextus" of Boniface VIII, i. e. five books,
with subdivision into titles and chapters. As the pope
died (20 April) before this collection had been gener-
ally published, its authenticitv was doubted by some,
w^herefore John XXII promu^ted it anew, 25 Octo-
ber, 1317, and sent it to the Umversity of Boloeim as a
genuine collection of papal decretals to be used in the
courts and the schools. (Laurin, ''Introd. in corpus
juris canonici", Freiburg, 1889: cf. Ehrle, "Archiv f.
Litteratur und Kirchengesch.'', IV, 36 sqq.)
Clement's official correspondence la found in tne nine folio
volumes of the Regeata ClemerdU V (Benedictine ed., Rome.
1885-92); Bax^uzb. Viiapa'paTum Avenionentium (Paris, 1693),
I; Ratnald. Ann. Ecel., ad ann. 1303-13; Hmwrnix, ConcUien'
geach.(2d ed J,VI,393 sqq.: EHRix.ilrc^tv /. LiU.u. Kirchengesch.
(1887-89^; Christophu, Ifist. de la papayU pendant le qwUor-
tiime nMe (Paris. 1853), I ; Souchon, Fapstwahlen von Boni^az
VIIJ. bis Urban VL (1888); Rabanxb, CUment V el PhUivpe U
Bel (Paris. 1858^; Boutabic. La France sous Philippe le Bd
(Pans, 1861); Rbnan. Etttdea eur la politique de PhiUppe le Bd
(Paris. 1899); Wenck. Clement V.undHeinrich VII. (1882);
LAOoeTB. NouveUea Hudee eur CUmmU V (Paris, 1896): Bbb-
CHON, Hid^ du Pape Cl6ment V (Bordeaux, 1898), and tiie ex-
haustive bibliography in Chevalier, Bio-Bibl. ror the litera-
ture of the Templars, see Templars. It will suffice to men-
tion here: Lavocat. Le proces dee fr^ee de Vordre du Temjde
(Paris, 1888); SchottisOller, Der Unlerqanq des Templer^-
dena (1887); Gmbun, Schidd oder UnechtUd dee Templerordene
(1893); Ch. Lanoloxs, Hietoire de France, ed. Lavisbe (Paris,
1901). Ill (u). 174-200: Lea. Hielory of the Inquiaitum. (New
York, 1887), III, 238-334; Delaville Lb Roulx. La aupprea-
aion dee Templiera in Revue dee gueeliona hiatoriqtiea (1890),
XLVII. 29; and Grange, The FaU of the KnighU of The
Temple in DuibHn Review (1895), 329-16.
Thomas J. Shahan.
Olement VI, Pope (Pierr£ Roger), b. 1291 in the
castle of Maumont, department of Corrdze, France,
elected pope, 7 May, 1342, at Avignon, where he died
6 December, 1352. At the age often he entered the
Benedictine monastery of la Chaise-Dieu (Haute-
Loire), where he made his religious
ptrofession. After devoting some
time to' study at Paris, he gradu-
ated as doctor and became professor
in that city. Subsequent to liis in-
troduction to Pope John XXII by
Cardinal Pierre Grouin de Mortemart,
he rapidly rose from one ecclesiasti-
cal dignity to another. At first prior of
Saint-Baudile at Ntmes, then Aobot of
Fecamp in Normandy, he became Bish-
op of Arras and Chancellor of France in 1328, was pro-
moted to the Archbishopric of Sens in 1329, and to that
of Rouen the following year. In the latter city a pro-
vincial council, which promulgated several disciplinary
decrees, was held under his presidency in 1335. He
was created cardinal (1338) oy Benedict XII, whom
he succeeded as pontiff. One of the characteristic
traits of his policy as head of the Universal Church
was his excessive devotion to the interests of France
and those of his relatives. His French sjrmpathies
impeded his efforts to restore and maintain peace be-
tween England and France, although his mediation
led to the conclusion of a short general truce (Males-
troit, 1343). Most of the twenty-five cardinals whom
he created were French, and twelve of them were
related to him. The King of France was given per-
mission (1344) to Communicate under both kinds.
Clement accepted the senatorial dignity offered him
as "Kni^t Roger'' by a Roman delegation, which
numbered Petrarch as one of its memt^rs. He also
granted their request for the celebration of a jubilee
every fifty, instead of every hundred, years (Bull
'^Unigenitus", 1343), but declined their invitation to
return to Rome. Greater permanencv seemed to be
assured to the papal residence abroad oy his purchase
of the sovereimty of Avignon for 80,000 florins from
Joanna of Na^es and Provence (9 June , 1 348). About
the same time he also declared this princess innocent
of complicity in the murder of her husband. The
Ahms of Clem-
ent VI
OLBMSNY
24
OLSMSHT
pope's success in Roman affairs is evidenced bv his
confirmation of the ephemeral but then unavoidable
rule of Ck)Ia di Rienzi (20 May to 15 Dec, 1347). His
later condemnation of thiis arrogant tribune was large-
ly instrumental in bringing about his fall from power.
Shortly after these events the jubilee year of 1350
brought an extraordinarily laiige number of pilgrims
to the Eternal City. In his attempt to stren^hen
the Guelph party in Italy the pope met with failure,
and was constrained to cede the city of Bologna to
the Archbishop of Milan for a period of twelve years.
Clement took up with ardour the long-standine
conflict between the Emperor Louis the Bavarian and
the papacv. The former had offended the religious
feelinm of many of his adherents by arbitrarily
annulling the marriage of Marguerite Maultasch,
heiress of Tyrol, and John Henry, Prince of Bohemia.
The popular discontent was still further intensified
when the emperor authorized his *own son to
marry the same princess. Louis consequently was
ready to make the greatest concessions to the pope.
In a writing of September, 1343, he acknowledged nis
unlawful assumption of the imperial title, declared his
willin)gne8s to annul aU his imperial acts and to sub-
mit to any papal penalty, but at the same time wished
to be recognized as King of the Romans. Clement de-
manded as further conditions that no law should be en-
acted in the empire without f)apal sanction, that the
binding-force of Louis's promulgated roysd decrees
should be suspended until confirmation by the Holy
See, that he should depose all bishops and abbots
named by himself, and waive all claim to the sov-
erei^ty of the Papal States, Sicily, Sardinia, and
Corsica. Louis submitted the pope's demands to the
consideration of the German princes, at a time when
anti-papal feeling ran very high in Germany, as a
result of the separation of the Archbishopric of Prague
from the ecclesiastical province of Mainz (30 April,
1344). The princes declared them unacceptable, out
also spoke of the necessity of electing a new king in
place of Louis, whose rule had been so disastrous to
the empire. The pope on 7 April, 1346, deposed
Henry of Vimeburg, Archbishop of Mainz and an
ardent partisan of the reigning eniperor, and named
the twentjr-year-old Gerlach of Nassau to the see.
On 13 April of the same year he launched a severe
Bull against the emperor, in which he requested the
electors to give him a successor. Charles of Luxem-
burg, the pope's candidate and former pupil, was
elected King of Germany (11 July, 1346), by his
father, John of Bohemia, by Rudolf of Saxony, and
the three ecclesiastical electors. Charles IV (1346-78)
substantially accepted the papal demands, but his
authority was not immediately recognized through-
out Germany. The country was on the verge of civil
war, when Louis the Bavarian suddenly med while
engaged in a boar-hunt near Munich (11 October,
1347). The opposition of Giinther of Schwarzburg
(d. 14 June, 1349) to Charles was but of short dura-
tion. Left without a protector, through the death
of Louis, William of Occam and the schismatical Friars
Minor now made their submission to the pope. About
1344 Clement VI granted the sovereignty of the
Canary Islands to the Castilian Prince Louis de la
Cerda, on condition that no other Christian ruler had
acquired any right to their possession. The new
sovereipi, who was accorded the title of Prince of
Fortuma, agreed to introduce Christianity into the
islands and to pay tribute to the Holy See. He could
not, however, take effective possession of the terri-
tory, which was not permanently converted at this
time, even though a special bishop (the Carmehte
Bernard) was named for the islanos in 1351. The
pope's attempts to reunite the Greeks and Armenians
with the Roman Church led to no definite resists.
The East desired not so much a return to doctrinal
unitv as assistance against the Turks. A crusade
against the latter, which was undertaken in 1344,
ended in a barren truce.
More of a temporal prince than an ecclesiastical
ruler, Clement was mumficent to profusion, a patron
of arts and letters, a lover of good cheer, well-ap-
pointed banquets, and brilliant receptions, to which
ladies were freely admitted. The neavy expenses
necessitated by such pomp soon exhausted the funds
which the economy of Benedict XII had provided for
his successor. To open up new sources of revenue,
in the absence of the ordinary income from the States
of the Church, fresh taxes were imposed and an ever-
increasing number of appointments to biedioprics and
benefices was reserved to the pope. Such arlntrary
proceedings led to resistance in several countries. In
1343 the agents of two cardinals, whom Clement had
appointed to ofl^cee in England, were driven from that
country. Edward III vehemently complained of the
exactions of the Avignon Court, and in 1351 was passed
the Statute of Provisors, according to which the kins
reserved the right of presentation m all cases of papal
appointments to benefices. The memory of this pope
is clouded by his open French partisanship and by tne
gross nepotism of nis reign. Clement Vi was never-
theless a protector of the oppressed and a helper of
the needy. His courage and charity strikingly ap-
peared at the time of tne Great Pestilence, or Black
Death, at Avignon (1348-49). While in many places,
numerous Jews were massacred by the populace as
being the cause of the pestilence. Clement issued
Bulls for their protection and afforded them a refuge
in his little State. He canonized St. Ivo of Trfeiier,
Brittany (d. 1303), the advocate of orphans (June,
1347), condemned the Flagellants, and m 1351 cour-
ageously defended the Mendicant friars against he
accusations of some secular prelates. Several sermons
have been preserved of this admittedly learned pope
and eloquent speaker. He died after a short illness,
and, according to his desire, was interred at LaChaise-
Dieu. In 1562 his grave was desecrated and his re-
mains burned by some Huguenots.
BALuns, VUm Paparum Avenion. (Paria, 1693), I, 243-323,
829-925; CHRiaroPHS, Hiai.d^ la papaut^ pendant U XIV* •iktU
(PariB, 1853) ; Hofler, Di^ avignoneriMchen P&pHe (Vienna,
IfiTI^* Af^Vw^o rjn-mf.m^* m» 1^ U.-^^ A !„ <»M>«> •wM.A^f ;«i t>Mm Amm
KarUIV. (Innsbruck, 1880-92) ; Dbsprez, LeUrescloaeipatenUs
et curialea dea papea d^ Avignon serapportani il la France, CUment
V/ (Paris, 1901); BdHMXR, Pontes rerum germanicarum (Stutt-
gart, 1843, 1868), I. IV; Klicman, Monumenta Vaticona res
geataa Bohemicas tUuatrantiat I. Ada ClemerUia VI; Gat, Le
Pape Clhnent VI et les affaires d! Orient (Paris, 1904); Kirscr.
ZKs VerwaUung der Annaten unter Klemens VI. in ROmiache
Quarialaehrifi (1902). 425-51; Hkvslb-Kn^pfubr, Concilien-
geach. (Freiburg, 1890), VI, 663-75, passim; Pastor, Geach.
der Papate (Freiburg, 1901), I, 89-95, passim, tr. Antrobus
(I^ndon, 1891), I, 85-92; Creiqhton, Hiat. of the Papacy
(London, 1892), I, 44-48; BBRufeRS. Suppliquea de Cl^nunt
VI (Paris, 1906) ; Chjbvalibr, Bio-Bibl. (Paris, 1905), 1, 954-55.
HsRORNRdTHER-KiRSCH. Kirchengesch, (4th ed., 1904), II,
735-37.
N. A. Weber.
Olement VH, Pope (Gix7lio db' Medici), b. 1478;
d. 25 September, 1534. Giulio de' Medici was bom
a few months after the death of his father, Giuliano,
who was slain at Florence in the dis-
turbances which followed the Pazzi
conspiracy. Although his parents had
not been properly married, they had,
it was alleged, oeen betrothed per
sponsalia de prceseniif and Giulio, in
virtue of a well-known principle of
canon law, was subsequently de-
clared legitimate. The youth was
educated by his uncle, torenzo the
Magnificent. He was made a Knight
Abmb or Clxm-
KNT VII
of Rhodes and Grand Prior of Capua, and, upon
the election of his cousin Giovanni de' Medici to
the papacy as Leo X, he at once became a person
of great consequence. On 23 September, 1513,
OLEMENT
25
OLEMENT
lie was made cardinal, and he had the credit of
being the prime mover of the papal policy during the
'whole of Leo's pontificate. He was one of the most
favoured candidates in the protracted conclave which
resulted in the election of Adrian VI; neither did the
Cardinal de' Medici, in spite of his close connexion
with the luxurious regime of Leo X, altogether lose
influence under his austere successor. GiuUo, in the
words of a modem historian, was "learned, clever,
respectable and industrious, though he had little en-
terprise and less decision (Armstrong, Charles V.,
I. 166). After Adrian's death (14 September, 1523)
the Cardinal de* Medici was eventually chosen pope,
18 November, 1523, and his election was hailed at
Rome with enthusiastic rejoicing. But the temper of
the Roman people was only one element in the com-
plex problem wnich Clement VII had to face. The
whole political and religious situation was one of ex-
treme delicacy, and it may be doubted if there was
one man in ten thousand who would have succeeded
by natural tact and human prudence in guiding the
Bark of Peter through sucn tempestuous waters.
Clement was certainly not such a man. He had un-
fortunately been brought up in all the bad traditions of
Italian diplomacy, and over and above this a certain
fatal irresolution of character seemed to impel him,
when any decision had been arrived at, to hark back
upon the course agreed on and to try to make terms
with the other side.
The early y^ears of his pontificate were occupied
with the negotiations which culminated in the Lea^e
of Cognac. When Clement was crowned, Francis I
and tne Emperor Charles V were at war. Charles
had supported Clement's candidature and hoped
much from his friendship with the Medici, but barely
a year had elapsed after his election before the new
pope concluded a secret treaty with France. The
pitched battle which was fought between Francis and
the imperial commanders at Pa via in February, 1525,
ending in the defeat and captivity of the French king,
put into Charles' hq^ds the means of avenping.him-
self . Still he used his victory with moderation. The
terms of the Treaty of Madrid (14 January, 1526) were
not really extravagant, but Francis seems to have
sipied with the deliberate intention of breaking his
promises, though confirmed by the most solenan of
oa«rhs. That Clement, instead of accepting Charles'
overtures, should have made himself a party to the
French king's perfidy and should have organized a
league with France, Venice, and Florence, signed at
Co^ac, 22 May, 1526, must certainly have been re-
garded by the emperor as almost unpardonable prov-
ocation. No doubt Clement was moved by ^nuine
patriotism in his distrust of imperial influence m Italy
'•nd especisdQy by anxiety for his native Florence.
Moreover, he chaied under dictation which seemed to
him to threaten the freedom of the Church. But
though he probably feared that the bonds might be
drawn tighter, it is hard to see that he had at that
time any serious ground of complaint. We cannot
be much surprised at what followed. Charles' en-
voys, obtaining no satisfaction from the pope, allied
themselves with the disaffected Colonna who had been
raiding the papal territory. These last pretended
reconciliation until the papal commanders were lulled
into a sense of security. Then the Colonna made a
sudden attack upon Rome and shut up Clement in the
Castle of Sant' Angelo while their followers plundered
the Vatican (20 September, 1526). Charles dis-
avowed the action of the Colonna but took advantage
of the situation created by their success. A period of
vacillation followed. At one time Clement concluded
a truce with the emperor, at another he turned again
despairingly to the League, at another, under the en-
couragement of a slight success, he broke off negotiar
tions with the imperial representatives and resumed
active hostilities, and then again, still later, he signed
a truce with Charles for eight months, promising the
immediate payment of an indemnity of 60,000 ducats.
In the mean time the German mercenaries in the
north of Italy were fast being reduced to the last ex-
tremities for lack of provisions and pay. On hearing
of the indemnity of 60,000 ducats they threatened
mutiny, and the imperial commissioners extracted
from the pope the payment of 100,000 ducats instead
of the sum first agreed upon. But the sacrifice was
ineffectual. It seems probable that the Lands-
knechte, a very large proportion of whom were Luth-
erans, had really got completely out of hand, and that
they practically forced tne Constable Bourbon, now
in supreme command, to lead them against Rome,
On the 5th of May they reached the walls, which,
owing to the pope's confidence in the truce he had con-
cluded, were almost undefended. Clement had barely
time to take refuge in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, and
for eight days the "Sack of Rome" continued amid
horrors almost unexampled in the history of war.
"The Lutherans",
says an impartial
authority, " re-
joiced to bum and
to defile what all
the world had
adored. Churehes
were desecrated,
women, even the
religious, violated,
ambassadors pil-
laged, cardinals
put to ransom,
ecclesiastical dig-
nitaries and cere-
monies made a
mockery, and the
soldiers fought
among themselves
for the spoil"
(Loathes in
'*Camb. Mod.
History", II, 55). It seems probable that Charles V
was really not implicated in the horrors which then
took place. Still he had no objection against the
pope bearing the lull consequences of his shifty diplo-'
macy, and he allowed him to remain a virtual prisoner
in the Castle of Sant' Angelo for more than seven
months. Clement's pliability had already given
offence to the other members of the League, and his
appeals were not responded to very warmly. Be-
sides this, he wa^ sorely in need of tne imperial sup-
port both to make head against the Lutherans in Ger-
many and to reinstate the Medici in the government
of Florence from which they had been driven out.
The combined effect of these various considerations
and of the failure of the French attempts upon Naples
was to throw Clement into the emperor's arms. After
a sojourn in Orv^ieto and Viterbo, Clement returned to
Rome, and there, before the end of July, 1529, terms
favourable to the Holy See were definitely arranged
with Charles. The seal was set upon the compact by
the meeting of the emperor and the pope at Bologna,
where, on 24 February, 1530, Charles was solemnly
crowned. By whatever motives the pontiff was
swayed, this settlement certainly had tne effect of
restoring to Italy a much-needed peace.
Meanwhile events, the momentous consequence of
which were not then fully foreseen, had been taking
place in England. Henry VIII, tired of Queen Cath-
erine, by whom he had no heir to the throne, but only
one surviving daughter, Mary, and passionately
enamoured of Anne Boleyn, had made known to
Wolsey in May, 1527, that he wished to be divorced.
He pretended that his conscience was uneasy at the
marriage contracted under papal dispensation with
his brother's widow. As his first act was to solicit
ClBM ENT VII — SSBABTIANO DEL PlOMBO
(Pinacoteca, Parma)
CLEMENT
26
CLEMENT
from the Holy See, contingently upon the granting of
the divorce, a dispensation from the impediment of
affinity in the first degree (an impediment which
stood between him and any legal marriage with Anne
on account of his previous carnal intercourse with
Anne's sister Mary), the scruple of conscience cannot
have been very sincere. Moreover, as Queen Cath-
erine solemnly swore that the marriage between her-
self and Henry's elder brother Arthur nad never been
consunmiated, there had consequently never been any
real affinity between her and Henry but only the im-
pedimentum jmblicoB honestoHs. The king's unpar
tience, however, was such that, without giving his lull
confidence to Wolsey, he sent his envoy. Knight, at
once to Rome to treat with the pope about getting the
marriage annulled. Knight found the pope a pris-
oner in Sant' Angelo and could do little until he visited
Gement, after his escape, at Orvieto. Clement was
anxious to gratify Henry, and he did not make much
difficulty about the contingent dispensation from
affinity, judging, no doubt, that, as it would only take
effect when the marriage with Catherine ' was can-
celled, it was of no practical consequence. On being
pressed, however, to issue a commission to Wolsey to
try the divorce case, he made a more determmed
stand, and Cardinal Pucci, to whom was submitted
a draft instrument for the purpose, declared that
such a document would reflect discredit upon all
concerned. A second mission to Rome organized by
Wolsey, and consisting of Gardiner and Foxe, was at
first not much more successful. A commission was
indeed granted and taken back to England by Foxe,
but it was safeguarded in ways which rendered it prac-
tically innocuous. The bullying attitude which Gar-
diner adopted towards the pope 6eems to have passed
all limits of decency, but Wolsey, fearful of losing the
royal favour, egged him on to new exertions and im'
plored him to obtain at any cost a "decretal commis-
sion". This was an instrument which decided the points
of law beforehand, secure from appeal, and left only the
issue of fact to be determined in England. Against this
Clement seems honestly to have striven, but he at last
yielded so far as to issue a secret commission to Caiv
dinal Wolsey and Cardinal Campe^io jointly to try
the case in England. The commission was to be
shown to no one, and was never to leave Campeggio's
hands. We do not know its exact terms; but if it fol-
lowed the drafts prepared in England for the purpose,
it pronounced that the Bull of dispensation granted
by Julius for the marriage of Henry with his deceased
brother's wife must be declared obreptitious and con-
sequently void, if the commissioners found that the
motives alleged by Julius were insufficient and con-
trary to the facts. For example, it had been pre-
tenaed that the dispensation was necessary to cement
the friendship between England and Spain, also that
the young Henry himself desired the marriage, etc.
Campeggio reached England by the end of Septem-
ber, 15287but the proceedings of the legatine court
were at once brought to a standstill by the production
of a second dispensation granted by Pope Julius in the
form of a Brief. This hada double importance. Clem-
ent's commission empowered Wolsey and Campeg-
gio to pronounce upon the sufficiency of the motives
allegeci in a certain specified document, viz. the Bull;
but the Brief was not contemplated by, and lay out-
side, their commission. Moreover, the Brief did not
limit the motives for granting the dispensation to cer-
tain specified allegations, but spoke of ''aliis causis
animam nostram moventibus". The production of
the Brief, now commonly admitted to be quite authen-
tic, though the king's party declared it a forgery, ar-
Mtcd the oroceedings of the commission for eight
hfl, and in the end, under pressure from Charles
ifhom his Aunt Catherine had vehemently ap-
** * as well as to the pope, the cause
lliere can ho no doubt that
Clement showed much weakness in the concessions he
had made to the English demands; but it must alao
be remembered, first, that in the decision of this point
of law, the technical grounds for treating the dispen-
sation as obreptitious were in themselves serious and,
secondly, that in committing the honour of the Holy
See to Camp^gio's keeping, Clement had known that
he had to ao with a man of exceptionally high prin-
ciple. ,
How far the pope was influenced by Charles V in his
resistance, it is difficult to say; but it is clear that his
own sense of justice disposed him entirely in favour of
Queen Catherine. Henry in consequence shifted his
ground, and showed how deep was the rift which
separated him from the Holy See, by now urging that
a marriage with a deceased husband's brother lay
beyond the papal powers of dispensation. Clement
retaliated by pronouncing censure against those who
threatened to nave the king's divorce suit decided by
an English tribunal, and forbade Henry to proceed to
a new marriage before a decision was given in Rome.
The king on nis side (1531) extorted a vast sum of
money from the English clergy upon the pretext that
the penalties of praBmunire had been incurred by them
through their recognition of the papal legate, and soon
afterwards he prevailed upon rarliament to prohibit
under certain conditions the payment of annates
(q. V.) to Rome. Other developments followed. Hie
death of Archbishop Warham (22 August, 1532)
allowed Henry to press for the institution of Cranmer
as Archbishop of Canterbury, and through the inter-
vention of the King of France this was conceded, the
pallium being granted to him by Clement. Almost
immediately after his consecration Cranmer proceeded
to pronounce judgment upon the divorce, while Henry
had previously contracted a secret marriage with
Anne Boleyn, which marriage Cranmer, in May, 1533,
declared to be valid. Anne Boleyn was consequently
crowned on Jiine the 1st. Meanwhile the Commons
had forbidden all appeals to Rome and enacted the
penalties of prsemunire against >aU who introduced
papal Bulls into England. It was only then that
Clement at last took the step of launching a sentence
of excommunication against the king, declaring at the
same time Cranmer's pretended decree of divorce to
be invalid and the marriage with Anne Boleyn null
and void. The papal nuncio was withdrawn from
England and diplomatic relations with Rome broken
off. Henry appealed from the pope to a general coun-
cil, and in January, 1534, the Parliament pressed on
further legislation abolishing all ecclesiastical depend-
ence on Rome. But it was only in March, 1534, that
the papal tribunal finally pronounced its verdict upon
the onginal issue raised by the king and declared the
marriage between Henry and Catherine to be unques-
tionably valid. Clement has been much blamed for
this delay and for his various concessions in the mat-
ter of the divorce; indeed he has been accused of losing
England to the Catholic Faith on account of the en-
couragement thus given to Henry, but it is extremely
doubtful whether a firmer attitude would have had a
more beneficial result. The king was determined to
effect his purpose, and Clement had sufficient princi-
ple not to yield the one vital point upon which all
turned.
With regard to Germany, though Clement never
broke away from his friendship with Charles V,
which was cemented by the coronation at Bologna
in 1530, he never lent to the emperor that cordial
co-operation which could alone nave coped with
a situation the extreme difficulty and aanger of
which Clement probably never understood. In par-
ticular, the pope seems to have had a horror of the
idea of convoking a general council, foreseeing, no
doubt, grave difficulties with France in any such at-
tempt. Things were not improved when Henry,
through his envoy Bonner, who found Clement visit-
CLEMENT
27
CLEMENT
ing the French king at Marseilles, lodged his appeal to
a future general council on the divorce question.
In the more ecclesiastical aspects of his pontificate
Clement was free from reproach. Two Franciscan
reforms, that of the Capuchins and that of the Recol-
lectsy foimd in him a sufficiently sympathetic patron.
He was genuinely in earnest over the crusade against
the Turks, and he gave much encouragement to foreign
missions. As a patron of art, he was much hampered
by the sack of Rome and the other disastrous events
of his pontificate. But he was keenly interested in
such matters, and according to Benvenuto Cellini he
had excellent taste. By the commission given to the
last-named artist for the famous cope-clasp of which
we hear so much in the autobiography, he became the
founder of Benvenuto's fortunes. (See Cellini,
Benvenuto.) Clement also continued to be the
patron of Raphael and of Michelangelo, whose great
fresco of the Last Judgment in the Sistine Chapel was
iindertaken by his orders.
In their verdict upon the character of Pope Clement
VII almost all historians are agreed, ne was an
Italian prince, a de' Medici, and a diplomat first, and
a spiritual ruler afterwards. His intelligence was of a
hign order, though his diplomacy was feeble and irres-
olute. On the other hand, his private life was free
from reproach, and he had many excellent impulses,
but despite good intention, all qualities of heroism
and greatness must emphatically be denied him.
Paotob, Gesehichie der P&pate (Freiburg. 1907), IV pt. II;
Fraiken. Noneiaturet deCUment Vll (Pans, 1906—); Idem in
MSUmqes de Vicole irancaiae de Rome (1906): Gaisdner, Tht
Bngliah Chtirch in the StxUenth Century (London. 1902); Idbu,
New lAohi on the Divorce of Henry VIJI in Bngliah Hietor.
Rev. (1896-1897): E^es, ROmiache Dokumente rur GeaehidUe
der SheacheidungHeinricha V7// . (Paderbom. 1893): Thueoton.
The Canon Law of the Divorce in Eng, Hiator. Rev. (Oct., 1904);
Am. Cath. QuaH. (April. 1906); Hemmer in Did. de thiol, oath.,
in which and in Pastor a fuller bibliography will be found.
Herbert Thurston.
Cnement viix. Pope (Ippolito Aldobrandini), b.
at Fano, March, 1536, of a distinguished Florentine
family; d. at Rome, 5 March, 1605. He was elected
pope 30 January, 1592, after a stormv conclave
graphically described by Ranke (Gescnichte der
rOmischen P^pete, 9th ed., II, 150
sqq.). In his ^outh he made excel-
lent progress m jurisprudence under
the direction of his father, an able
jurist. Through the stages of con-
sistorial advocate, auditor of the
Rota and the Dataiy, he was ad-
vanced in 1585 to the dignity of
Cardinal-Priest of the Title of St.
Pancratius and was made ^rand peni-
tentiarv. He won the fnendstup of
the Hapsburas by his successful
efforts, during a legation to Poland, to obtain the
release of the imprisoned Archduke Maximilian, the
defeated claimant to the Polish throne. During the
conclave of 1592 he was the unwilling candidate of the
compact minority of cardinals who were determined
to aeliver the Holy See from the prepotency of
Philip II of Spain. His election was greeted with
boundless enthusiasm by the Italians and by all
who knew his character. He possessed all the quali-
fications needed in the Vicar of Christ. Blameless in
morals from childhood, he had at an early period
placed himself under the direction of St. Philip Neri,
who for thirty years was his confessor. Upon
Clement's elevation to the papacy, the aged saint
gave over this important office to Baronius, whom
the pope, notwithstanding his reluctance, created a
cardinal, and to whom he made his confession every
evening. The fervour with which he said his daily
Mass filled all present with devotion. His long asso-
cbition with the Apostle of Rome caused him to
imbibe the saint's spirit so thoroughly, that in him
Arhb op Clem-
EWT VIII
Pope Clement VIII
St. Philip himself might be said to have ascended the
papal chair. Though vast pohtical problems clam-
oured for solution, the pope first turned his attention
to the more important spiritual interests of the Church.
He made a personal visitation of all the churches
and educational and charitable institutions of Rome,
everywhere eliminating abuses and enforcing dis-
cipline. To him we owe the institution of the Forty
Hours' Devotion (q. v.). He founded at Rome the
CoUe^o Clementino for the education of the sons of
the richer classes, and augmented the number of
national colleges
in Rome by open-
ing the Colleno
Scozzese for the
training of mis-
sionaries to
Scotland. The
"Bullarium Ro-
manum '* contains
many important
constitutions of
Clement, notably
one denouncing
duelling and one
providing for the
mviolabiuty of
the States of the
Church. He is-
sued revised edi-
tions of the Vul-
fite (1598), the
reviary, the Mis-
sal,al8othe * 'Csere-
moniale", and the
"Pontifical^".
The complicated situation in France presented no
insuperable difficulties to two consummate statesmen
like Heniy of Navarre and Clement VIII. It was
clear to Henry that, notwithstanding his victories, he
could not peacefully retain the French Crown without
adopting the Catholic Faith. He abjured Calvinism
25 July, 1593. It was equally clear to Pope Clement
that it was his duty to brave the selfish hostility of
Spain by acknowledging the legitimate claims of
Henry, as soon as he had convinced himself that the
latter s conversion was something more than a polit-
ical manoeuvre. In the autunm of 1595 he solemnly
absolved Henry IV, thus putting an end to the thirty
years' religious war in France and winning a powerful
ally in his strugele to achieve the independence of
Italy and of the Holy See. Heniy 's triendship was of
essential importance to the pope two years later, when
Alfonso II, Duke of Ferrara, died childless (27 Oct.,
1597), and Pope Clement resolved to bring the
stronghold of the Este dynasty under the immediate
juriscBction of the Church. Though Spain and the
empire encouraged Alfonso's illegitimate cousin,
Cesare d'Este, to withstand the pope, they were
deterred from giving him aid by Henxy's threats, and
the papal army entered Ferrara almost unopposed.
In 1598 Pope Clement won still more credit for the
Eapacy by bringing about a definite treaty of peace
etween Spain and France in the Treaty of Vervins
and between France and Savoy. He also lent valu-
able assistance in men and money to the emperor in
his contest with the Turks in Hungary. He was as
merciless as Sixtus V in crushing out brigandage and
in punishing the lawlessness of the Roman nobihty.
He did not even spare the youthful patricide Beatrice
Cenci, over whom so many tears have been shed.
(Bertolotti, Francesco Cenci e la sua famiglia, Flor-
ence, 1879.) On 17 Feb., 1600, the apostate Gior-
dan© Bruno (q. v.) was burned at the stake on the
Piazza dei Fiori. The jubilee of 1600 was a brilliant
witness to the glories of the renovated papacy, three
million pilgrims visiting the holy places. In 1595
OUMENT
28
OUBIUNT
was held the Synod of Brest, in Lithuaniai by which a
great part of the Ruthenian cler^ and people were
reunited to Rome (Likowski, Union zu ^rest, 1904).
Although Clement, in spite of constant fasting, was
tortured with gout in feet and hands, his capacity
for work was unlimited, and his powerful intellect
grasped all the needs of the Church throughout the
world. He entered personally into the minutest
detail of every subject which came before him, e. g^
in the divorce between Henry IV and Margaret of
Valois, yet more in the great controversy on grace
between the Jesuits and the Dominicans (see BaK*£Z,
Molina). He was present at ail the sessions of ihe
Congregaiio de auxuiis (q. v.), but wisely refrained
from issuing a final decree on the question. Clement
VIII died in his seventieth year after a pontificate of
thirteen years. His remains repose in Santa Maria
Mi^raore, where the Borghesi, who succeed the
Aldobrandini in the female line, erected a goigeous
monument to his memory.
Vita Clem. VIIl in Labbe and Comart, CoU.dmc., XXI.
1323: Wadding, Vita Clem. VIII (Rome, 1723); Von Rankb.
The Roman Papee in the Laat Four Centurtea (1834-37): Pelesz,
OeBch. der Unum der rutfienischen Kirehe mii Rom (WQrzburg,
1881); Rossi, jW una oontroveraia tra la republica di Venezia e
Clem. VIII in Archivio Veneta (1889), fasc. 74; Sebby. HUt,
conirov. de atixHiie (Antwerp. 1700): RicNON, Baiiez el Molina
(Paris, 1883); db Montob, Liwa of the Roman Pontiffs (New
York, 1867). ^
Jambs F. Loughlin.
OlementlX, Pope (Giulio Rospigliosi), b. 28
January, 1600, at Pistoja, of an ancient family
originally from Lombardy; elected 20 June, 1667;
d. at Rome, 9 December, 1669. He made a brilliant
course of studies at the Roman Seminary, and the
University of Pisa, where he received
>.v4..:;^^ra the doctorate in his twenty-third year
i:.W^^^^B and was made professor of philosophy.
r.'Avj:*?^^^ His talents and virtuous hfe brougnt
him rapid promotion in the Roman
Court at a period when Tuscan influ-
ence under Tuscan pontiffs was every-
where predominant. He enjoyed the
special favour of Urban VI II, like
Clembnt^^X ^°^6lf ^^^^ o^ literature and pfoetry,
and was made titular Archbishop of
Tarsus and sent as nuncio to the Spanish Court. He
lived in retirement during the pontificate of Innocent
X, who disliked the Barberim and their adherents,
but was recalled to office by Alexander VII and by
him appointed secretary of state and Cardinal-Priest
of the Title of San Sisto (1667). Ten years later, one
month after the death of Alexander, Cardinal Ros-
pigliosi was elected to the papacy by the unanimous
vote of the Sacred College. He was the idol of the
Romans, not so much for his erudition and applica-
tion to business, as for his extreme charity and his
affability towards great and small. He increased
the goodwill of his subjects by buying off the mon-
opolist who had secured the macincUOy or privilege of
selling grain, and as his predecessor had collected
the money for the purpose, Clement had the decree
published in the name of Alexander VII. Two days
each week he occupied a confessional in St. Peter's
church and heard any one who wished to confess to
him. He frequently visited the hospitals, and was
lavish in his alms to the poor. In an age of nepotism,
he did little or nothing to advance or enrich his fam-
ily. In his aversion to notoriety, he refused to permit
his name to be placed on the buildings erected during
his reign. On 15 April, 1668, he declared blessed.
Rose of Lima, the first American saint. On 28 April,
1669, he solemnly canonized S. Maria Maddalena dei
Pazzi and St. Peter of Alcantara. He reorganized
the Church in Portugal, after that nation had achieved
its independence from Spain. By a mild compromise
in the affair of French Jansenism, known as the Clem-
entine Peace [Pax Clementina), he procured a lull in
Cl.BME!fT IX — GaVULU (BaOCIOCSO)
(Academy of S^n Luca, Rome)
the storm, which, unfortunatelv, owing to the in*
sincerity of the sectaries, was but temporary. He
brought about, as arbiter, the Peace of Alx-la-
Chapelle between France and Spain, and gravely
admonished Louis XIV against the aggressive career
upon which he
was setting forth.
By strict economy
he brought the
papal finances in-
to good order, and
was able to fur-
nish material aid
to Venice for the
defence of Crete,
then besieged by
the Turks. Had
the European
powers listened to
his exhortations,
that important
island would not
have been lost to
Christendom. The
news of its fall,
after a gallant re-
sistance of twenty
years, hastened
the pope's death. .
He aied after a pontificate of two years, five months,
and nineteen days. He ordered his remains to be
buried under the pavement of Santa Maria Maggiore,
with the simple inscription Clemeniis IXfCinere^f but
his successor, Clement X, erected in his honour the
sumptuous monument which stands at the right-
hand side of the nave near the door. The death ofthe
beloved pontiff was long lamented by the Romans,
who considered him, if not the greatest, at least the
most amiable of the popes.
Fabboni, Vita Clem. X, in Vita Italorum doetrind exodlenMium,
II, 1; DE MoNTOR, Lives of the Roman Pontiffs (New York,
1867), II; OfeBiN, Louis XIV et Clhnent IX dans V affaire dM
deux manages de Marie de Savoie (1666-68) in Rev. des queslt,
hist, (1880).
James F. Lotiohlin.
Olexuent X, Pope (Emilio Altieri), b. at Romei
13 July, 1590; elected 29 April, 1670, and d. at Rome,
22 July, 1676. Unable to secure the election of any
of the prominent candidates, the cardinals finally,
after a conclave of four months and twenty dayB>
resorted to the old expedient of elect-
ing a cardinal of advanced years; they
united upon Cardinal Altieri, an octo-
genarian, whose long life had been
spent in the service of the Church, and
whom Clement IX, on the eve of his
death, had raised to the dignity of the
purple. The reason a prelate of such
transcendent merits received the cardi-
nalate so late in life seems to have been
that he had waived his claims to the
elevation in favour of an older brother. He protested
vigorously against this use of the papal robes as a
funeral shroud, but at length was persuaded to ai^cept,
and out of gratitude to his benefactor, by ten years
his junior, assumed the name of Clement X. The
Altieri belonged to the ancient Roman nobility, and
since all but one of the male scions had chosen the
ecclesiastical career, the pope, in order to save the
name from extinction, adopted the Paoluzzi, one of
whom was married to Laura Caterina Altieri, the sole
heiress of the family.
During previous pontificates the new pope had held
im^)ortant offices and had been entrusted with deli-
cate missions. Urban VIII gave him charge of the
works designed to protect the territory of Ravenna
from the unruly Po. Innocent X appointed him
KgJ
or
CuniBHT X
OLKMKMT
2fl
OLSMtMT
PoPK Clkment X
nuncio to Naples: and he is credit ofl with no slight
share in the re-establishment of i^eace after the stormy
days of Masaniello. Under Alexander VII he was
made secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars. Clement IX named nim superintendent of
the papal exchequer. On his accession to the pa-
pacv, he gave to nis new kinsman, Cardinal Paoluzzi-
Allien, the uncle of Laura's husband, the office of
cardinal nephew, and with advancing years graxiuallv
entrusted to him the management of affairs, to such
an extent that the
biting Romans
said he had re-
served to himself
only the episcopal
functions of 6ene-
dicere et sancti-
ficare, resigning in
favour of the cai^
dinal the admini-
strative duties of
Tegere et guber-
nare. Neverthe-
less, the "Buliar-
ium Romanum"
contains many
evidences of his
religious activity,
among which may
be mentioned the
canonization of
Sts. Cajetan,
Philip Benitius,
Francis Borgia, Louis Bertrand, and Rose of .Lima;
also the beatification of Pope Pius V, John of the
Cross, and the Martyrs of Gorcum in Holland.
He laboured to preserve the peace of Europe, menaced
by the ambition of Louis XIV, and began with that
imperious monarch the long struggle concerning the
rigcde, or revenues of vacant dioceses and abbeys.
He supported the Poles with strong financial aid
in their hard struggle with their Turkish invaders.
He decorated the bridge of Sant' Angelo with the ten
statues of angels in Carrara marble still to be seen
there. To Clement we owe the two beautiful foun-
tains which adorn the Piazza of St. Peter's. At a
cost of 300,000 scudi (dollars) he erected the exten-
sive Palazzo Altieri. His remains lie in St. Peter's
church near the tribune, where a monument has been
erected to his memory.
Awsio, Memorie auUa vita di Clemente X (Rome, 1863);
Von Reumont, Geseh. d. Stadi Rom (Berlin, 1867), III, ii,
635-36; Csrbotz, Bibliograiia Romana (Rome, 1803). 226, 563;
NoVAES. BlemerUi deUa storia de* romani porUefici da S. Pietro
fino a Put VI (Rome, 1821-25); de Montor, Hietcry of the
Rixman PonHffa (New Vork. 1867), II.
James F. Loughlin.
Clement ZI, Pops (Giovanni Francesco Al-
B ANi) : b. at Urbino, 23 July, 1649 ; elected 23 Novem-
ber, 1700; d. at Rome 19 March, 1721. The Albani
(q. V.) were a noble Umbrian family. Under Urban
VlII the grandfather of the future pope had held for
thirteen years the honourable office
of Senator of Rome, An uncle, Anni-
bale Albani, was a distinguished scholar
and was Prefect of the Vatican Li-
brary. Giovanni Francesco was sent
to Rome in his eleventh year to prose-
cute his studies at the Roman College.
He made rapid progress and was known
as an author at me age of eighteen,
translating from the Greek into elegant
Latin. He attracted the notice of
the patroness of Roman literati, Queen Christina of
Sweden, whc before he became of age enrolled him in
her exclusive A ccademia. With equal ardour and suc-
cess he applied himself to the profounder branches,
Amis OP
Clbvent XI
theology and law, and was created doctor of canon
and civil law. So brilliant an intellect, joined with
stainless morals and piety, secured for him a rapid
advancement at the papal court. At the age of
twenty-eieht he was xnade a prelate, and governed
successively Rieti, Sabina, ana Orvieto, everywhere
acceptable on account of his reputation for justice and
pruaence. Recalled to Rome, he was appointed
Vicar of St. Peter's, and on the death of Cardinal
Slusio succeeded to the important position of Secre-
tary of Papal Briefs, which ne held for thirteen years,
and for which his command of classical latinity singu-
larly fitted him. On 13 February, 1690, he was cre-
ated cardinal-deacon and later Cardinal-Priest of
the Title of San Silvestro, and was ordained to the
priesthood.
The conclave of 1700 would have terminated speed-
ily with the election of Cardinal Marisootti, had not
the veto of France rendered the choice of that able
cardinal impossible. After deliberating for forty-six
davs, the Sacred College united in selecting Cardinal
Albani, whose virtues and ability overbalanced the
objection that he was only fifty-one years old. Three
days were spent in the effort to overcome his reluc-
tance to accept a dignity the heavy burden of which
none knew better than the experienced curialist (Gal-
land in Hist. Jahrbuch, 1882, III, 208 sqq.). The
period was critical for Europe and the papacy. Dur-
mg the conclave Charles II, the last of the Spanish
Hapsbuigs, had died childless, leaving his vast domin-
ions a prey to French and Austrian ambition. His
will, making Philip of Anion, grandson of Louis XIV,
sole heir to the Spanish Empire, was contested by the
Emperor Leopold, who claimed Spain for his second
son Charles. The late king, before making this will,
had consulted Pope Innocent XII, and Cardinal Al-
bani had been one of the three cardinals to whom the
pontiff had entrusted the case and who advised him to
pronounce secretly in its favour. This was at tne
time unknown to the emperor, else Austria would
have vetoed the election of Albani. The latter was
finally persuaded that it was his duty to obey the call
from Heaven; on 30 November he was consecrated
bishop, and on 8 December solemnly enthroned in the
Vatican. The enthusiasm with which his elevation
was greeted throughout the world is the best evidence
of his worth. Even Protestants received the intelli-
gence with joy and the city of Nuremberg struck a
medal in his honour. The sincere Catholic reformers
greeted his accession as the death-knell of nepotism;
for, though he had many relatives, it was known that
he had instigated and written the severe condemna^
tion of that abuse issued by his predecessor. As pon-
tiff, he did not belie his principles. He bestowed the
offices of his court upon the most worthy subjects and
ordered his brother to keep at a distance and refrain
from adopting any new title or interfering in matters
of state. In the government of the States of the
Church, Clement was a capable administrator. He
provided diligently for the needs of his subjects, was
extremely charitable to the poor, bettered the condi-
tion of the prisons, and secured food for the populace
in time of scarcity. He won the good will of artists
by prohibiting tne exportation of ancient master-
pieces, and of scientists by commissioning Bianchini
to lay down on the pavement of Sta Maria degli An-
gioli the meridian of Rome, known as the Clementina.
His capacity for woric was prodigious. He slept
but little and ate so sparingly that a few pence per day
sufficed for his table. Every day he confessed and
celebrated Mass. He entered minutely into the de-
tails of every measure which came before him, and
with his own hand prepared the numerous allocutions.
Briefs, and constitutions afterwards collected and pub-
lished. He also found time to preach his beautiful
homilies and was frequently to be seen in the confes-
sional. Though his powerful frame more than once
OLEMENT
30
OLXHSMT
sank under the weight of his labours and cares, he con-
tinued to keep rigorously the fasts of the Church, and
generally allowed himself but the shortest possible
respite from his labours.
In his efforts to establish peace among the Powers of
Europe and to uphold the rights of the Church, he met
with scant success; for the eighteenth century was
eminently the age of selfishness and infidelity. One
of his fiist pubUc acts was to protest against the as-
sumption (1701) by the Elector of Brandenburg of the
title of King of Prussia. The pope's action, though
often derided and misinterpretea, was natural enough,
not only because the bestowal of royal titles had al-
ways been regarded as the privilege of the Holy See,
but also because Prussia belong^ by ancient right to
the ecclesiastico-military institute known as the Teu-
tonic Order. In the troubles excited by the rivalry of
France and the Empire for the Spanish succession,
Pope Clement resolved to maintain a neutral attitude;
but this was found to be impossible. When, there-
fore, the Bourbon was crowned in Madrid as Philip V,
amid the universal acclamations of the Spaniards, the
pope acquiesced and acknowledged the validity of his
title. This embittered the morose Emperor Leopold,
and the relations between Austria ancl the Holy See
became so strained that the pope did not conceal his
satisfaction when the French and Bavarian troops be-
gan that march on Vienna which ended so disas-
trously on the field of Blenheim. Marlboroi^h's vic-
tory, followed by Prince Eugene's successful cam-
paign in Piedmont, placed Itahr at the merey of the
Austrians. Leopold died in 1705 and was succeeded
by his oldest son Joseph I. a worthy precursor of
Joseph II. A contest immeaiately began on the ques-
tion known as Jus primarum precunif involving the
lit of the crown to appoint to vacant benefices.
le victorious Austrians, now masters of Northern
Italy, invaded the Papal States, took possession of
Piacenza and Parma, annexed Comacchio and be-
sieged Ferrara. Clement at first offered a spirited
resistance, but, abandoned by aU, could not hope for
success, and when a strong detachment of Protestant
troops under the command of the Prince of Hesse-
Cassel reached Bologna, fearing a repetition of the
fearful scenes of 1527, he finally gave way (15 Jan.,
1709), acknowledged the Archduke Charies as King of
Spain ''without detriment to the rights of another",
and promised him the investiture of Naples. Thoueh
the Bourbon monarohs had done nothing to aid the
pope in his unequal struggle, both Louis and Philip
became very indignant and retaliated by every means
in their power (see Louis XIV). In the negotiations
preceding the Peace of Utrecht (1713) the rijghts of the
pope were studiously neglected; his nuncio was not
accorded a hearing; his aominions were parcelled out
to suit the convenience of either party. Sicily was
ffiven to Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, with whom
from the first days of his pontificate Clement was in-
volved in quarrels on the subjects of ecclesiastical im-
munities and appointments to vacant benefices. The
new king now undertook to revive the so-called Mon-
archia Siada, an ancient but much-disputed and
abused privilege of pontifical origin which practically
excluded the pope from any authority over the Churcn
in Sicily. When Clement answered with bann and
interdict, all the clergy, about 3000 in number, who
remained loyal to the Holy See were banished the
island, and the pope was forced to give them food and
shelter. The interdict was not raised till 1718, when
Spain r^ained possession, but the old controversy
was repeatedly resumed under the Bourbons. Through
the machinations of Cardinal Alberoni, Parma and
Piacenza were granted to a Spanish Infante without
regard to the papal overlordship. It was some con-
solation to the much-tried pope that Awistus of Sax-
ony, King of Poland, returned to the Church. Clem-
ent laboured hard to restore harmony in Poland, but
without success. The Turks had taken advantage of
the dissensions among the Christians to invade Eu-
rope by land and sea. Clement proclaimed a jubilee,
sent money and ships to the assistance of the Vene-
tians, and granted a tithe on all benefices to the Em-
peror Chanes VI. When Prince Eugene won the
neat battle of Temesv^r, which put an end to the
Turkish danger, no slight share of tne credit was given
by the Christian world to the pope and the Holy Ros-
ajy. Clement sent the great commander a blessed
hat and sword. The fleet which Philip V of Spain had
raised at the instigation of the pope, and wi^ sub-
sidies levied on cnurch revenues, was diverted by
Alberoni to the conquest of Sardinia; and though
Clement showed his indignation by demanding the
dismissal of the minister, and beginning a process
against him, he had much to do to convince tne em-
peror that he was not privy to the treacherous trans-
action. He gave a senerous hospitality to the exiled
son of James II of England, James Edward Stuart,
and helped him to obtain, the hand of Clementina,
John Sooieski's accomplished granddaughter, mother
of Charles Edward.
Clement's pastoral vigilance was felt in every comer
of the earth. He organized the Church in the Philip-
pine Islands and sent missionaries to every distant
spot. He erected Lisbon into a patriarchate, 7 De-
cember, 1716. He enriched the Vatican Library with
the manuscript treasures gathered at the expense of
the pope by Joseph Simeon Assemani in his researches
througnout Egypt and Syria. In the unfortunate
controversy between the Dominican and the Jesuit
missionaries in China concerning the permissibility of
certain rites and customs, Clement decided in favour
of the former. When the Jansenists provoked a new
collision with the Church under the leadership of
Quesnel, Pope Clement issued his two memorable
Constitutions, " Vineam Domini", 16 July, 1705, and
"Unigenitus", 10 September, 1713 (see Unigenitus;
Vineam Domini; Jansenism). Clement XI made
the feast of the Conception of the B. V. M. a Holy Day
of obligation, and canonized Pius V, Andrew of Avel-
lino, Felix of Cantalice, and Catherine of Bologna.
Ttus great and saintly pontiff died appropriately on
the feast of St. Joseph, for whom he entertained a
particular devotion, and in whose honour he com-
posed the special Office found in the Breviary. His
remains rest in St. Peter's. His official acts, letters,
and Briefs, also his homilies, were collected and pub-
lished by his nephew, Cardinal Annibale Albani (2
vols., Rome, 1722-24).
PoLXDORi, De vitd et rebus oettis Clemenfi» XI Hbri sex
(Urbino, 1724), also in Fassini, Supplemenio to Nataus Alex-
ander. Hi»Urria Eccleai<ut%ca (Basaano, 1778); Reboulbt.
Hutoire de CUmetU XI (Avignon. 1752;) Lafiteau, Vie de
Clhnent XI (Padua, 1752); Buder (non-Calholic). L«6en vnd
Thaten dea kluoen und berlihmlen Papatet Cletnentie X I. (Frank-
fort, 1721); Nov ABB, BlemerUi ddla ttoria de' eommi jwnlefici
da S. Pietro fino a Pio VI (Rome, 1821-26); Landau,
Rom, Wieih Neapet tolthrend dea apaniachen Erbfolgekriegea
(Leipzig. 1885); HeRqenr5ther-Kirsch, Kirehenoesehtchte
(4ih ed.. Freiburg, 1907), III. See abo, on the Albani. Vis-
OONTI in Pamiglte di R<ma (I), and Von Reumont id SeHr^oe
zur Ual, OeadiiaUe, V,323 sqq.,and Oeach. d. Stadi Rom (Berlin,
1867). Ill, u, 642 sqq. Cf. Artattd de Montor, Hiatory of the
Roman PonUffa (New York. 1867). II. _ ^
James F. Loughlin.
Olement ZHi Pope (Lorenzo Corsini), b. at Flor-
ence, 7 April, 1652; elected 12 July, 1730; d. at Rome
6 February, 1740. The pontificate of the saintly
Orsini pope, Benedict Xlll, from the standpoint of
the spintual interests of the Church, had left nothing
to be desired. He had, however, given over tem-
poral concerns into the hands of rapacious ministers;
hence the finances of the Holy See were in bad condi-
tion; there was an increasing deficit, and the papal
subjects were in a state of exasperation. It was no
easy task to select a man who possessed all the quali-
ties demanded by the emergency. After deliberating
for four months, the Sacred College united on Cardinal
OLXMSNT
31
OLSMSNT
S>^
Corslni, the best possible choice, were it not for his
seventy-eight years and his failing eyesight. ,
A Corsini by the father's side and by the mother's
a Strozzi, the best blood of Florence coursed throu^
his veins. Innumerable were the members of his
house who had risen to high positions
in Church and State, but its chief
ornament was St. Andrew Corsini, the
canonized Bishop of Fiesole. Lorenzo
made a brilliant course of studies, first
in the Roman College, then at the
University of Pisa, where, after five
years, he received the de^ee of Doctor
of Laws. Returning to Rome, he ap-
TL^KiJr^xii P^^ himself to the practice of law
under the able direction of his uncle,
Cardinal Neri Corsini, a man of the highest culture.
After the death of his uncle and his father, in 1685, Lor-
enzo, now thirty-three vears old, resigned his right of
primogeniture and entered the ecclesiastical state.
From Innocent XI he purchased, according to the cus-
tom of the time, for 30,000 scudi (dollars) a position of
prelatial rank, and devoted his wealth and leisure to
the enlargement of the library bequeathed to him by
his uncle. In 1691 he was made titular Archbishop
of Nicomedia and chosen nuncio to Vienna. He did
not proceed to the imperial court, because Leopold
advanced the novel claim, which Pope Alexander
Vni refused to admit, of selecting a nuncio from a
list of three names to be furnished by the pope. In
1696 Corsini was appointed to the arduous office of
treasurer-general ana governor of Castle Sant' Angelo.
His good fortune increased during the pontificate of
Clement XI, who employed his talents in afitairs de-
manding tact and prudence. On 17 Mav, 1706, he
was created Cardinal-Deacon of the Title of Santa
Susanna, retaining the office of papal treasurer. He
was attached to several of the most important con-
gregations and was made protector of a score of re-
ligious institutions. He aavxmced stiU further under
Benedict XIII, who assigned him to the Congregation
of the Holy Office and made him prefect of the judicial
tribunal known aa the Se^atura di Giustizia. He
was successively Cardinal-Priest of S. Pietro in Yin-
coli and Cardinal-Bishop of Frascati.
He had thus held with universal applause all the
important offices of the Roman Court, and it is not
surprising that his elevation to the papacy filled the
Romans with joy. In token of gratitude to his bene-
factor, Clement XI, and as a pledge that he would
make that great pontiff his model, he assumed the
title of Clement XII. Unfortimately he lacked the
important qualities of youth and physical strength.
The infirmities of old age bore heavily upon him. In
the second year of his pontificate he became totally
blind; in his later years he was compelled to keep his
bed, from which he gave audiences and transacted
afTairs of state. Notwithstanding his physical de-
crepitude, he displayed a wonderful activity. He
demanded restitution of ill-gotten goods from the
ministers who had abused the confidence of his pred-
ecessor. The chief culprit. Cardinal Coscia, was
mulcted in a heavy sum and sentenced to ten years*
imprisonment. Clement surrounded himself with
capable officials, and won the affection of his subjects
by. lightening their burdens, encouraging manufacture
and Se arts, and infusing a modem spirit into the laws
relating to commerce. The public lottery, which had
been suppressed by the severe morality of Benedict
XIII, was revivecl by Clement, and poured into his
treasury an annual siun amounting to nearly a half
million of ncudi (dollars), enabling nim to undertake
the extensive buildings which distinguish his reign.
He bc^an the majestic facade of St. John Lateran and
built m that basilica the magnificent chapel of St.
Andrew Corsini. He restored the Arch of Constantine
and built the governmental palace of the Confiulta on
the quirinal. He purchased from Cardinal Albani for
60,000 scudi the fine collection of statues, inscriptions,
etc. with which he adorned the gallery of the (JiE4)itol.
He paved the streets of Rome and the roads leading
from the city, and widened the Corso. He began the
great Fontaina di Trevi, one of the noted ornaments
of Rome.
In order to facilitate the reunion of the Greeks,
Clement XII founded at Ullano, in Calabria, the
Corsini College for Greek students. With a similar
intent he called to Rome Greek-Melchite monks of
Mt. Lebanon, and assigned to them the ancient church
of Santa Maria in Domnica. He dispatched Joseph
Simeon Assemani to the East for the twofold purpose
of continuing his search for manuscripts and presiding
as legate over a national council of the Maronites.
We make no attempt to enumerate^ all the operations
which this wonderful blind-stricken old man directed
from his bed of
sickness. His
name is associated
in Rome with the
foundation and
embellishment of
institutions of all
sorts. The people
of Ancona hold
him in well-de-
served veneration
and have erected
on the public
s(^uare a statue in
his honour. Ho
gave them a port
which excited the
envy of Venice,
and built a high-
way that gave
them easy access
to the interior.
He drained the
marshes of the
Chiana near Lake
Trasimeno by
MONUMVNT OF ClEMKNT XII
(St. John Lateran, Rome)
leading the waters through a ditch fourteen miles
long into the Tiber. He disavowed the arbitrary
action of his l^ate. Cardinal Alberonl, in seizing
San Marino, and restored the independence of that
miniature republic. His activity in the spiritual
concerns of tiie Church was equally pronounced. His
efforts were directed towarcfs raising the prevalent
low tone of morality and securing discipline, espe-
cially in the cloisters. He issued the first papal decree
against the Freemasons (1738). He fostered the new
Congregation of the Passionists and gave to his fellow-
Tuscan, St. Paul of the Cross, the church and monas-
tery of Sts. John and Paul, with the beautiful garden
overlooking the Colosseum. He canonized Sts. Vin-
cent de Paul, John Francis Regis, Catherine Fieschi
Adomi, Juliana Falconieri, and approved the cult of
St. Gertrude. He proceeded with vigour against the
French Jansenists and had the happiness to receive
the submission of the Maurists to the Constitution
''Unigenitus*'. Through the efforts of his mission-
aries in Egypt 10,000 Copts, with their patriarch, re-
turned to the unity of the Church. Clement per-
suaded the Armenian patriarch to remove from the
diptychs the anathema against the Council of Chalce-
don and St. Leo I. In his dealings with the powers
of Europe, he managed by a union of firmness and
moderation to preserve or restore harmony; but he
was unable to maintain the rights of the Holy See
over the Duchies of Parma and Piacenza. It was a
consequence of his blindness that he should surround
himself with trusted relatives; but he advanced them
only as they proved their worth, and did little for his
family except to purchase and enlarge the palace built
OLEMSKT
32
OLSMENT
in Trastevere for tho Riarii, and now known as the
Palazzo Corsini (purchased in 1884 by the Italian
Government, and now the seat of the Regia Accademia
del Lincei). In- 1754, his nephew, Cardinal Neri Cor-
sini, founded there the famous Corsini Library, which
in 1905 included about 70,000 books and pamphlets,
2288 incunabula or works printed in the first fifty
or sixty years after the discovery of printing, 2511
manuscripts, and 600 autographs. Retaining his ex-
traordinary faculties and his cheerful resignation to
the end, he died in the Quirinal in his eighty-eighth
year. His remains were transferred to his magnifi-
cent tomb in the Lateran, 20 July, 1742.
Fabronivs, De vitd et rebua geslia Clementia XII (Rome,
1760), aljK) in Fassini, SunpiemeiUo to the HistoriaEcelwaatica
of Nataus Alexander (Bassano, 1778); Passbrini, Qenealo-
ffia e Stor-'^ deUa famiglia Corsini (Florence, 1858); Von Reu-
MONT, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), III. iii, 653-55;
NovAES- hl^nnenti delta Horia de* eommi pontefici (Rome, 1821-
26); Hhhues&Qth^r-Kibsch, Kirchengeschichte i^th ed., Frie-
burg, 1907), III (biblionaphy); Abtaud de Montor, History
of the Roman Pontiffs (New York, 1867), II.
James F. Loughun.
Olexuent Xm, Pope (Carlo della Torre Rez-
zoNico), b. at Venice, 7 March, 1693; d. at Rome, 2
February, 1769. He was educated by the Jesuits at
Bologna, took his degrees in law at Padua, and in 1716
was appointed at Rome referendaiy of the two depart-
ments known as tne "Signatura Jus-
titiae" and the "Signatura Grati»".
He was made governor of Rieti in
1716, of Fano in 1721, and Auditor
of the Rota for Venice in 1725. In
1737 he was made cardinal-deacon,
and in 1743 Bishop of Padua, where
he distinguished himself by his zeal for
the formation and sanctification of his
Arms or cieigy, to' promote which he held a
Clement XIII g^^^j -^ ^^^q ^^^ published a very re-
markable pastoral on the priestl^r state. His personal
life was in Keeping with his teaching, and the Jansenist
Abb^Cl^ment, a grudging witness, tells us that " he was
called the saint (by iiis people), and was an exem-
plary man who, notwithstanding the immense reve-
nues of his diocese and his private estate, was always
without money owing to the lavishness of his alms-
deeds, and would give away even his linen". In
1747 ne became cardinal-priest, and on 6 July, 1758,
he was elected pope to succeed Benedict AlV. It
was with tears that he submitted to the will of the
electors, for he ^uged well the force and direction
of the storm wmch was gathering on the political
horizon.
Regalism and Jansenism were the traditional ene-
mies of the Holy See in its government of the Church,
but a still more formidable foe was rising into power
and using the other two as its instruments. This
was the party of Voltaire and the Encyclopedists, the
"Philosophers" as they liked to call theniselves.
They were men of talent and highly educated, and by
means of these gifts had drawn over to themselves
many admirers and adherents from among the ruling
classes, with the result that by the time of Clement
XIII, they had their representatives in power in the
Portuguese and in all the five Bourbon Courts. Their
enmity was radically against the Christian religion it-
self, as putting a restraint on their licence of thought and
action. In their private correspondence they called
it the Infdme (the infamous one), and looked forward
to its speedv extinction through the success of their
policy ; but tney felt that in their relations \^ith the pub-
lic, and especially with the sovereigns, it was necessary
to feign some kind of Catholic belief. In planning this
war against the Church, they were agreed that the
first step must be the destruction of the Jesuits.
"When we have destroyed the Jesuits", wrote Vol-
taire to Helv6tius, in 1761, "we shall have easy work
with the /n/^Twc." And their method was to per-
suade the sovereigns that the Jesuits were the chief
obstacle to their Regalist pretensions, and thereby
a dan^r to the peace of their realms; and to support
this view by the diffusion of defamatonr literature,
likewise by inviting the co-operation of those who,
whilst blind to the character of their ulterior ends,
stood with them for doctrinal or other reasons in their
antii)athy to the Societv of Jesus. Such was the
political situation with which Clement XIII saw him-
self confronted when he began his pontificate.
Portugal. — His attention was called in the first
instance to Portugal, where the attack on the Society
had already commenced. Joseph I, a weak and
voluptuous prince, was a mere puppet in the hands
of his minister, SebastiSo Carvalho, afterwards Mar-
quis de Pombal, a secret adherent of the Voltairian
opinions, and bent on the destruction of the Society.
A rebellion of the Indians in the Uruguay Reductions
gave him his first opportunity. The cause of the re-
bellion was obvious, for the natives had been ordered
to abandon forthwith their cultivated lands and
migrate into the virgin forest. But, as they were
under the care of the Jesuit missionaries. Carvalho
declared that these must have instigated tne natives.
Moreover, on 3 September, 1758, Joseph I was shot
at, apparently by the injured husband of a lady he
had seduced. Pombal held a secret trial in whicn he
pronoimced the whole Tavora family guiljy, and
with them three Jesuit Fathers, against whom the sole
evidence was that they haa been friends of the
Tavoras. Then, on the pretext that all Jesuits
thought alike, he imprisoned their superiors, some
himdred in number, m his subterranean dungeons,
and wrote in the king's name to Rome for permission
from the Holy See to punish the guilty clerics.
Clement did not see his way to refuse a request backed
by the king's assurances that he had good grounds for
his charges, but he begged that the accused might
have a careful trial, andthat the innocent might not
be included in a punishment they had not deserved.
The pope's letter was writtf'n with exquisite courtesy
and consideration, but Pombal pronounced it in-
sulting to his master and returned it to the sender.
Then he shipped off all the Jesuits from Portugal and
its colonies, save the superiors who were still detained
in their prisons, and sent them to Civitavecchia, " as
a present to the pope", without a penny from their
confiscated funds lett to them for their maintenance.
Clement, however, received them kindly, and pro-
vided for their needs. It was to be expected that
diplomatic relations would not long continue after
these events ; they were severed in 1760 by Pombal,
who sent back the nuncio, Acciajuoli, and recalled his
own ambassador J nor were these relations restored
till the next pontificate. Pombal had seen the neces-
sity of supporting his administrative measures by an
endeavour to destroy the good name of his victims
with the public. For this purpose he caused various
defamatory publioations to be written, chief among
which was the "Brief Relation", in which the Ameri-
can Jesuits were represented as having set up an inde-
pendent kingdom in South America under their own
sovereignty, and of tyrannizing over the Indians, all in
the interest of an insatiable ambition and avarice.
These libels were spread broadcast, especially through
Portugal and Spam, and many bishops from Spain
and elsewhere wrote to the pope protesting against
charges so improbable in themselves, and so incom-
patible with their experience of the onler in their own
jurisdictions. The text of many of their letters and
of Clement XJII's approving replies may be seen in
the "Appendices" to P^re de Ravignan's "Clement
XIII et Clement XIV".
France. — It was to be expected that the Society's
many enemies in France would be stimulated to follow
in the footsteps of Pombal. Tlie attack was opened
by the Pariomont, which was predominantly Jansen-
CLJBMXNT
33
OLEMENT
i8t in it*j ooniposition, in the spring of 1761. Taking
advantage of the financial difficulties into which tlie
French Jesuits had been driven* over the affair of
Father Lavalette, they proceeded to examine the
constitutions of the Society in which they professed
to find ^ve improprieties, and to demand that, if
the Jesmts were to remain in the country, these con-
stitutions should be remodelled on the principle of
reducing the power of the general and practically
substituting for him a commissioner appointed by the
Crown. They also drew up a famous document,
named the "Extraits des assertions", made up en-
tirely of garbled extracts from Jesuit writers, and
tending to diow that their method was to establish
their own domination by justifying almost every
form of crime and licentiousness, particularly tyran-
nicide. Louis XV, like Joseph I, had a will enervate
by lust, but unlike him, was by no means a fool, and
had besides an underlying respect for religion. Thus
he sought, in the first instance, to save a body of men
whom ne judged to be innocent, and for that purpose
he referred their constitutions to the French oishops
assembled at Paris in December, 1761. Forty-five of
these bishops reported in favour of the constitutions,
and of the Jesuits being left as they were, twenty-seven
or more, not then in Paris, sending in their adhesion ;
but the king was being drawn the other way by his
Voltairian statesmen and Madame de Pompadour,
and accordin^y preferred the advice of tne one
bishop who sided with the Parlement, Bishop Fitz-
James of Soissons. He therefore issued an edict in
March, 1762, which allowed the Society to remain in
the kingdom, but prescribed some essential changes
in their institute with the view of satisfying the Par-
lement.
Clement XIII intervened in various ways in this
crisis of the French Jesuits. He wrote to the king
in June, 1761, and again in January, 1762, on the
former occasion to implore him to stay the proceed-
ings of his Parlement, on the latter to protest against
the scheme of setting a French vicar-general, inde-
pendent of the general in Rome, over the French
provinces; it was likewise on this latter occasion
that, whilst blammg their general for the compliance
of some of his French subjects, he used the famous
words "Sint ut simt aut non sint". To the French
bishopswho wrote to him protesting against the doings
of the Parlement, he replied in words of thankfulness
and approval, e.g. to the Bishop of Grenoble on 4 April,
1762, and to the Bishop of Sarlat (with special refer-
ence to the "Extraits des assertions") on 14 Novem-
ber, 1764; and to the bishops collectively in June,
1762, exhorting them to use all their influence with
the king to induce him to resist his evil counsellors.
To the arrH of 2 August^ 1762, by which the Parle-
ment suppressed the Society in France, and imposed
impossible conditions on any of its members wishing
to remain in the country, Clement replied by an Allo-
cution of 3 September, in which he protested against
the invasion of the Church's rights, and annulled the
arr^ of the Parlement against the Society. Finally,
when the king, weakly yielding to the pressure of his
entourage, suppressed the French provinces by his
edict of >lovember, 1764, the Holy Father felt it his
duty, besought as he was by so many bishops from
all parts, to public the Bull " Apostolicum ", of 9 Jan-
uary, 1765. Its object was to oppose to the current
misrepresentations of the Society's institute, spiritual
exercises, preaching, missions, and theology, a solenm
and formal approbation, and to declare that the
Church herself was assailed in these condemnations
of what she sanctioned in so many ways.
Spain. — ^The statesmen who had the ear of Charles
in were iii regular correspondence with the French
Encyclopedists, and had for some years previously
been projecting a proscription of the Society on the
same lines as in Portugal and France. But this was
TV.— 3
not known to the public, or to the Jesuits, who be
lieved themselves to have a warm friend in theii
sovereign. It came then as a surprise to all when,
on the night of 2-3 April, 1767, all the Jesuit houses
were suddenly surrounded, the inmates arrested and
transferred to vehicles ordered to take them to the
coast, thence to be shipped off for some unknown
destination — forbidden to take anything with them
beyond the clothes which they wore. Nor was any
other explanation vouchsafed to the outer world
save that contained in the king's letter to Clement
XIII, dated 31 March. There it was stated that the
kin^ had found it necessary to expel all his Jesuit
subjects for reasons which he intended to reserve for
ever in his royal breast, but that he was sending them
Tomb of Clement XIII — Canova (St. Petor's. Rome)
all to Civitavecchia that they might be under the
pope's care, and he would allow them a maintenance
of 100 piastres (i. e. Spanish dollars) a year — a main-
tenance, however, which would be withdrawn for the
whole body, shoidd any one of them venture at any
time to write anything m self-defence or in criticism of
the motives for the expulsion. The pope wrote back
on 16 April a very touching letter in which he declared
that this was the cruellest blow of all to his paternal
heart, beseeching the king to see that if any were
accused they should not be condemned \vithout
proper trial, and assuring him that the chaiges cur-
rent against the institute and the whole body of its
members were misrepresentations due to the malice
of the Church's enemies. But nothing could be ex-
tracted from the king, and it is now known that
this idea of a royal secret was merely a pret<jxt de-
vised in order to prevent the Holy See from having
any say in the matter.
Foreseeing the difficulty of so large an influx of
expelled religious into his states, Clement felt com-
peUed to refuse them permission to land, and after
various wanderings they had to settle down in Cor-
sica, where they were joined by their brethren who
had been similarly sent away from Spanish America.
When, a year and a half later, they were forced to
move again, the pope's compassion overcame his
administrative prudence, and ne permitted them to
CLEMENT
34
OLSMEVT
take refuge in his territory. On the throne of Naples
was seated a son of Charies III, and on that of Parma
his nephew. Both were minors, and both had Vol-
tairian ministers through whose instrumentahty their
policy was directed from Madrid. Accordingly the
Jesuits in their dominions were similarly banished,
and their banishment drew similar remonstrances
from the pope. But in the case of Parma there was a
complication, for this state having been for centuries
regarded as a fief of the Holy See, the pope had felt him-
seu bound to condenm by his Monitorium of 30 Janu-
ary, 1768, some laws passed by the duke to the detri-
ment of the Church's liberties. The Bourbon Courts
thereupon united in demanding the withdrawal of the
Monitorium, threatening, if refused, to deprive the
pope by armed force of his territories of Avignon and
the Venaissin in France, and of Benevento and Mon-
tecorvo in Italy. Finally, on 18, 20, 22 January,
1769, the ambassadors of Francej Spain, and Naples
presented to him identical notes aemanding the total
and entire suppression of the Society of Jesus through-
out the world. It was this that killed him. He ex-
pired under the shock on the ni^ht of 2-3 February.
In one sense, no doubt, his pontificate was a failure,
and he has been blamed for a lack of foresight which
should have made him yield to the exigencies of the
times. But in a higher sense it was a splendid suc-
cess. For he had the insight to see through the
plausible pretences of the unurch's enemies, and to
discern the ultimate ends which they were pursuing.
He viewed the course of events ever in the lieht of faith,
and was ever faithful to his trust. He always took
up sound positions, and knew how to defend them
with langua^ conspicuous for its truth and justice, as
well as tor its moderation and Christian tenderness.
His pontificate, in short, afforded the spectacle of a
saint clad in moral strength contending alone against
the powers of the world and their physical might;
and such a spectacle is an acquisition forever.
There were other aspects under which Clement
XIII had to contend with the prevailing errors of
Regalism and Jansenism in France, Germany, Hol-
land, Poland, and Venice, but these by comparison
were of minor moment. Among the pernicious books
condemned by him were the "Histoire du peuple de
Dieu" of the Jesuit Bemiyer, the "Esprit" of Helv6-
tius, the "Exposition de la doctrine chr^tienne" of
M^senguy, the "Encyclopddie" of D'Alembert and
Diderot, and the "De Statu Ecclesi®" of Febronius.
He greatly encouraged devotion to the Sacred Heart,
and ordered the Preface of the Blessed Trinity to be
recited on Sundays.
Barbbbi and Spbtia, BuUarii Romani CorUinuatio (Rome,
1835): CoBDARA, Commentarii in DdLUNOBR, BeitrQge zur
polUischen, kirchlichen und Ktdturgesehiehte (1882), III;
Proc^8'Verbaux du dergi francait (1882), VIII; Novabs, EU-
nunti della storia de' aommi pontefici (Rome; 1822), XV; db
MoNTOR, Histoire dea aouveraifu parUijea romaxna (Paris, 1851);
VON Rankb, DierOmiachen P6p8le, III; CRiTiNBAU-JoLT, Cl^
ment XIV el lea JSauitea (Paris, 1847); Idbm, Histoire de la com-
pagnie deJiaua (Paria, 1851).V; Thxxnbr, Histoire du Pontiflcat
de CUment XIV (Paris, 1852); Ravignan, CUment XIII et
CUmenl XIV (Paris, 1854): Fbrrbr del Rfo, Historia dd
Reinado de Carlos III (Madrid, 1857); DXvila t Collado,
Reinado de Carlos III m CXnovas db Cabtillo, Historia
General de Espafla (Madrid, 1893); Smith, The Suppression of
Ihe Society of Jesus articles in the Month (1002, 1003); Roita-
ABAU, Expulsion des Jisuites en Espagne in the Revue des guer-
tions historiques (Jan., 1904).
Sydney Smith.
Clement XTV, Pope (Lorenzo — or Giovanni
ViNCENzo Antonio — Ganganelu) ; b. at Sant' Aro-
angelo, near Rimini, 31 October, 1705; d. at Rome, 22
September, 1774. — At the death of Clement XIII the
Church was in dire distress. Gallicanism and Jansen-
ism, Febronianism and Rationalism were up in rebel-
lion against the authority of the Roman pontiff; the
rulers of France, Spain, Naples, Portugal, Parma
were on the side of tne sectarians who flattered their
dynastic prejudices and, at least in appearance,
worked for the strengthening of the temporal power
Arms op
Clement XIV
against the spiritual. The new po|)e would have to
face a coalition of moral and political forces which
Clement XIII had indeed manfully resisted, but failed
to put down, or even materially to check. The great
question between Rome and the Bour-
bon princes was the suppression of the
Society of Jeeus. In France, Spain,
and Portugal the suppression had
taken place de facto; the accession of a
new ^pe wsa made the occasion for
insisting on the abolition of the order
root and branch, de facto and de jure,
in Europe and all over the world.
The conclave assembled 15 February,
1769. Rarely, if ever, has a conclave
been the victim of such overweening interference, base
intrigues, and unwarranted pressure. TTie ambassadors
of France (d'Aubeterre) and Spain (Azpuru) and the
Cardinals de Bemis (France) and Orsini (Naples) led
the campaign. The Sacred College, consisting of forty-
seven csutiinals, was divided into Court carmnals and
Zelanti. The latter, favourable to the Jesuits suid op-
posed to the encroaching secular powers, were in a ma-
jority. " It is easy to foresee the diflBculties of our ne-
gotiations on a stajge where more than thr^-fourths of
the actors are against us. " Thus wrote Bemis to Choi-
seul, the minister of Louis XV. The immediate ob-
ject of the intriguers was to gain over a sufficient num-
ber of Zelanti. D'Aubeterre, inspired by Azpuru,
urged Bemis to insist that the election of the future
pope be made to depend on his written engagement
to suppress the Jesuits. The cardinal, however, re-
fused. In a memorandum to Choiseul, dated 12 April,
1769, he says: "To require from the future pope a
promise made in writing or before witnesses, to de-
stroy the Jesuits, would oe a flagrant violation of the
canon law and therefore a blot on the honour of the
crowns," The King of Spain (Charles III) was will-
ing to bear the responsibilitv. D'Aubeterre opined
that simony and canon law had no standing against
reason, which claimed the abolition of the Society for
the peace of the world. Threats were now resorted
to; Bemis hinted at a blockade of Rome and popular
insurrections to overcome the resistance of the Ze-
lanti. France and Spain, in virtue of their right of
veto, excluded twenty-three of the forty-seven car-
dinals; nine or ten more, on account* of their age or for
some other reason, were not papabili; only four or
five remained eligible. Well might the Sacred Col-
lege, as Bernis feared it would, protest against vio-
lence and separate on the plea of not being free to elect
a suitable candidate. But d'Aubeterre was relent-
less. He wished to intimidate the cardinals. "A
pope elected against the wishes of the Courts", he
wrote, "will not be acknowledged"; and again, "I
think that a pope of that [philosophical] temper, that
is without scruples, holding fast to no opinion and
consulting onlv his own interests, might be acceptable
to the Courts ". The ambassadors threatened to leave
Rome unless the conclave surrendered to their dictar-
tion. The arrival of the two Spanish cardinals, Solis
and La Cerda, added new strength to the Court party.
Solis insisted on a written promise to suppress the
Jesuits being given by the future pope, but Bemis was
not to be gained over to such a breach of the law.
Solis, theretore, supported ^ the conclave by Cardinal
Malvezzi and outsiae by the ambassadors of France
and Spain, took the matter into his own hands. He
began by sounding Cardinal Ganpanelli as to his will-
in^ess to give the promise required b> he Bourbon
prmces as an indispensable condition for election. —
Why Ganganelli? This cardinal was the only friar
in the Sacred College. Of humble birth (his father
had been a surgeon at Sant' Arcangelo), he had re-
ceived his education from the Jesuits of Rimini and
the Piarists of Urbino, and, in 1724, at the age of nine-
teen, had entered the Order of Friars Minor of St
OLEMENT
35
OLEMXHT
Francis and chaiifled his baptismal name (Giovanni
Vinoenzo Antonio) for that of Lorenzo. His talents
and his virtiies had raised him to the disnity of defini-
tor generalis of his order (1741); Benedict AlV made
him Consultor of the Holy Office, and Clement XIII
^ve him the cardinal's hat (1759), at the instance^ it
IS said, of Father Rioci, the General of the Jesmts.
During the conclave he endeavoured to please both
the Zdanti and the Cburt party without committing
himself to either. At anv rate he signed a paper
which satisfied Solis. Cretineau-Joly, the historian
of the Jesuits, gives its text; the future pope declared
" that he recognized in the sovereign pontiff the right
to extinguish, with good conscience, the Company of
Jesus, provided he observed the canon law; and that
it was desirable that the pope should do everything
in his power to satisfy the wishes of the Crowns .
The original paper is, however, nowhere to be foimd,
but its existence seems established by subsequent
events, and also by the testimony of Bernis in letters
to Choiseul (28 July, and 20 November, 1769). Gan-
ganelll had thus secured the votes of the Court cardi-
nals; the Zelanti looked upon him as indifferent or
even favourable to the Jesuits; d'Aubeterre had al-
ways been in his favour as being " a wise and moderate
theologian", and Choiseul had marked him as "very
eood * * on the list of papdbUi. Bernis, anxious to have
his share in the victory of the sovereims, urged the
election. On 18 May, 1769, GanganeUi was elected
by forty-six votes out of forty-seven, the forty-
seventh being his own which he had given to Cardinal
Rezzonico, a nephew of (Element Xlll. He took the
name of Clement XIV.
The new pope's first Encyclical dearly defined his
policy: to keep the peace with Catholic princes in
order to secure their support in the war against irre-
ligion. His predecessor had left him a legacy of
broils with nearly every Catholic power in Europe.
Clement hastened to settle as many as he could by
concessions and conciliatory measures. Without re-
voking the constitution of (Element XIII aeainst the
young Duke of Parma's inroads on the ri^ts of the
Qiurch, he refrained from urging its execution, and
graciously granted him a dispensation to marry his
cousin, the Archduchess Amelia, dau^ter of Maria
Theresa of Austria. The King of Spam, soothed by
tiiese concessions, withdrew the imcanonical edict
which, a jrear before, he had issued as a counterblast
to the pope's proceedings against the infant Duke of
Parma, the king's nephew ; ne also re-established the
nuncio's tribunal and condemned some writings
against Rome. Portugal had been severed from
IU>me since 1760; Clement XIV began his attempt
at reconciliation by elevating to the Sacred (Ibllege
Paulo de Carvalho, brother of the famous minister
Pombal; active negotiations terminated in the re-
vocation, by King Joseph I, of the ordinances of 1760,
the origin and cause of the rupture between Portugal
and the Holy See. A grievance common to Cath(3ic
princes was the yearly publication, on Holy Thursday,
of the censures reserved to the pope; Clement abol-
ished this custom in the first Lent of his pontificate.
But there remained the ominous question of the
Jesuits. The Bourbon princes, thoiu^h thankful for
smaller concessions, would not rest tm they had ob-
tained the great object of their machinations, the
total suppression of the Society. Although perse-
cuted in France, Spain, Sicily, and Portugal, the
Jesuits had still many powerful protectors: the
rulers, as well as the puiDlic conscience, protected
them and their numerous establishments in the ec-
clesiastical electorates of Germany, in the Palatinate,
Bavaria, Sflesia, Poland, Switzerland, and the many
countries subject to the sceptre of Maria Theresa, not
to mention the States of the Church and the foreig;n
missions. The Bourbon princes were moved in their
persecution by the spirit of the times, represc^nted in
Pope Clement XIV
Latin coimtries by French irreli^ous phflosophism, by
Jansenism, Gallicanism, and Erastianism; probably
also by the natural desire to receive the papal sanction
for their unjust proceedings against the order, for
which they stood accused at the bar of the Catholic
conscience. The victim of a man's injustice often
becomes the object of his hatred; thus only the con-
duct of Charles III, of Pombal, Tanucci, Aranda,
Monifio can be accounted for.
An ever-recurring and almost solitary grievance
against the Society was that the Fathers disturbed the
peace wherever they were firmly established. The
accusation is not umounded: the Jesuits did indeed
disturb the peace of the enemies of the Church, for, in
the words .of d'A-
lembert to Fred-
erick II, they were
"the grenadiers of
the pope's guard ' '.
CardinaldeBernis,
now French am-
bassador in Rome,
was instructed by
Choiseul to follow
the lead of Spain
in the renewed
campaign against
the Jesuits. On
the 22nd of July,
1769, he present^
to the pope a
memorandum in
the name of the
three ministers of
the Bourbon
kings. "The three
monarchs ' ', it ran,
" still believe the destruction of the Jesuits to be useful
and necessary ; they have already made their request to
Your Holiness, and they renew it this day. ' ' Clement
answered that " he had his conscience and honour to
consult"; he asked for a delay. On 30 September
he made some vague promises to Louis XV, who was
less eager in the fray than Charles III. This latter,
bent on the immediate suppression of the order, ob-
tained from Gement XIV, under the strong pressure
of Azpuru, the written promise "to submit to His
Majesty a scheme for the absolute extinction of the
Society" (30 November, 1769). To prove his sin-
cerity the pope now commenced open hostilities
against the Jesuits. He refused to see their general.
Father Ricci, and gradually removed from his en-
toura^ their best friends; his only confidants were
two fnars of his own order, Buontempo and Francesco;
no princes or cardinals surrounded his throne. The
Roman people, dissatisfied with this state of things
and reduced to starvation by maladministration,
openly showed their discontent, but Clement, bound
by his promises and caught in the meshes of Bourbon
diplomacy, was unable to retrace his steps. The col-
lege and seminary of Frascati were taken from the
Jesuits and handed over to the bishop of the town, the
Cardinal of York. Their Lenten cat'echisms were
prohibited for 1770. A congregation of cardinals
nostile to the order visited the Roman College and had
the Fathers expelled; the novitiate and the German
College were also attacked. The German College won
its cause, but the sentence was never executed. The
novices and students were sent back to their families.
A similar system of persecution was extended to
Bologna, Ravenna, Ferrara, Modona, Macerata. No-
where did the Jesuits offer any resistance ; they knew
that their efforts were futile. Father Gamier wrote:
"You ask me why the Jesuits offer no defence: they
can do nothing here. All approaches, direct and in-
direct, are completely closed, walled up with double
walls. Not the most insignificant uiemor.induni can
GLSMXNT
36
OLEMENT
find its way in. There is no one who would undertake
to hand it in" (19th Jan., 1773).
On 4 July, 1772, appeared on the scene a new Span-
ish ambassador, Joseph Moniiio, Count of Florida
Blanca. At once he made an onslaught on the per-
plexed pope. He openly threatened him witn a
schism in Spain and probably in the other Bourbon
states, such as had existed in Portugal from 1760 to
1770, On the other hand, he promised the restitution
of Avignon and Benevento, still held by Prance and
Naples. Whilst Clement's anger was roused by this
latter simoniacal proposal, his good, but feeble, heart
could not overcome the fear of a widespread schism.
Moniiio had conquered. He now ransacked the
archives of Rome and Spain to supply Clement with
facts iustifving the promised suppression. Monifio
must be held responsible for the matter of the Brief
" Dominus ac Redemptor", i. e. for its facts and pro-
visions; the pope contributed little more to it tnan
the form of his supreme authority. Meanwhile Clem-
ent continued to harass the Jesuits of his own do-
minions, perhaps with a view to preparing the Cath-
olic world for the Brief of suppression, or perhaps hop-
ing by his severity to soothe the anger of Chanes III
and to stave off the abolition of the whole order. Un-
til the end of 1772 he still found some support against
the Bourbons in King Charles Emmanuel of Sardinia
and in the Empress Maria Theresa of Austria. But
Charles Emmanuel died, and Maria Theresa, giving
way to the importunate"prayers of her son Joseph 11
and her daughter the Queen of Naples, ceased to
plead for the maintenance of the Society. Thus left
to himself, or rather to the will of Charles III and the
wiles of Monifio, Clement began, in November, 1772,
the composition of the Brief of abolition, which took
him seven months to finish. It was signed 8 June,
1773; at the same time a congregation of cardinals
was appointed to administer the propertv of the sup-
pressed order. On 21 July the bells of the GesCk rang
the opening of the annual novena preceding the feast
of St. Ignatius; the pope, hearing them, remarked:
" They are not ringing for the saints but for the dead ".
The Brief of suppression, signed on 8 June, bears the
date 21 July, 1773. It was made known at the Gesii
to the general (Father Ricci) and his assistants on the
evening of 16 August; the following day they were
taken first to the English College, then to Castel Sant'
Angelo, where their long trial was commenced. Ricci
never saw the end of it. He died in prison, to his last
moment protesting his innocence and that of his order.
His companions were set free under Pius VI, their
judges having found them "not guilty".
Tne Brief "Dominus ac Redemptor" opens with
the statement that it is the pope's office to secure in
the wprld the unity of mind in the bonds of peace.
He must therefore be prepared, for the sake of charity,
to uproot and destroy tfie things most dear to him,
whatever pains and bitterness their loss mav entail.
Often the popes, his predecessors, have made use of
their supreme authority for reforming, and even dis-
solving, religious orders which had become harmful
and disturbed the peace of the nations rather than
promoted it. Numerous examples are quoted, then
the Brief continues: "Our predecessors, in virtue of
the plenitude of power which is theirs as Vicars of
Christ, have suppressed such orders without allowing
them to state their claims or to refute the grave accu-
sations brought against them, or to impugn the mo-
tives of the pope. Clement has now to deal with a
similar case, that of the Society of Jesus. Having
enumerated the principal favours granted it by
former popes, he remarks tliat "the very tenor and
terms of the said Apostolic constitutions show that
the Society from its earliest days bore the germs of
dissensions and jealousies which tore its own members
asunder, led them to rise against other religious orders,
against the secular clergy and the universities, nay
even against the sovereigns who had received them In
their states". Then follows a list of the q^uarrels in
which the Jesuits had been engaged, from Sixtus V to
Benedict XIV. Clement XIII had hoped to silenoe
their enemies by renewing the approbation of their
Institute, "but the Holy See derived no consolation,
the Society no help, Christianity no advantage from
the Apostolic lettere of Clement AlII, of blessed mem-
ory, letters which were wrung from him rather than
freely given". At the end of this pope's rei^ "the
outcry and the complaints against the Society mcreas-
ing day by day, the very princes whose piety andhered-
itaiy benevolence towards it are favourably known of
all nations — our beloved Sons in Jesus Christ the
Kings of France, Spain, Portu^, and the two Sicilies
— ^were forced to expel from their kingdoms, states and
provinces, all the religious of this Order, well knowing
that this extreme measure was the only remedv to
such great evils." Now the complete abolition of the
order is demanded by the same princes. After long
and mature consideration the pope, "compelled by
his office, which imposes on him the obligation to pro-
cure, maintain, and consolidate with vli his power the
peace and tranquillity of the Christian people — per-
suaded, moreover, that the Society of Jesus is no
longer able to produce the abundant fruit and the
^eat good for which it was instituted — ^and consider-
ing that, as long as this order subsists, it is impossible
for the Church to enjoy free and solid peace", resolves
to "suppress and abolish" the Society, " to annul and
abrogate all and each of its offices, functions, and ad-
ministrations". The authority of the superiors was
transferred to the bishops; minute provisions were
made for the maintenance and the employment of the
members ot the order. The Brief concludes with a
prohibition to suspend or impede its execution, to
make it the occasion of insulting or attacking anyone,
least of all the former Jesuits; finally it exnorts the
faithful to live in peace with all men and to love one
another.
The one and only motive for the suppression of the
Society set forth in this Brief is to restore the peace of
the Church by removing one of the contending parties
from the battlefield. No blame is laid by the pope on
the rules of the order, or the personal conduct of its
members, or the orthodoxy of their teaching. More-
over, Father Sydney Smith, S. J. (in "The Month",
CII, 62, July, 1903), ob8<jrves: "The fact remains
that the condemnation is not pronounced in the
straightforward language of direct statement, but is
merely insinuated with the aid of dexterous phras-
ing"; and he contrasts this method of stating grounds
for the suppression of the Society with the vigorous
and direct langusige used by former popes in sup-
pressing the Ilumiiiati and other orders. If Clement
Al V hoped to stop the storm of unbelief raging against
the Bark of Peter by throwing its best oarsmen over-
board, he was sorely mistaken. But it is unlikely
that he entertained such a fallacy. He loved the
Jesuits, who had been his first teachers, his trusty ad-
visers, the best defenders of the Church over which he
ruled. No personal animosity guided his action; the
Jesuits themselves, in agreement with all serious his-
torians, attribute their suppression to Clement's weak-
ness of character, unskillea diplomacy, and that kind
of goodness of heart which is more bent on doing what
than what is right. He was not built to
hold his head above the tempest ; his hesitations and
liis struggles were of no avau against the enemies of
the order, and his friends found no better excuse for
him than that of St. Alphonsus: What could the
poor pope do when all the Courts insisted on the sup-
pression? The Jesuit Cordara expresses the same
mind: "I think we should not condemn the pontiff
who, after so many hesitations, has judged it his duty
to suppress the Society of Jesus. I love my order as
njuch as any man, yd, hn<i 1 been in the pope's place
OLXmEMT
37
OLXMXHT
I should prob$tbly have acted as he did. The Ck)m-
pany, foimded and maintained for the 0ood of the
Church, perished for the same good: it oomd not have
ended more gloriously."
It should be noted that the Brief was not promul-
^ted in the form customary for papal Constitutions
mtended as laws of the Church. It was not a Bull,
but a Brief, i. e. a decree of less binding force ana
easier of revocation; it was not affixed to the gates of
St. Peter's or in the Campo di Fiore; it was not even
communicated in legal form to the Jesuits in Rome;
the i^neral and his assistants alone received the noti-
fication of their suppression. In France it was not
published, the Galhcan Church, and especially Beau-
mont, Archbishop of Paris, resolutely opposing it as
being the pope's personal aeed, not supported by the
whole Church ana therefore not binding on the Church
of France. The King of Spam thought the Brief too
lenient, for it condemned neither the doctrine, nor the
morals, nor the discipline of his victims. The Court
of Naples forbade its publication underpain of death.
Maria Theresa allowed her son Joseph II to seize the
property of the Jesuits (some $10,000,000) and then,
''reservmg her rights", acquiesced in the suppression
"for the peace of the Church". Poland resisted a
while; the Swiss cantons of Lucerne, Fribourg, and
Solothum never allowed the Fathers to ^ve up their
colleges. Two non-Catholic sovereigns, Frederick of
Prussia and Catherine of Russia, took the Jesuits
under their protection. Whatever may have been
their motives, whether it was to spite the pope and
the Bourbon Courts or to please tneir Catholic sub-
jects and preserve for them the services of the best
educators, their intervention kept the order alive untU
its complete restoration in 1804. Frederick per-
severed m his opposition only for a few years; in 1780
the Brief was promulgated in his dominions. The
Jesuits retained possession of all their colleges and of
the University of Breslau until 1806 and 1811, but
they ranked as secular priests and admitted no more
novices. But Catherine II resisted to the end. By
her order the bishops of White Russia ignored the
Brief of suppression and commanded the Jesuits to
continue to live in communities and to go on with
their usual work. Clement XIV seems to have ap-
proved of their conduct. The empress, in order to
set at rest the scruples of the Fathers, engaged in sev-
eral negotiations with the pope and had her will. In
France, too, the persecuted Jesuits were not alto-
gether without friends. Madame Louise de France,
oaughter of Louis XV, who had entered the Carmelite
Order and was, with her sisters, the leader of a band of
pious women at the court of her royal father, had
worked out a scheme for re-establishing the Jesuits in
six provinces under the authority of the bishops.
Bemis, however, defeated their good intentions. He
obtained from the pope a newBr^f, addressed to him-
self and requesting him to see that the French bishops
conformed, each in his diocese, to the Brief ** Dominus
acRedemptor".
After the death of Clement XIV it was rumoured
that he had retracted the Brief of abolition by a letter
of 29 June, 1774. That letter, it was said, had been
entrusted to his confessor to be given to the next pope.
It was published for the first time in 1789, at Zurich,
in P. Ph. Wolf's "Allgemeine Geschichte der Jesui-
ten". Although Pius VI never protested against this
statement, the authenticity of the document in ques-
tion is not sufficiently established (De la Servi^re).
The first and almost the only advantage the pope
reaped from his policy of concessions was the restora-
tbn to the Holy See of Avignon and Benevento.
These provinces had been seised by the Kings of
France and Naples when Clement XIII had excom-
municated their kinsman the young Duke of Parma
(1768). The restitution, following so closely on the
0uppression of the Jesuits, seero^ the price piiiil
for it, althougjh, to save appearances, the duke inter-
ceded with the two kings in favour of the pope, and
Clement, in the consistory of 17 January, 1774, took
occasion from it to load the Bourbon princes with
praises they little deserved. The hostile and schis-
matical manoeuvres against the Church continued un-
abated in many Catholic countries. In France a
royal commission for the reformation of the religious
orders had been at work for s^veral years, notwith-
standing the energetic protests of Clement XIII;
without the pope's consent it had abolished in 1770
the congregations of Grandmont and of the exempt
Benedictines; it had threatened the Premonstraten-
sians, the Trinitarians, and the Minims with the same
fate. Hie pope protested, through his nuncio in
Paris, against
such abuses of the
secular power,
but in vain. The
Celestines and the
Camaldolese were
secularized that
same year, 1770.
The only conces-
sions Louis XV
deigned to make
was to submit to
Clement the gen-
eral edict for the
reformation of the
French religious
before its publi-
cation. This was
in 1773. Thepope
succeeded in ob-
taining its modi-
fication in several
points.
In 1768 Genoa
had ceded the Is-
land of Corsica
to France. At
once a conflict arose as to the introduction of
''Gallican usaees". The pope sent a visitor Apos-
tolic to the island and had the gratification of pre-
venting the adoption of usages in opposition to the
Roman practice. Louis XV, however, revenged him-
self by absolutely refusing to acknowledge the pope's
suzerainty over Corsica. Louis XV died in 1774, and
one is rather surprised at the eulogy which Clement
XIV pronoimced in a consistory on '' the king's deep
love for the Church, and his admirable zeal for the
defence of the Catholic religion ' '. He also hoped that
the penitent death of the prince had securecf his sal-
vation. It may be surmised that he was prompted by
a desire to please the king's youngest daughter,
Madame Louise de France, Prioress of the Carmelites
.of Saint-Denis, for whom he had always shown a great
affection, attested by numerous favours granted to
herself and to her convent.
During Clement XIV's pontificate the chief rulers
in German lands were Maria Theresa, of Austria, and
Frederick the Great, of Prussia. Frederick, by pre-
serving the Jesuits in his dominions, rendered the
Church a good, though perhaps unintended, service.
He also authorized tne erection of a Catholic church
in B^lhi; the pope sent a generous contribution and
ordered collections for the same purpose to be made
in Belgium, the Rhineland, and Austria. Maria
Theresa lived up to the title of Regina ApoHoUca be-
stowed on her by Clement XIII. But tne doctrines
of Febronius were prevalent at her court, and more
than once she came into conflict with the pope. She
refused to suppress a new edition of Febronius, as
Clement XIV requested; she lent a willing ear to the
** Grievances of the German nation", a scheme of re-
forms in the Church making it more ilcpondont on
Monument of Clement XIV — Canova
(Church of the Apostles, Rome)
OLBMEMT
38
OLSMXMT
the princes than on the pope; she leoslated for the
religious orders of her dommions witnout consulting
Rome. She maintained her edict on the religious
against all the pope's remonstrances, but withchrew
her protection from the authors of the "Grievances",
the Electors of Cologne, Maims, and Trier. She also
obtained from Clement (in 1770) the institution of a
Euthenian bishop for the Ruthenian Catliolics of
Hungary. In other pprts of Germany the pope had
to face similar difficulties. The number and wealth
of the religious houses, in some instances their useless-
ness, and occasionally their disorders, tempted the
princes to lay violent and rapacious hands on them.
Numerous houses were to be suppressed in Bavaria
for the endowment of the new University of Ebersberg/
in the Palatinate the reception of new religious was to
be stopped; Clement opposed both measures with
success. Westphalia is mdebted to him for the Uni-
versity of Mfinster, erected 27 May, 1773.
In Spain Clement approved the Order of the
Knights of the Immaculate Conception, instituted by
Charles III. The king also desired him to define. the
dogma of the Immaculate Conception, but France
blocked the way. Portujzal, whilst it made a certain
outward show of eoodwm towards Rome, continued
to interfere in ecclesiastical affairs and to impose on
colleges and seminaries an education more in accord
with French philosophism than with the spirit of the
Church. At Naples the minister Tanuoci hindered
the recruitment of religious orders; episcopal acts re-
quired the royal placet; the anti-religious press en-
joyed high protection. Poland and Russia were an-
other source of deep grief for Clement XIV. Whilst,
politically, Poland was preparing its own ruin, the
Piarists openly taught the worst philosophism in
their schools and refused to have their houses visited
by the papal nuncio at Warsaw. King Stanidaus
planned tne extinction of the religious orders and
favoured the Freemasons. The pope was powerless;
the few concessions he obtained from Catherine II for
the Catholics of her new province were set at naught
by that headstrong woman as soon as it suited her
politics. Of her own authority she created for the
annexed Catholic Ruthenians a new diocese (Mohileff )
administered by a bishop (Siestrencewicz) of schis-
matic temper. Clement AlV had the satisfaction of
seeing his nuncio, Caprara, favourably received at the
Court of England, and of initiating measures for the
emancipation of English Catholics. This turn in the
relations between Rome and England was due to the
rating of royal honours to the king's brother when
visited Rome in 1772; the same honours being
refused to the Pretender. In the East, the Nestorian
Patriarch, Mar Simeon, and six of his suffragans, were
reunited to Rome. In Rome the pope found little
favour with either the Roman patriciate or the Sacred
College; none of the many measures he took for the
betterment of his people could atone, in their eyes,
for his subserviency to the Bourbon Courts and for the
suppression of the Jesuits. The last months of his life
were embittered by the consciousness of his failures;
at times he seemed crushed under the weight of sor-
row. On the 10th of September, 1774, he took to his
bed, received Extreme Unction on the 21st, and di^
piously on the 22nd of the same month. Many wit-
nesses in the process of canonization of St. Alphonsus
of Liguori attested that the saint had been miracu-
lously present at the death-bed of Clement XIV to
console and fortify him in his last hour. The doctors,
who opened the dead body in presence of many spec-
tators, ascribed death to scorbutic and hoemorrhoidal
dispositions of long standing, aggravated by excessive
labour and by the habit of provoking artificial per-
spiration even during the g^*eatest heat. Notwi^-
standing the doctors' certificate, the "Spanish party"
and historical romancers attributed death to poison
administered by the Jesuits. The mortal remains of
Clement XIV rest in the church of the Twelve Apos«
ties. (See also SoeuDTT OF Jesus.)
BuUarium Bamttnum; CUmnUis XIV eptBtoUg ti drevMi, ed.
Thbtner (Paris, 1852); Cohdara, Memoirt on the suppression
of the Jesuits, published by DdLUNOER in BeitHlge tur politi-
aehen, kirehlieken u. CuUurouchichte (Vienna, 18iB2). — As to
the LetfTM inUnsaantea de CUm&ni XIV. published by the Maji-
CHSss Caraccxolo in 1776, Father Sydney Smith, S. J., says,
in a note to one of the articles in The MarOh (CJI, 180, Feb., 1008)
referred to below: "There has been muon discussion about
these letters. The Marchese Caracciolo in his Preface is sus-
piciously reticent as to the channels throu^ which he obtained
them, and saves them in a French translation instead of in the
ori^nal Italian. On this account, and because it is difficult to
believe that some of the contents come from Fra Lorenso [as
CJIement XIV was called in religion], many critics have rejected
the entire collection as spurious. But von Rbxtmont thinks
(OttnganMi — Paptt Clement — aeine Brief € und Heine Zeit, 1847,
Preface 40-42) that it is in substance a i^uine collection, though
some of the letters are spurious and mterpolated. Von Reu-
mont argues very Justly that it would hardly be possible to
fabricate so many letters, addressed to correspondents most of
whom wei« alive at the time of the publication, and yet impart
to them the unity, distinctness, and spontaneity of a living
character." — CJr4tineau-Joly, Clhnent XIV et lea JHuitea
(Paris. 1847): La Pape CUment XIV, LeOrea au P. Theiner;
Masson. La Cardinal de Bemia Q^aris, 1884); Roussbau. Ex-
ptdaion dea JiauHea en Eapaone (Paris, 1907); Ds la SehviI:rs
in Vacant, Did. de thiol, cath. (Paris. 1907), s. v. Climeni XIV;
The Z>uMtn Review (1855), XXXIX. 107: Smith, The Sup-
mraaaion cfjhe Socieiy of Jesut, articles in The Month (London.
1902-3). XCIX. C, CI, CII; Ravionan. CUment X III et CIS-
meni XiV (Paris. 1854).
J. WiLHELM.
Olement, Cjosar, date of birth uncertain; d. at
Brussels 28 Aug., 1626, great-nephew of Sir Thomas
More's friend, Dr. John Clement. He was a student
at Douai when in 1578 the college was removed to
Reims, but was shortly sent to the English College,
Rome, being admitted 5th September, 1579. He was
ordsdned priest in 1585, but remained in Rome till
Oct., 1587. He took the decree of Doctor of Theology
in Italy, probably in Rome itself. Though originally
destined for the English mission, he never went to
England, but held the important positions of Dean of
St. Gudule's, Brussels, and vicar-general of the King
of Spain's army in Flanders. He was a great bene-
factor to all English exiles, especially the Augustinian
Canonesses of Lou vain. In 1612 he, with the Rev.
Robert Chambers, was commissioned from Rome to
make a visitation of Douai College so as to put an end
to the dissatisfaction with the administration there.
(See Dodd, "Church Hist, of Eng.", Tiemey ed., V,
3sqq.)
Donn, Church Hietory of Bn^and (London, 1737), II, 388;
MoRBis, TrotMea of our Cath. Forefathera (London. 1872\ I,
40. 41, 47, 57; Douay Diariea (London. 1877); Foi*By, Recorda
Bng. Prov. S. J. (London, 1880), VI, 138: CJillow, Bibl. Diet.
Eng. Cath. (London. 1885), I, 497-8; (3oopbr in Diet. Nat.
Biog. (London, 1887), XI, 32; HABflLTON, Chronidea of the
Eni^iah AuQuatinian Canoneaaea of Lauvain (London. 1904-6).
Edwin Burton.
Ol^ment, Francois, a member of the Benedictine
Congregation of Saint-Maur and historian, b. at
BSze in the department of C6te-d'0r, France, 1714;
d. at Paris, 29 March, 1793. He made his firot
studies at the colle^ of the Jesuits at Dijon. Soon
after his profession in 1731 his superiors sent him to
the monastery of the " Blancs-Manteaux '' at Paris
to assist in the learned labours of the oongre^tion.
To great intellectual gifts Clement added scientific
acimien and an unflagging industry which especially
fitted him for his taskT He knew no fatigue and at
night gave barely two or three hours to sleep. He
firat busied himself «rith the preparations for volumes
XI and XII of the ''Histoire litt^raire de la France";
these volumes covered the years 1141-1167 and were
edited bv Cl^mencet. He then edited, in collabora-
tion with Dom Brial» a fellow-Benedictine, volumes
XII and XIII of the work bc«un by Bouquet in 1738,
'^Recueil des historiens des Uaules et de la France''
(Paris, 1786), or as the title is generally given " Scrip-
tores rerum gallicarum et francicarum". These
volumes contain altogether 439 original documents,
OLXMENT
39
0LSMENTINE8
acconipaoied by exiiaustive introductions, nutnerous
explanatory remarks, and acute critical notes. C16-
ment's chief work is a revised edition of the chronology
first issued by Cltoenoet in one volumoi entitled:
''L'art de v^fifier les dates des faits hiirtx>riques *'.
The new edition in which the original work appeared
in an entirely changed form was published at Paris
in 1770. A third edition (Paris, 1783-1787) em-
braced three folio volumes^ in this the original undei^
went even greater alterations, and the labour on it
cost Cltoent more than ten years of tofl. In con-
trast to Cltoenoet he treated his matter objectively,
and was influenced neither by prejudices against the
Jesuits nor by a blind predilection for the «mnsenists.
His position met with the approval of scholars and
he was made a member of the '^ Acaddmie des Inscrip-
tions". The work is still of value, and it has been well
called ''the finest memorial of French learning of the
eighteenth centuiy''. Clement was engaged in the
preparation of a fourth and much enlarged edition
when a stroke of apoplexy caused his death. The
unfinished work was completed by Viton de Saint-
AlJais and appeared with additional matter in eight-
een volumes (Paris, 181S-19). Viton de Samt-
Allais also published from the literaiy remains of
Clement the treatise " L'art de v^ifier les dates des
faita historiques avant I'^re chr^tienne" (Paris, 1820).
A work of less importance was one begun by Dom
Poncet and edited by Cldment, entitled: ''Nouveaux
^lairdasements sur Torigine et le Pentateuque des
Samaritains" (Paris, 1760). Clement's industry in
collecting material is shown by the '' Catalogus manu-
scriptorum oodicum Coll^ii Claramontani, quem
excipit catalogus domus professaB Parisiensis, uterque
digestus et notis omatus" (Paris, 1764). For infor-
mation concerning his letters see the "Revue b^6-
dictine", XU, 508.
Db J«ame. Bibliotheque de§ icrivaina de la eongrSgation de
Saint'Maur, 4S4.
Patrigitts Schlager.
Clement, John. President of the (Dolle^e of Physi-
cians and tutor to St. Thomas More's children, b. in
Yorkshire about 1500; d, 1 July, 1572, in the Blocstrate,
St. John's parish, Mechlin. Educated at St. Paul's
School and Oxford, St. Thomas More admitted Clement
as one of his household to help in the education of
his children and to assist him in linguistic studies.
In 1519 we find Clement at (Dorpus (Ihnsti Oollege, Ox-
ford, when Wolsey constituted him the Rhetoric
Reader in the university; later he became professor of
Greek there. About 1526 he married the daughter of
a Norfolk gentleman, Margaret Gibbs, who lived and
studied witn More's family. Applying himself to the
study of medicine, he was admitted a Fellow of the
Ck)llege of Phvsicians (1 Feb., 1528), and was chosen
by Henry VIlI to attend Wolsey when the latter was
dangerously ill at Esher (1529). He was consiliarius
of the college from 1529 to 1531, in 1547, and again
from 1556 to 1558. He held the office of president in
1544. and that of censor in 1555. After the accession
of Edward VI he retired to Louvain to escape religious
persecution; so obnoxious was he to the Protestant
authorities that he was exempted from the general
pardon ^nted by Edward VT. He returned to
England m Mary's reign and practised his profession
in Essex, but fled abroad again when Elizabeth came
to the throne. Mechlin was his last place of exile.
He fies buried in the cathedral church of St. Rum-
bold in that city. He wrote: '' Epigrammatum et
aliorum carminum liber"; and also translated from
Greek into Latin: (1) "The Epistles of St. Gregory
Narianzen"; (2) "The Homilies of Nicephorus
Callistus concerning the Greek Saints"; (3) "The
Epistles of Pope Ceiestine I to Csrril, Bishop of Alex-
andria'*.
^DoDD, Chweh HietOTV (BruMels. 1737-1742). I, 202; Pli»,
De Anglim Scriplaribue (Paris. 1619), 767; Wood, Aihenm
Oxonienses, ed. hum (I^oiKJon, 1813-1S20). I. 401; Robin-
son. Registers of St. Paul's School (London, s. d.). 19; Munk,
College of P/iyatcians (London. 1878). I. 26.
G. E. Hind.
Olementiiie Decretals. See Corpus Juris Cano-
Nici; Law.
Olementine Liturgy. See Clement I, St., Pops.
Olementmea {KXrtfjJma), (Clementine Pseudo-
WRiTiNQs), the name given to the curious religious ro-
mance wliich has come down to us in two forms as
composed by Po]>e St. Clement I. The Greek form
is preserved onl^ in two MSS. and consists of twenty
books of homilies. The Latin form is a translation
made from the Greek by Rufinus, who died in 410.
It is called the " Recognitions ". Two later epitomes
of the Homilies exist also, and there is a partial
Syriac translation, embracing Recog. i-iii, and Hom.
x-xiv, preserved in two British Museum MSS., one of
which was written in the ^ear 411. Some fragments
are known in Arabic and in Slavonic. The writings
are curious rather than admirable, and their main in-
terest lies in the extraordinary theories which they
have been made to support during the nineteenth cen-
tury. The existence of the Clementine Homilies was
first made known in 1572 and 157S by the Jesuit Tur-
rianus, who was a diligent searcher of libraries. He
seems to have found a MS. of quite a different version
from that which we possess. The first edition was
that of G. B. Cotelier, 1672, from the Paris MS., in
which the 20th book and part of the 19th are wanting.
This was re-edited in 1847 by Schwegler. The com-
plete Vatican MS. was first used in Dressel's edition,
1853, reprinted in Migne, P. G., II; another edition
by Lagarde, 1865. The "Recognitions'' are found
in numerous MSS., for they weie very popular in the
Middle Ages: indeed the strange liistory of Clement
and his father Faustus, or Faustinianus, is said to
have originated the Faust legend (cf. Richardson,
" Papers of Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist. ", VI, 1894). The
first edition, by Faber Stapulensis, appeared in 1504;
Migne, P. G., I, gives a reprint of Gersdorf*s edition
of 1838. A new and much-needed edition is expected
from E. C. Richardson. To the Homilies are pre-
fixed two lettero and an account of the reception of
one of them. That from Clement to James was trans-
lated by Rufinus at an earlier date than the Recog-
nitions (best edition by Fritzsche, 1873).
Contents. — Lai:^ portions of the Homilies (H.)
and Recognitions (K.) are almost word for word the
same. Yet lar^r portions correspond in subject
and more or less m treatment. Other parts contained
only in one of the two works appear to be referred to
or presupposed in the other. JThe two' works are
roughly ot the same length, and contain the same
framework of romance. H. was considered to be
the original by Neander, Baur, Scliliemann, Schwegler,
and otners. Lehmann thought the first three books
of R. to be original, and H. for the remainder.
Uhlhom argued that both were recensions of an
earlier book, "Preachings of Peter'', R. having best
preserved the narrative, H. the dogmatic teaching.
Cave, Whiston, Rosenmiiller, Ritschl, Hilgenfeld, and
others held R. to be the original. It is now almost
universally held (after Hort, Hamack, Waitz) that
H. and R. are two versions of an original CJlementine
romance, which was longer than either, and em-
braced most of the contents of both. Sometimes H.,
sometimes R., is the more faithful to the archetype.
With the elaborate pliilosophical and dogmatic dis-
course which forms the bulk of both works is inter-
woven a story which, when we consider its date, mav
be described as positively exciting and romantic, ft
differs slightly m the two books. The narrattve is
addressed to St. James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and
is related in the person of Clement himself. He
OLSMENTHrES
40
GLXMUmNES
begins bv detailing his religiuus questiunin^, bin
doubts about immortality, etc. He hears at Rome
the preaching of a man of Judea who relates the
miracles of Christ. This man (R.) was Barnabas;
Clement defends him from the mob, and follows him
to Palestine. (In H., evidently the original form, no
name is given. Clement sets out for Palestine, but is
driven by storms to Alexandria: there he is directed
by philosophers to Barnabas, whom he defends from
the mob and follows to Csesarea.) At Csesarea
Clement hears that Peter is there and is about to
hold a disputation with Simon Ma^s. At Peter's
lodging he finds Barnabas, who mt reduces him.
Peter mvites Clement to accompany him from city
to city, on his way to Rome, in order to hear his dis-
courses. Clement (so R., or Peter himself, H.) sends
a report of this to James, from whom Peter has an
order to transmit to him accounts of all his teaching.
So far H. i. and R. i., 1-21. Then the two recen-
sions vary. The original order may have been as
follows: Clement arises at dawn (H. ii, 1) and finds
Peter, who continues to instruct him (2-18, cf. R. ii,
33 and iii, 61). Peter sends for two of his disciples,
Nicetas and Aquila, whom he describes as foster-sons
of Justa, the Syro-Phoenician woman who was healed
by Christ. They had been educated from boyhood
by Simon Ma^us, but had been converted by Zacchseus,
another disciple of Peter (19-21). Aquila relates
Simon's parentage and his Samaritan origin, and
declares that he claims to be greater than the God
who created the world (H. ii, 22, R. ii, 7). He had
been a disciple of St. John the Baptist, who is repre-
sented in H. as the head of a sect of ''daily baptiz-
eis"; Dositheus succeeded John as head of it, and
Simon supplanted Dositheus (23-4). In R. the
Baptist has been omitted, and the sect is that of
Dositheus. The woman, Helena, whom Simon took
about with him, is described (in R. she is called the
moon — R. ii, 12, H. ii, 26), and the sham miracles he
claimed to do (H. ii, 32, R. ii, 10). He can make
himself visible or invisible at will, can pass through
rocks as if they were clay, throw himself down from a
mountain unhurt, loose himself when bound; he can
animate statues, make trees spring up; he can throw
himself into the fire without harm, can appear with
two faces: "I shall change myself into a sneep or a
foat. I shall make a beard to grow upon little bovs.
shaU ascend by flight into the air. I shall exhibit
abundance of gold, I shall make and unmake kings.
I shall be worshipped as Crod, I shall have divine
honours publicly assigned to me, so that an image of
me shall be set up, and I shall be adored as God.''
(R. ii, 9.) Next day at noon Zacchseus announces
that Simon has put oflf the promised dispute (H. ii.
36-7j R. ii, 20-1). Peter instructs Qement till
evening (H. ii, 38-53). [Probably before this should
come a long passage of H. (i, 22-74) in which Peter
speaks of Old Testament history (27-41) and then
Sves an account of the coming of the true Prophet,
is rejection. Passion, and Resurrection, and relates
the preaching to the Gentiles. The Church at Jeru-
salem having been governed by James for a week of
J ears, the Apostles return from their travels, and at
ames's request state what they have accomplished.
Caiphas sends to ask if Jesus was the Christ. Here
Peter, in a digression, explains why the true Prophet
is called Christ and describes the Jewish sects. Then
we are told how the Apostles amied before Caiphas,
and refuted successively the Sadducees, Samaritans,
Scribes, Pharisees, disciples of John, and Caiphas
himself. When Peter foretells the destruction of the
Temple, the priests are enraged, but Gamaliel quells
the tumult, and next day makes a speech. St. James
preaches for seven days, and the people are on the
point of being baptized, when an enemy (not named,
out obviously Simon) excites them against James,
who is thrown down the steps of the Temple and left
for dead. He is carried to Jericho, with 5000 dis-
ciples. On recovering he sends Peter to Gaesarea to
refute Simon. He is welcomed by Zacchfieus, who
relates Simon's doings to him. The author of H.
probably thought ail this story inconsistent with
Acts, and omitted it.} Next morning before dawn
Peter arouses his disciples (H. iii, 1, R. ii, 1), who are
enumerated (H. ii, 1, K. ii, 1). Peter gives a private
preparatory discourse (H.) and then goes out to the
public discussion with Simon. Only one day of it is
related in H. (iii, 38-57), but the whole matter of the
three days is given in R. (ii, 24-70, iii, 12-30, 3^8).
But what H. has omitted R. gives largely, though in
a different form, in xvi, xvii, xviii, and partly in xix,
as another discussion with Simon in Laodioea. It is
clear that R. has the original order. Simon, being
worsted, flies in the night to Tyre. Peter deter-
mines to follow, leaving ZacchsBus as bishop at
Ceesarea (H. iii, 58-72, R. iii, 63-6). H. adds that
Peter remained seven days longer and baptised
10,000 people, sending on Nicetas and Aquila to stay
at Tyre with Bemice, daughter of their stepmother,
Justa (iii, 73). But R. reUtes that seven other dis-
ciples were sent on, while Clement remained at
Csesarea for three months with Peter, who repeat^
in private at night the public instructions he gave
during the day. All this Clement wrote down and
sent to James. In ch. 74 are described the con-
tents of the ten books of these sermons as sent to
Jerusalem. H. now makes Clement, Nicetas, and
Aquila go on to Tyre. Bemice tells them how
Simon has been raising ghosts, infecting the people
with diseases, and bringmg demons upon them, and
has gone to Sidon. Clement has a discussion with
Simon's disciple Appion (H- v, 7 — vi, 25). All this
is omitted by R., but the same subjects are discussed
in R. X, 17-51. Peter goes on northward by Tyre,
Sidon, Berytus, and Byblus to Tripolis (H. vii, 5-12).
(R. adds Dora and Ptolemais, omitting Byblus, iv, 1.)
Peter's discourses to the multitude at Tripolis are
detailed in H. viii, ix, x, xi, and in R. (three days
only) iv, v, vi, with considerable diflerences. Clem-
ent is baptized (H. xi, 35, R. vi, 15). After a stay
of three months ne ^oes through Ortosias to Antara-
dus (H. xii, 1, R. vii, 1).
At this point Clement recounts his history to the
Apostle. He was closely related to the emperor.
Soon after his birth his mother had a vision that unless
she speedily left Rome with her twin elder sons, she
and they would perish miserably. His father there-
fore sent them with many servants to Athens, but
they disappeared, and nothing could be learned of
their fate. At last, when Clement was twelve years
old, his father himself set out upon the search; and
he too was no more heard of (H. xii, 9-11, R. vii,
8-10). In the island of Aradus, opposite the town,
Peter finds a miserable beggar woman, who turns out
to be Clement's mother. Peter unites them, and
heals the woman (H. xii, 12-23, R. vii, 11-23). H.
adds a discourse by Peter on philanthropy (25-33).
The party now leave Aradus (Mattidia, Clement's
mother, journeying with Peter s wife) and go by
Balanese, Paltos, and Gabala to Laodicea of Syria.
Nicetas and Aquila receive them, and hear Clement's
story with amazement; they declare themselves to be
Faustus and Faustinianus, the twin sons of Mattidia
and brothers of Clement. They had been saved on a
fragment of wreck, and some men in a boat had taken
them up. They had been beaten and starved, and
finally sold at Csesarea Stratonis to Justa, who had
educated them as her own sons. Later they had
adhered to Simon, but were brought by Zacchsus to
Peter. Mattidia is now^ baptiz^, and Peter dis-
courses on the rewards given to chastity (H. xii, R.
vii, 24-38). Next morning Peter is interrupted at
his prayers by an old man, who assures him that
prayer is a mistake, since all things are governed by
41
OLEMUfTlHXS
oeMsU or fate. Peter replies (H. xiv, 1-6— in R.
Nioetos),*^ Aquila and Clement txy also to refute faun
(viii, 5--ix, 33; cf. H. xv, 1-5), but without suooess,
for the old man had traced the horoscope of hknself
atKi his wife, and it came true. He tells his Btor^.
Clement, Nioetas, and Aquila guess that this is their
father. Peter oaks his name and those of his cfail-
dresk. The mother rushes in, and all embrace in
floods of tears. Faustus is then converted by a long
series of dtscouises on evil and on mythology (R. x,
1-61, to which correspond H. xx, 1-10 ana iv, 7 —
vi, 25— the (Uscussion between Clement and Appion
at Tyre. The long discussions with Simon before
Faustus m U. xvi, xvii, xviii were in their right
place in R. as part of the debate at Csesarea) . Simon
IS (hiven away by the threats of Cornelius the Cen-
turion, but first he changes the face of Faustus into
his own likeness by smearing it with a magic juice,
in hopes that Faustus will be put to death instead of
Irnnaelf. Peter frightens away Simon's disciples bv
what are simply lies, and he sends Faustus to Antioch
to unsay in the person of Simon all the abuse Simon
has been pouring on the Apostle there. The people
of Antiocn in consequence long for Peter's coming,
and nearly put the false Simon to death. Peter
restores him to his proper form, and thenceforth they
all Hve happily.
A lettw from Clement to James forms an epilogue
to H. In it Clement relates how Peter berore nis
death gave his last instructions and set Clement in
his own chair as his successor in the See of Rome.
James is addressed as ''Bishop of bishops, who rules
Jerusalem, the holy Church ot the Hebrews, and the
Churches everywhere". To him Clement sends a
book, "Clement's Epitome of the Preadungs of
Peter from place to place". Another letter, tfa^t of
Peter to James, forms an introduction. The Apostle
\XTfi0S that the book of his teachings is not to be com-
mitted to anyone before initiation and probation. A
note follows the letter, relating that James on receipt
of the letter called the elders and read it to them.
The book is to be given only to one who is pious, and
a teacher, and circumdwd, and even then only a part
at a time. A form of promise (not an oath, which is
unlawful) is prescribed for the reader, by heaven,
earth, water, and air, that he will take extraordinary
care of the writings and communicate them to no
one; he invokes upon himself terrible curses in case
he should be unfaithful to this covenant. The most
curious passage is: ''Even if I should come to
acknowledge another Qod, I now swear b^r him,
whether he exist or not." After the adjuration he
shaD partake of bread and salt. The elders, on
hearing of this solemnity, are terrified, but James
FKftcifies them. The whole of this elaborate mystifica-
tion is obviously intended to explain how the
Clementine writmgps came to be unknown from
Clement's time until the date of their unknown
author. Many parallels can be found in modem
times; Sir Walter Scott's prefaces — ^the imaginary
Mr. Oldbuck and his friends — ^will occur to everyone.
Nevertheless a gjood many modem critics accept the
*' adjuration " with the utmost gravity as the secret
rite of an obscure and very early sect of Judaizers.
Doctrine. — ^The central and all-important doc-
trine of the Clementines is the Unity of God. Though
transcendent and imknowable. He is the Creator of
the World. Though infinite, He has (according to
the Homilies) shape and body, for He is the Arche-
t>pe of all beauty, and in particular the exemplar
e^r which man was fashioned. He, therefore, even
^smembers, in some eminent way. He is the self-
b^otten or unbegotten, from whom proceeds His
Wisdom like a hand. To His Wisdom He said: "Let
w make man ", and He is the " Parents " (i. e.. Father
and Mother) oif men.
The HomiKcs also explain that ttie elements pro-
ceed from God as His Child. From them the Evil
One proceeded by an accidental mingling. He is
theretore not the Son, nor ev^i to be called brother
of the Son. God is infinitely chiOigeable, and can
assume all forms at will. The Son proceeds from the
most perfect of these modifications of the Divine
nature and is consubstantial with that modification,
but not with the Divine nature itself. The Son is
not God, therefore, in the full sense, nor has He all the
S>wer of God. He cannot chanse Himself, though
e can be changed at will by God. Of the Ho^
Ghost we learn nothing definite. The whole of this
extraordinary teaching is omitted in R., except the
accidental generation of the devil. Instead we find
a long passage, R iii, 2-11, in-cormpt and unintelli-
gible Latin, preserved also in the early Syriac MSS.
Kufinus in his preface tells us that he omitted it, and
in his work on the adulteration of the books of Origen
he declares that it b so Eunomian in doctrine that one
seems to hear Eunomius himself speaking. It is
naturally not found in the best MSS. of R., but as
preserved in many MSS. it is an interpolation b^
some Arian editor, who seems to have translated it
from the original Greek without always understand-
ing the meaning. The doctrine is, as Rufinus says,
the Arianism of the second half of the fourth century.
The Son is a creature; the Holy Ghost the creature of
the Son.
Of demons much is said. They have great power
over the self-indulgent, and are swallowed with food
by those who eat too much. Magic is constantly
mentioned, and its use reprobated. Idolatry is
argued against at length. The immorality of the
Greek stories of the gods is ridiculed, and attempts at
mystical explanation are refuted. Various virtues
are praised: temperance, kindness or philanthropy,
chastity in the married state; asceticism of a most
rigorous kind is practised by St. Peter. The intro-
duction after the Deluge of eating meat, according to
the Book of Genesis, is violently dfenoimced, as having
naturally led to cannibalism. The use of meat is,
however, not forbidden as a sin, and is probably peiv
mitted as a bad, but ineradicable, custom. There is
no trace of any Judaistic observance, for though the
letter of Peter and the speech of James allow the
books to be ^ven to none who is not "a circumcised
believer", this is only a part of the mystification, by
which the number of adepts is limited as far as pos-
sible.
It is now becoming recognised bv all critics that
the original writings were not intended for the use of
baptized Christians of any sect. Most of the latest
critics say they are meant for catechumens, and in-
deed the office of a teacher is highly commended; but
it would be more exact to sa^ that the arguments are
adapted to the needs of mquiring heathens. Of
baptism much is said, but of repentance little. There
is little characteristically Christian doctrine to hp
found; atonement and the sacrifice of the Cross, sin
and its penalty, forgiveness, grace, are far to seek.
Once the Eucharist is mentioned by name: "Peter
broke the Eucharist" (H. xi, 36, R. vi, 15). Christ
is always spoken of as "the true Prophet", as the
revealer to men of God, of trath, of the answers to the
riddle of life. The writer knows a complete s^tem
of ecclesiastical organization. Peter sets a bishop
over each city, with priest and deacons under him;
the office of bishop is well defined. It was princi-
pally this fact which prevented critics of the Tttbinger
School from dating H. and R. earlier than the middle
of the second century. The writer was not an
Ebionite, since he believes in the pre-existence of the
Son, His Incamation and miraculous conception,
^iiile he enjoins no Jewish observances.
Antagonism to St. Paul is commonly asserted to be
a characteristic of the Clementines. He is never
mentioned, for the supposed date of the dialogues is
OLEHBNTINSS
42
OLEMsmmnss
before his conversion, and the writer is very careful to
avoid anachronisms. But his Epistles are regularly
used, and the ^unds for supposing that Simon
always or sometmies 'represents St. Paul are exceed-
ingly feeble. The latest critics, who still admit that
St. Paul is occasionallv combated, do not attribute
this attitude to the Clementine writer, but only to
one of some presumed sources. In fact, there is a
clear prophetic reference to St. Paul as the teacher
of the nations in R. iii, 61. But it is not safe to admit
any polemic against St. Paul's person in any part of
the writings, for the simple reason that there is no-
where any trace of antagonism to his doctrines.
It seems to be universallv held that the Clemen-
tines are based upjon the doctrines of the Book of
Elchasai or Hebcai, which was much used by the
Ebionites. The contents of it were said to have been
revealed by an angel ninety-six miles high to a holy
man Elchasai in the year 100, and this is gravely ac-
cepted by Hilgenfeld and Waitz as its reu date. It
does not, however, seem to have been known until it
was brought to Rome about the year 220, by a cer-
tain Alcibiades of Apamea. We know its doctrines
from the ^'Philosopnumena" and from Epiphanius.
It taught a second baptism (in running streams with
all the clothes on) for the remission of sins, to be ac-
companied by an adjuration of seven elements; the
same process was recommended as a cure for the bite
of mad does and for similar evils. This is not par-
ticularly like the calling of four (not seven) elements
to witness a solemn promise by the side of water
(without bathing) in tne Clementines. For the rest,
Elchasai taught magic and astrolo^, made marriage
compulsory, celebrated the Eucharist with bread and
water, caused all believers to be circumcised and to live
by the Jewish law, held that Christ was bom of a
human father. All this is contradictoiy to the
Clementines. The only point of resemblance seems
to be that the Homilies represent Christ as having
been in Adam and Moses, while Elchasai said He haa
been frequently incarnate in Adam and since, and
would be a^in. The Clementine writer is fond of
pain of antitheses, or <rv^ia, such as Christ and the
tempter, Peter and Simon. But these have no con-
nexion with any Gnostic or Marcionite antitheses,
nor is there any trace of the Gnostic genealogies. He
is simply airing his own pseudo-philosophic specula-
tions. Polemic against Marcionism has often been
pointed out. But the denial of two Gods, a tran-
scendental God and a Creator, is directed a^inst popu-
lar neo-Platonism, and not against Marcion. Agam,
replies are made to objections to Christianity drawn
from immorality or anthropomorphism in the Old
Testament, but these objections are not Marcionite.
The writer is fond of citing sayings of Christ not found
in Scripture. His Scripture tesrt has been analyzed
by Hileenfeld, Waitz, and others. He never cites a
book of the N. T. by name, which would be an an-
achronism at the date he has chosen.
Early Use of the Clementinbs. — ^It was long
believed that the early date of the Clementines was
proved by the fact tliat they were twice quoted by
Origen. One of these quotations occurs in the
^'Philocalia'' of Sts. Gregorv of Nazianzus and Basil
(c. 360). Dr. Armitage Kobinson showed in his edi-
tion of that work (1893) that the citation is an addi-
tion to the passage of Origen made by the compilers,
or possibly by a later editor. The other citation
occurs in the old Latin translation of Origen on
Matthew. This translation is full of interpolations
and alterations, and the passage of Pseudo-Qement
is apparently an interpolation by the translator from
the Arian " Opus imperfectum in Matt." (See Journal
of Theol. Studies, III, 436.) Omitting Origen, the
earliest witness is Eusebius. In his ''Hist. Eccl.'^ III,
xx3cviii (a. d. 325) he mentions some short writings
and adds: ''And now some have only the other day
brought forward other wordy and lengtny ccHnpo-
sitions as bein^ Clement's, containing dialogues of
Fteter and Appion, of which there is absolutelv no
mention in the ancients." These dialogues need not
have been the complete romance, but may have been
an earlier draft ofpart of it. Next we find the Clem-
entines used by Ebionites c. 360 (Epiphanius, Hser.,
XXX, 15). They are quoted as the ^Periodi" by St.
Jerome in 387 and 392 (On Gal., i, 18, and "Adv.
Jovin.", i, 26). Two forms of the "Recognitions"
were known to Rufinus, and one of them was trans-
lated by him c. 400. About 408 St. Paulinus of
Nola, in a letter to Rufinus, mentions having himself
tramdated a part or all, perhaps as an exercise in
Greek. The '^Opus imperfectum" above mentioned
has five quotations, it is apparently by an Arian
of the beginning of the fifth century, possibly by a
bishop called Maximus. The Syriac translation was
made before 41 1, the date of one of the MSS. After
this time citations occur in many Byzantine writers,
and from the commendation given by Nicephorus
Callisti (fourteenth century) we may gather tnat an
orthodox version was current. In the West the
translation by Rufinus became very popular, and
citations are found in Syriac and Arabic writings.
Modern Theories op Ortoin and Date:— Baur,
the founder of the "Tubingen School" of New Testa-
ment criticism, rested his ideas about the New Testa-
ment on the Clementines, and his ideas about the
Clementines on St. Epiphanius, who found the writ-
ing used by an Ebionite sect in the fourth centuiy.
This JudsBo-Christian sect at that date rejected St.
Paul as an apostate. It was assumed that this
fourth-century opinion represented the Christianity
of the Twelve Apostles; Paulinism was ori^n^y a
heresy, and a schism from the Jewish Christianity of
James and Peter and the rest; Marcion was a leader
of the Pauline sect in its survival in the second cen-
tur3r, using only the Pauline Gospel, St. Luke ([in its
original form), and the Emstles of St. Paul (without
the Pastoral Epistles). The Clementine literature
had its first origm in the Ap€>stolic Age, and belonged
to the original Jewish, Petrine, legal Church. It is
directed wholly against St. Paul and his sect. Simon
Magus never existed; it is a nickname for St. Paul.
The Acts of the Apostles, compiled in the second cen-
tuiy, have borrowed their mention of Simon from
the earliest form of the Clementines. Catholicism
under the presidency of Rome was the result of the
adjustment between the Petrine and Pauline sections
of the Church in the second half of the second oentuiy.
The Fourth Gospel is a monument of this reconcili-
ation, in which Rome took a leading part, having in-
vented the fiction that both Peter and Paul were the
founders of her Church, both having been martyred
at Rome, and on the same day, in perfect union.
Throughout the middle of the nineteenth century
this theonr, in many forms, was dominant in Ger-
manv. The demonstration, mainly by English
scholars, of the impossibility of the late dates ascnbed
to the New Testament documents (four Epistles of
St. Paul and the Apocalypse were the only documents
generally admittea as being of early date), and the
proofs of the authenticity of the Apostolic Fathers
and of the use of St. John s Gospel by Justin, Papias,
and Ignatius gradually brought Baur's theories into
discredit. Of the original school, Adolf Hilgen-
feld may be considered the last survivor (d. 1907). He
was induced many years ago to admit that Simon
Magus was a real personage, though he persists that
in tne Clementines he is meant for St. Paul. To a
priori critics it counts as nothing that Simon holds no •
Pauline doctrine and that the author shows no signs
of being a Judieo-Christian. In 1S47 Hilgenfeld
dated the original nucleus (Preachings of Peter) soon
after the Jewish war of 70; successive revisions of it
were anti-Basilidian, anti-Valentinian, and anti-
OUHBllTIlfXS
4J
OLKMBNTimBS
Marcionite respectively. Baur placed the completed
form, H., soon after the middle of the second century,
and Schliemann (1S44) agreed, placing R., aa a revis-
ion, between 211 and 230. This writer sums up the
opinions of his predecessors thus:
R. 2nd century: Sixtus Senensis, Blondellus,
Nourri, Cotelerius, Natalis Alexander, Gave, Oudin,
Heinsius, Rosenmaller, FlO^, Gieseler, Tholuck,
Bretschneider, Engelhardt, Gfrdrer.
R. 2nd or 3rd century: Schr5ck, Stark, Lumper,
Krabbe, Locherer, Gersdorf.
R. 3rd century: Strunzius (on Bardesanes, 1710),
Weifflnann (1718), Mosheim, Kleuker, Schmidt
(Ejrchengesch.)-
R. 4th century: Corrodi, Lentz (Dogmengesch.)*
H. 2nd century (beginning): Credner, Bretschnei-
der, Kem, Rothe.
H. 2nd century: Clericus, Beausobre, Flttgge,
MUnscher, Hoffmann, Ddllinger, Hilgers; (middle of
2nd) Ease.
H. end of 2nd century: Schr5ck, Cdlln, Gieeeler
(3rd ed.), Schenkel, GfrSrer, LUcke.
H. 3rd century: Mill, Mosheim, Gallandi, Gieseler
(2nd ed.).
H. 2nd or 3rd century: Neander, Krabbe, Baur,
Ritter, Paniel, D&hne.
H. 4th century: Lentz.
Uhlhom in his valuable monograph (1854) placed
the orifi;inal document, or Orundschriftt in East
Syria, alter 150; H. in the same region after 160; R.
in Rome after 170. Lehmann (1869) put the source
(Preaching of Peter) very early, H. ana R. i-ii before
160, the rest of R. before 170. In England Salmon
set R. about 200, H. about 218. Dr. Bigg makes H.
the original, Syrian, first half of second century, R.
being a recasting in an orthodox sense. H. was orig*
inally written by a Catholic, and the heretical parts
belong to a later recension. Dr. Headlam, in a very
interesting article, considers that the original form
was rather a collection of works than a single book,
yet all products of one design and plan, coming from
one wnter, of a curious, versatile, unequally devel-
oped mind. While accepting the dependence on the
Book of Elchasai, Dr. Headlam sees no antagonism to
St. Paul^ and declares that the writer is quite ignorant
of Judaism. Under the impression that the ori^pnal
work was known to Origen, ne is obliged to date it at
the end of the second century or the b«^ninf of
the third. In 1883 Bestmann made the ClementmeB
the basis of an unsuccessful theory which, aa Hamack
puts it, " claimed for Jewish Christianity the glory of
having developed by itself the whole doctrine, wor-
ship, and constitution of Catholicism, and of having
transmitted it to Gentile Christianity as a finished
Sroduct which only required to be divested of a few
ewish husks" (Hist, of Dogma, I, 310).
Another popiilar theory based upon the Clemen-
tines has been that it was the Epistle of Clement to
James which originated the notion that St. Peter was
the first Bishop of Rome. This has been asserted by
no lesser authorities than Lightfoot, Salmon, and
Bright, and it has been made an important point in
the controversial work of the Rev. F. W. Puller,
"Primitive Saints and the Roman See". It is ac-
knowledged that in St. Cyprian's time (c. 250) it was
universaUy believed that St. Peter was Bishop of
Rome, and that he was looked upon as the type
and origin of episcopacy. Modem criticism has lon^
since put the letter of Clement too late to allow this
theory to be tenable, and now Waitz places it after
220, and Hamack after 260. We shall presently see
that it probably belongs to the fourth century.
The "Old Catholic" Professor Langen in 1890
elaborated a new theory. Until the destruction of
Jerusalem in 135, he sajrs, that city was the centre of
the Cluistian Church. A new pivot was then needed.
The OhuTch of the capital made a bold bid for the
vacant post of pre-eminence. Shortly after 135 was
published the original form of the Clementine ro-
mance. It was a Roman forgery, claiming for the
Church of Peter the succession to a part of the head-
ship of the Church of James. James indeed had been
"bishop of bishops", and Peter's successor could not
claim to be more than Peter was among the Apostles,
primus inter pares. The Roman attempt was eventu-
ally successful, but not without a stru^le. Csesarea,
the metropolis of Palestine, also claimed the succes-
sion to Jerusalem. The monument of this claim is
H., a recension of the Roman work made at Csesarea
before the end of the second century in order to fight
Rome with her own weapons. (The intention must
be admitted to have been closely vjeiled.) In the
be^linning of the third century the metropolis of the
Orient, ^tioch, produced a new edition, R., claiming
for that city the vacant primacy. Langen 's view
has found no adherents.
Dr. Hort complained that the Clementines have
left no traces in tne eighty years between Origen and
Eusebius, but he felt obliged to date them before
Origen, and placed the original c. 200 as the work
of a Syrian Helxalte. Hamack, in his "History of
Dogma", saw that they had no influence in the tnird
century: he dated R. and H. not earlier than the first
half of tnat century, or even a few decades later. All
the foregoing writers presupposed that the Clemen-
tines were Imown to Origen. Since this has been
shown to be not proven (1903), Waitz's elaborate
study has appeared (1904), but his view was evi-
dently formed earlier. His view is that H. is the
work of an Aramsean Christian after 325 (for he uses
the word d/iooifviot) and earlier than 411 (the Syriac
MS.), R. probably after 350, also in the East. But
the Orundschrift, or archetype, was written at Rome,
perhaps under the syncretistic system of cult in
favour at the court of Alexander Severus, probably
between 220 and 250. Hamack, in his "Chronol-
ogie" (II), gives 260 or later as the date, but he
thinks H. and R. may be ante-Nicene. Waitz sup-
poses two earlier sources to have been employed m
the romance, the "Preachings of Peter" (ori^n in
first century, but used in a later anti-Marcionite
recension) and the "Acts of Peter" (written in a
Catholic circle at Antioch c. 210). Hamack accepts
the existence of these sources, but thinks neither was
earlier than about 200. They are carefuUy to be dis-
tinguished from the well-known second-century
works, the "Preaching of Peter" and "Acts of
Peter", of which fragments still exist. These are
quoted by many early writers, whereas the supposed
sources of the Clementines are otherwise unknown,
and therefore probably never existed at all. A long
l^issage from Pseudo-Bardesanes' " De Fato" occurs in
R. ix, 19 sqq. Hilgenfeld, Ritschl, and some earlier
critics characteristically held that Bardesanes used
the Clementines. Merx, Waitz, and most others hold
that R. cites Bardesanes directly. Nau and Hamack
are certainly right, that R. has borrowed the citation
at second hand from Eusebius (Pnep. Evang., vi, 10,
11-48, A. D. 313).
Probable Date op the Clementines. — ^We now
know that the Clementine writer need not have lived
before Origen. Let us add that there is no reason to
think he was a Judseo-Christian, an Elchasaite, or
anti-Pauline, or anti-Marcionite, that he employed
ancient sources, that he belonged to a secretive sect.
We are free, then, to look out for indications of date
without prejudice.
R. is certainly post-Nicene, as Waitz has shown.
But we may go further. The curious passage R. iii,
2-11, which Rufinus omitted, and in which he seemed
to hear Eunomius himself speaking, gives in fact the
doctrine of Eunomius so exactly that it frequently
almost cites the "Apologeticus'' (c. 362-3) of that
heretic word for word. (The Eunomian doctrine is
OUBMENT
44
OUBMBirT
that the essence of God is to be unborn, consequently
the Son Who is begotten is not God. He is a creature,
the first-bom of all creation and the Image of God.
The Holy Ghost is the creature of the Son.) The
agreement with Eunomius's ixOwit TUrretat of
381-3 is less close. As the Eunomian passage was
found by Rufinus in both the recensions of Clement
known to him, we may suppose that the interpolation
was made in the origmal work by a Eunomian about
365-70, before the abridgment R. was made about
370-80. (The word archiepiacopus used of St. James
suggests the end of the fourth century. It occurs in
the middle of that centuiy in some Meletian docu-
ments cited by Athanasius, and then not till the
Council of Ephesus, 431.)
H. has also a* disquisition on the generation of the
Son (xvi, 16-18, and xx, 7-8). The writer calls God
airordrtap and a^oyimntroSj and both Mother and
Father of men. His idea of a changeable God and
an unchangeable Son projected from the best modi-
fication of God has been mentioned above. This
ingenious doctrine enables the writer to accept the
words of the Nicene definition, while denying their
sense. The Son may be called God, for so may men
be, but not in the strict sense. He is 6tMo6aios rt}
Uarplf begotten ix r^t o&r(at. He is not rptwHt or
dXXoici»r6s. Apparently He is not KTwrht^ nor was
there a time when He was not, though this is not
quite distinctly enunciated. The wnter is clearly
an Arian who manages to accept the formula of
NicsBa by an acrobatic feat, in order to save himself.
The date is therefore probably within the reign of
Constantine (d. 337), while the great council was
still impoNBed on all by the emperor — say, about 330.
But this is not the date of H., but of the original
behind both H. and R.; for it is clear that the Euno-
mian interpolator of R. attacks the doctrine we. find
in H. He ridicules, a^oirdrwp and a^oydvmfrot, he
declares God to be unchangeable, and the Son to be
created, not begotten from the Father's essence and
consubstantial. God is not mascvlo-femina. It is
clear that the interpolator had before him the doctrine
of H. in a yet clearer form, and that he substituted
his own view for it (R. iii, 2-11). But it is remark-
able that he retained one integral part of H.'s theory,
viz., the origin of the Evil One from an accidental
mixture of elements, for Rufinus tells us (De Adult,
libr. Origenis) that he found this doctrine in R. and
omitted it. The date of the original is therefore
fixed as after Nicaea, 325, probably c. 330; that of H.
may be anywhere in the second half of the fourth
century. The Eunomian interpolator is about
365-70, and the compilation of R. about 370-80.
The original author shows a detailed knowledge of
the towns on the Phoenician coast from Csesarea to
Antioch. He was an Arian, and Arianism had its
home in the civil diocese of the Orient. He uses the
"Praep. Evang." of Eusebius of Csesarea (written
about 313). In 325 that historian mentions the
dialogues of Peter and Appion as just published
— ^presumably in his own region; these were prol>-
ably the nucleus of the lai*ger work completed
by the same hand a few years later. Citations
of Pseudo-Clement are by the Palestinian Epipha-
nius, who found the romance among the Ebionites
of Palestine; by St. Jerome, who hfwi dwelt in the
Syrian desert and settled at Bethlehem; by the
travelled Rufinus; by the "Apostolical Constitutions",
compiled in Syria or Palestine. The work is renderea
into Syriac before 411. The Arian author of the
"Opus imperfectum" cited it freely. It was in-
terpolated by a Eunomian about 365-70. All
th^ indications sufl;gest an Arian author before 350
in the East, probably not far from Csesarea.
The author, though an Arian, probably belonged
nominally to the Catholic Church. He wrote for the
heathens of his day, and observed the stiff and often
merely formal disciplina arcani which the fourth oen-
tuiy enforced. Atonement, grace, sacraments are
omitted for this cause only. "The true Prophet" is
not a name for Christ used by Christians, but the
ofllce of Christ which the author puts forward
towards the pagan world. He shows Peter keeping
the evening ajppe and Eucharist secret from Clement
when unbaptized; it was no doubt a Eucharist of
bread and wine, not of bread and salt.
The great pagan antagonist of the third century
was the neo-Piatonic ppilosopher. Porphyry; but
under Constantine his disciple lamblichus was the
chief restorer and defender of the old gods, and his
S3r8tem of defence is that which we find made the
official religion by Julian (361-3). Consequently,
it is not astonishing to find that Simon and his disci-
ples represent not St. Paul, but lamblichus. The
doctrines and practices repelled are the theuigy and
magic, astroli^ and mantic^ absurd miracles and
claims to union with the Divinity, which character-
ized the debased neo-Platonism of 320-30. It is not
against Marcion but against Plato that Pseudo-
Clement teaches the supremacy of the Creator of alL
He defends the Old Testament against the school of
Porphyry, and when he declares it to be interpolated,
he IS using Porphyry's own higher criticism in a
clumsy way. Tne elaborate discussion of ancient
history, the ridicule cast on the obscene mythology
of the Greeks, and the philosophical explanations ofa
hieher meaning are also against Porphyry. The
refutation of the grossest idolatiy is against lam-
blichus.
It is perhaps mere accident that we hear nothing of
the Clementmes from 330 till 360. But about 360-
410 they are interpolated, they are revised and
abridged in H., yet more revised and abridged in R.,
translated into Latin, translated into Syriac, and
frequently cited. It seems, therefore, that it was
the policy of Julian which drew them from obscurity.
They were useful weapons against the momentaiy
resurrection of polytheism, mythology, theurgy, and
idolatry.
The principal editionB have been mentioned above. The
literature is so enormotia that a selection from it must suffice.
Somewhat fuller lists will be found in Harnack, Chronoloffie,
II, in Barobnhbwbb, Palrologie and Oeaehichte dor kirck*
lichen LiUeratur and in Chevaubr, Repertoire. — Schubbi ann.
Die CUmerUinen (1844); Hiloenfeld. Die Clem. Recoan. una
Horn, naeh ihrem Urvprung vnd Inhalt (Jena, 1848): Kritiaehe
Unterauchungen uber die avanoelien Justina, der Clem. Ham.
urui Marcione (Halle, 185()) ; Uhlhobn, Die Horn, und Recoan.
dee Clemens Romantu ((jrdttingen, 1854); Lehmann, Die
demeniinutchen Schrifien (Qotha, 1869) ; Ln>aiUB, Qudlen der
romiechen Peirueeage (1872) and Apokr. ApoaitifieMchichie
(1887), II; Salmon in Did. Chr. Biog. (1877): Lanobn, Dis
Clemeneromane (Gotha, 1890): Funk in Kirckerdex. (1884);
Bioo, The Clementine HomUuia in StudiaBiblica (Oxford. 1890).
II; BnssELL, The Purpose of the World-Proceaa and the Problem
of BvU in the Clementine and Lactantian Writings in Sttidia
Bibtica (1896), IV; W. CJhawner], Index of noteworthy words
and phrases found in the Clementine writinm in lAghtfooi Fund
PubUc. (London, 1893): Hort, Clementine Recognitums (lectures
delivered in 1884; pub. London, 1901): Meyboom, De Clemens
Roman (1902); Hbadlam, The Clementine Literature in
Jmim. Theol. Stud. (1903). Ill, 41; Chapman. Origen and
Pseudo-Clement in Joum. Theol. Stud., Ill, 436; Hiusbn-
PELD, Origenes und Pseudo-Clemens in Zeitsehr. fUr Wias.
Theol. (1903), XLVI, 342; Preuschen in Harnack. Geseh.
der aUehriea. Literatur (1883), I, 212; and U.Chronoloffie,
518; Waxtz. Die Pseudodementinen in Tezte und Unters., New
Series. X,4; Chapman. The Date of the Clementines in Zeitsehr.
far Neu'Test. Wiss. C1908). An English translation of the
ReoognUions, by the Rev. T. Smith. D.D., will bo found in
the Ante-Nieene Library, III. and of the Homtlies, urtd.. XVII
(Edinburgh, 1871-2). , ^
John Chapman.
CUement Mary Hofbauer (John Dvo^Ak), Saint,
the second founder of the Redemptorist Congregation,
called "the Apostle of Vienna^', b. at Tasswitz in
Moravia. 26 December, 1751 ; d. at Vienna, 15 March,
1821. The family name of Dvorak was better known
by its German equivalent, Hofbauer. The youngest
of twelve children, and son of a grazier and butcher,
he was six years old when his father died. His great
OLfiHfiMT
45
CLEMEKT
desire was io become a prieet, but his family being
unable to give him the necessary education he became
a baker's assistant, devoting all his spare time to
study. He was a servant in the Premonstratensian
monastery of Bruck from 1771 to 1775, and then
lived for some time as a hermit. When the Emperor
Joseph II abolished hermitages he went to Vienna,
wh^re he worked once more as a baker. After two
pilgrimages to Rome he aeain tried a hermit's life
(17S2-3), this time under the protection of Bamaba
Chiaramonti, Bishop of Tivoli, afterwards Pope Pius
VII, taking the name of Clement, by which ne was
ever s^terwards known. He once more returned to
Vienna, where at length by the generosity of benefac-
tors he was enabled to go to the university and com-
plete his studies. In 1784 he made a third pUgrimage
on foot to Rome with a friend, Thadd&us Htibl, and
the two were received into the Redemptorist novitiate
at San Giuliano on the Esquiline. After a shortened
probation they were professed on 19 March, 1785, and
ordained priests a few days later. They were sent,
towards the end of the same year, to found a house
north of the Al{)s, St. Alphonsus, who was still alive,
Jrophesying their success. It being impossible under
oseph II to found a house in Vienna, Clement and
Thadd&us turned to Warsaw, where King Stanislaus
Poniatowski, at the nuncio's request, placed St.
Benno's, the German national church, at their dis-
posal. Here, in 1 795, they saw the end of Polish inde-
pendence. The labours of Clement and his com-
panions in Warsaw from 1786 to 1808 are wellnigh
incredible. In addition to St. Benno's, another large
church was reserved for them, where sermons were
preached in French, and there were daily classes of
instruction for Protestants and Jews. Besides this
Clement founded an orphana^ and a school for boys.
His chief helper, Thadd&us Habl, died in 1807. In
the next year, on orders from Paris, the house at
Warsaw and three other houses which Clement had
founded were suppressed, and the Redemptorists
were expelled from the Grand Duchy* Clement with
one companion went to Vienna, where for the last
twelve years of his life he acted as chaplain and
director at an Ursuline convent. During these years
he exercised a veritable apostolate among all classes
in the capital from the Emperor Francis downward.
Unable to found a regular house of his congregation,
which was however established, as he had predicted,
almost immediately after his death, he devoted him-
self in a special way to the conversion and training of
young men. ** I know but three men of superhuman
energy", his friend Werner had said, ''Napoleon,
Goethe, and Clement Hofbauer. " ''Religion in Aus-
tria", said Pius VII, "has lost its chief support."
Indeed it was to Clement Hofbauer perhaps more
than to any single individual that the extinction of
Josephinism was due. He was beatified by Leo XIII,
29 January, 1888; canonized 20 May, 1909. (See
AuSTRO-HUNaARIAN MONARCHY, II, 129.)
Hu life in German by Habinobr, tnuulated into EngUah by
Laot Hxrbkbt (New York. 1883). Another life by O. R.
Vamaix Phillips (New York, 1803); Berthe, Saint Alphonae
de LiouoH (Paris, 10(X)). tr. Lift of St. Alphonsua de Ligvari
(DubSn. 1906). j^ MaGNIER.
Olement of Alexandria (properly Titus Flavius
Clsuens, but known in church history by the former
designation to distinguish him from Clement of
Rome), date of birth unknown; d. about the year
215; an early Greek theologian and head of the cate-
chetical school of Alexandria. Athens is given as
the Btarting-point of his joumeyings, and was proba-
bly his birthplace. He became a convert to the Faith
and travelled from place to place in search of hijgher
instruction, attaching himscdf successively to dmer-
^t masters: to a Greek of Ionia, to another of Magna
Qnecia, to a third of CSoBle-S3rTia, after all of whom he
addressed himself in turn to an Egyptian, an Assy-
rian, and a converted Palestinian Jew. At last he
met Pantsenus in Alexandria, and in his teaching
"found rest".
The place itself was well chosen. It was natural
that Christian speculation should have a home at
Alexandria. This great city was at the time a centre
of culture as well as of trade. A great university had
grown up \mder the long-continued patronage of the
State. The intellectual temper was broad and tol-
erant, as became a city where so many races mingled.
The philosophers were critics or eclectics, and Plato
was the most favoured of the old masters. Neo-
' Platonism, the philosophy of the new pagan renais-
sance, had a prophet at Alexandria in the person of
Ammonius Saccas. The Jews, too, who were there
in vei^ large numbers, breathed its liberal atmosphere,
and had assimilated secular culture. They there
formed the most enlightened colony of the Disper-
sion. Having lost the use of Hebrew, they found it
necessary to translate the Scriptures into the more
familiar Greek. Philo, their foremost thinker, be-
came a sort of Jewish Plato. Alexandria was, in
addition, one of the chief seats of that peculiar mixed
pagan and Christian speculation known as Gnosti-
cism. Basilides and Valentinus taught there. It is
no matter of surprise, therefore, to find some of the
Christians affected in turn by the scientific spirit.
At an uncertain date, in the latter half of the second
century, ''a school of oral instruction" was founded.
Lectures were given to which pagan hearers were ad-
mitted, and advanced teacliing to Christians sepaiv
ately. It was an official institution of the Chureh.
PantsBnus is the eariiest teacher whose name lias been
Preserved. Clement first assisted and then succeeded
antsenus in the direction of the school, about a.d.
190. He was already known as a Christian writer
before the days of Pope Victor (188-199).
About this time he may have composed the
"Hortatory Discourse to the Greeks" (UpoTperriKbt
rflbs ''EXXi7raf). It is a persuasive appeal for the
Faith, written in a lofty strain. The discourse opens
with passages which fall on the ear with the effect of
sweet music. Amphion and Arion by their min-
strel^ drew after tnem savage monsters and moved
the very stones; Christ is the noblest minstrel. His
harp and lyre are men. He draws music from their
hearts by the Holy Spirit: nay, Christ is Himself the
New Canticle, whose melody subdues the fiercest and
hardest natures. Clement then proceeds to show the
transcendence of the Christian religion. He con-
trasts Christianity with the vileness of pagan rites,
and with the faint hopes of pagan poets and philoso-
phers. Man is bom for God. The Word calls men
to Himself. The full truth is found in Christ alone.
The work ends with a description of the God-fearing
Christian. He answers those who uige that it is
wrong to desert one's ancestral religion.
The work entitled "Outlines" ( TiroTwir<6<r€if ) is
likewise believed t^o be a production of the early
activity of Clement. It was translated into Latin
by Rufinus under the title "Dispositiones". It
was in eight books, but is no longer extant, though
numerous fragments have been preserved in Greek by
Eusebius, G^umenius, Maximus Confessor, John
Moschos, and Photius. According to Zahn, a Latin
fragment, " Adumbrationes Clementis Alexandrini
in epistolas canonicas", translated by Cassiodorus
and purged of objectionable passages, represents in
part the text of Clement. Eusebius represents the
"Outlines" as an abridged commentary, with doc-
trinal and historical remarks on the entire Bible and
on the non-canonical "Epistle of Barnabas" and
" Apocalypse of Peter ". Photius, who had also read it,
describes it as a series of explanations of Biblical texts,
especially of Genesb, Exodus, the Psalms, Ecclesiastes,
and the Pauline and Catholic Epistles. He declares
the work sound on some points, but adds that it con-
GLSMSNT
46
OLSMENT
tains "impieties and fables", such as the eternity of
matter, the creatureship of the Word, plurality of
Words (A6yot)f Docetism, metempsychosis, etc. Con-
servative scholars are inclined to believe that Photius
has thrown the mistakes of Clement, whatever they
may have been, into undue relief. Clement's style
is difficult, his works are full of borrowed excerots,
and his teaching is with difficulty reduced to a coheiv
ent body of doctrine. And this early work, being a
scattered commentary on Holy Writ, must have been
peculiarly liable to misconstruction. It is certain
that several of the more serious charges can rest upon
nothing but mistakes. At any rate, his extant writ- '
ings show Clement in a better li^ht.
Other works of his are the "Miscellanies" (2rp»-
fULTeis) and "The Tutor" (noi«a7«*7^). The "Mis-
cellanies" comprise seven entire books, of which the
first four are earlier than "The Tutor". When he
had finished this latter work he returned to the
"Miscellanies", which he was never able to finish.
The first pages of the work are now missing. What
has been known as the eighth book since the time of
Eusebius is nothing more than a collection of ex-
tracts drawn from pagan philosophers. It is likely,
as von Amim has suggested, that Clement had in-
tended to make use of these materials together with
the abridgment of Theodotus (Excerpts from Theo-
dotus andthe Eastern School of Valentinus) and the
"Eclogffi Propheticse", Extracts from the Prophets
(not extracts, but notes at random on texts or Scrip-
tural topics) for the continuation of the "Miscellan-
ies ". In the " Miscellanies " Clement disclaims order
and plan. He compares the work to a meadow
where all kinds of flowers grow at random uid, again,
to a shady hill or mountain planted with trees of
every sort. In fact, it is a loosely related series of
remarks, possibly hotes of his lectures in the school.
It is the fullest of Clement's works. He starts with
the importance of philosophy for the pursuit of
Christian knowledge. Here he is perhaps defending
his own scientific labours from local criticism of con-
servative brethren. He shows how faith is related to
knowledge, and emphasizes the superiority of revela-
tion to philosophy. Crod's truth is to be foimd in
revelation, another portion of it in philosophy. It is
the duty of the Christian to neglect neither. Relig-
ious science, drawn from this twofold source, is even
an element of perfection; the instructed Christian —
* * the true Gnostic " — is the perfect Christian. He who
has risen to this height is far from the disturbance
of passion; he is united to God, and in a mvsterious
sense is one with Him. Such is the line of thought
indicated in the work, which is full of digressions.
"The Tutor" is a practical treatise in three books.
Its purpose is to fit the ordinary Christian by a di&-
ciphned life to become an instructed Christian. In
ancient times the pcBdagogua was the slave who had
constant charge of a boy, his companion at all times.
On him depended the formation pf the boy's charac-
ter. Such is the office of the Word Incarnate
towards men. He first summons them to be His,
then He trains them in His wa^. His ways are
temperate, orderly, calm, and simple. Nothing is
too common or trivial for the Tutor's care. His
influence tells on the minute details of life, on one's
manner of eating, drinking, sleeping, dressing, taking
recreation, etc. The moral tone of this work is
kindly; very beautiful is the ideal of a transfigured
life described at the close. In the editions of Clement
"The Tutor" is followed by two short poems, the
second of which, addressed to the Tutor, is from some
pious reader of the work; the first, entitled "A
Hymn of the Saviour Christ " ("TfAvot roO Xwr^pot Xpw-
rov) , is, in the manuscripts which contain it, attributed
to Clement. The hjrmn may be the work of Clement
(Bardenhewer), or it may be of as early a date as the
Gloria in Excelsis (Westcott).
Some scholars see in the chief writings of Clement,
the "Exhortation", "The Tutor", the "Miscel-
lanies", a great tnlog^r representing a graduated
initiation into the Christian life — belief, discipline,
knowledge — three states corresponding to the three
degrees of the neo-Platonic m3rsterie6 — ^purification,
initiation, and vision. Some such underlying con-
ception was doubtless before the mind of Clement,
but it can hardly be said to have been realised. He
was too unsystematic. Besides these more impor-
tant works, he wrote the beautiful tract, "Who is the
rich man who shall be saved?" (r<v 6 vufifupot rXo^
0*101 i). It is an exposition of St. Mark, x, 17-31,
wherein (I^ement shows that wealth is not condenmed
by the Gospel as intrinsically evil; its morality de-
pends on the good or ill use made of it. The work
concludes with the narrative of the young man who
was baptized, lost, and again rewon by the Apostle
St. John. The date of tne composition cannot be
fixed. We have the woric almost in its entirety.
Clement wrote homilies on fasting and on evil-speak-
ing, and he also used his pen in the controversy on
the Paschal question.
Duchesne (Hist. anciennedel'Eglise, 1, 3348^.) thus
summarises the remaining years of Clement's life. He
did not end his life at Alexandria. The persecution
fell upon Egypt in the year 202, and catechumens
were pursuea with special intent of law. The
catechetical school suffered accordingly. In the
first two books of the "Miscellanies", written at this
time, we find more than one allusion to the crisis.
At length Clement felt obliged to withdraw. We
find him shortly after at GBesarea in Cappadocia
beside his friend and former pupil Bishop Alexander.
The persecution is active there also, and Clement is
fulfilun^ a ministry of love. Alexander is in prison
for Christ's sake, Caement takes charge of the Church
in his stead, strengthens the faithful, and is even
able to draw in additional converts. We learn this
from a letter written in 211 or 212 by Alexander to
congratulate the Church of Antioch on the election of
AscTepiades to the bishopric. Clement himself
undertook to deliver the letter in person, being known
to the faithful of Antioch. In another letter written
about 215 to Origen Alexander speaks of Qement
as of one then dead.
Clement has had no notable influence on the course
of theology beyond his personal influence on the
young Origen. His writings were occasionally
copied, as by Hippolytus in his "Chronicon", by
Amobius, and by Theodoret of Qsrrus. St. Jerome
admired his leammg. Pope (jelasius in the catalogue
attributed to him mentions Clement's works, but acuis,
"they are in no case to be received amongst us".
Photius in the " Bibliotheca " censures a list of errors
drawn from his writings, but shows a kindly feeling to-
wards Clement, assuming that the original text had
been tampered with. Clement has in fact been dwarfed
in history by the towering grandeur of the great
Origen, who succeeded him at Alexandria. Down
to the seventeenth century he was venerated as a
saint. His name was to be found in the martyrol-
ogies, and his feast fell on the fourth of December.
But when the Roman Martyrology was revised by
Pope Clement VIII his name was dropped from the
calendar on the advice of Cardinal Baronius. Bene-
dict XIV maintained this decision of his predecessor
on the grounds that Clement's life was little known,
that he had never obtained public cultus in the
Church, and that some of his doctrines were, if not
erroneous, at least suspect. In more recent times
Clement has ^wn in favour for his charming liter*
ary temper, his attractive candour, the brave spirit
which made him a pioneer in theology, and his leaning
to the claims of philosophy. He is modem in spirit.
He was exceptionally well-read. He had a thorough
knowledge ot the whole range of Biblical and Chii9-
OLBMENT
47
OLBMENT
tian literature, of orthodox and heretical works,
lie was fond of letters also, and had a fine knowledge
of the pagan poets and philosophers; he loved to
quote them, too, and has tnus preserved a number of
fragments of lost works. The mass of facts and
citations collected by him and pieced together in his
writings is in fact unexampled in antiquity, though it
is not unlikely that he drew at times upon the florv-
legiOf or anthologies, exhibiting choice passages of
literature.
Scholars have found it no easy task to sum up the
chief ^ints of Clement's teaching. As has already
been mtimated, he lacks technical precision and
misJLes no pretence to orderly exposition. It is eacjy,
therefore, to misjudge him. We accept the dis-
criminating judgment of Tixeront. Clement's rule
of faith was sound He admitted the authority of
the Church's tradition. He would be, first of all, a
Christian, accepting 'Hhe ecclesiastical rule", but he
would ^so strive to remain a philosopher, and bring
his reason to bear in matters of religion. '' Few are
osophy as an instrument, to transform faith into
science, and revelation into theology. The Gnostics
had already pretended to possess the science of faith,
but they were, in fact, mere rationalists, or rather
dreamers of fantastic dreams. Clement would have
nothing but faith for the basis of his speculations.
He cannot, therefore, be accused of disloyalty in
will. But he was a pioneer in a difficult undertaking,
and it must be admitted that he failed at times in his
high endeavour. He was careful to go to Holy Scrip-
ture for his doctrine; but he misused the text by his
faulty exegesis. He had read all the Books of the
NcwTestament except the Second Epistle of St. Peter
and the Third Epistle of St. John. 'Tn fact", Tixeront
says, "his evidence as to the primitive form of the
Apostolic writings is of the highest value." Unfoi^
tunately, he interpreted the Scripture after the manner
of PWlo. He was ready to find allegory everywhere.
The facts of the Old Testament became mere symbols
to him. He did not, however, permit himself so much
freedom with the New Testament.
The special field which Clement cultivated led him
to insist on the difference between the faith of the
ordinary Christian and the science of the perfect, and
his teaching on this point .is most characteristic of
him. The perfect Christian has an insight into '' the
great mysteries" — of man, of nature, of virtue —
which the ordinary Christian accepts without such
clear insight. Clement has seemed to some to exag-
gerate the moral worth of religious knowledge; it
must however be remembered that he praises not
mere sterile knowledge, but knowledge which turns
to love. It is Christian perfection that he extols.
The perfect Christian — the true Gnostic wbgm
Clement loves to describe — leads a life of unalterable
calm. And here Clement's teaching is undoubtedly
coloured by Stoicism. He is reaUy describing not so
much the Christian with his sensitive feelings and
desires under due control, but the ideal Stoic wno has
deadened his feelings altogether. The perfect Chris-
tian leads a life of utter devotion; the love in his heart
prompts him to live always in closest union with God
by prayer, to labour for the conversion of souls, to
love his enemies, and even to endure martyrdom itself.
Clement preceded the days of the Trinitarian con-
troversies. He taught in the Godhead three Temis.
Some critics doubt whether he distinguished them
as Persons, but a careful reading of him proves that
he dki. The Second Term of the Trinity is the Word.
Photius believed that Clement taught a plurality of
Words, whereas in reality Clement merely drew a dis-
tinction between the Father's Divine immanent
attribute of intelligence and the Personal Word Who
is the Son. The Son is eternally begotten, and has
the very attributes of the Father. They are but one
God. So far, in fact, does Clement push this notion
of imity as to seem to approach Modalism. And yet,
so loose a writer is he that elsewhere are found dis-
quieting traces of the very opposite error of Subordi-
nationism. These, however, may be explained away.
In fact, he needs to be judged, more than writers
generally, not by a chance phrase here or there, but
by the general drift of his teaching. Of the Holy
Ghost he says little, and when he does refer to the
Third Person of the Blessed Trinity he adheres
closely to the lan^page of Scripture. He acknowl-
edges two natures m Christ. Christ is the Man-God,
who profits us both as God and as man. Clement
evidently regards Christ as one Person — the Word.
Instances of the interchange of idioms are frequent
in his writings. Photius has accused Clement of
Docetism. Clement, however, clearly admits in
Christ a real body, but he thought this body exempt
from the common needs of life, as eating and drink-
ing, and the soul of Christ exempt from the move-
ment of the passions, of joy, and of sadness.
Editions. — ^The works of Clement of Alexandria
were first edited by P. Victorius (Florence, 1550).
The most complete edition is tliat of J. Potter,
''Clementis Alexandrini opera qiue extant omnia"
(Oxford, 1715; Venice, 1757), reproduced in Migne,
P. G., VIII, IX. The edition of G. Dindorf (Oxford,
1869) is declared unsatisfactory by competent judges.
A new complete edition by O. Stfthlin is appearing
in the Berlin "Griechiscnen christlichen Schrift-
steller ", etc. So far (1908) two volumes have been
published: the "Protrepticus " and the " PaBdagogus "
(Leipzig, 1905), and the "Stromata" (Bks. I-VI,
ibid., 1906). The preface to the first volume (pp. i-
Ixxxiii) contains the best account of the manuscripts
and editions of Clement. Among the separate editions
of his works the following are noteworthy: Hort and
Mayor, "Miscellanies", Bk. VII, with English trans-
lation (London, 1902); Zahn, '*Adumbrationes" in
"Forschungen zur Geschichte des Neutestament-
liehen Kanons", III, and ** Supplementum Clement-
inum" (Erlangen, 1884); Koster, "Quis dives
salvetur?^' (Freiburg, 1893). The last-mentioned
work was also edited by P. M. Barnard in "Cam-
bridge Texts and Studies" by W. Wilson (1897), and
translated by him in "Early Church Classics" for the
S. P. C. K. (London, 1901). For an English transla-
tion of aU the writings of Clement see Ante-Nicene
Christian Library (New York).
Bioo, The Chriatum PUUonisU of Alexandria (Oxford, 1886);
Kate, Some Account of the Writings and Opinions of Clement
of Alexandria (London. 1835, 2nd ed., 1800); Westcott in
Did. Christ. Biog. (Boston, 1877), I, 659-67; Barnahd, The
Biblical Text of Clement of Alexandria in Texts and Studies
(Cambridge, 1899), V, 2: Db Fate, ClfmerU d'Alexandrie
(Paris, 1898); Frsppbl, CUment d'Alexandrie (Paris. 1865);
Stahun, Beitr&ge zur Kenniniss der Handschriflen des Clemens
Alex. (Nuremberg, 1895): Zieoert, Zwei Abhandlungen iiber T.
Flav. Klemens Alex. (Heidelberg, 1894); Hillen, dementis
Alexandrini de SS. Eucharistia doctrind (Warendorf, 1861);
WiNTEB, Die Eihik des Klemens von Alexandrien (Leipzig.
1882); Ernesti, Die Ethik des T. Flavius Klemens von Alex-
andrien (Paderbom, 1900); Capitaine. Die Moral des Clemens
von Alexandrien (Paderborn, 1903); Wagner, Der Christ und
die Welt nach Clemens von Alexandrien (Gdttingen, 1903);
EiCKUOFF. Das Neue Testament des Klemens Alexandrinus
(Schleswig, 1890); Dauscii, Der neutestamentliche Sckriflkanon
und Klemens von Alexandrien (Freiburg ira Br., 1894);
KuTTER, Klemens Alexandrinus und das Neue Testament
(Giessen. 1897); Deiber, Client d'Alexandrie et VEglise in
M6m. de I'Institut francais d' Archiologie orierdale (Cairo. 1904).
— See also the manuals of patrology (Fessler-Junomann,
Bardenhewer), the histories of Gnosticism (Manbel)
and of the Alexandrine School (Guericke, Matter. J.
Simon, Vacherot). Extensive bibliographies are given by
Chevauer in Bio-Btbliographie^ s. v., ancl by RiCBARDaON in
bis bibliographical appendix to the Ante-Nicene Christian
Library. FraNCIS P. Havey.
Olement of Ireland, Saint, also known as Clem-
ens ScoTus (not to be confounded with (Claudius
Clemens), b. in Ireland^ towards tlio middle of the
OLENOOK
4S
OLXBO
eighth century; d. perhaps in France, probably after
818. About the year 771 he bet out for France. His
biographer, an Irish monk of St. Gall, who wrote his
Acts, dedicated to Charles the Fat (d. 888), says that
St. Clement, with his companion Albums, or Ailbe,
arrived in Gaul, in 772, and announced himself as a
vender of learning. So great was the fame of Clement
and Ailbe that Cnarlemagne sent for them to come
to his court, where they stayed for some months.
Ailbe was then i^ivcn the direction of a monastery
near Pavia, but Clement was requested to remain in
France as the master of a higher school of learning.
These events may have taken place in the winter of
the year 774, after Charlemagne had been in Italy.
St. Clement was regent of the Paris school from 775
until his death. It was not until 782 that Alcuin be-
came master of the royal school at Aachen, but even
the fame of Alcuin in no wise diminished the acknowl-
edged reputation of Clement. No serious writer of
to-day thinks of repeating the legend to the effect
that St. Clement was founder of the University of
Paris, but, as there is a substratum of truth in most
lecends, the fact remains that this remarkable Irish
scholar planted the mustard seed which developed
into a great tree of learning at Paris. Many anecdotes
are related of St. Clement s life, especially as regards
his success as a teacher of youth. Among his pupils
were Bruno, Modestus, and Candidus, who had been
placed under his care in 803 bv Ratgar, Abbot of
Fulda. When Alcuin retired to Tours in 796, his post
as rector of the School of the Palace was naturally
given to St. Clement. In 803, as an old man, Alcuin
wrote from his retirement to Charlemagne, queru-
lously commenting on " the daily increasing influence
of the Irish at the School of the Palace". Alcuin died
19 May, 804, and Charlemagne survived till 28 Janu-
ary, 814. St. Clement is probably identical with the
person of this name who wrote the biography of
Charlemagne, but the question has not been defi-
nitely settled. Colgan sa3rs that he was living in 818,
and gives the date of Clement's death as ^ March
and the place as Auxeire, where he was interred in
the church of Saint-Amator.
CoLOAN, Acta Santi. Hib.: Harris ed., Writern of Irdand,
III; Laniqan, Erd. HiM. of Irdandt III; Usshbr, Vet. EpiU.
Hib. Sylloge (Dublin, 1632): Canisiub, AntiquoB Lectiones^ II;
O'Hanlon, Lives of Ihe Irish Saints (Dublin, 1875), III.
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Glenock (or Clynog), Maurice, date of birth un-
known, d. about 1580. He was b. in Wales and
educated at Oxford, where he was admitted Bachelor
of Canon Law in 1548. During Mary's reign he be-
came almoner and secretary to Cardinal Pole, preben-
dary of York, rector of Orpington ^Kent), and dean
of Shoreham and Croydon, and chancellor of the
l)rerogative court of Canterbury. In 1556 he was
made rector of Corwen in the Diocese of St. Asaph,
and on the death of the Bishop of Bangor in 1558 was
nominated to the vacant see, but was never conse-
crated, owing to the change of religion under Eliza-
beth. Surrendering all his preferments, he accom-
panied Bishop Gokiwell of St. Asaph to Rome, where
tliey resided in the English hospitw, of which Clenock
was a camerarius in 1567. In 1578 he was made its
warden. At the same time Gregory XIII ordered the
hospital to be converted into a college until England
should return to the Church. The warden was made
the first rector of the college by the pope; but Cardi-
nal Allen judged hina unfit, though he described him
as "an honest and friendly man and a great advancer
of the students' and seminaries' cause" (Letter to
Dr. Lewis, 12 May, 1579). Despite his personal good
qualities he did not prove a com{)etent ruler. He
was accused of unduly favouring his fellow-country-
men at the ex|>ense of the English students, who
numbered thirty- three as against seven Welshmen.
Feeling ran so high that, as Allen wrote, "Mischief
and murder had like to have been committed in ipa9
coUegio*' Hetter cited above). The students, having
unsuccessfully appealed to the pope, left the college,
and finally the pope, in April, 1579, appointed Father
Agazzari, S. J., rector, leaving Dr. Clenock still war-
den of the hospital. He retired, however, in 1580
to Rouen, where he took ship for Spain, but was lost
at sea. In contemporary documents he is frequently
referred to as "Dr. Morrice".
DoDD, Cfiurch History (Bruaaels, 1737), 1, 513, alaoTiKRNKY'a
edition (London, 1830), II, 167 sqq.; Kirk, Catholic MisceUany
(London, 1826), VI. 255; Knox, Historical Introduction to
Douay Diaries (London, 1878); Foley, Records Enq. Prow
S. J. (London, 1880), Introduction; Knox, Lett^s and Memo-
riala of Cardinal AUen (London. 1882); GiiLLOW. BUd. Did.
Eng. Cath. (London. 1885). I. 501; Ckwpsa in IHct. Nai. Biog.
(London. 1887), XI. 37; Law, Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign
of Elizabeth (London, 1889); Sander, Report to Cardinal
Moroni in Cath. Record Soc Hiiaeellanea (London, 1005). I;
Pabsons. Memoirs in Cath. Record Soe. Miecellanea (London.
1006), II.
Edwin Burton.
Oleophas, according to the Catholic English ver-
sions the name of two persons mentioned in the New
Testament. In Greek, however, the names are dif-
ferent, one being Cleopas, abbreviated form of Cleo-
patros, and the other (Jlopas. The first one, Cleopas,
was one of the two disciples to whom the risen Lord
appeared at Emmaus (Luke, xxiv, 18). We have
no reliable data concerning him; his name is entered
in the martjrrology on the 25th of September. (See
Acta Sanctorum, Sept., VII, 5 sqq.) The second,
Clopas, is mentioned in St. John, xix. 25, where a
Mary is called Mapla ij rou KXwira, w^hicn is generally
translated by "Mary the wife of Clopas . This
name, Clopas, is thought by many to be the Greek
transliteration of the Aramaic ^abn, Alphseus. This
view is based on the identification of Mary, the
mother of James etc. (Mark, xv, 40) with Mary,
the wife of Clopas, and the consequent identitv
of Alphseus, father of James (Mark, iii, 18), with
Clopas. Etymologically, however, the identification
of the two names offers serious difiBculties; (1) Al-
though the letter fleth is occasionally rendered in Greek
by Kappa at the end and in the middle of words, it is
very seldom so in the beginning, where the aspirate is
better protected; examples of this, however, are given
by Levy (Sem. Fremdworter in Griech.) ; but (2) even
if this difficulty was met, Cldpas would suppose an
Aramaic ffalophai, not Halpat, (3) The Syriac ver-
sions have rendered the Greek Cldpas with a Qdph,
not with a Hetht as they would have done naturally
had they been conscious of the identitv of Clopas and
Halpai; Alphaeus is rendered with a Heth (occasion-
ally Aleph). For these reasons, others see in Cldpas a
substitute for Cleopas, with the contraction of eo into
w. In Greek, it is true, eo is not contracted into «,
but a Semite, borrowing a name, did not necessarily
follow the rules of Greek contraction. In fact, in
Mishnic Hebrew the name Cleopatra is rendered
by fcniDDli>p, ClOpatra, and hence the Greek Cleopas
might be rendered by Cldpas. See also, Chabot,
"Journ. Asiat.", X, 327 (1897). Even if, etymo-
logically, the two names are different they may
have been borne by one man, and the question of the
identity of Alpheeus and Clopas is still open. If the
two persons are distinct, then we know nothing of
Clopas beyond the fact recorded in St. John; if, on
the contrary, they are identified, Clopas' personality
is or may be closely connected with the history of the
brethren of the Lord and of James the Less. (See
Brethren of the Lord; Jambs the Less.)
ScHEGQ, Jakobue der Bruder dee Herm (Munich, 1883);
NicoLL, Alphrrus and Klopas in The Bxpontor (ISS/i), 70 eqn.;
Wetzel, Aiphteue u. Klopas in Theolog. Stud. u. Krit. (18S3),
620 eq.; Jacquikr in Vio., Did. de la Bib.^ b.v. Alnh^ ; abo
commentaries on John, xix, 25. R, BuTIN.
Olerc, Alexis. See Commttnb, Martyrs of the
Paris.
OLEBO
OLERIO
Olerc, J.-M. See Vizagapatam, Diocese of.
Clerestory, a term formerly applied to any win-
dow or traceried opening in a church, e. g. in an aisle,
tower, cloister, or screen, but now restricted to the
windows in an aisled nave, or to the range of wall in
which the high windows are set. Sometimes these
'windows are very small, bein^ mere quatrefoils or
spherical triangles. In large bmldings, however, they
are important features both of beauty and utility.
The clerestory is especially used in churches where the
division into nave and side aisles permits the intro-
duction of light into the body of the church from
above the aisle roofs. According to Fergusson's
theory, the interior of Greek temples was lighted
by a clerestory, similar internally to that found in
all the great Egyptian temples, but externally re-
quiring such a cnange of arrangement as was nec-
essary to adapt it to a sloping instead of a flat
roof. This seems to have been effected by counter-
sinking into the roof, so as to make three ridges in
those pi^ where the lie^t was admitted, thou^i the
regular ^ape of tiie roofwas retained between these
openines. Thus, neither the ridge nor the continuity
of the Tines of the roof was interfered with. This
theory is borne out by all the remains of Greek tem-
Eles that now exist, and by all the descriptions that
ave been handed down from antiquity. Simpson,
however, regards the theory as extremely improbable.
Flktcher and Fubtcher, a Hittary of Architecture (Lon-
don, New York. 1896), 690; Gwilt. Encuc. of Arch. (London,
1881). 1648; Parkeb. Qlostary of Arch. (Oxford. 1860), I.
104; SruRaia. Diet, of Arch, and Buildinff (London, 1904);
FERGX7S80N, A Hittcry of ArchitecHire in aU Countriet (New
York): Simpson, A History of Architecturcd DwehpmnU
(New Vork. 1905).
Thomas H. Poole.
Olergy. See Cleric.
Olerie, a person who has been legitimately re-
ceived into the ranks of the clergy. By clei^gy in the
strict sense is meant the entire ecclesiastical hier-
archy. Consequently a cleric is one who belongs in
some sense to the hierarchy. For this it is necessaiy
that he have received at least the tonsure (see Ton-
sure). The clergy by Divine right form an order or
state which is essentially distinct from that of the
laity. (Cone. Trid.,Sess. XXIV, De sac. ord., can. i,
6.) Christ did not commit the preaching of the
Gospel and the administration of tne sacraments to
the faithful in general, but to certain carefuUy defined
persons, as the Apostles and seventy-two Disciples.
They also received the power of governing the flocks;
which power is represented by the Kejrs, a well-known
Oriental symbol for authority. That the distinction
between clergy and laity was recognized in New
Testament times is plain from St. Paul's statement
that the bishops have been placed by the Holy Ghost
to rule the Church (Acts, xx, 28), for the right to
rule implies a corrdative obligation to obey. Pres-
byters are continually distinguished from the laity
throughout the Pauline Epistles.
The word cleric (Lat. derictta from derus) is de-
rived from the Greek kXijpos, a " lot". In the Septua-
gint, this word is used in the literal sense quite fre-
ouentlyt though not in its later technical sens^. In
the First Epistle of St. Peter (v, 3) it is applied to the
entire body of the faithful. The use of the word in its
present restricted meaning occurs, however, as early
as the third century. It is found in Tertullian (De
idol., c. viii), Origen (Hom. in Jer., xi, 3) and Clem-
ent of Alexandria (Quis dives salvetur, c. xKi) in this
sense. It is not easy to determine exactly how the
word came to have it« present determinate meaning.
The "Pontificale Romanum" refers to clerics as being
those whose ''lot'* is the Lord Himself, and St.
Jerome explicitly derives the name from that fact.
These statements do not give us, however, the steps
IV.— 4
by which kX^poj, "lot" became "clergy" or "cleric",
ftobably the best suggested explanation is, that
from lot or portion, it came to mean a particular
lot or office assigned to some one, and finally the
person himself possessing the lot or office. ^
Extension of Meaning. — While cleric in its strict
sense means one who has received the ecclesiastical
tonsure, yet in a general sense it is also employed in
canon law for all to whom clerical privileges have
been extended. Such are the members of religious
orders: monks and nuns, and even lay brothers and
novices. It is also applied to tertiaries of the mendi-
cant oixiers. If they be men, however, they must
live in community, but if they be women they may
enjoy the privilege even when living at home. Her-
mits and virgins, or celibates whose vows are approved
by the bishop, have like>>ise clerical immunities.
Members of tne miUtary religious orders, such as
formerly the Knights Templars, and at present the
Teutomo Knights and Knights of Malta, rank as
clerics. The meaning of the word has been so ex-
tended as to include even laics, men or women, who
render service to a regular community, such as by
begging, provided they wear a clerical dress and
reside near the monastery or convent. The privi-
leges enjoyed by thus obtaining the benefit of clergy
were once great (see Immunity), and were formerly
recognized by secular govemments; In modem
times, however, these privileges in as far as they
were guaranteed by the civil power have been almost
entirely swept away in every countnr of the world.
It is only when there is question of favours, or as
canonists say, in a favourable sense, that cleric has
this wide signification. When there is question of
penalties, on the contrary, it becomes so restricted
as to mean only the lower orders of the secular clergy.
In En^and in medieval times the term clerk acquired
in conmion parlance the significance of an educated
man.
Clerical Religious Orders. — Among the regular
orders in the strict sense, namely those whose mem-
bers have solemn vows, is a lai^ class designated as
clerks regular {derici regulares) because living accord-
ing to a rule (regula). In contradistinction to the
monastic orders, these clerical orders were^ instituted
for the purpose of exercising a ministry similar to that
of the secular clerics, by promotion of the Divine
worship and procuring the salvation of souls. Their
main object is the spiritual and temporal service of
their neighbour in educating youth, preaching, serv-
ing the sick, etc. Orders o/ clerks regular were first
founded in the sixteenth century. To this class
belong the Jesuits, Theatines, Barnabites, and others.
Many religious congregations, which are not orders
in the strict sense, such as the Passionists and Re-
demptorists follow a similar mode of life.
Region ARY Clerics, who are also called d^ci
vagarUes and acephalif were those who were ordained
without title to a special church. They were re-
ceived into the sacred ministry by the bishops for the
purpose of supplying the dearth of the clerg}' in the
outlying districts of the dioceses where no benefices
existed. Here they were to act as missionaries and
in course of time, if possible, to gather together congre-
gations who would build and endow a church. Many
of these clerics became mere ^\^nde^ers without set-
tled occupation or abode, sometimes supporting
themselves by filling temporary chaplaincies in the
castles of noblemen. In course of time, numbers
of these untitled clerics returned to the settled por-
tions, of their dioceses and acted as assistants to such
beneficed clergymen as chose to accept their help.
Owing to the abuses arising from the unsettled state
of these vagrant clerics, the Council of Trent (Sess.
XXIII, c. xvi, De ref.) forbade the ordaining in
future of any candidate who was not attached to a
definite church or pious institute.
OLEBIOATO
50
OLEBIOIS
Obugations op Clerics.— (1) They must wear a
eostume suited to their state. While the common
canon law does not determine in every detail what
the dress of clerics should be, yet man^ and various
prescriptions on the subject are found m the canons,
the pontifical constitutions, and the decrees of coim-
cils. These ordain that the clerics are not to wear the
dress of laymen. They must abstain from gaudy
colours, imbecoming their state. The wearing of
the soutane or cassock on all occasions, even in {>ublic,
is prescribed for clerics living in Rome, and bishops
may command the same in their dioceses. In non-
Catholic countries, synods generally prescribe that for
public use the dress of clerics shomd be such as to
distinguish them from lavmen; that is of black or of a
sober colour, and that the so-called Roman collar be
worn. In private, clergymen are commonly re-
quired to wear the soutane. (2) Clerics are forbidden
to engage in trade and secular business. In the early
ages of the Church, it was allowable to seek necessary
sustenance by labour, and this b not forbidden now
if the cleric does not receive proper support from
ecclesiastical sources. What is specially J>rohibited
is to engage in trade for the sake of gain. The buying
and selling, however, which is necessary in the admin-
istration of the lands or the goods of a benefice do not
fall under the prohibition. Neither is it forbidden
to clerics nowaoays to place their money out at inter-
est and receive the increment; for this is equivalent,
allowing for modem circumstances, to the economic
management of the lands of ecclesiastical benefices.
Gambling in stocks, however, remains an illicit form
of trade for clergymen (Lehmkuhl, Theol. Mor., II,
n. 612.).
(3) There are stringent laws concerning the rela-
tions of clerics with persons of the other sex. They
must conform to the canons in all that regards
allowing females to dwell in their houses. Above all
must they avoid associating with those whose moral
character causes the least suspicion. (4) Unbecom-
ing amusements are also forbidden to them, such as
the fre(^uenting of improper plays and spectacles,
the visiting of taverns, mdulgenoe m games of chance,
carrying of arms, following the chase, etc. When in
the above amusements, however, there is no necessary
impropriety, lawful custom and synodal prescriptions
may make a participation in them allowable.^ (5)
Clerics are bound to obey their diocesan bishops in all
matters determined by the canon law. Various
Roman decisions have declared that by his ordinary
authority, the bishop cannot oblige clerics to render
to him any service not expressed in the canons. While
the obligation of obedience is binding on all clerics,
it is strengthened for priests by the solemn promise
made at ordination, and for all holders of benefices
by the canonical oath. The obligation to be subject
to the bishop in lawful matters is not, however, a
vow.
Loss OF Clerical Privileoes. — ^Although the
sacramental character received in Sacred orders may
not be obliterated, yet even the higher orders of
clergy may be degraded from their <5gnity and re-
duced to what is technically called lay communion.
The same holds, of course, likewise for the lower
clergy. When, however, a cleric who has received
only minor orders or even tonsure, after losing his
privileges, has been restored to the clerical state, this
restitution, even when solemn, is merely ceremonious
and is not considered as a new conferring of ionsure
or minor orders. Even minor clerics are therefore
oonsidered to have a stable connexion with the hier-
archical order. See Minor Orders; Deacon; Sub-
deacon; Priest; Hierarchy; LAmr.
Wbrnz, Ju» Decrdalium (Rome. 1800), II; Fbrbani,
Promvta Bibl. (Rome, 1886), II; Laursntius, In^. Jur. Bed,
(Fraiburg. 1003).
William H. W. Fanning.
Olericato, Giovanni, canonist, b. 1633, at Padua;
d. 1717. He was of English descent, and the name
is variously written Clbricatus, Chericato, Cheri-
CATi, and Chiericato, probably from Clark, the
original family name. Tne charity of a pious woman
made it possible for him to satis^ his strong incli-
nation for study; and, being raised to the priesthood,
he came to be considered one of the ablest men of
his time in matters of ecclesiastical jurisprudence.
Cardinal Barbarigo, whose life he afterwards wrote,
made him Vicar-General of the Diocese of Padua.
He wrote many works on civil and canon law; his
"Decisiones Sacramentales" was published in 1727,
and in 1757 in three volumes, and merited the
encomiums of Benedict XIV (notific. 32, n. 6).
His name is held in honour in Italian ecclesiastical
literature.
Mor£bi. Or. Did. Hiat. (Paris. 1750): Sbebti, Memorie
(Padua. 1700); Tzraboschx. Storia dMa Lett. lud. (Milan.
1825). John H. Stapleton.
OlericiB LaiooB, the initial words of a Bull issued
25 Feb., 1296, by Boniface VIII in response to an
earnest appeal of the Enpjiish and French prelates for
protection against the mtolerable exactions of the
civil power (see Boniface VIII). The decree was in-
sertea amons the papal decretals and is found in
Lib. Sextus, III, tit. 23. After a preamble in which
the pope complains that the laity are, and have al-
ways been, bitterly hostile to the clergy; that, al-
though they possess no authority over ecclesiastical
persons or property, they impose all sorts of heavy
burdens on the clergy and seek to reduce them to
servitude; that several prelates and other dignitaries
of the Church, more fearful of giving offence to their
earthly rulers than to the majesty of God, acquiesce
in these abuses, without having obtained authori^ or
permission from the Apostolic See; he, therefore, wish-
mg to put an end to these iniquitous proceedings, with
the consent of his cardinals and by Apostolic author-
ity, decrees that all prelates or other ecclesiastic^^ su-
periors who under whatsoever pretext or colour shall,
without authority from the Holy See, pay to laymen
any part of their income or of the revenue of the
Church; also all emperors, kings, dukes, counts, etc.
who shall exact or receive sucn payments incur eo
ipBo the sentence of excommimication from which,
except in arHculo mor^ts, no one can absolve them with-
out special faculties from the pope; no privileges or
dispensations to be of avail against the decree.
The two underlying principles of this Bull, vis. (1)
that the clergy should enjoy equally with the laity &e
ridbt of determining the need and the amount of their
subsidies to the Crown, and (2) that the head of the
Church ought to be consulted when there was ques-
tion of diverting the revenues of the Church to secular
purposes, were^ no means strange or novel- in that
age of Magnffi CJhart®; and outside of France and
]£igland it was accepted without a murmur. But
what excited the wrath of the two chief culprits,
PhiHp the Fair and Edward I, was that from its fieiy
tone, from the express mention of sovereigns, and the
srave ipso facto penalties attached, they felt that be-
hind the decree tnere stood a new Hildebrand resolved
to enforce it to the letter. The Bull has been criti-
cized for the unconventional vehemence of its tone,
for its exaggerated indictment of the hostile attitude
of the laity of all ages towards the clergy, and for its
failure to make clear the distinction between the rev-
enues of the purely ecclesiastical benefices and the lay
fees held by the clergy on feudal tenure. The un-
scrupulous advisers orPhilip the Fair were quick to
take advantage of the pope^ hasty language and, by
forcing him to make explanations, put mm on the de-
fensive and weakened his prestige.
For sources and literature, see Bonifacb VIII.
James F. Loughlin.
OLEBX
51
OISEKS
Olerk, John, Bishop of Bath and Welb; date of
birth unknown; d. 3 January, 1541. He was edu-
cated at Cambridge (B.A., 1499; M.A., 1502) and
Bologna, where he became Doctor of Laws. When be
returned to England he attached himself to Cardinal
Wolsey, and much preferment followed. He became
Hector of Hothfield, Kent, 1508; Master of the Maison
Dieu at Dover, 1509; Rector of Portishead (Somer-
set) 1513; Ivychurch (Kent), West Tarring (Sussex),
and Charlton, all in 1514; South Molton (Devonshire)
and Archdeacon of Colchester, 1519; Dean of Windsor
and judge in the Court of Star Chamber, 1519. He
was also Dean of the King's Chapel. He was useful
in diplomatic commissions both to Wolsey and the
king. In 1521 he was appointed ambassador to the
Papal Court, in which capacity he presented King
Henry's book against Luther to the pope in full oon-
sistory. He acted as Wolsey^s aeent in Rome in the
conclave on the death of Leo X. lie returned to Eng-
land to be appointed Master of the Rolls in October,
1522, which office he held till 9 October, 1523. When
Wolsey resigned the See of Bath and Wells, in 1523,
Clerk was appointed bishop in his stead. As bishop-
elect he went on another political embassy to Rome,
wbere he received episcopal consecration, 6 December,
1523. He remained in Rome for two years and once
more unsuccessfully represented Wofsey's interests
at the conclave in which Clement VII was elected
pope. He left Rome in November, 1525, but was so
useful as a diplomatic agent that he was never long in
Eziigland, ana his diocese was administered by his two
sum-agan bishops. When the question of the roytd
divorce was raised Clerk was appointed as one of the
queen's counsellors, but. Wolsey persuaded him to
agree on her behalf that she should withdraw from
proceedings at Rome. Afterwards he joined in pro-
nouncing sentence of divorce, and is believed to have
assisted Cranmer in works on the supremacy and the
divorce. His last embassy was in 1540, to the Duke
of Cleves, to explain the king's divorce of Anne of
Cleves. On his retmrn he was taken iU at Dunkirk,
not without suspicion of poison^ but he managed to
reach England, though only to die. He lies buried at
St. Botolph's, Aldgate, not at Dunkirk, as sometimes
stated.
Clerk wrote "Oratio pro Henrico VIII apud Leonem
pontif. Max. in exhibitione operis re<di contra Luth-
erum in consistorio habitam'vCLondon, 1541), trans-
lated into English by T. W. (Thomas Warde?), 1687.
Letten and StaU Papen of Henry VIII (London. 1830-^52);
Chsrbubt. lAf0 and Reion of Heiuy VIII (London, 1714);
Hunt in DieL of Nat, Biogr,, s. v.; Dodd. Church Hitt. (Lon-
don. 1737), I, 181-2; Coopsb. Athena. Cantab. (Cambridge.
1858), I, 77; Oillow^ BtM. Diet. Eng. Cath. The account
of Pirn, D0 Ang. Senptonlnt* (Paris, 1619), U erroneoua.
Edwik Burton.
Gierke, Agnes Mart, astronomer, b, at Skibbereen,
County Cork, Ireland, 10 February, 1842; d. in Lon-
don. 20 January, 1907. At the very be^nning of her
studv she showed a marked interest in astronomy,
and before she was fifteen years old she had begun to
write a history of that science. In 1861 the family
moved to Dublin, and in 1863 to Queenstown. Sev-
eral years later she went to Italy where she stayed
until 1877, chiefly at Florence, studying at the public
librarv and preparinsfor literary work. In 1877 she
settled in London. Her first important article, ^'Co-
pernicus in Italy", was published in the "Edinbun^
Review" (October, 1877). She achieved a worfl-
wide reputation in 1885, on the appearance of her
exhaustive treatise, "A Popular History of Astronomy
in the Nineteenth Century^'. This was at once recog-
nised as an authoritative work. Miss Clerke was not
a practical astronomer; in 1888, however, she spent
three months at the Cape Observatory as the guest of
the director^ Sir David Gill, and his wife. There she
became mimciently familiar with spectroscopic work
to be enabled to write about this newer branch of the
science with increased clearness and confidence. In
1892 the Royal Institution awarded to her the Acton-
ian Prise of one hundred guineas. As a member of
the British Astronomical .^^sociation she attended its
meetings resularly, as well as those of the Royal
Astronomicu Society. In 1903, with Lady Huggins.
she was elected an honorary member of the Soyal
Astronomical Society, a rank previously held only oy
two other women, Caroline Herschel and Mary Somer-
ville. Her work is remarkable in a literary as well as
in a scientific way. She compiled facts with untirins
diligence, sifted them carefully, discussed them with
judgment, and sug^ted problems and lines of future
research. All this. is expressed in polished, eloquent,
and b^kutiful language. With this scientific tempersr
ment she combined a noble religious nature that made
her acknowledge ''with supreme conviction" the in-
sufficiency of science to know and predict the possible
acts of the Divine Power. Her works, all published
in London, include, "A Popular History of Astron-
omy in the Nineteenth Century" (1885, 4th revised
ed., 1902); "The System of the Stars" (1890; 2nd ed.,
1905); "The Herschels and Modem Astronomer"
(1895); "The Concise Knowledge Astronomy" — in
conjunction with J. E. Gore and A. Fowler (1898);
"Problems in Astrophysics" (1903); "Modem Cos-
mogonies" (1906). To the ^'Edinburgh Review"
she contributed fifty-five articles, mainlv on subjects
connected with astrophysics. The articles on astron-
omers in the " Dictionary of National Biography";
on "Laplace" and some on other astronomers and
astronomical subjects in the " Encyclopsdia Britan-
nica"; and on "Astronomy" in The Catholic
Enctclopedia, were from her pen, as well as numer-
ous contributions to "Knowl^ge", "The Observa-
tory", the London "Tablet", and other periodicals.
Ellen Mart, sister of preceding, journalist and
novelist, b. at Skibbereen, County Cork, Ireland,
1840; d. in London, 2 March, 1906. A gifted and
accomplished writer, she was for many years an edito-
rial writer for the London ' ' Tablet ' '. Her knowledge
of the intricacies of the religious and political prob-
lems of Continental Europe was remarkable. A seven
years' stay in Italy made her intimatelv familiar not
only with its language and literature, but also with
every phase of its public life. She contributed a
series of stories, perfect in Italian phrase, idiom, and
local colour, to periodicals in Florence. Her pamph-
lets, "Jupiter and His System" and "The Planet
Venus", were valuable additions to the literature of
popular astronomy. In 1899 she published "Fable
and Son^ in Italy , a collection of essays and studies
and specimens of Italian poetry rendered into Eng-
lish in the original metres. A novel, "Flowers of
Fire" (1902), was her last work.
The Tablet, 61m (London, March. 1906: January, 1907)
Obituary in Monthly Noticea of the R. A. S. (London. 1907)
MACPiOBRaoN in Popular Aatronomp (London, March, 1907)
The Mouenger Maganno (New York, March, 1907).
William Fox.
Olarka of St. Viator. See Vl^tor, St., Clerks or.
Olerks of the Oomxnon Xaife. See Ck)MMON Lite,
Brethren of the.
Olerks K^gulMX,— Canonical Status. — By clerks
r^lar are meant those bodies of men in the Church
who by the very nature of their institute unite the
perfection of the religious state to the priestly office,
h e. who while bein^ essentially clerics, aevoted to the
exercise of the ministry in preaching, the administra-
tion of the sacraments, the education of youth, and
other spiritual and corporal works of mercy, are at the
same time religious in the strictest sense of the word,
professing solemn vows, and living a oommunity life
according to a rule solemnly approved of by the sov-
ereign pontiff. In the "Corpus Juris Canonici" the
term ctarks regular is often used for canons regular, and
CLERKS
52
OLSBKS
regular clerks are classed by aiithorB as a branch or
modern adaptation of the once world-famous family of
regular canons (see Canons and Canonbsbb8 Regu-
lar). This is because of the intimate connexion ex-
isting between the two; for while separated from the
secular clerey^ by their vows and the observance of a
community life and a rule, they form a distinct class
in the religious state, the clerical, in opposition to the
monastic, which includes monks, hermits, and friars.
Clerks regular are distinguished from the purely mo-
nastic bodies, or monks, in four wa^: They are pri-
marily devoted to the sacred ministry* not so the
monks, whose proper work is contemplation and the
solemn celebration of the liturgy. Tney are obhged
to cultivate the sacred sciences, which, if cultivated by
the monks, are yet not imposed upon them by virtue of
their state of life. Clerks regular as clerics must re-
tain some appearance of clerical dress distinct from
the habit and cowl of the monk. And lastly, because
of their occupations, they are less given to the prac-
tice of austerity which is a distinct feature or the
purely monastic life. They are distinguished from the
friars in this, that though the latter are devoted to the
sacred ministry and the cultivation of leamine, thejr
are not primarily priests. Finally, clerks regular dif-
fer from canons r^ular in that they do not possess
cathedral or collegiate churdies, devote themselves
more completely to ministerisd work in place of choir-
service, and have fewer penitential observances of
rule.
History. — ^The exact date at which clerks r^ular
appeared in the Church cannot be absolutely deter-
mired. Regular clerks of some sort, i. e. pnests de-
voted both to the exercise of the ministry and to the
practice of the religious Ufe are found in the earliest
da3rB of Christian antiquity. Many eminent theolo-
gians hold that the clerks regular were founded by
Christ Himself. In this opinion the Apostles were the
first regular clerks, being constituted by Christ min-
isters par excellence of PI is Church and called by Him
personally to the practice of the counsels of the relig-
ious life (cf. Suarez). From the fact that St. Augus-
tine in the fourth century established in his house a
community of priests leading the religious life, for
whom he drew up a rule, he haa ordinarffy been styled
the founder of the regular clerks and canons, and upon
his rule have been built the constitutions of the
canons regular and an immense number of the relig-
ious communities of the Middle Ages, besides those of
the clerks regular established in the sixteenth century.
During the whole medieval period the clerks regular
were represented by the r^ular canons who under
the name of the Canons Regular or Black Canons of
St. Augustine, the Premonstratensians or White
Canons, Canons of St. Norbert, etc., shared with
the monks the possession of those magnificent
abbeys and monasteries all over Europe which, even
though they are in ruins, compel the admiration of
the beholder.
It was not until the sixteenth century that clerks
regular in the modem and strictest sense of the word
came into being. Just as the conditions obtaining in
the thirteenth century brought about a change in the
monastic ideal, so in the sixteenth the altereacircum-
stances of the times called for a fresh development of
the ever fecund religious spirit in the Church. This
development, adapted to the needs of the times, was
had in the various bodies of simple clerics, who, desir-
ous of devoting themselves more perfectly to the ex-
ercise of their priestly ministry under the safeguards
of the religious life, instituted the several bodies
which, under the names of the various orders of regular
clerics, constitute rn themselves and in their imitators
one of the most efficient instruments for good in the
Church militant to-day. So successful and popular
and well adapted to all modem needs were the clerks
regular, that their mode of life was chosen as the pat-
tern for all the various communities of men, whether
religious or secular, living under rule, in which tiie
Church has in recent times been so prolific. The first
order of clerks regular to be founded were the Thea-
tines (a. v.) established at Rome in 1524; then fol-
lowed the Clerks Regular of the Good Jesus, founded at
Ravenna in 1526, and abolished by Innocent X in
1651; the Bamabites (q. v.) or Clerks R^ular of St.
Paul, Milan, 1530; The Somaschi (q. v.) or Qerks
R^ular of St. Majolus, Somasca, 1532; the Jesuits or
the Society of Jesus (q. v.), Paris, 1534; the Regular
Clerks of the Mother of God, Lucca, 1583; the R^u-
lar Cl^ks Ministering to the Sick, Rome, 1584; uie
Minor Clerks Regular, Naples, 1588; and the Piarists
or R^;ular Qerln of the Mother of God of the Pious
Schoou, Rome, 1597. Since the dose of the six-
teenth century no new orders have been added to tlie
number, thou^ the name Clerks R^ular has been
assmned occasioneklly by communities tnat are techni-
cally only religious, or pious, congregations (see Con-
GBEQATIONS, RbLIOIOUS).
Suarez, De Religume, tr. 0 ; Humphxgt, BlemenU of ReUg-
iou8 lAfe (London, 1884) ; Iueii, The Riiligiotis Stale (Lon«
don, 1003). II: Andr6-Waoner, />tcf. de droit canonimte
(Paris, 1901); Veriiebr8CH. De Keligiosia Institutit et Per-
•onis (BnigM, 1004), I; Wxrns, «/iu« rhcretalium (Rome, 1800),
III; H<OT, D%ci.ae9 ordret religieux (Paris, 1850), ed. Mionk,
III; Heimbuchkr, Die Orden und Kong, der kath. Kirche
(Paderbom. 1907). III. j^^ p x. MuRPHY.
Olerka Be^ar of Our Saviour, a religious con-
urbation instituted in its present form in 1851, at
Benolte-Vaux in the Diocese of Verdun, France. The
constitutions and spirit of the con^gation are those
of the Canons Regular of Our Saviour, who were es-
tablished as a reform among the various bodies of
regular canons in Lorraine by St. Peter Fourier (a. v.),
canon of Chamousay in 1623, and confirmed by Urban
VIII in 1628. The scope of the reformed order, as
outlined in the *'Summarium Cbnstitutionum" of St.
Peter, was the CJhristian education of youth and the
exercise of the sacred ministry among the poor and
neglected. The order flourished exceedingly through-
out the Duchy of Lorraine and made its way into
France and Savoy; but was completely destroyed by
the French Revolution. In 1851 four zedous priests
of the Diocese of Verdun, anxious to see revived the
apostolic labours of the sons of Fourier, withdrew to
the retired shrine of Our Lady of Benolte-Vaux, and
there began a religious life according to the rule given
to his canons by St. Peter Fourier. Three years later
they received tne approbation of the Holy See, which
changed their name from Canons Regular, the title of
the earlier organization, to Clerks Regular. During
the next half century the congregation spread and it
now numbers several houses, its special work being the
education of youth. The members of the congrega-
tion are of three jgrades, priests, scholastics, and lay
brothers. Though possessing the title "clerks regular "
(q. V.) they are not such in the strict sense of the word,
as their vows, though perpetual, are simple, according
to the present practice of the Roman authorities of es-
tablishing no new institutes of solemn vows.
Hbimbucheb, Die Orden und Kong, der kath. Kirche (Psdcr-
bom, 1907), II, 47 bo.; H^lyot, Diet, dee ordres religieux, (Paris,
1859), ed. MioNE, iV.
John F. X. Murphy.
Clerks Befirolar of St. PauL See BARNABrrEs.
OlerkB Begular of the Mother of Ood of
Lucca, a oonfijegation founded by the Blessed Gio-
vanni Leonaroi, son of middle-class parents, who was
bom in 1541 at Diecimo, a small township in the Re-
public of Lucca, though at that time the chief place
of a fief of the same name held by the bishops of Lucca
from the republic. At seventeen years of age he was
sent to Lucca to learn the apothecary's trade, but
having from a tender age been most piously inclined,
OUBBXS
53
OLEBMONT
he, after many clifficulties, including the necessity of
educating himself .embraced the sacerdotal state, and
was ordained 22 December, 1572. His congregation
may be said to have begun in 1574. Two or three
young laymen, attracted by his sanctity and the sweet-
ness of his character, had gathered round him to sub-
mit themselves to his spiritual guidance and help him
in the work for the reform of manners and the saving
of souls which he had be^in even as a layman. Gio-
vanni rented the beautiful little church of Santa
Maria della Rosa, and in a quarter close by, some-
thing Uke community life was started. It was here,
when it became evident that Giovanni*s lay helpers
were preparing for the priesthood and tbiat some-
thing uke a religious order was in process of formation,
that a storm of persecution broke out against the
devoted founder. The Fathers of the republic seem
to have had a real fear that a native religious order,
if spread over Italy, would cause the affairs of the
little state to become too well known to its neigh-
bours. The persecution, however, was so effective
and lasting, that the Blessed Leonardi practically
spent the rest of his life in banishment from Lucca,
only being now and again admitted by special decree
of the Senate, unwillingly extracted under papal pres-
sure. In 1580 Giovanni acauired secretly the ancient
church of Santa Maria Cortelandini (popularly known
as Santa Maria Nera) which his sons hold to this day.
In 1583 the congregation was canonically erected at
the instigation of Pope Gregory XIII bv Bishop Al-
essandro Guidiccioni, of Lucca, and confirmed by the
Brief of Clement VIII "Ex quo divina majestas", 13
October, 1595.
The congre^tion at this time only took simple
vows of chastity, perseverance, and obedience, and
was known as the *' Congregation of Clerks Secular of
the Blessed Virgin". In 1596 Oement VIII nom-
inated the Blessed Giovanni commissary Apostolic
for the reform of the monks of the Order of Monte
Vergine, and in 1601 the cardinal protector appointed
him to carry out a similar work among the Vallom-
brosans. In 1601 he obtained the church of S. Maria
in Portico in Rome. In the same year Cardinal
Baronius became protector of the congregation. Gio-
vanni died in Rome 9 October, 1609, agea sixty-eight,
and was buried in Santa Maria in Portico. The present
church of the congregation in Rome, obtained in
1662, is Santa Maria in Campitelli (called also Santa
Maria in Portico) interesting to Englishmen as the
first titular church of the Cardinal of York. The
body of the founder was removed to this church and
lies there under the altar of St. John the Baptist.
Giovanni Leonardi was declared Venerable in 1701,
and beatified by Pius IX in 1861. Leo XIII, in 1893,
caused his name to be inserted in the Roman Martyr-
oloey and ordered the clergy of Rome to say his Mass
and Office, an honour accorded to no other Blessed
in that city except the beatified popes. In 1614 Paul
V confided to the congregation the care of the so-
called Pious Schools. It is in his Brief " Inter Pastor-
alis'' that the congregation is first called ''of the
Mother of God", having until then been known by its
original name of ''Clerks Secular of the Blessed
Vir^". The care of these schools being considered
outside the scope of the congregation, it was relieved
of their charge by the same pontiff in 1617.
It was not untu 1621 (3 November) that Grecoiy
Xy, carrying out what was always in the founder^
mind, erected the congregation into a religious order
proper by permitting its members to take solemn
vows, and it henceforth became the Clerks Re^lar
of the Mother of God. The Blessed Leonardi received
many offers of churches during his life, but with a
view of conciliating the governing body of the re-
public thought it Sitter to refuse them. In all its
nistorv the order has never had more than fifteen
shurches, and never more than seven at one time. It
was introduced into Naples in 1632, Genoa 1669, and
Milan 1709. The only churches of the order now ex-
isting are Santa Maria Cortelandini, Lucca; Santa
Maria in Campitelli, Rome; Santa Maria in Portico
di Chiaja, ana Santa Brigida, Naples; the Madonna
della Stella Migliano (1902); ana the parish church
of S. Carlo in Monte Carlo (1873), the only church of
the order outside the borders of modem Italy. In
the sacristy of Santa Maria Cortelandini is preserved
a large portion of a hair-shirt of St. Thomas of Canter-
bury whose feast is celebrated there with considerable
ceremony; in 1908 half of this relic was presented to
the Benedictine Abbey of St. Thomas, Erdington,
England. The former residence of the clerks, who
kept a large boys' school until the suppression in
1867, is now the pubUc library of Lucca. Two of
the original companions of the holy founder, Cesare
Franciotti and Giovanni Cioni, have been declared
Venerable. The order justly enjoys great fame for
its learning and its numerous scholars and writers.
Suffice it to mention Giovanni Domenico Mansi,
editor of the "Councils" and a hundred other works.
The arms of the order are azure. Our Lady Assumed
into Heaven; and its badge and seal the monogram
of the Mother of God in Greek characters.
Hi:LTOT, Hist. Ord. Rd.^ especially the Italian vemon by
FoNTANA, clerk of this congregation (Lucca, 1738), IV, 268-
295; BoNANNi. Cat. Ord. Rdig., I; Marracci, Vila dd V. P.
Oiavanni Leonardi (Rome, 1673); Gubrra, La Vita dd B.
Oiov. Leonardi (Monia, 1895); Barbosa, Jur, Ecd. Univ.^ I,
xli, 162; BuUar. Rom., Ill; Sarteschi, De Scriptoribua Cong,
*** Montgomery Carmichabl.
Olermont (Clermont-Ferrand), Diocese of
(Claromontensis), comprises the entire department
of Puy-de-D6me and is a sufifragan of Bourges. Al-
though at first very extensive, in ^317 the diocese lost
Haute-Auvergne
through tne
creation of the
Diocese of Saint-
Flour and in 1822
the Bourbonnais,
on account of the
erection of the
Diocese of Mou-
lins. The first
Bishop of Cler-
mont was St.
Austremonius
(Stramonius).
(See Austremo-
nius.) Accord-
ing to local tra-
dition he was one
of the seventy-
two Disciples of
Christ, by oirth a
Jew, who came
with St. Peter
from Palestine to
Rome and subse-
quently became the Apostle of Auvergne, Berry, Niver-
nais, and Limousin. At Clermont he is said to have
converted the senator Cassius and the pagan priest Vlo-
torinus,to have sent St. Sirenatus (Cerneuf) to Thiers,
St. Marius to Salers, Sts. Nectarius and Antoninus into
other parts of Auvergne, and to have been beheaded
in 92. This tradition is based on a life of St. Austremo-
nius written in the tenth century in the monastery of
Mozat, where the body of the saint had rested from
761, and rewritten by the monks of Issoire, who re-
tained the saint's head. St. Gregory of Tours, bom
in Auvergne in 544 and well versed in the history of
that country, looks upon Austremonius as one of the
seven envoys who, about 250^ evangelized Gaul; he
relates how the body of the samt was first interred at
Issoire, being there the object of great veneratioa.
Cathbdhal, Clermont-Ferrand
0UBTF8
54
OLITUS
Clermont counted amongst its bishops a large number
of saints, as St. Urbicus (c. 312); St. Leosuntius; St.
Illidius (Allyre), who, about 385, cured the daughter
of the Emperor Maximus at Trier; the saint's name
was given to the petrifying springs of Clermont, and
his lue was written by Gregory of Tours; St. Nepo-
tianus (d. 388); St. Artemius (d. about 394); St. Ven-
erandus (Veau, d. about 423) ; St. Rusticus (424-46) ;
St. Namatius (446-62), founder of the Clermont cathe-
dral, where he deposited the relics of Sts. Vitalis and
Agricola brought from Bologna; Sidonius Apollinaris
(470-79), the celebrated Christian writer who broueht
to Clermont the priest St. Amabilis; St. Aprunciuus
(d. about 491); St. Euphrasius (491-515); St. Quin-
tianus (d. about 527). whose life was written by Greg-
ory of Tours; St. Gallus (527-51), of whom Gregory of
Tours was the biographer and nephew; St. A Vitus
(second half of the sixth century), founder of Notre-
Dame du Port ; St.
CfiBsarius (c. 627);
St. Gallus II (c.
650);St.Genesius
(c. 660) : St. PrsB-
Jectus (Frix), his-
torian of the mar-
tyrs of Clermont
and assassinated
at Volvic 25 Jan-
uary, 676; St.
Avitus II (676-
91); St. Bonitus,
intimate friend of
Sigebert II (end
of seventh cen-
tury) ; St. Stabilis
(823-^), and St.
Sigo(866).AmonK
the Bishops of
Clermont should
also be mentioned:
Pierre de Cros
(1301-04), en-
gaged by ^ St.
umma"; Etienne
(1352-
Cburch of Notbb-Damb du Pobt,
Cusrmont-Fbrrand (Eleventh
Century Romanesque)
Thomas Aquinas to complete his ''
d'Albert (1340-42), later Pope Innocent VI
62) ; Guillaume du Prat (1528-60), founder of the Cler-
mont ColleTO at Paris and delegate of Francis I to the
Council of Trent; and Massillon. the illustrious orator
(1717-42). The Diocese of Clermont can likewise
claim a number of monks whom the Church honours
%a saints, viz: St. Calevisus (Calais, 460-541), a pupil
in the monastery of Menat near Riom, whence he re-
tired to Maine, where he founded the Abbey of Ani-
sole; St. Maztius (d. 527), founder at Royat near
Clermont of a monastery which became later a Ben-
edictine priory; St. Portianus (sixth century), founder
of a monastery to which the city of Saint- Pourgain
(Allier) owes its origin; St. Etienne de Muret (1046-
1124), son of the Viscount of Thiers and founder of
the Order of Grandmont in Limousin, and St. Peter
the Venerable (1092-1156), of the Montboissier family
of Auvergne, noted as a writer and Abbot of Cluny.
Severalfamous Jansenists were natives of Clermont:
Blaise Pascal, author of the "Pens^es" (1623-62) ; the
Amauld family, and Soanen (1647-1740), Bishop of
Senez, famous for his stubborn opposition to the Bull
"Unigenitus". On the other hand the city of Riom
was tne birthplace of Sirmond, the learned Jesuit
(1559-1651), confessor to Louis XIII and editor of
the ancient councils of Gaul. Other natives worthy
of mention in church history were the Abb6 Delille,
poet (1738-1813), and Montlosier, the publicist (1755-
1838), famous for his memoir a^inst the Jesuits and
to whom Bishop Ferou refused ecclesiastical burial.
Pope Urban II came to Clermont in 1095 to preside
at the organization of the First Crusade; Pope Pas-
chal II yiaited the city in 1106, Callistus II in 1120,
Innocent II in 1430, Alexander III in 1164, and, in
1166, St. Thomas Becket. It was also at Clermont
that^ in 1262, in presence of St. Louis, the marriage of
Philip the Bold and Isabella of Aragon was solem-
nized. The cathedral of Clermont, dating from the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, is not of equal
archaeological importance with the church of Notre-
Dame du Port, which stands to-day as it was rebuilt
in the eleventh century, and is one of the most beauti-
ful of Romanesque churches in the Auvergnese style.
One of the capitals in Notre-Dame du Port, ascribed
to the eleventh century, is among the most ancient
sculptured representations of the Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin. This cathedral is much frequented
as a place of pilgrimage, as are also Notre Dame d'Or-
cival and Notre Dame de Vassivi^re at Besse. The
"dry mass'' (without Consecration or Communion)
was celebrated in the Diocese of Clermont as late as
the seventeenth century.
Before the Law of 1901 was carried into effect,
there were in the diocese: Capuchins, Jesuits, Marists,
Fathers of the African Missions, Fathers of the Holy
Ghost, and Sulpicians. Several local congregations
of women are eneaged in teaching, among them being
the religious of Notre-Dame de Clermont, founded in
1835, with mother-house at Chamali^res ; the Sisters of
St. Joseph of the Good Shepherd, founded by Massil-
lon in 1723, with mother-house at Clermont; the Sis-
ters of the Heart pf the Infant Jesus, mother-house at
Lezoux; and the Sisters of Mercy, founded in 1806,
with mother-house at Billom. The diocese has the
following religious institutions: 2 maternity hospitals,
40 infant schools, 1 school for the blind, 4 schools for
deaf mutes, 3 boys' orphanages, 16 girls' orphanages, 2
houses of refuge and of protection, 23 hospitals and
hospices, 35 houses for nursing sisters, and 1 insane
asylum. Statistics for the end of 1905 (the close of
the period under the Concordat) show a population
of 529,181, with 54 parishes, 447 succursal parishes
(mission churches), and 175 curacies remunerated by
the State.
Grsoort of Toubb, Hiatoria Francorum; Idem, Vita
Patrum (nine out of twenty being devoted to sainte of Au-
vergne); GaUia Christiana (nova) (1715). II, 222-316,416-418;
Instrumental 73-128: RtsiE, Histoire de VEglise d^ Auvergne
(3 vols., CHerraont-Ferrand. 1855); Morin. L' Auvergne ckrH.
du premier eikcU it 1880 (Roanne, 1880); Duchesne. Faetes
Spiaeppaux. I, 20, II, 31-39. 117-22; Desdevizes du D&sbrt.
Bibliographie du cerUenaire dee croisadea h Clermonl-Ferrana
(Clermont-Ferrand, 1895); Chevauer, iZ^. dea sources hist.,
Topo-Bibl., B. v. Georges Goyau,
Oletus, Saint, Pope. — This name is only another
form for Anacletus (q. v.), the second successor of St.
Peter. It is true that the Liberian Catalo^e, a
fourth-century list of popes, so called because it ends
with Pope Liberius (d. 366), contains both names, as
if they were different persons. But this is an error,
owing evidently to the existence of two forms of the
same name, one an abbreviation of the other. In the
foresaid catalogue the papal succession is: Petrus,
Linus, Clemens, Cletus, Anacletus. This catalo^e,
however, is the only authority previous .to the sixth
century (Liber Pontificalis) for distinguishing two
popes under the names of Cletus and Anacletus. The
"Cfarmen adv. Marcionem" is of the latter half of the
fourth century, and its pa.pal list probably depends on
the Liberian Catalogue. The " Martyrologium Hiero-
nymianum" (q. v.) mentions both ^'Aninclitus" and
"ditus" (23 and 31 December), but on each occasion
these names are found in a list of popes ; hence the days
mentioned cannot be looked on as specially conse-
crated to these two persons. Apart from these lists,
all other ancient papal lists, from the second to the
fourth century, give as follows the immediate succes-
sion of St. Peter: At>of, 'Ai^/cXiyTof, KX^m^s (Linus
Anencletus, Clemens), and this succession is certainly
the ri^t one. It is that found in St. Irensus and in
the chronicles of the second and third centuries. Both
CLEVELAND
55
CLEVELAND
Africa and the Orient adhered faithfully to this list,
which is also given in the very ancient Roman Canon of
the Mass, except that in the latterCletus iBthcfformused,
and the same occurs in St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome,
Rufinus, and in many fifth- ana sixth-century .Usts.
This second successor of St. Peter governed the
Roman Church from about 76 to about 88. The
"Liber Pontificalis" says that his father was Emeli-
anus and that Cletus was a Roman by birth, and be-
longed to the quarter known as the Vicus Patrici. It
also tells us that he ordained twenty-five priests, and
was buried in VaHcano near the bodv ot St. Peter.
There is historical evidence for only the last of these
statements. The feast of St. Cletus falls, with that of St.
Marcellinus, on 26 April; this date is already assigned
to it in the first edition of the ''Liber Pontificatis''.
(See Clement I, Saint, Pope.)
Lkqrtfoot, ApoMtolic Fathers, Pi. I: St, Clement of Rome
(2nd ed., London. 1890), 201-345; Duchesnb. Liber Pontifi-
ealia, I. LXIX-LXX« 2-3. 52-53: Habnack. OtBch, der aU-
chriea. Lit, bit Bueebiua, II-I, 144-202; Acta S8., April. III.
409-11; DB Smbot, Diaeertationet aeleda in hist, eedea. (Ghent,
1876). 300-04.
J. P. KiRSCH.
Oleveland, Diocbsb of (Clevblandenbis), estab-
lished 23 April, 1847, comprises all that part of Ohio
lying north of the southern limits of the Counties of
Columbiana, Stark, Wayne, Ashland, Richland, Craw-
ford, Wyandot, Hancock, Allen, and Van Wert, its
territory covering thirty-six counties, an area of 15,-
032 square miles.
Early History. — ^The Jesuit Fathers Potier and
Bonnecamp were the first missionaries to visit the
territory now within the limits of Ohio. They came
from Quebec in 1749 to evangeliae the Huron
Indians living along the Vermilion and Sandusky
Rivers in Northern Ohio. Two years later they
received the assistance of another Jesuit, Father de
la Bichardie, who had come from Detroit, Michigan,
to the southern shore of Lake Erie. Shortly alter
his arrival he induced a part of the Huron tribe to
settle near the present site of Sandusky, where he
erected (1751) a chapel — the first place of Catholic
worship within the present limits of Ohio. These
Hurons assumed the name of Wyandots when they
left the parent tribe. Although checked for a time
by Father Potier, they took part in the Indian-French
War. Soon they became implicated in the conspiracy
of Pontiac, in conseciuence of which the Jesuits
were unjustly forced m 1752 to leave the territory
of Ohio, Father Potier being the last Jesuit missionary
amon^ the Western Hurons. The Indian missions,
established and cared for by the Jesuits for nearly
three years, had now to depend exclusively on the
chance visits of the priests attached to the military
posts in Canada and Southern Michigan. Despite
the spiritual deprivation which this implied, the
Hurons (Wyandots) kept the Faith for many years,
although their descendants were ultimately lost to
the Church through the successful efforts of Ptotes-
tant missionaries. After the f oreed retirement of the
Jesuits no systematic efforts were made to continue
the missionary work begun by them until 1795,
when the Rev. Edmimd Burke, a secular priest from
Quebec, came as chaplain of the military post at
Fort Meigs, near the present site of Maumee. Father
Burke remained at the post until February, 1797,
ministering to the Catholic soldiers at the fort.,
and endeavouring, though with little success, to
Christianize the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians in
the neighbourhood.
In the meantime the See of Bardstown was erected
(1810), embracing the entire State of Ohio, as well
as Michigan ana Kentucky. Bishop Flaget sent
(1817) the Rev. Edward Fenwick, O. P. (later first
Bishop of (Cincinnati), from the Dominican monastery
at Somerset, Ohio, to attend the few Catholic families
who had st^ttlod in Cohimbiana and Stark (>>unties,
in the north-eastern part of Ohio. From that time
forward he and other Dominican Fathers, especially
the Revs. Nicholas D. Young and John A. Hill, con-
tinued to visit at regular intervals the Catholic
families in that section of Ohio (notably in Colum-
biana, Stark, Mahoning, and Wayne Counties), then
very sparsely settled. It is, therefore, from this
penod that Cfatholicity in Northern Ohio really da^tes
its beginning. In the course of time the Dominican
Fathers gradually gave up to the secular clergy their
pastoral charges in the above-named counties until,
m 1842, they withdrew altogether. St. John's,
Canton, was their last mission. Meanwhile the
central portion of Northern Ohio (Huron, Erie,
Sandusky, and Seneca Counties) had received a con-
siderable influx of Catholic immigrants, principally
from Germany. Similar conditions were obtaining
elsewhere in the State, and the need of more com-
pact organization to minister to growing wants
made Cincinnati an episcopal see in 1822, with the
entire State for its jurisdiction. Little seems to
have been done, however, for the northern part of
the State, and but little could be done, as Catholics
were so few, until the -advent of its second bishop,
John B. Purcell. He succeeded (13 Oct., 1833)
the saintly Bishop Fenwick, who, while en^ised in
a confirmation tour, died at Wooster, Ohio (26 Sep-
tember, 1832) of cholera, then raging in Ohio, in
1834 Bishop Purcell commissioned the Redemptorist
Fathers, who had just arrived in America, to
take charge of the widely scattered German missions
then existing in these counties, and to organise
others where needed. The Rev. Francis X. Tschen-
hens, C. SS. R., was the first priest assigned to this
task. Later on he was assisted by other members
of his community, among them the Revs. Peter
Czakert, Francis Haetscher, Joseph Prost, Simon
Saenderl, Louis M. Alig, and John N. Neumann
(Uiter Bishop of Philadelphia). The Redemptorists
remained in Northern Ohio until November, 1842.
They were succeeded, January, 1844, by seven
Sanguinist Fathers (the Revs. Francis S. Brunner,
M. A. Meier, J. Wittmer, J. Van den Broek, P. A.
Capeder, J. Ringele, and J. B. Jacomet), who came
from Europe at that time at the solicitation of Bishop
Purcell. They settled at St. Alphonsus' church,
Peru, Huron County, whence they attended all the
missions formerly under the care of the Redemp-
torists. They also accepted charge of the scattered
missions in Lorain, Medina, and Wayiie Counties,
besides attending the Catholic Crermans in Cleveland.
Their advent was hailed with delight wherever they
went, and their priestly labours were signallv blessed..
Under their vigilant care religion flourished, so that
the healthy growth of Catholicity in Northern
Ohio nmy justly, under God, be ascribed in large
measure to their untiring zeal and self-sacrifice.
The secular clergy are no less deserving of mention,
as they, too, laboured in this part of the Lord's
vineyiurd, amid trials and difficulties, often side by
side with their brethren of the religious orders, and
more often alone in the widespread missions of
Northern Ohio. They did yeoman service, blazing
the way for those who succeeded them, and laying
the foundations for many missions, which have long
since developed into vigorous and prosperous con-
gregations. The first of these secular clergy was
the Kev. Ignatius J. Mullen, of Cincinnati. Between
1824 and 1834 he frequently attended the missions
in Stark, Columbiana, Seneca, and Sandusky Counties.
Other pioneer secular priests of prominence were,
the Revs. Francis Marshall (1827), John M. Henn)
(later Bishop and Archbishop of Milwaukee), resident
?astor of Canton (1831-34), Edmund Quinn, at
iffin (1831-<i5), William J. Horstmann, at Glandorf
(1835-43), James Conlon, at Dungannon (1834-53),
Matthias Wuerz, at ('antou (183.>-45), John Dillon,
OLEVELAND
56
0L1VEL4ND
first resident pastor of Cleveland (1*835-^), Basil
Sohorb, in chaurge of missions in Stark, Wayne, and
Portage Counties (1837-43), Patrick O'Dwyer, second
pastor of Cleveland (183&-38), where he built the
first church in 1838, Michael McAleer, in Stark and
Columbiana Counties (1838-40), Joseph McNamee,
at Tiffin (1839-47), Projectus J. Machebeuf (L&ter
Bishop of Denver), at Tiffin and Sandusky (1839-51),
Amaoeus Rappe (later first Bishop of Cleveland),
stationed at Maumee for a short time, and then, as
first resident pastor, at Toledo (1840-47), Louis de
Goesbriand (later Bishop of Burlington, Vermont),
at Louisville, Toledo, and Cleveland (1840-53), Peter
McLaughlin, resident pastor of Cleveland (1840-46),
Maurice Howard, at Cleveland and later at Tiffin
(1842-52), John J. Doherty, at Canton (1843-48),
John H. Luhr, at Canton, and later at Cleveland
(1844-^), John O. Bredeick, founder of Delphos,
and its Grst pastor (1844-58), Cornelius Daley, first
resident pastor of Akron, and later stationed at
Doylestown (1844-47), Philip Foley, at Massillon
and Wooster (1847-48). The Rev. Stephen Badin,
proto-priest of the thirteen original United States,
and the Rev. Edward T. Collins occasionally came
from Cincinnati, between 1835 and 1837, to attend
the missions in Northern Ohio, the former those of
Canton, Fremont, and* Tiffin, and the latter those of
Dungannon, Toledo, and along the Maumee River.
The first permanent church in Northern Ohio was
erected near the present village of Dungannon, in
1820, under the direction of the Rev. Edward Fen-
wick, O. P., the "Apostle of Ohio", and later the first
Bishop of Cincinnati. Until 1847 churches of brick
or wood were built in the following places: Canton
(St. John's, 1823), Chippewa (1828), Randolph, Canal
Fulton (1831), Tiffin (St. Mary's, 1832), Glandorf,
Navarre, New Riegel (1833), Peru (1834), Louis-
ville, La Porte (1835), Shelby Settlement (1836),
McCutchenville (1837), Thompson (1839), Cleveland,
East Liverpool (1840), Toledo, Maumee, New Wash-
ington, Norwalk .(1841), Sandudcy (Holy Angels),
Landeck, Liberty, Liverpool, Sheffield (St. Stephen's,
1842), Delphos, Massillon (St. Mary's), Akron (St.
Vincent's), Fremont (St. Anne's), French Creek
(1844), Canton (St. Peter's), Harrisburg, New Berlin,
Tiffin (St. Joseph's), Providence (1845), Sherman
(1846), Poplar Ridge (1847).
From lfe2 until October, 1847, Northern Ohio
was part of the Diocese of Cincinnati, of which the
first bishop was Edward Fenwick (1822-32), and its
second bishop, John B. Purcell, who succeeded in
October, 1833. He petitioned the Holy See, in
1846, for a division of his jurisdiction, then com-
prising the entire State of Ohio. The petition was
granted (23 April, 1847), by the appointment of the
Rev. Louis Amadeus Rappe as the first Bishop of
Cleveland, and the assignment to his jurisdiction of
''all that part of Ohio lying north of 43 degrees and
41 minutes, N. L." As this division intersected
several counties it was chan^ in January, 1849,
to the present limits, as descnbed at the beginning
of this article.
Bishops of Cleveland. — (1) Louis Amabeus
Rappb, consecrated 10th October, 1847^ was bom
2 Feb., 1801, at Andrehem, France. He was or-
dained priest at Arras, France, 14 March* 1829.
His cathedral church was St. Mary's on the " Flats",
Cleveland, the first, and at that time the only,
church in his episcopal city. In November, 1852,
he completed the present cathedral, an imposing
brick structure of Gothic architecture, still ranking
with the many fine churches of the diocese. Dur-
ing his administration of the diocese, which ended in
August, 1870, he convoked five diocesan synods (1848,
1862, 1854, 1867, 1868). He established the diocesan
seminary (1848), St. John's CoUege, aeveland (1854),
St. Louis' College, Louisvill* (1866); these two col-
leges, however, being closed a few years later, owin^
to lack of f)atronage. Under his direction the follow-
ing educsrtional and charitable institutions were also
established: In Cleveland, the Ursuline Academy; St.
Vincent's Orphanajee, for boys; St. Mary's Orphanage,
for girb (1851); St. Joseph's Orphanage, for girls
(1862); Charity Hospital (1865); House of the Good
Shepherd (1869); Home for the Aged Poor (1870).—
In Toledo, Ursuline Academy (1864), St. Vincent's
Orphana^(1855); in Tiffin, UreuUne Academy (1863),
St. Francis' Asylum and Home for the Ag^ (1867).
He founded the commimity of Sisters of Charity of
St. Augustine (1851), whose work is the care of or-
phans, waifs, and the sick. In 1869 he mtroduoed
into tne diocese the Franciscan and Jesuit Fathers,
givinff to the former the care of St. Joseph's church,
Cleveland, and to the latter St. Mary's, Toledo.
Wherever possible he insisted on the support of parish
schools. He was a strong advocate oi total absti-
nence, which he practised horn the time he was a mis-
sionary priest in North-Westem Ohio until his death.
He never spared himself in the discharge of his mani-
fold and exacting duties. By his affabuity and disin-
terestedness he gained the love of his people, as also the
respect of his fellow-citizens regardless of cresd. He
resigned his see in August, 1870, and retii^d to the Dio-
cese of Burlington, Vermont, where he did miasionaiy
work almost to the day of his death (8 September,
1877). Between the time of Bishop Rappe's resigna-
tion and the appointment of his successor, the Very
Rev. Edward Hannin administered the ^aiis of the
diocese.
(2) Richard Gilmour, consecrated 14 April, 1872.
In November of the same year he convoked the
Sixth Diocesan Synod, in which many of the statutes
by which the diocese is at present governed were
promulgated. It also embodied considerable of the
Wislature of previous synods, notably that of 1868.
This synod inade provision for a diocesan fimd for
the support of the seminary, bishop, etc., and another
for the support of sick and disabled priests, by annual
assessments on the parishes of the diocese. Among
other diocesan statutes published then were those
ur^ng anew the support of parochial schools, regu-
lating the financial affairs of parishes, and the manner
of electing parish councilmen and of conveying church
Sroperty. Bishop Gilmour established "TheCatho-
c Universe", its first issue appearing 4 July, 1874.
In 1875 he organized "The Catnolic (Antral Associa-
tion", composed of representatives from all the par-
ishes and cnurch societies in Cleveland; its influence
for the betterment of social and religious conditions
and for the defence of Catholic interests was soon felt
not only in Cleveland, but elsewhere as well, and con-
tinued during almost its entire existence of nearly
eighteen years. It also proved a tower of strength to
its organizer in his forced contention for the civic
rights of Catholics, in the face of bitter opposition
from bigotry and a hostile press. In 1875 the Catho-
lic school property in Cleveland was placed on the tas.
duplicate in spite of the decision (1874) of the Su-
preme Court of Ohio, that such property was not tax-
able. A suit of restraint was entered by the bishop,
and finally carried to the Supreme Court, which re-
affirmed its former decision. The present episcopal
residence was begun in 1874 and completed two
years later. It serves also as the residence of the
cathedral clergy. — In 1872 the Sisters of St. Joseph,
and in 1874 the Sisters of Notre Dame, were welcomed
to the diocese. Both communities have flourishing
academies in connexion with their convents, besides
supplying many parish schools with eflBcient teachere.
The same also is the case with the Ursulines of Cleve-
land, Tiffin, Toledo, and Youngstown, and the Sisters
of the Humility of Mary. — ^The following institutions
were established between 1873 and 1891 : St. Anne's
Asylum and House of Maternity, Cleveland (1873);
OLSVBLAHD
67
OLEVBLAND
Ursuline Convent, \^oungstown (1874); St. Vincent's
Hospital, Toledo (1876); St. Joseph's Franciscan
College, Cleveland (1876-80); Ck>nvent of Poor Clares
(1877); Ursuline Academy, Nottingham (1877); St.
Alexis' Hospital, Cleveland (1884); St. Louis' Or-
phanage, Louisville (1884); Little Sisters of the Poor,
Toledo (1885); St. Ignatius' College, Cleveland (1886);
St. Joseph's Seminary, for young boys, Nottingham
(1886). The diocesan seminaiy was remodelled and
considerably enlarged in 1884-85. A diocesan chan-
cery office was established (1877) for the transaction
of the official business of the diocese. In 1878 the
first attempt was made to gather historical data in
connexion with every parish and institution in the
diocese, and in a few veais a great mass of matter,
covering the histonr of Catholicity in Northern Ohio
and the Diocese of Cleveland as far back as 1817, was
collected and is now a part of the diocesan archives.
In May, 1882, the Seventh Diocesan Synod was held,
wliich resulted in the legislation at present in force.
With the exception of about half a dozen of its 262
statutes, it is in perfect harmony with the decrees of
the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, held in
November, 1884. like his predecessor. Bishop
Gihnour made it obligatory on every parish at all
financially able to support a parochial school. In
consequence, the Diocese of Cleveland has more paro-
chial schools, in proportion to its number of churches
and its population, than any other diocese in the
United States, and many of its school buildings vie,
in size, appointments, and beauty of architecture,
with the public-school buildings. With very few ex-
ceptions the parish schools are in charge of teachers
belong;ing to male and female religious communities.
Bishop Gilmour had an eventful episcopate, lasting
nineteen years. He left his strong, aggressive per*
sonality indelibly stamped upon the diocese he nad
ruled. During the interim between his death (13
April, 1891) and the appointment of his successor, the
Right Rev. Monsignor F. M. Boff was administrator
of the diocese.
(3) Iqnatius Frederick Horstmann, chancellor
of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, was appointed to
succeed Bishop Gilmour. Bom in Philadelphia, 16
December, 1840, after graduating from the Central
High School, he attended St. Joseph's CoUeee and
then entered the diocesan seminary. In 1860 ne was
sent by Bishop Wood to the American College, Rome,
where he was ordained priest, 10 June, 1865. In the
following year he received the degree of Doctor of
Divinity and returning to Philadelphia became a pro-
fessor in St. Charles's Seminary where he remained
eleven years and was then appointed rector of St.
Mary's church, Philadelphia. In 1885 he was made
chancellor. His consecration as Bishop of Geveland
took place in Philadelphia 26 Februaiy, 1892. He
died suddenly of heart disease on 13 May, 1908, while
on an official visit to Canton, Ohio. He had proved
himself a zealous pastor of souls, a wise and prudent
ruler, a fearless defender of truth. Among the note-
worthy accomplishments of his episcopate were the
founding of Loyola High School, Cleveland (1902);
St. John's College, Toledo (1898); and the establish-
ment of the diocesan band of missionaries — ^the first in
any diocese of the United States. He was foremost
in encouM^ng every missionary movement, and his
zeal for (Christian education was one of the dominant
purposes of his life. He served as a trustee of the
CJatholic University and in spite of manv duties found
time to contribute to the " American Catholic Review '*
and otherperiodicals and to edit the American edition
of **The Citholic Doctrine as Defined by the Council
of Trent" and "Potter's CJatholic Bible^'.
A few months before he died he asked for an
auxiliary bishop with jurisdiction over the growing
foreign population, especially of the Slav races, in the
diocese. The Rev. Joseph M. Koudelka, rector of
St. Michael's chiu'ch, Cleveland, was named 29 Nov.,
1907, and consecrated 25 Feb., 1908, being the first
auxiliary bishop of special jurisdiction appointed for
the Umted States. He was bom in Bohemia, 15
August, 1852, and emigrated to the United States
when siirteen years of age. After making his studies
at St. Francis's Seminary, Milwaukee, he was or-
dained priest 8 October, 1875. He was for some time
editor of " Hlas" (Voice), a Bohemian Catholic weekly
paper, and compiled a series of textbooks for Bohe-
mian Catholic schools.
Recent Times.— In 1 894 the " St. Vincent's Union",
composed of the laity who contribute towards the
support of St. Vincent's Omhanage, Cleveland, was
organized; and it has provea of great financial assist-
ance to that institution. In 1893 Bishop Horstmann
opened the Calvary Cemetery, which covers nearlv
250 acres, near the southern limits of Cleveland.
About fifty acres of the cemetery's whole area are
improved. In 1892 the Cleveland Apostolate was
established, an association of secular priests, having
for its obj^ the giving of lectures and missions to
non-CJatholics. B^des making man^ converts this
association has removed much prejudice and brought
about a kindlier feeling towards the Church and its
members. The Golden Jubilee of the diocese was
celebrated 13 October, 1897. It was a memorable
event, observed with great religious pomp in Cleve-
land, Toledo, and elsewhere. At the bishop's solici-
tation the Jesuit Fathers of Toledo opened (Septem-
ber, 1898) St. John's College. In tne same city a
home for fallen women was established (1906) by the
Sisters of the Good Shepherd. A fine school building
was erected (1906) in connexion with St. Vincent's
Asylum, Cleveland, in which the boys have every
famlity for a thorough education. The diocese is in a
prosperous condition, spiritually and financially, and
nealthy growth is apparent in every direction.
Causes op Growth. — ^The growth of the diocesan
population down to 1860 was due chiefly to emigra-
tion from Ireland and Germany. Since 1870 it has
been receiving other large accessions, but from quite
another source. The Slav race, manifold in its
divisions, has been pouring in, more notably since
1895. The early immigrants were drawn hither by
the market for their labour which the opening of a
new country offered. The Irish found employment
on public works, such as the construction of canals
and railroads; the Germans turned more to agri-
culture. The various branches of the Slav race are
engaged in foundries, mills, and factories, and many
are also employed as longshoremen and at common
labour. The same holds also for the Italians, of
whom there is a large percentage. Nearly all the
recent immigration has settled in cities like Cleveland,
Toledo, Youngstown, Lorain, and Ashtabula, where
employment is had in abundance and at a fair
wage.
Statistics. — In December, 1907, the clergy num-
bered 388, of whom 315 were diocesan priests and 73
regulars (Sanguinists, Franciscans, and Jesuits).
There were 21 Brothers of Mary and 5 Christian
Brothers, teaching in 6 parochial schools. The
Sisters (Sanguinists, Ursulines, Sisters of Charity of
St. Augustine, Sisters of Notre Dame, Franciscans,
Sisters of St. Joseph, Ladies of the Sacred Heart of
Mary, Sisters of the Humility of Mary, Grey Nuns,
Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Poor Gares, Little
Sisters of the Poor, Dominicans, Sisters of St. Agnes,
Sisters of Charity, Sisters of Loretto, Felician Sisters,
Sisters of St. Benedict, Sisters-Servants of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary) number 1141, of
whom 684 teach in 138 parochial schools. The
parishes with resident pastors number 241; mission
churches, 60; parochial schools, 186: attendance,
43,544; 1 diocesan seminary, with 96 students;
diocesan students in colleges and other seminaries,
OLZOHTOVB
58
ourroN
45; colleees and acailemics for l>oy8; 4; attendance,
615 pupus; academies for girls, 11; attendance,
2113 pupils; 9 orphanages and one infant asylum,
total number of inmates, 1251; hospitals, 9; homes
for the aged, 3; Houses of Good Shepherd, 2. —
The Catholic population is about 330,000, and is
composed of 13 nationalities, exclusive of native
Americans, viz. Irish, German, Slovak, Polish, Bo-
hemian, Magyar, Slovenian, Italian, Lithuanian,
Croatian, Rumanian, Ruthenian, Syrian.
Shea. Catholio Misnona (New York, 1854). 293, and in
Catholic Univerte (aeveland. 13 September. 1881); Idem, Hitt.
of the Catholic Church in the United States (New York. 1889.
1892): Leben u. Wirken dee hochw. Franz Sales Brunner. C.
PP. S.; The Catholic MiaceUany (Charleston. S. C. 1824-30);
The Catholic Telegraph (ancinnati, 1831-47); Houck, A His-
tory of Catholicity in Northern Ohio and Diocese of Cleveland
(CHevoland, 1902); Idem. The Church in Northern Ohio (Qeve-
land. 1889); Reminiscences of the Right Rev. P. J. Maehebeuf
in The Catholic Universe (18 Oct.. 1883, and 31 Jan., 1889);
Reminiscences of the Right Rev. Louis de Qoesbriand in The
Catholic Universe (27 December, 1888).
George F. Houck.
Olichtove, Josse (Jodocub CiJCHToviEnB), a
theologian, b. 1472 at Nieuport (Flanders); d. 1543
at Chsutres (France). He began his studies at Lou-
vain and went to Paris for his philosophical and theo-
logical studjes. After receiving the doctorate in
theology (1506) he was appointed professor at the
Sorbonne. In 1515 he was asked to direct the studies
of Louis Guillard, the Bishop^lect of Toumai, and
four years later accompanied nim to this latter place.
After a short stay there, he returned to Paris, and in
1527 to Chartres, whither Guillard had been trans-
ferred. He took an active part in the Council of Sens,
convoked at Paris by Cardinal Duprat, and he gath-
ered in a volume the various arguments brought for-
ward against the Protestants. A champion ofreform
in philosophical and theological studies durins the
earlier part of his life, he devoted himself later almost
exclusively to combating the doctrines of Luther.
His works are numerous and belong to almost every
department of theology and philosophy. He began
with commentaries on many Aristotelean treatises:
logic, natural philosophy, ethics, arithmetic, and
geometry. He also wrote studies on several books
of Holy Scripture, edited and commented the writ-
ings of some of the Fathers and Doctors of the Church.
Among his original works must be mentioned ''De
ver& nobilitate opusculum" (Paris, 1512); "Eluci-
datorium ecclesiasticum" (Paris, 1516); "De vitA et
moribus sacerdotum" (Paris, 1519), and several other
works of instruction and edification; ** Antilutherus"
(Paris, 1524); " Propugnaculum ecclesisB adversus
Lutheranos" (Parb, 1526); "De Sacramento Eucha-
ristisB contra CEcoIampadium" (Paris, 1526); "Com-
pendium veritatum ad fidem pertinentium contra
erroneas Lutheranorum assertiones ex dictis et actis in
concilio provinciali Senonensi apud Parisios celebrato''
(Paris, 1529); "Sermones" (Paris, 1534); "Convul-
sio calumniarum Ulrichi Veleni quibus S. Petnim
nunquam Romse fuisse cavillatur" (Paris, 1535).
Clsrval, De JudotA. Clichtovei . . . vitd et operibus (Paris,
1895): Idem in DiU. de thiol, cath.. III. 236; Van dbr Haeo-
BEN, Bibliographie des aeuvres de Josse Clichtove in Bibl, belgica
(Ghent, 1888).
C. A. DUBRAY.
Oliflord, William (alias Mansell), divine, d. 30
April, 1670; he was the son of Henry Oifford, by his wife
Elizabeth Thimelby, who as a widow joined the English
Augustinian nuns at Louvain, and died, aged about
seventy-seven, 3 September, 1642. Through humility
Cliflfora never asserted his right to the Barony of Cum-
berland. After education and ordination at Douai, he
came on the En^sh mission. As vice-president, he
helped the Enghsh Colle^ at Lisbon through difficult
times, and became supenor of Toumay College (Paris),
assigned bv Cardinal Richelieu to the English clergy.
He evaded being made bishop in 1660, declined m
1670 the presidency of Douai, an<l closed his life
in the Hopital des Incurables in Paris. Clifford's
works are: "Christian Rules proposed to a vertuoas
Soule" (Paris, 1615), dedicated to Mrs. Ursula Clif-
ford; "The Spirituall Combat", translated by R. R.
(Paris, 1656), dedicated to Abbot Montague; "little
Manual of the Poore Man's Dayly Devotion" (2nd
edition, Paris, 1670), often reprinted; "Observations
upon Kings' Reigns since the Conquest" (MS.);
"Collections concerning Chief Points of Controversy"
(MS.)
Little Manual, 5th ed.. preface; Dodd, Church History , III,
297; GiLLOw. Bibl. Did. Eng. Catholics, I. 514, b. v.; Idem.
Lisbon College, 9 and 189; 0>opsr in Diet, of Nat. Biog., a. v.;
Chronicle of St. Monica's, Louvain (Edinburgh. 1904). I. 127;
Kirk, Biographies (London, 1908). e. v.
Patrick Rtan.
Oliftoiii DiocBSE OF (Cliftoniensis), England,
consisting of Gloucestershire, Somersetshire, ana
Wiltshire. It was founded by Pius IX when he
restored the English hierarchy in 1850. Previously
to that the diocese formed part of the Western Dis*
trict, one of the four vicariates established by Inno-
cent XI in 1688, and including Wales and the six
south-western counties of England. In 1840 Wales
became a separate vicariate, and thenceforth the dis-
trict consisted of the English counties only. As the
vicars Apostolic resided chiefly at Bath in Somerset,
when the district was divided into the two dioceses
of Clifton and Plymouth, it was fitting that the last
Vicar Apostolic of the Western District, Dr. Joseph
William Hendren, O.S.F. (1791-1866), consecrated
in 1848, should become the first Bishop of Clifton.
Thus the diocese is, in a special sense, the representa-
tive of the old vicariate. In this capacity the
Bishop of Clifton retains possession of the arehives
of the Western District, one of the most important
sources of information for the history of the Church
in England from 1780 to 1850. The papers earlier
in date perished during the Gordon Riots in 1780.
Besides these valuable archives there is at Bishop's
House an interesting series of portraits of the vicars
Apostolic of the Western District and of the bishops
of Clifton.
A year after the foundation of the new diocese
Dr. Hendren was translated to the See of Nottingham
and was succeeded by Dr. Thomas Burgess (1791-
1854). On 28 June, 1852, a cathedral chapter, con-
sisting of a provost and ten canons, was erected. On
the death of Bishop Burgess, 27 Nov., 1854, there
was a long vacancy, and the administration of the
diocese was given provisionally to Archbishop Erring-
ton, coadjutor to Cardinal Wiseman. This 'arrange-
ment lasted until Feb., 1857, when the Hon. and Rev.
William Joseph Hugh ClifiFord (1823-1893), son of
the seventh Lord Clifford, was appointed bishop,
being consecrated by Pope Pius lA m person. His
loM pontificate lasted lor thirty-six years, ending
with nis death, 14 Aug., 1893. His successor was
Dr. William Robert Brownlow (1836-1901), famous
as an arcluBologist, and whose well-known work on
the catacombs, written conjointly with Dr. James
Spencer Northcote, is a classical work of reference.
Dr. Brownlow died 9 Nov., 1901, and was succ^ided
by the Jit. Rev. Geoige Ambrose Burton, consecrated
1 May, 1902. The diocese, which is under the
patronage of "Our Lady Conceived without Sin"
and Sts. Peter and Paul, is divided into six rural
deaneries. There are 57 public churches and chapels,
besides 24 private chapels belonguig to communities.
The clergy number about 50 secular priests and
about 80 regulars, the latter including the Benedic-
tines of the famous abbe^ and school at Downside.
The Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, Cister-
cians, and Jesuits are also represented in the diocese.
The College of Sts. Peter and Paul, Prior Park,
founded by Benedictines and afterwards conducted
OUBfAOUS
59
OLOOHSB
by secular priests, is now in the hands of the Fathers
of the Society of the Holy Ghost.
Catholie Direetoriea (1850-1907); Bbadt. AnnaU of th€
CaUwlie Hierarchy (1877).
Edwin Burton.
OlixnaeuB, John, Saint. See John Climacus,
Saint.
Gliment, Josi:, Spanish bishop, b. at CastelI6n de
la Plana (Valencia), 1706; d. there 25 Nov., 1781. Dis-
tinguisheid for his charities, educational efforts, elo-
quence, and exemplary life, he studied and afterwards
professed theolo^ at the University of Valencia,
laboured for several years as parish priest, and
was consecrated Bishop of Barcelona in 1766; he
resigned his see in 1775. His episcopal activity
was directed to the founding of hospitals, the estab-
lishing of free schools, and the diffusion of knowl-
edge among the people by means of low-priced
publications. He translatea into Spanish several
works, amon^ them Fleury's "Moeurs des Israelites
et des Chretiens '\ His pastoral instructions con-
tributed largely to his fame. That of 1769, on the
renewal of ecclesiastical studies, caused him to be de-
nounced to the court of Charles III for having eulo-
gized the Church of Utrecht; but a commission com-
posed of archbishops, bishops, and heads of religious
orders, appointed to examine his case, returned a
decision favourable to the prelate. The sway he held
over his people was shown by his success in quelling a
dangerous uprising in Barcelona against military con-
scription; but this only served still further to render
him obnoxious to a suspicious court, ^e refused, on
conscientious grounds, a promotion to the wealthy
See of Malaga, and withdrew to his native place. His
life was published in Barcelona in 1785.
BfiCBAUD, Biog. Univen. (Paris, 1843-66).
John H, Staplbton.
Clinical Baptism. Sec Baptism.
OUtherow, Margaret, Venerable, Martyr, called
the "Peari of York'', b. about 1556; d. 25 March,
15S6. She was a daughter of Thomas Middleton,
Sheriff of York (1564-5), a wax-chandler; married
John Clitherow, a wealthy butcher and a chamber-
lain of the city, in St. Martin's cjiurch. Coney St., 8
July, 1571, and lived in the Shambles, a street still
unaltered. Converted to the Faith about three years
latef", she became most fervent, continually risking her
life by harbouring and maintaining priests, was fre-
quently imprisoned, sometimes for two years at a
time, yet never daunted, and was a model of all vir-
tues. Though her husband belonged to the Established
Church, he had a brother a priest, and Margaret pro-
vided two chambers, one adjoining her house and
a second in another part of the city, where she kept
priests hidden and had Mass contmually celebrated
through the thick of the persecution. Some of her
priests were martyred, and Margaret who desired
the same grace above all things, used to make secret
pilgrimages by night to York Tyburn to pray beneath
the gibbet for this intention. Finally arrested on 10
March, 1586, she was committed to the castle. On
14 March, she was arraigned before Judges Clinch and
Rhodes and several members of the Council of the
North at the York assizes. Her indictment was
that she had harboured priests, heard Mass, and the
like; but she refused to plead, since the only witnesses
against her would be her own little children and ser-
vants, whom she could not bear to involve in the guilt
of her death. She was therefore condemned to the
peine forte et dure, i. e. to be pressed to death. " God
.be thanked, I am not worthy of so good a death as
this", she said. Although she was probably with
child, this horrible sentence was carried out on Lady
Day, 1586 (Good Friday according to New Style),
^he had endured an agony of fear the previous night,
but was now calm, joyous, and smiling. She walked
barefooted to the tofbooth on Ouscbridge, for she
had sent her hose and shoes to her daughter Anne, in
token that she should follow in her steps. She had
been tormented by the ministers and even now was
urged to confess her crimes. " No, no, Mr. Sheriff, I
die for the love of my Lord Jesu", she answered. She
was laid on the ground, a sharp stone beneath her
back, her hands stretched out in the form of a cross
and bound to two posts. Then a door was placed
upon her, which was weighted down till she was
crushed to death. Her last words during an agony
of fifteen minutes, were "Jesu! Jesu! Jesu! have
mercy on me!" Her right hand is preserved at St.
Mary s Convent, York, but the restmg-place of her
sacred body is not known. Her sons Henry and
William became priests, and her daughter Anne a
nun at St. Ursula's, Louvain. Her life, written by
her confessor, John Mush, exists in two versions. The
earlier has been edited by Father John Morris, S. J., in
his "Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers", third
series (London, 1877). The later MS., now at York
Convent, was published by W. Nicholson, of Thelwall
Hall, Cheshire (London, Derby, 1849), with portrait:
"Life and Death of Margaret Clitherow the martyr
of York". It also contains the "History of Mrs.
Margaret Ward and Mrs. Anne Line, martyrs".
Challonbr, Memoira of Miaaionary Prieata (London, 1878);
GiLLOw, BiM. Diet, of Eng. Cath. (London, 1885), I; Milburn,
A Marturof Yfk (London, 1900); The Pearl of York (with
Sortrait), (London, 1904), a drama by the Benedictines of
tanbrook.
Bede Camm.
Ologher, Diocese of (Clogherensis), a suffragan
of Armagh, Ireland, which comprises the County Mona-
ghan, almost the whole of Fermanagh, the southern
portion of Tyrone, and parts of Donegal, Louth, and
Qavan. It takes its name from Clogher, the seat of
Ruins of St. Mary's Abbet, Devenish Island.
the Prince of Oriel, with whose territory the old Dio-
cese of Clogher was, practically spealSng, coexten-
sive. The see was founded by St. Patrick, who
appointed one of his household, St. Macarten, as
first bishop. There does not seem to be any evidence
that St. Patrick governed Clogher as a distinct diocese
before taking up his residence at Armagh, as is stated
by Jocelyn. There is great difficulty m tracing the
succession of bishops in Clogher, as indeed in every
Irish diocese from the sixth to the eleventh century,
on account of the confusion of the bishops with the
abbots of the monastic establishments; the difficulty
is increased in Clogher in view of the diversity exist-
ing between the lists as given in the Irish Annals, and
the " Register of Clogher", compiled by Patrick Culin,
Bishop of Clogher (1519-34), and Roderick Cassidy,
archdeacon of the diocese. The "Register of Clo-
gher" is of very little historical value.
In 1241 Henry III ordered that Clogher should be
united to Armagh, on account of ihv |)overty of both
OLOISTER
60
OLOISTER
dioceses, but this was not carried out, though under
Bishop David O'Brogan large portions of Tyrone
were cut off from Clogher and given to Ardstraw (now
united with Derry), while the greater part of the
present County Louth, including Dundalk, Drogheda,
and Ardee, was taken over by Armagh. In 1535
Bishop Odo, or Hugh O'Cervallan, was appointed to
the See of Clogher by Paul III, and on the submission
of his patron Con O Neill to Henry VIII, this prelate
seems to have accepted the new teaching, and was
superseded by Raymond MacMahon, 1546. From
his time there are two lines of bishops in Clogher, the
Catholic and the Protestant. The apostate Miler
Magrath was appointed Pl'otestant bishop by Queen
Elizabeth in 1570, but on his promotion to Cashel,
resigned Clogher in the same year. Heber or Emer
MacMahon (1643-50) took a prominent part in the
war of the Irish Confederates, and on the death of
Owen Roe O'Neill, was chosen general of the Con-
federate forces. He was defeated at Scariflfhollis near
I^tterkenny, taken prisoner by Coote, and beheaded
at Enniskillen. Owing to the persecutions of the
Irish Catholics, Clogher was governed by vicars dur-
ing the periods 1612-43, 16.50-71, 1687-1707, 1713-27.
The chapter of Clogher was allowed to lapse, but
towards the end of the eighteenth century it was
re-established by papal Brief.
A very important provincial synod was held at
Clones in 1670 by Oliver Plunkett, Archbishop of
Armagh (see Moran, Life of Plunkett). The most
remarkable shrines of the diocese are at St. Patrick's,
Lough Derg, near Pettigo, still frequented by thou-
sands of pilgrims from all parts of the world (see St.
Patrick's Purgatory); Devenish Island in Lough
Erne (see McKenna, Devenish, its History and
Antiquities, Dublin, 1897); Innismacsaint; also in
Lough Erne, where the "Annals of Ulster" were com-
posed; Lisgoole, Clones, and Clogher. The most
celebrated works of ancient ecclesiastical art con-
nected with the diocese are the Domnach Airigid, a
shrine enclosing a copy of the Gospels, said to have
been given by St. Patrick to St. Macarten, and the
Cross of Clogher, both of them now in the National
Museum in Dublin. The Catholic population of the
diocese is 101,162, distributed in forty parishes and
ministered to by about 100 priests.
Wark-Harrib. Bishops of Irdand (Dublin, 1746); Mazibrb
Brady, Episcopal Succession in Enqland, Irdand, etc. (Rome,
1876), I; O'Connor. St. Patrick's Purgatory (Dublin).
James MacCafpret.
Oloister, the English equivalent of the Latin word
dausitra (from claudere, 'to shut up"). This word
occurs in Roman law in the sense of rampart, barrier
fcf. Code of Justinian, 1. 2 sec. 4; De officiis Praef.
Pract. AfricaB (1, 27); 1. 4 De officiis mag. officiorum
(1, 31)]. In the "Concordia Regularum" of St. Bene-
dict of Aniane, c. xh, sec. 11, we find it in the sense
of "case", or "cupboard" (Migne, P. L., CIII, 1057).
In modem ecclesiastical usage, clausura signifies, ma-
terially, an enclosed space for religious retirement;
formally, it stands for the legal restrictions opposed to
the free egress of those who are cloistered or enclosed,
and to the free entry, or free introduction, of outsiders
within the limits of the material clausura.
I. Synopsis of Existing Legislation. — The actual
legislation distinguishes between religious orders and
institutes with simple vows; institutes of men and
those of women.
(1) Religious Orders. — (a) Male. — Material Clausura.
— According to the present common law, every
convent or monastery of regulars must, on its comple-
tion, be encloifltered. A convent is defined as a build-
ing which serves as a fixed dwelling-place where relig-
ious five according to their rule. According to the
common opinion of jurists (Piat, " Prjelectiones juris
Regularis'^, 1, 844, n. 4; Wemz. "Jus Decretalium ',
658, n. 479) tlie houses where only two or three relig-
ious dwell permanently, and observe their rule as they
can, are subject to this law; it is not necessary that
the religious be in a number which secures them the
privilege of exemption from the bishop's jurisdiction.
The Congregation of Propaganda seems to have made
this opinion its own, in decreeing that, in missionary
coimtries. the law of cloister appUes to the religious
houses which belong to the mission, and which serv^e
as a fixed dwelling for even two or three regular mis-
sionaries of the Latin Rite (Collectanea Propagandse
Fidei, Replies of 26 Aug., 1780, and of 5 March, 1787,
n. 410 and 412, 1st edit., n. 545 and 587, 2d ed.). On
the other hand, the law of cloister does not a^ply to
houses which are simply hired by religious, ana which
cannot therefore be looked upon as fixed and defini-
Cloxsteb, Santa Mabia Novsi«la, Fix>rbngb
tive homes, nor to the villa-houses to which the re-
ligious go for recreation on fixed days or for a few
weeks every year.
Strictly speaking, the whole enclosed space — liouse
and garden — ought to be encloistered. Custom, how-
ever, allows the erection, at the entrance to the con-
vent, of reception rooms to which women may be
admitted. These reception rooms should be isolated
from the interior of the convent, and the religious
should not have free access to them. The church,
choir, and even the sacristy, when it is strictly con-
tiguous to the church, are neutral territory; here
women mav enter, ana the reUgious are free to go
thither without special permission. It may be as^ed
whether a strictly continuous material barrier is a
necessary part of the clausura. Lehmkuhl (in Kir-
chenlex., s. v. Clausura) is of the opinion that a door
which can be locked should separate the cloistered
from the other parts of a house of religious. Pas-
serini, however, thinks (De hominum statibus, III,
461, n. 376) that any intelligible sign suffices, provided
it sufficiently indicates the beginning of the cloistered
part. And even in the Roman law, the clausurae
were sometimes fictitious. Finally, it may be added
thiAt it is for the provincial superior to fix the h'mits of
the cloister and the point at which it begins, in con-
formity i^ith the usages of his order and with the local
needs; of course his power is Umited by the disposi-
tions of the law.
Formal Clausiu-a. — Obstacle to the Free Egress of
the Religious. — The cloistered religious maj^ not go out-
side their material cloister without pennission; still,
the rehgious man who transgresses this prohibition
does not incur any ecclesiastical censure. In two
cases, however, he would commit a grave sin: if his*
absence were prolonged (i. e. exceeding two or three
days); and if he should go out by night. Going out
at night without permission is lu^ually a reserved case.
But what constitutes going out by night? The pres-
OXiOISTER
61
0LOI8TER
ant writer is of the opmion that the oomxnon estimfr-
tion (which may vary in difTerent countries) defines it.
It consists in leaving the cloister without a good and
serious motive, at a late hour, when people would be
surprised to meet a religious outside his monastery.
Canonical legislation carefully provides that religious,
when not emplo^red in the functions of the sacred
ministiy, shall reside in monasteries. The Council of
Trent had already forbidden them to leave the mon-
astery without permission under pretext of meeting
their superiors. If they are sent to follow a tmiver-
sity course, they must reside in a rdigious house. The
bishop can and must punish the viomtois of this law
of residence (Sess. XXIV, De^Reg. et Mon., c. iv).
Certain decrees of refonn, primarily intended for Italy
alone, but probably extended by usage, specially for-
bid religious to go to Rome without peimission of the
superior general.
Obstade to the Entrance of Outsiders. — ^Women are
strictly forbidden to enter the encloistered portions of
a house of male religious. In his '' Apostoficas Sedis'' .
(1869), sec. 2, n. 7, Pius IX renewed the sentence of
exoonmiunication against violators of this law. This
excommunication is absolutely reserved to the Holy
See; it affects the women who enter as well as the
superior or religious who admits them. The penaltv
always supposes, of course, a serious sin on the offena-
er's part, but the moralists are venr severe in their
appreciation of cases. The fact of naving just fully
crossed the boundary suffices, according to them, for
the pommission of a serious sin and incurs the penalty.
Such severity is comprehensible when a continuous
material barrier separates the cloistered and non-
cloistered parts of the monastery; still, the present
writer is rather inclined to exonerate that person from
a grievous sin who should just step over the boundary
and retire immediately. Where tnere is no such bar-
rier, somewhat more latitude may be allowed. The
law makes exceptions for queens and women of like
rank, as, for example, the wife of the president of a
republic; such persons may also be accompanied by a
smtable retinue. Exception is also sometimes made
for notable benefactresses, who must, however, pre-
viously obtain a pontifical indult. It should be noted
that young ^ris under twelve do not incm- this ex-
Gommimication, but the religious who should admit
them would incur the penalty. It is not certain that
young girls under seven come under the law; hence
the religious who should admit them would not com-
mit a grave fault or incur the excommunication.
(b) Female. — ^Material Clausura. — ^Those parts of
the convent to which the nuns have access are all
within the cloister, the choir not excepted. Here the
law recognLees no neutral territory. If the convent
church be public, the nuns cannot go into those part«
accessible to the people. Further, the building should
be BO constructed that neither the sisters can look out-
side their enclosure, nor their neighbours see into the
court-yards or ^rdens at the disposal of the sisters.
Before establishing a women's convent with cloister,
it is the desire of the Holy See — if it be not a condi-
tion of validity — ^that the he?ieplacitum Apostolicum
should be obtained; this is a certain obhgation for
countries, like the United States, which are subject
to the Constitution of Leo XIII ''Romanos Pon-
tifices", 8 May, 1881. (See also the Letter of 7 Dec,
1901, of the Congregation of Propaganda.)
Formal Clausura. — Obstacle to Egress. — ^Under no
pretext may the sisters go outside their cloister with-
out a legitimate cause approved of by the bishop.
Such is the legislation of the Council of Trent (Sess.
XXV, De. Reg. et Mon., c. v.). St. Pius V, restrict-
ing still more this law, recognized only three legiti-
^te causes: fire, leprosy, and contagious malady.
Without keeping rigorously to this enumeration, we
°^y say that an analogous necessity is always re-
quu-eci in order that the bishop may accord the |^er-
mission. The nuns who transgress this law incur an
excommunication reserved absolutely to the Holy See
(" Apost. Sedis", seo. 2, n. 6).
Obstacle to the FreeEntranoe of Outsiders. — The law
is much more severe for female than for male houses;
in fact, even women are rigorously excluded from the
cloistered parts. The penalty for those who enter
and for those who admit or introduce them is the
same — an excommunication absolutely reserved to
the Holy See (" Apost. Sed.", sec. 2, n. 6). The pen-
alty affects all those, and only those, who have
reached the age of reason. Hence, in spite of the
general terms of the law, it seems probable that the
sister who should introduce a child under seven
would not incur the ecclesiastical censure. This re-
gime, however, admits of exceptions; corporal or
spiritual needs demand the physician's or the confes-
sor's presence, the garden must be cultivated, the
building kept in repair. Hence general permissions
are given to doctors, confessors, workmen, and others.
The confessor of the nuns has this permission in virtue
of his office, so also the bishop who must make the
canonical visitation, and the regular superior. If the
convent be under the jurisdiction of regulars, out-
siders who need to enter the cloister probably require
only one permission, that of the regular superior, ex-
cept where custom requires also the permission of the
bishop or of his delegate (St. Alph., "Theol. mor.",
VII, 224). Benedict XIV, Lehmkuhl, and Piat, bas-
ing their view on the jurisprudence of the CJongrega-
tion of the Coimcil, hold that the bishop's permission
is always reouired. This permission, whether coming
from tne bishop or from the regular superior, should
be in writing, according to the wording of the law;
but an oral permission is sufficient to avoid the cen-
sure (St. Alph., ''Theol. mor.", VII, 223). We may
follow the ojpinion of St. Alphonsus (loc. cit.), who
maintains that when one has an evident reason for
entering within the cloister, he avoids both the cen-
sure and the sin, even though he have only an oral
permission. It should be observed that girl-boarders
are subject to this legislation. Hence the solemnly
professed nuns who wish to occupy themselves with
the education of the young must he provided with a
pontifical indult.
However, cloistered nuns are not absolutely for-
bidden all intercourse with the outside world. They
may of course receive letters; they may also receive
visitors in the convent parloiir, provided that they
remain behind the gratmg, or grille, erected there.
For such visits a reasonable cause and a permission
from the bishop is usually needed. This permission,
however, is not required m the case of those who, by
virtue of their office, are obliged to have relations
with a convent, viz. the ecclesiastical superior, the
confessor (for spiritual affairs), the canonical visitor,
etc. Except in Advent and Lent, relatives and
children are admitted once a week. The conditions
for a visit by a male religious are very severe; accord-
ing to some authors he can only receive permission if
he is a blood relation of the first or second degree, and
then only four times a year. Further, although an
irregular visit on the part of a lay person or secular
priest does not constitute a grave fault, any visit
without leave is a mortal sin for the religious. Such
is the severity of the prohibition contained in the
decree of the Congregation of the Council, dated 7
June, 1669. However, the conditions commonly re-
quired for a mortal sin must be present. For that
reason some eminent theologians do not think there
is a mortal sin if the conversation does not last for a
quarter of an hour (C. d 'Annibale, Summula theol. , III,
n. 228). It should be noted, at the same time, that
certain usages have miti^ted the rigour of the /aws
here mentioned. In Spain, for instance, the permis-
sion of the diocesan authority is never asked for mak-
ing such visits. Ami of course the law itself affects
OLOISTER
62
OLOISTKB
only convents where the inmates pronounce solemn
vows.
(2) InstUiUes with Simple Vows Ordv. — Generally
speaking, in a convent or monastery where there are
no solemn vows, there is no cloister protected by the
excommunications of the * 'Apostolicte Sedis " ; further,
women cannot make solenm vows except in a con-
vent which has the clausura. Sometimes, however,
this papal clausura is granted to convents of women
who make only simple vows. Except in this case
the institutes of simple vows are not subject to the
laws above-described. As a matter of fact, the only
female convents in the United States with either
solemn vows or the papal clausura are those of the
Visitation Nims at Georgetown, Mobile, St. Louis,
and Baltimore. (See Bizzarri, ''Ck>llectanea; Causa
Americana", 1st edit., X, page 778, and the decree,
page 791.) The fifth convent mentioned in the de-
cree, Kaskaskia, no longer exists. The same is true
of Belgium and France, with the exception of the
districts of Nice and Savoy. In these countries,
therefore, the nuns forming part of the old religious
orders have only the cloister imposed by their rules
or by such vows as that of perpetual enclosure taken
by the relidous of St. Clare. It is worth noting that
tnis vow, although it forbids the inmates to leave the
cloister, does not forbid them to receive people from
outside. They are not, then, acting contrary to their
vow when they admit secular persons to the inside of
their convents. But in countries where the absence
of solemn vows exempts convents of women from the
papal enclosure, the bishop, whom the Council of
Trent (Sess. XXV, De Reg. et Mon., c. v.) constitutes
the guardian of nuns' cloister, can censure and punish
with ecclesiastical penalties infractions of cloister, and
can thus establish an episcopal clausura (cf. Reply,
"In Parisiensi", 1 Aug., 1839). In the institutes of
simple vows, there is nearly always a partial cloister
which reserves exclusively to the religious certain
parts of their convents. This partial cloister in the
nuns' convents has been conmiitted to the special
vigilance of the bishops by the Constitution, ''Con-
ditae", 8 Dec, 1900, second part, and, if we may
judge by the present action of the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars, the clausura in this form tends
to become obligatory on all such institutes. (See
"Nomue" of the Congreg. of Bishops and Regulars j
28 June, 1901.)
II. Reasons for this Legislation. — This legisla-
tion has for itsprincipal object to safeguard the virtue
of chastity. The religious consecrates his person to
God, but he is not on that account impeccable in the
matter of chastity: indeed, his very profession, if he
does not live up to nis ideal, exposes him to the danger
of becoming a scandal and a source of the gravest harm
to religion. To this principal reason inculcated in
the Constitution "Penculoso" of Boniface VIII may
be added others; for instance, the calm and recollec-
tion necessary for the religious life. The Church has
therefore acted wisely in forestalling such dan^rs and
protecting those who aim at leading a perfect hfe; and
for this the external rigour is certainly not excessive.
Moreover, this external rigour (as, e. g., the grille)
varies much according to local needs and circum-
stances; and it seems that the recent institutes suc-
ceed admirably with their partial cloister, which is not
protected by tne severe penalties of the Church. The
more perfect form, however, is undoubtedly better
adiapt^ to the mystic life.
III. Sources of the Existino Legislation. — (1)
Religious Orders, — (a) Male. — There is no pontifical
constitution of universal application which prohibits
the egress of the reli^ous. The only written law that
might be invoked is the decree of Clement VIII,
"Nullus Omnino'', 25 June, 1599; and it would be
difficult to prove that this Constitution is binding out-
side of Italy. Hence, this element of cloister results
partl}r from usa^ge, partly from special laws. A con-
stitution of univex^ bearing was projected at the
Vatican Council C'De Clausuri'', c. li, ''CoUectio
Lacensis", VII, 681). The interdict against the ad-
mission of women rests nowadays on the Constitution
of Benedict XIV, '^R^ularis Disdplins", 3 Jan.,
1742, and on that of Pius IX, "Apostolic® Sedis",
sec. 2, n. 7, 12 Oct., 1869, which renews the censures
against offenders.
(b) Female, — Here the Apostolical Constitutions
abound. We cite some of the more recent which sanc-
tion at the same time the two elements of cloister:
"Salutare", 3 Jan., 1742, and "Per binas aUas", 24
Jan., 1747, of Benedict XIV; add also, for the censures,
the " Apostolicse Sedis'', sec. 2, n. 6, of Pius IX.
(2) Institutes with Simple Vows Only. — For these in-
stitutes there is no other law of universal application
Small Cloibtbr, CisBToeA of Pavia — Giovanni
Antonio Amadbo
besides the Constitution, "Condit» aChristo", which
indeed rather supposes than imposes a certain clau-
sura.
IV. Historical Development of Legislation. —
From the very first, the foimders of monasteries and
the masters of the spiritual life sought to guard
against the dangers which commerce with the world
and intercourse with the other sex offered to those de-
voted to the life of perfection. So we find from the
earliest times, both in the counsels and the rules of the
initiators of the religious life, wise maxims of practical
prudence. In the ^pod of Alexandria (362) we find
at the head of the minor ordinances a rule forbidding
monks and religious celibates {continentes) to meet
women, to speak to them, and, if it can be avoided, to
see them (Kevillout, "Le Concile de Nic6e", II, 475,
476). Still, cloister, as we understand it to-day, did
not exist for the first Eastern monks. Their rules
concerning monastic hospitality prove this; other-
wise, how could St. Macnna have receive the visits
of which her brother, St. Gregory of Nyssa, spealcs
("Vita S. Macrin»", in P. G., XLVI, 975)? St.
Basil's niles, in recommending discretion in the rela-
tions between monks and nuns, prove indirectlv the
non-existence of a cloister properly so called ("K^u-
Ise fusius tractatse, Q. and R., XXX, P. G., XXXI. 997;
"Regute brevius tractat»", 106-11, P. G., XXXI,
1155-58). What seems stranger still in our eyes, in
the East there existed double monasteries where, in
contiguous houses, if not actually under the same roof,
religious men and women observed the same rule;
sometimes also pious women (dyamrral) shared their
homes with monks. As regards Africa, in St. Augus-
tine's day the visits of clerics or of monks to the ** vir-
gins and widows" were made only with permission,
and in the company of irreproachable Christians
(Cone. Carth. Ill, can. xxv, Hardouin, 1, 963); but the
0LOI8TB&
63
OLOISTSft
cloister proper was unknown, so much so that the
nuns themselves used to go out, though always ac-
companied (Aug., Epist., ccxi, P. L., XXXIII, 963).
In Europe, St. Csesarius of Aries (536) forbade
women to enter men's monasteries, and even pre-
vented them from visiting the interior i)art of a nun's
convent (R^nila ad monachos, xi; Ad virgines, xxxiv,
P. L., LXVn, 1100, 1114); so also St. AureUus, who
further forbade nuns to go out except with a compan-
ion (R^^ula ad monachos, xv; Ad virgines, xii, P.L.,
LXVIlf, 390, 401). The Rule of St. Benedict says
nothing about the clobter, and even the Rule of St.
Francis only forbids monks to enter convents of nuns.
It is worth noting that other religious so far surpassed
in severity the authorizations of current law as to
place their churches under cloister (Carthusians; see
"Guigonis CJonsuetudines", c. xxi, P. L., CUII, 681,
6S2), or to prohibit the introduction of foods which
the monks were forbidden to use (Camaldolese). St.
Gregory (P. L., LXXVII, 717) in his letter (594) to
the Abbot Valentine (letter xlii or xl, bk. IV) com-
plained that the said abbot used to admit women into
his monastery frequently, and used to allow his monks
to act as godfathers at baptisms, thus associating
with the women who acted as godmothers. This last
permission appeared to him more reprehensible than
the former. In the middle of the fifth century (450-
56) an Irish council presided over by St. Patnck for-
bade (can. ix) the religious and consecrated virgins to
lodge in the same inn, ride in the same carriage, or
frequently meet together (Hard., 1, 1791). About the
same time, the Fourth (Ecumenical Council (451) sub-
ject^ to the bishop's jurisdiction the monks who
lived outside their monastery. In 517 the Council of
Epao (a locality which has not been identified hitherto.
See Hefele, "Concilien^eschichte", II, 681; L6ning,
"Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts", 1, 569, n.
2, identifies it with Albon, between Valence and
Vienne; the '* Mon. Germ. Hist.": Cone, 1, 17, refer to
Lining) prescribed measures (can. xxxviii) prohibiting
any but women pf known integrity or priests on
duty from entering the monasteries of vimns {puel-
terum— Hard., II, 1051). In the Constitution (" No-
vella") 133 of Justinian I, xepl A*ol^ix«^ 16 or 18
Mareh, 539, we meet with a prescription which re-
sembles much more closely our cloister. In the third
chapter the emperor forbids women to enter men's
monasteries even for a burial service, and vice versa.
In the Coimcil of Saragossa (691) the Fathers assem-
bled protested against the facility with which lav-
persons were admitted into monasteries (Hard., HI,
1780). Next come the Council of Freising (about 800),
which forbids either laymen or clerics to enter nuns'
^ convents (can. xxi in the collection reproduced in
the ''Mon. Germ. Hist.: Capitularia Regum Fran-
corum", 1, 28), and the Council of Mainz (813), which
forbids (can. xii) monks to go out without the abbot's
leave, and which seems (can. xiii) to forbid absolutely
all egress for nuns, even for the abbesses, except with
the advice and permission of the bishop (Hard., IV,
1011, 1012). In the acts of the synods of 829 pre-
sented to Louis le D^bonnaire, we find a measure to
prevent monks from conversing with nuns without
the bishop's permission [''Mon. Germ. Hist.: Capitu-
laria ", II, 42, n. 19 (53)]. The Second General Cioun-
cil of the Lateran (1139) forbade nuns to dwell in
private houses (can. xxvi) and expressed the wish that
they should not sing in the same choir with the canons
or monks (Hard., VII, 1222). ' The Third Council of
the Lateran (1 179) re<^uired a cause of clear necessity
to justify clerics in visiting convents of nuns. We
may ada here the decree of Innocent III (1198) in-
serted in the Decretalia (I, 31, 7), which gives to the
bishop the right to supplement the negligence of pre-
lates who should not compel wandering monks to re-
turn to their convents.
Thus far we have surveyed the beginnings of the
present legislation. In 1298 Boniface VIII promul-
gated his celebrated Constitution "Periculoso" (De
Statu Regularium, in VI®, III, 16), in which he im-
posed the cloister on all nuns. According to this law,
all egress is forbidden to them; only persons of irre-
proachable life are admitted to see the sisters, and
that only when there is a reasonable excusepreviously
approved of by the competent authorities. The bishops
(m the convents whicn are subject to them, as well
as in those which depend immediately on the Holy
See) and the regular prelates (in other convents) are
charged to watcn over the execution of these disposi-
tions. The Council of Trent (Sees. XXV, De Reg.
et Mon., c. v), confirming these measures, con-
fided to the bishops all responsibility for the cloister
of nuns; it further directed that no nun might go out
without a written permit from the bishop, and that
outsiders, under pain of excommunication, might not
enter without a written permit from the bishop or the
regular superior, which permit might not be given
except in case of necessity. St. Pius V, in his "Circa
Pastoralis" (29 May, 1566), urged the execution of
Boniface's law, and imposed the cloister even on the
third orders. Shortly after, the same pontiff, in his
"Decori" (1 Feb., 1570), defined the cases and the
manner in which a professed nun might go outside
of her cloister. In this coimexion may also be
mentioned the "Ubi Gratiie" of Gregory XIII (13
June, 1575), explained by the Brief " Dubiis " (23 Dec,
1581). The decree of 11 May, 1669, and the declara-
tion of 26 Nov., 1679 of the Congregation of the Coun-
cil, forbid reli^ous men to see nuns, even at the grat-
ing, except within the limits referred to above.
This legislation is still further confirmed by the
Constitutions of Benedict XIV, "Cum sacrarum", 1
June, 1741, "Salutare" of 3 Jan., 1742, concerning
the entrance of outsiders; "Per binas alias", 24 Jan.,
1747, on the same subject; and the Letter "Gravis-
simo", 31 Oct., 1749, to the ordinaries of the pontif-
ical territory on access of extems to the grilles, or
gratings, through which they might communicate
with cloistered religious; finally, by the Constitution
"Apostolic® Sedis", 12 Oct., 1869, which passed sen-
tence of excommunication on all offenders, and abro-
gated all usages contrary to the Constitution of Pius
V on the egress of cloistered nuns (cf. reply of Holy
Office, 22 Dec, 1880).
The Apostolical constitutions about the cloister of
regulars, and notably the exclusion of women, are all
posterior to the CJouncil of Trent. As regards the
entrance of women, we have to quote: " Regularium ",
24 Oct., 1566, and "Decet", 16 July, 1570, both of
St. Pius V; "Ubi Gratia", 13 June, 1575, of Gregory
XIII; "NuUus", § 18, of Clement VIII, 25 June,
1599; "Regularis Discipline", 3 Jan., 1742, of Bene-
dict XIV; lastly, the "Apostolicffi Sedis" of Pius IX
(1869), for the censures. Concerning the egress of
religious, the reader may refer to the following con-
stitutions: "Ad Eomanum spectat", §§ 20 and 21,
21 Oct., 1588, of Sixtus V; "Decretum illud", 10
March, 1601, of Clement VIII (on the question of
journeys to Rome) ; also the decree " NuUus omnino ",
25 June, 1599,'of Clement VIII (for Italy).
V. Legislation in the Eastern Church. — In our
historical survey we have already cited the Greek
sources of legislation prior to the seventh century.
In 693 the Trullan Council, so caUed from the hall
of the palace at Constantinople where it was held, is
more precise than those which preceded it. The
forty-sixth canon (Hard., Ill, 1679) forbade monks
and nuns to go out, except during the day, for a
necessary cause, and with the previous authorization
of their superior; the forty-seventh canon forbade
men to sleep in a convent of women, and vice versa.
The Second Council of Nicaea (787), which Photius
cites in his "Nomocanon" (P. G., CIV, 1091), in its
eighteenth canon forbids women to dwell in men's
GLONAJEtD 64
monaskrirs (Hard., IV, 497, 41)8), and in the twen-
tieth it condemns double monasteriea, occupied by
both monks and nuns (Hard., IV, 499, 500). Neither
Balsamon nor Aristenes, in their commentaries on the
canons of the councils (P. G., CXXXVII), nor Bla-
staris (1332), in his alphabetical list of the canons
(P. G., CXLV, under the titles, "Hermits'', ''Nuns",
col. 45-48, 49-50), nor the Maronite council of 1 736, has
any more recent general law to cite. This Maronite
council cites two other Maronite synods of 1578 and
1596 (CoU. Lac, II, 36). In an article like the pres-
ent it would be impossible to follow the evolution of
the Eastern legislation and the Eastern usages in this
matter, owing tx) the multitude qf rites and of com-
munities into which the Orientals tend to split up.
We may cite two Catholic Maronite synods of Mt.
Lebanon, held in 1736 and 1818. The former of these
(De monasteriis et monachis, IV, c.ii) recalls the old
canons, forbids double monasteries, imposes on the
monks a cloister similar to that of the Western regu-
lars, penalizing women offenders with sentence of
excommunication, reservetl to the patriarch. In the
third chapter, devoted to sisterhoods, the Fathers
recognize that the strict cloister is not of obligation
in their Church. They allow the nuns to go out for
the needs of their convent, but they desire tliat the
nuns shall never go out alone. The execution of
these decrees was very slow, and met with much diffi-
culty; and the synod, of 1818 had to be convened in
order to finally separate the convents of men from
those of women (cf. Coll. Lac., II, 365-368, 374, 382.
490,491,496,576).
The provincial synod of the Ruthenians of the
United Greek Rite (1720) introduced what is prac-
tically the Roman clausura the exconmiunication
Erotecting their cloister is reserved to the pope ((>)11.
ac, II, 55, 58). In the patriarchal council of the
Greek Melchite United Church (1812), we find noth-
ing but a simple prohibition to the monks to go on
journeys without written permission from their supe-
rior, and to pass the night outside of their monastery,
except when assisting the dying (Coll. Lac, II, 586).
In the Coptic Catholic and the Syrian Catholic
Churches there are at present no religious whatever.
It may be affirmed, as a matter of fact, that the
cloister is often relaxed among Eastern monks, espe-
cially the schismatics; the exclusion of women, how-
ever, is very' rigorous in the twenty convents of Mt.
Athos and among the Egyptian monks. There we
find even more than the ancient rij^our of the Studists
for no female anunal of any kind is allowed to exist
on the promontory (see St. Theodore the Studite,
"Epistula Nicolao discipulo, et testamentum ", § 5,
m P. G., XCIX, 941, 1820). The Basilian nuns of
the Russian Church also observe a strict cloister.
For Cloister in the architectural sense, see under
Abbey.
For the historiral sources see HARDoriN, Ada ConcHiorum
(Paris, 1714-15); Boretiub and Kraubk, CapUularia Hegum
Francorum (Hanover, 1883 and 1897); Hevillodt, Le ConcUe
de Nic^e d'aprU les texlca copies el Us diverses caUeciions cano"
niques. Dissertation critique (2 vols., Paris, 1876-98); Migne
Patrotogim cursus completus (Paris, 1844-1862); Colledio La-
ccnsis: Ada et Decreta S. Conciltorum ReceTitiorum (7 voU., Frei-
burt5 im Br., 1870-90); Hefelb, Cona'lienoeschichte (Freiburg
imBr., 1873-1890); Vkrmeersch, De Religiosis JnstitutisrtPer-
sonia: Sttpplementa et Monumenta (Bruges, 1904).
For the legislation, almost all the canonists and moralists
might be cited. We will however limit ourselves to some of
those who have more formally treated the matter. — For the
ancient legislation in particular. BoNAaNA., Tradalut de Clau*
surd et de pcmis earn tnolantibus tmpositis, in Opera omnia
(Lyons, 1654). I; Pellizarius, ManuaU Regularium (2 vols.,
Lyons, 1605); Montwi (ed.). Tradatio de Monialibu^ (Editio
correcta, Rome, 1761); Liguori, Theoloffia moralis, I, 7, n.
221-243. — For authorities in modem legislation see Pi at,
PYaledumes juris reffularia (Toumai. 1898); Wernjs, Jiia
peeretahum vllome, 1901). Ill, n. 658; Hollweck. Die kirch-
lu^en Strajgetetze (Mamr. 1899); Hhimbucheh, Die Orden und
ConffregattoTun der kaiholischen Kirehe (Paderbom, 1907);
yKBUKERBrH,pe Reliffiosis TmtUtdis et Persimia, I, 2nd ed.
(Bruges, 1906).— See also Dolhaoaray, La lot de la dMure
dans les eovventa d'hommrs in Rnj. des scieno6$ ecdfs, (1897),
OLOHFXRT
\\^)<r oS «*1^/ !»*«¥/ ^ <^i^^K*^ rdioieuae, ibid. (1896).
Ill, 423 sqq.. and (1861), V, 618 sqq.; AndrI;- Wagner. Did
de draU^ c»Wi^ (i^arii'lsWirs. v'lB^Tre.^Li'rf^" e^
)if. (1887). XXVII. and (1888). XXVlHT
in Anal, jur. ponttl
Arthur VermeerscW.
Olonard, School of.— Clonard (Irish, Cluain
Eraird, or Cluain Iraird, Erard's Meadow) was situ-
ated on the beautiful river Boyne, just beside the
boundary line of the northern and southern halves of
Ireland. The founder of this school, the most famous
of the sixth century, was St. Finnian, an abbot
and great wonder-worker. He was bom at Myshall,
County Carlow, about 470. At an early age he was
placed under the care of St. Fortchem, by whose direc-
tion, it is said, he proceeded to Wales to perfect him-
self m holiness and sacred knowledge under the great
saints of that country. After a long sojourn there, of
thirty years according to the Salamanca MS., be re-
turned to his native land and went about from place
to place, preaching, teaching, and founding churches,
till he was at last led by an angel to Cluain Eraird,
which he was told would be the place of his resurrec-
tion. Here he built a little cell and a church of clay
and wattle, which after some time gave way to a sub-
stantial stone structure, anu Wintered on a life of study,
mortification, and prayer. Tlie fame of his learning
and sanctitv was soon noised abroad, and scholars of
all ages flocked from every side to his monastic retreat
—young laymen and clerics, abbots and bishops even,
and those illustrious saints who were af ten^^ards known
as the " Twelve Apostles of Erin ''. In the Office of St.
Finnian it is stated that there were no fewer than
3000 pupils getting instruction at one time in the
school in the green fields of Clonard under the broad
canopy of heaven. The master excelled in exposition
of the Sacred Scriptures, and to this fact must be
mainly attributed the extraordinary popularity which
his lectures enjoyed. The exact date of the saint's
death is uncertam, but it was probably 552, and his
burial-place is in his own church of Clonard. For cen-
turies after his death the school continued to be re-
nowned as a seat of Scriptural learning, but it suffered
at the hands of the Danes, especially in the eleventh
centuiy, and two wretched Irishmen, O'Rorke of
Breifney and Dermod McMurrough, helped to com-
plete the unholy work which the Northmen had begun.
With the transference by the Norman Bishop de
Rochfort, m 1206, of the See of Meath from Qonard to
Trim, the glory of the former place departed forever.
Qi^li ^^?Q*^^r*^*/T^'ui?''*'?23;\ Healy, Ireland's Ancient
Sdiools and Scholars (Dubhn. 1890).
John Healt.
Olonfartt Diocese op (Clonfertenbis, in Irish
Cluain-fearta Brenainn), a suffragan see of the metro- *
g>litan province of Tuam, was founded in 557 by St.
rendan the Navigator, in a sheltered cluain or
meadow near the Shannon shore, at the eastern ex-
tremity of the County Galway. The diocese was
nearly coextensive with the tribe-land of the Hy
Many or O'Kelly country. It still contains twenty-
four parishes in the south-east of the County Galway,
including one small parish east of the Sliannon, which
formed a part of the ancient Hy Many territory. The
renown of Brendan as a saint and traveller by land
and sea attracted from the very beginning many
monks and students to his monastery of Clonfert, so
that it became a very famous school of sanctity and
learning, numbering at one time, it is said, no Ims
than three thousand students. Brendan was not a
bishop himself, but he had as coadjutor, his nephew
Moineim, who, after his death, became an abbot-
bishop and head of the monastic schoc^. At a later
period a still more celebrated man, Cummian Fada,
or Cummian the Tall, presided over the School and
Diocese of Clonfert. He took a leading part in the
famous Paschal oontroveray and wrote a veiy leftrned
CLOISTERS
CERT08A Bl S. MARTlNOj NA1»LES
iT. iOnn I*ATERAN, HOME
OLONMAOKOISE
65
OLONMAONOISS
work on the subject, known as liis "Padchal Epistle",
«ehich fortunately still survives (P. L., LXXXVIII)
and furnishes conclusive evidence of the varied learn-
ingcultivated in the school of Clonfert.
Clonfert being on. the highway of the Shannon suf-
fered greatly from the ravage of the Danes, and also
of some Irish chieftains who imitated their bad ex-
ample; yet the school and monastery lived on throueh
those stormy times, and we have a fuller list of bish-
ops and abbots of Clonfert than we have of any other
see, at least in the West of Ireland. It was richly en-
dowed with lar^ estates of fertile land, and hence we
find that the Bishop of Clonfert. accoixling to a scale
fixed in 1392, paid to the papal treasurv on his ap-
pointment three hundred florins in gola, the Arcn-
Dishop of Tuam being taxed only at two hundred
florins. At the generafsuppression of religious houses
by Henry Vllf, the Abbot O'Gormacan, with the
help of Clanrickarde, contrived to hold the abbey
lands of Clonfert until his death in spite of royal de-
crees. Roland de Buigo became bisho}) in 1534, and
being an Uncle of
the Eari of Clan-
rickarde wasable
to keep his lands
and his see for
more than forty
years under
Henry, Edward
VI, Mary, and
Elizabeth. He
was always a
Catholic prelate,
although it is
probable that he
took the Oath
of Supremacy in
order to get the
temporalities
from Henry
VIII. Queen
Elizabeth wrote
to Sir H. Sydney
suggesting the
founding of a
national univer-
sity at Clonfert,
on account of its central position on the highway of
the lordly river, to be endowed with the abbey lands.
But the project was never carried out.
The old cathedral of Clonfert still exists, and is one
of the few ancient churches still used for religious
worship, for it was seized by the Protestants in the
veign of Elizabeth and has continued since in their
hands. There is, however, practically no Protestant
congregation. The church was small, being only
fifty-four by twenty-seven feet in the clear, but its
two characteristic features, the west doorway and
east windows, are veiy beautiful examples of the
Irish Romanesaue. Brash, an expert authority, has
described the doorway with great minuteness, and
declares that in point of design and execution it is
not excelled by any similar work that he has seen in
these islands. Of the east altar- window he says, ** the
design is exceedingly chaste and beautiful, the mould-
ings simple and effective, and the workmanship supe-
rior to anything I have seen either of ancient or
modem times." He attributes the building of this
beautiful Romanesque church to Peter O'Mordha, a
Cistercian monk, first Abbot of Boyle and afterwards
Bishop of Clonfert. He belonged to a family of the
highest artistic genius, to whom we also owe the noble
arches of the old cathedral of Tuam, and the beauti-
ful monastery of Cong.
In 1266, as we learn from the annals of Lou^h C^,
ft certain John was sent over from Rome as Bishop-
elect of the See of Clonfert. He must have received
IV.--5
Azrcmrr BiARKvr CBoaa, Cono
the sanction of tlie Crown, and could not be Inducted
to his see without the help of Walter de Burgo, Earl
of Ulster. Hence we are told he was consecrated at
the English town of Athenry as Bishop of Clonfert.
This was on the Stmday before Christmas, 1266. He
was also appointed papal nuncio, and we find (aptid
Theiner) a letter from Pope John XXI (1276) author-
izing him to collect the crusaders' tax for the recov-
ery of the Holy Land. This John, one of the few
Italian prelates ever appointed to an Irish see, was a
great benefactor to his cathedral church, and he is
believed to have erects the statues and other carv-
ing which decorate the western end of his cathedral.
Tms can hardly be true, so far as the Romanesque
doorway is concerned, for the Romanesque had then
gone out for at least half a century as a feature in
Irish architecture, and given place to the pointed
style. It is said that he governed Clonfert for no less
than 30 years, and was tnen transferred by the pope
to the Archbishopric of Benevento in Italy, aoout
1296. It is doubtless true that John, with his artistic
Italian tastes, finding in his diocese a cathedral of the
best type of the Irish Romanesque, probably a hun-
dred years old, did much to renovate and decorate
with statuaiy the beautiful building. This no doubt
would explam the ancient tradition that connects his
name witn the glories of the old cathedral. It is in-
teresting to note in conclusion that Concors, an Abbot
of Clonfert, was one of the three plenipotentiaries
who were sent by Roderick O'Conor, the last King
of Ireland, to conclude the Treaty of Windsor, in the
year 1175, by which Roderick renounced forever the
sceptre and Kingdom of Ireland. The city of St.
Brendan is now a vast solitude. The episcopal palace
is falling into ruinjj; the beautiful church is there, but
there is no resident clergyman, and only two houses
— that of the sexton ana the police barrack.
O'DoNOVAN. Four Miulers (Dublin, 1856). pamim; Hbalt.
IrdaruTs Ancient Schools and Scholara (Dublin, 1890); Warb*
Harrib. Lives of the Bishops of Ireland (Dublin, 1739): Abch-
DALL, Monasticon Hibemicum, ed. Moran (Dublin, 1873).
John He alt.
Olonmacnoise, Abbey and School of, situated on
the Shannon, about half way between Athlone and
Banagher, King's County, Ireland, and the most re-
markable of the ancient schools of Erin. Its founder
was St. Ciaran, sumamed Mac an Tsair, or " Son of the
Carpenter ", and thus distinguished from his namesake,
the patron saint of Ossoty. He chose this rather un-
inviting region because he thought it a more suitable
dwelling-place for disciples of the Cross than the luxu-
riant plains not far away. Ciaran was bom at Fuerty,
County Roscommon, in 512, and in his early years was
committed to the care of a deacon named Justus, who
had baptized him, and from whose hands he passed to
the school of St. Finnian at Clonard. Here he met all
those saintly youths who with himself were after-
wards known as the ^Twelve Apostles of Erin", and
he quickly won their esteem, when Finnian had to
absent himself from the monastery, it was to the youth-
ful Ciaran that he deputed his authority to teach and
''give out the prayers"; and when Ciauran announced
his intended departure, Finnian would fain resign to
him his cathair, or chair, and keep him in Clonard. But
Ciaran felt himself unripe for such responsibility, and
he knew, moreover, he nad work to do dsewhere.
After leaving Clonard, Ciaran, like most of the con-
temporary Irish saints, went to Aran to commune
with holy Enda. One night the two saints beheld
the same vision, ''of a ^reat fruitful tree, beside a
stream, in the middle of Ireland, and it protected the
island of Ireland, and its fruit went forth over the sea
that surrounded the island, and the birds of the worid
came to carry off somewhat of its fruit". And when
Ciaran spoke of the vision to Enda, the latter said to
him: "The great tree which thou beholdest is thou
thysdf , for thou art great in the eyes of God and men,
OLONMAONOISE
66
CLOTILDA
tnd all Ireland will be full of thy honour. This island
will be protected under the shadow of thy favour, and
multitudes will be satisfied with the grace of thy fast-
ing and prayer. Go then, with God's word, to a bank
of a stream, and there found a church." Ciaran
obeyed. On reaching the mainland he first paid a
visit to St Senan ofScattery and then proceeded
towards the '' middle of Ireland '\ founding on his way
two monasteries, in one of which, on Inis Ainghin, he
6))ent over three years. Going farther south he came
to a lonely waste by the Shannon, and seeking out a
beautiful grassy ridge, called Ard Tiprait, or the
** Height of the Spring," he said to his companions:
**Here then we will stay, for man^ souls will co to
h'^ven hence, and there will be a visit from God and
horn men forever on this place". Thus, on 23 Janu-
wv, 544, Ciaran laid the foundation of his monastic
school of Clonmacnoise, and on 9 May following he
witnessed its completion. Diarmait, son of Cerball,
afterwards High King of Ireland, aided and encouraged
the saint in every way, promising him large grants of
Clonmacnqise Abbey
and as an endowment. Ciaran's government of his
uonastery was of short duration ; he was seized by a
plague which had alreadv decimated the saints of Ire-
land, and died 9 September, 544.
It is remarkable that a young saint dying before he
was thirty-three, should have been the founder of a
sdiool whose fame was to endure for centuries. But
Ciaran was a man of prayer and fasting and labour,
trained in all the science and discipline of the saints,
humble and full of faith, and so was a worthy instru-
ment in the hands of Providence for the carrying out
of a h^ design. St. Cummian of Clonfert calls him
one of the Patres Priares of the Irish Church, and
Alcuin, the most illustrious alumnus of Clomnacnoise,
proclaims him the Gloria Gentia Scotarum, His fes-
tival is kept on 9 September, and his shrine is visited
by many pilgrims.
Ciaran left but little mark upon the literary annals
of the famous school he founded. But in the charac-
ter which he gave it of a seminary for a whole nation,
and not for a particular tribe or district, is to be found
the secret of its success. The masters were chosen
simply for their learning and zeal; the abbots were
elected almost in rotation from the different prov-
inces ; and the pupils thronged thither from all parts
of Ireland, as well as from the remote quarters of
France and England. From the beginning it enjoyed
the confidence of the Irish bishops and the favour of
kings and princes who were happy to be buried in its
shadow. In its sacred clay sleep Diarmait the High
Kine, and his rival Guaire, King of Connaught; Tur-
lou^ O'Conor, and his hapless son, Roderick, the last
King of Ireland, and many other royal benefactors,
^ ho l>elieved that the prayers of Ciaran would bring to
heaven all those who were buried there.
But Clonmacnoise was not without its vicissitudes.
Towards the close of the seventh century a plague car-
ried off a large number of its students and professors ;
and in the eighth century the monastery was burned
three times, probably by accident, for the buildingB
were mainly of wood. During the ninth and ten^
centuries it was harassed not only by the Danes, but
also, and perhaps mainlv, by some of the Irish chief-
tains. One of these, Felim MacCriffon, sacked the
monastery three times, on the last occasion slaughter-
ing the monks, we are told, like sheep. Even the
monks themselves were infected by the bellicose spirit
of the times, which manifested itself not merely in de-
fensive, but sometimes even in offensive warfare.
These were evil days for Clonmacnois.e, but with the
blessing of Ciaran, and under the "shadow of his fav-
our'', it rose superior to its trials, and all the while
was the Alma Mater of saints and sages.
Under date 794, is recorded the death of Colgu the
Wise, poet, theologian, and historian, who is said to
have been the teacher of Alcuin at Clonmacnoise (see
CoELCHu) . Another alumnus of vast erudition, whose
Savestone may still be seen there, was Suibhne, son of
aclume, who died in 891. He is described as the
"wisest and greatest Doctor of the Scots", and the
annals of Ulster call him a "most excellent scribe".
Tighemach, the most accurate and most ancient prose
chronicler of the northern nations, belongs to Clon-
macnoise, and probably also Dicuil (q. v.), the world-
famed geographer. In this school were composed the
"Chronicon Scotorum", a valuable chronicle of Irish
affairs from the earliest times to 1135, and the
"Leabhar na h-Uidhre", which, excepting the "Book
of Armagh", is the oldest Irish historical transcript
now in existence. In the twelfth century Clonmac-
noise was a great school of Celtic art, architecture,
sculpture, and metal work. To this period and to
this school we owe the stone crosses of Tuam and
Gong, the processional cross of Cone, and perhaps the
Tara Brooch and the Chalice of Arafagh. The ruined
towers and crosses and temples are still to be seen ;
but there is no trace of the little church of Ciaran
which was the nucleus of Clonmacnoise.
Chronicon Scotorum, ed Hbnnesst (London, 1866): Lives of
Irish Saints from Book of Lismore^ed. Stokes (Oxford, 1890);
BKAhlJrelaruTs Ancient SchooU and Scholars (Dublin, 1890).
John Hbalt.
Olomnacnoisei Diocese of. See Ardaqh.
Olotilda (Fr. Clotildb; Ger. Chlothildb), Saint,
Queen of the Franks, b. probably at Lyons, c. 474; d.
at Tours, 3 June, 545. Her feast is celebrated 3 June.
Clotilda was the wife of Clovis I, and the daughter of
Chilperic, King of the Burgundians of Lyons, and his
wife Caretena. After the death of King Gundovic
(Gundioch), the Kingdom of Burgundy had been
divided among his four sons, Chilperic reigalng at
Lyons, Gondebad at Vienne, and Godegisil at Geneva;
Gondemar's capital is not mentioned. Chilperic and
probably God^sil were Catholics, while Gondebad
professed Arianism. Clotilda was given a religious
training by her mother Caretena, who, according to
Sidonius Apollinaris and Fortunatus of Poitiers, was
a remarkable woman. After the death of Chilperic,
Caretena seems to have made her home with Gode-
gisil at Geneva, where her other daughter, Sedeleuba,
or Chrona, founded the church of Saint- Victor, and
took the religious habit. It was soon after the death
of Chilperic that Clovis asked and obtained the hand
of Clotilda.
From the sixth century on, the marriage of Clovis
and Clotilda was made the theme of epic narratives,
in which the original facts were materially^ altered
and the various versions foimd their way into the
works of different Frankish chroniclers, e. g. Gr^ory
of Tours, Fredegari\is, and the "Liber HfstonaB .
These narratives have the character common to all
OLOXJST
67
OLOUET
nuptial poems of the rude epic poetry found among
many ot the Gennamc peoples. Here it will suffice
to summarize the legen<u and add a bVief statement
of the historical facts. Further information will be
found in special works on the subject. The popular
poems substituted for Kine Godegisil, uncle and
protector oi Clotilda, his brotner Gondebad, who was
represented as the persecutor of theyoung princess.
Gondebad is supposed to have slain Chilperic, -thrown
his wife into a well, with a stone tied around her neck,
and exiled her two daughters. Clovis, on hearing of
the beauty of Clotilda, sent his friend Aurelian, dis-
guised as a beggar, to visit her secretly, and give her
a gold ring from his master ; he then asked Gondebad
for ^e hand of the yoimg princess. Gondebad, fear-
ing the powerful King of the Franks, dared not refuse,
and Clotilda accompanied Aurelian and his escort on
their return journey. They hastened to reach Frank-
ish territorv, as Clotilda fearal that Aredius, the faith-
ful counseUor of Gondebad, on his return from Con-
stantinople, whither he had been sent on a mission,
w^ould influence his master to retract his promise.
Her fears were justified. Shortlv after the departure
of the princess, Aredius retumea and caused Gonde-
bad to repent his consent to the marriage. Troops
were dispatched to brine Clotilda back, but it was too
late, as she was safe on Frankish soil. The details of
tUs recitsd are purely legendary. It is historically
established that Chflperic's death was lamented by
Gonddbad, and that (kretena lived imtil 506: she died
'^full of days'', says her epitaph, having had the joy of
seeing her children brought up in the Catholic religion.
Aureuan and Aredius are historical personages,
though little is known of them but their names, and
the i^ attributed to them in the legend is highly im-
probable.
Clotilda, as wife of Clovis, soon acquired a great
ascendancy over him, of which she availed herself to
exhort him to embrace the Catholic Faith. For a long
time her efforts were fruitless, though the king per-
mitted the baptism of Ingomir, their first son. The
child died in ms infancy, which seemed to give Clovis
an ammient against the God of Clotilda, but notwith-
stanmng this, the young queen a^ain obtained the
consent of her husband to the baptism of their second
son, Clodomir. Thus the future of Catholicism was
already assured in the Frankish Kingdom. Clovis
himself was soon afterwards converted under hig^ily
dramatic circiunstances, and was baptized at Reims
by St. Remieius, in 496 (see Clovis). Thus Clotilda
acoomplished the mission assigned her by Providence;
she was miade the instrument in the conversion of a
great people, who were to be for centuries the leaders
of Catholio civilization. Clotilda bore Clovis five
children: four sons, Ingomir, who died in infancy, and
Kings Clodomir, Chiidebert. and Clotaire, and one
daughtei*, named Clotilda after her mother. Little
more is known of Queen Clotilda during the lifetime of
her husband, but it may be oonjecturea that she inter-
ceded with him, at the time of his intervention in the
Quarrel between the Burgundian kings, to win him to
me cause of Godegisil as against Gondebad. The
moderation displayed by Clovis in this struggle, in
which, though victor, he did not seek to turn the vio-
torv to his own advantage, as well as the ediiance
which he afterwards concluded with Gondebad, were
doubtless due to the influence of Clotilda, who must
have viewed the fratricidal struggle with norror.
Clovis died at Paris in 511, and Clotilda had him
intcfred on what was then Mons Lucotetius, in the
churdi of the Apostles (later Sainte-Genevi^ve), which
thev had buflt together to serve as a mausoleum, and
whidi Qotflda was left to complete. The widowhood
of tiuB noble woman was saadened by cruel trials.
Her son Clodomir^ son-in-law of Gondebad, made war
Bgainst his oousm Sigismimd, who had succeeded
Qondebad on the throne of Burgundy, captured him.
and put him to death with his wife and children at
Coulmiers, near Orleans. According to the popular
epic of the Franks, he was incited to this war by Clo-
tuda, who thought to avenge upon Sigismund the
murder of her parents; but, as has alreadv been seen,
Clotilda had nothing to avenge, and, on the contrary,
it was probably she who arranged the alliance between
Clovis and Crondebad. Here the legend is at vari-
ance with the truth, cruelly defaming the memory of
Qotilda, who had the sorrow of seeing Clodomir perish
in his unholy war on the Burgundians; he was van-
quished and slain in the battle of Vesenintia (V&se-
ronce). in 524, by Godomar, brother of Sigismund.
Clotilda took under her care his three sons of tender
age. Theodoald, Gunther, and Clodoald. Chiidebert
ana Clotaire, however, who had divided between them
the inheritance of their elder brother, did not wish the
children to live, to whom later on they would have to
render an account. By means of a ruse they with-
drew the children from the watchful care of their
mother and slew the two eldest; the third escaped
and entered a cloister, to which he gave his name
(Saint-Cloud, near Paris).
The grief of Clotilda was so great that Paris became
insupportable to her, and she withdrew to Tours,
where close to the tomb of St. Martin, to whom she
had great devotion, she spent the remainder of her life
in prayer and good works. But there were trials still
in store for her. Her daughter Clotilda, wife of
Amalaric, the Visigothic king, being cruelly mal-
treated bv her husband, appealed for help to her
brother Chiidebert. He went to her rescue and de-
feated Amalaric in a battle, in which the latter was
killed; Clotflda, however, died on the journey home,
exhausted by the hardships she had endured. Fi-
nally, as though to crown the long martyrdom of Clo-
tilda, her two sole surviving sons, Chiidebert and Clo-
taire, began to quarrel, and engaged in serious warfare.
Clotaire, closely pursued by Chiidebert, who had been
joined by Theodebert, son of Thierry I, took refuge in
the forest of Brotonne, in Normandy, where he feared
that he and his army would be exterminated by the
superior forces of his adversaries. Then, says Gregory
of Tours, Clotilda threw herself on her knees before
the tomb of St. Martin, and besought him with tears
during the whole ni^t not to permit another fratri-
cide to afflict the family of Clovis. Suddenly a fright-
ful tempest arose and dispersed the two armies which
were about to engage in a nand-to-hand struggle ; thus,
says the chronicler, did the saint answer the prayers
of the afflicted mother. This was the last of Clotilda's
trials. Rich in virtues and good works, after a widow-
hood of thirty-f oiu" years, during which she lived more
as a religious than as a queen, she died and was buried
in Paris, in the church of the Apostles, beside her hus-
band and children.
The life of Saint Clotilda, the principal episodes of
which, both legendary and historic, are found scat-
tered throughout the chronicle of St. Gregory of Tours,
was written in the tenth century, by an anonymous
author, who gathered his facts principally from this
source. At an early period she was venerated by the
Church as a saint, and whOe popular contemporary
poetry disfigures her noble personality by making her
a type of a savage fury, Clotilda has now entered into
the possession of a pure and untarnished fame, which
no legend will be able to obscure.
Vita Clotildia in Acta SxS„ June, I, also in Script, rerum MtrO'
vingicarum, II; Kurth. Lrs »ourcea de Vhist. de Clovi* dam
GrSgoirt de Tours in Rev. des quest, hist. (Paris, 1888); Idem, Les
sources de Vhist. de Clovis dans FrMiqaire, ibid., 1800; Idem,
Clovis (2nd ed., Paris, 1001); Idem. SairOe ClotOde (8th ed.,
Paris, 1905). GODEFROID KURTH.
Olouet, the family name of several generations of
painters. •
I. Jean (Jean the Yoitngbr), b. at Tours, France,
1485: d., probably at Paris, between 1541 and 1646.
OLomnKE
68
0LOVE8HO
He was the son and pupil of Jean the Elder, a Flemish
painter who went to Paris from Brussels in 1460 and
afterwards settled at Tours. Francis I made the son
court painter at Paris, and, in 1518, a valet de chambre,
a post of distinction. The court called him familiarly
''Janet", a name which bcNcame eeneric, comprising
his father, his son Francois, and their numerous imi-
tators. Konsard sang:
Peins moy, Janet, peins moy je t'en supplie.
His numerous portraits of royalty and nobuity are all
in the anticjue, or Gothic, style, like that of the Van
Eycks. His outlines are sharp and precise, all the
lines are clear, and he gives great attention to details.
Glouet painted his sitter with fidelity and avoided the-
atrical (Italian) effects, hence the result is a portrait,
simple, reticent, and naive. Much of his work was
until recently attributed to Holbein. In 1524 he
painted the celebrated portrait of Francis I in full
armour on horseback, and in 1528 another, a life-size
bust (now at Versailles), long ascribed to Mabuse.
Some authorities claim that of his many pictures only
one is authentic: the portrait of Francis I in the
Louvre. Other notable works of Clouet's are "Elea-
nor of Spain" (wife of Francis I) in Hampton Court,
and "Margaret of Valois" in Liverpool.
11. Francois, called Francois Janet and MaItre
Jehannet, b. probably at Tours, between 1500 and
1520; d. at Paris, between 1570 and 1580. He was
the son and pupil of Jean the Younger and was natur-
alized in 1541. At the age of thirty-five he succeeded
his father as court painter to Francis I, to whom he
was also appointed a valet de chambre. Francois was
also court painter to Charles IX, at the close of whose
reign all traces of him disappear. Clouet's work in
oil, while Flemish in its scrupulous attention to de-
tails, is, however, distinctively French, and he carried
to its highest the fame of "the Janets". He was the
last of the French primUifs. His pictures are painted
solidly, in pale, deUcate tones, and without chiaro-
scuro. Clouet's portraits are true, accurate, and de-
void of sentimentality ; they show forth the moral and
intellectual qualities of each sitter; and thi^ "have
the charm of irUime painting" (Blanc). iVo por-
traits of ereat brilliancy and distinction are the
"Francis II as a Child" (1547) now at Antwerp, and
"Henry II" (1553) in the Louvre; but Berlin pos-
sesses what are, perhaps, his masterpieces: "Francis
II" and the "Due d' Anjou" (Henry III). Clouet's
office required him to depict every great court func-
tion, ana as late as 1709 such a eroup of pictures was
in existence. He made many sketcnes in black and
red chalk, showing perfect draughtsmanship and
splendid modelling. Castle Howard contains eighty-
eight such drawines, all in the manner of Holbein.
Clouet also painted miniatures; that of greatest his-
torical interest is "Mary Queen of Scots" (Windsor
Castle), which has never been out of royal possession
since catalogued, in the time of Charles, as " oy Jennet
a French limner". It is probably the only authentic
picture of the unhappy Mary. Clouet's work was
highly valued during nis lifetime, and he was a power
at the courts of Francis I, Henry II, Francis II, and
Charles IX. The brilliant men and women about
these monarehs felt that "the Janets" had elevated
art and France. To-day their pictures are so highly
prized that man^ forgeries are made of them. Be-
sides those mentioned, other great canvases by Fran-
yois are "Elizabeth of Austria", "Charles IX", both
m the Louvre, and four portraits in Stafford House
(London). Collections oi his drawings are in the
Louvre, British Museum, and Albertina Museum
(Vienna).
GowER, Tkrte Hundred Portraits by Clouet at Castle Howard
(London, 1875); Bouchot. Les Clouet et CometUe (Paris, 1892);
DE Labordb, La Renaissance h la Cour de Fraruse (Paris, \^S6-
65); Charles IX et FrtmQois Clouet in Revue des Deux Mondes
(Dec., 1885); Pattxbon, Renaissance of Art in France (London,
w79). Leioh Hitnt.
Oloutier, F.-X. See Three Rivebs, Diocese or.
OloTosho, Councils of. — Cloveaho, or Clofeshoch,
is notable as the place at which were held sev^nl coun-
cils of the An^o-Saxon Chureh. The locality itself
has never been successfully identified. It is supposed
to have been in Mereia, and probably near LondcMi
CBede, ed. Flummer, II, 214). Lingard, in his appen-
dix to the " Antiq[uities of the An^o-Saxon CSiurch ' \
takes it to be Abingdon, and Kemble (Saxons in Eng-
land, II, 191) to De Tewkesbury, and others have
thoujght it might be Clifif-at>Hoo, in Kent^ but Had-
dan and Stubos (Councils, III, 121, n.) consider all
these conjectures to be based uj^n unreliaUe evi-
dence. Whatever imcertainty exists in determining
the place which was known as Clovesho, th^ is no
doubt as to the fact of the councils or to the authen-
ticity of their Acts. When Arehbishop Hieodore held
the Councfl of Hertford in 673, in wmch he declared
to the assembled bishops that he had been " appointed
by the Apostolic See to be Bishop of the Cnurdi of
C&nterbury '', a canon was passed to the effect that in
future yearly avnods should be held every August " in
the place which is called Clofeshoch". (Bede, H. E.,
IV, ch. V.) Notwithstanding this provision, it was
not until seven^ years later that the first Council of
Clovesho of which we have an authentic reocnxl was
assembled. It is true that in the Canterbury Cartu-
lary there is a charter which says that the Privilege of
Kinf Wihtred to the churehes was "confirmed and
ratified in a synod held in the month of July in a place
called Clovesho'' in the year 716; but the authen-
ticity of this document, thaush intrinsically probable,
is held by Haddan ana Stubbs to be dependent upon
^that of the Privilege of Wihtred. The oouncilB of
Clovesho of which we have authentic evidence are
those of the years 742, 747, 794, 708, 803, 824, and
825.
(1) The Council of Clovesho in 742 was presided
over by Ethelbald, King of Mereia, and Cfuthbert,
Arehbishop of Canterbury. Accordins to the record
of its proceedings (given in Kemble's^' Codex Diplo-
maticus iEvi Saxonici", 87), the council ''diligently
enquired into the needs of religion, the Oeed as de-
livered by the ancient teaching of the Fathers, and
carefully examined how things were ordered at the
first beginning of the Chureh here in Knriand, and
where the honour of the monasteries according to the
rules of justice was maintained''. The mvilege of
King Wihtred assuring the libertv of the Chiutsh was
solemnly confirmed. Beyond this, no mention is
made of particular provisions.
(2) The Second Coimcil of Clovesho, in 747, was one
of the most important in the history of the Ang^o-
Saxon Church. Its acts were happily copied by Spel-
man (Coimcils, I, 240) from an andent Cottonian
MS. now lost. They are printed in Wilkins, I, 94; in
Mansi, XII, 395; and in Haddan and Stubbs, III,
360. They state that the council was composed of
''bishops and dienitaries of less degree from the vari-
ous provinces of Britain"^ and that it was presided
over by Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury. Ac-
cording to the MS. preserved by William of Malmea-
bury, ''King Ethelbald and his princes and chiefs
were present". It was thus substantially represen-
tative of the Ando-Saxon Chureh. The Acts rdate
that "first of all, the Metropolitan, as president,
brought forth in their midst two letters of the Apos-
tolic Lord, Pope Zachary, venerated throughout the
whole world, and with great care these were ]dainly
read, and also openly translated into our own lan-
guage, according as ne himself by his Apostolic au-
thority had commanded". The papal letters are
described as containing a fervent admonition to
amendment of life, addressed to the English people
of every rank and condition, and reouiring tiiat those
who contemned these warmngs ana remained obsti-
i"^ ;<r
?
►»^
t
r I -
5 ^ 3
^ ft
i-l —
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< s
OLOVIO
OLOVIO
Date in their malioe should be punished by sentence of
ezoommunication. The council then drew up thirty-
one canons dealing mostly with matters of eodesias*
tical discipline and litur^.
The thirteenth and nfteenth canons are note-
worthy as sbowinft the dose union of the An^o-Saxon
Churcn with the Boly See. The thirteenth canon is:
'"That all the most sacred Festivals of Our Lord
made Man, in all things pertaining to the same, viz. : in
the Office of Baptism, the celebration of Masses, in
the method of chanting; shall be celebrated in one
and the same way, namdy, according to the sample
which we have received in writing from the Roman
Church. And also, throughout the course of the
whole year, the festivals of the Saints are to be kept
on one and the same day, with their proper psalmody
and chant, according to the Martyrology of the same
Roman Church." The fifteenth canon adds that in
the seven hours of the daily and nightly Office the
dergy "must not dare to smg or read anything not
sanctioned by the general use, but only that which
comes down liy authority of Holy Scripture, and
which the usage of the Roman Church allows''. The
sixteenth canon in like manner requires that the
litanies and roeationa are to be observed by the derpy
and people with great reverence '* aooordiiuz to the nte
of the Roman Church". The feasts of St. Gr
and of St. Augustine, "who was sent to the '.
people by our said Pope and father St. Oregoiy '^ were
to be solemnly cdebrated. The dergy ana monks
were to live so as to be always prepared to receive
worthily the most holy Body and Blood of the Lord,
and the laity were to be exhorted to the practice of
frequent Communion (Canons xxii, xxiii). Persons
who did not know Latin were to join in thepsalmody by
intention, and were to be taught to say, m the Saxon
tonsue^ prayers for the living or for the repose of the
soulsot the aead (Can. xxvii). Neither dersy nor monks
were in future to be allowea to live in the houses of the
people ((}an. xxix), nor were they to adopt or imitate
the dress which is worn by the laity (Can. xxviii).
(3) The record of the Council of Qovesho in 794
consists merdy in a charter by which Offa, King of
Mercia, made a grant of land for pious purposes.
The charter states thi^t it has been drawn up "m the
general synodal Council in the most cdebrated place
called Qofedioas". At or about the time when the
papal lesates i>resided at the Councfl of Chelsea in 787.
Offa haa obtained from Pope Adrian I that Lichfield
should be created an archbishopric and that the
Merdan sees should be subjectea to its jurisdiction
and withdrawn from that of Canterbury. Conse-
quently at this Coimcil of Qovesho in 794, Hiffbert of
Lichfield, to whom the pope had sent the pajl, signs
as an ardxbishop.
(4) A council was hdd at Clovesho in 798 by Arch-
bidiop Ethdheard with Kenulph, King of Mercia, at
which the bishops and abbots and chief men of the
province were present. Its proceedings are related in
a document by Archbishop Ethelheard (Lambeth
MS. 1212, p. 312; Haddan and Stubbs, III. 612). He
states that his firet care was to examine diligently " in
what way the (Catholic Faith was hdd ana how the
Christian rdigion waft practised amongst them". To
this inquiiy, they all replied with one voice: 'Be it
known to your Paternity, that even as it was for^
meily delivered to us by the Holy Roman and Apostolic
See. uy the mission of the most Blessed Pope (irw>ry,
80 GO we bdieve, and what we bdieve, we in all sin-
cerity do our best to put into practice.'" The rest
ci the time of the council was devoted to questions of
church property, and an agreement of exchange of
certain lanos between the archbishop and the Abbess
Pynedritha.
(5) The Council of Clovesho in 803 is one of the most
remarkable of the series, as its Acts contain the dec-
laration of the restitution of the Mercian sees to the
nrovince of Cantert>ui7 bv the authority of F6pe Leo
III. In 798 King Kenulph of Mercia addreraed to
the pope a Ions letter, written as he says ** with great
affection and humili^", representing the disadvan-
tages 0^ the new archbishopnc vriuch had been erected
at lichfidd some sixteen years previously by Pope
Adrian, at the prayer of Kmg Offa. King Kenulph
in this letter (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 521) submits
the whole case to the pope, asking his blessing and
saying: ** I love you as one who is my father, and I em*
brace you with the whole strength of my obedience",
and promising to abide in all things by his decision.
** I judge it fitting to bend humbly the ear of our obe-
dience to your holy commands, and to fulfil with all
our strength whatever may seem to your Holiness that
we oug^t to do." Ethdheard, Ardnbishop of Canter^
buiy, went himself to Rome, and pleaded for the resti-
tution of the sees. In 802 Pope Leo III granted the
petition of the king and the arohbishop, and issued to
the latter a Bull in which by the authority of Blessed
Peter he restored to him the full jurisdiction enjoyed
by his predecessors The pope communicated this
judgment in a letter to King Kenulph (Haddan and
Stuobs, III, 638). This decision was duly proclaimed
in the Council of Clovesho hdd in the following year.
Ardibishop Ethelheard declared to the synod that
"by the co-operation of CSod and of the Apostolio
Lord, the Pope Leo", he and his fdlow-bishops unani-
mously ratified the ri^ts of the See of Canterbury,
and tnat an archbishopric should never more oe
founded at Lichfidd, and that the |;rant of the pallium
made by Pope Adrian, should, ** with the consent and
permission of the Apostolic Lord Pope Adrian, be
considered as null, having been obtained surrepti-
tioudy and by evil suggestion". Higbert, the Arch-
bishop of Lichfidd, submitted to the papal judgment,
and retired into a monastexj, and the Mercian sees re-
turned to the jurisdiction of Canterbury.
(6-7) In 824 and again in 825 synoos were hdd at
Qovesho, ''Beomwulf, Kingof Mercia, presiding and
the Venerable Archbishop Wulf red ruling and con-
trolling the Synod", according to the record of the
firat, and " Wiuf red the Archbishop presiding, and also
Beomwulf , Kmg of Mercia", according to the second.
The first assembly was occupied in deciding a suit
concerning an inheritance, and the second in termina-
ting a dispute between the archbishop and the Abbess
Cwenthryiha (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 593, 506).
It is evident from the records that the councils hdd
at Qovedio and those generally of the Anglo-Saxon
period were mixed assemblies at which not only the
oishops and abbots^ but the kings of Mercia and the
chief men of the kingdom were present. Th^ had
thus the character not onlv of a church synod out of
the Witenagemot or assembly fairly representative of
the Church and realm. The affairs of the C^urdi
were decided by the bishops presided over by the arch-
bishop, while the king, presiding over his chiefs, gave
to their decisions the oo-operation and acceptance of
the State. Both parties signed the decrees, but there
is no evidence of any ingerence of the lay power in the
spiritual legislation or judgments of the Church.
While it must be remembered that at this period the
country was not yet united mto one kingdom, the
councils of Clovesho, as far as we may judge from
their signatures, represented the primatial See of
Canterbury and the whole English Church south of
the Humfcier.
Kemblb, Codex DiplomaHcua /Bvi Saxoniei (London, 1899-
48); THOBPsed.. T^ AmfioSaxon Chnmide (London. 1861):
Bbdb, Hiatoria Bed. Oentu Anglorum, ed. Plummbb (Oxford,
1896); WiuciNB, ConcUia Mamas Britannia (Londoa 1737);
Haddan and Stubbs, CouneUa and Bcdenaatical DoeumetUa
(Oxford, 1869-78); Spelman, Concilia, decreia, tU.^ tn rs
eceUaiarum oHna Britannici (London, 1639-64).
J. MOTBgi
Oloyio, OiORGio (known as Giulio), a famous
Italian miniaturist, called by Vasari "the unique*'
OLOVIS
70
OLOVIS
aad ^little Bfiohelangelo", b. at Grisam, on the
coast of Croatia, in 140S; d. at Rome, 1578. Hib
family appear to have come from Macedonia, and his
original name was perhaps Glovi^S. CJoming to Italy
at the age of eighteen, he soon won renown, and be^
came a prot^ of Cardinal Grimani, for whom he
engraved medals and seals. One of his first pictures
was a Madonna after an engraving by Albert Darer.
In 1524 Clovio was at BuobEi, at the court of Kinff
Louis II, for whom he painted the " Judgment of Paris "
and " Lucretia". In 1526 he returned to Rome, and
a year later, falling; into the hands of the Constable
Botirbon's banditti, he made a vow to enter religion
if he could escape from them. He accordingly took
orders at Mantua, and illustrated several manu*
scripts for his convent, adopting in religion the name
Giulio, perhaps in memoiy of Giulio Romano, who
had been one of his early advisers. Thanks to the
intervention of Cardinal Grimani, he was soon re-
leased from his vows, and spent several years in the
service of this prelate, for wnom he executed some of
his most beautiful works — a Latin missal, 1537 (in
Lord Hertford's collection), and a Petrarch (in the
Trivulzio Library at Milan). He was at Venice in
1538, but in 1540 was summoned to Rome by Pope
Paul III. Cosimo II then lured him to Tuscany,
and princes disputed over his achievements. Phihp
II oraered from Clovio a life of his father, Charles V,
in twelve soence, and John III of Portugal paid him
2000 ducats for a psalter, but a pra^rer book which he
made for Cardinal Famese, ancf which Vasari calls a
"divine work", was considered Clovio's masterpiece.
The binding was made after a desien by Cellini.
Clovio died in Rome at the age of eijghty; his tomb
is to be seen in the church of San Pietro in Vincoll,
and his works are preserved in all the 'libraries of
Europe, especially tnat of the Vatican.
This famous artist, although one of the most liighly
esteemed in his own line, was nevertheless among
those who helped to injure it. By intnxiucing into
it the ideas and monumental style of the Renaissance
and replacing rich costumes, delicate arabesques, and
Gothic foliage by- the nude, by antique ornaments,
trophies, medallions, festoons, etc., Clovio contributed
largely to the decadence of the charming art of minia-
ture-painting, and his example of extreme elaboration
was imitated throughout Europe at a time when print*
ing had not yet supplanted manuscripts for ^tions de
hixe. However sumptuous his work, it lacked the
quality which distinguished that done by the French
iiluininators at an earlier period for Charies V and the
Due de Berry.
Vasabx (ed. MII.AN1C8I); Sakcinskx, Le6e» des Giulio Clovio
(Agram, 1S52); Id., Georg Clovio (Agram, 1878); Bertolotti,
I Giulio Clovio, principe dei miniatori (Modena, 1882).
Louis Gillet.
(Agra
thni
Oloyis (Chlodwio, or Chlodowech), son of Chil-
deric. King of the Salic Franks, b. in the year 466 ; d. at
Paris, 27 November, 51 1. He succeeded his father as
King of the Franks of Toumai in 481. His kingdom
was probably one of the States that sprang from the
division of Clodion's monarchy, like those of Cambrai,
Tongres, and Cologne. Although a pagan, Childeric
had Kept up friendly relations with the bishops of
Gaul, and when Clovis ascended the throne he re-
ceived a most cordial letter of congratulation from
St. Remigius, Archbishop of Reims. The young king
early began his course of conquest by attacking Sya-
grius, son of iGgidius the Roman Count. Having es-
tablished himself at Soissons, he acquired sovereign
authority over so great a part of Northern Gaul as to
be known to his contemporaries as the King of Sois-
sons. Syagrius, being defeated, fled for protection
to Alaric II, King of the Visigoths, but the latter,
alarmed by a summons from Clovis, delivered Sya-
grius to his conquoror, who had liim decapitated in
486. Clovis then remained master of the dommioius
of Syagrius and took up his residence at Soissons. It
would seem as if the episode of the celebrated vase of
Soissons were an incident of the campaign against
Sya^us, and it proves that, although a pagan, Clovis
oontmued his father's policy by remaining on amica-
ble terms with the Gaulish episcopate. The vase,
taken by the Frankish soldiers while plundering a
church, formed part of the booty that was to be di-
vided amon^ the army. It was claimed by the bisho)>
(St. Remigius?), and the king sought to have *it
awarded to himself in order to return it intact to th^
bishop, but a dissatisfied soldier split the vase with his
battle-axe, sa3ring to the king: '* You will get only the
share allotted you by fate. " Clovis did not openly re-
sent the insult, but the following year, when review-
ing his army, he came upon this same soldier and, re*
proving him for the defective condition of his arms, ho
split his skull with an axe, saying: " It was thus that
you treated the Soissons vase." ThiB incident has
often been cited to show that, although in time of war
a long has unlimited authority over his army, after
the war his power is restricted, and that in the divis-
ion of booty the rights of the soldiers must be re-
spected.
After the defeat of Syagrius, Clovis extended his
dominion as far as the Loire. It was owing to the as-
sistance given him by the Gaulish episoopate that he
gained possession of the country. The bishops, it is
quite certain, mapped out the reeime that afterwards
prevailed. Unlike that adopted in other barbarian
kingdoms founded upon the ruins of the Roman Em-
pire, this regime established absolute equality be-
tween the Gallo-Roman natives and their Germanic
conquerors, all sharing the same privileges. Proeo-
pius, a Byzantine writer, has given us an idea of this
agreement, but we know it best by its results. There
was no distribution of Gaulish territory by the vic-
tors; established in the Belgian provinces, they had
lands there to which they returned after each cam-
paign. All the free men in the kingdom of Clovis,
whether they Were of Roman or of Germanic origin,
called themselves Franks, and we must guard against
the old mistake of looking upon the Franks after Cle-
vis as no more than Germanic barbarians.
Master of half of Gaul, Clovis returned to Helium
and conquered the two Salic kingdoms of Cambrai and
Tongres (?), where his cousins j^tgnacaire and Chara-
ric reigned. These events have l>een made known to
us only through the poetic tradition of the Franks,
which has singularly distorted them. According to
this tradition Clovis called upon Chararic to assist him
in his war aeainst Syagrius, but Chararic 's attitude
throughout &e battle was most suspicious, as he re-
frained from taking sides until he saw which of the
rivals was to be victorious. Clovis longed to have re-
venge. Through a ruse he obtained possession of
Chararic and his son and threw them into prison;
he then had their heads shaved, and both were or-
dained, the father to the priesthood and the son to the
diaconate. When Chararic bemoaned and wept over
this humiliation his son exclaimed: "The leaves of a
green tree have been cut, but they will ciuickly bud
forth again; may he who has done this pensh as
quickly!" This remark was reported to Clovis, and
he had both father and son beheaded.
lYadition goes on to say that Ragnacaire, King of
Cambrai, was a man of such loose morals that he
hardly respected his own kindred, and Farron, his
favourite, was equally licentious. So great was the
king's infatuation for this man that, if given a present,
he would accept it for himself and his Farron. This
filled his subjects with indignation and Clovis, to win
them over to his side before taking the field, dmtrib-
uted among them money, bracelets, and baldrics, all
in gilded copper in fraudulent imitation of genuine
gold. On aiflterent occasions Ragnacaire sent out
OLOVIS
71
OLOVIS
spies to ascertain the strength of Clovis's army, and
lipon returning they said: "It is a great reiniorce-
ment for you and your Farron." Meanwhile, Clovis
advanced and the battle began. Being defeated,
Ragnacaire sought refuge in fli^t, but was overtaken,
made prisoner, and brought to Clovis, his hands
bound behind him. "Why", said his conqueror,
"have you permitted our blood to be humiliated by
allowing yourself to be put in chains? It were better
that ^ou should die." And, so saying, Clovis dealt
him his death-blow. Then, turning to Richaire, Rag-
nacaire's brother, who had been taken prisoner with
the king, he said: "Had you but helped your brother,
they would not have bound him", and he slew Ri-
chaire also. After these deaths the traitors discovered
that they had been given counterfeit gold and com-
plained of it to Clovis, but he only laughed at them.
Kignomir^ one of Ragnacaire 's brothers, was put to
death at Le Mans by order of Clovis, who took posses-
sion of the kingdom and the treasure of his victims.
Such is the legend of Clovis; it abounds in all kinds
of improbabilities, whigh cannot be considered as true
history. The only facts that can be accepted are that
Clovis made war upon Kings Ragnacaire and Chara-
ric, put them to death, and seized their territories.
Moreover, the author of this article is of the opinion
that these events occurred shortly after the conquest
of the territory of Syagrius, and not after the war
against the Visigoths, as has been maintained by
Gregory of Tours, whose only authority is an oral
tradition, and whose chronology in this matter is de-
cidedly misleading. Besides, Gregory of Tours has
not given us the name of Chararic^ kingdom ; it was
long oelieved to have been established at Th^rouanne,
but it is more probable that Tongres was its capital
city, since it was here that the Franks settled on gain-
ing a foothold in Belgium.
In 492 or 493 Clovis, who was master of Gaul
from the Loire to the frontiers of the Rhenish King-
dom of Cologne, married Clotilda, the niece of Gonde-
bad, King of the Burgundians. The popular epic of
the Franks has transformed the story of this marriage
into a veritable nuptial poem, the analysis of which
will be found in the article on Clotilda. Clotilda, who
was a Catholic, and very pious, won the consent of
Clovis to the baptism of their son, and then urged
that he himself embrace the Catholic Faith. He de-
liberated for a long time. Finally, during a battle
against the Aiemanni — ^which without apparent rea-
son has been called the Battle of Tolbiac (Ztilpich) —
seeing his troops on the point of yielding, he invoked
the aid of Clotilda's God, and promised to become a
Christian if only victory shoula be granted him. He
conquered and, true to his word, was baptized at
Reims by St. Remigius, bishop of that city, his sister
Aibofledis and three thousana of his warriors at the
same time embracing Christianity. Gregory of Tours,
in his ecclesiastical history of the Franks, has de-
scribed this event, which took place amid great pomp
at Christmas, 496. "Bow thy head, O Sicambrian '^
said St. Remigius to the royal convert. "Adore
what thou hast burned and bum what thou hast
adored." According to a ninth-century legend found
in the life of St. Remigius, written by the celebrated
Hincmar. himself Archbishop of Reims, the chrism
for the baptismal ceremony was missing and was
brought from heaven in a vase {ampulla) borne by a
dove. This is what is known as the Sainte Amix)ule
of Reims, preserved in the treasury of the cathedral
of that city, and used for the coronation of the kings
of France from Philip Augustus down to Charles X.
The conversion of Clovis to the religion of the
majority of his subjects soon brought about the
umon of the Gallo-Romans with their oarbarian con-
jpierors. While in all the other Germanic kingdoms
founded on the ruins of the Roman Empire the dif-
ferpnce of religion between the Catholic natives and
Arian conquerors was a verv active cause of destruc-
tion, in the Franldsh Kingdom, on the contrary, the
fundamental identity of religious beliefs and the
equality of political rights made national and patri-
otic sentiment universsd, and produced the most per-
fect harmony between the two races. The Frankish
Kingdom was thenceforth the representative and de-
fender of Catholic interests throughout the West,
while to his conversion Clovis owed an exceptionally
brilliant position. Those historians who do not un-
derstand the problems of religious psychology have
concluded that Clovis embraced Christianity solely
from political motives, but nothing is more erroneous.
On the contrary, everything goes to prove that his
conversion was sincere, and the opposite cannot be
maintained without refusing credence to the most
trustworthy evidence.
In the year 500 Clovis was called upon to mediate
in a Quarrel between his wife's two uncles, Elnes
Gondebad of Vienne and Godegisil of Geneva. He
took sides with the latter, whom he helped to defeat
Gondebad at Dijon, and then, deeming it prudent
to interfere no further in this fratricidal struggle, he
returned home, leaving Gode&jsil an auxiliary corps
of five thousand Franks. After Clovis's departure
Gondebad reconquered Vienne, his capital, in which
Godegisil had established himself. This reconquest
was effected by a stratagem seconded by treachery,
and Godegisil himself perished on the same occasion.
The popular poetry of the Franks has singularly mis-
represented this intervention of Clovis, pretending
that, at the instigation of his wife Clotilda, he sought
to avenge her grievances against her uncle Gondebad
Tsee Clotilda), and that the latter king, besieged in
Avignon by Clovis, got rid of his opponent tbSou^h
the agency of Aredius, a faithful. follower. But m
these poems there are so many fictions as to render
the history in them indistinguishable.
An expedition, otherwise important and profitable,
was unaertaken by Clovis in the year 506 against
Alaric II, King of the Visigoths of Aquitaine. He
was awaited as their deliverer by the Catholics of
that kingdom, who were being cruelly persecuted by
Arian fanatics, and was encouraged m nis enterprise
bv the Emperor Anastasius, who wished to crush this
ally of Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths. Despite
the diplomatic efforts made by the latter to prevent
the war, Clovis crossed the Loire and proceeded to
V0U1II6, near Poitiers, where he defeated and slew
Alaric, whose demoralized troops fled in disorder.
The Franks took possession of the Visigoth Kingdom
as far as the Pyrenees and the Rhone, but the pai*t
situated on the left bank of this river was stoutly
defended by the armies of Theodoric, and thus the
Franks were prevented from seizing Aries and Pro-
vence. Notwithstanding this last failure, Clovis. bv
his conquest of Aquitaine, added to the Frankish
crown the fairest of its jewels. So greatly did the
Emperor Anastasius rejoice over the success attained
by Clovis that, to testify his satisfaction, he sent the
frankish conqueror the insignia of the consular dig-
nity, an honour always highly appreciated by the
barbarians.
The annexation of the Rhenish Kingdom of Cologne
crowned the acquisition of Gaul by Clovis. But the
history of this conquest, also, has been disfigured by
a legend that Clovis instigated Chloderic, son of Sige-
bert of Cologne, to assassinate his father, then, after
the perpetration of this foul deed, caused Chlodeiic
himself to be assassinated, and finally offered himself
to the Rhenish Franks as king, protesting his inno-
cence of the crimes that had been conmiitted. The
oiJy historical element in this old story, preserved
by Gregory of Tours, is that the two kinps of Cologne
met with violent deaths, and that Clovis, their rela-
tive, succeeded them partly by right of birth, partly
by popular choice. The criminal means by which he
OLOYNE
GLOYNE
is said to have reached this throne are pure creations
of the barbarian imagination.
Master now of a vast kingdom, Clovis displayed
the same talent in governing that he had displayed
in conquering it. From Paris, which he had finally
made his capital, he administered the various prov-
inces through the agency of counts (comites) estab-
lished in each city and selected by him from the
aristocracy of both races, conformaoly to the prin-
ciple of absolute equality between Romans and bar-
barians, a principle which dominated his entire policy.
He caused the Salic Law (Lex Salica) to be reduced
to written form, revised and adapted to the new
social conditions under which his fellow barbari-
ans were subsequently to live. Acknowledging the
Church as the foremost civilizing force, he protected
it in every way possible, especially by providing for
the National Council of Orl^ns (511;, at which the
bishops of Gaul settled many questions pertaining to
the relations between Church and State. Hagio-
graphic legends attribute to Clovis the founding of
a great many churches and monasteries throughout
France, and although the accuracy of this claim
cannot be positively established, it is nevertheless
certain that the influence of the council in this matter
must have been considerable. However, history has
preserved the memory of one foundation which was
undoubtedly due to Closes: the church of the Apos-
tles, later of Sainte-Genevidve, on what was then
Mons Lucotetius, to the south of Paris. The king
destined it as a mausoleum for himself and his queen
Clotilda, and before it was comi>leted his mortal
remains were there interred. Clovis died at the age
of forty-five. His sarcophagus remained in the crypt
of Sainte-Genevi^ve until the time of the French
Revolution, when it was broken open by the revolu-
tionists, and his ashes scattered to the winds, the
sanctuary of the beautiful church being destroyed
at the same time.
The history of this monarch has been so hopelessly
distorted by popular poetry and so grossly disfigured
by the vagaries of the barbarian imagination as to
make the portrayal of his character wellnigh impos-
sible. However, from authentic accounts of him it
may be concluded that his private life was not with-
out virtues. As a statesman he succeeded in accom-
plishing what neither the genius of Theodoric the Great
nor that of any contemporary barbarian king could
achieve: upon the ruins of the Roman Empire he
built up a powerful system, the influence or which
dominated European civilization during many cen-
turies, and from which sprang France, Germany,
Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland, without taking
into account that northern Spain and northern Italy
were also, for a time, under the civilizing regime of
the Frankish Empire.
Clovis left four sons. Theodoric, the eldest, was
the issue of a union prior to that contracted with
Clotilda, who was, however, the mother of the three
others, Clodomir, Childebert, and Clotaire. They
divided their father's kingdom among themselves,
following the barbarian principle that sought promo-
tion of personal rather than national interests, and
looked upon royalty as the personal prerogative of
the sons of kings. After the death of Clovis his
daughter Clotilda, named after her mother, married
Amalric, King of the Visigoths. She died young, be-
ing cruelly abused by this Arian prince, who seemed
eager to wreak vengeance on the daughter of Clovis
for the tragic death of Alaric II.
Arndt (ed.). Gregory of Tours, Historia ecdeaiaatica
Franeorum in Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script. RR. Mcrovingicarum:
JuNOBANS, Die OtMchiehle der fr&nkischen Kdnige ChUderich und
Chlodovich (G6ttuigen, 1857), tr. by Monod as Histoire critique
dea rois CkiUUric el Clovis (Paris, 1879); Rvjna, Le origini
dell* epopea francese (Florence, 1884); Kitrtti, Histoire po&ique
dee MtTovinoiens (Paris, 1893); Idem, Clovis (Tours, 1896, and
Pl^riSp 1901).
GoDEFnoyi) Kttrth.
Oloyne (Gael. Cluaiiv-itania, Cave-meadow), Dio-
cese OP (Clonensis, or Cloynbnsis), comprises the
northern half of County Cork. It has 140 priests,
47 parishes, 16 convents, 8 Brothers' schools, 235
primary schools, and, for higher education, St. Col-
man's College and Loreto Convent (Fermoy), besides
high schools at Queenstown and elsiewhere. St. Col-
man's Cathedral, Queenstown, be^n in 1869 imder
Bishop Keane, continued under Bishop McCarthy, in
1908 near completion, is one of the most beautiful of
modem Gothic cathedrals. The medieval diocessau
cathedral, used by Protestants since the sixteenth
century, still stands at Cloyne. St. Colman Mac-
Lenin (560-601), diverted from his profession of poet-
historian by Sts. Ita and Brendan, became (560) first
Cathedral, Clotnb
Bishop of Cloyne, where he got a royal grant of land.
Some religious poems, notably a metrical life of St.
Senan, are attributed to him.
Fergal, Abbot-Bishop of Clojme, was massacred in
888 by the Danes. There are seven recorded devas-
tations of Cloyne from 822 to 1 137. The ecclesiastical
records were destroyed, so that few prelates' names
before 1137 are known; we have nearly all of them
since that year. In 1152 (Synod of Kells) Cloyne
was made one of Cashel's twelve suffragan sees.
From 1265 to 1429 the bishops of Cloyne were mostly
Englishmen. Effingham (1284-1320) probably built
Cloyne cathedral. Swafham (1363-1376), who wrote
"Contra Wicklevistas" and "Conciones", com-
menced the "Rotulus Pipae Clonensis", the rent-roll
of the see. Robbery of church property by nobles
impoverished the Sees of Cloyne and Cork, which
were united in 1429, by papal authority, under
Bishop Purcell. Blessed Thaadeus MacCarthy was
bishop from 1490 to 1492. The last Catholic bishop
who enjoyed the temporalities was Benet (1523-
1536). Tiny, appointed in 1536 by Henry VIII,
and Tirry's successor, Skiddy, are ignored in the
Consistonal Acts. Macnamara succeeded Benet;
O'Heyne succeeded in 1540; Landes in 1568; Tanner
in 1574; MacCreaghe in 1580; Tirry in 1622; Barry
in 1647; Creagh in 1676; Sleyne in 1693; MacCarthy
in 1712; MacCarthy (Thaddeus) in 1727. The
bishops of penal times were ruthlessly persecuted,
and some suffered cruel imprisonment or died in
exile. John O'Brien, author of an Irish dictionary^
poems, and tracts, was Bishop of Clojme and Ross
(1748-1769). He died in exile at Lyons. His suc-
cessors were Matthew MacKenna, appointed in 1769;
William Coppinger in 1791; Michael Collins in 1830;
Bartholomew Crotty in 1833; David Walsh in 1847.
Since the separation of Ross (1849) the bishops of
Cloyne have oeen: Timothy Murphy, appointed 1849;
William Keane, 1857; Jolm MacCarthy, 1874; Robert.
Browne, ISO^i,
OLUNT
73
OLUNY
Over a centui^ ago, when persecution relaxed
iomewhat, the diocese, de8{K>iled of all its ancient
churches, schools, and religious houses, had to be
fully equipped anew. About 100 plain churches
were erected between 1800 and 1850. Recently a
fourth of these have been replaced, espiecially in
towns, and the new structures are admirably de-
sired and finished. Between 1800 and 1907, not-
withstanding great difficulties and loss by emigration,
besides 103 parish churches, all the existinjg schools,
colleges, religious and charitable institutions were
built, and all are now doing useful and excellent work.
Bbadt, Recordt of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross (Dublin, 1864):
Bradt, Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland^ and Ireland
(Rome, 1876); Cauljield, ed.. Rottdus Pipa Clonensts (Cork,
1869): Archdall (ed. Moran), Monaslieon Hxbemicum
(DubUn, 1873): iri^ Catholic Directory (DubUn, 1907).
John O'Riordan.
head of an order consisting of some 314 monasteries.
These were spread over France, Italy, the Empire,
Lorraine, England, Scotland, and Poland. Accord-
ing to the "Bibliotheca Cluniacensis*' (Paris, 1614)
825 houses owed allegiance to the Abbot of Cluny in
the fifteenth century. Some writers have given the
number as 2000, but there is little doubt that this is
an exaggeration. It may perhaps include all those
many otner monasteries which, though not joining
the congregation, adopted either wholly or m part
the Cluny constitutions, such as Fleury, Hirschau,
Farfa, and many others that were subject to their
influence.
During the first 250 years of its existence Cluny
was governed by a series of remarkable abbots, men
who have left their mark upon the history of Western
Europe and who were prominently concerned with
Abbey of Clunt as it vab before Destruchon
(From "Histoire Monumentale de la France" by Anthyme Saint-Paul)
Oltiny, Congregation of (Cluni, Clugni, or
Clugny), the earliest reform, which became prac-
tically a distinct order, within the Benedictine fam-
ily. It originated at Cluny, a town in Sa6ne-et-
lioire, fifteen miles north-west of M^on, where in
910 William the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine, founded
an abbev and endowed it with his entire domain.
Over it he placed St. Berno, then Abbot of Gigny,
under whose guidance a somewhat new and stricter
form of Benedictine life was inau^rated. The re-
forms introduced at Cluny were m some measure
traceable to the influence of St. Benedict of Aniane,
who had put forward his new ideas at the first great
meeting of the abbots of the order held at Aachen
(Aix-la%hapelle) in 817, and their development at
Cluny resulted in many departures from precedent,
chief among which was a highly centralized form of
government entirely foreign to Benedictine tradition.
The reform quickly spre^ beyond the limits of the
Abbey of Cluny, partly by the founding of new
houses and partly oy the incorporation of those al-
ready existing, and as all these remained dependent
upon the motner-house, the Congregation of Cluny
came into being almost automatically. Under St.
Bemo's successors it attained a very widespread in-
fluence, and by the twelfth century Cluny was at the
all the great political questions of their day. Amons
these were Sts. Odo, Mayeul, Odilo, and Hugh, ana
Peter the Venerable. Under the last named, the
ninth abbot, who ruled from 1122 to 1156, Cluny
reached the zenith of its influence and prosperity, at
which time it was second only to Rome as the chief
centre of the Christian world. It became a home of
learning and a training school for popes, four of whom,
Gregory VII (Hildebrand), Urban U, Paschal II, and
Urban V, were called from its cloisters to rule the
Universal Church. In England the Cluniac houses
numbered thirty-five at the time of the dissolution.
There were three in Scotland. The earliest founda-
tion was that of the priory .of St. Pancras at Lewes
(1077), the prior of which usually held the position
of vicar-general of the Abbot of Cluny for England
and Scotland. Other important English houses were
at Castleacre, Montacute, Northampton, and Ber-
mondsey.
After the twelfth century the power of Cluny de-
clined somewhat, and in the sixteenth it suffered
much through the civil and reli^ous wars of France
and their conseauences. The mtroduction also of
commendatory aobots, the first of whom was ap-
pointed in 1528, was to some extent responsible for
its decline. Amongst the greatest of its titular prel-
CLYKK
74
q6M
ates were Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, who
hied to restore it to some of its former greatness,
though their efforts did not meet with much success.
Claude de Vert, Prior of Saint-Pierre, Abbeville (d.
1708), was another would-be reformer of the congre-
gation, inspired no doubt by the example of the
Maurists.
The abbey-church of Cluny was on a scale com-
mensurate with the greatness of the congregation,
and was regarded as one of the wonders of the Middle
Ages. It was no less than 555 feet in length, and was
the la^zest church in Christendom until the erection
of St. Peter's at Rome. It consisted of five naves, a
narthex, or ante-church, and several towers. Com-
menced by St. Hugh, the sixth abbot, in 1089, it was
finished and consecrated by Pope Innocent II in
1131-32, the narthex being added in 1220. Together
with the conventual builoSngs it covered an area of
twenty-five acres. At the suppression in 1790 it was
bought by the town and almost entirely destroyed.
At the present dav only one tower and part of a tran-
sept remain, whilst a road traverses the site of the
nave. The community of the abbey, which had
numbered three hundred in the thirteenth centurv,
dwindled down to one hundred in the seventeenth,
and when it was suppressed, in common with all the
other religious houses in France, its monks numbered
oiUy fortjr.
The spirit and organization of the congregation
was a distinct departure from Benedictine tradition,
though its monks continued all along to be recog-
nized as members of the Benedictine family. Pre-
vious to its inception every monastery had been Inde-
pendent and autonomous, though the observance of
the same rule in all constituted a bond of union ; but
when Cluny began to throw out offshoots and to draw
other houses under its influence, each such house, in-
stead of forming a separate family, was retained in
absolute dependence upon the central abbey. The
superionB of such houses, which were usually priories,
were subject to the Abbot of Cluny and were his
nominees, not the elect of their own communities, as
is the normal Benedictine custom. Every profession,
even in the most distant monastery of the congrega-
tion, required his sanction, and every monk had to
pass some years at Cluny itself. Sucn a system cut
at the root of the old family ideal and resulted in a
kind of feudal hierarchy consisting of one ^at cen-
tral monastery and a number of dependencies spread
over many lands. The Abbot of Cluny or his repre-
sentative made annual visitations of the dependent
houses, and he had for his assistant in the government
of so vast an organization a coadjutor with the title
of Grand-Prior of Cluny. The abbot's monarchical
status was somewhat curtailed aft«r the twelfth cen-
tury by the holding of general chapters, but it is evi-
dent tnat he possessed a very real power over the
whole congregation, so long as he held in his own
hands the appointment of all the dependent priors.
(For the sources of information as to tne rule, govern-
ment, and conventual observance of the con^gation.
see biblio^phy at end of this article.) With regard
to the Divine Office, the monks of Climy conformed to
the then prevailing custom, introduced into the mon-
asteries of France by St. Benedict of Aniane, of adding
numerous extra devotional exercises, in the shape ot
psalms {paalmi famUiares, speciales, prostrati, and pro
iribulatione) and votive offices (Our Lady, The Dead,
All Saints, etc.) to the daily canonical hours pre-
scribed by the Benedictine Rule.
The library of Cluny was for many centuries one
of the richest and most important in Fmnce and the
storehouse of a vast number of most valuable MSS.
When the abbev was sacked by the Huguenots, in
1562, many of tnese priceless treasures perished and
others were dispersed. Of those that were left at
Cluny, some were burned by the revolutionary mob
at the time of the suppression in 1790, and others
stored away in the Clunv town hall. These latter^
as well as others that had passed into private hands,
have been gradually recovered by the French Gov-
ernment and are now in the Bibhothdque Nationale
at Paris. There are also in the British Museum,
London, about sixty charters which formerly be-
longed to Cluny. The "Hotel de Cluny" in Paris,
datmg from 1334, was formerly the town house of
the abbots. In 1833 it was made into a public mu-
seum, biit apart from the name thus derived, it pos-
sesses practically nothing connected with the aboey.
For toe rule, constitutions, etc.. see Bernard of Clunt,
Ordo Cluniacen»i8 in Herroott, Yelus Disdplina MoneuHea
(Paris, 1794): and Udalric of Clunt, Conaueludines Cluma"
cerwea in P. L, CXLIX (Paris, 1882). For the history of the
Congregation, etc.. Ducket. Charters and Records of Cluni
(Lewes, 1800): Maitland, Dark Ages (London, 1845); Ma-
billon, Afvnales O. S. B, (Paris, 1703-39), III-V; Saintb-
Mabthe. GaUia Christiana (Paris. 1728). IV, 1117; H£ltot.
Hist, des ordres rdigieux (Paris, 1792), V; Miqne. JHd. dea
abbayes (Paris. 1856); Lavisse, Hist, de France (Paris. 1901),
II, 2; Lorain, Hist, de Vabbaye de CIuim (Paris. 1845);
Champlt, Hist, de Cluny (M&con, 1866); Heimbucheb. Die
Orden und Kongregationen der katheHischni Kirche (Paderbom«
1896). I; Herzog and Hauck, Realencyklopddie (Ldpsig,
1898). Ill; Sackur. Die Cluniacenser (Halle a. S., 1892-94).
G. Cyprian Alston.
Olynn (or Clyn), John, Irish Franciscan and an-
nalist, b. about 1300; d., probably, in 1349. His
place of birth is unknown, and the date given is only
conjecture; but, as he was appointed guardian of the
Franciscan convent at Carrick in 1336, it is concluded
that he was then at least 30 years of age. He was
afterwards in the Franciscan convent at Kilkenny,
and there he probably died. He is credited by Ware,
in " Writers of Ireland", with having written a work
on the kings of England and another on the super-
iors of his own order; but these works have not been
published, and his celebrity rests on his "Annals of
Ireland", from the birth of Christ to the year 1349.
Beginning with the earliest period, and written in
Latin, the entries are at first mea^ and unintei^
esting; but from 1315 Clynn deals with what he him-
self saw, and, though such things as the building of a
choir and the consecration of an altar would interest
only his own order and time, other entries throw
much light on the general history of the countiy.
Being Anglo-Irish, he speaks harshly of the native
cliiefs; but neither does he hesitate to condemn the
Anglo-Irish lords, their impatience of restraint, their
contempt for the Government at Dublin, their op-
pression of the poor. His accoimt of the plague m
1348-9 is vivid. Surrounded by dead and dying, he
laid down his pen, wondering if any of the sons of
Adam would be spared, and the scribe who copied the
work adds that at this date it seems the author died.
His *'Annals" were edited by Richard Butler for the
Irish Archaeological Society (December, 1849).
Ware-Harris, Writers of Ireland (Dublin, 1764); Webb.
Compendium of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878).
E. A. ly Alton.
Coadjutor Bishop. See Bishop.
Goat of Arms. See Heraldry.
Oobo, Bernab^, b. at Lopera in Spain, 1582; d. at
Lima, Peru, 9 October, 1657. He went to America in
1596, visiting the Antilles and Venezuela and landing
at Lima in 1599. Entering the Society of Jesus,
14 October, 1601, he was sent by his superiors in
1615 to the mission of Juli, where, and at Potosf.
Cochabamba, Oruro, and La Paz, he laboured until
1618. He was rector of the college of Arequipa from
1618 until 1621, afterwards at Pisco, and finally at
Callao in the same capacity, as late as 1630. He was
then sent to Mexico, and remained there until 1650.
when he returned to Peru. Such in brief was the life of
a man whom the past centuries have treated with
unparalleled, and certainly most ungrateful, neglect.
OOOOALBO
75
OOOHXM
Father C6bo was beyond all doubt tho ablest and most
thorou^ student of nature and man in Spanish Amer-
ica durmg the seventeenth century. Yet, the first,
and afanost only, acknowledgment of his worth dates
from the fourth year of the nineteenth century. The
distinguish^ Spanish botanist CavaniUes not only
paid a handsome tribute of respect to the memory.
of FaUier Cobo in an address delivered at the Royal
Botanical Gajtlens of Madrid, in 1804, but he gave
the name of Cobcea to a genus of plants belonging
to the BignoniaoesB of Mexico, Cobcsa scandens b«ing
its most striking representative.
Cobo's long residence in both Americas (sixty-one
years), his position as priest and, several times, as
missionary, and the consec^uently close relations in
which he stood to the Indians, as well as to Creoles
and half-breeds, gave him unusual opportunities for
obtaining reliable information, and ne made the
fullest use of these. We have from his pen, two
works, one of which ^and the most important) is,
unfortunately, incomplete. It is also stated that
he wrote a work on botany in ten volumes, which,
it seems, is lost^ or at least its whereabouts is unknown
to-day. Of his main work, to which biographers
give the title of "Historia general de las InotaB",
and which he finished in 16^, onlsr the first half is
knowTi and has appeared in print (in four volumes,
at Seville. 1890 ana years succeeding^. The remain-
der, ia wnich he treats^ or claims to nave treated, of
every geographical and political subdivision in detail,
has eiSier never been finished or is lost. His other
book appeared in print in 1882. and forms part of
the "Iiistoiy of tne New Wond" mentioned, but
he m&de a separate manuscript of it in 1639, and
so it came to be published as ''Historia de la fun-
daci6ii. de Lima", a few years before the puUica-
tion of the principal manuscript. The "History of
the New World" places Cobo, as a chronicler and
didactic writer, on a plane higher than that occupied
by his contemporaries not to epeak of his pi«de*
cessors. It is not a dry and dreary catalogue of
events; man appears in it on a stage, and that stage
is a conscientious picture of the nature in which man
lias moved and moves. The value of this work for
several branches of science (not onlv for histoiy)
is much greater than is believed. The book, only
recently publidied, ia very little known and appre-
ciated. The "History of the New Worid" may, in
American literature, be compared with one work
onhr, the "General and Natural History of the
Indues", by Oviedo. But Oviedo wrote a full cen-
tuiy earlier than ()obo. hence the resemblance is
limited to the fact that tx>th authors seek to include
all Spanish America — ^its natural features as well
as its inhabitants. The same may be said of Gomara
and Aoosta. Cobo enjo3red superior advantages and
made good use of them. A century more of knowl-
edge and experience was at his command. Hence
we find in his book a wealth of information which
no other author of his time imparts or can impart.
And that knowledge is systematized and in a meas-
ure co-ordinated. On the animals and plants of the
new continent, neither Nieremberg, nor Hemdndez,
nor Monardes can compare in wealth of information
with CobD. In renira to man, his pre-Columbian
past and vestiges, Cobo is, for the South American
west coast, a source of primary importance. We are
astonished at his many and dose observations on
customs and manners. His descriptions of some of
the principal ruins in South^ America are usually
very correct. In a word it is evident from these
two works of Cobo that he was an investigator of
great perspicacity and, for his time, a scientist of
unususu merit.
Toaaw Saldauamdo, AntiQuot Jetuitat del Peru (Lima,
18S2); Cabanii«lk8, Di§cur90 §obre algiinot botdnicot eapafioU^
del tfgto XV n m the AwOm A hiaUina mOwral (Madrid. 1804).
An. F. Bandxuer,
Ooccaleo, Viatuka, aCapuchm friar, so called from
his birthplace, Coccaciio in Lombardy, date of birth
unknown ; d. 1793. For a time he was lector in theol-
ogy and wrote several works that give him a place
among the noteworthy theologians in a period of theo-
logicai decline. These are: "Tentamina theolo^co-
scholastica" (Bergamo, 1768-74); "Tentaminum
theologicorum in moralibus Synopsis" (Venice, 1791) ;
"Instituta moraiia" (Milan, 1760). His defence of
papal supremacv, "Italus ad Justinum Febronium"
(Lucca, 1768; Trent, 1774), is one of the principal
apologies against Febronius. Besides writing several
works against Jansenism, he took part in the discus-
sion concerning the devotion to the Sacred Heart and
the sanctification of Holy Davs, made famous by the
Synod of Pistoja (1786), ancT published: "Riflessioni
sopra Torigine e il fine della divozione del S. Cuore di
Gesfi " (Naples, 1780) ; " Riposta sul dubbio, se la soU
Messa basti a santificare le feste" (Bologna, 1781\
To these may be added his studies ^n the text and
meaning of the poem of Prosper of Aquitaine, " Contra
Ingratos" (2 vols., Brescia, 1756 and 1763) and his
work on the philosophic spirit of Prosper's epigrams
(Brescia, 1760).
John or Ratisbon, Appendix ad BMiothee. Script. Citjme'
cincrum (Rome, 1852), 40; Schebben, Dogmatik, I, 455. ,
John M. Lenhart.
Oochabamba, Dick:ese of (Cocabambenbis). —
The city from which this diocese takes its name is the
capital of the department of Cochabamba, Bolivia.
Founded in 1563 it was called originally* Oropesa. It
is situated on the Rio de la Rocha and is the second
largest city and one of the most important commercial
centres of the republic. According to the census of
1902, the population is over 40,000, of whom practi-
caUv all are Catholics.
Tne Diocese of Cochabamba was erected by a Bull
of Pius IX, 25 June, 1847, and is a suffragan of Char-
cas (La Plata). It was the foiuih diocese established
in Bolivia, the Archdiocese of Charcas (La Plata) and
the Dioceses of La Paz and Santa Cruz having been
created early in the seventeenth oenturv. It com-
prises the department of Cochabamba and part of the
adjoiniiu; department of Beni. The population,
mostly Catholic, in 1902 was over 330,000. Besides
a number of schools and charitable institutions liie
diocese has 55 parishes, 80 churches and chapels, and
160 priests.
Konvenationa-Lex. (St. Louis, MiBSOuri, 1003), s. v.; Qtr*
archia Cattolica (Rome. 1908).
Oochem, Martin of, a celebrated German theolo-
gian, preacher and ascetic writer, b. at Cochem, a small
town on the Moselle, in 1630 ; d. in the convent at Wag-
h&usel, 10 September, 1712. fie came of a family
devotedly attached to the Faith, and while still voung
entered the novitiate of the Capuchins, where he dis-
tinguished himself bv his fervour and his fidelity^ to
the religious rule. After his elevation to the priest-
hood, he was assigned to a professorship of theology,' a
position which for several years he filled most credit-
ably. However, it was in another sphere that he was
to exercise his zeal and acquire fame. Of the evils
which befell Europe in consequence of the Thirty
Years War, the plague was by no means the least, and
firhen, in 1666, it made its appearance in the Rhenish
country, such were its ravages that it became neces-
sary to close the novitiates and houses of study. Just
at this crisis, Father Martin was left without any
special charee and, in company with his fellow monks,
he devoted himself to the bodily and spiritual com-
fort of the afflicted. What most distressed him was
the religious ignorance to which a large number of the
faithful had fsulen victims on account of beingdeprived
of their pastors. To combat this sad condition, he
resolved to compose little popular treatises on tha
truths and duties of religioui and in 1666 he published
OOOHIH
76
oooHnr
at Cologno a resuiud of Christian doctrine that was
very well received. It was a revelation to his supe-
riors, who strongly encouraged the author to continue
in this course.
Thenceforth Father Martin made a specialty of
popular preaching and rel^ous writing and, in the
Archdioceses of Trier and Ingelheim, which he trav-
ersed thoroughly, multitudes pressed about him, and
numerous conversions followed. The zealous priest
continued these active ministrations up to the time of
his death, and even when he had passed his eightieth
year he still went dailv to the chapel of his convent,
where, with the aid of an ear-trumpet, he heard the
confessions of the sinners who flocked to him. The
intervals between missions he devoted to his numer-
ous writings, the most voluminous of which is an ec-
clesiastical history in 2 vols, fol., composed for apolo-
getic purposes and provoked b^ the attacks made
upon the Church by Protestantism. However, the
author brought it down only to the year 1100. Father
Martin's other works embrace a great variety of sub-
jects: the life of Christ, legends of the saints, edifving
narratives^ the setting forth of certain points in Chris-
tian asceticism, forms of prayer, metnods to be fol-
lowed for the worthy reception of the sacraments, etc.
These widely different themes have as points of simi-
larity a pleasing, graceful style, great erudition, and a
truly seraphic eloquence. They bespeak for their
author sincere piety and deep religious sentiment,
coupled with an intimate knowledge of the popular
heart and the special needs of the time. But the best
known of all the learned Capuchin's works is unques-
tionably "Die heilige Messe , upon which, accoraing
to his own statement, he spent three entire years,
perusing Holy Writ, the councils. Fathers and Doc-
tors of me Church, and the lives of the saints, in order
to condense into a small volume a properly abridged
account of the Holy Sacrifice. As soon as it appeared
this book proved a delight to the Catholics of Ger-
many^ nor has it yet lost any of its popxilarity, and,
since its translation into several languages, it may be
said to have acquired universal renown.
It demanded a great expenditure of energy on the
part of the worthv religious to bring these underta-
Kings to a successful issue. Even when in his convent
he spent most of the day in directing souls and follow-
ing the observances prescribed by the Capuchin Rule,
hence it was time set aside for sleep that ne was wont
to give to his literary labours. Sometimes after the
Ofm^ of Matins he would obtain permission of the
superior to go to Frankfort to confer with his publisher
and, this accomplished, he would return on foot to his
convent at K5nigstein, catechizing little childreUi
hearing confessions, and visiting the sick along the
way. vVhile still in the midst of his labours he was
attacked by an illness to which he soon succumbed,
at the age of eighty-two. The works published dur-
ing Father Martin's lifetime are: "Die Kirchenhis-
torie nach der Methode des Baronius und Raynaldus
bis 1100" (Dillingen, 1693): "Die christliche Lehre";
"Heilige Geschichten und Exempel"; " Wohlriechen-
der Myrrhengarten" (Cologne, 1693); "Bttchlein
Ober den Ablass" (Dillingen, 1693) : " Exorcismen und
far Kranke" (Frankfort, 1695); "(Soldener Himmels-
schlOssel" (Frankfort, 1695); "Gebetbuch far Soldar
ten" (Auesbure, 1698); "Anmuthungen wfthrend der
heiligen Messe ''^(Augsburg, 1697) ; " Die Legenden der
Heaven" (Augsburg, 1705) ; "Leben Christi" (Frank-
fort, 1689; Augsburg, 1708); "Gebete imter der heili-
gen Messe" (Augsburg, 1698); "Kern der heiligen
Messe" (Cologne, 1699): "Liliengarten" (Cologne,
1699); "Gebetbuch fttr heilige Zeiten" (Augsburg,
1704) ; " Die heilige Messe fOr (Se Weltleute" (Cologne,
1704); "Traktat Qber die gOttlichen Vortrefflioh-
keiten" (Mainz, 1707); " Gteistlicher Baumgarten"
(Mainz and Heidelberg, 1709) ; " Neue mystische Gold-
gniben" ^Cologne, 1/0.:^* " Kxeme|j€4bucb " (Augs-
burg, 1712). This list does not include all the author's
writings. In 1896. there appeared a small woric nev^*
before published, "Das (jebet des Henens", whidi
at the end of its third year went into a seventh edition.
Ilg. Geisl dea heiligen Franciacus SempMcua (AugvburK.
1883); Etudes Jhranciaeaines (Paris). III. 448; AnaUeia Or^.
Min. Cap., XXIII, 279; Sister Mabza Bkrnasdikc, Martin
von Coehem, aein Leben, «em Wirken, Beine Zeit (MaiDX, 1886).
F. Candidb*
Oochin, Diocese of (Cochinenbis), on the Mala*
bar coast, India. The diocese was erected and cox^
stituted a suffragan of the Diocese of Goa, of which it
had previously formed a part, by the Bull "Pro excel-
lenti praeeminentiA" of Paul IV, 4 Feb., 1558 (cf. Bui-
larium PatronatuB Portugalliflo Regum, I, 193). It
was later reorganized according to the Concordat of
23 June, 1886, between Leo XIII and King Luis I of
Portugal, and the Constitution ''Human» Salutis
Auctor" of the same pope, 1 Sept., 1886. It is suf-
fragan to the patriarchal See of Goa (cf. Julio Biker,
Collecgfio de Tractados, XIV, 1 12-437). The diocese
consists of two strips of territory along the sea-coast,
the first about fifty miles long, by eight in its broadest
part, the second thirty miles in length. There are
two important towns, Cochin and Alleppi (Alapalli),
in which the higher educational and charitable insti-
tutions of the diocese are situated.
I. History. — ^The chief religions professed in Mala-
bar at the arrival of the Portuguese were: Hinduism,
Christianity (the Christians of St. Thomas or Nesto-
rians), Islam, and Judaism, the last represented by
a large colony of Jews. From these the Catholic
community was recruited) mostly from the Nesto-
rians and the Hindus. Islam also contributed a fair
share, especially when Portugal was supreme on this
coast; among the Jews conversions were rare. To
Portund belongs the glory^ of having begun regular
Catholic missionary work in India, and ODchin has
the honour of being the cradle of Catholicism in India.
The first missionaries to India were eight Franciscan
friars, who set sail from Lisbon on the fleet of Pedro
Alvarez Cabral (q. v.), 9 March, 1500: Father Hen-
rique de Coimbra, Superior; Fathers Caspar, Fran-
cisco da Cruz, Simfto ae Guimaraens, Luiz do Salva-
dor, Masseu, Pedro Netto, and Brother JoSo da
Vitoria. Three of them were slain at Calicut in the
massacre of 16 Nov., 1500. The survivors arrived
at Cochin on or about the 26th of that month, and
settled there (except the superior, who went back
with the fleet to obtain more help for the mission),
thus laying the foundation of the Diocese of Cochin
(Histor. Seraf . Chron. da Ordem de S. Francisco, na
Provincia de Portugal, III, 489^ 494, 495). They
were followed by large contingents of zealous mis-
sionaries, who worked from the city of Cochin as a
centre. The harvest of souls was rich, the Christians
multiplied along the coast and in the mterior, and in
course of time a bishop was assigned to them.
The Nestorian Christians in the vicinity of Cochin
naturally attracted the attention of the missionaries,
and Fathers Sim&o de Guimaraens and Luiz do Sal-
vador were soon occupied in refuting their errors and
reforming their discipline and cusUuns (Hist. Seraf.,
Ill, 497). These two missionaries were the pioneers
of the Faith among the Nestorian Christians. Mem-
bers of the same order continued this missionary
work till the middle of the sixteenth century, when
these missions were handed over to the Jesuits, who
continued the good work with such earnestness and
zeal that most of the Nestorian Christians were con-
verted before 1600. The chief public record of their
conversion is to be found in the proceeding of the
Synod of Diamper (or Udiamperur), held m June,
ld99, by Aleixo de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa,
Metropolitan and Primate of the East (''Bull. Patron.
Port, reg.", a collection of papal and royal documcnta
pertaining to the Portuguese missions in India, App
OOOHIN
77
OOOHIK
torn. 1, 147 sqq.; see also "Subsidium ad Bull. Patr.
Port.", Alleppi, 1903). In December, 1502, the
Nestorian or Hvrian Christians (they used the Syrian
language in their liturgy) presented to Vasoo da
Crama, who had arrived at Cochin, the sceptre of their
former kings, and applied to him for assistance asainst
their Mohammedan neighbours. Gama formally ac-
cepted the sceptre in the name of the King of Portu-
gal. The Synan bishop of those Christians promised
obedience to the pope through the Franciscan mis-
sionaries, and two Nestorian priests accompanied
Gama to Lisbon en route for Rome. Thus bejpin the
protectorate of the Portuguese over the Syrian Chris-
tians, a protectorate which lasted for 160 years (cf.
JoSo de oarras, "Asia", Dec. I, bk. V, ch. viii; also
" Historia Serafica"). Till 1542 the Franciscans were-
the only regular missionaries' in India, though they
had the co-operation of some secular priests, as Father
Pedro Gonsalves, Vicar of Santa Cruz church in the
city of Cochin, and Father Miguel Vaz, a zealous
preacher of the Faith, as well as of some isolated mem-
bers of other religious communities, who had come
out as chaplains to the fleets ("Commentarios do
Grande Affonso d' Albuquerque", 3d ed., 1774, I, ch.
V, 19-20, and "Ethiopia Oriental", II, bk. II, ch. i).
Among the pioneer priests of Cochin mention
should be made of the Franciscans Jofto d'Elvas and
Pedro d'Amarante, who till 1507 preached the Gospel
at Vypeen, Palliport, Cranganore, and other impor-
tant luaces; Fatner Manuel de S. Mathias, with his
eleven companions, who laboured for the conversion
of the pagans at Pcnrocad, Quilon, Trivellam, and
elsewhere; Father Vincent de Lagos, who in 1540
established the coUe^ of Cranganore to train the
Nestorian Christians m the purity of Catholic Faith,
a college highly praised by St. Francis Xavier, and
the first built in India. In 1 542 it had eighty students
(Amado, Hist, da Egreja em Portugal e colonias,
Vol. VII, Pt. II, 117-21).
After St. Francis Xavier's arrival in India, 6 May,
1542, the Society of Jesus quickly spread over India,
and the members were always most successful in the
missions under their charge. St. Francis often visited
Cochin, where the citizens gave him the church of
Madre de Deus, and asked him to establish in the
city a residence of the Society. It was accordingly
founded by Father Balthazar Gago, S. J., in 1550.
In the same year Father Nicolao Lancelot, S. J., built
the residence and college of Quilon, and Affonso
Cipriano, S. J., the residence of Mylapore; soon after
the residence and college of Punicail were established,
and the residence of Manar. In 1560 the King of
Portugal built for the Society of Jesus the college of
Cochin, and in 1562 a novitiate of the Society was
established there. In 1601 the Jesuit Province of
MiUabar was founded, and Cochin was made the resi-
dence of the provincial. Among the early Jesuits
must be mentioned in addition to St. Francis Xavier,
foremost of missionaries. Fathers Mansilha, Criminal,
B. Nunes, H. Henriques, F. Peres, F. Rodrigues;
Brothers Adam Francisco, N. Nunes. Later, the
Dominicans, Augustinians, and other orders followed
the Society of Jesus to India. The Dominicans built
their monastery and college at Cochin in 1553; some
years later theu* example was followed by the Augus-
tinians, and still later oy the Capuchins. Cochin thus
became the stronghold of the Faith, and it was the
missionaries of Cbchin who carried the Gospel through-
out all Southern India and Ceylon, everywhere estab-
lishing missions, and building churches, charitable and
educational institutions, all of which were endowed
by the kin^s of Portu^l.
Apart from the heroic zeal of the priests, the most
powerful element in the propagation of the Faith was
the protection the Portuguese Government always
accorded to the converts. It provided them with
Sood situations, employing them in civil offices, freed
them from the molestations of their masters, elevatecl
them in the social scale, exempted them from the
operation of Hindu law, appointed for them a judicial
tribunal composed of Catholics, which in rural dis-
tricts was presided over by the local priest. It in-
duced the rajahs to treat the converts kindly, and
obliged them to allow their converted subjects ail th»
civil rights, e. g. of inheritance, which their Hindu
relatives enjoyed. ("Collecgao de Tractados", treaties
made with the rajahs of Asia and East Africa, paesim
in the first thirteen vols.; also "Archivo Portuguez
Oriental", Nova Goa, 1861, Fasc. Ill, parts I and II
paeaim; ''Oriente Conquistado", Bombay reprint,
1881, I, II; P. Jarric, S. J., "Thesaurus Rerum Indi-
carum", Cologne, 1615, 1, III, on the Malabar Missions
of the Society.)
The above-mentioned Bull of Paul IV, by which
the diocese was constituted, raised the collegiate
church of the Holy Cross (Santa Cruz), the parish
church of Cochin, to the dignity of cathedral of the
diocese, and established therein a chapter consisting of
five dignitaries and twelve canons. At the same tune
the pope gave the patronage of the new diocese and see
to the kings of Portugal (Bull. Patr. Port. Reg., 1, 194).
Until 1506 Hindu law, which was rigorously ob-
served, forbade the ^ use of lime and stone in other
constructions than temples. Hence the early Portu-
guese, to avoid displeasing the rajah, built their
houses of wood. Finally the viceroy, Francisco de
Almeida, induced the Rajah of Cochin to permit him
the use of lime and stone, and on 3 May, 1506, the
first stone for the fortress and city was laid by the
viceroy with great pomp. It was the feast of the
Finding of the Holy Cross, which thus became the
patronal feast of the city, and gave to the parish
church its title. The church of the Holy Cross (Santa
Cruz) was begun in, or rather before, 1506, for in 1505
we find Portuguese soldiers contributing towards the
construction of the church of Cochin 1000 xerafins
(about $150, a large sum four hundred years ago),
the result of an auction of the rich booty of a naval
combat (Gaspar Correa, ''Lendas da India", I, 522;
II, 182). Some years later this church was raised to
collegiate rank, endowed by the king, and provided
with a vicar and six beneficed ecclesiastics. It was
a magnificent building, the mother church of the
ancient Diocese of Cochin, which the Malabar, Coro-
mandel and Fishery Coasts, and Ceylon once obeyed,
and under whose teaching and discipline they flour-
ished. There are now not less than eleven bishoprics in
the territory of the original Diocese of Cochin. The
first Bishop of Cochin was the Dominican, Father Jorge
Themudo, an illustrious missionary on this coast.
The Brief "Pastoralis officii cura nos admonet" of
Gregory XIII, 13 Dec., 1572, permitted the Bishop
of Cochin, on occasion of the vacancy of the See of
Gk>a, to take possession of that see and administer
it till the Holy See provided for the vacancy. This
is why many bishops of Cochin were appointed
archbishops of Goa.
In 1577 Brother Jofio Gonsalves, S. J., engraved at
Cochin, for the first time, the Malealam type, from
which was printed the first Malealam book, '* Out-
lines of Christian Doctrine", written in Portuguese by
St. Francis Xavier for the use of children. In 1578
Fr. Jo5o de Faria, S. J., engraved at Punicail the Tamil
type, with which the "Flos Sanctorum" was printed
in Tamil for the Fishery Coast (Paulinus a S. Bar-
tholomffio, ''India Orient. Christiana", Rome, 1794,
179 sqq. ; ''Oriente Conquistado", Vol. I, Pt. I, Cong.
I, Div. I, § 23).
Cochin was taken, 6 Jan., 1663, by the Dutch, after a
siege of six months. The city was reduced in size;
the clergy were expelled; the monasteries and col-
leges, bishop's palace and 2 hospitals, 13 churches and
chapels, were rasscd to the ground. The church of
St. Francis of Assisi, belonging to the FrancisoNi
U
OOOHZH
78
OOOHIN
monastery, waa spared by the conquerors and con-
verted to tbyeir own religious use. When the English
expelled the Dutch, 20 Oct., 1795, they kept this
church for the same purpose; it stands to-day a wit-
ness to the events of the past four centuries, and is
considered the oldest existing church in India. The
magnificent cathedral was turned by the Dutch into a
warehouse for merchandise. In 1806 it was blown up
by the English.
From 1663 until the diocese was reorganized in
1886, the bishops of Cochin resided at Quilon. In
1896 work was oegun on the Cathedral of the Holy-
Cross of Cochin by Bishop Ferreira, amid great sacri-
fices. In April, 1897, when almost complete, the
building collapsed, entailing a heavy loss. Bishop
Ferreira died at Goa, 4 May, the same year. Bishop
Oliveira Xavier took charge of the diocese in March,
1898, removed the debris of the fallen building and
successfully carried the work to completion. The
cathedral was opened for Divine worship, 9 Au^., 1903.
Brother Moscheni, the famous Italian painter of
India, belonging to the Jesuit mission of Mangalore, was
secured to decorate the church, but had hanuv finished
the sanctuary when he died , 1 4 No v. , 1 905. The cathe-
dral was consecrated 19 Nov., 1905, by Bishop Pereira
of Damaun, Archbishop ad hon&rem of CraJiganore.
II. Reuqious Conditions. — ^The Church of Cochin
has suffered some rigorous persecutions. The most
severe was that of 1780, commenced by Nagam Pillay ,
Dewan of Travancore, in which 20,000 converts fled
to the mountains, to escape his cruelties, and many
died as martyrs. Father JoSo Falcao, S. J., was the
only priest left to console the sufferers. There were
other less severe persecutions in 1787, 1809, and 1829
(Paulinus a S. Bartholomaeo, "India Orient. Chris-
tiana'', 165 sqq.; also "Church History of Travan-
core'', Madras, 1903, Introduction, 55). In a general
way there has always been a kind of inild persecution
or animosity on the part of Hindu Governments and
authorities against Christians. The growth of the
Catholic Church is at present affected especially by
the ' * Law of Disability '' in force in the Native States of
Malabar, by which a convert becomes a stranger to his
family, ana forfeits all rights of inheritance. The
government schools, in which the young are reared in
religious indifferentism, form also a remarkable hin-
drance to conversions, especially among the higher
classes.
III. Statistics. — In all, twenty Bishops of Cochin
have actually taken possession of the see ("Mitras
Li^si tanas noOriente' , I, III; "Annuario da Arch, de
Goa", 1907). The total population of the diocese is
398,000; Catholics, 97,259. The number of conver-
sions averages 300 a year. The diocese contains 30
parishes, 9 missions, 77 churches and chapels, 62
secular priests (58 natives of India), 4 Jesuits; 8
Anglo-vernacular parochial schools, with an attend-
ance of 480 boys and 128 girls, 77 vernacular paro-
chial schools, with an attendance of 6592. The Sis-
ters of the Canossian Congregation number 15 in two
convents. The following educational and charitable
institutions are at Cochin: Santa Cruz High School
for boys, under the Jesuit Fathers, and St. Mary's
High School for girls under the Canossian Sisters,
both of which prepare students for the Indian univer-
sities; they have an average daily attendance respec-
tively of 335 and 153; at Alleppi the Jesuit Fathers
conduct the Leo XIII High School for boys, with an
average daily attendance of 380; an orphanage with
16 orphans; a catechumenate with 5 catechumens; a
printing office; an industrial school. They also have
charse of the preparatory seminary of the diocese, in
which 20 students are now enrollea. For philosophy
and theology students are sent either to the patri-
archal seminary at Rachol, Goa, or to the papal sem-
inary at Kandy, Ceylon; at the former there are now
6, at the latter 5^ students from Cochin. The Canos-
sian Sisters at Alleppi conduct the foUowinK instita-
tions for girb: St. Joseph's Intermediate School, at-
tendance 160; a normal training school, attendance 7;
a technical school, attendance 29; an orphanage with
56 orphans; a catechumenate, attendance 21, and a
dispensary for the benefit of the poor. The religious
associations of the diocese are as follows: oonfratemir
ties, 64; con^^rqgatlons of the Third Order of St. Fran-
cis, 3; Association of the Holy Family, 1 ; Conferences
of St. Vincent de Paul, 2 ; Society for the relief of the
Souls in Purgatory, 2; Sodalities of the Children of
Mary, 6; Misericordia Confraternity, 1; The Apostle^
ship of Prayer is established in all the parish churchec,
ana the Association of Christian Doctrine in all
churches and chapels of the diocese. (See Goa;
JPorttjgal; India.)
Besides documents mentioned above see also Mctdraa Cath.
Directory (1908): MCllb aver, /Ca^M.JlfiM. inOHindien (Frei-
burg, 1852) : DE SiLVA. The Cath. Ch. in India (Bombay, 1885) ;
Werner, Or6. Terrarum (Freiburs, 1890).
J. MONTBIRO d'AqXTIAEU
Oochin, Jaoques-Denis, preacher and philanthro-
pist, b. in Paris, 1 Januaxy, 1726; d. there 3 June, 1783.
His father, Claude-Denis Cochin (d. 1786), was a famous
botanist. Jacques-Denis followed a course of theo-
logical studies in the Sorbonne and was graduated
with the degree of Doctor. In 1755 he was ordained «
priest. The next year he was given charge of the par-
ish of Saint-Jacques-du-Haut-Pas. There he spent
his whole life working for the material as well as the
spiritual betterment of his people. He won flpreat
fame for the unction and strength of his preaching.
His published works include: Four books of Sunday
sermons (Paris, 1786-1808); "Exhortations on the
Feasts, Fasts and Oremonies of the Church " (Paris,
1778); "Retreat Exercises" (Paris, 1778); "Spiritual
Writings", a posthumous work published dv his
brother (Paris, 1784). Cochin is noted especisdly for his
philanthropy. The needs of his own parish suggested
the foundation of a hospital. The idea, conceived in
1780, resulted in the completion of a building of which
the Sisters of Charity took charge. The inscription on
the building. Pauper damavU et Dominua exaudivit
evfitf is an index of Cochin's intentions. He devoted
his whole fortune to the work. The hospital was in*
augurated with thirty-eight beds; to-day the number
is nearly four hundred. It was originally called H6-
pital Saint-Jacques. In 1801 the Creneral Council
of the Paris hospitals gave it the name of its charitable
founder, which it still preserves.
J. B. Delaunat.
Cochin, Pierre-Suzanne- AuQUSTiN, b. in Paris, 12
Dec., 1823; d. at Versailles, 13 March, 1872. He took
an early interest in economical and political questions
and contributed articles to the " Aimaies de Charity"
and "Le Correspondanf. In 1850 he was elected
vice-mayor, and in 1853 mayor of the tenth district
of Paris. His publications won for him membership
in the Academic des sciences morales et poUtiques
(1864). He was at that time prominent among the
" Liberal Catholics", an ardent friend of Montalembert
and Lacordaire, and was supported by his party for
ihe office of deputy of Paris. He received GOOO
votes, but his democratic opponent won by an over-
whelming majority. Among his many reUgious,
pedagogical, and sociological works we may name:
" Essai sur la vie, les m^thodes d'instruction et d'^dur
cation, et les ^tablissements de Pestalozzi" (Paris,
1848) ; " Lettre sur i'6tat du paup^risme en Angle-
terre" (Paris, 1854); "Progrds de la science et de
Tindustrie au point de vue chr^tien" (Paris, 1854);
"Abolition de resclavage" (Paris, 1861), crowned by
the French Academy; "Quelques mots sur la vie de
J^us de Renan" (1863); "Condition des ouvriera
franpais" (1862); "Esp^rances chr6tiennes" (post-
humous publication). J. B. Delaunat.
OOOHIN
79
OO-OOKSEORATOBS
decbin Oliimt. See Frbncb iNDO-CamA.
Oochlaua, Johank (prop^Iy Dobeneck), mxt-
named Cochlaus (from cocmea.a snail shell} after his
biiiJipIaoe Wendelstein, near Schwabach. humanist
and Catholic controversialist, b. 1479; a. 11 Jan.,
1552, in Breslau. His eariy education he received at
the house of his unde, Hirspeck. About 1500 he be-
gan his humanistic studies under Griennieer at Nu-
remberg. From 1504 he pursued his studies at Co-
Ic^ne and there relations sprang up between Cochlseus
and the champions of humanism. In 1510 he ob-
tained the rectorate in the Latin school of St. Law-
rence in Nuremberg, where the "Quadrivium Gram-
matices" (1511 and repeatedly afterwards) and the
''Tetrachordum Musices'' appeared. At Nurembei^
he became an intimate friend of Pirkheimer. With
the iatter's three nephews he went to Bologna to con-
tinue his hiunanistic and legal studies. His main ob-
ject, however, was to pursue a course of theology, in
which he obtained his doctorate in 1517, and then by
the advice of Pirkheimer went to Rome. There, under
the influence of the Oratorio del Divino Amore, Coch-
Ueus turned his attention to the cultivation of a religious
life. Ordained at Rome, he went to Frankfort, and
after some hesitation, arising no doubt from Consid-
eration for his friends, he entered the arena as the op-
ponent of the Lutheran movement. His first wor&s
were ''De Utroque Sacerdotio" (1520) and several
smaller writings published in rapid succession. In 1521
he met the nuncio Aleander at Worms and worked
untiring} V to bring about the reconciliation of Luther,
thiring the foUowing years he wrote tracts against
Luther's principEd theses on the doctrine of justificar
tion, on tne freedom of the will, and on the teaching of
the Church (especially the important work, "De GratiA
Sacramentorum ' ', 1 522 ; '* De Baptismo parvulorum ' ',
1523; "A Commentaiy on 154 Articles^'; etc.). Lu-
ther, to the vexation of Gochlseus wrote in answer onl v
a single work, "Ad versus Armatmn Virum Cocleum''.
After a short sojourn at Rome Gochlseus accom-
panied Gomp^gio to the negotiations at Nuremberg
and Ratisbon. The Lutheran movement and the
Peasants' War drove him to Golo^e in 1525. From
there he wrote against the rebeUion and Luther, its
real author. In 1526 he received a canonry at May-
ence and accompanied Cadinal Albrecht of Branden-
bure to the Diet of Speyer. After Emser's death
Co^aeus took his place as secretar]^ to Duke George
of Saxony, whom ne defended against an attack of
Luther based on the false charge of an alliance be-
tween the Catholic princes at Breslau (cf . The Affair of
Otto V. Pack). Conjointly with Duke Geoige he la-
boured strenuously m 1530 to refute the Augsbui^
Confession, and later directed against Melancmthon,
its author, his bitter "Philippics". Because of a
pamphlet a^inst Henry VIII of England he was
transferred m 1535 to a canonry in Meissen. After
the duke's death, owin^ to the advance of the Reform-
ation, his further stay m Saxony became quite impos-
sible. For the time being he f oimd a ref u^ as canon
first at Breslau and later at Eichst&tt. With indomi-
table ardour he published pamphlet after pamphlet
against Luther and Melanchthon, against Zwmgli,
Butzer, Bullinger Cordatus, Ossiander, etc. Almost
all of these publications, however, were written in
haste and baa temper, without the necessary revision
and theological thorougjmess, consequently they pro-
duced no effect on the masses. His greatest work
against Luther is his strictly historical ** Commentaria
de Actii et Scriptis M. Luther'' (extending to his
death), an armoury of Catholic polemics for all suc-
ceeding time. Forced to resi^ nis benefice at Eich-
Bt&tt in 1548, Cochlseus remained for a short time in
Mayence to edit a work of Abbot Conrad Braim. In
1549, however, he returned to Breslau where he died
^itly after Naturally of a quiet and studious dis-
position he was drawn into the arena of polemics by
the religious schiam. There he developed a produo-
tivity and zeal imparalleled by any other Cathouc theo-
logian of his time. He did not, however, possess the
other reauisites for success in the same degree. Among
his two nundred and two publications ^talogued in
Spahn, p. 341 sq.) are to be found, besides tracts bear>
ing on the topics of the day, also editions of ecclesias-
tiod writers and historical publications. Among these
latter the work "Historic Hussitarum XII Libri**
(1549) is of great value even to-day because of the
authorities used therein,
De Wbldiqb-Krbmer, />« Joannia CochUri Vitd et Scriptia
(Manster, 1865); Orro. Johannes Cochlceua (Breslau, 1874);
Ge88, Johannes CodUeaua (Berlin, 1898); Schlbcht, /K Cod^
imusbriefe in Hitior. Jahrbuoh XX (1899), 768 sq.
Joseph Sausr.
Oo-conflacratorg are the bishops who assist the
E residing bishop in the act of consecrating a new
ishop. It is a very strict rule of the Church that
there cdiould be two such assistant bishops, or three
bishops in all — ^though an exoeption is made for mis-
sionary countries where it is practically impossible to
bring so many bishops together, the Holy See there
allowing two priests to act as assistants to the oonse-
crator. The part assigned by^ the Koman Pontifical
in its present form to the assistant bishops is, after
helping to place the book of the (xospels on the shoul-
ders of the elect, to join the oonsecrator in laying
hands on his head, ana in saying over him the words
Accipe SpirUum Sanctum. But it is the consecrator
alone who, with extended hands, says the Eucharistio
prayer, which constitutes the "essential form" of the
rite. In the Oriental rites, Uniat and schismatic, no
words of any kind are assigned to the assistant bish-
ops; this was also the case with' the ancient Western
ntes, the words Accipe SpirUum Sanctum being a late
medieval addition.
History of the Ua^GB. — ^In the earliest times the
ideal was to assemble as many bishops as possible for
the election and consecration of a new bishop, and it be-
came the rule that the comprovincials at least should
participate under the presidency of the metropolitan or
primate. But this was found impracticable in a matter
of such frequency; so in the Council of NiCsea we find it
enacted that ''a bishop ou^t to be chosen by all the
bishops of his province, but if that is impossible because
of some urgent necessitv, or because of the leneth of
the journey, let three bishops at least assemble and pro-
ceed to the consecration, naving the written permis-
sion of the absent" (can. iv). Tnere was, indeied. one
exception, which is referred to in the letter of Pope
Siricius to the African bishops (3S6), "That a single
bishop, unless he be the Bishop of Rome, must not
ordain a bishop ". This exception has long since been
discontinued, but it bears witness to the reasonf orwhich
the intervention of several bishops was ordinarily re-
quired, a reason expressly stated by St. Isidore (about
601) in his ''De Eccles. Off." (Bk. II, ch. v, no. 11 in
P. L., LXXXIII. 785): ''[The custom] that a bishop
should not be ordained by one bishop, but by all the
comprovincial bishops, is known to mive been insti-
tuted on account of heresies, and in order that the
tyraimical authority of one person should not attempt
anything contrary to the faith of the Church.'' Such
a consicferation was not applicable to the case of the
Bishop of Rome. In these provisions of the earlier
councils the conditions of the time were presupposed.
Gradually other conditions supervened, and the right
of appointing to the episcopkste was reserved to the
metropolitans in the case of simple bishops, and to the
Holy See in the case of metropolitans, and finally in
all cases to the Holv See. But the practice of requir-
ing at least three bishops for the consecration cere-
mony, thot^ no lon^r needed for its ancient purpose,
has alwasrs been retamed as befitting the solenmity of
the occasien.
coouasus
SO
OODKX
Trb Mods of Their Co-operation. — The queen
tion has been raised. Do the co-oonBecratora eauallv
with the coDsecrator impart the sacramental gift
to the candidate? That tney do has been contended
on the ground of a well-known passi^ in Mart^ne's
"De AntiquiB Ecclesiffi Ritibus" fll, viii, art. 10),
in which he says that "beyond the possibility
of a doubt they are not witnesses only but co-opera-
tors.'' But Martdne's reference to Ferrandus's
"Breviatio Canonum" (P. L., LXVII, 948), and
through Ferrandus to the decree of Nicsea and the
words of St. Isidore already quoted, shows that his
meaning is that they are not mere witnesses to the
fact that the consecration has taken place, but, by
taking part in it, make themselves responsible for its
taking place. Moreover, though Gasparri (De Sacrd
Ordinatione, II, 265) thinks otherwise, it is not easy
to see how the assistant bishops can be said to comply
with the essentials of a sacramental administration.
They certainly do not in the use of the Oriental rites,
nor did they in the use of the ancient Western rite,
for they pronounced no words which partook of the
nature or an essential form. And, thou^ in the
modem rite they say the words Accipe SpirUum
SanctuTHf which approximate to the reauirements of
such a form, it is not conceivable that tne Church by
receiving these words into her rite wished to transfer
the office of essential form from the still-persisting
•Eucharistic Preface, which had held it previously
and was perfectly definite, to new words which by
themselves are altogether indefinite.
Besides the authors quoted, see Tiioicabsin, Vetus et nova
Eecleaia Disc^ina^ I'iJ^^« ^^« ^^ ^^' *^b* ^^' Duchesnk, Ori-
gtnes du euUe chrHten (Fans, 1903); PontificaU Romanum, cd.
Catalani (Paris, 1801); Mabtinuccx, Manuale as. Ccmmoni"
arum (Rome, 18(99); Ke.viucK, Farm of the Consecration of a
Bishop (Baltinx>re. 1886); Woods. Episcopal Consecration in
the Anglican Church in The Messenger (New York, November.
1907); Bernard, Coxtrt de LUurgie romaine: Le Pontifical
(Paris, 1902)1.318-22. SydNBT F. SMrTH.
Oocossus (Cocusus, Cucussus, Cucusus), a titular
see of Armema. It was a Roman station on the road
from Cilicia to Csesarea, and belonged first to Cappa^
doda and later to Armenia Secunda. St. Paul the
Confessor, Patriarch of (Constantinople, was exiled
thither by Constantius and put to death by the Arians
in 350 (Socrates, Hist, eccl., II, xxvi). It was also
the place of exile to which St. John Chrysostom was
banished by Arcadius; his journey, often interrupted
by fever, lasted seventeen days (Sozomen, Hist, eccl.,
VIII, xxii). The great doctor was received most
kindly by the bishop and a certain Dioscurus. He
lived three years at 0>cussus (404-407), and wrot«
thence many letters to the deaconess Olympias and
his friends. The Greek panegjrric of St. Gregory the
Illuminator, Apostle of Armenia, attributed to St.
John Chrysostom (Migne, P. G., LXIII, 943), is not
authentic; an Armenian text, edited by Alishan
(Venice, 1877) , may be genuine. Cocussus appears in
the "Synecdemus" of Hierocles and in the "Notitiae
episcopatuum'', as late as the twelfth century, as a
suffragan of Melitene. The name of St. John Qirys-
ostonrs host is unknown. Bishop Domnus was rep-
resented at Chalcedon in 451. Longinus subscribed
the letter of the bishops of Armenia Secunda to £m-
pror Leo in 458. John subscribed at Constantinople
m 553 for his metropolitan. Another John was pres-
ent at the Trulian Council in 692 (Lequien, I, 452).
The army of the first crusaders passed by Cocussus.
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there were
Armenian bishops of Ck)cu8sus. It is tonday a village
called Guksun by the Turks, Kokison by the Arme-
nians, in the caza of Hadjin, vilayet of Adana. The
site is most picturesque, but the cumat^e is very severe
during winter, owing to the altitude, 4O00 feet above
the level of the sea.
Ramsat, Hist. Oeogr. of Asia Minor, paasim; Aushan,
Siuouan (Venice, 1899). 217-21. a w^ a.
S. P^TTRIDis.
Code of JTustiiiian. See Law.
Oodez, the name given to a manuseript in leat
form, distinguishing it from a roll. The codex seems
to have come into use about the beginning of the
fourth centuiy ; the material ordinarily employed in it
was parchment, but discovery has shown tnat papynis
was sometimes used in the making of oodioes, thoudb
really too brittle to be a satisfactory material. The
great MSS. of the Bible are in codex form and gener-
ally ofparchment; hence the name. Codex Vattcanua
etc. For convenience' sake, we ^roup here the four
great codices of the Greek Bible, Vaticanus, Sinaiti-
cus, Alexandrinus, and Ephrsemi, tc^ther with the
Greek Codex Bezae, so remarkable for its textual pecu-
liarities; also. Codex Amiatinus, the greatest Mo. of
the Vulgate. For other codices, see Mamuscriptb of
THE Bible, or the particular designation, as Abmagh,
Book of; Kells, Book of; etc.
Ctodex Alexandriniu, a most valuable Greek
manuscript of the Old and New Testaments, so named
because it was brought to Europe from Alexandria
and had been the property of the patriarch of that see.
For the sake of brevity, Walton, m his polyglot Bible,
indicated it by the letter A and thus set the fashion
of designating Biblical manuscripts by such symbols.
Codex A was the first of the great uncials to hecome
known to the learned world. When Cyril Lucar,
Patriarch of Alexandria, was transferred in 1621 to
the Patriarchate of Constantinople, he is believed to
have brou^t the codex with him. Later he sent it
as a present to King James I of England ; James died
before the gift was presented, and Charles I, in 1627,
accepted it in his stead. It is now the chief glory of
the British Museum in its MS. department and is on
exhibition there.
Codex A contains the Bible of the Catholic Canon,
including therefore the deutero-canonical books and
Portions of books belonging to the Old Testament,
[oreover, it joins to the canonical books of Macha-
bees, the apocryphal III and IV Machabees, of very
late origin. To the New Testament are added the
Epistle of St. Clement of Rome and the homily
wnich passed under the title of II Epistle of Clement
— the only copies then known to be extant. These
are included in the list of N.-T. books which is pre-
fixed and seem to have been regarded by the scribe as
part of the New Testament. The same list shows
that the Psalms of Solomon, now missing, were ori-
ginally contained in the volume, but the space which
separates this book from the others on the list indi-
cates that it was not ranked among New-Testament
books. An "Epistle to Marcellinus" ascribed to St.
Athanasius is inserted as a preface to the Psalter, to-
gether with Eusebius's summary of the Psalnos; Pb.
di and certain selected canticles of the O. T. are
affixed, and Uturgical uses of the psahxu indicated.
Not all the books are complete. In the O. T. there
is to be noted particularly the lacima of thirty psalms,
from 1, 20, to Ixxx, 11 ; moreover, of Gen., xiv, 14-17;
XV, 1-5, 16-19; xvi, 6-9; III (I) K., xii, 20~-xiv, 9.
The New Testament has lost the first twenty-five
leaves of the Gospel of St. Matthew, as far as chapter
XXV, 6, likewise the two leaves running from John, vi,
50, to viii, 52 (whidi, however, as the amount of space
shows, omitted the formerly much disputed passage
about the adulterous woman), and three leaves con-
taining II Cor., iv, 13 — ^xii, 6. One leaf is missing
from I Clem., and probably two at the end cxf II dem.
Codex A supports the Sixtine Vulgate in regard to the
conclusion of St. Mark and John, v, 4, but, like all
Greek MSS. before the fourteenth century, omits the
text of the three heavenly witnesses, I John, v, 7.
The order of the O.-T. books is peculiar (see Swete,
" Introd. to O. T. in Greek ")• In the N. T. the order
is Gospels, Acts, Catholic Epistles, Pauline Epistles,
OODXZ
81
OODEX
Apocalypse, with Hebrews placed before the Pastowd
Epistles. Originally one large volume, the codex is
now bound in four volumes, bearing on their covers
ihe arms of Charles I. Three volumes contain the
31d Testament, and the remaining volume the New
Testament with Clement. The leaves, of thin veUum,
12} inches high by 10 inches broad, number at present
773, but were originally 822, according to the ordinary
reckoning. Each page has two colunms of 49 to 51
lines.
The codex is the first to contain the major chapters
with their titles, the Ammonian Sections and the
Eusebian Canons complete (Scrivener). A new para-
graph is indicated by a large capital and frequently
by spacing, not by beginning a new line ; the enlarged
capital is placed in the margin of the next line, though,
curiously, it may not
correspond to the be-
ginning of the para-
graph or even of a
wwd. The manu-
script is written in
uncial characters in a
hand "at once firm,
elegant, simple"; the
ereater part ofVolume
III is ascribed by
Gr^ory to a different
hand from that of the
others; two hands are
discerned in the N.
T. by Woide, three
by Sir E. Maunde
Thompson and Ken-
yon — experts differ
on these points. The
handwriting is gener-
ally judged to belong
to. die Deginning or
middle of the fifth
century or possibly
to the late fourth. An
Arabic note states
that it was written by
Thecla the martyr;
and Cyril Lucar the
Patriarch adds in his
note that tradition
ss^ys she was a noble
Egyptian woman and
wrote the codex
shortly after the Nioene Council. But nothing is
known of such a martyr at that date, and the value of
this testimony is weakened by the presence of the
Eusebian Canons (d. 340) and destroyed by the in-
sertion of the letter of Athanasius (d. 373). On the
other hand, the absence of the Euthalian divisions is
regarded by Scrivener as proof that it can hardly be
later than 450. This is not decisive, and Gregonr
would bringit down even to the second half of the nftn
century. The character of the letters and the history
of the manuscript point to Egypt as its place of origin.
The text of Codex A is considered one of the most
valuable witnesses to the Septuagint. It is found,
however, to bear a great affinity to the text embodied
in Origeh's Hexapla and to have been corrected in
numb^less passages according to the Hebrew. The
text of the Septuagint codices is in too chaotic a con-
dition, and criticism of it too little advanced, to per-
mit of a sure judgment on the textual value of the o-eat
manuscripts. Ine text of the New Testament nere
is of a mixed character. In the Gospels, we have the
best example of the so-called Syrian type of text, the
ancestor of the traditional ancl less pure form found
in the texlua receplus. The Syrian text, however, is
rejected by the great majority of scholars in favour
of the ** neutral" type, beit represented in the Codex
IV.--6
^ I " ^ v* •*- '^ * ' f ^"4 "^Y ^ * ^^ ' * ^ ^^ ^^^ *'' ^*
V » O V rO VO V i^ >* ' >Y "tie <^-| I y- »
Ck>DEX Alexandrinub, I John, v, 9-15, IV-V Century.
MS. IN Britisu Museum
Vaticanus. In the Acts and Catholic £p
still more in St. Paul's Epistles and the A^/wcuj^^^ov.
Codex A approaches nearer, or belongs, to tne neutral
type. This admixture of textual types is explained
on the theory that A or its prototype was not copied
from a single MS., but from several MSS. of varying
value and diverse origin. Copyist's errors in this
codex are rather frequent.
Codex Alexandrinus played an important part in
developing the textual criticism of the Bible, par-
ticularly of the New Testament. Grabe edited the
Old Testament at Oxford in 1707-20, and this edition
was reproduced at Zurich 1730-32, and at Leipzig,
1750-51, and again at Oxford, by Field, in 1859;
Woide published the New Testament in 1786. which
B. H. Cowper reproduced in 1860. The readings of
Codex A were noted
in Walton's Polyglot,
1657, and in every
important collation
since made. Baber
published an edition
of the Old Testament
in facsimile type in
1816-28; but all pre-
vious editions were
superseded by the
magnificent photo-
graphic facsimile of
botn Old and New
Testaments produced
by the care of Sir E.
Alaunde Thompson
(^eN.T.inl879,the
O.T. in 1881-83), with
an introduction in
which the editor gives
the best obtainable de-
scription of the codex
(London, 1879-80).
Westoott and Hort.
The New Testament in the
Orioinal Greek (New
York, 1887); NEflrrLB,
Textual Criticiem of the
Greek New Testament
(London, 1901): Grbo-
ORT, Canon and Text of
the New Testament (New
York. 1907); Kenyow,
Handbook to the Textual
Criticism of the New Testa-
ment (London. 1901);
SwETE. Introduction to
the Old Testament in Greek (CSambridire, IQCX)); Idem. Old Testae
ment in Greek (Cambridge, 1894): Scrivener-Miller, Intro'
duction to the Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1894).
John F. Fenlon.
Ck>dex Amiatiimg, the most celebrated manuscript
of the Latin Vulgate Bible, remarkable as the best
witness to the true text of St. Jerome and as a
fine specimen of medieval calligraphy, now kept at
Florence in the Bibliotheca Laurentiana. The sym-
bol for it is written am or A (Wordsworth), It is pre-
served in an immense tome, measuring in height and
breadth 19} inches by 13} inches, and in thickness 7
inches — so impressive, as Hort says, as to fill the
beholder with a feeling akin to awe. Some consider
it, with White, as perhaps "the finest book in the
world"; still there are several manuscripts which are
as beautifullv written and have besiaes, like the
Book of Kelts or Book of Lindisfame, those exquisite
ornaments of which Amiatinus is devoid. It contains
1029 leaves of strong, smooth vellum, fresh-looking
to-day, despite their great antic^uity, arranged in
(]uires of four sheets, or quaternions. It is written
in uncial characters, large, clear, regular, and beauti-
ful, two columns to a page, and 43 or 44 lines to a
column. A little space is often left between words,
but the writing is in general continuous. The text is
IjVf ||>^frf^ti^^|
OODEX
82
OODXX
divided into sections, which in the Gospels correspond
closely to the Ammonian Sections. There are no
marks of punctuation, but the -skilled reader waa
guided into the sense by stichometric, or verse-like,
arrangement into cola and commata, which corre^
Bpond roughly to the principal and dependent cLausea
of a sentence. This manner of writing the scribe Is
believtfid to have modelled upon the great Bible
K}{ Cwsiodorus (q. v.)» but it goes back perhaps even
to B^, Jerome ; it may be shown best by an example:—
QUIA IN POTBSTATB ERAT
SERMO IFSIUS
Et in SYNAOOQA ERAT HOMO RABENS
DiEMONIUM INMUNDUM
BT EXCLAMAVIT VOCE MAGNA
DICENS
SINE QUID NOBIS ET TIBI IHl^
NAZARENE VENISTI PBRDEBE NOS
8CIO TE QUI SIS 8CS Dl
BT INCREPAVrr ILL! IHS DICENS
It will be noticed that the section " Et in" and the
oola b^in at about the same perpendicular line, the
commata begin further in unaer the third 6r second
letter, and so likewise does the continuation of a
oc^n or comma which runs beyond a single line
(see facsimile page). This arrangement, besides
aiding the intelligence of the text, gave a spacious,
varied, and rather artistic appearance to the page.
The initial letter of a section was often written in ink
of a different colour, and so also was the first line of
a book. Beyond that there was no attempt at
decorating the text.
The codex (or pandect) is usually said to contain the
whole Bible; but it should be noted that the Book of
Baruch is missing, though the Epistle of Jeremias,
usually incorporated with it, is here appended to the
Book of Jeremias. Besides the text of the Scriptural
books, it contains St. Jerome's "Prologus Galeatus"
and his prefaces to individual books; the capiltila, or
summaries of contents; and, in the first quaternion,
certain materials which have been much discussed
and have proved of the greatest service in tracing the
history of the codex, among them dedicatory verses,
a list of the books contained in the codex, a picture
of the Tabernacle (formerly thought to be Solomon's
Temple), a division of the Biblical books according to
Jerome, another according to Hilary and Epiphanius,
and a third according to Augustine. Part of Solo-
mon's prayer (III K., viii, 22-30) in an Old Latin
text is reproduced at the end of Ecclesiasticus. A
Greek inscription at the beginning of Leviticus, re-
cording that "the Lord Servandus prepared" this
codex or part of it, has entered largely into the dis-
cussion of its origin.
The recoveiy of the history of Codex Amiatinus,
which has important bearings upon the history of
the Vulgate itself and of the text of the Bible, was
due to the labours of many scholars and the insight
of one man of genius, de Rossi. At the beginning of
the pandect, as we have mentioned, there are certain
dedicatory verses; they record the gift (of the codex)
to the venerable convent of St. Saviour by a certain
Peter who was abbot from the extreme territory of
the Lombards. The Latin text is as follows: —
CEffOSruX AD EXIMII MERTTO
VENERABILE SALVATORia
QUEM CAPUT ECCLESL«
DEDICAT ALTA FIDES
petrus lasoobardorvx
extremis de finib. abbab
devoti appectus
PIGNORA MITTO MEI
St. Saviour's is the name of the monastery on
Monte Amiata (whence Amiaixnus) near Siena; here
this codex was kept from the ninth century till the
year 1786» wheii it Was brought to Florence after the
suppression of the monastery. Naturally, the codex
was supposed to be a gift to this house, but nothing
was known of the donon Bandini, the librarian of
the Laurentiana, into whose hands the codex came,
noticed that the names of neither the donor nor of
the recipient belonged to the original dedication.
They were written in a different hand over parts
of the original inscription, as betrayed by evident
signs of erasure. The letters italicized above were
by the second hand, while the initial letter c of the
first line and the e in the fifth were original. Ban-
dini noticed, also, that cenohium replaced a shorter
word and that the last five letters of salvatoria were
written on parchment that had not been erased, and
so that the ten letters of this word replaced five of
the original word. The metre also was entirely at
fault. The clue for reconstructing the original lines
he found in the expression caput eccUsixB, which he
judged referred to St. Peter. And as in the Middle
Ages a favourite title for the Apostolic See was cuUnen
apostolicuntf he reconstructed the line in this fashion: —
CULMEN AD EXiMII MERITO VBNERA&ILE PETRI
This conjecture produced a correct hexameter verse,
retained- the original initial c, supplied a word of
proper length at the beginning and another at the
end, and afforded a sense fitting in perfectly with the
Probabilities of the case. In the fifth line, instead of
*€tru8 Langobardorumf Bandini suggested Setvandutt
IxUiif because of the inscription about Servandus
mentioned above. This Servandus was believed to
be the friend of St. Benedict, to whom he made a
visit at Monte Cassino in 541; he waa abbot of a
monastery near the extremity of Latium.
These conjectures were accepted by the learned
world ; Tischendorf , for instance, writing seventy-five
years later, said Bandini had so well proved his case
that no doubt remained. Accordingly, it was settled
that the Codex Amiatinus dated from the middle of
the sixth century, was the oldest manuscript t)f the
Vulgate, and was written in Southern Italy. A few
protests were raised, however; that, for instance, of
Paul de Lagarde. He had edited St. Jerome's trans-
lation of the Hebrew Psalter, using freely for that
purpose a codex of the ninth century ; Amiatinus he
judged, with a not unnatural partiality, to be "in all
probability" from the hand of the scribe of his ninth-
century Psalter, written '*at Reichenau on the Lake
of Oonstance". But, to quote Corssen, it was G. B.
de Rossi, "that great Roman scholar, whose never-
failing perspicacity and learning discovered at once
the birthplace of our famous manuscript" (Academy,
7 April, 1888).
De Rossi followed Bandini in his reconstruction of
the first verse, but he thought it unlikely that an
abbot, presenting a book to the pope at Rome, should
speak of "the extreme limits of Latium", really but
a short distance from Rome. Anziani, the librarian
of the Laurentiana, pointed out to him that the space
erased to make room for Petrtu Langobardorum was
greater than called for by the conjecture of Bandini.
De Rossi was at the time engaged on an inquiry into
the ancient history of the Vatican Library, and,
recalling a paasai^e of Bedc, he divined that the lost
name was Ceolfridus. The erasures, which were
irregular, seeming to follow the letters very closely,
corresponded perfectly to this eonjecture. He pro-
posed then the verse: —
CEOLFRIDUS BRITONUM EXTREMIS DE FINir . ABBAS
The phrase exactly suited an abbot from the end of
the world, as England was then re^rded and styled ;
and the story of Ceolfrid made de Rossi's conjecture
acceptable at once, especially to English sdiolars.
Ceolfrid was the disciple of Benedict Bisoop (o. v.),
who foundo<i the n^onasteries of Wearmouth ana Jar-.
^W'^\^' -/^S' :-::■■ ■^^^■.- >,--,. .r. ..
(<•:.. '■,>-
<pjix;iNp0TesT\TeeTuiRTUTe
icnpeRXTSplRITI BUS
i; ^fe^^uLc;\BXTUR pxa>\ OeilJLo
yx
CODEX AMIATINUS
SECTION OP A COLUMN. LUKE, IV, 32-37
VIII CENTURY. MS. IN THE BIBLIOTHECA LAURENTIANA, FLORENCE
OODXX
83
OODXX
Tovf in Northumberland towards the end of th^ seventh
century. England, in those davs, was the most de-
voted daughter of the Roman See, and Abbot Bene-
dict was enUiusiastic in his devotion. His monas-
teries were dependent directly on Rome. Five times
during his life ne journeyed to Rome, usually bringing
back with him a library of books presented by the
pope. Ceolfrid, who had accompamed him on one of
these visits, became his successor in 686 and inherited
his taste for books : Bede mentions three pandects of
St. Jerome's translation which he had made, one of
which he determined in his old age, in 716, to bring
to the church of St. Peter at Rome. He died on the
way, but his ^t was carried to the Holy Father, then
Gr^^ry II. This codex de Rossi identmed with Ami-
atinus.
This conjecture was hailed by all as a genuine dis-
covery of great importance. Berger, however, ob-
jected to BriUmum, suggesting Anglarum, Hort soon
filaced the matter beyond the possibility of doubt,
n an anonymous life of Geolfria, the chief source of
Bede's information, which, though twice published,
had been overlooked by all, Hort found the story
about Ceolfrid journeying to Rome and cariying the
pandect inscribed with the verses: —
Corpus ad eximii merito venerabilb Petri
Dbdicat ecclesi-« quem caput alta tides
CEOLFRIDUS, ANOLORUM EXTIMIS DE FINIBU8 ABBAS
— etc. Despite the variations, there could be no doubt
of their identity with the dedicatory verses of Amiar
tinus; Corpus was of course the original, not CtUmen,
and Anglcnrum, not BriUmum; the other differences
were perhaps due to a lapse of memory, or this version
may represent the original draft of the dedication.
De Rossi's chief point was proved right.. It estab-
lished the fact that Amiatinus originated in Northum-
berland about the be^ning of the eighth century,
having been made, as Bede states, at Ceolfrid 's order.
It does not follow, however, that the scribe was an
Enslishman; - the writing and certain peculiarities of
or£ography have led some to believe him an Italian.
We know that these two monasteries had brought over
a Roman musician to train the monks in the Roman
chant, and they may also, for a similar purpose, have
procured from Italy a skilled calligrapher. The hand-
writing of Amiatinus bears a strong resemblance to
some fragments of St. Luke in a Durham MS., to N.-T.
fragments boimd up with the Utrecht Psalter, and to
the Stonyhurst St. John; these facts, together with
Bede's statement that Ceolfrid had three pandects
written, indicate that ** there was a large and flourishing
school of calli^phy at Wearmouth or Jarrow in the
seventh and eighth centuries, of which till lately we
had no knowledge at all" (White). This conclusion
is confirmed by peculiarities in the text and in certain
of the summaries.
The contents of the first quaternion of Amiatinus
coincide so remarkably with descriptions of the cele-
brated Codex Grandior of Casstodorus that^it has been
supposed the leaves were transferred from it bodfly;
the conjecture has been rendered more credible by the
fact that this codex was actually seen in £n^land by
Bede, perhaps before Amiatinus was carried to Rome.
Moreover, the contents of our codex do not correspond
exactly to the list prefixed which piirports to give the
contents. These reasons, however, would only prove
that the Codex Grandior served as the model, which
seems indubitaUe; while, on the other hand, weighty
reasons have been urged against the other attractive
hypothesis (see White and de Rossi).
Despite the lowering of its date by a century and a
half, Amiatinus holds the first place for purity of text
aroon^ the manuscripts of the Vulgate. Its excel-
lence 18 best explained on the ground that its proto-
type was an ancient Italian manuscript, perhaps one
of those brought from Rome by Beneaict ciscop, per-
haps one brought by Adrian, abbot of a monastery
near Naples, when in 668 he accompanied Benedict and
Theodore to Endand. It is remarkable that Amiatinus
and the other Northumbrian codices are nearest in
text to Italian MSS., especially to Southern Italian,
and to MSS. betraying Italian descent. The group to
which it belongs bears the closest relationship to the
best-esteemed Greek MSS. extant, M, B. (Cf. Manu-
scripts OF THE Bible ; Criticism, Bibucal, sub-title
Textual,) In the Old Testament, the text is not of
equal purity throu^out; Berger, e. g., notes the in-
feriority of Wisdom and Ecdesiasticus, and Tischen-
dorf of Maohabees. The Psalter does not present the
Vulgate text, but St. Jerome's translation from the
Hebrew (cf. Psalter; Vulgate). The excellence of
the Amiatine text is not a new discovery: it was well
known to the Sixtine revisers of the Vulgate, who used
it constantly and preferred it, as a rule, to any other.
To this is largely due the comparative purity of the
official Vul^te text and its freedom from so many of
the corruptions found in the received Greek text,
which rests, as is well known, on some of the latest
and most imperfect Greek MSS.
White, The Codex Amiatinus and Ita Birth^jaee in Studia
Biblica (Oxford, 1890), II; Wobdsworth ano White, Novum
Testamenium Latine (Oxford, 1898); de Rossi, La Bibbia
Offtrta da Ceolfrido (Rome. 1887, oontaining a photomphio
facsimile of the dedicatory verses^; Berger, BiaUnre de la
Vulgaie (Paris, 1893); Batiffol m Viootjroux, Diet, de la
Bible 'Paris, 1892), a. v. Amiatinue, with facsimile of part of a
pa«e of St. Lake. A series of letters to the Academy, 1886-89,
byWoRDswoHTH. Hort, Corssen, Sanday, H.uiann. Browne.
etc., constitute the most exhaustive discussion. The text of
the N. T. was published by Ti9cheni>orf (1850, 1854) and by
'nuBOELLBs (1857); O. T. not yet published, but collated in
Hetse and Tibchsndorf. Biblia Latina (Leipzig, 1873). The
Palasographical Society has published two facsimile pages.
John F. Fenlon.
Ck>dez Besa (Codex Caih'Abrigiensis), one of th6
five most important Greek New Testament MSSl,
and the most interesting of all on account of ita pecu-
liar readings; scholars designate it by the letter D
(see Criticism, Biblical, sub-title Textual), It re-
ceives ita name from Theodore Beza, the friend and suo-
cessor of C^vin, and from the University of Cambridge,
which obtained it as a gift from Beaa in 1581 and still
possesses it. The text is bilingual, Greek and Latin.
The manuscripti written in uncial characters, forms a
quarto volume, of excellent vellum, 10x8 inches,
with one column to a page, the Greek being on the
left page (considered the place of honour), the paral-
lel Latm facing it on the right page. It has been
reproduced in an excellent photo^phic facsimile,
published (1899) by the University of Cambridge. .
The codex contains only the Four Gospels, in the
order once common in the West, Matthew, John,
Luke, Mark, then a few verses (11-15), in Latin only,
of the Third Epistle of St. John, and the Acts. There
are missing, however, from the MS. of the original
scribe, in the Greek, Matt., i, 1-20; [iii, 7-16]; vi, 20-
ix, 2; xxvii, 2-12; John i, 16-iii, 26; [xvin, 14-xx,
13]; fMk. xvi, 15-20]; Acts, viii, 29-x, 14; xxi, 2-10,
16-18; xxii, 10-20; xxii,29-xxviii, 31; in the Latin,
Matt., i, 1-11; pi, 21 -iii, 7]; vi, 8-viii, 27; xxvi, 65-
xxvii, 1; John, i, 1-iii, 16; fxviii, 2-xx, 1]; {Mk.,xvi,
6-20]; Acts, viii, 20-x, 4; xx, 31-xxi, 2, 7-10; xxii,
2-10; xxiii, 20-xxviii, 31. The passages in brackets
have been supphed by a tenth-century hand. It will
be noticed that St. Luke^s Gospel alone, of the books
contained, is preserved complete. The condition of
the book shows a gap between the Gospels and Acts;
and the fragment of III John indicates that, as in
other ancient MSS., the Catholic Epistles were placed
there. The fact that the Epistle of Jude does not
immediately precede Acts is regarded as pointing to
its omission from the codex; it may, however, have
been placed elsewhere. We cannot tell whether the
MS. contained more of the New Testament, and there
is no indication that it was, like the other great unciaJ
OODEX
84
OODEX
MSSv ever iomed to the text of the Old Tefltament.
Beridlee the nand of the original scribe, there are cor-
rections in several different hands, some probably
contemporarv with the original, later liturgical anno-
tations and the sortes sanctorum , or formula for telling
fortunes; all these are important for tracing the his-
torv of the MS.
Beza wrote in the letter accompanying his gift
that the MS. was obtained from the monastery of St.
Irenffius in Lyons, during the war in 1562. Lyons
was sacked by the Huguenots in that year and this
MS. was probably part of the loot. The reformer said
it had lam in the monastery for long ages, neglected
and covered with dust; but his stat^ent is rejected
by most modem scholars. It is claimed, in fact, that
this codex is the one which was used at the Council of
Frent in 1546 by William Dupr^ (English writers per-
sist in calling this Frenchman k mXo), Bishop of
Clermont in Auvei^gne, to confirm a Latm reading of
John, xxi, 81 eum volo manere, which is found only in
the Greek of this codex. Moreover, it is uoially iden-
tified with Codex /S', whose peculiar readings were
collated in 1546 for Stephens' edition of the Greek
Testament by friends of his in Italy. Beza himself,
after having first denominated his codex LvgdunensUj
later called it ClaronumlanuSf as if it came not from
Lyons, but from Clermont (near Beauvais, not Cler-
mont of Auvei^e). All this, throwing Beza's orig-
inal statement mto doubt, indicates that the BIS. was
in Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, and
has some bearing upon the locality of the production.
It has commonly been held that the MS. originated
in Southern France about the beginning of the sixth
century. No one places it at a later date, chiefly on
the evidence of the nandwriting. France was chosen,
partly because the MS. was found there, partly be-
cause churches in Lyons and the South were of Greek
foundation and for a long time continued the use of
Greek in the Liturgy, while Latin was the vernacular
— for some such community, at any rate, this bilin-
gual codex was produced — and partly because the
text of D bears a remarkable resemblance to the text
quoted by St. Irenseus, even, sajrs Nestle, in the mat-
ter of clerical mistakes, so that it is possibly derived
from his very copy. During the past five years, how-
ever, the opinion of the best English textual critics
has been veerinj; to Southern Italy as the original
home of D. It is pointed out that the MS. was used
by a church practising the Greek Rite, as the hturgi-
cal annotations concern the Greek text alone; that
these aimotations date from the ninth to the eleventh
century, exactly the period of the Greek Rite in
Southern Italy, while it had died out elsewhere in
Latin Christendom, and show that the Byzantine
Masa-lections were in use, which cannot have been
the case in Southern France. The corrections, too,
which concern the Greek text and but rarely the
Latin^ the spelling, and the calendar all point to
Southern Italy. These arguments, however, touch
only the home of the MS., not its birthplace, and
MSS. have travelled from one end of Europe to the
other. Ravenna and Sardinia, where Greek and
Latin influences also met, have likewise been sug-
gested. It can only be said that the certainty with
which till recently it was ascribed to Southern France
has been shaken, and the probabilities now favour
Southern Italy.
Following Scrivener, scholars universally dated it
from the beginning of the sixth century, but there is
a tendency now to place it a hundred years earlier.
Scrivener himself admitted that the handwriting was
not inconsistent with this early date, and only as-
signed it a later date by reason of the Latinity of the
annotations. But the corrupt Latin is not itself in-
compatible with an earlier date, while the freedom
with which the I>atin N. T. text is handled indicates
a time when the Old Latin version was still current.
It probably belongs to the fifth century.^ Nothing
necessitates a later date.
The type of text found in D is very ancient, vet ft
has survived in this one Greek MS. alone, thougn it is
found also in the Old Latin, the Old S3rnac, and the
Old Armenian versions. It is the so-called Western
Text, or one type of the Western Text. All the
Fathera before tne end of the third century used
a similar text and it can be traced back to su&-
Apostolic times. Its value is discussed elsewhere.
D departs more widely than any other Greek codex
from the ordinary text, compared with which as a
standard, it is characterized by numerous additions^
I>araphra8tic renderings, inversions, and some omis'
sions. (For collation of text, see Scrivener, Bezss
Codex, pp. xlix-bdii: Nestle, Novi Test. Grseci Sup-
plementum, Gebharat and iWhendorf ed., Leipzigr
1896.) One interpolation is worth noting here. Af-
ter Luke, vi, 5, we read: "On the same day seeing
some one working on the Sabbath, He said to him:
* O man, if you know what you do, blessed are you;
but if you do not know, you are cursed and a trans-
gressor of the law'." The most important oxniission,
probably, is the second mention of ihb cup in Luke's
account of the Last Supper.
The Latin text is not the Vulgate, nor yet the Old
Latin, which it resembles more closely. It seems to
be an independent translation of the Greek that faces
it, though the fact that it contains two thousand varia-
tions from its accompanying Greek text have led some
to doubt this. Of tnis number, however, only seven
hundred and sixteen are said to be real variant read-
ings, and some of these are derived from the Vulgate.
If the translation be independent, both the Vulnte
and Old Latin have influenced it greatj^; as tune
went on, the influence of the Vulgate grew and proba-
bly extended even to modifications of the GrecK text.
Chase, however, traces many of the variants to an
original Syriac influence. The text, which was in so
great honour in the Early Church, possesses a fasci-
nation for certain scholars, who occasionally prefer its
readings; but none professes to have reiUly solved the
mystery of its origin.
ScsxVENKR, Beza Codtx text, introduction, and not«B VCbm-
bridge. 1864); Idem, An lrUrod%tclwn to tha Textual CrUicitm
of the New Teatament (London, 1894); Harbm, Study of Codex
Beza, in the Cambridge Texts and Studies (Cambridge, 1893);
Idem, Four Leeturee on the Weelem Text (London, 1894); Idem,
The Anhotaton of the Codex Beta (London, 1901); Westoott
AND HoRT, Greek New Testament (New Yorlc). II; Gba8Ev7A«
Old Syriac Element in the Text of Codex Beza (Ixnxdon, 1893);
Idem, The Syro-Latin TexU of the Oospela (London. 1896);
BuRKiTT, Tfie Date of Codex Beza, in The Journal of TKootof
ical Studies (July, 1902); valuable studies by Lajkb and
Brightman. ibid., vol. I; Blabs, Philology of the Gospels
(London. 1898); Idem, Ada Apostolorum (Blaas's reooitftrue*
tion of Western Text of Acts) (LeipEig. 1896); Watas. IXr
Codex D in der Apostelgeschichts (Leipxig. 189^.
John F. Fenlom;
Oodex Oanonum. See Canons, CoLLVcnoir of
Ancibnt.
Oodex Cphrami Rescriptua (symbol C). last in
the group of the four great nn<Aa\ MSS. of tne Oreek
Bible, received it0 name from the treatises of St.
Ephrsem the Syrian (translated into Greek) which
were written over the original text. This took place
in Uie twelfth centui^, the ink of the Scriptural text
having become partiallv effaced through fading or
rubbing. Several Bibhcal codices are palimpsests
(see A£iNtTBORiPTB OP TBB Biblb), of wtiich Codex
Ephnemi is the most important. After the fall of
Constantinople it waa brought to Florence; thence it
was carried to Paris by (]!atherine de' Medici, and has
passed into the posseasion of the National Libraiy.
Through Pierre Alix,Montf«ucon, and Boivin, atten-
tion was called to the und^lyi^ text, and some of its
readings given to the world. Tne first complete col-
lation of the N. T. was made by Wetstcin (1716).
Tischendorf published the N. T. in 1843 and the
OODSX
85
OODSZ
O. T. in 1845. Tlie torn coadition of many leaves, tho
faded atate of the ink, and the covering of the
original writing by the latter made the decipnerment
an extremely difficult task; some portions are hope-
loBsiy illegible. Tischendoif, then a yoimg man, won
hia r^utation through this achievement. His results,
however, have not been checked by other scholars,
and 80 cannot yet be accepted without caution.
The codex, of good vellum, measures 12^ inches by
9 inches; there is but one column to a page, C being
the earliest example of this kind. The writing is a
little larger than that of K; A, and B; the first hand
inserted no breathing or accents, and onhr an occa-
sional apostrophe. The period is marked by a single
point. Laive capitals are frequent, as in A. The
maiigin of the Gospels contains the Ammtmian Sec-
tions, but not the numbers of the Eusebian Canons,
which were probably written in vermilion and have
'ToZi.eeTi xn kxahx-«
T H N TCU N CXK€ Y
OM 6 N cu Km f: TKO
ciNOJcnenoiH
MeNCONlHXMlM-l
TAM H CAAeVOM €NK
A.1 O R XC t\ei XN XCA
XCYTON nxi'XA.xu.
EXMONTeceXOH^
>CKflHXlHCAXTP«T
OMeNeyxfecTcu*
TCU e OD H.€ TX€r|>X
R I XCK XlliwfeOyc K>4
rxpoeic H MO) M nif
KXTXNXXICKTON- '
H <pi XX Jb.eXcbi XM*
H€TCUTH KCbiXo
^eisiixt^MH^nixx
Codex Sinaiticub, Hebhewb, xn, 27-xn
MS. IN Impebial Libbart,
another. "Sometimes", says Kenyon, "it agrees
with the neutral group of manuscripts, sometunes
with the Western, not unfrequently with the Alexan-
drian and perhaps oftenest with the Syrian". From
certain displacements in the Apocalypse, Hort infers
that the book was copied from a codex of small leaves. ^
Such an exemplar would not be used in church serv-
ices and would have no guarantee of a good text. Pos-
sibly the rest of the MS. was copied from similar
codices.
TiacHENDORF, Codex Ephngmi Syri ReseriptuM (LeipnE,
1843-1845); Swete. OW Testament in Greek fCambrid«e, 1890.
II, pp. xiii, xiv. See also bibliography of Codex Alexan-
DRINUS.
JoKs F. Fbnlon.
Oodex SinaiticoB (symbol K, though Swete and
a few other scholars use S), a Greek manuscript of the
Old and New Testaments, of the greatest antiquity
fMlNTOHAOrON
Tovey^A^ N XN X0C
a>fOYNT€CTMH«K
RXCINTHCA.NXC7[i
d>HCM iMeicexiTH
niCTIN
lcx"cexeecKxicH
MepoNoxcnrocK
eiCTOYCXICDNX*
A^ixxxxicrioiKi
XAICKXIZeNXiCMi
nxfX<l>efeceekx
XONrXfXXfiTiRe
K XI oyce eTH n K*f
XlXNOyBf<JDMX«IM
eNoicoYKa>d>€
XH ej-^cxN o I n cfi
nxT<
m
T€C
t, 2, AND XIII, 7-9, IV Century,
St. Petersburg
faded awav. The Euthalian chapters are missing;
the BubflcnptioDS are brief. From these indications
and the character of the writing, Codex C is placed in
thefirsthalf of the fifth oentui^r, along with A. Tisch-
endorf distinguished two scribes (contemporaries),
one for O. T.. the other for N. T., and two correctors,
one (C*) <^ tne sixth, the other (G*) of the ninth cen-
tuiy; he conjectured that ^jffpt was the place of
origin. With the exception of Tischendorf no modem
has really studied the MS.
Orieinally the whole Bible seems to have been oon-
taineoin it. At.present, of the O. T. only some of the
Hagiographa survive, in an imperfect state, namely
nearly all of Ecclesiastes, about half of Eoclesiasticus
and Wisdom, with fragments of Proverbs and Canti-
dee — in all 64 leaves. About two-thirds of the N« T.
(145 leaves) remain, including portions of all the
books except II Thess. and II John; no book is com-
plete. The text of C is said to be very good in Wis-
dom, very bad in Ecclesiasticus, two books for which
its tefitimony is important. The N. T. text is verv
mixed; the scribe seems to have had before him MSS.
of different t3rpe8 and to have followed now one now
and value; found on Mount Sinai, in St. Catherine's
Monasterv, hf Constantine Tischendorf. He was
visiting there m 1844, under the patronage of Fred-
erick Augustus, Kin£ of Saxony, when he discovered
in a rubbish basket forty-three leaves of the Septua-
eint, containing portions of 1 Par. (dSiron.), Jer.,
Neh., and Esther; he was pjennitted to take them.
He also saw the books of Isaias and I and IV Mach.,
belonging to the same oodex as the fragments, but
could not obtain possession of them; warning the
monks of their value, he left for Europe and two years
later published the leaves he had brought with him
under the name of Codex Friderico-Augustanus, after
his patron. Tliey are preserved at Leipzig. On a
second visit, in 1853, he found only two short frag*
ments of Genesis (which he printed on his return) and
could learn nothing of the rest of the codex. In 1859
he made a third visit, this time under the patronage
of the Czar, Alexander II. This visit seemed likewise
fruitless when, on the eve of his departure, in a chance
conversation with the steward, he learned of the ex-
istence of a manuscript there ; when it was shown to
him, he saw the very manuscript he had sought con-
dot)li:it
86
ooosx
Gaining, beyond all his dreams, a great pari of the Old
Testament and the entire New Testament, besides the
Epistle of Barnabas, and part of the "Shepherd" of
Hermas, of which two works no copies in the original
, Greek were known to exist. Thinking it *' a crime to
nieep '', Tischendorf spent the night copying Barnabas;
\ie had to leave in tne morning, after failing to per-
suade the monks to let him have the manuscript. At
Cairo he stopped at a monastery belonging to the
same monks (they were of the Orthodox Greek
Church) and succeeded in having the manuscript sent
to him there for transcription; and finally, in obtain-
ing it from the monks as a present to the Czar, Tisch-
endorf's patron and the protector of their Church.
Years later, in 1869, the Cfzar.rewarded the two mon-
asteries with gifts of money (7000 and 2000 roubles
each) and decorations. The manuscript is treasured
in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg. Tischen-
dorf published an account of it in 1860; and, under
the auspices of the csar, printed it in facsimile in
1S62. Twenty-one lithographic plates made from
photographs were included in this edition, which was
i38ued in four volumes. Tlie following year he pub-
lished a critical edition of the New Testament. Fi-
nally, in 1867, he published additional fragments of
Genesis and Numbers, which had been used to bind
other volimt^es at St. Catherine's and had been dis-
covered by the Archimandrite Porfirius. On four dif-
ferent occasions, then, portions of the original manu-
script have been discovered; they have never been
published together in a single edition.
The Codex Sinaiticus, which originaliv must have
contained the whole Old Testament, has suffered
severelv from mutilation, especially in the historical
books from Genesis to Esdras (inclusive) ; the rest of
the O. T. fared much better. The fragments and
books extant are: several verses from Gen., xxiii and
xxiv, and from Num., v, vi, vii; I Par.,*ix, 27-xix,
17; f^sdras, ix, 9 to end; Nehemias, Esther, Tobias,
Judith, Joel, Abdias, Jonas, Nahum, Habaoiic, Sopho-
nias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malacbias, Isaias, Jeremias,
Lamentations, i, 1-ii, 20; I Mach., IVMach. (apocry-
phal, while the canonical II Mach. and the apocrvphal
III Mac^. were never contained in this oodeac). A
curious occurrence- is that Esdras, ix, 9, follows I Par.,
xix, 17 without any break; the note of a corrector
shows that seven leaves of I Par. were copied into the
Book of Esdras, probably by a mistake in the bindinjg
of the MS. from which fi< was copied. Oitr Esdras is
called in this codex, as in many others, Esdras B. This
may indicate that it followed Esdras A, as the book
called by Jerome III Esdras (see Esdras) is named in
ancient codices; the proof is by no means sure, how-
ever, as IV Mach. is here designated Mach. D, as was
usual, although the second and third books of Mach.
were absent from the MS. The New Testament is com-
plete, likewise the Epistle of Barnabas; six leaves fol-
lowing Barnabas are lost, which probably also con-
tained uncanonical literature: the "Shepherd" of
Hermas is incomplete, and we cannot tell whether other
works followed. In all, there are 346 J leaves. The
order of the N. T. is to be noted, St. Paul's Emstles pre*
ceding Acts ; Hebrews following II Thess. The manu-
script is on good parchment; the pages measure about
15 inches by 13J inches; there are four columns to a
page, except in the poetical books, which are written
stichometrically in two columns of fireater width;
there are 48 lines to a column, but 47 m the Catholic
Epistles. The four narrow col umns give the page the
appearance of an ancient roll ; it is not impossible, as
Kenyon says, that it was in fact copied from a papyrus
roll. It is written in uncial characters, well formed,
without accents or breathings, and with no punctua-
tion except (at times) the apostrophe and the single
point for a period. Tfechendorf judged that there
were four hands engaged in the writing of the manu-
script; in this he has been generally followed. He
has been less happy in obtaining acceptance of tus
conjecture that one of these scnbes also wrote the
New Testament of the Vatican Codex. He recog-
nised seven correctors of the text, one of them con-
temporaneous with the writing of the MS. The
Ammonian Sections and the Eusebian Canons are in-
dicated in the margin, probably by a contemporary
hand; they seem to have been unknown to the
scribe, however, who followed another division. The
clerical errors are relatively not numerous, in Greg-
ory's judgment.
In age this manuscript ranks alongside the Codex
Vaticanus. Its antiquity is shown by the writing, by
the four columns to a page (an indication, probably,
of the transition from the roll to the codex form of
MS.), by the absence of the large initial letters and of
ornaments, by the rarity of punctuation, by the short
titles of the books, the presence of divisions of the text
antedating Eusebius^ the ^dition of Barnabas and
Hennas^ etc. Such mdications have induced experts
to place it in the fourth century, alon^ with B and
some time before A and C; this conclusion is not seri-
ously questioned, thou^ the possibility of an early
fifth-century date is conceded. Its origin has been
assigned to Rome, Southern Italy, Egypt, and Caesa-
rca,but cannot be determined (Kenyon, Handbook to
the Textual Criticism of the N. T., London, 1901,
p. 56 sqq.). It seems to have been at. one time at
Ciesarea; one of the correctors (probably of seventh
century) adds this note at the end of Esdras: "Thin
codex was compated witn a very ancient exemplar
which had been corrected by the hand of the holy
martyr Pamphflus [d- 309]; whfch exemplar contained
at the end tne subscription- in his own hand: 'Taken
and corrected accordmg to the Hexapla of Origen:
Antonius compared it: 1,'Pamphilus, corre<rtpd it'."
Pamphilus was, with Eusebius, the founder of tht? library
at CsBsarea. Some are even inclined lo regard feC as one
of the fifty MSS. which Constantine bade Eusebius of
Caesarea to have prepafed'in 331 for the churches of
Constantinople; but there is no sign of its havuig been
at Constantmofde. Nothing is known of its later his-
tory till ite discovery by Tischendorf, The text of K
bears a verv dose resemblance to that of B, though it
cannot be descendedrf rom the same immediate ances^
tor. In general^ B is placed first in point of purity
by contemporary scholars and K next. This is especi-
ally true, for the N. T., of the Gospels. The differ-
ences are more frequent in the O. T, irhfere K and
A often agree.
The e^itiona of TtsCHSWDOKr (see above); SWktv:, Introduc-
tion lo the Old Testament in Oreek (Cambridge, 1900); see also
works on N.-T. criticism mentioned under Codex Albxan-
OBINUS.
John F. Fenlon.
Oodez Vaticaaas (Codbx B), a Greek manuscript,
the most important of all the manuscripts of Holy
Scripture. It is so called because it belongs to the
Vatican Library {Codex VaiicanuSy 1209).
This codex is a quarto volume written in unoia)
lettera of the fourth century, on folios of fine parch-
ment bound in quintems. Each page is divided into
three columns of forty lines each, with from sixteen
to eighteen letters to a line, except in the poetical
books, where, owing to the stichometric division of
the lines, there are but two columns to a page. There
are no capital letters, but at times the first letter of a
section extends over the margin. Several hands
worked at the manuscript; the first writer inserted
neither pauses nor accents, and made use but rarely
of a simple punctuation. Unfortunately, the codex
is mutilated; at a later date the missing folios were
reolaced by others. Thus, the first twenty original
folios are missing; a part of folio 178, and ten folios
after fol. 348; also the final quintems, whose number
it is impossible to establish. There are extant in all
759 original folios.
OODEX
87
OODEX
The Old Testament (Septuagint Version, except
Daniel, which is taken from the Version of Theodo-
tion) takes up 617 folios. On account of the afore-
mentioned lacunae, the Old Testament text lacks the
following passages: Gen., i-xlvi, 28; II Kings, ii, 5-7,
10-13; Pss. cv, 27-cxxxvii, 6. The order of the
books of the Old Testament is as follows: Genesis to
Second Paralipomenon, First and Second Esdras,
Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles,
Job, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Esther, Judith, Tobias,
the Minor Prophets from Osee to Malachy, Isaias,
Jeremias, Baruch, Lamentations and Epistle of Jere-
mias, Ezechiel, Daniel; the Vatican Codex does not
contain the Prayer of Manasses or the Books of
Machabees. The New Testament begins at fol. 618.
Owing to the loss of the final quinterns, a portion of
the Pauline Epistles is missing: Heb., ix, 14-xiii, 25,
the Pastoral Letters, Epistle to Philemon; also the
discovered by him, is rightly considered to be the
oldest extant copy of the Bible. Like the Codex
Sinaiticus it represents what Westcott and Hort call
a "neutral text", i. e. a text that antedates the modi-
fications found in all later manuscripts, not only the
modifications found in the less ancient Antiochene
recensions, but also those met with in the Extern and
Alexandrine recensions. It may be said that the
Vatican Codex, written in the first half of the fourth
century, represents the text of one of those recensions
of the Bible which were current in the third century,
and that it belongs to the family of manuscripts made
use of by Origen in the composition of his Hexapla.
The originaihome of the Vatican Codex is uncertain.
Hort thinks it was written at Rome; Rendel iFiarris,
Armitage Robinson, and others attribute it to Asia
Minor. A more common opinion maintains that it
was written in Egypt. Armitage Robinson believes
i
j c^ b^e K I A w o K nr >w t - f uj
• K Yk K N i p| KT r c e € I c *;ni
S< O A O M O^ 6 PXCD 6 UaUK
■, xri^c;rwh<iLfeKKHi'yMi^«
Hf r>'i^ H;r>l i!j OM I MAKt '
:0y I c| i. HK Ku 1 4 J H ro Y^ ;
jM fwo r A^-FQ Y^jv^y»<li
Ta> i^i I e f € uj 1* no A A in
urn- ^ I \ . . t
CoDKX Vaticanub, III EsDRAB (Afocrtphal)
46-49
Apocalypse. It is possible that there mav also be
some extra-canonical writings missing, like the Epistle
of Clement. The order of tne New Testament books
is as follows: Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, Catholic
Epistles, St. Paul to the Romans, Corinthians (I-II),
Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Thessalonians (I-
II), Hebrews.
In the Vatican Codex we find neither the Ammonian
Sections nor the Eusebian Canons (q. v.). It is, how-
ever, divided into sections, after a manner that is
common to it with the Codex Zacjmthius (Cod. S), an
eighth-century Scriptural manuscript of St. Luke.
The Acts of the Apostles exhibit a special division into
thirty-six chapters. The Catholic Epistles bear traces
of a double division, in the first ana earlier of which
some believe that the Second Epistle of Peter was
wanting, llie division of the Pauline Epistles is quite
peciiliar: they are treated as one book, and numbered
continuously. It is clear from this enumeration that
in the copy of the Scriptures reproduced by the Vati-
can Codex the Epistle to the Hebrews was placed
between the Epistle to the Galatians and the Epistle
to the Ephesians.
Tlie Vatican Codex, in spite of the views of Tlschen-
dorf , who held for the priority of the Codex Sinaiticus,
rr^ or a c^^kVa i an a E U^
g AC 1^^ e I e nrai H X A A Aiwt
'co w'6 Ynro i iJ/i e Knr^m x
TO YCH> AM I C KpyrlY
TuiK€N>6M<feArAnefr
KAipY)<"^<b«lCAH-nc* ^
>4 € A i^ Tc K dfy t<ei; in Ap
e€NOYK4»nrecKY^T
nKwrAcnAr^iwu>K*^N ^
e I e TA c X € y ? JsC A ynji^
K A t n AMTATA ( G f e Ac K-y
H "TOyXYTAM etAAAtf
.TKM e I KP AK^ rTACKIli -
^o ycT^oy KY K A I *ri^c
a^fc. CI Ki Hfiic A n a© H i<A*
A N A A 1^ 6 o'n ^mcJiry hn *r
H: A N C I C I A K YAcji H AKXt
AND 1, 52-54, IV Cbnturt. MS. in Vatican Libr.vry
that both the Yaticanus and the Sinaiticus were origi-
nally together in some ancient library. His opinion
is based on the fact that in the margins of both manu-
scripts IB found the same special system of chapters
for the Acts of the Apostles, taken from the division
of Euthalius, and found in two other important codices
(Amiatinus and Fuldensis) of the Latin Vulgate.
Tischendorf believed that three hands had work«l at
the transcription of the Vatican Codex. He identified
(?) the first nand (B*), or transcriber, of the Old Testa-
ment with the transcriber of a part of the Old Testa-
ment and some folios of the New Testament in the
Codex Sinaiticus. This primitive text was revised,
shortly after its original transcription, with the aid of
a new manuscript, by a corrector (B* — For the Old
Testament B* is quoted by Swete as B'). Six centu-
ries after (accordmg to some), a third hand (B*, B*)
retraced the faded letters, leaving but very little of
the original untouched. According to Fabiani, how-
ever, this retracing was done early in the fifteenth
century by the monk Clemens (qui scbcuIo XV ineunte
floruisse videtur). In modem times (fifteenth-six-
teenth century) the missing folios were added to the
codex, in order, as Treeelles conjectures, to prepare it
for use in the Vatican Library. Old catalogues show
CODRIHGTOK
88
OO-BDUOATIOH
thai it was there m the fifteenth century. Tlie addi-
tioa to the New Testament was Usted by Scrivener as
Cod. 263 (in Gregory, 293) for the Epistle to the
Hebrews, and Cod. 91, for the Apocalypse. Napoleon
I had the codex brought to Paris (where Hug was
enabled to study it), but it was afterwards returned
to the Holv See, with some other remnants of Roman
booty, and replaced in the Vatican Library. There
are various collations, editions, and studies of the
Vatican Codex. The collations are: (1) that of
Bartolocci (Giulio di S. Anastasia), formerly librarian
of the Vatican; it was done in 1669 and is preserved
in MS.— Gr. Suppl. 53 of the Biblioth^ue Nationale —
at Paris (a noted under the sigla: Blc); (2) that of
Birch (Bch) published at Copenhagen in 1798 for the
Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles, in 1800 for the
Apocalypse, in 1801 for the Gospels ; (3) that executed
for Bentley (Btly) by the Abbate Mico about 1720 on
the margin of a copy of the Greek New Testament
which was published at Strasburg, 1524, bv Cephalsus:
this copy IS among Bentley 's books in the library oi
Trinity College, Cambridge — the collation itself was
published in Ford's appendix to Woide's edition of
the Codex Alexandrinus in 1799; (4) a list of the
alterations executed 1i>y the original copyist or by his
correctors, edited at the request of Bentley by the
Abbate Rulotta with the aid of the Abbate de Stosch
(Kit) ; this list was supposed to have perished, but it
is extant among the Bentley papers in the library of
Trinity (College, Cambridge, under the sigla: B. 17.20;
(5) in 1860 Alford, and in 1862 Cure, examined a
select number of the readings of the Vatican Codex,
and published the results of their labours in the first
volume of Alford's Greek Testament. Many other
scholars have made special collations for their own
purposes, e. g. Tregelles, Tischendorf, Alford, etc.
Among tne works written on the Vatican Codex we
may indicate: Bourgon, "Letters from Rome" (Lon-
don, 1861). In the second volume of the Catalogue
of Vatican Greek MSS., executed according to the
modem scientific method for the cataloguing of the
Vatican Libraxy, there is a description of the Codex
Vaticanus.
As to the editions of this codex, the Roman edition
of the Septuagint (1587) was based on the Vaticanus.
Similarly, the Cambridge edition of Swete follows it
regularly and makes use of the Sinaiticus and the
AJexandrinus only for the portions that are lacking
in the Vaticanus. The first Roman edition appeared
in 1858, under the names of Mai and Vercellone, and,
under the same names, a second Roman edition in
1859. Both editions were severely criticized by
Tischendorf in the edition he brought out at Leipzig
in 1867, ** Novum Testamentum Vaticaniun, poet A.
Mail aliorumque imperfectos labores ex ipso codice
editum", with an appendix (1869). The third Roman
edition (Verc.) appeared under the names of Vercel-
lone (died 1869) and CozzsrLuzi (died 1905) in 1868-
81 ; it was accompanied by a photographic reproduc-
tion of the text: "Bibliorum SS. Gracorum Cod. Vat.
1209, Cod. B, denuo phototypice expressus, jussu et
cur& prsesidum Bibliothecae Vaticanie" (Milan, 1904-
6). This edition contains a masterly anonymous
introduction (by Giovanni Mercati), in which the
writer corrects many inexact statements made by
previous writers. Until recently the privilege of con-
sulting this ancient manuscript auite freely and fully
was not granted to all who sought it. The material
condition of the Vatican Codex is better, ^nerally
speaking, than that of its contemporaries; it is fore-
seen, however, that within a century it will have
fallen to pieces unless an efficacious remedy, which is
being earnestly sought for, shall be discovered.
The Biblical Dictionaries of Viaounoux and HAarxNoa;
Introdudions of Cornelt, Brxoob. Strack; Txbcrendorv,
Svnop8i» Evano*liea (7th ed., Leipiig. 1898); Idem, ProUpo-
mena to Oi€ New TettamefU (20th ed., or editio octavo major,
Lripiig, 1809; editio octavo miner, Iveipsis, 1872), revised after
Tiacheudorf'a deatli by Gregory (Lcipsis. 18S4); Swltk. 7Vi«
Old Testament in Oreek, I, p. xni; Webtcx>tt and Hort. The
New Testament in Greek, introd., p. 60; Ai^obd. The GrtA
Testamient (Cambridge, 1898). I, 107; Abmitaoi: Robinson.
Euthaliana, ch. xxx\ii.
U. Benigni.
Oodrington, Thomas (d. 1691?), Catholic divme,
chiefly known for his attempt to introduce into Eng-
land the "Institute of Secular Priests Li vine in Com-
munity", founded in Bavaria by Bartnolomaus
Holzhauser. He was educated ana ordained priest
at Douai, where he taught humanities for a time.
Later on he lived with Cardinal Howard at Rome,
acting as his chaplain and secretary. He returned
to England in Jidv, 1684, and on the accession of
James II in the following year, he was appointed one
of the royal chaplains and preachers in ordinary.
While he was in Rome he had joined the institute
above mentioned, in which Cardmal Howard took a
great personal interest, and his return to England
seemed to the superior, Father Hofer, a favourable
opportunity for extendmg the institute. Accord-
ingly Mr. Codrington and his companion, Mr. John
Morgan, were appointed procurators to introduce the
institute into England. The object of the society,
the constitutions of which had been approved by
Innocent XI in 1680, was to encourage conununity-
life among the secular clergy. This was to be attained
by priests residing together, and doing their woric
from a common centre, all being subject to the bishop.
In this work he received much assistance from Car-
dinal Howard, who addressed letters both to the
secular clergy and to the dean of the chapter, exhort-
ing all En^h priests to join the institute. Even
before leaving Kome he had been active in propa-
gating the institute, and had, with his colleagues,
endeavoured not only to introduce it into all the
English colleges abroad, but even to make it obliga-
tory on the superiors by a decree. Some progress was
in fact made, but before much could be effected the
Revolution took place, and in 1688 James II fled from
England. Mr. Codrinfton followed his patron abroad
to Saint^Germain, where he continued to act as
chaplain until his death, which took place about 1691.
For some years strenuous efforts were made to spread
the institute in England, and in 1697 special consti-
tutions, designed to meet the peculiar circumstances
of English priests, were published with a preface,
which shows that several of the leading missioners
had joined it. The chapter, however, were unre-
lenting, on the ground that it was unsuitable in Eng-
land and wouldlead to dissensions among the clergy,
and ultimately Bishop Giffard suppre^sd it. Mr.
Codrington published a sermon preached before the
king and queen, 28 Nov., 1686, and another preached
before the queen-dowager, 6 Feb., 1687. The former
of these was republished in the 1741 reprint entitled
'* Catholic Sermons".
DoDD, Church Historj/, III, 484; Giixow, BiM. Diet, Bna.
Calh., I, 620 (London, 1885); Cooper in Diet. Nat, Biog., XI,
210 (London. 1887); Kirk, Biographies of English Catholies
(London. 1906).
Edwin Burton.
Oo-edncation. — ^The term is now generally reserved
to the practice of educating the sexes together; but
even in this sense it has a variety of meanings, (a)
Mere juxtaposition; this implies the use of the same
buildings and equipment under the same teaching
staff for the education of both sexes, but does not
oblige the sexes to follow the same methods or to live
under the same regimen, (b) Co-ordinate education;
the students are taught by the same methods and the
same teachers and are governed by the same general
administration ; but each sex has its own classes and,
in the case of a tmiversity, its separate college, (c)
Identioal education; both sexes are taught "the same
things, at the same time, in the same place, by the
OO-EDtJOATXOK
89
00-EDUOATION
same facility, with the same methods and imder the
same regimen. This admits a^ and proficiency, but
not sex, as a factor in classification " (Clarke, op. cit. be-
low, p. 121). It is in this third and narrowest sense
that co-education has been the subject of widespread
discussion for some time past. In the United States
especially the practice has grown rapidly during the
last fifty years, while in European countries it has de-
velopea more slowly.
Extent. — Elementary Schools. — At present co-edu-
cation is practically universal in tne elementary
grades of the public schools of the United States. It
also prevails to a large extent in the elementary grades
of private and denominational schools, including those
which are \mder Catholic direction, notably the pa-
rochial schools. — Secondary Schools. — ^According to
the Commissioner's Report for 1905-6, there were in
the United States 40 public high schools for bovs only,
with 22,044 students, and 29 schools for girls only,
with 23,203 students; while the co-educational high
schools numbered 7,962 having on their rolls 283,264
boys and 394,181 girls; the difference indicated by
these last figures is noteworthy. During the same
year there were under private direction 304 high
schoolfi for boys only, with 22,619 students; 600 high
schools for girls only, with 27,081 students ; while tne
private eo-educational schools numbered 725 with an
attendance of 26,487 boys and 25,568 girls. From
these statistics it appears that even in private high
schools the number of boys is larger where co-education
prevails than it is in schools exclusively for boys; and
that the number of girls in co-educational schools is not
very far below the number in schools exclusively for
girlfi. — Higher and Technical Educational Institutions. —
Of 622 universities, colleges, and technological schools
reporting to the United States Bureau of Education
for the year ended June, 1906, there werefor men only,
158; for women only, 129; for both men and women,
335. Comparison with earlier statistics shows a de-
cided advance in co-education. In 1889-90 the
women in co-educational colleges numbered 8075, in
schools of technology^ 707, and in colleges for women
only, 1979 ; the men m all colleges numbered 44,926.
In 1905-6 there were 31,443 women in co-educational
colleges and 6653 in colleges for women only; the
number of men students was 97,738.
The tendency in Europe, generally speaking, is to ad-
mit women to university courses of study, out under
restrictions which vary considerably from one country
to another. In Germany, women, for the most part,
attend the imiversity as "hearers", not as matricu-
lated students. The custom in England is that women
should reside in colleges of their own while receiving
the benefit of university education. There is also
considerable variety in the regulations concerning the
{^ranting of degrees to women. Replies to an inquiry
issued by the English Department of Education in
1897, with later revision (United States Commission-
er's Report for 1904, chap, xx), showed that of 112
universities on the Continent, in Great Britain, and in
the British colonies, 86 made no distinction between
men and women students, 6 admitted women by
courtesy to lectures and examinations, 20 permitted
them to attend some lectures only; of these 20 uni-
versities, 14 were German and 6 Austrian. The pro-
portion of women students to the total enrollment in
the universities of Central Europe is shown in the fol-
lowing table: —
Austria Total No. of Students, 22,749; Women, 1.323
Prance 33.618; .. 1.022
Germany „ „ .. .. 61,535; .. 1,938
Switserland ,. ., .. .. 9,483; .. 2,594
In England, provision for the higher education of
women began with the founding of Queen's College,
London (1848) and Bedforti (bllege (1849). In 1878
the University of London aflniitteil women to exam-
inations and degrees. The Honour <lcgrpe examina-
tions of Cambridge were opened to women (students
of Girton and Newnham colleges) in 1881 ; some of the
Oxford examinations were opened to women (stu-
dents of Somerville College and Lady Margaret Hall)
in 1884; the Scottish universities admitteaf women in
1892; the University of Durham in 1895; the Uni-
versity of Wales from its foundation in 1893. In Ire-
land, both the Royal University and Trinity College,
Dublin, receive women students. It should, how-
ever, be noted that the number of women following
universitv courses in England is still comparatively
small. In 1905-6, the colleges mentioned above in
connexion with Oxford had in residence 136 students,
and those at Cambridge, 316. On the other hand, the
movement is stronger in some of the recently founded
universities. Thus the institutions for women affili-
ated with the London University (Bedford, Halloway,
Westfield, and Royal Free Hospital) in 1905 <6 num-
bered 628 students. It may therefore be said that co-
education in Europe, though it has made a beginning,
is by no means so prominent a feature of the scnools as
it is in the United States. Its growth and effects are
for this reason best studied in American institutions ;
and in these the historical facts are the more impor-
tant inasmuch as they are said to furnish ample justi-
fication of the policy.
Causes. — ^The explanation of these facts is to be
sought in a variety of conditions, some of which are
naturally connected with the general development of
the country while others maybe called artificial, in the
sense that they are the application of theories or poli-
cies rather than direct responses to needs, or final solu-
tions of problems. Thus it is sip;nificant that co-edu-
cation has found its stronghold in the Northern, Cen-
tral, and Western States of the Union which i^rofited
most by the Congressional land grants of 1787 and
1862 and by similar grants on the part of the several
States. It was easy to argue, on the basis of demo-
cratic principles, that institutions supported by public
funds should offer the same advantages to all citizens.
From the founding of Oberiin College, Ohio (1833),
which was the first institution of its class to introduce
co-education (1837), the policy spread at such a rate
that by 1880 more than half the colleges, and by 1900
nearly three-fourths, had adopted it. In the more
conservative East segregation was the general prac-
tice until the last quarter of the nineteenth century.
But the precedent established by Boston University
(1869) and by Cornell (1872) was soon followed by
many other Eastern institutions.
A still more powerful factor has been the public
high school, which since 1850 has held an important
place in the educational system. Some schools of
this class, notably those in the West, were co-educa-
tional from the start; others were opSened at first for
boys only, but eventually they admitted girls on
the same terms; this was the case in the larger cities
of the East. In 1891, only 15 out of 628 leading
cities of the country had separate high schools, in 1901
the number had fallen to 12. The growth of these
schools coincided with the movement in favour of
higher education for women. The leaders of this
movement insisted on the right of women to have
equal advantages with men in the line of education;
they quite overlooked or disregarded the fact that
equality in this case does not mean identity. But any
defect m their reasoning on the subject was more than
compensated for by their enthusiasm and perseverance.
Their efforts, however, were in accordance with the
demands made by industrial changes. The introduo-
tion of labour-saving machinery which ^dually
brought about the factory organization of industry,
took from woman, one by one, her traditional employ-
ments in the home and compelled her to seek new oc-
cupations in fields hitherto occupied exclusively by
man: hence the very natural demand for equal educa-
tional opportunities, not merely to secure the more
OO-EDUOATIOH
90
OO-SDUOATIOV
oomplete development of woman's faculties, but also
as a neoessaiy means to equip her for her new position.
The demand of course grew more imoerative as the
professions were opened to women. Once it was ad-
mitted that a woman might, for instance, take up the
practice of medicine, it was quite obvious as a matter
of public policy that she should receive the training
given to every physician. How fully her claims have
been recognized will appear from statistics eiven above
of the growth of universities, coUeges, ana schools of
technology since 1889.
The rapid spread of co-education aroused intense
interest not only among educators but also in the
mind of the puolic at lai^e. The subject was dis-
cussed from every point* ot view, moral, medical, and
economic, no less than educational. Special inquiries
were sent out by school committees, State boards, and
the United States Bureau of Education, with a view
to obtaining statistics and expressions of opinion.
Replies to these inquiries served as a basis for numer-
ous reports, such as that of the Boston School Com-
mittee (Document 19, 1890) and that of the Commis-
sioner of Education based on the inquiry of 1891.
(See Commissioner's Report for 1900-1901, chap,
xxviii.) The outeome of the discussion may be sum-
marized as follows: (1) the tendency towards co-edu-
cation as a universal policy was freely admitted by all
parties; (2) considerable divergence of opinion was
manifested as to the wisdom of co-education, particu-
larly in secondary schools; (3) in many cases the
issue was obscured by treating co-education as though
it were synonymous with the higher education of
women.
In order to set this phase of the question in a some-
what clearer light, it should be noted first of all that
the reasons advanced in favour of the higher educa-
tion of women, valid as they certainly are, do not of
themselves require that this education shall be identi-
cal with that given to men. Passing over for the
present the question whether both sexes should study
the same subjects by identical methods for the same
length of time, or even supposing that this question
should be answered in the affirmative, one is not
thereby compelled to admit that co-education is the
only acceptable policy. The efficient work of those
colleges which are exclusively for women tells strong-
ly in favour of separate education. On the other hand,
it should be remarked that the unification of the
schools into a system does not necessarily imply co-
education all the way throu^. While endorsmg the
practice in the elementary school for certain reasons
and in the university for other reasons, one may con-
sistently refuse to approve its introduction in the sec-
ondary school. A third consideration turns on the
moral factor. This is, and always has been, of para-
mount importance in Catholic education. Whatever
advantages of an intellectual sort may be claimed for
the co-educational school, these must, from the Catholic
point of view, be waived if th^ cannot be obtained
without danger to morality. This view of course is
shared by many non-Catholic parents and teachers,
some of whom have made it the oasis of their criticism
of co-education. Doubtless, too, it would have counted
for more in the discussion if the whole problem of
moral education had received the attention bestowed
in late years on everything pertaining to purely intel-
lectual culture. Where that problem is overlooked or
lightly dismissed, some of the most serious obiections
to co-education naturally lose their force, while too
much weight is attached to some of the reasons on the
opposite side.
Practicb and Attitudb op Catholic Schools. —
As noted above co-education prevails in most of the
Catholic elementary schools. That women should
also share in the advantafrcs of higher education is
auite in keeping with Catholic policy. An instance of
tois is the authorization granfod by Rome for women
to follow, under requisite conditions, couroes at the
English universities (Decision of Propaganda, 13
July, 1907). Another is furnished by such institu-
tions as the Anna^Stift, a university school for Cath-
olic teaching sisters founded at the University of
Miinster in 1899 to meet the wishes of the German
bishops. Instruction is given by university profes-
sors not in the halls of the university but in the insti-
tute itself, an arrangement that is equivalent to what
has been mentioned above as co-ordinate education.
(See Engelkemper in Cath. Univ. Bulletin, May,
1908.) But in secondary schools, the Catholic policy
is decidedly opposed to co-education. The hign
schools, academies, and colleges for boys are altoc;ether
separate from those for girls. Boys are tau^t by
male teachers, girls by women, usually reugious.
Nothing in fact so strongly emphasizes tne Catholic
attitude in this matter as the work of various orders of
men established to teach boys, and of no less various
orders of women to teach girls. This is the century-
old practice of the Church, and it is observed in all
countries- Catholics, moreover, have foUowed with
interest the discussions concerning co-education ; and
though in many other respects they have adopted in
their own work the methods approved by experience
in non-Catholic schools, they have not been convinced
by the arguments advanced in favour of the co-educa-
tional plan.
From the viewpoint of economy oo-education
might seem the wiser plan ; but as a matter of fact, by
increasing the number of pupils in each class it throws
a heavier burden on the teacher and it makes difficult
if not impossible that individual instruction, the need
of which is now so generally recognized. A saving
that impairs the efiiciency oi the scnool is hardly de-
sirable. The advantage also that is claimed on the
score of improved discipline, is more apparent than
real. While the boys probably part with some of
their roughness it is by no means certain that the deli-
cacy of feeling and the refinement of manner that are
expected in girls, gain much by the association.
Moreover, if there is a demand for better discipline,
the right way to meet it is to train teachers more thor^
oughly in the art of school management. A skilful
teacher will easily control a class either of boys or of
girls by arousing and maintaining their interest in
what is really the work of the school. On the other
hand, it can do no harm to young people, especially
boys, to cultivate betimes a spirit of obedience to law
for ite own sake, and not merely teach them to behave
themselves out of deference for the opposite sex.
There is no doubt a decided benefit to be gotten from
social intercourse, provided this is accompanied by
the proper conditions. The place for it is in the home,
imder the supervision of parents, who will see to it
that their children have tne right kind of associates,
and will not leave them to the diance companionships
which the mixed school affords. It has often been
held that the co-educational system extends to the
school the "good effects that flow from the mutual in-
fluence of mingling the sexes in the family circle'';
but this contention evidently overlooks the profound
difference between the home situation which asso-
ciates children by natural ties of kindred, and the situ-
ation in school where these ties do not exist. And it
further forgets, apparently, that the home influence
itself has latterly been weakened in many ways and by
various causes; how far co-education has contributea
to this result is of course another question. At any
rate, it avails nothing to argue that because boys and
girls live together in the same family, it is more nat-
ural that they should be educated in the same classes.
When appeal is taken to the "natural" order oi
things, tne decision is plainly in favour of separate
schools.
On physiological grounds, identical education pre-
sents serious difficulties. As no arrangement has
0OSFJrBTSA.n
91
OOSFFETKA^U
been deviaedt and aa none oan be devised, to make the
conditions of study exactly the same for both sexes,
oo-«ducatioQ really means that girls are subjected, to a
regimen intended and conducted for bovs. To the
physical strain which is thus imposed on them, girls as
a rule are not equal ; in particular they are apt to suf-
fer from that v&rv rivaliy which is often oitea as a de-
sirable feature of the mixed school. If education is
to take aa its first principle conformity to nature, it
must certainly make allowance for differences of or-
ganism and function. This need becomes the more
imperative in proportion as the dependence of mind
upon organic processes is more full^ realised and
turned to practical account in educational work. It
then appears beyond question that from a psychologi-
cal standpoint woman should have a different training
from thi^ which men receive. There is no Question
here as to the superiority or inferiority of eitner sex,
nor will it profit to say that ''soul has no gender''.
The fact is that each sex has its own mental constitu-
tion and its special capacities. To develop these is
tibe work of education; but this does not mean that
unlike natures shall be moulded into a superficial resem-
Uance to each other. Even if it were desirable to
have the finished product exactly the same in both
sexes, it does not loilow that this result is to be ob-
tained by subjecting men and women to the same dis-
cipline. Ekiucationists are agreed that the need of
the developing mind is the first taing to be consulted
in framing methods and in organizing the work of the
sdiool. They rightly condemn not only a system
which treats the boy as though he were a man, but also
any feature of method that fails to seciu^ adaptation,
even in detail, of the teaching to the present condition
of the pupil's mind. Yet many ot them, strangely
enough, insist that the same training shall be given to
boys and girls in the secondary schools, that is at a
period which is chiefly characterized by the manifesta-
tion of profound mental differences between one sex
and the other. The attempt now so generally made
to obviate the physiological and psychological diffi-
culties of co-education by adapting the work of the
school to the capacities and requirements of girls, can
evidenthr have but one result, and that not a desirable
one, so far as boys are concerned.
It must further be pointed out on vocational
grounds that, since woman's work in the world is nec-
essarily different from man's, there should be a corre-
sponding difference in the preparation. Here again it
is singular that while the whole trend of our schools is
towards specialization in view of the needs of after-life,
no such consideration should be had for diversity of
calling based on diversity of sex. The student is en-
couraged to take up as early as possible the special
lines of work that fit him for his chosen career in busi-
ness, in literary work, or in any of the professions ; yet
for the essential duties of life, widely different as these
are, men and women receive an identical education.
However great be the share which woman is to take
in "the public expression of the ideal energies, for
morality and religion, for education and social re-
forms, and their embodiment, not in the home, but in
the public consciousness" — it still remains true that
her success as a supporter of these ideal endeavours is
closely bound up with the right discharge of those du-
ties which are at once the lot and the privilege of her
sex. Any influence that tends to make those duties
less sacred to her or less attractive, is a menace to her
individual perfection and may lead to far-reaching
calamity. The lowering of sex tension, which is the
strong^ argmnent brought forward to support co-
education from the view-point of morality, turns out
on closer inspection to be a fatal objection ; it proves
too much. The " indifference ' ' which it is said to pro-
duce has its consequences beyond the limit of school-
life, and these if left to work out their own results
would be, as they undoubtedly are in many instances,
antagonistic to the essential interests of family and
home, and eventually of the national life as well.
The element of religious instruction, essential to
Catholic schools, has a peculiar significance in the
present problem. It not only gives free scope to ideal
and sesthetic tendencies, but it also provides effectual
safeguards against the dangers to which adolescence
is exposed. As President Hall has said, ''every glow
of aesthetic appreciation for a great work of art, every
thrill aroused by an act of sublime heroism, eveiy
pulse of religious aspiration weakens by just so much
the ^tential energy of passion because it has found
its kinetic equivalent in a higher form of expression"
(Pedagogical Seminary. Mareh, 1908). Tne "pro-
ghylactic value" of religious training is, from the
atholic point of view, far greater than that of the
conditions which co-education involves and on which
it depends for the development of character and
morals* But this value of course can be got only by
teaching relipion with the same thoroughness and the
same perfection of method that characterizes the teach-
ing of other subject^, and in such a way as to make
the duties which religion imposes on both the sexes
not merely pleasing items of knowledge, but also vital
elements in habit and action. (See Education;
Schools.)
For extended bibliographies see U. S. Commiaaumer*8 Report
for 1900-01, xxviii: ibid, for 1903, xx; Clarkr. Sex in Educa-
tion (Boston, 1873); Van db Wacheb, Woinan*a UnfUneM for
Hioher Bdueation (New York, 1903); Brons, Ueber die gemein'
aame Ernehuna beider Oe^ddechier an den ktiheren Sehuien (Ham-
bun;, 1889); Harbxb, Coeducation of the Sexes in Report on
PtMie Schools of St. Louis, Mo., 1872-3; De Qabmo. Differ-
entiation in the Higher EdtuxUion of Women in Educ. Rev., 25,
301; Shields, The Education of Our Girls (New York, 1907).
Thomas E. Shields.
Ooefleteau, Nicolas, preacher and controver-
sialist, b. 1574, at Ch&teau-du-Loir, province of Maine,
France; d. Paris, 21 April, 1623. He entered the
Dominican convent of Sens, 1588, and after his pro-
fession, 1590, was sent to St-Jacaues, the house of
studies at Paris. There in 1595 he began to teach
philosophy. On 4 May, 1600, he received the doctor-
ate ana was appointed regent of studies, which posi-
tion he filled until 1606 and again from 1609 to the
spring of 1612. He also served two terms as prior and
was vicar-general of the French congregation from
1606 to 1609. At this time Coeffeteau had already
acquired distinction by his preachine at Blois, Char-
tres. Angers, and in Paris. Queen Margaret of Va~
lois had made him her almoner in 1602, and in 1608
he received the appointment of preacher in ordinary
to Kin^ Henry IV. In June, 1617, he was proposed
by Louis XIII and confirmed by Pope Paul V as titu-
lar Bishop of Dardania and Administrator of the Dio-
cese of Metz. By his vigilance and zealous preaching
he checked the spread of Calvinistic errors, renewed
and re-established Divine services, and restored eccle-
siastical discipline, especially in the great abbeys of
Metz and in the monasteries of the diocese. After
four years he was transferred, 22 Aug., 1621. to t^ie
Diocese of Marseilles; but ill-health kept him from his
see. He secured FranQois de Lom^nie as his coadjutor,
but he himself remained at Paris until his death. He
was buried in St. Thomas's chapel of the convent of
St-Jacgues. Coeffeteau's writings are chiefly polemi-
cal. Five treatises on the Eucharist were occasioned
by a controversy with Pierre du Moulin, Calvimst
minister of Charenton. Another series on ecclesiasti-
cal and pontifical authority was prompted by the
action of the French Protestants in relation to political
and religious disturbances in England. At the re-
ouest of Gregory XV, Coeffeteau wrote a refutation of
tne " De Republicd Christiand'' by the apostate Arch-
bi^op of Spalato, Marc' Antonio de Dominis. In all
these writing, at a time in which partisanship was
wont to be violent, Coeffeteau maintained an equable
temper arid a praiseworthy spirit of moderation,
OOELOHU
92
OOXRBSD
ahrays handling his subjects objectively and dispas-
sionately. His erudition was extraordinary ana he
was possessed of a rare and penetrating critical judg-
ment. On the question of papal power and author-
ity, Coeffeteau's position is described as that of a mod-
ified Gallicanism. He held that the infallibililry of the
pope or of an oecumenical council was restricted to
matters of faith and did not bear upon questions of
fact or of persons. A oouncQ, he held, was not supe-
rior to a pope except in the case of schism, when it
could depose the doubtful incumbent to elect one
whose rijght and authority would be beyond question.
In this Coeffeteau diflfered from the Sorbonne, which
asserted the council's superiority in all cases. Be-
sides being called the father of French eloouence,
Coeffeteau was a recognized master of the French
language. He was the first to use it aa a means of
theological expression, and the purity of his diction,
especially in his historical writings and translations,
is admitted and commended by many excellent
authorities.
QtiiTiF-EcHARD. Scriptarea Ord. PnBd.. II, 434; Covlon in
Vacant. Diet, de lh6ol. cath. (P^ris. 1006). faac. XVIII, ool.
267; Urbain, Nicolaa Coeffeteau (Paris. 1804).
John R. Volz.
Ooelchu, also Colga, Colcu (Lat. Colcus)^ a dis-
tinguished Abbot of the School of Clonmacnoise in Ire-
land, who flourished during the latter half of the
eighth century. He had been a student of this school,
and had devoted himself especially to the study of St.
Paul, whom he looked upon as his special patron.
Coelchu was remarkable for his learning, and was
sumamed the Scribe, and also the Wise. C^lgan (Acta
Sanctorum Hibemiae) mentions one tract from the pen
of Coelchu which was then extant, and which was en-
tirely of a devotional character. He is generally as-
sumed to be the person with whom Alcuin apparently
had some correspondence. A letter of Alcuin's to
him has been published by Ussher (Sylloge, £p. xviii)
and republished by Colgan. It is headed **Albini
Magistri ad Colcum lectorem in Scotia. Benedicto
magistro et pio patri Colcu Alcuinus humilis levita
salutem". There can hardly be any doubt that the
Colcu spoken of was the Abbot of Clonmacnoise, and
that the writer of the letter was Alcuin, not Albin the
companion of Clement, though there is no reason for
concluding from the style of the address that Alcuin
had ever been a student of Coelchu's at Clonmacnoise.
In this letter Alcuin gives Coelchu an account of the
state of relieion on the Continent, mentions Joseph,
one of Coelchu 's pupils, then in France, speaks of dis-
putes between Kmg Charles and Off a of Mercia, on ac-
count of which he himself was likely to be sent as
negotiator into England. This clearly proves that the
letter was written shortly before 790. He sends Coel-
chu presents of money from King Charles and from
himself for the monastery of Clonmacnoise and for other
monks in Ireland, and asks their prayers for himself
and the king. There is another reference to Coelchu
in Alcuin's letter to Joseph, mentioned already in the
letter to Coelchu. Though Coelchu was spoken of as
the Scribe or Doctor of all the Irish, none of his writ-
ing have come down to us.
Colgan. Acta SS. Hxbemut (Ix>uTain. 1645), 20 Feb.. 378;
Ubsher, Syllope (Dublin, 1632). Ep. xviii; Wars-Harjus.
Writert of Ireland (Dublin, 1739-64), 511; Mabillon. Annalet
O. S. B., ad annum 700*. Lanigan. Elcdeaiaatical History of Ire-
land (Dublin, 1829), III, 228-232.
James MacCaffret.
Ooelde. Theodore (Theodore of MOnster; Theo-
dore OF OsnabrOck; Derick, Dederick, or Dibtb-
RiCH, C^lde), Friar Minor and missionary, b. at
Monster, in 1435; d. at Louvain, 11 December, 1515.
He was a diflferent person from the Dominican, Theo-
dore of MOnst«r, and from the Augustinian, Theodore
of Osnabrftck; and was called Theodore von Mttnster
(TheodoricuK a Monasterio) from the place of his
birth; and Theodore von OsnabrQck from hia father^s
native town. Coelde made his firet studies at Cologne,
and entered the Order of the Hermits of St. Augusttue
at an early age. In 1454 he was nooeived into the
Franciscan Oraer in the Netheriands. When the
plague broke out at Brussels in 1489, Ck>elde went
about administering the last sacraments to the dving;
and when the sacristan aecompanyinR him fell a
victim to the plague, Coelde attacheid the lantern to
his girdle, and, with the pyx in one hand and the bell
in the other, continued his ministrations. Before
the end of the plague, more than thirty-two thousand
had received the last rites of the Church from tlie
heroic friar. In 1470 Coelde composed a brief, popu-
lar treatise on the truths of the Catholic Faith, entitled
"Kerstenspiegel" or "Christcnspiegel" (The Chris-
tian's Mirror), which is considered to be the first
German catechism. It went throu^ thirty-two edi*
tions in Low German and two in High German, and
came to be used throughout Germany and the Nether-
lands as the principal work of popular instruction in
religious matters. At the request of his friend and
admirer, Archbishop Hermann, he wrote a series of
meditations on the sufferings of Christ, which appeared
probably about the same time as the ''Christen-
spiegel". In 1618 the remains of Coelde were ex-
humed, and, after the suppression of the Franciscan
convent at Louvain, were transferred to Saint-Trond,
where they now repose behind the high altar.
ScHLAOBR, BtitrUge tur Geachichte der kdln%»chen Frm^
zttkaner-Ordenaprovinz (Cologne, 1004), 190« pasBim; Scrodt^
XNS, Marlyroloffium Minorilioo-Bdfficum (Hoogstraeten, 1002),
211,213. Stephen M. Donovax.
Ooello, Alonzo SXnchez. See SXnchbz-Gokixo,
Alonzo.
Ooemgen (or Kevin), Saint, Abbot of Glendar-
lough, Ireland, b. about 498, the date being very ob-
scure; d. 3 June, 618; son of Coemlog and Coemell.
His name signifies fair-begotten. He was baptized by
St. Cronan and educatea by St. Petroc, a Briton.
From his twelfth year he studied under monks, and
eventually embraced the monastic state. Subse-
ouently he founded the famous monastery of Glen-
dalough (the Valley of the Two Lakes), the parent of
several other monastic foundations. After visiting
Sts. Columba, Comgall, and Cannich at Usneacn
(Usny Hill) in Westmeath, he proceeded to Qonmac-
noise, where St. Cieran had died three days before,
in 544. Having firmlv established his community,
he retired into solitude for four years, and only re-
turned to Glendalough at the earnest entreaty of his
monks. He belonged to the second order of Irish
saints and probably was never a bishop. So nu-
merous were his followers that Glendalough became
a veritable city in the desert. His festival is kept
throughout Ireland. Glendalough became an episco-
pal see, but is now incorporated with Dublin. St.
Kevin's house and St. Kevin's bed of rock are still to
be seen : and the Seven Churches of Glendalough have
for centuries been visited by pilgrims.
O'Hanlqn. Lives of Irish Sair%tt (Dublin, 1875), VI, 28 aqq.;
Healt, Ireland's Ancient Schools and SiMars (Dublin, 1890);
Laniqan, EecUsiastical Hist, of Ireland (Dublin, 1829), H;
Olden in Diet. Nat. Biog., b. v.
Columba Edmonds.
Ooenred (or Cenred, also Coen&sd, CoiNREn,
Kenbed, and Chrenred), King of Mercia (reigned
704-709); date of birth and death unknown. He
was the son of King Wulfhere and his Queen Eonnert-
gild. When Wulfhere died , in 675, Coenred was prol>-
ably too young to succeed, and his undo iEthelred
ascended the throne. The A. S. Chronicle speaks of
Coenred becoming King of the Southumbrians (a
name very rarely used) in 702, and succeeding to the
throne of Mercia in 704, when ^thelred retired to the
cloister. SouUiiimhria fm>bal >ly <U*signates the north-
OQBUB D'iOJMS
93
OOFFXH
em portion of Mercia^ which i&thelreti recovered from
Northuinbria. It is inferred that the people of this
reg;ion rebelled against iSthelred and cnose Coenred
for their kin^ and later induced ^thelred to resign
the whole ofMercia in favour of Coenred in 704. A
reaction against the Southumbrians took place in 700,
when Coenred abdicated in favour of Coetred. the son
of iSthelred. Coenred then accompanied Ona, King
of the East Saxons, to Bx>me, where he received the
monastic habit from Pope Constantine. He was
present at a council of the Mercian clergy in 705, and
bis name appears on several charters granting lands
to Waldhere, Bishop of London, to Cuthswith, Abbess
of Worcester, and also to the Abbey of Evesham. It
does not appear that he was ever married. A great
lover of peace, and of a pious disposition, he was more
suited for the cloister than the throne. St. Bede tells
us that he befriended St. Wilfrid when in exile, and
relates in detail his efforts to convert to a better life
one of his chief nobles, who finally died in despair.
LiNOARD, Hiai. of En(iUind. I. iii; Ando-Saxon Chronicle ad
ann. 70S, 70A» 709; Bedb, Bed. Hist., bk. V. xiii, xix, xxiv;
WiLUAM or Malmssburt, OeH. Reg. (Eng. Hist. BocJ, i, iii;
Id8m, Oeet. PonL, 239, 317, 351-2, 386; Haddan and druBBS.
CouficO*. UI, 273.
G. E. Hind.
Oo9iir d'Altoe Indians, a small tribe of Salishan
stock formerly ranging along the lake and river of the
same name in Northern Idaho, U. S. A., and now
residing upon a reservation established in 1873 within
the same Doundaries. The name by which they are
commonly known, signifying ''awl heart", is said,
although doubtfully, to have been originallpr a nick-
name given by the French traders to a chief of the
tribe noted for his stinginess. They call themselves
Skitswish. When first noticed by the American ex-
plorers, Lewis and Clark, in 1805, the Coeur d'Aldne
were a wandering, poverty-stricken people, dwelling
in mat-covered communal nouses on the border of the
lake, and subsisting chiefly upon fish and wild roots.
In disposition they were peaceful, brave and honest,
and at a later period, having acquired through the
French and Iroquois emplovees ot the Hudson Bay
Company an idea of the Catholic religion, many of
them, as well as the Flatheads, Nez Perc^, and others,
voluntarily adopted a svstem of Christian prayers ana
church fonns. In 1841 the Jesuit. Nicholas Point, a
companion of De Smet, established the Sacred Heart
Tnow De Smet) mission among them, with such won-
derful success that within ten years the entire tribe
had become Christian, civilized, and comfortably self-
supporting.
In his official report to the Indian Office in 1854.
Governor Stevens of Washington says: "It is indeed
extraordinary what the goodrathers have done at the
Coeur d'Aldne mission. They have a splendid church
nearly finished bv the labours of the fathers, laymen,
and Indians; a large bam; a horse mill for flour; a
small range of builamg9 for the accommodation of the
priests and laymen; a store room; a milk or dairy
•nom; a cook room, and good arrangements for theu*
pigs and oattle. The^ are putting up a new range of
quarters, and the Indians have some twelve comforta-
ble log cabins. The church was designed by the supe-
rior of the mission, P^ Avil^, a man of skill as an
architect, and undoubtedly, judging from his well-
thumbed books, of various accomplishments. P^
Gassoli showed me several designs tor the altar, all of
them eharacterized by good taste and harmony of
proportion. The church, as a specimen of architect-
ure, would do credit to anyone, and has been faith-
fully sketched by our artist, Mr. Stanley. The mas-
sive timbeiB supporting the altar were from larch
trees five feet in diameter, and were raised to their
place by the Indians, simply with the aid of a pulley
and rope. Tbey have a laige cultivated field ot some
200 acres, and a prairie of from 2000 to 3000 acres.
They own a hundred pigs, eight yoke of oxen, twenty
cows, and a liberal proportion of horses, miUes, and
young animals. The Indians have learned to plough,
sow, till the soil generally, milk cows, and do all tiie
duties incident to a farm. They are some of them
expert wood cutters, and I saw some thirty or forty
Indians at work getting in the harvest." All this in
thirteen years in the neart of the wilderness, two
thousand miles from the frontier town of St. Louis!
The mission stiU continues to mould the tribal life,
and official reports show that the same high standard
is maintained, each year showing an advance in pros-
perity and general intelligence. The tribe is increas-
ing, and numbered 492 souls in 1906.
Annual Report of the Commi»sum of Indian Affairs (Wasb-
m|:toa, 1831-1006); Lewis and Clark, Original Journals
(New York. 1005); Moonet, art. Missions in Handbook of
Amsriam Indians (Washington. 1007); Shka, Catholic Mis-
sions (New York, 1855); Da Smet, Oregon Missions (New
York, 1847); Stevens, in Report of Commission of Indian
Affairs (WuhingUm, 1854).
James Moonet.
Ooffin (ali<i8 Hatton), Edwabd, English Jesuit and
missionary, b. at Exeter, 1570; d. 17 April, 1626, at
Saint-Omer's College. After studies at Reims and
Ingolstadt, he was ordained at the English Coiiefle,
Rome, and sent to England. In 1598 he entered tne
Society. On his way to the novitiate in Flanders, he
was seised by the Dutch, near Antwerp, and taken
to En^^and, where he was imprisoned for five years.
Banished from England in 1603, he acted for twen^
years as confessor at the English College, Rome, lie
volunteered for England again, but died on the
journey. He wrote the preiace to Father Persons 's
''Discussion of Mr. Barlowe's Answer'' (Saint-Omer,
1612) ; Refutation of Hall, Dean of Worcester's *' Dis-
course for the Marriage of Ecclesiastical Persons"
(1619); "Art of Dying WeU'', from the Latin of
Bellarmine (1621); "True Relation of Sickness and
Death of Cardinal Bellarmine", by C. E. of the So-
ciety of Jesus (1622), tr. into Latin, " De Morte", etc.
(Samt-Omer. 1623, 8vo.); "Marci Antonii de Dom-
inis Palinodia" ( Saint-Omer, 1623), tr. by Dr.
Fletcher in 1827 as "My Motives for Risnoundng the
Protestant Religion"; "De Martyrio PP. Roberts,
Wilson et Napper" (Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, III,
n. 103).
OuvsK, Collectanea S. /., 55; Foley, Records^ 1, 60; VI. 178.
and 677; VII (i), 145; Morris. Troubles. 1. 166; Douay Diaries,
gj. 18, 207, 213; Sommertoobl, Bibiioth^que, II. ool. 1270;
iLLOW, BttL Diet. Eng, Cath., I, 522; Cooper in Diet, Nat.
Biog.,B.y,
Patricx Ryan.
Oofiftn, Robert Aston, ecclesiastical writer and
bishop, b. at Brighton, England, 19 July, 1819; d. at
Teignmouth, Devonshire, 6 April, 1886. He re-
ceived his secondary education at Harrow and in 1837
went to Christ CJhurch, Oxford, where he took his
B.A. degree with honours in 1840. He then prepared
himself for the ministry and, having received Anglican
orders from the Bishop of Oxford, he was appointed in
1843 vicar of St. Mary Magdalen, Oxford. While at
Oxford he had become a follower of Dr. Newman, and
like so many others who had joined the Oxford or
Tractarian Movement he left the Anglican Church and
was received into the Catholic Church at Prior Park
on the feast of St. Francis Xavier, 3 Dec., 1845, two
months after the reception of Dr. Newman. Having
8|)ent a year as tutor m the family of Mr. Ambrose de
Lisle, he foUowed Newman to Rome to prepare him
self for the priesthood, and was ordained 31 Oct.,
1847, by the cardinal vicar. In the meantime Dr.
Newnaan had been authorized by Pius IX to found the
Oratory of St. Philip Neri in Enpland. When, in
June, 1848, the Oratory was established. Father Cof-
fin with oUier convert priests joined it, and he was
appointed superior of St. Wilfrid's, Cotton HalL The
next year he followed a strong attraction he had felt
oooiTodm
m
OOHW
fiince hiB conversion for the Congregation of the Most
Holy Redeemer, left the Oratory, and entered the
Redemptorist novitiate at Saint-Trond, in Belgium.
Having made his profession on 2 February, 1852, he
returned to England and b^an his long and fruitful
career as a zealous Redemptorist missionary. From
1855 to 1865 he was rector of St. Mary's, Clapham,
and from the latter year till 1882 he held the office of
provincial of the English Redemptorists. These
offices, however, did not prevent him from zealously
labouring with pen and tongue, for, from 1852 to
1872^ he was aunost constantlv en^iged in giving
missions and clei^ retreats tnrou^out Englano,
Ireland, and Scotland, and in publishmg many asceti-
cal books.
After the death of Dr. Danell, the second Bishop of
Southwark, Father Coffin was chosen as his successor,
and was consecrated in Rome by Cardinal Howard,
in the chiuxih of S. Alfonso, 11 June, 1882, taking
possession of his see on 27 July. After an illness m
several months, borne with great fortitude, Bishop
Coffiin died at Teigpmouth, in the house oi the Re-
demptorists which he himself had founded when pro-
vincial. ''Although his name was at no time con-
spicuously before the world, his influence had been
widely and deeply felt, and few ecclesiastics in Eng-
land were held m greater esteem or affection. By the
publication of many of the works of St. Alphonsus, by
nis labours as a preacher and missionary in nis younger
days, by lus numerous retreats, especially to me
clergy, and still more by his government of the Prov-
ince of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer
in England, Scotland, and Ireland during nearly
twenty vears, he performed a quiet, solid and endur-
ingwork which will be felt for mani^ generations"
(''The Tablet'', London). Amonjg his publications
are the following English translations of the Italian
works of St. Alphonsus: "The Glories of Mary" (Lon-
don, 1852, 1868); "The Mysteries of the Faith:
The Incarnation'* (London, 1854)- "The Christian
Virtues" (London, 1854); "The Mysteries of the
Faith: The Eucharist" (London, 1855); "Visits to
the Most Holy Sacrament" (London, 1855); "The
Eternal Truths" (London, 1857); "A Devotion in
Honour of St. Joseph" (London, 1860); "The Mys-
teries of the Faitn: The Redemption" (London,
1861); "Hymns and Verses on Spiritual Subjects"
(London, 1863). He also published a translation of
"The Oratory of the Faithful Soul" by Blosius (Lon-
don, 1848), and several pastoral letters.
Giixow. BM. Diet, of Eno, Cath., b. v.; The Tablet (London,
U April. 1886). B. GULDNER.
OoffitOBUS, an Irishman, an author, and a monk of
Kildare; the date and place of his birth and of his
death are unknown; it is uncertain even in what cen-
tury he lived. In the one work which he wrote, his
life of St. Brig^d, he asks a prayer pro me nepote cuJL-
vabili, from wmch both Ware and Ussher conclude that
he was a nephew of St. Brigid, and, accordingly, he
is put down by them among the writers of the sixth
century. But the word nepoa may also be applied to
one who, like the prodigal, nad lived riotously, and it
may be, that Cogitosus, recalling some former lapses
from virtue, so uses tJbe word of himself. At all
events, his editor, Vossius, is quite satisfied that Cogi-
tosus was no nephew of St. Brigid, because in two
genealogical menologies which Vossius had, in which
were enumerated the names of fotirteen holy men of
that saint's family, the name of Cogitosus is not to be
found. Nor did the latter live in the sixth century,
because he speaks of a long succession of bishops and
abbesses at Kildare, showing that he writes of a period
long after the time of St. Brigid, who died in 525, and
of St. Conleth, who died a few years earlier. Besides
this, l^e description of the church of Kildare belong
to a much later time; and the author caUs St. Conletn
an archbishop, a term not usual in the Western Church
until the opening of the ninth century. On the other
hand, he describes Kildare before it 'wras plundered by
the Danes, in 835, suid before St. Bngid's remains
were removed to Down. The probability therefore is
that he lived and wrote the life of St. Brigid about the
beginning of the ninth century. His work is a pane-
gyric rather than a biography. He gives so few
details of the saint's life that he omits we date and
elace of her birth and the date of her death ; nor does
e make mention of any of her contemporaries, if we
except St. Conleth, the first Bishop of Kildare, and
Macaille from whom she received the veiL He cdves
the names of her parents, but jb careful to conceal the
fact that she was illegitimate, and that her mother
was a slave. On the other hand, he dwells with evi-
dent satisfaction on her piety, her humility, her char-
ity, her sseal for religion, the esteem in which she was
held by all. And ne narrates at length the many
miracles she wrought, and tells of the numbers who
came as pilgrims to Kildare, attracted by her fame.
In his anxiety to exalt her he says she had as abbess
authority over all the abbesses of Ireland, althoue^
as a matter of fact she could govern onlv those who
followed her rule; and his statement that she ap-
pointed the Bishop of Kildare could not, of course,
mean that she conferred any jurisdiction. O^tOsus
writes in fairly good Latin, much better indeed than
might be expected in that a^, and his description of
the church of Kildare with its interior decorations is
specially interesting for the history of early Irish art
and architecture.
Lanioan, Bcdeaiastical Hiatory (Dublin, 1822); BiiaNK. P.
L.. LXXII; Healt, AneierU SchooU and Scholare (Dublin.
1896); Ware and Harris, Writen of Ireland (Dublin, 1764).
E. A. D'Alton.
Oofi^Uudo, Diego L6pbz de, one of the chief histo-
rians of Yucatan. His work, the *'Historia de Yuca-
tan", which appeared at Madrid in 1688, and was re-
printed in 1842 and 1867, is an important work, full
of information personally gathered at a time when
older sources, written and oral, that have now partly
disappeared, were accessible. CogoUudo consulted
and used the writings of Bishop Diego de Landa to a
considerable extent, but man^ of his statements must
be taken with cautious criticism. He was a native of
AlcaU de Henares in Spain, and took the habit of St.
Francis at the convent of San Diego, 31 March, 1629.
He emigrated to Yucatan, where he became succes-
sively lector in theology, guardiani and finally pro-
vincial of his order.
BaaiBTAiN DB SouEA^ Biblioteca hiapano-ameriocma (Mexioo.
1816-1828: 2nd ed. Ameoameca, 1883); SQUtaR, Mcnooraxhcf
Authora (New York, 1861); BRAasBUR db Boubboubo, RtUp-
tion dee cKoaee de Yucatan par Diego de Landa (I860); Stepb-
BN8, hicidenU of Travd in Yucatan (New York. 1843); Bandb-
LiBR, Notea on the Bibliography of Yucatan and Central Amenca
(Proceedinge of the Aniiquarittn Societu. Woroester, 1880);
Ancona, HiHoria de Yucatan (M^rida, 1875): Bancroft, The
Native Racee of the Pacific States (New York. 1875).
Ad. F. Bandelibr.
Oohen, Hermann, a Discalced Carmelite (AngOB-
tin-Marie of the Blessed Sacrament, generally known
as Father Hermann), b. at Hamburg, Germany, 10
November, 1820; d. at Spandau, 20 January, 1871.
The son of a Jewish merchant, he devoted himself to
music, which he studied under Liszt at Paris, where
he joined a brilliant but frivolous circle, to the detri-
ment of his morals. One day, in May, 1847, while
leading the choir at Benediction in the churdi of
Sainte -Valerie, he felt himself touched by Divine
grace, and, after a short sojourn at Ems, resolved to
become a Christian. Baptized 28 August, he insti-
tuted with De la BouiUerie the pious practice of the
nocturnal adoration; he entered the Carmelite no-
vitiate at Broussey, made his profession 7 October,
1860, and was ordamed priest 19 April of the foUowmg
year. His fieiy eloquence and the stir oansed by hiB
GOIMBATORE
95
OOlMB&i
conversion made him a favourite preacher, notwith-
standing insufiEicient studies. He was instrumental
m the foundation of convents at Bagn^res-de-Bigorre
(1853), Lyons (1857), the "Desert'' of Tarasteix near
Lourdes (1857), and in London (1862), where he had
been known during his artistic career. After some
years spent in England he went on a preaching tour
thiough Germany and France and ultimately retired
to Tarasteix. At the outbreak of the Franco-German
War he fled to Switzerland, and later on took charge of
the lazaretto at Spandau, where he contracted small-
pox. He was buried in St. Hedwig's church, Berlin.
Among his works are "LeCatholicisme en Angleterre",
a speech delivered at Mechlin, also in Engli^ (Paris,
1864); "Gloire 4 Marie'* (1849); "Amour H J^sus"
(1851); "Fleurs du Carmel"; " Couronnement de la
Madonne"; "Thabor'' (1870), five collections of sa-
cred songs with accompaniment, pious but somewhat
shallow; this also holos good of his mass (1856).
GBBokfiBS, Convenum du pianiate Hermann (Paris, 1861);
MoRXAU, Hermann au Saint Diaert de Tanuteix (Paris^l875);
8TI.VAXN. Vie du R. P. Hermann (Paria, 1881); tr.
(Aachen. 1881); Italian (Turin, 1883).
B. Zimmerman.
Ooixnbatore (Koimbatur), Diocese of (Coimba-
turensib). — The citv of Coimbatore is the capital of
the district of Coimbatore in Madras, British India,
situated on the River Noyel. Its population in 1901
was 53,080; of these 3,000 are Catholics. The dio>
cese embraces the Collectorate of Coimbatore (except
the Taluk of the CoUegal), the Nileiris with the soutn-
eastern Wynaad, the Taliiks of Palghat, CoUancodoo,
Tamalpuram, and part of Wallavanad, the Chittur
Taluks, and the Nelliampathy Hills in the Cochin
territory. In 1846 Coimbatore was separated from
the Vicariate Apostolic of Pondicherry, and in 1850
was made a vicariate Apostolic. On 1 Sept., 1886,
it was constituted a diocese, and the Right Rev. Joseph
Louis Bardon, Bishop of Telmessus, who had been
vicar Apostolic, was chosen as its first bishop.
The total population of the diocese is 2,500,000, of
whom 37,080 are Catholics. There are 41 European
and 13 native priests. In the ecclesiastical seminary
are 14 students. The diocese has 2 religious com-
munities of men and 3 of women. There are for boys
a second-grade college, a middle school, and a high
school; and for girls eighteen convent schools. There
are lUso 67 elementary schools, with 4239 pupils.
There are 2 hospitals, 4 orphanages, and an industrial
school.
The Afadrtu Catholic Directory, for 1007; The Slaleaman'a
Year Book (London, 1906); Konvereatione'Lexikon (St. Louis,
Lbo a. Kellt.
Ooimbra, Diocese of (Conimbricensis), in Portu-
ml, suffragan of Braga, in the province of Beira.
l^e cathe£-al city has 13,369 inhabitants. The first
known bidiiop was Lucentius, who assisted (563) at
the First Council of Braga, the metropolitan See of
Ck)imbra, imtil the latter was attached to the ecclesi-
astical province of M^rida (650-62). Titular bishops
of Coimhra continued the succession \mder the Arab
conquest, one of whom witnessed the consecration of
the church of Santiago de Compostela in 876. The
see was re-established in 1088, after the reconquest
of the city by the Christians (1064). The first
bishop of the new series was Martin. Among the
more famous bishops have been Pedro (1300),
dumoellor of King Diniz, and Manoel de Menezes
(1673-78), rector of the university, who fell with
I)om Sebastian on the field of Kassr-el-Kebir. The
old cathedral of Coimbra, built in the first half of the
twelfth ccntiiry, partly at the expense of Bishop
Miguel and his chapter, is a remarkable monument
of Romanesque arcnitecture; the new cathedral, a
Henidssance Duilcting dating from 15r:0, is of little
interest. The episcopal palace was also built in the
sixteenth century. The principal monastery of the
diocese is that of Santa Cruz, foimded in 1131 by
Alfonso VII, and for some time the most important in
the kingdom by reason of its wealth and privileges.
Its prior was authorized by Anastasius IV and Cele»
tine III to wear the episcopal insignia. In 1904 the
diocese had a population of 875,853, divided among
308 parishes.
FhdBM, EepaAa SoQrada (Madrid, 1759). XIV, 71-06;
BoRQBs DK FiQUsniaDO, Coimbra anti(fa $ modema (Lisbon,
1886).
Universitt op Coimbba. — ^The earliest certain
information concerning a university in Portugal dates
from 1288, when the Abbot of Alcobaza, several
priors of convents, and parish priests made known to
Nicholas IV that they had obtained from King
Diniz the foundation of a "Studium Generale" at
Lisbon, and had arraneed among themselves to defray
the salaries of the (KKtors and masters from the
revenues of their monasteries and churches; they
besought the pope to confirm this agreement and to
protect the work they were undeitaking "for the
service of God and the glory of their country". In a
Bull of 9 August, 1290, addressed to the ''University
of the masters and students of Lisbon", the pope
acceded to their rec}uest suid expressed his satisfac-
tion with the creation of this new seat of studies.
This Bull "sanctions taxation of lodging? in the
Paris and Bologna fashion, grants dispensation from
residence to masters and students ana authorizes the
Bishop of Lisbon (or, sede vacarUe^ the Vicar-capit-
ular) to confer the jus vbique docendi on all faculties
except Theology." Frequent quarrels between the
students and the citizens led the £jne of Portugal to
request the pope to transfer the new school to Coimbra,
a more tranquil place, and to grant at the same time
to the new foundation all the "privileges" of the
former one. The transfer took place 15 February,
1308, on which date King Diniz issued the charter of
foundation, quite similar to that of Alfonso the Wise
for the University of Salamanca in Castile. The
sciences then taught at Coimbra were canon and
civil law, medicine, dialectic, and grammar. Theol-
ogy was taught in the convents of the Dominicans
and the Franciscans. For reasons unknown to us,
the university was again moved to Lisbon in 1339,
by order of Alfonso IV. In 1354 it returned to
Coimbra, only to be again transferred to Lisbon in
1377. From this time until its final transfer to
Coimbra in 1537, the university enjoyed greater
prosperity. At the beginning of tne fifteenth century
theology appears regularly as one of the sciences
taught there.
During the reign of John III (1521-57) important
reforms were carried out, and the university reached
the acme of its career. The faculties hitherto widely
scattered in different edifices were brought together
under one roof in the " Palacio del Rey ", and new and
illustrious professors were invited from Castile; for
the faculty of theology, Alfonso de Prado and Anto-
nio de Fonseca, the latter a doctor of Paris; for the
faculty of law, the famous canonist Martfn de AspU-
cueta (Doctor Navarrus), Manuel de Costa, and
Antonio Suarez, all three from Salamanca; and for
medicine, Francisco Franco and Eodrigo Reinoso.
The classical languages and literatures were taught
in the Colegio de las Artes, as a preparation for the
graver studies of the university; this college was at
first quite independent of the latter, but was event-
ually mcorporated with it and confided to the Jesuits.
One of its first professors was the Scotch Latinist,
Geor^ Buchanan, later a follower of John Knox and
a revilcr of Mary Stuart. The colleges of SSo Pedro
and Sno Paulo were founded for grs^uates (doctors)
who purposed to devote themselves to teaching;
other colleges were founded for the students of various
religious orders in which they might follow the com-
COLA
96
COLBERT
mon life while pursuing their studies at the university.
New reforms were inaugurated in 1770, when (23
December) King Jos^ I, on the initiative of the
Marquis de Pomoal, appointed a commission to con-
sider the reor^nization of the university. The
conmiission advised the creation of two new faculties,
mathematics and natural philosophy, leaving intact
the older faculties of theology, canon law, civil law,
and medicine. New professors were brought from
Italy, Michele Franzim for mathematics, and Domen-
ico Vandelli for natural history. The former Jesuit
college, confiscated at the time of the expulsion of the
Society from Portugal, was turned over to the faculty
of medicine for its cb'nics and laboratories. The
deeply religious, but his religion was tmcturcd witti
the evils of the day, Gallicanism and Jansenism. It
was Colbert who suMjested to Louis XIV the oonvezi-
ing of the famous Assembly of the Cler^ in 1682
which formulated the four propositions (h Gallican-
ism. In the conflicts which arose between the court
of France and Rome Colbert used his influence against
Rome. Protestants looked to him as to tiieir protec-
tor. The Jansenist De Bourseys was his evil genius
as well as his informant on reugious questions. In-
fluenced by De Bourseys, he failed to see the real dan-
ger of Jansenism, and by treating it with levity, gave
it encouragement. The Colbert family gave to the
Church a number of nuns and ecclesiastics. Charles
Universttt of Coimbra
laboratories for physics, chemistry, and natural his-
tory were also located there; finally a botanical gar-
den was added. At the end of the eighteenth century
metallur^ was taught by Jos4 Bonifacio de Andrade,
and hydfraulics by Manoel Pedro de Mello, both
scholars of repute. In 1907 the University of Coim-
bra had five faculties, theology, law, medicine, mathe-
matics, and philosophy. Its professors numbered
(1905-06) 68, and its students 2916. The library
now contains about 100,000 volumes. (See Conim-
BRICENSES.)
Dbniplb, Die EnUtehung der UniversUiUen dea MiUdaUera
b%8 IIM) (Berlin, 1885), 519^-634; Viboondb db Villa-Major,
Erj^osioao axiccxrUa da oroaniaoQao actual da Univeraidade de
Catmbra, etc. (Coimbra, 1878); Braoa, Hialoria da Univer-
aidade de Coimbra (Lisbon, 1892-1902), I-IV; Mznbrva, Jahr-
bueh der gel^Hen WeU (Strasburg, 1907).
Eduardo de Hinojosa.
Oola di Rienii. See Rienzi.
Colbert, Jban-Baptiste, Marquis de Seignelay,
statesman, b. at Reims, France, 1619; d. at Paris,
1683, Noticed by Mazarin and recommended by him
to Louis XIV he became at the latter's death, con-
troller of finances. Through the control of finances he
organized nearly every public service in France. Of
him, Mme. de S6vign6 said: "M. de Colbert thinks of
finances only and never of religion." This should
not, however, be taken too h'terally. Colbert was
G^rinsays: "His sisters controlled the ^reat abbeys
of Sainte-Marie de Chaillot, of Sainte-Claire de Reims
and of the LeLys near Melun. One of his brothers
(Nicolas, 1627-1676) Bishop of Luyon and afterwards
of Auxerre, having died, he caused to be appointed
in his place his cousin Andr6 (1647-1702) who was a
member of the assembly of 1682, with another of his
cousins, Colbert de St. Pouange, Bishop of Montau-
ban." This passage omits the following three best
known kinsmen of the great Colbert.
II. — Jacques-Nicolab Colbert (1665-1707),
Archbishop of Rouen. Fisquet (La France pontifi-
cale, Rouen, p. 253) describes him as a wortny and
learned prelate giving his principal care to the training
of his clerics. C. G^rin (loc. cit., p. 188), however, re-
proaches him for being worldly, a spendthrift, and, in
spite of his pompous declarations of orthodoxy, no less
sympathetic to Jansenism than his cousin, the Bishop
of Montepellier.
ni. — Charles-Joachim Colbert (1667-1738),
Bishop of Montepellier, and a militant Jansenist. He
first appeared to submit to the Bull "Vineam Dom-
ini" of Innocent XI, 1705, but when Clement XI
issued the Bull "Unigenitus", 1713, he openly sided
with the appellants S)anen of Senez, de la Broue of
Mirepoix, and Langle of Boulogne. The works pub-
lished under his name (Montepellier, 1740) are prob-
OOUB
97
OOLBEnWK
ably, at fenst in part, from the pen of his advieera,
Oaulticr and Croz, who are moreover charged with
the perversion of their master. In 1702, one of his
priests, the Oratorian Pouget^ published, at his re-
quest, the "Cat^hisme de Montpellier'' a remarka-
ble book but tinctured with Jansenism and condemned
by the Holy See, 17X2 and 1721.
IV.— Michel Colbbrt (1635-1702), an asoetfc
writer and superior of the Premonstrants. His elee-
tion was somewhat irregular and had to be validated
by papal rescript. He is the author of ** Lettres d'un
AbW k ses religieux " and " Lettre de Consolation *'.
Fia4tavt, La France paniifioale (Pkuis, v. d.) under th« van-
oua diooeseB rrferred to above: ^ GiiUN, RecMrchea 4ur i'oMein-
bU< du clergS de Itiai (Paris, 1869); Bbbqionb. Vie des OiuUre
^H-mtes ffigaai^if dans la oau9e de Port-Koual (Cologne, 175C);
Cl^men^. ffitttoite de CoAeH (Paris, 1875); Kakn. M4moir»
(Palis. 1805); Jai^, Did. criiique (r^ris, 1867); Gauchie in
Rev, Hist, Ecd. (Louvain. 1903). HI. 968; Wamhan, Bvmm
(New York, 1905). 202.
J. F. SOLUER.
Goto, Hbnrt, confessor of the Faith ^ b. at Gods-
hill, lele of Wight, "about 1500; d. in the Fleet Prison,
February, 1579 or 1580. He was educated at Win-
chester and New College, Oxford, admitted a per-
petual fellow Uiere (1523), received the degree of
B.O.L. (1525), and then went to Italy for seven
years, residing chiefly at Padua. During his career
he was successively prebendary of Yatminster (1539),
rector of Qielmsfora, Essex, prebendary of Holbom,
Hweting (1541), and Wenlakesbam (1542), warden of
New OoU^e (1542-51), and rector of Newton Looigue-
vUle in Buckinghamshire. Created a D.C. L. at Oxford
(1540), he resigned his fellowship the same jrear. At
first he conformed to the Protestant religion, but af-
terwards saw his error, returned to the Catholic Faith
about 1547, and eventually resigned all his prefer-
ments. In Marv^ reign he became Archdeacon of
Ely, a canon of Westminster (1554), vicar-genend
of Cardinal Pole (1557), and a judge of Uie archiepisco-
pal Coart of Audience. He was one of the commis-
sioners who restored Tunstal and Bonner to their
bishoprics, a disputant against Cranmer, Ridlejr, and
Ijatimer at Oxford (1554), a delegate for the visitation
of Oxford (1556), and Visitor of All Souls College in
1558, in wiiich year he received the rectory of Wroth-
am, and was sent to Ireland with a commission for
the suppression of heresy there. Cardinal Pole ap-
pcnnted CV>le one of his executors. During Elizabeth's
reign he remained true to the Catholic F^^ Jtnd iA6t
nait in th^ discussions begun at Westminster in 1569.
Il\en b^gan lus sufferingjs: first, he was fined 500
marks ($1600), then deprived of all his preferments,
committed to the Tower (20 May, 1560), and finally
removed to the Fleet (10 June), where he remainea
for neftriy twenty years, until his death. He wrote:
letters to Dr. Starkey and Sir Richard Morysin
from Padua, 1530, and Paris, 1537; ''Disputation
with Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer at Oxford", in
Fox's *Acts and Monuments"; "Sum and effect of
his sermon at Oxford when Archbishop Cranmer was
burnt", in Fox's "Acts and Monuments"; "Answer
to the first proposition of the Protestants at the dis-
putation before the Lords at Westminster, 1559", in
Burnet's ''Hist. Reform. Records"; ''Copieof a Ser-
mon at Paule's Crosse 1560" (London, 1560); "Let-
ten to J(^n, Bishop of Sarum" (London, 1560);
"Answere to certain parcels of the Lett(H« of the
Bishop of ^rum", in Jewel's works.
Wood, AOuna Oxonieneee, ed. Buss (London, 1818), I,
450; Coovam Athtna CantabrigitMei (Cambrid0», 1858-61). I.
417; Ra*hi>au^ History of New College (London, 1901). 109,
110; DoDD, Church History of Enaland, ftd. Tierxey (liondoii,
1839-43). II, 136. 137. dxii. cccxvi; III. 150.
G. E. Himj.
OoUfnuoi, Edwabd, controversialist politician, and
secretary of the Dochess of York, date of birth un-
known; executed at Tyburn, 3 December, 1678. He was
IV.— 7
the son of a Suffolk clergyman aud, after a distin-
guished career at Cambridge, became a Catholic and
was employed by the Diiohess of York. As her secre-
tary he became acquainted with continental states-
men from whom he soi%ht pecuniary help when in
difficuHies. In 1675 he offered his services in favour of
Catholicism to Pdre La Obaise, the confessor of Louis
XIV; again in 1676 he was in communication with
Father Saint-Germain, offering his assistance to pre-
vent a rupture between £ngiand and France. These
attempts to procure money failed, but he succeeded
later in obtumng £3500 from three successive French
ambassadors whom he supplied with daily informa-
tion regarding the prooeeaings of Parliament. He
became a suspected character, and on the discovery
of the Titus Oates Plot, conceived in 1678 for the ruin
of the Duke of York whose Catholicity was suspected,
Coleman was named as one of the conspirators. (Con-
scious of his innocence he to<^ no steps to protect
himself, allowed his papers to be seiced, and gave him-
self up for examination. He was tried 28 Nov., 1678,
being accused of corresponding with fordgn poweis
for jtne subversion of the Protestant religion, and of
consenting to a resolution to murder the king. His
defence was that he had only endea\noured to procure
liberty of conscience for Catholics oonatitutionally
through Parliament, and had sought money abroad
to further this object. He denied absolutely anj
complicity with the plot against the king's life. His
foreign correspondence of 1675 and 1676, when ex-
amined, proved him to be an intriguer, but contained
nothing that could connect him in any wa^ with de-
signs on the king's life. However, m spite of the
flagrantl}r false testimony of Oates and Bedloe, he was
found guilty, drawn to Tyburn^ and there executed.
He was a good linguist, writer, and controversialist.
His controversy ^h Drs. Stillingfleet and Burnet
resulted in the conversion of Laoy Tyrwhit to the
Catholic religion. His writings were: ''Reason/? for
Dissolving Parliament'' ; " Two Letters to M. La Chaise,
the French King's Confessor" (London, 1678, re-
?rinted in Cobbett's " Parliamentary History ") ; " The
Wal of Edward Coloman" etc. (London, 1678);
''Legacies; a Poem", etc. (London, 1679).
LiNQARD. Hiai. of England (ed. 1854). IX, 175, 177, 17il
191; Giixow. Bibl. Did. of Engli$h Caih., t. v.
G. E. HiND.
Ooleri'dg^f . Henrt Jambs, writer and preacher,
b. "20 September, 1822, in Devonsliire, Engkmd; d.
at Roehampton, 13 April, 18^. He was the son of
Sir John Tavlor Cqleridge, a Judge of the King's
Bench, and brbther of John Duke, Lord Coleridge,
Chief Justice of England. His grandfather. Captain
James Coleridge, was brother to Samuel Taylor Cole-
ridge, the poet and philosophy. He was sent to Eton
at the age of thirteen, and thence to Oxford, havinj^
obtained a scholarship at Trinity College. His uni-
versity career was distinguished; in 1844 he took the
highest honours in the classical schools, and waselected
to a fellowship at Oriel, then the blue ribbon of. the
university. In 1848 he received Anglican orders.
TheTractarian movements being then at its height,
Coleridge, witli many of his tutors and friends, joined
its nmks and was an ardent disciple of Newman till
Ms conversion. He was one of those who started
"The Guardian" newspaper as the organ of the High
Church party, being for a time its Oxford sub-editor.
Gradually various incidents, the secession of Newman,
Dr. Hampden's appointment as Regius Professor of
Theolog>', the condemnation and suspension of Dr.
Pusey, the condemnation and deprivation of W. O.
Ward, and the decision in the celebrated Gorham case,
seriously shook his confidence in the Church of Eng-
land. In consequence Dr. Hawkins, Provost of Oriel,
declined to admit him as a college tutor, and he there*
fore accepted a curacy at Alphington, a parish recent^i
CX>LST
98
OOLBT
separated from that of Otter3r St. Mary, the home of
hia family, where his father had built for him a house
and school. Here, with most congenial work, he was
in close connexion with those to whom he was already
bound by a singular affection. His doubts as to his
religious position continued, however, to grow, and
early in 1852 he determined that he could no longer
remain in the Anglican Communion.
On Quinquagesima Sunday (Februaiy 22) he bade
farewell to Alphington, and in April, after a retreat at
Clapham under the Redemptorist Fathers, he was re-
ceived into the Catholic Church. Determined to be
a priest, he proceeded in the following September to
Rome and entered the Accademia dei Nobili, where
he had for companions several of his old Oxford friends,
and others, including the future Cardinals Manning
and Vau^han. He was
ordained m 1856 and six
months later took the de-
gree of D.D. In the sum-
mer of 1857 he returned
to England, and on the
7th of September entered
the Jesuit novitiate, which
was then at Beaumont
Lodge, Old Wmdsor, his
novice master being Father
Thomas Tracy Clarke, for
whom to the end of his life
he entertained the highest
admiration and esteem.
In 1859 he was sent to
the Theok>gical Collese of
St. Beuno's, North Wales,
as professor of Scripture,
ana remained there until,
in 1865, he was called to
London to become the first
Jesuit editor of "The
Month", a magazine
started under other man-
agement in the previous
year. Then commenced
a course of indefatigable
literary labour by which
he is best known. Besides
the editorship of "The
Month", to which, after
the death of Father Wil-
liam Maher, in 1877, he
added that of "The Mes-
senger", and for which
he was one of the most prolific writers, Father
Coleridge projected and carried on the well known
Quarteny Series to which he himself largely con-
tributed, both with his great work "The Pubuc Life
of Our Lord" and others, such as "The Life and
Letters of St. Francis Xavier" and "The Life and
Letters of St. Teresa". Worthy of mention also is
his Harmony of the Gospels, "Vita Vit® Nostne",
a favourite book for meditation, published also in an
English version. Studies based on the New Testa-
ment were his work of predilection, a taste which seems
to have been aoquirea, at least in part, from his old
Oxford tutor, Isaac Williams. For a time he was also
superior of his religious brethren in Farm Street, Lon-
don. In 1881 falling health obliged him to resign
"The Month" to another Oxonian, Father Richa^
F. Clarke, but he continued to labour on "The Life
of Our Lord", which he earnestly desired to finish.
In 1890 a paralytic seizure compelled him to withdraw
to the novitiate at Roehampton, where, with indom-
itable spirit, he succeeded in completing his magnitm
opus before passing away.
The chief sources for his me are articles in The Month, June,
1893. by his friend James PArncRaoN, Bishop of Emmaus, ana
Father Richard P. Clarkb S. J. , , ^
John Gebard.
Oolet, John, Dean of St. Paul's Cathedcal and
founder of St. Paul's School, London; b. in London,
1467; d. there 18 Sept., 1519. He was the eldest son
of Sir Heniy Colet, twice Lord Mavor of London.
Having finished his schooling in London, he was sent
to Oxford, but no particulars of his life there have
been preserved, not even the name of his college.
While at Oxford he determined to become a priest
and even before ordination obtained through family
influence much preferment, including the livings of
St. Mary Dennington, Suffolk, St. Dunstan, Stepnev,
and benefices in the counties of Htintinxdon, North-
ampton, York, and Norfolk. In 1493 he b€^3;an a tour
through France and Italy, studying as he went and ac-
quiring that love of the new leamin|^ which marked
his after-life. Returning to England in 1496, he pre-
pared for ordination, and
became deacon on 17 Dec.,
1497, and priest on 25
March, 1497-8. He lec-
tured at Oxford on St.
Paul's Epistles, introduc-
ing a new treatment by
abandoning the purely
textual commentary then
usual, in favour of a study
of the personality of St.
Paul and of the text as a
whole. In 1498 he met
Erasmus at Oxford, with
whom he immediately be-
came intimate, arousing in
him especially a distrust of
thelaterschoolmen. Colet's
lectures on the New Testa-
ment continued for &ve
years, until in 1504 he was
made Dean of St. Paul's,
proceeding D.D. before he
left Oxford. In London
he became the intimate
friend and spiritual adviser
of Sir Thomas More. At
the death of his father in
1505 he inherited a for-
tune, which he devoted to
public purposes. His ad-
ministration of the cathe-
dral was vigorous, and in
1509 he began the founda-
tion of the great sdiool with
wliich his name will ever
be associated. The cost of the buildings and en-
dowments is estimated at forty thousand pounds
in present value. Tlie object was to provide a
sound Christian education. Gre^ was to be at
least of equal importance with Latin. William XiUy
was the first head master, but Ck>let exercised a
close personal supervision over the school, even
composing some of the textbooks. In 1512 he was
accused of advanced views and was in difiiculties with
his bishop, but on the trial Archbishop Warham dis-
missed the diarges as frivolous. It may well be that
Colet, irritated by obvious abuses and not seeing how
far the reaction would go, used langua^ on certain
Kints which in the light of after-events is regrettable,
t there can be no doubt as to his own orthodoxy and
devotion. In 1518 he completed the revised statutes
of his school. At his death the following year he was
buried in St. Paul's Cathedral. His school remained
on its original site until 1884, when it was removed to
Hammersmith.
Colet 's works are: "Convocation Sermon of 1512";
''A righte fruitfull admonition concerning the order
of a good Christian man's Ufe" (1534); "Joannis
Coleti Theologi olim Decani Divi Pauli .£ditio
(1527, and often reprinted), the original of almost
^ Joannas Coi-ETV5
ooum
99
QOLOAM.
allljaUn Grammam of the sixteenth and seventeenth
oenturieB; "Opus de Sacramentis ficolesis'' (1867),
which with' the following treatises, long preserved
in MS., was finally edited by the Rev. J. H. Lup-
ton, smnnaster of the school; two treatises on
the'<Hieiafchiee" of Dionysius (1869); "An Expo-
aition of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans" (1873);
"An Exposition of St. Paul's firat Epistle to the
CoxiBJt!hians"(1874); "Letters to Radulphus" on the
Mosaic aocoimt of th« Creation, and some minor woiks
(1876); "Statutes of St. Paul's School" (often re-
prinled). Pitts (de Ang. Scriptoribus, Paris, 1619)
gives several additional worics by Ck)let,none of which
are extant. Many of his letters are in the works of
Erasmus.
The account of Colet by Erashub in Epi^cim CLeyden), III,
cecxxxv. tr. Lupton (London, 1883), was the foundation of
most of his biocraphies published before the end of the seven-
teenth century. Since then there have been several lives pub-
lished, none by a GathoUo writer. — Knight. Life of John
CoUt (London. 1724: miniblished Oxford, 1823; written with
strong Protestant bias); SzEBOHif, Oxford Reformera: Cai^^
Ertamut €md More (London, 1867); Lupton, Life of John
CoUt (London, 1887). for a bibliomphy see Lupton. /n-
troductum U> V6UV» LetUn to RaduLphua; GABnxNBB. Remater
of St. PauT a School (London. 1884); Lee in Did. Nat. Biog.
(London. 1887), XI, 321-328, with account of various Colet
USd. BtUi earisttnc
Edwin Burton.
Ooleti (CoLBTTi), Nicola, priest and historian, b. at
Venice, 1680; d. in the same city, 1766. He studied
at Padua, where he received the degree of Doctor,
lie was sent to the church of San MoLs^ at Venice, and
there devoted himself to historical and antiquarian
research. His first work of importance was a new
edition of Ughelli's ''Italia Sacra'' published in ten
volumes from 1717 to 1722. Beindes correcting
many errors, Goleti oontinued U^elli's history to the
banning; of iht eighteenth century. Coleti then
undertoc^ the ecnnpiwtion of his large work entitled
''Oollectid Conoiliorum''. Up to this time there had
l3e«n two standard histories of the councils, that of
Labbe and Oosaart (Paris, 1671-72), and that of Har-
douin (Psris, 1715). Baluae had begun a similar
work, but only the first Volume had appeared. Co-
leu's ooUeotion was based on that of Labbe, though he
availed himself of the laboius of Baluze and ilar^
dotdn. • The work was published b^ his brother Seba&*
tiano at Venioe from 1728 to 1733 m twenty-three vol-
QDoes. The last two were called ^ Apparatus primus ' '
and^'ApparatUB seoundus", containing the indexes,
for whicn the eoUection was especially valuable.
Other works of Coleti's were ''Series q^iscoporum
Oremonensium aucta" (Milan, 1749); ''Monumenta
eoclesitt Veneto S. Moisis" (1758>— this is valuable to
the historien for the ancient documents it makes
known. Ooleti also annotated a manuscript of Maf-
fei now pi^served in the Biblioteea ValliceUana at
Rome and bearing the title: "Sapplementum Acar
cianum monumenta nunquam edita continens, quae
marclrio Sdpio Mafifeius a vetuatissimis Veronesis cap
ituh eodieibus eroit atque illustravit, editum Venetiis
rd SelrastiaBum Coleti anno 1728 ' '. In addition to
above, two posthomous dissertations, said to have
been published l>y his brothers, have been attributed
to CoKti, but the only mention of them is found in an
old dialogue.
Vacant, Diet, de thM. eath., a. v.; Hcbter, Nommdaior;
HxcHAKD AHD OiftATTD, BMiMeea Sacra, b. v.; Dandolo, La
ttidula deOa rtpMka di Vemttia (Venioe, 1855).
Leo a. KstiiT.
Odette (diminutive of Nicoijbtta, Colbtta),
Saint, founder of the Colettine Poor Clares (Clar^
isses), b. 13 Jan., 1381. at Corbie in Picardy, France;
d. at Ghent, 0 March, 1447. Her father, Robert
Boellet, was the carpenter of the famous Benedictine
Abbey of *Cc/rhie; her mother's name was Mar-
guerite Moyon. Colette joined successively, the Be-
guinea, the Benedictines, and the Urbanist Poor
Clares. Later she lived for a while as a recluse. Hav-
ing resolved to reform the Poor Clares, she turned to
the antipope, Benedict XIII (Pedro de Luna), then
recognized by France as the rightful pope. Benedict
allowed her to enter the order of Poor Clares and em-
powa^ her by several Bulls, dated 1406, 1407, 1406^
and 1412 to found new convents and complete the re-
form of the order. With the M>proval of tne Countess
of Geneva and the Franciscan Henri de la Beaume, her
confessor and spiritual guide, Colette began her work
at Beaume, in the Diocese of Geneva. She remained
there but a short time and soon opened at Besan^on
her first convent in an almost abandoned house of
Urbanist Poor Clares. Thence her reform spread to
Auxonne (1410), to Pbli^y, to Ghent (1412), to
Heidelberg (1444), to Amiens, etc. To the seventeen
convents founded during her lifetime must be added
another begun by her at Pont*lirMous8on in Lorraine.
She also inaugurated a reform among the Franeiscan
friurs (the Coletani% not to be confounded with the Ob-
servants. These Coletani remained obedient to the au-
thority of the provincial of the Franciscan convents^
and never attained much importance even in Franee.
In 1448 they had only thirteen convents, and tdgether
with other small branches of the Franciscan Order
were suppressed in 1517 by Leo X. In addition to the
strict rules of the Poor Clares, the Colettines follow
their special constitutions sanctioned in 1434 by the
General of the Franciscans, William of Casale, ap-
proved in 1448 by Nicholaa V, in 1458 by Pius II, and
in 1482 by Sixtus IV.
St. Colette was beatified 23 January, 1740, and oan<-
(mized 24 May, 1807. She was not only a woman of
sincere piety, but also intelligent and eneivetic, and
exercised a remarkable moral power over all her asso-
ciates. She was very austere and mortified in her
Hfe, for which God rewarded her by supernatural
favours and the gift of mirades.' For the convents
reformed by her she prescribed extreme poverty, to go
barefooted, and the observanoe of perpetual fast and
abstinence. The Colettine Sisters are found to<iay,
outside of France, in Belgium, Germany, Spain, Eng*-
land, and the United States.
BxzoT7ARD. Hist, de Saintc Colette et dea Clariaaea &n Boiiraoone
(Besancon, ISOO): Gsrmaik. Sainta Colette da CorMa (Patki,
1903): PiDOux, SanUe Colette in Lcm Saints (Paris, 1907. 2d
ed.); DK S^&EKT in Btudea franciacainea (Paris, 1907X, XVI|;
Sellier, Vie de Sainte Colette (Paris. 1854. 1861), tr. St. Clare.
St. CoUtte, and the Poor Clares (Dublin, 1864); AnaUcta BoOmd
(1904). VII, 1004. 1013-16. For the cantetnporaiy acoounta ai
her life see Ada SS.t I, 539-^.
Michael Bi^ii. ..
Oolgan» John, hagiographer and historian^ b. in
County Donegal, Ireland, aoout the beginning ol the
seventeenth century; d. probably in 1657. Havixig
joined the Franciscan Order he was sent to study in
the Irish Franciscan College of St. Anthony of Padua
at Lou vain.. Here he ia said to have acted as pro-
fessor of theology for some time, but he soon forsook
the professorial chair in order to devote himself toithc
Irish studies for which that college is justly famous.
Father Hugh Ward (d. 1635) had projected a com-
elete history of the Irish saints, ana for this purpose
ad sent some of his brethren, notably Micnael
O'Clery, to Ireland to collect materials. Ward died
before he could make any progress in hjswork, but
the materials that had been gathered remained.
Colgan, being a competent master of the Irish lan-
guage, had wus ready at haad a collection of manu-
scripts unequalled in the department of Irish hagl-
ok>^. He undertook a ^reat work, to be published
in six volumes, dealing with the whole range of Iri^
ecclesiastical history and antiquities. In 1645 he
published at Louvain the third volume of this series
(Acta Sanctorum HibemisB, etc*), oont^ning tl^e
(MMAB
100
CN^LOr
lives of the Iristi saints whose feasts occur in the cal-
endar for the months of January, February, and
March. The lives of the saints whose feasts occur in
the succeeding months were to have been published
in the last three volumes of the series. Wadding, in
his '' Annales Minorum", informs us that the volume
dealing with the saints for April, May, and June was
in the press at Colgan's death; this seems incorrect,
since, if the work had been so far advanced, it would
have been published by some one of the many com-
petent colleagues who assisted Colgan.
The second volume of the series, entitled "Trias
Thaumaturga", etc., appeared at Louvain in 1647.
It deals with the three great national saints of Ire-'
land, Patrick, Brigid, and Columbcille. In it are con-
tained seven of the ancient lives of St. Patrick, five
of St. Cohimba, and six of St. Brigid. For a long time
the "Trias Thaumaturga'' was nearly the only source
of information on St. Patrick, and even since the
Whitley Stokes edition of the "Vita Tripartita*'
(Rolls Series), Colgan's work cannot be dispensed
with. It should be noted that Colgan gives a Latin
veraion of the "Vita Tripartita" which represents a
different text from that edited by Stokes; Colgan's
manuscript seems to have entirely disappeared. Be-
sides the "Lives" in the "Trias Tnaumatuiiga", there
are also contained in this volume many valuable
"Appendices", dealing with the ecclesiastical antiqui-
ties of Ireland, and critical and topographical notes,
which, though not always correct, are of invaluable
assistance to the student. In 1655 he published at
Airtwerp a life of Duns Scotus, in which he undertook
to prove that this great Franciscan doctor was bom in
Irdand, and not in Scotland, as was then frequently
asserted. In the "Bibliotheca Franciscana" Colgan
is said to have died in 1647, but this is evidently a
mistake, as a note in his work on Duns Scotus proves
eleariy that he was alive in 1655.
Colgan's work on Irish hagiology is of undoubted
value. Thougih unfortunately of very weak constitu-
tion, he was a man of great ability and industry, and
with a sound critical sense. His knowledge of the
Irish language enabled him to turn to good account
the vast collection of manuscripts (now unfortunately
for the ^ater part lost) which had been collected at
the instigation of Ward, while his acquaintance with
the traditions existing among the native Irish of his
time, about the various names of persons and places,
save him an advantage over writers of the present
day. It must be remembered, however, that Colgan,
though a fluent Irish speaker, had not, and from the
nature of things could not have, a knowledge of the
crammatical forms of Old and Middle Irish. Hence
his judgments about the datixig of the manuscripts
and about the meaning of certain difficult expressions
ought not to be put forward as irreversible. In other
words, Colgan should be judged by the criteria of his
time; from this point of view his work on the eccle-
siastical history of Ireland is unequalled. But his
opinions are not decisive evidences of truth at the
present day, especially when pitted against the views
of the most skilled students of Old and Middle Irish
mmmar and texts. His principal works are: "Acta
Sanctorum veteris et majoris Scotise seu Hibemi^e,
Sanctorum Insulae, partim ex variis per Europam
MS. Codicibus exscripta, partim ex antiquis monu-
mentis et probatis Auctoribus eruta et coi^eesta;
omnia Notis et Appendicibus illustrata. Tomus
primus qui de Sacns Hibemise Antiauitatibus est
tertius, Januarium, Februarium et Martium oom^
plectens" (Louvain, 1645); "Triadis Thaumaturges,
seu Divorum Patricii Columbee et Brigidie, tnum
Veteris et Majoris Scotiffi, seu Hibemiae, Sanctorum
Insuls, oommunium Patronorum Acta, Tomus S^
cundus Sacrarum ejusdem Insule Antiquitatum"
(Louvain, 1647); "Tractatus de VitA, PatriA, Scriptis
Johannis Sooti, Doctoris Snbtilis" (Antwerp, 1655).
Besides these he left in manuscript "De Apoetolatu
Hibernorum inter exteras Gentes cum Indi<9e Alpha-
betico de exteris Sanctis ' ' (&^ p^ges) : ** De SftncUs in
AngM, Britannia Aremorie&, in redquft GalliA, in
Belgio" (1068 pages); "De SsLnctis in Lotharingik et
Burgundid, in QetmaniA ad tenestnan et dexteram
Rheni, in ItaM" (920 paces). Some of theee in-
valuable manuscripts, thoum eagerlv sou^t for, have
not yet been traced (see Gi^ert, National MSS. of
Ireland, London, 1884; or Doherty, op. cit. below,
81-82).
Waddinq-Sbahalsa, Scriplores OrdinU Minuman (ed. Roma.
1806: Quamcchi, 1908 00^); BMifrihwa Vnittermi rrutwiMcana
(Madrid. 1732); Ware-Habws, WriUrs of Irtiond (I>ublitt,
1746); DoHeRTY, Inis-Owtn and TireotnteU, being trme oeoounX
of Antiquities emd Writers of the County of DoneocU (Dublik,
1895). 4»-52, 71-106; Hyde. A Literary Hiatoru of Ireland
(New York, 1902). »» w i
James MacCaffrbt.
Oolgan, Joseph. See Mabras, Archdiockse of.
Oolima, Diocese of (Colimenbis). — The city of Co-
lima, the capital of the State of the same name in Mex-
ico, is situated on the Colima River, at an altitude of
1400 feet, and was founded in the year 1622 by Gon-
zalo de Sandoval. Its population in 1900 was 20,698.
The Diocese of Colima was erected by Leo XIII, 11
December, 1881, by the Constitution "Si principum''.
Before its erection as a diocese, Colima formed part of
the Archdiocese of Guadalajaca ^Guadalaxara), of
which it is now a suffragan. It includes all die State
of Colima and the southern part of the State of Jalisco.
The population in 1901 numbered 72,500, many of
whom are Indians.
Oerarchia Catt. (Rome, 1908); Konveraatums-Ltx. (St. Louia,
Missouri, 1903), s. v.
bohHf FR^oiiRso-Loiixs, Superior of the Sulpicians
in Canada, b. at Bourges, SVanoe, in 1836; d* at
Montreal. 27 November, 1902w After purmiii]^ a
courae ot scientific studies he entmd tbe Seminary
of Saint-Sulpioe at Paris where he wtt6 ordained priest
in 1859. Tramiferred to Canada in 1862 he at first
took up parochial work ; later be became suooefldvely
professor of theology and director of the higfier sem-
inary at Montreal. From 1881 mitil his death he was
superior of the priests of Saint^Sulpice in Canada.
Colin distinguished himsell both as an orator and as a
man of action. Many of his sednons Imve been
printed; among them are< one to the papal xouaves
returning from Home (1871), and a funml oration
on Mgr. Bottfget (1886). Fbr twenty years Father
Colin was the promoter in Monti!«al of higher eduea^
tion for the clergy and laity. For the clergy he
founded the Canadian CbUiege at Borne (1886), in-
tended to enable young CansKlian priests to punoie a
higher course of eoolesiastioal studies by attending
the Roman universities; besides this he established
the seminary of philosophy at Montreal (1882).
For the ben^t of laymen Colin establiehed^ despite
many obstacles, the Laval University* Aided bv Fer-
dinand Brunetidre, on whom he exercised a sahitaiy
influence, he advocated the erection of a chair of
fVench literature to be occupied hy a lecturer from
France, and he himself defrayed' the costs. In this
wav he quickened interest ill the French language
and literature among the intelligent daeses of Oanaoa
and introduced the custom of calling on French and
Belgian specialists for the hi^er scientific and com-
mercial instruction of voung French-CanadiAns. To
Father Colin is also due the praotiee of inviting a
preacher frbm abroad to deliver the Lenten sermons
at Notre-Dame of Montreal. His wise advice was
also much sought for by the eodesiastical and ^vil
authorities.
JJUnivers (Psiisi. 16 Jan., 1908); BaofisnktB ia l4 GmMa
(30 Doc.. 1002); Button trvnsalrxH de» cfia«na ^l^ de iSoml-
Svlpice (Ptobruary, 1903); Semaine rtligieuse ae MonirM (fi
and 13 Dec, 1«>4).
A* FouRifsfr.
OtfUK
101
OOUEKUM
OoHn, Jean-Olattde-Marie. a French priest,
founcler of the Marists, b. at. Saint-Boimet-le-Tponcy,
now in the Diocese of Lyons, 7 Aug., 1790; d. at Notre-
Dame-de-la-Neyliftre (Rh6he) ^ Feb., 1875. After
his preliminary studies at St-Jodard, Alix, and Ver-
ri^res, he entered the Grand-S^minaire de Saint-
Ir^n^, at Lyons, and was ordained priest in 1816.
The idea of a religious society dedicated to the Blessed
Virgin or^g&iated with a group of seminarians at
Saint-Ir^nee. Although the most retiring and mod-
est of the group, Colin became the real founder.
While serving as assistant pastor at Cerdon, then in
the Diocese of Lyons, he drew up provisional rules
which met the warm approval of sucn men as Bigex,
Bishop of Pignerol, Bonald, • Bishop of Puy, Frsgrs-
sinous, minister of ecclesiastical affairs, etc. The
town of Cerdon havingpassed to the newly reorga-
nized Diocese of Belley, Colin obtained from its bishop,
Mgr. Devie, permission to take a few companions and
preach missions in the neglected parts of the diocese,
llieir number increased, and in spite of the opposition
of the bishop, who wished to make the society a dioc-
esan congregation, Colin obtained (1836) from Greg-
ory XVI the canonical approbation of the Society of
Mary as an order with simple vow^. In the same year
Father Colin was chosen superior general
During the eighteen years of nis administration
(1836-1854) Colin showed great activity, organizing
the different branches of his society, founding in France
missionaiy houses and colleges, and above all sending
to the various missions of Oceanica, which had been
entrusted to the Marists. as many as seventy-four
priests and forty-three fcrothers, several of whom
^ve up their lives in the attempt to convert the na-
tives. In 1854 he resigned the office of superior
general and retired to Notre-Dame-de-la-Neyli&re,
where he spent the last twenty years of his life revising
and completing the constitutions of the Society, im-
pressing on them the spirit of the Blessed Virgin, a
spirit of humility, self-denial, and unwavering loyalty
to the Holy See, of which he was himself a perfect
model Two years before his death he had the joy of
seeing the Constitutions of the Society of Mary defin-
itively approved by the Holy See, 28 Feb., 1873.
The cause of the beatification of Father Colin is now
(1908) before the Congr^ation of Rites.
Le Tr^-RivSrend Pbre Colin (Lyons. 1898); he Tj^s-Rivirend
Pht Cciin (Lyontf, 1900); Summariutn procetauM ordinarii in
CMMl /. C. M. C<kn (Rome. 1906).
J. F. SOLLIER.
Oolifleom, The, known as the Flavian Amphithea-
tre, oonmienced a. d. 72 by Vespasian^ the first of the
Flavian emperors, dedicated oy Titus a. b. 80.
The ^reat structure rises in four stories, each story
exhibiting a different order of architecture; the first
Doric, t& second Ionic, the third Corinthian, the
fourth Composite. The material is the famous trav*
ertine. The site was originally a marshy hollow.
bounded l^ the Ceelian, the Oppian, the Velian, ana
the Palatine HiUs, which Nero had transformed into
the fish-pond of his Golden House. Its form is that
of an eUipae, 790 feet in circumference, its length 620,
its width 525. and its height 157 feet. The arena, in
which took place the eladiatorial combats {JLudi aladi-
atorii) and fights with the wild beasts, for which the
Coliseum was erected, was of wood, covered with
sand. Surrounding the arena was a low wall, sur-
moimted by a railing high enough to protect the audi-
ence from danger of invasion by tne furious, non-
human contestants. As an additional security
against this peril, guards patrolled the passageway
between this wall and the podiwUf or marble terrace,
on which were the seats of the senators, the members
of the sacred colleges, and other privileged spectators.
From the southern side of the podium projected the
mtqgeslumj or imperial ^llery, for the accommodation
<3i the emperor and his attendants. Next to these
sat the Vestals. Back of the podium twenty tiers of
seats were reserved for the three divisions of the
equestrian order: the upper tiers of seats were occu-
pied by the ordinary citisens. Last of all was a
Corinthian colonnade in which the lower orders were
accommodated with standing room onlv. The Coli'
seum, according to the '' Chronographia " of 354, could
contain 87,000 spectators. Professor Huelsen (cjuoted'
by Lanciani), however, has calculated that it will
seat not more than 45,000 people. From the external
cornice projected a circle of pine znasts, from which
awnings could readily be suspended over parts of the
audience for the moment exposed to the sun's rays;
the imperial gallery was covered with a special can*
opy. The arena was never shaded. Nothing is
known of the architect of the Coliseum, although an
inscription, afterwards shown to be a foigery, attrib*
uted its design to a Christian.
The Coliseum ix the Middle Aqeb. — ^Although
seriously damaged bv two earthquakes in the fifth
century, it is generally held that the Coliseum was
practically intact in the eighth century when Bede
wrote the well-known lines:
Quandiu stabit cohseus, stabit et Roma;
Quando cadit cohseus, cadet et Roma;
Quando cadet Roma, cadet et mundus.
(While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall stand; when
falls the Coliseum, Rome shall fall; when Rome falls,
the world shall fall.) Lanciani attributes the c<^
lapse of the western portion of the shell to the earth-
quake of September, 1349, mentioned b^ Petrarch.
Towards the end of the eleventh century it came into
the hands of the Frangipam family, with whose palace
it was connected by a series of constructions. D\u>
ing the temporary eclinee of the nobility in the four-
teenth century, while tne popes resided m Avignon, it
became the property of the munieipaUtjr of Rome
(1312). The last shows seen in the Coliseum were
given in the early part of the sixth century, one by
Eutaricus Cilica, son-in-law of Theodoric, in 519, and
a second in 523 by Anicius Maximus. The story of a
bull-fight in 1332, in which eighteen youths of the
Roman nobihty are said to have lost their lives, is
apocxyphal (Delehaye, L' Amphitheatre Flavien, 5).
In 1386 the municipality presented a third of the
Coliseum to the ''Compagnia del Salvatore ad sanda
sanctorum" to be used as a hospital, which trans-
action is commemorated by a marble bas-relief bust
of Our Saviour, betwe^i two candles, and the arms of
the municipality, above the sixtv-third and sixty-
fifth arches. Inuring the next four centuries the
enormous mass of stone which had formed the west-
em part of the structure served as a quarry for the
Romans. Besides other buildings, four churches
were erected in the vicinity from this material. One
document attests that a single contractor in nine
months of the year 1452 carried ofif 2522 cartloads of
travertine from the Coliseum. This contractor was
not the first, however, to utilize the great monument
of ancient Rome as a quan^; a Brief of Eugenius IV
(1431-47), cited by Lanciani, threatens dire penalties
against those who would dare remove from the CoKh
seum even the smallest stone {vd miwimum dieti
ccdUei lapidem). The story of Cardinal Famese who
obtained permission from his uncle, Paul III (1534-
49), to take from the Coliseum as much stone as he
could remove in twelve hours is well known; his emi«
nence had 4000 men ready to take advanti^ge of the
privilege on the day appointed. But a new tradition,
which graduallv took hold of the public mind during
the seventeenth century, put an end to this vandal-
ism, and effectually aided in preserving the most im-
portant existing monument of imperiaiRome.
The Colisettm and the Marttbs. — Pope St. Pius
V (1566-72) is said to have recommended persona
desirous of obtaining relics to procure some sand
from the arena of the Coliseum, which, the pope de-
OOIAADO
102
OOWJkBO
eburedy waa impregnated with the blood of martyra.
The opimon of the saintly pontiff, however, does not
seem to have been shared by his contemporaries.
The practical Sixtus V (1585-90) was only prevented
by death from converting the Coliseum into a manu-
factonr of woollen goods. In 1671 Cardinal Altieri
regarded so little the Coliseum as a place consecrated
by the blood of Christian martyrs that he authorized
its use for buU-fights. Nevertheless from the middle
of the seventeenth century the conviction attributed
to St. Pius V gradually came to be shared by the
Homans. A write): named Martinelli, in a work pub-
lished in 1653, put the Coliseum at the head of a list of
places sacred to the martyrs. Cardinal Carpegna
(d. 1679) was accustomed to stop his carriage when
passing by the Coliseum and make a commemoration
of the martyrs. But It was the act of Cardinal Altieri,
referred to above, which indirectly effected a general
change of public opinion in this regard. A pious
pecsonage, Carlo Tomassi by name^ aroused by what
lie regarded as desecration, published a pamphlet
calling attention to the sanctity of the Coliseum and
protesting against the intended profanation author-
ized by Altieri. The pamphlet was so completely
successful that four years later, the jubilee year of
1675, the exterior arcades' were closed by order of Clem-
ent X; from this time the Coliseum became a sane-
tuaiy. At the instance of St. Leonard of Port Mau-
rice, Benedict XIV (1740-58) erected Stations of the
Orosa in the Coliseum, which remained until Febru-
aiy, 1874, when they were removed by order of Com-
mendatore Rosa. St. Benedict Joseph Labre (d. 1783)
passed a life of austere devotion, living on ahns,
mthin the walls of the 0>li8eum. "Pius VII in
1805, Leo XII in 1826, Gregory XVI in 1845, and
Pius IX in 1852, contributed hberally to save the
acaphitheatre from further degradation, by support-
ing the fallen portions with great buttresses" (Lan-
ciani). Thus at a jgioment when the Coliseum stood
ill grave danger of demolition it was saved by the
pious beUef which placed it in the category of monu-
ments dearest to Christians, the monuments of the
early martyrs. Yet, after an exhaustive examina-
tion of the documents in the case, the learned BoUan-
dist, Father Delehaye, S. J., arrives at the conclusion
that there are no historical grounds for so regarding it
(op. cit.). In the Middle Ages, for example, when the
sanctuaries of the martyrs were looked upon with so
great veneration, the Cohseum was completely neg-
lected: its name never occurs in the itmeranes, or
guide-books, compiled for the use of pilgrims to the
Btemal City. The " Mir^t>ilia Romse '' , the first manu-
scripts of which date from the twelfth centurv, cites
among the places mentioned in the " Passions''^ of the
martyrs the Circria Flaminins ad pantem JudcBorum,
but in this sense makes no allusion to the Coliseum.
We have seen how for more than a century it served
as a stronghold of the Frangipani family j such a dese^
oration would have been impossible had it been popu-
larly regarded as a shrine consecrated by the blood,
not merely of innumerable martyra, but even of one
hero of the Faith. The intervention of Eugenius
IV was based altogether on patriotism; as an Italian
the pope couki not look on passively while a great
memorial of Rome's past was being destroyed.
" Nam demoUri urbis monumenta nihil auud est quam
ipsius urbis et totius orbis excellentiam diminuere."
Thus in the Middle Ages no tradition existed in
Rome which associated the martyrs in any way with
the Coliseum; it was only in the seventeenth century,
and in the manner indicated, that it came to be re-
garded with veneration as a scene of early Christian
heroism. Indeed, little attention was paid by the
Christians of the first age to the actual place of a
martyr's sufferings; the sand stained with his blood
was, when possible, gatlicrcd up and treasured as a
precious rehc, but that was all. The devotion of the
Christian body centred wholly around the place where
the martyr was interred. Father Delehaye calls at-
tention to the fact that although we kaoinr f ram trust-
worthy historical sources of the execution of Chris-
tians m the garden of Nero, yet popular tradition
preserved no recollection of an event so memorable
(op. cit,, 37). The Acts of Roman Martyrs, it is true,
contain indications as to the places wiiere various
martyrs suffered : in ampkUhBotro, in TeUure, etc. But
these Acts are often merely pious legends of the fifth,
sixth, and following; centunes built up by unknown
writers on a few reliable historical factis. Thie decree
formerly attributed to Pope Gelasius (492—96) bears
witness to the slight consideration in which this class
of literature was held in the Roman Churoh; to read it
in the churches was forbidden, and it was attributed
to unknown writers, wholly unqualified for their self-
imposed task (secundum antiquam consuetudinem,
singulari cautel&, in sanct& RomanA ecclesiA non
leguntur, quia et eorum qui conscrii>8ere nomina
C'tus ignorantur, et ab inndelibus et idiotis super-
aut minus apta quam rei ordo fuerit esse putan-
tur.— Thiel, Epist. Kom. Pont., I,^ 458). The
evidence, thereiore, which we possess in the Roman
Acts in favour of certain martyrs suffering in the
Coliseum is, for these reasons among others, regarded
by Father Delehaye as inconclusive. He does not
deny that there may have been martyrs who suffered
in tne Coliseum, but we know nothing on the subject
one way or the other. (Je ne veux pas nier qu'il y ait
eu des martyrs de Tamphith^&tre Flavien; mais nous
ne Savons pas non plus s'il y en a eu, et en tout cas
leurs noms nous sont inconnus. — Op. cit., 37.) It is,
of course, probable enough that some of the Christians
condemned ad besHas suffered in the Coliseum, but
there is just as much reason to suppose that they met
their death in one of the other places dedicated to the
cruel amusements of inmerial Kome; for instance, in
the Circus Flaminius, the Gainum, the Circus of Ha-
drian, the Amphitheatmm Castrense, and the Stadium
of Pomitian. Even as regards St. Ignatius of An-
tioch, the evidence that he was martyred in the Coli-
seum is far from decisive; the terms employed by St.
John Chrysostom and Evagrius in reference to this
matter convey no precise meaning (Delehaye. op. cit.,
43) . The same is tme of the term used by Theodoret
in reference to the death of St. Telemachus, who
sacrificed his life to put an end to the bloody i^>ecta*
cles which, as late as the early fifth eentury, took
place in Rome. There is no reason to doubt the fact
of the heroic death of St. Telemachus, but there is, on
the other hand, no clear proof that its scene was the
Coliseum. Theodoret, the only writer who records
the incident, says that it happened tls rb tfrdffcor
(in the stadium), a different place from the Coliseum.
Delbhatb, UamvhUhSAtre Flavim (Bnuiwls. 1897) t
Lancxaki, Ruins and Excavatiana cf Ancient Rome (Bokton,
1897); Parker. The Fkmian Amphitheatre (hfmdon, 1876);
GoRi, Le memarie sUniche dell' anfiteatro Flaviano (Rome,
1874); VON RxuMONT, Oeech, der Stadt Ram (Berlin. 1867-70),
isatm; Grkooroviub, History of the City of R)ome m the
fiddle Agea, ir. Haxiuton (London, 1894-1902).
Maubicb M. Hassbtt.
posatn
SSdl
OoUado, I>iEGO, missionary, b. in the latter part of
the sijQteenth century at Miajadas, in the province of
Estremadura, Spain, He entered the Dominican Or-
der at Salamanca about 1600, and in 1619 went to
Japan, where the Christians were suffering persecu-
tion. After the martyrdom of Luis Fl6res, a fellow-
Dominican, in 1622, Collado repaired to Home, and
later to Spain, in the interests of the Oriental missiohs.
He obtained important concessions, though not with-
out incurring some animosity. Bearing Apostolic
and royal letters, he returned to the Orient in 1635.
The following year he endeavoured to establish in the
Philippines an independent convent devoted solely to
the Chinese and Japanese missions, but, owing to the
opposition of the Spanish civil authorities, his effort
THE COLISEUM, ROME
OOLLikTION
103
oojjjsm
was unsucoesiful. Recalled to Spain, he was ship-
wrecked, in 1638, OQ his way to Manila. He could
have saved himself, but he remained with the unfor-
tunates among his fellow-voyagere, hearing their con-
fessions and preparing them for death. The follow-
ing are his ^more important writings: ''Ars spram-
matica japonic® lingue '* (Rome, 1631 , 1632) ; ^' Die-
tionarium stve thesaiuri lingu® japonicfls compendium"
(Rome, 1632); ''Modus confitendi et examinandi
poenitentem japonensem formuU suAmet linguA ja-
ponic&" (Rome, 1631, 1632); ''Formula protestanda
fidei'' (Ilome): "Historia eclesidstica de los suoesos
de la cristianioad del Jap6n desdo el aflo de MDCII,
que entr6 en €L la orden de predicadores hasta el de
MDCXXI por el P. Hiacintho Orfanel, afiadida hasta
el fin del afk) MDCXXlI por el Padre Fray Diego
Collado" (Madrid, 1632, 1633); " Dictionarium ling-
uiB sinensis cum explicatione latind et hispanici char-
actere sinensi et latino'' (Rome, 1632).
Qjjimw AND EcHABD, Script. Ord. Prod., II, 497.
John R. Volz.
Oollation, Right of. See Benefice.
Oollationea Patmm. See CAasiAN, John.
CtoUect, the name now used only for the short
prayers before the Epistle in the Mass, which occur
agam at Lauds, Terce, Sext, None, and Vespers. The
word coUeda corresponds to the Greek ffj^po^is. It is
a noun, a late form for coUedio (so tniasa for mismo,
oUaJta for Matio^ ascensa, in the Gelasian Sacramen-
tary, for asceruio, etc.). The original meaning seems
to have been this: it was used for the service held at a
certain church on the days when there was a station
somewhere else. The people gathered together and
became a "collection" at this first church; after cer-
tain praters had been said thev went in procession to
the station-church. Just before thev started the
celebrant said a prayer, the oratio ad collectam {ad col-
lecUonem populi) ; the name would then be the same
as oratio super populum, a title that still remains in
our Missal, m Lent for instance after the Post-Com-
munion. This prayer, the collect, would be repeated
at the beginning of the Mass at the station itself
(Bona, Rer. liturg., II, 5). Later writers find other
meanings for the name. Innocent III says that in
this prayer the priest collects together the prayers of
bX\ the people (De Sacr. altaris myst., II, 27; see also
Benedict XlV, De SS. Missse sacr., II, 5). The Secret
and Post-Communion are also collects, formed on the
same model as the one before the Epistle. Now the
name is only used for the first of the three. Orimnally
there was only one collect (and one Secret and Post-
Communion) for each Mass. The older sacramen-
taries never provide more than one. Amalarius of
Metz (d. 847) says (De officiis eccl., in P. L., CV, 985
sqq.) that in his time some priests began to say more
than one collect, but that at Rome only one was used.
Micrologus [De eccl. observ., probably by Bemc^d of
Constance (d. 1100\ in P. L., CLI, 973 sqq.] defends
the old custom and says that "one Prayer should be
said, as one Epistle and one Gospel''. However, the
number of collects was multiplied till gradually our
present rule was evolved.
The way in which our collects are now said at Mass
is the fragment of a more elaborate rite. Of tliis
longer rite we still have a vestige on Good Friday.
The celebrant^ after greeting the people (Domintis
vobUcum)f invited them to pray for some intention:
Oremua, dikdiadmi nobis, etc. The deacon said:
Fledanvusgsnuaf and all knelt for a time in silent
prayer. The subdeacon then told them to stand up
agam (LevaU), and, all standing, the celebrant closed
the private prajrera with the short form that is the
collect. Of this rite — except on Good Friday — the
shortening of the Mass, which has affected all its parts,
has only left the greeting Oremus and the collect itself.
Here, as alwavs, it is in Holy Week that we find the
older form. It should be noted, then, that the Oremus
did not refer inmiediately to the collect, but rather to
the sflent prayer that went before it. This also ex-
plains the shorUiess of the older collects. They are
not the prayer itself, but its conclusion. One short
sentence summed up the petitions of the people. It
is onlv since the original meaning of the collect has
been for^tten that it has become itself a long petition
with various references and clauses (compare the col-
lects for the Sundays after Pentecost with those for
the modem feasts). On all feast<days the collect
naturally contains a reference to the event whose
memory we celebrate. Its preparation is the kissing of
the altar and the Daminus vofnscum. Before invitmg
the people to make this praver the celebrant greets
them, and, before turning nis back to the altar in order
to do so, he salutes it in the usual way by kissing it.
The form Dominus vobiscum is the common greeting
in the West. It occurs in the Gallican, Milanese, and
Mozarabic Liturgies under the form: Dominus sU
semper w^iscum. Germanus of Paris notes it as the
priest's (not bishop's) greeting (P. L., LXXVII, 89).
It is taken from tne Bible. When Booz came from
Bethlehem he said, ''The Lord be with you", to the
reapers (Ruth, ii, 4), and St. Gabriel used the same
form to Our Lady at the Annunciation (Luke, i, 28;
cf . II Thess., iii, 16). A bishop here says, Pax vobis,
unless the Mass has no Gloria, in which case his erect-
ing is the same as that of the priest (Ritus celebr.,
y. 1). This distinction is as old as the tenth century
((>rdo Rom., XIV, 79, notes it). The Pax is a joyful
and solemn greeting to be left out on da^s of penance.
Its connexion with the Gloria, that has just gone be-
fore (et in terra pax hominibus), is obvious. The jgreet-
ing of peace (eipijpii wtUriw) is the common one m the
Eastern liturgies. In either case the answer is: Et
cum spiritu tuo. This is a Hebraism that occurs con-
stantly in both the Old and the New Testament.
"TTiy spirit" simply means "thee" (cf. e. g. Dan.,
iii, 86 ; dal., vi, 18 ; Phil., iv, 23 ; Philem., 25). Nefesh
(Heb.), Na/s (Ar.), with a pronominal svmx, in all
Semitic languages means simply the person in ques-
tion. The Eastern liturgies nave the same answer,
Kcd it/erk roO rvd^/utar^s 9ov (and with thy spirit), as in
the Apostolic Constitutions (Brightman, Eastern Lit.
3, 13), or K9X TV -rvfAfiarl <rou (ibid., 49, 137, etc.).
At the Dominus vobiscum the celebrant, facing the
people, extends and then again joins his hands. It
IS here a gesture of greeting. With folded hands he
turns back to the altar and goes to the Missal at the
Epistle side. Here, again extending and joining the
hands and bowing towards the cross, he sings or savs
Oremus^ and then, with uplifted hands (not above the
shoulder, Ritus C^elebr., V, 1), goes on at once with the
collect or collects. The present rule about the collects
is this: on doubles only one collect is said (that of Uie
feast), unless any other feast be commemorated, or the
pope or bbhop order an oratio imperata. Tne tm-
pmita is, moreover, omitted on doubles of the first
class, Palm Sunday, Maundy Thursday, the eves of
Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday, in Requiems, and
solemn votive Masses. On doubles of the second class
it is left out in high and sung Masses, and may be said
at the others or not, at the celebrant's discretion.
For a very grave cause an imperata may be ordered
to be said always, even on these occasions. It alwavs
comes last (De Herdt, I, 72). The collect of the
Blessed Sacrament, to be said when it is exposed, and
that for the pope or bishop on the anniversary of their
election, coronation, or consecration, are particular
cases of imperaUs, The rules for commemoration of
feasts, octaves, ember days, and ferias of Advent and
Lent are given in the rubrics of the Missal (Ruhr.
Gen., VII ; cf . De Herdt. 1, 70-71). On semi-doubles,
Sundays, and days within an octave, three collects
must be said; but on Passbn Sunday, on Sundays
OOLLBtfFAftnXM
104
OOU-EOnORS
within an octave and throughout the oeta'ves of Has-
ter and Whitsunday there are only two (Ruhr. Gen.,
IX ; De Herdt, I, 75, where the rufes for these coiieets
will be found). But in these cases the number may
be greater, if there are commemorations. On aim-
Sles, ferias, and in Requiems and fnot solemn) votive
[asses, the celebrant may also iidd collects, as he
chooses, provided the total number be an uneven one
and do not exceed seven (Ruhr. Gen., IX, 12: De
Herdt, I, 83).
The rule about the uneven niunbers, on which the
S. Congr. Rit. has insisted several times (2 December,
1684; 2 September, 1741 ; 30 June. 1896), is a curious
one. The limit of seven prevents the Mass from being
too long. In any case the collect of ^e day alwa3rs
comes first. It has Oremus before it and the long
conclusion (Per Dominum. etc.). The second collect
has a second Oremus^ and all that follow are joined
together without intermediate ending nor Oremus till
the last, which again has the long conclusion. This
separates the collect of the day from the others and
gives it a special dignity, as a remnant of the old prin-
ciple that it alone shomd be said. The conclusions of
the collects vary according to their form and refer-
ences (Ruhr. Gen., IX, 17). The people (choir or
server) answer Amen, During the conclusions the
celebrant folds his hands and bows towards the cross
at the words Domxnum rtoatrum Jesum Christum, It
should be noted that the great majority of the collects
are addressed to God the Father (so all the old ones;
the common form is to b^in: Deus, md); a few later
ones (as on Corpus Christi, for example) arc addressed
to God the Son, none to the Holy Ghost. At low
Mass collects are said aloud so that they can be heard
by the people, at high (or sung) Mass they are sung
to the festive tone on doubles, semi-doubleS; and Sun-
days. On simples, ferias; and in Masses for the dead,
they have the simple ferial tone (entirely on one note,
fa). The rules of the tones, with examples, are in the
" Caeremoniale Episcoporum ", I, xxvii. At high Mass
the deacon and subdeacon stand in a strai^t line
behind the celebrant (the deacon on the top step, the
subdeacon in piano) with joined handis. At the col-
^>ects, in high Mass, the people should stand. This is
the old position for public prayer; originally the sub-
deacon explicitly told them to do so (Levate), TTie
custom of standmg during the collects, long n^ected.
is now being happuy revived. At low Mass they kneel
all the time except during the Gospel (Ruhr. Gen.,
XVII, 2). ^ -^ *^ V
RubriocB gmeraJes Missalia, VII, IX, XVI. XVII; RUua ede-
brandi, V; Caremoniale Epiaoaponim, I, xxvii; Bbnsdict XIV,
De JSS. Mis9(B Sacnficio, 11. v; Giur, Dm heiliae Mesaapfer
(Freiburg im Br.. 1897), II, { 39, 374-399. See abo the sacra-
mentaries, texts, and commentaries Cfuoted in the article Canon^
or THE Mass.
Adrian Fortescue.
OoUectariuxn (sometimes CoLLBCTARitJs, Collec-
TANEtiM, Orationale, CAPrTTTLARB), the book which
contains the GoUects. In the Proprium de Tempore
of the Roman Missal the title StatiOf with the name
of some saint or mystery, is frequently prefixed to
the Introit of the Mass. It signifies that in early
times, probably down to the fourteenth centur^^ the
clergy and people celebrated on those days the Divine
mysteries in the churches dedicated in honour of that
samt or mystery. Before going in procession to the
statio they assembled in some nearby church to re-
ceive the pontiff, who recited a prayer which was
called the Collect. This name was given to the
prayer either because it was recited for the assembled
people, or because it contained the sum and substance
of all favours asked by the pjontiff for himself and the
people, or because in an abridged form it represehted
the spirit and fruit of the feast or mystery. In course
of time it was used to signify the prayers, proper,
votive, or prescribed by the ecclesiastical supenors
iimperata), recited before the Epistle, as well as the
Secrets and the Post-Conmiunionfi. Later it was ap-
plied to the prayers said at Divine Office or any litur-
gical service. "
Zaccabia, BQtliotheoa RitufUii fRome, 1776), I; Bbbnabd,
Court de Liturgie Romaina: La Mesaa (Paris. 1808), 11: Van
DEB &TAPPEN, Socra JMurgia Qtfechlin. 1902), II: Carpo,
Compendioaa BiUiotheca LUtargica (Bolocna, 1.879): Gxhb.
The Holy Saerifice of the Mate, tr. (St. Ixnus, Miasoun^ 1903).
A. J. SCHtTLTB.
Oolleetions.— 'Die offerings of the faithful in tti&r
special relation to the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass will
claim fuller and more general treatment under Offer-
tory and Mass Stipend. We will confine oiuiselves
here to the particular development which took the
form of a contribution in money, corresponding pai^
ticularly to what is conveyed by the French word
quite. Of collections for general church purposes we
find mention alreadv in tne days of St. Paul, for we
read in I Ck)r., xvi, 1-2: "Now concerning the collec-
tions that are made for the saints, ajs I have given
order to the churches of Galatia, so do ye also. On
the first day of the week let every one of vou put apwrt
with himself, la3ring up what it shall well please him ;
that when I come, the collections be not th^n to be
made.*' This seems to imply that on every Sunday
(the first day of the week ) contributions were made,
probSibly when the faithful assembled for "the break-
ing of bread" (Acts, xx, 7), and that then contribu-
tions were put by, if not required for some immediate
and local need, e. g. the relieiF of the poor, in order that
St. Paul might assign them for the use of other more
destitute churches at a distance (cf. II Cor., viii and
ix). How far such offerings were allocated to the sup-
port of the clergy and how far to the poor there fe
notiiing to tell us, but it is plain that as a matter of
principle the claims both of the clergy and of the poor
were recognised from the very first, (For the clergy
see I Cor., ix, 8-11 ; II Thess., iii, 8; I Tim., v, 17-18;
and for the poor see Acts, iv, 34-35, vi, 1, xi, 29-30;
I Tim., V, 16, etc.) Again there can be no doubt that
from an early date such alms were administered ac-
cording to some organized system. The very institu-
tion of deacons and deaconesses proves this, and we
can appeal to the existence in certain places, for ex-
ample at Jerusalem, of a roll (breve eceuaiaMieum, see
the recently recovered "Life of St. Melania", § 35)
bearing the names of those in receipt of relief. Greg-
ory of Tours ^ves the name of matricularii (De Mirac.
B. Martin., in, 22) to those who were entered on this
roll. Speaking generally, the allocation of all offer-
ings was recognized as belonging to the bishop (i. e. in
the period before the modem system of parishes and
parish priests had evolved itself with any clearness),
and the rule was formally enunciated in the West that
all offerings were to be divided by the bishop into four
parts: the first for the clergy, the second for the poor,
the third for the fabric and up-keep of the churches,
and the last part for the bishop himself, that he mi^t
the better exercise the hospitality which was ex-
pected of him. This arrangement seems to date back
at least to the time of Pope Simplicius (475), and a
hundred years later it is stated by Pope Gregory the
Great in the following form when he was consulted by
St. Augustine about the English Church which he had
just founded: "It is the custom of the Apostolic See
to deliver to ordained bishops precepts that of every
oblation which is made there ought to be four portions,
one, to wit, for the bishop and his household, on ac-
count of hospitality and entertainment, another for
the dei^, a third for thepoor, a fourth for the repair-
ing of churches" (Bede, Hist. Eccles., I, xxvii).
At a later date we find some modification of this
nile, for in the Capitularies of Louis the Pious a third
of the offerings are assigned to the cler^ and two-
thirds to the poor in more prosperous districts, while a
half is to be given to each in poorer ones. During all
this earlier period offerings in money do not seem to
^
wuMmam
105
oosi^flcnoirB
have been connected with the Sacrifice of the Mass,
but they were either put into an aims-box perma-
nently set up in the church or they were pven in col-
lections made on certain specified occasions. With
r^ard to the fonner Tertulhan already speaks (Apol.,
xxxix, Migne, P. L., I, 470) of **8ome sort of chest"
which stood in the church and to which the faithful
contributed without compulsion. It seems to have
been commonly called gazavhylaciwn or oorbona (Cyp-
rian, *'De op. et eleemos.": Jerome, Ep. 3cxvii, 14).
The coHections on the other nand probably took place
on days of which notice was given oeforehand. Apart
from a mention in the ** Apology" of Justin Martyr (I,
Ixvii), ftt>m whidi- we should suppose that a collection
was made every Sunday, our principal source of in-
formation is the series of six sermons ** De Ck)llectis",
delivered by St. Leo the Great in different years of his
pontificate (Mime, P. L., LIV, 168-168). All these,
according to the brothers Ballerini, probablv have
reference to a collection annually made on 6 July, on
which day in pagan times certain games were held in
honour of Apollo, at which a collection took plaee.
The Churoh seems to have continued the custom and
converted it into an occasion of almsgiving for pious
purposes upon the octave day of the feast of Sts. Peter
and Paul. It may be noted that both Tertullian
(De Jejun., xiii, Migne, P. L., II, 972) and St. Leo seem
to regard such contributions of money as a form of
mortification, and consequently sanctincation, closely
connected with fasting. That similar collections were
everjrwhere common in the Early Church and that con-
siderable pressure was sometimes brought to bear to
extort contributions we learn from a letter of St. Greg-
ory the Great (Migne, P. L., LXXVII, 1060).
As already noted, these methods of gathering alms
seem to have had nothing directly to do with the lit-
urgy. TTie offerings which were invariably made by the
faithful both in the Eastern and the Western Chureh
during the Holy Sacrifice were long confined to simple
bread and wine, or at least to such things as wax, can-
dles, oil, or incense which had a direct relation to the
EHvine service. According to the so-called Apostolic
Canons (see Canons, Apostolic) other forms of prod-
uce which might be offered for the support of the
clergy were to oe taken to the residence ox the bishop,
where he lived a sort of community life with his
priests (see Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apos-
tolorum, I, 564). However, the bread and wine
which were brought to the altar at the Offertory of the
Mass were commonly presented in quantities far in ex-
cess of what was needed for the Holy Sacrifice, and
they thus formed, and were intended to form, a sub-
stantial contribution towards the maintenance of
those who served in. the sanctuary. Various enact-
ments were passed during the Carlovingian period
with the object of urging the people to remain faithful
to this practice, but it seems gradually to have died
out, save in certain functions of solemnity, e. g. the
Mass celebrated at the consecration of a bishop, when
two loaves and two small casks of wine are presented
to the celebrant at the Offertory. On the otner hand,
this oblation of bread and wine seems to have been re-
placed in many localities by a contribution in money.
At what period the substitution began is not quite
clear. Some have thought that a trace of this prac-
tice is to be recognized as early as St. Isidore of Sev-
ille (595) who speaks of the arcndeacon ''receiving the
money collected from the communion" (Ep. ad
Leudof., xii). A less ambiguous example may be
found in a letter of St. Peter Damian (c. 1050) where
there is mention of gold coins being offered by the
wives of certain princes at his Mass (Migne, P. L.,
CXLFV, 360). In any case it is certain that from the
twelfth to the fifteenth centuiy a money offering,
known in England as the "mass-penny", was com-
monfy made at the Offertory all over the Western
Church. Kings and personages of high rank often
had a special coin which they presented at Mass eac^
day and then redeemed it afterwards for a specified
sum. Chaucer says of his Pardoner: —
Well could he read a lesson or a stone
But althebest he sang an offertorye;
For well he wyste, wheu that sone was songe,
He moste preach and well affyle nis tongue
To Wynne silver, as he right wel oowde.
Therefore he san^ full merrily and lowde.
The offering was voluntary, and each one broudit
what he had to give to the altar-rail. Burckard at the
beginning of the sixteenth century gives this direction :
" u there be any who wish to offer, the celebrant comes
to the epistle comer and itxeie standing bareheaded
with his left side turned towards the altar, he removes
the maniple from his left arm and taking it in his ri^t
hand, he presents the end of it to kiss to those wvio
offer, saying to eaeh: 'May thy sacrifice be acceptar
ble to Grod Almighty', or * Mayst thou receive a hun-
dredfold and possess eternal life'." Tliis mWc was
not retained in the firet official and authoritative edi-
tion of the Roman Missal, printed in 1570. Possibly
the struggle for precedence in going up to make the
offering, of which we read in Chaucer, tended to bring
this method of contributing into disfavour and led to
the carrying round of an alms-dish or bag from bench
to bench as is commonly done at present. Collections
for specified objects, e. g. the building of a church, the
construction of a bridge, the relief of certain cases of
distress, etc. have at all times been common in the
Church, and during the Middle Ages the people were
eonstaritly stimulated to give more generously to par*
ticulat funds for pious purposes, e. g. the Crusades, by
the grant of special Inaul^snces. "These grants of In-
du^nce were often entrusted to preachers of note
("Pardoners") who carried them from town to town,
collecting money and using their elomience to recom-
mend the gpod work in question ana to enhance the
spiritual privileges attached to it. This led to many
aoiises. The Council of Trent frankly recognized
them and abolished all grants of Indiugence which
were conditional upon a pecuniary contribution' to-
warcjs a specified object. Other collections during
the Middle Ages were associated with special objects of
piety — ^for example, noteworthy shrines, statues, or
relics. Some few specimens still remain oiP stone alms-
boxes ioined to a bracket upon which some statue
formerly stood, or united to Easter sepulchres,
shrines, etc. One collection, that for the Holy Places,
was commonly associated with the creeping to the
Cross on Good Fridays, as it still is to-day.
The strain put upon the charity of the lay-folk in
the Middle Ages by the large number of mendicant
orders was often severely felt. Some remedy was
provided by confining the appeals of those wiio soli-
cited alms to certain assigned districts. The mendi-
cants so licensed were in England often known as
" limitours * '. A like difficulty is not unfamiliar in ont
own dav, and the principle has consequently been rec-
ognizea that a bishop has a right to prohibit stran^rs
from collecting alms in his diocese without authoriza-
tion. Although it is not always easy to exercise ade-
quate control over these appeals, a certain check may
be put upon importunate ecclesiastics by withholdinc
permission to say Mass in the diocese. This method
of exercising pressure, to be followed by complaint to
the Congregation of Propaganda in case such prohibi-
tions are n^ected, is indicated in a strongly worded
decree drawn up by the Third Plenary Council of Bal-
timore (n. 295). Similar regulations requiring that
the bishop's authorization should be obtained before
strangers can be allowed to collect money for chari-
table purposes in the diocese also prevail m England.
Restrictions are further commonly imposed, either by
synodal decrees or by the command of the bishops
upon certain methods of collecting money whioi
OOLUBOnVZSM
106
ooLUBornnsM
mav be judged accordioff to local circumaiances
to be likely to give scandal or to be attended with
danger to souls. The sometimes intricate and ddi-
cate questions arising from the collection of money by
religious when entrusted with quasi-parochial func-
tions have been leaslated for in the Apostolic Consti-
tution ** Romance Tontifices*' of 8 May, 1881.
There U * short article s. v. CoUeelen in the Kvrtkenlexxkont
but there aeema to be no one source of inlonnataoo which bnnn
together in moderate compass the facts discussed above. The
reader may. however, be merred for'various points to (fiffeient
treatises, m which the foliowins are the most noteworthy:
FouBNKRET in Did. de thiol, caih, (1905), s. v. BieM eocUaiaa-
tuples; TBAinorBR, Litwrifik (Freiburg. 1883), Vol. II, Pt. I:
QiHB, The Maaa (tr. Freiburg. 1902), 486-514; Haodan, Souda-
MOBS, and ABunsLD in Diet Chriat. Antiq., s. w. AUiu; OUa-
tiana; Poor; Scudamobb, Notitia Euchariaiioa (London, 1876).
346 sq.; Bondboit, De Capacitaie Poaaidendi Bceteata (Lou vain.
1900): BxBPSBLACX. De Bonia BccleauB TemporaU^ua (Ion»*
bruck. 1892); Wrhns, Jua Deeretalium (Rome, 1906), III. 134
sq.: Laurentiub, Inatituiionea Juris Eedeaiaatiei (Freiburg,
1908). 631-657.
Herbert Thurston.
Oollectivijun. — ^This term is sometimes employed
as a substitute for socialism. It is of later origin, and is
somewhat more precise in use and content. Socisd-
ism, while sufficiently definite in the minds of those
who have a right to class themselves as socialists, is
frequently employed in a loose way by others. The
sin0e-tax theory, government ownerBhip of public
utilities such as railways and telegraphs, stricter
public regulation of industry, and even moderate
measures of social reform, are sometimes called social-
ism bv individuals and newspapers. Collectivism is
scarcely ever used except to aesignate that system of
industi^ in which the material agents of production
would be owned and managed by-tbe public, the collec-
tivity. And it usually indicates merely the economic
side of socialism, without reference to any philo-
sophical, psychological, ethical, or historical assump-
tions. Socialism means primarily an ideal industrial
order as just described, but it is also quite properly
used to characterize the entire idealogical foundation
upon which International or Marxian socialists build,
as well as the concrete movement that is actively
striving for the realization of this ideal order. Hence
economic determinism, the class strug^e, and the
catastrophic concentration of industry would be
called socialist rather than collectivist theories. Not-
withstandinjg these advantages of deiiniteness, the
word coUectivitm has not been widely employed, even
in France and Belgium; nor does it promise to sup-
plant the older term in the future.
While collectivism implies the substitution of col-
lective for private property in the means of produc-
tion, it is susceptible of considerable diversity in its
application throughout the realm of industry. One
of the most thorough^ing of the German socialists,
Karl Kautsky, in his forecast of what might be
expected to happen the day after the industrial
revolution, suggests that when the State has taken
possession of ^e capitalistic industries it could sell
a portion of them to the labourers who work them,
another portion to co-operative associations, anoUier
to municipalities, and still another to provincial sub-
divisions of the nation (in America, the several States).
All industries that had already become monopolize
and national in scope would, of course, be operated
by the nation, ana the national form of industry
woidd probably be the predominant one ultimately.
Land would be collectively owned, but not always col-
lectively operated. According to Kautsky, the small
non-capitalistic farms (embracing by far the greater
part of all a^cultural land) might well remain in
the hands of mdividual farmers. While not owning
the ground that he tilled, and while — in all probability
— spaying rent to the State in proportion to the value
of the land, the small farmer would own and manage
his agricultural business, the machinery, seeds, horses,
etc., that he used, and the product that he produced.
Thus his position would approximate that of a farmer
under the sin^e-tax system. He would not be a
wage-receiver m the employ of the industrial State.
Finally there are certain non-agricultural small in-
dustries which could continue to be privately owned
and manaeed. This is especially true of thooe in
which hand labour predommates, and which produce
for inunediate consumption, for example, the work
of barbers, artists, custom-tailors, and dressnaakers.
Since the supreme aim of collectivism is the abolition
of that capitalistic r^ime which enables one man or
one oorporatbn arbitrarily to exploit the labour and
the necessities of many men, it obviously does not—
in theory at least — imply equal compensation for all
individuals, nor the destruction of individual initiative,
nor the establishment of a bureaucratic despotism.
Hence the theoretical possibility of different rates of
pAv, of many and diverse industrial units, of a con-
sicferable number of small industries, and of private
property in the goods that minister to inunediate
enjoyment. As the American socialist John Spaigo
puts it, ''we want social ownership only of those
things which cannot be controUc^i by private owners
except as means of exploiting the labour of others and
making them bondsmen'' (Capitalist and Labor, etc.,
120). As in the matter of the ownership and opera-
tion of the means of production, so with regard to the
ultimate directive power, the governmental functions,
collectivism does not theoretically necessitate the des-
potic supremacy of a highly centralized State. Indeed,
the Ck)ntinental socialists, who detest the militai^
governments under which thejr live, favour decentrali-
zation rather than the opposite; hence so many of
them lay stress upon the development of the local polit-
ical umt, and the inevitable increase of provincial and
municipal functions in the collectivist State. Their
ideal, and the ideal of collectivists generally, is a State
organized on industrial lines, in which each industry,
whether local or national, and its workers will be sub-
stantially autonomous, and in which government of
persons will be replaced bv an administration of thinss.
From this outline of what may be regarded as tioe
prevailing theory of collectivism, it appears that many
of the arguments against collectivism have lost some-
thing of their former strength and pertinency. This
is particularly true of those objections which assume
a completely centralized management of industry,
equal compensation for all workers, and the entire
absence of individual initiative in production. On
the other hand, the very diversity of industrial direc-
tion, the vast scope given to local and provincial
autonomy, and the very small part assigned to coer-
cive and repressive activity in tne collectivist system
would undoubtedly prove fatal to its efficiency and
stability. To suppose that the local industrial unit,
say, the municipal gas works, or the local branch of
the national shoe manufacture, could be operated
effectively on a basis of complete industrial democ-
racy, requires a faith surpassing that of children.
The workers would lack the incentive to hard work
that comes from fear of discharge, and would be
under constant temptation to assume that thev were
more active and more efficient than their equally paid
fellows in other workshops of the same class. Hence
sufficient centralization to place the control of indus-
try outside of the local unit or branch would seem to
be indispensable. This means a combination of
industrial and political power that could easily put
an end to freedom of action, speech, and writing.
Since the form of authority would be democratic, the
people could no doubt vote such a government out
of power; but in Uie concrete the people means the
majority, and a majority might continue for a long
senes of years to impose intmerable conditions on a
minority almost equal in numbers. For oollectivism
there seems to be no middle rat)und between tnefii-
ciency and despotism. An industrial system wbicb
^lAjf-T-g
107
OQIiUBaS
would inoiease rather than lessen social ills is obvi-
ously contrary to the interests of morality and relig-
ion. Furthermore, any oollectivist regime which should
aeixe private land or capital without compensation
IB condemned by the Catholic doctrine concerning
the lawfulness of private ownership and the unlaw-
fuhiess of theft. Setting aside these questions of
feaaibility and compensation are we obhged to sa^i
or peimitted to say, that collectivism as described m
this article has been formally condemned by the
Catholic Church? In the Encyclical " Rerum Nova-
rum " (On the Condition of Labour), Pope Leo XIII
cleariy denounced those extreme forms of socialism
aad communism which aim at the abolition of all or
practically all private property, Periiaps the near-
est approach to an official pronouncement on the sub-
ject of essential and purelv economic collectivism is
to be found in the same document, where the Holy
Father declares Uiat man's welfare demands private
ownership of ''stable possessions" and of "lucrative
property . (See Socialism.)
£lt. Soeialum and Social Reform (New York, 1894): Van-
DKXVBLDE, CoUectivum and Indiutrial kevolution, tr. (Chicago,
1904): Kadvult, The Social UevUuHtm, tr. (Ohicaso. 1905) ;
L.BO AlII. Rerum Nwarwn; Dbvas in The IhMm Renew
(liondon, Oot.. 1906).
John A. Ryan.
OoUe df Val d'SLut (Collib HsTRtmcus), Diogesk
OF (Collenbis), suffragan to Florence. Colle is sit-
uated in the province of Siena, THiscany, on the top
of a lofty hill which overlooks the River Elsa. It is
said to have been built by the inhabitants of Gracchi-
ano, who had suffered greatly in the frequent wars be-
tween Florence and Siena. The Gospel is supposed
to have been preached there by St. Martial, a reputed
disciple of St. Peter. C^Ue had at first a collepate
church, exempt from the ordinary jurisdiction of the
neighbouring oishop, and widely Known through the
merits of its archpnest, St. Albert, who flourished
about 1202. In 1598, Clement VIII, at the request
of Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany, erected the Di-
ocese of Colle, the first bishop being tlsimbardo Usim-
bardi. The diocese has 72 parishes, 1 17 churches and
chapels, 115 secular and 20 regular priests, 3 religious
houses of men and 3 of women.
CaFpcixxtti. Le thieee dFltalia (Venice, 1844), 27A-77; Ann.
tad. (Rome, 1907), 40B-10.
U. BSNIONI.
OoUege. — ^The word college (Fr, coUkge, It. coUegio,
Sp. colegio), from the Latin collegium, originally signi-
fied a community, a corporation, an organized society,
a body of colleagues, or a society of persons engaged in
some common puiauit. From ancient times there ex-
isted in Rome corporations called collegia, with vari-
ous ends and objects. Thus the guilds of the artisans
were known as collegia or todalicia; in other collegia
persons associated together for some special religious
worship, or for the purpose of mutual assistance. This
original meaning of the word college is preserved m
some modem corporations, as the College of Physi-
cians, or the College of Surgeons (London, Edinburgh).
There were in Rome other, more official bodies which
bore the title collegium, as the Collegium tribunorum,
Collegium augurum, Collegium pontificum, etc. In a
similar sense the word is now used in such terms as the
CoUege of Cardinals (or the Sacred Collej^e), the Col-
lege of Electora. the Colle^ of Justice (in Scotland),
the College of Heralds (in £]ngland).
From the fourteenth century on the word college
meant in particular "a communitv or corporation of
secular cLergv living together on a foundation for relig-
ious service . The church supported on this endow-
ment was called a collegiate church, because the eccle-
siastical services and solemnities were performed by a
college, i. e. a body or staff of clergymen, consisting of
a provost, or dean, canons* etc. ; later, the term " col-
legiate" or " college church " was usually restricted to a
church connected with a large educational institution.
Some of these iiistitutiuus, l>eside8 carrying out the ,
Divine service in their church, were required to take
charee of an almshouse, or a hospital, or some educa-
tional establishment. It is here that we find the
word college introduced in connexion with education,
a meaning which was to become the most prominent
during succeeding centuries. It seems that in the
English universities the term was first applied to the
foundations of the so-called second perioa, t^ified by
New College, Oxford, 1379; from these the name
firadually spread to the earlier foundations (Merton,
Balliol) which originally were designated by the term
aula or domus; then it was taken by the foundations
of the third period, the colleges of the Renaissance.
As used in educational history, colleee may be de-
fined, in general, as " a society of schomrs formed for
the purposes of study or instruction*'; and in particu-
lar as "a self-governing corporation, either independ-
ent of a University, or m connexion with a university,
as the College of the Sorbonne in the ancient Univers-
ity of Paris, and the colleges of Oxford and Cam-
bridge ' '. In some instances, where in a university only
a single college was founded or survived, the terms
"college" ana "university" are co-extensive and in-
terchangeable. This is the case in Scotiand and« to a
ereat extent, in the United States. Although in the
United States many small institutions claim the am-
bitious titie of university, it b more appropriate to ap-
ply this term to those institutions which have sevenJ
distinct faculties for professional study and thus re-
semble the universities of Europe. Tliey differ, how-
ever, from the continental universities in one impor-
tant point, namely, in the undergraduate department
which is connected with the university proper. In
some places, as in Harvard, the term " college is now
in a special sense applied to the undergraduate school.
This is the most common and most proper acceptation
of the term: an institution of higher learning of a
general, not professional, character, where after a reg-
ular course of study the degree of Bachelor of Arts, or,
in recent years, some equivalent degree, e. f;. Bachelor
of Philosophy, or Bachelor of Science, is given. (See
Arts, Bachelor of, and Degrees, Academic.) It
is this meaning of college which will be treated in this
article; all professional schools called colleges axe ex-
cluded, such as teachers' colleges (training schools for
teachers), law and medical colleges, colleges of dentis-
try, pharmacy, mechanical engineering, agriculture,
business, mines, etc. Nor will coUe^ea be included
which are divinity schools or theological seminaries,
as the numerous colleges in Rome, e. g. the Collegium
Germanicum, Collegium Latino-Americanum, Collet
cium GrsBcum, or the English, Irish, Scotch, North-
American Colleges, and many other similar institu-
tions.
As the origin and evolution of the college, or of its
equivalent, have not been the same in different coun-
tries, it will be necessary, in order to avoid confusion,
to treat separately of the colleges peculiar to England.
These deserve special attention for the further reason
that the American college is an outgrowth of the Eng-
lish college. Even at the present day the distinguish-
ing characteristic of the Universities of Oxford and
(^ambridge is the existence of the colleges. Nothing
like it is to be found in any other country, and the re-
lation between these colleges and the university is
very puzzling to foreigners. The colleges are disUnct
corporations, which manage their own property and
elect their own officers; the university has no legal
power over the colleges, although it has jurisdiction
over the individual members of the colleges, b^
cause they are members also of the university. Mr.
Bryce has used the relation between the university
and the colleges as an illustration of the relations be-
tween the Federal Crovemment and the separate
States of the American Union. But one great differ*
0OZ.L8OS
108
OOItUMNB
enoe has been pointed out by Mr. Rashdall: "in
place of the strict limitation of spheres established bv
the American Constitution, the jurisdiction of both
University and College, if either chose to exercise them,
is legally unlimited. Expulsion from a College would
not mvolve expulsion from the University, unless the
University chose so to enact; nor coma expulsion
from the University prevent a man from continuing to
be a member or even a Fellow of a CoUe^. The TJni-
versity's monopoly of the power of grantmp degrees is
the only connecting link which ensures their harmoni-
ous co-operation" (Universities of Europe, II, 793).
The professors at Oxford are university officials; tu-
tors and lecturers are college officials; these two
bodies form two different systems. The majority of
students receive the e;reater part of their education
from the tutors and lecturers. (For fiuther details
see "The University of Oxford'' in "Ir. Eccl. Rec.",
Jan., 1907.)
Although at the present day the collegiate system is
peculiar to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge,
it was not so formerly, nor can England claim the hon-
our of having had tne first colle^. This distinction
.belongs to the University of Pans, the greatest school
of medieval Europe. To understand the origin of the
coUeges and their character, it is necessary to know
the social conditions in which the medieval students
lived. Large numbers of youths flocked to the fa-
mous university towns; there may have been 6000 or
7000 students at Paris, 5000 at Bologna, 2000 at Tou-
louse, 3000 at Prague, and between 2000 and 3000 at
Oxford. Writers of the latter part of the Middle
Ages have, it is true, asserted that in preceding cen-
turies Paris had over 30,000, and Oxford from 20,000
to 30,000 students; some popular writers of our days
have repeated these statements, but the foremost his-
torians who have df< with this subject, as Rashdall,
Brodrick, Paulsen, Thorold Rogers, and many others,
have proved that these fabulous numbers are gross
exaggerations (Rashdall, op. cit., 11, 581 sqq.). Still
the numbers were large, many students very young,
some not more than fourteen or fifteen years old;
many lived in private houses, others in halls or hostels ;
the discipline was lax, and excesses and riots were fre-
quent* above all, the poorer students were badly
lodgea and badly fed, and were at the mergr of un-
scrupulous and designing men and women. Generous
persons, inspired by the spirit of active charity, which
was very pronounced during these centuries, sought to
alleviate the lot of the poor students. The result was
the foundation of the "houses of scholars", later
called coU^^es. Originally they were nothing but en-
dowed hospteia^ or lodging and boarding-houses for
poor students; the idea of domestic instruction was
absent in the eariy foundations. The first Parisian
colleges were homes for ecclesiastical students, " aca^
demical cloisters specially planned for the education
of secular clercy . About 1180 the College of the
Eighteen was founded (so called from the number of
students)- then Saint-Thomas de Louvre (1186), and
several others in the first half of the thirteenth century.
The most famous of the colleges in Paris was the Sor-
bonne (see Sorbonne, College of the) founded
about 1257, and intended for sixteen, later for thirty-
six, students of theology. In succeeding centuries
the Sorbonne came to stand for the whole theological
faculty of the University of Paris. In the course of
time the university set aside the original autonomy of
the coIle«^ and gained complete control over them;
in this the colleges of Paris differed widely from the
English colleges. Another difference lay m the fact
that most English colleges admitted students for fac-
ulties other than the theological. The first English
oollece, Balliol, founded about 1261, at Oxford, was
largely an imitation of the earlier foundations of Paris,
and differed from the general type of English colleges.
The real beginning of the English college system was
the foimdation of Walter de Merton, who afterwards
became Bishop of Rochester. Merton College, estab-
lished 1263 'Or 1264, became the archetype of the col-
leges of Oxford and Cambridge. The schohirs were
to begin the study of the arts, and then to proceed to
theology, a few to the study of canon andT^vil law.
Besides the thirteen full members of the soeiety (the
socii, or Fellows), a number of young boys were to be
admitted (twelve at first), as ''secondary^ sebolars",
who were to be instructed in "grammar^* tmtil they
were enabled to begin the study of arts.
The foundation of the secular collies was greatly
stimulated by the presence of the regular cc^eges, i. e.
the establishments of the religious onlers in connexion
with the universities. The rel^ous orders eariy prof-
ited by the advantages offered in these educational
centres, and in their turn had a considerable share in
the further development of the universities, particu-
larly the Dominicans and Franciscans. (See UNrvER-
BiTT.) The Dominicans established a house of study
in the University of Paris in 1218, the Franciscans
1219, the Benedictines 1229, the Augustinians In
1259. At Oxford the Dominicans op<med a house
1220, the Franciscans 1224. Their example was fol-
lowed by the Benedictines, who founded Gloucester
Hall and Durham College. These religious houses
formed each a miniature Studium in the midst of a
great university. The young members of the orders
fiVed in well-organized communities which gave free-
dom from cares and favoured quiet study, whereas
other students were left to contend with the many
hardships and temptations which surrounded them on
all sides. It was natural that men who realised the
advantages of such a well-regulated life should en-
deavour to adapt this system to the needs of students
who had no intention of entering religious copimuni-
ties» '* The secular college would never perhaps have
developed into the important institution which it act-
ually became but for tne example set by the colleges of
the mendicants" (Rashdall, op. cit., J, 47S)j An er-
roneous view has been expressed by some writers, viz*,
that the foundation of the colleges was a symptom oi
the growing opposition to ecclesiastical control of edu-
cation, and especially a sign of hostility to the reli-
gious orders. The majority of secular colleges were
founded by zealous ecclesiastics, in England especially
by bishops, most of whom were very friendly to the
religious orders. Mr. Bass Mullinger admits that
Trinity Hall, Cambridge, seems to have been founded
with the intention of furthering "Ultramontane inter-
ests " (Hist, of Un. of Cambridge, 41). Hugh de Bal-
sham, a Benedictine, was the founder of Peterhouse,
the first college at Cambridge (1284); the third Cam-
bridge college, Pembroke Hall, was founded in 1347 by
Marie de VSence, a friend of the Franciscans; one of
two rectors was to be a Friar Minor, and the foundress
adjured the fellows to be kind, devoted; and grateful
to all religious, "especially the Friars Minor". Gon-
ville Hall, Cambridge, was founded in 1350 by Ed-
mund Gonville, an equally warm friend of the Do-
minicans, for whom he made a foundation at Thet-
ford. The same can be shown with regard to Oxford.
To give an instance, according to the statutes of Bal-
liol, one of the outside "procurators" was to be a
Franciscan. The indirect influence of rehgious insti-
tutions is discernible also in the semi-monastic fea-
tures of colleges, some of which have survived to our
own times, as the coirimon life and obligatory attend-
ance at chapel. With regard to the latter point it is
surprising to learn that tne earlier collies enjoined
attendance at Mass only on Sundays, Holy Days, and
vigils. At Oxford, the statutes of New College are, as
far as is known, the first which require dailv attend-
ance at Mass ; towards the end of the fifteenth century
this daily attendance was enforced also on the stu-
dents living in the Halls (Rashdall, op. dt., TI, 506,
651).
OOUJKW
109
OOLLMI
Tiie members of a college were one another's socit,
or "Fellows''. In the beginning the terms "Schol-
lars'' and ''Fellows" were latercnangeable, but grad-
ually the term '* Fellows" wss restricted to the senior
or ^veraing members, the term "Scholars" to the
junior membeiB. The Senior Scholars or Fellows
were largely employ'ed in looking after college b\isi-
neesy in later times particularly in teaching the Junior
Scholars. In the eajiy. foundations it was understood
that the inmates should receive most of their instruc-
tion outside the walls of the ooUege ; but where young-
er members were admittedi it was necessary to exer-
cise supervision over their studies, and give some in-
struction supplementing the public lectures. This
supplementary teaching gradually became mora
prooiinent; iJthough it is not known exactly vHien
this important educational revolution took place, it
seems to belong chiefly to the fifteenth century; fi-
nally the colleges praeticaliv monopolized instruction.
The number of students Uving in the colleges was
snudl at first; most statutes provided only for be-
tween twelve and thirty or forty, a few for seventy or
mora. Most of the students continued to live outside
the ooUc^es in Uceneed halls or private lodmn£». The
' iod^^ng-Jnouse system was checked in the fifteenth
century, and later the colleges absorbed most of the
student population. But from the first the cdlleges
reacted tavouraUy on the whole student body and ex-
ercbed a most salutar]^ influence on the manners and
morals of the. university towns. As Cardinal New-
man has said : " Colk^jes tended to break the anarchi-
cal spirit, eave the example of laws, and trained up a
set of atut^nts who, as being marally and intellectu-
ally superior to other members of the academical body
became the depositaries of academical power and. in-
fluence" (Hist. Sketches^ 1X1, 22n. Thus the uni-
versity itself was largely benefited by the colleges; it
derived &om them order, strength, and stability. It
is true^ at a much later date, the university was sacri-
ficed to the colleges,, and the colleges themselves be-
came inactive; contrary to the intention of the found-
ers, who had estabhshed them for the maintenance of
the poor, thev were occupied by the wealthy, espe-
cially after the paying boarders, ''commoners", or
" pensioners ' ', became numerous. They were at times
sinecures and clubs rather than places of serious
study.
William of Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, found-
ed the first coll^ outside a university, namely Win-
chester College^ in 137S^, for seventy boys who were to
be educated in ''^rrammar", i. e. literature. Gram-
mar colleges had mdeed existed before, in connexion
with univeraities and cathedrals; but Winchester was
the first elaborate foundation for grammatical educa-
tion, independent of either a cathedral or a university.
From Winchester College the students were to enter
New College^ Oxford, founded by the same patron of
education. The example of Winchester was imitated
in the foundationa of £ton (1440), and in the post-
Refonnation schools of Harrow, Westminster (both on
older foundations), Rugby, Charterhouse, Shrews-
bury, and Merchant Taylors. These institutions de-
vdoped into the famous ''pubhc schools". During
thii period, as for a long time after there was no such
hard and fast line between the higher and more ele-
mentary instruction as exists at the present day.
Many grammar schools of England did partly college
work. Contraiy to the common opinion, as voiced by
Green, MulUnger, and othern^ the number^ of grammar
schools before the Reformation was very great, Mr.
Leach states tfa&t ''three hundred grammar schools is
a modetate estimate of the number in the year 1535,
when the floods of the great revolution were let loose.
Most of them Were swept away either under Henry or
his son ; or if not swept away, they were plundered
and damaged" (Englian Schools at the Reformation,
5-6). Be it remembered that the term ''grammar
school" is used in the sense common in Ekigland, de-
noting a higher school where the daasioal languages
form the staple subject of instruction.
A most powerful mfluenoe on the further develops
ment of the colleges was exercised by the humanistio
movement. It cazmot be denied that during the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries the study of Uie olas-
sics had been comparatively neglected, as men's
minds were absorbed in soholastic studies. John of
Salisbury and Roger Baeon complained bitterly about
the neglect of the study of the languages. (Cf .
Sandys, Hist, of Class. Scholarship, 568 sqq.) This
was completely changed when the enthusiasm for the
ancient classics began to spread from Italy throughout
Western Christendom. The ''new learning" mdu-
ally made its victorious entry into the old seats onean>-
ing, while new schools were established everywhere,
until, about the year 1500, "Catholic Europe pre-
sented the' aspect of a vast commonwealth of sdidars"
(Professor Hartfelder, in Schmid's "Geschiohte der
Erziehung", II, ii, 140). The schools of Vittorino da
Peltre, ''the first modem schoolmaster", and of
Guarino da Verona, became the models for schools in
other countries. En^h scholars had early come in
contact with Italian humanists and schools; Grocjrn,
Linacre, William Latimer, William Lily, Dean Colet
were humanists, and tried to introduce the new learn-
ing into the English schools. The influence of the
Renaissance is most clearly noticed in St. Paul'^
School, founded by Dean Colet in 1512, and in the
statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 1516, where
greater stress is laid on the study of Latin and Greek
than in anv previous foundation. When humanism
had gainea the day, largeljc through the ^ficourage^
ment and influence of men like Bishop John Fisher,
Thomas More, and Cardinal Wolsey, jSnglish college
education had assumed the form and character whioa
were to remain for centuries. The medieval curricu-
lum of the trivium and ouadrivium (see Arts, Ths
Sevsn Libsrai.) had not been entirely abandoned; it
survived in the new scheme of education, but greatly
changed and modified. Henceforth the classical lanr
guages were the principal subject of instruction, to
which mathematics formed the most important addi-
tion. "Letters" were the essential foundation; the
rest were considered accessofr, subsidiary. This hu-
manistic type of schools lasted longer in England than
in any other country.
' In the medieval imiversities outside of France and
England there existed colleges, but nowhere did they
obtain the importance and the influence which they
sained in Pans, and most of all in Oxford and Cam-
bridge. The colleges in the German univeraities, e. e.
at Prague, Vienna, Cologne, as well as Uie Scotch c^-
leges, were primarily intended for the tead&ers, and
only secondarily, if at aU, for the students. For the
students hostels, called buraae, were established which
were merely lodginc-houses. The colleges of the
Netherlands, especially those of Louvain, came near-
er the English type. The most famous coll^ was
the CoUe^um Trilingue at Louvain, founded in 1517
by Busleiden, after the model of the College of the
Inree Languages at Alcald, the celebrated founda^n
of CardinafXimenes for the study of Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew. At present, there is, on the European conti-
nent, no exact ecjuivalent of the English colleges, but
as far as the subjects of instruction are concerned, the
French lyc^ and colUgey the German mpnwuium^ and
similar institutions, in their higher dasses, resemble
the English colleges. Many celebrated ^rmnosia of
Teutomc coimtries developed from pre-Reformation
schools. In Schmid's "Gesehichte der Ersiehung"
(V, i, 50 sqq.) there is a lon^ list of such schools whidi
grew out of medieval institutions, e. g. the Elbing
gymnasium (Protestant), established in 1536, which
eveloped from a Senatorial school founded in 1300;
the Marienburg gymnasium, from a latin school es-
OOLLSOS
110
fX>UJSC»B
tablished by the Teutonic Knights in the fourteenth
centHiy; the Berlin gymnasium (1540), formerly St.
Peter's School (1276); the Mary Magdalen Gymna-
sium of Breslau, a Protestant school (1628), which
grew oiit of City School (1267); the Gynmasium II-
lu^tre of Brieg (1669), a combination of the ancient
Cathedral School and the City School ; the Lutheran
school of Sagan (1541), originally a Franciscan school
(1294). During the Renaissance and Reformation
period a few institutions of this kind went by the
name of CoUegium^ but more were styled Oymnaxiumf
Lyceum f Athenceumf Padagogiunij or Academia, al-
though these names in some cases were given to
schools which were rather universities. Institutions
of collegiate rank were also termed Studia Particularta,
to distinguish them from a Siudium Generdle, or uni-
versity. In its character the gymnasium was a hu-
manistic school y the classical languages being the
main subject of instruction. Not only the Catholic
colleges of the post-Reformation period, but also the
Protestant school systems, were based on the pre-
"Reformation schools, particularly those of the Netner-
lands. The famous school of Zwickau in Saxony was
organized between 1535 and 1546 by Plateanus, a na-
tive of Li^ge, on the model of the school of the
Brethren of the Common Life in Li^ge. John Sturm
had studied in the same school at Li^, in the Col-
l^um Trilingue at Louvain, and in the University of
Paris, and from these schools he derived most of the
details of his gymnasium at Strasburg, which was one
of ttie most tvpical and most celebrated of early Prot-
estant schoob. Sturm's ideas in turn largely influ-
enced another claset of German institutions, the fa-
mous Fttrstenschulen of Grimma, Pforta. etc. Again,
Metanchthon, honoured by the title of "founder of the
German pymnasium", based his system on the educa-
tional principles of Erasmus and other humanists.
Many features of college life are legacies of the past ;
some have already been pointed out, namely attend-
ance at chapel and the common life in the great
boarding-schools. Various forms of distinctly aca-
demical dress have grown out of college practices; no
particular form of garment was prescribed by uni-
versity authority in medieval institutions, but in col-
leges they soon began to wear a /'livery*' of uniform
colour and material. The modem viva voce examin-
ation is the successor of the fortner oral disputation,
the examiners now taking the place of the "oppo-
nents" of olden times. -AS has been shown, the sup-
port of poor and deserving scholars was the root idea
of the foundation of colleges ; the scholarships in Eng-
lish and American schools, the bursarships and stip-
^fidia in the schools of Germany and other countries,
have sprung from, and perpetuate, the same idea. In
the provision for the Senior Scholars, in the fellow-
ships of the medieval collq^, and in the practice of
enaowing professorships with prebends, there was an
early sy^matic attempt at solving the question of
professors* salaries. In these and other features,
modem college systems are intimately linked with the
(Catholic past.
Rashdall, the Vniveraitiea of Europe in ihe Middle Ages
(Chrfoni, 1895), I. II; Brodrictk, Hvstorv of the Univeniiyot
Orford (London. 18$a): Mullinobr, The Univcteity of Cam-
hrvdge (2 vols.. CambriaKe, 1883); Idem, History of the Vniver-
tity of Cambridoe (T^ondon, 1888); Denifle and Chatelain.
Chariularium Vniversitatie PariieimH* (Paris, 1889-1896);
BouQU]i/U>N, The VnivfreHy of Parie in Calholie University
BuUetinCJniy, Oct., 1895. Jan.. 1896); Brother Az arias, Unt-
veraity Cotleces in Am. Caih. Q. Rev. (Oct.. 1893. Jan., 1894);
Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and other Humaniet Educaicrs
(Cambridge, 1897); It>BM. Studie* in Educnium during the Age
of Vie Renaieeance (Cambridge, 1906); Einstein, The Italian
Renaimdnce in England (New York, 1902V, Rus^em^ Oerman
Higher Sehooh ( New York. 1 899 ) ; Pa ti t j*k n , GfAch. drs nrlehrten
Vnierriehie cm/ dmt deuinchen Schiden und I 'nivrrfdUUen (2nd ed.,
2 roh^ Leipzig. 1890); Schmjp, Geschichte dtr Brziehunq (Stutt-
SMt, 1889 and 1901). ll. ii and V, i; Newman, Hietoruxd
MLche*, III: Riee and Progrens of Vntprrfiitiea (channingiy
written, but with no fcreat value an hii^ory). — For the history
of the wonl: Nnv English Dictionary on Historical Principlee,
ed. MiTRRAY (Oxford. 1893), II.
The American College. — The continuity of edu-
cational ideals, and the diversity of their ap|>Iieation.
according to national needs and cliaractenAtics, is
well illustrated by the American college. As regards
its origin, it is an outgrowth of the EngliBh college, in
particular of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where
John Harvard had been educated. In more than one
respect, especially in the fundamental idea of liberal
training as the proper preparation for liie higher or
professional studies, it perpetuates the educational
traditions which spread from Paris, and later from the
humanistic schools of Italy, to Oxford and Cam-
bridge, and thence were transplanted to the New
World. However, the elements derived from Europe
were modified from the very beginning and have been
still more changed since the foundation of Harvard, so
much so that at present there is no exact counterpart
of the American college in any other country. Tnere
are at present (1908) in the Uhited States over four
hundred and seventy institutions which confer de-
crees and are called universities or collies, not count-
ing those which are for women exclusively. In some
cases, as has well been said, the name " unrversity " is
but a ''majestic synonym for college", and some of
the colleges are only small high schools. Before the
American Revolution 11 collies were founded, chief
among them Harvard (163^, Wflliam and Mary
(1693), Yale (1701), Princeton (1746), UniversHy of
Pennsylvania (1751), CJolumbia (1754), Brown (1764),
Dartmouth (1770); from the Revolution to 1800, 12,
one of them Catholic, at Geoi«etown, District of Co-
lumbia; 33 from 1800 to 1830; 180 from 1830 to
1865; and about 240 from 1865 to 1908. The older
foundations in the East are independent of State con-
trol, but possess charters sanctioned by legislation.
Many of the more recent foundations, especially in
Western and Southern States, are supported and con-
trolled by the State; on the other nand, denonuna-
tional control has largelv disappeared from the old
colleges and is exclud^ from most new foundations.
At present about one-half of the colleges are roistered
as non-sectarian. From the eariy part of the nine-
teenth century efforts were made to offer t6 women
the same educational opportunities as to men. Mount
Holyoke Seminary, Massachusetts (1887), and Elmira
College (1865), were neariy equivalent to the colleges
for men. Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, New York
(1865), however, has been styled the 'legitimate par-
ent'' of the colleges for women, as it established the
same standard as that of colleges for men. Vassar
College, Wellesley CoU^ (1876), Smith CoUege
(1875), Mount Holyoke College (1893), Bryn Mawr
(1885), and the Woman's College, Baltimore (1886),
are the most important women's colleges in the
United States. Others are affiliated wit^ colleges or
universities for men, as Raddiffe, with Harvard.
Many Western and Southern colteges are co-educar
tional.
The American college has been the main repositoiy
of liberal education, of an advanced education of gen-
eral, not technical or professional, character. The
"old-fashioned" collie had a four-year course of
prescribed studies: Latin and Greek, the inheritance
of the humanistic period, and matiiematics, to which
had been added in the course of time natural sdenoes,
the elements of philosophy, and still later, English lit-
erature. Modem languages, especially Frendi, were
taught to some small extent. Since the Civil War
changes have been introduced which are tmly revolu-
tionary. Some collies have grown into univcreitieB
with different faculties after the model of EXiropean,
especially German, universities; these institutions
have two principal departments, the univerwty
proper, for graduate, or professional work, and tihe
collegiate department in the stricter sense of the
word. But this very collegiate course has undergone
a far-reaching transformation; the line of separation
WLLmX
lii
OOLLIOE
between univefBity and college proper has been tartly
effaced, so'that the college is a composite institution,
otf a secondaxy and higher nature, giving instruction
-vrliidi in Europe is given partly by the secondanr
sdiools, partly by the universities. The causes of this
and other changes are manifold. Tiie nineteenth cen-
tury saw the extraordinary development of the '^high
school' ^ a term, which in the United States, means a
seoondaiy school with a four-year course between the
elementary (public) school and the collie. In 1900,
tliere were over 6000 public and nearly 2000 private
schools of this erade with over 630,000 pupils, more
tban one-half of these being female students. Part of
the work of these schools was formerly done in the
coDege. The result of this separation and develop-
ment of the secondary schools was, first, an increase of
the age of applicants for college, and, secondhr, hi^er
entrance requirements. In consequence of the in-
crease of aee, many students now pass directly from
the high school to professional studies, as few profes-
sional schools require a college diploma for admission.
On the other hand, in order to gain a year or two,
some colleges have shortened the couree from four to
three years (Johns Hopkins): others have kept the
four-year college course, but allow the students to de-
vote the last year, or even the last two vears partly to
professional work (Harvard, Columbia).
A second caiise of the modifications mentioned, and
one that affected the college seriously was the exces-
sive expansion of the college curriculum, the pressure
of many new subjects for recognition, some of which
p»ertain rather to professional schools. The advance
m, and enthusiasm for, the natural sciences during the
nineteenth century effected changes in the schools of
an civilised countries. In many quarters there was a
clamour for '^ practical '* studies, and the old classical
course was decried as useless, or merely ornamental; its
very foundation, the theory of mental or formal dis-
cipune, well expressed in the term gymntuium for
classical schools in Germany, has been v^rously as-
sailed, but not disproved. At present the pendulum
seems to swine away from the utilitarian views of
Spencer and o^ers, and the conviction eains ground
that the classics, although they can no longer daim
the educational monopoly, are after all a most valu-
able means of liberal culture and the best preparation
for professional studies. To meet the dimcuHy aris-
ing from the multitude of new studies and the growing
demand for "practical" courses, the elective system
was introduced. This system, in its more extreme
form, is by many regarded as detrimental to serious
work; few students are able to make a wise choice;
many are tempted to choose subjects, not for their in-
trinsic value, but because they are more easy or agree-
able; they follow the paths of least resistance and
avoid the harder studies of greater educational value.
To avoid these evils a compromise has been invented
in some colleges in the form of a modified election,
the group system, which allows the choice of a certain
fieldof studies, of groupjs of subjects regulated by the
faculty. Some choice in certain branches has been
found profitable, but it is now a very general opinion
that the elective system can be employed in the col-
lege only with manv limitations and safeguards, and
that certain valuable literary, or "culture" studies in
the best sense of the term, should be obligatory,
^erican educators of the highest repute have come
to regard eariy specialization as a dangerous pedagog-
ical error, ana they maintain that the elective princi-
ple has its proper place in the university. Another
result of the encroachment of the univermty on the
oollc^ is the disappearance of the old-nushioned
teacher with a good ^neral knowledge and practical
skill as an educator ; his place is taken by the speoialmt,
who more resembles the university professor, who lec-
tures rather than teaches, and comes little in contact
with the individual student; the classes are broken
up, and oourees take their plaoe. This means the loas
or an important educational factor, namely, the per-
sonal influence of the teacher on the pupil. The
larger coUeees are partioulariy exposed to this danger;
in the smaBer oolites there is more personal inter-
course between the faculty and the students, generally
also stricter discipline.
The American college is, at the present time, in a
state of transition, in a condition of unrest and fer-
mentation. The questions of the length of the college
course, of the proper function of the college, of its re-
lation to university work, of the elective system, of
the relative value of classics and modem languages,
natural and social sciences — all tiiese are topics of
genera] discussion and matters of vital importance,
and, at the same time, questions beset with great diffi-
culties. Hence it is not surprising to find prominent
educators ranged on different sides, some advocating
far-reaching changes, others, more conservative, warn-
ing against hazardous experiments. Modem condi-
tions undoubtedly demand changes in the college; it
would be most desirable if the old literary curriculum
and instruction in sciences and other new subjeets
could be combined into a harmonious system. The
present tendency of the college seems to be to undei^
take too much in subjects and methods, instead of re-
maining the culmination of secondary training, the
final stage of general education.
Monographa on Bdueation tn ihe United SUOm^ ed. Nicholas
MvRRAT BvTLSB, pAitictilariy Wbbt, The iimmean CeUepe
iAXhaay, 1809); Sgbwxckebath, Jesuit Bdueation (St. Louu,
1905). with special reference to American college conditions,
chapter x: The Intellectual Scope; xi: Freecribed Couraea or
Sleetive Studieel; xii: CUueieal Studiee: Speeial BepoHa on
edueaUomaJ, Subjeeta (London. 1902). IX-XI; Eduoatumal Re-
view (New York. Jan.. 1901; May. 1902: Sept.. 1906. etc.);
articles in The Atlantic Monthly and in The Forum.
Robert Schwickbrath.
, Oollere (m Canon Law), a collection (Lat. coiU-'
ffium) of persons united together for a common object
so as to form one body. The members are conse-
quently said to be incorporated, or to form a>oor-
TOration. Colleges existed aniong the Romans and
Greeks from the earliest times. Tne Roman laws re-
quired at least three persons for constituting a
college. Legal incorporation was made, at least
in some cases, bv decrees of the Senate, edicts of
the emperor, or by special laws. There were, how-
ever, general laws under which colleges could be
formed by private persons, and if the authorities
judged that the members had conformed to the letter
and spirit of these laws, they had incontestable rights
as collegia legtHma; if the remiisites were not adhered
to they coidd be suppressecl by administrative act.
The colleges could hold property in common and could
sue and be sued. In case of failure this common
property could be seised, but that of the individual
members was not liable to seiaure. The Roman coir
2em'um was never instituted as a corporation sole; still,
when reduced to one member, that individual suc-
ceeded to all the rights of the corporation and could
employ its name (J. F. Keating, ''Roman Ledsla-
tion on Collegia and Sodalicia " in '* The Agape '', Lon-
don, 1901, p. 180 sqq.). Colleges were formed among
the ancient Romans for various purposes. Some o7
these had a religious object, as the college of the Arval
Brothers, of the Augurs, etc.; others were for admin-
istrative purposes, as of qusestors, tribunes of the
people; others aeain were trade unions or guilds, as
the colleges of beUcers, carpenters. Tiie early Roman
Christians are said to have sometimes held church
property during times of persecution under the title of
collegium. Pbr the evidence of this, see H. Leclercq,
Manuel d'Arch^logi Chrdt. (Paris, 1907, I, 281-66).
It is not admitted by Mgr. Duchesne, Hist. anc. de
I'Eglise (Paris 1906, I).
Cttrum Latfi. — ^Most of the prescriptions of the
OOZJkSOE
112
IKNUUmB
ancient civil law were Feoelvedinto the church law and
they are incorporated in the "Corpiu Juria", By
canonists, a college has been defined as a collection of
several rational bodies forming one representative
body. Some authors consider universAf and eam-
tnunity as synonjnnous terms with college, but others
insist that there are points of difference. Thus, there
are canonists who define universitv as a collection of
bodies distinct from one another, but employii^ the
same name specially conferred upon them. Pirhing
remarks that a community of priests attached to the
same church do not form a coUe^ imless they are mem-
bers of one body whose head is a prelate elected by
that body. According to 6anon law three persons are
required to form a college. Some authors maintained
that two were sufficient for the purpose, because Pope
Innocent, sdluding to St. Matthew, xviii, 20, says tbat
no presbyter is to be chosen for a church where two or
throe form the congregation, except by their canonical
election. As congregation here evidently means col-
lege, these writers contend that two oan therefore
form a college. As a mattef of fact> however, the
pontiff is simplv affirming that the rig^t of election
will remain with an already constituted college even
though only two of its members remain alter the death
of the prelate. Pirhing gives as the reason why two
cannot constitute a college, that though it be not neces-
sary that the college actually have a nead, yet it must
be at least capable of giving itself a presioing officer,
or rector of the college. If, then, there be only two
members and one be constituted the head, the other
can not form the body, for the body requires several
members, and the head is distinct from the body. He
does not mean to assert, however, that if a college be
reduced to two members, it can not preserve its cor-
porate rifi^ts. On the contrary, the canon law ex-
plicitly aS^rms that one survivmg member can con-
serve the privileges of the corporate body, not for him-
self personally, out for the college. When a legally
constituted college has been reduced to two members,
one can elect the other as prelate. If the college be
reduced to one member, it becomes a virtual, not i^
actual, corporation. The single remaining member
can exercise ^e acts belonging to the college, and
although he can not elect himself prelate, yet he can
choose or nominate some other proper person to the
prelacy. He may also commit the election to other
persons, or even to one, as the bishop.
The ancient canonists, when stating that three
constitute a college, give also the numbers requisite
for other canonical bodies, thus: five are necessary
to form a univeroity, two a oongregation, more than
two a family, and ten a parish. Among conspicuous
eoclesiafltieal colleges may be mentioned the Sacred
College of Cardinals (see Cardinal) and cathedral and
collegiate chaptere (see Chapter and Collsgiate).
The name college is specially applied also to corporate
educational bodies within the Church, as without it.
Before the Reformation, and even in the first years of
Queen Elisabeth, the collies of Oxford and Cambridge
were always spoken of as ecclesiastical corporations.
By the present English law l^ey are purely lay cor-
porationsy even though all their membeis be cl^gy-
men. The title -'Apostolic College'' is applied m
Rome to those institutions which are immediately
subject to and controlled by the Holy See, and are
consequenUy exemnt from any other spiritual or tem-
poral authority; tne students are declared to be
under the direct protection of the pope. Such imti-
tutions^are, among others^ the College of the Propa-
ganda, the German, En^ish, Irish, and Scotch Col-
leges, and the North and. South American ColLeg^.
(For the Apostks of JesuB Christ as a collective
authority, s6e CouuBcnt, Apoarouo.)
Pirhing. /u« Canonicwn Univeraum (VaDice. 1760),I; Fer-
raris, BMoth. Canon. (Rome. 1886), II; Smith. Didionary of
Chreek and Raman Antiquitiea (London, 1901).
William H. W. Fanning.
CtoUcge, Apobtouc.— This term de<iipifttes The
Twelve Apostles as the body of men com mmaionad by
Christ to spread the Idngdom of God over the whole
world and to give it the stability of a well-ordered
society: i. e. to be the foimders, the foundation, and
pillars of the visible Church on earth. The name
'' apostle " connotes their commission. For an Apostle
is a missionary, sent by competent authority, to ex-
tend the Gospel to new lands: a tradition, beginning
with the sending of The Twelve, has consecrated this
meaning of the term to the exclusion of all othere
which it might derive from its etymology. When we
Kieak of the Apostles as a '' college", we inxply that
tney worked together under one head and for one
purpose. Referring the reader to the article Apos-
TLS0 for the Scriptural and positive treatment of the
question, we may now deal with its dogmatic aspects.
It is evident, a priori, that Revelation must be
transmitted and communicated by means of envoys
and teachers accredited by God. The consideration
of the. nature of revelation and its object shows that
no other theory is practically possible. In fact,
Christ founded a teaching, ^oveminf;, and nxxnistering
Apostolate, whose charter is contamed in Matthew,
xxviii, 1^20. "All power is given to Me in Heaven
and in earth. Going therefore [in virtue of, and
endowed with, tliis My sovereign power: ''As the
Father hath sent Me, I also send you^' (Jolin, xx, 21)],
teach ye [>Ao^«>(rarf — make to yourselves disciples,
teach sws having power — Mark, i, 22} all nations; bap-
tiang them in the name of the Father, and of tbe Son,
and of the Holy Ghost. Teaching them [diddo-Kotrreti
to observe all things wliatsoever I have commanded
you [her€iKi/i.iiv]: and behold I am with you all
days, even to the consununation of the world. " This
ooUege of rulers, teachers, and ministers of the sacra-
ments was placed under the headship of St. Peter,
the rock upon whom the foundations of the Church
were established. The many texts referring >to this
subject (see Apostles) may be summarised as fol-
lows: After accomplishing His own mission. Jfssus
Christ, in virtue of His absolute power and autnority,
scaxt into the wcMrld a body of tochers and preachers
presided over by one head. They were His repre-
sentatives, and had for their mission to publish to the
world all revealed truth imtil the end ot time. Their
mission was not exclusively personal; it was to ex-
tend to their successors. Mankind were bound to re-
ceive th»n as Christ Himself. That their word might
be His word, and might be recognized as such. He
promised them His presence and the aid of the Holy
Ghost to ^arantee the infallibility of their doctrine;
He promised external and supernatural signs as
voucnera of its authenticity; He gave their doctrine
an effective sanction by holding out an eternal reward
to those who should toithfuUy adhere to it, and by
threatening with eternal punishments those who
should reject it. This conception of the Apostolate is
set forth m the writings of St. Paul and realized in the
practice of all the Apostles (Rom., x, 8-19; £pb.,
iVf 7-14). It runs through the whole Catholic tradi-
tion, and is the very soul of the Church at the present
day. The CdOk^e of the Apostles lives forth in the
episcopate, which gradually took its place and filled its
functions. There are, however, between the attri-
butes of the original Apostles and those of the suc-
ceeding hierarchy some differences arising from the
ciroumstance tliat the Apostles were personally
chosen and trained by Christ to lay the foundation of
the Church. That circumstance creates for them an
exceptioikal and intransmissible eminence over their
successors.
(1) Although both, bishops and Apostles, are ap-
poioted by Divine authority, yet the Apostles re-
ceived their commis^on immediately from Christ,
whereas the bishops receive theirs but mediately ^ j- e.
through the medium of human authority. The
oauKW
113
QglililiffilS
power of order and juruKliction is the same in the
Apostles and in their successors, but, whereas the
Apostles received it from the Divine Founder Himself,
tl^ bishops receive it through the channel of other
bishops. Immediate conmiission implies, in the mis-
sionary, the power to produce, at first hand, creden-
tials to prove that he is the envoy of God by doing
works wnich God alone can work. Hence the chax-
isma, or gift, of miracles granted to the Apostles, but
withheld from the generality of their successors whose
mission is sufficienUv accredited through their oonnex-
ion with the original Apostolate.
(2) Another prerog^ative of the Apostles is the uni-
versality of their mission. They were sent to esta-
blish the Church wherever men in need of salvation
were to be found. Their field of action had no limits
but those of their own convenience and choice, at
least if we take them coUecUvelv; directions by the
chief Apostle are not excludeo, for on them may
have d^)ended the good order and the success of
their work. ,
(3) A third Apostolic prerogative is the plenitude
of power. As planters of the Church the Apostles
required and possessed the power to speak with full
authority in their own name, without appealing to
higher authorities; also the power to found and oi^
ganize local churches, to appoint and consecrate
bishops and to invest them with jurisdiction. The
limit to their powers in this respect was: not to undo
the work already done by their coUea^es. Such
power, if needed, coul(l have been exercised only by
the head of the Church.
(4) A fourth privilege of the Apostles is theirper-
sonal infallibility in preaching the Gospel Their
successors in the hierarchy owe what infalhbility they
possess to the Divine assistance watching, with un-
failing care, over the nutgiMerium, or teaching oi&ce,
as a whole, and over its head: the Apostles received,
each personally, the Holy Gnost, Who revealed to
them all the truth they had to preach. This Penter
costal Kift was necessary in order to establish each
particmar church on the solid foundation of unshak-
able truth.
The prerogatives of the Apostles as founders of the
Church were, of course, personal; they were not to be
transmitted to their successors because to these they
were not necessary. What was passed on is the ordi-
nary function of teaching, ruling, ministering, i. e. the
powers of order and jurisdiction. The Apostolate
was an extraordinary and only temporary form of the
episcopate; it was supersede by an ordinary and
permanent hierarchy as soon as its constitutional
work was done. There is, however, one Apostle who
has a successor of equal ]>owers in the Roman pontiff.
Above the prerogatives of his colleagues St. Peter
had the uniq[ue distinction of being the principle of the
Church's umty and cohesion. As the Church has to
endure to the end of time, so has the unifying and
preserving office of St. Peter. Without sucn ajprin-
ciple, without a head, the body of the Bride of Christ
would be no better than a disjointed congeries of
members, unworthy of the Divine Bridegroom. In
&kct the connexion of the Church with Christ and the
Apostles would be loosened' and wteakened to the
breaking-point. The history of Churches separated
from Kmne affords abundant proof of this statement.
In the Roman pontiffs, then, the Apostolate is stiU
living and acting. Hence from the earliest times the
office oT the pope has been honoured with the title of
Apostolate^ as continuing the functions of the Apos-
tles; the Roman See has, in the same order of ideas,
been styled the Apostolic See, and the reigning pope,
in^the Middle Ages, used to be addressed Avastolatus
vaster and ApoatoUcus. In the Litany of the Saints
we pray: "That Thou wouldst vouchsafe to preserve
our apostolic prelate [cioinnum nostrum apostolicuni]
and all orders of the Church in holy religion."
IV.— 8
The diffeieaoe between the A|iostolate of St. Peter
and that of his successors bears on two points only:
(1) St. Pater was chosen and appointed dirpctly by
Our Lord; the pope receives the same Divine appoint-
ment through the channel of men: the electors desig-
nate the person on whom God bestows the office.
(2) The p^al infallibility also differs from that of St.
Peter. The pope is only infallible when, in the full
exercise of his authority, ex cathedra, he defines a doc-
trine concerning faith or morals to be held by the
whole Church. His infallibility rests on the Divine
assistance, on the permanent presence of Christ in the
Church. The infallibility of St. Peter and the Aposr
ties rested on their being filled and penetrated by the
light, of the indwelling Holy Spint of truth. The
charitma of working miracles, granted to the Apostles,
is not continued in the popes. If it was necessary to
convince the first believers that the hand of Go^ was
buying the foundations of the Cl^urch, it ceases to be
so when the strengfch, the beauty, and the vastness of
the structure prodaims to the world that none but
the Father in Heaven could have erected it for the
good of His children.
SCHBB9EN, Monwfl of Cotholtc Theology, tr. WiLiBslu anp
ScANNSLL (London, IdW). I. 8, 9. 11.
J! Wn^HKLM.
Oollege de Fraace, Ths, was founded in the
interest- of higher ^ucation by Francis I. He had
planned the ei?ection of this college as far back as
1517, but not until 1530, and then under the inspira-
tion of Bud^ and Jean du Bellay, did he realize liis
idea. As the University of Paris taught neither
Hebrew nor Greek, he established chairs of these two
languages, and secur^ed for them the best teachers
obtainable, Paradisi and Guidacerio Vatable for
Hebrew, and Peter Danes and Jacques Toussaint for
Greek. Their salaries werd paid from the king's
coffers, and they were to receive students gratuitously,
a ruling which caused great rivaby on the pait of
the professors of th^ University of Paris, who de-
pended on tuition fees. The professors of the college
were accused before Parliament by No^l Beda, on
the plea that the Vulgate would lose its authority
since Hebrew and Greek were taught publicly.
G. de Marcillac defended the "Royal Lectors", as
they were called, and won their case. Later on
they were accused of a leaning towards Calvinism,
and the Parliament forbade them to read or interpret
any of the Sacred Books in Hebrew or Greek; how-
ever, the protection of the king prevented the execu-
tion of the sentence.
In 1534 a chair of Latin eloquence was added to
the coU^. The succeeding kings favoured tltc
college. During the Revolution tne courses were
unmolested; the Convention even raised the salaries,
by decree, from one and two thousand francs to three
thousand. The College de France was first ruled
by the Grand Aumonier de France, who appointed the
professors until 1661, when it became a part of the
University of Paris, from which it was afterwards
separated for a time, and finally reaffiliated in 176C.
In 1744 the king himself took it under his direct
authority. In 1795 the minister of the interior was
in charge; in 1831 the minister of public works;
in 1832 the minister of public instruction, who has
retained the charge to the present day. It is inde-
pendent of the university, and administered by its
own faculty. The college has been known by differ-
ent names: in 1534 it was called the "College of the
Three Languages"; upder Louis XIII, the "College
Royal"; during the Revolution, the "Collie Na-
tional"; Napoleon called it the ''CoUdge Imperial",
and under the Restoration, it bore the name of
"College Royal". Through the munificence, of
kings and governments the college grew steadily
In 1545 Francis added to the tluree chairs of lan<
00LL8OS
114
OOLMAN
ffiiage already established another with two teachers
for mathematics, one teacher for medicine, and one
for philosophy. Gharies IX introduced surgery;
Henry III gave it a course in Arabic langua^s;
Heniy IV, botany and astronomy. Louis XIII
gave it canon law and Syriac; Louis XV, French
terature; Louis XVIII endowed it for the Sanskrit
and Chinese literatures. In' 1831 political economy
was introduced, and since then the progress of the
sciences has necessitated new chairs, such as those
of organic chemistry, phymo-nsychology, etc.
Renan clearly clutracterisea the tendencies and
methods of the Coll^ de France. In comparing
them with those of the University of Paris, he wrote:
"The Sorbonne guards the deposit of acquired know-
ledge— ^it does not receive sciences before they have
shown the life in them — on the contrary the Coll^
de France favours the sciences in the process of
formation. It favours scientific research." An edict
of 1572 forbade any but Catholics to teach in the
Coll^ de France. This law was strictly obeyed
as long as the college remained under Catholic au-
thority, but in recent times it has had among its
g;x>fe8Sors such enemies of Catholicism as Michelet,
enan, and Havet. On the whole, however, the
faculty of the Colldge de France has counted in its
ranks brilliant men irrespective of creed, such as
Aubert, Labinde, Daubenton, Delille, Cuvier, Vau-
QUelin, Ampere, Biot, RoUin, Sylvestre de Sacy,
Abel lUmusat, Boissonade, Daunou, Bumouf, Tissot,
etc. In 1907 there were fifty-nine professors and
instructors.
DvTAL, L« CMige de France (Paris. 1044); GonoBT. Mimoire
hiaknique et liUirain tur U ColUge royal 4e France (3 vols.,
PariM, 1763) ; BoucHON and Brandex«t, Le CoU^ de France
(Paris. 1873); Lemianc, Histoire du CeUhQc de France (Paris,
1802); Renan, QneatUme conlemporainiee (Paris, 1868), 143
0qq.; Lbfranc. Let Orimnee efu CcUige de France in Remte
Intern, de VEnaeiffn. (15 May, 1890).
J. B. Delaunay.
OoUege of OardinaU. See Cardinal.
OoUegiata (Lat. collegiat^Sf from coUeaium), an ad-
jective applied to those churches and institutions
whose members form a colle^ (see Colleob). The
origin of cathedral and collegiate chapters, springing
from the common life of clerics attached to catheorals
and oUier important churches, has been treated in the
article Chapter, where special attention is given to
what regards cathedral capitulars (see Chapter).
Collegiate churches were formed on the model of
cathedral churches, and the coUe^te canons have
rights and duties similar to the capitulars of a cathe-
dral, except that they have no voice in the govern-
ment of me diocese, even when the see is vacant.
Their main object is the solemn celebration of the
Divine Office in choir. Already in the time of Charle-
magne many wealthy collegiate churches had been
founded throughout his empire, especially in Ger-
many and France, of which that at Aachen was the
most celebrated. In England there was also a large
number of these institutions, and at the Reformation,
when they were dissolved, the revenues of some of
them were used for founding public schools. The
founding of a collegiate churdi gives the founder no
right to nominate its members umess he have received
a special papal indult to that eff ecrt.
For the erection of collegiate institutions, the au-
thority of the Holy See is necessary. The pope refers
the matter to the consideration of the Congre^tion
of the Council, which makes a favourable report if cer-
tain conditions are found fulfilled, such as: the dignity
of the city, the large number of clergy and people, the
sise and beauty of the church structure, the splendour
of its belonging, and the sufficiency of the income.
Although ^e bishop cannot erect a collegiate church,
yet, if the college, owing to the death of canons or
other similar cause, shouki cease as an active corpora-
tion but still retain, de jure, its status as a college, the
bishop can restore it, for this would not be a canonical
erection. As the ordinary cannot erect a collegiate
church, so neither can he reduce it to a merely paro-
chial status, and still less has he the power to suppress
one. Only the x)ope can formally dissolve a collegiate
foundation. A church loses its collegiate dignity by
the will of the members, or the act of the supreme ec^
elesiastical authority, or the death of all the canons.
When the ri^t of an institution which claims the col-
legiate dignity is disputed, the question is to be de-
cided by certain signs which create a presumption in
its favour. These are, among others, an immemorial
reputation as a collegiate institution, a common seal
proper to a oolleee, capitular meetings of the members
under the presidency of a dean, the making of con-
tracts in the name of the college, the ri^t of electing
a prelate, the cure of souls dependent on the chapter.
AlUiou^ collegiate churches are ordinarily under
the jurisdiction of the bishop, yet its members are not
obliged to render any service to the ordinary outside
of their own churches, except in case of necessity or
through contrary custom. Neither can the cathedral
chapter interfere with the chapter of _ a collegiate
church when the latter remains within its own ric^t
and privileges. Collegiate churches are distinguished
into ingignes (famous) and non ingignes. There are,
however, no rules given in canon law to discern one
from the other. Canonists declare that a church is
insignU if it be the mother church of the locality, have
right of precedence in solenm functions, be of ancient
foundation, and conspicuous by its structure and the
number of its dignitaries and members, and likewise
be situated in a mmous or well-populated city. The
canons of a church which is inmgnis have precedence
over the canons of other collegiate institutions at
synods and in public processions. When a parochial
cnurch is elevated to collegiate rank, the right to the
cure of souls does not necessarily pass to the chapter,
but may remain with the parish priest. When the
chapter has the right of presentation and its votes are
equally divided, the bishop may decide as to which
part of the canons has presented a candidate of su-
perior merit to the other. If, however, the merits of
the candidates be equal, the decision must be referred
to the pope, if the chapter cannot agree after taking
two ballots. The chapters of collegiate churches, by
common law, have the right of electing or presenting
candidates for the dignities and canonries of their
chapter. The rights (3 confirmation and installatbn
belong to the bishop. Many innovations on these
ri^ts have been made by special decrees or customs,
and, according to the prevailing discipline, account
must be taken of the so-called pontifical reservations,
or the rights which the pope has reserved to himsdf ,
especially as regards the highest dignity of the chap-
ter, and also of the legitimate privileges possessed by
Spain, Austria, Bavaria, etc. of^ nominating
These privileges are still
patrons in { ^
and presenting candidates.
in force in many instances.
Wernx. /u» Dtcretalium (Rome, 1809) II; De Luca, PreeUc-
tionea Jur. Can. (Rome. 1897), II; Fbriiabi8, BiMiotheca Canon-
tea (Rome, 1836). II; Lvcaoi. De Visit. S. Liminum (Rome,
1899). m. William H. W. Fanning.
OolliiUt Richard. See Hexham and New Cas-
tle, Diocese <»*.
Colman, name of several Irish saints: — (1 ) Colman,
Bishop and patron of Kilmacduagh, b. at Kiltartan
c. 560; d. 29 October, 632. He lived for many
years as a hermit in Arranmore, where he built two
churches, both forming the present group of ruins
at Kilmurvy. Thence he sought greater seclusion
in the woods of Burrnn, in 592, and at length,
in 610, founded a monastery, which became the
centre of the tribal Diocese of Aidhne, practically
coextensive with the present See of Kilmacduaeh.
Although the "Martyrology of Donegal" assigns his
feast to 2 February, yet the weight of evidence and
OOLBIAM
115
OM.KAE
the tradition of the diocese point to 29 October, on
which day his festival has been kept from time im-
memorial, and which was fixed by a rescript of Pope
Benedict XIV, in 1747, as a major double.
Mttrtvnloqy of Dtmegal. ed.ToDD and RxsTsa (Dublin, 1804) ;
C-utiim%$ •/ £f|fF«acftme^ed. O' Donoyam; Lanioan, Eceh-
WJoHical HiUory of Jrekmd (Dublin, 1820) ; II: Coloan, Ada
Sonet. Hib. (Louvain, 1645); Pbtrix. Round Towen (Dublin,
1S4S> ; Farxt, Hiat. wnd Anl, of KUmaeduaoh (1808).
(2) CoLMAN, of Templeshambo, was also a Con-
nacht saint, and has been confounded with the patron
of Kilmacduagh, but he lived somewhat earlier, and
the sphere of his ministry lay in the present County
Wex^rd. He was a contemporary of Saint Aidan,
who appointed him Abbot of Templeshambo, the
mother church of Enniscorthy. Many leeends are
told of Saint Cblman and of his holy weU with its
sacred ducks, but certain it is that he laboured sseal-
ously at the foot of Mount Leinster, his monastery
being known as Temple Sean Bothe. He died c. 595
on 27 October, on which day his feast is recorded in the
** Martyrolo^ of Donegal".
Citstoms ofWy-FiachntcK; C!olgan, Ada. Sand. Hib.; Mar-
turology of DanOffol; Fahct, Hist, and Ant. of KUmacduaoh
(1893): QBXTTAH-FhOOD, Htd. of Ennitcarfhy ilQ9S); Shbab-
UA.M, lAKa Pairiciana (Dublin. 1882).
(3) CoiMAX Mao Lekine,' founder and patron of
the See of Cloyne, b. in Munster, c. 510; d. 24 Novem-
ber, dOl. He was endowed with extraordinsiry
poetic powers, being styled by his contemporaries
** Royal Bard of Munster". The Ardrigh of Ireland
gave faim Goyne, in the present County Cork, for
his cathednd abbey, in 5i30, and he laboured for
more than forty years in his extensive diocese.
Several of his Irish poems are still extant, notably
a metrical paneg^o on St. Brendan. Colgan men-
tions a metrical ufe of St. Senan by him. His feast
is observed on 24 November. Another St. Colman
ia also venerated on the same day, as recorded by
St. AengUB m his ''FeUre":—
Mac Lenine the most excellent
With Colman oi Duth-chuilleann.
Abokdaxjei, Monaatietm Hibemicwn, ed. Moban (1873):
CoiiOAJf . Ada Band, Hib,; Htdb, Lilerary History of Ireland
(New York, 1901); Smith, History of Cork; Oldbn, Some
Notices of St. Colman of Cloyno (1881); Sroxas, Anocdda
OxoH. (1800).
(4) CoiiMAN, founder of the Abbey and Diocese of
Mayo, b. in Connacht, c. 605; d. 8 August, 676. He
became a monk of lona^ and so famous were his
virtues and leartung, as testified by St. Bede, that on
the death of St. Finan, in 661, he was appointed
Bishop of lindisfame. During his brief episcopacy,
the Synod of Whitby was held, in 664, as a result of
which (St. Colman being a determined protagonist
of the old Irish computation), owing to the decision of
King Oswy on the Paschal controversy, he resigned
his see. Between the years 66& and 667 St. Colman
founded several chunohes in Scotland, and, at length,
accompanied by thirty disciples, sailed for Ireland,
settling down at InnidboflSn, County Mayo, in 668.
L^s than three years later he erected an abbey, ex-
cluavely for the English monks in Mayo, subsequently
known as " Mayo ofthe Saxons ". His last days w«pe
spent on the island of Innisboffin. His feast is cele-
brated 8 August.
HbAlt, Msuta Sandonan d Dodorum (1902); 0*Hanu>n,
Lives of the hish SainU, VIH; Mob^. Irish StmUs w gr«a<
Brifotn (1903); Knox. Notes on the Dioceses of Tttam (1904);
Bed«, Ecdesiastical History of England, ed. Plummer (Lon-
don, 1907).
(5) (3oLMAK, b. in Dalaradia, c. 450* date of
death uncertain. His feast is celebrated 7 June. He
founded the See of Dromore, of which he is patron and
over which he presided as bishop. He studied at
Noendrum (Mahee Island), under St. Mochae or
Coelan, one of the earKest disciples of St. Patrick.
Maiw interesting stories are told of his edifying life
at Noendrum and the miracles he worked there. To
perfect his knowledge of the Scriptures St. Colman
went to the great school of Emly, c. 470 or 475, and
remained there some vears. At ieneth he returned
to Mahee Island to see his old master, St. Mochae, and
remained under his guidance for a long period, acting
as astistant in the school. Among his many pupils
at Mahee Island, in the first quarter of the sixth cen-
tury, was St. Finian of MoviUe.
doiOAHt Ada Sand. Hib.; Hbalt. Insula Sandonan d
Dodorum (4th ed.); 0*Lav»bty, Down and Connor, I; O'Ham-
LOir, Xjives of the Irish Saints, VI; Butler, Lives of the Saints.
(6) Colman Elo and Colman MacCathbad are
also famed in Irish hagioloryr. The former was
founder and first Abbot of MucKamore, and from the
fact of being styled '^Coarb of MacNisse", is regarded
as Bishop ofConnor. He was bom c. 555 in Glcnelljr,
in the present County IVronc, and d. at Lynally m
61 1 , 26 September, on which day his feast is cdebrated.
Hestudiea under his maternal uncle, St. Columciile,
who procured for him the site of a monastery now
known as Lynally (Lann Elo). Hence his designation
of 0>lmanellus or (Ilolman Elo. Subsequently he
foimded the Abbey of Muckamore, and was appomted
Bishop of Connor. He ia also known ss St. Ck)lman
Macusailni. The latter saint, distinguished as Mac-
Cathbad, whence Kilmackevat, CJounty Antrim, was
Bishop of Kilroot, a minor see afterwards incorpo-
rated in the Diocese of Connor. He was a contcnn-
f>orar^ of St. Ailbe, and his feast has been kept from
time immemorial on 16 October.
(7) St. Colman, one of the patrons of Austria, was
also an Irish saint, who, joumejring to Jerusalem, was
martyred near Vienna, in 1012, 13 October, on which
day his feast is observed. His life, written by Erch-
cnfrid of Melk, is in "Acta SS.", VI, 357 and '* Mon.
C5erm. Hist.: Script.", IV, 647.
AoAKNAN, Life of St. Columba; 0'LA.VBBTr, Down and Con-,
nor, V; Calendar of Doneqal; CouiAX, Ada Sand. Hib.;
O'Hanlon, Lives of the Irish Saints, IX; Butlbr, Lives of
the Saints; Hooan, St. Colman of Austria; Urwalkx, Der
k^ifflicha P^ger St. Cdomann (yienn», 1880).
W, H. Grattan-Flood.
Oohnan, Waivtbr, Friar Mmor and English martyr;
date of b. uncertain; d. in London, 1645. He came of
noble and wealthy parents and when quite young left
En^and to study at the English College at Douai.
In 1625 he entered the Franciscan Order at Douai,
receiving in religion the name of (]3iristopher of St.
Qare, by which he is more generally known. Having
completed his year of novitiate, he returned to Eng-
land at the call of the provincial, Father John Jen-
nings, but was immediately imprisoned because he
refused to take the Oath of Allegiance. Released
through the efforts of his friends, he went to London,
where he was employed in the duties of the sacred
ministry and where, during his leisure moments, he
composed "The Duel of I5eath" (London, 1632 or
1633), an elegant metrical treatise on death, which he
dedicated to Queen Henrietta Maria, consort of
Charles I. When the persecution broke out anew in
1641, Colman returned to England from Douai,
whither he had gone to regain his health. On 8 Dec.
of the same year he was brought to trial, together
with six other priests, two of whom were Benedic-
tines and four members of the secular clergy. They
were all condemned to be haneed, drawn, and Quar-
tered on 13 Dec, but through the interposition of the
French ambassador the execution was stayed indefin-
itely. Colman lingered on in Newgate for several
vears until he died, exhausted bv starvation and the
hardships of the dungecm where he was confined.
Traddeus, The Franciseana in England (London, 18d8>,> 62,
72, 106; Cooper in Did. Nat. Biog., 9. v. CoUnan; Hopb,
Franciscan Martyrs in angland (Ix>ndon. 1878), xi, 123 sqq.;
Mason, Certamen Seraphicum (Quaracclii, 1885), 21 1 . 228 ; Leo,
Lives of the SainU and Blesaed of the Three Orders of St. Francis
CTaunton, 1887), IV, 368.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Oolmar, J4>seph Ludwtq, Bishop of Mains; h.
at Strasburg, 22 June, 1760; d. at Mainz, 15 Dec.,
oraocms
116
qoMmix
lgl8. After his ordination (20 Dee., 1783) he was
professor of history and Greek at the Royal Seminary,
and curate at St. Stephen's, Strasburg. During the
reign of terror, Ixougbt about at Strasburg bv the
apostate monk, Euk>fl;ius Sohneider, he secretfv re-
mained in the city, and under various disguises acunin-
istered the sacraments. After the fall of Robespierre
he went about preaching and instructing, and worked
so successfully for the restoration of religion in the
city of Strasburg that Napoleon appointed him Bishop
of Mains; he was consecrated at Paris, 24 Aueust,
1802. The metropolitan see of St. Boniface had been
vacant for ten years ; the cathedral had been profaned
and partially destroyed in 1793; a new diocese had
been formed under the old title of Maims, but subject
to the Archbishop of Mechlin; revolution, war, and
secularisation of convents, monasteries, and the prop-
erty of the former archdiocese had ruined his new dio-
cese spiritually and financiallv. Cohnar worked like
a true apostle; he' rebuilt ana reconsecrated the pro-
faned cathedral, and by his influence saved the ca-
thedral of Speyer which was about to be destroyed by
order of the Government. After many difficulties hie
opened a seminary (1804), which he placed under the
direction of the Venerable libermann; he visited
every pari^ and school, and reorganized the litm^oaJ
services, confraternities, devotions, and processions,
which the Revolution had swept away. His principal
aim was to organize a S3mtem of catechetical instruc-
tion, to inspire his priests with apostolic zeal^ and to
guard them against the false enlightenment of that
age. He was an active adversary of Wessenberg and
the rationalistic liberal tendencies represented by him
and the Uluminati. He tried to remtroduoe 8ev«»l
religious communities in his diocese, but aocom-
.plished, however, only the restoration of the Institute
of Marv Ward (Dames Anglaiaes), Shortly before his
death he established the Sisters of Divine Providence
in the Bavarian part of his diocese (the former Dio-
cese of Speyer). During the epidemic of 1813 and
1814, aft^ the battle of Leipzig, he personally served
the sick and dying. Colmar ec&ted a collection of old
German churoi h^ns (1807) and several excellent
prayer books. His sermons were published in seven
volumes (Mainz, 1836 ; Ratisbon, 1879).
Sklbot, J. L. Colmar (1902); Remuno. Gesch, der BiacHofe
von Speyer (Speyer, 1867); see also life by Sattbrn in both
editioDA of Oolmar'a sennoDS.
Frederick G. Holw£CK.
Ooloena (Ger* Kol;k or Coln), German city and
archbiwopric.
The CrrY. — Cologne, in siae the third city of Prussia,
and the capital of the district {Regierungsbezirk) of
Cologne, is situated in the lowlands of the lower
Bhine on both sides of the river. Its area is 45
square miles; its population (1 December, 1905),
428,722, of whom 339,790 are Catholics, 76,718
Protestants, 11,035 of other sects.
The histoiy of Cologne goes back to the first century
before Christ. After Marcus Agrippa transplantea
the Ubii from the right to the left bank of the Khine
(38 B. c), Ara Ubiorum, the centre of ihe civU and re-
ligious life of this tribe, occupied the site of the mod-
em Cologne. In a. d. 50 Agrippina, the daughter of
Germanicus, founded here a colony of veterans called
Colonia Agrippina; the inhabitants of the two settle-
ments mingled freely with each other, while the Ger-
mans gradually assumed Roman customs. After the
revolt of the Batavians, Cologne was made the capital
of a Roman province and was repeatedly the residence
of the imperial court. At an early dale Christianity
came to Cologne w^ith the Roman soldiers and traders;
according to IrensBus of Lyons, it was a bishop's see
as early as the second century. However, Saint Mar
temus, a contemporfiry of Constantine, is the first
historically certain Bishop of O>lo^e . As a result of its
favourable situation, the eity survived the stormy per-
iod of the DGUgrations of the Teutonic tribes. When the
Ripuarian Franks took possession of the country in
the fifth century, it became the residence of their king.
On account of the services of the Bishops of Ck>logne
to the Merovingian kings, the cit^ was to have been
the metropolitan see of Saint Bonifaoe, but Main» was
chosen, for unknown reasons, and Cologne did not be-
come an archbishopric until the time ofC^iarleniagne.
The city suffered heavily from invasions of the North-
men, especially in the autunm of 881, but recovered
quickly from these calamities, especially during the
reign of the Saxon emperors ana of such vigorous
archbishops as Bruno, Heribert, Pilicrim, and others.
In the course of tne twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies O)logne attained great prosperity. The basis
of this prosperity was the commercial activity of the
city, which placed it in relation not only with North-
em Europe, but also with Hungary, Venice, and
Genoa. The local crafts also £k)uri^ed; the spinners,
weavers, and dyers, the woollen-drapers, goldsnuths,
sword-cutlers, and armour-makers of Cologne were es-
pecially celebrated. The ecclesiastical importance of
the city was equally great; no city north of the Alps
was so rich in great churches, sanctuaries, relics, and
religious communities. It was known as the " German
Rome ' ', and was annually visited by pilgrims, especially
after Rainald of Dassel, Archbishop of Cologne (1 159-
67), brought thither the remains of the Tnree Magi
from Milan. Learning was z^ously cultivated in the
cathedral school, in the collegiate chapters, and the
cloisters; famous philosophers taus^t here, among
them Rupert of Deutz, Caesarius of I&isterbaeh, Duns
Scotus, and Blessed Albertus liagnus. The arts also
flourished, on account of the numerous diurches and
civil buildings. With the growth of the munici{>al
prosperity, the pride of the citizens and their denre
for independence also increased, and caused them to
feel more dissatisfied with the sovereignty of the arch-
bishop. This resulted in bitter feuds between the
archbishops and the city, which lasted for two cen-
turies with varying fortunes. The first uprising oc-
curred under Anno II, at Easter of the year 1074; the
citizens rose against the archbishop, but were de-
feated within three days, and severely punished.
They received important concessions from Archbishop
Henry I of Molenark (1225-38) and his suooessor, the
powerful Conrad of Hostaden (1238-1261), who laid
the comer-stone of the cathedral. The bloody battle
of Worringen in 1288, in which the citisens of Colo^;ne
allied with Brabant took prisoner Archbishop Sieg-
fried of WesterbuK (1274-07), resulted in an almost
complete freedom lor the city ; to regain his liberty,
the archbishop recognised the political ind^)endence
of Cologne, but reserved certam ri^ts, notably the
administration of justice.
A Icxig period of peace witii the outeide world fol*
lowed. Cologne joined the Hanseatic League in the
thirteenth century, and became an imperial free city
in the fourteenth. On the other hand internal dissen-
sions frequently disturbed the city. After the close of
the twelfth century the government of the oitv was in
the hands of patrician families, who filled all the of-
fices in the city ^verament with members of their
own order. In tune the craft organizations (^ilds)
increased in strength and demanded a share m the
government. As early as 1370, in the uprising of the
weavers, they gained the upper hand for a short time,
but it was not until 1396 that the rule of the patri-
cians was finally abolished. On 14 Septemb^ of that
year the new democratic constitution was adopted, in
accordance with which only representatives of the
guilds sat in the city council. The last act of the
patricians was the foundation of the university
(1388), which rapidly began to prosper. By they
fimmess and wisdom the new rulers maintained
themselves a^inst the patricians, against Arch
bi^op Dietricn of MOrs (1419), ana against Charle-
OOIACOIB
117
CRnoQinB
the Bold, who, in alliance with Archbishop Ruprecht,
sought to bring the city again under arohiepiscopal
rule. It also suppregsed dbmestic uprisings (for inr
stance in 1481 and 1512). Throu^ibut tnis period
the city retained its place as the first city of the Ger-
man Eknpiie, in whidi learning, the fine arts, and the
art of pnntin^ were vigorously cultivated.
In tne religious upheavals of the sixteenth century,
GoloMKne remained true to Catholic doctrine, thanks
chiefly to the activity of the imiversity, where such
mea as Cochlaeus, Ortwin Gratiaaus, Jacob of Hoog^
straeten, and others tau^t. Under their influence,
the city council held fast to Catholic tradition and en-
ergeticttdlv opposed the new doctrines, which found
many adherents among the people and the deigy.
Cologne remained a stronghold of the old beliefs, and
gave active support to the Coimter-Reformation
(q. v.), which found earnest champions in Johannes
Gropper, the Jesuits, Saint Peter Canisius, and others.
The seventeenth and ei^teenth centuries were a time
of decadence for the city; its importance diminished
esTCoially after the Thirty Years War (1618-48) in
which it was loyal to the emperor and the empire, and
was never captured. Tbe university eventiially lost
its prestige, because thiou^ over-caution it opposed
the most justifiable reforms; trade was diverted to
other channels; only its ecclesiastical glory remained
to the city, which was governed by a narrow-minded
class of trsMiesmen and often suffered from the dissen-
sions between council and citizens (in 1679-86 and the
bloody trouUes caused by Nicholas GCklich). The out-
break of ihe French Revolution found it a community
with but dig^t power of resistance. The French entered
Cologne, 26 October.- 1794, and the citizens were soon
severely oppressed by requisitions, forced loans, and
contributions. On 27 September, 1797 , the old cit^r con^
stitution was finally annulled, the French administra-
tive omnization established, and the city made a part
of the French department of the Roer of which Aix-la-
Cliapelle (Aachen) was the capital. The university
was discontinued in 1798; it had dragged out a mis-
erable existence owing to the establishment of the
University of JBonn and the confused policy of the last
archbishops. After the downfall of French domina-
tion in Germany, Cologne was apportioned by the
Congress of Vienna to the Kingdom of Prussia. It
was made neither the seat of the government of the
Rhenish Province, nor the seat of the university, but
it was restored to its rank of metropolitan see, and in
the nineteenth century, under Prussian rule, became
the third laigest city of Prussia and attained unusual
prosperity, economic, intellectual, and ecclesiastical.
Onlv brief ecclesiastical statistics can be given here.
In 19u7, besides the archbishop and assistant bishop,
there were in Cologne 214 pnests, of whom 24 were
members of the cainedral chapter and 38 were parish
priests, and 128 others engaged m pastoral occupations.
There are 12 Dominicans and 9 Franciscans. The
two deaneries of the city embrace 39 parish, and .3
military, churches; in addition to the 39 parii^
churches, there are 22 lesser churches and 26 chapels.
Religious societies are numerous and powerful;
among more than 400 religious societies and brother-
hoods we may mention: Societies of Saint Vincent,
Saint Elizabeth, and Saint Charles Borromed, Marian
congregations for young men and for voung women,
rosary confraternities. Associations of tne Holy Child-
hood, Holy Family, of Christian Mothers, etc. Among
the trades organizations the most powerful are the
four Catholic GeseUenvereine, with 4 hospices and 18
Catholic workingmens' unions. The male religious
ardera and congregations are represented by Domini-
cans, Franciscans, Alexian Brothers, Brothers of
Charity, and Brothers of Saint Francis; the female
orders and congregations bv Sisters of Saint Benedict,
the Borromean Sisterhood, the Cellites, Sisteis of
Saint Dominic, Sisters of Saint Francis, Sistere of
the Good Shepherd, Sisters of the Holy Child Jesu^
the Ursuline Sisters, and Sisters of Saint Vincent; a
total of 43 rdigiouB houses with about 1140 inmates.
Hie Alexian Brothers, the Brothers of Charity, and
the Brothers of Saint Francis, as well as almost all the
female reli^ous orders, conduct numerous charitable
and educational institutions.
Among the churches of Cologne, the foremost is the
cathednu, the greatest monmnent of Gothic archi-
tecture in Germanv. Its comeiHstone was laid by
Archbishop Conrad of Hostaden, 14 August, 1248;
the sanctuary was dedicated in 1322 ; the nave made
readv for religious services in 1388; the soutiiem tower
was built to a height of about 180 feet in 1447; then
the work of building was interrupted for almost four
hundred years. During the French Revolution the
cathedral was degraded to a hay bam. In the nine-
teenth century the work of building was resumed,
thanks above all to the efforts of Sulpice Boisserfe,
who excited the enthusiasm of the Crown Prince,
afterwards King Frederick William IV, for the com-
pletion of the work. The restoration was begun
m 1823; in 1842 the Cathedral Building Society was
foimded, and generous contributions from all parts
of Germany resulted. The interior was finished 15
October, 1863, and opened for Divine service; and
15 October, 1880, tne completion of the entire
cathedral was appropriately celebrated in the pres-
ence of the German emperor. The whole edifice
covers an area of about 7370 square yards; it has
a nave 445 feet long, five aisles, and a transept
282 feet wide with three aisles; the height of the nave
is about 202 feet, that of the two towers, 515 feet.
Among the numerous works of art, the most famous
are the picture (Dombild) painted by Stephen Loch-
ner about 1450, the triptych over the him altar, the
96 choir seats of the sanctuary, and the shrine in
which are kept the relics of the Three Kings in the
treasuiy of the sacristy. The last is considered the
most remarkable medieval example of the goldsmith's
art extant. Among the other churches of the city,
the most noteworthy of those dating from the Roman-
esque period are Saint Gereon, Saint Ursula, Saint
Maiv in the Capitol, Saint Pantaleon, and the church
of the Apostles; from the Transition and the Gothic
periods, Saint Cunibert, Saint Mary in Lyskirdien,
and the church of the Minorites; from more recent
times, the Jesuit church, Saint Mary Pantaleon, and
Saint Mauritius. The city contains about 25 chari-
table institutions under Catholic management.
Thb Archbishopric. — ^According to ancient legend
adisciple of Saint Peter was the first Bishop of Cologne,
but the first historically authenticated bishop was
Saint Matemus, who was present in 314 at the Synod
of Aries. Among the earhest bishops the most promi-
nent are: Euphrates, who took part in the Council of
Sardica (344) and in 346 was deposed as a heretic by a
general synod of Gaul ; Saint Severinus (347-400), Saint
Cunibert (623-63?), councillor of the Prankish kinos
Dagobert aiKi Si^bert; Anno I (711-15), who brou^t
the remains of Saint Lambert from Maastricht to Li^;
Saint Agilulfus (747-51) ; Hildebold (785-«19), chanoei-
lor under Charlema^e and, in 799, first metropolitan of
Cologne, whose suffragan sees were, Li^, Utrecht,
Mtlnster, Bremen, OsnabrQck, and, after 829, Minden.
During the vacancy of the archiepiscopal office (842-
50) Bremen was cut off from the Archdiocese of Co-
logne, in spite of the protests of Gunthar (850-71).
Willibert (870^9) assisted Ludwig the German to
overcome Charles the Bald, by which action the arch>
bishopric became finally a part of the G^man Em-
pire. Under Hermann I ^90-924) Bremen was defin-
itively separated from Cologne. In 954 Bruno I
(953-65) was made Duke of Lorraine by his brother,
the Emperor Otto the Great; in this way the founda-
tion was laid for the temporal power of the archbish-
opric of Cologne. For though Bruno's successors did
aOLOQHB
118
OOLOOKS
not inherit the ducal rank, they retained a consider-
able territory (the Kolngau, or district of Cologne), in
time increased by the family possessions and acquisi-
tions of many archbishops. Saint Heribert (999-1021)
was very active in promoting the welfare of his dio-
cese, was made chancellor for Italy by Otto III, and
aided Henry II at the time of his expedition to Rome
in 1004. Piligrim (1021-36), wno accompanied
Henry II and (k)nrad II on their expeditions to Italy,
obtained for himself and for his successors the office of
imperial chancellor for Italy. Hermann II (1036-66)
was followed bv Saint Anno II, who did much for the
authority and honour of the See of Cologne; at the
same time he was ^e Qnt archbishop to come into
open conflict with the city, now rapidly growing in
numbers and wealth.
As princes of the German Empire, the archbishops
were very frequently involved in dissensions between
gopes and emperors, often to the injury of tiieir
hurch, since they were frequently in opposition to
the pope. Frederick I (llOO^l) was the last Arch-
bishop of Cologne to be invested with the episcopal
rinff and crosier; in 1111, during the three-days' fight
in the streets of Rome, he saved the Emperor Henry
V from defeat, after his imprisonment of Pope Pas-
chal 1 1 , but in II 14 abandoned the imperial party. His
successor, Bruno II (1132-37), was agam imperial
chancellor for Italy, which office, after the incumbency
of Arnold II of Wied (1151-^), was permanentlv at-
tached to the Archbisnopric of Col<^ne. Rainald of
Dassel (1159-67), the chancellor of Frederick Bar-
barossa, and Philip I of Heinsberg (1167-91) increased
the prestige of the see; the latter prelate, after the
fall of Heniy the Lion, obtained as a fief for himself
and his suooessois the western part of the Duchy of
Saxony, luuier the title of Duke of Westphalia and
Engem. One of the most energetic archbishops in
the followii^ years was Saint Engelbert (q. v.). In
his short reign (1216-21) he furthered the moral and
religious life oy several synods, and by the favour he
showed the new orders of Franciscans and Domini-
cans; he also restored order within the limits of his
see, and successfully opposed the continued efforts for
civic independence. The long political conffict be-
tween the archbishops and tne city, during which
Conrad of Hostaden (1238^1) and Engelbert ifofFalk-
enbuig (1261-74) made many concessions, was finally,
as above stated, settled in favour of the city» under Sieg-
fried of Westerbuig (1274-97). The reconciliation of
the archbishops with the city effected by Wikbold of
Holte (1297-1304) brought with it increasing influence
in the affairs of tlie German Empire. To the injury of
his see, Heniy II of Virneburg (1304-32) allied himself
with Frederick the Handsome, while Walram of JOlich
(1332-49) obtained many privil^es from the Em-
peror Charles IV, whom he had raised to the imperial
dignity against Louis of Bavaria. In his time the
B&ck Death spread over (jermany and entailed great
misery. In 1356, under William of Gennep (1349-
62), the dignitv of imperial elector, recognized since
about the middle of the thirteenth century as belong-
ing to the archiepiscopal office, was formally acknowl-
edged by the Crolden Bull. Kuno of Falkenstein
(1366-71), also Archbishop of Trier, added (1370) to
the temporalities of the see the County of Amsbeiv.
After his resignation he was succeeded by Frederick
III of Saarweiden (1370-1414), who adhered to Urban
VI on the occasion of the Western Schism; after Ur-
ban's death he followed a vacillating policy. His suc-
cessor, Dietrich II of M6rs (1414-63), soui^t to make
Cologne the strongest territorial power in Western
(jrmnany, but he was unfortunate in his political en-
terprises, and brought a heavy burden of debt on his
see. Under him the city of Soest was lost to Cologne.
After his death, and before the appointment of a new
ardibishop, the cathedral chapter, the nobihty (RU-
knchafi), and the cities of tne archiepisoopai state
(EnsHft) concluded an agreement (Erhlandavernni'
gung) with regard to the aronbieAiop's hereditary landu,
whereby the prelate's rights as temporal lord were
considerably mnited in the archiepisoopal State, whose
territory, it must be remembered, did not coincide
with the ecclesiastical liraits of the archdiocese. This
agreement was heno^orth sworn to by each arch-
bishop at his election. Buprec^t von der Pf ab ( 1 463-
80) squandered the revenues of the see, sought by
force to gain control of the cities and castles previ-
ously mortgaged, and thereby entered into conflicts
with the holders of the mortgages. Violence, arson,
and devastation visited the diocese in consequence.
In 1478 Ruprecht was captured and remained a pris-
oner until his death. His successor, Hermann IV of
Hesse, devoted his ener^ to the restoration of order,
paid a part of the public debt, and, by the diocesan
synod of 1483, whoise decrees he vigorously enforced
furthered the intellectual and moral elevation of clerg>'
and people. Philip II of Daun (1608-15) walked in
the footsteps of his predecessor.
The government of Hermaim V of Wied (1515-47)
broujdit trouble and disaster on his see. At the Diet
of Worms he at flrst opposed the reUgious doctrines
of Luther. He urged the banning of the Reformer
and held a provincial synod in 1536; flpradualiy, how-
ever, he turned away from the Cathouc Faith, chose
adherents of Luther for his counsellors, and adlowcd
the new doctrines to be preached in his diocese.
When he openly favoured the spread of Protestant-
ism, he was suspended in 1546, and forced to resign
(1547). By the advice of excellent men, such as
Gropper, Billick, and others, Adolph HI of Sehauen-
burg (1546-56) took strong measures against the prea-
chers brought in by Hermann, and published vigorous
decrees against immoral priests. His brother An-
ton (1556-^) followed a similar course. Under
Johann Gebhard ci Mansfeld (1558-62) Utrecht (<(.
V.) ceased to be a suffragan of Cologoei and the Dean-
ery of ZyfBkh was incorporated with the newly
founded »ee of Boermond. After the brief reign of
Frederick IV of Wied (1562-67) and that of the vig-
orous Salentin of Isenburg( 1567-77), who resimed be-
cause he did not wish to take priest's orders, Gebhard
II Trudisess of Waldburg (q . v. ) , succeeded to the office.
He foUowed the evil course of Hermann of Wied. At
first loyal to the Church, be became a Calvinist in
1582, owing to hja passion for Agnes von Mansfeld,
and sought to Protestantise the see in 1583; he was
Sut under the ban of the empire and deposed, and
^uke Ernest of Bavaria diosen as his successor.
With Protestant aid Gebhard sought to keep posses-
sion of his diocese. But the War of Cologae (Kd-
nUther Krieg\ which lasted five years, and brought
untold misery on the land, ended in victory for the
Catholic party. These attempts of Hermann of
Wied and (jebhard to alienate the archdiocese from
the Catholic Faith led to the establishment of a per-
manent papal nunciature in Cologne which existed
from 1584 to the extinction of the archiepiscopal State
at the end of the eighteenth century (see Nuncio;
Secularization).
Ernest of Bavaria (1583-1612) was the first of the
five princes of the house of Wittelsbach who held the
Electorate of Cologne until 1761. Ferdinand of Ba-
varia (1612^50), Maximilian Henry (1650-88), Joseph
aemens (1688-1723), and Qemens Augustus I (1727-
61) succeed him. Following the tradition of their
princely house, these five archbishops were intensely
loyal to the Church, and upheld Catholicism in the
archdiocese, which, however, had lost 122 parishes in
consequence of the Reformation. However, in conse-
auence of the repeated union of several bishoprics in
tne hands of these Bavarian prelates, the political ad-
ministration of the territory was held to be of primary,
its religious government of 'secondary, importance.
Moreover, the foreign policy of these five Bavariao
THE CATHEDRAL. COLOGNE
ooLoau*
119
QOUMVE
archbiahops was not always fortunate. By their alli-
ance with France, especially during the Spanish and
Austrian Wars of Succession, they turth^^ the polit-
ical dissolution of the old German Empire (b^un in
the Thirty Years War) and encouraged the anti-Haps-
burg policy of France which aimed at the final over-
throw of Hie German imperial power. Similarly, their
friendly rations to France favoured the introductbn
of rationalism into Cologne. This spirit of opposition
to the Church and to the authority of the popes had a
stfll stroziger hold upon Archbishop Maximilian Fred-
erick of KOnigseck (1761-84). In 1771 he founded
an academy at Bonn in opposition to the loyal Cath-
olic University of Cologne, and in 1781 issued in fav-
our of the new academy an order according to which
attendance at the Universi'hr of Cologne was pimished
by inability to hold any office, either eoclesiastical or
civil, in the diocese. The last Elector of Cologne,
Maitimilian Francis of Austria (1785-1801), took part
in the anti-papal Congress of Ems (q. v.), nominated
Eulogius Schneider as professor in the Academy of
Bonn, whidi he raised to the rank of a University in
1786, and instituted reforms similar to those enacted
by hts broker, the Em^ror Joseph II , in Austria. As
brother of Marie Antomette, he was at first opposed
to the French Revolution, but soon adopted a policy
of inactivity whic^ ultimatel;^ resulted m the loss of
independcoice both bv the citjr and the electorate.
At tne approach of the victorious Frendi anny the
elector left his residence at Bonn, never to see it again.
The French entered Cologne, 26 October, 1794, and
Bonn, 8 November. Tte conquered territory be-
tween the Meuse, the Rhine, and the Mosdle was di-
vided into four departments governed by a civil com-
missioner at Mainz, and incorporated with France by
the Peace of Lun^ville in 1801 . In 1796 all the ecclesi-
astical property in the part of the archdiocese held by
the Frencii was seiased by the civil authority; in 180l2
all religious orders and congregations were suppressed
and their property confiscated. By the Concordat
of 1801 between the Apostolic See and Napoleon I,
nearly all of the former archdiocese on the left bank of
the Rhine was given to the newly founded See of
Aachen (q. v.). The old eoclesiastical organisation
remained undisturbed in the archdiocesan territory
on the right bank of the Rhine. After the death of
Maximilian Francis (1801), the cathedral chapter,
which had taken refuge in Amsberg, chose the Aus-
trian Archduke Anthony as his successor, but he never
occupied hi& see, owing to Prussian opposition. In
1803 the remainder of uie electorate was secularized,
an inglorious end for the ancient Archbishopric of
Cologne. The loss to the Catiiolic (Church in Ger-
many was great. The archbishopric, i. e. the territory
in which the archbishop was also temporal ruler, in-
cluded in its Rhenish territory alone (without West-
phalia) 60 square miles and about 199,000 inhabi-
tants (in 1797), of whom 180,000 were on the left bank
of the Rhine.
In 1750 the archdiocese contained 860 parishes with
as many parish churches, 300 benefices, 400 chapels,
42 collegiate chapters, 21 abbeys (10 Benedictine, 4
Premonstratensian, 7 Cistercian), 5 Benedictine pro-
vostships, 18 Minorite and 24 Franciscan monas-
teries, 2 Franciscan houses of the Third Order. There
were also 20 Capuchin houses, 6 Dominican, 3 Car-
thusian, 11 Augustinian, 8 of Knights of the Cross, 9
Jesuit ^simpressed in 1773), 2 Servite, and 2 Alexian.
The Brothers of Saint Anthony, the Carmelites, the
Zionites, the Brothers of Saint Martm had each one
house. There were five establishments of the Teu-
tonic Order and nine of the Knights of Malta. Hie
female orders had a total of 146 nimneries (see below.
Mooren, II, 426 sqq.). The loss in costly gold and
silver church plate, vestments and the treasures of the
libraries and archives, is inciUculable. When the dia-
ocdera of the Napoleonic regime had passed, the arch-
diooeee was re-established by Pius VII. Its territory
had previously been made a part of Pnmia by the
Conmas of Vienna, in 1815. On 16 July, 1821, by
the Bull ''De Salute animarum" the Archdiocese of
Aachen was abolished, the church of St. Peter in Co;
logne was aeiin made a metropolitan church, and the
territories ^ the Archdiocese of Cologne defined anew,
with its present boundaries, except for a few unim-
portant changes. It then included 44 deaneries and
685 parishes (536 on the left bank of the Rhine and
149 on the right bank). On the 20th of December,
1824, Ferdinand August von Spiegel was named by the
pope as the first archbishop of the new see | on 20 May,
1825, he took charge of the ecclesiastical govern-
ment, whieh had been carried on by the vicar capit-
ular, Johann Hermann Joseph von Caspars zn Weiss,
from 1801 till his death (1^), and after that time
by Prol^onotary Johann WilhelmSchmiti. Archbishop
von Spiegel's administration (1824-35) was in many
ways beiMBficial. He alleviated many evils which had
crept in during the previous years and made serious
efforts for the education of the clergy and for the re-
organization of his diocese; nevertheless, he was too
subservient to the Prussian Government, and entered
into a aecret agreement with it in r^ard to mixed
marriages, contrary to the spirit of the eoclesiastical
marriage laws. His auooessor, Clemens Augustus,
Freiherr von Droste su Vischenng, who vigorously
opposed the enpread of the Hermesian heresy, soon
came into conflict with the Prussian Government on
the question of mixed marriages, as a result of which
he V7as taken prisoner, 20 November^ 1837, and con-
fined in the castle of Minden. This event caused
great excitement throu^out Germany, and helped to
revive the religious life and activity of the German
Catholics. When Frederick William IV came to the
throne, the archbishop resigned his otBee in favour of
his coadjutor, Johann von Geissel (a. v.). Bishop of
Speyer. Aa archbi^iop (1845-64), ne displayed a
inost auspicious activity and infused fresh religious
vigour into his diocese. Great injury was done the
Churdi of Cologne bv the' Pruwian KuUurkampf.
During its course Arcnbishop Paul Melchers (1866-
85) was imprisoned by the (government in 1874 (till
9 October), and then was forced to leave his diocese.
The number of priests fell from 1947 to about 1500,
and many parishes remained for years without a
priest. After the conclusion of peace between Rome
and Prussia, Archbishop Melchers abdicated his
see. His successors, FnHip Krementz (1885-99;
cardinal, 1893), Hubert Simar (1899-1902), and Anton
Fischer (since 6 November, 1902; cardinal since 22
June, 1903) devoted themselves to repairing the evil
done by the Ktdtvrkampf and developing to a prosper-
ous state the religious and ecclesiastic life of the
diocese.
Statiatica. — ^The Archdiocese of Cologne includes
the Prussian administrative districts of Cologne and
Aachen, the greater part of the district of DOsseldorf
and small portions of the districts of Coblena, Trier,
and Amsberg, altogether, 4219 square miles, with
about 2,700,000 Catholics (census of 1 December,
1900, 2.522,648). The parishes in 1907 numbered
917, with 51 deaneries; the priests included 1934 secu-
lar priests (of whom 214 were stationed in the cathe-
dral city), 208 r^lars, and about 60 priests from
other dioceses. Tne metropolitan chapter consists
of 1 cathedral provost (Domprobst), 1 cathedral dean
(DomdechaTU\ 10 residential, and 4 honorary canons.
The archbishop is chosen by the cathedral chapter,
the Bishops of Trier, MQnster, and Paderbom are his
suffragans. Within the city of Cologne there are 39
parishes and 3 military churches grouped in two dean-
eries. In addition to the cathedral chapter there is a
ooll^ate chapter at Aachen (q. v.). The educa-
tions institutions under ecclesiastical control include
the arehiepisoopal seminary for priests at Colop;ne,
«0£Mim
12p
ooLoon
with 83 Btudente (1906-07), the OoUegitim Alber-
tinum at Borui (176 students), the CoUe^um Leoni-
num at Bonn (104 students), the archiepiseopal semi-
naries for boys at Neuss, Mtlnstereffel, Rheinbach,
and Opiaden, 4 high schools and boarding-colleges for
boys, and 26 boarding-schools for girls (the latter con-
ducted by female orders). For the higher education
of the cleijgy there is the Catholic faculty of ttieology
at the University of Bonn, with 14 ecclesiastical pro-
lesfiom, in addition to the (Cologne) seminary for
priests already mentioned. Ecclesiastical teachers
are also employed at 102 secondary schools (gymnasia,
technical gymnasia, high schools, academies, and Latin
schools, etc.), and 5 ("atholic teachers' seminaries, at
42 Catholic giris' high Schools and 5 CSatholic training
sdiooLs for women teachers. The total attendance at
all the intermediate and higher schools of the archdio-
dese averages about 17,400 Catholic bojns and 11,700
Catholic girls. The attendance at the primary schools
{Volkaackulen) is 428,000 children in 11,560 classes.
(For the educational relations between the Church
and the State see Pritssia.)
The religious orders of men in the archdiocese havg
42 establu^ments with abottt 1100 members, and the
orders and congregations of women have 401 with
6200 sisters, there being in the cathedral city alone
43 religious houses with 1140 inmates. The follow-
ing orders or congregations arc represented: Benedic-
tines (1 establisfcSnent), Dominicans (2), Franciscans
(9), Camillians (1), Capuchhis (2). Carthusians (1),
Redemptorists (2), Trappists (1), Fathers of the Holy
Ghost and Immaculate Heart of Mary (2), Alexian
Brothers (9), Brothers of Charity (6;, Brothers of
Saint Francis (6), Betnedictine Sisters of Perpetual
Adoration (3), Borromean Sisters (18), Cellites (86),
Sisters of Christ (4), Congregation of the Blessed Vir-
gin Mary of Saint Peter Fourier (1). Handmaids of
Christ (69), Sisters of Saint Dominic (lO), Order of Saint
Elizabeth (35), Sistfers of Saint Francis (96), Ladies of
the Good Shepherd (3). Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus
(10), Carmelite Sisters (3), Daughters of the Holy Cross
(15), Sisters of Christian Chanty (4), Penitent Recol-
lects (1), School Sisters of Notre Dame (2), Ursulinos
(9), Sisters of Saint Vincent (31). The orders of
men are devoted partly to nastoral and mission work,
partly to charitable work ; the orders of women devote
themselves almost entirely either to educational work
(Instruction and care of young girls in various es^
tablishments, sewing schools, giris^ high schools, and
boarding-schools) or to charitable work in refuges,
working-women's homes, servant-prls' homes, the
3are of the sick in hospitals, hospices, etc.
It is impossible to mention here all the numerous
charities and organizations found within the limits of
the archdiocese; complete statistics are given in M.
Brandt's book, "Die katholischen Wohlthfttig-
keits-Anstalten und Vereine sowie das katholisch-
sociale Vereinswesen insbesondere in der Ensdidcese
K6ln" (Cologne, 1896). In the cathedral city alone
there are more than 400 religious societies and brother-
hoods. The most important of the organisations and
charitable institutions in the archdiocese which are
not limited to a single parish are as follows: 182 con-
gregations and 71 societies for young men, 160 Catho-
fic working-men's clubs, 74 Catholic journeymen's as-
sociations {GesellenwTeine)y 26 miners* associations,
29 congregations and societies of merchants, 10 soci^
ties for women employed in stores, 56 homes and
schools for working- women, 22 homes for the insane
and idiots, 10 homes for servant girls, 9' refuges for
fallen women, 90 orphanages; also tne Elizabeth soci^
ties and 225 conferences of the Society of Saint
Vincent de Paul, the Saint Regis societies, and
others.
The most important churches are the cathedral
(Dom) of Cologne (see Above), thec^thfedral of Aachen
(q. v.), the church(»« at Cologne mentioned above, the
cathedral churches at Bonn and Essen, the church of
Saint Quirinus in Neuss, the churches of the former
Abbots of Werden, Knechtsteden, ConxelimOnster,
and Steinfeld, the double church in Schwaxz-Khein-
dorf, etc.
A complete bibliogmphy of the city by Kbttdxwio ia given in
Die Kwutdenkmoler der Stadt Ksln (DQsaeldorf , 1006). T Pt. I.
The mctet iiat^itant works are: Biancx>, Die aUe ImiverniAt
Koln (CokMne. 186^\ 1; KKvwmn, Die Matrikel dn- Vniver-
stt&t Km (Bonn, 1892); Enken, Frankreich und der Nieda-
thein oder Oeaehiehte von Stadt und Kurataai K6ln sett dem SO
jOhnpen Krieoe (2 vols., Ck>Iogne, 180^56); Iokm, Oeachiekie
der Stadt KMn (5 vpl0., Colokae vid NeUM, 1663-^); Q^eUen
zur OeschicMe der Stadt K^ln, ed. by Ennbn and Cckebtz (6
vols.. Coloime, 1860-79); Chivniken der deutthen Stddie,
vols. XII'XIV (Leipsig, 1875-77); MitteUungen aue dem Stadt-
wr^iv von /S:difi.(32 vpta., GolocM, 1883-1904); Kfilner
Schretfuurkundendee 19. Jahrhunderte, ed. by Hojcniosb (2 vols..
Bonn, 1884-04); H^hlbauii-Lau, Das Bueh Weinebera, Kdlner
DenkwQrdigkeiten aua dem 16. JahrhundeH (4 vols., Leipng and
Bonn. 1886-08): Kdin und eeine BatOen (CoIocim. 1888):
MoHR, Die Kirehen von Kdln (Berlin, 1889); Korth, Koln im
Mittelalter (Cologne, 1801 )♦ good bibliography; Stein, Afcten tur
Oeaehiehte der VtrfoBeung und Verwaltuna der Stadt KUln im 74.
umd i£. Jahrhundtfi (2 vols.. Bonn, 1893-95); Mbbi^ Kalnieche
KUnailer in alter und neuer Zeit (DQsaeldoif . 1805): Scheibleb
Axo Ai:j>EKHorBT;, Oeadiiehte der Kdtner Malere&iule (2 vols.,
with 100 photogmvaree. LQbeck. 1804-06); KffiPPXNo, Die
K6lnerStadtraiJmwHfendee MittMtere (2 vols.. Bcon, 1807-08);
Lau. Die Entwieklung der kommunaien Verfaesung und Ver-
waUuHo der Stadt Keln hie xum Jahre 1$9G (Bonn, 1898);
HELiffSBN. Kdki und eeine Sehenewicrdiokeiten (20th ed., Col-
ogne« 1903); H. v. Lcbsch, Kdlner Zunfturftunden (2 voia^ Bonn,
1905): Keusskn, Hietorieehe Topographie der Stadt Kbln im
Mittelalter (Bonn, 1006); I^EvrENB, Ktslner KirdienkaUnder
Sir doe Jehr 1907 (Cologne, 1007). For the eatfaedml eonsult:
oiasBRiB. Oeaehiehte und BeeekreHnmo dee Dome 9U Kdln (2nd
ed.. Munieh, 1842); Bocx, Der Kunel- und ReliquienecftaU dee
Kdtner Dome (Cologne and Neuss, 1870); Schmitz, Der Dom
tu KMn (100 tables, with text by Ennbi4. Cologne, 1808-76):
WiRTHASE, Der Domjeu Kdln (40 plates with text, Frankfort.
1884-1889); Helmken, Der Dom tu Kdln (4th ed., Cologne.
1800); LrNDNER. Der Dom zu Kdln (plates. Haarlem. 1004).
The older soaroes and works that iieat of the Archdioeeee ai
Cologne are given by Waltbb in Dae aUe Breetift und die
Reieheetadt OUn (Bonn. 1866), 3-18. FuU bibliographical
references, especially for the indtvidual archbishops, are found
in the Handbueh der SttdiUceae Cdln (lOth ed., Colog&e, 1006).
also the list of theastistaot hishope, general vioars, and nuncios
of Cologne. The most important works of reference are:
BiNTERlM and Mooren. Die aUe und neue Srzdi^ceee Kdln (4
vols.. Mains, 1828-30; 2d ed. in 2 vols., DOsseldorf. 1802-03);
Laoomblbt, Urkundenbueh fftr die Oeaehiehte dee Niederrheine
(4 vols., DOsseldorf. 1840-58); Laoomblet. Archiv far die
(ieet^ichU dee Niederrheine (7 vols., Dfisseldorf, 1832-70);
HKrBERTi, UrkundenbuA tur Landee^ und Reehteoeechichte de*
Hertogtume Weetfaten (3 vols., Arosberg. 1880-54); Mbbino abd
Beischbrt, Die Bischdfe una ErAieehofe von Koln (2 vols.,
Cologne. 1842-44); Binterim. Die geieUichen OerxchteinderErz-
dioceee tCfiln (DOsseldorf. 1840); Enken. GeeehiehUderBeferma-
iian im Bereiehe der alten Eradideeae Kdln (Cologne. 1840),-
Kampfschultr. Kirchlich-poliiiache SkUiatik dee vormah tur
ErzdideeseKdlngehfirigen Weatfalen (Lippstadt. 1860); PontECH.
Oeaehiehte der Brtdiiieeae Kdln (Mains, 1870); DtJiiONr. De-
atripHo Archidieteeeie Colonieneia (Ck>lagne, 1870); Ibbm.
Oeaehiehte der Pfarreien der Ertdidceee Kdln (Ck)lognc, 1883-
1900). I-X; Let. Die kSlnief^ Kirchengeechichte im Anschluta
an die Oeaehiehte der kdlniachen BiachHie und ErtbiaMfe (Col-
1883); Geaehiohaiisher Atlaa der Rheinvrovin* (Bonn.
an
(xne, 1883); GeaehiohUither Attaa der Hheinprovina (Bonn,
1804-1901 ): Kleinbbmannb, Die Heiligen auf dem biachdflichen
bzw. erzbischdflichen Stuhle von Kdln (Cologne, 1805), I; Jan-
REN, Die Henegageivalt der Erdniaehofe von Kdln in Weatfalen
(Munioh, 1805); KmBpiNO, Die Regeeten der BrxbiachOfe van Kdln
im MUtdaJUer (vol. II., Bonn.lOOO; vol. til in press, 1007); Sad kr-
LAND, Urkxtnden und Regeaten zur Oeaehu^te der Rheirdtmde aua
dem vatikaniachen Archiv (vol. I-III., Bonn, 1002-05; vol. IV in
gress, 1007); KoBTB. Die Patroeinien der Kirehen und Kapellen im
rtbiatum Kdln (DOsseldorf. 1904); Kunatdenkmaler der Rhein-
provim (DOsseldorf. 1891 — ); Bau- und Kunatdenkmdler von
Weatfalen (Paderbom. 1803 — ); WoiJ>-. Aua Kurkdln im 18.
JahrhundeH (Berlin, 1906); Ewaxd. Die Siepd der Erdnaehijft
von Koln 91*8-1795 (Bonn, 1906); Weatfdliechea Urkundenbudi,
vol. VII, Die Urkundendea kdlniachen Weatfalen vom Jahre ttOO-
ISOO (Monster, 18 ^1907). For the lUfoimation period see:
DBOT7VBN. Die Reformation in der kdlniachen Kirdienprovina
tur Zeit Hermanna V, von Wied (Bonn, 1876); Losben, Der
kdlniache Krieg (I, Ootha. 1882; II. Munich. 1897). also
sWunliaiutheriehte aua Deutachland (Pt. I. Paderbom, 180S snd
1809; Pt. III. vols. I and II. Berlin. 1892 and 1894). The
most important periodicals are: Annalen dea hiatoriaaten
Vereine fflr den Niederrhein ina beaondere die alte Bndidceae Kdln
(at present 83 vols., Cologne. 1855 — ). Jahrhiicher dea
Vereme von AUertumafreunden im Rheintand (Bonn, 1842 — );
Wealdeuteche Zeitachrift fiir Oeaehiehte und Kunai (Trier, 1882—).
with supplementary volumes.
Joseph Lins.
UmVERBiTT OF CoLOONE. — ^Though famotiB aD
through the Middle Ages for its cathedral and cloister
COLOMBA
121
<lO&MiBI4
schools and for eminent scholars — Albertus Magnus,
Bt. Thomas Aquinas, and Duns Sootus — Cologne had
no university imtil necu* the end of the fourteenth'
century, when Urban VI, at the instance of the Town
Council, issued (21 May, 1388) the Bull of foundation.
The university was inaugurated the following year
with twenty-one magistri and 737 matriculated
students. Further pnvileges were granted by Boni-
face IX (1389, 1394), Duke Wiihehn von Geldem
(1396), and Emperor Frederick III (1442); while
speciad favour was shown the university by Gregory
XII (1406), Nicholas V (1447), and Pius II; the last-
named pope addressed his "Bull of Retractation"
(In minorious agentes) to the Rector and University
of Cologne (26 April, 1463). The university was
represented at the Councils of Constance and Basle,
and was involved in the controversy regarding the
authority of council and pope. It took sides with
the antipope Felix V, but eventually submitted to
Nicholas V. The Renaissance movement met With
opposition at Cologne, though amon^ its professors
were the humanists Caesarius, Buschius, Glareanus^
Gratius, Phrissemius, and Sobius. During the same
period may be mentioned the theologians Arnold of
Tongres and Hoogstraaten, O. P. AU these were in-
volved in the conflict which centred about Reuchlin
(q. v.) and which did the university great harm.
Tlie "EpistolfiB obscurorum virorum" were directed
against the theologians of Ck)logne. At the time of
the Reformation, but few of the professors joined the
Protestant movement; the university as a whole was
strong in its defence of the Catholic Faith and some
of its stxidents, as Cochkeus and Eck, were afterwards
foremost champions of the Church. Failing on the
other h And to introduce the reforms needed in its own
work and organization, the university declined rapidly
during the sixteenth centurv. The vicissitudes of
war, lack of means, and withdrawal of its students
reduced it to a nominal existence in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. In 1786 the founding of
the University of Bonn (a. v.) decided the fate of
Cologne, which was unable to withstand its more
vigorous rival. The French troops entered Cologne
in October, 1794; in April, 1796, the university was
dosed.
Rabhoall, Universities of Ewmpe in the Middle Ages (Ox-
ford. 1890). II. 251; Bianco, Die o/te UnivenilAt Kdln (CqloKne.
1865); Kbussen, Die Matrikel d. UniversiUU Kdln 1389 bis 1559
CBonn, 1892); Denifle, Die UniversiUUen des MiUelaUert
(BerUn. 1886). „
E. A. Page.
Oolomba of Baeti, Blessed, b. at Rieti, in Urn-
bria, Italy, 1467; d. at Perugia, 1601. Blessed Co-
lomba of Rieti is always called after her birthplace,
though she actually spent the greater part of her life
away from it. Her celebrity is based — as it was even
in her lifetime — ^mainly on two things: the highly mi-
raculous nature of her career from its very beginning,
and her intense devotion to the Blessed Sacrament.
Sie was one amongst a number of saintly Domim'can
women who seem to have been expressly raised up
by God in protest against, and as a sharp contrast to,
the irreligion and immorality prevalent in Italy
during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. These
women , nearly all of the Third Order, had an intense de-
votion to St. Catherine of Siena, and made it their
aim to imitate her as nearly as possible. Many
seculars, men as well as women, shared this devo-
tion, amongst these being Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara,
who had a deep admiration for Colomba and for
some other holy Dominican religious, her contempor-
aries, the most notable of whom were Blessed
Osanna of Mantua and Blessed Lucy of Nami. For-
the latter Ercole's veneration was so great that he
nev^r rested until he h^ got her to come with some
of her nuns to live in Ferrara, where he built her a
convent and where she died after many troubles.
She b^an when quite a giri to practise austere pen-
ances and to subsist almost entirely on the super-
natural food of the Holy Eucharist, aftd continued
this for the greater part of her life. At nineteen
rfie joined the Dominican Tertiaries', of whom there
were many in the town, though still living at home;
and she soon won the -veneration of her fellow towns-
people by her personal holiness a* well as by some
miracles that sne worked. But Colomba was not des-
tined to remain in Rieti. In 1488 she left home and
weht to Perugia, where the inhabitants received her
as a saint, and in the course of time built her the
convetrt of St. Cathe-
rine, in which she
assembled all the
Third Order Domini-
canesses, who desired
her as superior in
spite of her youth.
In 1494, when a ter-
rible pla^e was rag-
ing in Perugia, she
of^red herself as vic-
tim for the city. The
plague was stayed,
but Colomba herself
was struck down by
the scourge. She
recovered only to
have her sanctity se-
verely tried by wide-
ly spread calumnies,
which reached Rome,
whence a comthis-
sion was sent to ex-
amine into her life.
She was treated for
some time as an im-
postor, and deposed
from her office of
prioress; but finally
ner innocence trium-
phed. In 1495 Alex-
ander VI, having
heard of Colomba?
holiness and mir-
aeles from his son
the Cardinal Caesar
Borgia, who had
been living in Per-
ugia, went himself to the city and saw her. She
is said to have gone into an ecstasy at his feet,
and also to have boldly told him of all personal
sins. The pope was fully satisfied of her great
sanctity, and set the seal of his approval on her
mode of life. In the year 1499 she was consulted, by
authorities who were examining into the matter, con- •
cerning the stigmata of Blessed Lucy of Nami, and
spoke warmly m favour of their being genuine, and
of her admiration for Blessed Lucy's noliness. Her
relics are still venerated at Perugia, and her feast is
kept by her order on 20 May.
Albbrti, Vila delta h. Colomba da Rieti sepolta a Perttgia
(Boloma. 1621); pAFBBBOcaii Cowunent^ ptaev. m Acta SS.,
May, V, 31»-20: . Rotei^u, Vit^ della b. Colomba da Rieti
(Bionza. 1875); Skbastiano dkgu Anoeu, ed. Viretti, Vita
della b. Colomba da Rieti (Perugia. 1777), tr.; Qardnkr. /\>fte
and Dukea in Ferrara (London, 1904).
F. M. Capes.
Oolombia, Republic 6p (formerly Uwpted States
OP Colombia), forms the north-west tjomer of the
South American Continent. It is bounded on the
north by the Caribbean Sea, on the east by Venezuela,
on the south by Brazil and Peru, on the south-west by
Ecuador. The Pacific Ocean bounds it on the west
and on thenorth-^est the Republic of Panama and the
Gulf of Darien. Its area is variously calculated at
Bb. Gk>LoicdA OP RiBTi
Perugino (7), Pinaooteca, Perugia
OOLOBftBU.
122
COLOMBIA
£rom 450,000 to about 500,000 square miles, but exact
data are not obtainable. Colombia has. at least eleven
active or dormant volcanoes, the tallest of wfaioh,
Huila, rises to about 10,000 feet and seems to be Uie
highest point in the country. Almost on the Carib-
bean shores are the mud-volcanoes of Turbaco. The
re|>ublic is hi^y favoured by nature in most parts
ofits territory, and capable of producing nearly every
staple. It is very rich in useful tropical plants. The
animal kingdom, too, is far better represented than
farther south along the Pacific coast. The climate
shows all possible varieties, from the moist heat of
the lowlands to the bitter cold of the mountain wastes,.
Since 1870 no census of the population has been at-
tempted. To-day the number of inhabitants is vari-
ously estimated, four millions being a likely conjecture.
One estimate (made in 1904) gives 3,017,000 souls;
another, two years later, 4,680,000, of which 4,083,000
for the sixteen departments, 120,000 for the federal
district, and 427,000 for the intendanciee. Four-
fifths at least of this population resides in the moun-
tainous western half, tne eastern lowlands being mostly
held by wild Indian bands. H&e number of aborigines
b given at about 150,000, without reliable basis, how-
ever, for this estimate. The most populous city is the
capital, Bogota, situated at an altitude of 9000 feet
above the sea, with 85,000 inhabitants; Medellin, in
the department of Antioquia (4600 feet above the sea)
comes next, with 50,000 souls, then Barranquilla,
Colombia's most active seaport, with 32,000 (later ac-
coimts say 55,000). Negroes and mulattoes are num-
erous, and mestizos form a large proportion of the peo-
ple. In the mountains the pure Indian has been re-
duced by amalgamation to a small proportion of the
inhabitants and most of the aboriginal stocks have
completely disappeared as such. Near the Gulf of
Maracaibo the Goaiiros still maintain autonomy, but
the Tayronas, Panchee, Musos, are practically extinct.
Around Bogoti there are descendants of the Chibchas
(q. v.), a sMentary tribe once of considerable numeri-
cal importance, for aborigmes.
HiSTORT. — The earliest information oonceming the
territory which was to become in the nineteenth cen-
tury the Republic of Colombia goes back to the Y^ftr
1500 and comes down to us from Rodrigo de Bastidas
and Alonzo de Ojeda. But even a few months before
these explorers, Christ6val Guerra and Pero Alonxo
Nino haa coasted Venezuela and, possibly, the north-
em shores of Colombia, gathermg pearls and gold.
Bastidas saw the snowy range of Ssmta Marta in 1500,
and Ojeda settled on the coast near by. The Spanish
colonies on the Isthmus of Darien (since 1903, tne Re-
Eublic of Panama, but previously a province of Colom-
ia) and the discovery of the South Sea by Balboa
(q. V.) directed the course of exploration of Colombia
to its north-western and Pacific sections. The banks
of large rivers, Atrato, Cauca, and Magdalena, were also
explored and oonqu^^ at an early period. The val-
leys, especially that of the Cauca, were inhabited by
comparatively numerous agricultural tribes, who also
gathered gold by washing and worked it into figures,
ornaments, and sometimes vessels. Much of the pre-
cious metal was found in graves. The Indians of Antio-
quia, Ancerma, Call, and Lile, Uiough living in vil-
lages, were cannibals, and wars of extermination had
to be waged against them. The languages of these peo-
ples have weUnigh disappeared, as well as the tnbes
themselves, and their classification in four principal
groups, Catios, Nutabes, Tahamies, and Yamacies (of
whicn the first two held both banks of the Cauca), re-
quires confirmation. In western Colombia the Span-
iards penetrated to the northern confines of Ecuador
(Paste, Popayan) comparatively eariy, and there met
other explorers from their own people coming up from
Quito. This led to strife and even to bloodshed.
The valley of the Magdalena formed the natural
route into the interior. The Indian tribee around,
and to the south of, the Santa Marta Mountains
(Chimilas, Panches, Tayronas, Musos) were of a sed-
entaiy and warlike character, and offered a protracted
resistance. It eeems that they belonged to ttie lin-
guistic stock of the Chibcha (or Muysca), and consid-
erable gold was found among them, chiefly in burial
places. Up to 1536, Tamalameque (about 9^ N. lat.)
had been tke most southern point reached from Santa
Marta. In the be^g^nning or that year, however, an
important expedition was set on foot under the com-
mand of Pedro Fernandez de Lugo, with the object of
penetrating into the unknown mountains to the south.
Luflo soon died, but his lieutenant Gonzalo Xim^nez
de Qvesada persevered j and reached the plateau, where
he found the numerous tribes of the Chibcha estab-
lished in formal settlements, and rich in gold and
in emeralds obtained from the country of the Musob
where they are still obtained. By August, 1538, Cun-
dinamarca (by which name the Chibcha range is mostly
known) was occupied by Quesada after considerable
warfare with the natives, and the city of Santa F6 de
Bogota was founded as capital of the "Kingdom of
New Granada '\ which continued the oflicial designa-
tion of Colombia until its independence was achieved.
Upon the conquest of the Chibcha country followed
expeditions to the east and south-east, in quest of the
"Gilded Man'' (el Dorado) with little more Uian geo-
graphical results. Tbe^e expeditions led towards the
reoion now forming the Republic of Venezuela.
The establishment of a German administrati(xi in
Venezuela, by the Welser family, in 1529, also led the
Spaniards and Germans into Colombia from the £ast.
Ainbrosius Dalfinger (1529-32) reached Tamalameq^ue
and, in 1538, when Quesada was beginning to orauaize
his recent conquest at Bogota, he was surprised by the
arrival of a force from Venezuela commanded by the
German leader Nicolas Federmann. Shortly after
this another body of Spaniards reached the plateau of
Cundinamarca from the Cauca Valley. This was the
expedition headed by Sebastian Belalcazar of Quito.
Each of the three conmianders having acted independ-
ently, each claimed the territory as his conquest, but
QuMada succeeded in buying his rivals on, and re-
mained master of the field, thus avoiding bloodshed.
New Granada, under its own audiencia established
in 1563, formed part of the Spanish Viceroycdty of Peru
until 1718, was then severed from Peru for four years,
then again placed under an audiencia, and finally, in
1751, constituted a separate viceroyalty. During the
seventeenth century, the ports of the Colombian coast
were exposed to the formidable attacks of pirates. In
1671 the notorious Morgan took Panama and sacked it,
and the most horrible cruelties were committed upon
its inhabitants. Two years later it was the turn of
Santa Marta. In 1679 the French Baron de Pointe
took and pillaged Cartagena (founded 1510). Relig-
ious strife, too, between the secular and some of the
regular clergy, and between the bishops and the civil
authorities, troubled Cartagena, Popayan, and other
dioceses. . Extreme measures of taxation, exorbitant
duties, provoked a popular uprising in 1781. The
country remained in a state of ferment, which was ag-
gravated by the downfall of Spain before the power of
Napoleon. Miranda made in 1806 an attempt at in-
surrection, directed in the first instance against Ven-
ezuela, but threatening New Granada as well, had it
succeeded. Gn 20 July, 1810, a revolutionary junta
met at Bogota, and in tne following year "The United
Provinces of New Granada ' * were proclaimed. These
embraced also Venezuela and Ek^uador, and soon two
parties appeared among the revolutionists, so that,
TOevious to 1816, three civil wars had taken place.
Bolivar, who appeared upon the scene in 1810, was un-
able to establifui harmony. Spain could do almost
nothing to recover its colonies until 1815, when a re-
spectable force under General Morillo landed in Ven-
ezuela. This united the factions again, and for five
} ^iV Anhbii.Kbi,.],»nC
f »« ** PwlHrtur* A|.KnfcQli«
CbNm
k titaUH IrilMt In iTALlC$
3 l>kuiJ*'-f<« uf ^iUf^v-M P^rtplutia , . l'Aiii|tLuDa.
i Dioi'e*e oX Hocurro. . . ., , . - Sur<>ri-4j.
jj^ mu PRot. or nifTiOEKi
III. Ell L, rnnv^ hf XKniiLi.n
[IjifM.i'M} tit Afitir^iiulA ........ Antln^inia.
3 UiiKtspt.' ut MitnlsiueK, MiliijihJlti
it. EcrL. mciT. iip Mr*tJi:r
pAi^Kti .... pDrny&cw
K XT RAO It. KlVI^ AfP.^tt^ft
L^-, 7 — 4, vie. A ti<>"f. ot CfiiMTiftrv ifjiinftrflL
B. Vic AjiosL at Uoajtm i
I — I J 4i. »i I 1^ r mk\f
i AftHilji-^hiiiirir t>f (.^ii
Bi
) An'^ihi^hrtprir at Yfi\
a liliKHHw of fksto
COLOMBIA rConUDued)
C. Vt%f. Apiwt 4 'MqLl*^lJI , . . SdtH^tJ^
1>. Pief. ApoA, Lldmtt ilati. MJir-
tlhu. . . . - i
El Kritf. ApuEiC ^ntuDileiLia Ort«<
«nt4Je ^
S. B.— or the Hbovp. A ami C hiy iiltujit«^ In
the T?rrltoi1(?fl pT th<^ nii.\nv iiJiirt^v Mttil K In Lb«
(Uiiiut«d TflirltoTy boi-di^rin^r uii tk^ii Hilar.
ECUADOR
ECTL. CM 11%, II r ^l ITU
I Arehb1?ih(HJrlcofyiUti> ....... Qult4>.
t UliX'THf of CmsTifd. . , , CiiBtic*.
J tU>A.'i«ii« af IbLrrA 4. 1l«rnin
4 liiwt'M EjiT LcijB ....jLoJa.
i Uli>i?ew of < •UH^'iuniM 'Gu^f^iuiiJlL
(I DNw^f1•e^^f ^^tirtiUflrjo Hcul^vkjo.
' iHfKxmm of HIatwiiiljJi , Ki<^ljttiial**.
Vlil'AkUTU APPflTOUO rjCTHtn TITF JrBI!<lHfT|0»
or THC I'ONii. or ExTH.^'Uk. l^^xL. Ari''iJ4t.H
A. C)lll«lQ»4ii[Jl ,MAi>ai \ , vi.wi.H
H. Mm.d«and[j(uaiuial» I ^*^ ^} Mctirl^
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Tbfl KrwreCoiu- ihre ■fitinic^ ui tb»"Provliuii*
«OPTNianT. IMS, CT AOiCIIT APPkCTON CO.
TH» IIATTMBW»-»IOHTi»IW w^*-.* . ^Wf f AU>, 1.
OMOMBXA
123
00&OMBI4
years a war of extermination was carried on in the
three states. During that period the Republic of
Colombia was proclaimed, in 1819. The revolutionists
suffered manv reverses^ for Morillo was an able military
leader. Of iJie actions fought in this bloody war, that
at Sogamoeo (12 June, 1819) decided the fate of the
remnants of the Spanish army, and the engagement at
Carabobo, near Valencia in Venezuela (24 June, 1821),
was the last of any conseauence. The Republics of
Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela became united
under the name of Colombia. In 1829. however, Ecua-
dor and Venezuela seceded, and Colombia was left
alone.
In 1831 Colombia became "The Republic of New
Granada * \ Thirty years later it called itself " United
States of Colombia". In 1886, the "sovereign states"
were reduced to departments of a "centrali^d repub-
lic" styled "The Republic of Colombia", under wnich
name it is known to-day. No country of Spanish
America has been, since its independence, so often and
BO violently disturbed, internally, as Colombia. With
a single exception (Parra, 1876-80), every presidential
term has been marked by one or more bloody revolu-
tions. Panama seceded for a while, in 1856. Tlie
events of 1903 made the separation between Colombia
and Panama definitive. Since 1904 , conditions seem to
have at last become more settled. Reorganization,
after so many periods of disorder and anarchy, seems
to be the aim of the present Government of Colombia.
Hardly was the territory now known as the Repub-
lic of Colombia discovered, when the Church, wt>rKing
in accord witl^ the King of Spain, hastened to the
natives. In spite of the honest mtentions of the Span-
ish kin^, their agents were in many cases obstacles to
the religious progress of the country. What progress
was attained was due to the efforts of the Dominican,
Franciscan, Jesmt, and other missionaries. This great
work was often opposed by the colonists and govern-
ment officials who looked solely to their own worldly
prosperity. The religious of ^e Society of Jesus, with
whose history the name of the Colombian city of Carta-
gena is so gloriously associated (see Peter Claver,
Saint), were also the first during the Colonial period
to found colleges for secondary instruction; ei^t or
ten colleges were opened in which the youth of the
country, and the sons of the Spaniards, were educated.
In the Jesuit College of Bogota the first instruction in
mathematics and physics was given. In the expul-
sion of the Jesuits oy Charles III the Church in New
Granada lost her principal and most efficacious aid to
the civiliasation of the country, which was practically
paralysed for many vears. To this day the traveller
may see the effects of this arbitrary act in the immense
plains of the regions of Casanare, converted in the
space of one century iato pasture lands for cattle, but
which were once a source of great wealth, and which
would have been even more so.
It is only within the last ten years that the Catholic
C!hurch, owing to the peace and liberty which she now
enjoys, has turned her eyes once more to Casanare-
a vicariate Apostolic has been erected there, govemea
by a bishop of the Order of St. Augustine, who with
the memb^ of his order labours among the savages
and semi-savages of these pj^^ins.
Present Conditions. — The legislative power of the
nation is vested in a Congress consisting of the Senate
and the House of Representatives. Senators are
elected for six years. Each senator has two substi-
tutes elected with hiin. Every department is entitled
to three senators, and the whole body is renewed, upon
the completion of the term of service of one-third of its
members, every two years. One representative and two
substitutes correspond to a population of 50,000, and
their term of ofi^ce is four years. Congress, besides
legislation, has power to interfere with the action of the
executive in matters of contracts aiul treaties. The
executive is headed by the president, who has a vice-
president and a substitute (or dssignadg); the last
takes office in case both president and vice-prendent
become incapacitated. While the presidential term
has varied from six to four years, the actual inoumbeat
(1908), Rafael Reyes, is in possession of the office for
ten years. There is a cabinet of ministers and a con-
sultative body called the "Council of State", com-
posed of six members with the vice-presideait at its
head. The president appoints the members of the
Supreme Court for life, or diuring good behaviour.
The judicial districts have their superior as well a8<
inferior eourts. Courts of Commerce may he insti*
tuted when necessary, and trial by jury obtains in
criminal cases. The Constitution of 1886, amended
in 1904 and 1905, explicitly provides (Art. 38) that
** the Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion is that of the
Nation; the public authorities wiil protect it and
cause it to be respected as an essential element of
social order. It being understood that the Catholic
Church is not and shfdl not be ofiicial, and shall pre-
serve its independence". The next following article
guarantees to all persons freedom from molestation
I'on account of religious opinions", and Art. 40 lays
it down that ** the exercise of all cults not contrary to
Christian morality or the laws is permitted "• A con-
cordat, entered into between the Holy See and the
Republic of Colombia in 1887, now regulates in detail
the relations between Church and State. These relar
tions are at present (1908) thoroughly cordial, while
dissenters are in no way interfered with on account of
their religious peculiarities. The ecclesiastical organi-
zation of Colombia consists of four provinces: Bogotd,
with four suffragans, Ibagu^, Nueva Pamplona,
Socorro, and Tunja; Cfiutagena. with two suffragans,
Santa Marta and Panama; Meaellin, with two suffra-
gans, Antioquia and Manziales; and Popayan, with
two suffragans, Garzon and Pasto. There are also
two vicariates Apostolic: Casanare and Goajira; and
three prefectures Apostolic: Caqueta, Piani di S.
Martino, and Intenaenza Orientate. (See BoootA,
Cabtaqena, etc.)
Article 41 of the Constitution provides that '' public
education shall be oiganized and directed in accord-
ance with the Catholic Religion. Primary instruction
at the expense of the public funds shall be gratuitous
and not obligatory. ' ' There are no educational statis-
tics attainable of any recent date. In 1897 it was
stated there were 2026 colleges and primary sohoob
with 143,076 pupils. Of pnvate educational estab-
lishments no data exist. Only the faculties of medi-
cine and natural sciences are in operation at the na-
tional capital. A School of Arts and Trades is con-
ducted by the Salesians, and there are normal schools
in five departments. Secondary institutions are al-
most exclusively in the hands of the Catholic clergy
and rel^ous corporations. The minister of pubUc
instruction is the official head of the department of
education.
The material development of Colombia has neces-
sarily been much retarded by the political disturb-
ances which have occurred since the first quarter of the
nineteenth century and have made its history a contin-
uous succession of civil wars. In 1898 Colombia had
8600 miles of telegraph, but the service is very defective.
Railroad lines are in operation with an aggre^te
length of 411 miles, the longest being only 65 miles.
The metric system has been in use for weights and
measures since 1857. Metallic currency has nearly
disappeared, inconvertible paper forming the circu-
lating medium. The re-establishment of gold coinage
has lately been proposed. The paper currency, in
1906, had lost 99 per cent of its nominal vadue, 10,000
Colombian pesos (paper currency) being eoual to 100
dollars. It is hopea, however, that with internal
peace these unfortunate conditions will rapidly change
for the better, since Colombia has unlimited natural
resources. The history of the foreign debt of this
OO&OMBO
124
<ioi.aiCB0
repul^ IB a aeries of bonx>win&s and attempted settle-
ments of accumulated capital and interest, rendered
impossible by political disturbanoes. The budget for
1905-1006 amounted to £4,203,823. There are no
ofiicial or general statistics of either exports or im-
ports. Partial data, however, may give some general
idea of the principal articles of GolomlHan produce,
"nie Colombian gold mines up to 1845 yielded £71,-
200,000. Another source states it at £115,000,000
up to 1886. The same authority (Restrepo). estimates
tne sDver-production during the same period at £6,*
600,000. The average output of rock-salt from 1883 to
1897 has been 1 1 ,000 tons per year. The exploitation
of the emerald mines in the Province of Musos vielded
the Government, in 1904, £10,000, but the production
was not alwavs so high in former times. Among
vegetable products coifeo takes tl^e first rank for ex>
port, but tne annual figures have varied according to
the political state of the country. Thus, in 1899, be-
fore the revolution, 254,410 bags of coffee were ex-
ported from BarranquilkL In the year following only
86,917. Peace being restored, 574|270 bags could be
shipped from the same port in 1904. In the same year
24,000 tons of bananas left Barranquilla for the United
States, and tobacco and india-rubber may soon figure
largely in Colombian export lists.
ror the periods embracing the stnigs^for independence see
the bibliogmphy to the articles: Bouvja. Ec;uaj>or. and Vbnk-
zuELA, to which we add: Bgnedetti. Historia ae Colombia
(Lima. 1887); alao a eonciee but quite fair sketch in the vol.
BrisA of the Univera jnUoreaque (1888). by Famjn, Col/mbie ^
Ouyanu: Pmus, The Republic of Cohmbia (Londoa. 1906);
Scnuoda, Tlte Colombian and Venetudan Republioa (Bostort,
1902) .—On the protracted negotiations as to the Oolotnbia*Ooeta
Rica boundaries see Fbbnaji dbz, Coleocidu. de Docttmento8 para
la hittoria de Coata Rica (San Joe^, 1881-1886). The North
American Review (New York) for 1902 contains a paper by
Morales, ThePoUticalandBconomieal Situalion of Colombia. —
On the volcanoes of Colombia, Stubel, Die VuUcanberge von
Colombia (Dresden. 1906). — On the Panama question, Johnson,
Four Cenfuriea of the Panama Canal (New York, 1906). Of the
numerous books of trav^ in Colombia in the first half of the
past century may be mentioned HuMBouyr, ReUUitm hietori-
que du vayoife aux rigionB Squinoxiaka du nouveau eoniinenl
(Paris, 1816-22); Vues dea CordHUrea, et monuments des peuples
tndiqjtnea de VAm£rigue (Paris, 1816); Molubn, Voyage dana la
riptMique de Col&m&ia (Paxis. 1824). For the boliticol history
of the past century, Conatitucidn del eatado de Cartagena de in-
diaa aancionada enlUde Junie del ana de 1812, aegundo de au In-
dependencia (Cartagena, 1812); Conatitucidn de la repiblioa de
Colombia (Bogoti, 1888). In Spanish literatuie from the six-
teenth century early exploration^ and colonization cf O)]ombia
is extensively treated, notably in Enciso, Suma de geografUi
(1519, 1530. and 1549); Gomara. Hiatoria general de laa Indiaa
(Antwerp, 1664) ; Hbrrbsa, Hiatoria general Aea, (Madrid,
1601-15 and 1726-30; Antwerp, 1728). Colombian writers
from the sixteenth century: db Qdxsada, Tree ratoa de Suezca
(1568); Castellanob, Blegiaa de varonea Uuatrta de Indiaa;
PlEDRAarvA. Hiatoria qeneral de laa oonquiakia del Nuevo Regno
de Granada (Antwerp. 1688); de Zamora, Hiatoria dc la prouin-
da de San Antonio del Nuevo Regno de Granada del orden de Prc-
dicadorea (Barcelona, 1701); Casbani, Hiatoria de la provincia
de la eompaHia de Jeaiia del Nuevo Regno de Granada (Madrid,
1741); JuUAN, La Perladela Amirioa (Madrid, 1787)— import-
ant especially on the Goajiros Indians. From the nineteenth
oentuiy : Docum. tnSditoa de Indiaa and Documenloa para la hia-
toria da EapaAa, Of the hig^iest value foe the extinct Indian
tribes of the Rio Cauca and its valleys as well as for the west
coast of Colombia in general, Cieza db Leon. Cr&nica del Peni
(Part I, Antwerp, 1554): Andaoota, Relacion de loi^truceeoe de
Pedrariaa D&tnla, tr. in Haekiuyt 8oc., XXXIV.
Ad. F. Bandeues.
OolombO, Archdiocese of, situated on the western
seaboard of the Island of Cevlon, includes two of the
nine provinces into which the island is diyided, viz.
the Western and the Northwestern. The history of
the see be^ns in 1518, when Christianity was intro-
duced by the Franciscans. The religion spread rap-
idly, the town and the surrounding districts were soon
erected into a diooese, and Don Juan de Monteiro was
created first Bishop of Colombo, This prelate re-
ceived into the church Don Juan Dharmapala, the
grandson of the Cingalese King Buwenekabahu VII*
The young prince succeeded his grandfather in 1542.
Six yeaiB after his accession, Colombo contained a
Catholic population of 12,000, with two parish
churches, Our Lady's and St. Laurence's, four monas-
teries or convents under the CoirdeUeiB, Dominicans,
Augustinians, and Capuchins^ and a ooUege conducted
by the Jesuits.
In 1597 Don Juan Dhaimapala died. By that time
the Portuguese had estabhahed their authority
throughout the whole island except in the Kin^om of
Kandy in the centre of the island, and religion was
free to develop in Jaffna and in the other parts of Cey-
lon. But peace was of short duration, for the Dutdi
arrived in the island an4, after a struggle of more than
fifty years, succeeded in obtaining posseasion of all the
territory tiiat had been held by the Fortugaese; Co-
lombo fell in 1656 and Jaffna in 1658. The new rulers
made no secret cf their attitude towaxda the Church,
for in 1642 thev ooncluded with the Kins of Kandy a
treaty by whion "all priests, friars ana clergymen"
were to be banished from Ceylon. The Reformed
Church of Holland was declared established, and a
series of severe penal enactments agahvst CaUioUcs
followed. Catholic education was forbidden, Catho-
lio worship abolished, and harbouring a priest was de-
clared a capital offence. lo 1796 Colombo was taken
bv the English, and one of their first acts was to repeal
all the Dutch laws against the Catholics (1806); soon
afterwards the rights restored to the CatJaoIics of the
United Kingdom oy the Emancipation Act were con-
ceded to their ooreugioniBts in Ceylon.
During the Dutch period the ecclesiastical adminis-
tration of the island had been in the hands of the
Bishop of Cochin on the neighbouring continent ; but
in 1830 Gregory XVI constituted Ceylon a vicariate
Apostolic and tne first vicar Apostolic, .Don Vincente
de Eozario, was consecrated in 1836. In 1845 Propa-
ganda found it necessary to indrease the number of
missionaries in the island, and sent the Sylvestrinc
Benedictines for that purpose. In 1847 Janna in the
north of the island, was severed from the Vicariate of
Colombo, and erected into a separate vicariate with
Bishop U. Bettachini as vicar Apostolic. At his
death in 1857, the northern vicariate was given over
to the Oblates of Mary Immaculate whs hadarrived in
Ceylon two years after the Benedictines. Bishop
Semeria, O. M. I., was ^pointed Vicar Apostolic of
Jaffna, while Bishop Bravi, O. S. B., succeeaed Bishop
Caetano Antonio (1843-57) as Vicar Apostolic of Co-
lombo.
A further partition was made in 1883, when the
southern vicariate was divided into two, Colombo and
Kandy. The Benedictines retained the latter, the
former being given to the Oblates, in whose hands it
has since remained, and Bishop C. Bonjean, O. M. I.,
was transferred from Jaffna to Uolombo. Tnree years
later (1886) the hierarchy was established in Ceylon,
and the above-mentioned Bishop of Colombo, Dr.
Bonjean, was made metropolitan with two suffragan
sees, JaJOtna and Kandy. In 1893 two new dioceses
were created and entrusted to the Jesuits, Galle in the
South being severed from Colombo, and Trincomali in
the East, separated from Jaffna. In the same year
Bishop Melizan, 0. M. I., was transferred from Jaffna
to C])oiombo as successor to Bishop Bonjean who had
died in 1892; Bishop Melizan was succeeded in 1905
by Bishop Antoine Coudert, 0. M. I., from 1898 coad-
jutor, with right of succession.
. According to the last census returns the ^o^^^^popu-
lation of the archdiocese is 1,274,000, of whom 206,000
are Catholics. There are 100 missionaries, 91 Ob-
lates and 9 secular priests, and 295 churdies and
diapels. The Cathedral of Santa Lucia, a fine build-
ing in the Renaissance style, has accommodations for
6000. Attached to the cathedral are an English
school for boys and one for girls, the former with over
a thousand pupils, being taught by the brothers of tfa«
Christian Schools, while in the latter, the Sisters of the
Good Shepherd give instruction to 500 girls. AH the
charitable inHtitutions in the archdiocese, and many
educational institutions of the archdiocese are in the
125
hands of religions congregations. These are as fol-
lows: Brothers of Christian Schools, 47 engaged in
teaching; native Brothers of St. Vincent de rani, 20,
teaching; Sisters of the Qood Shepherd, 23. over
flchook and orphanages; Sisters of the Holv Family,
23, schools, orphanages, and hospitals; Franciscan
SiaterB (Missionaries of Maiy), 49, school^ orphanageS)
and hospitals; native Sisters of St. Frands Xavier,
117, teaching; native Sisten of St. Peter, 106, teadi*
ing. Three of the principal government faospitais
have been entrusted to the sisters. A government
reformatory for youthful offenders is in charge of the
Oblates, the number of boyB varying from 150 to 200.
About the same number of old people are provided
with a home by the Little Sisters of the Pcx>r in Co-
lombo. In the 397 schools of the arohdioeese 36,520
children are educated. Of these schools 202 are for
boys, with 20,826 pupils, and 195 for giris with 14,094
pupiis. TBe mana^ment of the schools is entirely in
the hands of the missionaries; but there is a govern-
ment examination every year, on the results or which
a grant is paid to the superintendent of schools. The
archdiooese maintains for teadiers of both sexes nor*
Rial schools recognised by the Government. Higher
education in English is provided for girls at the vari>*
ous convents in Colombo, and for boys at St^ Joseph's
College (800 students) conducted by the Oblate
Fathers. The training of aspirants for the priesthood
is carried on in two seminaries: the preparatory sem^
inarv of St. Aloyslus with 24 students and BU Ber-
nard's theological seminary with 20 students. There
are 9 orphanages, 1 for boys and 8 for ^iris, which pro-
vide education for 673 or()hans (104 boys and ,509
girls). Two papers, both bi-weekly, are published at
the Colombo CSeitholic Press, the ''Ceylon Catholic
Messenger" in English, and the ''Nanartha Prad>*
paya" in Cingalese. The management and editorial
control of both papers are in the hands of the mission''
aries. A Cingalese monthly of a religious character is
issued from the press of the boys' orphanage. Co-
lombo has conferences of St. Vinoent de Paul and of
the Ladies of Charitv. The Bonjean Memorial HaU is
the head-quarters of the Oeylon Catholic Union, estab^
lished in 1902, with branches in all the principal parts
of the island. A Catholic Club was opened in 1900.
Battandxkb, Arm. porU. etUh. (1908); Cotholie Direetarv
Oiadam. 1908); Ceylon Handbook €md Directory (Colombo.
1906); TENNENT, A HUtory of Ceylon (London. 1860).
AxTOlNf5 COITDERT.
Colombo, Mattbo Realdo, Italian anatomist and
dsBcoverer of i^he pulmonary circulation, b. at Cre^
mona in 1616; d. at Rome, 1559. He studied medi--
cine at Padua with Vesalius, became his assistant, and
in 1644 his successor as lecturer on surgery and anat-
omy. In 1646 Cosimo de' Medici, who was reoigania-
ing the Univemitv of Pisa, held out such inducements
to Colombo that he became the first professor of anat^
omy there. Colombo occupied this post until 1648,
when he reodved a call to the chair of anatomy in the
Papal Umversity at Rome. This he held until his
death. During all his years of teaching at Padua,
Pisa, and Rome, he continued to make original re-
searches in anatomy. The results of his investigar'
tion were published under the title, ''De Re Anato-
micA libri XV" (Venice, 1659). The most important
feature of this book is an accurate and complete de-
scription of the pulmonary circulation. Colombo
■ayt: *^Thfi blood is carried by the artery-lifce vein
to the kingn, and being there made thin is brought'
back thence together with air by the vein-like artery
to the left ventricle of the heart." Colombo knew
that this was an original observatiott. for he adds:
"This fact no one has hitherto observed or recorded*
in writiair; yet, it may be most readily observed by
«py one." Harvey, in his work, "On the Motion of
the Heart and Blood in Animals", quotes Cok>mbo'
>*ore than once and pvn Mm credit for many origi-
nal observations in anatomy. Afipatently lest thers
should be any diminution of Harvey's glory, Eugliiih
writers on the history of medicine have, as a rule,
failed to give Colombo the credit which be deserves
B^nd which Harvey so readily accorded him. Cok>mbo
made as many as fourteen dissections in one year at
Rome. Several hundred people sometimes attended
his anatomical demonstrations, and cardinals, arch*
bishops, and other hi^ ecclesiastics were often pres*
ent. Colombo is famous as a teacher of anatomy and
physiology, and first used livine animals to demon-
strate various functions, especiafiy the movements of
the heart and lungs. He said one could learn more in
an hour in this way than in three months from Galen.
His book was dedicated to Pope Paul IV, of whom he
was an intimate personal friend.
The best authority for Colombo's work in anatomy is his
De Re Anaiomicd (Venice, 1559; Paris, 1562). The most com-
flete life is that by Tolltn in PflUffen Archiv, XXI-XXII.
n English there is a good sketch by Fuhxb, AnnaU of Anai"
omy and Surgery (Brooklyn, 1880).
James J. Walsh.
Ooloniftj a titular see of Armenia. Prooopius (De
»dif., Ill, iv) informs us that Justinian restored a
fortress which had been captured b^ Pompey, then
fortified it and called it Colonia. This city figures in
the "Synecdemus** of Hierocles and in the "Notitia
episcopatuum" as a suffra^n of Sebaste, metropolis
of Armenia Prima. Lequien (I, 429) mentions five
bishops: Eupihrbnius, later transferred to Nicopolis,
a friend and correspondent of St. Basil; Eustathius
in 458; St. John the Silent, who died a monk at St.
SabaiB, near Jerusalem, in S<57; Proelus, exiled by
the Emperor Justin in 518 as a Severian; Callinicus
in 660 and 692. B^nay published in ''Echosd'Orient"
(IV, 93) a curious Byvantine inscription concerning
a drungofiu^ of Colonia. In the mnth oentiuy the
city was the capital of a Byzantine theme. Its
modern name is Koilu Hissar ; it is the chief town of
s. caza in the vilayet of Sivas, and has about 1800
inhabitants, among them 600 Greeks, 200 Armenians^
and a few Protestairt «nd Catholic Armenians (Cuinet,
Turquie d^Asie, I, 792). Another Colonia, later Tax-
ara, situated in Cappadoda Tertia, was a suffragan of
Mocessus; seven bishops are mentioDed by Lequien
(I, 413). S. P6TR1DE8.
Oolonia, DoBnmQOii db. See Drama, Jobutt.
Oolonna, a celebrated family which played an im-
portant sQle in Italy during medieval and Renais*
sance times, and which still flourishes in several
branches in Rome and Naples. It is oommoniv sup-
posed to have been originaiiy an offshoot of the Counts
of TuBculum, deriving the family name from the castle
of Colonna situated On a spur of the Alban hills, some
five miles from Tusculiun. The name makes its first
appearance in authenlio history in the person of
Betrus de Cokioana, owner of Colonna, Monte Porzio,
and Zagarolo, and claimant of Palestiina, whose cas-
tles were seized by Paschal II, a. d. 1X01, in punish-
ment of his. lawless depredations. With the aestruc-
tion of Tusculum by the Romans in 1191, the name of
the ancient counts disappears forever, whilst the
Colonna come prominently to the front. From the
first their poUcy was anti-papal and Ghibelline, not so
much ifom love of the emperors as from the desire to
maintain towards the popes an attitude of <}uasi-
independence. They exercised plenary jurisdiction
over their vassals in matters civil and criminal and
frequ^tly contracted alliances with foreign potentates
witnout ■ consulting the wishes or interests of their
sovereign. They were in perpetual feud with their
Quelph neighbours, in particular with the rival house
of the Ondni. They so frequently incurred the papal
censures on account of their rebellious conduct, tnat it
became the general but erroneous opinion of the Ro«
man people that the yearly excommunication of the
WLOKK4
126
Ooloima waB cfoA of the main purposes of the Bull "In
Oosna Domini". Nevertheless, members of the fam-
ily were quite often appointed by friendly pontiffs to
high offices of Church and State. Rarely were thev
without at least one representative in the Sacred Cot
lege, and at one of the most critical Junctures in the
annals of the Church, the election to the papacy of
Cardinal Odo Colonna, Martin V, put an end to the dis-
astrous Western Schism. Twice in the course of its
history this powerful house was threatened with anni-
hilation (seeBoNiFACB VIII; Alexander VI), but on
both occasions the restoration of its members was as
speedy as their fall.
The long line of Colonnese cardinals was opened in
1192, when Giovanni the Elder was created Cardinal-
Priest of S. Prisca by Celestine III. He was made
Bishop of Sabina by Innocent III, and was employed
on important legations to Germany, Spain, Sicily, and
France. He was the powerful fneud of St. Francis,
and was largely instrumental in obtaining from the
pope the approval of the Franciscan Rule. He is re-
membered at Amalfi for his munificence in building
and endowing a spacious hospital. He died at Rome,
1209. Three yearn later Pope Innocent elevated to
the cardinalate a nephew of the cardinal, known as
Giovanni the Younger, Cardinal-Priest of S. Prassede.
He was sent to the Orient as legate in 1217 and re-
turned to Rome in 1222 bringing with him the Pillar
of the Soourging, which remains to the present day in
the chapel he built for it in his titular church. He
also built and endowed two hospitals near the Lateran
for the relief of the poor and of pilgrims. In 1240,
after a futile attempt to reconcile Pope Gr^ry iX
and Frederick II, the cardinal, as head of his family,
together with the other Ghibellines of Rome, went
over to the emperor and openly rebelled a^inst the
Holy See. He died in 1245. Matthew Pans (ad, an.
1244) describes him as ''a vessel filled with pride and
insolence; who, as he was the most illustrious and
powerful in secular possessions of all the cardinals,
was the most efficacious author and fosterer of discord
between t^e emperor and the pope".
As a punishment of their GhibeUinism, no scion of
the house was admitted into the Sacred College until
1278, when the magnanimous Orsini pope, Nicholas
III, the son of that Matteo Rosso who had razed all
the Colonna strongholds in Rome, in token of amnesty
elevated to the dignity of the purple Giacomo Colonna
with the title of Cardinal-Deacon of S. Maiia in Via
Lata. About ten years later, Honorius IV created
FSetro, nephew of Qiaoomo, Cardinal-Deacon of the
Title of S. Eustachio. These were the two cardinals
whose bitter quarrel with Boniface VIII ended so dis-
astrously for that pontiff and for the prestige of the
medieval papacy. Deposed and degraded in 1297,
they were reinstated in their dignities and possessions
by Clement V in 1305. Both died at Avignon, Gia-
como in 1318, Pietro in 1326. These unruly cardi-
nals continued the deeply reli^ous traditions of their
family, founding and endowmg the hospital of S.
Giaoomo for incurables and the Franciscan convent o|
S. Silvestro in Capite, in which they deposed the re-
mains of the saintly sister of Giacomo, tne nun Beata
Margarita. Their munificence as patrons of art is at-
test^ by many masterpieces in the Roman diurches,
notably Turrita's mosaics in S. Maria Maggiore, pro-
nounced by Gregorovius ^the finest workof all the
mosaic pamtings in Rome". The learned Cardinal
E^dio Colonna well deserves a special article (see
Colonna, Egidio). One year after Pietro's death,
his nephew Giovanni, a son of the noble Senator Stef-
ano, whose immediate familv remained faithful to
the Holy See during the troublous times of Louis the
Bavarian, whilst his kinsman Sciarra, led the schis-
matical party, was raised to the caidi^ialate by John
XXI I , with the title of S. Angelo. He was univenally
Qlrteemed, especially by men of letters. He wrote iM
*' Lives of the Roman Pontiffs from St. Peter to Boni*
face VIII'\ At his death, 1348, his intimate friend,
Petrarch, wrote the beautiful sonnet, "Rotta h Talta
Colonna". At the beginning of the Great Schism
Urban created two CoMMma cardinals, Agapito and
Stefano, but they both died shortly after. Then fol-
fowed Odo Colonna, later Pope Martin V (a. v.), who,
in 1430 bestowed the purple upon his youthiul nephew
Prospero. The latter, becoming involved in the re-
bellion of his family against Eugene IV, was da>rived
of his benefices and sentenced to perpetual exile, but
was reinstated by Nicholas V, and died in 1463,
lauded by the Humamsts as a M»cenas of arts and
letters. In the heated conclave of 1^8 it was Pros-
pero Colonna who decided the election of Piocolomini
m the famous words, ''I also vote for the Cardinal of
Siena, and make him pope''.
Prosperous nephew^ Giovanni, was iAxe representa-
tive of nis family dunns the pontificates of Sixtus IV,
Innocent VIII, Alexander VI, Pius III, and Julius II.
Created Cardinal-Deaoon of S. Maria in Aquiro in his
twenty-fourth year by Pope Sixtus, ho was committed
to theCastle of Sant' Aneelo two years later, when that
pontiff and the Colonna oegan their bitter feud. After
an imprisonment of over a year, he regained his lib-
erty. One cannot feel mucn sympathy with him in
his misfortunes during the pontifisate of the Boma
pope, who could not nave been eleeted without bis
vote. When Alexander VZ began his war of extermi-
nation against the Roman barons, Colonna, more for-
tunate than Cardinal Orsini, made his escape and did
not return to Rome till the pope had paosed away.
He himself died in 1508. Although Julius II restored
to the Colonna their possessions and dignities, and by
the Pax Romanay 1511, put an end to the hereditary
feuds of the rival houses, yet, their old-time position of
quasi-independence was never again attained. The
two secular heads of the family, Prospero and Fabrixio,
acquired great fame as generals in the armies of the
Cliurch and of Cliarles V. Fabrizio's daughter was
the highly gifted Vittoria (q. v.). Prospero'a nephew,
Pompeo, was ehoeen to represent the family in the
Chuzt^. He consented veiy reluctantly^ for the
sword was more congenial to him than the Breviary.
He received a large accumulation of benefices, was
created cardinal by Leo X, in 1517, and vice-chan-
cellor by Clement VII. In return, he took the side of
the emperor in his quarrel with the pope. On 20
Sept., 1526, took place the onslaught on Rome, and
the de8ecratk>n of St. Peter's and tne Vatioafi, which
covers his memory with eternal infamy. He also
joined with Constable Bourbon in the capture ctf
Rome, May, 1527; but, horrified by the brutality of
the sack of his native city, he did his best to shield his
unfortunate countrymen wit^iin the waUs of the Caa-
oellaria. The indulgent Clement absolved and rein-
stated him three years later. He became viceroy of
Naples and died in 1532. The good name of tJie house
was redeemed by the next Colonnese cardinal, Marcan-
tonio, who was carefully trained in pietv and learning
by the Franciscan friar, Felice Peretti, later Sixtus V.
He was created Cardinal*Priest of SS. Xll Apostoli, in
1565, closely imitated St. Charles Borromeoin estab-
lishing semmaries and restorinff discipline, was libra-
rian of the Vatican, fostered Teaming, and was ex-
tremely charitable to the poor. Before his death, in
1597, nis kinsman Ascanio Colonna was elevated to
the puiple by Sixtus V in 1586. Althou^ he owed
his carmnalate lareely to the favour of Philip II, yet
he did not permit, nis gratitude to extinguish his pa-
triotism. It was his defection from the ^>anish ranks
at a critical moment during the ccMiclave ol 1592 that
defeated the aspirations of Philip's candidate. Cardi-
nal Sanseverina and led to the election of Clement
VIII. In his well-known exclamation: "I see that
God will not have Sanseverina, nehker will Asoanio
Colonna ' ', breathes the haughty spirit of his raea. He
QOfLOmfA
127
died in 1606, making the Lateran his heir. Suooeed-
ing p^tylinala of the houne of Colonna were Giro*
lamo, created by Urban VIII in 1628, d. 1666; Carlo,
treated by Clement XI in 1?06, d. 1739; Fromro,
created by aement XII in 1739, d. 1743; Gnro-
lamo, created by Benedict XIV 1743, d. 1763;
Proepero, of the Sdarra branch, created simultaneously
with his kinsman in 1743, d. Prefect of the Pr<>pa^
ganda in 1765; finally, Marcantonio, created by Cle-
ment XIII in 1750, d. in 1803. Though all were con-
spicuous for learning and piety and for filling hig^
offices at the Roman court or in the most important
dioceses of Italy, they need only a passing notice.
The most illustrious lay prince of the Colonna was
Marcantonio, who at the great sea-fi^t of Leponto,
7 Oct, 1571, commanded the papal gaueys and on his
return to Rome was awarded a memorable triumph.
To cement l^e friendship between the houses of Co-
lonna and Oreini, Sixtus V married their chiefs to his
nieces auod ordained that they and their descendants
should enjoY the dignity of Assistant Princes at the
Pontifical Tnrone.
LarTAtFamiglie cdebri Ualiane, s. v. ; Coppx. Memorie Ccl*
onneti (Kome. 1857), with genealogical tables: von Rbu<
MONT. Beitrdge zur xtoL. Oeseh. (1867), V, 3-117, an excel-
lent accotint; the histories of the city of Rome by von
KeuitoNT, Greoorovius. Gribar, etc.
Jamks F. Louohun.
Ooloima, £on>io (.Aksinius a Column a), a Scho-
lastic philosopher and theologian, b. about the mid^
die of the thirteenth centuiy, probably 1247, in
Rome; hence the name iEoinius RovANds, or Giuqb
OP Rome, by which he is generally known; d. at
Aviffnon, 22 Dec., 1316. Having entered the Order
of the Hermits of St. Augustine at Rome, he was
sent to Paris for his philosophical and theologieal
studies, and became tneie the disciple of Thomas
Aquinas. Egidio Colonna was the first Augustinian
appointed to teach in the Univerat^ of Paris, and hJiA
deep learning earned for him the title of Doctor ftmr-
dat%89ijmu. In 1281, at the Thirty-sixth Council of
Paris, in which several differences between bishops
and mendicant orders were arranged, he sided with
the bishops against the regulars. Referring to this,
a contemporary philosopher, Godfrey of Fontaines,
mentioned him as the most renowned theolon^n of
the whole city (qui modo melior de totA vilUl in
omnibus reputatur). King Philip III entrusted to
him the education of his son, who later, in 1285,
ascended the throne as Philip IV. When the new
king, after his coronation at Reims, entered Paris,
Egidio gave the address of welcome in the name of
the university, insisting on justice as tile most im-
portant virtue of a king. (For the text, see Osqnger.
in work cited below.) Some time before this several
of his opinions had been found reprehensihle by-
Archbishop Etienne Tempier of Paris, and in i2&
Pope Honorius IV asked him for a public retracti^
tion. This, however, was far from lessening his
reputation, for in 1287 a deoree ci the general chapter
of the Au^^ustinians held in Florence, after rematking
that £gidio's doctrine "shines throughout the whole
world" (venerabiUs magistri noetri ifigidii doctrina
mundum universum illustrat), commanded all mem-
bers of the order to accept and defend all his opin-
ions, written or to be written. After filling several
important positions in his order he was elected supei^
ior general in 1202. Three ^ears later Pope Bonifilce
Vin appointed him Archbishop of Bouives, France,
although Jean de Savigny had abeady been desig*
nated for this see by Pope Celestine V. The Frenen
nobility protested on the ground that Colonna wafa an
Italian, out his appointment was maintained and a|>-
proved by the kuig. He was present at the Council
of Vienne (1311-1312) in which the Order of Knights
Templars was suppreraed.
The writings ol Egidio Colonna cover the fields of
Dfay and the<dogy. There is no complete edi-
tion of his works, but several treatises have been pub-
lished separately. In Holy Scripture and theology
he wrote commentaries on the '^Hexameron" , t&
'^Oanticle of Cantides'', and the "Epistle to the
Romans"; several ••Opuscula" and "Quodlibeta",
various treatises, and especially commentaries on
Peter the Lombard's ''Four Bocika of Sentences".
In philosophy, besides commentaries on almost all
the works of Aristotle, he wrote several special trea-
tises. But his main work is the treatise " De regimine
principum", written for, and dedicated to^ his pupil,
Phil^ IV. It passed through many editions (the
first, Aug»bunr, 1473) and was translated into several
lanpiages. The Roman .edition of 1607 contains a
life of ^dio. The woric is divided into three books:
the first treats of the individual conduct of the king,
the nature of Us true happiness, the choice and ac-
quisition of virtues, and the ruling of passions; the
second de^ with family life and the relations with
wife, chi)dzeKi, and servants; the third considers the
State, its origin, and the proper mode of governing in
times ol peace and war. £gidio's pedagi^oal writ-
ings have been published in German by Kaufmann
(Freiburg, 1904).
The attitude of Egidio Colonna in the difficulties
between Pope Bonitoce VIII and King Philip IV
wa« long believed to have been favourable to the
king. But the contrary is now certain, since it has
been proved that he is the author of the treatise ** De
pote8tateeccle6iastic&", in which the rights of the
pope are vindicated. The similarity between this
treatise and the BuU "Unam Sanctam" seems to
support the view taken by some writers that Egidio
was the author of the Bull. He had already taken
an active part in ending the discussions and contro-
versies concerning the validity of Boniface's election
to the papacy. In his treatise ''De renunciatione
PapsB sive Apologia pro Bonifacio VIII" he shows
the Imtimaoy of Celestine'sreffliniation and conse-
ouently of Boniface's election. In philosophy and
tneology he generally follows the opinions of his
master, St. Thomas, whose works ne quotes as
scripta commtmia. The "Defensorium seu Correc-
torium eorruptorii librorum Sancti ThomsB Aquina-
tis" against the Franciscan William de la Mare of
CzConf is by some attrUmted to E^dio; but this
remaina uncertain. Nevertheless, on manv points
he holds independent views and abandons the
Thomistio doctrine to follow the opinions of St.
Aiq;uBtine and of the Franciscan School. He even
ens in asserting that, before the fidl, grace had not
been ^iven to Adam, an opinion which he wrongly
attributes U> St. Augustine. After the decree of tKe
pneral ehapter of 1287, mentioned above, the opin-
ions of E^fuaae Colonna were generally accepted in the
Augustinian Order. He thus became the founder
of tbe .£gidian School. Among the most prominent
repceaentatives of this school must be mentioned
Qiaoomo Capooeio of Viterbo (d. 1307) and Augus-
tinus Triumpbus (d. 1328), both contemporaries of
Egidio, and also students and professors in the Uni-
vensity of Paris; Prosper of Regno, Albert of Padua,
Gerard of Siena, Henry of Frimar, Thomas of
Strasburg — all in the first half of the fourteenth cen-
tunr. For some time after this other opinions pre-
vailed in the Augustinian Order. But as late as the
seventeenfch century should be mentioned Raffaello
Bonherba (d. 1681) who wrote '' Disputationes totius
philoflophin . . . iii quibus omnee philosophicie in-
ter D. Thomam et Scotum oontroversifB prmcipaKter
cum doctrinA nostri iE^ii Columns iUustrantur"
(Palermo, 1645, 1671); and Augustino Arpe (d. 1704)
who wrote "Summa totius theologke JS^dii Co-
Immue" (Bc^ogna, 1701, and Genoa, 1704). Federioo
N!icol6 Qavanii (d. 1716), the most important inter-
preter of Golonna, compofMsd *^Theologia exantiquata-
MMinu
128
ooummm
inxta oirthodQzain S. P. Augi^itixd doctnnaia ab JEgi-
dio Column^ doctore fundatiasimo ezpofiitam . . . ''
(6 vols, fol., Naples and Rame> 1^8^-1696); this wotrk
was abridged by Ansehn Hdnoannseder in his '' He*
catombe thedogica" (Pre^fouig; 1737). Beoignus
Sichrowsky (d. 1737) wrote aiso '' Pbilosopbda vin*
dicata ab erroribus philosophorum ^entilium iuxta
doctrinam S. Augustini et B. u£gidii Columns"
(Nuremberg^ 1701).
OseiNGER, Bibi. AuguMmiana CbieoUtBdXmad Vjonns, l^^S^
Denifle anp Caatelain. Chart. Untv. Parisienais (Faria, 18w
— ), I, II, nee Indeae; F6r£T, La facuM de tJUd. de Paris
ei MS doct. Us pbte c&k^rf au moyot doe (Paris. 1800), III,
459-475; Horteb, Nomendatar (3d ed.. Iiuu>bnick. 1906). II.
481-4S6 and passim for ./Gfi^idian School; Lajaiuk Oiues de
Rome in Hud.m.de la France (Paris, 1888). XXX!*. 421-606;
M ATTioUt Studio criHoo sopra Baidio Romano Colonata in Antol*
ogia Agotliniana (Rome, 1896), I; ScHOia* Mgidiue von Ram
^tuttgarl, 1902): Wisrner. Die Scholastik des HpAt. M. A., Ill,
Dvr Aupuslini^meua dee spat. M. A. (Vienna, 1^); ScREfeBBN
' 1 Kirekenlex., n. v. 8ee also CSrevaukb, Rip. des a
(2d ed., Paris, 1905). s. v. Gille^.
oourMsfust.
C. A. DUBRAY.
Ooloniui, GiovAKNi Paolo, b. at Botoena, ld37;
d. in the same city, 28 Ndvembet, 1©95. After study-
ing under Agostino Fillipncci in his native city. An-
tonio Abbatini and Oragio Benevoli in Rome, Go(onna
became organist at the church of S. Apollimttis in the
latter city. In 1669 he accepted the post of eh6ir-
master at the ohur«h of S. Pelnronio in ooloena. He
not only was a charter member of the Accaoemia Fil-
armonica but founded a school of his own which has
produced distinguished musicians, among them Gio-
vanni Maria Buononcini. Colonna was one of the
most noted church composers of the seventeenth cen-
tury and has left a large number of works (masses,
psalms, motets, litanies, antlphons, requiems, lamen-
tations) for from one to eight voices with either organ
or orchestra accompaniment. These compositions
are but seldom peif ormed at present, both on account
of their not having the form or the spirit of the great
period of church music, the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, and because of the elaborate apparatus
required for their performance.
RiBMANN. Mtiaik Lesnlamr RocMrao, Hist&ru of Musus
(New York, 1886);. KoBirMtiuLR^ KirchenmimkaUschss Leapin
kon; WooLDJUDOE, The Oxford ai8t(fni ofMusic (Oxford, 1901-
05); Oabpaiq, Dex musxcisH Bologne^ (BotoRna, 1876-80).
J0SBI>H OmfcN.
Ctolonna, Vittobia^. Italian poet^ b. at Marino,
1490; d. at Rome, February 25, 1547.: She was ^e
daughter of Fabrinio Colonna, lord of varioua Roman
fiefs and grand constable of Naples. Her mother^
Agnese da Montefeltro, wm a daughter of Federigo
da MonteCeltro, fiiBt Duke of Urbinb. In 1509 Vitto-
ria waa married to Ferrante Franeesoo d'Avakw,
Marquis of Peseara, a Neapolitan nobleman of Span-
ish orig^l, who was one of the chief generals of the
Emperor Charles V. Pescara's militanr career culmi-
nated in the victory of Pavia (24 February, 1585),
after which he becaiae involved in Morone's oonspir«-
aoy for the liberation of Italy, and was tempted from
his allegiance to the emperor by the offer of the crown
of Naples. Vittoria earnestly c&suaded him from
this scheme, declaiing (as her cousin,* Cardinal Pom-
peo Colonna* teUs us) tiiat she ''prefemd to die the
wife of a most brave marquis and a most upright gen-
eral, than to live the oonsort of a kin^ du^onoured
with any stain of infamy '\ Pesoara died in the fol^
lowing November, leaving his young heir and cousin,
Alfonso d'AvaloB^ .Marohese del Vasto^ under Vitto*
ria's care.
Vittoria hendeforth deroted herself entirely to
religion and literature. We find her usually m vari-
ous mooastcories, at Romtt \^terbo, and ebewhere,
livii^ in conventual simplicity, the centre of all iktbX
was noblest in the intellectual Wnd spiritual life of the
times: 8he hiui a peculiar senilis for friendship, and
the wonderful spiritual tils tnat united her to Miehel-
^ngelo Buonarroti made the romance of that great'
artist's life. Pietro Bembo, the literaiy dictator of
the age, was among her most fervent admirers. She
was closely in touch with Ghiberti, Contarini, Gio-
vanni Morone, and all fliat group of men and women
who were working
for the reformation
of the Church from
within. For a while
she had been drawn
into the oontrovernr
ooneemine justifi-
cation by faith, but
was kept within the
limits of orthodoxy
by the influence of
the beloved friend
of her last years.
Cardinal Reginald
Pole, to whom she
declared she owed
her salvation. Her
last wish was to be
buried among the
nuns of S. Anna dfc'
Funari at Rome ;
but it is doubtful
whether her body /^X"™*^^.9®"^^''^' x
ultimately rested (Colonna Gallery. R.>me)
there, or was removed to the side of her husband at
San Domenico in Naples.
Vittoria is undoubtedly greater as a personality
tiian as a poet. Her earlier "Rime", which are
mainly devoted to the glorification of her husband,
are somewhat monotonous. Her later sonnets are
almost exclusively religious, and strike a deeper note.
A longer poem in terza-rima, the ''Trionfo di Cristo",
shows the influence of Dante and Savonarola, as well
as that of Petrarch. Her latest and best biographer,
Mrs. Jerrold, to whom we are indebted for a number
of beautiful and faithful translations of Vittoria 's
poetrv, has drawn a suggestive analogy between it
and the work of Christina Rossetti. Many of Vitto-
ria's letters, and a prose meditation upon the Passion
of Christ, have also been preserved.
ViaootfTi, Rims di Vittoria Cdomna (Rome, 1840); Luuo,
ViUoria C«<onna (Man t\ia, 1884); Fsbreiio and MCixer, Cart-
eggio di Vtttoriq Colonna, Marchesa di Peacara (Florence, 1892);
ReuuoNT. tr. by MOllbr and Ferrbro, Vittoria Colonna,
Viia^ Feds, sPoesia net secoto dedmosesto (Turin, 1892); Toxdi,
Vittoria Colonna in Orvieio (Perugia, 1895); Jerbold, Vittoria
Colohna, with some account of her Friends and her Times (Lon-
don and New York. 1906).
EnifUND G. Gardner.
Oolonnade, a number of columns symmetrically
arranged in one or more rows. It is termed mono-
st3rle when of one row, pol3r8tyle when of many. If
surroonding a building or court, it is called a peri-
style; when projecting beyond the line of the build-
ing a portico. Sometimes it supports a building,
sometimes a roof only. For ecclesiastical architec-
ture the most famous specimen is the oolonnade of
St. Peter^, erected 16&-67 by Bernini, with 284
eolomns and 162 statues of saints on balustrades
(seeTHB Catholic Encyclopbma, II, s. v. Bernini).
Ainmisoir and SnaRS, The Arehttecture of Qroscs and Rmne
(London, 1903) ; Gwix/r, Sneyclopadia of Architecture (London.
Thomas H. Poole.
' Colophon, a titular see of Asia Minor. It was one
of the twelve Ionian cities, between Lebedos (ruins
near HypsiK-Hissar) and Ephesus (Aysb-Solouk). In
Greek antiquity two sons ot Codrus, King of Athens,
established a colony there. It was the birthplace of
the frfiilosopher Xenophanes and the poet Mimner-
mus. It was destroved by Lysimachus, one of the
sucoessors of Alexander. Notium served as the port,
and in the neighbourhood was the village of Olarus,
with its famous temple and oraole of Apollo Gbnus,
OOLORAtM)
129
COLORADO
vfh&ee Calchas vied with Mopsus in divinatory science.
The cavalry oi Colophon was renowned. Its pine-
trees supphed a rosin or colophony highly valued for
the strings of musical instruments. In Roman times
Colophon lost its importance; the name was trans-
ferred to the site of I^otium, and the latter name dis-
appeared between the Pelopoimesian War and the
tmie of Cicero. The "Notiti® episcopatuum" men-
tions Colophon or Colophone, as late as the twelfth or
thirteenth century, as a suffragan of Ephesus. Le-
quien (I, 723) gives the names of only four bishops:
St. Sosthenes (I Cor., i, 1) and St. Tychicus (Tit., iii,
12) are merely legendary; Euthalius was present at
the Council of Ephesus in 431, and Alexander was
alive in 451. The ruins of the city are at the Castro
of Ghiaour-Keui, an insignificant village in the vilayet
of Smyrna, caza of Koush-Adasi.
Chandlbb. Trcufds in Asia Minor, XXXI; Arrundbl,
Seven Churches in Asia, 303; Tbxibr, Asie Mineure, 356;
FoNTRiBR, in MustBon and Library of the Evangdical School at
Smwiia (Greek), III, 187; Scbuchhardt, in Athen. Mitteil.
S. P^TRIDES.
Oolorado, the thirty-fifth, in point of admission, of
the United States of America. It lies between the
37th and 41st d^rees of N. latitude and the 102nd and
109th degrees of W. longitude, the meridian lines
making its shape a parallelogram as exact as the curva-
ture of the eartn will allow.
When its original terri-
torial limits were discussed
it was suggested that the
crest of tES Rocky Moun-
tains was a natural bound-
ary, and it was on the
reply of Colonel William
Gilpin
Qpin» who became its
drst governor, that rail-
roads and political unity
bad superseded iiatural
boimdanes, that it was
placed squarely across the Seal of Colorado
divide and so has its moun-
tain centre with a slope to either ocean. After the
Cliff-dwellers, its Indian tribes were the Utes and
Arapahoes. It became part of French and Spanish
America, and was covered by the Louisiana Pur-
chase (1803), the Texas cession (1850), and the cession
from Mexico by the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo
(1848). Its area is 103,900 square miles. The third
of the State east of Denver is a part of the great
plains, level and arid. The altitude at the base of the
State capitol is exactly one mile; ^ing east, it falls
to about 4000 feet at the State hne. Through the
centre, north and south, runs the main Rocky Moun-
tain range containing the highest peaks of these
mountains, thirty-two of which exceed 14,000 feet and
several so nearly the same height that it is a matter
of dispute as to which is the hi^heist, probably Mount
Massive, 14,498 feet. On their western slope they
form a plateau country. Between encircling ranges
are natural parks (South, Middle, North, San Luis,
Estes) at an altitude of about 9000 feet, which are
notable stock-raising lands. The Rio Grande, Arlcan-
sas, and Platte Rivers all rise in this State, flowing
south and east, and the Great Colorado River fiowins
west has its headwaters here. The Grand (^afion of
the Arkansas, Mount of the Holy Cross, and the Gar-
den of the Gods, are the principal scenic attractions.
Climate. — The climate is exceptionally dry, health-
ful, and invigorating. The summers are cool and the
winters moderate. There is an average of 181 clear
days out of 365. Manitou, Glenwooof, and Sulphur
Springs are noted sanatoria. The aimual rainfall is
low, but so widely variant in localities that no intel-
U^le average can be stated. Extremes are 12 and
2Sinche&
IV.-9
Population. — By the census of 1900 the population
was 539,700: whites, 529,046; negroes, 8570; Indians,
1437 ; Chinese, 599. The estimate by the State Board
of Health for 1906 was 615,570. The greatest num-
ber of inmiigranta are from States on the same parallel.
There are many native-bom citizens of Spanish de-
scent in the southern counties. Representatives from
every country in Europe are included among the popu-
lation, but none localized in colonies to any extent;
88 per cent of the population are native-bom ; 4 per
cent are illiterate. Denver, the State capital and
largest citv, has a population approximating 200,000.
Pueblo, Colorado Springy, Leadville, Trinidad, and
Greeley are the lai^r cities.
Resources. — Mining and agriculture are the princi-
pal industries. The manufacture of steel has been
started, and oonuneroe is incident to all other indus-
tries, but the mine and ranch are the exploited feat-
ures of the commonwealth. In both gold and silver,
Colorado is the largest producer of any of the States.
In 1906, gold to the value of $23,506,069, and 13,381,-
575 ounces of silver were mined. There was also a
heavy production of lead, zinc, and iron. Coal under-
lies a very large area, much larger than in Pennsyl-
vania; the output for 1906 being 11,240,078 tons bi-
tuminous and 68,343 tons anthracite. Cripple Creek,
Guray, and Leadville are the most active mining
camps, but the mineral belt covers every mountain
county from Routt in the north-west comer to the
New Mexico line. The Georgetown district claims
to produce the highest grade oisilver ore mined in the
United States.
The average wheat yield is about twenty-one
bushels to the acre. East of the foothills is a deep
loam overlying a gravel subsoil, and wherever water
can be got the land is very productive. The western
slope, including the valleys between the mountain
ranges, has an even richer soil, especially adapted to
fruit production. All the grains and fruits of the tem-
perate zone are produced, but those crops which seem
best adapted to local conditions are wheat, apples,
potatoes, cantaloupes, and the su^r-beet. The value
of the output of agriculture, dairy, and poultry for
1906 was $72,600,000; fmit, $7,000,000. Until re-
cently norland not under ditch was considerdd safe to
farm, the aimual rainfall not ensuring a crop. But
such land is now cultivated under scientific methods
called ''dry farmins", so that the value of this land in
flastem Colorado nas doubled within the last three
years. Nevertheless irrigation is the specific incident
of (Colorado farming. It has been studied to secure
the most economic results, and ultimately no water
will leave the State, all being caught and stored in
reservoirs. In 1900 there were 7374 miles of main
ditches covering by laterals 390 acres to the mile.
The estimated value of the manufactures, outside of
smelting, for 1906 is $15,000,000. Six railroad lines
enter the State from the east and two cross its west-
em boundary. Every town of any size in the State
has railroad cormexion. The railway mileage in 1905
was 5081.
Education. — Public education with compulsory at-
tendance is provided for the whole State, with a high
school in every large town. The university, located at
Boulder, is supported by an annual two-fifths of a mill
State tax which gives it an ample foundation. It
f;ives law, medical, engineering, and academic courses,
n 1906 it had 840 students, besides 525 in the prepar-
atory school. There are also the University of Denver
(Methodist), Colorado College at Colorado Springs
(secular), the Jesuit College of the Sacred Heart, and
the Loretto Heights Academy at Denver. The State
Normal School is at Greeley. Other schools are the
Aj^cultural College at Fort Collins and the School of
Mmes at Golden, with special State institutions for the
deaf and blind. The principal school support comes
from the ownership of the 16th and 36th sections of
OOLOBAl^O
130
dOLd&ADO
each non-mineral township, the value of which is be-
yond accurate approximation, besides school district
ownership of over 19,000,000. The total number of
pupils enrolled in 1906 was 144,007. The teachers
numbered 4600 and the sdioolhouses 2010. The
expenditure for that year was $4,486,226.78. The
pupils attending parochial schools number 5905
students; in Catholic collies, 261 ; girls in academies,
595; total youth under Catholic care 7574. There
is a total of 537 sisters in charge of hospitals and
schools.
History. — Coronado (q. v.) probablv crossed ihe
south-east comer of the State m his celebrated expedi-
tion of 1541-2, and Francisco Esoalante explored its
southern border in 1776. The first immi^tion was
Spanish from New Mexico, at Pueblo, Tnnidad, and
other places south of the Arkansas River. In 1806
Zebulon M. Pike crossed the plains on an official ex-
ploration and gave his name to Pike's Peak. Lons^s
expedition was in 1819. John C. Fremont and mt
Carson explored the mountain passes in the forties.
In 1858 gold was discovered in Cherry Creek, which led
to the Pike's Peak excitement and immigration of 1859.
That year is the date of the first real settlement of the
country by English-speaking people. Colorado was
organized as a Territory in 1861, and admitted as a
State in 1876, with a constitution formed in that year.
This explains its sentimental title of "The Centen-
nial State". The State motto is NH Sine Numine,
Colorado coming in as an organized territory just
as the Civil War broke out, the question of loysuty or
secession agitated the population, but the Union men
were in overwhelming majority. The Territory con-
tributed two regiments to the Union Army. Since
1876 the State has generally eone Republican, but
being so large a producer ot silver it supported the
Democratic ticket so long as the double standard of
money remained an issue. There have been two or
three occasions since admission when the State has
paid the price for encouraging innovations parading
themselves as reforms. In 1^4 Governor Uavis H.
Waite, elected as a Populist but really a Socialist,
ordered out the State troops in opposition to the
armed police of Denver; cannon were trained on the
City Hall and only his yielding at the last moment
f)revcnted what threatened to be a serious civil revo-
ution. Under his administration the militia were or-
dered out in the interest of the striking miners at
Cripple Creek, and later in 1904 they were ordered to
the same district under Governor Peabody in support
of the mine-owners. Drastic deportations and vigi-
lance-committee violence were conunitted by the
State authorities^ excusable^ as they alleged, owing to
the extreme conditicms. This led to an exciting election
in the fall of that year, in which Alva Adams, the
Democratic candidate for governor, was undoubtedly
elected and received his certificate, but was allowed
to hold office only until a recount by the legislature
was decided against him and Jesse McDonald, the
Republican candidate for lieutenant-governor, was
given the seat.
Woman suffrage was adopted by popular vote in
1893. It has since been in full operation, but its
results for good have been nil. Only during the first
few sessions were one, two, and, at most, three women
elected to the legislature out of its 100 members. No
woman has been elected to any State office except to
that of superintendent of pubuo instruction. Instead
of being represented in conventions by nearly half,
women delegates now are scarcely seen in such bodies.
As a political factor they have not made either of the
great parties stronger or weaker.
Religioxis Factors. — The State constitutes one dio-
cese, with its see at Denver. Citizens of Spanish
descent, about 20,000, are practically all CatnoUes,
and there are 8,000 to 10,000 Catholic Austrians and
Poles at Trinidad, Denver, and Pueblo, l^e CathoKo
population is estimated (1908) at about 100,000.
Among the Catholics prominent in the development
of Colorado may be mentioned Gen. Bela M. Hughes,
the Democratic candidate for governor at the first
State election; Casimiro Barela and James T. Smith,
both in the legislature or executive departments of
the State Government for over thirty years ; Peter W.
Breene and Francis Carney, who held the lieutenant-
eovemoTship; Senator H. A. W. Tabor, Hon. Bernard
J. O'Connell of Georgetown, Martin Currigan, and John
K. Mullen of Denver. John H. Reddin, an attorney
of Denver, was the oi^nizer of the Kniehts of Colum-
bus in this State. Tne Catholic Church numerically
exceeds any one of the Protestant denominations.
Hie next in numbers is the Methodist, and then comes
the Presbyterian. Although the State adjoins Utah
there are very few Mormons.
Absolute freedom of worship is guaranteed by the
Constitution, and there is apparently no disposition
to infringe this law. In no State is there better 'feel-
ing between the Church and non-Catholic denomina-
tions. The common law of Sunday prevails with no
specific statutoiy change. In the cities the matter is
left to local ordinance. Stores in all towns large and
small are generally closed. In nearly all the cities
liquor is sold under licence. In Colorado Springs,
Boulder, and Greeley it is prohibited. In 1907 a local
option law was passed allowing any city, ward, or
precinct to prohibit all sales of liquor except by dnig-
pists on prescription. Little or no attempt is maae
m the la^ cities and the mountain towns to enforce
the Sunday liquor law; but the reverse is the rule in
most of the smaller towns in Eastern Colorado.
Legal OcUhs. — A statutory form of oath is pre-
scribed: the affiant shall with his or her huid up-
lifted swear "by the ever living God". It has been
unchanged since the first revision of the statutes.
Any person having conscientious scruples against tak-
ing an oath is allowed to solemnly affirm. Interrupt-
ing religious meetings by profane swearing is made a
misdemeanour by statute. The use of profane lan-
guage is everywhere prohibited by city or town
ordinance.
The State Penitentiary is at Canon City. Each
county has its jail for confinement of persons held for
trial or convicted of misdemeanours. Theine is a
State School of Reform for boys and another for girls.
The latter was created by an Act providing substan-
tially that all its officers must be women, and has b€«n
as conspicuous for mismanagement as the school for
boys has been for successful results. The legislature
in 1907 created a Juvenile Court for the care of neg-
lected children.
Charitable Institutions and Bequests. — Charitable
institutions of any sort may be incorporated under
the Acts relating to corporations not organised for
f>rofit. Barring the question whether the old Eng-
ish statutes of mortmain would be held in force under a
Colorado statute adopting, with limitations, the com-
mon law and Acts of the British Parliament prior to
the fourth year of James I (1607), which point has
never been decided in this State, there is no limitation
on the power of such institutions to take property by
deed or will and no limitations on the power or a testa-
tor to bequeath his property to them, except that
neither husband nor wiie can by will deprive the
survivor of one half of his or her estate.
Church Properly ExempHons.-^Any church organi-
zation may incorporate under provisions relating to
religious societies (Rev. Stats, of 1908, §§ 1018 to
1033) ; but title to Catholic Church property as a rule
is held by the bishop and the parishes have ordinarily
no need to organize under these laws. Churches,
schools, hospitals, and cemeteries not organized for
profit are exempt from taxation. Public aid to any
sectarian purpose is prohibited by the Constitution.
Clergymen are not in terms exempt from juiy duty,
OOLOBBiB
131
OOLOSSZAirS
but are idwavs excused as a matter of eustom. They
are specificallv exempt from military duty. Each
brancn of the legislature 'selects a chaplain who opens
sessions with prayer. Christmas is a l^al holiday;
Good Friday is not. Confessions made to any clergy-
man or priest are protected against disclosuYe.
Marriage and Divorce, — ^Marriage is a civil contract
but may be performed by a clergyman of anv denomi-
nation. The law of divorce is extremely loose. It
may be granted for any of the usual statutorv reasons,
but the greatest abuse of the law is under the phrase
called the sentimental cruelty clause, where the stat-
ute says it may be granted where either partv has been
guilty of acts of cruelty and that 'such acts of
cruelty may consist as well in the infliction of mental
suffering as of bodily violence". Under this clause
any discontented man or wife can frame a complaint
which will state a case for divorce. The number of
divorces has greatlv increased since the adoption of
woman suffrage. Ko one thine has done more to
strengthen the moral influence of the Catholic Church
in this State and command respect and gather con-
verts from the denominations than its firm stand
against divorce.
The ratio of deaths by suicide in 1906 was one in
every 84, or 1.18 per cent, and the statistics of the
State Board of Health do not indicate any notable
increase since 1000.
Robert S. Morrison.
Oolos88B» a titular see of Phrygia in Asia Minor,
suppressed in 1894. Little is known about its his-
tory. The later name, Coiass®, is probably the old
Phnrgian form. Colossse was at one time the chief city
of &mth- Western Phrygia, lying on the trade-route
from Sardis to Celsense ; it produced fine wool , the colour
of which was called colossinus. The ruin of the city
was brought about by the change of road system, the
foundation of Laodicea, eleven miles distant, and
severe earthquakes. It retained municipal indepen-
dence, but at the time of Strabo (XII, viii, 4) it was
*'a small town". It had its own coinage under the
empire. St. Paul (probably about 61) addressed an
epistle from Rome to the inhabitants of CoIosssb, who
had perhaps been evangelized by him. Coloss® was
the home of his companions, Archippus and Philemon,
of his very dear sister, Appia, and of Onesimus and
Epaphras, who probably foimaed the Church of Colos-
ss. The ruins of the city are visible near Chons, in
the vilayet of Smyrna, on the left bank of the Lycus
(Tchuruk Su); they include the acropolis, an aqu^
duct, theatre, etc. There is also a curious petrifying
river, the Ak Su. Under the Byzantine Empire the
territory of Colossse rose again to importance, and a
strong fortress was built (perhaps by Justinian) at
Chonffi, three miles south-south-east of Colosss. The
centre of population long remained at the old site,
but about the eighth century it was moved to a shelf
of land beneath the castle. Chonse (vulgar Greek
Khon^s, Turk. Honas) is still a little village, twelve
miles east of Denizli; it has been rendered famous by
its miraculous church of St. Michael. Colossse was a
suffragan of Laodicea in Phrygia Pacatiana. Besides
St. Epaphras, two bishops are mentioned: Epiphanius
in 451 and Cosmas in 692; Archippus and Plulemon,
especially the latter, are very doubtful. Chonse was
made an archbishopric about 858-60, and in some
later " Notitise episcopatuum" appears as a metropolis
without suffragans. Mamr titulars are known: Dosi-
theus at Nicsea, in 787; Samuel, a friend of Photius,
who sent him to Rome, was present at the Council of
Constantinople in 866; Constantine, in 1028; Nicho-
las, in 1066 and 1080; in 1143 Nicetas, the godfather
of the historian Nicetas Acominatus, who was bom at
Chonse, as was his brother Michael, the famous Metro-
politan of Athens.
LBquiEif. I, 813; Hamilton, Reaear^e^ in AHa Minor
(London, 1842), I, fi07-14; Rahoat, Tht CiHte and BiAonrtM
of Phrjugia, 208-34; loxit, The Ltttera to the Seven Chvrd^ee of
Aeia (ijQxxaon and New York, 1905); Lb Camus, Voyage aux
eept Egiieee; Bokitst, Narratio de minumlo a Mtehade arcA>-
angeio Chonia palrato (Paris, 1880).
S. PirTRinis.
OolosBians, Epistle to the, is one of the four Cap-
tivity Epistles written by St. Paul during his fiwt
imprisonment in Rome — the other three bemg Ephe-
sians, Philemon, and Philippians. That they were
written in prison is stated in the Epistles themselves.
The writer mentions his "chain" and his "bonds'*
(Eph., vi, 20; Coloss., iv, 3, 18; Philip., i, 7, 13, 17);
he names his fellow prisoners (Coloss., iv, 10 ; Philem.,
23)* he calls himself a prisoner (EpL., iii, 1; iv, 1;
Philem., 9): "Paul an old man, and now a prisoner".
It was supposed by some that these letters were writ-
ten during the two years' captivity at Csesarea; but it
is now generally acknowled^d (by all who admit their
authenticity) that they were written during the years
immediately following, in Rome, during the time that
" Paul was suffered to dwell by himself, with a soldier
that kept him. . . . And he remained two whole years
in his own hired lodging; and he received all that came
in to him" (Acts, xxviii. 16-30). As St. Paul had ap-
pealed to the emperor, he was handed over, to await
nis trial, to the prefect of the Prcetorian Guard, who
was at that time probably the famous Burrhus, the
friend of Seneca, lie allowed the Apostle to live near
tiie imperial palace in what was known as custmdia
mUitans, his right wrist being connected day and
night, by means of a diain, to the left arm of a soldier,
who was relieved at regular intervals (Conybeare,
Howson, Lewin). It was in such circumstances that
these Epistles were written, some time between a. d.
61 and 63. It cannot be objected that there is no
mention in them of the earthauake spoken of by Taci-
tus and Busebitis as having aestroyed Laodicea; for
there is no evidence that its effects reached Colossae,
and Eusebius fixes the date later than these letters.
Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon were written and
despatched at one and the same time, while Philip-
pians was composed at a somewhat different period of
the captivity. The first three are all very closely con-
nected. Tychicus is the messenger in Eph., vi, 21 and
Coloss., iv, 7, 8, 9. In the latter he is accompanied by
Onesimus, in whose favour the Epistle to Philemon
was writt^i. In both Colossians and Philemon ereet-
ings are sent from Aristarohus, Mark, Epaphras, Luke,
and Demas, and Utiere is the closest literary affinity
between Ephesians and Colossians (see AuTHBNTicrrr
OF the EpiaTLE below).
Readers Addressed. — ^Three cities are mentioned
in Colossians, Colossse (i, 2), Laodicea, and Hierapolis
(iv, 13.) These were situated about 120 miles east
from Ephesus in Phry^, in Western Asia Minor,
ColoM» and Laodicea bemg on the banks of the Lycus,
a tributary of the Mssander. All three were within two
or three hours' walk from one another. Sir William
Hamsay has shown that these towns lay alto^ther
outside the routes followed by St. Paul in his mission-
ary journeys; and it is inferred from Coloss., i, 4, 6, 7,
8 and ii, 1, that they were never visited by the Apostle
himself. The great majority of the Cblossian Chris-
tians appear to have been (Entile converts of Greek
and Phrygian extraction (i, 26, 27 ; ii, 13), though it is
probable that there was a small proportion of Jews
living amongst them, as it is known that there were
many scattered over the surrounding districts (Jose-
phus, Ant., XII, iii, 4, and Lightfoot).
Why WRiTTEN,--Colo8sians was written as a warn-
ing agaiost certain false teachers, about whom St. Paul
had probably heard from Epaphras, his " fellow-pris-
oner" and the foimder of the Cnurch of the Colossians.
The most diverse opinions have been held regardmg
these seducers. They were called philosophers by
Tertullian, Epicureans by St. Clement of Alexandria,
0OLOSSIAN8
132
001.08814X8
Jews by Eichhorn, heathen followers of Pythagoras b^
Orotius. Tliey have also been called Chaldean magi-
cians, Judaizing Christians, Essenes, Ebionites. Cabbal-
ists, Gnostics, or varying combinations of all tnese (see
Jacquier, Histoire, I, 316; Comely, Introduction,
III, 514). The main outlines of their errors are, how-
ever, stated with sufficient clearness in the Epistle,
which contains a two fold refutation of them: first, by
a direct statement of the true doctrine on Christ, by
which tiie very foundations of tlieir erroneous teaching
are shown to be bas^ess; and secondly, by a direct
polemic in which is laid bare the hollowness of what
they put forth under the si>ecious name of " philos-
ophy''. Here, philosophy in general is not con-
demned, but only the philosophy of those false teach-
ers (Hort, Jud. Chr., 118). This was not ''according
to dbrist'', but according to the ''tradition of men ,
and was in keeping only witn the very alphabet of
worldly speculation (itaTA rd ^Toixttd row ida/Mv — see
Gal., IV, 3). Josephus and Philo apply the word
"philosophy ''to Jewish teaching, and there can be no
doubt that it was applied so in Coloss., ii; some of its
details are given in 16-23: (1) The false teachers
wished to introduce the observance of Sabbaths, new
moons, and other such days. (2) They forbade the
eating and drinking and even the very tasting and
touchinc of certain things. (3) Under the false pre-
tence of humility they inculcated the worship (Bfyif^Ktla)
of angels, whom they regarded as equal or superior to
Christ. The best modem commentators. Catholic and
non-Catholic, acree with St. Jerome that all these
rrrors were of Jewish origin. The Essenes held the
most exaggerated ideas on Sabbath observance and
external purism, and they appear to have employed
the names of the angels for mi^cal purposes (Bel.
Jud., II, vii, 2-13; Lightfoot, Col. and Dissertations).
Many scholars are of opinion that the "elements of
this world" (<rTOix«Mt roO Kdaijuw) mean elemental
spirits; as, at that time, many Jews held that all ma-
terial things had special angels. In the Book of
Henoch and the Book of Jubilees we read of angels of
the stars, seasons, months, days of the year, heat, cold,
frost, hail, winds, clouds, etc. Abbott (Eph. and
Coloss., p. 248) says that "the term properly used of
the elements ruled by these spirits mi^t readily be
applied to the spirits themselves, especially as there
was no other convenient term". At any rate, ansels
play an important part in most of early apocryphal
books of the Jews, e. g. in the two books just men-
tioned, the Book of the Secrets of Henoch, the Test-
ament of the Twelve Patriarchs, etc.
It may be noted in passing^ that the words of the
Epistle against the superstitious worship of angels
cannot be taken as condemning the Catholic invocar
tion of angels. Dr. T. K. Abbott, a candid non-Cath-
olic scholar, has a very pertinent passage which bears
on this point (Eph. and Coloss., p. 26^): "Zonaras
. . . says there was an ancient heresy of some who
said that we should not call on Christ for help or
access to God, but on the aneels. . . . This latter
view, however, would place Christ high above the
angels, and therefore cannot have been that of Colos-
sians, who required to be taught the superiority of
Christ." The objection sometimes brousht from a
passage of Theodoret, on the Council of Laodicea, is
clearly and completely refuted by Estius (Comm. in
Coloss., II, 18). Another difficulty may be mentioned
in connexion with this portion of the Epistle. The
statement that the vain philosophy was in accordance
with " the tradition of men" is not any disparagement
of Apostolic traditions, of which St. Paul himself
speaks a^ follows: "Therefore, brethren, stand fast;
and hold the traditions which you have learned,
whether by word or by our Epistle^' (II Thess., ii, 14).
" Now I praise you. brethren, that in all things you are
mindful of me: and keep my ordinances asT have de-
livered them to you" (I Cor., xi, 2.-<See also II
Thea.,iii,6: I Cor., vii, 17 ; xi,23; xiv,33; II Cor., i,
IS; Gal., i, 8; Coloss., ii, 6, 7; II Tim., i, 13, 14; ii, 2;
iii, 14; II John, i, 12; III John, 13). Finally, the
very last verse, dealing with the errors (ii, 23), is con-
sidered one of the most difficult passages in tne whole
of the Scriptures. " Which things have indeed a shew
of wisdom in superstition and humility, and not spar-
ing the body; not in any honour to the filling of the
flesh. " The last words of this verse have given rise to
a multitude of the most conflicting interpretations.
They have been taken as a condemnation of bodily
mortification, and as an exhortation to it. Modern
commentators devote much space to an enumeration
of the many opinions and to an exhaustive study of
these words without any satisfactory result . There can
be little doubt that the opinion of Hort, Haupt, and
Peake (Exp. Greek Test., 635) is the right one, viz.
that the correct reading of this verse becune irrevocar
bly lost, in transcription, in very early times.
CoNTBNTS. — Firti Part (i, ii). — The Epistle con-
sists of two parts, the first two chapters being dog-
matico-polemical, and the last two practical or moru.
In the nrst part the writer shows the absurdity of the
errors by a direct statement of the supereminent d^-
nity of Christ, by Whose blood we have the redemp-
tion of sins. He is the perfect image of the invisible
God, begotten before all creatures. By Him and for
Him were created all things in heaven and on earth,
visible and invisible, spiritual as well as material, and
by Him are all things upheld. He is the Head of the
Cihuroh and He has reconciled all things throu^ the
blood of His cross, and the Ck>lossians "also he hath
reconciled . . . through death ". St. Paul, as the Apos-
tle of the Gentiles and a prisoner for their sakes, ex-
horts them to hold fast to (Jhrist in Whom the pleni-
tude of the Godhead dwells, and not to allow them-
selves under the plausible name of philosophy, to be
re-enslaved by Jewish traditions based on the Law of
Moses, which was but the shadow of which Christ
was the reality and which was abrogated by His com-
ing. They are not to listen to vain and rudimentaiy
speculations of the false teachers, nor are they to suf-
fer themselves to be deluded by a specious plea of hu-
mility to put angels or demons on a level with CJhrist,
the creator of all, the master of angels^ and conqueror
of demons.
Second Part (m, tv). — ^In this portion of the Epistle
St. Paul draws some practical lessons from the fore-
going teaching. He appeals to them that as they are
risen with Christ they should mind the things that are
above; put off the old man and put on the new. In
Christ there is to be neither Gentile nor Jew, barbarian
nor Scythian, bond nor free. The duties of wives and
husbands, children and servants are next ^ven. Hp
recommends constant prayer and thanksgiving, and
teUs them to walk with wisdom towards them that are
without, letting their speech be always in grace sea-
soned with salt, that they may know how to answer
every man. Alter the final greeting, the Apostle ends
with: '"Hie salutation of Paul with my own hand.
Be mindful of my bands. Grace be with you.
Amen".
Authenticity of the Epistle. — External Evi-
dence.— The external evidence for the Epistle is so
strong that even Davidson has gone to the extent of
saying that "it was unanimously attested in ancient
times". Considering its brevity, controversial char-
acter, and the local and ephemeral nature of the errors
dealt with, it is surprising how frequently it was used
by early writers. There are traces of it in some of the
Apostolic Fathers, and it was known to the writer of
the Epistle of Barnabas, to St. Polycarp, and Theo-
fhilus <rf Antioch. It was quoted by Justin Martyr,
ren«U8, TertuUian, CJlement of Alexandria, etc.
From the Muratorian Fragment and early versions it
is evident that it was contained in the veiy first col-
lections of St. Paul's Epistles, It was used as Scrip-
0OLO8SIANS
133
0OLO8BIAN8
lure eaxly in the second century, by Marcion, the VaJ^
entinians, and by other heretics mentioned in the
"Philosophoumena"; and they would not have ac-
cepted it had it originated among their opponents
after they broke away from the Church.
Internal Evidence, — The Epistle claims to have been
written by St. Paul, and the internal evidence shows
close connexion with Fhilippians (von Soden) and Phil-
emon, which are admittea to be genuine letters of St.
Paul. Renan concedes that it presents several traits
which are opposed to the hypothesis of its bein^ a for-
creiy, and 01 this number is its connexion with the
Epistle to Philemon. It has to be noted, too, that
the moral portion of the Epistle, consisting of the
last two chapters, has the closest affinity with similar
portions of other Epistles, while the whole admirably
fits in with the known details of St. Paul's life, and
throws considerable light upon them.
Objections. — As the historical evidence is much
strong than that for the majority of classical writ-
ings, it may be asked why its genuineness was ever
called in question. It was never doubted until 1838,
when Meyerhoflf, followed by others, be^n to raise
objections against it. It wul be convenient to deal
with these objections under the following four heads:
(I) Style; (2) Christology; (3) Errors dealt with; and
(4) Similarity to Ephesians.
(1) Style. — (a) In general, on comparing the Epistle
with Ck)rinthians, Itomans, and Galatians, it will be
seen that the style, especially in the earlier part, is
heavy and complicated. It contains no sudden ques-
tions, no crushing dilemmas, no vehement outbursts of
sweeping Pauline eloauence. Some of the sentences
are long and involved, and though the whole is set
forth in a lofty and noble strain, the presentment is
uniform, and not quite in the manner, say, of Gala-
tians. Hence it is objected that it could not have
been written by St. Paul. But all this can be very
naturally explained when it is borne in mind that the
Epistle was written after several years of monotonous
confinement, when Christianity had taken firm root,
when the old type of Judaizer had become extinct and
St. Paul's position securely established. His advanc-
ing years, also, should be taken into account. It is
unfair, moreover, to compare this Epistle, or but parts
of it, with anlycertain portions of one or two of the
earher ones. There are long and involved sentences
scattered throughout Romans, I and I^ Corinthians,
and Galatians, and the generally admitted Epistie to
the Philippians. It has also to be observed that
many of the old Pauline expressions and methods of
reasoning are most naturally and inextricably inter-
woven with the very tissue and substance of the Epis-
tle. Ample proofs for all these staten^nts and others
throu^out this article, are given in works mentioned
in the bibliography. Dr. Sanday has voiced the
opinion of fair-minded critics when he says that no-
body can view the Epistle as a whole, without being
impressed by its unbreakable unity and genuine Paul-
ine character.
(b) Many of St. Paul's favourite expressions are
wanting. From eipht to a dozen woros not unfre-
?[uently used by him in earlier writings are absent
rom this short Epistle ; and about a dozen connecting
particles, which he employs elsewhere, are also miss-
ing. One or two instances will show how such objec-
tions ma^ readily be solved, with the aid of a concord-
ance. The words SUaios, fftarifpla, and v^/un are
not found in the Epistle. Therefore, etc. — But
9Uatot is wanting both in I Cor. and I Thess. ; irwrifpta,
is not contained either in I Cor. or Gal. ; p6ftof is not
found at all in I Thess. or II Cor. In the same way
(with r^ard to connecting particles) dpa. which is not
in this Epistle, is not found either in Pnilipp. or the
first hundred verses of I Cor., a space mucn longer
than the whole of tlie Epistle; dpa otv, which is fre-
quent in Romans^ is not met with in I and II Cor. and
onlr once in Gal. (See the details of the argument iii
Abbott and Jaoquier.)
(c) It is objected that the Epistle contains many
strange words, nowhere else used by St. Paul. That,
however, is precisely what we should expect in an
Epistle of St. Paul. Every Epistle written by him
contains many words employed by him nowhere else.
Alf ord gives a list of thirtv-two 4ira^ Xry6|ici« in this
Epistle, and of these eignteen occur in the second
chapter, where the errors are dealt with. The same
thing' occurs in the earlier Epistles, where the Apostle
is speaking of new subjects or peculiar errors, and
there Aira| \eyhpjtva, most abound. This Epistle does
not show more than the ordinary proportion of new
words and in this respect compares favourably with
the genuine II Cor. Furthermore, the compound
words found in the Epistle have their analogues in
similar passages of the authentic Epistle to tne Ro-
mans. It would be most absurd to bind down to a
narrow and set vocabulary a writer of such intellec-
tual vigour and literary versatility as St. Paul. The
vocabmary of all writers chances with time, place, and
subject-matter. Salmon, Msmaffy. and others nave
pointed out that Similar changes of vocabulary occur
m the writings of Xenophon, who was a traveUer like
St. Paul. (Jompare the earlier and later letters of
Lord Acton (edited by Abbot Gasquet) or of Cardinal
Newman.
(2) Christohgy. — It has been objected that the ex-
alted idea of Christ presented in the Epistle could not
have been written by St. Paul. In answer to this it
will be sufficient to quote the following passage from
the genuine Epistle to the Philippians: "Who [Christ
Jesus] being in the form of Grod, thought it not robbery
to be equal with God: but emptied himself, taking the
form of a servant" (ii, 6, 7, etc. See Romans, i, 3, 4;
Gr. text, viii, 3; I Cor., viii, 6; II Cor.^iii, 9; Gal., iv,
6, etc.). That the Christology of the Epistle does not
chflfer in any essential point from that of St. Paul's
other Epistles is seen from an impartial study of these
latter. The subj ect has been scientifically worked out
by P6re Rose (Rev. bibl., 1903), M. Upin (J6sus Mes-
sie, 341), Sanday (Criticism of the Fourth Gospel, lect.
vii, Oxford, 1905), Knowling (The Testimony of St.
Paul to Christ, London, 1905), Lacey (The Historic
Christ, London, 1905), etc. Nor can the words (i, 24) :
I . . . "fill up those thinas that are wanting of the
sufferings of (Jhrist, in my flesh, for Ms body, which is
the church", present any difficulty when it is remem-
bered that he had just said that (jnrist had reconciled
all through the blood of His cross, and that the correct
meaning of drrapairXripQ rd iMrrep'ljpara r(av ffKlypttav roO
XpiaroO ip ri aapxt fwv dr^p roO tnbfJuiTOS a^o0, 8 ^rw
^ iKxXriffla is: "I am filling up those CJhristian
sufferings that remain for me to endure for the
sake of the C!hurch of Christ", etc. Compare II Cor.,
i, 5, ''For as the sufferings of Christ abound in us"
(rA Ta9i/jfULTa roO XpurroO),
(3) Errors dealt with. — ^The objection under this
heading need not detain us long. Some years ago it
was frequently asserted that the errors combated in
this Epistle were Gnostic errors of the second century,
and that the Epistle was therefore written many years
after St. Paul's death. But this opinion is now con-
sidered, even by the most advanced critics, as ex-
ploded and antiquated. Nobody can read the writ-
ings of these Gnostics without becoming convmced
that terms employed by them were used in a ouite dif-
ferent sense from that attached to them in me Epis-
tle. Baur himself appears to have had considerable
misgivings on the pomt. The errors of Judaic Gnos-
ticism, condemned in the Epistle, were quite embry-
onic when compared with the full-blown Greek Gnos-
ticism of the second century (see Lightfoot, Coloes.,
etc.).
(4) Similarity to Ephesians. — ^The principal objec-
tion to the Epistle is its great similarity to Ephesians.
COLOURS
134
OOIiOUES
Davidson stated that out of 155 verses in the latter
Epistle 78 were identical with Colossians. De Wette
hSd that Ephesians was but a verbose amplification
ofCk>lo6sians. Baur thought Ephesians the superior let-
ter, and Renan asked how can we suppose the Apostle
spending his time in making a bald transcription of
himself. But, as Dr. Salmon nointed out, an Apostle
might write a circular letter, tnat is, he might send to
different places letters couched in identical words.
Many theories have been elaborated, to exptlain these
undoubted resemblances. Ewald maintained that
the substance was St. Paul's, while the composition
was left to Timothy. Weiss and Hitzig had recourse
to a theory of interpolations. But the theory that
has gained the greatest amount of notoriety is that of
H. J. Holtzmann. In his " Kritik der Epheser- und
Kolosser-Briefe'' (1872) he instituted a most elaborate
and exhaustive comparison between the two Epistles.
He took a number of passages which seemed to prove
the priority of Ephesians and an equal number which
were just as conclusive that Colossians was the earlier.
The natural conclusion would be that all these simi-
larities were due to the same author writing and
dispatching these Epistles at one and the same time.
But Holtzmann's explanation was auite different. He
supposed that St. raul wrote a snort epistle to the
Colossians.. From the study of this epistle a later
writer composed the Epistle to the Ephesians. Then
taking St. Paul's short Epistle to the Colossians he
made interpolations and additions to it from his own
composition to the Ephesians, and thus built up our
present Epistle to the Ephesians, and that with such
success that the thing was never suspected until the
nineteenth century. This intricate and comphcated
theory did not gam a single adherent, even amongst
the most advanced critical school. HUgenfeld re-
jected it in 1873; but its best refutation is von So-
den's detailed criticism of 1885. He held that only
about eight verses could be regarded as interpolations.
Sanday in Smith's "Diet, of the Bible" (I, 625)
pointed out that von Soden's lines of demarcation
were purely imaginary, and Pfleiderer showed the in-
consistency involved in his rejection of these verses.
The results of these criticisms and of further study
convinced von Soden, in 1891, that the whole Episti[e
was genuine, with the exception of a single verse — ^a
verse now generally held to oe genuine. In 1894 Jii-
Ucher stated that the best solution was to admit the
authenticity of both Epistles, though he speaks more
hesitatingly in "Encyc. Bibl.", 1889. J. Weiss made
an abortive attempt to resuscitate Holtzmann's mori-
bund theory in 1900.
Whilst Holtzmann's facts are incontestable, and only
go to prove the commimity of authorship, his explana-
tion (in which he seems to have lost faith) is rejected
bv scholars as artificial and unreal. It affords no ex-
planation of many things connected with these Epis-
tles. It does not explain how the early Christians
allowed a genuine letter of St. Paul to become com-
pletely lost, without trace or mention, for the sake of
two forgeries of much later date. Each Epistle, taken
by itseu, shows such unity and connexion of ar;^-
ment and language, that if the other were not in exist-
ence no one would have suspected the slightest degree
of interpolation. The parts rejected as interpola-
tions break the unity of argument and flow of ideas.
Whv should a forger, capable of writing the bulk of
botn Epistles, take the trouble to interpolate verses
and half of his own production from one Epistle into
the other, and that in quite a different connexion?
Besides, as Principal Salmond observes, there is not a
dull sameness of style in both Epistles. Ephesians is
round, full, rhythmical: Colossians more pointed,
logical, and concise. Ephesians has several references
to the O. T. ; Colossians only one. There are different
new words in each, and there are whole parages in
the one and nothing like them found m the other.
The expressions supposed to have come from Colos-
sians occur quite naturally in Ephesians, but by no
means in the same context and connexion, and vice
versa. As Holtzmann's hypothesis has completelv
broken down, his study of the Epistles shows such
close relationship between them that there can be only
one other possible explanation: that both are the gen-
uine writings of one man, and that man was St. PauL
Paley, who wrote his "Horse Paulina" in 1790, set
forth this side of the argument long before these ob-
jections were thought of; and the fact that he can still
be quoted, without qualification, in this connexion, is
the best proof of the futility of all su<^ objections.
He says (HorsB Paulime, london, 1790, 215): —
"Whoever writes two letters or discourses nearly
upon the same subject and at no great distance of
time, but without any express recollection of what he
had written before will nnd himself repeating some
sentences in the very order of the words in which he
had already used them; but he will more frequently
find himself employing some principal terms, with the
order inadvertently changed, or with the order dis-
turbed by the intermixture of other words and
phrases expressive of ideas rising up at the time, or in
manv instances repeating not single words, nor yet
whole sentences, but parts and fragments of sentences.
Of all these varieties the examination of our two epis-
tles will furnish plain examples, and I should rely on
this class of instances more than on the last, because
although an impostor might transcribe into a forgery
entire sentences and phrases, yet the dislocation of
words, the partial recollection of phrases and sen-
tences, the intermixture of new terms and new ideas
with terms and ideas before used, which will appear
in the examples that follow, and which are the natural
products of writing produced under the cireumstances
m which these epistles are represented to have been
composed — ^would not, I think, have occurred to the
invention of a foiger, nor, if they had occurred would
they have been so easily executed. This studied vari-
ation was a refinement in forgery which I believe did
not exist, or if we can suppose it to have been prac-
tised in the instances adduced below, why, it mav be
asked, was not the same art exercised upon those
which we have collected in the preceding class?" He
then goes on to illustrate all these points by numerous
examples taken from all parts of these Epistles.
St. Jebomk, Ep. oxxi. Ad Algaa., q. x in Opera (Venioe.
1766), I, Pt. I. 878; Cornely, Introd. (Paria. 1897), III;
Salmon, Introd, to New Test. (London, 1807); Jaoquxbb. ^u-
touro dsa Livret du Nouveau Test. (Paris, 1906), I; Esnus, Com-
merUariue (MainB. 1844) ; Bibping, ErkUirung der Brief e an die
Eph., Phmp., Kol. (Monster, 1866); McEvilly, Erpovition
(Dublin, I860); Ai^woud, New Test. Crilieal and ExegetiaU Com-
mentary (London, 1866); ELUCxyrr, Critical and Grammatical
Comm, (London, 1867); Lightpoot, Colossians and PhUemon
(London, 1879) ; locii. Dissertations on the Apostolic Age (Lon-
don, 1876): SANt>AY in Suitb. Diet, of the Bible (London, 1893);
VON SoDKN. Die Brief e an die Kolosser, eto. jLeiprig, 1893);
Sauiond, Ephesians; Peaks, Colossians in Exp. Greek Test.
(London, 1903). One of the best books on the subject is
Abbott, Ephenems and Colossians. See abo The international
Critical Commeniary, ed. Ciask (Edinburgh, 1907); Host,
Judaic ChristianUy (London, 1898). C. Aherne.
Oolours, Liturgical. — ^By a law of her liturgy the
Church directs that the vestments worn by her sacred
ministers, and the drapery used in the decoration of
the altar shoidd correspond in colour to that which is
prescribed for the Office of the day. The colours thus
sanctioned by the Church in connexion with her pub-
lic worship are called the litiu-gical colours. Here it
will be enough to examine (1) their number; (2) the
drapery and vestments affected by them; (3) their
obligation; (4) their antiquity, and (5) their S3rmbol-
ism.
I. Number. — ^In the Roman Rite, since Pius V, col-
ours are five in number, viz. : white, red, green, violet,
and black. Rose colour is employed only on La^tare
and Oaudete Sundays. Blue is prescribea in some dio-
ceses of Spain for the Mass of the Immaculate Concep-
OOLTOK
135
COLtTMBA
tion. White is the colour proper to Trinity i;iunday,
the feasts of Our Lord, except those of His Passion,
the feasts of the Blessed Virgin, angels, confessors^vii^
gins and women, who are not martyrs, the Nativity of
»t. John the Baptist, the chief feast of St. John the
Evangelist, the feast of the Chains and of the Chair of
St. Peter, the Conversion of St. Paul, All Saints, to the
consecration of churches and altars, the anniversaries
of the election and coronation of the pope and of the
election and consecration of bishops; also for the oc-
taves of these feasts and the Offices de tempore from
Holy Saturday to the viml of Pentecost ; it is used for
votive Masses when the feasts have white, and for the
nuptial Mass; also in services in connexion with the
Blessed Sacrament, at the burial of children, in the ad-
ministration of baptism, Holy Viaticum, and matri-
mony.
Red is used the week of Pentecost, on the feasts of
Christ's Passion and His Precious Blood, the Finding
and Elevation of the Cross, the feasts of Apostles and
martyrs; and in votive Masses of these feasts. It is
used on Holy Innocents if the feast occur on Simday
and always on its octave.
Green is employed in Offices de tempore from the
octave of the Epiphany to Septuagesima, and from
the octave of Pentecost to Advent, except on ember-
days and vi^ during that time, and on Simdays oc-
curring witmn an octave.
Violet is used during Advent and from Septuages-
ima to Easter, on vigils that are fast days, and on
ember-days, except uie vigil of Pentecost and the
ember-days during the octave of Pentecost. Violet is
also used for Mass on rogation-days, for votive Masses
of the Passion and of penitential character, at the
blessing of candles and of holy water. The stole used
in the administration of penance and of extreme uno^
tion and in the first part of the baptismal ceremonies
must be violet.
Black is used in offices for the dead, and on Good
Friday.
II. — ^The drapery and vestments affected by the
law of liturgical oolotu^ are (a) the antependium of the
altar, and as a matter of appropriateness, the taber-
nacle vefl; (b) the burse and chalice veil ; (c) maniple,
stole, chasuble, cope, and humeral veil; (d^ maniple,
stole, tunic, and dalmatic of the sacred ministers, and
also the broad .stole and folded chasuble when em-
ployed. All these must correspond with the rules
prescribing the use of each colour. The rubrical pre-
scriptions regard the main or constitutive portion of
each vestment, so that the borders or otber orna-
mental accessories do not determine the quality of
colour. Neither does the lining, but the Roman prac-
tice is to have it in harmony with the vestment itself,
yellow however being generally adopted instead of
pure white.
III. Obuqation. — ^The obligation of using any par-
ticular colour begins with the First Vespers of the
Office of which it is characteristic, or with the Matins
if the Office has no First Vespers, and ceases as soon as
the foUowing Office begins. Vestments made of pure
doth of gold may be employed for red, white, and green
colours (Decret, Authent., nn. 3H5, 3646, ed. 1900);
doth of silver may be useid instead of white. Multi-
coloured vestments cannot be used except for the pre-
dominant colour.
IV. ANTiQunr. — ^Benedict XIV (De Sacro Sacri-
ficio Missse I, VIII, n. 16) says that up to thefourth
century white was the only liturgical colour in use.
Other colours were introduced soon afterwards. In-
nocent III (d. 1216) is among the first to emphasise a
distinction. He mentions four principal colours,
white, red, green, black (De Sac. Alt. Msrs., I, Ixv) as of
general use. and one, viz. violet, as occasionally em-
ployed. This latter was rq^arly used from tlie thh--
teenth century. An "Onto Romanus" of the fotir-*
teenth oenttny enumerates five. Between the twelfth
and sixteenth centuries blue and yellow were common
but they may not be used without very special authori*
zation (Cong, of Rites, Sept., 1837).
V. Stmboubm. — Outside of Rome uniformity of
observance was effected in the second quarter of the
nineteenth century by the abrogation of other uses.
In the Western Church only Sie Ambrosian Rite
(q. V.) retains ite peculiar colours. Most of l^e Ori-
ental rites have no prescribed liturgical colours. The
Greek Rite (c^. v.) alone has a fixed usage but even
among them it is not of strict obligation. The Ruthe-
nians follow the Roman regulation since 1891. The
variety of liturgical colours in the Church arose from
the mystical meaning attached to them. Thus white,
the symbol of light, typifies innocence and purity, joy
and glory; red, the language of fire and blood, indi-
cates burning charity and the martyrs* generous sacri-
fice; green, the hue of plants and trees, bespeaks the
hope of life eternal; violet, the gloomy cast of the
mortified, denotes affliction and melancholy* while
black, the universal emblem of moumins, signifies the
sorrow of death and the sombreness of the tomb.
Leoo, Nole9 on History at Liturgical Colourt (London, 1882);
Van deb Stappbn, De Cdehraiiane MiaacB (Mechlin, 1902), 120-
133; Macauster, Bcdesiaatical Veatmenta (London. 1896); pp.
223-28) ; Braun, Vie liturginthe Oewandung (Freiburg im Br.
1907). pp. 728-60; Gxhb. The Holy Sacrifice of the Maea (tr., St.
Louis, 1902). 297-312; Rock, Church of Our FatKera (2nd
edition, London, 1904), II, 213 sq.; Wilpert, Gewandung der
Christen (Freiburg. 1898).
Patrick Morrisroe.
Ooltoiiy Charles H. See Buffalo, Diocese of.
Oolnmba, Saint, of Terrtolass, son of Crinthainn
and a disciple of St. Finnian of Clonard. When the
lattor was in extremist from the plague, Columba admin-
istered Holy Viaticum. Having completed his stud-
ies, he took chaige of Caemhan, Fintan, and Mocumin,
who are numbered among the saints. He founded the
celebrated monasteiy of Tirdaglas, or Terryglass, 548.
It is said that he visited Tours and brought thence
relics of St. Martin. He died of the plague, 13 De-
cember, 552, and was buried within the precincts of
his own monasten^ at Terrvglass. Some fifteen other
saints of Ireland, bearing the name Columba, are men-
tioned in the Martyrologv of Gonnan.
BirrLEa, Livea ofSatnta, All; h\mQAr9, Ecdeaiaatieal History
of Ireland (Dublin. 1829). II, 71; Henrt Bradshaw Soo., Mar-
tyroloffU€^ Gorman (1895), p. 345; Ussher, Works (Dublin,
1847y,^T.r-
,533.
Columba Edmonds.
Oolnmba, Saint, — ^There are two saints of this
name, vir^ns and martyrs.
(1) St. Columba of Sens, who suffered towards the
end of the third century, probably under the Em-
peror Aurelian. She is said to have been beheaded
near a foimtain called d'Azon; and the tradition is
that her body was left by her murderers on the ground,
until it was buried by a man called Aubertus, in
thanksgiving for his restoration to sight on his in-
voking her. A chapel was afterwards ouilt over her
relics; and, later on, rose the Abbey of Sens, which at
one time was a place of pilgrimage m her honour. She
is also said to have been patroness of the parish church
of Chevilly in the Diocese of Paris, but ner whole his-
tory is somewhat legendary.
BuTZ^a, Livea of the Saints, IV, 592; Brulz.£b, Riatoire de
VAbbaye royale de Sena (1852), containing a rhymed life of the
martyr published at Parid in 1660. This book was written
partly in the hope of restoring popular derotion to St. Columba.
(2) St. Columba, a Spanish nun, of whom it is ve-
lated that she was oeheaded bv the Moors at the mon-
astery of Tabanos in 853. Her body is said to have
been thrown into the Giiadalquivir, but was rescued
by the Christians. Her relics were kept and vener-
ated in Old Castile at two churches, the priorv of St.
Columba and the royal Abbey of Our Lady at Nagara.
Butler. lAves of the Saints. Ill, 491; Sutsken in Ada SS.,
Sept., V, 618 sqq.; Bibl hagioQr. lot. (1899). 283 sq.
F. M. Capes.
OOLUMBA
136
OOLVBCBA
Oolumba, Saint, Abbot of Iona, b. at Gartan,
CountyDonegal, Ireland, 7 Decemberi 521 ; d. 9 June,
597. He belonged to the Clan O'Donnell. and was of
royal descent. His father's name was Feahlimdh and
that of his mother Eithne. On his father's side he
was great-great-grandson of Niall of the Nine Hos-
tages, an Irish king of the fourth century. His bap-
tismal name was Colum, which signifies a dove, hence
the latinized form Columba. It assumes another
form in Colum-cille, the suffix meaning "of the
Chmrches ". He was baptized at Tulach-Dubh^laise,
now Temple-Douglas, by a priest named Crmthne-
chan, who afterwards became his tutor or foster-
father. When sufficiently advanced in letters he
entered the monastic school of Moville under St. Fin-
nian, who had studied at St. Ninian's "Magnum Mon-
asterium" on the shores of Galloway. Columba at
Moville embraced monastic life and received the diao-
onate. In the same place his sanctity first manifested it-
self by miracles. B^ his prayers, tradition says, he con-
verted water into wine for the Holy Sacrifice (Adam.,
II, i). Having completed his training at Moville, he
travelled southwards into Leinster, where he became a
pupil of an aged bard named Gemman. On leaving
him, Columba entered the monastery of Clonard, gov-
erned at that time by Finnian, a man remarkable, like
his namesake of Moville, for sanctity and learning.
Here he imbibed the traditions of the Welsh Church,
for Finnian had been trained in the schools of St.
David. Here also he became one of those twelve
Clonard disciples known in subsequent history as the
Twelve Apostles of Ireland. About this same time
he was promoted to the priesthood by Bishop Etchen
of Clonf ad. The story that St. Finnian wished Co-
lumba to be consecrated bishop, but through a mis-
take only priest's orders were conferred, is regarded by
competent authorities as the invention of a later age
(Reeves, Adam., 226).
Another preceptor of Columba was St. Mobhi,
whose monastery at Glasnevin was frequented by
such famous men as St. Canice, St. Com^l, and St.
Ciaran. A pestilence which devastated Ireland in 544
caused the dispersion of Mobhi 's disciples, and Co-
lumba returned to Ulster, the land of his kindred.
The following years were marked by the foundation
of several important monasteries. Deny, Durrow, and
Kells. Deny and Durrow were always specially dear
to Columba. While at Deny it is saia that he planned
a pilgrimage to Rome and Jerusalem, but did not pro-
ceed farther than Tours. Thence he brought a copy
of the Gospels that had lain on the bosom of St. Martin
for the space of 100 years. This relic was deposited
in Deny (Skene, Celtic Scotland, II, 483). Columba
left Ireland and passed over into Scotland in 563. The
motives for this migration have been frequently dis-
cussed. Bede simply says: ''Venit de Hibenua . . .
prsedicaturus verbum Dei" (H. E., Ill, iv) ; Adamnan:
"pro Christo i)erigrinari voiens enavigavit" (Praef.,
TI). Later writers state that his departure was due
to the fact that he had induced the clan Neill to rise
and engage in battle against King Diarmait at Cool-
drevny m 561. The reasons alleeed for this action of
Columba are: (1) The king's violation of the right of '
sanctuary belonging to Columba's person as a monk,
on the occasion of the murder of Prince Cuman, the
saint's Idnsman; (2) Diarmait 's adverse judgment
concerning the copy Columba had secretly made of St.
Finnian's psalter. Columba is said to have supported
by his prajrers the men of the North who were nghting,
while Finnian did the same for Diarmait's men. The
latter were defeated with a loss of three thousand.
Columba's conscience smote him, and he had recourse
to his confessor, St. Molaise, who imposed this severe
penance: to leave Ireland and preach the Gospel so as
to gain as many souls to Christ as lives lost at Cool-
drevny, and never more to look upon his native land.
Some writers hold that these are legends invented by
the bards and romancers of a later age, becaUH«* there
is no mention of them by the earliest authorities
(O'Hanlon, Lives of the Ir. Saints, VI, 353). Cardi-
nal Moran accepts no other motive than that assigned
by Adamnan, ''a desire to carry the Gospel to a pagan
nation and to win souls to God". (Lives of Irish
Saints in Great Britain, 67). Archbishop Healy, on
the contrary, considers that the saint did incite to
battle, and exclaims: ''0 fdix culpa . . . which pro-
duced so much good both for Erin and Alba" (Schools
and.Scholars, 311).
loNA. — Columba was in his forty-fourth year when
he departed from Ireland. He and his twelve com-
panions crossed the sea in a currach of wickerwork
covered with hides. They landed at lona on the eve
of Pentecost, 12 May, 563. The island, according
to Irish authorities, was granted to the monastic colon-
ists by King Conall of Dalriada, Columba's kinsman.
Bede attributes the ^ft to the Picts (Fowler, p. Ixv).
It was a convenient situation, being midwav between
his countrymen along the western coast and the Picts
of Caledonia. He and his brethren proceeded at once
to erect their humble dwellings, consisting of a church,
refectory, and cells, constructed of wattles and rough
planks. After spending some years among the Scots
of Dalriada, Columba began the ^at work of his life,
the conversion of the Northern Picts. Toother with
St. Comgall and St. Canice (Kenneth) he visited King
Brude in his royal residence near Inverness. Adnoit-
tance was refused to the missionaries, and the gates
were closed and bolted ; but before the sign of the cross
the bolts flew back, the doors stood open, and the
monks entered the castle. Awe-struck by so evident
a miracle, the king listened to Columba with reverence
and was baptiased. The people soon followed the ex-
afnple set tnem, and thus was inaugurated a move-
ment that extended itself to the whole of Caledonia.
Opposition was not wanting, and it came chiefly from
the Druids, who officially represented the paganism of
the nation.
The thirty-two remaining years of Columba's lifo
were mainly spent in preaching the Christian Faith to
the inhabitants of the glens and wooded straths of
Northern Scotland. His steps can be followed not
only through the Great Glen, but eastwards also, into
Aberdeenshke. The ''Book of Deer" (p. 91) tells us
how he and Drostan came, as God haxl shown them,
to Aberdour in Buchan, and how Bede, a Pict, who
was high steward of Buchan, gave them the town in
freedom forever. The preaching of the saint was con-
firmed by many miracles, and he provided for the in-
struction of his converts by the erection of numer-
ous churches and monastenes. One of his journevs
broueht him to Glasgow, where he met St. Mungo, the
apostle of Strathclyde. He frequently visited Ire-
land; in 575 he attended the synod of Drumceatt, in
company with the Scottish King Aidan, whom shortly
before he had inaugurated successor of Conall of Dal
riada. When not engaged in missionary journeys, ha
sUways resided at lona. Numerous strangers souglit
him there, and they received help for soul and body.
From lona he governed those numerous communities
in Ireland and Caledonia, which regarded him as their
father and founder. This accounts for the unique
position occupied by the successors of Columba, who
governed the entire province of the Northern Picts,
although they had received priest's orders only. It
was considered unbecoming that any successor in the
office of Abbot of lona should possess a dignity higher
than that of the founder. The bishops were regarded
as bein^ of a superior order, but subject nevertheless
to the jurisdiction of the abbot. At Lindisfamc the
monks reverted to the ordinary law and were subject
to a bishop (Bede, H. E., IV, xxvii).
Columba is said never to have spent an hour indth-
out tftudy, prayer, writing, or similar occupations.
When at home he was frequently engaged in trans-
OOLUBSBANUS
137
OOLTTMBAHUS
scribing. On the eve of his death he was engaged in
the work of transcription. It is stated that he wrote
300 books with his own hand, two of which, "The
Book of Durrow" and the psalter called "The Ca-
thach", have been preserved to the present time.
The peaher, enclosed in a shrine, was orieinally carried
into battle by the O'Donnells as a pledge of victory.
Seveial of ms compositions in Latm and Irish have
come down to us, the best known being the poem
"Altus Proeator", published in the "Liber Hym-
norum '^ and also in another form by the late Marquess
of Bute. There is not sufficient evidence to prove
that the rule attributed to him was really his work.
In the spring of 697 he knew that his end was ap-
proaching. On Saturday, 8 June, he ascended the
nill overlooking his monastery and blessed for the last
time the home so dear to bam. That afternoon he
was present at Vespers, and later, when the bell sum-
moned the community to the midnight service, he
forestalled the others and entered the church without
assistanoe. But he sank before the altar, and in that
place breathed forth his soul to God, surrounded by
nis discifJes. This happened a little after midnight
between the 8th and 9tn of June, 597. He was in the
seventynseventh year of his age. The monks buried
him within the monastic enclosure. After the lapse
of a centurjr or more his bones were disinterred and
placed within a suitable shrine. But as Northmen
and Danes more than once invaded the island, the
relics of St. Columba were carried for purposes of
safety into Ireland and deposited in the church of
Downpatrick. Since the twelfth century history is
silent regarding them. His books and garments were
held in veneration at lona, they were exposed and
carried in procession, and were the means of working
miracles (Aoam., II, xlv). His feast is kept in Scot-
land and Ireland on the 9th of June. In the Scottish
Province of St. Andrews and Edinburgh there is a
Mass and Office, proper to the festival, which ranks as
a double of the second class with an octave. He is
patron of two Scottish dioceses, Ar^le and the Isles
and Dunkeld. According to tradition St. Ck)lumba
was tali and of dignified mien. Adamnan says:
''He was angelic in. appearance, graceful in speech,
holy in woik" (Pr»f., II). His voice was strong,
sweet, and sonorous, capable at times of being heard at
a great distance. He inherited the ardent tempera-
ment and strong passions of his race. It has been
sometimes said that he was of an angry and vindic-
tive spirit, not only because of his supposed part in
the battle of Gooldrevny , but also because of instances
related by Adamnan (II, xxiii sq.). But the deeds
that roused his indignation were wrongs done to
others, and the retribution that overtook the perpe-
trators was rather predicted than actually invoked.
Whatever faults were inherent in his nature he over-
came, and he stands before the world conspicuous for
humility and charity not only towards his brethren,
but towards strangers also. He was generous and
warm-hearted, tender and kind even to dumb crea-
tures. He was ever ready to sympathize with the joys
and sorrows of others. His fasts and vigils were car-
ried to a great extent. The stone pillow on which he
slept is said to be still preserved in lona. His chas-
tity of body and purity of mind are extolled by all
his biographers. Notwithstanding his wonderful au-
sterities, Adamnan assures us he was beloved by all,
"for a holy joyousness that ever beamed from his
countenance revealed the gladness with which the
Holy Spirit filled his soul ". (Pr»f ., II.)
Influence, and Attitude towards Rome. — He
was not only a g^reat missionary saint who won a whole
Idngdom to Chnst, but he was a statesman, a scholar, a
poet, and the founder of numerous churches and mon-
asteries. His name is dear to Scotsmen and Irishmen
alike. And because of his great and noble work even
non-Catholics hold his memory in veneration. For
the purposes of controversy it has been maintained by
some that St. Columba ippiored papal supremacy, be-
cause he entered upon his mission without the pope's
authorization. Aaamnan is silent on the subject; out
his work is neither exhaustive as to Columba's life,
nor does it pretend to catalogue the implicit and ex-
plicit belief of his patron. Indeed, in those days a
mandate from the pope was not deemed essential for
the work which St. Uolumba undertook. This may be
gathered from the words of St. Gregory the Great,
relative to the neglect of the British deigy towards
the pagan Saxons (Haddan and Stubbs, III, 10).
Ck)lumbii was a son of the Irish Church, which taught
from the days of St. Patrick that matters of greater
moment should be referred to the Holy See for set-
tlement. St. Columbanus, Columba's fellow-country-
man and fellow-churchman, asked for papal judg-
ment (jtuHcittm) on the Easter question; so did the
bishops and abbots of Ireland. There is not the
slightest evidence to prove that St. Columba differed
on this point from his fellow-countrymen. Moreover,
the Stowe Missal, which, according to the best au-
thority, represents the Mass of the Celtic Church dur-
ing the early part of the seventh century, contains in
its Canon prayers for the pope more emphatic than
even those of tne Roman Liturgy. To the further ob-
jection as to the supposed absence of the cultus of
Our Lady, it may be pointed out that the same
Stowe Missal contains before its Canon the invoca-
tion " Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis'', which epitomizes
all Catholic devotion to the Blessed Viigin. As to
the Easter difficulty, Bede thus sums up the reasons
for the discrepancy: "He [Columba] left successors
distin^ished for great charity. Divine love, and strict
attention to the rules of discipline; following indeed
uncertain cycles in the computation of the great fes-
tival of Easter, because, far away as they were out of
the world, no one had supplied them witn the ^odal
decrees relating to the Paschal observance" (H. E.,
Ill , i v) . As far as can be ascertained , no proper sym-
bolical representation of St. Columba exists. The
few attempts that have been made are for the most
part mistaken. A suitable pictorial representation
would exhibit him clothed in the habit and cowl usu-
ally worn by the Basilian or Benedictine monks, with
Celtic tonsure and crosier. His identity could be best
determined by showing him standing near the shell-
strewn shore, with currach hard by, and the Celtic
cross and ruins of lona in the background.
Rbeves, St. Columba by Adamnan (EtUnbursh, 1874); Fow-
LBB. Aikmmani Vita S. Columba (Oxford, 1^); Lanioan.
Bcdetiaatical' Hut. of Ireland (Dublin, 182Q); Skene, Celtic
Scotland (Edinburfl^, 1807); Healt, Ireiand'a Ancient Schools
and Sdujlara (Dublin, 1800); Mohan, Irish Saints in Orwt
Britain (Dublin, 1003); O'Hanlon, Lives of the Irish Saints
(Dublin, 1875), Vl; Edmonds, Early ScoUish Church. Doctrine
and Discipline (Edinburgh, 1006): Dowden, CeWc Church
(London, 1804); Montalembbrt, Monks of the West (Edin-
burgh. 1861). Columba Edmonims.
Oolumbanns, Saint^ Abbot of Luxeuil and Bobbio,
b. in West Leinster, Ireland, in 543; d. at Bobbio,
Italy, 21 Nov., 615. His life was written by Jonas,
an Italian monk of the Columban community, at
Bobbio, c. 643. This author lived during the abbacy
of Attala, Columbanus's immediate successor, and his
inf onnants had been companions of the saint. Mabil-
lon in the second volume of his " Acta Sanctorum O. S.
B." gives the life in full, together with an appendix on
the miracles of the saint, written by an anonymous
member of the Bobbio community.
Columbanus, whose birth took place the year St.
Benedict died, was from childhocxi well instructed.
He was handsome and prepossessing in appearance,
and this exposed him to the shameless temptations
of several of his countrywomen. He also had to
struggle with his own temptations. At last he betook
himself to a religious woman, who advised him thus:
"Twelve years ago I fled from the world, and shut
OOLUMBAMUS
j;i8
00LUMBAIIU8
myself up in this cell. Hast thou forgotten Samson,
David and Solomon, all led astray by the love of
women? There is no safety for thee, young man, ex-
cept in flight." He thereupon decided to act on this
actvice and retire from the world. He encountered
opposition, especially from his mother, who strove to
detain him by casting herself before him on the thresh-
old of the door. But, conquering the feelings of
nature, he passed over the prostrate form and left his
home forever. His first master was Sinell, Abbot of
Cluaninis in Lough Erne. Under his tuition he com-
posed a commentary on the Psalms. He then betook
nimself to the cdebrated monastery of Bangor on the
coast of Down, which at that time had for its abbot
St. Comgall. There he embraced the monastic state,
and for many years led a life conspicuous for fervour,
regularity, and learning. At about the age of forty
he seemed to hear incessantly the voice of God biddinjg
him preach the Gospel in foreign lands. At first his
abbot declined to let him go, but at length he gave
consent.
Columbanus set sail with twelve companions; their
names have tiius come down to us: St. Attala, Colum-
banus the Younger, Cummain, Domgal, Eogain,
Eiman, St. Gall, Gurgano, Libran, Lua, Sigisbert, and
Waldoleno (Stokes, '^Apennmes", p. 112). The httle
band passed over to Britain, landing probably on the
Scottish coast. They remained but a short time in
En^and, and then crossed over to France, where they
amved probably in 585. At once they began their
apostolic mission. Wherever they went the people
were struck by their modesty, patience, and humility.
France at that period needed such a band of monks
and preachers. Owing partly to the incursions of
barbarians, and partly to the remissness of the clergy,
vice and impiety were prevalent. Columbanus, by
his holiness, zeal, and learning, was eminently fitted
for the work that lay before J^im. He and nis fol-
lowers soon made their way to the court of Gontram,
King of Burgundy. Jonas calls it the court of Sigis-
bert, King of Austrasia and Burgundy, but this is
manifestly a blunder, for Sigisbert had been slain in
575. The fame of Columbanus had preceded him.
Gontram gave him a gracious reception, inviting him
to remain in his kingdom. The saint complied, and
selected for his abode the half-ruined Roman fortress
of Annegray in the solitudes of the Vosges Mountains.
Here the abbot and his monks led the simplest of
lives, their food oftentimes consisting of notmng but
forest herbs, berries, and the bark of young trees.
The fame of Columbanus's sanctity drew crowds to his
monastery. Many, both nobles and rustics, asked to
be admitted into the community. Sick persons came
to be cured through his prayers. But Columbanus
loved solitude. C^ten he would withdraw to a cave
seven miles distant, with a single companion, who
acted as messenger between himself and ms brethren.
After a few years the ever-increasing number of his
disciples obliged him to build anoSier monast^iy.
Columbanus accordingly obtained from King Gontram
the Gallo-Roman castle named Luxeuil, some ei^t
miles distant from Annegray. It was in a wild dis-
trict, thickly covered with pine forests and brushwood.
This foundation of the celebrated Abbey of Luxeuil
took place in 590. But these two monasteries did not
suffice for the numbers who came, and a third had to
be erected at Fontaines. The superiors of these houses
always remained subordinate to Columbanus. It is
said that at this time he was able to institute a per-
petual service of praise, known as Laos perenniSf by
which choir succeeded choir, both diy and night
(Montalembert, Monks of the West, II, 405). For
these flourishing communities he wrote his rule,
whic^ embodies the customs of Bangor and other
Celtic monasteries.
For wellnigh twenty years Columbanus resided in
France and during that time ol^served the unrcformcd
paschal computation. But a dispute arose. Hie
Frankish bishops were not too well disposed towards
this stranger abbot, because of his ever-increasing in-
fluence; and at last they showed their hoetuity.
They objected to his Celtic Easter and his exclusion
of men as well as women from the precincts of his
monasteries. The councils of Gaul held in the first
half of the sixth century had given to bishops absolute
authority over religious communities, even going so
far as to order the abbots to appear periodical^ hSore
their respective bishops to receive reproof or advice,
as might be considered necessary. These enactments,
being contrary to the custom of the Celtic monasteries,
were not readily acoeptted by Columbanus. In 602 the
bishops assembled to jud^ him. He did not appear,
lest, as he tells us, "he nught contend in words , but
instead addressed a letter to the prelates in which he
speaks with a strange mixture of freedom, reverence,
and charity. In it he admonishes th^n to hold
synods more frequently, and advises that they pay
attention to matters equally important with that of
the date of Easter. As to his paschsd cycle he says:
" I am not the author c^ this divergence. I came as a
poor stranger into these parts for the cause of Christ,
Our Saviour. One thing alone I ask of you, holy
Fathers, permit me to live in silence in these forests,
near the bones of seventeen of my brethren now
dead." When the Frankish bishops still insisted that
the abbot was wrong, then, in obedience to St. Pat-
rick's canon, he laid the question before Pope St.
Gregory. He dispatched two letters to that pontiff,
but they never reached him, "through Satan's inter-
vention . The third letter is extant, but no trace of
an answer appears in St. Gregory's correspondence,
owing probably to the fact that the pope died in 604,
about the time it reached Rome. In this letter be de-
fends the Celtic custom with considerable freedom,
but the tone is affectionate. He prays "the holy
Pope, his Father", to direct towards him "the strong
support of his authority, to transmit the verdict of his
favour". Moreover, he apologizes "for presuming to
ai^e, as it were, with him who sits in the Chair of
Peter, Apostle and Bearer of the Keys ". He directed
another epistle to Pope Boniface IV, in which he pravs
that, if it DC not contrary to the Faith, he confirm the
tradition of his elders, so that by the papal decision
(nuiicium) he and his monks may be enabled to follow
tne rites oi their ancestors. Before Pope Boniface's
answer (which has been lost) was given, Columbanus
was outside the jurisdiction of the Frankish bidiops.
As we hear no further accusations on the Easter ques-
tion— not even in those brought against his successor,
Eustasius of Luxeuil in 624 — it would appear that
after Columbanus had removed into Italy ne gave up
the Celtic Easter (cf. Acta SS. O. 8. B., II, p. 7).
In addition to the Easter question Columbanus had
to wage war agftinst vice in the royal household. The
voung King Thierry, to whose kingdom Luxeuil be-
longed, was living a life of debauchery. He was com-
Eletely in the hands of his grandmother. Queen Brune-
auH (Bnmehild). On the death of Kmg Gontram
the sueoession passed to his nephew, Childeoert II, son
of Brunehault. At his death the latter left two sons,
Hieodebert II and Thierry II, both minors. Theode-
bert succeeded to Austrasia, Thierry to Burgundy, but
Brunehault constituted herself their guardian, and
held in her own power the government of the two
kingdoms. As she advancea in years she sacrificed
everything to the passion for sovereignty, hence she
encouraged Thierry in the practice of concubinage in
order that there might be no rival queen. Thierry,
however, had a veneration for Columbanus, and often
visited him. On these occasions the saint admonished
and rebuked him, but in vain. Brunehault became
enrag^ with Columbanus, and stirred up the bishops
and nobles to find fault with his rules r^arding mon-
astic enclosure. Finally, Thieny and his party went
OOLUMBAiraS
139
GOLXTMBAirOS
to Luxeuil and ordared the abbot to conform to the
usages of the oountrjr. Columbaniis refused, where-
upon he was taken prisoner to Besan^n to await fur-
ther orders. Taking advantage of the absence of re-
straint he speedily returned to his monasteir. On
hearing this, Thierry and Brunehault sent soloiers to
drivehim back to Ireland. None but Irish monks
were to accompany him. Accordingly, he was hurried
to Nevers, made to embark on the Loire, and thus pro-
ceed to Nantes. At Tours he visited the tomb of St.
Martin and sent a message to lluerry that within three
years he and his children would perish. At Nantes,
before the embarkation, he addressed a letter to his
monks, full 61 affection. It is a memorial of the love
and tenderness which existed in that otherwise austere
and passionate soul. In it he desires all to obey
Attala, whom he reouests to abide with the com-
mimity unless strife snould arise on the Easter ques-
tion. His letter concludes thus: "They come to tell
me the ship is ready. . . . The end of my parchment
compels me to finish my letter. Love is not orderly;
it is this which has made it confused. Farewell, dear
hearts of mine; pray for me that I may live in God."
As soon as they set sail, such a storm arose that the
ship was driven ashore. The captain would have
noming more to do with these holy men : they were
thus free to go where they pleased. Coliunbanus
made his way to the friendly King Clothaire at Sois-
sons in Neustriay where he was gladly welcomed*
Clothaire in vain pressed him to remain in his terri-
tory. Columbanus left Neustria in 611 for the court
of King Th^ebert of Austrasia, At Metz he re-
ceived an honourable welcome, and then proceeding
to Mains, he embarked upon the Rhine in order to
reach the Suevi and Alamanni, to whom he wished
to pieach the Gospel. Ascending the river and its
tributaries, the Aar and the Limmat, he came to the
Lake of Zimch. Tuegen was chosen as a centre from
whidi to evangelize, Dut the work was not successful.
Instead of producing fruit, the seal of Columbanus
only excited persecution. In despair he resolved to
pass on by way of Arbon to Bregenz on Lake Con-
stance, where there were still some traces of Chris-
tianity. Here the saint found an oratoiy dedicated
to St. Aurelia, into which the people had brought three
brass images of their tutelary deities. He commanded
St. Gall, who knew the language, to preach to the
inhabitants, and many were converted. The images
were destroyed, and Columbanus blessed the little
church, placing the relics of St. Aurelia beneath the
altar. A monastery was erected, and the brethren
forthwith observed their regular life. After about a
year, in conseauence of another rising against the
conmiunity, Columbanus resolved to cross the Alps
into Italy. An additional reason for his departure
was the fact that the arms of Thierry had prevailed
against Theodebert, and thus the country on the
banks of the Upper Rhine had become the property
of his enemy.
On his arrival at Milan in 612, Columbanus met
with a kindly welcome> from King Agilulf and Queen
Theodelinda. He immediately began to confute the
Ariims and wrote a treatise against their teaching,
which has been lost. At the request of the king, he
wrote a letter to Pope Boniface on the debated sub-
ject of '"Hie Three Chapters". These writings were
considered to favour Nestorianism. Pope St. Gregory,
however, tolerated in Lombardy those persons who
defended them, among whom was King Agilulf. Col-
umbanus would probably have taken no active part
in this matter had not the kins pressed him so to do.
But on this occasion his zeaf certainly outran his
knowled^. The letter opens with an apology that a
"foolish Scot'' should be charged to write for a Lorn-*
bard king. He acquaints the pope with the imputa*-
tions brought against him, and he is particularly severe
with the memory of Pope Vigilius. He entreats the
gmtiff to prove his orthodoxy and assemble a coundL
e says tnat his freedom of speech accords with the
usage ci his country. "Doubtless", Montalembert
remarks, "some of the expressions which he employs
would be now regarded as disrespectful and justly
rejected. But in those young and vigorous times,
faith and austerity ooula be more indulgent" (II,
440). On the other hand, the letter expresses tiie
most affectionate and impassioned devotion to the
Holy See. The whole, however, may be judged from
this fragment: "We Irish, though dwelling at the far
ends of the earth, are all disciples of St. Peter and St.
Paul . . . Neither heretic, nor Jew, nor schismatic has
ever beon among us; but the Catholic Faith, just as
it was first delivered to us by yourselves, the succes-
sors of the Apostles, is held by us unchanged . . . We
are bound [deinncti\ to the Chair of Peter, and although
Rome is great and renowned, through that Chair alone
IB she locked on as great and illustrious among us . . .
On account of the two Apostles of Christ, you [the
pope] are almost celestial, and Rome is the head of
the whole world, and of the Churches". If zeal for
orthodoxy caused him to overstep the limits of discre-
tion, his real attitude towards Rome is sufficiently
clear. He declares the pope to be: ''his Lord and
Father in Christ", "The Chosen Watchman", "The
Prelate most dear to all the Faithful", "The most
beautiful Head of all the Churches of the whole of
Europe", "Pastor of Pastora", "The Hirfiest", "The
First*^', "The First Pastor, set higher than all mor-
tals", "Raised near unto all the Celestial Beings",
"Prince of the Leaders", "IDs Father", "His imme-
diate Patron", "The Steersman", "The PUot of the
Spiritual Ship" (AUnatt, "Cathedra Petri", 106).
But it was necessary that, in Italy, Columbanus
should have a settled abode, so the king gave him a
tract of land called Bobbio, between Milan and Genoa,
near the River Treblua, situated in a defile of the
Apennines. On his way thither he taught the Faith
in the town of Mombrione, which is called San Colom-
bano to this day. Padre della Torre considers that
the saint made two journeys into Italy, and that these
have been conf oimded by Jonas. On the first occasion
he went to Rome and received from Pope Gregory
many sacred relics (Stokes, Apennines, 132). This
may possibly explain the traditional spot in St.
Peter's, where St. Gregory and St. Columba are sup-
posed to have met (Moran, Irish SS. in Great Britain,
105). At Bobbio the saint repaired the half-ruined
churdi of St. Peter, and erected his celebrated abbey,
which for centuries was a stronghold of orthodoxy m
Northern Italy. Thither came Clothaire's messen-
gers inviting the aged -abbot to return, now that his
enemies were dead. But he could jiot go. He sent
a request that the kii^ would always protect his dear
monks at Luxeuil. He prepared for death by retiring
to his cave on the mountain*side overlooking the
Trebbia, where, according to a tradition, he had dedi*
cat^ an oratory to Our Lady (Montalembert, " Monks
of the West", II, 444). His body has been preserved
in the abbey church at Bobbio, and many miracles are
said to have been wrought there through his interces-
sion. In 1482 the relics were placed in a new shrine
and laid beneath the altar of the crypt, where they ars
still venerated. But the altar ana shrine are once
more to be restored, and for this end in 1907 an appeal
was made by Cardinal Logue, and there is every pros-
pect of the work being speedily accomplished. The
sacristy at Bobbio possesses a portion of the ricull of
the saint, his knife, wooden cup, bell, and an ancient
water vessel, formerly containing sacred relics and
said to have been given him by St. Gregory. Accord*
ing to certain authorities, twelve teeth of the saint
were taken from the tomb in the fifteenth century and
kept in the treasury, but these have now disappeared
(Stokes, Apnnines, p. 183). St. Columbanus is
named in tne Roman Martyiology on 21 November,
COLUMBUS
140
OQLUMBUS
but his feast is kept by the Benedictines and through-
out Ireland on 24 November. Among his principal
miracles are : ( 1 ) procuring of food for a sick monk and
curing the wife of his benefactor; (2) escape from hurt
when surrounded by wolves; (3) obedience of a bear
which evacuated a cave at his bidding; (4) producing
a sprixig of water near his cave; (6) repletion of the
LuxeuiT granary when empty; (6) multiplication of
bread and beer for his community; (7) curing of the
sick monks, who rose from their beds at his request
to reap the harvest; (8) givins sight to a blind man
at Orleans ; (9) destruction by his breath of a cauldron
of beer prepared for a pagan festival; (10) taming a
bear, and yoking it to a plough.
Like other men, Columbanus was not faultless. In
the cause of God he was impetuous and even head-
strong, for by nattu^ he was eager, passionate, and
dauntless. These qualities were both the source of
his power and the cause of mistakes. But his virtues
were very remarkable. He shared with other saints
a great love for God's creatures. As he walked in the
woods, the birds woidd alight upon his shoulder that
he mieht caress them, and the squirrels would run
down from the trees and nestle in the folds of his cowl.
The fascination of his saintly personality drew numer-
ous communities around him. Hiat he possessed real
affection for others is abundantly manifest in his letter
to his brethren. Archbishop Healy eulogizes him
thus: ''A man more holy, more chaste, more self-
denying, a man with loftier aims and purer heart than
Ck)lumbanus was never bom in the Island of Saints"
(Ireland's Ancient Schools, 378). Regarding his atti-
tude towards the Holy See, although with Celtic
warmth and flow of words he oould defend mere cus-
tom, there is nothing in his strongest expressions
which implies that, in matters of faith, he for a mo-
ment doubted Rome's supreme authority. His influ-
ence in Europe was due to the conversions he effected,
and to the nile that he composed. What gave rise
to his apostolate? Possibly tne restless energy of the
Geitic character, which, not finding sufficient scope in
Ireland, directed itself in the cause of Christ to foreign
lands. It may be that the example and success of
St. 0>lumba in Caledonia stimulated him to similar
exertions. The example, however, of Columbanus in
the sixth century staxids out as the prototype of mis-
sionary enterprise towards the countries of Europe,
so eagerly followed up from England and Ireland dv
such men as Killian, Virgilius, Donatus, Wilfrid,
Willibrord, Swithbert, and Boniface. If Colum-
banus's abbey in Italy became a citadel of faith and
learning, Luxeuil in France became the nursery of
saints and apostles. From its walls went forth men
who carried nis rule, together with the Gospel, into
France, Germany, Switzeriand, and Italy. There are
said to have been sixty-three such apostles (Stokes,
Forests of France, 254). These disciples of Colum-
banus are accredited with founding over one hundred
different monasteries (ib., 74). The canton and town
still bearing the name of St. GaU testify how well one
disciple succeeded.
Ccuumbanus has left us his own writings. They
demonstrate that his attainments were of no mean
order. He continued his literary studies till the venr
eve of his death. His works (Migne, P. L., LXXa)
include : ( 1 ) " Penitential ' * which prescribes penances
according to guilt, a useful guide in the absence of
elaborate treatises on moral theology ; (2) " Seventeen
Short Sermons"; (3) *'Six Epistles"; (4) ''Latin
Poems"; (6) "A Monastic Rule". This last is
much shorter than that of St. Benedict, consisting of
only ten chapters. The first six of these treat of
obedience, silence, food, poverty, humility, and chas-
tity. In these there is much in common with the
Benedictine code, except that the fasting is more
rigorous. Chapter vii deals with the choir Offices.
Sunday Matins in winter consisted of seventy-five
psalms and twenty-five antiphons — throe psalms to
each antiphon. In spring and autumn these were re-
duced to thirty-six, and in summer to twenty-four.
Fewer were said on weekdays. The day hours con-
sisted of Terce, Sext, None, and Vespers. Three
psalms were said at each of these Offices, except Ves-
pers, when twelve psalms were said. Chapter x regu-
lates penances for offences, and it is here tliat the Rule
of St. C!olumbanus differs so widely from that of St.
Benedict. Stripes or fasts were enjoined for the
smallest faults. The habit of the monks consisted of
a tunic of undyed wool, over which was worn the
cucuUaf or cowl, of the same material. A great deal
of tune was devoted to various kinds of manual labour.
The Rule of St. Columbanus was approved of by the
Council of M^Ux>n in 627, but it was aestined before the
close of the century to be superseded by that of St.
Benedict. For several centuries in some of the
^^ter monasteries the two rules were observed con-
jointly. In art St. Columbanus is represented bearded
wearing the monastic cowl; he holds in his hand a
book within an Irish satchel, and stands in the midst
of wolves. Sometimes he is depicted in the attitude
of taming a bear, or with sunoeams over his head
(Husenbeth, "Emblems", d*. 33).
liABiLLON, Ada Sanctorum 0. S. B., II; Mionb, Patrofoffia
Lattna. LXXXj Laniqan, Ecclesiastical Hist, of IrdOnd (Pub-
lin, 1829), II, IV; Montaleiibbkt, Mimks of the West (Edin-
bunh, 1861), II; Moran, Essays on Batiy Irish Ch. (Dublin,
1864); Vauoajmss, Apostles of Europe (London, lo76). I;
BCann, Lives of the Popes (London, 1902), I; Butler, Lives of
the iSatfifo. IV, 383 sqq.; Hbalt, Ireland^ s Ancient SOumAs and
Scholars (DaUin, 1890); Stokes. Six Months inthe Apenrnnes
(London, 1892); Idbii, Three Months in the Forests of France
(London, 1895); see Hole in Diet. Christ. Biog.. s. v., and
HtTNT in Dtd. Nai. Biog., b. v. Martin. SaiiU Colomban {5i/>-
015) in Le& Saints (Paris, 1908). There is lacking a aatisfae-
toi^ edition of the works of Cblumbanus. Valuable contri-
butions have been made in the paires of the Zeitschrifi fur
Kirchenffeschichte by Sebbabs, notably his addition of the
Panitentiale of Columbanus. the rule of the saint (no longer
extant in its original form), in same review (Leipsig, 1S$4.
XITT 441 sqq., and 1895, XV, 366 sqq.). Cf. the cfisaertation
of Sbebass, Veber Columbems Klosterregd und Busthitch (Dres-
den, 1883); Chbyaubr, Bio-bibl., 9. v., and Topo-biH., a. w.
Bobbiot Luxeuil.
COLUMBA EdMONBS.
Oolumbus, Christopher (It. Cristoforo Colom-
bo; Sp. Crista VAJi Colon), d. at Genoa, or on Geno-
ese territory, probably 1451; d. at Valladolid, Spain,
20 May, 1506. His family was respectable, but of
limited means, so that the early education of Colum«>
bus was defective. Up to his arrival in Spain (1485)
only one date has been preserved. His son Fernando,
quoting from his father's writings says that in Febru-
ary, 1467, he navigated the seas about ''TUe'* (proba-
bly Iceland). Columbus himself in a letter to Kins
Ferdinand says that he began to navigate at the age of
fourteen, though in the journal of his first voyage (no
longer in existence), in 1493, he was said to have been
on the sea twenty-three years, which would make him
nineteen when he first became a mariner. The early
age at which he began his career as a sailor is not sur-
prising for a native of Genoa, as the Genoese were
most enterprisine and daring seamen. Columbus is
said in his early days to have been a corsair, especially
in the war a^nst the Moore, themselves merciless
pirates. He is aJso supposed to have sailed as far
south as the coast of Guinea before he was sixteen
vears of age. Certain it is that while quite young he
became a thoroufi^ and practical navigator, and later
acquired a fair Knowiedge of astronomy. He also
gained a wide acquaintance with works on cosmo-
graphy such as Ptolemy and the ''Imago Mundi" of
Cardinal d'Ailly, besides entering into communication
with the oosmographers of his time. The fragment of
a treatise written W him and called by his son Fer-
nando "The Five Habitable Zones of the Earth"
shows a degree of information unusual for a saOor of
his day. As in the case of most of the documents re-
lating to the life of GolumbuB the genuineness of the
• COLUMBUS
141
COLUMBUS
letters written in 1474 by Paolo Toscanelli, a renowned
physicist of Florence, to Columbus and a member of
the household of King Alfonso V of Portugal, has been
attacked on the ground of the youth of Columbus, al-
though they bear signs of authenticity. The experi-
ences and researches referred to fit in satisfactorily
with the subsequent achievements of Columbus. For
the rest, the early part of Columbus's life is inter-
woven with incidents, most of which are unsupported
by evidence, though quite possible. His marriage
about 1475 to a Portuguese lady whose name is given
Cell of Prior Juan Perez. La Rabida
sometimes as Dofia Felipa Moniz and sometimes as
Dona Felipa Perestrella seems certain.
Columbus seems to have arrived in Portugal about
1471, although 1474 is also mentioned and supported
by certain indications. He vainly tried to obtain the
support of the King of Portu^ for his scheme to dis-
cover the Far East by sailmg westward, a scheme
supposed to have been suggest^ by his brother Bar-
tholomew, who is said to nave been earning a liveli-
hood at Losbon by designing marine charts. Colum-
bus went to Spam in 1485, and probably the first
assistance he obtained there was from the Duke of
Medina Celi, Don Luis de la Cerda, for whom he {)er-
formed some service that brought him a compensation
of 3000 maravedis in May, 1487. He lived about two
years at the home of the duke and made unsuccessful
endeavours to interest him in his scheme of maritime
exploration. His attempts to secure the help of the
Duke of Medina Sidonia were equally unproductive bf
results. No blame attaches to these noblemen for de-
clining to imdertake an enterprise which only rulers of
nations could properly carry out. Between 1485 and
1488 Colimibus began his relations with Doila Beatriz
Enriquez de Arana, or Harana, of a good family of the
city of Cordova, from which sprang his much beloved
son Fernando, next to Christopher and his brother
Bartholomew the most gifted of the Colombos.
Late in 1485 or early in 1486 Columbus appeared
twice before the court to submit his plans and while
the Duke of Medina Celi may have assisted him to
some extent, the chief support came from the royal
treasurer, Alonzo de Quintanilla, Friar Antonio de
Marchena (confounded by Irving with Father Perez
of La Rabida), and Diego de Deza, Bishop of Placen-
cia. Columbus himself declared that these two priests
were always his faithful friends. Marchena also ob-
tained for him the valuable sympathy of Cardinal
Gonzalez de Mendoza. Through the influence of these
men the Government appointed a junta or commission
of ecclesiastics that met at Salamanca late in 1486 or
early in 1487, in the Dominican convent of SanEst^
ban to investigate the scheme, which they finally re-
jected. The commission had no connexion with the
celebrated University of Salamanca, but was imder the
guidance of the prior of Prado. It seems that Colum-
bus ^ve but scant and unsatisfactory information to
the commission, probably through fear that his ideas
might be improperly made use of and he be robbed of
the glory and advantages that he expected to derive
from his project. This may account for the rejection
of his proposals. The prior of Prado was a Hierony-
mite, white Colimibus was under the especial protec-
tion of the Dominicans. Among his early friends in
Spain was Luis de Santangel, whom Irving calls "re-
ceiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Ar^n'^ and
who afterwards advanced to the queen the fimds nec-
essary for the first voyage. If Santangel was receiver
of the church revenues and probably treasurer and
administrator, it was the Church that furnished the
means (17,000 ducats) for the admiral's first voyage.
It would be unjust to blame King Ferdinand for de-
clining the proposals of Colimibus after the adverse
report of the Salamanca commission, which was based
upon objections drawn from Seneca and Ptolemy
rather than upon the opinion of St. Augustine in the
** De Civitate Dei". Tne king was then preparing to
deal the final blow to Moori^ domination in Spain
after the struggle of seven centuries, and his financial
resources were taxed to the utmost. Moreover, he
was not easily carried away by enthusiasm and, though
we now recognize the practical value of the plans of
Columbus, at the close of the fifteenth century it
seemed dubious, to say the least, to a cool-headed
ruler, wont to attend first to immediate necessities.
The crushing of the Moorish power in the peninsula
was then of greater moment than the search after dis-
tant lands for which, furthermore, there were not the
means in the royal treasury. Under these conditions
Columbus, always in financial straits himself and sup-
ported by the liberality of friends, bethought himself
of the rulers of France and England. In 1488 his
brother Bartholomew, as faithful as sagacious, tried to
induce one or the
other of them to ^
accept the plans • ^ •
of Christopher, "^
but failed. The f /I ^S ^
idea was too • •/• ^^
novel to appeal
to either. Henry
VII of England
was too cautious
to entertain pro-
posals from a
comparatively
unknown sea-
farer of a foreign nation, and Charles VIII of France
was too much involved in Italian affairs. The pros-
pect was disheartening. Nevertheless, Columbus,
with the assistance of his friends, concluded to make
another attempt in Spain. He proceeded to court
again in 1491, taking with him his son Diego. The
court being then in camp before Granada, the last
Moorish stronghold, the time could not have been
more inopportune. Another junta was called before
Granada while the siege was going on, but the commis-
sion again reported unfavourably. This is not sur-
prising, as Ferdinand of Aragon could not undertake
schemes that would involve a great outlay, and divert
his attention from the momentous task he was en-
gaged in. Columbus always directed his proposals to
the king and as yet the queen had taken no official
notice ol them, as she too was heart and soul in the en-
terprise destined to restore Spain wholly to Christian
rule.
The junta before Granada took place towards the
end of 1491, and its decision was such a blow to Colum-
bus that he left the court and wandered away with his
boy. Before leaving, however, he witnessed the fall of
Granada, 2 January, 1492. His intention was to re-
turn to Cordova and then, perhaps, to go to France.
On foot and reduced almost to beggary, he reached
<he Francwnan convent of La Rdmda probalily in
X ^ /
Signature of Columbus
OOLUMBUB
142
OOLUMBUS
January, 1492. The prior was Father Juan Peres, the
confessor of the queen, frequently confounded with
Fray Antonio Marchena by historians of the nine-
teenth century, who also erroneously place the arrival
of Columbus at La Rdbida in the early part of his so-
journ in Spain. Columbus begged the friar who acted
as dooi^keeper to let his tired son rest at the convent
over night. While he was pleading his cause the prior
was standing near by and listening. Something
struck him in the appearance of this man, with a for-
eign accent, who appeared to be superior to his actual
condition. After providing for his immediate wants
Father Pereis took him to his cell, where Columbus
told him all his aspirations and blighted hopes. The
result was that Columbus and his son stayed at the
convent as guests and Father Perez hurried to Santa
F^ near Granada, for the purpose of inducing the
queen to take a personal interest in the proposed
undertaking of the Italian navigator.
the Nifia, both caravels, L e. undecked, with cabins
and forecastles. These three ships carried altogether
120 men. Two seamen of repute, Martin Alonso Pin-
zon and his brother Vicente Yafiez Pinzon, well-to-do-
residents of Palos commanded, the former the Pinta,
the latter the Nifia, and experienced pilots were
placed on both ships. Before leaving, Columbus re-
ceived the Sacraments of Penance and Holy Eucharist,
at the hands (it is stated) of Father Juan Perez, the
officers and crews of the little squadron following his
example. On 3 August, 1 492, the people of Palos with
heavy hearts saw Qiem depart on an expedition re-
garded by many as foolhardy.
Las Casas claims to have used the journal of Colum-
bus's first voysjpe, but he admits that he made an
abridged copy of it. What and how much he left out,
of course^ ia not known. But it is well to bear in mind
that the journal, as published, is not the original in its
entirety. The vessels touched at the Canaries, and
Ths Santa Maria, Nij^a. A2n> Pinta
(Restored from the models in the Marine Museum, Madrid)
Circimist€mces had changed with the fall of Gra-
nada, and the Franciscan's appeal was favourably re-
ceived by Isabella, who, in turn, influenced her nus-
band. Columbus was called to court at once, and
20,000 maravedis were assigned him out of the queen's
private resources that he might appear in proper con-
dition before the monarch. Some historians assert
that Luis de Santangel decided the queen to espouse
the cause of Columbus, but the credit seems rather to
belong to the prior of La Rdbida. The way had been
well prepared by the other steadfast friends of Colum-
bus, not improbably Cardinal Mendoza among others.
At all events negotiations progressed so rapidly that
Ml 17 April the first agreement with the Crown was
signed, and on 30 Apnl the second. Both show an
unwise liberality on the part of the monarchs, who
made the highest office in what was afterwards the
West Indies hereditary in the family of Columbus.
Preparations w^ere immediately begun for the equip-
ment of the expedition. The squadron with wnich
Columbus set out on his first voyage consisted of three
vessels — tlie Santa Maria, completely decked, which
carried the flag of Columbus as admiral, the Pinta, and
then proceeded on the voyage. Conditions were most
favourable. Hardly a wind ruffled the waters of the
ocean. The dramatic incident of the mutiny, in which
the discouragement of the crews is said to have cul-
minated before land was discovered, is a pure inven-
tion. That there was dissatisfaction and grumbling
at the failure to reach land seems to be certain, but no
acts of insubordination are mentioned either by Col-
umbus, his commentator Las Casas, or his son Fer-
nando. Perhaps the most important event during the
voya^ was the observation, 17 September, by Colum-
bus himself, of the declination of tne magnetic needle,
which Las Casas attributes to a motion of the polar
star. T)ie same author intimates that two distinct
journals were kept by the admiral, ''because he al-
ways represented [feigned] to the people that he was
maidng little headway in order that the voyage should
not seem long to them, so that he kept a recora by two
routes, the snorter being the fictitious one, and the
longer the trie one". He must therefore either have
kept two log-books, or he must have made two differ-
ent entries m the same b«ok. At any rate Las Casas
^ms to have had at his conamand both sets of data,
OOLUMBUft
143
OOLUMBUS
since he gives them ahnost from day to day. This
precautionaiy measure indicates that Columbus
teared insubordination and even revolt on the part of
the crews, but there is no evidence that any mutiny
really broke out. Finally, at ten o'clock, p. m., 1 1 Oc-
tober, Columbus himself descried a light which indi-
cated land and was so recognized by the crew of his
vessel. It reappeared several times, and Columbus
felt sure that the shores so eagerly expected were near.
At 2 a. m. on 12 October the land was seen plainly by
one of the Pinta's crew, and in the forenoon Columbus
landed, on what is now called Watling's Island in the
Bahama group, West Indies. The discoverers named
the island San Salvador. The Indians inhabiting it
belonged to the widespread Arawak stock (q. v.) and
are said to have called the island Guanahani. Imme-
diately after landing Columbus took possession of the
island for the Spani3i sovereigns.
The results of the first voyage, aside from the dis-
covery of what the admiral regarded as being ap-
proacnes to India and China, may be summed up as
follows: partial recognition of the Bahamas; the dis-
covery and exploration of a part of Cuba, and the es-
tablishment of a Spani^ settlement on the coast of
what is now the Island of Haiti or Santo Domingo.
Cuba Columbus named Juana, and Santo Domingo,.
Hispaniola.
It was on the northern coast of the large island of
Santo Domingo that Columbus met with the only seri-
ous mishap of his first voyage. Having established
the nucleus of the first permanent Spanish settlement
in the Indies, he left about three score men to hold it.
The vicinity was comparatively well peopled by na-
tives, Arawaks like those of the Bahamas, out slightly
more advanced in culture. A few days previous to the
foundation Martin Alonso Pinzon disappeared with the
caravel Pinta which he conmianded and only rejoined
the admiral on 6 January, 1493, an act, to say the
least, of disobedience, if not of treachery. The first
settlement was officially established on Christmas
Day, 1492, and hence christened "La Navidad". On
the same day the admiral's ship ran aground. It was a .
total loss, and Columbus was reduced for the time be-
ing to the Nina, as the Pinta had temporarily deserted.
Happily the natives were friendly. After ensuring, as
well as he might, the safety of the little colony by the
establishment of friendly relations with the Indians,
Columbus left for Spain, where, after weathering a
frightful storm during which he was again separated
from the Pinta, he arrived at Palos, 15 March, 1493.
From the journal mentioned we also eather (what
is not stated m the letters of Columbus) tnat while on
the northern shores of Santo Domingo (Hispaniola)
the admiral "learned that behind the Island Juana
[Cuba] towards the South, there is another large island
in which there is much more gold. They call that
island Yamaye. . . . And that the island Sspanola or
the other island Yamaye was near the mainland, ten
days distant by canoe, which might be sixty or seventy
leagues, and that tJiere the people were clothed
[dressed]". Yamaye is Jamaica, and the mainland
alluded to as sixty or seventy leagues distant to the
south (by south the west is meant), or 150 to 175 Eng-
lish miles (the league, at that time, being counted at
four mtUas of 3000 Spanish feet), was either Yucatan or
Honduras. Hence the admiral brought the news of
the existence of the American continent to Europe as
early as 1493. That he believed the continent to be
Eastern Asia does not diminish the importance of his
information.
Columbus had been careful to load his ships with all
manner of products of the newly discoverecl countries
and he also took some of the natives. Whether,
among the samples of the vegetable kingdom, tobacco
was included, is not yet satisfactorily aHcortained.
Nor is it certain that, when upon his return he pre-
sented himself to the monarchs at Barcelona, an impos-
ing public demonstration took place in his honour.
That he was received with due distinction at court and
that he displayed the proofs of his discovery can not
be doubted. The best evidence of the high apprecia-
tion of the King and Queen of Spain is the fact, that
the prerogatives granted to him were confirmed, and
eveiything possible was done to enable him to con-
tinue his explorations. The fact that Columbus had
found a country that appeared to be rich in precious
metals was of the utmost importance. Spain was
poor, having been robbed, ages before, of its metallic
wealth by the Romans. As gold was needed the dis-
covery of a new source of that precious metal made a
strong impression on the people of Spain, and a rush to
the new regions was inevitable.
Columbus started on his second voyage to the Indies
from Cadiz, 25 September, 1493, with tnree large ves-
seb and thirteen caravels, carr^'ing in aU about 1500
men. On his first trip he had heard about other,
smaller islands lyin^ some distance south of Hispani-
ola, and said to be inhabited by ferocious tribes who
had the advantage over the Arawaks of being intrepid
seafarers, and who made constant war upon the in^
habitants of the Greater Antilles and the Bahamas,
carrying off women and children into captivity. They
were believed to practise cannibalism. These were
the Caribs (q. v.) and the reports about them were
true, outside of some exaggerations and fables like the
story of the Amazons. Previous to«the arrival of Col-
umbus the Caribs had driven the Arawaks steadily
north, depopulated some of the smaller islands, and
w^ere sorely pressing the people of Hispaniola, parts of
Cuba, Porto Rico, ana even Jamaica. Columbus
wished to learn more about these people. The help-
less condition of the Arawaks made him eager to pro-
tect them against their enemies. The first land
sighted, 3 November, was the island now^ known as
Dominica, and almost at the same time that of Marie
Galante was descried. Geographically the second
voyage resulted in the discovery of the Caribbean Is-
lands (including the French Antilles), Jamaica, and
minor groups. Columbus having obtained conclusive
evidence ot the ferocious customs of the Caribs, re-
garded them as dangerous to the settlements he pro-
posed to make among the Arawaks and as obstacles to
the Christianization and civilization of these Indians.
The latter he intended to make use of as labourers, as
he soon perceived that for some time to come Euro-
pean settlers would be too few in numbers and too
new to the climate to take advantage of the resources
of the island. The Caribs he purposed to convert
eventually, but for the time being they must be con-
sidered as enemies, and according to the customs of
the age, their captors had the right to reduce them to
slavery. The Arawaks were to be treated in a concili-
atory manner, as long as they did not show open hos-
tility. Before long, nowever, there was a change in
these relations.
After a rapid survey of Jamaica, Columbus hastened
to the northern coast of Haiti, where he had planted
the colony of La Navidad. To his surprise the little
fort had disappeared. There were to be seen only
smouldering rums and some corpses which were identi-
fied as Spanish. The natives, previously so friendly,
were shy, and upon being questioned were either mute
or contradictory in their replies. It was finally ascer-
tained that another tribe, living farther inland and
hostile to those on the coast, haafallen upon the fort,
killed most of the inmates, and burnt the buildings.
Those who escaped had perished in their flight. But
it also transi^ired that the coast-people themselves had
taken part in the massacre. Columbus, while out-
wardly on good terms "with them, was on his guard
and, in consequence of the aversion of his peojile to a
site where only disaster had befallen them, moved
some distance farther east and established on the coast
the larger settlement of Isabella, This stood ten
OOLUMBUfi
144
OOLUMBUS
leagues to the east of Cape Monte Cristo, where the
ruins are still to be seen.
The existence of gold on Haiti having been amply
demonstrated on the first voyage, Columbus inaugu-
rated a diligent search for places where it might be
found. The gold trinkets worn by the Indians were
washings or placereSy but mention is also made, on the
first voyage, of quartz rock containing the precious
metal. But it is likely that the yellow mineral was
iron pyrites, probably gold-bearing but, in the back-
ward state of metallurgy, worthless at the time. Soon
after the settlement was made at Isabella the colonists
began to complain that the mineral wealth of the
newly discovered lands had been vastly exaggerated
and one, who accompanied the expedition as expert in
metallurgy, claimed that the larger nuggets held by
the natives had been accumulated in the course of a
long period of time. This very sensible supposition
was unjustly criticized by Irvmg, for since Irving's
time it has been clearly proved that pieces of metal of
unusual size and shape were often kept for generations
by the Indians as fetishes.
A more important factor which disturbed the Span-
iards was the unhealthiness of the climate. The set-
tlers had to go through the slow and often fatal pro-
cess of acclimatization. Columbus himself suffered
considerably from ill-health. Again, the island was
not well provided with food suitable for the newcomers.
The population, nbtwithstanding the exaggerations of
*^.,... -f* Las Uasas and
■"'''' ' -'^^^=^^- ""^ others, was sparse.
Isabella with its
fifteen hundred
Spanish immi-
grants was certain-
ty the most popu-
lous settlement. At
first there was no
clash with the na-
tives, but parties
sent by Colvunbus
into the interior
came in contact
with hostile tribes.
For the protection
of the colonists
Columbus built in
the interior a little
fort called Santo
Tomds. He also sent West Indian products and some
Carib prisoners back to Spain in a vessel under the
command of Antonio de Torres. Columbus suggested
that the Caribs be sold as slaves in order that they
might be instructed in the Christian Faith. This sug-
gestion was not adopted by the Spanish monarchs,
and the prisoners were treated as kindly in Spain as
the friendly Arawaks who had been sent over.
The condition of affairs on Hispaniola (Haiti) was
not promising. At Isabella and on the coast there
was grumbling against the admiral, in which the Bene-
dictine Father Buil (Boil) and the other priests joined,
or which, at least, they did not discourage. In the in-
terior there was trouble with the natives. The com-
mander at Santo Tomds, Pedro Margarite, is usually ac-
cused of cruelty to the Indians, but Columbus himself
in his Memorial of 30 January, 1494, commends the
conduct of that oflicer. However, he had to send him
reinforcements, which were commanded by Alonzo de
Ojeda.
Anxiously following up his theory that the newly
discovered islands were but outlying posts of Eastern
Asia and that further explorations would soon lead
him to the coast of China or to the Moluccas, Colum-
bus, notwithstanding the precarious condition of the
colony, left it in charge of his brother Diego and four
counsellors (one of whom was Father Buil), and with
three vessels set sail towards Cuba. During his ab-
The Landing of Ck>LUicBT7S
(Wood-4ngrsvin|E, printed at Florence,
1493. Origmafin British Museum)
sence of five months he explored parts of Cuba, discov-
ered the Isle of Pines and several ^ups of smaller
islands, and made the circuit of Jamaica, landing there
almost every day. When he returned to Isabdla (29
September, 1494), he was dangerously ill and in a stu-
por. Meanwhile his brother Bartholomew had ar-
rived from Spain with a small squadron and supplies.
He proved a welcome auxiliary to the weak Diego, but
could not prevent serious trouble. Margarite, an-
gered by interference with his administration in ^e in-
terior, returned to the coast, and there was joined by
Father Buil and other malcontents. They seized the
three caravels that had arrived under the command of
Bartholomew Columbus, and set sail in them for Spain
to lay before the Government what they considered
their grievances against Columbus and his administra-
tion.
That there was cause for complaint there seems to
be no doubt, but it is almost impossible now to detei^
mine who was most at fault, Coliunbus or his accusers.
He was certainly not as able an administrator as he
was a navigator. Still, taking into consideration the
difficulties, the novelty of the conditions, and the class
of men Columbus had to handle, and placing over
against this what he had already achieved on Haiti,
there is not so much ground for criticism. The
charges of cruelty towards the natives are based upon
rather suspicious authority, Las Casas being the prin-
cipal source. There were errors and misdeeds on both
sides, which, however, might not have brought about
a crisis had not disappointment angered the settlers,
who had based their expectations on the glowing re-
ports of Columbus himself, and disposed tnem to at-
tribute all their troubles to their opponents.
Before the return of Columbus to Isabella, Ojeda had
repulsed an attempt of the natives to surprise Santo
Tom^. Thereupon the Indians of various tribes of
the interior now formed a confederation and threat-
ened Isabella. Columbus, however, on his return,
with the aid of fire-arms, sixteen horses, and about
twenty blood-hounds easily broke up the Indian league.
Ojeda captured the leader, and the policy of kindness
hitherto pursued towards the natives was replaced by
repression and chastisement. According to the cus-
toms of the times the prisoners of war were r^arded as
rebels, reduced to slavery, and five hundred of them
were sent to Spain to be sold. It is certain that the
condition of the Indians became much worse there-
after, that they were forced into unaccustomed la-
bours, and that their numbers began to diminish rap-
idly. That these harsh measures were authorized by
Columbus there can be no doubt.
While the Spanish monarchs in their dispatches to
Coliunbus continued to show the same confidence and
friendliness they could not help hearing the accusa-
tions made against him by Fatner Buil, Pedro Mar-
garite, and the other malcontents, upon their return
to Spain. It was clear that there were two factions
among the Spaniards in Haiti, one headed by the ad-
miral, the other composed of perhaps a majonty of the
settlers including ecclesiastics. Still the monarchs en-
joined the colonists by letter to obey Colmnbus in
everything and confirmed his authority and privileges.
The incriminations, however, continued, and charges
were made of nepotism and spoliation of royal revenue.
There was probably some foundation for Uiese charges,
though also much wilful misrepresentation. Unable
to ascertain the true condition of affairs, the sovereign
finally decided to send to the Indies a special commis-
sioner to investigate and report. Their choice fell
upon Juan de Aguado who had gone with Columbus on
his first voyage and with whom he always had been on
friendly terms. Aeuado arrived at Isabella in Octo-
ber, 1495, while Columbus was absent on a journey of
exploration across the island. No clash appears to
have occurred between Aguado and Bartholomew Col-
umbus, who was in charge of the colony during his
SOME PORTRAITS OF COLUMBUS
NAVAL MUSEUM, MADRID (PAINTER UNKNOWN THE CEVASCO PORTRAIT, GENOA
SEVILLE, 1504)
MADRID, THE KING's LIBRARY (aNTONIO DEL UFFIZI G \LLERY. FLORENCE
rincon)
THE SO-CALLED " DE ERY" PORTRAIT (VERSAILLES) MARBLE BUST. PINACOTHECA, ROME
OOLUMBXTSn
145
OOLUMBtrS
brother's abeence, much less with the admiral himself
u{)on the latter's retmn. Soon after, reports of im-
portant gold dkcoveries came from a remote quarter
of the island accompanied bv specimens. The arrival
of Aguado convinced CoIimiDus of the necessity for his
appearance in Spain and that new discoveries of gold
would strengthen his position there. So he fitted out
two ships, one for himself and one for A^ado, placing
in them two hundred dissatisfied colonists, a captive
Indian chief (who died on the voyage), and thirty In-
dian prisoners, and set sail for Spain on 10 March,
1496, leaving his brother Bartholomew at Isabella as
temporary governor. As intercourse between Spain
and the Indies was now carried on at almost regular in-
tervals Bartholomew was in communication with the
mother country and was at least tacitly recognized as
his brother's substitute in the government of the In-
dies. Columbus reached Cadiz 11 June, 1496.
The story of his landing is quite dramatic. He is re-
ported to have gone ashore, clothed in the Franciscan
garb, and to have manifested a dejection which was
wholly uncalled for. His health, it is true, was greatly
impaired, and his companions bore the marks of great
physical suffering. The impression created by their
appearance was of course not favourable and tended to
confirm the reports of the opponents of Columbus
about the nature of the new country. This, as well as
the disappointizig results of the search for precious
metals, aid not rail to have its influence. The mon-
archs saw that the first enthusiastic reports had been
exaggerated and that the enterprise while possibly
lucrative in the end, would entau large expenditures
for some time to come. Bishop Fonseca, who was at
the head of colonial affairs, urged that great caution
should be exercised. What was imputed to Bishop
Fonseca as jealousy was only the sincere desire of an
honest functionary to guard the interests of the Crown
without blocking the way of an enthusiastic but some-
what visionary genius who had been unsuccessful as an
administrator. Later expressions ( 1 506) of Columbus
indicate that his personal relations to Fonseca were at
the time far from unfriendly. But the fact that Col-
umbus had proposed the enslaving of American na-
tives and actually sent a number of them over to Spain
had alienated the sympathy of the queen to a certain
d^ree, and thus weakened his position at court.
Nevertheless, it was not difficult for Coliunbus to or-
ganize a third expedition. Columbus started on his
third V(mige from Seville \rtth six vessels on 30 May,
1498. He directed his course more southward than
before, owing to reports of a great land lying west and
south of the Antilles and his belief that it was the con-
tinent of Asia. He touched at the Island of Madeira,
and later at Gomera, one of the Canary Islands (q. v.);
whence he sent to Haiti three vessels. Sailing south-
ward, he went to the Cape Verde Islands and, turning
tli»»nce almost due west, arrived on 31 July, 1498, in
sight of what is now the Island of Trinidad which was
so named by him. Opposite, on the other side of a
turbulent channel, lay the lowlands of north-eastern
South America. Alarmed by the turmoil caused by
the meeting of the waters of the Orinoco (which emp-
ties through several channels into the Atlantic oppo-
site Trinidad) with the Guiana current, Columous
kept close to the southern shore of Trinidad as far as
its south-western extremity, where he found the water
still more turbulent. He therefore gave that place
the name of Boca del Drago, or Dragon's Mouth. Be-
fore venturing into the seething waters Columbus
crossed over to the mainland and cast anchor. He
was under the impression that this was an island, but a
vast stream of fresh water gave evidence of a conti-
nent. Columbus landed, he and his crew being thus
^e first Europeans to set foot on South American soil.
The natives were friendly and gladly exchanged pearls
for European trinkets. This discovery of pearls in
American waters was important and very welcome.
IV.— 10
A few days later the admiral, settine sail again, was
borne by the currents safely to the Island ofMargar-
ita, where he found the natives fishing for pearls, of
which he obtained three bags by barter.
Some of the letters of Columbus concerning his third
voyage are written in a tone of despondency. Owing
to nis physical condition, he viewed things with a dis^
content far from justifiable. And, as already said, bis
views of the geographical situation were somewhat
fanciful. The ereat outpour opposite Trinidad he
justly attributed to the emptying of a mighty river
coming from the west, a river, so large that only a con^
tinent could afford it space. In this he was right, but
in his eyes that continent was Asia, and the sources of
that river must be on the highest point of the ^obe«
He was confirmed in this idea by his belief that Trini-
dad was nearer the Eauator than it actually is and
that near the Equator the highest land on earth should
be found. He thought also that the sources of the
Orinoco lay in the Earthly Paradise and that the great
river was one of the four streams that according to
Scripture flowed from the Garden of Eden. He had
no accurate knowledge of the form of the earth, and
conjectured that it was pear-shaped.
Chi 15 August, fearing a lack of supplies, and suffer
ing severely from what his biographers call gout and
from impaired eyesight, he left his new discoveries and
steered for Haiti. On 19 August he sighted that is-
land some distance west of where the present capital of
the Republic of Santo Domingo now stands. During
his absence his brother Bartholomew had abandoned
Isabella and established his head-quarters at Santo
Domingo so called after his father Domenico. During
the absence of Columbus events on Haiti had been far
from satisfactory. His brother Bartholomew, who
was then known as the adelantado, had to cont^end
with several Indian outbreaks, which he subdued
partly by force, partly by wise temporizing. These
outbreaks were, at least in part, due to a chan^ in the
class of settlers by whom the colony was reinforced.
The results of the first settlement far from justified the
buoyant hopes based on the exaggerated reports of the
first voyage, and the pendulum of public opinion
swun^ back to the opposite extreme. The clamour of
opposition to Columbus in the colonies and the dis-
couraging reports greatly increased in Spain the
disappointment with the new territorial acquisitions.
That the climate was not healthful seemed proved by
the appearance of Columbus and his companions on
his return from the second voyage. Hence no one
was willing to go to the newly discovered country, and
convicts, suspects, and doubtful characters in general
who were glad to escape the regulations of justice were
the only reinforcements that could be obtained for the
colony on Hispaniola. As a result there were con-
flicts with the aborigines, sedition in the colony, and
finally open rebellion against the authority of the ade-
lantado and his brother Die^. Columbus and his
brothers were Italians, and this fact told against them
among the malcontents and lower officials, but that it
influenced the monarchs and the court authorities is a
gratuitous charge.
As long as they had not a common leader Bartholo-
mew had little to fear from the malcontents, who sepa-
rated from the rest of the colony, and formed a settle-
ment apart. They abused the Indians, thus causing
almost uninterrupted trouble. However, they soon
found a leader in the person of one Roldan, to whom
the admiral had entrusted a prominent office in the
colony. There must have been some cause for com-
plaint against the government of Bartholomew and
Diego, else Roldan could not have so increased the
number of his followers as to make himself fonnidabl*
to the brothers, undermining their authority at their
own head-quarters and even among the garrison of
Santo Domingo. Bartholomew was forced to com-
promise on unfavourable terms. So, when tha ad-
OOLUMBUS
146
OOLUMBUS
miral arrived from Spain he found the Spanish settlers
on Haiti divided into two camps, the stronger of
which, headed by Roldan, was hostile to his authority.
That Koldan was an utterly unprincipled man, but
energetic and above all, shrewd and artful, appears
from the following incident. Soon after the amval of
Columbus the three caravels he had sent from Gomera
with stores and ammunition struck the Haitian coast
where Roldan had established himself. The latter
represented to the commanders of the vessels that he
was there by Columbus's authority and easily obtained
from them military stores as well as reinforcements in
men. On their arrival shortly afterwards at Santo
Domingo the caravels were sent back to Spain by Col-
umbus. Alarmed at the condition of anairs and his
own impotence, he informed the monarchs of his criti-
cal situation and asked for immediate help. Then he
entered into negotiations with Roldan. The latter
not only held fim control in the settlement which he
commanded, but had the sympathy of most of themili-
Vessel on Dry Dock
(End of fifteenth century)
tary garrisons that Columbus and his brothers relied
upon as well as of the majority of the colonists. How
Columbus and his brother could have made them-
selves so unpopular is explained in various ways.
There was certainly much unjustifiable ill will against
t^em, but there was also legitimate cause for discon-
tent, which was adroitly exploited by Roldan and his
followers.
Seeing himself almost powerless against his oppo-
nents on the island, the admiral stooped to a compro-
mise. Roldan finally imposed his own conditions.
He was reinstated in his office and all offenders were
pardoned; and a number of them returned to Santo
Dominffo. Columbus also freed manv of the Indian
tribes m>m tribute, but in order still further to ap-
pease the former mutineers, he instituted the system
of repartimienloSy by which not only grants of land were
made to the whites, but the Indians holding these lands
or living on them were made perpetual serfs to the
new owners, and full jurisdiction over life and prop-
erty of these Indians became vested in the white set-
tlers. This measure had the most disastrous effect on
the aborigines, and Columbus has been severely blamed
for it, but he was then in such straits that he had to go
to any extreme to pacify his opponents until assistance
could reach him from Spain. By the middle of the
year 1500 peace apparently reigned again in the col-
ony, though largely at the expense of tne prestige and
authority of Columbus.
Meanwhile reports and accusations had reached the
court of Spain from both parties in Haiti. It became
constantly more evident that Columbus was no longer
master of the situation in the Indies, and that some
steps' were necessary to save the situation. It might
be said that the Court had merely to support Colitm-
bus whether right or wrong. But the West Indian
colony had grown, and its settlers had their connex-
ions and supporters in Spain, who claimed some atten-
tion and prudent consideration. The clergy wlio were
familiar with the circumstances through personal eX'
perience for the most part disapproved of the manage-
ment of affairs by Columbus ana his brothers. Queen
Isabella's irritation at the sending of Indian captives
for sale as slaves had by this time been allayed by a
reminder of the custom tnen in vo^ue of enslaving cap-
tive rebels or prisoners of war addicted to speciaSy in-
human customs, as was the case with the Csjibs.
Anxious to be just, the monarchs decided upon send-
ing to Haiti an officer to investigate and to punish all
offenders. This visUador was invested with full pow-
ers, and was to have the same authority as the monarchs
themselves for the time being, superaeding Columbus
himself, though the latter was Viceroy of the Indies.
The visita was a mode of procedure employed by the
Spanish monarchs for the adjustment of critical mat-
ters, chiefly in the colonies. The visitador was selected
irrespective of rank or office, solely from the standpoint
of fitness, and not infrequently his mission was kept
secret from the viceroy or other high official whose con-
duct he was sent to investigate ; there are indications
that sometimes he had summary power over life and
death. A visita was a much dreaded measure, and for
very good reasons.
Tne investigation in the West Indies was not called
a visita at the time, but such it was in fact. The visi-
tador chosen was Francisco de Bobadilla, of whom both
Las Casas and Oviedo (friends and admirers of Colum-
bus) speak in favourable terms. His instructions
were, as his office required, general, and his faculties, of
course, discretionary ; there is no need of supposing se-
cret orders inimical to Columbus to explain what after-
wards happened. The admiral was directed, in a letter
addressee to him and entrusted to Bobadilla, to turn
over to the latter, at least temporarily, the forts and all
public property on the island. No blame can be at-
tached to the monarchs for this measure. After an ex-
perimei\^ of five years the administrative capacity of
Columbus had failed to prove satisfactory. Yet, the
vice-regal power had been vested in him as an hereditary
right. To continue adhering to that clause of the ori-
ginal contract was irnpracticable, since the colony re-
fused to pay heed to Columbus and his orders. Hence
the suspension of the viceregal authority of Columbus
was Indefinitely prolonged, so that the office was re-
duced to a mere title and finally fell into disuse. The
curtailment of revenue resulting from it was compara-
tively small, as all the emoluments proceeding from
his other titles and prerogatives were left untouched.
The tale of his being reduced to indigence is a baseless
fabrication.
A man suddenly clothed with unusual and discre-
tionary faculties is liable to be led astray by unex-
pectea circumstances and tempted to ^o to extremes.
Bobadilla had a right to expect implicit obedience to
royal orders on the part of all and, above all, from Col-
umbus as the chief servant of the Crown. When on 24
August, 1500, Bobadilla landed at Santo Doming^ and
demanded of Diego Columbus compliance wiui the
royal orders, the latter declined to obey until directed
by the admiral who was then absent. Bobadilla, pos-
sibly predisposed asainst Columbus and his brotners
by the reports of others and by the sight of the bodies
of Spaniards dangling from gibbets in full view of the
port, considered the refusal of Diego as an act of direct
insubordination. The action of Diego was certainly
unwise and gave colour to an assumption that Colum-
bus and his orothers considered themselves masters of
the country. This Implied rebelUon and furnished a
pretext to Bobadilla for measures unjustifiably harsh.
As visitador he had absolute authority to do as he
thought best, especially against the rebels, of whom
Columbus appeared in his eyes as the chief.
Within a few days after the landing of Bobadilla,
Diego and Bartholomew Columbus were imprisoned
and put in irons. The admiral himself, who returned
with the greatest possible speed, shared their fate.
COLUMBUS
147
OQLUMBUS
The three brothers were separated and kept m close
confinement, but they could hear from their cells the
imprecations of the i)eople against their rule. Boba-
dilla charged them with being rebeUious subjects and
seized their private property to pay their personal
debts. He liberated prisoners, reduced or aoolished
imposts, in short did all he could to place the new order
of things in favourable contrast to the previous man-
agement. No explanation was offered to Columbus
for the harsh treatment to which he was subiected, for
a visitador had only to render account to the king or
according to his special orders. Early in October,
1500, the three brothers, still in fetters, were placed on
board ship, and sent to Spain, arriving at Cadiz at the
end of tne month. Their treatment while aboard
seems to have been considerate; Villejo, the comman-
der, offered to remove the manacles from Columbus's
hands and reUeve him from the chains, an offer, how-
ever, which Columbus refused to accept. It seems,
nevertheless, that he did not remain manacled, else he
could not have written the long and piteous letter to
the nurse of Prince Juan, recounting his misfortunes
on the vessel. He dispatched this letter to the court
at Granada before the reports of Bobadilla were sent.
The news of the arrival of Columbus as a prisoner
was received with unfeigned indignation by tne mon-
archs, who ssiw that their agent BobadiUa had abused
the trust placed in him. The people also saw the injus-
tice, and everything was done to relieve Columbus from
his humiliating condition and assure him of the royal
favour, that is, everything except to reinstate him as
Governor of ^e Indies. This fact is mainlv responsi-
ble for the accusation of duplicity and treachery which
is made against King Ferdinand. Critics overlook the
fact that m addition to the reasons alreadv mentioned
no new colonists could be obtained from Spain, if Col-
umbus were to continue in office, and that the expedi-
ent of sending convicts to Haiti had failed disastrously.
Moreover, the removal of Columbus was practicaUv im-
plied in the instructions and powers given to Boba-
dilla, and the conduct of the aomiral dunne Aguado's
mission left no room for doubt that he would submit to
the second investigation. He would have done so, but
Bobadilla, anxious to make a display and angered at
the delay of Diego Columbus, exceeded the spirit of his
instructions, expecting thereby to rise in royal as well
as in popular favour.
In r^ard to the former he soon found out his mis-
take. His successor in the governorship of Haiti was
soon appointed in the person of Nicolas de Ovando.
Bobadula was condemned to restore to Columbus the
Erty he had sequestered, and was recalled. The
t fleet sent to the Indies up to that time sailed
Ovando on 13 February, 1502. It is not withr
out significance that 2500 people, some of high rank,
flockeid to the vessels that were to transport the new
governor to the Indies. This shows that with the
change in l^e administration of the colony faith in its
future was restored among the Spanish people.
By this time the mental condition of Columbus had
become greatly impaired. While at court for ei^teen
months vainly attempting to obtain his restoration to
a position for which ne was becoming more and more
unfitted, he was planning new schemes. Convinced
that his third voyage had brought him nearer to Asia, he
proposed to the monarchs a project to recover the Holy
Sepulchre by the western route, that would have led
him across South America to the Pacific Ocean. He
fancied that the lai^ge river he had discovered west of
'I^rinidad flowed in a direction opposite to its real
course, and thought ^at by following it he could reach
the Red Sea andwence cross over U) Jerusalem. So
preoccupied was he with these ideas that he made ar-
I'&Deements for depositing part of his revenue with the
t'&QK of Genoa to be used m the reconquest of the Holv
I^&nd. This alone disposes of the allegation that Col-
* as left without resources after his liberation
from captivity. He was enabled to maintain a posi-
tion at court corresponding to his exalted rank, and
favours and privileges were bestowed on both of his
sons. The project of testing the views of Columbus in
regard to direct communication with Asia was seri-
ously considered, and finally a fourth voyage of ex-
ploration at the expense of the Spanish Government
was conceded to Columbus. That there were some
misgiving in regard to his physical and mental condi-
tion is intimatedfby the fact that he was given as com-
§ anions his brother Bartholomew, who had great in-
uence with him, and his favourite son Fernando.
Four vessels carrying, besides these three and a repre-
sentative of the Crown to receive any treasure that
might be found, about 150 men, set sail from San
Lucar early in May, 1502. Columbus was enjoined
not to stop at Haiti, a wise measure, for had the ad-
miral landed there so soon after the arrival of Ovando,
there would have been danger of new disturbances.
OcBjQ} Boat, End op Fifteenth Century
(Contemporaneous wood-engraving)
Disobeving these instructions, Columbus attempted to
enter tne port of Santo Domingo, but was refused ad-
mission. He gave proof of his Knowledge and experi-
ence as a mariner by warning Ovando ofan approach-
ing hurricane, but was not listened to. He nimself
sheltered his vessels at some distance from the har-
bour. The punishment for disregarding the friendly
warning came swiftly; the large fleet which had
brought Ovando over was, on sauing for Spain, over-
taken by the tempest, and twenty ships were lost, with
them Bobadilla, Roldan, and the cold destined for the
Crown. The admiral's share in the gold obtained on
Haiti, four thousand pieces directly sent to him by his
representative on the island, was not lost, and on be-
ing delivered in Spain, was not confiscated. Hence it
is difficult to see how Columbus could have been in
need during the last years of his life.
The vessels of Columbus having suffered compara,-
tively Httle from the tempest, he left the coast of Haiti
in July, 1502, and was carried by wind and current to
the coast of Honduras. From 30 July, 1502, to the
end of the following April he coasted Central America
beyond Colon to Cape Tiburon on the South American
Continent. On his frequent landings he found traces
of gold, heard reports of more civilized tribes of na-
tives farther inland, and persistent statements about
another ocean lying west and south of the land he was
coasting, the latter being represented to him as a nar-
row strip dividing two vast seas. The mental condi-
OOLUMBtTS
148
OOLtTMBirS
tion of Columbus, coupled with his physical disabili-
ties, prevented him from interpreting these important
indications otherwise than as confirmations of his
vague theories and fatal visions. Instead of sending
an exploring party across the isthmus to satisfy him-
self oi the truth of these reports, he accepted this tes-
timony to the existence of a sea beyond, which he
firmly believed to be the Indian Ocean, basing his con-
fidence on a dream in which he had seen a strait he
supposed to be the Strait of Malacca. As his crews
were exasperated by the hardships and deceptions, his
ships worm-eaten, and he himself emaciated, he
turned back towards Haiti with what he thought to be
Monument to Columbus. Genoa (Canuo. 1862).
the tidings of a near approach to the Asiatic continent.
It had been a disastrous voyage; violent storms con-
tinuously harassed the little sauadron, two ships had
been lost, and the treasure obtained far from com-
pensated for the toil and suffering endured. This was
all the more exasperating when it became evident that
a much richer reward could be obtained by penetrating
inland, to which, however, Columbus would not or
perhaps could not consent.
On 23 June, 1503, Colimibus and his men, crowded
on two almost sinking caravels, finally landed on the
inhospitable coast of Jamaica. After dismantling his
useless craft, and using the material for temporary
shelter, he sent a boat to Haiti to ask for assistance
and to dispatch thence to Spain a vessel with ajpitifid
letter ^vmg a fantastic accoimt of his sufferings
which m itself cave evidence of an over-excited and
disordered mind.
Ovando to whom Columbus's request for help was
delivered at Jaragua (Haiti) cannot be acquitted of
imjustifiable delay in sending assistance to the ship-
wrecked and forsaken admiral. There is no founda-
tion for assimiing that he acted mider the orders or in
accordance with the wishes of the sovereigns. Colum-
bus had become useless, the colonists in Haiti would
not tolerate his presence there. The only practical
course was to take him back to Spain directly and re-
move him forever from the lands the discovery of
which had made him immortal. In spite of his man^
sufferings, Columbus was not utterly helpless. His
greatest trouble came from the mutinous spirit of his
men who roamed about, plundering and maltreating
the natives, who, in consequence, became hostile and
refused to furnish supplies. An eclipse of the moon
predicted by Columbus finally brought them to terms
and thus prevented starvation. Ovando, though in-
formed of the admirars critical condition, did nothing
for his relief except to permit Columbus's representa-
tive in Haiti to fit out a caravel with stores at the ad-
miral's expense and send it to Jamaica; but even this
tardy relief did not reach Columbus until June, 1504.
He also permitted Mendez, who had been the chief
messenger of Columbus to Haiti, to take passage for
Spain, where he was to inform the sovereignis of the ad-
miral's forlorn condition. There seems to be no ex-
cuse for the conduct of Ovando on this occasion. The
relief expedition finally organized in Haiti, after a
tedious and somewhat dangerous voyage, landed the
admiral and his companions in Spam, 7 November,
1504.
A few weeks later Queen Isabella died, and grave
difficulties beset the king. Columbus, now in very
feeble health, remained at Seville until May, 1505,
when he was at last able to attend court at Valladolid.
His reception by the kin^ was decorous, but without
warmth. His importunities to be restored to his posi-
tion as governor were put off with future promises of
redress, but no immediate steps were taken. The
story of the utter destitution in which the admiral is
said to have died is one of the many legends with which
his biography has been distorted. Columbus is said to
have b^n buried at Valladolid. His son Diego is au-
thority for the statement that his remains were buried in
the Carthusian Convent of Las Cuevas, Seville, within
three years after his death. According to the records
of the convent, the remains were given up for trans-
portation to Haiti in 1536, though other documents
place this event in 1537. It is conjectured, however,
that the removal did not take place till 1541, when the
cathedral of Santo Doming was completed, though
there are no records of this entombment. When, m
1795, Haiti passed imder French control, Spanish au-
thorities removed the supposed remains of Columbus
to Havana. On the occupation of Cuba by the United
States they were once more removed to Seville (1898).
Columbus was unquestionably a man of genius. He
was a bold, skilful navigator, better acquainted with
the principles of cosmography and astronomy than the
average skipper of his time, a man of original ideas,
fertile in his plans, and persistent in carrying them
into execution. The impression he made on those
with whom he came in contact even in the days of his
poverty, such as Fray Juan Perez, the treasurer Luis
de Santangel, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and Queen
Isabella herself, shows that he had great powers of
girsuasion and was possessed of personal magnetism,
is success in overcoming the obstacles to his expedi-
tions and surmounting the difficulties of his voyages
exhibit him as a man of unusual resources and of un-
flinching determination. Columbus was also of a
deeply religious nature. Whatever influence scientific
theories and the ambition for fame and wealth may
have had over him, in advocating his enterprise he
never failed to insist on the conversion of the pagan
peoples that he would discover as one of the primary
objects of his undertaking. Even when clouds had
settled over his career, after his return as a prisoner
from the lands he had discovered, he was ready to de-
vote all his possessions and the remaining years of his
life to set sail again for the purpose of rescuing Christ's
Sepulchre from the hands of the infidel.
OOLUMBUS
149
OOLUMBUS
Other members of the Columbus family also ac-
quired fame: —
Diego, the first son of Christopher and heir to his
titles and prerogatives, was b. at Lisbon, 1476, and d.
at Montalvan, near Toledo, 23 February, 1526. He
was made a page to Queen Isabella in 1492, and re-
mained at court until 1508. Having obtained confir-
mation of t^e privileges originally conceded to his
father (the title of viceroy of the newly discovered
countries excepted) he went to Santo Domingo in
1509 as Admiral of the Indies and Governor of Hispani-
oLa. The authority of Diego Velazquez as governor,
however, had become too firmly established, and
Diego was met by open and secret opposition, especi-
ally from the royal Audienda. Visiting Spain in 1520
he was favourably received and new honours bestowed
upon him. However, in 1523, he had to return again
to Spain to answer charges against him. The re-
mainder of his life was taken up by the suit of the heirs
of Columbus against the royal treasury, a memorable
legal contest only terminated in 1564. Di^o seems to
have been a man of no extraordinary attainments, but
of considerable tenacity of character.
Ferdinand, better known as Fernando Colon,
second son of Christopher, by Dofia Beatrix Enriquez,
a lady of a noble family of Cordova in Spain, was
b. at Cordova, 15 August, 1488; d. at Seville,
12 July, 1539. As he was naturally far more
gifted than his half-brother Diego, he was a fa-
vourite with his father, whom he accompanied on
the last voya^. As early as 1498 Queen Isabella
had made him one of her pages and Columbus
in his will (1505) left him an ample income, which
was subs«iuently increased by royal grants. Fer-
nando had decided literary tastes and wrote well in
Spanish. While it is stated that he wrote a history of
the West Indies, there are now extant only two works
by him : ** De8cripci6n y cosmograf f a de Espaiia ' ', a de-
tailed eeo^phical itinerary begun in 1517, published
at Madrid in the " Boletin de la Real Sociedad geogr^
fica" (1906-07) ; and the life of the admiral, his father,
written about 1534, the Spanish original of which has
been lost. It was published in an Italian translation
by Ulloa in 1571 as '* Vita dell' ammiraglio", and re-
translated into Spanish by Barcia, '^Historiadores
primitivos de Indias'' (Madrid, 1749). As mieht be
expected this biography is sometimes partial, tnoush
Fernando often sides with the Spaiush monarchs
agunst his father. Of the highest value is the report
by Fray Roman Pane on the customs of the Haitian
Indians which is incorporated into the text. (See
Ar A WAKs. ) Fernando left to the cathedral chapter of
Seville a Ubrary of 20,000 volumes, a part of which still
exists and is known as the Biblioteca Colombina.
Bartholomew, elder brother of Christopher, b. pos-
sibly in 1445at Genoa; d. at Santo Domingo, May, 1515.
Like Christopher he became a seafarer at an early age.
After his attempts to interest the Kings of France and
England in his brother's projects, his life was bound
up with that of his brother. It was during his time
that bloodhounds were introduced into the West In-
des. He was a man of great energy and some military
talent, uid during Christopher's last voyage took the
leadership at critical moments. After 1506 he prob-
ably went to Rome and in 1509 bade to the West In-
dies with his nephew Diego.
DiEOo, younger brother of Christopher and his
companion on the second voyage, b. probably at
Genoa; d. at Santo Domingo after 1509. After his
release from chains in Spain (1500) he became a
priest and returned to the West Indies in 1509.
Tbe tract of CHBisTonnBR Columbus. Dt prima in mari
Indico lustraiione, waa publiahed with the Bellum ChruUianorum
prindpum of Robert. Abbot of SAiNT-RiMi (Basle, 1533). —
CodioedijAtrnMHcO'Calombo- Americano, OMta Racedta di docu-
meTiH rpeUanH a Cr. Col., etc. (Genoa, 1823); Anon., Cr. Col.
otiilato dei minority nella aeoperia del nuovo mcndo (Genoa,
1848); Sanottinbtti, Vita di Colombo (Genoa. 1846); Boasi,
Yitadi Cr.Col. (Milan, 1818); Qpotorso, Delia origine e deUa
patria di Cr. Col. (Genoa, 1819): NAVAiiiwrrK. Cohccum de Ina
viajea V deicubrimdenlos . . . desde fines del »iglo X V (Madrid,
1825), I, II: Avbzac-Macaya, Annie veritable de la naisionoe
de Chr. Col. (Paris, 1873); Rosblly de Lorgnes. Vie et
voyage* de Chr. Col. (Paris, 1861). from which was compiled
by Ba&bt, Life of Chr. Col. (New York, 1869); Rosexxy ob
LoRG^fEs, Satan contre Chr. Col. (Genoa, 1846); Columbus,
Ferdinand, French tr. by MttLLER, Hist, de la vie et dea dicow
vertes de Chr. Col. (Paris, s. d.); Major (tr.), Seleet Letters of
Chr. Col. (London, 1847 and 1870); Habribbb, Fernando Col&n
historiador de eu padre (Seville, 1871); Vignaud, La maiaon
d^Alba et lea ardiivea colomlnennea (Paris, 1904); Uhagon, La
Patria de Coldn aegun loa documentca de las ordenea mUitarea
(Madrid, 1892); Uuello in Congresao aeografico italiano: Atti
for April, 1901, Tosoanelli, Colombo e Veamicci (Milan. 1902);
WiNsoR, Christopher Columbus (Boston, 1891); Adams, Christo-
pher Columbus, in Makers of America (New York, 1892); Duro,
Coldn V la Hiatoria Pdatuma (Madrid, 1885) ; ThachBr, Chria-
topher Cciumbua: Hia Life, Hia Work, His Remaina (3 vols.,
New York, 1903-1904) : Irving, Life and Voyagea of Christo-
pher Columbus C3 vols., New York, 1868) ; Peter Martyr, De
arbe naoo (Aleali, 1530) : Las Casas, Historia de las Indiaa in
DocumerUos para la historia de Espaiia; Oviedo, HvA. general
(Madrid, 1850). The last three authors had personal inter-
eourse with Columbus, and their works are the chief source of
information eonoeminc him. Clarke. Christopher Columbus
in The Am. Cath. Quart. Rev. (1892) • Shea. Columbua, This Cen-
tury* a Estimate of His Life and Work (ibid.) ; U. S. Cath. Hist.
Soc., The Cosmographim Jntroductio of Martin WaldseemiUler
(New York. 1908!i. ^^ p Bandelieb.
Oolumbus I Diocese of. — ^The Diocese of Columbus
comprises that part of the State of Ohio, south of 40
degrees and 41 minutes, lying between the Ohio River
on the east and the Scioto River on the west, and also
the Counties of Delaware, FrankUn, and Morrow,
twenty-nine counties of the eighty-eight into which
the State of Ohio is divided; it contains 13,685 square
miles. This portion of the State belonged originally
to the Diocese of Cincinnati, and was recommended
to Rome for erection as a see by the Fathers of the
Second Plenary Council, of Baltimore, held in 1866.
It was not until 3 March, 1868, that the official docu-
ments were issued erecting the diocese and naming as
its first bishop Svlvester ftorton Rosecrans, who had
been consecrated Auxiliary Bishop of Cincinnati arid
Titular Bishop of Pompeiopolis, 2.5 March, 1862. The
portion of Ohio assigned to this diocese was in 1868
to a large extent but sparsely populated; no railroad
had as yet penetrated some of the counties, and the
bishop was forced to make many of the journeys on
his visitations by stage, wagon, or steamboat. The
Dominican Fathers were the earliest missionaries in
Ohio, locating at St. Joseph's, Perry County, in the
early part of the nineteenth century, and from their
number was chosen the first Bishop of Cincinnati,
Edward Fenwick. The first place of Catholic wor-
ship in Ohio was at St. Joseph's, Perry County. This
chapel was built of logs ana was ble£»ed 6 December,
1818, by Rev. Edwarof Fenwick and his nephew, Rev.
N. D. Young, both natives of Maryland, and receiving
their jurisdiction from Bishop Flaget, who was then
the only bishop between the Alleghenies and the Miss-
issippi. The congregation consisted of ten families.
An numble convent was built near by, and its inmates
were one American, N. D. Young, one Irishman, Thos.
Martin, and one Belgian, Vincent De Rymacher. The
second chapel erected in Ohio was also in this diocese,
blessed in 1822, near what is now Danville, Knox
County, then known as Sapp's Settlement, a colony
from near Cumberland, Maryland, many of its members
direct descendants of the colonists of Lord Baltimore.
This chapel was built of logs and was blessed by
Dominican Fathers and the humble congregation
ministered to by them. Within a few miles of this
second Catholic settlement in Ohio is the college town
of Gambler, seat of Kenyon 0)llege and the Episcopa-
lian Seminary of the Diocese of Ohio, over which in
1868 presided, before his conversion. Dr. James Kent
Stone, afterwards Father Fidelis of the Congregation of
St. Paul of the Cross. From its walls have gone forth
many illustrious men who in after-life turned their
eyes to the Qiurch, among them Bishop Rosecrans
and his brother, General Rosecrans, Henry Riohards,
COLUD^IN
150
GOLUMK
father of Rev. James Havens Richards, S. J., and
William Richards.
In its early da3rs the diocese was largely an a^cul-
tural district, the first settlers from Pennsylvama and
Maryland being tillers of the soil. Later came the
emigrants from Ireland and Germany, who were fol-
lowed by priests of their native lands. At the present
time mining and manufacturing have so far advanced
as to predominate and control. Immigration has also
added to the variety of races among the Catholic
population; notably Poles, Hungarians, Greeks, Lith-
uanians, and Slavs may be found among the mining
population of the eastern and southern parts of the
diocese: while Belgians are numerous among the work-
men employed in the manufacture of glass, an indus-
trv that has risen of late years to prominence in
Ohio, owing to the discovery of natural ras, which is
an important feature in this business. The native-
born descendants of the pioneer Catholics have taken
a notable pla<;e in the walks of business and profes-
sional life, especially in the larger centres of ix>pular
tion. The bishop and a large number of the clerey
are natives of the State. All this has worked a de-
cided change in the attitude of non-Cathohcs towards
the Church and their Catholic fellow-citizens.
Svlvester Horton Rosecrans, the first bishop, died
21 October, 1878. He was succeeded by John Am-
brose Watterson, who was consecrated 8 August,
1880, and died 17 April, 1899. The next bishop was
Henry Moeller, consecrated 25 August, 1900, pro-
moted to the Archiepiscopal See of Areopolis and
made Coadjutor to the Archbishop of Cincmnati, 27
April, 1903. The fourth bishop, James Joseph Hart-
ley, was consecrated 25 February, 1904.
There are 142 priests — 105 secular and 37 regular —
in the diocese, with 34 brothers and 450 sisters. The
total population of the diocese is about 1,000,000; of
this number 80,000 are Catholics. The parishes num-
ber 75, with 45 parochial schools and 9361 pupils,
4520 boys and 4841 girls. There are two orphan
asylums, wi th 460 orphans ; a Convent of the Good Shep-
herd, with 207 inmates; four hospitals, treating 4000
patients annually; a preparatory seminary, with 22
students; a theological seminary, "The Pontifical
Joseph's Cathedral, Oolttmbub
College Josephinum of the Sacred Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith", with 161 students; a col-
lege, with 100 students; and three academies, with
430 pupils.
The Diocese of Columbus has riven to the Church two
bishops, Fitzgerald of Little Ro^ and Gallagher of Gal-
veston; while the names of Henni, Archbishop of Mil-
waukee, Lamy, Archbishop of Santa F^, De Goesbri-
and, Bishop of Burlington, Vermont, may be found on
the baptismal registers of the early miflsioii churcheB
of the diocese. The State and nation also have per-
ceived many a notable service, both in war and peace,
from sons of the diocese. General Philip H. Sheridan
was in his boyhood a resident of Somerset, Peny Co.,
the cradle of Catholicity in Ohio. General W. S.
Rosecrans, brother of the first bishop of the diocese,
both converts. General Don Carlos Bueli, Generals
Hugh and Charles Ewing of the Ewing family of Lan-
PoNTiFicAL College Josephinum
caster; Frank Hurd, Constitutional lawyer. Rep-
resentative in Congress, and free trade advocate, J.
A. MacGahan, Bulgaria's liberator, whose remains
were brought by the United States Government from
Constantinople to Perry County, are a few of the
names on the diocesan roll of honour.
HowB. Historical CoUediona of Ohio (Cincinnati, Ohio,
1900) ; American Catholic Historical Researches (Philadelphia,
July, 1896); files of Catholic Tdaaraph (Cincinnati), and Cath-
olic Columbian (OJumbus)- C/. S. Catholic Mapazine (Balti>
more, January, 1847), The Catholic Church in Ohio.
L. W. MULHANB.
Oolumn, in architecture a round pillar, a cylindrical
solid body, or a many-sided prism, the body of which
is sometimes reeded or fluted, but practically cylin-
drical in shape, and which supports another body in
a vertical direction. A column has, as its most essen-
tial portion, a long solid body, called the shaft, set
vertically on a stylobate, or on a conj^ries of mould-
ings which forms its base, the shaft being surmounted
by a more or less bulky mass, which forms its capital.
Columns are distinguished by the names of the styles
of architecture to which they belong; thus there are
Hindu, Egyptian, Grecian, Roman, and Gothic col-
umns. In classic architecture they are further dis-
tinguished by the name of the order to which they
belong, as Doric, Ionic, Composite, or Tuscan col-
umns. They may also be characterized by some
peculiarity of position, of construction, of form, or
of ornament, as attached, twisted, cabled, etc. Col-
umns are either insulated or attached. They are said
to be attached or engaged when they form part of a
wall, projecting one-half or more, but not the whole,
of their substance. Cabled or rudented columns arc
such as have their flutings filled with cables or astrar
gals to about the third of the height. Carolitic col-
umns have their shafts foliated. In the earliest col-
umnar architecture, that of the Egyptians, and in the
Greek Doric, there were no bases. Capitals, how-
ever, are universal, but are mainly decorative in char-
acter. In Grecian and Roman architecture the pro-
portions are settled, and vary according to the oixier.
The term is sometimes applied to the pillars or piers
in Norman and Gothic arcliitecture. In modem
usage the term* is applied to supports of iron or wood.
Fletcher, A History of Architecture, 690; Gwilt, Encvc.
of Architecture, 12QI; Pauk^ik, Glossary of Architecture I, 10&
Wealb, DicL of Terms: Bond, Gothic Architecture in Englana,
233; Stuboib, Did. of Architecture and Building (London, 1904).
Thomas H. Pools.
OOMACMIHXO
151
OOMATAOUA
Oomacehio, Diocbse of (Coicaclensis), suffragan
of Ravenna. Comacchio is a town in the province
of Ferrara in the Romagna, Italv, situated on islands
near the mouths of the Po, and connected with the
sea by a canal built by Cardinal Palotta. The an-
cient name of the town was Cymadum, The first
known Bishop of Ck)macchio was Pacatianus, present
in 503 at a synod held in Rome under Pope Symma-
chus. St. Gregorv the Great reckons the see among
the suffragans of Ravenna. In 708 a certain Vincen-
tius is mentioned as Bishop of Comacchio. In the
seventh century Gregory, the youthfxil son of Isaac,
Exarch of Ravenna, died at Comacchio in a monas-
tery dedicated to St. Maurus, as is recorded in a Greek
inscription. During the fifteenth century the town
was held by the Venetians, but was retaken in 1500
by Alfonso II, Duke of Ferrara, and fortified by him.
At the dbath of Alfonso in 1597, Comacchio, with the
rest of the Duchy of Ferrara psuased under the con-
trol of the Holy See. One of its bishops, Alfonso
Pandolfo (1631), was a polished writer and poet, and
establishea the Accademia dd FltUittantu In the
vicinity of Comacchio is the ancient shrine of Santa
Maria in Aula Regia, approached by & long portico
of 142 arches, built in 1647 by the papal legate, Cardi-
nal Giovanni Stefano Dongo. In 1708 Emperor
Joseph I, on the pretence of having an ancient claim
on tne city seix^ Comacchio, which was, however,
restored in 1724. In 1796 the town was occupied by
the French. The famous Benedictine Abbey of Pom-
posa is in the Diocese of Comacchio. The diocese has
a population of 40,630, with 114 parishes, 24 churches
and oratories, 26 secular and 6 regular priests, 1 re-
ligious house of men, and 1 of women.
Cappblubtti. Le chime (Fltalia CVenioe, 1844), II, 570;
CoRKAOiNDB, Rdotio juHum sedis apo9t. in civil. Comadensem
(Rome. 1741V, Chevalier, Topo-BM. (Paris, 1894-99), s. r.;
Ann. ecd. (Rome, 1907).
U. BSNIGNI.
, a titular see of Asia Minor. According to
ancient geographers, Comaha was ^tuated in Cappa-
doda (Oitaonia). Eustathius (Comment, ad Dionjrs.,
604) surnames it CArw«e, '* Golden". Another sur-
name in epigraphy is Hieropolis, owing to a famous
temple of the Syrian goddess Envo or M&. Strabo
and Cnsar visited it; the former (XI, 521 ; XII, 535,
537) enters into long details about its position on the
Sarus (Seihoun), the temple and its hierodtdi, St.
Basilisous was put to death at Comana and was buried
there; according to Palladius, the historian of St.
ChrvBostom, he was bishop of the city, but this is very
doubtful. Its bishop, Eipidius, was present at the
Gouncil of Nicsea, in 325. Leontius, a Semi-Arian, held
the see in the time of the Emperor Jovian. Heraclius
appeared at Chalcedon in 451: Comana was then a
suffragan of Melitene, the metropolis of Armenia Se-
cunda; since then it figures as such in most of the
' * Notitiae episcopatuum * ' to the twelfth century. Two
other bishops are known: Hormizes, or Hormisdas,
about 458 (letter to the Emperor Leo; see also
Photius, Biblioth., Cod. 51) and Theodorus at the
Fifth (Ecumenical Council, in 553. The ruins of
Comana are visible ten miles north-west of Guksun
(Cocussus), in the vilayet of Adana (Lequien, I, 447;
Kamsay, Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, passim). An-
other Comana, suffragan of Neocsesarea, was situatc<l
in Pontus Polemiacus; it had also a temple of Ma,
and was sumamed Hierocaesarea. It was captun^d
by Sulla, 83 b. c. Six bishops are mentioned by
lisauien (I, 517); the first is St. Alexander the Char-
eoaJ-Seller, consecrated by St. Gregorv the Wonder-
worker. This town is to-day G5menek, or Gomanak,
a village south-west of NeocsBsarea (Niksar), in the
vilayet of Sivas. Lequien (I, 1009) gives another
Comana in Pamphylia Prima, suffragan of Side;' the
true name is Conana. Zoticus. who lived at the tim«?
of Montanus, was Bishop of Conana, or of Comama,
not of Comana in Cappadocia. C^osmas of Conana
appeared at Constantinople in 680. Conana is to-day
C^unen, in the vilayet of Adana.
Smith, Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Geogr. (London. 1878), I, 649.
S. Petrides.
Oomaya«niA> Diocese of, suffragan to Guatemala,
includes the entire Republic of Honduras in Central
America, a territory of about 46,250 square miles, and
a population (1902), exclusive of uncivilized Indians,
of 684,400, mostly baptized Catholics. It also in-
dudes a group of islets in the Bay of Honduras (Rua-
tdn, Bonacca, Utila, Barbareta, and Moret). The
surface is mountainous, with many fertile plains and
plateaux. Communication is difficult, as there are
tew good roads, but a railroad from Puerto Cortez to
La rimienta (sixty miles) is destined to reach the
Pacific. The mineral wealth is great, and the trade
in bananas very lucrative. The climate in the in-
terior is usually nealthy, but fevers are frequent along
the low coast. The capital of the State, Tegucigalpa,
has 17,000 inhabitants. The first missionaries were
Franciscans, though the records of their labours have
disappeared in the dLsastrous conflagrations that the
wars of the nineteenth century visited on Comayagua,
and in which the archives of the cathedral perished.
The diocese was established in 1527 by Clement VII,
and confirmed in 1539 by Paul III. It is supposed
that Bishop Pedrasa, who went in that year to Tru-
jillo, was the first bishop. Under the fourth, Jeronimo
de Corella, Pius IV transferred (1561) the see to
Nueva Valladolid, now Comayagua. The prosperous
missions among the savage Indians on the north coast
were broken up in 1601 by English pirates; colonists
and missionaries were scattered, and the Indians (now
about 90,000) relapsed into their original savagery.
The revolution of 1821 did great damage to the
Church. Before that time there were more than 300
ecclesiastical foundations, and public worship was
everywhere carried on with dignity. The revolution-
ary (government confiscated the ecclesiastical property
to the value of more than a million pesos, according to
a presidential message of 1842. Since then parishes
depended for public worship on precarious alms, and
the clergy diminiBhed in number. Nevertheless,
tithes were still paid to the Church, and from them
the bishop, the cathedral services, and the seminary
were supported. The latter was open only to extems
and only tlie sciences were taught; ecclesiastics and
yoimg men destined for the law were educated there
together.
Between 1878 and 1880 the new president of Hon-
duras, imposed by Guatemala, confiscated anew the
ecclesiastical resources put together by the faithful,
the parochial properties, residences of clergy and
churches, abolished the tithes, and, to complete the
ruin of the ecclesiastical order, suppressed in the uni-
versity the courses of canon law and moral theology,
and in the colleges even the study of Latin. These
oppressive acts hampered greatly the proper forma-
tion of the clergy, public worship, and the administrar
tion of the diocese. Lately the seminanr has been re-
opened, but despite the separation of Church and
State the former is subject to many restrictions. The
civil government is no longer hostile, but in its name
provincial and local authorities exhibit no little hos-
tility to the parish priests. The episcopal city, which
has 80(X) inhabitants, suffered much from the civil
wars of the period of federation (1823-39) and has
never regained its former siae or prosperity. Bishop
Joseph Maria Martinez Cabafias (1908) is the
twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth of the line. The five
iop
parish priests of the Department of Comayagua repi
sent the former cathedral canons, and assist the bisn< .
on occasions; at his death they elect the vicar capitu-
lar. There are seventy secular priests, and no reg i-
lars; the Government has never tolerated the rt;tum
OOMBSnS
152
OOMOALL
of the latter since their expulsion (1821). There is a
missionary on the northern coast and at Comayagua
a Salesian Father. The wealthier classes of the dio-
cese, witib very few exceptions, are indifferent to reli-
gion. There are no parochial schools, as the people
of the pueblos are unable to support them, after pay-
ing taxes for the public schools; moreover the clergy
are unable to conduct l^em, being obliged at all times
to move about from one small town to another and
among the widely scattered villages and the moun-
tains. (See Guatemala.)
WEBKEkt, Orbia Urrarum Catholicus (Freiburff, 1800);
Stbeit, Kalholiacher MiaaionsaUas (Steyl, 1907); The Statea-
man*a Year-Book (London, 1907).
Feliciano Herrera.
Oombefls, Franjjois, patrologist, b. November,
1605, at Marmande in Gu^enne; d. at Paris, 23 March,
1679. He made his prehminary studies in che Jesuit
College at Bordeaux, and joined the Dominican Order
in 1624. After finishing his theological course, he be-
came professor of theology, and taught in several
houses of his order. In 1640 he was transferred to
Paris where the opportunities for research afforded by
the libraries led him to abandon teaching and to undeiv
take the publication of patristic texts. He published
successively the works of Amphilochius of Iconium,
of Methodius of Patara, and ot Andreas of Crete, to-
f ether with some hitherto unedited writings of St.
ohn Chrysostom. In 1648 appeared his "Novum
Auctarium Grceco-Latinse Bibliothec» Patjum" in
two parts, exegetical and histonco-dogmatic. The
" Historia hseresis monothelitarum sanctaeque in eam
sextse synodi actorum vindicisB", which formed part
of the historical section of this work, met with
much opposition in Rome, principally because it was
at variance with the opinions of Bellarmine and Bar-
onius. The character of the work in which Combefis
was engaged met so thoroughly the approval of the
French cleMQr that in an assembly of the French
bishops held in Paris, 1655, an annual subsidy was
voted to enable him to carry on his publications, the
sum voted being subsequently doubled. This gener-
ous action produced the most fruitful results, and the
number of nis publications increased every year. In
1656 he edited St. John Chrysostom'^ "De edu-
candis Liberis", in 1660 a collection of Acts of the
martyrs. In 1662 there appeared the "Bibliotheca
Patrum Concionatoria", or "Preachers' Library of
the Fathers ", a rich and comprehensive work, pre-
pared in the most painstaking manner from all the
available manuscripts, and containing a short his-
torical account of all the authors whose names ap-
peared in the work. Another important work, " Auc-
tarium Novisaimmn BibliothecsB Patrum'^ appeared
at Paris in 1672. The three following years saw
many publications from the pen of Combefis. In
1674 appeared '' Ecclesiastes Grrsecus, i. e. illustrium
Graecorum Patrum ac oratorum dig^ti sermones ac
tractatus", etc. In 1675 appeared "Theodoti Ancy-
rani adv. Nestbrium liber et S. German! patriarchas
Constantinop. in S. Maris Dormitionem et Transla-
tionem oratio historica'', and in the same year an
edition of the works of Maximus Confessor in two vol-
umes with a Latin translation. A third volume of
the works of Maximus Confessor was ready when
Combefis died. Perhaps the most important of
the works of Combefis is his edition of St. Basil in
two volumes, " Basilius magnus ex integro recensitus,
textus ex fide optimorum codicum ubique castigatus,
auctus, illustratus, baud incertd quandoque conjec-
ture emendat us. VersionesTecognitae", etc. (Paris,
1679). This is a work of the highest merit and shows
the critical skill of Combefis at its best, though later
surpassed by the famous Maurist edition (Paris,
1721-30). Besides these and several other critical
editions of works of the Fathers, tliere are in exist-
ence some polemical works of Coniliefis wliich have
little value for the present time. Thou«di known to
all the learned men of his time, and widely celebrated
even in his lifetime for his great learning, Combefis
always remained a mild and obedient monk.
QuiTiF-EcHARD, Scvivt. Ovd, Prod., II, 678 sq.; PsxAUur.
RecueU dea Uogea dea hommea iUuatrea du 27* nMe: Dupin,
BitUiotfieca, XIII, 90; Nici:RON. Mhnoirea. XI, 1850; Ittig, />e
bibliothecia et catenia Patrum (Leipiig, 1707), 145 aq.
Patrick J. Healy.
Oomboni, Daniel, missionary, b. 15 March, 1831, in
Limone San Giovanni near Brescia, Italy; d. 10 Oct.,
1881, at Khartoum. Educated in Mazza's Institute,
Verona, he learned, in addition to theolo^, several
languages and medicine. Ordained priest m 1854, he
was sent (1857) by Don Mazza to Central Africa, but
returned (1859) because of ill health. After teaching
in Mazza's Institute from 1861-64 he published " Pi-
ano per la rieenerazione dell' Africa'' (Turin, 1864)
and visited France, Spain, England, Germany, and
Austria to collect funds. In Verona Comboni estab-
lished (1867) his IgtittUo deUe Missioni per la Nigrizia
to educate priests and brothers for the missions, and
the IstittUo delle Pie Madri to supply female help; he
also opened similar institutions in Cairo, Egypt, to ac-
climatize missionaries for the fever-stricken regions of
Central Africa. Appointed (1872) Pro-vicar Apos-
tolic of Central Africa (vicariate since 1846), embrac-
ing Nubia, Egyptian Sudan, and the territory south to
the Lakes (with neariy 100,000,000 inhabitants) Com-
boni began his great work with only two missions, £1-
Obeid (Kordofan) and Khartoum. Others rapidly
followed: Berber, Delen, Malbes (near £l-Obeid). In
1877 Comboni was made Vicar Apostolic of Central
Africa and titular Bishop of Claudiopolis. His death
was pronounced a "great loss" by Leo XIII.
Comboni aroused the interest of Europe in n^ro
missions, and journeyed five times from Africa to Eu-
rope to secure missionaries and funds. By means of
his intimate acquaintance with the khedive and th^
Governor of the Sudan' he effectually diecked thb
slave-trade. Besides his "Quadro storico delle Sco-
perte Africane" (1880) he contributed material for
scientific works, notablv on geography. Mittemitz-
ner's works on the Dinka and Ban dialects (Brixen,
1866, 1867) are based on Comboni's manuscripts. He
was a "language genius" (Cardinal Simeoni), master
of six European tongues, of Arabic, and the dialects of
the Dinka, Bari, and Nuba negroes. His ^l8iituto^\
since 1894 the CJongregation of the Sons of the Sacred
Heart, continues his work in Central Africa. Mgr.
Geyer (appointed vicar Apostolic in 1903) was assisted
in 1907 by 29 priests, 23 brothers, and 35 sisters minis-
tering to 11 churches, 9 schools, and 6 orphanages.
Comboni's account of his work is in Annalen d. Verbreitune
d. Glaubma (Munich. 1878). XLVI. 94-114, 233-266; Geybr,
Danid Comboni, eine Lebcnaskizze in Annalen, etc. (Munich,
1882). L, 172-238: Kaihotiache Miaaionen (Freibtur. 1882),
159-162; GcTBB, Khartoum, ein Zentrum d. Kultur %n Inner-
Africa (Vienna. 1907).
John M. Lenhart.
Oomforter. See Paraclete.
Oomgall, Saimt, founder and abbot of the great
Irish monastery at Bangor, flourished in the sixth cen-
tury. The year of his birth is uncertain, but accord-
ing to the testimony of the Irish annals it must be
placed between 510 and 520; his leath is said to have
occurred in 602 {** Annals of Tighemach" and " Chron-
icon Scotorum*')» or 597 (Annals of Innisf alien).
He was bom in Dalaradia in Ulster near the place now
known as Magheramome m the present Goimty An-
trim. He seems to have served nrst as a soldier, and
on hb release from military service he is said to have
studied at Clonard with St. Finnian, and at Gonmac-
noise with St. Ciaran, who died in 549. We next find
him in Ulst^ in an island on Lough Erne accom-
panied by a fe A friends following a very severe form •
OOMIIA
153
OOMMAMDKIHTS
of monastic life. He intended to go to Britain, but
was dissuaded from this step b^r Lugidius, the bishop
who ordained him, at whose.advice he remained in Ire-
land and set himself to spi^ead the monastic life
throughout the country. The most famous of the
many monasteries said to have been founded by St.
Comgall is Bangor, situated in the present County
Down, on the southern shore of Belfast Lough and di-
rectly opposite to Carrickfereus. Accorduig to the
Irish annab Bangor was founded not later than 552,
though Ussher and most of the later writers on the
subject assign the foundation to the year 555. Ac-
cording to Adamnan's "Life of Columba", there was
a very close connexion between Ck)mgall and Columba,
though there does not appear to be sufficient author-
ity for stating that Comgall was the disciple of Col-
umba in any strict sense. He is also said to have been
the friend of St. Brendan, St. Cormac, St. Cainnech,
and Finbarr of Moville. After intense suffering he
received the i 'ucharist from St. Fiacra and expir^ in
the monastery at Bangor.
Comgall belonged to what is known .is the Second
Order of Iriedi Saints. These flourished in the Irish
Church during the sixth century. They were for the
most part educated in Britain, or received their train-
ing from those who had 0x>wn up under the influence
of the British schools, Iney were the founders of the
gr^at Irish monastic schools, and contributed much to
the spread of monasticism in the Irish Church. It is
an interesting question how far Comgall, or men like
him, had advanced in their establishments at Bangor
and elsewhere in introducing the last stages of monas-
ticism then developed on the Continent by St. Bene-
dict. In other words, did St. Comgall give his monks
at Bailor a strict monastic rule resembling the Rule
of St. Benedict? There has come down to us a Rule of
St. Comgall in Irish, but the evidence would not war-
rant us m. saying that as it stands at present it could
be attributed to him. The fact, however, that Col-
umbanuSy a disciple of Comgall and himself a monk
of Bangor, drew up for his Continental monasteries a
"Regu^ Monachorum" would lead us to believe that
there had been a similar organization in Bangor in his
time. This, however, is not conclusive, since Colum-
banus might have derived inspiration from the Bene-
dictine Rule then widely spread over South- Western
Europe. St. Comgall is mentioned in the "Life of
Columbanus" by Jonas, as the superior of Bangor,
under whom St. Columbanus had studied. He is also
mentioned under 10 May, his feast-d^ in the " Felire ' '
of Oengus the Culdee published by Whitley Stokes for
the Henry Bradshaw Society (2nd ed.), and his name
is commemorated in the Stowe Missal (MacCarthy),
and in the Martyrology of Tallaght.
Two lires of St. Comgall are published in the Ada SS., 10
Mtky; Ada Scmdorum O. S. Benedidi, II; MS. lives of the
aunt are found in the Bodleian Library, Rawlinson, B. 505,
485. and in the British Miueum, Harley 6576; Oengu* the
Ctddee, ed. Stokes, for the Henry Bradshaw Society (London,
1905); Umhbr, AntiquUaiea Ecdesiar. BrxU. (Dablin, 1635);
0'Hanu>n, LivM of the Irieh SavnU (DubKn), 10 May.
Jambs MacCaffrby.
Oomma Johaimeum. See Three Witnesses.
Oommandments of God, called also simply The
Commandments, or Decalogue (Gr. d^Ka, ten, and
X^j, a word), tiie Ten Words or Sayings, the latter
name generally appUed by the Greek Fathers; ten pre-
cepts bearing on the fundamental obligations of re-
ligion and morality and embodyii^ the revealed ex-
pression of the Creator's will in relation to man's whole
duty to God and to his fellow-creatures. They are
found twice recorded in the Pentateuch, in Ex., xx and
Deut., V, but are given in an abridged form in the cate-
chisms. Written by the finger of Uod on two tables of
stone, this Divine code was received from the Almighty
by Moses amid the thunders of Mount Sinai, and by
him made the ground- work of the Mosaic Law. Christ
resumed these Commandments in the double precept
of charity — love of God and of the neighbour; He pro-
claimed them as binding under the New Law in Matt.,
xix and in the Sermon on the Mount (Matt., v). He
also amplified or interpreted them. e. s. by declaring
unnecessary oaths eaually unlawful with false, by con-
demning hatred ana calumny as well as murder, by
enjoining even love of enemies, and by condemning in-
dulgence of evil desires as fraught with the same mal-
ice as adultery (Matt., v). The Church, on the other
hand, after changing the day of rest from the Jewish
Sabbath, or seventh day of the week, to the first, made
the Third Conmiandment refer to Sunday as the
day to be kept holy as the Lord's Day. The Council
of Trent (Sess. VI, can. xix) condemns those who deny
that the Ten Commandments are binding on Chris-
tians.
There is no numerical division of the Command-
ments in the Books of Moses, but the injunctions are
dbtinctly tenfold, and are found almost identical in
both sources. The order, too, is the same, except for
the final prohibitions pronounced against concupis-
cence, that of Deuteronomy being adopted in prefer-
ence to Exodus. A confusion, however, exists in the
mimbering, which is due to a difference of opinion con-
cerning the initial precept on Divine worship. The
system of numeration found in Catholic Bibles is based
on the Hebrew text, was made by St. Augustine
(fifth century) in his book of "Quesjtions on Exodus"
(" Quffistionum in Heptateuchum libri VII ", Bk. II,
Question Ixxi), and was adopted by the Council of
Trent. It is followed also by the German Lutherans,
except those of the school of Bucer. This arrange-
ment makes the First Commandment relate to false
worship and to the worship of false gods as to a single
subject and a single class of sins to be guarded against
— the reference to idols being regarded as a mere ap-
plication of the precept to adore but one God and the
prohibition as directed against the particular offence
of idolatry alone. According to this manner of reck-
oning, the injunction forbidding the use of the Lord's
Name in vain comes second in order; and the decimal
number is safeguarded by making a division of the final
precept on concupiscence — the Ninth pointing to sins
of the flesh and the Tenth to desires for the unlawful
possession of goods. Another division has been
adopted by the English and Helvetian Protestant
Churches on the authority of Philo Judaeus, Josephus
Origen, and others, whereby two Commandments are
made to cover the matter of worship, and thus the
numbering of the rest is advanced one higher; and the
Tenth embraces both the Ninth and Tenth of the
Catholic division. It seems, however, as lo^cal to
separate at the end as to group at the beginning, for,
while one single object is aimed at under worship, two
specifically different sins are forbidden under covet-
ousness; if adultery and theft belong to two distinct
species of moral wrong, the same must be said of the
oesire to commit these evils.
The Supreme Law-Giver begins by proclaiming His
Name ana His Titles to the obedience of the creature
man: "I am the Lord, thy God. . . ." The laws
which follow have regard to God and His representa-
tives on earth (first four) and to our fellow-man (last
six). Being the one true God, He alone is to be
adored, and all rendering to creatures of the worship
which belongs to Him falls under the ban of His dis-
pleasure; the making of "graven things" is con-
demned: not all pictures, images, and works of art, but
such as are intended to be adored and served (First).
Associated with God in the minds of men and repre-
senting Him, is His Holy Name, which by the Second
Commandment is declared worthy of all veneration
and respect and its profanation reprobated. And He
claims one day out of the seven as a memorial to Him-
self, and this must be kept holy (Third). Finally,
parents being the natural providence of their offspring,
mvested with authority for their guidance and correo-
OOMMAKDMSKTS
154
OOMMANDMENTS
tion. and holding the place of God before them, the
child is bidden to honour and respect them as His law-
ful representatives (Fourth). The precepts which
follow are meant to protect man in his natural rights
against the injustice of his fellows. His life is the ob-
ject of the Fifth ; the honour of his body as well as the
source of life, of the Sixth; his lawful possessions, of
the Seventh; his good name, of the Eighth. And in
order to make him still more secure in the enjoyment
of his rights, it is declared an offence against God to
desire to wrong him: in his family rights by the Ninth
and in his property rights by the Tenth.
Tliis legislation expresses not only the Maker's posi-
tive will, but the voice of nature as well — the laws
which govern our being and are written more or less
clearly in every human heart. The necessity of the
written law is explained by the obscuring of the un-
written in men's souls by sin. These Divine mandates
are regarded as binding on every human creature, and
their violation, with sufl&cient reflection and consent
of the will, if the matter be grave, is considered a griev-
ous or mortal oflFence against God. They hr. ve always
been esteemed as the most precious rules of life and are
the basis of all Christian legislation.
HuMMELAUEB, Comment, in Ex. et Lev. (Paris, 1897), 196
sqq.; Idem, Comment, in Deut. (Paris, 1901), 290 sqq. — For ex-
planations of the Commandments, see CtUechiam of ike Council
of Trent, Pt. Ill, ch. i, and other catechisms; Slateb, Manual of
Moral Theoloay (New York, 1908), I.
John H. Stapleton.
Oomznandments of the Ohnrch. — We shall con-
sider: I. the nature of the Commandments of the
Church in eeneral; II. the history of the Command-
ments of the Church; III. their classification.
I. Nature of these Commandments. — The au-
thority to enact laws obligatoiy on all the faithful be-
longs to the Church bv the very nature of her constitu-
tion. Entrusted with the original deposit of Christian
revelation, she is the appointed nublic orean and in-
terpreter of that revelation for all time. For the ef-
fective discharge of her high office, she must be em-
powered to give to her laws the gravest sanction.
These laws, when they bind imiversaTly, have for their
object: (1) the definition or explanation of some doc-
trine, either by way of positive pronouncement or by
the condemnation of opposing error; (2) the prescrip-
tion of the time and manner in which a Divine law,
more or less general and indeterminate, is to be ob-
served, e. g. the precept obliging the faithful to receive
the Holy Eucharist during the paschal season and to
confess their sins annually; (3) the defining of the
sense of the moral law in its application to difficult
cases of conscience, e. g. many of the decisions of the
Roman Congregations ; (4) some matter of mere dis-
cipline serving to safeguard the observance of the
higher law, e. g. the Commandment to contribute to
the support of one's pastors (Vacant, Diet, de th^l.
cath., s. v.). All these laws when binding on the faith-
ful xmiversally are truly commandments of the Church.
In the technical sense, however, the table of these
Commandments does not contain doctrinal pronounce-
ments. Such an inclusion would render it too com-
plex. The Commandments of the Church (in this re-
stricted sense) are moral and ecclesiastical, and as a
particular code of precepts are necessarily broad in
character and limited in number.
II. History of the Commandments. — We outline
here only in a general way the history of the form and
number of the precepts of the Church. The discussion
of the content of the several Commandments and of
the penalties imposed by the Church for violation of
these Commandments will be found under the various
subjects to which they refer. We do not find in the
eariy history of the Church any fixed and formal body
of Cnurch Commandments. As early, however, as the
time of Constantine, especial insistence was put upon
the obligation to hear Mas8onSunda3rsand Holy Days,
U) receive the sacraments and to abstain from oon-
tracting marriage at certain seasons. In the seventh-
century Penitentiary of Theodore of Canterbury we find
penalties imposed on those who contemn the Sunday
and fail to keep the fasts of the Church as well as legis-
lation r^arding the reception of the Eucharist; but
no reference is here made to any precepts of the
Church accepted in a particular sense. Neither do we
discover sucn special reference in one of the short ser-
mons addressed to neophytes and attributed to St.
Boniface, but probably of later date, in which the
hearers are urged to observe Sunday, pay tithes to the
Church, observe the fasts, and receive at times the
Holy Eucharist. In German books of popular in-
struction and devotion from the ninth century on-
wards special emphasis was laid on the obli^tion to
discharge these duties. Particularly does this appear
in the forms prepared for the examination of con-
science. According to a work written at this time bv
Regino, Abbot of Priim (d. 915), entitled ** Libri duo de
synodalibus causis et disciplinis*', the bishop in his
visitation is, among other inquiries, to ask *'if any one
has not kept the fast of Lent, or of the ember-days, or
of the rogations, or that which may have been ap-
pointed by the bishop for the stajring of any plague ;
if there be any one who has not gone to Holy Commu-
nion three times in the year, that is at Easter, Pente-
cost and Christmas ; if tnere be any one who has with-
held tithes from God and His saints ; if there be any-
one so perverse and so alienated from God as not to
come to Church at least on Sundays ; if there be any-
one who has not gone to confession once in the year,
that is at the beginning of Lent, and has not done pen-
ance for his sins ' {Hslner, Zur Geschichte der Kirch-
engebote, in Theologische Quartalschrift, LXXX, 104).
jftie insistence on the precepts here implied, and
the fact that they were almost invariably grouped to-
gether in the books already referred to, had the inevi-
table effect of giving them a distinct character. They
came to be regard^ as special Commandments of the
Church. Thus in a book of tracts of the thirteenth
century attributed to Celestinc V (though the authen-
ticity of this work has been denied) a separate tractate
is given to the precepts of the Church and is divided
into four chapters, the first of which treats of fasting,
the second of confession and paschal Communion, the
third of interdicts on mamage, and the fourth of
tithes. In the fourteenth century Ernest von Pardu-
vitz. Archbishop of Prague, instructed his priests to
explain in popular sermons the principal points of the
catechism, the Our Father, the Creed, the Command-
ments of God and of the Church (Hafner, loc. cit.,
115). A centuiy later (1470) the catechism of Diet-
rich Coelde, the first, it is said, to be written in Ger-
man, explicitly set forth that there were five Com-
mandments of the Cliurch. In his " Summa Theolo-
gica"(part I, tit. xvii, p. 12) St. Antoninus of Flor-
ence (1439) enumerates ten precepts of the Church
universally binding on the faithful. These are: to
observe certain feasts, to keep the prescribed fasts, to
attend Mass on Sundays and Holy Days, to confess once
a year, to receive Holy Communion during paschal
time, to pay tithes, to abstain from any act upon
which an int-erdict has been placed entailing excom-
munication, if) refrain also from any act interdicted
under pain of excommunication ujUb serUentuBy to
avoid association with the excommunicated, finally
not to attend Mass or other religious functions cele-
brated by a priest living in open concubinage. In the
sixteenth century the Spanish canonist, Martin Aspil-
cueta (1586), gives a list of five principal precepts of
the Church. These are: to hear Mass on Holy Days of
obligation, to fast at certain prescribed times, to j)&y
tithes, to go to confession once a year and to receive
Holy Communion at Easter (Enchiridion, sive man-
uale confessariorum et poenitentium, Rome, 1588,
ch.xxi, n. 1). At this time, owing to the prevalence of
OOMMSMOSATZON
155
0OMlfUfDA.TOKY
heresy, there appeared many popular wotks m defence
of the authority of the Church and setting forth in a
special manner her precepts. Su<^ among others
were the "SummaDoctrinieChiJstiame" (1555) of 1^.
Peter Canisius and the ''Doctrina Christiana" of
Bellarmine (1589). It is plam, however, that the
precepts of the Church, as a particular and distinct
body of laws, were reoognisea long before the six-
teenth century; the contention that they were first
definitely formulated by St. Peter Canisius is un-
warranted.
III. Clasbificatiok. — The Chiirch in feer supreme
authority has defined nothing regarding the form and
ntunber of the Commandments of the Church. The
Council of Trent while recommending in a genend way
in its twenty-fifth session the observance of these pre-
cepts says nothing regarding them as a particular body
of laws. Neither is any specific mention made of them
in the ''Catechismus ad parochos" published by order
of the council and known as the ** Catechism of the Coun-
cil of Trent " or '^ Roman Catechism ' '. We have seen
that St. Antoninus of Florence enumerates ten such
commandments while Martin Aspilcueta mentions
onl^ five. This last number is that eiven by St. Peter
Canisius. According to this author uie precei)ts of the
Church are: To observe the feast days appointed by
the Church; to hear Mass reverently on these feast
days; to observe the fasts on the days during the sea-
sons appointed ; to confess to one's pastor annually ; to
receive Holy Commimion at least once a year and that
around the feast of Easter. Owing undoubtedly to
the influence of Canisius, the catechisms generally
used at present throughout Germany and Austria-
Huncary have adopted the above enumeration. The
fourth precept has, however, been amended so as to
allow of confession being made to any duly authorised
priest.
In Spanish America the number of church pre-
cepts is also five; this being the number, as we have
seen, set down bv Aspilcueta in the sixteenth century.
Here, however, tne First and Second commandment m
the table of Canisius are combined into one, and the
precept to pay tithes appears. It is to be noted, also,
that the precept of annual confession is more specific;
it enjoins that this confession be made in Lent, or be-
fore, if there be danger of death. (Svnod of Mexico,
1585.Lib.I,tit.i,inHardouin,Conc.,X, 1506.) French
and Italian catechists reckon six precepts of the church,
the enumeration given bv Bellarmine. According to
this writer the (Commandments of the C!hurch are: To
hear Mass on Sundays and Holy Days; to fast during
Lent, on prescribed vigils, and the ember-days; to ab-
stain from meat on Fridays and Saturdays; to go to
confession once a year; to receive Holy Communion at
Easter ; to pay tithes ; and finally not to solemnise mar-
m^ during the prohibited times.
The French catechisms, following that of Bossuet,
omit the last two precepts, but retain the same
number as that given by Bellarmine. This they
do by making two Commandments cover the ol>-
ligations to observe Sunday and the Holy Days,
and two also regarding the obligations of fast and
abstinence. It will be readily observed that the
omission by French writers of the Commandment to
pay ttthee was owingto local conditions. In a "Ca-
techism of C!hristine Doctrine " approved by Cardinal
Vaughan and the bishops of England, six Command-
ments of the (])hurch are enumerated. These are: (1)
To keep the Sundays and Holy Days of obligation holy,
by hearing Mass and resting from servile work; (2) to
keep the days of fasting ana abstinence appointed by
the Church J (3) to ro to confession at least once a year;
(4) to receive the^lessed Sacrament at least once a
year and that at Easter or thereabouts; (5) to contri-
bute to the support of our pastors; (6) not to marry
within a certain de^rree of kindred nor to solemnize
nnarriage at the forbidden t imes. This list is the same
as that which the Fathers of the Third Plenary (coun-
cil of Baltimore (1886) prescribed for the United States.
Antoninus, Summa Theolooica, i>art I, tit. xvii, p. 12 (Ve-
rona, 1740); AsnvcuvTK. Enchiridion aive manuaU confet'
Bariorum et pcentienHum (Rozne, 1588), c. xxi, n. I, p. 289 sqq.;
Saint Pstkr Canuiub, ^umma DoetrinaChriatianm (ed. 1833),
I, 387; Bellabminb. Doctrina Chriatiana (1614); Saint Ad-
PHON8US IJiQVOn^Theoloaia Moralia, III, n. 1(X)4; Ballerini-
PALiaxBt, Opua TKeoloffteum Morale (Prato. 1890). II, 776;
HAnfBR m Thealo0iBeh§ QuarialachrifU (1898), LXXX 99;
Vacant in Dietumnairt d$ UUologie caihoHque article Command-
ments de VBaliae; Slates, Manual of Moral Theotogy (Sev
York, 1908), I.
John Webster Melody.
Commemoration (in LrruROY) is the recital of a
part of the Office or Mass assigned to a certain feast or
d^ when the whole cannot be said. V^en two
Offices fall on the same day and when, according to the
rules of the rubrics, one of them cannot be transferred
to another day, it is in part celebrated by way of a
commemoration. Offices have different degrees of
importance (doubles, semi-doubles, etc.) assigned
them at their institution, and it is this that mainly
determines precedence in cases of conffict.
At Majss a commemoration consists in saying the
collect, Secret, and Poet-Communion proper to the
feast or day which is being commemorated. In the
Office commemorations occur at Lauds and Vespers
and consist in reciting the antiphons, with their ver-
sicles and responses, of the Benedictus and Magnificat
respectively, adding in each case an oremus with the
oratio proper. These'are called special commemorar
tions as oistinguished from the common, which are
certain nrayers said in Mass with corre8ix>nding ones
in the Office when the latter is of an Inferior rite.
These commemorative prayers of the Mass vary
according to the season of the year. When two or
more special commemorations have to be made, the
order is determined by the rank or relative impor-
tance of the feasts and Offices. When two Offices fall
on the same day there is said to be "occurrence";
and when the second Vespers of a preceding Office
coincides with the first Vespers of the following there
is " concurrence." When one of the two occurring,
or concurring, Offices is very solemn and the other
relatively unimportant, all mention of the latter is
omitted.
Rvibricae generalea Breviarii Romani, IX; Rubricce generalet
Misaali* Vll; de Herot, Sacrce LUutqub Praxis (Louvain,
1903), II, 326 sq. Gatantus, De Commemorationibxie, sect,
iii, 11, 33; K680INO in KircherUexikon, III, 693.
Patrick Morrisroe.
Oommemoration of St. Panl. See Paul, Saint.
Oommemoration of the Dead. See Canon of
THE Mass., under III, Commemoratio pro defunclis,
Oommemoration of the Faithful Departed. See
All Souls' Day.
Oommemoration of the Living. See Canon of
THE Mass, under III, Commemoratio pro vivis,
OommendAtory Abbot, an ecclesiastic, or some-
times a layman, who holds an abbey in commendam,
that is, who draws its revenues and, if an ecclesiastic,
may alao have some jurisdiction, but does not exercise
any authority over its inner monastic discipline.
Originally only vacant abbeys, or such as were tem-
porarily without an actual superior, were given in
commendam, in the latter case onlv imtil an actual
superior was elected or apijointea. An abbey is
held in commendam^ i. e. provisorily, in distinction to
one held in titulum, which is a permanent benefice.
As early as the time of Pope Gregory the Great (590-
604) vacant abbeys were given in commendam to
bishops who had been driven from their episcopal seea
by the invading barbarians. The practice began to
be serioudy abused in the eighth century when the
Anglo-Saxon and Prankish kings assumed the right to
set commendatory ablwte over monfwt<^ries that wor«*
OOMMANBMEirrS
154
OOMMANDMENTS
tion. and holding the place of God before them, the
child is bidden to nonour and i^^P^t them as His law-
ful representatives (Fourth). The precepts which
follow are meant to protect man in his natural ri^ts
against the injustice of his fellows. His life is the ob-
ject of the Fifth ; the honour of his body as well as the
source of life, of the Sixth; his lawful possessions, of
the Seventh; his good name, of the Eighth. And in
order to make him still more secure in the enj(yvment
of his rights, it is declared an offence against God to
desire to wrong him: in his family rights by the Ninth
and in his property rights by the Tenth.
Tliis legislation expresses not only the Maker's posi-
tive will, but the voice of nature as well — the laws
which ^vem our being and are written more or less
clearly in every human heart. The necessity of the
written law is explained by the obscuring of the un-
written in men's souls by sin. These Divine mandates
are regarded as binding on every human creature, and
their violation, with sufficient reflection and consent
of the will, if the matter be grave, is considered a griev-
ous or mortal offence against Goa. They hrwe always
been esteemed as the most precious rules of life and are
the basis of all Christian legislation.
HuMMELAUEB, Comment, in Ex. et Lev. (Paris. 1897), 196
sqq.; Idem, Comment, in Deut. (Paris, 1901), 230 sqq. — For ex-
planations of the Commandments, see Catechism of the Council
of Trent, Pt. Ill, ch. i, and other catechisms; Slatbb. Manual of
Moral Theoloay (New York. 1908), I.
John H. Staplbton.
Oozmnandments of the Ohnrch.— We shall con-
sider: I. the natiu^ of the Commandments of the
Church in general; II. the history of the Command-
ments of the Church; III. their classification.
I. Nature of these Commandments. — The au-
thority to enact laws obligatoiy on all the faithful be-
longs to the Chureh bv the very nature of her constitu-
tion. Entrusted witn the original deposit of Christian
revelation, she is the appointed public organ and in-
terpreter of that revelation for all time. For the ef-
fective discharge of her high office, she must be em-
powered to give to her laws the gravest sanction.
These laws, when they bind universally, have for their
object: (1) the definition or explanation of some doc-
trine, either by way of positive pronouncement or by
the condemnation of opposing error; (2) the prescrip-
tion of the time and manner in which a Divine law,
more or less general and indeterminate, is to be ob-
served, e. g. the precept obliging the faithful to receive
the Holy Eucharist during the paschal season and to
confess their sins annually; (3) the defining of the
sense of the moral law in its application to difficult
cases of conscience, e. g. many of the decisions of the
Roman Congregations; (4) some matter of mere dis-
cipline serving to safeguard the observance of the
higher law, e. g. the Commandment to contribute to
the support of one's pastors (Vacant, Diet, de th^jl.
cath., s. v.). All these laws when binding on the faith-
ful xmiversally are truly commandments of the Church.
In the technical sense, however, the table of these
Commandments does not contain doctrinal pronounce-
ments. Such Em inclusion would render it too com-
plex. The Commandments of the Church (in this re-
stricted sense) are moral and ecclesiastical, and as a
particular code of precepts are necessarily broad in
character and limited in number.
II. History op the C'Ommandmbntb. — We outline
here only in a general way the history of the form and
number of the precepts of the Church. The discussioii
of the content of the several Commandments and of
the penalties imposed by the Church for violation of
these Commandments will be f otmd under the various
subjects to which they refer. We do not find in the
eariy history of the Church any fixed and formal body
of Church Commandments. As early, however, as the
time of Constantine, especial insistence was put upon
the obligation to hear Mas8onSunda3rsand Holy Days,
U) receive the sacraments and to abstain from con-
tracting marriage at certain seasons. In the seventh-
century Penitentiary of TTieodore of Canterbury we find
penalties imposed on those who contemn the Sunday
and fail to keep the fasts of the Church as well as legis-
lation regarding the reception of the Eucharist; but
no reference is here made to any precepts of the
Church accepted in a particular sense. Neither do we
discover sucn special reference in one of the short ser-
mons addressed to neophytes and attributed to St.
Boniface, but probably of later date, in which the
hearers are urged to observe Sunday, pay tithes to the
Church, observe the fasts, and receive at times the
Holy Eucharist. In German books of popular in-
struction and devotion from the ninth century on-
wards special emphasis was laid on the obligation to
discharge these duties. Particularly does tins appear
in the forms prepared for the examination of con-
science. According to a work written at this time bv
Regino, Abbot of Prtim (d. 915), entitled " Libri duo de
synodaiibus causis et disciplinis", the bishop in his
visitation is, among other inquiries, to ask '*if any one
has not kept the fast of Lent, or of the ember-days, or
of the rogations, or that which may have been ap-
pointed by the bishop for the stajring of any plague;
if there be any one who has not gone to Holy Commu-
nion three times in the year, that is at Blaster, Pente-
cost and Christmas ; if there be any one who has with-
held tithes from God and His saints ; if there be any-
one so perverse and so alienated from God as not to
come to Church at least on Sundays; if there be any-
one who has not gone to confession once in the year,
that is at the beginning of Lent, and has not done pen-
ance for his sins (Hafner, Zur Geschichte der Kirch-
en^bote, in Theologische Quartalschrift, LXXX, 104).
The insistence on the precepts here implied, and
the fact that they were almost invariably grouped to-
gether in the books already referred to, had the inevi-
table effect of giving them a distinct character. They
came to be regarded as special Commandments of the
Church. Thus in a book of tracts of the thirteenth
century attributed to Celestine V (though the authen-
ticity of this work has been denied) a separate tractate
is given to the precepts of the Church and is divided
into four chapters, the first of which treats of fasting,
the second of confession and paschal Communion, the
third of interdicts on marriage, and the fourth of
tithes. In the fourteenth century Ernest von Pardu-
vitz, Archbishop of Prague, instructed his priests to
explain in popular sermons the principal points of the
catechism, the Our Father, the Creed, the Command-
ments of God and of the Church (Hafner, loc. cit.,
115). A century later (1470) the catechism of Diet-
rich Ccelde, the first, it is said, to be written in Ger-
man, explicitly set forth that there were five Com-
mandments of the Church. In his " Summa Theolo-
gica"(part I, tit. xvii, p. 12) St. Antoninus of Floi^
ence (1439) enumerates ten precepts of the Churdi
universally binding on the faithful. These are: to
observe certain feasts, to keep the prescribed fasts, to
attend Mass on Sundays and Holy Days, to confess once
a year, to receive Holy Communion during paschal
time, to pay tithes, to abstain from any act upon
which an interdict has been placed entailing excom-
munication, to refrain also from any act interdicted
under pain of excommunication Uxt/B BentenHte^ to
avoid association with the excommunicated, &ially
not to attend Mass or other religious functions cele-
brated by a priest living in open concubinage. In the
sixteenth century the Spanish canonist, Martin Aspil-
cueta (1586), gives a list of five principal precepts of
the Church. These are : to hear Mass on Holy Days of
obligation, to fast at certain prescribed times, to |>ay
tithes, to go to confession once a year and to receive
Holy Communion at Easter (Enchiridion, sive maa-
uale confessariorum et pcenitentium, Rome, 1588,
ch.xxi, n. 1). At this time, owing to the prevalence of
OOMMSMOSATION
155
OOMBUNDATOKY
heresy, there appeared many popular woika m defence
of the authority of the Church and setting forth in a
special manner her precepts. Sudi amcxig others
were the '^SummaDoctrinieChristiame" (1555) of St.
Peter Canisius and the ''Doctrina Christiana" of
Bellannine (1589). It is plain, however, that the
precepts of the Church, as a particular and distinct
body of laws, were recognlEea long before the six*
teenth century; the contention that they were first
definitely formulated by St. Peter Canisius is un-
warranted.
III. Classification. — ^The C^iu*ch in her supreme
authority has defined nothing regarding the form and
number of the Commandments of the Church. The
Council of Trent while recommending in a genend way
in its twenty-fifth session the observance of these pre-
cepts says nothing regarding them as a particular body
of laws. Neither is any specific mention made of them
in the ''Catechismus ad parochos" published by order
of the council and known as the '' Catechism of theCoun-
cil of Trent " or ^ Roman Catechism ' '. We have seen
that St. Antoninus of Florence enumerates ten such
commandments while Martin Aspilcueta mentions
only five. This last number is that given by St. Peter
Canisius. According to this author uie precepts of the
Church are: To observe the feast days appointed by
the Church; to hear Mass reverently on these feast
days; to observe the fasts on the days during the sea*
sons appointed ; to confess to one's pastor annually; to
receive JEIoly Communion at least once a year and that
around the feast of Easter. Owing undoubtedly to
the influence of Canisius, the catechisms generally
used at present throughout Germany and Austria-
Huncary have adopted the above enumeration. The
fourth precept has, however, been amended so as to
allow of confession being made to any duly authorised
priest.
In Spanish America the number of church pre-
cepts is also five; this being the number, as we have
seen, set down bv Aspilcueta in the sixteenth century.
Here, however, the First and Second commandment m
the table of Canisius are combined into one, and the
precept to pay tithes appears. It is to be noted, also,
that the precept of annual confession is more specific;
it enjoins that this confession be made in Lent, or be-
fore, if there be danger of death. (Synod of Mexico,
1585, Lib. I, tit. i, in Hardouin, Cone, X, 1596.) French
and Italian catechists reckon six precepts of the church,
the enumeration given by Bellannine. According to
this writer the Commandments of the Church are: To
hear Mass on Simdays and Holy Days; to fast during
Lent, on prescribed vigils, and the ember-days ; to ab-
stain from meat on Fridays and Saturdays ; to go to
confession once a year; to receive Holy Communion at
Easter ; to pay tithes; and finally not to solemnize mar-
riage during the prohibited times.
The French catechisms, following that of Bossuet,
omit the last two precepts, but retain the same
number as that given by Bellarmine. This they
do by making two Commandments cover the ob-
ligations to observe Sunday and the Holy Days,
and two also regarding the obligations of fast ana
abstinence. It will be readily observed that the
omission by French writers of the Commandment to
pay tithes was owingto local conditions. In a '^ Ca-
techism of Christine Doctrine" approved by Cardinal
Vaughan and the bishops of England, six Command-
ments of the Church are enumerated. These are: (1)
To keep the Sundays and Holy Days of obligation holv,
by hearing Mass and restine from servile work; (2) to
keep the days of fasting and abstinence appointed by
the Church j (3) to go to confession at least once a year;
(4) to receive the Blessed Sacrament at least once a
vear and that at Easter or thereabouts; (5) to contri-
bute to the support of our pastors; (6) not to many
within a certain de^ifree of kindred nor to solemnize
marriage at the forbwMon times. This list is the same
as that whfeh the Fathers of the Third Plenary Coun-
cil of Baltimore (1886) prescribed for the United States.
Antoninus, Summa Theolopiea, iwrt I, tit. xvii, p. 12 (Ve-
rona, 1740); Abpilcubta, Enchiridion aive manuaU confe»-
aariorum et panUienlium (Home, 1588), o. xxi, n. I, p. 289 sqq.;
Saint Pstkr Canisius, ^umma DoctrinaChriatiana (ed. 1833),
I, 387; BBLLABiaNiL Doctrina Chriatiana (1614); Saint Ad-
phonsus lAQTiOm^Theciogia Moralia, III, n. 1004; Ballebini-
Palmibri, Ovua Theologieum Morale (Prato, 1890), II, 776;
Hafnesh in Theoloifiaelu QuartaUchrift, (1898). LXXX 99;
Vacant in Dietionnaira da thialogie ceUholique article Command-
menta de VEfdise; Slates. Manual of Moral Theology (New
York. 1908). I.
John Webster Melody.
Oommemoration (tn LrruROT) is the recital of a
part of the Office or Mass assigned to a certain feast or
d^ when the whole cannot be said. When two
Offices fall on the same d^ and when, according to the
rules of the rubrics, one of them cannot be transferred
to another day, it is in part celebrated by way of a
commemoration. Offices have different degrees of
importance (doubles, semi-doubles, etc.) assigned
them at their institution, and it is this that mainly
determines precedence in cases of conflict.
At Mass a commemoration consists in saying the
collect. Secret, and Post-Ck>mmunion proper to the
feast or day which is being commemorated. In the
Office commemorations occur at Lauds and Vespers
and consist in reciting the antiphons, with their ver-
sicles and responses, of the Ben^ictus and Magnificat
respectively, adding in each case an oremua with the
oro^ proper. These 'are called special commemora-
tions as distinguished from the common, which are
certain nrayers said in Mass with corresponding ones
in the Office when the latter is of an Inferior rite.
These commemorative prayers of the Mass vary
according to the season of the year. When two or
more special commemorations have to be made, the
order is determined by the rank or relative impor-
tance of the feasts and Offices. When two Offices fall
on the same day there is said to be "occurrence";
and when the second Vespers of a preceding Office
coincides with the first Vespers of the following there
is " concurrence." When one of the two occurring,
or concurring, Offices is very solemn and the other
relatively ummportant, all mention of the latter is
omitted.
Rubrictt oeneraUa Breviarii Romani, IX; Rubritca generalea
Miaaalia VII; db Herdt, Sacrrn Liturgia Praxia (Lou vain,
1903), II. 326 Bq. Gatantus. Da Commemoralxonibua, sect,
iii. 11, 33; KdssiNQ in KircherUexikon, III, 093.
Patrick Morrisroe.
Oommemoration of St. Panl. See Paul, Saint.
Oommemoration of the Dead. See Canon of
THE Mass., imder III, Commemoratio pro defunctis.
Oommemoration of the Faithful Departed. See
All Souls' Day.
Oommemoration of the Living. See Canon of
THE Mass, under III, Commemoratio pro vims,
OommendAtory Abbot, an ecclesiastic, or some-
times a layman, who holds an abbey in commendam,
that is, who draws its revenues and, if an ecclesiastic,
may also have some jurisdiction, but does not exercise
any authority over its inner monastic discipline.
Originally only vacant abbeys, or such as were tem-
porarily without an actual superior, were given in
commendam, in the latter case only imtil an actual
superior was elected or api)ointea. An abbey is
held in commendam^ i. e. provisorily, in distinction to
one held in tihdum^ which is a permanent benefice.
As early as the time of Pope Gregory the Great (590-
604) vacant abbeys were given in commendam to
bishops who had been driven from their episcopal sees
by the invading barbarians. The practice began to
be seriously abused in the eighth century when the
Anglo-Saxon and Prankish kings assumed the ri^t to
set commendatory abbots over mona.st'eries that wore
OOMMENDOHS
156
OOMBIXVDOnS
occupied by religiouB commiinities. Often these com-
menoatory abbots were la^en^ vassals of the kings,
or others who were authorized to draw the revenues
and manage the temporal affairs of the monasteries in
reward for military services. While the notorious
Marozia was influential in Rome and Italy, and during
the reigns of Henry IV of Germany, Philip I of France.
William the Conaueror, William Ruf us, Henry I ana
II of England, tne abuse reached its climax. The
most worthless persons were often made commenda-
tory abbots, who in many cases brought about the
temporal and spiritual ruin of the monasteries. When
in 1122 the dispute concerning investiture was settled
in favour of the Church, the appointment of laymen
as commendatory abbots and many other abuses were
abolished. The abuses again increased while the
popes resided at Avignon (1309-1377) and especially
during'the schism (1378-1417), when the popes, as
well as the antipopes, gave ntimerous abbeys in com-
mendam in order to increase the number of their ad-
herents.
After the eighth century various attempts were
made by popes and coimcils to rebate the appoint-
ment of commendatory abbots, still the abuses con-
tinued. Boniface VIII (1294-1303) decreed that a
benefice with the cure of souls attached should be
granted in commendam only in great necessity or
when evident advantage would accrue to the Church,
but never for more than six months (c. 15. VI, De
elect., 1, 6). Clement V (1305-44) revoked benefices
which had been granted by him in commendam at an
earlier date (Extr. comm., c. 2, De prseb., 3, 2). The
Council of TVent (Sess. XXV, cap. xxi, de Regulari-
bus) determined that vacant monasteries should be
bestowed only on pious and virtuous regulars, and that
the principal or mother-house of an order and the
abbevs and priories founded immediately therefrom
should no longer be granted in commendam. The
succeeding BuU "Superna" of Gregory XIIL and the
Constitution "Pastoralis'' of Innocent A greatly
checked the abuses, but did not abolish them entirely.
Especially in France they continued to flourish to tne
detriment of the monasteries. Finally, the Fi*ench
Revolution and the general secularization of monas-
teries in the beginning of the eighteenth century de-
stroyed the evil with tne good. Since that time com-
mendatory abbots have become very rare, and the
former abuses have been abolished by wise regular
tions. There are still a few commendatory aboots
among the ceirdinals, and Pope Pius X is Commenda-
tory Abbot of the Benedictine monastery at Subiaco
near Rome. The powers of a commendatory abbot
are as follows: If the monastery is occupied by a
religious community where there is a separate mensa
abbatialis, i. e. where the abbot and the convent have
each a separate income, the conmiendatory abbot,
who must then be an ecclesiastic, has jurisdiction in
foro extemo over the members of the community and
enjoys all the rights and privileges of an actual abbot,
and if. as is generally the case, the monastery has a
special superior, he is subject to the commendatory
abbot as a daustral prior is subject to his actual abbot.
If there is no separate mensa abbatialis, the power of
the commendatory abbot extends only over the tem-
poral affairs of the monaster^'. In case of vacant
monasteries the commendatory abbot generally has
all the ri^ts and privileges of an actual abbot.
THOMA.8BIN. Vettu tt fiova Ecdeaia disciplina circa beneficia
(Venice, 1730), Pt. II. lib. II, capp. x-xxi; BXnuEB, Johannes
MabUlon (Augsburg, 1892), 31 sqq.; Gatrio, Die AhUi Mur-
bach (StrasbuFK, 189*)) II, 247 sqq.; Szcttgiiclsky, Liber pen-
thicus de eommendatariit regularium pralati$ (Wilna, 1681);
Devoti, JntlihU. canon. (Ghent, 1852), I, 683 sqq.
Michael Ott.
Oommendone, Giovanxi Francesco, Cardinal and
Papal Nuncio, b. at Venice, 17 March, 1523; d. at
Padua, 26 l^ec, 1581. After receiving a thorough
education In the humanities and in jurisprudence at
the University of Padua, he came to Rome in 1550.
The ambassador of Venice presented him to Pope
Julius III, who was so favourably impressed by the
imusual learning of the youthful scholar that he
appointed him one of his secretaries. After suc-
cessfully performing various papal missions of minor
importance, he accompanied Cardinal L^te Dandino
to the Netherlands, whence Pope JuUus in sent him in
1553 on an important mission to Queen Mary Tudor,
who had just succeeded Edward VI on the English
throne. He was to treat with the new queen concern-
ing the restoration of the Catholic Faitn in Eng^knd.
Accompanied by Penning, a servant and confidant of
Cardinal Reginald Pole, Commendone arrived in Lon-
don on 8 Aug., 1553. Though Mary Tudor was a
loyal Catholic, she was surroimded at court by nuxQer-
ous opponents of papal authority, who made it ex*
tremely difficult for Commendone to obtain a secret
interview with her. By chance he met John Lee, a
relation of the Duke of Norfolk and an attendant at
court, with whom he had become acquainted in Italy,
and Lee succeeded in arrax^ing the mterview. Muy
received Commendone kindhr, and expressed her desire
to restore the Catholic Faith and to acknowied^ the
spiritual authority of the pope, but considered it pru-
aent to act slowly on account of her powerful oppo-
nents. Commendone hastened to Home, arriving
there on 11 September, and informed the pope of the
joyful news, at the same time handing him a personal
letter from the queen. Commendone contmued to
hold the office of papal secretary under Paul IV, who
esteemed him very hi^y and in return for his services
appointed hhn Bishop of Zante in 1555. In the sum-
mer of 1556 he accompanied Cardinal Legate Scipione
Rebiba on a papal mission to the Nethenands, to the
courts of Emperor Charles V and King PhiUp II, the
consort of Queen Mary of England. Commendone
had received instructions to remain as nuncio at the
court of Philip, but he was recalled to Rome soon
after his arrival in the Netherlands. On 16 Septem-
ber of the same year the pope sent him as extraordi-
nary legate to tne Qovemments of Urbino, Ferrara,
Venice, and P&rma in order to obtain help against the
Spanish troops who were occupying the Qmipagna
and threatening Rome.
In 1560, when Pius IV determined to reopen the
Council of Trent, Commendone was sent as legate to
Germany to invite the Catholic and Protestant Es-
tates to the council. He arrived in Vienna on 3 Jan.,
1561, and after consulting with Emperor Ferdinand,
set out on 14 January f or Naumburg, where the Prot-
estant Estates were holding a religious convention.
He was accompanied by Delfino, Bishop of Lesina,
who had been sent as papal nuncio to Ferdinand four
months previously ana was still at the imperial court.
Having arrived at Naumburg on 28 January, they
were admitted to the convention on 5 February and
urged upon the assembled Protestant Estates the
necessity of a Protestant representation at the Coun-
cil of Trent in order to restore religious union, but all
their efforts were of no avail. From Naumburg,
Commendone traveled northward to invite the Es-
tates of Northern Germany. He went by way of
Leipzie and Magdeburg to Berlin, where he arrived on
19 February and was well received by Joachim of
MUnsterberg, the Elector of Brandenbuiv. Joachim
spoke respectfully of the pope and the Catholic
CWrch and expressed his desire for a religious recon-
ciliation, but did not promise to appear at the council.
Here Commendone met also the son of Joachim, the
young Archbishop Sigismund of Magdeburg, who
promised to appear at the council but did not keep
his word. Irving Berlin, Commendone visited
Beeskow, Wolfenbtittel, Hanover, Hildesheim, Iburg.
Paderbom, Cologne, Cleves, the Netherlands, anti
Aachen, inviting all the Estates he met in these
00MMENTABIB8
157
OOMMEMTABIBS
places. From Aachen he turned to Lttbeck with the
intention of crossing the sea to invite Kings Frederick
II of Denmark andEric XIV of Sweden. The King
of Denmark, however, refused to receive the legate,
while the King of Sweden invited him to En^nd,
whither he haS planned to go in the near future.
Queen EUzabeth of England had forbidden the papal
nuncio Hieronimo Martinengo to cross the English
Channel when he was sent to invite the queen to the
coimcil, hence it was very improbable that she would
allow Commcndone to come to England. He there-
fore repaired to Antwerp, awaiting further instruc-
tions from Rome. Being recalled by the pope, he re-
turned to Italy in Dec, 1561, by way of Lorraine and
Western Germany. Althoujzh nis mission was with-
out any results as regards ftx)testant representation
at the Coimcil of Trent, still his spotless character
and his strong and unselfish pleas for a return to
Catholic unity made a deep impression upon many
Protestant Estates. The numerous letters which
Commendone wrote during this mission to St. Charles
Borromeo present a sad but faithful picture of the
ecclesiastical conditions in Germany durins those
tinies. These and others were publiabed in "Miscel-
lanea di Storia Italiana" (Turin, 1869, VI, 1-240).
In Jan., 1563, the le^tes of the Council of Trent
sent Commendone to Emperor Ferdinand at Inns-
bruck, to treat with him regarding some demands
which he had made upon the council in his "Libel of
Reformation". In October of the same year Pius
IV sent him as legate to King Sigismund of Poland
with instruction to induce this ruler to give political
recognition to the Tridentine decrees. Yielding to
the requests of Commendone and of Hosius, Bishop
of Ermland, Sigismund not only enforced the Triden-
tine reforms, but also allowed the Jesuits, the most
hated enemies of the Reformers, to enter Poland.
While still in Poland, on the recommendation of St.
Charles Borromeo, Commendone was created cardinal
on 12 March, 1565. He remained in Poland until the
death of Pius IV (9 Dec., 1565), and before returning
to Italy he went as legate of the new pope, Pius V, to
the Diet of Augsburg, which was opened by Maximilian
II on 23 March, 1566. He had previously warned the
emperor under pain o^ excommunication not to dis-
cuss religion at the diet. He also seized the opportu-
nity to exhort the assembled Estates to carry uito exe-
cution the Tridentine decrees. In Sept., 1568. Pius V
sent him a second time as legate to Maximilian II. In
union with Biglia, the resident nuncio at Vienna, he
was to induce the emperor to make no new religious
concessions to the Protestant Estates of Lower Aus-
tria and to recall several concessions which he had
already made. While engaged in this mission, Com-
mendone was also empowered by a papal Brief dated
10 Oct., 1568, to make an apostolic visitation of the
churches and monasteries of Germany and the adja-
cent provinces. An account of this visitation in the
Dioceses of Passau and Salzburg in the year 1569 is
published in "Studien und Mittheiluncen aus dem
Benedictiner und Cistercienser Orden'' (Brunn, 1893,
XIV, 385-398 and 567-589). In Nov., 1571, Pius V
sent him as legate to the emperor and to King Sigis-
mund of Poland in the interest of a crusade. After
the death of King Sigismund, m 1572, he promoted
the election of Henry, Duke of Anjou, as King of
Poland, thereby incurring the displeasure of the em-
peror. Upon his return to Italy in 1573, Gregory
aIII appointed him a member of the newly founded
Congr^gatio Germanica^ the purpose of which was to
safeguard Catholic interests m Germany. He was so
hij^y esteemed by the Sacred College that, when
Gregory XIII fell dangerously ill. it was generally be-
lieved that CoHMnendone would be elected pope, but
he was outlived by Gregory.
ChlAUANi. Vita Cirmmendoni Cardinalia (Pari«, 1669), P'r. tr.
by Pt.vc&nsR (Paris, 1671, and Lyt>n8. 1702); The Cambridge
JMcm HUUny iLondon and New York, 1907), Ij «q() (1906)»
III, paasim; pALLxviaNO, /«torta dd, ConcUio di Trento (Rom«,
1846). II, 13, 15, III, 24; Prisac, Die Legaten Commendone und
Capaeini in Berlin (N«U88, 1846): Rciman, Die Sendung dea
Nuntiue Commendone naah DeuUcHl. im Jahre 1561 in Foneh"
unaen zur deuteeh. Oeeeh. (CdttiaKen. 1867). 237-80; Subta,
Die rOmieehe Kurie und das Konzit von Trient unt^r Pius IV.
(Wien, 1904), I; Schwarz, Der Briefwecheel dee K. Maximilian
IL mit Papat Piue V, (Paderbora. 1889); Qrauani, De eeriptie
invUa Minerva^ eum tidnotaiionwue H. Lagomareini (Florence^
1746HJ).
Michael Orr.
Oommentaries on the Bible.— ''To write a full
history of exegesis", says Farrar, "would require the
space of many volumes." Nor is this surprising
when it is borne in mind that the number of commen-
taries on such a recent writer as Dante reached the
grand total of thirteen hundred at the beginning of
the twentieth century. As the ground to be covered
is so extensive, only the barest outline can be given
here. The bibliography at the end will enable the
reader to pursue ^e subject further. We touch upon
the saUent points of Jewish, patristic, medieval, and
modem (Catholic and non-Catholic) commentaries.
We begin with the Jewish writers, and deal briefly
with the Targums, Mi^na, and Talmuds; for, thou^
these cannot be regarded as Bible commentaries, m
the proper sense of the word, they naturally lead up to
these latter. Those who require further information
on liiis head may be referred to the special articles
in The Catholic Enctclopeoia, and to the works
mentioned in the bibliography. Special attention is
directed to the list of the best modern non-Catholic
commentaries in English [V (3)). The article is divi-
ded as follows: I. Jewish Commentaries; II. Patristic;
III. Medieval; IV. Modem CathoUc; V. Non-
Catiiolic.
I. Jewish Commentaries. — (1) Phih, — ^There was
a story among the Jews in the Middle Ages to the
effect that .^istotle accompanied Alexander the
Great to Jerusalem, and, with characteristic Greek
craftiness, obtained possession of the wisdom of Solo-
mon, which he subseouently palmed off on his coun-
trymen as his own. This accounted for everything
that was good in Aristotle; the defects were the only
thing peculiar to the philosopher. That Greek litera-
ture, in general, got its inspiration from Moses was an
uncritical idea that dated back as far as Philo, the
great Jewish writer of Alexandria. A visitor to Alex-
andria at the time when Christ was preaching in Gali-
lee would find there and in its vicinity a mUBon Jews
using the Septuagint as their Bible, and could enter
their ma^nincent Great Synagogue of which they
were just^^ proud. Whoever had not seen it was not
supposed to have beheld the glory of Israel. The
members of their Sanhedrin, according to Sukkah,
were seated on seventy-one golden thrones valued at
tens of Uiousands of talents of gold; and the building
was so vast that a flae had to oe waved to show the
people when to respond. At the head of this assembly,
on the h^hest throne, was seated the alabarch, the
brother ^Philo. Philo himself was a man of wealth
and learning, who mingled with all classes of men and
frequented the tiieatre and the great library. Equally
at home in the Septuagint and the Greek classics, he
was struck and perplexed by the many beautiful and
noble thou^ts contained in the latter, which could
bear comparison with many passages of the Bible.
As this difficulty must have frequently presented it-
self to the minds of his coreligionists, he endeavoured
to meet it by saying that all that was great in So-
crates, Plato, etc. originated with Moses. He set
about reconciling Pagan philosophy with the Old Tes-
tament, and for this purpose he made extensive use of
the alle^rical method of interpretation. Many pas-
sages of the Pentateuch were not intended to be taken
literally. They were literally false, but allegorically
true. He did not hit upon the distinction, made
later by St. Thomas Aquinas and other Catholic
OOMBiENTABin
158
OOMMENTABIKS
thinkers, between natural and revealed religion. The
Bible contains not only revealed but also natural
religion, free from error and with Divine sanction.
Pagan systems may have natural religion highly
developed, but with much concomitant error. Though
this distinction did not occur to Philo, his exegesis
served to tide over the difficulty for the time amongst
the Hellenistic Jews, and had great influence on
Origen and other Alexandrian Christian writers.
(2) The Tarqums. — In order to get on the main
lines of Jewish mterpretation it is necessarv to turn to
the Holy Land. Farrar, in his "Life of Christ", says
that it has been suggested that when Christ visited
the Temple, at twelve years of age, there may have
been present among the doctors Jonathan ben TJzziel,
once thought the author of the Yonathan Targum,
and the venerable teachers Hillel and Shammai, the
handers-on of the Mishna. The Taigums (the most
famous of which is that on the Pentateuch erroneously
attributed to Onkelos, a misnomer for Aquila, accord-
ing to Abrahams) were the only approach to anythine
like a commentary on the Bible before the tmfie c?
Christ. They were interpretative translations or
paraphrases from Hebrew mto Aramaic for the use of
the synagogues when, after the Exile, the people had
lost the knowledge of Hebrew. It is doubtful
whether any of them were committed to writing be-
fore the Christian Era. They are important as indi-
cating the character of the Hebrew text used, and be-
cause they agree with the New Testament in inter-
preting certain passages Messianically which later
Jews denied to have any Messianic bearing.
(3) The Mishna and Talmuds. — Hillel and Shammai
were the last ''pair*' of several generations of *' pairs"
of teachers. These pairs were the successors of the
early scribes who lived after the Exile. These teach-
ers are said to have handed down and expanded the
Oral Law, which, according to the uncritical view of
many Jews, began with Moses. This Oral Law,
whose origin is biu-ied in obscurity, consists of legal
and liturgical interpretations and applications of we
Pentateuch. As no part of it was written down, it
was preserved by constant repetition (Mishna), On
the destruction of Jerusalem several rabbis, learned in
this Law, settled at Jamnia, near the sea, twenty-
eight miles west of Jerusalem. Jamnia became the
h^ul-quarters of Jewish learning until 135. Then
sdiools were opened at Sepphoris and Tiberias to the
west of the Sea of Galilee. The rabbis comforted
their countrymen by teaching that the study of the
Law (Oral as well as Written) took the place of the
sacrifices. Th^ devoted their energies to arranging
the Unwritten Torah, or Law. One of the most suc-
cessful at this was Rabbi Akiba who took part in the
revolt of Bar-Kokba, against the Romans, and lost
his life (136). The work of systematization was com-
Sleted and probably committed to writing by the
ewish patriarch at Tiberias, Rabbi Jehudah ha-Nasi
"The Prince" (150-210). He was of noble birth,
wealthy, learned, and is called by the Jews " Our Mas-
ter the Saint" or simply Rabbi par excellence. The
compilation made by tins Rabbi is the Mishna. It is
written in New Hebrew, and consists of six great divi-
sions or orders, each division containing, on an aver-
age, about ten tractates, each tractate being made up
of several chapters. The Mishna may be said to be a
compilation of Jewish traditional moral theology,
liturgy, law, etc. There were other traditions not
embodied in the work of Rabbi, and these are called
additional Mishna.
The discussions of later generations of rabbis all
centred round the text of tne Mishna. Interpreters
or "speakers" laboured upon it both in Palestine and
Babylonia (until 500), and the results are comprised
in the Palestinian and Babylonian Talmuds. The
word Talmud means teaching, doctrine. Each Tal-
mud consists of two parts, the Mishna (in Hebrew), in
sixty-three tractates, and an explanation of the same
(Gemarc), ten or twelve times as long. The explana-
tory portion of the Palestinian Talmud is written in
Western Aramaic and that of the Babylonian Tidmud
in Eastern Aramaic, which is closely allied to Syiiac
or Mandaic. The passages in the Gemara containing
additional Mishna are, however, given in New He*
brew. Only thirty-nine tractates of the Mishna have
Gemara. The Talmud, then, consists of the Mishna
(traditions from 460 b. c. till a. d. 200), together with
a commentary thereon, Gemara, the latter being
composed about a. d. 200*500. Next to the Bible
the Babylonian Talmud is the great religious book of
orthodox Jews, though the Palestinian Talmud is
more highly prized by modem scholars. From the
year 500 till the Middle Ages the rabbis {geomm) in
Babylonia and elsewhere were engaged in comment-
ing on the Talmud and reconciling it with the Bible.
A list of such commentaries is given in "The Jewish
Encyclopedia ".
(4) The MtidrcMMm.— Simultaneously with the
Mislma and Talmud there grew up a number of
Midrashim, or commentaries on the Bible. Some of
these were 1^9,li8tic, like the Gemara of the Talmud;
but the most important were of an edifying, homi-
letic character (Midrash Haggadah). These latter
are important for the corroborative light which they
throw on the language of the New Testament. The
Gospel of St. Jonn is seen to be steeped in early
Jewish phraseology, and the words of Ps. cix, "The
Lord said to my Lord", etc. are in one place applied
to the Messias, as they are in St. Matthew, tnou^
Rashi and later Jews deprived them of their Messianic
sense by applying them to Abraham.
(5) Karaite Commentators. — ^When the nature of
the Talmud and other such writings is considered, it
is not surprising that they produced a violent reaction
against Rabbinism even among the Jews themselves.
In spite of the few gems of thoiu^ht scattered through
it at long intervals, there is nothing in anyliterature
so entirdy uninviting as the Talmud. The oppos-
ition to these " traditions of men" finally took shape.
Anan ben David, a prominent Babylonian Jew in the
eighth century, rejected Rabbinism for the written
Old Testament and became the founder of the sect
known as Karaites (a word indicating their preference
for the written Bible). This schism produced great
energy and ability on both sides. The principal
Karaite Bible commentators were Mahavenoi (ninth
century) ; Abul-Faraj Harun (ninth century), exegete
and Hebrew grammarian; Solomon ben Yerucham
(tenth century) ; Sahal-ben Mazliach (d. 960), Hebrew
grammarian and lexicographer; Joseph al-Bazir (d.
930) ; Japhet ben Ali, the greatest Karaite commen-
tator of the tenth century; and Judah Hadassi (d.
1160).
(6) Middle Ayes.— Saadiah of Faytoi (d. 892), the
most powerful writer against the Karaites, translated
the Bible into Arabic and added notes. Besides com-
mentaries on the Bible, Saadiah wrote a systematic
treatise bringing revealed religion into harmony with
Greek philosopny. He thus oecame the forerunner
of Maimonides and the Catholic Schoolmen. Solomon
ben Isaac, called Rashi (b. 1040) wrote very popular
explanations of the Talmud and the Bible. Abraham
Ibn Ezra of Toledo (d. 1168) had a good knowledge of
Oriental languages and wrote learned commentaries
on the Old Testament. He was the first to maintain
that Isaias contains the work of two prophets. Moses
Maimonides (d. 1204). the greatest Jewish scholar of
the Middle Ages, of whom his coreligionists said that
''from Moses to Moses there was none like Moees'j
wrote his "Guide to the Perplexed", which was read
by St. Thomas. He was a great admirer of Aristotle,
who was to him the representative of natural knowl-
edge as the Bible was of the supernatural. There
were the two Kimchis, especially David (d. 1236) of
OOMMENTABISS
159
OOMMENTABISS
Narbonne, who was a celebrated grammarian^ lexicog^
rapher, and commentator inclined to the literal sense.
He was followed by Nachmanides of Catalonia (d.
1270), a doctor of medicine who wrote commentaries
of a cabbalistic tendency; Immanuel of Rome (b.
1270); and the Karaites, Aaron ben Joseph (1294),
and Aaron ben Elias (fourteenth century).
(7) Modem, — Isaac Abarbanel (b. Lisbon, 1437; d.
Venice, 1508) was a statesman and scholar. None of
his predecessors came so near the modem ideal of a
commentator as he did. He prefixed general intro-
ductions to each book, and was the first Jew to make
extensive use of Christian commentaries. Elias
Levita (d. 1549) and Asanas de Rossi (d. 1577) have
also to be mentioned. Moses Mendelssohn of Beritn
(d. 1786), a friend of Lessing, translated the Penta-
teuch into German. His commentaries (in Hebrew)
are close, learned, critical, and acute. He has had
much infiuence in modernizing Jewish methods.
Mendelssohn has been followed by Wessely, Jaroslaw,
Homberg, Euchel, Friedlander, Hertz, Herxheimer,
Philippson, etc., called "Biurists", or expositors.
The modem liberal school amoxu| the Jews is repre-
sented by Munk, Luzzato, Zunz, Geiger, Ftlrst, etc. In
past a^ the Jews attributed both the Written and the
Unwritten Torahs to Moses; some modem Jews seem
disposed to deny that he had anything to do with either.
II. Patristic Commentaries. — ^The history of
Christian exegesis may be roughly divided into three
periods: the Age of tne Fathers, the Age of Catenie
and Scholia (seventh to sixteenth century), and the
Age of Modem Commentaries (sixteenth to twentieth
century). Most of the patristic commentaries are in
the form of homilies, or discourses to the faithful, and
range over the whole of Scripture. There are two
schools of interpretation, that of Alexandria and that
of Antioch.
(1) Alexandrian School. — ^The chief writers of the
Alexandrian School were Pantsenus, Clement of
Alexandria, Origen, Dioiwsius of Alexandria, Didy-
mus the blind priest, Cjnril of Alexandria, and
Pierius. To these may be added St. Ambrose, who,
in a moderate degree, adopted their system. Its chief
characteristic was the allegorical method. This was,
doubtless, founded on passages in the (Gospels and the
Epistles of St. Paul, but it received a strong iinpulse
from the writings of Alexandrian Jews, especially of
Philo. The great representative of this school was
Origen (d. 254). From his very earliest years Origen
manifested such extraordinary marks of piety and
genius that he was held in the very highest reverence
y his father, himself a saint and martyr. Origen
became the master of many great saints and scholars,
one of the most celebrated Deicug St. Gregory Thauma>
turgus; he was known as the ''Adamantine" on
account of his incessant application to study, writing,
lecturing, and works of piety. He frequently kept
seven amanuenses actively employed; it was said he
became the author of 6000 works (Epiphanius, Hser.,
Ixiv, 63); according to St. Jerome, who reduced the
number to 2000 (Contra. Rufin., ii, 22), he left more
writings than any man could read in a lifetime
(E2p. xxxiii, ad Paulam). Besides his peat labours
on the Hexapla he wrote scholia, homilies, and com-
mentaries on the Old and the New Testament. In
his scholia he gave short explanations of difficult
passages after the manner of his contemporaries,
the annotators of the Greek classics. Most of the
scholia, in which he chiefly sought the literal sense,
are unfortunateljy lost, but it is supposed that
their substance is embodied in the writings of St.
John Chrysostom and other Fathers. In his other
works Ongen pushed the allegorical interpretation to
the utanost extreme. In spite of this, however, his
writings were of great value, and with the exception
of St. Augustine, no writer of ancient times had such
influenoe. It is lamentable that this great man fell
into serious error on the origin of souls, the eternity
of hell, etc.
(2) Antiochene School. — The writers of the Anti-
ochene School disliked the allegorical method, and
sought almost exclusively the literal, primary, or
historical sense of Holy Scripture. The principal
writers of this school were St. Lucian, Eusebius of
Nicomedia, Maris of Chalcedon, Eudoxius, Theognis
of Nieaea, Asterius, Anus the heresiarch, Diodorus of
Antioch (Bishop of Tarsus), and his three great pupils,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodore's brother Poly-
chromius, and St. John Chrysostom. With these
may be counted St. Ephraem on account of his
preference for the literal sense. The great represen-
tatives of this school were Diodorus, Theodore of
Mopsuestia, and St. John ChryBOstom. Diodorus.
who died Bishop of Tarsus (394), followed the literal
to the exclusion of the myBtical or allegorical sense.
Theodore was born at Antioch, in 347, b^ame Bishop
of Mopsuestia, and died in the communion of the
Church, 429. He was a powerful thinker, but an
obscure and prolix writer. He felt intense dislike for
the mystical sense, and explained the Scriptures in
an extremely literal and almost rationalistic manner.
His pupil, Nestorius, became a founder of heresy:
the ifestorians translated his books into Syriac ana
regarded Theodore as their g^e&t "Doctor". This
made Catholics suspicious of ms writings, which were
finallycondemned after the famous controversy on
The Three Chapters. Theodore's commentary on
St. John's Gospel, in Syriac, has recently been pub-
lished, with a Latin translation, by a Catholic scholar.
Dr. C^habot. St. John Chrysostom, priest of Antioch,
became Patriarch of Constantinople in 398. As an
interpreter of Holy Scripture he stands in the very
first rank of the Fathers. He left homilies on most
of the books of the Old and the New Testaments
There is nothing in the whole of antiquity to equal
his writings on St. Matthew's Gospel and St. Paul's
Epistles. When St. Thomas Aquinas was asked by
one of his brethren whether he would not like to be
the owner of Paris, so that he could dispose of it to
the King of France and with the proceeds promote
the good works of his order, he answered that he
would prefer to be the possessor of Chrysostom's
"Super Matthseum". This reply may be taken as
the true expression of the high admiration in. which
the writings of St. Chrysostom have ever been held
in the Church. St. Isidore of Pelusium said of him
that if the Apostle St. Paul could have used Attic
speech he would have explained his own Epistles in
the identical words of St. John Chrysostom.
(3) Intermedtaie School. — The other Fathers com-
bined what was best in both these systems, some lean-
ing more to the allegorical and some to the literal sense.
The principal were Isidore of Pelusium, Theodoret, St.
Basil, St. (jrregory of Nazianzus, St. Gregory of Nyssa,
St. Hilary of Poitiers, Ambrosiaater, St. Jerome, St.
Augustine, St. Gregoiy the Great, and Pelagius. St.
Jerome, perhaps the greatest Biblical scholar of an-
cient times, besides his famous translations of the
Scripture, and other works, left many useful commen-
taries, some of great merit. In others he departed too
much from the literal meaning of the text. In the
hurry of composition he did not always sufficiently
indicate when he was quoting from different authors,
and this, according to Richard Simon, accounts for his
apparent discrepancies.
III. Medieval Commentaries. — ^The medieval
writers were content to draw from the rich treasures
left them by their predecessors. Their commentaries
consisted, for the most part, of passages from the
Fathers, which they connected together as in a chain,
catena (q. v.). We cannot give more than the names
of the principal writers, with the century after each.
Though they are not all known as catenists they may
be regarded as such, for all practical purposes.
OOMMENTABlXft
160
OOMHtHrTABItt
(1) Greek Caienists, — Procopius of Gaza (sixth cen-
utry) was one of the first to write a catena. He was
followed by St. Maximus, Martyr (seventh), St. John
Damascene (eighth), Olynipiodorus (tenth), (Ecnme-
nius (tenth), Nicetas of Constantinople (eleventh),
Thcoph;y[lactus, Archbishop in Bulgaria (eleventh),
Euthymius Zigabenus (twelfth), and the writers of
anonymous catena edited by Cramer and Cardinal
Mai.
(2) Latin CatenisiSj ScholiatiSf etc, — The principal
Latin conmientators of this period were the Venerable
Bede, Walafrid Strabo, Anseun of Laon, Hugh of Saint-
Cher, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Nicholas de Lyra.
The Venerable Bede (seventh to eighth century), a
good Greek and Hebrew scholar, wrote a useful com-
mentary on most of the books of the Old and the New
Testament. It is in reahty a catena of passages from
Greek and Latin Fathers judiciously selected and di-
gested. Walafrid Strabo (ninth century), a Bene-
dictine, wrote the "Glossa Ordinaria" on the entire
Bible. It is a brief explanation of the literal and
mystical sense, based on Rabanus Maurus and other
Latin writers, and was one of the most popular works
during the Middle Ages, being as well known as " The
Sentences*' of Peter Lombard. Anselm, Dean of
Laon, and professor at Paris (twelfth century), wrote
the ''Glossa Interlinearis", so called because the ex-
planation was inserted between the lines of the Vulgate.
The Dominican cardinal, Hugh of Saint-Cher (Hugo de
Sancto Caro, thirteenth century), besides his famous
''Concordance", composed a short commentary on
the whole of the Scriptures, explaining the literal,
allegorical, analogical, and moral sense of the text.
His work was called "Postillse", i. e. post iUa (verba
textus), because the explanation followed the words of
the text. St. Thomas Aquinas (thirteenth centuty)
left commentaries on Job, Psalms, . Epistles of St.
Paul, and was the author of the well-known ''Catena
Aurea*' on the Gospels. This consists of quotations
from over eighty Greek and Latin Fathers. He
throws much light on the literal sense and is most
happy in illustrating difficult points by parallel pas-
sages from other parts of the Bible. Nicholas de
Lyra (thirteenth century), a converted Jew, joined
the Franciscans in 1291, and brought to the service of
the Church his great knowledge of Hebrew and rab-
binicaUeaming. He wrote short notes or *' Postillae ' '
on the entire Bible, and set forth the literal meaning
with great ability, especially of the books written
in Hebrew. This work was most popular, and in
frequent use during the late Middle Ages, and
Luther was indebted to it for his display of learning.
A great impulse was given to exegetical studies by
the Council of Vienne which decreed, in 1311, that
chairs of Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic should
be established at Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Sala-
manca.
Besides the great writers already mentioned the
following are some of the principal exegetes, many of
them Benedictines, from patristic times till the Coun-
cil of Trent: Cassiodonis (sixth century); St. Isidore
of Seville (seventh) ; St. Julian of Toledo (seventh) ;
Alcuin (eighth) ; Rabanus Maurus (ninth) ; Dmthmar
(ninth) ; Remigius of Auxerre (ninth) ; St. Bnmo of
Wtlrzburg, a distinguished Greek and Hebrew scholar;
St. Bruno, founder of the Carthusians (eleventh)*
Gilbert of Poir6e; St. Rupert (twelfth); Alexander oi
Hales (thirteenth); Albertus Magnus (thirteenth);
Paul of Burgos (fourteenth to fifteenth); Alphonsus
Tostatus of Avila (fifteenth); Ludolph of Saxony;
and Dionysius the Carthusian, who wrote a pious
commentary on the whole of the Bible; Jacobus
Faber Stapulensis (fifteenth to sixteenth); Gagnieus
(fifteenth to sixteenth). Erasmus and Cardinal Ca-
ietan (sixteenth) wrote in a scientific spirit, but have
been justly blamed for some rash opinions.
IV. Modern Catholic Commkntariss. — The in-
flux oi Greek scholars into Italy on the fall of Con-
stantinople, the Christian and anti-Christian Renais-
sance, the invention of printing, the controversial ex-
citement caused bv the rise of Protestantism, and the
publication of polyglot Bibles by Cardinal Ximenes
and others, gave renewed interest to the study of the
Bible among Catholic scholars. , Controversy showed
them the necessity of devoting more attention to the
literal meaning of the text, according to the wise prin-
ciple laid down by St. Thomas in the beginning <m his
''Sununa Theologica".
It was then that the sons- of St. Ignatius, who
founded his order in 1534, stepped into t£e front rank
to repel the attacks on the Church. The Katio Studi-
orum of the Jesuits made it incumbent on their pro-
fessors of Scripture to acquire a mastery of Greek,
Hebrew, and other Oriental languages. Salmeron,
one of the first companions of St. Ignatius, and the
pope's theolc^an at the Council of Trent, Was a dis*
tinguished Hebrew scholar and voluminous commen-
tator. Bellarmine, one of the first Christians to
write a Hebrew grammar, composed a valuable com-
mentaiy on the Psalms, giving an exposition of the
Hebrew, Septuagint, and Vulgate texts. It was pub-
lished as part of Cornelius a Lapide's commentaiy on
the whole Bible. Cornelius a Lapide, S. J. (b. 1566),
was a native of the Low Countries, and was well
versed in Greek and Hebrew. During forty years he
devoted himself to teaching and to the composition of
his great work, which has been highly praised by
Protestants as well as CathoUcs. Maidonatus, a
Spanish Jesuit, bom 1534, wrote commentaries on
Isaias, Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, Psalms, Proverbs.
Canticles (Song of Solomon), and Ecclesiastes. His
best work, however, is his Latin commentary on the
Four Gospels, which is generally acknowledged to be
one of the best ever written. When Maidonatus was
teaching at the University of Paris the hall was filled
with eager students before the lecture b«zan, and he
had frequently to speak in the open air. Great as was
the merit of the work of Maidonatus, it was equalled
by the commentary on the Epistles by Estius (b. at
Gioreum, Holland, 1542), a secular priest, and superior
of the College at Douai. These two works are still of
the greatest help to the student. Many other Jesuits
were the authors of valuable ex^tical works, e. g.:
Francis Ribera of Castile (b. 1514); Cardinal Toletus
of Cordova (b. 1532); Manuel Sa (d. 1596); Bon-
fi^re of Dinant (b. 1573): Mariana of Talavera
(b. 1537); Alcazar of Sevflle (b. 1554): Bajradius
"the Apostle of PortugsJ"; SAnches of AlcalA (d.
1628); Serarius of Lorraine (d. 1609); Lorinus of
Avignon (b. 1559); Tirinus of Antwerp (b. 1580);
Menochius of Pavia; Pereira of Valencia (d. 1610);
and Pineda of Seville.
The Jesuits were rivalled by Arias Montanus (d.
1598), the editor of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible; Six-
tus of Siena, O. P. (d. 1569) ; John Wfld (Ferus), O. S.
F.; Dominic Soto, O.P. (d. 1560); Masius (d. 1573);
Jansen of Ghent (d. 1576); G^n6brard of Quny (d.
1597); Agellius (d. 1608); Luke of Bruges (d. 1619);
Calasius, O. S. F. (d. 1620) ; Malvenda, O. P. (d. 1628);
Jansen of Ypres; Simeon de Muis (d. 1644); Jean
MMn, Gratorian (d. 1659); Isaac Le Maistre (de
Sacy) ; JohnSjdveira, Carmelite (d. 1687) ; Bossuet (d.
1704); Richard Simon, Gratorian (d. 1712); Calmet,
Gratorian, who wrote a valuable dictionary of the
Bible, of which there is an English translation, and a
hif^y esteemed conmientary on all the books of
Scripture (d. 1757); Louis de Carri^sres, Gratorian (d.
1717); Piconio, Capuchm (d. 1709); Lamy, Gratorian
(d. 1715); Guarin, O, S.B. (d. 1729); HoubiKmt, Gra-
torian (d. 1783); Smits, RecoUect (1770); Le Long,
Gratorian (d. 1721); Brentano (d. 1797). During
the nineteenth centuiy the following were a few of the
Catholic writers on the Bible: Schds, Hug, Jahn, Le
Hir, AUk)li, Mayer, van Essen, Glaire, Beelin, Hane-
ooHuwnMsaB
161
OOMMUrfABIIB
berg, Meigoan, Reithmayr, Patrizi, Loch, Biasing
(his oommentary on the New Testaoient styled ^ex*
oellent" by Vigpuroiu;:), Coriuy, Fillion, Les^tre, Tro-
chon (Introductions and Oomm. on Old and New
Test., ''La Sainte Bible '\ 27 vols.), Schegg, Bacues,
Kenrick, McEvilly, Amauld, Schanz (a roost valuable
work, in German, on the Gospels), Fouard, Maas,
Vigouroux (works of Introduction), Ward, Mclntyre,
etc. Catholics have also published important scientif-
i<»l books. There is the aeat Latin '^Cursus " on the
whole of the Bible by the Jesuit Fathered Comely,
Knabenbauer, and Hummelauer. The writing of
Lagrange (Les Juges), Condamin (Isale), Oalmes (Saint
Jean), Van Hoonacker (Les Douze Petits Proph^tes),
etc., are all valuable works. For a list of modem
CathoUc publications on the Scripture, the reader
may be referred to the "Revue biblique'', edited by
Lagrange f Jerusalem and Paris), and the "Biblische
Zeitschrift , published by Herder (Freiburg im
Breisgau). For further information concerning the
principal Catholic commentators see respective
articles.
V. Non-Cathouc CoiiMSNTARiES. — (1) Ifi Gen-
eral.— The commentaries of the first Reformers,
Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Zwingli, etc.. are mostly
controversial, and are now seldom quoted by scholars.
Their immediate successors were t<x> energetically en-
gaged in polemics among themselves to devote much
time to regular works of exegesis. The following-
wrote on Holy Scripture during the 17th and 18th cen-
turies. LutheranJB : Gerhard ; Geier ; Calo v ; S. Schmid ;
J . H. Michaelis ; Lauge. Cal vinists ; Drusius ; Louis de
Dieu (jareaX Oriental scholar); Cappel; Bochart; Coo>
oeius; vitring^. Socinians: John Crell and Jonaa
Schllchting. Arminians: Hugo Grotius (a man of
great erudition) ; Liinbroch ; John le Qerc (rationalis-
tic). En^ish Writers: Brian Walton (London Poly-
glot), John li^htfoot (HorsB Heb. et Talm.), both
mines of learnme; Pearson, etc., editors of '^Critici
Sacri'' (oompUea f rom the best Continental writers,
Catholic and Protestant); Mayer* S. Clarke (brief
judicious notes); Wells; Gill; John Wesley; Dodd; W,
Lowth; R. Lowth; and the editors of the Reformer's
Bible. During the nineteenth century: Priestly
(1803); Burder (1809); D'Oyly and Mant (1820); A.
Clarke (1826, leamed); Boothroyd (1823, Hebrew
scholar); Thomas Scott (1822, popular); Matthew
Henry (1827, a practical oomm. on Old and New
Test.;; Bloomfield (Greek Test., with Eng. notes,
1832, good for the time) : Kuinoel (Philological Comm.
on New Test., 1828); Oldshausen (1839); Haevemick
(1845); Baumgarten (1859); Tholuck (1843); Trench
(Parables, Sermon on the Mount, Miracles, N. T. Syn.
— veiy useful); ''The Speakers Commentai^'' (still
valui^le); Alford (Greelc Test., with critical and
exeg. oomm., 1856, good); Franz Delitzsch (1870),
Ebrard Hengstenberg (1869); Wordsworth (The
Greek Test., with notes, 1877); Keil; Ellicott (Epp,
of St. Paul, highly esteemed); Conybeare and
Howson (St. Paul, containing much useful informa-
tion) ; Lange, together with Schroeder, Fay, Cassel,
Bacher, Zoeckler, Moll, etc. (Old and N. Test., 1864>
78); Lewin (St, Paul, 1878); Beet; Cook; Gloag;
Perowne; Bishop lightfoot (Epp. of St. Paul); West-
oott. There were many commentaries published at
Cambridge, Oxford, London, etc. (see publishers'
catalogues, and notices in ''Expositor'', "Expository
Times^', and "Journal of Theological Studies").
Other writers are Farrar, A. B. Davidson, Fausset,
Plunuoer, Plumptre, Salmon, ' Swete, Bruce, Dods,
Stanley, Driver, ICirkpatrick, Sanday, Green, Hovey,
Robinson, SchafiT^ l^ngflB, Moore, Goulds etc. "The
International Cntical^mmentary" is a work by
many distinguished American and Endish scholars.
There are also the Bible dictionaries of ICitto, Smith,
and Hastings. Many of these works, especially the
later ones, are valuable for their scientific method,
IV —11
though not of equal value for their views or conclusiDDa*
[See below (3) The beet modem {rum-C.) Commeniariee
in English.]
(2) Rationalistic Commentaries, — The English
deists. Lord Herbert of Cherbury (d. 1648), Hobbes,
Blount, Toland, Lord Shaftesbury (d. 1713), Mande-
ville, CoUins, Woolston (1731), Tindal, Moiigafu
Chubb, Lord Bolingbroke (d. 1751), Annet, and David
Hume (d. 1776), while admittine the existence of God,
rejected the supernatural, and made desperate at-
tacks on diif erent parts of the Old and the New Testa-
ment. They were ably refuted by such men as New-
ton, Cudworth, Boyle, Bentley, Lesley, Locke, Ibbot,
Whiston, S. Clarke, Sherlock, Chandler, Gilbert West,
Georgs Lord IMton, Waterland, Foster, Warburton,
Leland, Law, Lardner, Watt, Butler. These replies
were so effective that in Enigland deism practically
died with Hume. In the meantime, unfortunatdy,
the opinions of the English rationalists were dissemi*
nated on the Continent by Voltaire and others. In
Germany the sraund was prepared by the philosophy
of Christian Wolff and the writings of his disciple
Semler. Greaib scandal was caused by the. posthu-
mous writings of Raimarus, which were published by
Leasing between 1774-78 (The Fragments of Wolfen-
battel). Lessing pretended that he discovered the
manuscript in the ducal library of WolfenbOttel and
that the author was unknown. According to the
"Fragments", Moses, Christ, and the AposUes were
impostors. Lessing was vigorously attacked, espe-
cially by Gdtze; but Lessing, instead of meeting nis
opponent's argiunents, with great literary skUl
turned him to ridicule. The rationalists, however,
soon realised that the Scriptures had too genuine a
ring to be treated as the results of imposture. Eich-
horn, in his "Introd. to the OldTest.^' (1789), main-
tained that the Scriptures were genuine productions,
but that, as the Jews saw the intervention of God in
the most ordinary natural occurrences, the mirades
should be explained naturally, and he proceeded to
show how. Paulus (1761-1850), following the lead
.of Eichhorn, applied to the Gospels the naturalistic
method of explaining miracles. When Paulus was a
boy, his father's mina became deranged, he constantly
saw his deceased wife and other ministering ang^s,
and he perceived miracles everywhere. After a time
the young Paulus began to shake off this nifi^tmare
and amufim himself by taking advantage of his fath-
er's weakness, and playing practical jokes upon him.
He grew up with the most bitter disUke f<»r every-
^ing supernatural, and his judgment became almost
as warped as that of his father, but in the opposite
direction. The Apostles and earl^r Christians ap-
peared to him to be people just like his worthy parent,
and he thou^t that they distorted natural facts
through the medium of their excited ima^nations.
This led him to give a naturalistic explanation of the
Gospel miracles.
Tne common sense of the Ciennan rationalists soon
perceived, however, that if the authenticity of the
Sacred Books were admitted, with Eichhorn and
Paulus, the naturalistic explanation of these two
writers was ouite as absurd as the impostor system of
Raimarus. In order to do away with the superna-
tural it was necessary to eet rid of the authenticity
of the books; and to this the observations of Richard
Simon and Astruc readily lent themselves. G. L
Bauer, Heyne (d. 1812), and Creuser denied the au-
thenticity of the greater portion of the Pentateuch
and compared it to the mythology of the Greeks and
Romans. The greatest advocate of suc^ views was
de Wette (1780-1849), a pupil of Paulus» of the hol-
Iqwneas of whose method he soon becan^ convinced.
In his "Introd. to the Old Test." (1806) he main-
tained that the miraculous narratives of the Old Testa-
ment were but popular legends, which, in passing
from mouth to mouth, in the course of oenturies, bo-
001IMSlrt'A&tt»
162
0OMM»tTAltXB8
came transformed and transfused with the marvellous
and the supernatural; and were finally committed to
writing in perfectly good faith. Strauss (1808-74),
in his ^Das Leben Jesu" (1835) applied this mythical
explanation to the Gospels. He showed most dearly
that if with Paulus the Crospels are allowed to be au-
thentici the attempt to exi^ain the miracles naturally
breaks down completelv. Strauss rejected the au-
thenticity and recorded the miraculous accotmts in
the Gospels as naive legends, the productions of the
pious imaginations of the early generations of Chris-
tians. The views of Strauss were severely criticized
by the Catholics, Kuhn, Mack, Hug, and Sepp, and by
the Protestants Neander, Tholuck, XJllman, Lange,
Ewald, Riggenbach, Weiss, and Keim. Baur es-
pecially, the founder of the Tubingen School, proved
that Strauss ran counter to the most cleariy estab-
lished facts of eariy Christian history, and showed the
folly of denying the historical existence of Christ and
His transcendent personality. Even Strauss lost all
confidence in his own sjrstem. Baur, unfortunately,
originated a theory which was for a time in great
vo^e, but which was afterwards abandoned by the
majority of critics. He hdd that the New Testa-
ment contains the writing? of two antajgonistic par-
ties amongst the Apostles and eariy Christians. His
principal followers were Zeller. Schw^er, Planck,
Kdslin, Ritsch, Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, '^bler, Keim,
Hosten. some of whom, however, emancipated them-
selves from their master.
Besides the writers already mentioned, the follow-
ing wrote in a rationalistic spirit: Emesti (d. 1781),
Semler (1791), Berthold (1822), the RosemnttUers,
Crusius (1843), Bertheau, De Wette, Hupfeld, Ewald,
Thenius, Fritzsche, Justi, Gesenius (d. 1842), Lon-
gerke, Bleek, Bunsen (1860), Umbreit, Kleinert,
Knobel, Nicolas, Hirzel, Kuenen, J. C. K. von Hoff-
mann, Hitzig (d. 1875), Sohulz (1869), B. Weiss,
Renan, Tuch, H. A. W. Meyer (and his continuators
Huther, Luneman, Dusterdieck, BrOckner, etc.),
Wellhausen, Wieseler, jQlicher, Beyschlag, H. Holtz-
nuinn, and his collaborators Schmiedel, von Soden,
etc. Holtzmann, while practicaU^ admitting the
authenticity of the Gospels, especially of St. Mark,
endeavours to explain away the miracles. He ap-
proaches the subject with his mind made up that
miracles do not happen, and he tries to get rid of
them by cleverly attempting to show that they are
merely echoes of Old Testament miracle stories. In
this he is quite as unsuccessful as Paulus, who saw in
them only the counterpart of the distorted imaginings
of his unfortunate father. Holtzmann is severely
taken to task by several writers in the *' International
Critical Commentary". The attempt to get rid of
the supernatural Ivs completely failed; but the
activity of so many acute minds has thrown great
lig^t on the language and literature of the Bible.
(3) The Best Modem (norirCatholic) C&mmerUanesin
Englxth. — ^There is a very useful list of such commen-
taries in "The Expository Times" (vol. XIV, Jan.
and Feb., 1903, 151, 203), by Henry Bond, Librarian
of Woolwich. It is the result of opinions which he
obtained from manv of the most renowned English
scholars. The number of votes given for the different
works is printed after each name; but no name ap-
peara on the list unless it received more than five
votes. The editor. Dr. James Hastings, added judi-
cious notes and observations (270, 358). The follow-
ing list is based, in great measure, on these papers,
supplemented from other sources. The woncs are
distm^ished as follows: (e) excellent; (g) good;
(f) fair. Some of those marked (g) and (f) were
ezodlent for the time in which they were published;
and they ma^ still be re^rded as serviceable. The
characterization of each is, of course, from the non-
Catholic point of view.
Old Testament. — Introduction: Driver, "Introd.
to the Literature of the Old Test.", written from
a ''Higher Critical" standpoint; on tne other side is
the powerful book by Orr, "The Problem of the Old
Testament" (London, 1906). Both contain ample
literatures. — Genesis: Skinner, in "International
Critical Commentanr"; Spurrell (g) (notes on the
text); Delitzsch (g), and EHllmann (g); Dods in
"Handbook Series . — Exodus: There is, at present,
no firstrclass commentanr on Exod.; Kennedy in
"Int. Crit. Comm."; Chadwick fe). -—Leviticus: Sten-
ning in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Kalish (g) the best in
English; Driver and White (f) in Polychrome
Bible; Ginsburg (London); Keuog (f) (London). —
Numbers: Buchanan Gray (e) in "int. Crit. Comm.":
Kittell, "History of the Hebrews"; there is little else
to refer to, as the others are out of date. — ^Deuter-
onomy: Driver (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Harper
(g).— -Josue: Smith in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Maclear
(0.--Judges: Moore (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm.";
Watson (f); Lias (0— Ruth: Briggs in "Int. Crit.
Comm. ".--Samuel: Smith (e) in "Et. Crit. Comm.";
Kirkpatrick (e). — Kings: Brown in "Int. Crit.
Comm."; Lumby, an excellent popular work. —
Chronicles (Paralip.): Curtis in "Int. Crit. Comm.";
also his article in Hastily, " Diet, of the Bible"; Ben-
nett (g) ; Barnes (g). — E^ras and Nehemias: Batten
in " Int. Crit. Comm."; Kyle's is an excellent popular
commentary: Adeney (f). — Esther: Paton in "Int.
Crit. Comm."; Lange (f); Adeney (0- — ^Job: There
appears to be no first-rate students' commentary on
Job; Davidson's is an excellent popular book; earlier
works of Driver, Gibson, and Cox are fair. — Psakns:
Briggs (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Delitzsch (c);
Kirl^atrick (e); Perowne (g); Cheyne (f). — Prov-
erbs: Toy (e) in "Int. Crit. ()omm.''. — Ecclesiastes:
Barton (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Strong (e); Tyler
(g); Plumptre, agoodpopular coram.' I^litzsch (f);
Wright (0. — Song of Solomon (Canticles): Brigra in
"Int. Crit. Comm."; Harper, a valuable work; Gins-
burg (f). — Isaias: Driver and Gray in "Int. Crit.
Comm."; Smith (e); Delitzsch (g); Cheyne (f).—
Jeremias: Kirkpatrick in "Int. Crit. Comm.";
Streane an excellent popular work; that of Ball
and Bennett is ^ood; Orelli (f). — Lamentations:
Bri^ in "Int. Cnt. Comm."; Streane and Adeney,
goc^ popular books. — Ezechiel: Cooke and Bur-
ney in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Cobem (g); Toy (f) m
"rolychrome Bible"; Davidson (e), an exceUent
popular commentary. — Daniel: Peters in "Int. Crit.
Comm."; Kennedy (g); Bevan (g); Driver has a
first-class popular conunentary. — Amos and Osee:
Harper (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm."; three excellent
popular works are by Smith, Driver, and Cheyne. —
Otner Minor Prophets: Smith, etc., in "Int.
Crit. Comm."; Smith (e); Davidson (g), and
Perowne (g); Orelli (f); Dods, "Post-exilian Proph-
fets", in Handbook Series; Low (g); Zechariah (g);
Pusey (f).
New Testament. — Introduction: Salmon, "Introd.
to the New Test.", an excellent book; Westcott.
"Canon of the New Test." (7th ed., 1896); Li^tfoot,
''Essays on Supernatural Religion" (1893), a power-
ful reply to the attacks of an anonymous rationalist
on the New Test.; also his "Dissertations on the
Apostolic Age", and Biblical Essays; Ramsay, "St.
Paul the Traveller", "Was Christ bom in Bethle-
hem?", etc.; Hamack, "St. Luke the Physician",
defends the authenticity of the Gospel and Acts;
Hawkins, " Howe Synoptic®". Text: "variorum New
Test."; Weymouth, '^The Resultant Greek Test.",
showing the Greek readings of eleven great editions;
Westcott and Hort, "The New Test, m Greek", vol.
11, Introd.; Salmon, "Some Criticism of the Text"
(1897), a criticism of Westcott and Hort; "The Ox-
ford D^>ate on the Textual Criticism of the New
Test." (Oxfofd, 1897): Kenyon. "Our Bible and the
Ancient Manuscripts", an invaluable book; also his
OOMMniSS
163
OOMMIltlS
'^Handbook of the Textual Criticiam of the New
Teat." (1901); Hammond, "Outlines of Text. Crit.
applied to N. Test. ''(Oxford); Nestle (also tr.),andthe
exnaustive work by von Soden (both in Oennan).— St.
Matthew's Gospel: Allen (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm.";
Meyer (e), one of the older works, but still used, Dr.
Hastings says, by some of the finest scholars, who
(g) in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Hort (g) lindsay, an ex«
cellent little book. — St. Luke: Plummer (e) in "Int.
Crit. Coram."; Wright (g), "St. Luke's Go^ in
Greek"; Godet (g)- Farrar (g).— St. John: Westcott
(e) in "Speaker's Comm.", the most highly praised
of all the commentaries on St. John's Gospel; Ber-
nard in "Int. Crit. Cbmm."; Godet (g); Milligan and
Moulton (g) ; Dods in " Exp. Gr. Test?' (g) ; Reith (g).
Acts: fijiowling (e), "Exp. Gr. Test/', one of the
best commentaries on Acts m any language; Turner
in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Rendall (g); Lumby (g)
RackiuL*n (g); Page (g). — ^Romans: Sanday and Head-
lam (e) in "Int. Crit. Comm.", one of the best com-
mentaries in existence on Romans, rendering all other
Ensiish commentaries superfluous. — ^I Corinthians:
Robertson and Walker in " Int. Crit. Comm."; Evana
(g) in J^Sp^MikOT's Comm."; Findlay (g) in "Exp.
(g); G
Greek Test."; Edwards (g); EUicott (gj; Godet (f^;
■ ' Meyer
"Exp.
Massie in Century Bible (g). — ^11 Corinthians: Meyer
(g), m^Int. Crit. Comm."; Bernard (g) in "Exp.
Waite (g) in "Speakers Commen-
%
reek Test.' ,
tary". — Galatians: Liglitfoot_(e) (London, 1874), a
a masterpiece of e:
Comm."; Rendall (g) in"
Burton in "Int. Crit.
K Greek, Test."; EUicott
(g); Ramsaj (r); Sanday (^). — ^Ephesians: Abbott (e)
in "Int. Cnt. Comm." (Edmbuigh); Armitage Robin-
son (e); Macpheraon (g); EUicott (g)*6almond (g) in
"Exp. Greek Test."; Alford (0 (London); Meyer (f);
Miller, good but daring. — ^PhiUppians and Philemon:
Ughtfoot (e), another masterpiece ; Vincent (e) in " Int.
Cnt. Comm."; EUicott (0; Moule (g), "PhUippian
Studies", and in "Camb. Greek Test."— Oolossians:
Li^tfoot (e). another great work; Abbott (e) in "Int.
Cnt. Comm." (in the same volume as Epheaians);
Peake (g) in "Exp. Greek Test."; Maclaren (g);
EUicott (0; Fmdlay (0 in "Pulpit Comm."- Moule
(g), "Colossian Studies". — ^Thessalonians: MUligan
(e), hi^ly esteemed; Frame in "Int. Crit. Comm.";
EUicott (e); Meyer and Alford (0; Findlay (c);
Denney (g); Mason (g). — ^Pastoral Epiatles: Lock in
"Int. Crit. Comm."; EUicott (e); Bernard (g) in
"Camb.GieekTest."; Meyer (0; LillCTr (g) in "Hand-
book Series"; to these must be added the valuable
book by James, "The Genuineness and Authorship of
the Pastoral Epistles" (1906).— Hebrews: Westcott
(e), on a level with Lightfoot, the greatest work on
H^rews; Naime in **Int. Crit. Comm."; Davidson
(g): Farrar (g). — Ep. of St. James: Mayor (e); Ropes
in "Int. Crit. Comm."; Alford and Meyer (f); Plump-
tre (g).— Epp. of St. Peter and St. Jude: Bigg (e) in
"Int. Crit. (5omm.": Hort (e), a splendid framient:
Masterman (g), "I Peter"; Saknon (g), "I Peter'*
in "Popular Commentary". — Epp. of St. John: West-
cott (e), another of his great works; Haupt (g) and
Huther (g); Watson (g), "I John".— Revelation
(Apocalypse): Swete (e), the greatest commentary
on the ApOCa'^"^"** • nharlA« m '*Tnf., r!rif_ rinmin.''"
MUligan (e);
Charles in "Int. Crit. Comm
^ , _ ^imcox (g); Hort(e).
Jewish Gbmmentaton. — Abrahams, Short Hiatary at Jewish
LUemtitTt (London, 1006); Grastz, HUtory of the Jews
(Philmdelphia, 1801-06) ; Oesterubt and Box. The Relimon and
Worship of the Synaooffue (London, 1907); Bacrer, B\ble £za-
oeeie in Jevrish Eneye.; Schbchtbr, Talmud in Hiat. Diet. Bib.;
V ABMxn, Hietory of biterpntation (liondon, 1886); yonSchOrbr,
The Jeifiiah PeopUintheTimeofJeaua Christ (Edinburgh. 1902).
Patiistio Commentariei. — ^Bardbnuewer, Oea^. der aUkireh"
lichen LitUratur (PrMburg, 1902-3); Idem, Patrdogie (1804;
Fr. Uj, Palis. 1890); Turnbb in Hast., Did. of the Bible, extra
vol.; Ehrharh, AUchr. Litteratur (FreiburK. 1900). lAter Ck)m-
nwntators.— €ALM»rr, Did. Bib., I; Dixon, Otnerei hUfod. to the
S, Serwturea (DubUn. 1872), II: Gioor, Cfenerai Inlrod. to 0ie
Holy Scripturee (New York, 1900); Richard Simom. Hiatoire
erUiqne dee principaux commerUateura du N. T. (Rotterdam,
1689); HoRNB, ItUrod. to the Scripturaa (London. 1834). U;
HuRTER. Nomenclator; Vioouaoux, Manuel biblique (Paris,
1882); Idem. Lea Livrea aainla et la critique rationaltate (ParL%
1886), IL
C. Ahbrke.
Oommines (also Comines or Ck>MTNBs), PHiLiPPfi
DB, French historian and statesman, b. in Flanders
probably before 1447; d. at the ChAteau d'Argenton,
France, about 1511. He was the son of Coliutl van
den Clyte, chief bafliff of Flanders for the Duke of
Burgundy, and of Marguerite d'Armuyden. His
family owned the seigniory of Commines on the Lys,
and some of his ancestors had been aldermen of Ypres.
He was brought up as a knight, spoke Flemish and
French, but complains that he had never learned
Latin — in the course of his travels he had learned
Italian. In 1464 Commines was presented at the
court of the Duke of Burgundy in Ldlle and became
squire to the duke's son, the Coimt of Chatolais, after-
wards C^iarles the Bold. From 1464 to 1472 he was
in the service of Charles, took part in his eapeditions,
and in 1465 was present at the battle of Montlh^:
After the death of Philip the Good he was made
chamberlain to the new Duke of Burgundy (1467).
During the interview held at P^ronne (1468) 0>m-
mines was taken into C!harles the Bold's cor^dence
and then turned to Louis XI whom he secretly in-
formed of his master's intentions. He nevertheless
remained in the service of CJharles who entrusted him
with various missions to the governor of Calais (1470),
to Brittany, and to Spain (1471). Nevertheless, on
8 August, 1472, he suddenly abandoned Charles the
Bold during the duke's expedition in Normandy
and went to Ponts-de-C6 to join Louis XI. The
latter loaded him with favours and estates, and in
1473 arranged his marriage with Heldne de Chaxa-
bes, a wealthy heiress whose dowry was the seig-
niory of Argenton in Poitou. Commines now became
one of the king's confidants and chief diplomatic
agents.
However, after the death of Charle* the Bold, the
frankness with which Commines urgei moderation
upon the king aroused passing disfavour, but in 1478.
Louis XI appointed hun to conduct lome difficult
nep^tiations with the princes of Italy. After the con-
spn-acy of the Pazzi he saved the power (if the Medici,
auies of France, who were threatened by the pope and
l^e dukes of Milan; in 1479 he protected tne youne
Duke of Savoy ap^ainst Lodovico il Moro^ and in 1481
succeeded in mamtaixiing French influence in Savoy.
Upon the death of Louis XI, however, in 1 4S3, at which
event he was present, Commines pexinitted himself,
however, to be drawn into the faction of the Duke of
Orleans and conspired against the r^;ent, Anne of Beau-
jeu. In 1487 he was arrested, confined at Loches in
one of the iron cages used by Louis XI, and after-
waids banished by rarliament to his own estates; he
was also deprived of his principality of Talmont which
was reclaimed by the La Tr6moilIe family. In 1491
he returned to court and, although opposed to the ex-
pedition of CJharles VIII into Italy, ne nevertheless
accompanied it and was sent to Venice, where he was
utterly powerless to prevent the intrigues that cul-
minated in the league against Charles VIII (1495).
After the battle of Fomovo, he retioned to Venice
and Milan, where he was totally uni»uccessful.
On the accession of Louis XII in 1498, (]!ommine8,
for some unknown reason, lost caste at court and only
reappeared there in 1505, thanks to the influence of
Anne of Brittany. His " M^moires" give but meagre
information as to himself and leave many points in
doubt; even the exact dates of his birth and death are
uncertain, and but little is known of the part he played
at P^ronne, of his defection in 1472, his retirement at
the accession of Louis XII, and of other mattera. Ibe
OOMMlSSAftUT
164
OOMMISSXMIS
''M^moires'* constitute a political history of Europe
from 1464 to 1498 and, according to the preface, are
material intended exclusively for the use of Angelo
Cato, Archbishopof Vienne, who was to write a Latin
histoiy of Louis XL The first part of the work, deal-
ing with the period between 1464 and 1483, was pre-
pared between 1489 and 1491, that containing the ao-
count of the reign of Charies VIII being completed in
1498. Ck>mmines is rather analytic than graphic, de-
votes himself more to ascertaining the causes of events
than to describing the events themselves; his language
seems inferior to his thought and his style is abrupt
and periphrastic. The thought bears the impress of
the realistic politics of the Remussance, but tne man-
ner of expression is still medieval. The work has been
I>reserved in manuscript and in sixteenth-centiuy edi-
tions, the first edition being that of Galliot du Pr6
(Paris, 1524, foL). A manuscript, written about
1530, and recovered by de Mandrot, is the only one
eontaininff the complete text. The chief editions are
those of Mile Dupont in the publications of the So-
ci^t^ de THistoire de France (Paris, 1847, 3 vols.)*
Chantelauze (Paris, 1881), and de Mandnit (Paris,
1903, 2 vols.). Gonmiines' tomb, on which is a kneel-
ing figure of him and also one of his wife, Htidne de
Chanmes, is preserved in the Louvre.
Introduction to the editions of Mllb Dupont and na
Mandbot: Kbbvtn db Lkitbnhotb. iMtru et fUgoHatums de
Philippe ae Comminee ffinunels, 1874); Fibrvii«ub, Documenia
itMite eur Philippe de Uomminea (Paiu, 1881); CHANTRLAnEB,
PhUippe de Commynet in the dnreepandtuU (1880-81); Sooblb,
tr. in Bohn*a Library of French Memoin (London. 1856). I, II.
Commines' tomb is reproduced in Pbttt db Jullbvillb, niatoire
de la litUnUun fntn^aiee (Pfeuis, 1896). II. 330.
Louis BRfeHIKB.
OommlBsatiat of the Hohr Land, in the Order of
Friars Minor the territory or district assigned to a com-
missary, whose duty it is to collect alms for the noain-
tenance of the Holy Places in Palestine committed to
the care of the Friars Minor : also, in a more restricted
sense, the convent where the aforesaid commissary
resides. The commissary, who is always a member
of the order, receives his appointment by letters
patent from the minister general, to whom he is bound
to transmit eveiy year a detailed account of the alms
received. These alms may not, under any circum-
stances, without express permission of the Holy See,
be appbed to other purposes, however pious and meri-
torious, under grave ecclesiastical penalties. The
alms taJcen up by the bishops at the annual collections
for the Holy Land are conveyed to the custos in Jeru-
salem thioudi the commissary in whose district the
dioceses of uie bishops are situated. There are at
present forty commissariats throughout the Christian
world. The most ancient is that of Naples, founded
in 1333, when Robert of Anjou redeemed the Holy
Places from the Sultan cf Egypt. In English-epeak-
ing countries there are seven — ^three in the United
States, one in Canada, one in Great Britain, one in
Irdand, and one in Australia. The Commissariat of
the Umted States was founded in 1882, and the com-
missary resides in the new convent of Mount St.
Sqyulchre, Washington, D. C. In 1902, commissariats
were erected in Cidifomia and at St. Louis.
Conepeehte Omnium Miaeimwm Ord. FF, Minarum exhibitue
CapUuioOtnerali Rama hainUy die 80 Maii, 1908 (Rome, 1903);
R^ula et ConatUuHonee Oeneralea Frair. Minorum (Rome,
1887); sevenJ Bulls and Briefs issued at different periods by
the Holy See, of which the following are the principal: Sxxtub
V, Noatn pakanaie (13 Deo., 1580); Paul Y. Ccsfeflfts Regie
m Jan., lSl8): Ubban VIII, Aliae a Mide OS June, 1634) in
Bull. Rom., Xv, 320 sqq. ; Benedict XlV. Bmanarunt nuper
go Auff., 1743) in BtiUor. Benedict. XIV (Prnto, 1846). 1. 313;
us VL hder ccetera (31 July. 1778) in BuU. Rom. Cont. (Turin),
VI, pt. I. 606; Leo XIII, Sdealorie (20 Dec., 1887). Bee also
S. C. S. btHcixi^ June, 1876); S. C. Prop^ Fide (20 Feb.. 1801)
in CoUectanea 3, C. Prop., n. 1632, 1638.
Grjbgort Clkart.
Oomniissinr Apostotte (Lat. Commi99ariia Apoa-
foliciis), one who has received power from a legitinmte
superior authority to pass judgment in a eertain cause
or to take informations concerning it. When such a
delegate has been appointed by the pope, he is called
a commissary Apostolia The custom of i^pointing
such commissaries by the Holy See is a vei^ ancient
one. A noteworthy mstanoe is the commission issued
to St. Cryil of Alexandria by Pope Gelestine I, in the
eariy part of the fifth century, by which that hoLy
patriarch was empowered to judge Nestorius in the
pope's name. English history furnishes, among other
instances, that of the commission which constituted
CaidinalB Wolsey and Campeggio papal r^reeenta-
tives for the juoicial hearing (M the divorce ease of
Henry VIII. Sometimes Apostolic commissions are
constituted permanently by the Holy See. Such are
the various Roman congregations presided over by
the cardinals. The full extent of the authority of
commissaries Apostolic must be leamt from the di-
ploma of their appointment. The usual powers
which they possess, nowever, are defined in the com-
mon law of the Church. Commissaries are empow-
ered not oxdy for judicial but also for executive pur-
poses. When a papal commission mentions explicitly
certain persons and certain thinos as subject to the
authority of a commissaiy, and taen adds in general
that "otner persons and other things" (quidam alii H
re8 oIub) are also included, it is umierstood that the
latter phrase refers only to persons and things of equal
or lower importance than those that are expressly
named, and under no circumstances can the commis-
sarVs power extend to what is higher or more digni-
fied (Ci^. XV, de rescript.). If a bishop be appointed
commissary Apostolic m natters that already belong
to his ordmaiy jurisdiction, he does not thereby re-
ceive a delegated jurisdiction superadded to that
which he already possessed; such an Apostolic com-
mission is said to excite, not to alter, the prelate's
ordinary jurisdiction.
As a commissary Apostolic is a del^^ate of the HoFf
See, an appeal may be made to the pope against his
judgments or administrative acts. When several
commissaries have been appointed for the same case,
they are to act together as one; but if. owing to death
or any other cause, one or other of the commissaries
shoidd be hindered from acting, the remaining mem-
bers have full power to execute their commission. In
case the commissaries be two in number and they dis-
agree in the judgment to be given, the matter must be
decided by the Holv See. A commissary Apostolic
has the power to subdelegate another p^son for the
cause committed to him, unless it has been expressly
stated in his diploma that, owing to the importance of
the matter at issue, he is to exercise jurisdiction per-
sonally. By the plenitude of his power, the pope can
constitute a layman commissary Apostolic for ecclesi-
astical affairs, out according to the common law only
prelates or clerics of the h^er orders should receive
such a commission (Lib. S^., c II, de rescr., 1, 3).
The Council of TVent (Sess. XXV, c xvi, de Ref.)pre-
scribes that each bishop should transmit to tiie Holy
See the names of four persons capable of receiving
such delegation for his diocese. It has conse(]uently
become customary for the pope to choose commissariee
Apostolic from the locality where they are to investi-
gate or pass judgment or execute a mandate.
HuifFHBBT, Urbe el Orbia (London, 1880); ANDtdb-WApNER.
Did. de droit canon. (Paris, 1001), I; Pxgnatixu, ConauU
Canon, (Venice, 1894), IX.
WiLUAM H. W. FxNNINa.
OommiBsionB, Ecclesiastical, bodies of eccleslaa-
tics juridically established and to whom are com-
mitted certain specified functions or chaiees. They
are: I. Pontifical; 11. Roman Prelatltial; IIL
Diocesan.
I. Pontifical commisdons are special committees of
cardinals created by the pope lor some particular
OOXXODIAVUS
165
ooxxoDXAinni
, e. g. f or the proper interpretation and de-
fence of Sacred Scripture (see Biblical Commission),
for historiisJ studies {^se Ecclesiastical History),
for the codification of the canon law (see Law), for
the supervision, correction, etc. of the liturgical books
of the Roman Church, e. g. the Breviary, Missal,
Pontifical, Ritual, etc. (see Brsviart; Liturot), for
the restoration and perfection of ecclesiastical music
(see Gregorian Chant), for the reunion of dissenting
churches (see Eastern Church), for the preservation
of the Faith (see Italy; Rome).
11. Frdatitial commissions are composed of Roman
prelates, secretaries, oonsultors, etc., and may be
presidea over by a cardinal. Such, e. g., are the Uon^
mission of Sacred Archaeology (see Arcosology), for
the preservation and illustration of the Christian
antic]uities of Rome, the commission for the adminis-
faration of Peter's-pence (q. v.), and tiie Palatine
Conunission (estabushed bv Leo XIII) for the settle-
ment of controversies or lawsuits between the per-
sonnel of the Vatican or other papal residences. Most
of these commissions, however, are attached to the
Roman Congregations, as special departments or
sections, and are described in the article Congrega-
tions, Roman, e. g. the Litur^cal Commission at-
tached to the Con£p!egation of Rites; the commissions
for the examination of episcopal reports, for the
revision and correction of the liturgictu books of the
Eastern CSiurch (q. v.), and for the examination of
rdigious institutes in Iropaganda territory, all three
attached to the Congregation of Propaganda; for the
examination of new reuKious institutes attached to
the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars; for the
selection of bishops in Itahr (now suppressed and
its attributions vested in the Congregation of the
Inquisition).
ni. The diocesan commissions provided for by gen-
eral ecclesiastical law are four: the commission for
seminaries (in two sections for spiritual and temporal
oonoemst respectively), according to the Council of
IVent (Sess. XXIII, cap. xviii, De ref.), for which see
Seminary. Ecclesiastical; the commission of ex-
aminers of the clergy (see Examiners, Synodal), to
aid in the control of all competition for vacant paro-
chial benefices; the commission on sacred music (Motu
proprio of Pius X, 22 Nov., 1903) for the improvement
of tne character and execution of ecclesiastical mosio
in the churches: a vigilance committee (CansUium a
vManiia) for tne repression of modernism (Pius X,
"Pascendi Dominici Qregis", 8 Sept, 1907). In
many dioceses of England there exist diocesan school
oommissioDS or associations. There exists also in
En^and (since 1853) for each diocese a commission
of mvestigation for criminal and disciplinarv causes
of ecdenastios (Taunton, 210-213); a similar com-
mission for the dioceses of the United States, estab-
lished by Propaganda in 1878, was abrogated in 1884
in favour of a new form of procedure, detailed in the
Instruction of that year, ''Cum Magnopere". For
Irdand see "Acta et Decreta", by the Synod of
Ifaynooth (1900), p. 75; and for Scotland, Taunton,
op. dt.. 214-20. The scope, authority, and attribu-
tions ot Uiese bodies are described either in the pontifi-
csd documents that create them, or in the legislation
pertainiiig to the Roman congregations, or in the
common ecclesiastical law and its authoritative inter-
pretations.
BATTANDir
DerPap9t,di
Rem (Muniah^ im);
Ann. pent, oath. (PaHs. 1890); Bauiigarten,
r und VertpaUuno dtr HeiliQen KircKe in
Mwwn ijnuiuuu, ^vw/, a'aunton, Th» Low of the Church (Lon-
doo, 1906). 209-22.
Thomas J. Shahan.
Oommodiaaiu, a Christian poet, the date of whose
birth 18 uncertain, but generally placed at about the
middle of the third century, or oetween the end of
Diocletian's persecution and the issuing of the edict
of Maxcntius (305-11), It has lately been asserted,
however, that Commodianus lived under Julian or
even in the middle of the fifth century. He is not
known outside of his own writinfls except through a
notice by Qennadius, "De Vlris lUustribus" (ch. xv),
and the condemnation of Pseudo-Gelasius, who pro-
hibits the reading of his books C' De Libris recipiendis
et non recipiendis", in Mipie, P. L., LIX, lfi3) Qen-
nadius seems to draw his mformation chiefly from the
works themselves, and claims that Commodianus in^
itated Tertullian, Lactantius, and Papias. From two
passages in his manuscripts it was gleaned that Com-
modianus came from Gasa in Palestine and had been
invested with the episcopal dignity, but the first of
these passages has a very uncertain meaning, and the
second has been attributed to the mistake of a copy-
ist. Commodianus declares that he is not a "cfoo-
tor'', which has led to the belief that he was a layman.
He styles himself "mendicant of Christ", mendicus
ChrisHf but that could also mean "one who implorea^
(Christ" or "one who begs for Christ". What is cer-
tain, however, is that, after various religious expe-
riences, such as associating with pagans and practis-
ing the occult sciences, and probably conforming to
the religious doctrines and rites of the Jews, he
adopted Christianity, having been converted by read-
ing the Bible.
His works are a collection of "Instructions" and a
"Carmen apologeticum''. The former consists of
eighty acrostic, or abecedarian, essays, divided into
two books. The plan of this work and the Biblical
quotations introduced therein reveal the influence of
St. Cvprian's ' ' Testimonia ". The first book is against
the Jews and pagans, the second being addressed to
different categories of the faithful: catechumens, bap-
tised Christians, penitents, maironea, clerks, priests,
and bishops. In parts its tone is decidedly satirical.
The author is manifestly engrossed with ethics, and
recommends alms-deeds above all else. The "Car-
men apologeticum" has a misleading title, thanks to
Pitra, its first editor ^1852). It mav be divided into
four parts: a preamble (1-88); a rMum6 of the doc-
trine on (jod and Christ (89-578); a demonstration
of the necessity of faith for salvation (579-790); and
a description of the end of the world (791-1060). It
is principally this picture that has made the name of
Commooianiis famous. According to it the Chris-
tians are a prey to a seventh persecution — ^the num-
ber is symbolical and indicates the last persecution.
The Goths surprise and destroy Rome. Suddenly
Nero, the Antichrist of the West, reappears, recap-
tures Rome from the Goths, associates nimself with
two Cssans and maltreats the Christians for three
and a half years. Then a second Antichrist, the man
from Persia, comes from the East, conquers Nero,
bums Rome, establishes himself in Judea, and works
wonders. But God, with an army of the blessed, ad-
vances from beyond Persia in a triumphal march;
Ajitichrist is overcome, and Christ ana His saints
settle in Jerusalem. To learn what follows we must
consult the " Instructions " (II, 1-4). First of all the
elect rise from the dead and for 1000 years lead lives
of pleasure and happiness. At the end of that time
the world is destroyed by fire, Christ appears, and all
the dead arise for the Last Judgment, which leads
either to the joys of Paradise or the pains of Hell.
The sources of Commodianus's information were
the Bible — ^principally the Apocalypse, the Prophets,
and the Fourth Book of Esdras— the Sibylline oracles,
Tertullian, Minucius Felix, Cyprian^ and Lactantius.
From Terence, Lucretius, Horace, Cicero, and most of
all from Virgil, he borrows modes of expression. His
theology is not reliable; besides Millenarianism, he
seems to profess Monarchianism and Patripassianism,
two heresies in regard to the Trinity. His language
is not only crude, but incorrect, and it would be a
mistake to seek in Commodianus the origin of versi-
fication based on accent. Although unacquainted
OOMMODUS
166
OOMMOR
with prosody, he tries to write in dactylic hexameter,
and succeeds in only 63 out of more tHan 2000 verses.
However, his shortcomings are somewhat atoned for
by his use of parallelism, rhyme, and the acrostic,
and the regular division of his verses; moreover, in
Sdte of its defects, his work is decidedly energetic,
e has well-defined formulae, he conjures up magnifi-
cent pictures, and among the many artists and writers
^o nave attempted a portrayal of the end of the
world, Commodianus occupies a prominent place.
His works have been edited by Ludwig (Leipzig,
1877-78) and by Dombart (Vienna, 1877, m "Corpus
scriptorum eccles. latinorum", XV). The poem
against Marcio, attributed by some critics to Com-
modianus, is the work of an imitator.
ScHANZ, OeachicfUe der rdmiachen Literatur in the Handbuch
der kUuaischai AUertumtwissenschafl of von Mi^ujeb (Munich,
1905), VIII, pt. Ill, 427-36; Monceaujc, Hiatoire liUiraire de
VAfrique ehritienne (Paris, 1005), III, 451-89: Breweb, Kom-
tnodian von Qaaa, tin areUUensiacher Laiendichter aus der Mitte
dM fUnften Jahrhunderta (Paderboin, 1906) — the thesis implied
in this title is very uncertain, see Revue critique d' hiatoire et de
mirature (Pftris, 1907), II, 199.
Paul Lejat.
Oommodufl (Marcus AureuusCommgdus Antoni-
nus), Roman Emperor, b. 161 ; d. at Rome, 31 Decem-
ber, 192. He was the son of Marcus Aurelius and
Annia Faustina,
and was the first
among the Roman
emperors to enjoy
the distinction of
being bom in the
purple. His reign,
180-193, was the
turning-point in
the greatness of
Rome. Some his-
torians have at-
tempted to exon-
erate Commodus
from the charge
of innate deprav-
ity and to attrib-
ute the failure
of his career to
weakness of char-
acter and vicious
associates. It is,
however, undeni-
able that a con-
dition, which re-
sulted in the slow
but inevitable de-
struction of the Roman power, was brought about by
the lack of capacity and evil life of Commodus, coupled
with the overcentralization in Roman administration
by which, since the time of Augustus, the most absolute
power in the State and religious affairs had been gradu-
ally vested in the person of the emperor. Every stage
in the career of Commodus was marked by greed and
suspicion,. producing, as might be expected in those
times, wholesale confiscation and numerous murders.
One result of his cruel policy was to divert attention
for a time from the Christians and to lead to a partial
cessation of j>ersecution. No edicts were issued
against the Christians who, though persecuted by the
proconsuls in some provinces, enjoyed a period of
respite and comparative immunity from oursuit.
There were many Christians at the court of Commo-
dus and in the person of Marcia, the concubine or
morganatic wife of the emperor, they had a powerful
advocate through whose kind offices on one occasion
many Christian prisoners were released from the
mines in Sardinia. Commodus was murdered by
strangling, one of the conspirators being Marcia.
There is no evidence that the Christiaiw were in any
way connected with his death.
Emperor Osmiiodus as Hercules
(Capitoline Museum, Rome)
The works of Dig Cabsius, Hkrodian, Aubeuus Vicroi^
and EuTSOPiua, and the Scnptores Historia Auguaim are tha
principal pagan sources. Tebtoluan, Hippolttus, and Eu-
SEBius are toe principal Christian sources. The Roman histo-
ries of GiQBOK, Mbbxyalb, Duruy, and Scbiluer should abo
be consulted.
Patrick J. Healy.
Oommon. See Breviary.
Oommon Law. See Law.
Ctommon Life» Brethren of the, a community
founded by Geert De Groote, of rich burgher stock, b.
at Deventer in Gelderland in 1340; d. 1384. Having
read at Cologne, at the SorbonnOi and at Prague, he
took orders and obtained preferment — a canon's stall
at Utrecht and another at Aachen. His relations
with the German GoUesfreunde and the writings of
Ruysbroek, who later became his friend, gradually
inclined him to mysticism, and on recovering from
an illness in 1373 he resigned his prebends, bestowed
his goods on the Carthusians of Amheim, and lived
in solitude for seven vears. Then, feeling himself
constrained to go fortn and preach, he went from
place to place calling men to repentance, proclaiming
the beauty of Divine love, and bewailing the relaxa-
tion of ecclesiastical discipline and the degradation of
the clergy. The effect of nis sermons was marvellous ;
thousands hung on his lips. ''The towns'', says
Moll, "were filled with devotees; you mipht know
them by their silence, their ecstasies during Mass,
their mean attire, their eyes, flaming or full of sweet-
A little band of these attached themselves to
Groote and became his fellow-workers, thus becoming
the first "Brethren of the Common Life". The re-
former, of course, was opposed by the clerks whose evil
Uves he denounced, but the cry of heresy was raised
in vain against one who was no less zealous for purity
of faith than for purity of morals. The best of the
secular clergy enrolled themselves in his brotheriiood,
which in due course was approved by the Holy See.
Groote, however, did not Uve long enough to perfect
the work he had begun. He died in 1^4, and was
succeeded by Florence Radewjms, who two years later
founded the famous monastery of Windesheim which
was thenceforth the centre of the nev association.
Tlie Confraternity of the Common Life resembled
in several respects the B^hard and Beguine communi-
ties which had flourished two centuries earlier and
were then decadent. The members took no vows,
neither asked nor received alms; their first aim was
to cultivate the interior life, and they worked for their
daily bread. The houses of the Brethren were more
closely knit together, and the brothers and sisters
alike occupied tnemselves exclusively with literature
and education, and priests also with preaching.
When Groote began, learning in the Netherlands was
as rare as virtue; the University of Louvain had not
yet been founded, and the fame of the schools of
Lidge was only a memory. Save for a clerk here and
there who had studied at Paris or Cologne, there were
no scholars in the land; even amongst the higher
clergy there were many who were ignorant of Latin,
and the bureher was quite content if when his children
left school they were able to read and write. Groote
determined to change all this, and his disciples accom-
plished much. Through their unflagging toil in the
scriptorium and afterwards at the press they were
able to multiply their spiritual writings and to scatter
them broadcast throughout the land, instinct with
the spirit of the "Imitation". Amongst them are to
be found the choicest flowers of fifteenth-century
Flemish prose. The Brethren spared no pains to
obtain good masters, if necessary from foreign parts,
for their schools, which became centres of spiritual
and intellectual life; amongst those whom they
trained or who were associated with them were men
like Thomas h Kerapis, Dierick Maertens, Gabrid
Bif'l. and the Dutch Pope Adrian VI.
OOMXOH
167
OOMXOV
Before the fifteenth centuiy cloBed, the Brethren
of the Common Life had studded all Germany and
the Netherlands with schools in which the teaching
was given for the love of God alone. Gradualljr the
course, at first elementary, embraced the humanities,
philoeophv, and theology. The religious orders
looked askance at these Brethren, who were neither
monks nor friars, but the Brethren found protectors
in Popes Eugenius IV, Pius II, and Sixtus IV. The
great Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa had been their pupil
and became their stanch protector and benefactor.
He was likewise the patron of Rudolph Agricola, who
in his youth at Zwoue had sat at the feet of Thomas
k Kempis: and so the Brethren of the Common Life/
throu^ Cusa and Asricola, influenced Erasmus and
other adepts in the New Learning. More than half
of the crowded schools — ^in 1500 Deventer counted
over two thousand students — ^were swept away in the
religious troubles of the sixteenth century. Others
languished until the French Revolution, while the
rise of universities, the creation of diocesan seminaries,
and the competition of new teaching orders gradually
extinguished the schools that regarded Deventer and
WincMheim as their parent establishments. A life
of De Groote is to be found among Hie works of
Tliomaa k Kempis.
Delpbat, Over <U Broedenchap van Oroot (Utrecht. 1830);
Kettlcwell, Thamaa h Kempia and the Brothera of tke Com-
mam Life (London, 1882).
Ernest Gilliat-Smith.
Oommon Sense, Phjlosopht of. — The term com-
mon sense designates (1) a special facultv, the aenme
communis of the Aristotelean and Scholastic philos-
ophy; (2) the sum of original principles found in
all normal minds; (3) the ability to judge and reason
in accordance with those principles (recta ratio, good
sense). It is the second of these meanings that is
implied in the philosophy of common sense — a mean-
ing well expressed by F^nelon when he identifies
common sense with ''those general ideas or notions
which I can neither contradict nor examine, but
according to which I examine and decide on every-
thing; so that I smile rather than answer whenever
anyuiing is proposed to me that obviousl^r runs
counter to those unchangeable ideas'' (De Texistence
de Dieu, p. XXII, c. ii). The philosophy of common
sense sometimes called Scottisn philosophy from the
nationality of its exponents (though not all Scottish
phflosophers were adherents of the Common Sense
School), represents one phase of the reaction against
the ideahsm of Berkeley and Hume which in Germany
was represented by £ant. The doctrine of ideas,
which Locke had adopted from Descartes, had been
made use of by Berkeley as the foundation of his
theonr of i)ure idealism, which resolved the external
world into ideas, without external reality, but directly
impressed on the mind by Divine power. Hume, on the
other hand, had contended that there was no ground
for assuming the existence of any mental su^tance
as the subjective recipient of impressions and ideas,
all that we know of mind being a succession of states
produced by experience. Thus, between the two,
both subject and object disappeared, and philosophy
ended in mere scepticism.
Thomas Reid (1710-1796). whose dissent from
Locke's doctrine of ideas had been to some extent
anticipated by Francis Hutcheson (1694-1746), set
out to vindicate the oommon sense, or natural judg-
ment, of mankind, by which the real existence of both
subject and object is held to be directly known
(natural realism). He argued that if it cannot be
proved that there is anv real external world or con-
tinuously existing mina, the true conclusion is not
that these have no existence or are unknowable, but
that our consciousness of them is an ultimate fact,
which neither needs nor is capable of proof, but is
itself the ground of all proof. "All knowledge and
all science must be built upon principles that are self-
evident; and of such principles every man who has
common sense is a competent judge" (Works, ed.
1863, p. 422). Dugald Stewart (1753-1828), who
followed Reid's method without serious modification,
was more precise, and gave greater prominence than
Reid to his doctrine ol" suggestion'', or the associa-
tion of ideas. Dr. Thomas Brown (1778-1820), while
acceptins Reid's main principle, carried the analysis
of the pnenomena of perception further than either
Reid or Stewart, resolving some of their first princi-
ples into elements of experience, particularly in his
treatment of the notion of causality. Sir James
Mackintosh (1765-1832) adopted the principles of
common sense, but accepted the utilitarian criterion
of moralitjr, held by the school of Hartley, and applied
the analyuc method to the moral faculfy which Reid
had taken to be ''an original power in man". Sir
William Hamilton (1788-1856) illustrated the prin-
ciple of common sense with wider learning and greater
philosophical acmnen than any of his predecessors.
He was much influenced by Kant, and he introduced
into his system distinctions which the Common Sense
School had not recognised. While professing himself
a natural realist, he held a somewhat extreme doctrine
of the relativity of knowled^. His comments on
Reid indicate many ambiguities and inaccuracies on
the part of that author. James Oswald (1727-1793)
made use of Reid's principles in support of religious
belief, and James Beattie (1735-1803) in defence of
the existence of a moral faculty.
The common sense philosophv, adopting the Bacon-
ian method of "inteirogation , or analysis, rejects,
as contrary to the universal convictions of mankind,
the notion of ideas as a iertium quid intervening be-
tween the object perceived and the perceiving subject.
All knowledge comes by way of sensation; and the
realitv of the external object is implied in sensation,
tocher with the metaphysical principles of the
existence of bodily and mental substance, of causality,
and of desi^ and intelli^nce in causation. What
sensation is in itself it is impossible to say; it is an
ultimate fact, and cannot be described or defined.
But sensations are clearly not ima^ or ideas of the
objects which cause them; there is no resemblance
between the pain of a wound and the point of a sword.
Reid and his successors insist on the distinction be-
tween primary and secondary qualities, the former
(extension, figure, hardness, etc.; being "suggested"
by sensations as essentially belon^ng to the object
perceived, and the latter (as colour, taste, smell, etc.)
Deing no more than sensations in the subject arisine
from qualities of the object which are only accidental
or contingent. Hamilton, however, subdivides sec-
ondary qualities into secondary and seoundo-primary,
a distinction now generally ~ considered to be ill-
founded. The mental powers are divided into intel-
lectual and active, a distinction corresponding to the
peripatetic classification of cognitive and appetitive.
All cognition has thus an intellectual element, and
takes place by way of suggestion, or association (a
theory in which Reid was anticipated by Hutcheson).
In cognition the mind is partly active and partly
passive; the notion that it is a mere receptacle for
ideas is rejected. Ck>nsciousue8s is regardea by Reid
as a separate faculty, somewhat resembling the scho-
lastic sensus communis; Brown and Hamilton dissent
from this view, holding "consciousness" to be merely
a eeneral expression for the fundamental condition of
all mental activity. The idea of causality, which
implies the universal necessity of causation, cannot
be educed from experience, since necessity (as opposed
to mere invariabfeness) cannot be known by expe-
rience; it is therefore an original principle in the
mind. In like manner, the will is known imme-
diately as free; its freedom is not susceptible of proof
but is intuitively recognized; and it is from the con-
OOXMUHS
168
ooMxuirs
sciousness of wQl-power in ourselves that we derive
our notion of causation. Brown, however, while ac-
cepting Reid's intuitional view of the idea of eauBality,
inclines towards Hume in his definition of causation
as no more than invariable sequence; he also differs
from Reid in making will a modification of desire or
appetite. The belief in the imiformity of nature, on
which all scientific discovery is based, is held by Reid
to be an original principle m the mind. Conscience,
or the moral sense, is taken to be an origin^ faculty
by the Common Sense School in general, with the
exception of Mackintosh, who derives the so-called
faculty in great measure from the influence of social
experience upon the wiU.
The psychological analysis of this school is valu-
able; but its main principle has been considerably
weakened by contact with Kantian criticism and the
evolutionist doctrine, and with Hamilton lost much
of its polemical effectiveness. *The philosophy of
Common Sense, devised by Reid as a safeguard against
Scepticism and Idealism, was so transmuted by
Hamilton as to lead back again to the conclusion that
nothing can be known, and consequently that nothing
can be affirmed or denied, beyond the fleeting phenom-
ena of consciousness" (Laurie, Scottish Philosophy,
p. 291). In France, IloyeivCollard (1763-1846) in-
troduced the principles of the Scottish School ; Jouffroy
(1796-1842) translated the works of Reid; and
Cousin (1792-1867) in his "Philosophie ^cossaise"
praised Reid's philosophy in the hi^nest terms. It
may be safely said that the materialistic tendency of
French speculation was checked by the influences
derived from the philosophy of common sense.
HuTCHEaoK, BB9ay on the PoMums and Affeetioru (London.
1728); Idkm, Metaphysical Synapeia (London, 1742); Iobm,
Sv8tem of Moral Phu. (Glas^w, 1755); lUin. WorkSf with
preface, notes, and duaertation by Hamilton (Edinburgh,
1846); new ed. by Manbel (1863); BnmBR. Premihes V^niia
(tr. London. 1781), * ' with a detection of the piagiaTism, conoeai-
ment and inKiatitude of \>n. Reid, BeatUe and Oswald".
JouFPROT, d^tretf eomplHea de Reid (Paris, 1820); Oswald,
AppealtoCammtm Sense (Edinburgh, 1768); BEArnB, Bssoff on
Truth (Aberdeen, 1770); Idem, Elements of Moral Science
(1700); Priestlbt, Bxamvnalum of Reid, etc. (London, 1774);
Stewabt^ Complete Works (Cambridge, Mass., 1820-31); ed.
with additions and memoir by Sir W. Hamilton and com-
peted by Veitcb (Ekiinbundi, 1858); Brown, inquiry into
Relation of Cause and Effect (Edinburp^, 1804); Idem, Lectures
on the Phu. of the Human Mind (Edinburgh, 1820); Mackin-
tosh, On the Progress of Ethical Philosophy in Encyc. Bril.
(1830); ed. with preface by Whewell (Fhiladelphia, 1882);
Idem, two papers in Edinburgh Review, XXVII, XXXVI: Ham-
ilton, Ijeclures, ed. Hansel and Veitch (London, Edinburgh,
and Boston, 1860); Idem, Bssays in Edinburgh Review (1820-
30-^2); Idem, Metaphysics, ed. Bowen ((Cambridge, Mass.,
1870); see Mill, Exam, of Hamilton's Philosophy (Loudon,
1865); McCosH, SeoUish Philosophy (London, 1875): Seth (A.
8. Prinolb-Pattison), Scottish Philosophy (Edinburgh and
London, 1885 and 1000); Febjoer, Reid and the Philosophy of
Common Sense (1847) in Ferribr'b Works (Edinburgh and
London, 1883), III, 407; see also Maher, Psychology (London,
1003), 33, 40, 102 sqq.; James, Pragmatism (London and New
York. 1007), lect v.; Laurie. Scottish Philosophy in ils Na-
tional Development (London and Glasgow, 1002).
A. B. Sharpe.
Ooimnune, Martyrs of the Paris, the secu-
lar priests and the religious who were murdered in
Pans, in May, 1871, on account of their sacred calling.
They may be divided into three groups: (1) those who
on the 24th of May were executed within the prison of
La Roquette; (2) the Dominican Fathers, who, on the
following day, were shot down at the Barri^re d 'Italic ;
(3) the priests and religious, who, on the 26th of May,
were massacred at Belleville. The revolutionary
party which took possession of the city after the siege
of Paris by the Prussians began, in the last days of
March, to arrest the priests and religious to whom
personal character or official position gave a certain
prominence. No reason was gjven for these arbitrary
measures, except the hatred with which the leaders of
the Commune regarded the Catholic Church and her
ministers.
(1) At the head of the first group of martyrs is the
Archbishop of Paris, Monscigneur Georgps Darboy, to
whom the discomforts of hn prison life were pecol-
iai^ trying on account of his feeble health. His rellow
sufferers were: the Abbd Deguerry, cur6 of the im-
portant parish of La Madeleine, an old man, well ad-
vanced m years, but brieht and vigorous; the Abb^
Allard, a secular priest, who had rendered good service
to the wounded durine the siege, and two Jesuits,
Fathers Ducoudray and Clerc. The first was rector
of the Ecole Sainte-Geneviftve, a well known prepara-
tory school for the army; the second had been a dis-
tinguished naval officer: bolii were gifted and holy
men. To these five ecclesiastics was added a magis-
trate, Senator Bonjean. After several weeks of con-
finement, first in the prison of Mazas, then at La Ro-
quette, these six prisoners were executed on 24 May.
There was no pretence made of judging them, neither
was any accusation brought against them. Tlie revo-
lutionary party still held possession of the east side of
Paris, but the regular army, whose head-quarters were
at Versailles, was fast approaching, and the leaders of
the Commune, made desperate by failure, wished to
inflict what evil they could on an enemy they no longer
hoped to conquer. The priests had, one and all, en-
dured their captivity witn patience and dipnity; the
Jesuits, their letters prove it, had no illusions as to
their probable fate; Archbishop Darboy and the AbM
Degueny were more sanguine. "What have they to
gain by killing us? What harm have we done them? "
often said the latter. The execution took place in the
evening. The archbishop absolved his companions,
who were calm and recollected. They were told to
stand against a wall, within the precincts of the prison,
and here they were shot down at close quarters by
twenty men, enlisted for the purpose. The ardi-
bishop's hand was raised to ^ive a last blessing:
"Here, take my blessing", exclaimed one of the mur-
derers and by dischargmg his gun he gave the signal
for the execution.
(2) The Dominican Fathers, who perished the fol-
lowing day, 25 May^ belong to the Coll^ of
Arcueu, close to Paris. Their superior was !^ther
Captier, who founded the college and imder whose
government it had prospered, ^ith him were four
religious of his order: Fathers Bourard, DcJhorme,
Cottrault, and Chatagneret, and ei^^t laymen, who
belonged to the college, either as professors or as serv-
ants. The^r were arrested on the 19th of May and
imprisoned in the outlying fort of Bic^tre, where they
sunered from hunger and thirst. On the 25th of May
they were transferred from Bic^re to a prison within
the city, situated on the Avenue d'ltalie. The ex-
citement and anarchy that reigned in Paris, and the
insults that were levelled at tne prisoners as they
were led from one prison to another prepared them
for the worst; they made their confession and pre-
pared for death. Towards five in the afternoon, tney
were commanded to go into the street one by one:
Father Captier, whose strong faith sustained his com-
panions' courage, turned to them: "Let us go, my
friends, for the sake of God". The street was filled
with armed men who discharged their guns at the
prisoners as they passed. Father Captier was mor-
tally wounded; his companions fell here and there;
some were killed on the spot; others lingered on till
their assassins put them out of pain. Their dead
bodies remained for twenty-four hours on the ground,
exposed to every insult; onlv the next morning, when
the troops from Versailles nad conquered the Com-
mune, were they claimed by the victims' friends and
conveyed to Arcueil.
(3) Tlie third group of martyrs perished on the 26th
of May; the revolutionists were now driven back by
the steady advance of the regiilar troops, and onlv the
heights of Belleville were still in possession of the
Commune. Over fifty prisoners were taken from the
prison of La Roauette and conducted on foot to this
last stronghold of the revolution. Among them were
ooMitmnaAno
169
eoMMtnnoir
eleven ecdesiastics: three Jesuits, four members of
the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and
Marjr, three secuiar priests, and one seminarist. Ail
displayed heroie courajge; the best known among
than was Father Olivaint, rector of the Jesuit house
of the Rue de Sevres, who thirsted for mart3rrdom.
After a painful joiune^ through the streets, which
were filled with an infuriated rabble, the prisoners
were driven into an enclosure, callea the oiU FtV
eennes, on the heights of Belleville. Here they were
literally hacked to pieces by a crowd of men, women,
and even children. There was no attexnpt to organize
a regular execution like the one at La Roquette; the
massacre lasted an hour, and most of the bodies were
disfigured beyond recognition. Only a few hours
later the r^;ular troops forced their wa^ to La Ro-
Quette, ddivered the prisoners that still remained
tnere, and took possession of Belleville, the last
stronghold of the Oommune.
va Camp, Conmdtunu <U Piarit (Pftrii, 1883); KmrmvMt, Vie
du R, P. Captier, lomdaUur de I'EcoU.d'ArcueU (Paris, 1875);
DE PoKU:voT, Adea de la capiivite et de la moH det RR. PP.
OHvaint, Dueoudray, Cauberi, Clerc, de Bengy (P&rio, 1S94);
FOT7L0K, Hiat. de la vie et dea teuvree de Mgr Darboy (Paria,
lSSO)» Barbara db Oguhson.
Oomsmnieatio Idiomatcim, a technical expression
in the theology of the Incarnation. It means that
the properties of the Divine Word can be ascribed to
the man Christ, and that the properties of the man
Christ can be predicated of the Word. The language
of Scripture and of the Fathers shows that such a
mutual interchange of predicates is le^timate; in this
artide its source and the rules determming its use will
be briefly considered.
I. SouHCB. — ^The source of the oommunicatio idio-
matum is not to be sought in the dose moral union
between Christ and God as maintained by the Nesto-
rians, nor in Christ's fullness of grace and supernatural
I Hol^ Qhost have the same right
interest aa the Son m all created thin^ except in the
human nature of Jesus Christ. This the Son by
Assumption has made His own in a way that it is not
theirs, L e. by the incommunicable property of per^
sonal union. In Christ there is one person with two
natures, the human and the Divine. In ordinary
language all the properties of a subject are predicated
of its person; consequently the properties of Qirist's
two natures must be preoioatea or His one person,
since they have only one subject of predication. He
Who is the Word of God on account of His eternal
generation is also the subject of human properties;
and He Who is the man Cnrist on account of having
assumed human nature is the subject of Divine
attributes. Christ is God; God is man.
n. UsB. — The conmiunicatio idiomatum is based
on the oneness of ipenon sobsistang in the two natures
of Jesus CSiriBt. Hence it can be used as long as both
the subject and the predicate of a sentence stand for
the person of Jesus Christ, or present a common sub-
ject of predication. For in this ease we simply affirm
that He Who subsists in the Divine nature and pos-
sesses certain Divine properties is the isame as He Who
subsists in the human nature and possesses certain
human properties. The following considerations will
show ^e api^cation of this principle more in detail: —
(1) In general, concrete terms stand for the person:
hence, statements interchanging the Divine and hu-
man properties of Christ are, generally speaking, cor-
rect if both their subjects ana predicates be concrete
terms. We may safely say, " God is man ' ', though we
must observe certain cautions: (a) The concrete
human names of Christ describe His penon according
to His human nature. They presuppose the Incarna-
tion, and their application to Christ previously to the
completion of the nypostatic union would involve the
Nestorian view that Christ's human nature had its
own subsistence. Consequently, such expressions as
''man became God" are to be avoided, (d) Concrete
terms used reduplicatively emphasize the nature
rather than the person. The statement " God as God
has suffered'' means that God according to His Divine
nature has suffered; needless to say, such statements
are false. <c) Certain expressions, though correct in
themselves, are for extrinsic reasons, inadunciissible; the
statement ''One of the TVinity was crucified" was
misapplied in a Monophysite sense and was therefore
forbidden by Pope Hormisdas; the Arians misinter-
preted the words "Christ is a creature"; both Ariana
and Nestorians misused the expressions "Christ had a
beginning" and "Christ is less than the Father" or
'Mess than God": the Docetists abused the terms
"incorporeal" ana "impassible".
(2) Abstract terms generally stand for their re-
spective nature. Now m Christ there are two natures.
Hence statements interchanging the Divine and
human properties of Christ are, ^nerally speaking,
incorrect if their subject and predicate, either one or
both, be abstract terms. We cannot say, "the
Divinity is mortal", or, "the humanity is increated".
The following cautions, however, must be added:
(a) Aside from the peisonal relations in God there is
no real distinction admissible in Him. Hence ab-
stract names and attributes of God, though standing
formally for the Divine nature, imply reiuly also the
Divine pereons. Absolutely speaking, we may re-
place a concrete Divine name by its corresponding
abstract one and still keep the oommunicatio idio-
matum. Thus we may say, " Omnipotence was cruci-
fied", in the sense that He Who is omnipotent
(Omnipotence) is the same as He Who was crucified.
But such expressions are liable to be misunderstood
and great care must be exercised in their use. (b)
There is less danger in the use of those abstract terms
which eiroresB attributes appropriated to the Second
Person oi the Trinity. We may say, " Eternal Wis-
dom became man", (c) There is no oommunicatio
idiomatum between the two natures of Christ, or
between the Word and the human nature as such or
its parts. The fundamental error of the Ubiquitists
(a. V.) consists in predicating of the human nature or
or humanity the properties of the Divine nature. We
cannot say that "tne Word is the humanity", and
still less that "the Word is the soul" or "the body of
Christ".
(3) In statements whidi interchange the Divine and
the human properties of Christ, care must be taken not
to deny or destroy one of Christ's natures or its prop-
erties. This is apt to be done: (a) In ne^ive sen-
tences: though it be true that Christ did not die
aoeordinff to His Divine nature, we cannot say,
"Christ aid not die", without impairing His human
nature; (b) in exclusive sentences: if we say, "Christ
is only God" or "Christ is only man", we destroy
either His human or His Divine nature ; (c) in the use
of ambiguous terms: the Arians, the Nestorians, and
the Adoptionists misused the term "servant", infer-
ring from the expression, "Christ is the servant of
God", conclusions agreeing with their respective
heresies. (For the use of the communicatio idioma-
tum in a wider sense, i. e. as applied to the Body of
Christ and the Sacramental Species, see Eucharist.
See also Incarnation; Jesxts Chrkt.)
St. Thomab, Summa TheoL., Ill, Q. xvi; Idcm, Led, it in I
Cor., ii; Petaviub, De Jneamatione, IV, 15-16 (especially for
doctrine of the Fathers); Wilhelm and Scankell, A Manual
of Catholie Tkeolom (London, 1808). II; Franzklin. De Verba
ineamato (Rome, 1881); Pohlb, LehrbfucK d. Dogmaiik (Fader-
bom, 1903), n. A. J. Maas.
Oommunion, Holy. See Holy CoMafUNioN.
Oommunion-Antiphon. — ^The term Communion
(Communio) is used, not only for the reception of the
Holy Eucharist, but also as a 8tK>rtened form for the
OOMMUMIOH
170
OOMMtJHIOH
antiphon {Antij^na ad Communionem) that was
originally sung while the people were receiving the
Blessed Sacrament, but which has now been displaced^
so as to follow that moment. In the Ambrosian Rite
this antiphon is called the Tranntorium, apparently
because the celebrant after the Communion g^ses over
(transit) to the Epistle side of the altar to read it. It
is the fourth and last of the changeable parts of the
Mass {Ptoprium) stmg by the choir (Introit, Gradual,
Offertory, Communion), and is at least as old as the
fourth century. In St. Augustine's time (d. 430),
together with the Offertory-Antiphon, it haid lately
]>een introduced into Africa; he wrote a treatise (Con-
tra Hilarium) to defend their use (Duchesne, Origines,
166, 179). But the present Communion is only a frag-
ment of the older cnant. It was originally a psalm,
with the Gloria Patri, preceded and concluded by an
antiphon. The First Roman Ordo (about 770) con-
tains the direction: "As soon as the pontiff begins
to give Communion in the Senatorium [where the
most distinguished people stood] at once the choir
begins the antiphon for the Communion, singing it
alternately with the subdeacons; and they go on until
all the people have received Communion. Then the
pontiff makes a sign to them to sine the Gloria Patri ;
and so, when they have repeated tne antiphon [repe-
tilo verm] they stop" (ed. Atchley, 144). This is the
first definite rubric we have about the Commumo, It
shows us that it was to be sung' while the celebrant
goes around to Communicate the people; and that if
consisted of a psalm, sung alternately with its anti-
phon, as were, at that time, also the Introit and Offer-
tory. So also Micrologus (Remold of Constance, d.
1100) says that when the people Communicate,
"meanwhile the antiphon is sung which takes its
name from the Communion, to which a psalm must
be added with its Gloria Patri if need be'' (ch. xviii in
Migne, P. L., CLI, 973 so.). It was. then, like the
other three parts that make up the Projnium of the
choir, a chant to be suns so as to fill up tne time while
the clergy were engs^ged in some action.
The two changes in its history are that it has been
removed to its place after the Communion and has
been shortened. Its postponement began in the
twelfth century. Abbot Rupert of Deut? (d. 1135)
says: " The chant that we call the Communion, which
we sing after the heavenly food, is a thanksgiving"
(De div. off., II, xviii, in Migne, P. L., CLXX, 13 sq.),
and Durandus: "The antipnon, which is called Post-
communion by many because it is sung after the Com-
munion ..." (Rationale, IV, 56). But he goes on to
describe the fiinal collect as that which "is properly
called Post-communion" (ib., 57). There are otber
instances of this antiphon occasionally being called
Post-Communion. The reason of its removsa seems
to have been, on the one hand, the place of the Agnus
Dei, which at that time began to be sung during the
Communion, and to be repeated thrice, thus taking up
more time (Gihr, Messopter, 671); on the other hand,
'the ^adual lessening of the number of communicants
at high Mass. Its shortened form is part of the cur-
tailing of all the prayers of the Mass that was the re-
sult of the multiplication of low Masses. Only in
requiems have we a remnant of the older form. Here
after the first verse (Lux sterna) follows an antiphon
(Cum Sanctis tuis), then the "Reauiem etemam" —
last vestifi« of the psalm — and tne antiphon is re-
peated. Otherwise the Communion is always one
short antiphon, sun^ by the choir immediately after
the Agnus Dei, ana said by the celebrant after the
Commimion. It is generally a verse from Holy Scrip-
ture, referring, not to the nolv Eucharist, but rather
to the feast which is celebrated or to the special season
{de tempore) or to the purpose (in votives) for which the
Mass is offered. But not sddom it is a text taken
from some other source, or specially composed for this
use. It is always saki by the priest at the altar. Since
the conunon use of low Mass, in which he substitutes
the choir's part himself, the rule is that the priest alao
says whatever is sung by them. As soon as ne has ar-
ransed the chalice and paten in the middle of the altar
(at nigh Mass the subdeaoon does this, uui takes them
to the credence-table) he goes with joined hands to Uie
Missal, which has been r^laoed at the Epistle side,
and there, the hands still joined, reads the Commun-
ion from the Promium. He then comes back to the
middle for the Dominus vobiscum before the Post-
Communion.
Rubriea Oenendea, XIII. 1; RUua ed., XI, 1: Atchlet, Ordo
Romcnu8 Primus (London, 1005): Benedict XiV, DeSS. AftMcp
SacriAcio, II, xxiv; Gihr, Das heUige Messopter (FreiburK im
Br.. 1807). II. 171, 70fr-708; Duchisne, Ortmnes du cuiU chri-
lien (2nd ed.. Pans, 1808), Idd, 170; Db Hbbdt. 8, IMuroia
Praxis (0th ed.. I^uvain, 1804). 380-300. 480-483: Moran.
Essays on the Origin, Doctrine and Discipline of the Early Irish
Church (Dublin 1864) 165-66; alao P. £.., LXX, 680.
Adrian Fobtbscue.
Oommunion-Bench, an adaptation of the sanctu-
ary-guard or altar-rail. [See sub-title Altar-Rail s. v.
Altar (In LrruROY).] Standing in front of this bar-
rier, in a space called the chancel, or pectoral, the
faithful were wont in early times to receive Holy Com-
munion, the men taking the Consecrated Bread into
their hands and the women receiving it on a white
cloth, called the domenical, while deacons adminis-
tered the Precious Blood which each took through a
reed of gold or silver. About the twelfth century
when the custom arose of receiving imder one kind
only, the priests placed the small Hosts on the tongues
of the communicants at the chanoel-rail. Later on,
about the fifteenth century the practice was intro-
duced of receiving Holy Communion kneeling, and so
the altar-rail gradually came to assume a form better
suited to its modem use, and like what it is at present
(Bourass^, Diet. D'Arch., Paris, 1851). When large
crowds approach the altar on special oocask>n8 so that
the ordinal accommodation for receiving is not ade-
Suate, a row of prie-Dieu or benches provided with
ommunion cloths or cards, with a lighted candle at
the end of each row, may be arranged around the
chancel. (Cong, of Rites, Deer. 3086, Nov. ed.)
Patrick Morribroe.
Oommtmion-Oloth. See Altar, under AUar-RaxL
Oommniiion of Ohildren. — In order to get some
insight into the historical aspect of this subject it will
be useful to dwell upon (1) the ancient practice, and
(2) the present discipline of the Church in regard to the
Communion of children.
(1) Ancient Practice. — It is now well established
that in the earlv dajrs of Christianity it was not un-
common for infants to teceive Communion immedi-
ately after thev were baptised. Among others St.
Cyprian (Lib. ae Lapsis, c. xxv) makes reference to
the practice. In the East the custom waa pretty uni-
versal, and even to this day exists in some places, but
in the West infant Communion was not so general.
Here, moreover, it was restrict^^l to the occasions of
baptism and dangerous illness. Probably it origi-
nated in a mistaken notion of the absolute necessity of
the Blessed Eucharist for salvation, founded on the
words of St. John (vi, 54). In the reign of Charle-
magne an edict was published bv a Coimdl of Tours
(813) prohibitins the reception by young children of
Communion untess they were in daneer of death
(Zaccaria, Bibl. Hit., II, p. 161) and Odo, Bishop of
Paris, renewed this prohibition in 1175. Still the
custom died hard, for we find traces of it in Hugh of
St. Victor (De Sacr., I, c. 20) and 2klart^e (De Ant. Ecc.
Rit., I bk., I, c. 15) allies that it had not altogether
disappeared in his own da;^. The manner of Commu-
nicatmg infants was by dipping the finger in the con-
secrated chalice and then applying it to the tongue of
the child. This would seem to imply that it was onlv
the Precious Blood that was administered, but evi-
ooMMtmioir
171
OOMMimiON
denoe is not wanting to show that the other Conse-
crated Species was also eiven in similar circumstances
(cf. Sebastiano Giribaldi, Op. Mor., I, c. 72). That in-
fants and children not yet come to the use of reason
may not only validly but even fruitfully receive the
Blessed Eiucharist is now the universally received
opinion, but it is opposed to Catholic teachmg to hold
that this sacrament is necessary for their salvation
(Council of Trent, Sess. XXI, can. iv).
II. Present Discipline. — ^The existing legislation
with regard to the Communion of children has been
definiteiy settled by the Fourth Lateran Council, which
was afterwards confirmed by the authority of the
Council of Trent. According to its provisions chil-
dren may not be admitted to the Blessed Eucharist
until they have attained to years of discretion, but
when this period is reached then they are bound to re-
ceive this sacrament. When may they be said to have
attained the age of discretion? In the best-supported
view of theologians this phrase means, not the attain-
ment of a definite number of years, but rather the ar-
rivai at a certain stage in mental development, when
children become able to discern the Eucharistic from
ordinary bread, to realize in some measure the dignity
and excellence of the Sacrament of the Altar, to be-
lieve in the Real Presence, and adore Christ under the
sacramental veils. De Lugo (De Euch., disp. xiii, n.
36, Ben. XIV, De Syn., vii) says that if children are
observed to assist at Mass with devotion and attention
it is a sign that they are come to this discretion.
Thus it is seen tliat a keener religious sense, so to
speak, is demanded for the reception of Ck)mmunion
than for confession. Moreover, it is agreed that children
in danger of death ought to be admitted to Communion
even though they may not have the same decree of
fitness that would be required in ordinary circum-
stances. In answer to a Question as to whether a cer-
tain episcopal ordinance snould be upheld that fixed a
definite age-limit under which chilaren could not be
admitted to First Communion, the Congregation of
the Council replied in the affirmative, proviofed, how-
ever, that those children adjudged to have reached the
discretion required by the Councils of Lateran and
Trent might not be excluded (21 Julv, 1888). This
reply bears out the interpretation already given of
"the years of discretion" and it may be said in the
words of the Catechism of the Council of Trent (pt. II, &
iv, a. 03) that ''no one can better determine the age
at wnich the sacred mysteries should be given to young
children than their parents and confessor".
The duty of preparing candidates for First Commu-
nion is the most important that can fall to the lot of a
pastor (O'Kane, Rubrics of Rom. Rit., p. 391). This is
amply recognized by the Church in every country, for
almost every diocese has its statutes regulating with
scrupulous exactness all the preliminaries of this
sacred and solemn event (cf. Deer, of III Plen. Bait,
no. 217, 218, etc.). A long course of religious instruc-
tion 18 usuiUly prescribed while the moraftraining and
virtuous formation of the mind is also urgently in-
sisted upon. In regard to First Communion it may
be observed: (1) that ft should take place during pas-
cal time; (2) that it should be received as a rule m the
parochial church, unless the consent of the pastor is
nad for receiving it elsewhere; (3) that no effort
should be spared to fix the occasion indelibly on the
mind of the young communicant; and (4) that for
this purpose toe Mass at which it is received should be
celebrated with special solemnity, boys and girls being
suitably attired and assigned to separate sections of
the church. A short aodress may be given in this
case immediately before the distribution of Commu-
nion (De Herdt, Praxis Lit., I, 277; Rom. Rit., De
Euch., t. XXIII). The decree "Sacra Tridentina
Synodus", published Dec, 1905, about daily Commu-
nion applies to all persons, young and old, who have
made their First Communion (Anal. Eccl., 1906, p. 833).
In addidoD to the ordinmry handbooks on ChrisiUn doetrina,
pee also: Db Lugo, De Sand. Ettch. Sacr., disp. ziu; Lxauoai,
Theol. Mar., I. lib. VI; Lkhmkuhl. Thed. Mor. Camp., II;
Gabpabbx, Traicl. Can. de Euch., II; Gihr. L" Eueharistie.
Patrick Morrisrob.
OoTnmqnlon of Saints (communio sanctorum,
KtHPtavla iyLwWj a fellowship of, or with, the saints), the
doctrine expressed in the second clause of the ninth
article in the received text of the Apostles' Creed: I
believe . . . the Holy Catholic Church, the Commu-
nion of Saints. This, probably the latest, addition to
the old Roman Symbol, is found in the Gallican Lit-
urgy of the seventh century (P. L., LXXII, 349, 597);
in some letters of the Pseudo- Augustine (P. L.,
XXXIX, 2189, 2191, 2194), now credited to St.
Caesarius of Aries (c. 543) ; in the *' De Spiritu Sancto"
(P. L., LXII, 11), ascribed to Faustus of Riez (c. 460):
in the "Explanatio Symboli" (P. L., LII, 871) of
Nicetas of Hemesiana (c. 400); and in two documents
of uncertain date, the "Fides Hieronymi" (Analecta
Maredsolana, 1903), and an Armenian confession
rHahn, Bibliothek der Symbole, § 128). On these
facts critics have built various theories. Hamack
(Das apost. Glaubensbekenntniss, Berlin, 1892, p. 31)
holds tno addition to be a protest against Vigilantius,
wlio condemned the veneration of wie saints; and he
connects that protest with Faustus in Southern Gaul
and probably also with Nicetas in Pannonia, who was
influenced by the "Catecheses" of St. Cyril of Jerusa-
lem. Swete (Tlie Apostles' Creed, London, 1894)
sees in it at first a reaction against the separatism of
the Donatiflts, therefore an African and Augustinian
conception bearing only on church memberehip, the
higher meaning of fellowship with the departed saints
having been mtroduced later by Faustus. Morin
thinks that it originated, with an anti-Donatist mean-
ing, in Armenia, whence it passed to Pannonia, Gaul,
the British Isles, Spain, etc., gathering new meanings
in the course of its travels till it finally resulted in the
Catholic synthesis of medieval theologians. These
and many other conjectures leave undisturbed the
traditional doctrine, ably represented by Kirsch, ac-
cording to which the communion of saints, whereso-
ever it was introduced into the Creed, is the natural
outgrowth of Scriptural teachmg, and chiefly of
the baptismal formula; still the value of the dogma
does not rest on the solution of that historical prob-
lem.
Catholic Doctrine. — ^The communion of saints is
the spiritual solidarity which binds together the faith-
ful on earth, the souls in purgatory, and the saints in
heaven in the organic unity of the same mystical body
under Christ its head, and in a constant interchange of
supernatural ofl[ices. The participants in that soli-
darity are called saints by reason of their destination
and of their partaking of the fruits of the Redemption
(I Cor., i, 2--Greek Text). The damned are thus ex-
cluded from the communion of saints. The living,
even if they do not belong to the body of the true
Church, share in it according to the measure of their
union with Christ and with the soul of the Cliurch.
St. Thomas teaches (III, Q. viii, a. 4) that the angels,
though not redeemed, enter the commimion of saints
because they come under Christ's power and receive of
His gratia capitis. The solidarity itself implies a vari-
ety of inter-relations: within the Church Militant, not
onlv the participation in the same faith, sacraments,
and government, but also a mutual exchange of ex-
amples, prayers, merits, and satisfactions; between
the Church on earth on the one hand, and purgatory
and heaven on the other, suffrages, invocation, inter-
cession, veneration. These connotations belong here
only in so far as they integrate the transcendent idea
of spiritual solidarity between all the children of God.
Thus understood, the communion of saints, though
formally defined only in its particular bearings (Coun-
cil of Trent, Sess. XXV, decrees on purgatory; cm the
OOMMUNION
172
OOMMUHIOH
invocaiioiii veneration, and relics of saints and on
sacred images; on indulgences), is, nevertheless, a
dogma commonly tau^t and accepted in the Church.
(S^ Holden, " DivinsB fidei analysis " in Migne, " Theo-
logiffi Cursus Completus", VI, 803; Natalis Alexan-
der, "De Symbolo^', ibid., 333; Christmann, "CoUeo-
tio dofl;matum credendorum", ibid., d97.) It is true
that we Catechism of the Council of IVent (Pt. I,
ch. x) seems at first sight to limit to the living the bear-
ing of the phrase contained in the Creed, but by niak-
ing the conmiunion of saints an exponent and function,
as it were, of the preceding clause, "the Holy Catholic
Church", it really extends to what it calls the Church's
"constituent parts, one gone before, the other follow-
ing every day"; the broad principle it enimciates
thus: "every pious and holy action done b^ one be-
longs and is profitable to all, through chanty which
seeketh not her own".
In this vast Catholic conception rationalists see not
oi^y a late creation, but also an ill-disguised reversion
to a lower religious type, a ptirely mechanical process
of justification, the suDstitution of impersonal moral
value in lieu of personal responsibility. Such state-
ments are met best by the presentation of the dogma
in its Scriptural basis and its theological formulation.
Ilie first spare yet clear outline of the communion of
saints is found in the "kingdom of God " of the Synop-
tics, not the individualistic creation of Hamack nor
the purely eschatological conception of Loisy, but an
organic whole (Matt., xiii, 31), which embraces in the
bonds of charity (Matt., xxii, 39) all the children of
God (Matt., xix, 28; Luke, xx, 36) on earth and in
heaven (Matt., yi, 20), the angels Uiemselves joining
in that fraternity of souls (Luke, xv, 10). One cannot
read the parables of the kingdom (Matt., xiii) without
perceiving its corporate nature and the continuity
whidi links together the kingdom in our midst and the
kingdom to come. (See Rose, Studies on the Gospel.)
llie nature of that communion, called by St. John a
feUowship with one another ("a fellowship with us " —
I John, 1, 3) because it is "a fellowship with the
Father, and with his Son", and compared by him to
the organic and vital union of the vine and its
branches (John, xv), stands out in bold relief in the
Paulme conception of the mystical body. Repeatedly
St. Paul speaks of the one body whose head is Christ
(Col., i, 18), whose energizing principle is charity
(Eph., iv, 16), whose members are the saints, not only
of this worid, but also of the world to come (Eph^ i,
20; Heb., xii, 22). In that communion there is no loss
of individuality, yet such an interdependence that the
sahdts are "members one of another" (Rom., xii, 5),
not only sharing the same blessing (I Cor., xii, 13) and
exchanging good offices (ibid., xii, 25) and prayers
(Eph., vi, 18), but also partaldng of the same corpor-
ate life, for "the whole body ... by what every
joint supplieth . . . maketh increase . . . unto the
edifying of itself in charity" (Eph., iv, 16).
Recent well-known researches in Christian epi-
naphy have brought out clear and abundant proof of
ttxe principal manifestations of the communion of
saints in the early Church. Similar evidence, care-
fully sifted by Kiiisch, is to be found in the Apostolic
Fathers with an occasional allusion to the Pauline
conception. For an attempt at the formulation of
the dogma we have to come down to the Alexandrian
School. Clement of Alexandria shows the "gnos-
tic's" intimate relations with the angels (Strom., VI,
xii, 10) and the departed souls (ibidT, VIII, xii, 78);
and he all but formulates the (heMitrus ecdeaug in his
presentation of the vicarious martyrdom, not of Christ
alone, but also of the Apostles and other martyrs
(ibid., IV, xii, 87). Ori^n enlarges, almost to exag-
geratk>n, on the idea of vicarious martyrdom (Exhort.
ad mar^., ch. 1) and of communion between man and
an^k (De orat., xxxi) ; and accounts for it by the uni-
fying power of Christ's Redemption, tU ccdesHbua ier-
rena aoeiaret (In Levit., horn, iv) and the force of char-
ity, stran^r in heaven than upon earth (De orat., xi).
With St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom the commu-
nion of saints has become an obvious tenet used as an
answer to such popular objections as these: what need
of a communion with others? (Basil, Ep. ociii) ; an-
other has sinned and I shall atone? (Chrysostom,
Hom. i, de pcenit.). St. John Damascene has only to
collect the sayings of the Fathers in order to support
the dogma of the invocation of the saints and the
prayers for the dead.
But the complete presentation of the dogma oomea
from the later Fathers. After the statements of Ter-
tullian, speakinffof "common hope, fear, joy, sorrow,
and suffering" (l>e pcenit., ix ana x); of St. Cyprian,
explicitly settine forth the communion of ments (De
lapsis, xvii); of St. Hilary, giving the Euch^uistic
Communion as a means and symbol of the communion
of saints (in Ps. Ixiv, 14), we come to the teaching of St.
Ambrose and St. Augustine. From the former, the
theBanma ecdesim, the best practical test of the com-
munion of saints, receives a definite explanation (De
pcenit., I, XV ; De officiis, I, xix). In l^e transcendent
view of the Church taken by the latter (Enchir., Ivi)
the communion of saints, though never so called by
him, IB a necessity; to the Civiiaa Dei must needs cor-
respond the unHoB oariiaiis (De unitate eccL, ii),
which embraces in an effective union the saints and
. angels in heaven (Enarr. in Psalmos, XXXVI, iii, 4),
the just on earth (De bapt., Ill, xvii), and, in a lower
degree, the sinners themselves, the mUrida membra of
the mystic body; only the declared neretics, schismat-
ics, and apostates are excluded from the society,
though not from the prayers, of the saints (Serm.
cxxxvii). The Augustinian concept, thou^ some-
what obscured in l£e catechetical expositions of the
Oeed by the Carlovingian and later theologians (P.
L., XCIX, CI, CVIII, CX, CLII, CLXXXmtakes
its place in the medieval synthesis of Peter Lombard,
St. Bonaventure, St. Thomas, etc. (See Schwane-
D^rt, Hist, des dosmes, V, 229.)
Influenced no douot by early writers like Yvo of
Chartres (P. L., CLXII, 6061), Abelard (P. L.,
CLXXXIII, 630), and probably Alexand^ of Hales
(III, Q. bcix, a. 1), St. Thomas (Expos, in symb., 10)
reads in the neuter the phrase of the Creed, commvnio
sanctorum (participation of spiritual goods), but apart
from the point of grammar his conception of the dog-
ma is thorough. General principle: t^e merits of
C!hrist are communicated to all, and the merits of eadi
one are communicated to the others (ibid.). The
manner of participation: both objective and inten-
tional, in radice operiSf ex inteniione faaentia (SuppL,
Ixxi, a. 1). The measure: the degree of charity (Ex-
pos, in symb., 10). The benefits communicated: not
the sacraments alone but the superabundant merits of
Christ and the saints formii^ the theeawruB ecdeeim
(ibid, and Quodlib., II, Q. viii, a. 16). The partici-
pants: the three parts of the Church (Expos, in
symb., 9); consequently the faithful on earth ex-
changing merits and satisfactions (I-II, Q. cxiii, a. 6,
and Suppl., Q. xiii, a. 2), the souls in purgatory profit-
ing by tne suffrages of itte living ana the intercession
of the saints (SuppL, Q. Ixxi), the saints themselves
receiving honour and giving intercession (II-II, Q.
Ixxxiii, aa. 4, 11 ; III, Q. xxv, a. 6), and also itte angels,
as noted above. Later Scholastics and post-Reforma-
tion thedogians have added little to the Thomistic
presentation of the dognia. They worked rather
around than into it, defending such points as were at-
tacked by heretics, showing uie reli^ous, ethical, and
socisd value of the Catholic conception; and they in-
troduced the distinction between the body and the
soul of the Church, between actual membership and
membership in desire, completing the theoiy of the
relations between church membership and the com-
munion of saints which had already been outlined by
ooxMxnixoir
173
St. Optattia of Mileve and St. AngUBtine at the time of
the Dooatist controversv. (See Church.) One mav
r^;ret that the plan adopted by the SchooUnen at-
foraed no oomprehensiye view of the whole dogma,
but rather scattered the various components of it
thiou^ a vast synthesis. This accounts for the fact
that a compact exposition of the commimion of saints
is to be sou^t less in the works of our standard theo-
logians than in our catechetical, apologetic, pastoral,
and even ascetic literature. It may also partly ez«
plain, without excusing than, the gross misrepresenta-
tions noticed above.
Ik the Anglo-Saxok Chttscr. — That the An^o-
Saxons hdd the doctrine of the communion of saints
may be jud^ from the following account given by
Lingard m his '' History and Antiauities of the An^o-
Saxon Church". They received tlie practice of vene*
rating the saints, he says, together with the rudimoits
of the Christian religion; and they manifested their
devotion to them boui in public and private worship:
In public, by celebrating the anniversaries of indi*
vidua! saints, and keeping annually the feast of All-
Hallows as a solemnity of the first class; and in their
private devotions, by observing the instructions to
worship God and then to "pray, first to Saint Mary,
and the holy apostles, ana the holy martyrs, and
all God's saints, that they would intercede for them
to God". In this way they learned to look up to the
saints in heaven with feeling of confidence and affec-
tion, to consider them as friends and protectors, and
to implore their aid in the hour of distress, with the
hope that God would grant to the patron what he
mi^t oUierwise refuse to the supplicant.
Like all other Christians, the Anglo-Saxons held in
special veneration 'Hhe most holy mother of God,
the perpetual virgin Saint Mary (Beatissima Dei geni-
trix et perpetua virgo. — Bede, Hom. in Purif.). Her
praises were simg by the Saxon poets; hymns in her
honour were chanted in the public service; churches
and altars were placed under her patronage; miracu-
lous cures were ascribed to her; and four annual
feasts were observed commemorating the principal
events of her mortal life: her nativity, the Ajmuncia-
tipn, her purification, and assumption. Next to the
Blemed virgin in their devotion was Saint Peter,
whom Christ had chosen for the leader of the Apostles
and to whom he had given the keys of the Kingdom
of Heaven, "with the chief exercise of judicial power
in the Church; to the end that all might know that
whosoever should separate himself from the unity of
Peter's faith or of Peter's fellowship, that man could
never attain absolution from the oonds of sin. nor
admission throu^ the gates of the heavenly king-
dom'* (Bede). ^^ese words of the Venerable Bede
refer, it is true, to Peter's successors as well as to
Peter himself, but they also evidence the veneration
of the Anglo-Saxons for the Prince of the Apostles, a
veneration which they manifested in the number of
churches dedicated to his memory, in the pilgrimages
made to his tomb, and by the presents sent to the
church in which his remains rested and to the bishop
who sat in his chair. Particular honours were paid
also to Saints Gregory and Augustine, to whom they
were chiefly indebted for their knowledge of Chris-
tianity, liiey called Gregory their "fostex^father in
Christ" and tiiemselves "nis foster-children in bap-
tism"; and spoke of Augustine as " the first to bring
to them the doctrine of faith, the sacrament of bap-
tism, and the knowledge of their heavenly coimtry^'.
While these saints were honoured by the whole people,
each B^arate nation revered the memory of its own
apostle. Thus Ssdnt Aidan in Northumbria, Saint
Birinus in Wessex, and Saint Felix in East An^ia
were venerated as the protectors of the countries
which had been tiie scenes of their labours. All the
saints so far mentioned were of foreign extraction;
but the Anglo-Saxons soon extended their devotion
to men who had been bom and educated among them
and who by their virtues and zeal in propagating
Christianity had merited the honours of sanctity.
This account of the devotion of the Anglo-Saxons
to those whom they looked up to as their friends and
protectors in heaven is necessarily brief, but it is
amply sufficient to show that they believed and loved
the doctrine of the communion of saints.
Protbstamt Vibwb. — Sporadic errors against sp^
cial points of the communion of saints are pointed out
by the Synod of Gangra (Mansi, II, 1103), St. Cyril of
Jerusalem (P. G., XXXIII, 1116), St. Epiphanius
(ibid., XLII, 504), Asterius Amaaensis (ibid., XL,
332), and St. Jerome (P. L., XXIII. 362). From the
forty-second proposition condemned, and the twenty*
ninth question asked, by Martin V at Constance (Den-
sineer, nos. 518 and 573), we also know that Wyclif
and Hus had gone far towards denying the dojgma
itself. But the communion of saints became a direct
issue only at the time of the Reformation. The Lu-
theran Churches, although commonly adopting the
Apostles' Creed, still in their original confessions,
either pass over in silence the communion of saints or
explain it as the Church's ''union with Jesus Christ in
the one true faith" (Luther's Small Catechism in
Schaff, "The Creeds of Christendom", III, 80), or as
** the congregation of saints and true beUevers" (Augs-
burg Confession, ibid.. Ill, 12), carefully exclu<hng, if
not the memory, at least the invocation of the saints,
because Scripture ''propoundeth unto us one Christ,
the Mediator, Propitiatory, Hish-Priest. and Interces-
sor" (ibid.. Ill, 26). The Reformed Churches gener-
ally maintain the Lutheran identification of the com-
munion of saints with the body of believers but do not
limit its meaning to that body. Calvin (Inst, dir^t.,
IV, 1, 3) insists that the phrase of the C!reed is more
than a definition of the Church ; it conveys the mean-
ing of such a fellowship that whatever benefits God
bestows upon the believers th^ should mutually com-
municate to one another. That view is followed in
tiie Heidelberg Catechism (Schaff, op. cit.. Ill, 325),
and emphasised in the Gallioan Confession, wherein
communion is made to mean the efforts of believers to
mutufiJly strengthen themselves in the fear of God
(ibid:, III, 375). Zwingli in his articles admits an ex-
change of prayers between the faithful and hesitates
to condemn prayers for the dead, rejecting only the
saints' intercession as injurious to Clirist (ibid., Ill,
200 and 206). Both the Scotch and Second Helvetic
Confessions bring together the MiUtant and the Tri-
umphant (Church, but, whereas the former is silent on
^e signification of the fact, the latter sa^ that they
hold communion with each other: "nihilomizius ha-
bent ilLe inter sese communionem, vel oonjunctionem"
(ibid., in, 272 and 459).
The double and (tf ten conflicting influence of Luther
and Calvin, with a lingering memory of Catholic or-
thodoxy, is felt in the Anglican Confessions. On this
point the Thirty-nine Articles are decidedly Lutheran,
rejecting as they do "the Romish Doctrine concerning
Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping and Adoration as
wc^ of Images as <^ Relics, and also Invocation of
Saints ", because they see in it " a fond thing, vainly in-
vented, and grounded upon no warrant of Scripture,
but rather repugnant to the Word of God" (Schaff,
III, 501). On the other hand, the Westminster Con-
fession, while ignoring the Suffering and the Trium-
phant Church, goes beyond the Calvinistio view and
falls little short of the Catholic doctrine with regard to
the faithful on earth, who, it says, ''being umted to
one another in love, nave communion in each other's
gifts and graces" (ibid.. Ill, 659). In the United
States, the Methodist Articles of Religion, 1784 (ibid.,
Ill, 807), as well as the Reformed Episcopal Articles
of Relig^n, 1875 (ibid., Ill, 814), follow the teachings
of the Tliirty-nine Articles, whereas the teaching of
the Westminster Confession is adopted in the Plula*
eoMMtmioN
174
OOMMUNION
delphia Baptist Ckinfeasion, 1688, and in the Confes*
Bion of the Cumberland Presbyterian Churchi 1829
(ibid., Ill, 771). Protestant theologians, just as
Protestant confessions, waver between the Lutheran
and the Calvinistic view. There is, however, in the
present instanoe a decided leaning towards the Cath-
olic doctrine pure and siniple in such English or Amer^
ican divines as Pearson (Exposition of the Creed, Ox-
ford, 1843), Luckock (Intermediate State, New York,
1891), Mortimer (The Creeds, New York, 1902),
Waudrey (The Meaning of the Doctrine of the Com-
munion of Saints, London, 1904), etc.
The cause of the perversion by- Protestants of the
traditional concept of the communion of saints is not
to be found in the alleged lack of Scriptural and earlv
Christian evidence in favour of that concept; well-
informed Protestant writers have long since ceased to
press that argument. (See Lange and Martensen
Quoted by Hettinger, op. cit. below, p. 381.) Nor is
there any force in the oft-repeated ailment that the
Catholic dogma detracts from Christ's mediatorship, for
it is plain, as St. Thomas had already shown (SuppL,
Q. Ixxii, a. 2, ad 1), that the ministerial mediator-
ship of the saints does not detract from, but only en-
hances, the magisterial mediatorship of Christ. Some
writers have traced that perversion to the Protestant
concept of the Church as an aggregation of souls and a
multitude of units bound together by a community of
faith and pursuit and by the ties of Christian sym-
pathv, but in no way organized or interdependent as
memoers of the same body. This explanation is de-
fective because the Protestant concept of the Church
is a fact parallel to, but in no way causative of, their
view of the communion of saints. The true cause
must be found elsewhere. As early as 1519, Luther,
the better to defend his condemned theses on the
papacy, used the clause of the Creed to show that the
communion of saints, and not the papacy, was the
Church: "non, ut aliqui somniant, (redo ecclesiam
esse prselatum . . . sed . . . communionem sanc-
torum^' (Werke, II, 190, Weimar, 1884). This was
simply playing on the words of the Symbol. At that
time Luther still held the traditional communion of
saints, little dreaming that he would one dav give it
up. But he did give it up when he formulat5&d his
theory on justification. The substitution of the Prot-
estant motto, "Christ for all and each one for him-
self", in place of the old axiom of Hugh of St. Victor,
''Singula sint omnium et omnia singulorum" (each
for afl and all for each— -P. L., CLXXV, 416), is a logi-
cal outcome of their concept of justification: not an
interior renovation of the soul, nor a veritable regen-
eration from a common Father, the second Adam, nor
yet an incorporation with Christ, the head of the mys-
tical body, but an essentially individualistic act of
fiducial faith. In such a theology there is obviously
no room for that reciprocal action of the saints, that
corporate circulation of spiritual blessings through the
members of the same family, that domesticity and
saintly citizenship which lie at the very core of the
Catholic commimion of saints. Justification and the
communion of saints go hand in hand. The efforts
which are being made towards reviving in Protestant-
ism the old and still cherished dogma of the commu-
nion of saints must remain futile unless the true doc-
trine of justification be also restored. (See Dead,
Prayers for the; Justification; Saints.)
Berides references in the text, see Nataus Alkxander, Theol.
doom, et moral, secundum ordinem Catech. Trid. (Parw, 1714);
Wovwivz^LeSywboU des Apdtres expose et difendu (Paris, 1861);
BiiUNGER, Les Indulgences (Paris, 1890), I. 20; Moehlkr, tr.
RoBEBTBON, Symbolism (New York, 1894); HxTTiNaER, tr.
Felcoubt, Apoloaie du christianiame (Pans, a. d.), II, 380;
Ttbrblu The Afystical Body in Hard Sayings (New York,
1902); WiftEMAN, Principal Doctrines and Practices of the Catholic
Church (New York, a. d.); De Waal, /i simboloapostolico Ultts.
trato daUs iscrizumi dei primi aecoli (Home. 1896); KiRSCii, Die
Lehre von der Oevwinschafttier HeUiqen (Mainz. 1900>: Morin,
Sandorum Communionem in Rev. a hist, et Hit. relig, (1904);
Bsmt Atu> and Dour, Communion dea Saints in Diet, de thM. eath.
Barkillc, Ls SumhaiU in Le Calichisme Remain (Montr^
jeau, 1906), II, 648. AIbo dogmatic theologies of Schoufpe,
JuNOif ANN, HuBTBR. Paqubt, etc., and sermons of Newmam,
Manning. Monsabb£, etc J. F. SoLLlER.
Oommunion of the Sick.— This differs from ordi-
nary Communion as to the class of persons to whom it is
administered, as to the dispositions with which it may
be received, and as to the place and ceremonies of ad-
ministration. In her anxious solicitude for the spir-
itual welfare of her children the Church earnestly
desires that those who are unable through illnesB to
receive the Blessed Eucharist in the usual way at the
altar, should not be deprived of the consolations of
this sacrament, and, accordingly, she exhorts her pas-
tors to satisfy alwa>[s the pious desires, not only of all
who are stricken with a dangerous sickness and re-
quire strength to prepare them for the final struggle,
but also of those who may wish to comply with the
paschal precept and cannot do so in church, and, in
nne, of everyone who hungers after this life-giving
bread even from mere devotion. When Communion
is administered to persons in danger of death and likely
to receive it for the last time it is called the Viaticum.
With this form of Communion there is no need to deal
at present, as everything concerning it wiU be treated
afterwards in its own place (see Viaticum). The
present article is concerned with Communion which is
S'ven to persons in their own houses who, thou^ not
mgerously ill, yet are so physically indisposed that
they cannot without very grave inconvenience go to
church to receive in the ordinary way. In the first
place, then, the pastor is bound to minister Communion
in their homes to such as have to fulfil their paschal
duty and cannot do so in church owing to illness.
The pastor's obligation in the matter is not, of course,
purely personal, and hence it can be discharged vicari-
ously. Again he is bound, though not so strictly, to
satisfy the reasonable desires of all sick persons who
are confined to their homes by infirmity of any kind
and who wish to receive the Blessed Eucharist. The
Roman Ritual observes that these pious wishes should
be especially gratified on the occasion of a solemn festi-
val or other celebration of the kind (Tit. IV, cap. iv).
Dispositions. — ^The sick who desire to receive
Communion out of mere devotion were hitherto boufid
to receive it before tasting any food or drink. Even
those who had to fufil their paschal duty and who
could not fast up to a suitable hour in the morning
would not be exempted from the obligation of fasting,
according to many theologians. A recent Instruction
of the Congregation of the Coimcil, dated 7 Decem-
ber, 1906, has modified very considerably the regu-
lations hitherto prevailing in regard to the obligation
of observing the natural fast from the previous mid-
night, as far at least as the sick are concerned. In ac-
cordance with the provisions of this new decree all
persons confined to their homes by reason of indispo-
sition may be Communicated even thou^ not fasting,
provided (1) that they have been sick for a month ; (2)
that they have medicid testimony as to their inability
to fast; C3) that there is no certain hope of a speedy
recoverv; and (4) that only liquid lood is taken.
When these specified conditions are present Commu-
nion may be given once or twice a week to those who
live in houses where Mass is celebrated daily, as in
convents, and once or twioe a month to others not so
placed. It is unnecessary to observe that the same dis-
positions of soul are required in the sick as in all other
persons for the fruitful reception of Holy Communion.
Ceremonies. — The Roman Ritual (Tit. IV, c. iv)
prescribes, in detail, all the ceremonies to be observed
when Communion is given to the sick. The manner
of carrying the Blessed Sacrament and of administer-
ing it is accurately described. The Consecrated Species
sliould be borne with all due honour, reverence, and
dignity, in solemn procession, witli lights, and all the
other customary formalities. This, oowever, is ac-
OOMMUNIOK
175
OOMMUNIOK
cording to the general law of the Chinch. Many coun-
tries, at the present day, in which this solemn and
public oonve^noe of the Blessed Sacrament is not pos-
sible, have obtained an Apostolic indult in virtue of
which the Sacred Species mav be carried privately and
without any pomp or external ceremonial (Second Plen.
Counc. of Bait., n. 264), but it must always be enclosed
in a silver box or pyx, which shouJd be securely fast-
ened around the person. Other cases of exception
are also recognized (Ben. XIV, '* Inter Unigenas'').
Whilst carrying the Blessed Sacrament in this private
manner, the pnest need not wear anv sacred vestment,
but in the actual administration ne should wear at
least a stole, soutane, and surplioe (Cong, ci Bites, n.
2650). The sick chamber should be neatly and
chastely arranged. Near the bed there ought to be a
table covered with a white cloth, with a crucifix, two
candles, small vessel of clean water. Holy Water and
vprinkler, and communion-card. It only remains to
«ay that the form used in giving Communion in pri-
vate houses should be the usual one, the Accipe
frater or goror, etc. being restricted to the administra-
tion oC the Viaticum.
Rit. Ram.f De Cam. inf.. Tit. IV, Gap. iv: Catalani. Com-
mentanum m Rit. Rom. (Rome, 1850), I; BABurrAU>i, Rii.
Rom., Com. Inf. (Florence, 1847) ; O'Kank, N0U9 on Rubrie»
of Rom. Rit. (Dublin, 1867); Van Dbr ^tappen, De Adm.
AuT. (Meehlin, 1902) ; Qabparri. Tract. Can. de Eueh. (Pari8,
1900), II: Lehmkuhl, Comp. Thool. Mar. (Freiburg, 1896). II;
GiBR. L*jEuchari9tie.
Patrick Morrisroe.
Oommnnion under Both Kinds. — (Communion
under one kind is the reception of the Saoament of
the Eucharist under the species or ai)pearance of bread
alone, or of wine alone; (Communion under two or
both kinds, the distinct reception under the two or
both species, nth utrdque specie, at the same time. In
the present article we shall treat the subject under the
following heads: I. Catholic Doctrine and Modem
Discipline; II. History of Disciplinary Variations;
III. Theological Speculation.
I. Catholic Doctrine and Modern Discipline. —
(1) Under this head the following points are to be
noted: (a) In reference to the Eucharist as a sacrifice,
the Communion, under both kinds, of the celebrating
priest belongs at least to the integrity, and, according
to some theologians, to the essence, of the sacrificial
rite, and may not, therefore, be omitted without vio-
lating the sacrificial precept of Christ: ''Do this for
a commemoration of me" (Luke, xxii, 19). This is
tau^t implicitly by the Council of IVent (Sees. XXI,
c. i; XXiI, c. 1). (b) There is no Divine precept
binding the laity or non-celebrating priests to receive
the sacrament under both kinds (Trent, Sess. XXI,
c. i). (c) B^r reason of the hypostatic union and of
the indivisibility of His ^lorined humanity, Christ is
really present and is received whole and entire, body
and blood, soul and Divinity, under either species
alone; nor, as regards the fruits of the sacrament, is
the communicant under one kind deprived of any
grace necessary for salvation (Trent, Sess. XXI, c. iii).
(d) In reference to the sacraments generally, apart
from their substance, Mlvd eorum subBtantih, 1. e.
apart from what has been strictly determined by Di-
vine institution or precept, the Chureh has authority
to detennine or modify tne rites and usa^ employed
in their administration, according as she judges it ex-
pedient for the greater profit of the recipients or the
better protection of the sacraments themselves against
irreverence. Hence "although the usage of Com-
munion under two kinds was not infrequent in the
early ages [ab initio] of the Christian religion, yet, the
custom in this respect having changed almost uni-
versally [UUiMsime] m the course of time, holy mother
the Churdi, mindiful of her authority in the adminis-
tration of the Sacraments, and influenced by weighty
and just reasons, has approved the custom of com-
municating under one kind, and decreed it to have the
force of a uw, which may not be set aside or changed
but by the Church's own authoritv'' (Trent, Sess.
XXI, c. ii). Not only, therefore, is Communion under
both kinds not obligatory on the faithful, but the
chalice is strictljr forbidden bv ecclesiastical law to any
but the celebrating priest. Tnese decrees of the Coun-
cil of Trent were directed against the Reformers of the
sixteenth century, who, on the strength of John, vi,
54, Matt., xxvi, 27, and Luke, xxii, 17, 19, enforced
in most cases by a denial of the Real Presence and of
the Sacrifice of the Mass, maintained the existence of
a Divine precept obliging the faithful to receive under
both kinds, and denounced the Catholic practice of
withholding the cup from the laity as a sacrilegious
mutilation of the sacrament. A century earlier the
Hussites, particularly the partv of the Csuixtines, had
asserted the same doctrine, without denying, however,
the Real Presence or the Sacrifice of the Mass, and on
the strength principally of John, vi, 54; and the
Council 01 Constance in its thirteenth session (1415)
had already condemned their position and affirmed the
binding force of the existing discipline in terms prac-
tically identical with those of Trent (see decree ap-
proved by Martin V, 1418, in Denzin^r, Endiiridion,
n. 585). It is to be observed that neither council in-
troduced any new l^islation on the subject; both
were content with declarins that the existing custoAi
had idready acquired the force of law. A few priv-
ileged exceptions to the law and a few instances of ex-
Eress dispensation, occurring later, will be noticed
elow (II).
(2) Regarding the merits of the Utraquist contro-
versy, if we assume the doctrinal points involved — ^viz.
the absence of a Divine precept imposing Ck>mmunion
under both kinds, the integral presence and reception
of Christ under either species, and the discretionarv
power of the Churoh over ever^hing connected with
the sacraments that is not Divmely determined — the
question of giving or refusing the dialice to the laity
becomes purelv practical and disciplinary, and is to be
decided bv a reference to the twofold purpose to be at-
tained, of safeguuding the reverence due to this most
august sacrament and of facilitating and encouraging
its frequent and fervent reception. Nor can it be
doubted that the modem Catholic discipline best se-
cures these ends. The danger of spilling the Precious
Blood and of other forms of irreverence; the incon-
venience and delay in administering the chalice to
large numbers; the difficulty of reservation for Com-
munion outside of Mass; the not unreasonable objec-
tion, on hygienic and other ^unds, to promiscuous
drinking from the same chalice, which 01 itself alone
would act as a strong deterrent to frequent Commu-
nion in the case of a great many otherwise well-dis-
posed people; these and similar "weighty and iust
reasons" s^inst the Utraquist practice are more than
sufficient to justify the Church in forbidding it. Of
the doctrinal points mentioned above, the only one that
need be discussed here is the question of the existence
or non-existence of a Divine precept imposing Com-
munion sttb tttrdque. Of the texts brought forward by
Utraquists in proof of such a precept, the command,
" Drink ye all of this" (Matt., xxvi, 27), and its equiv-
alent in St. Luke (xxii, 17, i. e. supposing the reference
here to be to the Eucharistic and not to the paschal
cup), cannot fairiy be held to apply to any but those
present on the occasion, ana to them only for
that particular occasion. Were one to insist that
Christ's action in administering Holy Communion
under both kinds to the Apostles at the Last Supper
was intended to lay down a law for all future recipi-
ents, he should for the same reason insist that several
other temporary and accidental circumstances con-
nectetl with the first celebration of the Eucharist
(v. g. the preceding paschal rites, the use of un-
leavened bread, the taking of the Sacred Species by the
COMMUinOK
176
OOMMUnOV
eeipieato themselves) were likewise intended to be
(^Ugatory for all future celebrations. The institution
under both kinds, or the separate consecration of the
bread and wine, belongs essentially, in Catholic opin-
ion, to the sacrificial, as distinct from the sacramental,
character of the Eucharist; and when Christ, in the
^ords, "Do this for a commemoration of me" (Luke,
xxii, 19), gave to the Apostles both the command and
the power to o£Fer the Eucharistic sacrifice, they under-
stood Him merely to impose upon them and tneir suc-
cessors in the priesthood the obligation of sacrificing
sub utrdgue. This obligation the Church has rigorously
observed.
In John, vi, 54, Christ says: ''Except you eat the
flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you shall
not have life in you"; but in verses 52 and 59 he
attributes life eternal to the eatine of ''this bread"
(which is "my flesh for the life of tne world"), with-
out mention of the drinking of His blood : " if anyone
eat of this bread he shall live forever". Now the
Utraquist interpretation would suppose that in verse
54 Cmist meant to emphasize the distinction between
the mode of reception "by eating" and the mode of
reception "by drinking"^ and to include both modes
distmctly in the precept He imposes. But such
literalism, eztrava^nt in any connexion, would result
in this case in puttmg verse 54 in opposition to 52 and
*59, interpretea in the same rigid way. From which
we may infer that, whatever special significance at-
taches to the form of expression emi^oyed in verse 54,
Christ did not have recourse to that form for the pur-
pose of promulgating a law of Communion sub tUrdque.
The twofold expression is employed by Christ in order
to heighten the realism of the promise — to emphasize
more vividly the reality of the Eucharistic presence,
and to convev the idea that His Body and Blood were
to be the fserfect spiritual aliment, the food and drink,
of the faitl^ul. In the Catholic teaching on the
Eucharist this meaning is fully verified. Christ is
really and integrally present, and really and integrally
received, under either kind ; and from the sacramental
point of view it is altogether immaterial whether this
perfect reception takes place after the analogy in the
natural order of solid or of liauid food alone, or after
the analogy of both combinea (cf. Ill below). In I
Cor., xi, 28, to which Utraquists sometimes appeal, St.
Paul is concerned with the preparation required for a
worthy reception of the Eucharist. His mention of
both species, "this bread and the chalice", is merely
incidental, and implies nothing more than the bare
fact that Communion under both kinds was the pre-
vailing usage in Apostolic times. From the verse
immediately preceding (27) a difficultjr might be
raised against the dogmatic presuppositions of the
great majority of Utraquists, and an argument ad-
vanced in proof of the Catholic doctrine of the inte^l
presence and reception of Christ under either species.
*' Whosoever", says the Apostle, " shall eat this oread,
or drink Uie chalice of the Lord unworthily, shall be
guilty of the body and of the blood of the Lord", i. e.
whoever receives either unworthily is guilty of both. But
it is unnecessary to insist on this argument in defence
of the Catholic position. We are justified in conclud-
ing that the N. T. contains no proof of the existence
of a Divine precept binding the faithful to Communi-
cate under both kinds. It will appear, further, from
the following historical survey, that the Church has
never recognized the existence of such a precept.
II. History of Disciplinary Variations. — From
the First to the TwelHh Century, — It may be stated as a
general fact, that down to the twelfth century, in the
West as well as in the East,4>ublic Communion in the
churches was ordinarily administered and received
under both kinds. Tmit such was the practice in
Apostolic times is implied in I Cor., xi, 28 (see above),
nor does the abbreviated reference to the " breaking
of bread" in the Acts of the Apostles (ii, 46) prove
anything to the contrary. The witnesses to the same
effect for the sub^Apostolic and subsequent ajges are
too numerous, and the fact itself too cleariv beyond
dispute, to reauire that the evidence should be cited
here. But siae by side with the regular lituin(»l
usage of Commimion sub uMque, there existed from
the eariiest times the custom of communicating in
certain cases under one kind alone. This custom is
exemplified (1) in the not infreG|uent practice of
private domestic Communion, portion of the Eudiar-
istic bread being brought by the faithful to ti^eir
homes and there reserved for this purpose: (2) in the
Communion of the sick, which was usually adminis-
tered under the species of bread alone; (3) in the
Commumon of children which was usually given, even
in .the churches, under the species of wine alone, but
sometimes imder the species of bread alone; (4) in
the Communion under the species of bread alone at
the Mass of the Presanctified, and, as an optional
practice, in some diurches on ordinary oecasicma.
xo these examples may be added (5) the practice of
the intinctio panis^ i. e. the dipping of the consecrated
bread in the Precious Blood ana its administration
per modum dbi. We will notice briefly the history
of each of these divergent practices.
(1) During the third century, in Africa at least, as
we learn from Tertullian and St. Cyprian, the practice
on the part of the faithful of bringing to their homes
and reserving for private Communion a portion of the
Eucharistic bread, would appear to have been univer-
sal. Tertullian refers to thisprivate domestic Com-
munion as a commonplace in Cnristian life, and makes
it the basis of an argument, addrened to hb wife,
against second marria^ with an iafidel in case of his
own death: "Non soet maaitus quid secreto ante
omnem cibum gustes, et si sciverit esse panem, non
ilium credet esse qui dicitur?" (Ad Uxor., c. v, P. L.,
I, 1296). There can be question here only of the
species of bread, and the same is true of the two
stories told by St. Cyprian: the one of a man who,
before Commimion, had attended an idolatrous func-
tion, and on retiring from the altar and opening his
hand, in which he had taken and carried the Sacred
Species, found nothing in it but ashes; the other of
a woman who "cum arcam suam, in qu& Domini
sanctum fuit, manibus indignis tentasset aperire> i^e
inde surgente deterrita est" (De Lapsis, 26, P. L.,
IV, 486). This custom owed its origin mostprobably
to the dangers and uncertainties to which Obristtans
were subject in times of persecution; but we have it
cm the authority of St. Basil (Ep. xciii, P. G., XXXII,
485) that in the fourth centurv, when the persecutions
had ceased, it continued to be a general practice in
Alexandria and Egypt; and on the authority of St.
Jerome (Ep. xlviii, 15, P. L., XXII, 506) that it
still existed at Rome towards the end of the same
century. It is impossible to say at what precise
period the practice disappeared. The many obyious
objections against it would seem to have led to its
abolition in the West without the need of formal legis-
lation. The third canon attributed to the Coundlof
Saraeossa (380) and the fourteenth canon of the Coun-
cQ of Toledo (400), exoommunieatine those who do
not consume in the church the Eucharist received
from the priest (Hefele, Conciliengesch., 1, 744; II. 79).
were directed against the PrisciUianisIs (who refused
to consume any portion of the Eucharistic bread in
the church), and do not seem to have been intended
to prohibit the practice of reserving a portion for
private Communion at home. In the East the prac-
tice continued lonff after its disappearance in the
West, and in the ei^th century the faithful were able
to a^^ themselves of it as a means of avoiding as-
sociation with the Iconoclastic heretics (Pai^ire.
L'Eglise bysantine» Paris, 1905, p. 339 sq.). It had
already been adopted by the anchorites, as St. Basil
(loc. cit.) tells us, and continued to be a feature ol
OOMMUHION
177
OOMMUmON
anchoretic life as late as the ninth oentuiy (see Theo-
dore Studita (d. 826), Ep. i, 67, ii, 209, in P. G.,
XaX, 1116, 1661).
(2) That Communion of the sick under the species
of bread alone was the ordinary usa^ at Alexandria
in the middle of the third century is proved by the
account of the death-bed Conmiunion of the old man
SerapionastoldbyEusebius (H. E., VI, xliv, in P. G.,
XX, 629), on the authority of Dionysius of Alexandria
(d. 264). It is recorded of St. Basil that he received
Holy Communion several times on the day of his
deaw, and tmder the species of bread alone, as ma^
be inferred from the biographer's words (Vita Basilii,
iv, P. G., XXIX, 315). We have it on the authority
of Paulinus, secretary and biocrapher of St. Ambrose,
that the saint on his death-bed received from St.
Honoratus of Vercelli "Domini corpus, quo accepto,
ubi glutivit, emisit spiritum, bonum viaticum secum
ferens" (Vita Ambr., 47, P. L., XIV, 43>. These
testimonies are sufficient to establish the fact that,
in the early centuries, reservation of the Eucharist
for the sick and dyin^ of which the Council of Nicsea
(326) speaks (can. xiu) as '' the ancient and canonical
rule", was usual under one kind. The reservation of
the species of wine for use as the Viaticum would have
involved so many practical difficulties that, in the
absence of dear evidence on the subject, we mav feel
sure that it was never the general practice. We are
told by St. Justin Martyr (ApoL, 1, 67, P. G., VI, 429)
that on Sundays, after the celebration of the Sacrifice,
the Eucharistic elements were received by all present
and carried by the deacons to those absent. But this
would have been possible only in small and compact
conununities, and that it was not a general custom
and did not long survive ma^ be inferred from the
fact that no subsequent mention of it is to be found.
St. Jerome (Ep. cxxv, 20, P. L., XXII, 1086) speaks
of St. Exupenus of Toulouse, ''qui corpus Domini
canistro vimineo, saneuinem portat in vitro", but this
example of a private devotional practice, which is also
exceptional in its wa^r, throws no light on the usaAe of
Communion for the sick. It is recorded in the lue of
St. Mary of Eferpt (21 sq.. P. L., LXXIII, 686) that
the Abbot Zosimos brought Communion under both
kinds to her solitary retreat in the desert, and in later
times there are several examples of dyin^ persons
oonmiunicating sub vtrdaw. But eveiythmg leads
us to suppose that such Communions, as a rule, were
administered in connexion with Mass, celebrated in
Uie house of the sick peraon or in the immediate
vicinity; and this supposition is strongly confirmed
by the well-known fact that the sick were sometimes
carried to the church for the purpose of receiving both
the Eucharist and Extreme Unction (see Chardon,
Hist. Du Sacrem. de TEucharistie, c. v, Misno, Theol.
Cursus Completus, XX, 282). It is to be noted,
finally, that the sick who could not consume the Host
were allowed to receive under the species of wine
alone (Coimcil of Toledo, 676, can. ii, Mansi, XI,
143-4).
(3) It was the practice in the Early Church to give
the Holy Eucharist to children even before they at-
tained the use of reason. It is implied by St. Cyprian
(De Lapsis, 25, P. L., IV, 484) that the chalice alone
was offered to them; and St. Augustine, in his inci-
dental references to child-Communion, speaks (^ it as
administered under either species (Ep. ccxvii, 5,
P. L., XXXIII, 984 sq.), or under the species of wine
alone (Opus Imp., II, 30, P. L., XLV, 1154). St.
Paulinus of Nola, sjpeaking of newly-baptized children,
states that the pnest ''cruda salutiferis imbuit ora
cibis" (Ep. xxxii, 5, P. L., LXI, 333), which is
applicable only to the species of wine. In the East
abo, in some churches at least, children, especially
suckling infants, conmmnicated under the species of
wine alone (see Dom Martdne, De Antiq. Eccl. Ritibus,
I, ziv; Gaspaixi, Tract. Canon, de SS. Eucharistia,
IV.— 12
II, n. 1121). There are examples, on the other hand,
both in the Western and Eastern (Churches, of Com-
munion administered to children under the species of
bread alone. Thus the Council of M&con (586) de-
creed that the fragments of consecrated bread remain-
ing over after the Sunday Communion were to be con-
sumed by children {innocerUea) brought to the church
for that purpose on the following Wednesday or
Friday (Labbe-Cossart, VI, 675); and Evaoius (d.
594) tells us that a similar custom existed at Constan-
tinople from ancient times (Hist. Eod., IV, 36, P. G.,
LXXXVI, 2769).
(4) The Mass of the Presanctified, in which the
essence of the sacrifice as such is wanting, admits of
Communion only under the species of bread. The
custom of celebrating in this manner was introduced
in the East by the Council of Laodicea in the fourth
centuiy (can. xlix) and confirmed by the Second
Councu in Trullo in 692 (Hefele, op. cit., I, 772). It
was the rule for all fast dajrs during Lent, and the faith-
ful were in the habit of receiving at it (Paif^ire, op.
dt., p. 341 sq.). This custom is still maintained in
the East (Gasparri, op. cit., I, n. 68). In the West the
Mass of the Presanctified, celebrated only on Good
Friday, is mentioned in the Gelasiim Sacramentary (P.
L., LxXIV, 1105) and in later sources, and in the be«
ginning the faithful used to communicat-e at it. Apart
&om the Mass of the Presanctified the faithful were
sometimes allowed to receive under the species of
bread alone, even at the public Communion in the
church. From an incident recorded by Soaomen
(H. K, VIII, V, P. L., LXVII, 1528 sq.) as having
occurred at Constantinople in the time of St. John
Chrysostom, it would seem to follow that IJie recep-
tion of the consecrated bread alone was suffioent to
satisfy the requirements of the then existing disci-
pline. The pomt of the story is, that the unconverted
wife of a converted Macedonian heretic, being com-
pelled by her husband to conmiunicate in the Catholic
Church, secretly substituted at the moment of recep-
tion a piece of ordinary bread, which her servant had
brought for the purpose, but was balked in her deceit-
ful design by a miracle, which petrified the bread wiUi
the marks of her teeth upon it. In the West, as is
clear from St. Leo the Great (Serm. xlii, 5, P. L.,
LIV, 279 so.), the Manichaeans at Rome, towajrds the
middle of tne fifth oenturv, sometimes succeeded in
communicating fraudulently in the Catholic Church:
''ore indigno corpus Christi accipiunt, san^uinem
autem redemptionis nostre haurire omnino dedinant ' '.
Iliis 9acrUega aiimdatio on the part of the heretics
would have been impossible, unless it was customary
at the time for at least some of the faithful to receive
under one kind alone. That those detected in this
simitkUio are ordered by St. Leo to be excluded alto-
geUier from Communion, implies no reprobation on
the merits of Commimion under one kmd; and the
same is true of the decree attributed by Gratian to
Pope Gelasius, ''aut integra sacramenta perdpiant,^
aut ab int^ris arceantur'' (De Consec., D. II, c. xii,
P. L., CLXXXVII, 1736). In the monastic rule
attributed to St. Columbanus (d. 615) it is prescribed
that novices and those not properly instructed "ad
caUcem non accedant" (P. L, LXXX, 220). This
also seems to imply the usage in some cases of Com-
munion under one kind ; and, as a further instance of
divergence in this direction from Communion strictly
sub tUrdque^ may be mentioned the practice, intro-
duced alK>ut this time, of substituting for consecrated
wine, in the Communion of the f aithfm, ordinary wine,
into which a few drops of the consecrated wine had
been poured. According to the "Ordo Romanus
Primus", which in its present form dates from the
ninth century, this usage was followed at the pontifical
Mass in Rome (see MabiUon, P. L., LXXVIII, 875,
882, 903). It was adopted also in several other
churches (Dom Mart^ne, op. cit., I, ix). Some theoio-
OOMMUNION
178
COMMUNION
giaofi of the period held with Amalarius of Metz (d.
837) (De Eccl. off., I, 16, P. L., CV, 1032) that in this
case the common wine received a certain consecration
by the infusion of the consecrated drops; but the
majority, including St. Bernard (£p. Ixix, 2, P. L.,
CLXXXII, 181), denied that there was an^ consecrar
tion in the proper sense, or that the reception of this
chalice was strictly speaking the reception of the
Precious Blood.
(5) The practice of the irUinctio paniSf mentioned
above, which is the last disciplinary variation to be
noticed during this period, waa already forbidden by
the Council of Braga in 676 (Mansi, Xl, 166), but, as
appears from the ''Micrologus" (xix, P. L., CLI, 989
sq.), was reintroduced in the eleventh century. It
waa Qondemned once more by the Council of Clermont
(1095) under the presidency of Urban II, but with the
limitation "nisi per necessitatem et per cautelam"
(Mansi, XX, 818). The exception "per cautelam"
allows the irUincHo when it might be necessary as a
peoaution against the spilling of the Precious Blood,
but the later prohibition of Paschal II (Ep. 535, P. L.,
CLXIII, 442) makes an exception only "in parvulis
ac omnino infirmis qui panem absorbere non possunt ".
Notwithstanding these prohibitions the practice sur-
vived in many places, as we learn from Robert Pulleyn
(Q. 1146; Sent. VIII, iii, P. L., CLXXXVI, 964), who
condemns it. Its prohibition is renewed as late as
1 175 by a Council (tf London or Westminster (Hefele,
op. cit., V, 688). There is no evidence of the intinctio
in i^e East during the first ten centuries, but its
existence in the eleventh century is one of the grounds
of reproach advanced by Cardinal Humbert (d. 1061)
arainst the Greeks (Adv. Gnec. calumnias, 33, P. L.,
CXLIII, 957 sg.). According to Dom Mart^ne (d.
1739) the practice still existed in the East in his own
time (op. cit., I, 13); while the custom of pouring
some drops of the Precious Blood on the consecrated
bread, which was then dried by heating and reserved
during a whole year for the Communion of the sick,
may be considered as a kind of intinctio. This latter
custom was prohibited by Benedict XIV for the Italo-
Greeks in 1752, but the usage, where it existed among
them, of receiving the Host on a spoon with some
drops of the Precious Blood, was allowed to be re-
tained (Gasparri, op. cit., II, 1177).
It is abundantly clear from this brief survey of dis-
ciplinary variations during the first twelve centuries
that the Church never r^arded Communion under
both kinds as a matter of Divine precept.
Since the TweLjih Century. — The final suppression
of the intinctio was foUowecf in the thirteenth century
by the gradual abolition for the laitv of Ck>mmunion
under the species of wine. The desuetude of the
chalice was not yet universal in St. Thomas' time
(d. 1274): "provide in quibusdam ecdesiis observa-
tur'', he says, "ut populo sanguis sumendus non
detur, sed solum a sacerdote sumatur'' (Summa, III,
. Q. Ixxx, a. 12). The Council of Lambeth (1281) directs
that the consecrated wine is to be received by the
priest alone, and non-consecrated wine distributed to
the faithful (Mansi, XXIV, 405). It is impossible to
say exactlv when the new custom became universal,
or when, by the Church's approval, it acquired the
force of law. But such was already, the case long
before the outbreak of the Hussite disturbances, as is
clear from the decree of the Council of Constance (see
I above). The Council of Basle granted (1433) the
use of the chalice to the Calixtines of Bohemta-^tnder
certain conditions, the chief of which was the acknowl-
edgment of Christ's integral presence under either
kind. This concession, which had never been ap-
E roved by any pope, was positively revoked in 14o2
y the Nuncio Fantini on the order of Pius II. The
Council of Trent while defining the points already
mentioned, referred to the pofM* the deciflion of the
question whether tlie urgi'nt petiHon of the German
emperor to have the use of the chalice allowed in his
dominions should be granted; and in 1664 Pius IV
authorized some German bishops to permit it in
their dioceses, |)rovided certain conditions were ful-
filled. But, owin^ to the inconveniences that were
found to result, this concession was withdrawn in Hie
following year. Benedict XIV states (De Missse
8acrif., II, xxii, n. 32) that in his time the kings of
France had the privilege of communicating sub
tUrdque at their coronation and on their deatE>bed.
In the eighteenth century the deacon and subdeacon
officiating at High Mass in the Church of Saint-Denis,
Paris, on Simdays and solemn feasts, and at Ouny on
aU feasts of obligation, were allowed to receive sub
utrdgue (Benedict XIV, loc. dt.). The onlysurviving
example of this privil^ is in the case of the deacon
and subdeacon officiating in the solemn Mass of the
pope.
III. Thik)looical Speculation.— Tlie definition
of the Council of Trent, to the effect that the com-
municant under one kind is deprived of no grace neces-
sary for salvation (see I), was intended merely to
negative the Utraouist contention, and is not to be
understood as implying that Communion imder one
kind involves incompleteness of sacramental eausal-
itv or a curtailment of sacramental grace. The coun-
cu had no thou^t of deciding this point, which had
been held to be an open Question by theoloeians since
the twelfth century and nas continued to be treated
as such down to our own day. Without attempting
to sketch the history of the discussion, we will state
here very briefly the ultunate form which the question
has assumed and the opposing answers that have been
given.
It is a recognized principle in sacramental theoloey
that the sacraments cause what they signify, and the
present discussion turns upon the interpretation of
this princii)le in reference to the Holy Eucharist.
Does the principle mean, not merely that the external
rites are mtended to signify, in a sufficiently distinc-
tive way, the special graces they were instituted to
confer, but that their efficacy in the production of
grace is measured by the degree of clearness (where
degrees are admissible) with which the sacramental
signification is expressed? In the Eucharist grace is
rbolised as a spiritual refection or aliment, after
analogy of corporal nourishment; and this signifi-
cation is admittecOy expressed with greater clearness
in the distinct reception of both species than in Com-
munion under one kind. Are we to hold, th^^ore,
that Communion sub utrdqucj being a more perfect
symbol of a complete refection, confers a fuller degree
of sacramental grace than Communion under one
kind, or in other words, that by Divine institution
there is a twofold causality or two distinct lines of
causality in the Eucharist, corresponding to the two
modes of reception, and that botti lines of causality
are required for the complete production of its fruits?
A minority of the great theologians have answered
this question in the affirmative, e. g. Vasques (in III,
Q. Ixxx, a. 12, disp. ccxv, c. ii), De Lugo (De Sac. Euch.,
disp. xii, iii, 68 sq.), the Salmanticenses (De Euch.
Sac, disp. X, 52 sq.). Arguing on the lines indicated,
tihese theologians nold that per se Communion under
both kinds confers more grace than Commimion under
one kind, and admit that the modem discipline of the
Church withdraws this opportunity of more abundant
grace from the faithful. But m doing so it inflicts,
they maintain, no notable spiritual privation, with-
holding no grace that is even remotely necessary for
salvation; while, indirectly, the many advantages
resulting from this discipline, particularly the in-
creased revereiice for the sacrament which it secures
and the additional opportunities for frequent Com-
munion which it provides, more than make up for
whatever loss is involved.
The majority of theologians, however, rightly deny
OOMMUJmU
179
OOMMUMISM
that Communion under one kind involves per 80 any
loss or curtailment of sacramental grace. St. Thomas
(III, Q. Ixxx, a. 12, ad 3) and St. Bonaventure (In
Sent. IV, XI, punct. ii, a. 1, a. 2) may fairly be claimed
for this view, which is defenaed by Cigetan (In III, q.
Ixxx, a. 12, II), Dominicus Soto (In Sent. IV, XII, q.
i, a. 12), Bellarmine (De Sac. Euch., IV, 33), Suarez
(In III, q. Ixxix, a. 8, disp. Ixiii, VI, 8, sq.), Syivius
(In III, 9. Ixxx, a. 12, q. 2). Gonet (De Sac. Euch.,
disp. viii, a. 4, n. 69), ana a host of later writers.
While admitting that the sacraments cause what the^
signify, these theologians deny that the extent of their
causality is dependent on the mode or degree of per-
fection m which this signification is realized, or that
there is any ground for distinguishing a twofold
causality in the Eucharist depending on the twofold
manner of reception. There is idl the more reason for
denying this in the case of the Holy Eucharist, since
both the Bodv and Blood of Christ aje really present,
and the complete refection intended by Christ is really
received, under either species alone; and since, more-
over, in the production of whatever grace is given, in
addition to the grace of mere presence, the more impor-
tant cause is Christ Himself in His sacred humanitv per-
sonally present in the recipient. Must we hold that
Christ limited the grace-giving efBcacy of His invis-
ible presence so as to msJ^e it dependent on the acci-
dental mode in which that presence is visibly sym-
bolized rather than on the presence itself? Or that
He curtailed the spiritually nutritive efifects of what is
de facto complete as an aliment and, as such, is suffi-
ciently flymbolized by either species, merely because
the physical analogy m the manner of reception is not
reproduced as literally and completely as it might be?
Even in the natural order we do not always insist on
the distinction between eating and drinking in refer-
ence to our bodily refection, and in the spiritual and
supernatural sphere, where there is question of the
soul's refection by Divine grace, it is surely an over-
straining of the law of sacramental symbolism to uree
that distinction as insistently as do uieologians of the
first opinion. Such briefly is the line of argument by
which the common opinion is supported. It only re-
mains to add that in this opinion the reception of the
chalice may augment, per acddens, the grace of the
sacrament, by securing a longer continuance of the
species and thereby of the Real Presence, and by
helping to prolong or renew the fervent dispositions
of the recipient.
Among, and in addition to. the authon and worlcB mentioned
in the course of this article, the following are particularly note-
worthy: Hedlet, TKe Ht^ Euthariat (in the WestminBter
Library Beries, London, 1007), ch. vi, p. 84 8qj_ Daloairns,
The Holy Communion (Dublin. 18dl). vi; St. THOMAa, Sum.
Tkeol., Ill, Q. Ixxx. a. 12; St. Bonaventurb. In Sent. IV, XI.
punct. ii. a. 1, q. ii (Quaracchi); Cajbtan, In III^ Q. Ixxx, a. 12.
alao De Comm, «u6 utrague apede. tr. XII uUar opuaeuia;
Bellabmikb, De Saeram, Eueh^, IV, 30 bq.; Bona, Rer.
Liturg., II, xvii-xx; Bobsuet, TraiU de la Comm. aoua lea deux
esphxa; ua tradition difendue aur la maitiire de la Comm, aoua
ufM eaptee; Bbnbdzct XIY, De Saeroaando Miaaa SaeriAeio,
II, c. xxii, n. 18, bq.; Crakdon, Hiatoire du Socrament da VEu-
ehariatia in fifioNE, Theol. Curaua Completuat XX; Pbobbt,
Sacramente und SaenmentoKen in den drei eraten Jahrhunderten
(Tafaingan. 1872); Cobblvt, Hialoira du Sacrament de VEu-
ekariahi (Paria, 1885); GAsrABSi, Traotatua Canonieua de SS.
Eucharxatia (Paris, 1897), I: Hbuber in Kirdu^rUex., Ill, 723
eqq.; DuBLAMcmr in Diet, de IhSol. eath.. Ill, 552 sqq.
F. J. Toner.
OommnniBm (Lat. communis), — ^In its more general
signification oommunism refers to any social eystem
in which all property, or at least all productive prop-
ertjr, is owned by the group, or community, instead of
by individuals. Thus understood it comprises com-
munistic anarchism, socialism, and oommunism in the
strict sense. Communistic anarchism (as distin-
guiflhed from the philosophic variety) would abolish
not only private property, but political j^vemment.
Socialism means Hie collective ownership and man-
agement not of all property, but only of the material
agencies of production. Oommunism in the strict sense
demands that both productbn-goods, such as land,
railways, and factories, and consumptbn-goods, such
as dwellings, furniture, food, and dothing, should be
the property of the ^riiole community. Previous to
the miadle of the nineteenth century the term was
used in its more general sense, even bv socialists.
ICarx and Engels ^ed the cdebrated document in
which they gave to socialism its first "scientific" ex-
pression, the ''Communist Manifesto". The^ could
scarcely do otherwise, since the word Socialism was
used for the first time in the year 1833, in England.
Before long, however, most of the followers of the
new movement preferred to call their economic creed
Socialism and themselves Socialists. To-day no so-
cialist who believes that individuals should be allowed
to retain ownership of consumption-goods would class
himself as a communist. Hence the word is at pres-
ent pretty generally employed in the narrower sense.
Its use to designate merely common ownership of
capital is for the most part confined to the unin-
formed, and to those who seek to injure socialism by
giving it a bad name.
Communism in the strict sense is also distinguished
from socialism bv the fact that it usually connotes a
loreater degree of common life. In the words of the
Rev. W. D. P. Bliss, "socialism puts its emphasis on
common producHan and distntutum; communism, on
life in common" ("Handbook of Socialism", p. 12).
Communism aims, therefore, at a greater measure of
equality than socialism. It would obtain more uni-
formity in the matter of marriage, education, food,
clothing, dwellingB, and the general life of the com-
munity. Hence the various attempts that have been
made by small groups of persons living a common life
to establish common owner^ip of industry and com-
mon enjoyment of its products, have generally been
described as experiments in oommunism. In fact
socialism, in its proper sense of ownership and opera-
tion of capital-instruments by the entire democratic
State, has never been tried anywhere. This calls to
mind the further distinction that communism, even
as a present-dajr ideal, implies the orramisation of in-
dustry and life by small federated communities,
rather than by a centralized State. William Morris
thus distinguishes them, and hopes that socialism will
finally develop into oommunism ("Modem Social-
ism", edited by R. C. K. E^nsor, p. 88). Combining
flJl these notes into a formal definition, we mi^t say
that complete communism means the common owner-
ship of both industry and its products by small fed-
erated communities, HVing a common life.
History. — ^The earliest operation of the commu-
nistic principle of which we have any record, took
place in Crete about 1300 b. c. All the citizens were
educated by the State in a uniform way, and all ate
at the public tables. According to tradition, it was
this experiment that moved Lycur^us to set up his
celebrated regime in Sparta. Under his rule, Plu-
tarch informs us, there was a common system of edu-
cation, eymnastics, and military training for all the
youth ofboth sexes. Public meals and public sleep-
ing apartments were provided for all the citizens.
The Land was redistributed so that all had e^ual
shares. Althou^ marriage existed, it was modified
by a certain degree of promiscuity in the interest of
race-culture, l^e principles of equality and common
life were also enforced m many other matters. As
Plutarch says, "no man was at liberty to live as he
pleased, the city being like one sreat camp where all
nad their stated allowance". In several other re-
spects, however, the regime of Lycurgus fell short of
normal communism: though the land was equally
distributed it was privately owned; the political sys-
tem was not a democracy but a limited monarchy,
and later an oliprchy; and the privileges of citizen-
ship and equality were not enjoyed by the entire
population. The Helots, who performed aU the dis-
OOMHUimM
180
OOMMimBM
agreeable work, were slaves in the worst sense of that
term. Indeed, the purpose of the whole organisation
was military and political rather than economic and
social. As Lycurgus was inspired by the Cretan ex-
periment, so rlato was impressed bv the achievement
of Lycurgus. His "Republic" describes an ideal
commonwealth in which there was to be community
of property, meals, and even of women. The State
was to control education, maniaee, births, the occu-
pation of the citizens, and the distribution and en-
joyment of goods. It would enforce perfect equalitv
of conditions and careers for all citizens and for both
sexes. Plato's motive in outlining this imaginary
social order was individual welfare, not State aggran-
dizement. He wanted to call the attention of the
world to a State which was unique in that it was not
composed of two classes constantly at war with each
other, the rich and the poor. But his model com-
monwealth was to have slaves.
The communisticprinciple governed for a time the
lives of the first Cmistians of Jerusalem. In the
fourth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles we learn
that none of the brethren called anything that he
possessed his own; that those who had houses and
lands sold them and laid the price at the feet of the
Apostles, who distributed '' to everyone according as
he had need". Inasmuch as they made no distmo-
tion between citizens and slaves, these primitive
Christians were in advance of the communism of
Plato. Their communism was, moreover, entirely
voluntary and spontaneous. The words of St. Peter
to Ananias prove that individual Christians were
quite free to retain their private property. Finally,
the arrangement did not long continue, nor was it
adopted by any of the other Christian bodies outside
of Jerusalem. Hence the assertion that Christianity
was in the beginning communistic is a gross exaggera-
tion. And tne claim that certain Fathers or the
Church, notably Ambrose, Augustine, Basil, Chrys-
ostom, and Jerome, condemned all private property
and advocated communism, is likewise imwarrantedf.
Most of the religious, that is, ascetic and monastic
orders and communities which have existed, both
within and without the Christian fold, exhibit some
of the features of communism. The Buddhist monks
in India, the E^enes in Judea, and the Therapeutse
in Egypt, all excluded private ownership and led a
common life. The religious communities of the Cath-
olic Church have idways practised common owner-
ship of goods, both productive (whenever they pos-
sessed these) and non-pioductfve. Their communism
differs, however, from that of the economic com-
munists in that its primary object ia not and never
has been social reform or a more just distribution of
goods. The spiritual improvement of the individual
member and the better fulfilment of their charitable
mission, such as instructing the young or caring for
the sick and infirm, are tne ends that they have
chiefly sought. These communities insist, moreover,
that their mode of life is adapted only to the few.
For these reasons we find them alwa^rs apart from the
world, making no attempt to bring in any consider-
able portion of those without, and observing celibacy.
One important feature of economic communism is
wanting to nearly all religious communities, namely,
common ownership and management of the material
agents of production from which they derive their
sustenance. In this respect they are more akin to
wage*«aming bodies than to communistic organiza-
tions.
During the Middle Ages communism was held, and
In various degrees practised, bry several heretical
sects. In this they professed to imitate the example
of the primitive Christians. Their communism was,
therefore, like that of the monastic orders, religious
rather than economic. On the other hand , the motive
of the religious orders was Christ's counsel to seek per-
fection. Chief among the oommunistio heretical sects
were: the Catharists, the Apostoltcs, the Brothers and
Sisters of the Free Spirit, the Hussites, the McHavians,
and the Anabaptists. None of l^em presents facta
of any great importance to the student of commun-
ism. Tne next notable event in the history of com-
munism is the appearance of St. Thomas More's " Uto- *
pia" (1516). The purpose of this romantic account
of an ideal conmionweaith was economic, not military
or religious. The withdrawal of large tracts of land
from cultivation to be used for sheep-raising, the cur-
tailment of the tenant's ridits to the common, and
the rise in rents had already begun to produce that
insecurity, poverty, and pauperism which later on be-
came so distressing in En^and, and which still consti-
tute a most perplexing problem. By wa^ of contrast
to these conditions, More drew his ideal picture of the
State of Utopia. In his conception of industrial con-
ditions, needs, and tendencies. More was ages ahead
of his time. " I can have ' ', he says, " no other notion
of all the other governments that I see or know than
that they are a conspiracy of the rich, who on pretence
of mana^g the public only pursue their private ends,
and devise all the wajrs and arts they can find out:
first, that thejr may without danger preserve all that
they have so ill acquired, and then that they may en-
gage the poor to toil and labour for them at as low rates
as possible, and oppress them as much as they please."
This reads more like an outburst from some radical
reformer of the twentieth centurjr than the testimony
of a state chancellor of the earl^r sixteenth . In " Uto-
pia" s^ goods are held and enjoyed in common, and
all meals are taken at the public tables. But there is
no community of wives. The disagreeable work is
done by slaves, but the slaves are all convicted crim-
imds. Concerning both the family and the dignity
and riehts of the mdividual, "Utopia" is, therefore,
on higner ground than the "Repuolic". There are
severu other descriptions of ideal States which owe
their inspiration to ^'Utopia". Hie most important
are: "Oceana" (1656) by James Harrington; "The
aty of the Sun" (1625) by Thomas Campanella (q.
v.); and Francis Bacon's "New Atlantis" (1629).
None of them has been neariy so widely read nor so
influential as their prototjrpe. CampaneUa, who was
a Dominican monk, represents the authorities of "Tlie
City of the Sun" as compelling the best-dereloped
women to mate with the best^eveloped men, in order
that the children ma^ be as peitect as possible.
Children are to be tramed by the State not by the
parents, for they "are bred for the preservation of
the species and not for individual pleasure".
The comprehensive criticism of, and revolt a^inst
social institutions carried on by French writers m the
eighteenth century naturally included theories for the
reconstruction of tne economic order. Gabriel de Mably
(Doutes proposes aux philosophes ^conomiques, 1768)
who seems to have borrowed partly from Plato and
partly from Rousseau, declared that community of
goods would secure equality of condition and the
nicest welfare of the race; but he shrank from ad-
vocating this as a practical remedy for the ills of his
own time. Morelly (Code de la nature, 1755) agreed
with Rousseau that all social evils were due to insti-
tutions, and urged the ownership and management of
all property and industry by the State. Both de Mably
and Morelly were apostate priests. Morelly's views
were adopted by one of the French Revolutionists,
F. N. BiOxBuf, who was the first modem to take
practical steps toward the formation of a communistic
society. His plans included compulsory labour on
the part of all, and public distribution of the product
according to indiviaual needs. To convert his theo-
ries into reality, he founded the "Society of Equals"
(1796) and projected an armed insurrection; but the
conspirators were soon betrayed and their leader
guillotined (1797). Count Henri de Paint-Simon,
0OMMX7NISM
181
CX>MMtmi8M
whoee theories received their final shape in his ''Nou-
veau Chrifltianisme" (1825), did not demand common
ownership of all property. Hence he is looked upon
as the first socialist rather than as a commmiist. He
was tiie first to emphasise the division of modem
society into employers and workingmen, and the first
to advocate a reconstruction of the industrial and
political order on the basis of labour and in the par-
ticular interest of the working classes. According to
his view, the State i^ould become the director of
industry, assigning tasks in proportion to capacity
and rewards m proportion to work. He is also a
socialist rather than a communist in his desire that
reforms should be brought about by the central
Government, instead of by local authority or volun-
tary^ associations. Charies Fourier (Traits de I'as-
Bociation domestique-agricole, 1822) did not even ask
for the abolition of all capital. Yet he was more of a
communist than Saint-Smion because his plans were
to be carried out by the local communities, to which
he gave the name of "phalanxes", and because the
members were to live a common life. All would dwell
in one laige buflding called the "phalansterie". Tasks
were to to aasigned with some regard to the prefer-
ences of the individual, but there were to be frequent
changes <rf occupation. Every worker would get a
minimum wage adequate to a comfortable livelihood.
The surplus product would be divided among labour,
capital, and telent, but in such a way that those doing
the most disagreeable work would obtain the highest
compensation. Marriage would be terminable by Uie
parties themselves. An attempt to establish a pha-
lanx at Versailles in 1832 resulted in complete failure.
Etienne Cabet drew up a commimistic programme
in his " Vo3rage en Icarie'' (1840), which was modelled
upon the work of Sir Thomas More. He would abolish
private property and private education, but not mar-
riage nor the family life. Goods were to be produced
and distributed by the community as a whole, and there
was to be complete equality among all its members.
In 1848 he emigrated with a band of his disciples to
America, and established the community of Icaria in
Texas. In 1849 they moved to the abandoned Mor-
mon settlement of Nauvoo, Illinois. Here the com-
munity prospered for several years, until the usual
solvent appeared in the lAape of internal dissension.
In 1856 the small minority that sided with Cabet
settled at (Cheltenham, near St. Louis, whfle the
greater number moved to Southern Iowa, where they
establid^ed a new community to which they gave the
old name of Icaria. The latter settlement flourished
until 1878, when there began a final series of disrup-
tions, secessions, and mictions. The last band of
Icarians was dissolved m 1895. At that time the
community numbered only twenty-one members; in
Nauvoo there were five himdred. Icaria has been
called "the most typical experiment ever made in
democratic communism" and ''more wonderful than
any other similar colony, in that it endured so long
without any dogmatic basis". The Icarians prac-
tised no religion. In his "Organisation du travail"
(1840) Louis Blanc demanded tnat the State establish
national workidiops, with a View to ultimate State
ownership and management of all production. After
the Revolution of 1^ the Frencn Government did
introduce several national workshops, but it made no
honest effort to conduct them according to the ideas
of M. Blanc. They were all unsuccessful and short-
lived. Lflce Saint-Simon, Louis Blanc was a socialist
rather than a communist in his theories of social re-
organisation, property, and individual freedom. From
his time forwsurd all the important theories and move-
ments concerning the reorganization of society, in the
other countries of Europe as well as in France, fall
properiy under the head of socialism. T^e remainder
of the history of communism describes events that
occurred in the United States. In his " American
Gommunities" William A. Hinds enumerates some
thirty-five different associations in whidi commu-
nistic principles were either partially or wholly put
into operation.
CoiffMUNISTIC SocnBTIES IN THB UnFFED StATES. —
The Ephrata Commimity (Pennsylvania) was, with
two unimportant exceptions, the earliest. It was
founded in 1732 by Oonrad Beissel, a German, who
had for some years led the life of a relinous hermit.
Three men and two women who shared liis views on
the Sabbath were permitted to join him, and thus
the six became a community. The members held
property in common, laboured in common, lived in
common, and observed complete equality of condi-
tions. They regarded celibacy as preferable to the
wedded state, and during the early years of the
community the majority remained unmarried. Their
primary aim, th«*efore, was religious and spiritual
instead of social and economic. The community
never had more than three hundred members; in 1900
it had only seventeen.
The most important communistic organization in
the United States is that of the Shakers. Their first
community was founded at Mt. Lebanon, N. Y., in
1787. At present there are thirty-five separate com-
munities with a total membership of one thousand;
once they aggregated five thousand. Like the Ephra-
tans, the Shakers are a religious sect and live a com-
munity life for a religious purpose. The founders of
tiieir first American settlement were a band of Engli^
Quakers to whom the name Shakers was given because
of their bodily agitations under the supposed influence
of spiritual forces in their religious meetings. In the
Shaker communities property is held in common (ex-
cept in the case of members who have not reached
the 'Diipd, or Senior Order), meals are taken in com-
mon, there is a common hour for rising, modes of
dress are uniform, and there are minute mles govern-
ing manners and conduct generally. While afi mem-
bers are on a footing of equality, the government is
hierarchical rather than democratic. Tney make con-
fession of sin before entering, observe celibacy, ab-
stain from alcoholic drinks, discourage the use of
tobacco, and endeavour to avoid "all worldly usages,
manners, customs, loves and affections, which inter-
pose between the individual citizen of the heavenly
icingdom and his duties and privileges therein ' '. Ow-
ing to its principles and practices, Snaker communism
is as little suited to the generality of menasmona»-
ticism. Their membership is recruited mostly
through religious revivals and the reception of home-
less children. Nevertheless the community has not
been a complete failure as regards those who have
remained faithful to its life. ''For more than a hun-
dred years", they maintain, "they have lived pros-
perous, contented, happy lives, making their land
bloom like the fairest geu'den; and dunng all these
years have never spent among themselves a penny for
police, for lawyers, for judges, for poor-houses, for
penal institutions or any like 'improvements' of the
outside world."
Two communities that had a considerable resem*
blance to each other were the Harmonists, established
in Pennsylvania in 1805 by George Rapp, and the
Separatists of Zoar, founded in 1818 by Joseph Bau-
meler in Ohio. Both communities were Uerman,
were religious rather than economic, held the same
reli^ous views, and practised celibacy. Early in
tiieir history the Separatists abandoned celibacy, but
continued to regard it as a hi^er state than marriage.
The Harmonists had at one time one thousand mem-
bers, but by the year 1900 dissensions had reduced
them to nine. The Separatists never numbered more
than five hundred. They ceased to exist as a com*
munity in 1898. The New Harmony Community
was established in 1825 on land in Indiana that had
once been occupied by the Hannonists. Its foimder
OOMMUMISM
182
CX>MMT7in:SM
Was Robert Owen, a Welshman, w^ho had managed
with remarkable success the New Lanark mills in Scot-
land. He was the first to introduce the ten-hour day
into factories and to refuse to employ very young
children and pauper children. He- also established
the first infant schools in England. He made the
villsge of New Lanark a model of good order, temper-
ance, thrift, comfort, and contentment. He was a
humanitarian and reformer who did not shrink from
large sacrifices on behalf of his theories. Encouraged
by the success of his efforts at New Lanark, and be-
iieving that men were good bv nature and needed only
1 he proper environment to become virtuous, strong,
i iteUigent, and contented, he began to dream of a
communism that should be world-wide. He would
ha/e all persons gathered into villages of between
three hundred and two thousand souls, each of whom
was to have from one-half to one and one-half acros of
land. Hie dwellings of each village would be arranged
in a parallelogram, with common kitchens, eating-
houses, and schools in the centre. Individual prop-
erty was to be abolished. Such were the plans that
he mtended to try for the first time in the community
of New Harmony. Before the end of its first ^ear
this community nad nine hundred souls and thirty
thousand acres of land. Before two years had passed
dissensions had arisen, two new communities had been
formed by seceders, and the original community had
been dissolved. Several other communistic settle*
ments which owed their existence to the teaching and
example of Owen, were established in different States,
but none of them outlived New Harmony. Like the
latter, they all expressly rejected any religious basis.
This seems to have been one of the chief reasons for
their early dissolution. Toward the end of his life
Owen gave up his materialistic notions, and admitted
the supreme unportance of spiritual forces in the for-
mation of sound character.
The Oneida Community of Oneida, N. Y., was
founded in 1848 by J. H. Noyes. Its purpose was
primarily religious, "the establishment of the king-
dom of God''. At one period it had five hundr^
members. For more than thirty years its members
practised not only community of property and of life
generally, but also of women, through their so-called
"complex marriages". The rearing of children was
partly a parental but chiefly a community function.
In deference to public sentiment outside, the practice
of "complex marriage'' Was in 1879 discontinued.
They then divided themselves into two classes, "the
married and the celibate, both legitimate but the last
preferred". However, nearly all of them got married
within a very short time. In 1881 the community
was converted into a joint-stock company, the mem-
bers owning individual shares. Financially, the new
corporation has been a success, but most of its common-
life features disappeared with "complex marriage".
Between 1840 and 18^ some thirty communities
modelled upon the phalanxes of Fourier were
established m different parts of the United States.
Only one lasted longer than six years, and the
gpreat majority disappeared within three years. Their
rise was due chiefly to the writings and efforts
of an exceptionally able, cultured, and enthusiastic
Sx)up of writers which included Horace Greele^^ Albert
risbane, George Ripley, Parke Goodwin, William
Henry Channing, Charles A. Dana, Nathaniel Haw-
thorne, and Elizabeth Peabody. The most notable
of these experiments was the one at Brook Farm.
Although it took the form of a joint-stock company,
paying five per cent interest, it exemplified the prin-
ciples of communism in many particulars. The in-
dustries were managed by the commimity and all the
members took turns at the various tasks; all received
the same wages, all were guaranteed support for them-
selves and their dependents, and all enjoyed the same
advantages in the matter of food, clothing, and dwell*
ings. For the first two years (1841-43) the life was
charming; but the enterprise was not a success finan-
cially. In 1844 the organization was converted into
a Fourieristic phalanx, which had an unsuccessful
existence of a few briei months. Brook Farm failed
thus early because it had too many philosophers and
too few '^hard-fisted toilers".
The Amana Community (Iowa) was begun in 1855
by a band of Germans who cdled themselves "True
Inspirationists", on account of their belief that the
inspiration of the Apostolic age is still vouchsafed to
Christians. Their distinctive reUgious tenets reach
back to the Pietists of the seventeenth centuiy, but as
an organization they began at Hesse, Germany, in
1714. They came to America to escape religious per-
secution, not to practise communism. According to
their own testimony, the commimistic feature was
introduced solely as a means to a better Christian life.
The community tolerates marriage but prefers celi-
bacy. Those who marry suffer a decline in socis'
standing, and are compelled to wait for some time
before they can regain their former position. One
of their "Rules for Daily Life" reads thus: "Fly from
the society of woman-kind as much as possible, as a
very highly dangerous magnet and magical fire."
The families live separately, out eat in groups of from
thirty-five to fifty. All property belongs to the com-
munity. In order the better to achieve their supreme
purpose — self-denial and the imitation of Christ —
their life is very simple, and barren not orJy of luxury
but of any considerable enjoyment. The Amana
Community has for a long time been the largest com-
munity in existence, numbering between seventeen
and eighteen hundred members. During sixty years
the members of this community have lived in peace,
comfort, and contentment, having neither lawyers,
sheriffs, nor beggars.
None of the other communistic settlements of
America presents features worthy of special mention.
Of all the experiments made only the Amana Com-
munity and the Shakers survive. Societies like the
Co-operative Brotherhood and the Equality Com-
monwealth of the State of Washington are examples
of co-operation, or at most of socialism. Besides,
they are all very young and very small.
Gexeralizations Drawn from Commttnistig Ex-
periments.— ^The history of communistic societies
suggests some interesting and important generaliza-
tions. First: All but three of the American commu-
nities, namely those founded by Robert Owen, the
Icarians, and the Fourieristic experiments, and abso-
lutely all that enjoyed any measure of success, were
organized primarily for religious ends under strong
renpous infiuences, and were maintained on a basis
of definite religious convictions and practices. Many
of their founders were looked upon as prophets. The
religious bond seems to have been the one force
capable of holding them together at critical moments
of their history. Mr. Hinds, who is himself a firm
believer in commimism, admits that there must be
unity of belief either for or against reli^on. The im-
portance of the spiritual and ascetic elements is
further shown by the fact Uiat nearly all the more
successful communities either enjoined, or at least
preferred, celibacy. If communism needs the ascetic
element to this extent it is evidently unsuited for
general adoption.
Second: It would seem that where religion and
asceticism are not among the primary ends, com-
munity of wives as well as of property easily suggests
itself to communists as a normal and logical feature
of their system. Even Campanella declared that " all
private property is acquired and improved for the
reason tnat eacn one ox us by himself has his own
home and wife and children". Speakine of the de-
cline of the Oneida Community^, Mr. Hinds says:
"The first step out of communism was taken when
OOMMUMITY
183
OOMO
'mine and thine' were applied to husband and wife;
then followed naturally an exclusive interest in chil-
dren; then the desire to accumulate individual prop-
erty for their present and future use/' The founder
of this oonununity was of opinion that if the ordinary
principles of marriage are maintained, communistic
associations will present greater temptations to un-
lawfid love than ordinary society. Communism
therefore seems to face the Scylla of celibacy and the
Charybdis of promiscuity.
Tfkrd: All the American communities except those
foimded by Owen, were composed of picked and select
souls who were filled with enthusiasm and willing to
make great sacrifices for their ideal. Owen admitted
recruita indiscriminately, but keenly reeretted it after-
wards ; for he recognized it as one of tne chief causes
of premature failure. Moreover, the other commu-
nities separated themselves from and discouraged con-
tact witn the outside world. Most of the deserters
were members who had violated this injunction, and
become enamoured of worldly ways.
Fourth: The success attained by the American com-
munities was in a very large measure due to excep-
tionally able, enthusiastic, and magnetic leaders. As
soon as these were removed from leadership their
conmiunities almost invariably began to decline
rapidly. This fact and the facts mentioned in the
last paragraph add weight to the conclusions drawn
from the first two, namely that communism is utterly
unsuited to the majority.
Fifth: It is possible for small groups of choice
spirits, especially when actuated by motives of religion
and asceticism, to maintain for more than a century
a communistic organization in contentment and pros-
perity. The proportion of laziness is smaller and the
problem of getting work done simpler than is com-
monly assumed. And the habit of common life does
seem to root out a considerable amoimt of human
selfishness.
Finally: The complete equality sought by commu-
nism is a well-meant but mistaken interpretation of the
oreat moral truths, that, as persons ana in the sight of
God, all human beings are equal; and that all have
essentially the same needs and the same ultimate
destiny. In so far as they are embodied in the prin-
ciple of common ownership, these truths have found
varied expressions in various countries and civiliza-
tions. Many economic historians maintain that com-
mon ownership was everywhere the earliest form of
land tenin^. It still prevails after a fashion in the
country districts of Russia. Within the last half-
century, the sphere of common or public ownership
hajB been greatly extended throughout almost all of
the Western world, and it is certain to receive still
wider expansion in the future. Nevertheless, the
verdict of experience, the nature of man, and the
attitude of the Church, all assure us that complete
communism will never be adopted by any consider-
able section of any people. While the Chureh sanc-
tions the principle of volimtary communism for the
few who have a vocation to the religious life, she con-
demns universal, compulsory, or legally enforoed
communism, inasmuch as she maintains the natural
ri^t of every individual to possess private property.
She has retnrobated communism more specificstlly in
the Eniyclical "Rerum No varum" of Pope Leo
XIII. For the theories condemned in that docu-
ment under the name of socialism certainly include
communism as described in these pages. See Col-
LEcnvxsif, Socialism; Property.
Plato. ReinMie (London, 1802); Catrhbin, Socialitm, tr.
from the Oerman by Gbttblmann (New York, 1904); PdHZ/-
MANi«, 0*achichte dc9 anliken Communitmus und SozitUismus
(Munich, 1893-1901); Capart, La propriHi inditridudle et le
oottteliname (Namur, 1898) : Kadtskt, Communism in Central
Burvpe at the Tim€ of the Reformation (London, 1897); Mob-
Harbinutun, Commimweallh of Oceana (Ix)ndon, I887); LlcU*
TBNB£ROER. Le socialisme au XVIII* sucle (Paris, 1895);
Ely, French and German SocialiHm (New York, 1883); NoBD-
Horr, Communistic Societies of the United States (New York,
1875); WooL«BY, Communism and Socialism (New York,
1880); Hinds, American Communities (Chicago, 1902); Stam-
HAififCR, Bibl. des Sozialiamus und Communismua (Jena, 1893-
1900). John A. Ryan.
Oommunity. See Monastici8m;Reuqious Orders.
OomOi Diocese of (Comensis). — Como is an import-
ant town in the province of Lombardy (Northern Italy),
picturesquely situated on Lake Como, the ancient
Locus Lariug, The city is of Celtic origin and was
called Comum. In 195 b. c. it became a Roman col-
ony. Destroyed by the Rhsetian Gauls, it was recon-
structed by Pompeius Strabo and called Novocomum.
It shared the vicissitudes of the surrounduig .egioii.
In the tenth century the Bishops of Como were also its
temporal lords. In the eleventh century the city be-
came a free commune. In 1153 Como was devas-
tated by the Milanese on account of its attachment to
Frederick Barbarossa, who rebuilt the city in 1158.
Then followed the rule of the Rusca famfly. In 1355
Franchin Rusca freely ceded the town to the Visconti.
from which time it shared the fortune of the Duchy ol
Milan. Como is now the centre of the silk industry
in Italy, and according to the census of 1901 had c.
population of :i8,002. It has been the birthplace of
LBT. Ideal Commonwealths (London, 1885), comprising Plu-
March's Lycurffua, Hors's Utopia^ Bacon's New Atlantis^
\ufpAiraLLA's, City of the Sun, and Hall's Aftmdu* aUer et idem;
Cathkdral, 0>mo
many famous men, amon^ them the elder and the
?ounger Pliny, the historian Paulus Jovius, Pope
nnocent XI, and the physicist Volta. Local leg-
end credits the conversion of Como to the apostolate
of St. Hermagoras of Aquileia (died c. 70). Until
1528 Como was, indeed, a su£Fragan of Aquileia (later
of Venice) and followed the Aquileian Rite. The
first known bishop was St. Felix, ordained by St.
Ambrose in 379, and it is not improbable that he was
the first bishop. Many Bishops of Como are venerated
as saints: St. Probinus (391); St. Amantius (420); St.
Abundius (450), sent as legate to the Council of Chal-
cedon by St. Leo the Great; St. Consul (469); St. Ex-
uperantius (495); St. Eusebius (^12); St. Eutychius
(626); St. Euplius (532); St. Flavianus (536); St.
OOMPAONIX
184
OOUBAOmM
Profiper (560); St. John Orcus (565); St. Agrippinus
(568); St. Rubianus (586); St. MartinianuB $15); St.
VictorinuB (628), opponent of ArianiBm as propagated
by the Lombards; Alberico (1010), founder of the
Abbey of Sant'Abondio; Rainaldo (1061), expelled by
Henry IV for his loyidty to Gregory VII; Cruglielmo
della Torre (1204), builder of many churches and
founder of a hospital; Benedetto Asinaga (1328), who
fled from the persecution of the Rusca, Liords of Como ;
Lucchino Borsano (1396), who began the new cathe-
draJ; the learned reformer, Gian Antonio Volpi (1559).
The cathedral of Ck)mo \b a splendid monument of
Christian art. It was begun in 1396, and was comr
pleted only in 1595; later the cupola and some small
chapels were added (1730^44). In 1528 Como was
£laoed under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of
[ilan. The diocese has a population of 340,000, has
325 parishes, 3 religious houses of men and 1 2 of women.
Cappellbtti, Le dkiese (TlUdia (Venice, 1844), XI. 307-443;
Cant<>, Storta della dUh e dtoceti di Como (Como, 1829-31);
BoLDOKi, Storta ddia Cattedrale di Como (Como, 1821); Ann,
«cd. (Rome, 1907), 411-18. U. BbnionI.
Oompaffnie du Saint-Saerement, a Catholic secret
society wnich included among its members maxw
Catholic celebrities of the seventeenth century. It
was founded in March, 1630, at the Convent of the
Capuchins in the Faubourg Saint-Honor^ by Henri de
L^vis, Due de Ventadour, who had just escorted his
wife to the Convent of Mont-Carmel ; Henri de Pichery,
officer of Louis XIII's household; Jacques Adhdmar
de Monteil de Grignan, a future bishop, and Philippe
d'An^umois, the Capuchin. Amount those wno
soon pined it, should be mentioned P^re SufiFren, a
Jesuit, confessor to Louis XIII and Marie de' Medici;
the son and grandson of Coligny, the Protestant ad-
miral, and Charles de Condren, General of the Orator-
ians. In 1 631 this association was called the Ck>mpany
of the Most Blessed Sacrament. It was organized
under the authority of a board composed of nine
members, changed every three months, and which in-
cluded a superior, usually a layman, and a spiritual di-
rector who was a priest. . The associates met weekly
and their organization was simultaneously a pious
confraternity, a charitable societv, and a militant
association for the defence of the Church.
The company was an absolutely secret one. Louis
XIII covertly encouraged it but it never wished to
have Uie letters patent that would have rendered it
legal. Archbishop Gondi of Paris refused his bless-
ing to the company although, in 1631, Louis XIII
wrote him a personal letter requesting him to confer it.
The Brief obtained from the pope in 1633 by the Count
de Brassan, one of the members, was of no importance
and the company, eager to secure a new one, was
granted only a few indulgences which it would not ac-
cept, as it did not wish to be treated as a simple con-
fraternity. Guido Ba^, nuncio from 1645 to 1656,
often attended the sessions of the companv but its ex-
istence was never regularly acknowledged by an offi-
cial docimient from Rome. The rule of secrecy
obliged members "not to speak of the company to
those who do not belong to it and never to make
known the names of the individuals composing W\
New members were elected by the board and it was
soon decided that no cangr^aniste^ i. e. member of
a lay congregation directed by ecclesiastics, could be
eligible. Matters of an especially delicate nature were
not discussed at the weekly meetings, these being fre-
quently attended by a hundred members, but were
reserved for the investigation of the board. The com-
pany printed nothing and the keeping of written min-
utes was conducted with the utmost caution. There
were fifty important branches outside of Paris, about
thirty being unlmown even to the bishops. Among
other members were the Prince de Conti, the Mardchal
de Sehomberg, the Baron de Renty, Magistrates
Lamoignon, de Mesnes, and Le Fdvre d'Ormesson;
Alain de Solminihac, Bishop of Cahore, now dadared
Venerable; St. Vincent de Paul, Olier, and Boasuet.
The association laboured aealoualy to oonect abuses
amon^ the clergy and in monasteries, to insure good
behaviour in the churches^ to procure missions for
country p>arishes, and it had the nonour of uiging the
establishment of a Seminary of Foreign Missions for
the evangelizing of infidels. It also endeavouxed to
reform the morals of the laity by enoouragingthe ef-
fective crusade of the Marquis de Salignao^^nelon
against duelling. Moreover, it was interrated in the
care of the poor, the improvement of hospitals, and
the administration of ealie^rs and prisons; and that the
poor mig^t have legal advice, it created what are to-
day known as the aecriUiriats du peuple. It protected
the fraternities of shoemakers and tailors organized
by the Baron de Renty and assisted St. Vincent de
Paul in most of his undertakings. In 1652 when
Louis XIV, conqueror of the Fronde, re-entered Paris
and the city was flooded with peasants, fugitive reli-
gious, and him^ priests, the members of the company
multiplied their generous deeds, demanded alms from
their fellow-members outside of Paris, sent priests to
hear the confessions of the sick in districts that had
been decimated by war, founded parish societies for
the relief of the poor, and established at Paris a gen-
eral storehouse stocked with provisions, clothing, and
agricultural implements to be distributed among the
impoverished peasants. At that time the company
spent 300,000 livres (equal to 300,000 dollars) in chai^
ity each year. Finally, it was instrumental in bring-
ing about the ordinance establishing the General Hos-
pital where Christophe du Plessis, the maeistrate, and
St. Vincent de Paul organized the hospital for mendi-
cants.
Even those historians to whoili the secret character
of this association is obnoxious, give due credit to its
admirable charities, but they attack its action in re-
gard to Protestants. The companv laboured dili-
gently to increase conversions and orpanized the
preaching of missions for Protestants m Lorraine,
Dauphin^, and Limousin and founded establishments in
Paris, Sedan, Metz, and Puy for young converts from
Protestantism. Moreover, it strove to suppress the
outrages perpetrated by Protestants a^nst the Cath-
olic religion and opposed the oppression of Catholics
by Protestants in a Protestant city like La Rochelle.
Finally, without seeking the revocation of ikxe Edict of
Nantes, the Company nevertheless remained con-
stantly on the alert, lest any concession be made to
Protestants beyond what the formal text of the edict
demanded and its members sent documents to Jean
Filleau, a Poitiers lawyer, who for twenty-five years
issued "Catholic decisions" from a juridical point of
view, on the inteipretation of the Edict of Nantes.
The protestation of the ^neral assembly of the clergy
in 1656 against the infnngement of the edict by Prot-
estants, was the outgrowth of a long documental
work prepared by the members. In 1660, Lechassier
who was Mattre dea Ccmptes and also one of the
company, forwarded to all the coimtry branches a
gvesUonnaire, i. e. a series of questions eaked with a
view to helping the inquiry, of thirty-one articles on
the infrii^ment of the Edict of Nantes by Protes-
tants. The answers were collected by Forbin-Janson,
Bishop of Digne, who took active part in tiie assembly
of clergy, the result beuig that commissaries were sent
into the provinces for the purpose of settii^ ri^^t these
abuses. But, in its own turn, the company violated
the Ekiict of Nantes (of which Art. 27 dedsjced Hugue-
nots wholly eligible to public office), and, by secret
manoeuvring, one day prevented twenty-five young
Protestants from being received as attorneys at the
Parlement of Paris. "'The members tho\4^t they
were doing ri^Jit", explained Pftre de la Bridre,
"nevertheless, iJf we consider not their intention, but
the very nature of their act and of their procedure, it is
OOMFAXT
185
OOMPXHSAnON
impofisible to doubt that they were guilty oi an iniq*
uity ' '. Aeoording to the testunony of P^re Rapin and
the Count d'Ai^genson, these proceeding of the Com-
pany were the starting-point of the pohcy that was to
cuhninate m 1685 in the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes.
The year 1660 witnessed the decline of the company.
In consequence of inoid^its that had occurred at
Caen, it was vigorously attacked in a libel by Charles
du Four, Abbot of Aulnay, and denounced to Cardi-
nal If aaarin by Francois Harlay de ChampvaUon,
Archbishop of Rouen. On 13 Decemberi 1660, the
membttB neld a last general meeting at which, amid
expressions of remt and deep emotion, it was decided
to suspend their Thursday sessions and to add " ten or
twdve elders" to the members of the board so that
the oompanv mi^t continue to act provisionally;
then these ddera and the board selected eight indi-
viduals who were to oorreepond with the country
branches, one of the eight being Bossuet. On 13 De-
cember, 1600, Psurliament iasura a decree prohibiting
all iUicit assemblies, confraternities, congregations, and
communities but Lamoisnon, a member of the com-
pany and the first presio^t, succeeded in preventing
it from being designated by name. It seems that the
meeting of the board ana the elders, held regularly
enoug}i in 1664 to be instrumental in obtaining the in-
terdiction of ''Tartuife'', ceased almost alto^ther in
1665. The General Hospital and the Semmary of
Fore^ Missions continued to exist as magnificent
legaciBs of this association which Macarin and many
hostile historians who came after him, scornfully called
the ''Gabal of Devotees".
jyAmarnmov, AnnaleB dt la e&mpagnie du SaitU-'SaeremerU
(MazaeiUes. 1900), an important document: Rapin, Minunre^
(Paris. 1885), II; Claik, ixi compagnie du SaintSaerement: tme
page d« Vhisiairm de la OuxriU au XVI* aiSde in Biudes (1888,
1880); Rabbs. Une todtU seertte catKoliqw au XV W sUcU in
Repue Hiatorique, 1 Nov., ISdO: very hoetile); Ch^rot. LeltTe
h M. Rabbe in Etude; 20 Nov., 1889); Aluer, La oabale den
dhota (Pftria, 1902, very hostile); Rxbbujau, Un Msode de
Vkietoin religietue du XVII* eihcLe in Remu aee Deux
Mondee, 1 July. 1 Aug. and 1 Sept.. 1903: a great effort at im-
partiality* and DB LA BRifcRB, Ce que fut la cabale dee dHote
(P&ria, 1906) • an excellent xesum^.
Georges Gotau.
Oompany of Mary,
THE Company of.
See Mary, Missionaries of
Oompany of Si. Unula. See Ursulinbs.
Oompenaation, as considered in the present article
denotes the price paid for human exertion or labour.
Wherever men have been free to sell their labour they
have regarded its compensation as a matter that in-
volved questions of right and wrong. This conviction
has been ^ared by mankind generally, at least in
Christian countries. At the be^ning of the fourth
century, the Emperor Diocletian issued an edict
which fixed the niaximum prices for the sale of all
goods, and appointed a legal schedule of wages for
nineteen different classes of workingmen. In the pre-
amble of the edict the emperor declares that his mo-
tive is to establish justice among his people (Levaa-
seor, "^Classes ouvri^res avant 1789'\ I, 112-114).
Throu^out the Middle Ages and down almost to the
bwinmng of the nineteenth century, there was con<
noerable le^ regulation of wages in most of the
countries of Surope. This practice indicated a belief
^t the eompensation of laix>ur ought to be brought
under the rale of law and fairness, as these legislators
conceived fair dealing.
The Fathers of the Church implicitly asserted the
n^t of the labourer to sufficient eompensation for the
nuintenance of his life when they declared that God
unshed the earth to be the common heritage of all
°ieA» and when they denounced as robbers the rich
^o refused to share their surplus goods with the
i^ficdy. The theologians and canonists of the Middle
Ages held that all commodities should be sold at that
price which the social estimate regarded as just; but
they insisted that in arriving at this estimate the com-
munity ought to take into account the utility, the
scarcity, and the cost of production of the commodity.
Inasmuch as the cost of production at that time was
chieflv labour-cost, or wages, a just price for goods
woula necessarily include a just price for the labour
that produced the eoods. St. Thomas reflects the
common view when ne says that labour as well as
goods should bring a just price (Summa Theologica,
I-II, Q. cxiv, a. 1). Lan^nstein, in the fourteenth
century, is more specific; for he declares that anyone
can ascertain the just price of the wares that he has to .
sell by referring to the cost of living of one in his sta-
tion in life (De Contractibus, Pt. I, cap. xii). Since the
seller of the goods was generallv the maker of them also,
Langenstein's rule was equivalent to the doctrine that
the compensation of the master-workman should be
sufficient to furnish him a decent livelihood. And we
know that his remuneration did not differ greatly
from that of the journeyman. From the meagre ac-
counts that have come down to us, we are probably
justified in concluding, with Professor Brants, that
these standiuds of eompensation and the methods of
enforcing them generally secured to the medieval
labourer a livelihood which the notions of the time
regarded as becoming (Thtories dconomiques aux xiii^
et xiv« sidles, p. 123). At the be^nning of the seven-
teenth century we find such wnters as Molina and
Bonacina asserting that the customary compensation
of a place is, generally speaking, just compensation,
and assuming that the worker has a right to a living
from his labour.
To-day Catholic teaching on compensation is quite
precise aa regards the just minimum. It ma^ be sum-
marized in these woitis of Pope Leo XIII m the fa-
mous Encyclical '* Rerum Novarum ' '(15 May, 1891), on
the condition of the workine classes: '' there is a dictate
of nature more ancient and more imperious than any
bargain between man and man, that the remunera-
tion must be sufficient to support the wage-earner in
reasonable and frugal comfort. If througn necessity
or fear of a worse evil the workman accepts harder
conditions, because an employer or contractor will
give him no better, he is the victim of fraud and in-
justice." Shortly after the Encyclical appeared.
Cardinal Gooasens, the Archbishop of Mechlin, asked
tiie Holy See whether an employer would do wrong
who should pa^r a wage sufficient for the sustenance of
the labourer himself but not for that of his family.
An unofficial response came through Cardinal Zig-
liara, saying that such conduct would not be contrary
to justice, but that it might sometimes violate char-
ity, or natural righteousness — ^L e. reasonable erati-
tude. As a consequence of the teaching of Leo XlII,
there has been widespread discussion, and there exists
an immense Uterature among the Catholics of Europe
and America concerning the minimum just wage.
The present Catholic position may be summarized
somewhat as follows: First, all writers of authority
agree that the employer who can reasonably afiford it
is morally obliged to give all his employees compensa-
tion sufficient for decent individual maintenance, and
his adult male employees the equivalent of a decent
living not only for themselves but for their families;
but not all place the latter part of the obligation under
the head ot strict justice. Second, some writers base
this* doctrine of a minimum just wa^e upon the prin-
ciple of just price, according to which compensation
should be equivalent to labour, while others declare
that it is implicitly contained in the natural right of
the labourer to obtain a decent livelihood in the only
way that is open to him, namely, through his labour-
contract and in the form of wages. The latter is un-
doubtedly the view of Leo XIII, as is evident from
these words of the Encyclical: "It follows that each
one has a right to procure what is required in order to
OOMPSNaATIOV
186
ooMnxmroY
live ; and the poor can procure it in no other way than
by work and wages."
Authoritative Catholic teaching does not py be-
yond the ethical minimum, nor declare what is com-
pleted^ just compensation. It admits that full and
exact iustice will frequently award the worker more
than the minimum equivalent of decent living, but it
has made no attempt to define precisely this larger
justice with regard to any class of wa^e-eamers. And
wisely so; for, owing to the man^ distinct factors of
distribution involved, the matter is exceedingly com-
plicated and difficult. Chief among these factors are,
from the side of the employer, enei^ expended, risk
undergone, and interest on his capital; from the side
of the labourer, needs, productivity, efforts, sacrifices,
and skill; and from tne side of the consumer, fair
prices, in any completely just system of compensar
tion and distribution all these elements would be given
weight; but in what proportion? Should the man
who produces more than his fellow-worker always re-
ceive a larger reward, regardless of the effort that he
has made? Should skill oe more highly compensated
than work that is degrading and disagreeable? Even
if all men were agreed as to the different factors of dis-
tribution and their relative importance, from the side
of capital and labour, there would remain the problem
of justice to the consumer. For example, ought a
part of the benefits arising from improvements in the
productive processes to go to him? or should thev all
be appropriated by the agents of production? Pope
Leo XIII showed nis practical wisdom when, instead
of dealing in detail with this question, he insisted
strongly on the practice of arbitration. When wage-
disputes are submitted to fair arbitration, all the cri-
teria and factors of distribution above enumerated are
usually taken into account, and accorded weight in
conformity with practical justice. This is not, indeed,
the same as ideal justice, but in most cases it will ap-
proximate that goal as closely as is feasible in a world
that is not absolutely perfect.
Levabsbur, Lea dasaea ouvriirea en France avani 1789 (Paiu,
1000); Capabt, La propriiU individudle el le coUediviame
(Namur, 1898); Bramto. Lea UUcriea Sconomimiea aux xiii^ et
xiv» aikcUa (Paris, 1895): Garnier, De Vidle du juate prix
(Paris, 1900); Ashley, Engliah Economic Hiatorv (London,
1893); Palorave, Didumary of Political Economy (New York,
1891). 6. V. Oovemment Reffulation of Induatry: Leo XIII,
Encyclical, Rerum Novarum; Vermeerach, Quceationea de
JuatHiA (Bruses, 1901); Pottxer, De Jure et JuatUiA (Lifege.
1900): Meter et al., Die aanale Frage, reprinted from the
Stimmen aua Maria-Laaeh; Rtan, A Lxvino Wage (New York,
1906). ^ ^ ^
John A. Ryan.
Oompeiuiation, Occui;r. — ^An extra-legal manner
of recovering from loss or damage; the taking, by
stealth and on one's private authority, of the value or
equivalent of one's goods from a person who refuses to
meet the demands of justice.
Considered strictly from the standpoint of commu-
tative justice, although this proce^nimg may have on
the surface all the appearance of theft, it is in reality
the farthest removed from such. As defined, it im-
plies a debtor who is able, but unwilling, to restore
what he holds unjustly and a creditor who has an op-
portunity to recover possession of what is his own cer-
tain due. Since the effect as well as the purpose is
solely to make a wrong cease, the transfer brought
about by this method of self-protection is manifestly in
keeping with equity and right. Thus occult compen-
sation IS based on the right of self-defence. It is clear
that such dealing-out ofjustice to oneself without the
sanction of public authority may become a course
gravely prejudicial to public and social order and open
to all manner of abuses and dancers. But the evM is
no less real and pernicious, if, while avoiding this ex-
treme, one runs to the opposite, and denies prin-
ciples which safeguard natural rights of the individual
and protect the weak against the constant danger of
oppression from the strong. Ciitholic moralists st^er
clear of these two extremes and teach that it is licit,
under certain conditions and with certain precautions,
to have recourse to occult compensation.
In Doctor Bouquillon's scholarly article in the
"Catholic University Bulletin" (1896), II, 50-61, it is
proved not only that the doctrine is sound and reason-
able, but that ^' it has been accepted by philoflophers
and jurists, as far, even, as the terminology in which it
has been formulated by our theologians; that it has
always been substantially the same since the days of
St. Iremeus and Clement of Alexandria, though in the
course of time it has gained in clearness, and l£at when
writings capable of pernicious influence have appeaj^
th^ have been carefully weeded out. "
The requisite conditions may be reduced to three.
First, the right of the creditor must be certain. Then,
respect for law and order demands that the authority
of the law should be invoked whenever it is possible
and recourse to established justice does not involve
difficulties and losses out of all proportion with the
gain to be derived . When laws operating throu^ the
regular channeb fail to protect and are helpless to re-
move the evil of injustice, respect for them should not
prevent one from taking one^s own by extraordinary
means. Finally, provision should be made against
the event of a later settlement by the debtor or his
lawful heirs, which would necessitate restitution; and
every reasonable effort should be made to avoid
scandal or other evils of accusations, distrust, etc., to
which cause may be given throt^h ignorance of the
moral value of such methods. When 1^ danger to
the community is thus minimized as far as it is humanly
possible, legal justice honoured as far as it is entitled
to honour, and the necessity of justice and ri^t ureent,
it is lawful in conscience, according to our accredited
moralists, to avail oneself of the theory of occult
compensation. It remains, however, that such cases
are rare, that it is still more rarely within the compe-
tence of the ordinary individual to decide his own case
without the advice of a prudent and disinterested
counsellor, and that occult compensation should nev^r
be advised save in exceptional circumstances, on ac-
count of its potency for havoc in the hands of the
iniorant or imscrupmous. But disregard for any or all
of these precautions, while offending against legal, does
not violate commutative justice, nor entail uxe duty
of restitution, if the essential ri^t is present.
LiGUORi, Theol. Mor. (Paris, 1845), Lib. IV. 521; De Lucso.
Diaputat. de juat. et jure (Paris, 1868). W; Scavini, ThooL Mor.
Umvera., de ReatUut. (Paris, 1867); Baxxerint, Opua Theol.
Mor., De juat, et jure (Prato, 1890); LehiikuhiI Theol. Mor.
Spec., De mHtU. mor. (FreiburK, 1896); Noldin, Sitmina TKeol.
Mor., De aept. Decal. Prac (Iimsbnick^ 1906); Qbnioot» Theol.
Mor. Jnaiilut.. De jvM. et jure (Louvain, 19(>5); Sabeitx-Bar-
RinrT, Theai. Mor., Dejuat. etiurt (New York, 1966); Konincs.
ThetA, Mor., De jure H juat. (New York, 1877).
John H. Staplbton.
Oompetency, Privilege of (Lat. PrivHegivm Camr
petentUB), — (1). The competency of a cleric means his
right to proper sustenance. When a parochial church
has been incorporated with a collegiate institution or
monastery and a vicar has been appointed to the cure
of souls in the parish, the possessors of the benefice are
obliged to give him the needful salary. Nor can the
right to this competency be done away with by agree-
ment. If a private contract be made by whidi a less
sum is to be accepted, it will not bind the successor of
the contracting vicar. Even if the contract be ap-
proved by public authority, it is not binding unless an
amoimt sumcient for the proper support of the pastor
be stipulated. The ri^t to competency sAao has
place when several sim^e benefices are united with a
parish church. If the endowment is not suffioient for
the necessarv number of pastors, then reoourse is to be
had to firstfruits, tithes, and collections among the
parishioners (Councfl of Trent, Seas. XXIV, c. xiii,
de Ref.). It is the duty of the bishop to see that
those who have the care of souls be provided with
ooMPsrxHras
187
0OMPO8TELA
proper support. By the privilege of competency, the
goods of a deric, burdened with debt, cannot be at-
tached or sold without leaving him sufficient means
of support (Cap. 3, x., Ill, 23). A cleric loses this
privilege, however, if he fraudulently contracts un-
necessary debts, in abuse of ihe privilege. The civil
law in some countries recognises this right of com-
petency. In Austria, while the property of a benefice
cannot be attached, tne revenues can, but only to such
an e3Ctent that at least 300 or 210 florins, acoordmg to
the rank of the benefice, must remain intact. In Ger-
many, whatever is lieoeesary for exercising the min-
istry is free from attachment. The civil laws of the
Umted States and Great Britain make no exception
for clerics. (2) The term eomveieney is also vseA for
the sum total of the rights belonging to any ecclesi-
astical dignitary, as of the pope, bishons, etc. Ob-
jectively, such competency is determinea by the vari-
ous functions to which it extends, such as ordination,
matrimony, and so forth.
AiCBMSit, Compend. Jur. Bed. (Brixen, 1896): Fkrrabui,
BiUioth, Prompta Canon, (Rome. 1886). II; Laursntius.
ifufie. Jur. Bad. (Frdburg, 1003).
William H. W. Fanning.
Oompetentes. See Catechumen.
Oomplin. — ^The term Complin is derived from the
Latin compUtorium, complement, and has been given
to this particidar Hour because Complin is, as it were,
the completion of all the Hours of the day: the close
of the (utv. The word was first used in this sense
about the beginning of the sixth century by St. Bene-
dict in his Rule ^cc. xvi, xvii, xviii, and xlii), and he
even uses the verb comjjlere to signifv Complin: '' Om-
nes ergo in unum posit 1 oompleant ; "et exeuntes a
oompletorio" (xlii). The H!o\nr of Complin, such as
it now appears in the Roman Breviary, may be di-
vided into several parts, vis. : the beginning or intro-
duction, the psalmody, with its usual accompaniment
of anthems, the hymn, the capitulum, the response,
the evangelical canticle, the prayer, and the benedic-
tion.
The orinn of Complin has recently given rise to
consideraole -discussion among liturgists. General
opinion, which is also that of BAumer and Batiffol,
ascribes the origin of this Hour to St. Benedict, in the
beginning of the sixth century. It was St. Benedict
who first gave it this name; he decided also that this
Hour should consist of three psalms (iv, xc, and
cxxxiii) to be said without anthems, the hymn, the
lesson, the verside Kyrie eleison^ the benediction, and
the dismissal (ch. xvii and xviu). But Father Par-
goire and, later still, A. Vandepitte oppose this opin-
ion and seek a more ancient origin for this Hour. A
text in Callinicus (between 447 and 450), first intro-
duced in Father Pargoire's argument, informs us that
between Vespers and the night Office there was cele-
brated in the East a canonical Hour called in this text
v^JiMnrwuif because it preceded the first sleep, be-
ing nothing but what the Greeks of to-day call
apodeipnonf on account oif the meal it follows. How-
ever, m the thirty-seventh question of his rules, St.
Badl, also, speaks of an intermediate Hour between
Vespers and the ni^t Office. Father Par^ire there-
fore disputes the assertion that St. Benedict was the
originator of Ck>mplin, being rather disposed to trace
its souiee to St. Basil. In the article mentioned
Father Vandepitte confirms these conclusions; nev-
ertheless he states, hi the clearest terms, that it was
not in Cnsarea in 375, but in his retreat in Pontus,
(35&-362) thai Basil established Compilin, which Hour
did not exist prior to his time, that is, until shortly
after the midole of the fourth century. Dom Flaine
also traced the source of Complin back to the fourth
century, finding mention of it in a passage in Euse-
btus and in another in St. Ambrose, and also in
Cassian. These passages have been critically ex-
aminetl, and Fathers Pargoirc and Vandepitte have
proved that before St. Basil's time the custom of
reciting Complin was unknown. At any rate, even
if these texts do not express all that Dom Plaine
says they do, at least they bear witness to the private
custom of saying a pra^r before retiring to rest. If
this was not the canonical Hour of Complin, it was
certainly a preliminary step towards it. The same
writers reiect the opinion of Ladeuse and Dom Besse,
both of whom believe that Complin had a place in the
Rule of St. Pachomius, which would mean that it
originated still earlier in the fourth century. It is
not necessary to enter into this discussion, but it
might be possible to conciliate these different senti-
ments by stating that, if it be an established fact that
St. Basil instituted and organized the Hour of Com-
plin for the East, as St. Benedict did for the West,
there existed as early as the days of St. Cjrprian and
Clement of Alexandria the custom of reciting a prayer
before sleep, in which practice we find the most re-
mote origin of our Complin. But let the result of
this discussion be what it may, it cannot be denied
that St. Benedict invested the Hour of Complin with
its liturgical character and arrangement, which were
preserved in the Benedictine Order and almost com-
pletely adopted by the Roman Church; it is hardly
to be believed,' as Dom Plaine maintains, that the
Hour of Complin, at least such as it now exists in the
Roman Breviary, antedated the Benedictine Office.
In default of other proof, it may be noted that the
Benedictine Office gives evidence of a less advanced
liturffical condition, as we have seen that it consists
of a few very simple elements. The Roman Office of
Complin is richer and more complicated. To the
simple Benedictine psalmody — ^modified, however, by
the insertion of a fourth psahn (xxx), '' In te Domine
speravi '' — it adds the solemn introduction of a bene-
diction with a reading [perhaps the spiritual reading
which, in St. Benedict, preceaes Complin (ch. xlii ot
the Rule)], and the confession and absolution of
faults. But what endows the Roman Complin with
a distinctive character and greater solemnity is, to
say nothing of the ending, the addition of the beau-
tinil response. In manits tuas, Domine, with the evan-
gelical canticle Nunc Dimittis and its anthem, which
is very characteristic. It is really difficult to under-
stand why St. Benedict, whose liturgical taste fa-
voured solemnity in the Office, should have sacrificed
these elements, especially the evangelical canticle.
By way of liturgical vanety the service of initium
nocHa may also be studied in the Celtic Liturgy (see
Celtic Rite), such as it is read in the Bangor Antiph-
onary, its plan being set forth by Warren and by
Bishop. Under the title of Apodeijmon (after meals),
the Greeks have an Hour that corresponds to our
Latin Complin; it is very long and complicated, and
its description may be seen in Father P^tridte' article,
cited below. Tins Apodeipnon, or Grand Apodeip-
non, appears in an abridged form, or Small Apo-
deipnon.
Parooire, Prime et compliea in Rev. d'hist. et de liitfr. rdig.
(1898). III. 281-288, 456-467; Vakdepittb, Saint BasiU «l
Vorigine de compliee in Rev. Augustinienne (1903), II. 258-264;
Parooirb and Putrid ka in Did. d'arch. d de lUurgie, b. v.
Apodeipnon, I, 2679-2589; Don Plaine, La Gdniee hie-
torique dee Hewree in Rev. Anglo^romaine, I, 593; Idem, De
officii aeu curaut Romani origine in Studien tu MittheUungen
(1899), X. 364-397; Baumisr, Hietoire du BrMaire, tr.
BiRON, I, 135, 147-149 and passim; Batiptx>l, Hiatoire du
hrHfiaire romain, 35; Ladeuze, Etude sur le cindniieme pakho-
mien pendant le IV* aiide d la premihre moitii du V (Lou vain,
1898), 288; Besse, Lea Moinea d'Orient ant^rieura au
concHe de CkaleMoine (Paris, 19(X». 333; Bishop, A Service
Book of the Seventh Century in The Church QttarterLy Review
(January. 1894), XXXVII, 347; Cabrol, Le Livre de la Pritn
amttque, 224.
Fernand Cabrol.
Oomplnto, DiocESB of. See Madrid.
Oompostela, a famous city of Spain, situated on
an eminence between the Sar (the Sars of Pomponius
Mela) and the Sarela. At a very remote period thU
00MPO8TXL4
188
OOBffPOSTSUk
hill was crowned by a Celtic castle, known as LSberum
Donum, according to the twelfth-century ''Historia
Compostelana" (cf. Welsh Uwybr^ ''way'', and don,
''tower", "castle". Compostela overlooks two Ro-
man roaids; the Celto^Roman name was probably
lAberodunum)» It has been an archiepiscopal see
since 1120, but as the successor to the ancient See of
Iria its episcopal rank dates certainly from the fourth,
probably from the first, ccntiuy of our era.
Ettmoloot. — ^The name Compostela does not ap-
pear before the tenth century. In a document of 912
it is said of the monastery of St. Martin, near the cathe-
dral: quod sUum e^in urbe ComposteUA, KingFerdi*
nand I in a privilege of 10 March, 1063, apr«>pos of St.
James the Great, says: cujvs corpus re^iescU GaUecia in
wrhe ComposteUd, Three years previous a ooimcil held
in the cathedral is called ComposleUanum, From this
the name is in frequent iise and gradually usurps the
names familiar to previous centuries; locus sanctus,
arcis marmoreiSf ecaesia, or dvUas sancti Jacobi, The
name seems to be a diminutive of composUif "estab-
lished", in reference to the stronghold (civitateUa) of
the city. Similar diminutives abound in the Middle
Aees. The cU^ of Paris, the city of London^ the ToU-
tma of Toledo, the Almudena, diminutive of Almedi-
na, in Madrid and in Palma (Majorca), recall the
former distinction between the territory without the
walls and the city (civitas) properly so called. The
episcopal city of the Island of Minorca (in Romano-
Punic, lamo) yet retains its medieval name CitUadilla.
The See of Compostela. — Its history may be
divided into two periods, before and after its elevation
(1120) to the metropolitan dignity. — The Bishopric, —
The Sar swollen by the Sarela flows onward from Com-
postela some fifteen or siscteen miles until it joins the
IJlla, and empties into the sea at Padr6n (Patronus),
a hamlet which has borne that name since the ninth
century in memory of the fact that it was the landing-
place of the galley which bore to Qallida the body of
the Apostle S;. James the Great. Here stood in those
days the city of Iria, capital of the Gallician Caporos,
as may be seen from its Roman ruins, especially the
inscriptions, some of which are contemporary wiui the
beginning of the Christian Era. Pomponius Mela,
who lived in the reign of Emperor Claudius, i. e. at the
time of St. James's martyrdom, says that the Sar en-
ters the ocean near the Tower of Augustus (Tnrris
Augusti) ; the foimdations of the latter are still recog-
nizable in the outer harbour of Iria. In the reign of
Vespasian the co^omen Flavia was added; as Iria
Fiavia it appears in the Geography of Ptolemy. Ac-
cording to a very probable tradition, it was here that
the Apostle St. James the Great preached the Christian
religion and founded an episcopal see. This tradition
was already widespread in the year 700, when St. Aid-
helm, Abbot of Malmesbury, later Bishop of Sher-
borne, wrote as foUows (P. L., LXXXIX, 293):—
Hie Quoque Jacobus, cretus genitore vetusto
Deluorum sancto def endit tegmine celsum ;
Qui, clamante pio ponti de margine C^hristo,
Linquebat proprium panda cum puppe parentem.
Primitus Hispanas convertit donate gentes,
Barbara divinis convertens agmina dictis,
Qu£e priscos dudum ritub et lurida fana,
Dsemonis horrendi deceptse fraude, colebant;
Plurima hie proBsul patravit signa stupendus
Quae nunc in chartis scribuntur rite quadratis.
(Here also James, born of an ancient sire, protects
the lofty shrine with a holy roof — he who, when dear
Christ called him from the seashore, left his own
father with the curved ship. He, at the first did
convert the Spanish peoples by his teaching, turning
towards God's word the barbarous hordes that had
lon^ practised primitive rites and worshipped at the
shnnes of darkness, being deceived by the craft of
the evil one. Here did tlie wonderful bishop per-
form many portents, which are now set down m
order upon our fourfold chart.)
The list of the bishops of Iria known to us from their
presence at ooimcils and from other authentic BOfurces
begins with the year 400. They are: OrUgius, ...»
Andreas (572), Dominicus, Samuel, . . . , Gotuiii&»
rus (646), VincibOis, Ildulfus Felix (683), Sdva, Leo-
sindus, . . . , Theudemirus (808?), Adaulfus I
(843), and AdaulfusII (851-79). Under the last-named
the city was destroyed bv Norman pirates, on which
occasion both bishop and chapter took refuge behind
the strong walls or CompostdiC. Soon they peti-
tioned King Ordofio II ana Pope Nicholas I to pmnit
them to transfer the see from Iria to Ccmipastela,
near the sepulchre and church of St. James. BoUi
pope and king consented, on condition, however, that
the honour of the see should be divided behveen tibe
two places. From the second half of the ninth cen-
tury therefore, the bishops of this see are known indxs-
criminately as Irienses or Sancti JacM^ even as eods^
SUB apostolica sancU Jacobin finally as ComposleUani,
At the end of the eleventh century, throuj^ rever-
ence for the body and the sepulchre of St. James, Ur-
ban II withdrew from Iria its episcopal rank and trans-
ferred the see in its entirety to Compostela. At the
same time he exempted it from the authority of the
metropolitan and made it immediately subject to the
Holy See. This is evident from the Bull of 5 Dec.,
1095, in favour of the Cluniac bishop, Dalmatius,
present at the famous Council of Clennont.
The Metropolitan See. — ^Thenceforth the see grew in
importance, likewise its magnificent Romanesgue
church, modelled on that of Puy in ]FVance, and ne-
quented by pilgrims from all p!artB ci Christendom.
Like the cathcnral of Toledo after the reoonqnest
(1085), it became the principal centre of the pohticai
renaissance of Catholic Spain and its self-assertion
against the Moslem power. Pope Callistus II recog-
nized the great merits of Diego GehndesY Bishop of
Compostela, and in view of the reconquest oi much
Portuguese territory, and the near recovery of its free-
dom by M^rida, the ancient metropc^is of Lusitania
(Portugal), confided to him the popetual administra-
tion of that archdiocese^ whereby Compostela became
a metropolitan see. Smce then it has been occupied
b)r many illustrious men, not a few of whom were
raised to the cardinalitial dignity (Gams, '' Series epis-
coporum ecclesisB Catholicffi , Ratisbon. 1873; Euoel,
''Hierarchia catholica medii aevi", Mtknster, 1898).
The Bull of Callistus II (26 Feb., 1120) ck>thed the
metropolitan of Compostela with authority over the
following dioceses of the ancient Ptovineia Lusitana:
Salamanca, Aviia, Coria, Ciudad Rodrigo, Plaaencia,
Badajoz — (in Spain) ; Idanha(Guarda), Lamego, Lis-
bon, Evora, Osonova (Silves) — ^in Portugal beyond the
Duero. Though Compostela lost the Pbrtuguese
dioceses, 10 Nov., 1399, when Lisbon was made an
archbishopric, it acquired in return Astomy Lugo,
Mondofleao, Orense, Tuy , and Zamora. The Concordat
of 1851 left it with only nve : Luso, Mondofiedo, Oiense,
Oviedo, and Tuy. The list of the councils of Com-
postela may be seen in the afor»nentioned work of
Gams, and their text in Mansi or Aguirre. One of the
most important is the provincial council which as^
serted the innocence of the Templars within its juris-
diction; another, held 29 Oct., 1310, anticipated in its
fourth canon the action of the Council c^ London (29
Oct., 1329) under Simon of Mepham, Archbishop of
Canterbury in decreeing the yearly celebration of the
feast of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin through-
out the province of Compostela on the eighth of
December. Among those who have occupied the See
of Compostela may be mentioned: St. Rosendus (970-
77); St. Peter de Mosoncio (986-1000), probably the
author of the Salve Regina; Diego Pelies (1070-^88),
who began the reconstruction of the cathedral ; Diego
Gelmlrez (1100-42?), the first Archbishop of Coin-
OOMFftOMXSB
18d
OOHAN
pofltda, and who continued the work of Biehop Pel^s ;
Ftochx>Miifios (1207-11), who finished the cathedral;
Cardinal Mi;^ Pajr& y Rico (1874-85), who had the
honour of ducovenng m a crypt behind the high altar
of the cathedral the sepulchre and the relics of the
Apostle St. James.
Hie sepukhie of St. James and questions relat-
ing thereto are treated in the article James the
Greatbb, Saint. It will suffice to mention here the
document which confirms better than any other the
history and the authentici^ of this sacred relic of the
primitive Christian life of Spain, i. e. the solemn Bull
of Leo XIII (1 Nov., 1884) in which he confirms the
declaration of Cardinal Payd, Archbishop of (]k)mpos-
tda, concerning the identity of the bodies of the Apos-
tle St. James the Greater ajid his disciples Athanasius
and Theodorus.
" L6pbs Fkbbeibo, HiaUnia dt la Santa Apoat^ica Metrovali»
tana JgUna de CompoHela (Santiago. 1898-1906). I->aiI;
Fl6rbx BajM/la Sograda (Madrid. 1754r-1792). III. XIX. XX;
Ftta. SanHago de Galieia in Rae&n y Fe (Madrid, 1901. 1902);
RnrErr-CABNAC, La Piedra de lar ooranacidn en la abadia de
Weelmineier y au oanexi&n Ugendaria eon Santiago de Compoetela
in Boletfn de la Real Aeademia de la Hietoria (Madrid. 1902).
XL. 430; Brut&ila. VArcMaloQie du Moyen Age (Paris. 1900);
L6pKS Fbbbbiro t Fita, Monumentoe €aUiguoe de la Jffieeia
Compoetelana (Madrid, 1883); Fita, Aetae inSditaa {afloe lt8»-
ISlh) de eiete eoncUxoe eepaAoUe (Madrid. 1882); Fita t
Pbbn jIhdxi Qubbba. Reeuerdoe deun viaje d Santiago de Oalicia
(Madrid. 1880). The Bull of Leo XIII, Omnipotene Deue, U in
Acta Sanaa Sedie (Rome, 1884). XVII. 262. See Acta SS., 25
Jtily (Venice. 1748). and for the C?hurch of St.. James, SraBinr,
Some Aceount of Oothie Arehitecture in Spain (London. 1865):
Babkeb, Church of St. Jamee of Compoetela in Catholic World
(1878). XXVI. 163: Pilgrimage to SanUago de Compoetela in
Fraeere Magaeine (1864). LXX, 274; Villamtl t Castro, La
eatedtxU Compoetelana en la edad media y «I eepulcro de Santiago
(Madrid. 1879) : Chbvaubr, Topo-^nbl,^ s. v. Compoetela and
Bio4nU., s. v. Jaequee le Majewr.
F. FlTA.
Oompromiae (in Canon Law) . in a general sense, is
a mutual promise or contract ot two parties in con-
troversy to refer their differences to the decision of
arbitrators. Compromise (Lat. Compromiasum) may
take place either m elections or in other matters in
which dispute arises. In the latter case it mav be
effected either by law or by option. If the arbiter
holds hb position by prescription of law, ex jure, the
compromise is by law or necessary ; if by agreement of
the i^rties, the compromise is by option or voluntary
(arbtier comfromiaMriua) . In compromise by law the
arbiter jiais is compelled to tc^e the office ; his sentence
can be appealed from ; but he has coercive power over
all and can examine and punish. Whereas in compro-
mise by option the voluntary arbiter is free to under-
take the cmce ; there is no appeal from his decision, for
the parties freely bind themselves to- abide b^ it; he
can ctnly take cognizance of the case; and his duties
and powers are defined, conferred and imposed by the
parties who have freelv chosen him. According to
Roman law, and also the old canon law (ju9 vettui),
there was no appeal from the decision of the voluntaiy
arbiter. Later canon law, however, admits of an ex-
trajudicial appeal {provoeatio ad catuann), especially if
there be manifest mjustice in the decision. If more
than one arbiter be appointed, the number should be an
odd one. 'Hie subject oi compromise can only be such
matter as lies within the dis{x»ition of the contesting
parties. Hence causes bejrond the disposal of private
parties cannot be made the subject of compromise^
as, e. e., criminal causes, matrimonial causes prop^ly
so caOed, causes reserved by law to the supreme
courts.
Compromise in elections consists in a commission
given by the body of electors to one or several persons
to designate the elected person in the place of all.
This oompromise, in order to be valid, must be the act
of all the electon, unless it results from a pontifical
<feclaration. It is not necessary that the campromis'
muii thus chosen belong to the chapter (q. v.) or to
the body of electors; they must, however., be clerics.
as laymen cannot exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction
and are expressly excluded from elections by law.
The electors can posit conditions which must be ful-
filled by the arbiters, if they are not against the gen-
eral canon law. If such conditions are legitimate,
they must be fulfilled under penalty of nullity of the
compromise or of the election thus performed. In an
absolute and unconditioned compromise the arbiters
are bound only by the general laws of procedure to be
observed in elections. If the person thus designated
by the compromxsaarn be qualified and worthv, and
the form and the limits of the compromise be ob-
served, the electors must abide by the result of this
decision.
Pebmancdxr in KirtAenlex., Ill, 778; Ferraris. Prompto
Bibliotheoa (Rome, 1885), I. a. v. Arbiter, Arbitrator; Taunton.
The Law of the Church (London. 1906). s. v. Arbiter,
Lbo Cans.
Ck>mte, AuGusTE. See Positivism.
Ck>nal (or Conall), Saint, an Irish bishop who
flourished in the second half of the fifth centuiy and
ruled over the church of Drum, County Roscommon,
the place being subsequently named Drumconnell,
after St. Conal. Colgan and his copyists inaccurately
locate his church at Silconnell in Coimty Galway, but
it is now certain that the church of which St. Conal
was bishop was south of Boyle, and, as a matter of fact,
the saint is known as " Blessed Conal of Drum ' '. The
error of ascribing Kilconnell and Aughrim, County
Galwav, as foundations of St. Conal can also be dis-
sipatea by a reference to the life of St. Attracta,
wherein it is recorded that she came to the neighbour-
hood of Bojrle in order to build a cell near the church
ol her uterine brother, St. Conal, but was dissuaded
from her project by St. Dachonna of Eas Dachonna,
now Assylin, at the bidding of the saint. We read
that St. Attracta prophesied that the episcopal
churches of St. Conal (Drumconnell) and St. Dach-
onna (Eas Dachonna) would in after days be reduced
to poverty, owing to the fame of a new monastic estab-
lishment. This prophecy was strikingly fulfilled, inas-
much as Drum ana Assylin soon after ceased to be
episcopal sees, while in 1148 the great Cistercian
Abbey of Boyle (q. v.) was founded. St. Conal died
about the year 500, and his feast is celebrated on 18
March, though some assign 9 February as the date.
CoiiOAN. Acta Sonet. Hib.; Acta SS., II: 0'Hamix>n, Lieee of
the Irish Saints, III, 837 aq.: Kkllt. MaHyroloay of TaUaghL
(Dublin. 1857); Todd and Rbetes, Martyrolqgy of Dorusgal
(Dublin. 1864): O'Rorkb, History of Sligo (Dublin, 1886);
Kellt, Patron Saints of the Diocese of Elphin (Dublin. 1904).
W. H. Grattan-Floop.
Oonan, Saint, Bishop of the Isle of Man, d. Janu-
ary, 684* an Irish missionary, also known as Moch-
onna. He is not to be confounded with St. Conindrius,
who is said to have been a disciple of St. Patrick, and
to have lived to a very advanced age (17 November,
560). The BoHandists place St. Conan amongst the
eariy bishops of Man, and Colgan gives an account of
his me and labours. Unfortunately the histozy of the
Lsle of Man in the fifth and sixth centuries is very ob-
scure, and it is difficult to ^t at definite facts, yet St.
Conan, or Mochonna, who is also described as ''Bishop
of Inis-Patrick" left a distinct impress of his zeal for
souls in Manxland. Some authorities give the date of
his death as 26 January, but Colgan, quoting from the
ancient Irish martyrologies, gives 13 January, on which
day St. Conan's feast is observed. There are also sev-
eral minor Irish saints of the same name, including St.
Conan of Assaroe (8 March), and St. Conan of Bamna-
more (26 April).
BuTLKK. Lives of the Saints (London, 1867-60). I; Oolgan,
Acta SS. Hib. (Louvsin, 1645); 0'Hanu>n. Livee of the Irish
Saints (Dublin, 1875). I. 446 sqq.; Knox, Notes on the Diocese
of 7uam( 1904).
W. II. Grattan-Flood.
OONOANNSN
190
ooNoiUAnmi
OottCAnnen, Richard Luxb. See New York,
Archdiocese of.
Goncelebration is the rite by which several priests
say Mass together, all consecrating the same bread and
wine. It was once common in both Eaat and West.
As late as the ninth century priests stood around their
bishop and ''consented to his sacrifice" (Corp. Jur.
Can., Deer. Grat., Pars III, dist. I, cap. 59). The rite
of Goncelebration was modified at Bome (perhaps in
the time of Pope Zephyrinus, 202-218) so that each
Eriest should consecrate a separate host (the deacons
olding these in patens or corporals) ; but they all con-
secrated the same chalice ("Ordo Rom. I", 48; see
also Duchesne, "Liber Pont.", I, 139 and 246). In
the sixth century this rite was observed on sXL station
days; by the eidbth century it remained only for the
greatest feasts, Easter, Christinas, Whitsunday, and
St. Peter ("Ordo Rom. I", 48; Duchesne, "Oricines",
167). On other days the priests assisted but did not
concelebrate. Innocent III (1198-1216) says that in
his time the cardinals concelebrate with the pope on
certain feasts (De Sacr. Altar. Myst. in Migne, P. L.,
CCXVII, IV, 25). Durandus, who denied the possi-
bility of such a rite (Rationale Div. Oflf., IV, a. xiii,
q. 3)is refuted by Cardinal Bona (Rer. Liturg., I, xviii,
9). St. Thomas defends its theological correctness
(Summa Theol., Ill, Q. Ixxxii, a. 2). Goncelebration
is still common in all the Eastern Churches both
Uniat and schismatic. In these, on any greater feast
day, the bishop says the holy liturgy surrounded by
his priests, who consecrate with him and receive Holy
Communion from him, of course under both kinds. So
also, at any time, if several priests wish to celebrate
on the same d^, they may do so together.
In the Latin Church the rite survives only at the ordi-
nation of priests and bishops. The newly-ordained
priests say the Offertory prayers and the whole Canon,
mdudmg the words of consecration, aloud with the
bishop, kneeling aroimd him. The words of consecra-
tion especially must be said '' slowly and rather loud"
and "at the same moment with the pontiff" (Pont.
Rom., de Ord. Presb., rubric). They must say the
words significalivef that is with the intention of con-
secrating (Benedict XIV, de SS. Missse Sacr., Ill,
xvi, 6), and must be careful not to say them before,
but exactly with, the bishop (op. cit., loc. cit., 7).
They receive Holv Communion under one kind. The
same rite is used at a bishop's consecration, except
that in this case the new bisnop conununicates with
the consecrator under both kinds (Pont. Rom., de
Cons. Electi in Episc., rubric in the text).
B^KDicr XIV. D« 8S. Miaaa Sacrificio, III. xvi; St.
Thomaa. Summa Theol., III. Q. Ixxxii, a. 2; Atcri.et. Ordo
Romanua PrimuB (London. 1905). 113, 149, 158; Duchesne*
Les arioine$ du euUe chriHen (2nd ed., Paxia, 1898). 167, tr.
Christian Worship (London, 1904).
Adrian Foetbscue.
Ck>iicepei6n, Diocbsb of (Sanctissois Concef-
TiONis DB Chile), in the Republic of Chile, suffragan
to Santiago de Chile. The diocese embraces the prov-
inces of Aranco, Bfo-Bfo, Goncepci6n, Nuble, Maule,
Linares, and Malleco, comprising an area of 27,901
square miles. The Bull of erection was issued by
Pms IV, 22 May, 1563. since which time, with the ex-
ception of the period oetween 1818^2 when the see
was vacant, a bishop has always had his seat at Con-
oepci6n. Among the institutions of the diocese may
be mentioned an orphan asylum and a missionary
college under the Capuchins.
In the diocese there are represented ten religious
congregations of men and seven of women, among the
latter the Sisters of Providence, Sisters of Mercy, Sis-
ters of Christian Charitv, vAio have a novitiate and
college, Sisters of the Good Shepherd, and Sisters of
the Sacred Heart ; they number in all 393. The dio-
cese has a Catholic population of 835,790, with 52
parishes, 190 priests, 91 secular and 99 r^ular, 135
churches and chapels. In addition to the college ^nd
seminary there are nine Catholic schools with an at-
tendance of 2550 pupils. (See Chile.)
Battandibr. Ann. pant. Cath. (Paris, 1908); Aim. Bed.
(Rome. 1908).
F. M. RuDOB
Oonceptionists, a branch of the Order of Saint
Clare, founded by Beatriz de Sil va. Isabel , the daugh-
ter of Edward, King of Portugal, having married John
II (1406-1454) of Castile, took her kinswoman, Beat-
riz de Silva, sister of James I, Count of Portalegre,
with her. The beautiful Beatriz, however, aroused
the suspicion and jealousy of the queen, and was im-
prisoned. Escaping, she fled to the Sisters of St.
Dominic at Toledo, where she lived about forty years.
Her veneration for the Immaculate Conception of
Mary inspired her to found, with twelve companions,
a special order in honour of Mary's privilege. Queen
Isabella gave her the castle of Galliana in 1484. The
sisters followed the Cistercian rule, reciting tiie Office
of the Blessed Virgin in addition. Beatriz died 1
Sept., 1490, at the age of sixty-six.
Through the influence of Ximenes de Cisneros, the
famous Archbishop of Toledo, the Conoeptionists were
subordinated to the Franciscans, and m 1501 they
adopted the rules of the Order of Saint Glare, modified
with the authorization of Alexander VI. Julius II
sanctioned them anew in 1506; Quiflonez, provincial of
the Franciscans of Castile, and later general of the en-
tire order, drew up their constitution in 1516. The
second convent was founded at Torrigo, another at
Madrid in 1512, and one at Assisi in ttie same year.
Maria Theresa of Austria, daughter of Philip iV of
Spain, summoned them to the Faubourg Saint-uermain
at Paris, where the Sisters of Saint Clare adopted their
rules, which were again modified by a Brief of Clement
X. The Conceptionists wear a white habit and scapu-
lar with a blue cloak, and an image of the Blessed
Virgin on their habit. The celebrated Maria de Agreda
(q. v), author of "The Mystical City of God", waa
a Conceptionist. The Conceptionist con^gation is
at present spread widely throughout Spam and Bel-
gium.
HfcLYOT. Hiat. dea ordrea monastiquea, VII, 334-39; Wad-
ding. Annalea Min. (Rome. 1736), XV. 451. XVI; Heim-
BUCHCR, Die Orden und KonffregiMtionen der hath. Kirehe
(Paderbora. 1907). II. 488 aqq.; Acta Ordinie Min. (1907).
XVI, 347 sqq.; fiULabr^de Vordre de SU Ciaire d'Aaeiae
(Lyons and Paris. 1906), li, 259 sqq.
Michael Bihl.
Oonceptaalism. See Nominausm and REALiaM.
Gondliation, Industrial, is the discussion and
adjustment of mutual differences by employers and
employees or their representatives. Arbitration
(q. V.) implies the submission of such differences to a
body in which the authoritative decision is rendered by
a disinterested person. In mediation a disinterested
person strives either to bring the parties togetlier for
conciliation or to induce them to make such mutual
concessions as will lead to an agreement. The term,
'* boards of conciliation", describKOs not merely coounit-
tees of employers and em^oyees, but iJso those ap-
pointed bv the civil authority, and by private associa-
tions. The two latter are primarily concerned with
the work of mediation.
In France conciliation has been practised since 1806
by the eonaeiU de prvdhommea, or committees of ex-
perts. These are composed of equal numbers of em-
ployers and emplovees, and are legally authorised to
mterpret existing labour contracts and adjust minor
grievances. Wiuiin this limited field they have been
quite successful. Five-sixths of the strikes that were
settled by the French Conciliation and Arbitration
OOMOttA
191
OOHOIMA
Act of 1892, during the first ten years of its existence,
were disposed of by the method of conciliation. For
the last thirty-five years conciliation has practically
eliminated strikes from the mannfacturea iron and
steel trade in the north of En^and. Recourse was
had to conciliation in fi06 of uie 788 disputes that
were adjusted by boards of conciliation and arbitra-
tion throughout En^and in the year 1903. In the
United States about half the States have boards of
conciliation and arbitration, while the chairman of the
Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commis-
sioner of Labour are directed by the federal law of
1898 to endeavour to bring about conciliation or arbi-
tration whenever they are appealed to by one of the
parties to any dispute which threatens seriously to
interfere with interstate commerce. Only five of the
State boards have accomplished anything worthy of
notice, and these five have settled relatively few dis-
putes— ^mostly by conciliation. The national board
has reoentlv given promise of a considerable meas-
ure of usefulness. Boards of conciliation composed
jointly of employers and employees have adjusted a
large number of important differences in many indus-
tries— ^for example, in the shoe industry, the building
trades, and the cosd mines of the East and the Middle
West. Conciliation has also had considerable success
through the mediation of prominent citizens, and of
bodies like the Civic Federation.
The importance of conciliation finds recognition in
the recommendation of Pope Leo XIII (Encyclical on
the Condition of Labour, " Rerum Novarum' , 15 May,
1891) that masters and workmen should unite in joint
associations, and select capable committees for the
decision of disputes. This method is highly consoiiant
with Christian peace and Christian charity. Its chief
advantages over arbitration are that it brin^ the two
parties together in friendly and informal discussion,
teaches each to appreciate the position and rights of
the other, and results in a decision that is more will-
ingly accepted and more faithfully observed. There
are, however, two important situations in which con-
ciliation can have but slight success: first, where com-
pulsory arbitration is in vogue; second, where the
employees have not sufficient economic strength to
inflict considerable damage upon their employer
through the alternative of a stnke. The experience
of Western Australia and New Zealand seems to prove
the first contention (cf. Clark, The Labour Move-
ment in Australasia, p. 161), whfle the second seems
established by ihe fact that conciliation was practi-
cally unknown before the era of labour unions, and
that it has stfil very little application in unorganized
trades. On the other hand, the first step towa^ con-
ciliation, namely, discussion of differences on an equal
plane, becomes quite feasible as soon as each side
realizes the strength of the other. When they treat
each other as equals and as reasonable men, they
easilv reach an a^eement. Conciliation then becomes
much more frequent than volimtarv arbitration ; in-
deed, it renders the latter method almost superfluous.
The labour unions are committed to it, ancl seem to
prefer it to arbitration. John Mitchell sees in the
trade a^-eement, which is essentially^ the method of
conciliation, the greatest hope for industrial peace
in America (Organized Labour, p. 354), and Pro-
fessor T. S. Adams thinks that America will follow
the same line of development as England, where
conciliation has already produced conditions of in-
dustrial peace which are almost entirely satisfactory
(Labour Problems, pp. 312, 314, 319). Not the
least of the influences making for the extension of
conciliation in the United States is public sentiment,
which threatens to establish the alternative of com-
pulsory arbitration.
Hatch. BuUetin cf the U.S. Bureau of Labor, No. 60; Adams
m SuMHEH, Labor FrobUma (New York. 1905), viii; Bolxn.
V*?*HF a Living (New York, 1903), xxvii; Mitcbiell, Oroani^
i^fAor (Philadelphia. 1903). xxxix; Webb. h%du9tr%al Demod-
raoy (London, New York, and Bombay, 1807). pt. I, iii; PimA
Report of U. S. Jndtutrial Commisnon, pp. 833-847; CiiLu an.
MeiKoda of Industrial Peace (New York, 1904): Antoine, Coura
d^ieonomie eodale (Paria. 1899). 467-470; Turman, AetiviUe
eoeiales (Paria. 1907).
John A. Ryan.
Ctondna, Daniello, Dominican preacher, contro-
versialist and theolo^n; b. at Ulausetto or San
Danide, small places m the Italian province of Friuli,
2 October, 1687'^; d. at Venice, 21 February, 1766. On
the completion of his early studies at the Jesuit college
at G6TZf Austria, he entered the Dominican Order,
making his religious profession in March, 1708, in the
convent of Sts. Martm and Rose. After studying
philosophy three years, he was sent to study theology
m the convent of the Holy Rosary at Venice, where he
s^nt eight years imder the direction of the fathers of
his order, Andruisso and Zanchio. In 1717 he was
appointed to the chair of philosophy, and later to that
of theology, in the convent of Forll. About this time
he began to attract attention as a preacher. He con-
fined nimself at first to the smaller places, but his
success soon brought him to the pulpits of the chief
cities of Italy; and he preached tne jLenten sermons
seven times m the principal churches of Rome.
Concina's literary activity was confined chiefly to
moral topics. His career as a theologian and contro-
versialist began with the publication of his first book,
" Ck>mmentarius historico-apologeticus ' '^ etc . (Venice,
1736, 1745), in which be routed the opinion, then re-
cently adopted by the Bollandists, that St. Dominic
had borrowed his ideas and form of religious poverty
from St. Francis. While engaged in the sharp con-
troversy aroused by this work, he entered into another
concerning the Lenten fast, which was not closed until
Benedict XIV issued (30 May, 1741) the Encyclical
"Non ambigimus'' which was favourable to Con-
cilia's contention. Shortly afterwards he published
his "Storia del probabilismo e rigorismo*' (Venice,
1743), a work composed of theological, moral, and
critical dissertations. Being directed against the
Jesuits, it naturally gave rise to a large controversial
literature. The work was highly praised by some,
notably by Benedict XIV, but amongothers it met
with a very unfavourable reception. The Fathers of
the Society of Jesus, the recognized champions of
probable opinions in matters of conscience, were not
slow in defending their position. The controversy
reached a climax when Concina published under the
auspices of Benedict XIV, his "Theologia Christiana
dogmatico-moralis'' (12 vols, in 4to, Rome and
Venice, 174&-61). The Jesuits appealed to the pope
to have it condemned on the ground that it contained
errors and was very injurious to the Society. A com-
mission of theologians was then appointed to examine
the work, with the result that Concina was requested
to prefix to the subsequent edition a declaration dic-
tated by the pope. This declaration, which was prac-
tically a summary of the petition of condemnation
made by his opponents, appeared in the edition of
1752, but that work itself showed no changes of im-
portance, except the addition of one chapter to the
preface in which the author protested that he had
always entertained the sincerest regard for the Society
of Jesus, that as private theologian he refuted opin-
ions which he considered lax, regardless of authorship,
and that if he had erred in any way or done any
wrong, he was ready to make a full retractation (cf .
Theol. Christ., ch. xiii. in prsef. t. 1, p. cxxiv).
In his "Theologia cnristiana" Concina found occa-
sion to pay to the Society as a whole a glowing tribute.
Many of its writers are spoken of by him in terms of
high esteem. In Italy he promoted the publication
of a moral theology by the French Jesuit Gabriel An-
toine, which Benedict XIV ordered to be taught in the
College of the Propaganda. The truth is, he was an
ardent probabiliorist, and from "his point of view
OOMOLAVS
192
OOlfOLAVB
many of the opinionfi of the probabilists were lax and
pernicious. In refuting them he at times undoubt-
edly censured their authors too severely and spoke with
an excessive aspenty. It must be admitted, how-
ever, that he ptacecf a salutary, if disagreeable, re-
straint upon the new thought of the time. To-day it
is readily seen that some' of the authors whom he at-
tacked favoured a dangerous laxism. On the other
hand, it cannot be denied that many of his views are
now considered severe, some classing him among the
rigorists. That Concina was a Uieologian of no
m^n order is evidenced by the fact that Benedict XIV
appointed him consultor of several Congregations.
Moreover, in his work ^'De Synodo Dioecesana'^ as
also in his Encyclical ''Libentissime'' of 10 June,
1745, the pope refers to Concina as an authority on
the question of the Lenten fast. Concina is the author
of about forty works, several of whidi are believed to
be still in Italian libraries awaiting an editor.
CouLON in Diet, de tMd. caih., Ill, 675-707; Punkes in
Kirchenlex., Ill, 811; Sakdeluus. De DanidU Concina vUA el
Bcriptit commeniarxuB in Introd to Tkeol. ehriat. (Rome, 1773);
Koch. Dan. Concina und die ^oqennanten retnen P<inal{fB»etM€
in Theoiogi»d%e QuartalachrifU 1904, 400-424; de Concina,
VUa did Padre tkmiello Concinain Monum Ord. Pr<ad. Hist.,
XIV, 298.
Joseph Schroeder.
Oondave (Lat. cumt with, and clavis^ key; a place
that may be securely closed), the closed rgom or hall
specially set aside and prepared for the cardinals
when electing a pope ; also the assembly of the car-
dinals for the canonical execution of this purpose.
In its present fonn the conclave dates from the end of
the thu*teenth century. Earlier methods of filling the
See of Peter are treated in the article Papal Elec-
tions. In this article will be considered: (I) the
history of the actual method of papal election; (II)
the ceremonial itself.
I. HiBTORT OF THE CONCLAVE. — ^In 1271 the elec-
tion that ended with the choice of Gregory X at Vi-
terbo had lasted over two years and nine months when
the local authorities, weary of the delay, shut up the
cardinals within narrow limits and thus hastened the
desired election (Raynald, Ann. Eccl., ad an. 1271).
The new pope endeavoured to obviate for the future
such scandalous delay by the law of the conclave,
which, almost in spite of the cardinals, he promul-
gated at the fifth session of the Second Council of
Lyons in 1274 (Hefele, Hist, des Conciles, IX, 29). It
is the first occasion on which we meet with the word
conclave in connexion with papal elections. (For its
use in English literature see Murray's ''Oxford Dic-
tionary", s. v., and for its medieval use Du Cange,
Glossar. med. et infimee Latinitatis, s. v.) The pro-
visions of his Constitution "Ubi Periculum*' were
stringent. When a pope died, the cardinals with him
were to wait ten days for their absent brethren. Then,
each with a single servant, lay or cleric, they were to
assemble in the palace where the pope was at his
death, or, if that were impossible, the nearest city not
under interdict, in the bishop's house or some other
suitable place. All were to assemble in one room
(conclave), without partition or hangine, and live in
common. This room and another retired chamber, to
which they might go freely, were to be so closed in that
no one could go in or out unobserved, nor anyone from
without spefi^ secretly with any cardinal. And if
anyone from without had aught to sav, it must be on
the business of the election and with the knowledge of
all the cardinals present. No cardinal might sena out
any message, whether verbal or written, under pain
of excommunication. There was to be a window
through which food could be admitted. If after three
days the cardinals did not arrive at a decision, they
were to receive for the next five davs only one dish at
their noon and evening meals. If these five days
elapsed without an election, only bread, wine, and
water should be their fare. During the election they
might receive nothing from the papal treasury, nor
introduce any other business unless some urgent neoe»-
sity arose imperilling the Church or its possessions. If
any cardinal n^ected to enter, or left the enclosure
for any reason other than sickness, the election was to
go on without him. But his health restored, he mig^t
re-enter the conclave and take up the business where
he found it. The rulers of the city where the con-
clave was held should see to it that all the papal pres-
criptions concerning enclosure of the caroinals were
observed. Those who disregarded the laws of the con-
clave or tampered with its liberty, besides incuiring
other punishments, were ipso lacUt exoonamunicate£
The stringency df these regulations at once aroused
opposition; yet the first elections held in conclave
proved that the principle was right. The first con-
clave lasted onlv a day and the next but seven days.
Unfortimately there were three popes in the very year
succeeding the death of Gr^ory X (1276). The sec-
ond, Adrian Y, did not live long enough to incorporate
in an authoritative act his openly exprrased opinion
of the conclave. Pope John aX lived only long
enough to suspend officiallv the "Ubi Periculum .
Immediately tne protracted elections recommenoed.
In the eighteen years intervening between the suspen-
sion of the law of the conclave in 1276 and its resump-
tion in 1204 there were several vacancies of from six
to nine months ; that which preceded ^e election of
C!elestine V lasted two vears and nine months. About
the only notable act of the latter pope was to restore
the conclave. Boniface VIII connrmed the action of
his predecessor and ordered the "Ubi Periculum" of
Gregory X to be incorporated in the canon law (c. 3,
in Vl^, I, 6), since which time all papal elections have
taken place in conclave. Pope Gregory XI in 1378
empowered the cardinals (for that occasion only) to
proceed to an election outside of conclave, but thev
did not do so. The Council of (]k)nstance (1417) moci-
ified the rules of the conclave to such an extent that
tiie cardinals of the three "obediences" took part in it
as well as six prelates from each of the five nations.
This precedent (which however resulted happily in the
election of the Roman, Martin V) is perhaps the rea-
son why Julius II (1512), Paul III (1542), Pius IV
(1561), and Pius IX (1870) provided that in case of
their death during an OBcumenical council the election
of the new pope should be in the hands of the cwii-
nals, not in those of the council. Pius IV by the Bull
"In Eligendis" (1562) provided that the election
mijght take place either in or out of the conclave, but
this was revoked by Gregory XIII. This liberty of
action is found again in the legislation (1798) of Pius
VI (Quum nos superiore anno) which leaves it in the
power of the cardinals to modify the rules of the con-
clave touching enclosure, ete. Again Pius IX by the
BuU "In hac sublimi" (23 August, 1871) allowed a
majority of the cardinals to dispense with Hhi^ tradi-
tional enclosure. Other important documents of Pius
IX dealing with the conclave are his Constitutions
"Licet per Apoetolicas Litteras" (8 September, 1874)
and "Consulturi" (10 October, 1877), dso his ^'Rego-
lamento da osservarsi dal S. Ck>llegio In occasione
della vacanza dell'Apostolica Sede^' (10 January,
1878).
As a matter of fact these precautions, taken in view
of the danger of interference by secular ^vemments,
have 80 far been unnecessary, and elections of popes
take place as they always dia since the law of the con-
clave became fiinally effective. Many popes have
legislated on this subject, either to confirm the actions
of their predecessors or to define (or add to) previous
legislation. Clement V decreed that the conclave
must take place in the diocese in which the pope dies
(Ne Romani, 1310) and also that all cardinals, whether
excommunicated or interdicted, provided mev were
not deposed, should have the right to vote. Clement
yi (1351) permitted a slight amelioration in the fare
OOWOlAVC
193
OOKOLAVS
and in the strict practice of common life. In the six-
teenth century Julius II (1505) by the Bull "Cum tam
divino" declared invalid any simoniacal election of a
pope. Following the example of Pope Symmachus
(499), Paul IV, by the Bull '^Cum Secundum" (1558),
denounced and forbade all cabals and intrigues during
the lifetime of a pope. The aforesaid Constitution of
Pius IV '*In Eligendis" (1562) is a codification and
re-enactment of 3l the laws pertaining to the conclave
since the time of Gne^ry X. In it he insists forcibly
on the enclosure, which had come to be rather care-
lessly observed. The finally directive legfelation on
the conclave is that of Gregory XV. In his short
reign (1621-1623) he published two Bulls, "iEtemi
Patris^' (1621). and ''^Decet Romanum Pontificem"
(1 622) , followed by a Cceremonicde for the papal election
(Bullar. Luxemb., III. 444 sqq.). Every detail of the
conclave is described in these documents. Subse-
quent legi^tion has either confirmed these measures,
e. g. the ^Romani Pontificis" of Urban VIII (1625),
or regulated the expenditure of money on the papal
obsequies, e. g. the Brief of Alexander VIII (1690),
or determined their order, e. g. the "Chirografo" of
Clement XII (1732). The more recent legislation of
Pius VI, Pius VII, and Pius IX provides for all con-
tingencies of interference by secular ijowers. Pius VI
(who designated a Catholic coimtry in which the ma-
jority of vie cardinals happened to be) and Pius IX
(who left the matter to the judgment of the Sacred
College) allowed the widest liberty as to the place of
the conclave.
II. Ceremonial ov the Conclave. — Inunediately
on the death of a pope the cardinal camerlengo who, as
representative of the Sacred College, asstunes chai-ge
of the papal household, verifies by a judicial act the
death of the pontiff, in the presence of the house-
hold he strikes the forehead of the dead pope three
times with a silver mallet, calling him by his baptismal
name. The fisherman's ring and the papsil seals
are then broken. A notary draws up the act
which is the legal evidence of the pope's death. The
obsequies last nine days. Meanwhile the cardinals
have been notified of the impending election and
those resident in Rome (tn Curia) await their absent
brethren, assisting in the meantime at the functions
for the deceased pontiff. All cardinals, and they
alone, have the right to vote in the conclave; they
must, howeVer, be legitimately appointed, have the
use of reason^ and be present in person, not through a
procurator or by letter. This right is acknowledged
even if the^ are subject to ecclesiastical censures (e. g.
excomm\mication\ or if the solemn ceremonies of
their ''creation** nave yet to be performed. During
the aforesaid nine days, and xmtil the election of a
successor, all cardinals appear with uncovered
rochets, lust as all have canopies over their seats at
the ooncfavCt to show that the supreme authority is in
the hands of the whole College. The cardinal camer-
lengo is assisted by the heads of the three cardinalitial
orders, known as the "Capita Ordinum" (cardinal-
bishop8,-prie8ts,-deacons). There are frequent meet-
ings, or "congregations*', of these four cardinals to
determine every detail both of the obsequies of the
pope and of the preparations for the conclave. All
matters of importance are referred to the general con-
gregations, which since 1870 are held in uie Vatican.
The cardinal dean (always the Bishop of Ostia) pre-
sides over these congregations, in which the cardinals
take rank and precedence from the date of their ele-
vation to the purple. Formerly they had also to pro-
vide for the government of the Papal States and to
repress frequent disorders during the interr^um.
In the first of these congregations the various (jonsti-
tutions which govern the conclave are read and tlie
cardinals take an oath to observe them. Then, in the
following da3rs, the various officers of the conclave, the
Conclavists, confessors, and physicians, servants of
IV.— 13
various kinds, are examined or appointed by a GpeCiaf
commission. Each cardinal has a rignt to take into
the conclave a secretary and a servant, the secretary
being usually an ecclesiastic. In case of illness a third
conclavist may be allowed, with agreement of the
general congregation. All are equally sworn to
secrecy and fdso not to hinder the election. After the
conclave certain honorary distinctions and pecimiary
emoluments are awarded to the conclavists.
Meanwhile a conclave, formerly a large room, now
a large part of the Vatican palace, including two or
three floors, is walled off. and the space divided into
apartments, each with tnree or four small rooms oi
cells, in each of which are a crucifix, a bed, a table
and a few chairs. Access to the conclave is free
through one door only, locked from without by the
Marshal of the Conclave (formerly a member of th<2
Savelli, since 1721 of the Chigi, famihr), and fron?
within by the -cardinal camerlengo. Tiiere are four
openings provided for the passage of food and other
necessaries, guarded from within and without, on the
exterior by ttie authority of the marshal and major-
domo, on the interior b^ the prelate assigned to this
duty by the three cardmals mentioned above, repre-
sentative of the three cardinalitial orders. Once the
conclave begins the door is not again opened until the
election is announced, except to admit a cardinal who
is late in arriving. All communication with the out-
side is strictly forbidden under pain of loss of office
and ipso fado excommunication. A cardinal may
leave the conclave in case of sickness (certified imder
oath" by a physician) and return; not so a conclavist.
It may be noted at once, with Wem:8, that a papal
election held outside of a properly organized conclave
is canonically null and void.
Within, the cardinals live with their conclavists
in the cells. Formerly every cardinal had to pro-
vide his own food, which was carried in state by his
men-in-waiting to one of the four openings nearest
the cell of the prelate. Since 1S78 tne kitchen is a
part of the conclave. Though all meals are taken in
private they are served from a common quarter, but
great care is taken to prevent written communication
by this way. The cells of the cardinals are covered
with cloth, purple if they are of the last pope's "c^^
ation", green if not. When they wish to oe undis-'
turbed they close the door of their cell, the frame- work
of which is in the shape of a St. Andrew's cross. The
conclave opens officially on the evening of the tenth
day after the pope's decease, unless another day has
been assigned. Kvery precaution is observed to ex-
dude those who have no right within the enclosure,
and also unnecessary communication with the put-
side. Papal legislation has long since forbidden the
once customary "capitulations*', or ante-election
agreements binding on the new pope; it is also for-
bidden the cardinals to treat of the papal succession
among themselves during the popes lifetime; the
pope may, however, treat of tne matter with the
cardinals. Absolutely necessary modifications of the
conclave legislation, during the conclave itself, are
temporary only. All true cardinals, as stated, may
enter the conclave, but those only who have received
deacon's orders have a right to vote, unless they haVe
received a special indult from the late pope. Cardi-
nals who have been preconiaed, but not yet elevated
to the purple, are entitled by a decision of St. Pius V
(1571) Doth to be present and to vote.'
Including the cardinals, prelates, and conclavists,,
there are perhaps two hundred and fifty persons in
the, enclosure. The government of the conclave is in
the hands of the cardinal camerlengo and of the thi-ee
representative cardinals who succeed onQ another in
order of seniority every three days. About seven or
eight o'clock on the rooming of tne eleventh day the
cardinals assemble in the Pauline Chapel aiid assist
at the Mass of the cardinal dean. Formerly they
OOVOUlTfi
194
QfMOhkV*
wore tbe special garment of the conclave, calfed the
crocea. They receive Communion from the hands of
the cardinal dean, and listen to a Latin allocution on
their obligations to select the most worthy person for
the Chair of Peter. After Mass they retire for a few
moments, and then assemble in the Sistine Chapel,
where the actual voting takes place. There six can-
dles are lighted on the altar on which rest the paten
and chalice to be used in voting. Over the chair of
each cardinal is a baldachinum. The papal tiirone is
removed. Before each. chair is also a small writing
desk. When ready to vote they enter the Sistine
Chapel accompanied by their conclavists bearing their
portfolios ana writing materials. Prayers are said
by the bishop sacristan; the ballots are distributed
and then all are excluded except the cardinals, one of
whom bolts the door.
Though since Urban VI (1378-89) none but a
cardinafhas been elected pope, no law reserves to the
cardinals alone this right. Strictly speaking, any
male Christian who has reached the use of reason can
be chosen, not, however, a heretic, a schismatic, or a
notorious simonist. Since 14 January, 1605 (Julius
II, *'Cum tam divino'') a simoniacal election is canoni-
cally invalid, as being a true and indisputable act of
heresy (Wemz, "Jus Uecret.", II, 658, ©52; see "Hist.
Pol. Bl&tter", 1898, 1900, and S^^Uller," Lehrbuch
d. Kirchenrechts", 1900, I, 215). There are four
possible forms of election: scrutiniutn, compramissum,
acceasus, quasi-inspiratio. The usual form is that ol
9crutinium, or secret ballot, and in it the successful
candidate requires a two-thirds vote exclusive of his
own. When there is a close vote, and only then, the
ballot of the pope-elect, which, like all the others, is
distinguishable bv a text of Scripture written on one
of its outside folds, is opened to make sure that he did
not vote for himself. Each cardinal deposits his vote
in the chalice on the altar and at the same time takes
the prescribed oath: "Testor CHiristum Dominum qui
me judicaturus est me eligere quem secundum Deum
judico eligi debere et quod idem in aocessu praestabo"
— "I call to witness the Lord Christ. Who will be my
judge, that I am electing the one whom according to
God I think ought to be elected ", etc. (For the form
of the oath see Lucius Lector, "Le Conclave'', 615,
618.) The ballot reads: "Ego, Cardinalis N., eligo
in summum Pontificem R.D. meum D. Card. N."
For this election by secret ballot three cardinals
{8cnUalores) are chosen by lot each time to preside
over the opCTation of voting, three others (revisores) to
control the count of their colleagues, and still three
others (infirmarii) to collect the ballots of the sick and
absent cardinals. If the sick cardinals cannot attend
the ballotinjg, then the three infirmarii go to their
cells and brmg back their votes in a box to the three
cardinals presiding, who count them and put them in
the chalice with the others. Then, all the baUots
having been shaken up and countea, if the number
agrees with the number of electors, the chalice is
broudit to the table and the ballots, on the outside of
which appear the names of the candidates, are passed
from hand to hand to the third cardinal who reads the
names aloud. All present are provided with lists on
which the names of all the cardinals appear, and it is
customary for the cardinals to check off the votes as
they are read. Then the three cardinal revisors verify
the result which is proclaimed as definite.
If, upon the first oallot, no candidate receives the
necessary two-thirds vote, recourse is often had to
the form of voting known as accessus. At the elec-
tion of Kus X (Rev. des Deux Mondes, 15 March,
1904, p. 275) the cardinal dean did not allow the
accessus, though it is a recognized usage of con-
claves, regulated by Gr^ory Xl, designed primarily
to hasten elections, and usually considered to favour
the chances of tlie candidate who has the most
votes. It consists practically of a second ballot. All
use the ordinary blanks again, with this difterenct*,
that if the elector wishes his vote to count for his first
choice he wiites Acce^o nemim; if he changes his vote
he introduces the name of his latest choice. Then the
two series of ballots have to be compared and identic
fied by the text on the reverse face of the ballot, so as
to prevent a double vote for the same candidate by
any elector. When the required two-thinls are not
obtained, the ballots are consumed in a stove whoee
cliimney extends through a window of the Sistizie
ChapeL When there is no election, straw is mixed
with the ballots to show by its thick smoke (sfumaia)
to those waiting outside that there has been no elec-
tion. There are always two votes taken every day,
in the morning and in the evening; they occupy from
two to three nours each. When the votii^ is over
one of the cardinals opens the door outside of which
are gathered the conclavists, and all retire to their
cells. Other forms of election, made almost impossi-
ble b^r the le^lation of Gregory XY, are known as
quasi-inspiration and compromise. The former sup-
poses that before a given session there had been no
eugreement among the cardinals and that then one of
the cardinals, addressing the assemblv, proposes tbe
name of a candidate with the words E^o eUgo (I elect,
etc.), whereupon all the cardinals, as though moved
by the Holy Spirit, proclaim aloud the same candi-
date, saying Ego digo, etc. An election by compro-
mise supposes that after a long and hopeless conte.st
the cardinals imanimously dele^te a certain number
of their body to make a choice. It has not been
employed since the fourteenth century.
When a candidate has obtained the required two-
thirds vote in a scrutiny or ballot (the choice, since
Adrian VI, 1522, falling on one present and invariably
on an Italian cardinal), the cardinal dean proceeds to
ask him whether he will accept the election and by
what name he wishes to be known. Since the time of
John XII (955-64- Sagmiiller says Sergius IV, 1009-
1012) each pope takes a new name in imitation of St.
Peter's change of name (see Kndpfler, "Die Namens-
anderung der Papste" in "Compte rendu du congrds
intemat. cath. k Fribourg", 1897, sect, v, 158 aqq.).
The doors have previously been opened by the secre-
tary of the conclave; the masters of ceremonies are
present, and formal cognizance is taken of the pope's
answers. Immediatelv the masters of ceremonies
lower the canopies of all the cardiiuds' chairs save that
of the pope-elect, and he is conducted to a neighbour-
ing room where ne is clothed in the papal garments
(immantaiio). The cardinals then advance and pay
him the first "obedience", or homage (adoraiio), iTie
pope then either confirms or appoints the cardinal
camerlenfo, who puts upon his finger iJie Fisherman's
Rine. ^ Then follows the proclamation to the people
made by the senior cardinal-deacon, formerly from ihe
central balcony of St. Peter's overlooking the great
Piazza, but since 1870 in St. Peter's itself. The con-
clave then usually terminates, the masons remove the
temporary walls, and the cardinals retire to their
various lodgings in the city, awaiting a reassembling
for the second and third adoratio and for the solemn
enthroning. If the pope happens not to be a
bishop, he must be consecrated at once and. accoixling
to immemorial tradition, by the Cardinal<Bishop o?
Ostia. If already a bishop^ there takes place only the
solemn benediclio or blessing. However, he enjovs
full jurisdiction from the moment of his election. On
the following Sunday or Holy Day takes place, at the
hands of the senior cardinalndeacon, the papal "coro-
nation" from which day the new pope dates Uie yean
of his pontificate. The last act is the formal taking
possession {posseasio) of the Lateran Church, omitted
since 1870. For the so-called Veto, occasionally ex-
ercised in the past by the Cathr lie Powers (Spain, Aus-
tria, France), see Exclusion, Hjght of.
The jM*tiUilly valid legislation conoerning the r<m<'lave is
OONOOBDAHOXS
195
OOMOOEDAltOlS
found in all nuuivab of cuoo Uw, «. «. Webns, Ju$ Dtent.
(Rome* 1809). II, 009-666: BlOM Oixxs, Lthrhuch da Ktreken-
reehU (Fraibun. IMO^, 313-19; HsboenrAtbbb-Holwbck,
iSSiuk dtM bMlk. Ktrthen^whU (Fmbors. 1903). 268-73;
LKVmmwoff, hutU. iur. ecd. j^rribunr, 1903). nos. 99-103;
ef. Bouix. X>t Curid Ramand, 120. and Dt Papd, III, 341-44.—
The history of the conclave and its ceremonial are fully de-
scribed in the (illuatrated) work of Ltjcaua Lbctok (Mgr.
Guthlin). Le QandofM (P^ris. 1894). It replaces advantage-
ously the eaifier work of Vanbl on the history of the conclaves
(Paris, 1689; Srd ed.. Cologne. 1703). English descriptions
tike taoae of Txollopb (London. 1876) and Cabtwbioht
(Ediaburgh, 1868) are ganenUly unreliable, bein^ largely in-
spired by the anta-papei histories of conclaves wntten by the
mendadouB and inexaoi Grboorio Leti (s. 1., 1667. 1716). and
the inaocumte and malleionsly gossipy Pbtbuccbixi dklla
QATnirA (BruHels, 1865). See DulUtn Review (1868). XI,
374-01. and CwOtd Cattolica (1877). I, 574-85: also Cbkigh-
TON in Aoademu (1877). XI. 66. See La ncuvaU Uffi*lation du
etmdam in XhwomrariU eoth. (Lyons, 1892). 5^7. and TaxuHQ,
Th» I>ie<jf ujaasnl e/ thB Ccmciave in The Dolphin (PhUadelphia.
1908). For a catalogue of studies (often documentaiy) on
■pedal condaves. see Cbkboti. Bibiiogmfia di Roma papaU e
mtdUmiB (Rome. 189^). The ooncUive that elected Pros X is
described by an eyewitness (Un T^motn). said to be Cardinal
Mathieu, in Bevue det Deux Mondea, 15 March, 1904. See other
valuable recent literature in the articles Papal ELSCnoNB.
sad EzoLunoN , Rzubt of.
Austin Dowlino.
Ckiliooidttneo9 of the Bible are verbal indexes to
the Bible, or litto of Biblical words arranged alpha*
beticfl^ with indicatioiui to enable the mquirer to
find the pMfmgffl of the Bible where the words occur.
Some simply indicate the passages ; but a really good
conoordaooe quotes enough of a passage to recall it
to Uie memory of one familiar with it. Sometimes
ctmcordanee is used in r^erenoe to alphabetical in*
dezas of Biblioai subjectB, which guide one to ail the
pasBam of the Bible referring to the subject in ques-
tion; but as oommonlv employed in Enghsh the word
denotes a purely veroal oonoordanoe, a text-finder.
Su^ a work is a useful and, in fact, indispensable, help
to ^yery student of the Bible. Its principal use is to
enable him to locate axiv text he remembers, or to
locate and get aoeurateqr any text vsjsuely remem*
bered, if but one important word of it be recalled,
Concordances in the original tongues are ever in the
hand of liie expert student in his exegetical and criti-
oil studies* aidmg him indirectly by their indications
to ascertain the various shades of meaning which the
same or cognate words may take on> and thus, for ex-
ample, to jprove helpful in the construction of the
theologv Of a writer or an epoch; to trace the history
of words and thus obtain a clue to the development
of the doctrines connected with them, or the changes
of thought and feeling that have taken place; to col-
late the vocabulary of a writer or a document, and
thus to gather evidence for determining the author-
ship or cuite of disputed writings; to trace the history
of a character, a race, a town, etc. : and for various
other purposes which each student oiBCOvers for him-
self in the oouive of his studies^ This article aims to
be historical, but also, in part, practical, by indicating
the best hdps of this land.
I. Latin. — ^Verbal oonoordanoes of the Bible are the
inventioQ of the Dominican friars. The text which
>«nred as basis of their work was naturally that of the
Vuinte, the Bible of the Middle Agas. The first con-
cordbnoe, completed in 1290, was undertaken under
the guidance of Hugo, or Hugues, de Saint^Cher
(Hugo de Sancto Charo), afterwards a cardinal, as-
swted, it is said, by 600 fellow-Dominicans. It con-
tained no quotations, and was pur^ an index to
panaees where a word was found. These were indi-
cated by book and chapter (the division into chapters
n&d recently been invented by Stephen Langton«
Archbishop of Canterbttiy) but not by verses, which
were onW intioduoed by Robert Estienne in 1545.
In lisii QiverBeB, Hugo divided the chapters into seven
umoat equal parts, indicated by the letters of the
alphabet, a, b^ o, ete. This beginning of conoord-
*^J«s was very inmrfect, as it gave merely a list of
~ . and no iaea of what the passages contained.
It was of little service to preachers, therefore; accord-
ingly, in order to make it valuable for them, three
Engush Dominicans added (1250-1252) the complete
quotations of the fwssages indicated. This complete-
ness of quotation is not aimed at in the present con-
cordances, for lack of space; it is likely, therefore,
that the passages indicated were far fewer than those
found in a complete concordance of to-day. The
work was somewhat abridged, by retaining only the
essential words of a quotation, in the concordance of
Ck>nrad of Halberstadt, a Dominican (1310), which
obtained great success on account of its more conve-
nient form. The first concordance to be printed, it
appeared in 1470 at Strasburg, and reachea a second
edition in 1475. The larger work from which it was
abridged was printed at Nuremberg in 1485. Another
Dominican, John Stoioowic, or Jomi of Ragusa, find-
ing it necessaiy in his controversies to show the Bib-
lical usage of ntst, ex, and per, which were omitted
from the previous concordances, b^m (c. 1435) the
compilation of nearly all the iiidedjnable words of
Scripture; the task was completed and perfected by
others and finally added as an appendix to the con-
cordance of Oonrad of Halberstaot in the work of
Sebastian Brant published at Basle in 1490. Brants
work was freauently republished and in various cities.
It served as the basis of the concordance published in
1555 by Robert Estienne (Stephens), the distinguished
French Protestant scholar and printer. Estienne
added proper names, supplied omissions, mingled the
indeclinable words with the others in alphabetical
order, and gave the indications to all passages hj verse
as w^ as by chapter, in all these respects bringmg his
work much closer to the present model. Since then
many different Latin concordances have been pub*
lished, of whidi it will suffice to mention Plantmua^
''Conoordanti» Bibliorum juxta recognitionem Clem^
entinam" (Antwerp, 1599), which was the first mada
according to the authorised Latin text ; '' Repertorium
Biblicum . . . studio. . . Patrum Ordinia S. Benedif^i
Monasterii Wessofontani" (Ai^burg, 1751); '^Oon^
cordantifiB Script. Sac.", by ETutripon, in two tm->
mense volumes, the most ueeful of all Latin concord-*
ances, which gives enough of every text to make com-
plete sense (Paris, 1838; seventh ed. 1880; an edition
of the same by G. Tonini, at Prado, 1861. recognised
as nearly complete) ; Coomaert's, intended for the use
of preachers (Bruges, 1892); the ''Conoordantiarum
S. Scripturse Manuale". by H. de Rase, Ed. de Lar
chaud, and J^B. Flandrin (13th ed., Paris, 1805),
which, however, gives rather a choice of texts than a
complete concordance; "Coneordantiaram Univeraaa
Scriptune Sacra Thesaurus", by Fathers Peultier,
Etienne, and Gantois (Paris, 1902). No Latin con-
cordance gives the Hebrew or Greek equivalent of the
Latin words; but Peter Mintert's "Lexioon Graoo-
Latinum" of the N. T. is a concordance as well as a
lexicon, giving the Latin equivalent of the Greek and,
in the case of Septuagint words, the Hebrew equiva-
lent also (Frankfort, 1728).
II. Hebrbw. — The first Hebrew concordance was
the work of a Jew, Mordecai or Isaac Nathan, begun
in 1438 and finished in 1448. It was inspired by the
Latin concordances to aid in defence of Judaism, and
was printed in Venice in 1523. An improved edition
of it by a Franciscan monk, Marius de Calasio, was
published in 1621 and 1622 in four volumes. Both
these works were several times reprinted, while
another Hebrew concordance of the sixteenth cen-
tury, by Elias Levita, said to supass Nathan's in many
respects, remained in manuscript. Nathan and Ca-
lasio arranged the words according to the Hebrew
roots, the derivatives following; simply according to
the order in which they occur m the Hebrew books;
the Buxtorfs, father and son, introduced order into
the derivatives by a (grammatical classification of the
verbs and uouim. Their work (Basle, 1632) also coi^.
OOttOORBA^
196
OOMOEDAT
taincd many new words and paasagos previously
omitted, and an appendix of all the Chaldaic words in
the O. T. ; Baer's edition of Buxtorf (1847) added cer-
tain particles. Farst's concordance (Leipzig, 1840)
was for a long time the standard. It corrected Bux*
torf and brought it nearer to completeness, printed aH
Hebrew words with the vowel-points, and perfected
the order of the derivatives. Every word is explained
in Hebrew and Latin. FOrst exdudes, however, the
proper nouns, the pronouns, and most of the inde*
clinable particles, and makes many involuntary omis-'
sions and errors; his classification of roots is some-
times fanciful. "Tlie Englishman's Hebrew and
Chaldaic Concordance" (London, 1843; third edition,
1866) is still very useful. The most comprehensive
Hebrew concordance ever published is that of Mandel-
kern (Leipzig, 1896), who rectified the errors of his
predecessors and supplied omitted references. Though
nis own work has been shown to be freauently imper-
fect, stUl it is almost complete, and by far the best of
Hebrew concordances. An abridged edition of it
was published in 1900.
III. GaiSEK Septuaoint. — ^The firat was that of
Conrad Kircher (Frankfort, 1607) > Tronmi's, pub-
lished at Amsterdam, 1718, had reference not only to
the Sept.. but also to the versions of Aquila, Synrnia-
dius, and Theodotion; it remained the standard till
our own day, when it gave way to Hatch and Red^
path's ''Concordasioe to the Septuagint and other
Greek Vereions of the Old Testament^'(Oxford, 1892-
97). This is a beautiful work and is commonly con-
sidered about as perfect as present scholarship pei^
mits. It includes a concordance to the deuterb-
canonical books and the O. T. Apocrypha, and to the
remains of the versions which form part of Origen's
Hexapla. Tlie Hebrew equivalents of the Greek,
when known, are also given. References to* proper
names are omitted, which, however, are added in a
supplement published in 19(k). We must await a
truly critical edition of the Sept., nevertheless, before
we can have the final, perfect concordance. Bag-
ster's ^ Handy ConcoHlanoe to the Septuagint" (Lon-
don, 1887) gives simply the references, without quo-
tations.
IV. Greek New Tbotambnt. — ^The earliest con-
cordances to the Greek New Testament are those of
Birken or Betulius (Basle, 1546), Henry Estienne
(Paris, 1594), and Erasmus Schmid (Wittenberg,
1688), whose work was twice revised and republished.
During the latter half of the nineteenth century the
standsutl N. T. concordance was that of Bruder (Leip-
sig, 1842; 4th ed., 1888). Its main defect is that it
was practically based on the texhts recejKus^ though it
aims, in its Ifitest editions, to give also the chief vari-
ants. The best, beyond doubt, is Moulton and
Geden's "Concordance to the Greek Testament", ac-
cording to the text of Westcott and Hort, Tischen-
dotf , and the En^ish Revisers (Edinburgh and New
York, 1897). This includes all the marginal read-
ings. In the case of a reading being in dispute among
these authorities, the fact is pointed out. The
HdE>rew equivalents of all quotations in the N. T. are
given; the relation of the Greek N. T. words to the
eeptua^nt and other O. T. Greek versions, as well as
to classical usage, is indicated. Two other tisef ul con-
cordances, especially for those not very familiar with
the Greek, are " Englishman's Greek Concordance to
the New Testament", by G. V. Wigram (London,
1839, 2d ed. 1844), and Hudson's "Critical Greek and
En^sh Concordance of the N. T," (Boston, 1875),
which contains references to the chief variant read-
V. Syriac. — Charles Schaaf's "Lexicon Syriaoum"
(Leyden, 1709) practically serves the purpose of a
concordance to the Peshito version.
VI. Enoush. — The eariiest concordances in Eng-
lish were published in the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tunr, the first by T. Gybson in 1535 (for N. T. only),
and the second m 1550 by John Marbeck. The most
famous. belongs to the eighteenth centurv and is the
work of Alexander Cruden. First published in 1738.
it reached several editions in his own lifetime and has
been re-edited and reprinted repeatedly till the pres-
ent day. Abridgments have been published which
sometimes endeavour to pass for the complete work.
Gruden's work is not really a complete c<mcordance,
and omits especially many references to proper names,
but his last edition had one virtue, lacking m the best
concordances of our day. which commends it to
Catholics especially, namelv, its concordance to the
deutero-canonical, or so-called apocrjrphal, books of
the Old Testament, which, however, is usually not re-
printed. With this exception, it is far surpassed by
the three great concordances of our own day, those of
Young, Strong, and Walker. R. Young's " Analsrtical
Concordance to the Bible" (Edinburgh, 1879-84), an
almost complete concordance, has the great virtue of
indicating the Hebrew, Chaldaic, or Greek orl^nal
of the En^ish word, and distinguishing the various
meanings that may imderlie the same word. Strong's
"Exhaustive Concordance of the fable" (New York,
1894) has reference only to the English text; for that
it can hardly be improved, as it is extremdy rare to
find a text missing from Strong. As a text-finder, it
is unsurpassed ; but it lacks the special advantages of
Young's signalized above. It contains also a com-
parative concordance between the Atithorifled and
Revised English versions, useful Ifor a study of the
changes introduced. Its great bulk and weight, how-
ever, render it a rather formidable book to handle.
Walker's "Comprehensive Concordance to the Holy
Scriptures" (Boston, 1894) is ft volume of convenient
sisse, and almost as complete as Strong's. An excel-
lent "0)mplete O^ncoroance to the Kevised Version
of the New Testament'^ by J. A. Thoiiis, was pub-
lished in London, 1884. The worics of WiMm and
Hudson on the Greek N. T. are also very ub^uI to the
English reader.
No concordance to the En^^ish CfeithoHo Bible has
been published, and it can hardly be said that one is
much needed, except for the deutero-canonical books;
the late concordances in English suffice, with the ex-
ception noted, for the needs of any intelligent reader.
For concordances in other modem languages, consult
the articles of Mangenot and Kaulen.
MANdKNOT in Vmouitoux. Did, de ia Bible (Pmm, 1807).
8. V. Concordances de la Bible; Kaulbn in Kirekmdtx., «. v.
Bibdconcordanzen, prints 9i>eoimen8 of many concordances. To
these two articles we are indebted for most of our facts regard*
ing tlie earlier concordances. Hazaxd, Jntroduetion to Walkbk,
Comprehennve Concordance (Boston. 1804); Baches in JeviaA
Encyclopedia (New York, 1003), s. v. Concordance$,
John F. FawLow.
Ooncordat. — Definition. — Canonists and publicists
do not agree about the nature of a concordat and,
consequently, vary much in the definition they give.
The various theories will be explained later, but for the
sake of orderly discussion at least k nominal definition
will be premised. In general, a concordat means an
agreement, or union of wills, on some matter. But as
soon as we attempt to define this general notion more
clearly a diflSoulty arises. Agreement of wills may be
had in many ways: in friendship, in regard to privi-
leges, in a bilateral contract^ etc. Prescmding for the
present from the exact nature of a coacordai, and
without giving an exact definition, we may say that a
concordat is a law, ecclesiastical and civil, miMie for a
certain country in regard to matters which in. some
way concern both Church aod State, a law, moveover,
possessing the force of a treaty entered into by both
the ecclesiastical and civil powef and to a certain ex-
tent binding upon both. The foil meaning of the
terms employed will be explained below.
Purpose. — The purpose of a ooneordat is to termin-
ate, or to avert, dissension between the Ghuroh and
e&moBWLT
197
MirOCttSM
the ctvillpowers. ThiB ia evident from hiBtorv. Dui^
ing th]& nnt three centuries, ^wfaen the civil »uthoi^
itv was bent upon the total rum anddestruetion of Idie
Church, concordats were out of the question. After
the era of persecution was over, and^ with the excep-
tion of some temporaiy ueurpations and outrages, the
Chiiatiaii Bnyerors of ilome generally recognised and
defended the ri^ts of the C9iurch, concordats were xin-
necessary. Thm state of affairs continued until the
end of the eleventii century, when there* arose the
strife about investitures which was settled in- 1122 by
the Concordat of Worms, or Pitctum CaiZieemffiii, be^
tween Calhstus II <q. v.) and Henry V. This may be
called the fint concordat, unless the agreement of
London (1107) is reckoned, as it may be, among the
number of concordats, llie contest between Boni-
face VIII and Philip the Fair, at the end of the thir-
teenth oentuiy, op^ed the way for still further dis-
agreements between the Church; whi^ strove to pre-
serve its rights inviolate, and those civil powers which
sou^t to UBUfp them, lliese dftsagroBmetits gave
rise to various concordats. Before the eighteenth
century there were 6ix (or seven if the London agree-
ment of 1 107 be counted) ; during the eighteenth cen-
tury there wero fifteen, and in the nineteenth century
a much larger number (see Bitm mart of Principal
COKCORDATS, bclow).
It is to be noted that De Angelis, who is followed by
Giobbio and in part by Cavagnis, does not consider the
Pactum CaUixUnttm a concordat, because in it Callis-
tus II made no concession of any importance to the
emperor. This reason, however, as Wems well ob-
serves, is false. For, according to the beet authori-
ties on the Pachim CcMixtinvmy the pope granted to
Henry V several important concessions, permitting
the emperor to assist at episcopal elections and to ex-
act from blsh(q)Srelect in Germany and from conse-
crated bishops in other parts of the empire (i. e. in
Burgundy and Italy) not merely the oath of simple
loyalty but even that of vassalage, by which the rights
and liberties of the Church were considerably re-
stricted. Cava^is likewise remarks about the first
concordat with Portugal, in 1288, that it is rather a
decree of the pope in which, after hearing the bishops
and the royal plenipotentiaries, he decided what
should be allowed, wnat denied, out of the powers
which the King claimed on the ground either of privi-
lege or of custom. Granting all this, it does not^seem
to follow that such an act could ndt be called a con-
cordat; for it ib by no means evident that mutual con-
cessions are essential to the veiy nature of a concor-
dat. An agreement may very well exist without mu-
tual concessions — a principle especially in accord with
the view of thos^ authorities (including Cavagnis) who
see in every concordat a strictly bilateral contract; for
the due rights of either party can properly be recog-
nized and established by any contract properly so
called. Hence it is plain that concordats nave in gen^
end been made in oraer to end a disagreement and re-
store hirmony. Not olioayB, however; for concordats
have at times been made wnen there was no actual dis-
agreement to be settled — solely for the purpose of prre-.
venting disagreements in the future and of rendering
more secure and permanent the welfare of the Church
in some State. This was done between Pius IX arid
Crarcia Morena, President of Ecuador in 1862.
With regard to the necessity of concordats two ex-
treme opinions are to be avoided. Concordats are not
absolutely necessary; neither are they harmful to the
Church or civil society. Assuredly it were* to be de-
sired that the Church should never need concordats,
and should always find in civil rulers devoted children,
or at least such as would use afl diligence in caring for
the spiritual welfare of their Catholic subjects, and
Would relieiously respect their rights. Btit, unfor-
tunately, the contrary too often occurs. Hence the
Church, to avoid a greater evil, has often had to prom-
ise to fbte^ this or that natural right of her own bi
order to secure from the State a promise to refrain
from further encroachment upon ecdeeiastical ri^ts.
Matt^ or Object of a Concordat, — The matter, or the'
objects, treat^ of in a concordat may be spiritual,
mixed, or tempoml.
Spiritual matters are those that belong purely to the
spiritual order, or are connected with it: for example,
matters pertaining to the liturgy. Thus, in some con-
cordats there has oeen question of inserting the name
el the emperor in the Canon (q. v.) and of sindng after
the Divine Office the formula: ''Domine, sSvam fae
rempublicam*', or "Domine, salvos fac consules", or
*'Domine, salvos fac pnesides eius'' (cf. art. 8, of the
Concordat of 1801 ; arts. 23, 24 of the Concordat wHAi
Costa Rica and Guatemala, 1863; arts. 15, with Haiti,
18C0; art. 21, with Ecuador, 1862: arts. 22, 23, With
Nicars^a and San Salvador, 1863). In like mannei-
there is frequent mention of nominating bishops, of
the establishment and bestowal of parishes, or of pre^
scribing special regulations for the promotion of clericB
to Holy orders or to ecclesiastical dignities, so as to
prevent, for example, the number of clerics from be--
coming too large (cf. art. 5, Concordat with Spain,
1787; C. iv. Concordat with Sicily, 1741), and so on.
Mixed matters are those which belong, thou^
under different aspects, both to the temporal and spir-
itual orders, and are subject to both authorities, such
as public education, marriage, etc.
Temporal matters are such as of their own nature
do not belong to the spiritual order. In some con**-
eordats the CSurch has allowed rulers to impose taxeer
not only on the private possessions of clerics, but also
on ecclesiastical property; so the Roman Pontiff has
at times given up nis claims on account of certain
ecclesiastical properties damaged in the course of civil-
or religious turmoil. Examples of each of these oecuf
in the Concordat with Columbia, ih 1887.* It is to biar
noted that, when the pope absolutely surrenders tem'J
poral possessions of the Church, as in art. 29 Of this
concordat, such possessions no lon^r remain under
the ownership or jurisdiction of the Church or subject
to it. When, however, he merely* permits such prop-
erty to be taxed (as in art. 6 of the Colombian Oon^
cordat, art. 18 or art. 19 of that with Costa Rica, in
1863) then the property remains in the o^^mership of
the Church, which does not acknowledge in the Swlt©
any inherent right to impose taxes of this kind, bat
rather implies the contraiy by the very concession.
The Contracting Parties. — It is clear that only th6se
persons in CJhtn'ch or State are competent to enter into
a concordat who in their respective spheres have the*
ri^t of making treaties, and indeed of enacting laws.
Hence, absolutely speaking, bishops, as true nileni of
the Church vested with authority to make laws strictly
so called, can also make concordats on all matters
falling within their jurisdiction. In past ages they
have often exercised this ri^t ; a concordat was made
between the bidiops of Portugal and King Diniz in
1288, and confirmed by Nicholas IV in 1289. In 1273
one was made between the bifehops of Norway and
Magnus VI (IV), by which the bishops renoimced the
right of electing the king as long as there were legiti-
mate heirs of the blood, and the king on his part
bound himself to prevent the royal officials from
interfering with the free exercise of ecclesiastieal
authority. This concordat was confirmed in the fol-
lowing year by Gregory X in the Second Council of
Lyons. Many other concordats made by bishops
might be mentioned; for example, between tne
bishops of Portugal and King Manuel, confirmed by
Leo X in 1616. Candido Mendes de Almeida, in hip
"Jus Civile Ecclesiasticum Brasilicum' Vetus et
Recens", enumerates eicliteen concordats made be-
tween the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries by the
Kings of Portugal with the clergy of the kingdom, for
the settlement of serious controversies. At the pre»-
OOXOOBDAT
198
OOKOOBnAT
ent timd bishops do not pofisess tiie power of making
ooneordats; it is reserved to the pope. The reason
for this reservation is that conooroats deal not with
one question only, but with the settlement of all ec-
clesiastical matters in a i>articular country; such a
wide field of afifairs manifestly constitutes a catiw
maioTf and as such is reserved exclusively for the
juagment of the Roman Pontiff. Moreover, in recent
concordats concessions have ahnost always been made
contrary to the ordinary canon law, and such con-
cessions can be made only by the pope. It should
also be noted that governments desupous of entering
into a concordat wiui the Churdi prefer to deal with
the pope, so as to have a regulation by which all the
bishops will be bound. The Roman Pontiff in making
a concordat acts in his capacity as pontiff, and not as
a civil ruler; and this was the case even before he was
despoiled of his temporal sovereignty. Hence, in
making a concordat, he acts as pope and, as Supreme
Ruler and Pastor of the Universal Church, exercises
the supreme and full authority of hia primacy.
On t^e part of the State those competent to make
concordats are supreme legislators or chief magis-
trates— ^an emperor, king, or president, actine alone,
where the supreme autEority is plenary and unre*
stricted * acting with the consent of the representative
bodv, wnere such consent is constitutionaUy necessary
for legiBlation. Wemz (Jus Decret., I, 166) remarks:
" The Apostolic See, to avoid the risk of open mockery,
usually enters into solenm imdertakings only where
a civil government is under no obligation to seek the
consent of a representative body, or where there can
be no reasonable doubt that such consent will be
oanted." It is also to be remembered that the
Koman Pontiff makes concordats with governments
only in their civil capacity, even when such govern-
ments are non-Cathohc. fience it cannot be supposed
that a concordat with the Tsar of Russia or the King
of Prussia is made with either of these potentates as
with the supreme spiritual head of a schismatic or
Protestant sect.
Nature of Concordats, — ^To explaii^ the nature of
concordats three theories have oeen proposed: (a)
The legsl theory, that advanced by the regalists;
(b) The compact theory, which regards a concordat
as a bilateral contract; (c) The privilege theory, ac-
cording to which a concordat has the. force of a privi-
lege on the part of the Roman Pontiff; but of an
obligation on the part of the civil ruler.
Before explioning and examining these theories in
detail, it ia well to note first of all that the name given
to each theory should not be understood as u the
authors of the variovis opinions considered all the
articles of a concordat as possessing equal force.
Those who defend the privilege theory do not main-
tain that no article in any concordat ever imposed an
obligation of justice on the Roman Pontiff. On the
other hand, those who defend the compact theory do
not assert that the Roman Pontiff is bound in the
same way by all the articles of everv concordat.
These theories have been named, as Wemz points
out, from the feature most prominent in each. It is
clear, then, that authors who defend the privile^
theory maintain, in the last resort, no more than this:
that, in respect to the greater part of their matter,
concordats must be classed as privileges granted by
the Roman Pontiff. Nevertheless, as this subject
matter of a concordat is not necessarily homogeneous
(the unity of a concordat being merely extrinsic and
accidental) it follows that although the term privilege
may be applied to a concordat taken as a whole, it
cannot necessarily he used of every clause in the same.
(a) The Legalist Theory does not admit that con-
cordats have the force of a bilateral contract, because
tlie State is above the Church and, being the supreme
society, cannot make such an agreement with an in-
ferior or subordinate body. Concordats ar^ valid,
however, because they are civil laws poased by the
State in regard to the Churdi. It follows from tiiis
view that conocnrdats may always be revoked by the
State, but not by the Pontiff; as far as the Church is
concerned th^ are mere fnivileges revoeable at the
will of the civfl ruler. This theory is hekl in our dmya
more or less strictly by various governments and nsany
writers, chief of wnom is Hinsdiius.
(b) The Compact Theory, as we have said, makes
of the concordat a bilatersil compact. It must be
observed, however, that the advocates of this view
are divided among themselves. Some hold strenu-
ously that the Roman Pontiff can make no diange
whatsoever, not even validly, in regard to anything
which he has conceded in a concordat. The chi^
writer of this school is Schulte, an ex-Oathcdie, who
openly bsses his views of concordats on his assump-
tion of the perfect co-ordination and equality of
Church and State, just as the legalist theory is founded
on the subordination of the ecclesiastical and the civil
power. Others, among whom we may enumerate De
Angelis, Cavagnis, and Fink, while upholding the com-
pact theory, so explain it as to f ull^^ accord with steiet
Catholic t^u^ing on the constitution of the Ghurdi.
A concordat, in their opinion, is a bilateral compact,
but not in the strict sense of the term. Indeed they
so limit and weaken the force of a contract as ap-
plied to a concordat that at times they seem to be
maintaining the view of those who hold that a con-
cordat is to be considered as a privilege rather than a
real contract.
(c) The Privilege Theory, according to which con-
cordats, if we regard their general character and the
bulk of their contents, lack for the most part the force
of a true contract, and are to be considered as impos-
ing an obligation on the civil power alone, while on the
part of the Church they are merely privilcn^ or con-
cessions granted by the Roman Pontiffs, ^ia view,
which counts among its recent staunch defenders Car-
dinal Tarquini, seems to rest upon surer grounds than
the others. Before advancing the arguments in its
favour, it would be well to examine the position of its
opponents. It is evident that the advocates of the
first, or le^list, theoiy build all their arguments upon
the supposition that the Church is subject to the State,
of which it forms but a department, lust as any other
body is subject to the whole of which it is a part and
from which, consequently, it depends. This view we
find expressly mamtained by Minschius, who says:
''The theory that asserts that a concordat posaeeees
the force of a contract seems untenable, notwithstand-
ing the vast numbers of its followers. According to
the modem civil law the authority of the State over all
matters falling within its sf^ere is pmnipotent, and
Christian Churches whidi exist within the territory of
any State are subject to that State in just the same
manner as are private corporations or individuals.''
Hammerstein, in his clever refutation of these errors
(De EcclesiA et Statu juridice consideratis. Trier, p.
211) says that this ''sphere", within which the State
is said to be omnipotent, may be understood in a ju-
ridical or a geographical sense, i. e. as signifying the
limits either of the State's rights or of its eeogra^ical
possessions. If taken in the first sense, the grandiose
words of Hinschius become puerile, H in the second
sense, then Hinschius is advocating a legal enormity.
For if the word sphere be taken to signify "extent of
authority", the assertion of Hinschius means nothing
more than that the State can, within the limits of its
own rights and authority, do what it will.^ And it
needed no philosopher to proclaim this, since it is
abundantly evident that anyone can do all whatso-
ever he can do. If, on the other hand, aphere be taken
in the sense of "geographical extension , Hinschius is
maintaining that the State may, within the bounds of
its own territory, perpetrate any crime it chooses. To
quote Hammerstein, " We have said that the phrase,
OQXOOBDJff
199
OOHOOBDAt
*ihit State's sphere '» can be undentdod to mean geo-
onphioal extension. In this case, the teaching ofthe
Pk-ussian canonist, Hinschius, when taken in the oon-
crete, nraetically comes to this^ — that within the terri-
tory of the Kingdom of Prussia tiie Prussian govern-
ment can, without any injustice whatever, behead,
bum alive, or spoil of their property all whomsoever it
peases and because it pleases ; and whv? Because the
Frassian government is-^mn^tent I Surely a won-
deiful B^ibtm of jurisprudence!" Moreover, it is
notewor&y that the very principle which this school
of writers assume as the basis of their argument,
namdy that no true compact can exist between a sov-
ereign power and its subordinates (whence they argtie
that between the civil and the ecclesiastical authori-
ties no compact oan exist entailing strict obligations
upon the former), this funcbunental principle is not
oi^y false in itsdf but is contradicted by their own
theories. For they maint>ain that a stnct compact
oan be made between ruler and ruled, whereby the aiH
thority of the fonner mav be diminished, or even par-
tiaUv or wholly abolished.
Those who claim that eonoordats are to be consid-
ered as bilateral contracts m the strictest sense of the
word experience, in trying to maintain their assertion
the same difficulty as the followers of the legalist
theory. They, too, have recourse to a false principle,
that of the perfect co-ordination and equality of
Churdbi and State. It does not fall within the scope
of this article to show ihe falsity of this assumption;
suffice to say in pasang, that the co-ordination or sub-
ordination of societies among themselves is to be de-
termined by the co-ordination or subordination of the
ends for the attainment of which said societies were
instituted: now the end the Church has to attain is su-
perior to tnat of any other societv.
The argmnents of those who hold that concordats
are foiliUwal contracts, though onlv in the broad sense
of the temiy are based upon their language and diplo-
matic form. For ihev argue that these dearly show
that the popes themselves regarded concordats as conr
cessions to which were annexed the binding force of a
oompact, and that in making them they intended to
bind themselves by them sometimes to the extent of
declaring nidi and void whatever they themselves or
their successors should do in contravention of any-
thing contained in their eonoordats. An example m
point is the concordat between Leo X and Francis I of
France. Furthermore, it is claimed that the popes
often have referred to concordats, directly or equiva-
lently, as bilateral contracts, or agreements carryiiui;
with them a strict oUigation. Thus Fink, in his work
" De Concordatis ' ' (Louvain, 1S79), when summing up
his argument says: ''In the estimation of the Holy
See, oonooxdats are solemn agreements with regard to
^e management of ecclesiastical affaire, enterad into
by the supreme authorities, ecdesiastieal and civil, ol
Uie respective countries ; they are possessed of the full
efficacy of a strict obligation, and have the force of^
compact bindmg both contracting parties, after the
manner of international treaties* Besides the obli-
gation of justice, the binding force of a concordat is
strengthened by a solemn promise made by each
party for himself and his successors to observe forever
faithfullv and inviolably all that has been agreed
upon. Unless, then, by mutual consent, no concordat
can be broken without vblating every principle of
justice and jeopardising all oth^r private and public
oontraetSi" Omer arguments are drawn from ex-
presskMns occurring in the diplomatic correspondence
of the Papal Secretary of State. As a matter of fact,
much of what we have just given from Fink is to be
found not in papal documents themselves, but in the
correspondflnee of the Secretariate of State. Lastly,
the advocates of this form of the compact theory as-
sert that ^e common opinion among cuiioiilsl..s ia »lso
in their favour. But, with all due respect to the
learned scholars who hold and defend the opinion, the
ajrgument drawn from the form of the concordat hat*
but little wei^t. For it is not at all rare for an act to
be clothed with a form which, though, perhaps, less
adapted to the nature of the act itseu , yet in no way
changes that nature. For exam^, toe formula of
absolution in the Greek Church is deprecatoty. ^et
this form of entreaty in no way changes the juaieial
nature of the pronouncement. So, too, Gregory VII
d^pOBBd Heniy IV by a form of deprecation, yet it
cannot be denied that the judgment passed was truly
condemnatory* So also a r^i^us before his solemn
profession may renounce all his possessions under the
lonn of a will, which form endures even after his pro-
fession,- while the nature of the act is essentiiJly
changed, since there no longer exists Uiat volunias an^
huUUoria which a last will and testament of its nature
requires. Nor are the arguments drawn now and
then from solemn promises any stronger. For the
pope often calls certain concessions mentioned in con-
cordats ''privileges", ''mdults", etc., etc., and at
times speaks even more precisely, asserting that he
will in no way interfere in the doing of this or that. If
at times the stricter formuke are employed, as in the
concordat between Leo X and Francis I (a formula
which seems to be the strictest of all and decrees as
null and void whatever to the contraiy is attempted
bjr subsequent pontiffs), the:^ are employed, as Tal-
mieri notes in the 6r8t edition of his treatise ''De
Romano Pontifice ' ', first, thai, the pope may testify to
his firm purpose of observing, in as far as he may, the
points mentioned in the concordat; secondly, because
of the scope of the instrument itself, which is similar
to an agreement entered into by a father and his dis-
obedient diildren. In such reconciliations it often
happens that a formula is used between a father and a
chua still under his jurisdiction which verbally signi-
fies a bilateral contract, but which in point of fact is
employed for the sole purpose of manifesting the lenJH
enc^ and liberalty of the father. Thirdly, very often
such formulae are emplpjred because of the unity of the
act itself. That this w true, is evident because at
times there are articles which bind the pope in justiccj
and also because by a concordat a civil ruler (i. e. m
the case of a concordat drawn up with a Catholic
prince) is reallv and truly bound by obedienoe to the
Koman Pontiff. Hence, althou^ the latter is bound
to his promise only throu^ fidehty to his word, it was
deemed advisable to use a common form which, as in
Uie case of bilateral contracts, implies a mutual obliga-
tion, the nature and interpretation of which is suffi-
ciently evident from the nature and ten<»' of the con-
cordat itself. It is also to be noted that emphatic
phrases such as those above mentioned, employed
with a view to express the firm determination of the
legislator, are not at all rare; so. for instance, there is
sometimes attached to a code of laws a clause deroga-
toiy of all future laws, v. ^ "by virtue of this un-
changeable constitution which is to endure forever".
Yet no one claims that a subsequent legislator is
bound bjr such a clause, nor that he cannot abrogate
the constitution in whole or in part. That the popes
admit that concordats are identical with bilateral
contracts, is not wholly true. For they are rarely
called such, the ordinary expression being that they
have the force of a bilateral contract — ^something en-
tirely different. For (as Baldi notes in his excellent
work on concordats, " De Natur& et Indole Concorda-
torum) all such technical phrases as, " to have the same
binding force as a treaty", "to be a species of con-
tract", "to partake of the nature of a privilege", "to
resemble a gift" — ^all these signify nothing else than
participation in, and not identity with, the nature of
all of t^ese. Just as when the law declares, " The od-
mifision of postulation has the force of Gonfiniiatiou",
it is legitimate to conclude, " therefore admission of
postulation is not confirmatiou but participates in auJ
OONOO&DAT
200
OOmORDAT
approaches to, as far as its nature allows, the nature of
oonfinnation. Again, it axmies nothine against the
opinion held in we article tnat concordats are some^
tunes expressly designated bilateral agreements or
contracts (perhaps once: to wit, in tiie letter of Leo
XIII, dated 16 Feb., 1892, to the bishops and faithful
of Prance), since in such cases it is evident that the
pope wished only to observe all the conventionalities
of concordats — ^in so far at least as duty permitted.
It was not the pope's intention to define and deter-
mine the exact essence of a concordat, but rather to
manifest his mind on the matter in question, and give
assurance that he, on his part, would not violate the
articles agreed upon. Relative to this matter Wemz
says: "Pius X praised Bonald because he brought to
his notice the nature and peculiar characteristic of
these w^eements or indults." Then, too, Leo XIII
earnestly recommended that the question of concor-
dats be seriously and thoroughly looked into. Surely
the praise of Pius and the recommendation of Leo
would have been utterly foolish if the theory of bilat-
eral contracts had been evidently and imquestionably
adopted by the Apostolic See.
Of less value is the argument drawn from individual
phrases occurring occasionallv in diplomatic corre-
spondence. For, apart from tne fact that never, per-
haps, in these diplomatic notes is a concordat said to
be identical with a bilateral contract, it must also be
granted, and that without evasion, that the weakest
kind of argument is that drawn from one or another
phrase used by some Cardinal Secretary of State, or
some Apostolic Nuncio in a single diplomatic note.
For the admission is not forced upon us that these
phrases are the best that underthe circumstances could
be chosen. It is also false that the treaty theory is
more commonlv held by theologians and canonists.
For neither is tnis true of the modem canonists, while
it is absolutely false of thoee of earlier date, very many
of whom (as Baldi clearly proves in his erudite com-
mentary on conccHtlats already cited) held the opin-
ion advanced in this paper. This opinion, it must be
noted, is based on two principles: first, tiiat ecclesi-
astical and civil society are not co-ordinate; secondly,
that the power of the Roman Pontiff can be neither
alienated nor diminished . On this point Wemx wisely
remarks: **If the co-ordination of Church and State
be urged as an argument, then the treaty theory is
founded either on an error, or on a pure fiction lackine
all objective reality." (Cf. SftgmttUer, "Lehrbuch
des kath. Kirchenrechts ", 89 sqq.) Hence it foUows
that it is utterly impossible to call a concordat an in-
ternational treaty in the real and true sense of the
word (cf. a pamphlet anonymously edited in Rome,
1872, under the title: ''Delia Natura e carattere ee-
senziale dei Concordati", whose author was Cardinal
Cagiano de Azevedo). Neither can the concordat be
clflfsed with international treaties, since the latter are
entered upon by two societies each perfect in itself and
both equal. The Church, on the other hand, is
neither subordinate to, nor equal to, the State, but is in
a true sense its superior. Hence, also, it follows that
concordats are not bilateral contracts ; since for such
a contnujt three things are essentially required: (a)
the consent of two parties to the same thing; (b)
which imposes upon each an obligation of commuta-
tive justice; (c) so that the obligation of one party is
the cause of a right in the other, and one obligation is
to the other as effect to cause. But a strict right
arising from commutative justice is altogether inde-
pendent not only of the other contracting party, but
also, generally speaking, of public authority. Hence,
no one can lawfully or validly take such a right away
from me against my will. Moreover, it cannot h!e
said that concordats impose on the pontiff an obliga-
tion which is the cause of a right in the other party,
and of such a right as can be neither lawfully nor
validly recnll<?d. For certainly, in this hypothesis, a
succeeding 'pontiff oooid not do as much as his pred^
cessor; he would reoeive a lessened pow«r, not th&t
which Peter received from Christ to be traoBmitted to
his successors for the government of the church. And
this surely cannot be, since each Buooeeding pontiff
receives his power not from his dead predeceosor, but
from Ood himself, who alwsvs gives the sdfsame, as
he has said once for all to Peter and his suoceaaon:
''Thou art Peter and upon this rock I will bufld my
church . . . Feed my lambs ... I will give to thee
the keys". Therefore a succeeding pontiff is not
bound by the compacts of his imdecessor as by a bi-
lateral contract giving such a strict right of oommutsr-
tive justice that if he violate the agreement without
cause his act is invalid. And neither is the pontiff
who has made such compacts so bound by thera, for
he is not the maater of that fullness of power whidi ia
the primacy, but only its administrator, so that he
cannot alienate or lessen it. Nor can you argue that
by concordats, which ore bilatonl contracts, not the
power of the supreme pontiff, but only its exercise, is
diminished. For what is that power which can never
be exercised, or which, if exettcised, remains without
effect? And such would be the case, for even if the
pontiff wished he could not act validly, and therefore
his power would be lessened. And hence the Rmnan
pontiff must retain the fullness of power and juiiadic-
tion over those questions whieh are settled in a oon-
oordat. This is what Cardinal Antondli, Secretory of
State, maintained in his diplomatic correspondence,
when the Kingdom of Portugal complained that the
pontiff had violated the concordat.
Does the pontiff then contract no obligation in con-
cordats? Assuredly he contracts an obligation; and
they do an injury to Cardinal Tarquini who think that
he held the opposite. For, although he does not men-
tion this obligation in his definition of conoordats, he
certainly admits it when explaining his meaning. But
this obligation is one of fidelity, not ot justice, an obli-
gation iiniich makes a violation of the concoidat with-
out just cause an unlawful act, but not an invalid act.
His Eminence Cardinal Francis SatoUi explains with
his usual depth and clearness the nature of the obli-
gation whicn a pontiff is under of observing a con-
cordat. His little work, of great authority, bears the
title, '' Prima principia de Concordatis ' '. The learned
author beeins his investigation with the following
reasoning m)m St. Thomas, I, xxi, 1, ad 3. The An-
gelic Doctor, asking whether rjietioe. exists in God,
puts this objection to himself: The act of justioe con-
sists in the pavment of a debt; but God is a dd:>torto
no one, therefore it would seem that justioe does not
exist in God. To solve this difficulty the Holy Doctor
first lays down the principle: to every one is due what
is his own. He then inquires iHiat one may call his
own, and establishes that one's own is that which is
for him, as a slave is his master's, precisely beeaose,
iijasmuch as he is a slave, he is for ms master. In the
name «fe6e, therefore, concludes the Angdic Doctor, is
simplified a relation of exigency or neoeaaity in a thing
referring it to that for wnich it exists. Considering
this relation more thorou^ly, you will see that it is
twofold : a relation by which a creature is for another
creature and all creatures for God. Since thia relation
is twofold, there is also a twofold debt in the Divine
plan; one by which a thing is due to God, the other
Dy which a thing is due to the creature, and in both
ways, says St. Thomas, God can nuke payment. For
it is due to God that what the wisdom of his wiU has
decreed should be fulfilled in creatures, aait is due to
the creature that what has been ordained for it it
should possess. Thus it is due to man that other ani-
mals should supply his needs. But this second debt
depends on the nrst, since a thing is due to creatures
because it is ordained for them through the relations
fstahhsheti by the Divine wisdom. Wherefore, since
God pays a debt to his creatures in this way onlyi he
OOHOOftDAT
201
OOHOOBDAY
does not become his creatures' debtor, but the nisticc
of God always looks to His own propriety, and by it
he renders to himself what is His due. The author
then passes to tiie Church and applies to her this Mo-
ment. For to the Churah also is due that the mission
of her infallible and holy teachingpower and mani-
festation of the saving quality of Christ's religion be
accomplished in every State throughout the world. It
is likewise due to the various States and their niters
that Uiey have what is properly theirs. But ihfB debt
depends on the fir^t in every relation between the
Church, or Holy See, and a State; for it would be ab-
surd were not all things ordered according to the rela^-
tions established by the Divine wisdom, that is, to
maintain religion, and to further the last end of all
human life. The debt which the Church pays in tend-
ing to her supernatural end is one of justice, but of a
justice which looks to the propriety of the Church her-
self, that is of ihe Holy See, a justice which renders to
itself what is its due. In purely temporal matters the
Church must observe the debt of justice such as tem-
portJ matters require, for in these she is not a superior
nor is her spiritual end in question. 'But in air mat-
ters which pertain to the supernatural end of the
Church, she can be under no obUgation of strict debt
to the State, but rather her obligation is to herself and
to the spiritual purpose of her existence. And thus,
generally spes^mg, she will be a debtor to States,
through compact, since she owes to herself what her
wisdom and never-failing desire for the spiritual good
of mankind has shown her to be necessary.
But to present briefly what can certainly be said
about concordats; concordats, as they have in fact often
been agreed upon, often impose upon the Roman Pontiff
a true obligation of commutative justice towards the
state. This happens when a concordat is concluded
about purely temporal matters, for instance, when the
Church cedes some of her temporal possessions, or
when she renounces some temporal or historical right.
Such was the case in the concordat concluded between
Urban VIII and the emperor, Ferdinand II, King of
Bohemia; for in this instance the pope ceded some
ecclesiastical possessions upon receiving othens from
Ferdinand in compensation ; such, too, was the con-
cordat with Colombia, in 1887, art. 29. But we must
h< in mind that in such concordats the pope follows
the common laws of contracts; therefore, if a con-
tract be extorted from him by fraud or intimidation,
or il the matter of the concordat be illicit, he or his
successor can annul that contract, and sucn action is
quite licit and valid. Moreover, if the matter of the
concordat is illicit, the pope is evidently obliged to
rescind the contract. Tnus when Hennr V had, by
means of fear and fraud, urged Paschal II into certain
points of agreement, this pope recalled those conces-
sions in the First Council of the Lateran, on the 18th
of March of the year 1112, because the entire council
proclaimed that the concessions made to Henry were
illicit — not a privilegium, but a pravilegiuntf as the
council expressed it. Thus, too, if a pope should
make over to someone temporal possessions without a
just cause, his successor can evidently cancel such a
contract validly, because a pope is only the adminis-
trator, and not the owner, of ecclesiastical possessions.
In concordats the Roman pontiff often grants secu-
lar rulers i^ privileges ana indults; for the pontiff
expressly declares that he is granting an inault, a
privilege — that he is conceding this or that particular
point, that he is making such or such a concession, or
mn^ng a favour. Instances of this kind may be
found in the concordat with the Two Sicilies, of the year
1741, c. viii, art. 1, in another with the Two Sicilies of
1818, art. 28, in a concordat with Costa Rica, of 1853,
art. 7; in a concordat with Haiti, of 1860, art. 4; in
a concordat with Austria, of 1855, art. 25: with Ecu-
ador, of 1863, art. 13, etc. Now if. as the ''Corpus
Juris Canonici", reffiua juris 16r in Sexto, has it, it is
becoming that no favour granted by a sovereign
^ould be recalled, it is fully evident trom what we
said above that this rule shomd hold good all the more
when a privilege is granted in a form so solemn aa that
used in concordats; nor is it merely becoming for the
pope not to recall such concessions, but he haa am
obligation of observing those very articles which con-
tain the privile^. Tnis follows from what we said
already, and this the popes themselves affirm^ some-
times, indeed, in rather stringent terms. Neverthe-
less, from the explanations ^ven above it is evident
that these terms of affirmation must be understood
to signify merely that the pope is binding iumseif in
so far as he is capable of bindmg himself; but whilst,
in such concordats, he can bind himself in fidelity, he
cannot bind himself in commutative justice; tnere-
fore, in those terms in which he affirms his obligation
he binds himself in fidelity, but not fn justice. And
in fact, the popes have been much more scrupulously
faithful in keeping these promises than the civil rulers
themselves were, althou^ the latter had taken upon
themselves a real obligation of justice.
In the second edition of his celebrated work "De
Romano Pontifice" (Prato, 1891), Palmieri maintains
that, even if concordats were strictly bilateral con-
tracts, nevertheless the power of the pope over them
would not be lessened on that account. But althou^
Palmieri is quite justly acknowledged as easily the
foremost autnority on ecclesiastical matters, both on
account of his universal experience and his intellectual
acumen, nevertheless, in this case his position seems
to be untenable. In the first edition of the same work
(Rome, 1877) he maintained that concordats are not
bilateral contracts in the strict sense of the term ; and
he bases his argument for the opinion laid down in the
second edition on the supposition that the obligation
of a bilateral contract impedes, or renders illicit, any
action of the pope against the provisions of the con-
tract, but that, nevertheless, such action would still
be valid. But this supposition is not true, unless we
use the term bilateral contract in its widest sense:
but this would be a question about the meaning oi
words, and would not touch the point at issue. But
if we really mean to tise the term, bilateral contract, in
its obvious meaning, we must certidnly hold that such
a contract renders any action against its provisions
null and void. The learned author adduces two in-
stances, taken from the contract of buying and selling
and from the engagement to many, to prove his as-
sertion; but neither of these two eases is to the point.
For Uie engagement to marry, as Palmieri himself
admits, is a bilateral contract, consisting in the mu-
tual promise of future marriiige'; and yet, if, for in-
stance, the bridegroom marries some other Woman,
his action is merely illicit, but not invalid. A sale of
goods is likewise a bilat-eral contract, and it is com-
pleted only by handing over the article in question to
the buyer; and yet, if the seller hands over to some-
one else the article that was already sold, the transfer
of the article in question remains valid, even though
the seller is bound to make good the damages caused
to the first buyer. Therefore the two oases adduced
by Palmieri prove nothing; for a bilateral contract
renders invalid those actions merely which have the
same subject-matter, and in so far only as they have
the same subject-matter, as the contract itself. Thus it
is evident that the engagement to marry, being a bi-
lateral contract, renders null and void any new espous*
als, because the subject>matter is the same; but it
does not render invalid a marriage with some other
person, because marriage is quite another kind of con-
tract. The case is similar in the contract of buying
and selling: even if the buyer and seller have agreed
and concluded the sale, so long as no transfer has taken
place, that contract does certainly not render the
seller incapable of making a valid transfer of the goods
in question to some other buyer;' but it undoubtedly
OOHOORDAT
202
OOXOOBBAT
dmives the seller of the power of selling the goods
validly a second time, unless the transfer of the goods
follows the sale. (Cf . De Lugo, '' De justiti4 et iure * \
disp. xxvif 163 sqq.)
So far we have oeen considering concordats in their
relation to the i>ope; the secular rulers on their part
are bound in conunutative justice by many articles of
a coneordati unless an exception be proved. But on
Christian rulers all the articles of a concordat impose
an additional obligation of obedience ; for, as Tarquini
testifies, a concordat may be rightly defined as ''a
particular ecclesiastical law for a certain country, en-
acted by the authority of the sovereign pontiff at the
request of the ruler of that country, and strengthened
b^ the special obligation, which that ruler takes upon
hunself, to observe its provisions forever."
Effect of ConcordaU. — From all this it follows na-
turally that, since an obligation devolves upon the
contracting parties, the terms of the concordat should
be faithfuUy carried out and rigidly adhered to.
Neither party, then, may without consulting the other
refuse, except for grave reasons, to abide by the terms
agreed upon. Moreover, in view of the fact that con-
cordats have the force of ecclesiastical laws, they at
once annul all laws and special customs that make for
the contrary. All other laws, however, i. e. those
which do not clash with the letter or spirit of the
particular concordats, still hold; for concordats, bar-
ring of course those provisions which are especially
mentioned, so far from making the jfi^ commune in-
operative, re-establish its validitv. This is clear from
the fact that the intention of the Sovereign Pontiff,
when at the urgent request of a civil ruler he yields
a point, or waives in certain cases the claims of the
law of the Church, is obviously to insist on the duty
<^ respecting and observing the ecclesiastical laws in
all other details. Further, just as all other laws when
properly promulgated bind the people, so concordats,
inasmuch as the^r take on the lonn of civil laws are
binding on the citizens of the country, and particu-
Uu-ly the state officials; so much so that any infringe-
ment of them is equivalent to a violation of the civil
laws. And rightly so, for concordats are promuk^ted
as laws emanating from the power vested in the State
as well as that in the Churcn. The Sovereign Pontiff
gives publicity to the terms through his cardinals as-
sembled in consistory, and through a special Bull ; the
dvil authority through the customarv channels, i. e.
in the legal way in which other state utws should and
usually axe promulgated.
Interprtiaiion and Annulment of Concordats. — Since
it may very easily happen that trom time to time a
dispute or a disagreement may arise between the con-
tracting parties as to the meaning that should be as-
sig^oed to the articles agreed upon in the concordat,
it seems advisable to determine how the controversy
should be settled in the event of such a difficulty.
In the first place there can be no question that every
effort should be made to settle the dispute amicably,
a precaution that is founded upon the motives that
lead to the formation of a conooraat^ — ^namely, that of
terminating if not forestalling all disputes. Conse-
quently, it would be in direct opposition to the nature
of the concordat if it should itself prove a fresh reason
for misunderstanding. Its very nature, then, makes
it imperative that m the event of a disagreement
arising touching the meaning to be attached to the
concordat, the question should as far as possible be
settled without any rupture of friendly relations; and
assuredly the Church nas never been found wanting
in her efforts to further this end. This precaution, it
should be added, has often been taken in framing the
concordats themselves. For example, in the con-
cordat drawn up by Pius IX with the Emperor Francis
Joseph I of Austria, in the year 1855, the following
worcis were appended to art. 35: "Should, however,
any difficulty arise in the future, His Holiness and His
Imperial Majesty shall consult with each other that
the question xpay be amicabhr decided. '^ The vexy
same words occur in the 13th art. of the concordat
drawn up by the same pope with William I of WOr-
tembttg, in the year 1857; so, too, in the 24th art. of
that entered into bv the same pope with Frederick I,
Grand Duke of Baden, in 1859; and s^Bun in the 24th
art. oi the concordat ratified with the President of
Ecuador. Other instances of a similar nature oould
be cited. Since this clause, once it is subjoined to a
concordat, becomes a part of the agreement and con-
sequently assumes the nature of a papal as well as a
civil law, it must be kept to the letter, so long, of
course, as it is normally possible to do so.
True as all this is, it would be erroneous to maintain
that both parties must concur in determining the
meaning of a given clause or article. For he is the
lawful interpreter who in the matter in question is the
authoritative lawgiver. Now the pope always retains
his jurisdiction axid l^pslative power over matters
that are wholly or partially of a spiritual nature, nor
can he transmit the power to another. Consequently,
the Sovereign Pontiff alwajrs remains the authorita-
tive interperter. It is plain, then, that should a dis-
cussion arise, and the civil authorities refuse their
consent to a reasonable adjustment, the Church, in
virtue of her higher judicial powex, may exercise this
right of annulling the concordat. It is clear, too,
that, should the Cnurch at any time pledge herself in
the event of some future misunderstaAdin^ to discuss
the situation with the civil authorities m order to
bring about an amicable settlement, such an act must
be looked upon as supererogatory; for when the
Church waives any of her claims she makes a conces-
sion to the State, seeine that the hi^est communitv
enjoys tiie right of settling a discussion even thou^
the inferior body withholos its consesit*
It may be well to subjoin a few canons, that shall
serve as guides in interpreting the various articles of
a concordat. Evidently, the meaning of those articles
which import a bilateral or unilateral contract must
be judged by the laws that determine the exact scope
of contracts, while the meaning of clauses that bear
upon the granting of a privilege must be decided by an
appeal to the laws for the interpretation of privileges.
In its workings, however, the competent jud^ of a
concordat is nowadays the Sacrecf Congiiegation of
Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. Far less, of
course, is the State justified in rescinding concessions
granted at the time the concordat was drawn up. For
it frequently happens that the State promises to do
only what it is already bound to by some preexisting
obligation ; or at times the discussion turns on certain
matters which, the Church, by virtue of the indirect
power she has over the State, enjoins, or again on
temporal affairs of which the State had handed over
to tne Church full and absolute dominion. In the
last case this forfeiture of dominion cannot be revoked,
and for two reasons: first, because these gifts are
usually compensatory for confiscated property — e. g.,
governments which nad seized upon a considerable
amount of ecclesiastical property have time and a^n
promised in the concordats to endow seminaries,
church fabrics, ete. — ^and secondly, because any gift
once bestowed on an equal or a superior, even though
it be purely gratuitous, may not be revoked, as such
an act would be an exercise of jurisdiction which it
cannot employ except against a subject. All, how-
ever, acknowledge that the Church may lawfully and
justly refuse to abide by 41 concordat in all those cir-
cumstances which would permit or even oblige one to
break a contract. Should there be question of privi-
leees or indults granted by the pope in a concordat,
it lollowB logically from what we nave said that, given
a just and adeouate reason, they may validly and
licitly be rescinaed; if there be no reason, then such
an action would still be valid, though not licit. It
eomosDAf
203
eOMOOftBAV
muBt be rememberedi though, that the popes cxerciBe
their authority only for the gravest reasons, and after
ail the solemn formalities of the Roman Curia have
been duly observed. Yet, should the pope rescind
these privilegeB, he would not ordinarily oe bound to
make any oompensation to the State, as oompensation
is stxietly obligatory only where the privileges revoked
are those tecmiicaUy called onerMa (see Fiiiviibgb).
Concordats, however, are not of this nature. All this
applies with greater force to concessions wrung from
the pope thrmigh diicanenr, threats, or open violence,
or which exceed the papal prerogative* Again, if H
is a question of dominion over temporal goods that
has passed from the CSiurch to the State, the Church,
it is dear, may not revoke this concession, althouf^
a spontaneous grant may be withdrawn.
TASQUtNi, huMuHonet juns eon.. I, tit. iv: Appendix d§
etmeordaUt: PtaLUPS, Kirdumeht (Ratisbon, ISMJ. Ill, 58;
ScHUUTB, Di0 LAre von den Qutuen etc 435 saqj n ebnz. Jus
Deer. (RomA. 1905). I, 166 sq.; Mouiab:^ UEgtUe et FBua
(LcmvBin, 1887), 583 mq.: Azbtvdo. Delia mOura « canUere
€9»ewtiaie dei Coneordatt (Rohm, 1872)| Fiiol, De ConwrdatU
(IxMivain, 1879); Radinx-Tedxschx, Chiesa e Stato in ordine ai
Coneordaii (Blilim. 1887); Tvunas, Lee Caneordata et riMioO'
ti4m. fieipnqye «u:«b imnomnt (Pans, 1888); Satocu, Prima
mineipia » , , de Conoordatie (Rooms 1888)2 Onoaii,
La aueetion dee Coneordatt in Hev, CcUh. dies Jnetitutione et, du
Droll for Oet^ 1889; Oataonis. fnetiiutionee jurie pubHci eed,
(FraitttfC im Br., 1908); HAUioinrrBiN, Do EedeMA et 8uuu
furidiee eoneideratie CTner. 1886): De Bonalp, Deux queetiona
Mur le Concordat de 1901 (FBris. 1801); Liberatorr. La Chieea
e lo Staia (Naples. 1872), iii, arts. 13. 14; Id., Dei diriUo pub-
Uieo ecd. (Prato, 1887). iv, art. 8; Db Luibb, De jure rmhiieo
Scd. CotiL (Pari*. 1877), Vj Baldi, De nalivd et peculiarx indole
Coneordatorum (Rome. ^ "
1900); Siimi,
51 wqq^
33); GiOBBio, / Concordati (Monsa,
Blevumta of BceL Law (New York. 1878).
BSNEDETTO OjfiTn.
SmoiABT ov Principal Congordatb. — Before ike
Eighie&nth Century ^^l) The Concordat of Worms, or
Pactum Calixtinumf 23 September, 1122, between
Pope Galliatus II and the Emperor Henr^ V, con-
firmed by the First Lateran Council^ termmated the
long invMtiture quarreU The followmg were its chief
provisions: (a) The elections of bishops and abbots
should take place in the presence of the emperor, (b)
Contested elections, according to one opinion, should
be decided by the emperor, who had only to ask the
advice of the metn>ix>hta& and his suffragans; acoord*
ing to another opinion, the decision rested with the
provincial synod, the emperor merely assuring the
execution of the synod's judgment, (c) The empmr
renounced the rigbt of ^iritual investiture with ring
and crosier and received instead the rigiht of lay inves-
titure with the sceptre, a sign of temporal, but not of
spiritual, autliority. In Germany the prelate sho\dd
receive investiture with the scepive bmore oonseerar
tion, but in other countries efter consecration, (d)
The emperor promised to protect the Roman Qiuroh
and restore the possessions of the Holy See. (e) The
pcm affted not to disturb those who had been on the'
siae of the emperor during the controversy.
(2) Goncoraats with Portus^: one in 1288 between
the biflhops of Portugal and lung Diniz after a vfoient
persecution of the CSiurdi in that country, and ratified
by Nicholas IV in 1289: another in 1616, between the
nrtuguese bishops and King Manuel the Fortunatei
afterwards confirmed by Pope Leo X«
(3) The Concordat of 1516 between Leo X and Fran*
ds I of FVance. confirmed by the Fifth Lateran Council,
was a result or the lon^ controversy between the Hol^
See and the French C^vemment over the Pragmatic
Sanction of Boui^ges. Besides abolishing the Prag-
matic Sanction, the terms of this eonooroat (a) gave
to the king the ri^t of presentation' to bishoprics,
idbbeys,^ and priones; (b) the concordat, however,
maintained the pope's right of confirmation, devolu-
tion (i. e. ih6 r^t to appoint of his own choice, if the
Idng did 'OCft present a candidate within the required
time), and Uie reservation of biflhoprics made vacant
by the death of the incumbents while at the papal
court, (c) It contained also sUpuIft^ns oonCQU^talg
the annates and other matters.
(4) The Concordat of Vienna was Hie outcome of the
efforts on the part of the princes of the German Ekn-
pire to put an end, at least in Germany, to the conflict
between Eupene IV and the Council ot Basle. After
some negotiations Eugene issued four Bulls (Feb..
1447) which together constitute the soK^led Concor-
dat of the Princes. The first was a j>romise of a new
council ; the second contained a provisional acceptance
of certain decrees of the Comicil of Bssle; and the
ihird and fourth dealt with Uie details of the e^ree-
ment. Eugene IV died shortly after this and Nicho-
las V. his successor, confirmed the four Bulls. But a
oertam number of the princes being stOl imsatisfied,
i^erick III thought it time to intervene. At a diet
held at Aschaff^nburg, he ordered the universal recog-
nition of Nicholas V as lawful pope, and on 17 Febru^
ary, 1448, the Concordat of Vienna was agreed upon
by the emperor and the papal legate, Carvajal. It
was confirmed bv Nicholas v on 10 March of the same
year, and was subsequently recognised as theeoelesias-
tical code for Germany. Its prmcipal terms were the
following: (a) The electron of bishops was to be free from
all inter^rence,^ though the pope snould have the r^t
of confirmation; and for good reasons and with the
advice of the caniinals he could appoint a more worthy
and suitable person than the one elected, (b) In the
six odd months of the year vacant canonries and non^*
elective benefices were at the disposal of the pope; at
other times these vacancies should be filled by the oi^
dinary . (c) The concordat also treated of the amount
and payment of the annates.
(5) The Concordat with Bohemia in 1630 was neeo-
thkted for that country between Urban VIII and the
Emperor Ferdinand ll; it followed on the le-esti^
liflhment of the Catholic religion in Bohemia after the
campaign directed by Ferdinand against the heretics.
By its terms the Churdi renounced the Roods that had
been alienated during the progress of the heresy and
received compensation from the revexmes derived
from a tax on salt which was levied for her benefit.
Eighteenik Century, — Twelve concordats were made
during the ei^teenth century. Five of these with
Sardinia: the first, in 1727, between Pope Benedict
Xni and Victor Amadeus II confirmed the ri§jht poe-
sessed by the House of Savoy of immediate nomma-
tion to ecclesiastics] offices; three between Benedioi
XIV and King Charles Emmanuel III (1741. 1742.
1750); the &Sk in 1770 between Clement XlV and
CSiarles Emmanuel III* Two were made with Spain,
one in 1737 between Clement XII and Philip V, an-
other in 1753 between Benedict XIV and King Ferdi«
nand VI; one with the Two Sicilies hi 1741, between
Benedict XIV and Charles III- one with the Duchy of
MUan m 1757, between Benedict XIV and the Em-
press Maria Teresa; one with Milan and Mantua in
1784, between Piua VI and the Emperor Joseph IIj
one in 1778 with PortuMl; and one with Poland in
1786 between Clement All and King Augustus III.
Nineteenth Century.^The following were the most
important concordats of the nineteenth century: ^1)
The Concordat of 1801 , to which a special article is de-
voted. (2) The concordat between Louis XVIII and
Pius VII in 1817, intended to re-establish the Concor-
dat of 1616, abrogate the Organic Articles, and re-
erect the suppressed bishoprics, but never carried out.
(3) The Concordat of Bavaria in 1817, concluded for
Pius VII and Maximilian Joseph by Cardinal Consalvi
and Baron von Hdffelin. It dealt with the adminis-
tntt*on of church property, a new circimiscrmtion of
dioceses, the erection of chapters, and especially nom-
inations to ecclesiastical offices. An addnion made by
tiie State, and bearing a relation to the Bavarian con-
cordat similar to that of the Organic Articles to the
Ocmeordatofl801,gaverisetomuchdispute. Inl871
the Liberals tried m vain to have this oonoordat i»
eOHOO&DAf
204
eOMOOSAAT
leoiM. (4) Hie Caiicordat with Sardinia in 1817^ be-<
tween Pope Pins VII and King Victor Emnianuel I.
I'i reduoed the aumber of bishoprics to three (Turin,
Genoa, Ven»lli), and contained regulations concerning
the establishment of seminaries and chapters, etc* (5>
The Concordat with Prussia in 1821 , concluded with the
Holy See through Prince von Hardenberg, the chan-
oelkir.. King Frederick William III on 23 August,
1821^ recognjiied it as a law binding on Prussian Catho-
lics It contains the ciroumseription of the arch-
bishqprics fmd bishoprics, and regulations concerning
the erection of dioceses and chapters, the qualities ol,
candidates, the taxation of efuscopal and archiepis-
^pal churches by the Apostolic Camera, etc.
(6) The Concordat of the UjDp^r Rhine Provinces in
1821, consisting of a papal BuU issued by Pius VII and
accepted by the King of WUrtemberg, the Grand
Duke of Baden, the Elector of Hesse, the Grand Puke
of Hesse, the Diike of Nassau, the free city of Frank*
fort, the Grand Duke of Mainz, the Dukes of Saxony
and Oldenburg, the Prince of Waideck, and the Hanse*
atic cities, Bremen and Liibeck. By this concordat the
hishopriea were divided among the provinces as follows:
Freiburg im Breisgau, the metropolis, was the see for,
Baden ;llottenburg for WUrtemberg; Mainz for Hesse-
Darmstadt; Fulda for Kurhesse and Saj^e-Weimar;
Limburg for Nassau; and Frankfort. (7) The Con-
cordat with Belgium in 1827, It extended the pro-
visions of the Concordat of 1801 (q. v.) to Belgmm.
(8) The Concordat with the Upper Rhine Provinces in
1827 between Leo XII and the above-onentioned prov-
inces. It contained agreements on the election, of
bishops, the processus tnformalivus, the holding c^ a
second election when the first had not been canonical
or the person elected had not the necessary qualities,
the institution of chapten?. the establishment of
seminaries, eto. (0) The Concordat ol Hanover^
agreed Upon between Pius VII and George IV, King
Of England and of Hanover, but published 26 August,
1824, Dy Lto XII in the Bull ''Impensa Romanorum
Pontifioum soUicitudo''. It contamed decisions con-
cerning the erection and support of the bishopric and
dkapter of Hildesheim, and the suspension of the state
support of the Bishopric of Osnabrilck. Both of these
dioceses were placed directly under the Holy See; the
concordat dealt also with the election and consecra*
lion of the bishop, the processwi infarmalivuSt the in-
stitution of the cathedral chapter, and taxation by the
Apostolic Camera.
(10) The Concordat of Oldenburg, arranged 5 Janu-
aiy, 1830, between the Prince-Bishop of Ermeland as
executor of the papul Bull '' De salute animarum'' and
von Brandenstein, the Minister of State. It dealt
with the distribution of parishes, the founding of cer-
tain canonries bv the grand duke, and the establish-
ment of a special ecclesiastical court in the Diocese of
Milnster. (II) A concordat with Austria, concluded
18 August, 1855, bv Cardinal Viale Prela and the
Prince-Bishop Joseph Othmar von Rauscher. It was
ratified by the emperor 25 September and by the pope
3 November, but in 1870 was rejected by the Gov-
ernment. (12) A concordat with Austria, 8 Jul^,
1881) concerning the establishment of the hierarchy m
BosniorHerzegovina. (13) A concordat with Russia,
concluded 3 August, 1847, published by Pius IX on 3
July, 1848. It was concerned with me dioceses of
Russia and Poland and theepiscopal rights. (14) A con-
cordat with Spam, 16 March, 1851 , on the support of the
Catholic religion, protection of episcopal rights, drcum-
Bcription of dioceses, abolishment of exempt dioceses,
constitution oi chapters, establishment of seminaries,
the right of the monarch to appoint to ecclesiastical
offices, and the right of the Church to acauireproperty.
(15) A concordat with Spain, 25 Noverooer, 1859, sup-
plementary to the Concordat of 1851* (16) Concor-
dat with Switzeriand, 26 March, 1828. The episcopal see
iras transferred from Basle to Soleure (17) Concordat
with Switzerland, 7 November, 1845, relative to the
Diocese of St. GaU. (18) Concordat with the Two
Sicilies, 1884, between Pope Gr^ory XVI and Kng
Ferdinand II, on the personal immunity of dericsL
(19) Concordat with Sardinia 1841, also on the ibh
munity of clerics. (20) Concordat with Tuscany,
1851, on eccleaiastiGal jurisdiction and. the admlnistrar
tion of church property.
(21) Concordat with San Salvador, 22 April, 1862.
Among other provifiions, the Catholic religiDn was de-
clared the State religion^ but oiher cults pennitted;
education was placed under the supenision of the bish*
ops; the ceni^rship of books by the bishop was reco^
mzed and upheld by the State; unrestricted commum-
cationwith the pope was guaranteed to cleigy and lait^;
tithes were abolished, the expenses of worship to be
defrayed by the State; the president was given the
right of patronage and of nominating to all bbhoprics.
and of appointing to six canonries ; new dioceses shoula
be erected by the pope and new parishes by the bish-
op. TTie bishoji might introduce religious ordere and
communities; the vicar capitular should be chosen by
the chapter according to the provisions of the Coimcil
of Trent* the ecclesiastical courts were recognized only
for purely spiritual matters, temporal matters to tie
subject to tne civil jurisdiction; the right to acquire
and possess property was guaranteed to the (^ureh;
the confiscation of church property and the arbitrary
union or suppression of benefices by the State was for-
bidden; the right to tax church property was^ ceded to
the State; the prayer for the republic was granted, also
the so-called privilegia castrensia. In matters not
mentioned in the concordat the ordinary discipline of
the Church should be observed. (22) The concordat
with Guatemala, 7 Get, 1852, that wtth Honduras, 22
April, 1862, that with Nioamgua, 2 November, 1861,
were similar to the concordat with San Salvador. (23)
Concordat with Venezuela, 26 July, 1862. (24) Con-
cordat with Ecuador, 29 May, 1851, similar to the
Concordat with San. Salvador/ (25) Concordat with
Hayti and the West Indies, 28 March, 1860. (26)
Concordat with Colombia, 1887.
RsNiiRD in DicL da thiol. dUkolique, 8.^ v.s HBROsifRdTBUi
in Kircherdex., 8. v. — For concordats with S{>ain: Herqex-
rOthcr, Spaniena Verhandlungen mU dent HHniacken SdtkU in
Ardiiv f. hathdiiaehen Kirchenreehtt X.— For ooocordats with
Central America: Sentib. Die CancordoU dta rdimi»Ghet^ SiuhUM
mit den Republiken CefUralamerikae in Arekiv f. hafholitK^ten
Kirchenrecht, XII, 225; NuftSt, Qu%n^[uaginta Ccmvenfionet d§
Rebu» Eedettitulicia inter 8, Sedeit ti CivHem JPiotnUttem vani»
formia initm (Rome, 1869): IvKU^Consentionea • • . iniUt
aub Ponlifioalu • • • Leonta PP, Xllf (Rome, l^H).
Leo a. Kelly.
Ooncordat of 160X» Thb Fbenck. — ^This xuune is
given to the convention of the 26th Messidor, year IX
^uly 16, 1802), whereby Pope Pius VII W Bona-
parte, First Consul, re^-established the Catholic
Church in FranCe. Bonaparte understood that the
rsstoiation of religious peace was above all thiiigs
necessanr for the peace of the countnr. The hostility
of the VendeanS to the new state of affairs which re-
sulti^ from the Revolution was due chiefly to the fact
that their Catholic conscieaces were outraged by the
Revolutionary laws.. Of the 136 sees of. ancient
France a certain number had lost their titulars by
death; the titulare of many others had been forc^ to
emigrate. In Paris the Cathedral of Notre-Dame and
the church of St-6ulpioe were in the poscsession of
''constitutional" clergy; Royer, a ''oonstitutionar'
bishop, had taken the place of Mgr. de Juign^, the law-
ful Anchbishop of Paris, an indgrii even in the churches
which the Catholics had recovered, the rites of the
"Theophilanthropiste" and thoseof the "Decadi"(8ee
TH90PHiLANTKR0PiaM, Decadi) Were also celebrated.
The nation suffered from this, religious anarchy, and
the wishes of the people coincided with Bonaparte's
projected policy to restore the Catholic Church and
Catholic worship to .their nonnal condition in France,
L Tss First Aovancw^— On the 25th of June^.
eoNdbiutfAt
205
OMTOOUMLT
I80pj Bonaparte, after his victory at Marengo, passed
throng Vercelli, where he paid a visit to Cardinal
Martiniana, bishop of that city. He asked that prel-
ate to go to Rotne and inform Pius VII that Bona-
parte wished to make him a present of thirtv million
French Catholics ; that the first consul desired to reor-
ganize the French dioceses, while lessening their num-
ber; that the 6migr6 bishops should be induced to re-
sign their sees; that France should have a new clergy
untrammelled by past ^Utical conditions; that the
pope's spiritual jurisdiction in France should be re-
stored. Martiniana faithfully reported these words
to Pius VII. It was only a few months before that
Pius VI had iied at Valence, a prisoner of revolution-
ary Prtmce. Pius VII, when elected at Venice, had
announced his accession to the legitimate government
of Louis XVIII, not to that of the Republic; and now
Bonaparte, the representative of this de facto goyem-
ment, was making overtures of peace to the Holy See
on the very morrow of his great victory. His action
naturally caused the greatest surprise at Rome. The
difficulties in the way, however, were very serious.
Tliey arose, chiefly (1) from the susceptibilities of the
&m%grS bishops, from the future Louis XVIII, and from
Cardinal Mauiy, who was suspicious of any attempt
at reconciHa;tion between the Roman Chiurch and the
new li^nce; (2) from the susceptibilities of the former
revolutionaries, now the courtiers of Napoleon, but
still imbued with the irreligious philosophy of the
eighteenth century. The distinctive man: of the ne-
g>tiations, taken as a whole, is the fact that the
French bishops, whether still abroad or returned to
their own country, had no heart whatever in them.
The concordat as finally arranged practically ignored
their existence.
II. The Thbke Phases 6r the Negotiations. —
Firs* Phase i5 November, 2S00—10 March, X80£).
Spina, titular Archbishop of Corinth, accompanied by
Caselli, General of the oervites, arrived in Paris, on
5 November, 1800. Bemier, who had been parish
priest of Saint-Laud, at Angers, and famous for the
part he had played in the wars of La Vendue, was in-
stmcted bv ^Bon£^arte to oonfer with SpinsL Four
pro]iosals for a conoordat were submitted in turn to
the pope^s representative, who felt that he had no
ri^t to sign them without referring them* to the Hobr
S». Finely, alter numerous dek^ for which Tal-
leyrand wsis responsible, a fifth proposal, written by
Napoleon himseu, was brought to Rome, on 10 March,
by the courier Pahnoni.
Second Phase (10 March, 1301—S June, 1801),
CacMdt, member of the Corpe Legisilatif, appointed as
minister plenijMtentiary to the Holy See, reached
Rome on 8 April, 1801 . He had received iostructions
from Napoleon to treat the pope as if he had 200,000
men. He wad a gpod Christian, and anxious to bring
the work of the conoordat to a successful issue.
What Bonapfarte wished; however, was the immediate
acceptance by Rome of his plan of the concordat; on
the other hand, the cardinals to whom Pkis VII had
submitted it took two months to study it. On 12
May, 1801, tiie very day on which Napoleon, at Mal-
maisoa, was eomplaiftin^ to Spina of the slowness of
the Holy See, the cardmals to whom the proposed
concordat had been submitted seat yet another mx>-
posal to Paris. But, before this last proposal had
reached its destination, Cacault received an ultima-
tum from Talleyrand, to the effect that he must leave
Rome if, after an interval of five days, the concordat
proposed by Bonaparte had not been signed by Pius
VIL All might, even then, have been broken off,
had the situation not been saved by Cacault. He
left Rome, leaving his secretary Artaud there, but
suggested to l^e Holv See the idea of sending Cousalvi
himself. Secretary of State to Pius VII, to treat with
Bonaparte. On 6 June, 1801, Artaud and Consalvi
left Rome in liie same carriage.
Third Ph^ae (S JuHe, 1901--ld Jtdy, 1801). Con-
salvi, after an audience with Bonaparte, discussed the
va];iouB points of the proposed concordat with Ber-
nier, and on 12 July they had reached an agreement.
Bonaparte thereupon inj9tructed his brother Joseph,
Cretet, councillor of state, and Bemier to sim the
concordat with Consalvi, Spina, and Caselii. During
the day of the 13th, Bernier sent Consalvi a minute,
axicfing: ''Here is what they will propose to yovi at
firat; read it well, examine everything, despair of
nothing.'' Between this minute and the proposal
concerning which Consalvi and Bemier had come to
the agreement of the day before, there were certain
remarkable differences with regard to the publidtv of
worship: a clause relative to married priests, and al-
ways rejected by Consalvi, was inserted; the clauses
relating to seminaries, to chapters, and thatof the pro-
fession of the Catholic Faith hy the consuls, to wnieh
the Holy See attached great importance were sup-
pressed. Consalvi rebeived the impression — ^he ex-
presses it in his "M«noirs", written in 1812 — ^that the
French Government intended to deceive him by sub-
stituting a fresh text for the text he had aocepted ; and
d'Haussonville, in his book, "The Roman Church and
the First Empire", has formally impugned the good
fstith of Bonaparte's representatives. Bemier's afore-
mentioned note of 13 July, recently discovered by
Cardinal Mathieu, ajsking Consalvi to '* read " and ** ex-
amine" carefully, proves that the French GrOV«m-
ment did not intend any deception;' nevertheless, the
presentation of this new draft reopened the wholeques*
tion. Talleyrand had taken the initiative in this
matter; for twenty consecutive hours Bonaparte's
three plenix)otentiaries and those of the Holv See car-
ried on their discussion. The plan on wnidi they
finally agreed was thrown into the fire by Bonaparte,
who that evening, at dinner, gave way to a violent fit
of anger against U)nsalvi. Finally, on 15 July, a confer-
ence of twelve hours ended in a definite agreement; on
the 16th Bonaparte approved of it. Pius VII, on his
part, after consultation with the cardinals, sanctioned
this arrangement, 11 August; on 10 September the
signatures were exchanged, and on 18 April, 1802,
Bonaparte caused the publication of the concordat
and tne reconciliation of France with the Church to be
solemnly celebrated in the cathedral of Notre-Dame
at Paris.
III. The Stipulations op the Conoordat. — The
French Government by the concordat recognized the
Catholic religion as the religion of the great majorUy
of Frenchmen, The phrase was no longer as in former
times, the religion of the State, But it was a (question
of ajiersorud profeasion of Catholidem on the part of
the (fonstds of the RepMie, The Holy See had in-
sisted on this mention, and it was only on this condi-
tion that the pope agreed to grant to the State police
power in the matter of public worship. This question
nad been one of the most troublesome Uiat arose dur-
ing the oourse of the deliberations. In the matter of
tfa^se police powers it had been agreed after many
difiiculties that the following should stand a« Article I
of the concordat: "The Catholic, Apostolic and Ro-
man Religion shall be freely exercised in France. Its
worship shall be public while conforming to such police
regulations as the government shall consider necessarv
to public tranquillity." The pope agreed to a fresh
circumscription of the French dioceses. When this
subsequently took place, of the 136 sees only 60 were
retained. The pope promised to inform the actual
titulars of the dioceses that he should expect from
them every sacrifice, even that of their sees.
According to Articles 4 and 5 the French Govern-
ment was to present the new bishops, but the pope
was to give them canonical institution. (See Prbs-
entation; Institution, Canonical; Nomination.)
The bishops were to appoint as parish priests surh
persons only as were acceptable to the Govern'
flOVtfOEMA
206
OONOOSDIA
meiit (Art. 9) ; the latter, in turn, stipulated that euch
dhurchee as had not been alienated, and wer? neces-
saiy for woiship, would be plaoed '* at the disposition"
of the bishope (Art. 12).
The Church agreed not to trouble the conscienoes
of those citisens who, during the Revolution, had
become possessed of ecclesiastical property (Art. 13) ;
on the other hand the Government promised the
bishops and parish priests a fitting maintenance
{suaUnlatwnemt Art. 14).
Such were the principal stipulations of the concordat.
Gertain of its articles have been fully discussed, par-
ticularly by canonists and jurists, notably Artides 5,
12, and 14, relating to the nomination of bishops, the
use of churches, and the maintenance of the clergy.
Moreover, the law known as "The Oreanic Articles"
(see-ARTicuBS, The Organic), promulgated in April,
1802, and always upheld by later French ^vemments
in spite of the protest of the pope, made immediately
after its publication, has in various ways inf riojged on
the spirit of tlie concordat and given rise during the
nineteenth centuiy to frequent disputes between
Church and State m France.
IV. Result of the Concordat. — ^The concordat,
notwithstanding the addition of the Organic Articles,
must be credited with having restored peace to the
consciences of the French people on the very morrow
of the Revolution. To it also was due the reorganiza*
tion of Catholicism in France, under the protection of
the Holy See* It was also of great moment in the
history of the Church. Only a few years after Joseph*
inism and Febronianism (q. v.) had disputed the
pope's rights to govern the Qiurch, the Papacy
and the Revolution, in the persons of Pius VII and
Napoleon, came to an understanding which gave
France a new episcopate and marked the final defeat
of GalUcaniam.
V. Fate oI* the Concordat. — ^The French law of
9 December, 1905, on the Separation of Church and
State, against which Pius X protested in his Allocu-
tion of 11 December, 1905, was based on the principle
that the State of France should no longer recognise
the CaUioUc Church, but only distinct oMocioiions
cuUuelles^ i. e. associations formed in each parish for
the purpose of worship " in accordance with the rules
fioveming the organisation of worship in general".
In case of the non-formation of such associations
destined to take over the property, real and [lersonal,
of the churches or fabrigue^ (see Buildings, EocLBfik-
lAsncAi.; Fabrica Eggleslg), this property was to
be forever lost to the Church and to be turned over
by decree to the chaiitable establishments of the
respective communes. By the Encyclical ''Gravis-
simo Officii", of 10 August, 1906, the pope forbade
the formatbn of these asaociaUana cuUueUea or
associations for worship. Rome feared that they
would furnish the State with a pretext for interfering
with the internal life of the Church, and would offer
to the laitv a constant temptation to control the
religious life of the parish. Thereupon, the State
applied strictly the siorementioned law, considered
the fabriques, i. e. the hitherto legally-recognized
churches, as no longer existing, and, in the absence of
ouodaiionM cuUueUsa to take \^ their inheritance,
gave over all their propertv to charitable establish-
ments (MUisaemenU de bienfaisance), Exception
wae made for the church edifices actually used for
worship; at the same time nothing was done concern-
ing the numberless legal questions that arise apropos
of these edifices, e. g. right of ownership, right of use,
repairs, etc. At the present writin^^ therefore (end
of 1908), the Church of France, stripped of all her
property, is barely tolerated in her religious edifices,
and has only a pjrecarious enjoyment of them. On
the other hand, since ecclesiastical authority has for-
bidden the only kind of corporations {oMociaiiona
euUuelles) which the State recognizes as authorized to
collect funds for purposes of worship, the Cliureh
has no means of putting together in a l^jal and regular
way such funds or capital as may be required for tlie
ordinary needs of public worship. Thus the churches
of France live from day to day; neither the pariah nor
the diocese can own any fund, however small, whic^
the parish priest or the Bishop is free to hand down to
his successors; all this because the State stubbornly
insists that only the above-described auocuUions
cuUuellea (which it knows are impossible for FVench
Catholics) shall be clothed with the ng^t of owner-
ship for purposes of worship. Thou^ the present
condition is necessarily a transitory one. it appMiv,
unfortunately, to offer one permanent element, L e.
the certain loss of all the property onoe belongmg to
the fabrigtiea. The worst enemies of the French dei^gy
must admit that, in order to safeguard its principlea,
the Church which they accuse of avarice has sacrinoed
without hesitation all its temporal goods. (See C6k-
coroat; France; Consalvi, Ebcole; Pius VH;
Napoleon Bonaparte.)
Sech£, lies orioineadu Concordat (2 vols.^ftris, 1804); Sicabd,
VAncien derpS de France (Parifl, 1903), ill; Ootau, Let ori^
ginee povuiairea du Comeordat in Atitour <fu oathcUeiame wodtd
(Paris. 1906>: LaneaoLabowe. Paru«ou« NapeUon (Paiu,1906
and 1907); Boulat de i.a Meubthb. Documenu tin la a^oocm*
tion du Concordat (Paris. 1991-97); Matbjeu, Le Coneoruat dm
1801 (PteriB, 1903); RiNiEBt. La dipUmatU ponttfeaU «» XIX*
aUde; Le Concordat eaUre Pie VII at le Premier Conavi, tr. into
F/. by Vkbdxeb (Paris. 1903).— The last two works hava nmXiy
given an entirely new version of the histoiy of the third pliase
of the nesotiations. thanks to the fresh doeumenti tinknowa to
fonner uatoriiuui, d'Haussonvillx. CB^riNKAU-JoZtf, and
Thexneb. — Ollxvieb, Noweau manual de droit aoeUaiaatigue
francaia (Paris, 1880); Oboueil, Le Concordat de MOl (Faiia,
1904); BAUDsnxABT, Ouain eenta ana de Concordat (Pmnm^
1906); DE Bboolib. Le Concordat (Paris. 1893); Pbbbaud, La
diacuaaicn conoordataire (Paris. 1892); Sbvbstbb. Le Concordat
(2d ed., Paris. 1900). the best documentary work.—iyHAi^now-
viLLB, Aprha la aSparation (Paris. 1906): GABBin. Ax7BBA.t.
La aotuOon libiratrtee (Paris. 1906); Jbnouvbikb, Bxpoai de ia
aituation UoaU de T^^ifs en France (Paris. 1906); Lamabskllb
bt TaudiIsbb, Conunentaire delaloiduS Dicembref 1905 (PBria.
1906) ; see also Hooan, Church and BtaU m France vttAm, Cmth,
QuaH. Ren. (1892)* 333 sqq.: PABBom. The Third Frendi Ro-
puUie aa a Peraecutor of the Church, «&uZ.(1899), I sqq. ; BODUrr,
The Church in France (London, 1906).
Gborgbb Gotav.
Concordia (Concordia Venrpa, or Juua), Did-
OESB OF (Conoordisnsib), sufiFragBii of Venioe. Con-
cordia is an ancient Venetian city, called by the
Romanfi Colonia Concordia, and is sitiiated b^ween
the Rivers Tadiamento and Ltvensa, not far from
the Adriatic. To-day there remain of the city only
ruins and the ancient cathedral. During the fifth
century the city was destroyed by Attila and again
in 606 by the Lombards, after which it was never
tebuilt The eighty-nine martyrs of Concordia, who
were put to deatn under Diocletian, are held in great
veneration. Its first known bishop is Clariasimus,
who, at a provincial synod of Aquileia in 579, helped to
prolong the Schism of the Three Chapters; this coun-
cil was attended b^ Augustinus, later Bishop of Con-
cordia, who in 590 signed the petition presented by the
schismatics to Emi)eror Mauricius. bishop Johannes
transferred the episcopal residence to Caorle (606),
retaining, however, the title of Concordia. The me-
dieval bishops seem to iiave resided near the ancient
cathedral, and to have wielded temporal power,
which, however, they were imable to retain. In 1587.
during the episcopate of Matteo Sanudo, the episcopal
residence was d^initely transfened to Portogruaro.
The diocese has a population of 258,315, with 129
parishes, 231 churches and chapels, 264 secular and 2
regular priests, 9 religious houses of women, and a
Collegio di Pio X f or African missions.
CAPBBLUBrn. Le dneae d'/loJM jTVanice. 1844). X. 417-75:
Ann. ecd. (Rome. 1907), 418-23: Dboakt. La Dioeeai di Con-
cordia, notizie e doeumenti (San Vlto, 1880): Zambaldt, ATontK
menti etoriei di Concordia (Ban Vito. 1840).
U. Benigmi.
Ooncordia, Diocese of (Concordiensis in Ameri-
ca), erected 2 Augusts 1887, is situated in the north-
00II01X8I3I4M
207
OWOmillAOB
western part of JSanaem, TJ. 8. A« It is bounded on the
west by CtAcmdo; on the north, by Nebraska; east,
by the east lines of Washington, lUley, Geary, Dick-
inson; on the south, by the south lines of Daokinson,
Saline, EXswwth, RuaseU. Ellis, Trego, Gove, Logan,
and Wallace Counties. Area, 26,085 sq. m..
In 1886 the Diooeee of Leavenworth, Kansas, was
divided into three new sees, Leavenworth, Wichita,
and Ck»ieordia. On 9 August, 1887, the Rev. Richard
ScanneU of Nashville, Tonneflaee, was nominated first
Bishop of Goncordift; and goveraed the see until 30
January, 1891, when he was transferred t^ Omaha.
The Bishop of Wichita, Kansas, then became admin-
istrator of Gonoordia, and it was not until 1897 that
a bishop was again appointed in the person of the
Rev. T» J. Butler of Chicago, who died in Rome, how-
ever, 17 July, 1897, before receiving episcopal eonse-
cration« On 21 Septenter, 1898, the Very Rev. John
F. Cunningham, Vicar-General of the Diocese of
Leavenworth, was consecrated in that city, Bishop
of Concordia. Bom in 1842, in the County Kerry,
Ireland, he made his studies at St. Benedict's CoUege,
AtohJson, Kansas, and at St. Francis' Seminary,
Ifilwaukee, Wisconsin, and was ordained priest at
Leavenworth, 8 August, 1865. After his consecration
he devoted himsdi to the multiplication of schools
and insUtutionB of learning and charity. The cathe-
dral of Concordia, a stone structure of Gothic archi-
tecture, dedicated in 1902^ took the place of a modest
little church erected by the Rev. Louis MoUier in 1874.
In 1884 a boarding-school for young ladies under
the supervision of the Sisters of St. Joseph was estab*
lished near the cathedral. It has since moved to the
imposing edifice known as the Nazareth Academy.
It 18 the mother-house and novitiate of these sistera,
who have branch houses, missions, and schools in
Kansas, lUinoiB, Nebraska, Michigan, and Missouri.
The old academy has been turned into a hospitaL
The Capuchin Fathers, who settled early in the west-
em part of the diocese in and about Victoria, have
built many churches and schoob and have monas-
tmes at Bays Ci^, Munjor, and Victoria. ThejT'
have also worked emciently among the Russian immi-
grants of that portion of the diocese, aided by the
Sisters of St. Agnes.
FtGm 1888 to 1 907 45 churches and 20 schools were
bunt, exclusive of the opening of many new missions
and stations. There. are 51 secular and 15 religious
pEriests, attending 91 churches, 30 stations, and 4
chapels. The children in the parochial schools num-
ber about 2482. Two academies, at Caneordia and
Abilene, have about 135 pupils. The Catholic popu-
latioa of the dkxsese is 26,125.
A. T. ENifia.
Ooncnbinage, at the present day, the state, more
or less permanent, of a man and woman living to-
gether in illicit intercourse. In its strict sense it is
used of those unions only in which the man and the
woman are free from any obligation arising from a
vow, the state of matrimoor^ or Holy orders, or the
fact of relationslup or affinity; it is immaterial
whether the parties dwell toother or not, the repeti-
tion or contmuance of illicit relations between the
same persons being the essential element. However,
the meaning conveyed by the term has not always
been the same; in the Old Testament, fcnr instance, a
legitimate spouse, if of an inferior social grade, or a
bondwoman, is oft^i given the afvpelhktion of concu-
bine, not to call in question the validity of her mar-
riage, but to indiieate that she did not idiare in her hus-
band's rank or property nor in the administration of
the housdkold to the same extent as the principal
wife. From Genesis, xxi, 9^14, we see that her dis-
miisal and that of her children was pennissible. But
in those Bonptural times, when polygamy was per-
mitted or at (east tolerated, such a concubine was not
the only marriage partner. Thus Lia abd Raohel, the
first two spouses of Jacob, had the full social standing
df wives, while Bala and Zelpha, both bondwomen,
were his concubines, married tor the purpose of bear-
mg children for Rachel and Lia (Gen., xzx, 3. 9, 13).
Here, therefore, the main difference between the state
of legitimate marriage properly so called and that of
Intimate concubinage is to be found in the disparity
ofrank which oharacterieed the latter.
The meaning of the term in Roman law, and conse-
quently in eariy ecclesiastical records and writin^s^
was much the same; a concubine was a quasi-wue,
reoognixed bv law if there was no legal wife. She was
UBUiuly of a kwer social grade than her husband, and
her children, ihouA not considered the equals of
those of the legal wite (uxor) were nevertheless termed
natural (nalvftdes) to distinguish them from spurious
offsprings (aimrit). For this legitimate concubina|;e
the Roman law did not require the intention of the
two parties to r^nain together until death as man and
wife; the Ijex JuLia ana the Papia Popwea allowing
both temporary and permanent concuoinafe* The
former was always condenmed as immoral by the
Church, who excluded from the ranks of her catechu-
mens all who adopted this mode of living, unleiB Uiey
abandoned t^ir illicit temporal, or converted it into
lawful permanent, wedlock. Perman^ant conculnnage,
thou^ it lacked the ordinary lesal forms and was not
reoo^iised by the civil law as alegal marriage, had in
it no element of immorality. It was a real marriage,
including the intention and consent of both parties to
form a hfelong union. This the Church allowed from
the beginning, while Pope Callistus I broke through
the banier of state law, and raised to the dignity of
Christian marriage permanent unions between slave
and free, and even those between slave and slave
(fi(ndyberrwwn).
The Council of Toledo, held in 400, in its seventeenth
canon legisktcs as follows for laymen (for ecclesi-
astical regulations on this head with regard to clerics
see Celibacy): after pronouncing sentence of excom-
munication a^punst any who in addition to a wife
keep a concubme, it says: '' But if a man has no wife,
but a concubine instead of a wife, let him not be re-
fused communion; only let him be content to be
united with one woman, whether wife or concubine"
(Can. "Is qui", dist. xxxiv; Mansi, HI, col. 1001).
Hie refractory are to be excommunicated untU such
time as they shall obey and do penance.
With the destructi<»i of the Roman Empire and the
consequent decline of knowledge of the Roman law,
its institution of legitimate concubinage fell into dis-
use, and oonculnna^ came more ana more to have
only the modem significance, that of a permanent
illicit union, and as such was variously proceeded
against by the Church. The clandestme marriages
which giadually came to be tolerated in the Middle
Ages, as they lacked the formality of a public sanction
by the Church, can be considered as a spedes of legiti-
mate eoncubinafle. The Council of Trent Q545-
1663), Sees. XXlV, chap, i, not only renewed the old
ecclesiastical penalties against concubinage, but added
fresh ones, also forbade and rendered nuU and void all
clandestine unions, thus forever doing away with even
the appearance of legitimate concubinage. From
that time the modem invidious idea of the term alone
obtains. The decrees of Trent, however, were in force
only in countries strictly Catholic; the new marriaflp
law (Ne temere) of Pius X (1908) extends the prohibi-
tion against clandestine marriages to Catholics the
worid over.
NoLDiN, Suvfma thsologiiB m&nUia: de sexto (Oth «!., Ind^
bmck, 1906); DicL da draU eammique, ■. v. Cmtcub^nm
(Paris. 1901): Canonea et Decnta Conca%% Tndenhnt, ed.
JCHTER (Leipzis, 1853) ; Wandinobb in Kirehenlsx, (Snd ad.,
Bibuiv, 1891); DoLHAQARAT in DieL de thSoL ealh» (Ptia,
H. A. Oatkoe.
OOirdlTHSOBHOS
208
OOHOOBSOE
' Ooncupiaeence in its widefit acceptation is aiiy
yearning of the soul for good ; in its stnct and specific
acceptation, a desire of the lower appetite contrary to
reason. To understand how the sensuous and the
rational appetite can be opposed, it should be borne in
miiid that their natural objects are altogether differ-
ent. Tlie object of the former is the gratification of
the senses ; the object of the latter is the good of the
entire human nature and consists in the subordina-
tion of the lower to the rational faculties, and again
in the subordination of reason to God, its supreme
good and ultimate end. But the lower appetite is
of itself unrestrained, so as to pursue sensuous grati-
fications independently of the imderetanding and
without regard to the good of the higher faculties.
Hence desires contrary to the real good and order of
reason may, and often do, rise in it, previous to the
attention of the mind, and once risen, dispose the
bodily organs to their pursuit and solicit the will to
consent, while they more or less hinder reason from
considering their lawfulness or unlawfulness. This is
concupiscence in its strict and specific sense. As
long, however, as deliberation is not completely im-
peoed, the rational will is able to resist such desires
and withhold consent, though it be not capable of
crushing the effepts they produce in the body, and
though its freedom and dominion be to some extent
diminished. If, in fact, the will resists, a strug^e
ensues, the sensuous appetite rebelliously demanding
its gratification, reason, on the contrary, clinging to
its own spiritual interests and asserting its control.
"The flesn lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit
against the flesh."
From the explanation given, it is plain that the op-
position between appetite and reasofi is natural m
man, and that, though it be an imperfection, it is
not a corruption of human nature. Nor have the in-
ordinate desires (actual concupiscence) or the prone-
ness to them (habitual concupiscence) the nature of
sin; for sin, being the free and deliberate transgression
of the law of God, can be only in the rational will;
thou^ it be true that they are temptations to sin,
becoming the stronger and the more frequent the
oftener they have been indulged. As thus far consid-
ered thev are only sinful objects and antecedent causes
of sinful transgressions; they contract the malice of
sin OEdy when consent is given by the will; not as
though their nature were cnanged, but because they
are ^opted and completed by the will and so share
its malice. Hence the distinction of concupiscence
antecedent and concupiscence consequent to the con-
sent of the will; the latter is sinful, the former is not.
The first parents were free from concupiscence,«80
that their sensuous appetite was perfectly subject to
reason; and this freedom they were to transmit to
posterity provided they observed the commandment
of God. A short but important statement of the
Catholic doctrine on this point may be quoted from
Peter the Deacon, a Greek, who was sent to Rome to
bear witness to the Faith of the East: "Our bdief
is that Adam came from the hands of his Creator good
and free from the assaults of the flesh ' ' (Lib. de Inoam.,
c. vi). In our first parents, however, this complete
dominion of reason over appetite was no natural per-
fection or acquirement, but a preternatural gift of
God, that is, a gift not due to human nature; nor
was it, on the other hand, the essence of their origi-
nal justice, which consisted in sanctifying grace ; it was
but a complement added to the latter by the Divine
bounty. By the sin of Adam freedom from concu-
piscence was forfeited not only for himself, but also
for all his posterity with the exception of the Blessed
Virgin by special privilege. Human nature was de-
prived of both its preternatural and supernatural gifts
and graces, the lower appetite began to lust against
the spirit, and evil habits, contracUni by personal sins,
wrought disorder in the body, obscured the mind, ana
weakened the power of the wQl, without, howefver, de-
stroying its freedom . Hence that lameiitableooaditioa
of which St. Paul complains when he writes: "I fijid
then a law, that wh^i i have a will to do good, evil ia
present with me. For I am delighted with the law of
God, according to the inward man: but I see another
law in mv members, fitting against the law of my
mind, and captivating me in the law of sin, that is in
my members. Unhappy man that I am, who shall
deliver me from the body of this death?" (Rom., vii,
21-25) . Christ by His death redeemed mankind from
sin and its bondage. In baptism the guilt of ori^pnal
sin is wiped out and the sotu is cleansed and justified
again by the infusion of sanctifying grace. But free-
dom from concupiscence is not restored to man, an^
more than immortality; abundant grace, however, u
given him, by which ne may obtain the victory over
rebellious sense and deserve life everiasting.
The Reformers of the sixteenth century, especially
Luther, proposed new views respecting concupiscence.
They adopted as fundamental to their theology the
following propositions: (1) Original justice with idl its
gifts and graces was due to maxi as an inte^^ part of
his nature; (2) concupiscence is of itself sinfm, and,
being the sinful corruption of human nature caused bv
Adam's transgression and inherited by all his descend-
ants, is the very essence of original sin ; (3) baptism,
since it does not extinguish ooncupisoence, does not
really remit the guilt of original sin, but only effects
that it is no longer imput^ to man and no longer
draws down conoemnation on him. Thisposition is
held also bv the Anglican''Church in its Thirty-nine
Articles and its Book of Common Prayer.
The Catholic Church Condemns these doctrines as
erroneous or heretical. The Council of Trent (Sess. V,
c. v) defines that by the grace of baptism the guilt of
original sin is completely remitted and does not merely
cease to be imputed to man. As to ooncupisoence the
council declares that it remains hi those that are bap-
tized in order that they may stru^le for the victory,
but does no harm to those who resist it by the met of
God, and that it is called sin by St. Paul, not because
it is sin formally and in the proper sense, but because
it sprang from sin and incites to sin. Later on Pius
V, by the Bull "Ex omnibus affiictionibuB" (1 Oct.,
1567), Gregory XIII, by the Bull ^'Provisionk Nos-
tra" (29 Jan., 1679), Urban VIII, by the Bull "In
eminenti'' (6 March, 1641), condemned the proposi-
tions of Bajus (21, 23, 24, 26), Clement XI, by the
Constitution " Unigenitus", those of Quesnel (34. 36);
and finally Pins VI, by the Bull "Auctorem fidei"
(2g Aug., 1794), those of the Synod of Pistoja (16).
which maintained that the ^Its and graces bestowed
on Adam and constituting his original justice were not
supernatural but due to human nature. (See Grace,
JtranFiCATiON, Sin.)
HuNTEB« OuUinea of DogmaHc Theahoy (2iMi ed., New York,
1896), treatise x, oh. iii, i v; Joskfh Ricslabt, Noti$ onSL Paul,
Epislie to the Romans (lx>ndon, 1898), vii, viii; Bejllarmine,
De CorUrovfrsiia Fidei, IV, De GratiA primi homwie; Dt amis'
aione ffratim et tiatu peeaUi (Milaiu 1862); Hubtbh, TAeobvMV
Dogmaticae Compendium (10th ed., 1000); Murbat. Traalaiu»
de Gratid (Dublin, 1877), disp. ii; Billua.rt, Swnma S. Thomm
ayons and Paris, 1861), III, 290-M. IV, 69-71, 278. 382. VHI.
180, 181.
John J. Moro.
Ooncurrents. See Dominical Letter.
Ooncurmuit a special competitive ezanaaation pre^
scribed in canon law for all aspirants to certain emesi-
astioal offices to which is attached the cure of souls.
There were no parish priests, properly speakmg, dur-
ing the first three hundred years of the (jliristian Era.
A single church erected in the residential ci^ of the
bishop was the centre to which people living in city
and countiy repaired on Sundavs ana festivals to hear
Mass, receive instruction, ancf approach Hie Sacra-
ments. Gradual growth in church-membership called
for the erection of additional churches to aoconuno-
OOVOtMVS
209
MHOnMUf
date the faitMul. In those churohes saere^ functions
were oooduoted by prieato residing at the cathocirals.
CoDsecfuently, the cathedral was the onJy parish in
eadi diocese and the bishop, as chief pastor, exereiBed
the care of souls throughout the dioceae* A similar
xeasoa led to the organization of rural parishes during
the course of the fourth century. With one or tiro
exceptions; parishes were not oiganised in cities be-
fore the year 1000. The first step towards the estab-
lishment of city parishes, was taken in the Council of
Limoges (1032). The amicable settlement o£ disputes
involving a departure from the old regime paved the
way for the organisation of citv parishes in France.
Italy was not slow in following tne example of France.
(Lupi, '*De parochis ante annum Christi millesi-
mum", Bei^uno, 1788; Muratori, ''Dissert, de par-
oeciis et plebibus" in " Antiq. Ital.", VI, 369; Nardi,
"Dei parrochi, opera di antichit^ sacra", Pesaro,
1829r-d0; Drouyn, ''Lliistoire paroissiale" in ''Rev.
Cath. de Bordeaux", 1881, III, 233, and "Bull, hist,-
ftfch. du dioc. Diion", 1887, V, 225; Zorell, " Die Ent-
wickelung des Parochialsystems" in "Archiv ^Hx
kath. Kirehenrecht", 1902-3.) Departures from
traditional methods gradually took place in other
countries until the organization of city and country
parishes became general throughout the Church (see
Parish).
The new regime paved the way for the admission of
a general principle whereby ecclesiastical benefices,
especiallv those of major importance, with cure of souls
or parochial responsibility attached, were eottfoircd on
none save those duly qualified to hold tl\em (see Bbmb-
Fic£). Conscientious recognition of this principle was
repeatedly inculcated, e. g. by Alexander III, Innoeenft
III, and Uregory X. Solong as ecclesiastics were not
ordained absolutely, but for some specific office in each
diocese, the canonical examinations for orders served
naturally as a criterion to determine appointmeBte to
benefices. In time, however, this ancient metnod of
ordination fell into decay, and under . Innocent III
(1198-1216) separate examinations were inaugurated
as the most satisf actoty method of making appoint-
ments to benefices that carried with them the cure of
souls {beneficia curata). In order to attain sreater
security in providing for the salvation of soiius, the
Council of Trent (Seas. XXIV, eh. xviu) ob%ed bish-
ops to assign to each parish a permanent pansh priest
who would know his parishioners. The better to real-
ise this design, the same council instituted ,the concur-
BUS, a competitive examination given to caadidateB
seeking s^xpointment as pastore, of (oanonieal) par-
ishes. According to the Tridentine le^latioa, bish-
ops must designate a day for this examination. At
tne specified tnne, such as have signified their inten-
tion of undergoing tiiiis test are examined by ^e biahr
op or his vicar^general and by no less than three eyno-
dal examiners Tq. v.). . The bishop is required to ap-
point the one be judges most worthy among those
passing a satisfactory examination.
Though the Tridentine regulations are quite clear,
some canonists claimed that failure to observe them
rendered appointments illicit, not invalid) while others
held that bishops were not bound to appoint the most
worthy candidate^ but merely one passing a creditable
examination. To dissipate such errors Pius V iasued
the Constitution "In conferendis" (18 May, 1667).
Later on, to forestall the possibility of groundless ap-
peals on the part of dissatisfied competitors, as-well as
to ensure strict Justice to candidates, Clement XI m-
sued (18 Jan., 1721) a decree regarding the manner of
conducting examinations, and Uie manner of dealing
with those entering appeals against the decision of the
examiners or the appointment of ihe bishoo. How-
ever, Clement XI s regulations occasioned various
complaints, and to remedy these difficulties, as well as
to complete ecclesiastical legislation concerning the
concufBUs, Benedict XIV issued the important Con-
IV.-14
stitution, "Cum illud" (14 De©., 1742). A survey of
the various stages oi eoclesiastical legislation On this
question will naturaUly exhibit a fair summaiy of its
•leading points.
In the first plaee, appointments to caaonieally
erected parishes are null when no concursus has bemi
held, unleas the Trideotlae l^pslation has been abro^
gated by lon^ usage or special permisskm of the Holy
.See^ Questions and answers pertaining to a concur-
sus must be committed to writing, llie matter of the
examination is taken from theology (moral and d<^
^aaatio), liturgy^and ecclesiastical law, and is chiefly cfa
practical character. A lesson in catechism and a brief
sermon may be prepared by the candidates. AH com-
petitors are examined in the same olaoe and. at the
same time. The bi8h<^ is not justined in apipointing
simply a worthy oompetitor^ but ia obliged to choose
the candidate he deema the most worthy among those
approved bv the examiners, whose office is exhausted
when they have attested the worthiness {tdmmtoB) of
the various eompetitors. The examaners, however,
are bound to oonsider,F not only the learning, but also
the age, prudence, integrity, past services, and other
qualifications of competitors. Cendidates not ap-
pointed are at liberty to enter an appeal to the metro-
politan, and then to the Holy See, but this does noteua-
petid meanwhile the execution of the epueopal ded»-
ion. The judpe to whom such an appeal is made tauirt
base his decision on the prooeedings of the eoncufsus
^dready held ; this precludes a second coneutaUs or the
introduction of additional evidence. While this is the
^neral ecclesiastical law, certain exoepticMaiS must be
noted. This law does not cover appointments to par-
ishes where the incumbent is not permanently installed
nor to parishes whose revenues are not sufficimt to
justify such prooeedings as a concursus involves. Nor,
according to the common law, is a concursua advisable
when the bishop, alter hearing the advice ol the syno-
dal examiners, apprehends serious disorders iu case a
ooneursus were to take place.
The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884) de-
creed that in the United States one in every ten par-
ishes of a diocese should become a permanent rector-
ship. To inaugurate this plaa, the council ruled that
the establishment of such rectonhips, and the appoint^
ment of incumbents thereunto should take place no
later than t^ree years after the promulgation of its de-
crees. Bishops were allowed to name pennanent reo-
tors for the first time without a concursus, thou^ they
were required to seek the advice of their consultoni.
Thereafter the appointments of sudi rectors are null
imle^ a concursus takes place. In a special case the
bishop may waive the concursus in favour of an ec-
clesiastic whose learning is well known or whose ser-
vices to religion are noteworthv, provided the advice
of the synodal, or pro-synodal examiners is taken.
(Cone. Plen. Bait. Ill, ch. vi, nos. 40 sqq.) The
method of conducting a concursus in this country is
substantiall V the same as that prescribed b^r the gen-
eral law of the Church. Candidatea for adnussion to a
concursus must have creditably exeroited the ministry
in a <liocese no less than ten years,* and, during thai
time) must have ^ven evidence of abilit^r to direct the
temporal and spiritual affairs of a parish. Bishops
are obligod to appoint the most worthv of the oompet-
itors. Kxaminera should approve au worthy cabdi*
dates. The risht of determmine the most worthy of
those approved is vested in the oishop. Appeals (q^
V.) and tne method of treating^them are subject to tiie
gjeooeral ecclesiastical law. Finally, where cirouxo-
stances militate against the feasibility of a concursus
as often as a permanent rectorship is to be filled, the
Holy See has tolerated or allowed the heading, under
the conditions already specified, of general annual
examinations, to determine the standing of candidates
in ecclesiastical science, while judgment concerning
the other necessary qualifieations is given whenever
oomukwan
210
OOWDXUkiiD
m permanent rebtorehip is vacated. Those passing ihe
tnriimwiatkm onoe are counted worthy, in point of
leaminjz, for appointmCTit to any permanent rector-
Bhip falling vacant within a given period, usually not
more than six years, after sudi an examination.
Should they wish to enjo^ a like title after that period,
success in another exammation is rec^uired.
C^mada has no permanent rectorships. As a conse-
<}uenoe, the manner of appointing rectors of parishes
is subject to the discretion of the bishops. (Gignae,
Gomp. Juris eccl. ad usum cleri Canadensis, Quebec,
1901. De Personis, p. 355.) In England no eonoursuB
is held to determine appointments to permMient rec-
torships (Taunton, The Law of the Chimdi, London,
1906, p. 231). According to the decree of the Bynod
of Mavnooth held in 1900, legislation similar to that of
the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore was adopted
for determining appointments to parishes in the vari-
ous dioceses <n Ireland. Since 1895 the law of the
eonoursus obtains also in the Commonwealth of Aus-
tralia (Second Plen. Council of Australia, No. 47 sqq.).
The acts of diocesan and i»x>vincial councils, eessions
of Roman Congregations, and papal conclaves testify
that the Tridentine legislation concerning the ooncur-
sus has long prevailed m Italy. The same regulations
were introduced into Spain and Portugal in the six-
teenth century; they obtain also in South America.
While the observance of the law was general through-
out France before the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury, dianesd conditions long since led to its abro-
gation in tnat country (Duballet, Journal de droit
canon., 1891, 452-74). In Belgium the Synod of
Mechlin (1570) adopted the Tridentine regulations,
but since then, save for Lidge, the eaiiier freedom of
epieoopal collation has returned (Vering, 471). At
present, CSerman, Austrian, Hungarian, and Prussian
bishops base their appreciation of a candidate's learn-
ing on the results of general examinations at re^ar
intervals. Exception being made for minor differ-
ences, the above-described regulations govern the eit-
aminations in those countries. The consideration of
other necessary qualifications is made whenever a
vacancy oecura and an appointment follows. While
in other places bishops mav use their own discretion in
appointing rectors, the Hoi^^ See bespeaks even in such
places all possible confonnitv to the spirit of the Tri-
dentine law. It mav be added that in Austria, since
Joseph II, the State, has insisted on the parochial con-
corsuBy and has embodied it in art. 24 of the Conoop-
dat.
tens. Blemenia of Bcele^iastiad Law (New York, 1887), I.
M7; Baabt.JmU Formularu (New York, 1808). 100 eqq^
Taunton. The Law of the Church (London. 19(36), 227-31;
O/rm, atfniopsie Rerum Moralium et iuria pontifiai (Prato,
1904); LnrtTRB, La paroitM (Pftru, 1006): Dibndostxb u
KirehenU^., b.v. Concurs; Lingo. (?etcA. aea tridenHnuchen
J, D. O'Neill.
Oondaminer Charleo-Marib db la, explorer and
phyeicist, b. at Paris, 28 January, 1701 ; d. there 4 Feb^
niar^, 1774. After a brief militarv career he turned
to scientific pursuits and explored the coasts of Africa
and Asia Mmor on the Mediterranean. In 1735, he
was sheeted to direct an expedition to the equatorial
regions of Sout^ America In oider to determine the
form of the earth by measuring a meridian and thus
establishing the flattening of our ^obe towards the
poles. His companions were Pierre Bouguer and
Louis Godin des Odonais. Two officers of the Spanish
marine, Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, represented
the Government of Spain on the voyaf^ and also made
independent observations in the interior. Condamine
went to Ecuador and there began his labours, making
a fairly accurate triangulation of the mountS.inou8
parts and the western sections of Ecuador. On this
occasion be discovered that tall.mountains deflect the
pendulum by their attraction. He remahied eighi
years in South America, then returned to France,
where he was chosen member of the Academv of
Sciences and of the French Academv and reoeivea Hie
cross of Saint Lazarus. While Condamine on account
of his ambition and inclination to controversy was a
disagreeable character, as an explorer and plivsicist
he stands very hi^. The topojp^raphical work per-
formed by him or under his direction suffered from the
relative imperfections of the instnnnents in use in his
time, but me resuhs obtained were astonishing. Not
only in physiographv and phvsical geography, but in
other branches also his expeciition opened a new per-
spective to investigation. It was the starting point
for more extensive explorations of tropical America.
The countries he visited became and remained there-
after, classical ground in the annab of natural sdenoe*
It is claimed that he introduced caoutchouc into Eu-
rope, and he also tried to introduce inoculation for
Binailpox into France.
ItttereBt in Condamine ceatnns in hit Sonth Amarittm work,
bdbka on that e39>ediUon beooma tiie prominent Mmroe oC in-
formation regarding the most important period of his life; ee-
pecially hia own wmings, chief of which were: Journal du wv-
hi Roi A l'*fimattut (Fiaris, 1761); Adotum
I dan» I'-Milmeur tie VAmirique wUridwrnale
OM jou pctr otdre du
oorMs iTuft voytme c
(Pane, 1745: 2d ed..
(PafU. 1745: 2a ed., 1778): Hisioire dee pyramidea de Quito
(Pteris, 1751). Frequent raerenoes are fomid in the works of
Humboldt, also, db Ulloa and Juan, Reiacidn hialSrieet, del
VUM0 d la AmMm Mertdionol heeho de orden de S^ ifao. para
medir algimoe graaoa de meridiano terreeire (Madrid, 1748).
Ad. F. Bandslier.
Oondittae, E>nENNB Bonkot db, a French phikso-
pher, b. at Crrenoble, 30 September, 1715; d. near
Beaugencv (Loiret), 3 Ausust, 1780. He was the
brother of ihe Abb6 de Mably and was himself Abb^
of Mureaux. Thanks to the resources of his benefice,
he was able to follow his natural inclinations and
devote himself wholly to study, for which ptupoee he
retired into solitude. About 1755 he was chosen pre-
ceptor of the Duke of Parma, the grandson of Louis
XV, for whom he wrote his "Oours d^^udes'*. The
education of the prince bein^ completed, Oondillac
was elected in 1768 to sueoeed the Abb6 d'Olnret as
a member of the Fren<^ Academy. He was present
but once at the sessions— H>n the dav- of his reception —
and then retired to his estate of Flux near Beau-
gency where he spent the remainder of his days.
From an intellectual point of view, Gondillac's life
may be divided into two periods. During the first he
amply developed the theories of Locke. He pub-
Ikhed in 1745 his ^'Essai sur V origine des connaia-
fiances humaines ' ' which is a summary of Locked ** Es-
say concerning Human Understanding'', and in 1749
his "Traits des Bysi^meB*' wherein he attacks the in-
nate ideas and abstract systems of Descartes, Male-
branche, Leibnis, Spinoaa, and Boursio*. The latter
period, devoted to more original work, begins with the
*' Traits des sensations'' in 1754, the central idea of
which is to renew the human untkrstanding by a fun-
damental analysis of t^e first data of mental exnerienoe
in man's conscious life. In 1755 he publinied his
''Traits des animaux", a sequel to Hie '^IVait^ des
flensations"; and then his '^Oours d'^tudes" wluch
inchides "Grammaire", "L'Art d'4crire", "L'Art de
raisonner", "L'Art de pCnser", •'L'histoire g^n^rale
des hommes et dee empires", edited in 13 vols.. Parma,
1769^1773. This was placed on the Index in 1836.
In 1776 appeared his book on "Le commerce et le
^uvemement consid^nSs relatfvement I'un k I'autre"
m which he exposes his principles of the ri^t to prop-
crtv and his theory of economics. In 1780, a few montns
before his death, he pubfished his ''Logique", an ele-
mentary treatise composed at the reouest of the council
of public instruction of Poland. His "Langue des
calculs" was published unfinished only after his death
in the first complete edition of his works (23 vols.,
Paris, 1798).
CondOlac starts with Locke's empmcism, but Locke.
OOmiTlOK
211
ooxDznoy
b» l^iakB, tUd not go daephr enoush mio the problem
of the oriflin of Eumia Knowkage. Acooraing to
Locke our KBOir ledge has a two^fola Bouroe, seoBation
andrafleotkui; accoiding to Condillac, not only ail our
ideas, but even all our mental operations and f aeulties
spring from sensaticm alone as vheir ultunitfte source;
ail are merely di£far«nt stages or forms in the devdop-
ment of sensation {mnaaHofu transformieB). He illus-
tiates his theory b^ the hypothesis of a statue, whieh,
inert at the beginning, is supposed to acquire, one by
one, the aenses, from the most elementaiy, smelL to
the most perfect, toudi. With this last sense and its '
impnssion of resistanoe, the statue which had been
previously mere odour, taste, «x>lour, eta, now ao-
guires the distinction between self and non-self.
When it has all the senses, it has also the whole mental
life. Fsom sensation considered as representative
sprtnjg all the faculties of the miderstandrng. Atten-
tion is nothing but an exclusive sensation. When the
object is present the impression is called actual sensa-
tion; the impreseion which remains after the disap-
peannoe of the object is called memoiy . Comparison
m nothing mere than a double attention; we cannot
compare two obiecte or perceive two sensations withr
out remarking that they are similar or dissimilar; to
perceive similarities or differences is to judge; to rea-
son is to draw a judgment from another jud^ent
wherein it was contained. Moreover, idl sensation is
eswntially affective; that is, painful or pleasant; undw
this aspect it is the source of aU our active faculties.
Need is the pain which results from the privation of an
object iiriiose presence is demanded by nature or habit;
need directs all our eneigies towards this object; this
very direction is wiiat we oali desire; desire as a dom-
inant habit is passion; will is nothing but absolute
desire, a desire made more energetic and more permar
nentthrott^hope. ' What we call substance is simply
the collection of sensations. What we call the ego is
simr^ the collection of our sensations. Is there be-
hind these sensations a something whidi supports
them? We do not know. We express and summar
rise our sensations by meaiis of words; we give the
same name fo aU the iniiy^vidual objects which we
judge to be similar; this name is what we call a general
Idea. Thiou^ general ideas or names we bring order
into our ImowMpej and this is pnaaeiy the purpose
of reasoning and it is .vdiat constitutes science. Good
reasoniiu', therefore, consists eesentiaUy in sneaking
wdL Ultimately the work of human thou^t is to
pass from the confused and oomplex content of the
primitive sensations to clear and simple concepts ; the
eeecntifll and the unique method is analysis based on
the priittiple of identity, and the perfect analytical
method is the mathematical method. To reason is to
calculate; what we call progress in ideas is only prog-
ress in expression. A science is only a welteon-
stnwted larignapfty tins (angiis hien faUe, that is, simple,
with sups preoBcfy determined according to the laws
of tauSogy* The primitive foim of language is the
language of action which is innate in us, sjrnthetical
and comused. Under pressure of the need of oommu*
nication between men, theseactions are interpreted as
sisns, decomposed, analysed, and the spoken language
takes the plaee of the lansuage of action.
Condillae's theory of education is based on the idea
that the diild in its development must repeat the vari«*
ous states throuih whidi tne race has passed — an idea
which, with certain modifications, still survives. An-
other cl his prindpleB, more widely received at present,
is that tiie educative process must be shaped in accord-
ance with natural development. He also insists on
the necessity of establishing a connexion between the
various items of knowledge, and of training the jiicU^
ment rather than burdening the memoiy. Hie stucy*
of lustory holds a large place in his system, and religion
is of paratnoont importanoei He insists that the
prince, for whom the ''Gouib d'Mudes'' was written.
shall be more thoroughly instructed in matters of re-
ligion than the subjects whom he is latcn* to ^vem.
On the other hand, Condillac has been iustly criticised
for his attempt to make thechildalogician and psydiol-
Ogist, even a metaphysieian, before he has mastered
the dements of grammar — a mistake which is obvi-
ously due to his error conoermng the origin of ideas.
The system of Condillac ends, tiieref ore, in sensualistio
enmiricism, nominalism, and agnosticism.
U CondiUac's works evince a certain precision of
thoui^t and vigour of reasoning they dearhy betray a
lack of observation and of the sense of reahty. Most
oi the time he is blinded bf the tendency to reduce all
processes of thou^t to a single method, all ideas and
principles to a smsle source. This tendency is well
exemplified in his hypothesis of the statue. He sup-
poses it to be mere passivity; and by this very sup-
position, instead of a man he makes it a maehme or, as
Cousin says, a sensible coipse. He attempts to reduce
eveiything to mere sensation or impression, and in
reality eveiy step in what he calls a transformation is
made under the mfluence of an activlty^ and a prindple
which dominate and interpret this sensation, but which
Condillac confounds with it. It is the operation of
this activity and prindple essentiallv- distinct from
sensation, tiiat enables him to speak of attention,
oomparison, judgment, and personality. An attempt
has been made to show that CondiUae was the
forerunner, in psychology, ethics, and sodoiogy of
the English school represented bv imi. Bain, and
Spoioer (Dewanle, Condillae et fa psydiologie an-
giaise contemporaine, Paris, 1892) ; but tais view seems
to overlook the influence of Locke upon his successors
in England and the traditional tendency of English
philosophical thought (cf. Picavet in Revue philoso-
phraue, XXXIX, p. 215).
(EuwnB eampUtM (Faoa, 1708, 1808, 1821): LABOMiouikas,
Paradoofes <U Condiilae au rifisxtont 9ur la tanaue du ealeuU
(Paris, 1805); Idem. Lefont de pAOotopAie (Paris. 1815-18);
GdvfliN, HitL da la pkitoBopMe modeme (Paris, 1827); Robbrt,
Lev ihSotiM iotriquea dt CondOlae (Pkris. ISSO); RiiTaout, Ctm-
j,,. n ^^__. . ,. -^. — ,,j,^ ^p^^^ 1864); Mill, A
" Lbwss, BioQ, HUtorif o/
diUac ou Vempiricitma ei U rahonalimu
Syaiem cf Logic (London, 1872), II, il;
PWr. (London. 1871), II.
G. M. Sauvagb.
Conditioii (Lat. oondiHo, from eondo, to bring, or
put J together; sometimes, on account of a somewhat
similar derivative from oondicere, confused with this)
is that which is necessary or at least conducive to the
actual operation of a cause, thoudi in itself, with
respect to the particular effect of which it is the con-
dition, poBsessmg in no sense the nature of causality.
Thus the notion of a condition is not that of a real
principle such as actually gives existence to the effect
produced (which is the case in the notion of cause);
but rather of a circumstance, or set of circumstances,
in which the cause r^ulily acts, or in which alone it
can act. Thus a sufficient light is a condition of my
writing, though it in no sense is, as I myself am, the
cause of the act of writiiu^. The writing is the effect
of the writer, and not of the light by which it was
performed. A condition is also to be distinguished
m>m an occamon, which latter imports no more than
an event, or thing, by reason of the presence of which
any other event, or thin^, takes place — as, for exam-
ple, the passage of the king in state is the occasion of
my removing my hat — while the action, or actual
operation, oithe cause is absolutely dependent upon
the presence of this particular one, or of some condi-
tion. Condition is, for this reason, distinguished,
with respect to the operation of any particular cause,
(1) as the condition sine qud rum, or condition without
the presence of wfaidi this cause is wholly inoperative,
and (2) as the condition simply such — when some
one of several possible ones is necessary to the actual
operation of the cause. To the former class belons
such conditions as can be supplied bjr no others, such
as, for example, that of the combustion of wood. A
^OOmMNON
212
vosnmwB
•lire wili not bum wood unless applied to it. The
Application of the fire to the wood is said to be a cob-
dition sina quA non of the burning of the wood by the
fire. A oondition may further be considered in one
ofwtwo different forms, either as preparing/ dispostog,
or applying the causality of a cause towards its exer-
cise in the production of an effect, or as removing
some obstacle that faindera the action of the cause.
This latter form of condition is sometimes known as
th^ causa removene prokibem. The blinds of a room
must be drawn up in order that the sunlight may
«nter and illuminate the objects in it. It is to be*
noted that this is really a condition, and not a cause,
of, the event considered. The illumination of the
.objects in the room is the effect of the sunlight enter-
ing it. This same distinction ai^)eanB in the '^ neces-
sary", or ''sufficient'' conditions, much employed in
mathenlatical science. A sufficient oondition is one
in which, when the antecedent is present, it is always
followed by the consequent. A necessary condition
is. one in which the consequent never exists unless
this particular antecedent be given.
Some modem systems of pmlosophy regard condi-
tion in the sense ol what in u^e Scholastic view would
• be called accidental modification. Thus Kant up-
holds the assertion that time and space condition, or
are the conditions of, our experience, as a priori forms.
In this sense also, Hegel makes the conditioned entity
equivalent to the finite entity; as it would indeed also
be considered in Scholastic thought. That which has
accidents^ or is conditioned in the sense of limitations
or definition, is necessarily, as contingent, in sharp
distinction to the- absolute. John Stuart Mill would
have the framework, or complete setting in w^ich
anything exists accounted as its conditions; and all
the necessarv antecedents, or conditions, the cause of
the thing. Thus it would be conditioned by its complex
relationsnips — ^again an accidental modification in the
Scholastic sense. We consequently find, in modem
philosophical usage generally, and especially since
Hamilton's theonr of the Unconditioned was formu-
lated, that the "conditioned" and the "uncondi-
tioned" are used as equivalents of the "necessary"
and "contingent" of the Schoolmen, in the sense that
the '^necessary" entity is conceived of as abiolute of
all determination other than its own aseitv, while all
"contingent" entity is defined and limited by a com-
position in which one of the factors is potentiality.
Hamilt<Mi's philosc^hy of the Unconditioned works
out coriouslv in the department of ontology. • His
views were mat given to the worid in the form of an
article in the Edinburgh Review (October, 1829), in
wfaioh he criticised the philosophy of Cousin with
regard to the knowledge of the Absolute. Victor
Cousin maintained that we possess an immediate
knowled^ of the Unconditioned, Absolute, or Infinite
in consciousness. According to Hamilton, the Un-
conditioned is either the unconditionally Hmited or
the unconditionally imlimited. In either case the
Unconditioned is unthinkable. For all human knowl-
edge is relative^ in that> "of existence, absolutely and
in itself, we know nothing" (^Met., Lect. viii). As a
consequence of this doctrine of the relativity of knowK
edge, it follows that we are incapable of knowing that
wmch is unconditioned by relativity. "The mind
can conceive, and consecjuently can know only the
limited, and the conditionally limited". "Condi-
tional limitation", he says again (Logic, Lect. v) "is
the fundamental law of the possibiUty of thou^t."
Hence, while the Unconditioned may exisrt, we cannot
know it by experience, intuition, or reasoning. Ham-
ilton undertaKcs to explain his doctrine by tlie illus-
tratioB of the whole and the part. It is impossible
to conceive a whole to which addition may not be
made, a part from which sometliing may not be taken
«way. Hence tlic two extreme unconditionates are
■uch, that neither can be conceived ss possible, but
ofie of tbem niMfit be admitted as ndoesdB&ty. Of this,
the Unconditioned, we have no notion either n^igtive
. or positive. It is not an object of thought, Tram
.suck considerations it foHows that we cannot eonclude
either as to the existence or non-existenao of the Ab-
solute. On the other hand, while our knowledge is of
the limited, related, and finite^ our belief mav |p out
to that which has none of these eharaeteraties.
Thciugh we cannot kiiow, we may believe — and, by
reason of a supematursl revelation, if such be ^ven,
must believe-^in the existence of the Unconditioned
as above and beyond all that which is conceivable by
us. Mill very carefoUy examines Hamilton's use of
the word inoonceivabUf and finds that it is fippfied in
three senses, in one of which all that is inexplicable,
inciudine the first principles, is held to be inconceiv-
able. The same doctrine was advanced, in a slighUy
modified form, by Dean Mansel, in the Bampton Lec-
ture of 1858. WhatevM* knowledge we are capable
^ acc^piiring of the Unconditioned is negative. As
we can rationally, therefore, form no posttire notion
or concept of (joo, our reason must be helped and sup-
plemented by our faith in revelation. Both Mansel 's
and Hamilton's expositions of the doctrine of rel»*
tivtty are in reality assertions of rational, or philo-
-sophical, a^osticism.
' Thus, while professing to be theists, writers of this
stamp are not properly to be aeooimted such in the
strictly philosophical sense. Ilie rational agnos*
ticism that lies at the base of their theistte system,
oieeessitating, as it does, an appeal to fs^th and rev-
elation, vitiates it as a plulosophy. The thesis ad-
vanced by them may, nowever, be criticised and
amended in the following manner. It is trae that the
entire content of the Universe must be regarded, in
comparison with its Creator, as limited or condi-
tioned. It does not therefore follow that no rational
inference can be drawn from the conditioned to the
Absolute. On the contrary, the nerve of the theistic
inference, tacitly, if not expressly, presupposed in all
forms of the theistic argument, lies in the Thomistie
distinction between the Necessai^ and the possible
(or contingent). The existence of contahgent beings,
limited or coiKlitioned things, postulates the exist-
ence of the Necessary Being, the one Unlimited and
Unconditioned Things The argument in its devel-
oped form may be seen in the article TesiaMk But
it may be here pointed out that the inference from
the contingent to the Necessaiy-^ieeeBBitated,. .as
it is, by the normal psychological action of the dis-
cursive reason—presupposes certain principles which
are not always kept cleariy in view. The Scholastic
synthesis recognizes the reality of the ooniinRent* It
asserts that the human intelligence can risaf3x>ve the
phenomena of sense-perception to the actual sub-
stance that provides a basis and offers a rational ex-
planaticm, at the same time psycholoeical and onto-
logical, of and for these. Ana it is i^ the changes and
alterations of "substance" (see Htloicorfhism)
that it perceives the essential contingency of all
created ttiings. From this perception it iises» by a
strictly argumentative process, to the assertion of the
Necessary or Unconditioned — and this with no appeal
ei ther to revelation or to faith. The knowledge of the
Unconditioned thus reached is of two kinds: fiisUyr
•that the Unconditioned is, and that its existence is
necessarily to be inferred from the existence of the
possible or contingent (conditioned) ; secondly, that,
as Unconditioned, or Necessary, the conceptions that
we possess of it are to be found princ^aily by the way
of the negation of imperfections. Thus the Uncon-
ditioned, with regard to time, is Eternal ; with regard
to space. Unlimited, Infinite, Omnipresent; with re*
gara to power, Omnipotent; and so oa through the
categories, removing the imperfections and asserting
the plenitude of perfection. The argument may be
ioimd Btateil in the "Summa Theologica" of St.
flOHMTIONAL
213
OOlKWmOMM
Thomas (I, Q. ii, a. 3), where it is given as the third
way of knowing Uirum Deue 8U.
dr. Tromaa Aqqinas, Summit Th»U., I. Q. H, a. 3; Fbick,
OmaUtqw (FMiburc im Br., 18Q7): Inaii, Lovvnn (FreibuiE in»
Br.. 1806); Haan, PhUiMJiphiQ Natur^ (2nd ed.. Freiburg
Im Br., 1808); Bauibb, PttndamenUU PkHotophy, tr. Bbowk-
■Dif (2nd ad., Nev York, 1S06): Avbumo, The Neeeuary .
Mfaifux ia IhMin Review (Ootpber, 1004); Hamu^ton, On
the PhUoeophu of the Uncondilumea in Bdif%burf^ Review (Ooto-
ber, 1829); Idbm, Diecuuiona (London and Edinburgh. 1852);
InoiM, Leatitrea en AfdtoniwMM and Loffie. ed. MAivtB& and
\KnCH (London find Edinburgh, 1859-60); Manul, ifpf^it*
of R^igioue TheuQht (Oxford and London. 1858); 1dbi(»
6pKy of the Conditioned (London and Edinburgh, 18M); Mill.
Esammation of Sir WiOiam HamiUen*8 PMeeephy (London,
286S); iDuc. topic (London, 1843).
Frajncis AvEUje^Q.
OonditionAl Baptism. See Ba7ti8m.
Oonocte, Trokas, Carmelite reformer, b. at Rennet
towards the end of the fourteenth centurv; d. at
Rome, 1433. He joined the Carmelitea and distin-
guiafacid himself by indiscreet zeal. He preached with
much success at Cambrai, Toumai, Arras, etc.,. inhis
sermons vehemently denouncing the prevailing fash-
ions in female headgear, with the result that those
who dressed thus at his sermons despoiled thejnselves
forthwith of their ornaments; gamblers also burned
their playing cards and dices. Having inveighed
against the disedifying nfe of certaiin priests, he ha^ to
seek safety in fli^t. He now strove to reform his
own order, for which purpose he went to Italy, where
with some others he introduced a strict observance in
the convent near Florence, which gradually developed
into the Congregation of Mantua. He visited this
latter convent in 1432 and thence proceeded to Venice,
and finally to Rome, where the manners of the Curia
provoked anew his violent language and occasioned
a charge of conspiracjr against the pope. Appre-
hended at the instigation of the procurator and of
Cardinal de la Roche-Taille, protector of the order,
he was condemned as a heretic and publicly burned'.
It was said that Eugene TV was afterwards sorry for
this sentence, which, if not unjust, was certainly too
severe; but this does not justify certain Carmelite
authors considering him a saint, as several whom Bale
quotes have done.
Conecte it snppooed to have written De ReformaHoneQuadam
Monita^ aUoded to by Nkboius Ksbton; cf. AiioxifTBJiuB,
Histor. Britannia minoria» U. cap. zlii; db S. Etibnnb, BibU-^
otheoa CarmeL., s.v.
B. Zimmerman.
Ooafaranca oC Oatholie OoUages. See Educat
TIONAIt AsaociATioN,. CAmoiJc*
0onfereoc69i EccLBaiAsnncAL, are meetings of
clerics for the purpose of discussing, in general} mat-
tera pertaining to their state of life, and, m particular^
questions of moral theolo^ and lituigv.
Hoa^roBicAL Sicetch.— ine origin of ecclesiastical
conferea^oes has been sou^^ in the assemblies of
hermits o£ the Egyptian deserts. As earlv as the
third centuiy, it was customary for these anchorites to
meet together to discuss matters relating to aaoeti-
cism and the eremitical life. When, later on, monas^
tenes were instituted, somewhat similar conferences
were held among the monka. There seems, however,
to be little in common between these monastic asaem-
bUes and the pastoral collations, or conferences, of
the present time. The more direct source of the hU^
ter are the quasi-synodal meetings of the clergy
ordained by various aecrees of the ninth century, such
as tiiose of Hinomar of Reims and Riculfus of Sion
in Switzerland, and the Capitularies of Chariemagne.
Such assemblies were looked upon as supplements of,
or pendants to, the diooesan synods, and we» ' in-
tended principally for those of the cloigy. wii9 found
it difficult or impossible to assist at the regular synods.
These clerics were ordered to meet "at a convenient
place, In their various districts, nnder the pfesidMicy
of the dean or archdeacon, and their assemblies were
called Calendar because held on the first of the month.
Other terms applied to such meetings were conti^-
t&ries, 9e9sionSj and camlular conferenees. We find
them prescribed in England by the Council of. Exeter
in 1131 and the Council of London in 1237. ' In ^
sixteenth century ecclesiastical conferences received a
new impulse. St. Ignatius Loyola prescribed them
in his constitution (1540) for members of his order.
Later, Clement VIII and Urban VIII commanded
that all houses of the regular clergy have conferences
twice a week on matters pertaining to moral theology
and Holy Scripture. The main promoter of confer-
ences among the secular clergy was St. Charles Bor-
romeo, Archbishop of Milan, who treated of them
specifically in a synod at Mflan in 1565, when intro-
ducing the reforms decreed by the Council of Trent.
Cardinal Borromeo ordered that, the conferences be
held monthly, and that they be presided over by the
vicar forane or dean. Gradually the custom spread
through' the various ecclesiastical provinces; and at
E resent these meetings are held in accordance with
iws promulgated in plenary or provincial counciI^
or synods. Many of the popes have strongly urged
on the bishops of various countries the necessity and
utility of the conferences, and Innocent XIII com-
manded that when bishops make their visit' to Rome
(orf limina) they should report, among other things,
whether defgy conferences are held in their dioceses. .
There seems, however, to be no general law of the
Church which makes these ecclesiastical meetings
obligatory.
DiooBSAN Laws. — ^llie holding of conferences has
been introduced among the clergy of all English-
speaking countries, in virtue of ordinances promul-
^ted at councils or synods. Thus the Second
Plenary Council of Baltimore (1866) declares: " As an
adjunct to diocesan synods and in lieu of their fre-
quent celebration, let there be theolo^cal conferences
of the priests, which will preserve the rudiments of
the sacred science in the minds of all, promote a
healthy and uniform method for the direction of souls,
dispel mental inertia, and afford an opportunity for
eliminating abuses. We greatly desire that these
conferences be held four times a year by priests who
can conveniently meet ; and in the rural districts at
least twice a year. All who have care of souls,'
whether seculars or regulars, should attend them"
(No. 68). The Third Plenary Council (1884) treats
in title v of the education of the cleiigy and devotes
the fifth chapter to theological collations or confer-
ences. It quotes the words of Pope Benedict XIV:
"Some priests who are at first admirable directors of
souls later lose their previous knowledge of moral
theology, by neglect of study, so that from being
masters of the science they can scarcely be called
novices in it, since they retair only confused and im-
perfect recollections of its first rudiments." In con-
sequence, the Fathers of Baltimore renew the decree
of the previous plenary council as to the frequency of
these conferences, and, after declaring them obliga-
tory on all haxdng care of souls, they add: " Nor can
those confessors consider themselves exempt, who,
although not attached to any certain church, hear the
confessions of religious women in their convents or of
laymen in public churches. Tliose who frequently
absent themselves without legitimate cause and the
permission of the Ordinary should be punished."
The Second Council of Quebec (1854) declares (Deer.
14) : " Ecclesiastical conferences will promote zeal and
love for study. Every one knows how useful they
are for increasing mutual charity among priests and
for instructing and confirming them in sacred doc-
trine. We desire all, especially those who have
pastoral duties, to assist at them faithfully according
to the method and time prescribed by their bishops. "
For Ireland, the National Synod of Thurles (1850)
ordained: "Since what the pastors have learnt as
aoNPiaaixMt
214
oomrxfluoiiB
Boholara can eaaily be forgotten, unless it he called to
memory by use, we reoommeiKl that theological con*
ferences be held according to custom, at least four
times a year. In them such questions as pertain to
practice should be especially treated." We find the
following decree (No. 6) emanating from the First
Provincial Council of Australia (1844): ''We ordain
that theological conferences be held in every deanenr,
at least thi^ times a year, where it can be done with-
out great inconvenience." In 1852, the First Provin-
cial Coundl of Westminster (Deer. 24) made the fol-
lowing rules for England : ** We desire most earnestly
that conferences on moral questions or on other theo*
logical or Utuigical matters be held in all dioceses at
certain stated times. According to locality, let the
bishops determine, whether the whole clergy of the
diocese should convene together under the bishop's
E residency, or whether a number of conferences lie
eld in omerent vicariates under the presidency of
the vicars forane. The obligation to attend these
conferences and take part in them is binding on all
secular priests and on all r^ulars (saving their rights)
having cure of souls." As to regulars, we have the
foUowmg provision in the '' Romanes Pontifices" of
Leo XI 11: ''We declare that all rectors of missions,
by reason of their office, must assist at the conferences
of the dergy; and we also decree and command that
there be present likewise the vicars and other regulars,
having tne usual missionanr faculties, who reside in
small communities." It wiU be noticed that the pope
simply ''declares'' religious rectors to have an obiigar
tion to assist at the conferences, for this is in accord-
ance with common law; but as he derogates from that
law in prescribing that other regular missionaries who
dwell in small communities should also attend, he uses
the words decree and command. The pope gives the
reason why he makes the distinction between regulars
inhabiting large and small communities; the former
have their own domestic conferences, the latter either
do not have them at all, or they are not likely to be
fruitful.
SuBJSOT Matter of Confbrbnges. — ^Amon^f the
(questions to be answered by bishops at the visit ad
hmina is: "Are conferences held on moral theology
or cases of conscience, and also on sacred rites? How
•often are they held, who attend them, and what results
are obtained from them?" It is evident from this
Question that the main mattere to be discussed are
tnose pertaining to moral theolo^ and lituigv. If
these oe given proper consideration, other subjects
may also be considered, such as questions of do^soatio
theology, canon law, Biblical science, and similar
things. According to the prescriptions of St. Charles
Borromeo, a case of conscience should be proposed at
these meetings and each one present should, in tunii
be asked his opinion. After tnis, the presiding officer
makes a short summaiy and gives his decision. The
Hiird Council of Baltimore wishes that (luestions be
proposed by the bishops on matters of discipline and
doctrine. Cases of conscience are to be solved in
writing by all who attend: but only two, chosen by
lot, are to read their solutions. Questions on Sacred
Scripture, dogmatic theoloey, canon law, and sacred
iituri^ are to be answered by those who have been
appomted for the purpose at the previous conference.
Ttie Provincial Council of Tuam, Ireland (1817).
obliges all who cannot attend the meeting to send
their solution of the cases in writing. The First
Council oi Quebec made a similar decree. The Coun-
cil of Westminster requires that all who come should
be prepared to respond to questions concerning the
matters proposed. The Provincial Council of the
English, Dutch, and Danish colonies (1854) prescribes
that the dean send the solution of the cases either to
the bishop or to some priest whom the latter shall
designate. Among the decrees of the Fint Council
of Westminster (No. 24) is the following: "The eon-
fcrenoes are obliged to send to the bishop the 8olutio»>
of the cases or the conclusions reaohedi to be *gn^iinitM»tfi
and corrected by him. Each bishop in his own dio-
cese is to determine the method to be observed and the
matteiB to be considered in the oonferenoes.'* Piua
IX wrote as follows to the bishops of Austria in 1856:
"Let conferences, especially concerning mcoral theol-
oey and sacred rites, be instituted by ;^u, which all
the priests should attend and bring m writing the
explanation of a question proposed by you. They
should also discuss, for such length of time as you may
prescribe, matters connected with moral theology
and ritual practice, after some one of the priests has
delivered a discourse on the particular obligationa of
the sacerdotal order."
Acta et DecreUt Cone Reeentior. CcXt, Lacenns (Freibuis,
1876). IlIjB. V. Cattalumca; Lucnn. De VuU. 8* lAmnmtm
(Rome, 1800), I: ANDBib-WAOWEB, Did. du droit canon,
(PBris. 1001), I: TROMAsant, Vetut ae ncva §ed. dtMsipl., pt. II.
bk. Ill* ch. Ixziv Mttd Ixzvi; Bcbhsiicann la KiitktiUex,, •. v.
WzuoAM BL W. Fanuxmo*
OonfeBsion (Lat. confessio). — Orj^nally used to
designate the burial-place of a confessor or martyr
(known also as a memoria or iaaf>r^fMr\ this term
gradually came to have a variety of applications: the
altar erected over the grave; the underground cubicu-
lum which contained tne tomb; the high altar of the
basilica erected over the confession; later on in the
Middle Ages the basilica itself (Joan. Bar., De invent,
s. Sabini); and finally the new resting-place to which
the remains of a martyr had been transferred (Rui-
nart, II, 35). In case of translation the relics of a mar-
tyr were deposited in a crypt below the high altar, or
in a hollow space beneath the altar, behind a branaenna
or pierced marble screen such as were used in the cata-
combs. Thus the tomb waa left accessible to the
faithful who wished to touch the shrine with cloths
(jbrandea) to be venerated in their turn as "relics".
In the Roman church of S. Clemente the urn contain-
ing the remains of St. C^lement and St» Imatius of
Antioch is visible behind such a transenna. Later still
the term confeseian was adopted for the hollow reli-
quary in an altar (Ordo Rom. de dedic. altaris). The
oil from the numerous lamps kept lighted in a confes-
sion was considered as a relic Among the most fa-
mous subterranean confessions of Rome are those in
the churehes of S. Martino ai Monti; S. Lorenso fuori
le Mure, containii^ the bodies of St. Laurence and St.
Stephen; S. Prassede containing the bodies of the two
sisters Sts. Prazedes and Pudentiana. Tbm nsosk oele-
brated confession is that of St Peter. Over the tomb
of the Apostle Pope St. Anacletus built a memoria,
yM6b. Constantine when boilding his basilica replaced
with the Confession of St. Peter. Behind the brass
statues of Sts. Peter and Paul is the niche over the
crated floor which covers the tomb. In this niche
IS the gold coffer, the work of Benvenuto Cdlini
which contains the palliiims to be sent to ardibnhops
de corj)ore b, Petri according to the Constitution "Re-
rum ecclesiaaticanim" of Benedict XIV (12 Aug.,
1748). All through the Middle Ages the palliums
after being blessea were let down through the grating
on to the tomb of the Apostle, where they remained for
a whole ni^t (Phillips, Kirchenrecht, V, 624, n. 61).
During the restoration of the present basilica in
1594 the floor gave way, revealing the tomb of St.
Peter and on it the golden cross weig^ine 150 ^unds
plami there by Constantine, and inscribed with his
own and hb mother's names.
HeUBCH in Kraub. ReaUBncyh., a. v. CwtftMio; Craivdi.bkt,
Piigrim Waik» in Rime (London, 1006). _
F. M. RUDOB.
Ctonf essioB, Sacrambntau See Psnancb.
Oonfeasional. See Penancc.
Oonf esflion Books. See Penitentials.
OonfeMioBB of Faith. See Faith, Confbsbioiib
op.
00irFJB8SOIt
215
COKPIEMAXION
Oonfeasor. — (1) Etynwlogy ami primitive mcon-
tng. — The word confessor is derived from tiio Liitiii
confUeri, to confess^ to profess, but it 13 not foimd in
writers of the classical period, having been 0rst used
by the Christians. Witii them it was a title of honour
to designate those brave champions of the Faith who
had confessed Christ publicly m time of persecution
and had been punished with imprisonment, torture,
exOe, or labour in the mines, remaining faithful in
their confession until the end of their lives. The
title thus distinguished them from the martyrs, who
were so called because the^ underwent death for the
Faith. The firat dear evidence of the distinction
just spoken of is found in an epitaph which is recorded
by De Rossi (BuHettino di archeoiogia cristiana, 18C4j
p. 30): ''A Domino coronati sunt beati confessores
comites martyrum Aurelius Diogenes confessor et
Valeria Fdicissima vivi in Deo fecerunt" PThe
blessed confessors, companions of the martyrs, have
been crowned bv the Lord. Aurelius Diogenes, con-
fessor, and Valeria Felicissima, put up (this monument)
during their lifetime]. Among writers St. Cyprian
is the first in whose works it occurs (Ep. xxxvii) : " la
demum confessor illustris et vjbtus est de quo post-
modum non erubescit Ecclesia sed gloriatur ** (That
confessor, fhdced, is illustrious and true for whom the
Church does not afterwards blush, but of whom she
boasts) ; he shows in the passa^ that suffering alone
for the Faith did not merit the title of confessor unless
perseverance to the end had followed. In this mean-
ing the title is of more frequent occurrence in the
Christian writers of the fourth century. Sidoniua
Apollinaris (Carmen xvii), to quote one instance,
writes, "Sed confessorem virtutum signa sequuntur"
(But signs of power follow the confessor). A similar
use may be verified in Lactantius, " De morte perse-
cut.'*, XXXV ; St. Jeroipe, Ep. Ixxxii, 7; Prudentius,
nepi ^re^., 55, etc.
(2) Later meaning, — ^After the middle of the fourth
century we find ccnfesaor used to designate those
men of remarkable virtue and knowledge who con-
fessed the Faith of Christ before the world Djr the prac-
tice of the most heroic virtue, by their writings and
preachings, and in consequence began to be objects
of veneration, and had chapels (martyria) erected in
their honour, which in the previous centunes had been
the especial privilege of the martyrs. In the Eastern
Church the ttrat confessoia who received a public cul-
tus were the abbots St. Anthony and St. Hilarion, also
St. Fhilo0>nus and St. Athanasius. In the West
Pope St. Silvester waa so venerated even before St,
Martin of Tours, aa can be shown from the "Kalen-
darium" published by Fouteau — a document which
Is certainly of the time of Pope Liberius (cf . " Prseno-
tata" in the aforesaid "Kalendarium", iv).
(3) Modem meaning, — Since the time when the
Roman pontiffs reserved to themsdves definite decis-
ion in causes of canonization and beatification, the
title of confessor (pontiff, non-pontiff, doctor) belongiB
only to those men who have distinguished themselves
by heroic virtue which God has approved by miracles,
and who have been solemnly adjudged this title by
the Church and proposed by her to the faithful as ob-
jects of their veneration. (See Martyrs; Pbrsecu-
TioNS; Bbatuication and Canonization.) For the
office of confessor in the Sacrament of Penance see
Penanck, Sacrament op.
Bbnbdict XIV, t>e Servarum Dei BeatiAcalione et Beatorum
Canonitatione, I. v. no. 3 «qq.; Innocknt III, JJe Myat. Mxm.,
III. x; Bblulbmink, De AfM«d. II, xx, no. 6; MAfirioNT. Dw«.
df ontiffttieds ehrmmnn, b. v.; Prtuis in K&aub. Real-Eneuk.,
». yj; LOiT in K\n:KenUx., a. v. Bek&nner.
Camillus Beccari.
Ctonflcmation, a sacrament in which the Holy
GhoBt is given to those already baptised in order to
make them «trons and perfect Christians and soldiers
of Jesus Christ. It hasbeen variously designated: /3«-
fiatio^is QT confirmation Sk making fast or f;uro; rtXtUtaas
or commmmalio, a perfecting or completing, as ex-
pressing ita relation to ba43ti8m. With reference to It^
effect it is the '*Sacrame^t of the Holy Ghost", the
''Sacrament of the Seal" (sigmculum, eigiUumt aitpar
yU). From the external rite it is known as the "im*
position of hands" (hrlBwit. x^^Of or as ''anointing
with chrism" (unctio, chrimoHo, xpurtia, pa&por). The
names at present in use are, for the Western Church,
cotdirmaito, and for the Greek, t6 /JijOpop,
I. Present Practice and Dogtrinb. — RiU^ — ^In
the Western Church the sacrament is usualhr adminis-
tered by the bieJiop. At the beginning of the cere-
mony there is a ^neral imposition of hands, the bishop
meantime praying that tne Holy Ghost may eome
down upon those who have alr^idy been regenerated:
''send forth upon them thy sevenfold Spirit, the Holy
Paraclete. " He then anoints the forehead of each with
chrism, saying: "I sisn thee with the sisn of the cross
and confinn thee witn the chrism of salvation, in the
name of the Father and of the Son aiid of the Holy
Ghost." Finallv he gives each a slifi^t blow on the
cheek saying: '*j)eace be with thee". A prayer is
added that the Holy Spirit may dwell in the heaxis of
those who have been confirmed, and the rite closes with
the bishop's blessing.
The Eastern Church omi|s the imposition of hands
and the prayer at the b^inning, and accompanies
the anointing with the words: "the sign [or seal]
of the gift of the Holy Ghost." These several
actions symbolise the nature and purpose of the
sacrament: the anointing signifies the strength given
for the spiritual confiict; the balsam contained in
the chrism, the fragrance of virtue and the good odour
of Christ; the sign of the cross on the forehead, the
courage to confess Christ, before all men; the imposi^
tion of hands and the blow on the cheek, enrolmeat in
the service of Christ which bring true peace to the
soul (Cf. St. Thomas, " Summa. Theol,", HI, Q. Ixxii,
a. 4. For interesting details regarding the blow on the
cheek, see "Am. Bed. Review^ I, 161.)
Minister, — ^The bishop alone is the ordinary minis-
ter of oonfirmation. Tnis is expressly declared by
the Council of Trent (Sess. VII, De Conf., C. iii). A
bishop confirms validly even those who are not his
own subjects; but to confirm licitly in another
diocese he must secure the permission of the bishop of
that diocese. Simple priests may be the extraordinary
ministers of the sacrament provided they obtain spe-
cial delegation from the pope. This has often been
granted to missionaries. Xn such cases, however, the
griest cannot wear pontifical vestments. He is obliged
> use chrism blessed by a Catholic bishop and to oV
serve what \a prescribed in the Instruction issued by
the Propaganoa, 21 March, 1774 (appendix to Roman
Ritual). In the Greek Church, confirmation is given
by simple priests without special delegation, apd their
ministration ia accepted by the Western Church as
valid. They must, towever, use chrism blessed by a
patriarch.
Matter and Form, — ^There has been much discussion
among theologians as to what constitutes the essential
matter of this sacrament. Some, e. g. Aureolus and
Petavius, held that it consists in the imposition of
hands. OUiers, with St. Thomas, Bellarmine, ajad
Maldonatus, maintain that it is the anointing with
chrism. According to a third oi)inion Htforinus, Tap-
per) either anointing or imposition of hands suffices.
Finally, tiie meet generally accepted view is that the
anointing and the imposition of hands conjointly are the
matter. The " imposition ' ', however, is not that with
«rhich the rite begins but the laying on of hands which
takes plaoe in the act of anointing. As Peter the Lom-
bard declares: Pontifex per impositionem mantis con"
firmandostingUinfronte (tV Sent., dist. xxxiii. n, 1 ; cf.
De Augustinis, "tie re sacramentariA", 2d ed., Rome.
1889), L The chrism employed must be a mbrture of
OONFDIMAIIOK
216
CONnEMATfON
oHvc-oil and balsaii( consecrated by a bishop. (For
the manner of this consecration and for other details,
historical and liturgica!, see Chrism.) Hie difference
regarding the form of the sacrament, i. e. the words es-
Bisntial for confirmation, has been indicated above in
the description of the rite. The validity of both the
Latin ancl the Greek form is miauestionable. Addi-
tional details are given below in tne historical outline.
Recipient. — Confirmation can be conferred only on
those who have already been baptized and have not
yet been co^ifirmed. As St. Thomas says: " Confirma-
tion is to baptism what growth is to generation. Now
it is clear that a man cannot advance to a perfect age
unless he has first been bom.; in like manner, unless he
has first been baptized he cannot receive the Sacra-
ment of Confirmation" (Smnm. Th., Ill, Q. Ixxii, a. 6).
They should also be in the state of grace ; for the Holy
Ghost is not given for the purpose of taking away sin
but of conferring additional grace. This condition,
however, refers only to lawftu reception; the sacra-
ment is validly received even by those in mortal sin.
In the early ages of the Church, confirmation was part
of the rite of initiation, and consequently was admin-
istered immediately after baptism. When, however,
baptism came to be conferred by siniple priests, the
two ceremonies were separated in the Western Church.
Further, when infant baptism became customary, con-
firmation was not administered until the child had at-
tained the use of reason. This is the present practice,
thou^ there is considerable latitude as to the precise
age. The Catechism of the Council of Trent says that
the sacrament can be administered to all persons after
baptism, but that this is not expedient before the use of
reason ; and adds that it is most fitting that the sacra^
ment be deferred until the child is seven years old, ^* for
Confirmation has not been instituted as necessary for
salvation, but that by virtue thereof we might be
found well armed and prepared when called upon to
fight for the faith of Chnst, and for this kind of conflict
no one will consider children, who are still without the
use of reason, to be qualified." (Pt. 11, ch. iii, 18.)
Such, in fact, is the general usage in the Western
Church. Under certain circumstances, however, as,
for instance, danger of death, or when the opportunity*
of receiving the sacrament is but rarely offered, even
younger children may be confirmed. In the Greek
ChiirSi and in Spain, infants are now, as in earlier
times, confirmed immediately after baptism. Leo XIII,
writing 22 June, 1897, to the Bishop of Marseilles,
commends most heartily the practice of confirming
children before their first communion as being more in
accotd with the ancient usage of the Church,
Effects. — Confirmation imparts (1) an increase of
sanctifying grace which makes the recipient a ** perfect
Christian"; (2) a special sacramental grace consisting
in the seven gifts oi the Holy Ghost and notably in the
strength and courage to confess boldly the name of
Christ; (3) an indelible character by reason of which
the sacrament cannot be received again by the same
person. (See Character.) A further consequence is
the spiritual relationship (see Relationship, Spirit-
ual) which the person confirming and the sponsor
contract with the recipient an^ with the recipient's
parents. This relationship constitutes a diriment
impediment (see Imprdimentb) to marriage. It does
not arise between the miiuster of the sacrament and
the sponsor nor between the sponsors themselves.
Necessity. — Regarding the obligation of receiving
the sacrament, it is admitted that confirmation is not
necessary as an indispensable means of salvation (ne-
cessitate medii). On the other hand, its reception is
obligatory (necessitate prcBcepti) **for all those who are
able to understand and fulfil the Commandments of
God and of the CJhurch^ This is especially true of
tiiose who suffer persecution on account of their relig-
ion or are exposed to grievous temptations against
faith or are in danger of death. The more serious the
danger so much greater is the need of protecting one-
self ^ (Cone. Plen. Bait. II, n. 250.) As to the grav-
ity of the obligation, opinions differ, some theologians
holding that an unconfirmed person would commit
mortal sin if he refused the sacrament, others that the
sin would be at most venial unless the refusal implied
contempt for the sacrament. Apart, however, from
such controversies the importance of confirmation as a
means of grace is so obvious that no earnest Christian
will neglect it, and in particular that duistian parents
will not fail to eee that their children are confirmed.
Sponsors.^— The CJhiirch prescribes under pain of
grievous sin that a sponsor, or godparent, shaU stand
for the person confirmed. Hie sponsor should be at
least fourteen years of age, of the same sex as the can-
didate, should nave already received the Sacrament of
Confirmation, and be well instructed in tibe Catholic
Faith. From this office are excluded Ihe father and
mother of the candidate, members of a religious order
(unless the candidate be a religious), public sinners,
and those who are under public ban of interdict or
excommunication. Except in case of necessity the
baptismal godparent cannot serve as sponsor for the
same person m confirmation. Where the opposite
practice obtains, it should, according to a decree of
the Sacred Congregation, of the Council, 16 Feb., 1884,
be gradually done away with. Tlie Second Plenary
0)uncil of Baltimore (1866) declared that each candi-
date should have a sponsor, or that at least two god-
fathers should standtor the boys and two godmothers
for the girls (n. 253). See also prescriptions of the
First Council of Westminster. Formerly it was cus-
tomary for the sponsor to place his or her right foot
upon tne foot of the candidate during the administra-
tion of the sacrament: the present usage is that the
sponsor's right hand should oe placed upon the right
shoulder of the candidate. The Holy Crace decr^,
16 June, 1884, that no sponsor could stand for more
than two candidates except in case of necessity. The
custom of giving a new name to the candidate is not
obligatory; but it has the sanction of seversd synodal
decrees cfuring the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
The Fifth Council of Milan, under St. Charles Borro-
meo, insisted that a candidate whose name was " vile,
ridiculous, or quite unbecoming for a Christian'*
should jeceive another at Conmmation** (cf. Mar-
tdne).
It is clear from the diversity of practice at the pres-
ent day, that there is ihuch uncertainty as to the doc-
trine concerning confirmation. It is certain that the
sacrament is validly and lawfully administered in the
Qiurch; but this does not solve the theological ques-
tions regarding its institution, matter, form, and min-
ister. At the time of the Council of Trent the diffi-
culty was felt to be so great that the assembled Fathers
contented themselves with only a few canons on the
subject. They defined that confirmation was not "a
vain ceremony but a true and proper sacrament " ; and
that it was not " in olden days nothing but a sort of
catechism in which those who were entering upon
youth gave an account of their faith in the face of the
Church" (can. i). They did not define anything spe-
cific about the institution by CJhrist; though in treat-
ing of the sacraments in general they had already de-
fii5}d that '* all the sacraments of the New Law were
instituted by Christ our Lord" (Sess. VII, can. i).
Nothing whatever was said about the form of words to
be usea; and regarding the matter they merely con-
demned any one who should maintain " that they who
ascribe any virtue to the sacred chrism of confirmation
offer an outrage to the Holy Ghost" (can. ii). The
third and last canon defined that the "ordinary" min-
ister of the sacrament is a bishop only, and not any
simple priest. This guarded language, so different
from the definite canons on some of tne other sacra-
ments, shows that the council bad no intention of de-
ciding the questions at issue among theologians regard*
OOXn&MA^XOK
217
oaxanssauxiox
io^ the time and manzier of the institution by Chxist
(direot or indirect institution), the matter (impoflition
of hands or anointing, or both), the form C'l sisn
thee ' ', etc., or '' the seal ' ', etc.); and the minister (biwr
op or priest) . Elsewhere (Sess. VII, can. ix) the council
defined that " in confirmation a diaraoter is imprinted
in the soul, that is, a certain spiritual and ladelible
sign on account of which the sacrament cannot be re-
peated " ; and again (Sess. XXIII) the council declared
that " bishops are superior to priests ; they administer
the Sacrament of Confirmation; they ordain the min-
isters of the Church; and they can perform many
other things over which fimctions others of an inferior
rank have no power". Concerning the administra-
tion of the sacrament from the earliest times of the
Church, the decree of the Inquisition (LamentabUi
sane, 3 July, 1907) condemns the proposition (44):
"There is no proof that the rite of the Sacrament of
Confirmation was employed by the Apostles; the for-
mal distinction, therefore, between the two sacra-
ments, Baptism and (Jonfirmation, does not belong to
the histoiy of Christianity '\ The institution of the
sacrament has also been the subject of much discus-
sion as will appear from the following accoimt.
II. ELiaroRT. — ^The Sacrament of Confirmatioa is a
striking instance of the devebpment of doctrine and
ritual m the Churdi. We can, indeed, detect much
more than the mere germs of it in Holy Scripture; but
we most not expect to find there an exact description
of the ceremony as at prtsent performed, or a com-
plete solution of the various theological questions
which have since arisen. It is onlv from the Fathers
and the Schoolmen that we can gather infoimation on
these heads. r nn -
(1) We read ux the Adt» olthe Apostles (viii, 14-17)
that after the Samaritan converts had been baptized
by Philip the deacon, the Apostles ''sent unto them
Peter and John, who, when they were oome, prayed
for them, that they might receive the Holy Ghost; for
he was not yet oome upon any of them, but they were
onlv bai>tij5ed in the name of the Lord Jesus; then they
laid their hands upon them, and they received the
Holy Ghost". Again (xix, 1-6): St. Paul "came to
Ephesus, and tcxmd certahx disciples ; and he said to
them : Have you received the Holy Ghost since ye be-
lieved? But they said to him: We have not so much
as heard whether thesre be a Holy Ghost. And he said }
In what then were you baptised? Who said : In John's
baptism. Then Paul said: John baptized the people
with the baptism of penance. . . . Having heara these
things, they were baptized in the name of the Lord
Jesus. And when Paul had imposed his hands on
them, the Holy Ghost came upon them, and they
spoke with tongues and prophesied". From these
two passages we learn that in the earliest ages oi the
Church there was a rite, distinct from baptism, in
Which the Holy Ghost was conferred by the imposition
of hands (<cd r% inOio-etat rQw x^^^ ^^^ ' Arovr6\tap),
and that the power to perform this ceremony was
not implied in the power to baptize. No distinct men-
tion is made as to the origin of this rite; but Christ
promised the gift of the Holy Ghost and conferred it.
Again, no express mention is made of anointing with
duism; but we note that the idea of unction is com-
monly associated with the ^ing of the Holy Ghost.
Christ <Luke, iv, 18) applies to Himself the words
of Isaiaa Gxi, 1): "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me,
wherefore he hath anointed me to preach the gospel ' \
St. Peter (Acts, x, 38) speaks of '^ Jesus of Nazareth:
how God anointed him with the Holv Ghost".
St. John tells the faithful: "You have the unction
(xpt&fUL) from the Holy One, and know all things";
and again: " Let the unction [xP*^/*'^t which you have
received from him, ahide in you" (I Ep.,' ii, 20, 27). A
striking pass^e, which was made much use of by the
Fathers and the Schoolmen, is that of St. Paul: " He
that oonfirmeth [^ d^ fitpaiQp] us with you in Christ,
and hath anointed us, is God, who also hath sealed
[rikfi%ytffdfm9Qfi] us, and given us the pledge [dppa^dm]
of the Spirit in our hearts" (II Cor., i, 20, 21). No
mention is made of any particular words accompany-
ing the imposition of hands on either of the occasions
on which the ceremony is descr&ed ; but as the su^ of
imposing hands was performed for various purposes,
some prayer indicating the special purpose may have
been usedt "Peter and John . . . prayed for them,
that they mi^t receive the Holy Ghost". Further,
such expressions as "signing" and "sealing" may be
taken as referring to the character impresBsd by the
sacrament: "You were^signed [itriipaylffdrrn] with
the holy Spirit of promise"; "Grieve not the holy
Spirit of God, whereby you are sealed [^^^pa-yj^-^e)
unto the day of redemptk>n" (Eph., i. 13 ; iv, 30). See
also the ptassage from II Cor. auoted above. Again,
in the Epistle to the Hebrews (vi, 1-4) the writer re«
proaches those whom he addresses for falling back into
their primitive imperfect knowledge of Christian
truth ; " whereas for the time you ougnt to be mast^rs^
you have. need to be taught again what are the first
elements of the words of <jod" (Heb., v, 12). He
exhorts them: ** leaving the word of the beginning of
Christ, let us go on to thinflpi more perfect, not laying
again the foundation ... of the doctrine of baptisms,
and imposition of hands ", and speaks of them as those
who have been " once illufiunAted, have tasted also the
heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy
Ghost' '. It is clear that reference is made here to the
ceremony of Christian initiation: baptism and the im->
position of hands whereby the Holy Ghost was con-
terred, just as in Acts, ii, 38. The ceremony is con-
sidered to-be so well known to the faithful that no
further description is necessary. This account of thie
practice and teadung of the Apostles proves that the
ceremony was no mere examination of those already
baptized, no mere profession of faith or renewal <»
baptismal vows. Nor was it something specially con-
feired upon the Samaritans and Ephesians. What was
done to them was an instance of what was generally
bestowed. Nor was it a mere bestowal of charismata ;
tiie Holy Ghost sometimes produced extraordinary
effects (speaking with divers tongues, etc.), but these
were not necessarily the result of His being given*
The practice and teaching of the Chureh at the
present day preserve the jHimitive type: the imposi-
tion of handS) the gift of the Holy Ghost, the privileges
of the episcopate. What fiother elements were
handed down by tradition will be seen presentiv.
(2) In passing from Holy Scripture to the Fathers
we naturally eiqpect to find more definite answers to
the various questions regarding the sacrament. From
both their practice and their teaching we learn that
the Church made use of a rite distinct from baptism {
that this consisted of imposition of hands, anomting,
a&d accompanving words; that by this rite the Holy
Ghost was conferred upon those already baptized, and
a mark or seal impressed upon their bouIs; that, as a
rule, in the West the minister was a bishop, whereas in
the East he might be a simple priest. The Fathen
considered that the rites of initiation (baptism, confir-
mation, and the Holy Eucharist) were mstituted by
Christ, but they did not enter into any minute dis-
cussion as to the time, place, and manner of the insti-
tution, at least of the second of these rites. la exam-
ining the testimonies of the Fathers we should note
that the word eonfirmaiion is not used to designate this
sacrament during the first four oentiuies ; but we meet
with various other terms and phrases which quite
clearly refer to it. Thus, it is styled " impoeition of
hands" Cmanuum imposiiio, x^*f*>^^^)t unction",
" chrism ", " sealing ' ', etc. Before the time of Tertul-
lian the Fathers do not make any explicit mention of
Gonfinnation as distinct from baptism. The fact that
the two sacraments were conferred together may ac-
count for this silence. Tertullian (De Bapt., vi) is
OOMnRlUTIOK
218
cxmratBCATioir
the first to dlBtinguish dearly the three acts of initia-
tion: "After haying come out of the laver, we are
anointed thorou^y with a blessed unction ^perunai"
mur benedictA unetione\ acoordmg to the ancient rule.
. . . The unction runs bodily over us, but profits spir-
itually. . . . Next to this, the hand is laid upon us
throiiirai the blessing, calling upon and inviting the
Holy Spirit [dehinc manus imponitur per benedicttonem
advocana et tnvitans SpirUum Sanctum] " Again (De
resurr. camis, n. 8): ''The flesh is washed that the
soul may be made stainless. The fle^ is anointed
[ufiffUiar] that the soul may be consecrated. The flesh
IB sealed [siffnatur] that the soul may be fortified, llie
flesh is ovenshadowed by the imposition of hands that
the soul may be illuminated by the Spirit. The flesh
18 fed by the Body and Blood of Chnst that the soul
may be fattened of God." And (Adv. Marcion., i, n.
14): '^But He [Christ], indeed even at the present
time, neither rejected the water of the Creator with,
whidi He washes clean His own, nor the oil witii ^ich
He anoints His own; . . . nor the bread with which He
makes present [reprmsentai] His own very body, needing
even in His own sacraments the beggarly elements en
the Creator. " Tertullian also tells now the devil, imi-
taUng the rites of Christian initiation, sprinkles some
and signs them as his soldiers on the for^ead (dgntU
iUic tVi fronHbuB mHUes tuos — ^De Pnescript., xl).
Another great African Father speaks with equal
eleamess of confirmation. ''Two sacraments'', says
St. Cyprian, " preside over the perfect birth of a Chris-
tian, the one regenerating the man, which is baptism,
the other communicating to him the Holy Spirit"
(Epist. hcxii). " Anointed also must he be wiio is bap-
tised, in order that having received the chrism, that is
l^e unction, he may b^ anointed of Qod'' (Epist.
Ixx). " It was not fitting that [the Samaritans] should
be baptised ^gain, but only what was wanting, that
was done by reter and John; that prayer being made
for them and hands imposed, the Holy Ghost should
be invoked and poured lorth upon them. Which also
is now done among us; so tiiat they who are baptised
in the Church are presented to the bishops [prelates] of
the Church, and by ourprayer and imposition of hands,
they receive the Holy Gnost and are perfected with the
seal [^ngnaculo] of the Lord" (Epist. Ixxiii). "More-
over, a person is not bom bv the imposition of hands,
when he receives the Holy Ghost, but in baptism; that
being already bom he may receive the Spirit, as was
done in the first man Adam. For God first formed
him and breathed into his face the breath of life. For
the Spirit cannot be received except there is first one
to receive it. But the birth of Christians is in bap-
tism" (Epist. Ixxiv). Pope St. Gomelius complains
that Novatus, after having been baptized on his sick-
bed| "did not receive the other thmgs which ought to
be partaken of according to the mle of the Churdi — ^to
be sealed, that is, by the bishop [v^payi^pw, ^t6 roO
iwuricSwov] and not having received this, how did
he receive the Holy Ghost?" (Euseb., H. E., vi, xlin).
In the fourth and fifth centuries the testimonies are
naturally more frequent and clear. St. Hilary speaks
of " the sacraments of baptism and of the Spirit ; and
he says that "the favour and gift of the Holy Spirit
were, when the work of the Law ceased, to be given by
the imposition of hands and prayer" (In Matt., c. iv,
c. xiv) . St. Cyril of Jerusalem is the great Eastem au-
thority on the subject, and his testimony is all the
more unportant because he devoted several of his " Ca-
techeses^' to the instruction of catechumens in the
three sacraments which they were to receive on being
initiated into the Christian mysteries. Nothing could
be clearer than his language: "To you also after you
had comeup from the pool of the sacred streams, was
given the chrism [unction], the emblem of that where-
with Christ was anointed; and this is tho Holy Cfhost.
. . . This holy ointment is no longor plain ointment
nor so to say common, after the invocation, but
Christ's gift; and by tho presence of His Godhead, it
causes in us the Holy Ghost. This symbolically
anoints thy forehead, iod th^ other senses; and the
body indeed is anointed with visible ointment, but the
soul is sanctified by the Holy and life-giving Spirit. . . .
To you not in figure but in truth, because ye were in
tmth anointed by the Spirit" (Cat. Myst., iu). And in
the seventeenth catechesis on the Holy Ghost, he
speaks of the visit of Peter and John to conmiunicate to
tne Samaritans the gift of the Holy Ghost by prayer
and the imposition of hands. ''Forget not the Holy
Ghost", he says to the catechumens, "at the moment
of your enlightenment; He is ready to mark your soul
with His s^ \ffitpayUra4] ... He will give you the
heavenly and aivine seal [r^paylt] which makes the
devils tremble; He will arm you for the fight; He will
give you strength." Christ, says St. Optatus of Bii-
leve, "went down into the water, not that there was
what could be cleansed in God, but the water ought to
go before the oil that was to supervene, in order to im-
tiate and in order to fill up the mysteries of baptism;
havii^ been washed whilst He was held in John's
hands, the order of the mystery is followed. . . . Heaven
is opened whilst the Father anomts ; the spiritual oil in
the image of the Dove immediately diesoended and
rested on His head, and poured on it oil, whence He
took the name of Christ, \i^en He was anointed bv
God the Father; to whom that the impoeition of hancis
might not seem to have been wanting, the voice of God
is heard from a cloud, saying,'This is my Son, of whom
I have thought well ; hear ye him " (De schism. Donate
I, iv, n. 7).
St. Ephraem Syrus speaks of "the Sacraments of
Chrism and Baptism" (Serm. xxvii); "oil also for a
UKXsit sweet unguent, whetAwilfli'they who idready have
been initiated by baptism are sealed, and put on the
armour of the Holy Spirit" (In Jori.) St. Ambrose
addressing the catechumens who had already been
baptised and anointed, says: "Thou hast received the
spiritual seal, the Spirit of wisdom and of imderstand-
ing. . . . Keep what thou hast received. God the Far-
ther has sealed thee; Christ the Lord has confirmed
thee; and the Spirit has given the pled^ in thy heart,
as thou hast learned from what is read m the Apostle ' '
(De rayst. , c. vii, n. 42). The writer of the ** De Sacra-
mentis" (Inter Op. Ambros., lib. Ill, c ii, n. 8) says
that after the bap^smal immeisioB " the spiritual seal
Ingvuittulum] follows . . . when at the invocation of the
biuiop [8acerdolia] the Holy Ghost is infused". The
Council of Elvira decreed that those who had been
baptized privately in case of necessity should after-
wards be taken to the bishop "to be made perfect by
the imposition of hands " (can. xxxviii, Labbe, 1, 974).
And the Council of Laodioea: "Those who have been
converted from the heresies ... are not to be received
before they anathematize every heresy . . . and then
after that, those who were called faithful among them;
having learned the creeds of the faith, and having been
anointed with the holy chrism, shall so communicate
of the holy mystery" (can. vii). "Those who axe en-
lightened must after baptism be anointed with the
heavenly chrism, and be partakers of the kingdom of
Christ" (can. xlviii, Labbe, I, col. 1497). The CouncU
of Constantinople (381) : " We recdve the Arians, and
Macedonians ... upon their giving in written state-
ments and anathematizing every heresy. . . . Having
fiist sealed them with the holy ointment upon tlie fore-
head, and eyes, and nostrils, and mouth, and ears, and
sealing them we say, 'The seal of the gift of the Holy
Ghost' " (can. vii, Labbe, II, col. 952). St. AugusUne
explains how the coming of the H(dy Ghost was ac-
companied with l^e gift of tongues in the first ages of
the Churoh. "Tliese were mirades suited to the
times. ... Is it now expected that they upon whom
hands are laid, should speak with tongues? Or when
we iniposed our hand upon these children, did eju-h of
you wait to 8c« whether they woukl speak with tan-
oDimuiAtnm
219
OOHflRMATXOH
gues? and wheii he aair that they did not speak with
tongues, was any of you so perverse of heart as to say
'These have not received the Holy Ghost?'" (In £p.
Joan., ir. vil He also speaks in the same way about
anointing: the sacrament of chrism ''is in the genus of
visible signs, sacrosanct like baptism" (Contra litt.
PeUL, II» em, dv. in P. L.* XLI. col. 342; see Serm.
CGZXvii, Ad Infantes in P. L., XXXVU, col. 1100; De
Trin.,XV,n.46inP.L.,XL»col.l093); '<Of Christ it is
written in the Acts of the Apostles, how God anointed
Him with the Holy Ghost, not indeed with visible oil,
but with the gift of grace, which is si^ified by that
visible unction wherewith the Church anoints the bap>
tiaed". The most explicit passage is in the letter of
Pope Innocent I to DeoentiUB: "As regards the sealing
ci mf ants, it is clear that it is not lawful for it to be
done by an^ne but » bishop [nen ab alUs quam ab
epUoopo fieri licere^ For presbyteni, though th^ be
priests of the second rank (second priests), have not at-
tained to the sunmiit of the pontificate. That this
pontificate is the ri^t of bishops ooly — ^to wit: that
they may seal or deuver the Spirit, the Paraclete — is
demonstrated not merely by ecclesiastical usage, but
also by that portion of the Acts of the Apostles where-
in it is declared that Peter and John were sent to give
{he* Holy Ghost to those who had already been bi^
tiled. For when presbyten baptise, whether with or
without the presence of the bishop, thev may anoint
the baptised with chrism, provided it be previouslv
oonseorated by a bishop, but not sign the for&ead wiu
that oil, iHiich is a ri^^t reserved to bishops [eptsocrpts]
only, when they give the Spirit, the Paramete. The
words, however, Icannot name, for fear of seeming to
betray rather than to rM>ly to Uxe pcHnt on which you
have consulted me," Samt Leo in his fourth sermon
on Christ^ Nativity says to the faithful: ''Having
been regepecated bv water and the Holy Ghost, you
have received the cnrism of salvation and the seal of
eternal Life" {chrisma salutU et aignaadum vitm <JBi$rwB,
—P. L., UV, eol. 207). The Blessed Theodoret com-
menting on tbe fiist dbapter of the Canticle of Canti-
cles says: ''Brin^ to thy recollection the holy rite of
initiation, in which they who are perfected after the
renunciation of the tyrant and the acknowledgment of
the King,r receive as a kind of roval seal the chrism of
the spiritu^ unction (f^payM timi ^s^cXxiri^v . . .
ToG wwm/iMTUBaif pApw rh XP*^/**) ae made partakers in
that typical ointment of the invisible grace of the Holy
Spirit^' (P. G., LXXXI, 60).
Among the homilies formerly attributed to E)use-
bius of Kmesa, but now admitted to be the work of
some bishop of Southern Gaul in the fifth century, is a
long homily for Whitsunday: "The Holy Ghost who
comesdown with a life-giving descent upon the waters
of baptism, in the font bestows beauty unto innocence,
in confirmation g^nants an increase unto grace. Be-
cause we have to waXk. during our whole life in the
midst of invisible enemies and dangers, we are in bap-
tism reoenerated unto life, after bi^tism we are con-
firmed for the baitle; in baptism we are cleansed, after
baptism we are strengthened . . . confirmation arms
and furnishes weapons to those who are reserved for
the wrestlings and contests of this world ' ' (Bib. Max.,
SS. PP., VI, p. 649). These passaoss suffice to show
the doctrine and practice of the Qiurch during the
patristM age. For further infonnation see " Diet, de
th6oL cath?', s. v. ''Confirmatk>n'', coll. 1026-1058.
(3) After the great Trinitarian and Christological
controversies had been decided, and the doctrine of
Divine grace had been defined, the Church was able to
devote attrition to questions regarding the sacra-
ments, the means of grace. At the same time, the
saenmeotaries were being drawn up, fixing the vari-
ous rites in use. With precision of practice came
greater precision and completeness of doctrine.
"Chrisma", says St. Isidore of Seville, "is in I^tin
odled 'UUQtiu') and from it Christ receives His name,
and man is sanctified after the laver [lavacrum]] for as
in baptism remission of sins is given, so by anointing
[ttficfoo] the sanctification of the Spirit is conferred.
The imposition of hands takes place in order that the
Holy Spirit, being called by the blessii^, may be in-
vited [per benedicUanem aavoc<Uu» inviteiur SpirUus
SancUui]; for after the bodies have been cleansed and
blessed, then does the Paraclete willingly oome down
from the Father" (Etym., VI, c.xix in P. L., LXXXII,
eol. 256). The great Ang^o-Saxon ii|^ts of the early
Middle Ages are eq[ually explicit. " llie confirmation
of the newly baptised , says Lingard (Ang^o-Saxon
Church, I, p. 296), ''was made an important part of
the bishop's duty. We repeatedly reaA of journeys
undertaken by St. Cuthbert chiefly with this object.
. . . Children were brous^t to him for confirmation
from the secluded parts of the countnr; and he minis-
tered to those who had been reoenUy bom a^in in
Christ the grace of the Holy Spirit by tne imposition of
hands, 'placing his hand on the head of each, and
anointing them with the chrism which he had blessed
(manum imponene tuper caput nnguhrumf limena
unctione conaecratd quam benedixerat; Beda, ''Vita
Cuth.", c. xxix, xxxii in P. L., XCIV, Oi>Br. Min.. p.
277), " Alcuin also in his letter to Odwin describes
how the neojphyte, after the reception of baptism and
the Euchanst, prepares to receive the Holy Spirit
by the imposition of hands. "Last of aU by the
imposition of the hands by the chief priest [summo
sacerdote] he receives tiie Spirit of the seven-fold grace
to be strengthened by the Holy Spirit to fight against
others'' (De bapt. cseremon. in P. L., CI, coL 614). It
will be observed that in all these passages imposition
of hands is mentioned; St. Isidore. and St. Bede men-
tion anointing also. These may be taken as typical
examples ; the best authorities of this age combine the
two ceremonies. As to the form of words used the
greatest variety prevailed. The words accompany-*,
ms the ioiiposition of hands were generally a prayer
celling upon God to send down the Holy Ghost and
confer upon the neoph3rtes Uie seven gifts. In the
Gresprian Sacramentary no words at au are assigned
to the anointing; but it is clear that the anointing
must be taken in connexion with the words belonging
to the imposition of hands. Where special words are
assigned they sometimes resemble the Greek formu-
lary (jsignum Christ in vUam ceiemam, etc.), or are in-
dicative, like the present formula (signo, cormgnOf conr
finno)f or imperative (accipe n^pium, etc.), or depreca-
tory (confirmet vos Pater et FiUue et Spiritus Sanotua,
etc.)* St. Isidore is clearly in favour of a prayer:
"We can receive the Holy Ghost, but we cannot give
Him: that He may be given, we call upon God" (De
Off. Ecd., II, c. xxvi in P. L., LXXXIII, col. 823). In
contrast with this diversity as to the form there is
complete agreement that the sole minister is a bishop.
Ctf course this refers only to the Western Church. The
writers appeal to the Acts of the Apostles (e. g. St.
Isidore, "De Off. EccL", II, c. xxvi; St. Bede, *'In.
Act. Apost." in P. L., XCII, col. 961; "Vit. Cuth.",
c. xxix); but they do not examine the reason why
the power is reserved to the bishops, nor do they dis-
cuss the question of the time and mode of the in-
stitution of the sacrament.
(4) The. teaching of the Schoolmen shows a marked
advance upon that of the eariy Middle Ages. The de-
cision as to the number of the sacraments involved the
clear distinction of confirmation from baptism ; and at
the same time the more exact definition of what con-
stitutes a sacrament led to the discussion of the instir
tution of confirmation, its matter and form, minister,
and effects, especially the character impressed. We
can follow the development through the labours of
Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, St. Anselm hb
successor, Abelard, Hugh of St. Victor, Peter Lom-
bard (Sent., IV,dist. ^^i); then branching out iiit4^» the
two distinct schools of Dominicans (Albertus Magiius
OONHSMATtOlP
220
oonsnaMAinat
XfkdSt. Thomas) and Franciscans (Alestander of Hales,
St. Bona venture, and Duns Scotus). As we i^all see,
the clearness with which the various questions were
set forth bv no means produced unanimity; ratiier it
served to bring out the imcertainty with regard to
them all. The writers start from the tact that there
was in the Church a ceremony of anointing with dirism
accompanied with the words: ''I sign tnee with the
sign of the cross **, etc. ; this ceremony was performed
by a bishop only, and could not be repeat^. When
they came to examine the doctrine underiying this
practice they all admitted that it was a sacrament,
though in the earlier writers the word sacrament had
not yet acquired a distinct technical meaning. So
strongly did they insist upon the principle Lex orandi,
lex credendif that they took for granted that the anoint-
ing must be the matter, and the words ** I sign thee",
etc., the form, and that no one but a bishop could be
the valid minister. But when they came to justify
this doctrine by the authority of Scripture they en-
countered the difficulty that no mention is made there
either of the anointing or of the words; indeed noth-
ing is said of the institution of the sacrament at all.
What could be the meaning of this silence? How
could it be explained?
(a) Regarding the institution there were three opin-
ions. The Dominican School taught that Christ
Himself was the immediate author of confirmation.
Earlier writers (e. g. Hugh of St. Victor, " De Sacram.",
ii, and Peter Lombard, '* Sent.", FV, dist. vii)held that it
was instituted by .the Holy Ghost through the instru-
mentality of the Apostles. The Franciscans also
maintained that the Holy Ghost wm the author, but
that He acted either throueh the Apostles or through
the Church after the death of the Apostles. ''Con-
cerning the institution of this sacrament", says St.
Thomas, "there are two opinions: some say tnat it
was instituted neither by Christ nor by His Apostles,
but later on in the course of time at a certain council
gleaux, S45; this was the opinion of Alexander of
ales, Summ., iv, q. 9, m.], whereas others said that
it was instituted by the Apostles. But this cannot be
the case, because the institution of a sacrament be-
long to the power of excellence which is projjer to
Christ alone. And therefore we must hold that Christ
instituted this sacrament, not by showing it [exhihenr
do] but by promisinc it, according to the text (John,
xvi, 7), ' If I go not, the Paraclete wiU not come to you ;
but if I go, I will send Him to you * . And this because
in this sacrament the fullness of the Hol}r Ghost is
given, which was not to be given before Christ's resur-
rection and ascension, according to the text (John,
vii, 39), ' As yet the Spirit was not given, because Jesus
was not yet glorified'^' (Summ. Ill, Q. Ixxii, a. 1, ad 1).
It wijl be noticed that the Angelic Doctor hesitates a lit-
tle about the direct institution by Christ {non ex-
htbendo, sed promiUendo). In his eariier work (In
Sent., IV, dist. vii, q. 1) he had said plainly that Christ
had instituted the sacrament and had Hunself admin-
istered it (Matt.^ xix). In this opinion the saint was
still under the mfluence of his master, Albert, who
went so far as to hold that Christ had specified the
chrism and the words, "I sign thee", etc. (In Sent., IV,
dist. vii, a. 2). The opinion of Alexander of Hales, re-
ferred to by St. Thomas, was as follows: the Apostles
conferred the Holy Ghost by mere imposition of nands ;
this rite, which was not properly a sacrament, was con-
tinued until the ninth century, when the Holy Ghost
inspired the Fathers of the Council of Meaux in the
choice of the matter and form, and endo^^ed these with
sacramental efficacy {Spiritu Sancto instiganU et vir-
iviem sanctificandi pratstante). He was led to this ex-
traordinary view (which he states as merely personal)
by the fact that no mention is made in Holy Scripture
either of the chrism or of the words; and as^ these were
undotibtcdly the matter and the form they co\ild only
havp hf^m iiitroduwd by Divine authority. His dis-
ciple, St. Bonaventure, agreed in rejecting the instiiu-
tion by Christ or His Apostles, and in attributing
it to the Holy Ghost; but ne set back the time to the
a|^ of '*the successors of the Apostles" (In Sent.. IV,
dist. vii, art. 1). However, like his frieiMily rival St.
Thomas, he also modified hk view in a later work (Bre-
viloquium, p. vi. c. 4) where he says that Christ insti-
tuted all the sacraments, though in different wa3r8;
" some by hintuig at them and imtiating tixemlinsinu-
ando s< %niHando]f as confirmation and extreme
unction". Scotus seems to have felt the weight
of the authority of the Dominican opinion, for
he does not express himself cleariy in favour of the
views of his own order. He says that the rite was in-
stituted by God (Jesus Christ? the Holy Ghost?) ;
that it was instituted when Christ pronounced tbe
words, *' Receive ye the Holy Ghost", or on the day of
Pentecost, but this may refer not to the rite but to the
thmg signified, viz. the gift of the Holy Ghost (In Sent.,
IV, dist. vii, q. 1; dist. ii, q. 1). The Fathers of the
Council of Trent, as said above, did not expressly de-
cide the question, but as they defined that all the sacra-
ments were instituted by Christ, the Dominican
teaching has prevailed. We shall see, however, that
this is capable of many different meanings.
(b) The question of the institution of the sacrament
is intimately bound up with the determination of the
matter and form. Alt agreed that these consisted of
the anointing (including tdie act of placing the hand
upon the candidate) and the words, ^'I sign thee", or
"I confirm thee"; etc. Were this -action and these
words of Divine, or of ApostoHo, or of merely ecclesias-
tical origin? Blessed Albertus held that both were or-
dained by Christ Himself; others that th^ were
the work of the Church ; but the common opimon was
that they were of Apostolic origin. St. Thomcas was
of opinion that the Apostles actually made- use of
chrism and the words, uonnano fe, etc., and that they
did so by Christ's command. Ine sUenoe of Scrip-
ture need not surprise us, he says, ''for the Apostles
observed many tnings in the administrataoa of the
sacram^ts wmch are not handed down by ihe Scrip-
tures" (S. Theol., Ill, Q. Ixxii^ a. 8 and 4).
(c> In proof of the reservation of the rite to bishons
the Schoolmen appeal to the example of Ads, viii;
and they go on to explain that as the sacrament is a
sort of completion of baptism it is fitting tiist it riiould
be conferred by " one wno has the highest power [sum^
mam potestatem] in the Church" (oL Thomas, ibid.,
art. 11). They were aware, however, that in the prim-
itive Chureh simple priests sometimes administered
the sacrament. This they accounted for by the few-
ness of bishops, and they recognized that the validity
of such adminiistration (unlike the case of Holy or-
ders) is a mere matter of ecclesiastical lurisdiotion.
"The pope holds the fullness of power in the Chureh,
whence he can confer upon certain of the -inferior or-
ders things which belong to the hi^er orders. . . .
And out of the fullness of this power the blessed pope
Gregory granted that simple priests conferred this
sacrament" (St. Thomas, ibid.).
(5) The Council of Trent did not decide the questions
discussed by the Schoolmen. But the definition that
"all the sacraments were instituted by Christ "'(Seas.
VII, can. i), excluded the opinion that Ihe H<4y Ghost
was the author of confirmation. Still, nothing was
said about the mode of institution — whether immedi-
ate or mediate, generic or specific. The poet*Triden-
tine theologians nave almost unanimously taught that
Christ Himself was the immediate author of all the
sacraments, and so of confirmation (of. De Luso, '* De
Sacram. in Gen.", disp. vii, sect. 1; Toumety, "De
Sacram. in Gen.'*; q. v, a. 1). **But the historical
studies of the seventeenth oentuiy obliged autliors to
restrict the action of Christ in the institution of the
sacraments tt) the determination of the spiritual ef-
fect, leaving the choice of the rite to the Apostles and
coHraaii^TioM
p21
ooKmiiAnoH
the Church/^ (Pourrat, La th^logie sacramen-
taire, p. 313.) That is to say, in the case of coofinna-
tion, Christ bestowed upon the Apostles the power
of giving the Holy Ghost, but He md not specify the
ceremony by which this gift should be conferred; the
Apostles and the Church, acting under Divine guid-
ance, fixed upon the imposition of hands, the anoint-
ing, and the appropriate words. Further information
on this important and difficult question will b« icMUid
in the artide Sagrambntow
III. GONPIRMATIOM IN THE BRITISH' AXD iRliSB
' CHURCHBS.-*-In hds famous ^ Confession ' ' (ed. Whitley
Stokes, Vita Tripartita, II> 372, 368; cf. p. (^xxxiv)
St. Patridc refers to himself as- the first to administer
oonfifmaiion in Ireland. The term here used (popuH
eonsummatio; ef. St. Cyprian, ut signaculo dmmmoo
cofMummeifter, £p. Ixxui, no. 9, ed«- Hariel, p. 785)
is rendered by witoamad,co8rrujfil ieonfirmaba^ am-
firmatki) ina yeiy ancient Irish homily on St. Patrick
found in the fourteenth c«itury, '.'Leabar Breao"
(op. cit., II, 484). In the same work <II, 560-61) a
Latin mreface to an ancient Irish ohronological tract
says: Ileftemtis sccre ^uo temporv PolricitM sanchfs e?^
Scopus a^quB pretcepUfr maximua Scotcrum inofioamit
. . . sanot/ieore e< oonseerore . . . et e&nsumtnaiiB, i e.
' ' we ought to knoiw at wh«t time Patrick, the holy blsb^
op and greatest teacher of the Irish, began to come to
Ireland ... to sandiifjf ^snd ordain* and ooiifinn'\
Prom the same ^Leabar Breac'' Sylvester Malone
qnotu the following aeeouni of < oonmrmation which
exhibits an accurate belief on the part of the Iridi
Chilrehc ''Gonfirmation or chrism is <^e perfection ol
baptism, not that they are not distinct and dilEerent.
Confirmation oould not be given in the absence of bap-
tism; nordo the effects w baptism depend en Con-
firmation, nor are they lost till death. Just as the
natural' birth takes pfaioe at ones so' does the spiritual
regeneration in like manner, but it finds; however, its
perfection in confirmation'' (Church History of Ire-
land, Dublin, 1880, I, p. 149). It is in the light xA
these venerable texts, which quite probably antedate
the year IOOOl that tre must interpret the weU-known
reference of St, Bernard to -tiie temporary 'disuse of
cohfirmation in Ireland (Vita Malacbue), c. iv, in Acta
SS., KoT;, tl, 14a). He relates that St Milachy (b.
aboot 1095) introduced the practices of the Holy Ro-
man Church into all the churches of Irdand, andmen^
tions especially "the most wholeeome^usageof confess
sion, tiie sacrament of confirmation and we eontraot
of ntlarriage^jLll of 'Which were either unknown or ne*
^ectlBd '*. OhesC Malachy restored {d6 novo instiJtwib),
The Wdsh laws of Hywef Dda suppose lor ehjldren of
seven years and upwardte a religious ceremony of lay*
iDg on of handir that can hardly be an3rtiiing ehie than
confirmation. Moreover, the Welsh term for this sac-
rament, Bedydd Esgohf i. e. bishop's baptism, implies
that it was always performed by a bishop and was a
complement (amm^himatio) of baptisnv (J. Williams^
Eleclesiastical Antiquities of the Cymri, London, 1844,
p. 281). This writer also quotes (ibid.) his coimtry-
man Gerald Barry for the fact that the whole people of
Wales were more eager than any other nation to ol>*
tain episcopal confiraiation and the chrism by which
the ^irit was ^fven.
The practice m England has already been illustrated
by facts from the life of St. Cuthbert. One of the old-
est mftfte^, or prescriptions for administering the sao*
fameiot, is found m the Pontifical of Egbert, Arch*
bishop of York (d. 766). The rite is practic^ly the
same as that used at present; the form, however, is:
"receive the sign of the holy cross with* the chrism 6f
salvation in Christ Jesos unto life everlasting. "
Among the nibrics atei'modo ligtmdi mrU, i. €f. the head
of tiiepel^sOn confirmed is to be bound with a fillet; Und
mado ciimiimnicaf\di sUht de sdcHficio, i. e. theyar^ to
receive Hoiy* Cotomunioh (Mayttftiie). It was espe^
civilly during the thirteenth century that v^rous
measures were taken to secure the proper administra-
tion of the sacrainent. In general, the councils and
synods direct the priests to admonish the people re-
wding the confirmation of their duldeen. The age*
Hmit, however, varies eonsidersd>ly. Thus the Synod
of Worcester (1240) decreed that parents who neg-
lected to have their child confirmed within a year
after birth should be forbidden to enter the church.
The Synod of Exeter (1287) enacted that chikiren
should be oonfirmed within three years from birth;
otiienrise the parents were to fast on bread and water
until they complied with the law. At the Synod of
Durham (1217? Cf. Wilkins, loe. cit. below) the time
was extended to the seventh year. Other statutes
were: that no one should be admitted to Holy Com-
munion who had not been confirmed (Council of Lam-
beth, 1281); that neither father nor mother nor step-
parent shcmld act as sponsor (London, 1200); that
children to be confirmed must bring '' fillets or bandd
of sufficient length and width", and that they must be
brought to the ohuroh the third day after oonfirmar'
tion to h&ve their foreheads waidied by tbe priest out
of reverenoe lor the holy dirism (Oxford, 1222) : that
a male sponsor shoold stand for the boys and a female
sponsor for the girls <Provinoial Synod of Sootlandy
1225); that adults mudt confess before being coa«<
firmed. (Constiimtkin of St. Edmund of Canterii>ury,
about 1236). Several of the above^iamed iBynods
emphasize the fact that confirmatkm produees spin**
tual cognation aiMl thattbe sacrameat cannot beiie^
eeived more than once* Hie l^Eslation of the Synod
of Exeter is especially fUll and detailed (see WUldDs,
Concilia Magnsd Brittannie et Hibeftnin, London,
1734X Among the decrees issued in Ireland after the
Reformation may be> cited? no <me otfaerthaa a bishop
should administer cenfiitnation; the Holy See had not
delegated this episcopal function to any one (Synod of
Ahiuigh, 1614); the faithful should be taught tiiat
confirmation cannot be reiterated and that its reoe|>-
tion should be preceded by sacramental oonfesston
(Synod of Tuam, 1632).
IV. In thb Amcricak CoLONii».^Preivious to the
establishment of the hierarehy, many Catholics is
North America died without having risceived oon-
tenation. In some portions of wcuii is now the
United States the sacrament was sdministered by
bishops from the neighbourin|; Frendi and Spanish
possessions ; in othore; by missionary priests with dd-
egation from the Holy See. Bishop Cabe?a8 de Aiti-
mirano of Santiago de Cuba> on his visitatien of Fht^
Ida, confirmed (25 March, 1606) alaige number, proln
ably the first administration of the sacrsiment in the
United States territory (Shea. The Catholic Oiureh in
Colonial Days, New York, 1866).' In 1656, Don Diego
de ReboUedo, Governor of Florida, urged the King of
Spain to ask the pope to make St. Augustine an epis-
copal see, or to make Florida a vicariate Apostolic so
that there might be a local superior and that the faith-
ful might receive the Sacrament of Confinnation; but
nothi^ came of the petition. Bishop Calderon ol
Santiago visited Florida in 1647 and confirmed 13,152
persons, including Indians and whites. Other iz^
stances are the visitations of Bishop de Velasco
(1735^) and Bishop Morel (1763). Subsequently. Dr.
Peter Camps, missionary Apostolic, received nom
Rome special faculties for confirmation. In New Mex-
ico, duruig the seventeenth century, the custos of the
Franciscans confirmed by delegation from Leo X and
Adrian VI. In 1760, Bishop Tamaron of Durango
visited the missions of New Mexico and confirmed 11,-
271 persons. Bishop Tejada of Guadalajara adminis-
tered (1759) confirmation at San Fernando, now San
Antonio, Texas, and Bishop de Pontbriand at Ft. Pres-
entation (Ogdcnsburg, N. Y.) in 1752. The need of a
bishop to administer the sacrament in Maryland and
Pennsylvania was ut^mI by Bishop CJhalloner in a re-
port to the Propaganda, 2 Aug., 1763. Writing to his
eoiinTSOft
222
(xatmwak
agent at Rome, Rev. Dr. Stonor, 12 Sept., 1706, he
sayi: ^ there be bo many thousands there that live and
ctie without Confirmation"; and in another letter, 4
June, 1771 : " It is a lamentable thing that sudi a mul<-
titude have to live and die alwavB deprived of the
Sttorament of Confirmation.'' Cardinal Casteili wrote,
7 Sept., 1771, to Bishop Briand of Quebec asking him
to supply the need of the Catholics in Maryland and
Pennsylvania. In 1783 the cleigy ptitioned Rome
for the appointment ci a superior with the necessary
faculties "that our faithful living in many dangers,
may be no longer deprived of the Sacrament of Con-
firmatioB. ..." On 6 June, 1784, Pius VI ap-
pointed Rev. John Carroll as superior of the mission
and empowered him to administer confirmation (%ea^
Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll, New Yoric,
1888; cf. Hu^es in Am. EccL Review, XXVUI, 23).
V. Confirmation Among Non-Catholics. — The
Protestant Reformers, influenced by their rejection of
all that could not be clearly proved from Scripture and
>>y their doctrine of justification by faith only, refused
to admit that oonfinnation was a sacrament (Luther,
De Capt. Babyl., VU, p. 501). According to the Con-
fession of Augsburg, it wba instituted by the Church,
and it has not the promise of the grace of God. MeK
andithon (Loci Comm., p. 48) taught that it was a
vain ceremony, and was lormeriy nothing but a cate-
chism in which those who were approadiing adoles-
cence gave an account of their faith before the Cliureh ;
and that the minister was not a bi^op only, but any
priest whatsoever (lib. Ref. ad Colonien.). These
four points, were condonned by the Council of T^nt
(st:^ra I; cf . A. Theiner, Acta Genuina SS. (Ecum.
Gone. Trid., I, p. 383 sqq.). Nevertheless the Luth-
eran Churches retain some sort of confirmation to the
present day. It consists of the examination of the
candidate in Christian doctrine by the pastors or mem-
bera of the consistory, and the renewal by the candi-
date of the profession of faith made for him at the
time of his baptism by his godparents. How the jpaa^
tors properly ordained can alone be said to ^ve"
oonfinnation does not appear. The Andean Church
holds that "Confirmation is not to be counted for a
sacrament of the Goq)el ... for it has not the like
nature of sacraments [aacramentorum eandem ro-
tionem] with Baptism and the Lord's Supper, for it has
not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of God"
(Art. xxv). But, like the Lutheran Churches, it re-
tains ''the (^nfirmation of children, by examining
them of their knowledge in their articles of faith and
joining thereto the prayers of the Church for them''
(Homuy on Conmion Prayer and Sacraments, p. 300).
The rite of confirmation has undergone various changes
in the different prayer, books (see Book of Ck>MMON
Pratsr). From these it can be seen how the An^
can Cliurch has varied between the complete rejection
of the (Catholic doctrine and practice, and a near ap-
proach to these. Testimonies could easily be quoted
tor either of these opinions. The wording of Art. xxv
left a loophole which the Ritualistic party has nude
good use of. Even some Catholics, as stated above,
have admitted that confirmation " has not any visible
sign or ceremony oidained of God ' ' ; the imposition of
hands, the anointine, and the words used being all of
them ''ordained of '^ the Apostles of the Qiureh.
. Gknsbal.— Z>ta. de thiol, eatk. a. v., foil bibliography; Wiu-
BBUi AND ScANNSLL. Monuol of Coth. Theoi. (London, 1S98),
11; De Augustints, De Re SaetamefdariA (Rome, 1880); Gihr,
Die hi. SakramerUe d, kaUud. Kireke (Fniburs. 1002). I; Hdn-
mcMr<jxrnnm*tT.Dogmat.TheologieiMmn», 1001). IX; Pohlb,
Lehrb. d. Doffmattk (Paderbom. 1006). III. good bibUography;
POtJBRAT, La thSologie muramerUairt (Paris, 1007).
Special.-~Vxtab8e, De Sacram. Cmtfifm. in Miom, TheU.
Gureue Camp., XXI; Jambbkhb, La amfimuMen (liUe, 1888H
HRiiiBucaiBR. Dae Sakrameni dee HI. Cfeittee (Aunburg. 1880);
DOlgcr. Dae SakrtsmerU d. Firmuno (Vi«nna, 1006); J. R. Oas-
quBT. The Early History of BapHem and Confirmatieu in DtMm
Hev. (180.1), lie.
LiTiTRoiCAL.— MARTfcNK, De AfUtquie Ecd. RitOnte (Rouen.
1700). 1. ii; MAirrtQNY, Diet, dee antiouitfe chr^. (Paria. 1877);
Dm.su.nukh. Hitu3 uTwraatium Ecd. (WQnbuig, 1863); Maut*
CKW (priest of the Russian Church), Dm 8acrameiUe d. ortkadot-
kaihoHeehen Kirche dee MarfferOandee (Berlin, 1808); Duchmnc.
Chrietiam, Worahip, tr. from 8rd ed. of Lee OrigvMe (London,
1003).
Non^Ga^vbouo.— Majbok. The RdctUom ef CmfirmaUam. t»
Baptiam (London, 1803); Hau., Confirmation (London, 1002);
FvouLKtt in Diet. Chriet. Bioff., s. v. See also Rxcbaxoson,
Periodical Ariidee &n ReHaion, 18S0-m99(Nvw York, 1007).
T. B. SCAKMXIX.
0oiiflt6or.-<-The Oonfiteor (so called from the fint
word, confUeoTj I confess) is a general oonfession of sins;
it is used in the Roman Rite at the beginning of Mass
and on various (Hher occasions as a pr^>aration for
the reception of some grace.
HiBTOBT OF THB GoNFTTBOR. — ^It IS Btsb heard of as
of the preparation for Mass. Both the original ^tk-
em liturgies begin with a confession of sin made by
the celebrant (for the Antiochene Rite see Brightman,
Eastern Liturgies, p. 31, and for the Alexandrine
Rite, ibid., 116). The fiist Roman saeranaentanefl
and ordos tell us nothing about this preparation; they
all describe ibe Mass as beginning at the Introit. Ike
Oonfiteor in some form was probably from an early
date one of the private prayers said by the celebrant
in the sacristy before he be^em Mass. But the ' * Sixth
Roman Ordo'^'(Mabillon,MuseumItalieuna^ 11,70-76),
written apparently in the tenth or eleventh century,
tells us that at the beginning of Mass thepontiff ** bow-
ing down prays to God for formveness of his sins"
(ibid., p. 71). So by the eleventh centuiy the jprepa-
ration is ah^uJy made at the altar* In the ''Canon-
ical Rule'' of Ghrodegang of Meta (d. 743) the ques-
tions put by the priest to the penitent before confes-
sion contain a form thai suggests our Oonfiteor: " First
of ail prostrate youradf humbly in the sight of CM
. . . and pray Blessed Mazy with the holy Apostles
and Martyrs and Oonfessors to prav to the Lord for
you (Ohrodeg. Met., ''Reg. Oanon.' , cap. zxxii^ in P.
L, LXXXIX, 1072). So also Egbert of Yoric (d. 766)
gives a short form that is the germ of our present
prayer: "Say to him to whom you wish to confess
3rour sins: tmnug^ my fault that I have sinned ex-
oeedinglv* in thought, word, and deed." In answer
the confessor says almost exaotlv our Misereatur
(Bona, "Rerum Uturg.", Bk. II, u, v). But it is in
Micrologus (Bemold of Oonstaace, d. 1100) that we
first find the Oonfiteor quoted as part of the introduc-
tion of the Mass. The form here is: "Oonfiteor Deo
omnipotenti, istis Sanctis et omnibus Sanctis et tibi
f rater, quia jpeccavi in cpgitatione, in locutione, in
opere, in poUutione mentis et corporis. Ideo precor
te, oia pro me." The Miaersatinr and Indnlgoitiam
follow, the former sli^^tly different, but the latter ex-
actly as we have it now (De ecol observ., xxiii, in P.
L., CLI, 992).
In the ''Onio Romanus XIV" (bv Oardinal James
Oajetan in the fourteenth centuiy, MabiUon, op. cit.,
II, 246-443) we find our Oonfiteor exact^, but for the
slifiht modification: " Quia peccavi nimis cogitatione,
d^tatione, consensu, verbo et opere" (ib., p. 329).
The Third Oounoil of Rav^ina (1314, Hardoum, OolL
Oonc, VII, 1389) orders in its Rubric xv our Oon-
fiteor, word for word, to be used throujs^hout that
province. The form, and especiallv the list of saints
invoked, varies considerably m the Middle Ages. Car-
dinal Bona (Rerum liturg. libri duo, II, 5-7; quotes a
number of such forma in many Missals it is diorte?
than ours: "Oonfiteor Deo, beat» Maris, omnibus
Sanctis et vobis" (so the Sarum Missal, ed. Dickinson,
Burntisland, 1861-1883). In the Missal of Paul III
(1534-1649) it is: "Opnfiteor peo omnipotenti, B.
Mari» samper Virgini, Q. Petro et omnibus Sanctis et
vobis Fratres, quia peccavi, me& oulp4: precor vos
orare pro me" (Bona, loo. cit.). Since the edition of
Pius V (1566-1572) our present form is the only one
to be used throughout the Roman Rite, with the ex-
ceptions of the Oartbusian, Oarmelite, and Dominican
OOHfOftMIStS
223
ooNFuoumait
O^Uoes, whose Missals, having been proved to have
existed for more than 200 years, are still allowed.
These three forms are quite short, and contain only
one "me& culp4."; the Dominicans invoke, besides
the Blessed Virgin, St. Dominic. Moreover, some
other orders have the privileoe of adding the name
of their founder after that of St Paul (we Francis-
caiM for instance), and the local patron is inserted at
the same place in a few local uses. Otherwise the
Confiteor must always be said exactly as it is in the
Romaa Mnsal (S. R. C, 13 February, 1666y Benedict
XIV, De SS. Missffi Sacr., II, iii, U, 12).
Uas OF THS CoNFiTBOR. — ^Thc prayer is said some^
times as a double form of mutual confession, first by
the celebrant to the people and then by the people to
him, and sometimes only once, as a single form. Aa
a double form it is used: (1) as part of the introduc*
tory prayers of Mass said before the priest goes up to
the altar, after the PsaJm ''Judiea me" (Ritus oele-
brandi, III, 7-9) ; (2) in the public recital of the Di-
vine O&CB as part of the Preces at Prime (so that it is
omitted on doubles and in octaves), and always in thq
befdnning of Complin (Ruhr. Geo. Brev., Xv, 2, and
XVlIIy l). As a sin^e form it occurs: (1) during
Mass, a second time, if anyone receives Holy Com-
munion besides the celebrant; (2) when Holy Com-
munion is given outside of Mass (Rituale Rom., Tit. I,
ch. ii, 1); (3) before the administration of extreme
unction (when it may be said in Latin or in the vul-
mr tongue-^Rituale Rom., Tit. V, ch. ii, 6); (4) be-
fore the Apostolic blessing is given to a dying person
(ibid.. Tit. V, oh. vi, 6) ; (5) the Ritual further directs
that penitents should begin their confession by saying
the Confiteor either in Latin or in their own language^
or at least bcgjn with these words: ''Confiteor Deo
oranipotenti et tihi jfater*' (Tit. Ill, ch. i, 14); (6)
la^ly the ''Cttremoniale Episcoporum" ordains that
when a bishop sings high Mass, the deacon should sing
the Confiteor after the sermon ; the preacher then reads
out t^ Indulgence given by the bishop, and the
bishop adds a modified form of the Misereatur (in
which he ag^ invokes the saints named in the Con«-
fiteor), the Indulgentiam, and finally his blessing.
'Ilus is the normal ceremony for the puolication of In*
dulgences (Csr- Episc., I, ch. xxii, 4; II, ch. xxxix,
Rtte of tsb Confftbor. — ^The form of words is too
well known to need Quotation. When it, is used as a
double form, the celebrant first makes hi? confession,
using the words vobia fratres and vos fratres, the serv-
ers or ministers say the Misereatur in the singular
(tui, peecoHs tuis), and then make their confession ad-
dresrad to the priest (iibi paler, te paler). He says the
Misereatur in the plural (Miserealur veetri, etc.), and
finally, making the sign of the cross, adds the short -
prayer Indulgentiam. Both the Misereatur and the
IndFulgentiam are answered with ''Amen". When
used as a single form the priest's confession is left out,
the deacon, or server, says the Confiteor (^i^^* paler,
etc.), the eelebrant responds with the Misereatur and
Induigentiam. A person saying the prayer alone (for
instar^ in the pnvate recital of the Divine Office)'
savB the Confiteor leaving out the clauses Ubi pater or
vobU fratres, etc., altogetner, and changes the answer
to Misereatur noatri and peccaiU nostris. Before
Conmiimion at high ^laas and before the promulga-
tion of Indul^nces the Confiteor is 8ungb}[ the deacon
to the tone pven in the ''Caoremoniale Episcoporum"
(II, ch. jcxxix, I). The Misereatur and Indulgentiam
are never sung.
Roman Musal^ Breviary^ Rilual^ Caremoniale EpUcoporum,
loc. cit.: Mabillon, MuMcum Jtattcum (Paris, 1689). loc. cit.;
Bona, Kerum Liturgujarum Libri Duo (Rome. 1671), Bk. II,
ch. ii. pp. 28S-202; BwamDVST XIV, De SS» Mium SaenfUti^,
Bk. U, eh. UL 4-11; Cihr, D<u heaiaeMeMopfer (Fmburg im
Br.. 18W), IT, |3VPp. 328-334, tr. TKeHoty Saerific9 of Uu
3fa«« (8t. Louis. 1002). ADRIAN PoRTEflCUB.
OontoimiBta. Sec Pi.sskntkrs.
Oonfratemity (Lat. canfratemitae, catifralria)^ or
sodality, a voluntary association of the faithful, es*
tablished and guided by competent ecclesiastical au-
thority for the promotion of sj^ial works of C^istian
charity or piety. The oame is sometimes app^ed to
pious unions (see Associations, Pious), but the latter
diff^ from ccofratemities inasmuch as they need not
be canonicall^ erected and they regard rather the
good of the neighboiur than the personal sanctification
oi the members. Confraternities are divided into
those properiy so called and those to which the name
has been extended. Both are erected by canonical
authority, but the former have a more precise oigani*
sation, with rights and duties regulated by ecclesias-
tical law, and their memb^oB ouen wear a peculiar
costume and recite the Olfioe in common. When a
confraternity has received the authority to aggregate
to itself sodalities erected in other lenities and' to
communicate its advantages io them, it is called an
archconfratemity (q. v.)«
Pious associations of laymen existed in veiy an*
cient times at Constantinople and Alexandria. In
France, in the eighth and ninth centuries, the laws of
the Carloviogians mention confraternities and guUda.
But the first confraternity in the modem and proper
sense of the word is said to have been founded at Paris
by Bishc^ Odo who died in 1208. It wss under the
invocation of the Blessed Vir^ Mary. Various other
con^TOgations, as of the (jonfalon, oTthe Holy Trinity,,
of tne Scapular, etc., were founded between the
thirteenth and sixteenth ^nturies. From the latt^
centurv onwards, these pious aaoociations have
multiplied greatly. Indulgences are oommupicated. to
confraternities either directly by the pope or through
the bishops,, imless the association be aggregated to sa^
archconfratemity (it may not be aggregated to more
than one) throiuh which it participates m the latter's
privileges. If the aggregation be not made according
to the prescriioed formula, the Indulgences are not
communicated. The directors of oonfratemities are
appointed or approved by the bishop, or in the
cnurches of reg^ulara by the regular superior. Only
after such appointment can the director applv the In-
dulgences to the objects which he blesses, and he can-
not subdelegate this power without s^ial faculty.
The reception of membeis must be carried out by the
appointed person. The observance of the rules is not
bmding in conscience nor does their neglect deprive a.
person of membership, thou^ in the latter case the.
Indulgences would not be obtained. The loss of all its
members for a short time does not dissolve a confra^
temity, and by the reception of new members the In-
dulgences may a^n be gained. The dissolution,
translation, and visitation m conf raterraties belong to
the ordinary. The canon law governing these associ-
ations is found in the Constitution of Clement VlII
(7 Dec., 1604) with some modification made later by
the Sacred Congre^tion of Indulgences.
La^urenttds. maMuHones Juria SccUaiaatici (FreiburK,
1003); Berinokr, Lea Indulgences (Fr. tr.. Paris. 1005);
Bouix, De Bpiaoi>po (Paris, ISSO), II.
WlLUAK H. W. Fannikq.
Ctonfadanism — By Confucianism is meant the oom<
plex system of moral, social, political, and religious
teaching buQt up by Confucius on the ancient Chinese
traditions, and perpetuated as the State religion down
to the present day. Confucianism aims at making
not simply the man of virtue, but the man of learning
and of good manners. The perfect man must com-
bine the qualities of saint, scholar, and gentleman.
Confucianism is a religion without positive revelation,
with a minimum of dogmatic teachmg, ^hose popular
worship is centred in offerings to the d^id, in which
the notion of duty is extended beyond the sphece of
morals proper so as to embrace, almost every detail
of daily life.
I. TiiK TfcACHEu, CoNFucHTs. — The chief exponent
OOllfVOlAMtSM
224
OOllfOdtAttttM
of this remarkable religioii was K'ung*tsse, or K'ang-
fu-tze, latinized by Uie eariy Jesuit missionaries into
Confucius, Confucius was bom in 551 b. c, in what
was then the feudal state of Lu, now included In the
modem province of Shan-tung. His parents, while
not wealthy, belonged to the superior class. His
father was a warrior, distinguishcKi no less for his
deeds of valour than for his noble ancestry. Confu-
cius was a mere boy when his father died. From
childhood he showed a great aptitude for study, and
though, in order to support himself and his mother,
he had to labour in his early years as a hired servant
in a noble family, he managed to find time to pursue
his favourite studies. He made such progress that at
the age of twenty-two years he opened a school to
which many were attracted by the fame of his learn-
ing. His ability and faithful service merited for him
promotion to the office of minister of justice. Under
his wise administration the State attamed to a degree
of prosperity and moral order that it had never seen
before. But through the intrigues of rival states the
Marquis of Lu was led to prefer ignoble pleasures to
the preservation of gooa government. Confucius
tried by sound advice to bring his liegp lord back to
the path of duty, but in vain. He thereupon resigned
his nigh position at the cost of x>er::>onal ease and com-
fort, and left the state. For thirteen years, accom-'
panied by faithful disciples, he went about from one
state to another, seeking a raler who would give heed
to his eounsels. Many were the privations he suffered.
More than once he ran imminent risk of being waylaid
and killed by his enemies, but his courage and confi-
dence in the providential character of his mission
never deserted him. At last he returned to Lu, where
he spent the last five years of his long life encouraging
others to the study and practice of virtue, and edify-
ing all by his noble example. He died in the year
478 B. c, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. His
lifetime almost exactiy coincided with tlHit of Buddha,
who died two years eariier at the age of ei^ty.
That Confucius possessed a noble, commanding
personality, there can be little doubt. It is shown
oy his recorded traits of character, by his lofty moral
teaching, by the high-minded men that he trained
to contmue his life-work. In their enthusiastic love
and admiration, they declared him the greatest of
men, the sage without flaw, the perfect man. That
he himself did not make any p^tension to possess
virtue and wisdom in their fullness is shown by his-
own recorded sayings. He was conscious of his short-
comings, and this consciousness he made no attempt
to keep concealed. But of his love of virtue and
wisdom there can be no question. He is described in
"Analects", VII, 18, as one " who in the eager pursuit
of knowledge, foi^got his food, and in the joy of attain-
ing to it forgot his sorrow". Whatever in the tradi-
tional records of the past, whether history, lyric poems,
or rites and ceremonies, was edifying and conducive
to virtue, he sought out with untiring zeal and made
known to his disciples. He was a man of affectionate
mature, sympathetic, and most considerate towards
otL^nrs. He loved his worthy disciples dearly, and
won in turn their undying devotion. He was modest
and unaffected in his bearing, inclined to gravity, yet
possessing a natural cheerfulness that rarely deserted
him. Schooled to adversity from childhood, he
learned to find contentment and serenity of mind
even where ordinary comforts were lacking. He was
very fond of vocal and instrumental music, and often
sang, accompanying his voice with the lute. His
sense of- humour is revealed in a criticism he once
made of some boisterous singing. "Why use an ox-
knife", he said, "to kiU a fowl?^'
Confucius is often hdd up as the type of the virtu-
ous man without religion. His teaehinss, it is alleged,
were chiefly ethical, in which one looks in vain for
retribution in the next life as a sanction of right con-
duct. Now an acquaintance with the ancient religion
of China and with Confucian texts reveals the empti-
ness of -the assertion that Confucius was devoicl ol
religious thought and feeling. He was religious after
the manner of religious men of his age and land. In
not appealing to rewards and punishments in the life
to come, he was simply following the example of his
illustrious Chinese predecessors^ whose religiouB bdief
did not include tnis element of future retribution.
The Chinese classics that were ancient even in the
time of Confucius have nothing to say of hdl, but have
much to say of the rewards and punishments meted
out in the present life by the all-seeing Heaven.
There are numbers of texts that show plainly that he
did not depart from the traditional beLidP in the
supreme Heaven-god and subordinate spirits, in
Divine providence and retribution, and in the con-
scious existence of souls after death. These rdigious
convictions on his part found expression in many re-
corded acts of piety and worship.
II. The Confucian Texts. — ^As Confucianism in
its broad sense embraces not only the immediate
teaching of Confucius, but also the traditional records,
customs, and rites to which he gave the sanction of
his approval, and which to-day rest largely upon his
authority, there are reckoned among me Confucian
texts several that even in his day were ventt-at^ as
sacred heiriooms of the past. The texts are divided
into two categories, known as the "King" (Classics),
and the "Shuh" (Books). The texts of the ''Kmg",
which stand first in importance, are commonly reck-
oned as five, but sometimes as six. Tlie first of these
is the "Shao-kins" (Book of History), a religious and
moral work, tracing the hand of Providence m a series
of great events ofpast history, and inculcating the
lesson that the Heaven-god gives prosperity' and
length of days only to the virtuous ruler who has the
true welfare of the people at heart. Its unity of
composition may well bring its time of publication
down to the sixth century b. c, though the soureea
on which the earlier chapters are based may be almost
contemporaneous with the events related. The sec-
ond "King" is the so-called "She-king" (Book of
Songs), often spoken of as the "Odes". Of its 305
short lyric poems some belong to the time of the
Shang dynasty (1766-1123 b. c), the remaining, and
perhaps larger, part to the first five centuries of the
dynasty of Chow, that is, down to about 600 B. c.
The third "King" is the so-called " Y-king" (Book of
Changes), an enigmatic treatise on the art of divining
with the stalks of a native plant, which after being
thrown give different indications according as they
conform to one or another of the sixty-four hexagrams
made up of three broken and three unbroken lines.
The short explanations which accompany them, in
large measure arbitrary and fantastic, are asdg^ed
to tne time of Wan and nis illtistrious son Wu, founders
of the Chow dynasty (1122 b. c). Since the time of
Confucius, the work has been more than doubled by
a series or appendixes, ten in number, of which eight
are attributed to Confucius. Only a smallportion of
these, however, are probably authentic. "Hie fourth
"King" is the " Li-ki" (Book of Rites). In its pres-
ent form it dates from the second century of our era,
being a compilation from a vast number or documents,
most of which date from the earlier part of the Chow
dynasty. It gives rules of conduct down to the min-
ute details for religious acts of worship, court func-
tions, social and family relations, dress — ^in short, for
every sphere of human action. It remains today the
authoritative guide of correct conduct for every culti-
vated Chinese. In the "Li-ki" are many of Confu-
cius's reputed sayings and two long treatises composed
by disciples, which may be said to reflect with sub-
stantial accuracy the sayings and teachings of the
master. One of these' is the treatise known as the
"Chung-yung" (Doctrine of the Mean). It forma
OOMFtrOIANISM
225
OOMFTTOIAHISM
Book XXVIII of the "Li-ki", and is one of its most
valuable treatises. It consists of a collection of say-
ixigs of Confucius characterizing the man of^rfect
virtue. The other treatise, forming Book XXXIX
of the "li-ki", is the stMjalled ^Ta-hio" (Great
Hieaming). It purports to be descriptions of the
virtuous ruler by tne disciple Tsanc-tze, based on
the teaching of the master. The fifth " King" is the
short historical treatise known as the ''Ch'un-ts'ew"
(Spring and Autunm), said to have been written by
the hand of Cbnfucius himself. It consists of a con-
nected series of bare annals of the state of Lu for the
years 722-484 b. c. To these five "Kings" belongs
a sixth, the so-called "Hiao-kin^" (Book of Filial
Piety). The Chinese attribute its composition to
Confucius, but in the opinion of critical scholars, it
is the product of the school of his disciple, Tbang-
tze.
Mention has just been made of the two treatises,
the ** Doctrine of the Mean" and the "Great Learn-
ing", embodied in the "Li-ki". In the eleventh
centuiy of our era, these two works were united with
other Confucian texts, constituting what is known as
the "Sze^huh" (Four Books). First of these is the
** Lun-yu" (Analects). It is a work in twenty short
chapters, showing what manner of man Confucius
-wsiB in his daily life, and recording many of his strik-
ing sayings on moral and historical topics. It seems
to embo^ the authentic testimony of his disciples
iimtten by one of the next generation.
The second place in the **Shuh" is given to the
"Book of Mencius". Mencius (Meng-tze), was not
an immediate disciple of the master. He lived a cen-
tury later. He acquired great fame as an exponent
of Confucian teaching. His sayings, chiefly on moral
topics, were treasured up by disciples, and published
in nis name. Third and fourth in order of the " Shuh "
come the "Great Learning" and the "Doctrine of the
Mean".
For our earliest knowledge of the contents of these
Confucian texts, we are indebted to thepainstaking
researches of the Jesuit missionaries in China during
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, who, with
an heroic zeal for the spread of Christ's kingdom
united a diligence and proficiency in the study of
Chinese customs, literature, and history ihat nave
laid succeeding scholars under lasting obligation.
Among these we may mention Fathers Pr^mare,
R^gis, Lacharme, Gaubil, Noel, Ignacio da Costa, by
whom most of the Confucian texts were translated
and elucidated with great erudition. It was but nat-
ural that their pioneer studies in so difficult a field
should be destined to give place to the more accurate
and complete monuments of modem scholarship. But
even here they have worthy representatives in such
scholars as Father Zottoli and Henri Cordier, whose
Chinese studies give evidence of vast erudition. The
Confucian texts nave been made available to English
readers by Professor Legge. Besides his monumen-
tal work in seven volumes, entitled "The Chinese
Classics" and his version of the "Ch'un ts'ew", he has
given the reviwed translations of the "Shuh", "She",
^Ta-hio", **¥", and "Li-Ki" in Volumes III, XVI,
XXVII, and XXVIII of "The Sacred Books of the
East".
ni. Th« Doctrine. — (a) Religious Groundwork.
— ^The religion of ancient China, to which Confucius
gave his reverent adhesion was a form of nature-
worship very closely approaching to monotheism.
While numerous spirits associated with natural phe-
nomena were recognized — spirits of mountains and
rivers, of land and grain, of the four quarters of the
heavens, the sun, moon, and stars — th^ were all sub-
ordinated to the supreme Heaven-god, T*ien (Heaven)
abo called Ti (Lord), or Shan^-ti (Supreme Lord).
A.U other spirits were but his ministers, acting in obedi-
ence to hiB will. T'ien was the upholder of the moral
IV— 15
law, exercising a benign providence over men. Noth-
ing done in secret comd escape his all-seeing eye. His
punishment for evil deeds took the form either of
calamities and early death, or of misfortune laid up
for the children of the evil-doer. In numerous passages
of the "Shao-" and "She-kin^", we find this befief
asserting itself as a motive to ripht conduct. That it
was not ignored by Confucius himself is shown by his
recorded saying, that "he who offends against
Heaven has no one to whom he can pray". Another
ouasi-religious motive to the practice of virtue wsa
tne belief that the souls of the departed relatives were
largely dependent for their happiness on the conduct
of their living descendants. It was taught that chil-
dren owed it as a duty to their dead parents to con-
tribute to their glory and happiness by lives of virtue.
To judge from the sayings of Confucius that have been
preserved, he did not disregard these motives to right
conduct, but he laid chief stress on the love of virtue
for its own sake. The principles of morality and
their concrete application to the varied relations of
life were embodied in the sacred texts, which in turn
represented the teachings of the great sages of thepast
raised up by Heaven to instruct mankind. Tnese
teachings were not inspired, nor were they revealed,
yet they were infallible. The sages were bom with
wisdom meant by Heaven to enlighten the children of
men. It was thus a wisdom that was providential,
rather than supernatural. The notion ot Divine posi-
tive revelation is absent from the Chinese texts. To
follow the path of duty as laid down in the authorita-
tive rules of conduct was within the reach of all men,
Erovided that their nature, good at birth, was not
opelessly spoiled by vicious influences. Confucius
held the traditional view that all men are bom pood.
Of an^hing like original sin there is not a trace m his
teaching. He seems to have failed to recognize even
the existence of vicious hereditary tendencies. In his
view, what spoiled men was bad environment, evil
example, an inexcusable yielding to evil appetites
that everyone by right use of his natural powers could
and ought to control. Moral downfall caused by
suggestions of evil spirits had no place in his system.
Nor is there any notion of Divine grace to strengthen
the will and enlighten the mind in the struggle with
evil. There are one or two allusions to prayer, but
nothing to show that daily prayer was reconunended
to the aspirant after perfection.
(b) Helps to Virtue. — In Confucianism the helps to
the cultivation of virtue are natural amd providential,
nothing more. But in this development of moral
perfection Confucius sought to enkindle in others the
enthusiastic love of virtue that he felt himself. To
make oneself as good as possible, this was with him
the main business of life. Everything that was con-
ducive to the practice of goodness was to be eagerly
sought andmaae use of. To this end right knowledge
was to be held indispensable. Like Socrates, Con-
fucius taught that vice sprang from ignorance and
that knowledge led unfailingly to virtue. The knowl-
edge on whicn he insisted was not purely scientific
learning, but an edifying acquaintance with the sacred
texts and the rules of virtue and propriety. Another
factor on which he laid great stress was the influence
of good example. He loved to hold up to the admira-
tion of his disciples the heroes and sages of the past,
an acquaintance with whose noble de^s and sayings
he sought to promote by insisting on the study of the
ancient classics. Many of his recorded saymss are
eulogies of these valiant men of virtue. Nor did he
fail to recognize the value of good, high-minded eom-
panions. His motto was, to associate with the truly
great and to make friends of the most virtuous. Be-
sides association with the good, Confucius urged on
his disciples the importance of always welcoming the
fraternal correction of one's faults. Then, too, the
daily examination of conscience was inculcated. As
ooKmoumsM
226
OONFUOUmSM
a further aid to the fonnation of a virtuous character,
he valued highlv a certain amount of self-discipline.
He recognized tne danger, especially in the young, of
falling into habits of softness and love of ease. Hence
he insisted on a virile indifference to effeminate com-
forts. In the art of music he also recognized a pow-
erful aid to enkindle enthusiasm for the practice of vir-
tue. He taught his pupils the ''Odes" and other
edifying songs, which they sang together to the ac-
companiment of lutes and narps. Tnis together with
the magnetism of his personal influence lent a strong
emotional quality to his teaching.
(c) Fundamental Virtues. — Aa a foundation for
the life of perfect goodness, Confucius insisted chiefly
on the four virtues of sincerity, benevolence, filial
piety, and propriety. Sincerity was with him a car-
dinal virtue. As used by him it meant more than a
mere social relation. To be truthful and straight-
forward in speech, faithful to one's promises, consci-
entious in the dischar^ of one's duties to others —
this was included in smcerity and something more.
The sincere man in Confucius's eyes was the man whose
conduct was always based on the love of virtue, and
who in consequence sought to observe the rules of
right conduct m his heart as well as in outward actions,
when alone as well as in the presence of others.
Benevolence, showing itself in a kmdly regard for the
welfare of others and in a readiness to help them in
times of need, was also a fundamental element in Con-
fucius's teaching. It was viewed as the characteri»-
tic trait of the good man. Mencius, the illustrious
exponent of Confucianism, has the remarkable state-
ment: "Benevolence is man" (VII, 16). In the say-
ings of Confucius we find the Golden Rule in its nega-
tive form enunciated several times. In "Analects",
XV, 13, we read that when a disciple asked him for a
guiding principle for all conduct, the master an-
swered: "Is not mutual goodwill such a principle?
What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to
others". This is strikingly like the form of the Golden
Rule foimd m the first chapter of the " Teaching of the
Apostles" — "All things soever that you wo3d not
have done to yourself, do not do to another"; also in
Tobias, iv, 16, where it appears for the first time in
Sacred Scripture. He did not approve the principle
held by Lao-tze that injury should be repaid with
kindness. His motto was "Reauite injury with jus-
tice, and kindness with kindness'* (Analects, XIV, 36).
He seems to have viewed the question from the prac-
tical and legal standpoint of social order. " To repay
kindness with kindness", he says elsewhere, "acts as
in encouragement to the people. To requite injury
^ith injury acts as a warning" (Li-ki, XXIX, 11).
rhe third fundamental virtue in the ConJfucian system
is filial piety. In the "Hiao-king'*, Confucius is re-
corded as saying: "Filial piety is the root of all vir-
tue."— "Of all the actions of man there are none
greater than those of filial piety." To the Chinese
then as now, filial piety prompted the son to love and
respect his parents, contribute to their comfort, bring
happiness and honour to their name, by honourable
success in life. But at the same time it carried that
devotion to a degree that was excessive and faulty.
In consequence of the patriarchal system there pre-
vailing, filial piety included the obligation of sons to
live after marriage under the same roof with the father
and to give him a childlike obedience as long as he
lived. The will of the parents was declared to be
supreme even to the extent that if the son's wife failed
to please them he was obliged to divorce her, though it
cut him to the heart. If a dutiful son found himself
compelled to admonish a wayward father he was
taught to give the correction with the utmost meek-
ness; though the parent might beat him till the blood
flowed he was not to show any resentment. The
father did not forfeit his right to filial respect, no
matter how great his wickedness. Another virtue of
prunary imi}ortance in the Confucian system is "pro-
priety' . It embraces the whole sphere of human
conduct, prompting the superior man always to do the
right thins in the right place. It finds expression in
the so-called rules of ceremony, which are not con-
fined to relieious rites and rules of moral conduct, but
extend to the bewildering mass of conventional cus-
toms and usages by which Chinese eticjuette is regu-
lated. They were distinguished even m Confuciua's
day by the three hundred greater, and the three thou-
sand lesser, rules of ceremony, all of which had to be
carefully learned as a guide to right conduct. The
conventional usages as well ajB the rules of moral con-
duct brought with them the sense of obligation resting
f)rimarily on the authority of the sage-kings and in the
ast analysis on the will of Heaven. To neglect or
deviate from. them was equivalent to an act of im-
piety.
(d) Rites. — In the "Li-ki", the chief ceremonial ob-
servances are declared to be six: capping, marriage,
mourning rites, sacrifices, feasts, and interviews. It
will be enough to treat briefly of the first four. They
have persisted with little change down to the present
day. Capping was a j oyous ceremony, wherein the son
was honoured on reachmg his twentieth year. In the
presence of relatives and invited guests, the father
conferred on his son a special name and a square cor-
nered ca^p as distinguishmp marks of his mature man-
hood. It was accompamed with a feast. The nmr-
riage ceremony was of great importance. To marry
with the view of having male children was a gmve
duty on the part of every son. This was necessary to
keep up the patriarchal system and to provide for an-
cestral worship in after years. The rule as laid down
in the "Li-ki" was, that a young man should manyat
the age of thirty and a young woman at twenty. The
proposal and acceptance pertained not to the young
parties directly interested, but to their parents. The
preliminary arrangements were made by a go-be-
tween after it was ascertained by divination that the
signs of the proposed union were auspicious. The
parties could not be of the same surname, nor related
within the fifth degree of kindred. On the day of the
wedding the young groom in his best attire came to the
house of the bride and led her out to his carriage^ in
which she rode to his father's home. There he re-
ceived her, surroimded by the joyous guests. Cups
improvised by cutting a melon in halves were filled
with sweet spirits and nanded to the bride and groom.
By taking a sip from each, they signified that they
were united in wedlock. The bride thi^s became a
member of the family of her parents-in-law, subject,
like her husband, to their authority. Monogamy was
encouraged as the ideal condition, but the mainte-
nance of secondary wives known as concubines was
not forbidden. It was recommended when the true
wife failed to bear male children and was too much
loved to be divorced. There were seven causes
justifying the repudiation of a wife besides infidelity,
and one of these was the absence of male offspring.
The mourning rites were likewise of supreme impor-
tance. Their e^mosition takes up the greater part of
the "Li-ki". They were most elaborate, varying
greatly in details and length of observance, according
to the rank and relationship of the deceased. The
mourning rites for the father were the most impressive
of all. For the first three days, the son, clad m sack-
cloth of coarse white hemp, fasted, and leaped, and
wailed. After the burial, for which there were minute
prescriptions, the son had to wear the mourning sack-
cloth for twenty-seven months, emaciating his body
with scanty food, and living in a rude hut erected for
the purpose near the grave. In the "Analects^*, Con-
fucius is said to have condemned with indignation the
suggestion of a disciple that the period of the mourn-
ine rites might well be shortened to one year. An-
other class of rites of supreme importance were the
OOMFU0IAIIISM
227
ooMrmnAHiSM
aacnfiui». They are repeatedly tuuuUoiied in the
Gonfueian texts, where iaatructioxis are giveafor their
proper celebration. From the Chinese notion of sacri-
Bee the idea of propitiation through blood is entirely
abaenl. It is nothing more than a food-offering ex-
presaing th^ reverent homage of the worshippers, a
aoleom ieaet to do honour to the spirit guests, who are
invited and are thought to enjoy the entertainment.
Meat and drink of great variety are provided. There is
also vocal and instrumental music, and pantomimio
danciniS. The officiating ministers are not' priests,
but heads of families, the feudal lords, and above all,
the king. There is no priesthood in Confucianism.
The worship of the people at large is practically
confined to the so-called ancestor-worship. Some
think it is hardly proper to call it worship, consisting
as it does of feasts m honour of dead relatives. In the
days of Confucius, as at present, there was in eveiy
family home, from Uie palace of the king himself down
to the humble cabin of the peasant, a chamber or
closet oalled the ancestral shnne, where wooden tab-
lets were revecently kept, inscribed with, the names of
deceased parents, graoaparents, and more remote
ancestors. At stated intervals offerings of fruit,
wine, and OQoked meats were set before tiiese tablets,
whidik the ancestral spirits were fancied to make their
tempoiaiy resting^placa There was, besides, a pub-
lic honouring by each local clan of the common ances-
tors tmoe a yepa, in spring and autumn. This was an
elaborate banquet with music and solemn dances, to
which the dead ancestors were summoned, and in
which they were believed to participate along with the
livij^; membeis of the clan. More elaborate and mag-
nificent still were the great triennial and quinquennial
feasts given by the King to. his ^ostly ancestors.
This feasting of the dead by famihes and clans was
restricted to ouch as were united with the living by
ties of relationship. There were, however, a few
puWe beoefactors whose memory was revered by all
the people and to whom offerings of food were niade..
Confuctua himself came be. to honoured after death,
being regarded as the neatest of public benefactors.
£vea to-day in China tnjs religious veneration of the
master is faithfully maintained. In the Imperial
College in Peking there is a shrine where the tablets of
Oonfuctus and his principal disciples are preserved.
Twice a year, in spring and autumn, the emperor goes
there in state and solemnly presents foooToffenngs
with a pnayerf ul address es^pressing his gratitude and
devotion.
In the fourth book of the "Lirki" reference is made
to the sacrifices which the people were accustomed to
offer to the ''spirits of the ground", that is to the
spirits presidine over the local fields. In the worship
of spirits of higher rank, however, the people seem to
have taken no active part. This was the concern of
their highest repieeentatives, the feudal lords and the
king. Each feudal lord offered sacrifice for himself
ana his subjects to the subordinate spirits supposed
to have especial eare of his territory. It was tne pre-
rogative .of the king alone to sacnfice to the spirits,
both great and small, oi the whole realm, particularly
to Heaven and Earth. Several sacrifices of this kind
were offered ev^y year. The most important were
those at the winter and summer solstice in which
Heaven and Earth were respectively worshipped. To
account for this anomaly we must bear in mind that
eamfice, as viewed by the Chinese, is a feast to the
spirit guests, and that according to their notion of
propriety the highest deities should be feted only by
the highest representatives of the living, They saw
a fitness in the custom that only the king, the Son of
Heaven, should, in his own bdbalf and in behalf of his
people, nuilce «ol^nn offering to Heaven. And so it is
to-<UQr, -The sacrificial woi^iip of Heaven and Earth
is oeldl[^rated only by the emperor, with the assistance,
indeed, of a small array of attendants, and with a
mugjuificcuce of ceremonial that is n^tonlbihlng to be*
hold. To pray privately to Heaven and burn incense
to him was a Intimate way for the individual to show
his. piety to the highest deity, and this is still prac>
tised, fisneraHyat the full moon.
(e) Politics. — Confucius knew but one form of gov-
ernment, the traditional monarchy of his native land.
It was the extension of the patriarchal system to the
entire nation. The king exercised an absolute au-
thority over his subjects, as the father over his chil-
dren. He ruled by right Divine. He was providen-
tially set up by Heaven to enlighten the people by
wise laws and to lead them to jg;oodnes8 by his example
and authority. Hence his title, the " Son of Heaven ".
To merit this title he should reflect the virtue of
Heaven. It was onlv the high-minded king that won
Heaven's favour and was rewarded with prosperity.
The unworthy king lost Divine assistance and came to
naught. The Confucian texts abound in lessons and
warnings on this subject of right ^vemment. The
value 01 good example in the ruler is emphasi2ed most
strongly. The principle is asserted again and again,
that the people cannot fail to practise virtue and to
prosper when the ruler sets the high example of right
conctuct. On the other hand the implication is con-
veyed in more than one place that when crime and
misery aboimd, the cause is to be sought in the un-
worthy king and his unprincipled ministers.
IV. History of Confucianism. — It is doubtless
this uncompromising attitude of Confucianism to-
wards vicious self-seeking rulers of the people that all
but caused its extinction towards the end of the third
century b. c. In the year 213 b. c, the subverter of
the Chow dynasty, Shi Hwang-ti, promulgated the
decree that all Confucian books, excepting the ''Y-
king", should be destroyed. The penalty of death
was threatened against all scholars who should be
found possessing the proscribed books or teaching
them to others. Hundreds of Confucian scholars
would not comply with the edict, and were buried
alive. When the repeal came under the Han dynasty,
in 191 B. c, the work of extermination was wellnigh
complete. Gradually, however, copies more or less
damaged were brought to light, and the Confucian
texts were restored to their place of honour. Generar
tions of spholars have devoted their best years to the
elucidation of the **King" and "Shuh", with the re-
sult that an enormous literature has clustered around
them. As the State religion of China, Confuciamam
has exercised a profound influence on the life of the
nation. This influence has been little affected by the
lower classes of Taoism and Buddhism, both of which,
as popular cults, begsm to flourish in China towards
the end of the first century of oar era. In the gross
idolatry of these cults the ignorant found a satisfao^
tion for their religious cravings that was not afforded
bv the religion of the State. But in thus embracing
I'aoism and Buddhism they did not cease to be Confu-
cianists. These cults were and are nothing more than
accretions on the Confucian beliefs and customs of the
lower classes, forms of popular devotion clinging like
parasites to the ancestral religion. The educated
Chinese despises both Buddhist and Taoist supersti-
tions. But while nominally professing Confucianism
pure and simple, not a few hold rationalistic views
regarding the spirit world. In number the Conf ucian-
ists amount to about tiiroe hundred millions.
V. Confucianism versus . Christian Civiliza-
TiONt — In Confucianism there is much to admire. It
has taught a noble conception of the supreme lieayeu-
god. It has inculcated a remarkably high standard
of morality. It has promoted, as far as it knew how,
the refining influence of Literary education and of po-
lite conduct. But it stands to-day encumbered with
the serioiB defects that characterize the imperfect
civilization of its early development. The associa-^
tion of T'ien with innumerable nature-spirits, spirits
OONOO
228
OOHOO
of sun, moon, and stars, of hills and fields and rivers,
the supeistitious use of divination by means of stalks
and tortoise shells, and the crude notion that the
higher spirits, together with the souls of the dead, are
regaled ov splendid banquets and food-offering, can-
not stana tne test of mtelligent modem cnticism.
Nor can a religion answer fully to the leli^ous needs
of the heart which withdraws from the active partici-
pation of the people the solemn worship of the deity,
which has little use of prayer, which recognii^ no
such thing as grace, which has no definite teaching in
regard to the future life. As a social system it has
lifted the Chinese to an intermediate grade of culture,
but has blocked for ages all further progress. In its
rigid insistence on rites and customs that tend to per-
petuate the patriarchal system with its attendant
evils of polygamy and divorce, of excessive seclusion
and repression of women, of an undue hampering of
indiviaual freedom, Comucianism stands in painful
contrast with progressive Christian civilization.
Leooe, Tht TAf r , I' rrj (7 voh., London. 1861-^Tt);
Xi^CiilL, Tne Shu A ■ ', >vi'fi(7, and Hftifict Kifif^ in Sacn^d
BctioJb of the ErUfl, III: Idi^m, The Vi Kinti, lititl., X\l;
Xi>i:ii, The Li Chi, ibid., XXVII, XXVI 11: Jenmso6. The
Confucian AnaUct* (London^ 1895); pE Haiii^ez. Vt'-Jtin^
(P^ru, 1886): ItiEW, /-/» (Paiifl, 1890>{ Calleut, Li Xj, etu
MAfional dw riifjf (Ttmn. 1853);; Zottou, Li Ki in Cttrtus
IdtUfuiti-rs Siaunt iShanifhAi. 1S»0>; PiiiLAa^RKH I^ Yi-Kinff
In AnnaleM rfw Mi^^f GuimH, VI H. XX lit; I^eoqe, Thf Ri^-
ligioTis of China, Confut:uin(^in arid Taoiwnt compnTtd witSt Chria-^
tianitif (Locdon IKSOj ; F^deb, A Suttr-matic Dtfffitt &f ih*
Boefmiet of CmduciuM^ ir. by vos MrtLLUNDonF t Hong -Kong,
IS75); KinKJ, Etkita of Confuidta tTokio, IWl t>; UlbtAp Con-
fudaniim m iha iVtnj^lwnM Cimturj/ in Grrai Rcfigiantt of lh€
W^d (New Voj-k, 1901); DoytjLAJi, Confticiam*m und Ttm^m
(London, 18971- Dvohak, Chitta^n Ertigumm, Conjuring umi
«in* Lfhrc (Milnjitcr, 1885); Vl\tu. ConfvriitM uiij mitw
Sehiil^ (Munich . 187 1); de Ghoot, The H^H^om SyMtan of
China (a voia.. Leyden, 1^2-93^; nc Hahlez, Arj w^%gvm* de
l4i Chme (PlariSj ISQJ): de la Sa^jissati?:, L,hrh. dtT Rttitnorui'
fffsdiichu (Frcibuix. 1005^ » L
Charles F. Aiken.
QoTLgOt DiocBSB OF. See Angola and Congo.
Congo Independent State and Oongfo Bfisdona.
[Editor's Note: — ^The following account of the
Congo Independent State was written before the an-
nexation of the State by the Belgian Government.
Bel^um's right to take over the C^ngo and the suc-
cessive steps which have led up to the annexation
wiU be found treated under sections II and VII.
On 20 August, 1908, the Chamber of Deputies ap-
proved the treaty of annexation, and on 9 September
following the treaty was adopted by the Belgian
Senate. By this agreement iAie Belgian Government
took over the Independent State, including the Do-
maine de la Couronne, with all its rights and obliga-
tions. Among other trusts the Government guaran-
teed certain aUowanoes to Prince Albert and Princess
Clementine and created two funds, one of $9,100,000
to be expended in Bdgium for public works, and an-
other of $10,000,000 to be paid to the king and his
successors in fifteen annuities and used for objects con-
nected with the Congo.
The present article deals with the Independent State
— both in its interior organization and international
position — as it was down to the time of annexation.]
I. Exploration; Fottndino of the State. — Amer-
ica has not been without a share in the discovery of the
Congo Free State. It was James Gordon Bennett, the
?roprietor of the '*New Yoric Herald", who (October,
879)engaged (Sir) Henry Morton Stanley to imdertake
his voyage through Afnca to find the lost explorer,
David Livinratone. Americans, therefore, may claim
a part in the nonour of a discovery which has changed
our ^graphical notions and opened a new country to
civilization. Congo had been considered an arid, unin-
habited desert; Stanley found there rich forests, an
immense river, vast lakes, and millions of human be-
ings to be civilized. Further, the United States was
the first Power (22 April, 1884) that recognized the
flag of the Intemational Association as that of a
friendly state. There are (1908) in Africa four Congo
States: the French, German, Portuguese, and the In-
dependent, or Free, State. It is this last which, more
than the o&ers, deserves piuticular attention. It was
here that the plenipotentiaries, gathered at Beriin
(24 Feb., 1885), hoped to see realized their ideal of
Snerous freedom and civilizing humanity. Leopold
ascended the throne of Belgium in 1865. A man of
undoubted genius and erudition, of large ideas and
tenacioui^ wul, he was also inspired with great aml»-
tions. Even before becoming king, in his speeches to
the Senate (9 Apr., 1853, 7 Feb., 1860, 21 Man^, 1861)
he expressed the desire to see his country rely on her
own resources and extend her empire beyond the seas.
Ascending the throne, he fotmd hunself ruler of a coun-
try so small that it was scarcely visible on the map of
the worid. and it was but natural that he should con-
ceive the nope of one day ruling over a more extended
dominion. He therefore set his heart on obtaining
possession of the Congo for his people ; nor was this his
first effort to realize his ambition; it was perhaps the
seventh or eighth attempt he had made at Belgian col-
onization.
Briefly, the successive stages in the foundation of
the Congo Free State were as follows: As a oonse-
quence of the expeditiotui (1840; 1 May, 1873) of Liv-
ingstone and Stanley, public attention bepan to be
drawn to Central Africa, and Leopold II divined the
great possibilities of the newfy-aisoovered country.
On 12 Sept., 1876, he called a Confirenee Oioffraphique
at Brussels, which ^ve birth to the association tor the
exploration and civilization of Central Africa com-
monly called the Intemational African Association.
This was divided into different national committees
each chaiged with the task of promoting the common
cause. The Belgian committee was founded <m 6
Nov., 1876; King Leopold assisted at its foundation
and delivered a remarkable speech. The Belgian was
the only committee which dispU^red any serious ae^v-
ity. It collected a sum of 100,000 doflars, five times
as great as the united collections of all the others,
and took the leading part in the organizaHon %A the
first expedition. The expedition naturallv followed
the route which had already been traced by living-
stone, i. e. it moved from east to west. It was a fail-
ure, however, and many lives were sacrifioed in vain.
In January, 1878, the news came that Stanley had
crossed right throu^ Central Africa, from the Zanzi-
bar Coast to the mouth of the Congo River, whose
upper course he was the first to discover during this
journey. It was then that Leopold conceived the
idea of sending out an expedition which should start
from the western coast and explore the country.
While others were content to applaud Stanley or to
listen to his interesting narratives, the King of tne Bel-
gians resolved to employ the explorer to further his
designs, which were not merely commercial or political,
but sincerely humanitarian as well. At the very mo-
ment Stanley set foot on European ground envojns
were waitinj^ for him at Marseilles. The king suc-
ceeded in gamine him for his purpose, and then pro-
ceeded to found (Nov., 1878) a society afterwards
called the Intemational Congo Association. In the
name of this association, in which Leopold was the
principal thouc^ hidden agent, Stanley's little party,
coimting only tnirteen white men, set out. It was not
the only expedition intent on planting a European flag
on this virgin soil; at the same time a French and a
Portuguese mission were also on their way.
Towards the end of 1879 Stanley readied a non-
Portuguese territory on the ri^t bank of the Congo
River and founded there the post of Vivi. Moving
slowly up the river he came at last to the Pool. The
Brazza mission was already there, and the French flag
was planted on the right bank. The French had not
crossed the riveTi however, and the Portuguese expadi-
OONOO
229
OONOO
tionhadatoppedat the Upper Kwaogo, thus leaving the
country to the interior open to thefuture colony. Dur-
ing thifl journey Stanlev concluded many treaties with
the native chiefs, by which th^ were to submit to the
suzerainty of the Association, founded a certain num-
ber of posts in the North near the Equator and in the
South in the Kassai district, and actually set up a
Kvemment which was soon semi>officially recognized.
Oct., lSS2f France tacitly acknowledged the capac-
ity of the Association to enjoy international rights
(see letter of M. Duolerc, President of the Council, to
Leopold II). The United States (22 April, 1884) and
€iennany (8 Nov., of the same year) recognized in a
more eiq>licit manner the flag of the Association as
that of a friendly State. A week later (15 Nov., 1884)
the famous Berlm Ck>nf ^«nce was opened. The object
of this conference, which included del^ates from four-
teen nations, is stated dearly in the heading which
serves as preamble to the act oontainingthe collection of
decisions and called " I'Acte G^n^ral de Berlin". It runs
as follows: —
''Wishing to regulate, in a spirit of mutual good
understandmg, the conditions most favourable to
the development of commerce and civilization in
certain parts of Africa, and to assure to all nations the
advanti^ea of free navigation on the two {>rincipal
African riven [Congo and Nig^j which flow into the
Atlantic; desirous, on the other hand, of forestalling
any nusunderstandings and disputes which new acts
of occupation on the African coast might cause in the
future; concerned also with the measures to be taken
for increasing the welfare both material and moral of
the native races ..." During the intervals between
the meetings of the conference M. Strauch worked
hard to win for the flag of the International Associa-
tion official recognition by all the powers represented;
his efiForts were successful, and Leooold, as founder
of the Association, was able to officially communicate
the fact to the ccaiferenoe at its second last meeting
(23 Feb., 1886). The plenipotentiaries then expressed
their hi^ ap[»eciation of the woric done by the Bel-
gian king; at the same time they welcomed the birth
of the new State, thus founded. At the final meeting
of the conference the Berlin Act was accepted by the
AsBociataon, which was then hailed by Bismarck as
"one of the principal guardians of the work which
they had in view".
The moment had now arrived for Leopold to show
himself. Hitherto he had worked through vari-
ous societies which finally developed into the In-
ternational Association; he was the moving spirit of
them all. He now came forward in the name of this
Association, and receiving from the Belgian Chambers
(vote of C^iamber of Representatives, 28 April, 1885;
vote of Senate, 30 April, 1885) the necessary authori-
sation he announced to the various Powers on 1
August, 1885, and the days following 'Hhat the pos-
aessbns of the International Association would hence-
forth fonn imd be called the Independent State of
Congo". He further declared himself sovereign of
this State. It was understood that the only constitu-
tional bond of imion between Belgium and the Inde-
c^ident State of Congo was the person of the king.
Thus was founded the Independent State. Leopold
oan justly regard it as his own creation. Neverthe-
KBi it is only fair to recognize the part taken in the
^ik by some Belgian statesmen. Without the recog-
nition of the Powers the Independent Congo State
oould not have wen a secure position, and this
i^gnition was obtained through the brilliant di-
plonuu2|y of Mr. £. Banning and of Baron Lamber-
mont at Berlin. Without Uie authorisation of the
B^gian Chambers Leopold could not have occupied a
pew throne; it was M. Beemaert, then prime min-
uter, who obtained this authorization, and he is there-
fore justly regarded as ''one of the statesmen who have
contributed most to unite the destinies of the Congo
and of Belgium" CLeipy-Beaulieu. "De la colonisa-
tion", 352).
II. International and Political Situation.—
Recognition by the Powers, — The international position
held by the Independent State results directly from
the friendly recognition of the Powers accordeJ by
treaty to the International Association, from which
sprang the Independent State. Following, in chrono-
logical order, are the names of the contracting Powers
and the dates of the treaties: United States of Amer-
ica (22 April, 1884); German Empire (8 Nov., 1884);
Great Britain (16 Dec., 1884); Italy (19 Dec., 1884);
AustriarHungary (24 Dec., 1884); The Nether-
lands (27 Dec., 1884); Spam (7 Jan., 1885); France
and Russia (5 Feb., 1885); Sweden and Norway
(10 Feb., 1885); Portugal (14 Feb^ 1885); Belgium
and Denmark (28 Feb., 1885); Turkey (25 June,
1885); Switzerland (19 Nov., 1889); Republic of
Liberia (15 Dec, 1891); Japan (9 July, 1900).
Neutrality of the Congo. — By the General Act of Ber-
lin (ch. iii) the Powers had agreed to respect a politi-
Natitb Gabpsmtbrs, Mission or Nsw Antwbhp
oal neutrality in the Congo Basin. They allowed all
Powers having possessions there to put their terri-
tories under the protection of this neutrality. Avail-
ins itself of this privilege, the Independent State,
1 Aug., 1885, declared its perpetual neutrality. This
declaration was afterwards repeated, 18 Dec., 1894, on
iiie occasion of certain changes of frontier.
Obligations Imposed by the Act of Berlin, — In declar-
ing its adhesion to the Act of Berlin (24 Feb., 1885)
the Independent State contracted certain commer-
cial, political, and other obligations which we shall
briefly describe. — (a) Freedom of Conmierce. — AH
nations were to have perfect freedom in conunercial
enterprise; the subjects of all flags were to be treated
with perfect equality and be at liberty to engage in all
kinds of transport; there was to be freedom of trafTic
on the coasts, rivers, and lakes of the Congo, and the
harbours were to be open ; free import and free transit
were to be allowed to merchandise, save only such
taxes or duties as might be required to defray the ex-
penses entaUed in the interests of commerce (subse-
quently, by an agreement made at Brussels on 2 July,
1890, an import duty of ten per cent maximum
might be imposed) ; flnally no monopoly or privilege
of a commercial nature might be granted. — (b) Pro-
tection of Natives, Missionaries, Travellers. — ^The
Powers signing the Act bound themselves to care for
the native peoples, their moral and material welfare,
and to co-operate in suppressing slavery and espe-
OOMQO
230
CONQK)
oially the slave trade. They bound themselves to
protect and assist, ''without r^ard to distinctions of
nationality or of creed, all religious, scientific and
philanthropic establishments or enterprises, formed
or organized for such ends, or calculated to instruct
the inhabitants and to make them understand and
appreciate the advantages of civilization". In par-
ticular, Christian missionaries, men with scientific
ends in view, and explorers, together with their es-
corts, were to be the objects of special protection
(Art. 6). (c) Freedom of Religious Worship. — " Lib-
erty of conscience and religious toleration are ex-
pressly guaranteed to natives as well as to other sub-
jects and to foreigneiB. The free and public exercise
of all forms of worship, the right of erecting religious
edifices, and of oiiganizing missions belongmg to all
creeds, shall not be submitted to any restriction or
restraint" (ibidem). — (d) Postal Conventions. — The
terms of the Universal Postal Union, revised at Paris,
1 June, 1878 (Art. 7), were to be observed in the Congo
Basin; these were officially accepted by the Inde-
pendent State, 17 Sept., 1885. In like manner, 13
Sept., 1886, the additional Postal Act of Lisbon was
adopted, on 19 June, 1892, the Universal Postal Con-
vention of Washington, and on 26 May, 1905,
that of Rome. — (e) Mediation and Arbitration. — In
case serious disagreements should occur over the terri-
tories where commercial freedom was allowed, the
Powers signing the Act bound themselves ** before hav-
ing recourse to arms, to seek the intervention of one or
several friendly Powers". In such a case the Powers
reserved to themselves the right of having recourse
to arbitration (Art. 12).
Conditions of the Act of Brussels. — ^The Slave Trade
and Traffic in Spirits. — On 2 July, 1890, on the pro-
posal of England, an international conference met at
Brussels. A general act was passed and si^ed by all
the Powers that had formerly signed the Berlin Act,
and also by the Independent State. By this the sig-
natoiy Powezs bound themselves to take measures to
prevent the slave trade and to restrict the traffic in
ffl>irite in the zone lying between 20® N. lat. and 22°
8. lat. Within this territoiy the distillation of liquor
or importation thereof was forbidden in regions where
the use of such liq[uor was not yet common. In the
other parts where it was already in use a heavy import
duty was imposed. This duty was fixed by the Con-
vention of 8 June, 1899, at seventy francs per hecto-
litre, fifty per cent alcohol (about $1.57 a gallon), for a
period of six years; an equivalent excise duty was
laid on the manufacture of such liquors. '
Right of Pi^eference of France. — ^Apart from the gen-
eral provisioTis which govern its dealings with the
Powers, the Independent State, owing to certain con-
ventions, has special relations with Prance and Bel-
f'um. We shall treat first of those concerning
ranee, comprised in the famous, but often badly ex-
glained, "Right of Preference". On 23 April. 1884,
Lionel Strauch, President of the International Asso-
ciation, declared in a letter to Jules Ferry that if, ow-
ing to unforeseen circumstances and conti^ry to its
intention, the Association was compelled in the future
to sell its possessions, it would consider itself obliged
to give the preference of purchase to France. On the
following day the French minister officially acknowl-
edged the letter and added that in the name of the
French Government he bound himself to respect the
established relations and the free territories of the
Association. Thus the right was constituted. Writ-
ing, however, on 22 April, 1887, to Bourse, minister of
France at Brussels, Baron Van Eetvelde declared that
the Association had never meant or intended that this
right accorded to France should be to the prejudice of
Belgium of which Leopold II was king. In his letter
of 29 April, M. Bouree replied that this interpretntion
h:ul foine to his notice, but said nothing more. When
in 1895 the question of flio cession of the Independent
Stato to Belgium was raised, it seemed fmident to ne-
^tiato with France. As a consequence the conven-
tion of 5 Feb., 1895, was made betwerai France and
Belgium; France, on the one hand, agreed not to op-
pose the cession, and on the other secured a favour-
able determination of frontiers in Gkmgo. On the
same date, by another convention, the Belgian Gov-
ernment, already acting as successor of the Independ-
ent State, recognized the right of preference of France
in the purchase of these territories, in case of a com-
plete or partial exchange, conceasion, or lease to an-
other Power. It declarea besides that it would nev^
give up gratuitously either the whole or a part of these
said possessions. It is quite dear, therefore^ (1) that
the right of preference is simply one of pre-emption,
i. e. in case of alienation on terms of scde, negotiations
must first be entered into with France; (2) that
France recognized in 1895 the priority of Belgium in
this respect, or at least consented not to deny Belgiiini
the right of preference.
Belgium's Right to Take Over the Congo.-^The Bel-
gian Act of 28 April, 1885, had dedared: ''Tlie union
between Belgium and the new State of the Congo will
be exclusively personal". This could not. however,
prevent the subsequent gift on the part of the king,
nor could it take from Belgium the ri^t of accepting
such a donation. By his will> dated 2 August, 1889,
which was placed in the hands of M. Beemaert, who
communicated it to the Chambers, Leopold II was to
leave as a legacy to his country all sovereim ri^te
over the Independent State of the Congo. He added,
besides, that should the Belgian Government wish to
take over the Congo before this time, he would be
happy to see it accomplished during his lifetime. An
agreement was next entered into, 3 July, 1^0, by
which Belgium was to advance to the Congo twenty-
five million francs, five millions at once and the re-
maining twenty at the rate of two millions a year.
Six months after the expiration of the ten yeais (18
Feb., 1901) Belgium mi^t. if it wished, annex the
Independent State, with all the posseasions, rights,
and emoluments belonging to this soverdgnty, pro-
vided it assumed the outstanding obligati<ms of the
State to third parties, "the king expresslv refusing all
indemnification for the personal sacrinces he had
made". On 5 Aug., 1894, ihe king-soverngn an-
nounced that he was prepared to put at the immediate
disposal of Belgium his possessions in the Congo- Fol-
lowing this announcement a treaty of annexation was
concluded, 8 Jan., 1895, between the Belgian Govern-
ment and the Independent State, subject to the ap-
proval of the Chambers. This was raven, 12 Feb.,
1895, but was withdrawn, 19 June, and the treaty an-
nulled by mutual consent, 12 Sept., 1895» However,
a new loan confirmed Belgium's option for 1901.
When this date arrived, Baron Van Eetvelde, minis-
ter of the State of Congo, addressed (28 March, 1901)
a dispateh to the chief minister of the Belman cabinet,
Count de Smet de Naeyer, to the effect that possibly
the moment had not yet arrived for Belgium to take
over the Congo State; and that if this were so, in view
of the letter of 5 August, 1889, and the existinff ties
between Belgiimi and the Congo, it wotdd, perhaps,
be neither politic nor useful to fix a new term for the
right of option. A further communication, 22 May,
1901, emphasized the right held by Belgium, in virtue
of the above-mentioned letter and the legacy of the
king. It added that in case the right of annexation
were unexercised, but not relinquished, Belgium
ought to renounce, during such extension of her
option, the payment of interest and the repajnnent
of capital due to her. At the same time the Inde-
pendent State declared its readiness to submit to an-
nexation. M. Beemaert now proposed to annex the
Congo, thus opposing the Government project of 28
March, 1901, namely, to suspend the repayment of
the capital lent, and the payment of the interest
OOMOO
231
OOMOO
thereon. The king, by a letter addressed 11 June,
1901, to M. Woeste. member of the Chmnber, person-
ally took part m tne question. Only three items of
this letter are public: the first clearly pointed out that
\he moment was inopportune/or annexation; the sec-
ond stated that in relation to the Congo Belgium
should remain in the position she held in consequence
of the Convention of 1890; the third enimierated the
proofs of the attachment which the king had for his
country. Thus came about the Belgian law of 14
Aug., 1901, .which renounced the repayment of the
loans and the interest fhereon until such time as Bel-
^um should surrender the right of annexation — a
right which she declared she wished to preserve.
From an examination of these acts it seems certain
that Belgium has an incontestable right to take over
the Congo during the lifetime of the king. That cer-
tain prominent politicians, in a prelimmary discus-
sion m 1906, seem to have ignored this right, was
doubtless only the effect of a surprise. When, how-
ever, as on 3 June, 1906, the king-sovereign in a letter
to the secretaries-general of the Independent State,
added to his will a codicil which seemed to impose on
Belgium the obligation of respecting (besides the en-
gagements entered into with third parties) certain
royal foundations, the amendment was not acceptable
to the Chambers. The minister then stated that
these wishes on the part of the king were not imposed
as conditions, but were only earnest recommenda-
tions. On 14 Dec, 1906, the House moved that while
it desired for the Oongo the advantages of civilization
it was not unmindful of Belgium's rights; further-
more, that the question of taking over the Congo
should be settled with the least possible delay.
The Territory, — The declarations of neutrality, to-
gether with the friendly treaties by which the united
Powers of Germany, France. Portugal, etc., recognized
the State, determined roughly its frontiers. Grireater
precision resulted from the treaty with En^and of
12 May, 1894. With France, owing to some difficul-
ties which arose, five treaties were made, the last being
signed 25 Feb., 1895. Treaties have still to be made
with Germany to settle the Lake Kivu question and
with Portugal about the Lake Dilolo region. With
the exception of a narrow border-zone to the east
near Lake Albert Edward, situated in the Nile Basin,
nearly all the territory of the State belongs to the
Congo Basin, which is about 1,158,300 sq. m. in ex-
tent. The State is the largest portion of this basin,
and has an area of 945,945 so . m., which is equivalent
to a square having a side of tnree hundred leagues, or
to seventy-five times the area of Belgium, or five
times that of France. It is bounded on the north and
north-west by French Congo and the An^lo-Egyptian
Sudan; on the east by British East Africa (Uganda
Protectorate) and German East Africa; on the south-
east and south by Bhodcsia and Portuguese Angola;
and on the west by the Atlantic Ocean (which gives
it about twenty-two miles of coastline) and the
Portuguese territory of Cabinda. The State stretches
from a little above 5** N. lat. to below IS** S. lat., and
from 12** to between 31**-32** E. long., the most east-
erly point being on the Upper Nile.
III. Description of the Independent State. —
Physical Geography. — ^The general aspect of the State
has often b^n compared to a huge cup. To the west
lie the Crystal Mountains; to the soutn-east, the long
chain of the Mitumba bordering on the plateaux of
Kar-Tanga, from which descend the streams Lualaba,
Luapula, etc., whose waters unite to form the Congo
River, lids vast central depression, divided into
several terraces, rests on alternate strata of granite
and gneiss. Laciistral settings (grit and clayey
schists) are often found, as well as laterite. Tlie in-
numerable rivers of the Congo are rocky in their upper
courses and cut their way by rapids from one terrace
ti» another, untfl, on the great alluvial plains of the
centre, they form an immense network of from 9000
to 11,000 miles of navisable water-ways and fli)read
out fan-like from Leopoldville, The principal tribu-
taries of the Congo are the Ubanghi and Welle to tlie
north; the Kassai-Sankuru, Lomami, etc., to the
south. Beyond Stanley Pool are the famous falls
which, by preventing continuous riveivtraffic, necfsai-
tated the railroad (about 270 miles, a journey of two
days) binding Leopoldville to the seaport of Matadi
(the highest point of the Congo Estuary reached by
steamers). The falls of the Upper River will likewise
be doubled by railroads. In fact, a trunk line to
Stanley Falls has been completed, and another to the
" Gates of Hell * ' commenced. Others in the dii ection
of the Nile, of the Katanga, and of the English and
Portuguese railways have beiBn determined upon.
There are two seasons in the Lower Congo, the dry
and the rainy. In
the centre the cli-
mate, always
warm and rainy,
has produced a
vast equatorial for-
est of giant trees
and jungle. In
these regions much
cocoa, coffee,copal,
nut- and palm-oil,
and, above all,
caoutchouc are
produced. Besides
the elephant,
hunted to excess,
the fauna of the
country includes
the antelope, mon-
key, zebra (which
it is hoped to do-
mesticate), okapi,
hippopotamus, and
crocoaile. There
also are found ter-
mites, ants, mos-
quitoes, and the
terrible ts^ts6
which causes the
sleeping sickness.
Witn regard to
mineral wealth,
Katan^ gives promise of an immense amount of
malacUte copper (2 million tons, valued at 1800,000.-
000, according to the oflBcial report of Jan., 1908),
much tin (20 million tons, valued at $16,000,000 along
the Lualaba) ; also iron magnetite and oligist. Gold
also has been found in the mines of Kambobe, while
those of Kilo (Aruwimi) produced 8841.25 oz. Troy
($170,000) in 1905.
Ethnography and Population. — ^Three indigenous
races are found in the Congo Basin. The ^and^
who seem to belong to the Nigritian races, inhabit the
north-east frontier. The aboriginal Pygmies are
foimd in the centre, mingled with the rest, but espe-
cially in the region of the great forest. The larger part
of the i>eoples belong to the Bantu family. The popu-
lation is probably about twenty millions, although
other estimates of from twelve to thirty millions have
been given.
Language. — ^The language of the Blacks is, radically,
the agglutinative speech of the Bantu peoples, i. e. it
forms its words without fusion or alteration. It is
divided into over forty very different dialects. The
language is rich, rational, philosophic, and betokens a
much higher level of civilization than do the morak
and customs of this wretched race. In Lower Congo
contact with the Portuguese has influenced the ideas
and habits of the Blacks; it has taught them the com-
mercial value of certain products, such as caoutchouc.
Matomb£ Idol
OOHGO
232
oaMoo
and broujB^t them under the enervating inHuenoe of
aleohol; here the race has degenerated. In Upper
Congo the Arab influence has introduced by violence
both slavery and habits of industry. The pernicious
practice of inhaling the fumes of hemp has come also
with Arab domination. In the centre of the country
the race remains more pure.
PcltUcal OfyanUation, — ^Present native customs
show traces of a former supremacy of one chief over
the others. There are unmistakable signs both of
vassalage and of suzeraintv. The tribes are ruled by
a chief (mfvmu) whose authority, however, is checked
by the presence of a coimcil of elders. The succession
to the chieftaincy is hereditary, but not in the direct
line of male descent. While only males can occupy
the throne, the succession passes not to the son, but
in the collateral line to the brother and then to the
son of the daughter. Other information on ethno-
graphical questions is given under VIII. Missions
IN THE Congo.
Commerce, — Some figures with regard to the com-
merce of the Congo ma^r be given here. In 1887 when
a total of the ezportations of the Independent State
was first made, tne figure was about S396,088. This
we may compare with the figures of subsequent years:
—1890, $1,648,439; 1895, $2,188,603; 1900, $9,475,-
480; 1905, $10,606,432; 1906, $11,655,566. Caout-
chouc represents the greater part of this output.
Its vahie was, in 1905, $8,751,180 (10,938,975 lbs.).
The value of ivory (473,260 lbs.) for the same year
^as $067,554; palm nuts (11,355,529 lbs.), $302,817;
pakn-oil (4,335 229 lbs.), $220,678. Import statistics
date only from the establishment of import duties in
the second quarter of 1892. We append some dates
and figures:— 1893, $1,835,020; 1896, $2,137,169;
1900, $4,944,821; 1905. $4,015,072; 1906, $4,295,517.
These figures represent largdy Belgian commerce. In
1906 the Congous exports to Belgium reached $10,860,-
939 ; the imports from Belgium were $3,057,058. Im-
ports from the United States do not exceed $6,000.
IV. When and by what Right the Congo State
WAS Created. — ^How did the Congo State arise? The
ouestion is not an easy one to answer. Certain au-
tnors, the mouthpieces of the State, regard the Inde-
pendent State as the natural heir of the petty chiefs
who governed the various Con^lese tribes. They
maintain that through the treaties made with these
chiefs the supreme jjower passed from native to Euro-
pean hands. This is a thesis easy to formulate, but
impossible to defend. For in fact an international
treatv supposes the existence of two nations. Now it
may be admitted that the Congolese had, at the period
in question, a political organization — though this
point has been doubted by some; at any rate the In-
ternational Association was at the time surely nothing
more than a private company. Again, when the n^
tive chiefs agreed to put their mark at the bottom of
a treaty in exchange for a few pieces of cloth, did they
realize what they were doing? Did they realize ttiat
they were veritably abdicating, and not simplv au-
thorizing some European to settle on their land? A
recent defender of the position stated above has gone
so far as to imagine that Stanley improvised on the
Congo coast a course of international law for the use
of the native chiefs. For this Stanley had neither
time nor means at his disposal, and he would have
found it diflScult to do so through an interpreter.
Further, even if the chiefs did wish to transfer their
authority, could they have done so without the con-
sent of weir tribes? LasUy, the treaties in (question
were nearly all made with chiefs who inhabited the
present French Congo ; they affected only a very small
part of the present Congo State.
Others say that the Independent State was created
by the Berlin Conference. This hypothesis is also un-
acceptable. What right had this Cbnference over the
Congo Basin? The plenipotentiaries claimed none;
what they wished to do was not to create new States,
but to make the Powers^ present and future, holding
interests in Central Afnca, accept a regime c4 fx^
trade. As a matter of fact it was during tiie inter-
vals between the meeting of the Conference that the
Independent State had its flag recoenized by the dif-
ferent Powers one after another. 'Uke Conference, as
such, only congratulated the State. It supplied tba
means of existence, but it did not create. M. Oattier
(Droit et administration de TEtat Ind^pendant, p.
43) is rightly of opinion that the Independent State
owes its origin to an act of occupation. But was this
lawful? Doubtless it was. First the land was a
prey to the most revolting savage cruelties, even to
cannibalism; second, it was ravaged bv ceaseless in-
testine wars and by the slave trade; tnird, it denied
strangers the protection of the j'ua gentium, or law of
nations. In such a case the common good of man-
kind sanctioned the imposition of a state of oider and
security, and hence the creation of a civilizing power.
The Powers represented at the Berlin Conference gave
the king-sovereign a free hand in the political occupa-
tion of the Conflo Basin, while the treaties made with
the native chiets and the victories won over the Arabs
likewise contributed to this end. But it was only
when this occupation grew sufficientlv effective (about
1895) that the embryonic polity of 1885 became in a
true sense the Independent State. It is carefully to
be noted that the occupation above referred to did
nothing more than transfer the political authority; it
did not modify or affect any private ri^ts, e. g. prop-
erty rights.
V. Interior Organization. — LegidaHve and Ad-
ministrative Power. — Leopold II exercises over his
Congolese subjects a sovereignty which makes him
the most absolute monarch in tlie worid: he ^vems
them by his sole and uncontrolled will. £[e gjves all
important orders, constitutes the whole administra-
tion, and is the source of all authority in his African
kingdom. He has established the Congo Central
Government at Brussels. While reserving to himself
the supreme legislative power, he has, since 1 Sept.,
1894, confided to a secretary of state the direction of
the Central Government. This official can enact
measures (ArrHSsdu Secretaire d'Etai) which have the
force of laws. When he is absent his place is taken by
three secretaries-general, who, acting in concert, pos-
sess his power; as a matter of fact, since the period of
office of .Baron Van Eetvelde there has been no secre-
tary of state. Further, the sovereign-king instituted
(16 April. 1889) at Brussels a Conaeu Supmeur, which
acts as a nigh court of justice and gives advice on such
questions as the king submits for consideration. His
Majesty names the members of this coimcU. In the
Congo territory itself a governor-general is at the head
of the administration. He possesses a restricted
legislative power and can make police regulations and
the like. The State capital is at Boma. The country
is divided into fourteen districts, governed by the
commi89aire8, and these are subdivided into zones and
aecteure which are under the authority of the die fa de
zone, chefs de eecteur,
JudicKil Power, — ^For the administration of civil
and criminal cases there are five lower courts, each
composed of a judge, an officier du ministkre public
(prtKureur d^Etai) to represent the people, and a gref-
per; there is also a court of appeial composed of a
president, two judges, an officier du minikhre pMic
Xprocureur g^rUral), and a greffier. In places wl^re
tnere is no regular court the ofjicier du mxnisihre public
(who must be a doctor in law J can, within certain
limits, exercise a summary jurisdiction. Finally, the
native chiefs (mfumu) have certain judicial powers
over their own peoples. The repression of crimes, or,
in the terminology of Congo law, infractions, which in-
clude even sudi offences as that of murder (see Code
P^nal de TEtat Ind6p.X is further confided to local
OOHOO
233
OOHGO
oourts, appointed by the governor-general, and com-
posed (at least normally) of a jud^ who need not
nave studied law (very often he is the eommissairt),
and an offieier du minidhre JPy^^^^ (substitute) who
must be a doctor in law. There are also military
courts {constfU de gaj&rrty eonseU d$ guerre d'appd).
At the head of this administration of justice is the
conseU supSrieur de BruxeUeSf which constitutes the
cour de easaatian. The judges and officers of justice
are not appointed for life, but are all removable; the
^vemor-general possesses a sort of supremacy both
m their nomination and supervision.
Domamal Poiuy.— At first (1885-1891) the State
favoured private mitiative and claimed for itself no
monopoly. Later on ^since 1892), anxious to increase
its reeouroes, and hearing of the vast wealth of rubber
and ivory in the Uppcnr (3ongo, it inaugurated a regime
of monopoly. Invoking an ordinance of 5 July, 1885,
which had dedared that ''the unoccupied lands must
be considered as belonging to the State", it invali-
dated all acts of occupation made, whether by natives
or strangers, after this date. It then put in practice
a system of proprietorship and exploitation of the soil
and its products. We add here a short r^um^ of the
extrem^y complex legislation now in force: — (a)
Concerning the Natives. — ^The decrees profess respect
for all native occupation ''such as it existed before
5 July, 1885*'. Hitherto no ade<][uate or serious in-
quiry has determined the rights which the natives pos-
sessed in virtue of this occupation. Does the State
admit that they now have a true proprietary right to
any part whatever of the soil? It is impossible to say.
At any rate they may not, without the authorization
of the governor-general, dispose of their lands to a
third party. The natives may continue, then, to in-
habit their plots of land where they plant manioc;
in addition, by virtue of the reform decrees of 1906
each village has been allotted an area triple the sise
of that which it previously inhabited and cultivated.
The natives are full possessors of the products of the
lands thus cultivatea. Further, if they formerly en-
joyed any certain use of any woods or forests they
mav still retain that use.
(d) Cbnceming the Non-Natives. — ^Tlie rights above
mentioned being saf^uarded, all the rest of the Congo
State hsB been declared the property of the State; it
is consequenttv at the absolute disposition of the sov-
ereign-kmg, who has distributed it thus: (1 ) One-third
constitutes the Domaine National, administered by a
council of six charged with the task of developing its
^revenues. These revenues are intended to cover the
ordinary budget expenses, to pay off the public debt,
to form a reserve fund, and to serve certain purposes
tof public utility for the Cbngo State and for Belgium.
(2) (>ne-ninth, selected in the richest part of the coun-
.try, forms the Domaine de la Couronne. It is the pri-
'vate property of the king, who, however, has the in-
tention of giving it eventually to some institution of
public utihty, and in the meantime desires that its
revenues should create and subsidize certain works
And institutions for the general good, whether in the
State or in Belgium. Six mines, hereafter to be se-
lected, also bdong to this Domaine, which is admin-
isterea by a oonunittee. Hitherto both of these terri-
tories have been administered {en rMe) by the em-
ployees of the State. (3) The rest of tne territory con-
stitutes tiie Terres Domaniales, which the State re-
serves to itself to sell, to let. or to grant as it pleases.
All alienation or letting of these lands must, to avoid
nullity, be ratified within six months by the king. Of
these publie lands about one third have been granted
or alienated, principally to concessionary companies.
The grants of use, however, far exceed the alienations,
and wey give to tiie companies in question the monop-
oly of exploitation. In the greater number of these
companies the State owns half the stock.
Fiscal Syttem. — (1) The State subjects non-natives
to direct and personal taxes similar to those in Eu«
rope. As a consequence of the Brussels Conference
(2 July, 1890) a customs duty was laid on all imports,
llie export customs duty on rubber (0.6i5 fr. per kilo-
gram^-^bout 6 cts. perpoimd) and ivory (1 to 2.1 fn
per kilogram — about 9 cts. to 17 cts. per pound)
forms one of the principal sources of revenue of the
State. — (2) The natives are subject to conscription.
Since the reforms of 1906 the annual contingent to be
supplied is divided into two sections, one of which goes
to tne annv and the other furnishes labourers for the
public works. The soldiers serve for seven years, the
workmen for five. Fiuiher, the natives ^o are not'
so engaged are subject to a poll tax affecting every
adult, male or female. This tax varies from 6 to 24
fr. (about $1.20 to $4.80) a year; it may be paid in
money, in kind (food-stuffs as a rule), or in personal
labour. Every year the commissaire draws up for
the different villages tables of equivalence between
money, kind, and labour, which must, since the last
Franciscan Convent of St. Gabriel of the Falls,
Orieittal Frovincb
reforms, be publicly exhibited. The personal labour
demanded may not exceed in duration a total of forty
hours a month — hence the phrase *' forty hours' tax".
For this labour the natives receive a certain remunera-
tion—by "an act of pure condescension" according to
the latest decrees. Hie annual income and outlay of
the State are about 30,000,000 fr. (roughly $6,000,000).
The products of the Domaine National toother with
taxes paid in kind represent 16,500,000 ff. The t^
muneration paid (in kind) to the natives amounts to
2,600,000 or 3,000,000 fr.
VI. CJRiTicisafs OF THB CJoNoo. — For some years
past the Independent State has been the object of
very severe criticism, particularly on the part of the
Congo Reform Association, directed by Mr. E. D*
Morel. We do not presume to judge intentions;
nevertheless this hostility, directed against one only
of the four Congos, and that one dependent on a peo-
ple powerless to defend itself, creates in Belgium pain-
ful feelings of surprise. Grave accusations nave been
made against the French Congo; the German Parlia-
ment in the name of humanity has heard earnest pro-
tests against excesses m the German Congo; and it is
not likely, if a commission of inquiry were to travene
Rhodesia, that it would have nothing but eulogied to
record. Why then single out one country, and that a
defenceless one? It seems but fair, also, to remark
that one cannot justly compare a colonv in its begin-
nings with a colony established more tnan a century
ago. The early history of colonies has ever been a
sad one, as is instanced by Macaulay's account of
Warren Hastings and the British occupation of India.
On Hie other hand wrong does not justify wrong. The
standard of a government should Be absolute justice,
and it is from this point of view that the wrongs in^-
puted to the Congo administration will be considered.
oovao
234
OOHOO
Tho- accusations fall under two heads: (1) infidelity U)
promises given to the civilized Powers; (2) injustice
towards the Congolese.
(1) Breach of Faith, — ^The land s^^stem inaugurated
in 1891 is said to be incompatible with the commercial
freedom stipulated for at Berlin, in particular with
Article 5, wnich forbade the granting of monopolies,
and any privileges in commercial matters. The Inde-
pendent State denies the charge of infidelity: "There
IS no 'commerce' in selling the product of one's own
land. We do no more than that. The monopolies
we accord are not conmiercial.'' In support of this
view the opinions of jurists of different countries are
adduced. These were consulted, especially in 1892,
and included Professor Westlake and 8it Horace
Davey, the latter an. English judge and member of
the Privy Council.
(2) Inhuman Treatment of Natives, — ^This ac-
cusation appeals to Christian people; it touches the
principles of humanity. The Congo State is accused
of oppressing, instead of civilizing, the Congo, and
chaiges of atrocious cruelty have been brou^t. So
grave were these that King Leopold thought it wise
to establish an International Commission of in(^uiry
with unlimited authority to investigate the condition
of the natives. The decree of 23 July, 1904, en-
trusted this important duty to M. Janssens (General
Advocate of the Court of Cassation of Belgium), as
president of the commission. Baron Nisco, an Italian
(Temporary President of the Boma Tribunal of Ap-
pend), and Doctor de Schiunacher (Counsellor of State
and Chief of the Department of Justice of the Canton
of Lucerne, Switzerland).. The commission arrived
at Boma, 5 Oct., 1904. They concluded their inves-
tigations, 13 Feb., 1905, and on the 21st of the same
month embarked for Europe. The report was made
public, 6 Nov., 1905, in the official bulletin of the In-
dependent State, and is obviously the most serious
item in the question that we are now discussing. We
must except, however, the chapter dealing with the
missionaries. In this the commissioners departed
from their habitual prudence, and their expressions
here — as is oonmionly stated — do not accurately repre-
sent their judgment. According to this report one
cannot directly charge the Independent State with
responsibility for cruelties inflicted upon individuals.
Haere are doubtless isolated crimes, but these are pun-
ished. There are also the involuntary consequences
of governmental measures, but these unhappy effects
were not foreseen. Such were the del^ation of
powers to the agents of companies; the giving of fire-
arms to black sentinels; the failure to distinguish
between military demonstrations to prevent rebellion
and war operations to repress a revolt. Moreover,
the report drew attention to grave abuses in the re-
cruiting of labourers, in the imposition of compulsory
labour on the natives, in the land regime, ana in the
omtnization of justice.
Following the publication of this, the king named a
Reform Commission, whose work resulted in certain
recommendations drawn up by the secretaries-gen-
eral of the State. These tne king accepted and em-
bodied in the Reform Decrees of 3 June, 1906.
It would be premature at this time to forecast the
probable influence of these reforms on the general sit-
uation in the Congo ; we are too near the events. Im-
partial history wUl distinguish the good from the evil,
and fix the responsibilities. It may be said that the
Report recognized, on the part of the Independent
State, the splendid campai^ against the Arabs, sig-
nalized by many deeds of heroism, which put an end
to the slave trade, and rendered its resuscitation al-
most impossible. To the intestine wars between
the chiefs have succeeded, almost everywhere, peace
and security. The use of the flail and of alcohol have
been rigorously prohibited, and the cannibal tribes
can but veiy rarely find an opportunity of indulging
t-hoir saviige instincts. Finally, it may be observed
that in this whole aifair Belgium is in no way respon-
sible; this is an opinion expressed by two ministers of
the British Government (see debates of the British
Parliament for 27 Feb. and 3 March, 1908). Belgium
as a whole has remained aloof from the African pro-
ject, and the methods adopted were not known to it.
If, indeed, the Congo Government had appealed with
more simplici^ and frankness to the relu^ous senti-
ments of the Belgian people; if it had taken care to
proclaim a programme of Christian civilization, it
would have Kindled more enthusiasm among them,
and evoked more sympathy. In Uiat case, also, it
would have found more easily the men capable of con-
tributing to a work of such supreme moral importance.
VII. Future of the Congo State. — ^By a vote of
14 Dec., 1906, the Belgian Chamber of Representa-
tives expressed its willingness to consider as soon as
possible the question of annexation. A commission
of eighteen was immediately charged with making
a draft of proposed colonial law. When M. de-
Trooz succeeded M. de Smet de Naeyer as prime min-
ister, he annoimced his intention of rapidly bringing
about the transfer of the Congo State to Belgium.
During August, 1907, the Belgian and the Congo Gov-
ernments each named four plenipot^itiaries to draw
up the treaty of annexation. A praiseworthy activ-
ity was displayed. The commission of eighteen
adopted on the first reading a tentative body of laws;
the plenipotentiaries agreed to sign a treaty. The
treaty, however, was not well received by the public;
the Liberal Left unanimously declared they could not
accept it. The principal difficulty, it seems, was the
clause in the Treaty of Cession which assures the per-
petuity of the Domaine de la Couronne. It is true
that the revenues of this Domaine were to be disposed
of in a generous way; yet many representatives re-
fused to bind the mother country to the maintenance
of a foundation which had merely been earnestly rec-
ommended. In the meantime M. de Trooe died.
M. Schollaert, his successor, pronounced in favour of
annexation, and his declaration before the Chamber
gave promise of more acceptable conditions of aimex^
ation. An additional clause introduced by him into
the treaty greatly improved the situation.
VIII. Missions in the Conoo. — Ancient, — ^The
evangelization of the Congo began as early as 1484, when
Diego Cam discovered the mouth of the Congo River,
known as the Zaire until the seventeenth century.
Cam's naval chaplain set himself at once to preach the
"good news" to the natives, and won to the Faith the
chief of Sogno, a village on the right bank of the Coneo,
where he first landed. Some of the inhabitants of mis
village accompanied Cam on his return voyage and
were solemnly baptized at the court of John II of
Portu^. Later, the head chief of Banza-Con^o
(Outeiro, the present San Salvador) asked King John
for missionaries. Three were sent (whether they
were Dominicans or Franciscans or members of a Lis-
bon chapter, we do not know) ; they finally baptised
the heaa chief and many other subordinate ones at
Banza-Congo, in a wooden structure called the church
of the Holy Cross. In 1518 a grandson of this chi^,
known as Henry, who had been ordained in Portugal,
was made titular Bishop of Utioa, and appointed by
Leo X Vicar Apostolic of Congo. Unfortunately, he
died before quitting Europe. He is the only native
bishop Congo has ever had.
From the beginning the Portuguese undertook to
introduce European customs in Congo. The petty
chiefs became kings with Portu^;ue6e names; their
secretaries of State headed public documents thus:
"We, Alphonso [or Diego] by the grace of God King
of Congo and of Ilungo, of Cacongo, of Ngoyo, of the
lands above and below the Zaire, Lord of the Am-
boados and of Angola . . . and of the Conquest isic]
of Parizon. . . " The chiefs for the most part oould
ooirao
235
OOHOO
do no more than put their mark to th^se documents.
One of them imitated the feudal system a^ divided
his kingdom into seigniories, duchies, etc. At tiie be-
ginning of the seventeenth century a native chief,
Alvares II,- sent one of his rdatives^ a marquis, as his
representative to the papal court. The ambassador
arrived in Rome in a cijring condition and expired the
day after his arrival, the Eve of Epiphany, 1608.
Paul V, who personally assisted the ambassacfor in his
last moments, gave him a magnificent state funeral
and erected to his memory a monument at St. Mary
Maj(»r's. Later, Urban VIII had a superb mauso-
leum erected to faim by Bernini; it still stands at the
entranee to the chdr of the basilica. The Domini-
cans, fVanciscans, Carmelites, and Jesuits were the
first missionaries of the Congo. In spite of the prom-
ising beginnings, their labours, though trying, were
rather miitless. In the seventeenth century the
Jesuits had two colleges, one at Loanda, anotaer, of
minor importance, at Ban Salvador. On the whole,
relijgio& n&ver really took firm root, and was early
brought into discredit by the vices and slave-trading
of the Portuguese. It has managed, however, to
linger on in Portuguese Congo to our days. While the
Porti^^ese always oanfinedf themselves to the Lower
Congo, as eariy as the seventeenth century the mis-
eionaries had traversed the course of the Zaire, and
a seventeenth-oentiuy map has been discovered which
tmoes tiie river according to data supplied by them.
From Uiis it would seem uiat Stanley has not the dis-
tiiftotion of being the first white man to explore the
Upper Congo.
Moefani.'— French and Portuguese Congto. — On
20 May, 1716, Clement XI created the episcopal see of
Santa Cruz do Reino de Angola. The residence was at
first at San Salvador, but was later on transferred to
Loaada. The Portuguese bishop of this town has
under his jurisdiction about twenty priests. It is
thro^i^ tiiis sec that the ancient and modem missions
of Congo are muted (see Angola). The first modem
missionaries were the Fathers of the Holy Ghost
(mothfiP-house at Paris). Towards the midme of the
nineteentli century this flourishing congregation of
missionaries had the spiritual care of all the West
African coast from the Sene^ to the Orange River,
with the exception of the Diocese of Loanda, T*hey
still havei chcrae of all French Congo and of Portu-
guese Congo (Loanda excepted).
(1) Frendi Congo.— The Fathers of the Holy Ghost
have here three vicariates: — (a> Gabon, founded in
1$42 and confided to them in 1845. Mgr. Adam is
vicar Apostolic; 12 i^dences; mission staff. 42
priests, 21 brothers, 1 native priest, 7 native brotners,
and 41 eatechists. (b) Loango River (Lower French
GoDgo), founded, 24 Nov., 1886; pro-vicar Apostolic,
Mgr. Ddrouet; 6 residences; mission staff, 18 priests,
11 brothers, 1 naUve priest, 8 native seminansts, 17
natrre brothers, and 60 eatechists. — (c) Ubanghi
(Upper French Con^), founded, 14 Oct., 1890; vicar
Apostolic is Mgr. Augouard; 7 residences; mission
staff, 24 priests, 16 brothers, and 14 eatechists. The
Christians of these three vicariates number about
40,000, of whom more than half are catechumens.
<2) Pcrtu^oese Congo. — ^This has a prefecture
ApoetoBo dating from 27 June, 1&40» The C£4>uchins
aomii^stei^ it until 1834, when the mission was
abandon^. A pontifical decree of 1 Sept., 1865, re-
established it and entrusted it to the Fathers of the
Holy Ghost; 4 residenoes, II priests, 11 brothers, 12
native seminarists, 10 native brothers, and 24 cate-
^lits: Ohrietians about 7000* These %area repre-
sent tne condition of the minioBS of the Congregation
of the Holy Ghost urMardi, 190&
Tlie Free State.*— Charies George Gordon, the hero
of Khartoum, a Presbyterian, was among the first to
draw ih» attention of Leopold II to the need of estab-
tishing numerous OsithoHo ihissions in his African king-
dom. At the beginning of 1884, some days before his
departure for the Sudan, Gordon was chosen General
Administrator of the Stations of the International As-
sociation, and in this quality had an interview with
Leopold, towards the end of which Gordon remarked:
"Sire, we have forgotten the principal thing— the
missionaries". "Oh, I have already considered the
question", said Leopold. "T*he Association gives
help and protection to all missionaries; further^ it
has given a subsidy to the missionaries of the Bible
Society, to the Baptists ..." "Yes," replied
Giordon, " but you must also send Roman mission-
aries, many Roman missionaries" (Revue G^ndrale,
1885, p. 116), From 24 Feb., 1878, there was at
the extreme east of the Congo State a pro-vicariate
Apostolic for the Upper Congo. This became, in
1880, a vicariate, and was served by the White
Fathers of Cardinal Lavigerie (q. v.). But after the
Ife
Mm-
^
MiasioN OF THE Wbitb Fatubrs, Tanqanyika
establishment of the new State in 1885, Leopold per-
suaded the Holv See to reserve the Catholic evai:^-
i^ation of his African dominion to Belgian mission-
aries. Cardinal Lavigerie did not, however, abandon
this post of honour, but founded a Bel^an branch of
his institute, which, by a pontifical Bnef of 30 Dec.,
1886, was placed in cnazge of the Vicariate of the Upper
Congo. Its activities are confined to the Independent
State ; vicar Apostolic, Mgr. Roelens. An African sem-
inary was founded at louvain (1886) and plac^ under
the direction of Canon Forget jprof essor ot theology at
the University of Louvain. Ine difiiculties attired
to such an enterprise soon made themselves felt, and it
was found impossible to carry it on without the help
of some rellgipus institute. The aid of the young but
already flourishing Conjugation of the Missionaries
of the Sacred Heart of Mary (known also as the Con-
gregation of Scheutveld, alter the mother-house at
Scheutveld near Brussels) had alreadv been sought in
1876, and they were a^ain appealed to in 1884.
Thou^ the missions in China and Mongolia absorbed
nearly ail their strength, they determined (1886-^7)
to make an effort to assist the C!onco» In 1888 they
took over the African seminary, and on 11 May of the
same year Leo XIII created the immense vicariate
Apostolic (present incumbent, Mgr. Van Ronsl^) of
the Belgian Congo, which he committed to their care.
On 26 July, 1901, a part of this territory was detadied,
thou^ still left in their charge, to form the new Pre-
fecture Apostolic of the Upper Kassai; pref. Ap.
(1908) is Mgr. Henri Cambier.
Towards the end of 1891 the Belgian Jesuits,
already overburdened with two foreign missions,
undertook to send a body of missionaries to the Congo.
They were placed in charge of a portion of the Belgian
Ckuigo vicariate ; on 31 Jan., 1903, their mission became
the Prefecture Apostolic of Kwan^. The superior and
Pjraf. Ap. (1908) is the Rev. Julian Banckaert, S. J.
lliere are also a prefecture Apostolic: Welle, founded
12 May, 1898, Premonstratensians of the Abbey of
OOHOO
236
001100
Tdngerloo ^pref . Ap., Rev. M. L. Derikx) and a vicari-
ate Apostolic: Stanly Falls, founded as a prefecture
3 Aug., 1904, Priests of the Sacred Heart (vie. Ap., Rev.
G. Orison) . There are other missionaries in the Belgian
vicariate who, though having no autonomous territory,
nevertheless render very important service in the evan-
gelization of the country. Among these are the Trap-
pists and the Redemptorists. The former went from
the Abbey of Westmalle in 1894, hoping td acquire in
Africa, by the foundation of agricultural colonies, a civ-
ilizing influence similar to that of the medieval Benedic-
tines. Their first efforts in the Lower Congo were
fruitless; later they established themselves in the
Upper Congo beyond the confluence of the Oon(p> and
the Ruki, almost on the Equator. Their prmcipal
post is at Bamania. The Redemptorists nave suc-
ceeded the secular priests at Matadi in the evangeliza-
tion of the town and of the railway employees. In
190M)6 the Mill Hill Missionaries (Endish) accepted
two posts in the Upijer Conso. The Vicariate Apos-
tolic of Sudan, administered by the White Fathers,
has under its jurisdiction a portion of the Congo State ;
vicar Apostolic^gr. H. L. Bazin. In May, 1907, the
Fathers of the Holy Ghost were engaged as chaplains
to the second railway section of the Great Lakes. —
The numerous sisters of various religious institutes
who have devoted their fortimes and their lives to the
moral and religious education of the Congolese women
do an amount of good beyond all praise. The Sis-
ters of Charity of Jesus and Mary (Ghent Institute)
were the first to enter on this arduous mission. They
are found in the districts evangelized by the Fathers
of Scheutveld and are assisted by the Franciscan Sis-
ters, from Gooreind, Antwerp province. The Mis-
sionary Sisters of the Precious Blood (Natal, Hqlland)
are employed in the missions of the Trappist Fathers.
The Congregation of Our Lady of Africa (White Sis-
ters) devote themselves to the natives in the Vicariate
of Upper Congo. In the Prefecture of Kwango the
Notre Dame Sisters (Namur) are established; in
Welle the Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Mary (Berlaer-
lez-Lierre). For statistics see below the table of.
Catholic missions.
German East Africa. — ^The German possessions oc-
cupy but a very small part of the Congo Basin. There '
are three vicariates in charge of the White Fathers:
South Nyanza under Mgr. J, J. Hirth; Unymuezi
under Mgr. F. Gerboin; and Tanganyika under Mgr.
A. Le Chaptois. In addition there is the Vicariate of
Central Zanzibar, in chaige of the Fathers of the Holy
Ghost, under Mgr. F. X. Vogt. Finally, the Vicariate
of South Zanzibsu-, or Dar es Salaam, m chaiige of the
Bavarian Congregation of St. Odile under Mgr. T.
Spreiter.
Non-Catholic Missions. — ^There are very few of
these in the French Congo. We may mention the
two missions of Ogowe, formerly held by the Ameri-
can Presbyterians, and now by the Paris Evangelical
Missions. Quite recently a Swedish mission has been
established in Loango. In Portuguese Congo the
Methodists have nine missions. Six missionary socie-
ties devote themselves to the evangelization of Ger-
man East Africa, viz.: the Evangelical Missionary
Society for German East Africa, the Pagan Mission-
ary Society, the Community of Brothers, and the
Evangelical Missionai^ Society of Leipzig; ancT two
EngliSi, viz. : the Universities Mission to Central
Africa and the Chureh Missionary Society. In the
Gon^ Independent State there are many Protestant
missions. The longest established is the l^glish
Baptist Missionary Society, Lower Congo (1877). Idr
1879 followed the Livingstone Inland Mission; Luth-
e^n Svenska or Swedish Mission (1881); American
Baptist Missionary Union p883); Bishop Taylor's
Self-Supporting Mission (1886); Congo Balolo Mission
ri889); International Missionary Alliance (1889);
American Southern Presbyterian Mission (1891);
Amot Scotch Pred>yterian liiarion (1891); Seventh
Day Baptists (1893). In 1897 there were 56 stationB
with 221 mission workeni of both sexes.
The Natives, — ^The irreligion and ignorance of the
Congolese have often been ezaggevated and misrepre'
sented. They are not so debased as many preftend.
They reoognize a supreme Gkxl, Oeator en au things,
but they eeem very largely to ignore His immediate
Providenoe and His intervention in the affaire of this
worid. They believe in the existence of spirits, and
admit a metempsychosis more or less happy in a
future life. Their worship is a qaedes of gross fetkh-
ism, propagated by the soreerere, iK4u)6e influence m
very great and often most pernicious. These soreer-
ers are the "wise men" of Congo; th^ are oonnilted
about everything. If misfortune comes or crime is
committed, it is to them that reeourse must be had,
and whoever is designated by them as the cause of the
evil must pass throu^ the test of fire or of eoaoiis
(poisoned orink). The State forbids such tests undw
most severe penalties. SuposUtious fears and davish
attachment to amulets are the chief obstades to con-
version. Others are the practice of poiy^an^, laigely
due to the custom which prevents toe wife mm hav-
ing any relations with her huriMmd during the period
of lactation — ^from two to three years— lest she
should make her child unhappy; tne cannihdism
which exists in certain parts; ingrained habits of
idleness* gross egoism; the worship of might as con-
founded with right — in short that sum of differences
^^ch separates, as by an abyss, the essentially
pagan soul of the Congolese from the Christian
conception of ri^t and wrong which the nussionerB
try to knpart. The excesses and the evil example
of the Europeans themselves render the missionary's
task even more difficult. Add to this the abuse
which, in districts where the rubber trade flour-
ishes or in the neidibourhood of towns, imposes a
hard task of from fifteen to twen^ days per month
of forced labour instead of the forty noun fixed fay the
law; the unfortunate divisions between the Ghnatian
churehes and the acts of petty opposition consequent
thereon — ^and theproUem is still further complicated.
Nor is b31 ended in^ien the Congolese is convwtod; he
must be continually uised to hold last to the gtft he
has received, for his fiddeness is veiy jfreat. Often
he imagines that his obligation to remam a CSiristian
ceases with the contract which binds him to a mission
or to the service of Europeans. In the eastern part
of Upper Congo the Arabs, who frequently make esave
raids, have managed to win over to their leUgion many
of the intelligent tribes of the Bakusus. Tnese pros-
elytes regard all their workmen as staves for Hfe; they
are immoral, fanatic, and very hostile to the OospeL
The noble work of evangelisation in the Congo,
however, is far from being fruitlesa. As formeriy
under the Portuguese rule, so to-day the missionaries
find souls in which their teaching takes finn root.
Mgr. Augouard gives the example of a catechist of
the tribe of Babois who, seeing the resources of the
mission failing, undertook to feed and clothe the chil-
dren of his school with the profits of his sewing-
machine. Ihe most intelligent part oi the popula-
tion inhabits the Domaine oe la Uouronne ana is well
disposed towards Christianitj^. Until 19QB these
people were shut off from aXi immediate missicmaiy
mSuence; they were evangelized, however, by some
of their countrymen who had become Christians while
serving in the army. Many travelled long distances
to see and speak with the Catholic nuflsionarieSy and
both men and women, nothing daunted^ undertook
perilous Journeys in order to reach the mission sta-
tions. It is not surprising, therefore, that the mis-
sionaries have been received evetywhere.with enthu-
siasm, and that the natives have offered to build their
simple habitations and schools.
The Manner cf Evangdiaiiig* — Guided by eiqNsri*
C.«»jirar/«
t SMt ot mihoprie T SMt of Ticsriato ApMtoIie
•* Pnfectar* Apoatolic ? •• •• Pr«latar«NulllM
£be*toCMInioa
• ^Utioal Caiiital of EuropaMi OoloalM
CftblM Native TrlbB N»in«« In It irW e 9
V ^ ^BuHoruG,
ViCABIATB,
nuanxrvKE,
OA Mxmoir
RXATOF
BiBBoruc,
ViCAmiATK.
rBXriCTURR,
ECCLBBIASnCAL BIAP OF
SOUTH AFRICA
nbawing the boumUriM of th«
BISHOPRICS,
YICABIATES and PREFECTURES
AF06T0UC
PRBLATURB NULUUS.
•ad MISSIONS.
8m AlMlUp of AfiicAtn VoL I. and Map of
Sorth Africa in VoLV.
, MO 400 . . lOpC
« Pref. Northern Nigeria Lokora
17 '■ fioothern Mifferla Unltaha
Kameron .
Kemando-Po .
•_2e_
Cugtith SUtuU MilM
J5(»
81 Tla
n "
•^ "
51 KreL
96 Vks.
90 Pref.
87 **
80 Miaa
90 Biah.
40 Ukn.
41 Prat
49 '•
49 Vic
44 "
46 PreC.
40 Vie.
47 "
aPreC
40 Vie.
Duala
Santa Uabel
Bata lUanoD (Rio Muai). . . . .Bata
Oaban LibrerlUe, Fr. Conpro
Fr. Upper Congo BrasaaTllle
Fr. Lower Congo Loango
Portogueae Coiuro lAndana
Congo Independent State . . . ■
T. .V. LeopoldTUle
Kwango (Mlaslon) .... Klnmensa
Upper Ka«al (MiBslon)
Lulnabnrg
Lunda (Angola) Malange
Angola 8. Paolo de Loanda
Cunene Huilla
Upper CimbebaBla Katoko
Low«T Cnmbebaala ....Windhoek
Orange KiTer Pella
W. Ckpe Colony Oape Town
Oentral Cape CoL^min. from . . .
r:^eTown
EMt. Oape OoL . . .Port Elizabeth
Natal Pletermaritaimrg
Baantoland
„ I RlT. OoL
61 Via
69 ••
68
8. Medagwrar Ft. Danphln
OntrTaadagawmr. . .TananarlTo
N. Madagascar DIctroSttarca
R«unlon..St DenyalsLof RAonion
Port Louis MauntiiM
Port Victoria . . .Mali«, SeTchellen
67 Pref. C^omorea HeUrille, Boaii B«
68 {{i^} Moaambiqne (^oUiniane
60 Pref. Zambeaia BnUwajo
60 Vic
01 Vic
69 "
68 "
04 •*
06 «
00 "
07 ••
OSFlrer.
M "
70 Vic
71 ••
79
78 Pref.
74 Vic
76 •♦
70 Pref.
77 ■
i« «
80 Vic
01 •*
Nyaaaiand Kalambl
a Zanzibar.^ Par ea Salaam
N. luuunoar ...Zanribar
Tanganyika Karema
Unyanyembe Marlahllf
.77:. (Uahlrombo)
S. Victoria Nyansa Kamogo
N Victoria Nyansa .Rubaga
Upper Congo (Ind. State) ....
BaudoainTille
Stanley Faila St. Leopold
Welle Amadl
Uganda N'Sambya
OallBrLana Barrar
Br. Boinallland (to Vic Arabia)
Erythraa.
Ab; — •-'-
AUtiema
_ __ . BraTa» It. Somali
KenlaMiaaion
Shire BantaMaria
'}entral Zanaiher Banunoyo
Ubanghl-Shari Btt Camilla
oo^rmmn, iNa. ar noacar AmaroN co.
THS MATTHEWa-NORTHKUP WORKS, aurFALO, N. T^
OONOO
237
OOMOO
eQoe, the prawni miaBiooaries cooler baptism only on
those who have been well instnieted aiiid well tested.
Their efaief reUanoe is placed in the education of the
youiUL Hence in the stations they have founded
schoQU where reli^on is taud^t almig with the trades.
For the Catholics it is the rdigious, men and women,
who have devoted themselves to this work; among
the fix>testant8 Bin. Bentl^ deserves the highest
praise for the intelligoit direction she has given to the
trade instruction. The fennM^hajMM, of which
mention is often made, are rural schools where, under
the guidance of certain picked pupUs, the ^oung
Congoleee are taught agriculture. The miasionary
who regularly visits these posts supplies the farm in-
stmmente and the seeds; the chief who grants the use
Fathers possessed a school of catecfaists with 73 piq>il8,
a petit a^minaire with 14 pupfls, and a grand ahninaim
with one pupil. The resources of the Catholic mis-
sions are mostljr derived from private charity. Many
Protestant missions are veiy ridily endowed.
I-VII. — For thb History op Congo before the Estab-
LUHMENT OP THE Btatb. — PxaAPXTTA, Le Cotiffo, La vSridique
de»eription du rouaume Africainf from the Latin ed. of IfiOS
(BnuaeU, 1883)^ Oayazzz, HiHonsehe Betchreibunoder in dem
unternoccidienlaU»dien Makrenloind liegende drei K&nioreidien
CongOt Matamba und Angola tmd der jetziqen Apoaioliaehen
Miasionen. 80 von denen PP. Capudnen daseOtai vertichtet
worden (Munich, 1094); Mhjtb Edwards, hiveatigaeBe9 geogra-
F^toM do» nortuffuaea (IaBbon» 1879); Stamlet, Through tha
' Jknie Contment (1879); Idem, The Conpo: Jte PaH History,
PretetU Development, and Future Commercial Proepeeta (London.
1884); Idem, England and ths Congo and Maneheater Trade, ana
CATHOLIC MISSIONS IN THE CONGO.
IffiasianRry BodiM
White F»th»n
PriaiU of SoiMutvsld
Jesuits
Premonstratensians
Trappfists
Fathsis of the Sacred Hsftrt
Redemptorists
White Sisters
Sistexs of Charity
StsUn of the Sacred Heart of Mary
Franciscan Sisteri
Mianonaiy Sisters of the Precious Blood
Sisters of Our Lady
i I
11
23
6
3
4
8
29 M. P.
37 Schools
28 M. P. 1
56 Catechu- I
nenates (Lower f
23 M. P.
U M. P.
37 F. Ch.
47 F. Ch.
2 Schools
5 Schools
2 Schools
2 Schools
2 Schools
I
n o
ilO Hospitals I
20 Dispensaries
15 Homes '
2 Hospitals
1 Hospital
1 Hospital
1 Hospital
1 Hospital
1 Home
2 Homes
2Hospitab
2 Homes
1 Hospital
2 Homes
1 Hospital
2 Homes
25
68
22
9
9
17
12
9
82
11
16
8
12
22
12
8
3
2
12
8753
3590
lOOO(r)
8000
8778
1500
18,797
21,006
4063
SOOO(T)
9000
4396
8000
Included amons
figures given above
of the plot of ground still retaiiu his title to the prop^
erty; while the pupils, who form atsort of community
RMind a little chapd, have the usufruct. A wise law
of the State places at the disposal of charitable and
philanthnmical institutions uie orphans and aban-
doned diiidfen, who are very numerous in the
Oonflo. Hitherto the Catholics (with the exception of
one Protestant mission) have been the only missioneiB
to daim lAiem. The catechists render very valuable
services to the missionaries; they are always selected
from among the cleverest and best trained of the
young native ChristianB. The sleeping-sickness has
nven rise to several hospitals, or lazarets, conducted
oy the mission&rles. Both Protestant and Catholic
^uasioiDs have established printiiu; presses; that of the
Oatholios is at Kieantu. To facilitate transportation
the Pkotestants have four steamers» and the Catholios
two. In respeet to the relations between the missions
*Ad the civil power we may cite the convention con-
duded Ifay, 1906, between the Holy See and the
Sl^te. The laitter agreed to grant certain lands to the
pi^iBiioiiByin return for which it stipulated for the open-
ing and maintenance of schools and religious services
|n the principal centres. Both agreed to maintain
narmony between their respective subjects, and to
^gulate amicably all differences*. In 1907 the White
the Worka and Aima of the International Aaaodation (Manches-
ter. 1884); Idem, Cinq anniea au Congo. Fr. tr. GintAm> (Brussels,
1886); Da Santos b Bilva, Eabooo kteterico do Congo e Loango
noe tempoa modemoa. Contendo tana reaenha daa co^umea e
vocabtdario doe indigence de Cabinda (Lisbon. 1888); Wsbnkr.
A Visit to Stanley' a Rear-guard at Mmor Bartletfa camp on
the Aruhvfini, with an Account of River Life on the Congo (Lon-
don, 1880); LxvufoeroNB, Miaaionarv Travels and Reaearchea in
South Africa, induding a Sketch of Sixteen Yeara Reaidence in
the Interior of Africa (London); Horb, Tanganyka: Eleven
Yeara in Central Africa (London, 1802); Junkbb, Travela m
Africa, tr. by, Kbbnb (London, 1800, 1802); Glavb. Six Yeara
of Adventure in Congoland, preface by Stanlbt (London, 1803);
gpTANLBY, In Darkeet Africa (1800).
SiNCB THB Establishment op thb Independbnt Statb. —
(a) Impartial: — Wautbrs, R6sumS dee principaux fetita de
thiatoire de I'lwuvra afrieaine (Brussels, 1878-87): Axjexib, Le
Congo Bdge illueM ou VEtat Indipendant du Congo {Uhge, 1802);
Lallbmand. UCSuvre Corigolaiae, Bequiaae hxatorique et gich
1808): Queationnaire ethnogrtmhique et aociologique, published by
the Museum of the Indep. State (Bnissels, 1808); MiUiS. Au
Congo Beige, ovee dee notea el dee documente rioenta relam au
Congo Franoaia (Paris. 1800); Pbiups. An Account of the Congo
Independent State (Philadelphia, 1800): Blanchabd, Formation
et conatituHon de VEtat Indipendant du Congo (Pftris. 1800);
Wautbrs. VEtat Indipendant du Congo (Bnisseb, 1800);
Ifonuel du vouaaew et du rSaident au Congo, rSiig4 aoue la direc-
tion du Colonel Donny (Brussels, 1000); Spbtbr. Comment noua
gouvemerona le Congo (Brussels, 1002); VBRMBBincH, La
Queetion Congciaiee; Lea deatiniea du Congo Beige (Brussels,
1006); LonwBBB, EUmenU du droit de VEtat Indipendant du
OONOREOATIO
238
OONCnUMATIO
ConMt BovLovit, The Congo SuOe, w the OwMlh «f CivOi^ation
m CeninA iifnoa, (Londcn, ^808;) Oattibk, Droit tt odbitmM-
tratum de VStM IndioendarU du Conoo (BniflseLs. 1898); Bvac
ixn otJSiciel de VEUU Indipenaant du Conoo: Bapport au Koi Sou-
verain (JuDe, 1006); Rapport de la Commisnon d'mquite (Oct..
1905); Mac Ddunxl, King Leopold U (London. 1905); hms!,
A Yankee in Pigmyland (London, 1905); Etat fndipendant du
Congo. Dipartemeni de VIrUirieur. Recueil administrtUtf (Bruasela,
1907); Starh, The Truth about the Congo (Chicago, 1907).
(b) Favottrable to the Slate: — Dboogmans, Le Congo. U Con-
fSrencea publiques (Brussete, 1894): L'Etat IndHpendant du
Congo A Texpoeition de BruxeUee — Tervucren (189/); Gilson,
OoFFART, ETC., VtBuvre eoloniale du roi en AfrUpie, r^suUals de tO
one (Bniflsels, 1898): Goffabt. Trait6 mHhodigue de giqgraphie
du Congo, etc. (Antwerp, 1898). The reviews: La BdgUnte
CMontale: La Belgujue Maritime et Cohniale: Le Congo Bdge
(Bniasels). See alao Nts, The Independent State of the Congo
and the International Law (Bnissels, 1903); Descaups, New
jjfrtea (London, 1903); La V6riU eur le Congo (Bnisaels. 1902-
06); Waoc, The Story of the Congo Free State (New York, 1905);
Htetoire mtlitaire du Congo (Bruascis, 1906); Cabtelein, L'Etat
du Congo (1907).
- (c) Rathef Hostile:— BriKSfiii. Le Congo et Vade ginSral de
B^m in R^me polUique, XXXVlII; Morel, Affairs of West
Afnca (London^ 1902); Mark Twain, King Leopold^ a Soliloquy:
A Defense of Hta Congo Rule (Boston, 1905): Bourne, CivUiea-
twn xn Conaoland (London, 1903); Mille, Le Congo Liopoldien
(Pans, 1906); Cattier, Etude eur la situation de VEtat IndSpen-
dant du Congo (Brussels): Morel, Red Rubber; The Story of
the Rubber Slave Trade Flourishing on the Congo in the Year of
Grace 1906 CLondon, 1906).
VI1I.---F0B Missions: Bentlbt, Pioneering on the Con-
go (London, 19(X)); dh Pierpont, Au Congo et aux Indes
(Brussels, 1906); Db Deken. Deux ans au Congo (1900);
BErauNE. Zes missions cath. d^Apigue (1889); Nayzan, Fe-
tishtsm in West Africa (London, 1904); Les missions cath. d'Afri-
aue; Dark Africa and the Way Out: A Scheme for Civilizing and
Evangelising the Dark Continent (London, 1902);Bi7Rckhardt,
Les missions SvangUigues (Lausanne, 1888); Bakbten, Les
jisuites au Congo {151,8 h 2759) in Pricis historvques (Brus-
sels. 1892, 1893, 1895, 1896); Missions catholiques du Congo.
Aper^ sur certaines questions traiUes dans la r&unton tenue h
LeopoldvUle en Fiv., 1907 (Kisantu); Missiones oaiholicce curd
8. Congregationis de Prop. Fidei descriptas (Rome, 1907); Van
Straelin. Missions cath. et nrotesL au Congo (Brussels, 1898);
See also tne reviews: Les Missions beiges (Brussels, 1898-^-);
Missions en Chine et au Congo (Scheut-Ies-Bruxelles, 1898 );
Le mouvement des missions cath, au Congo (Brussels, 1888 ).
A. VSRMEERSCH.
OoDffreffatio de Auxiliis, a commission estab-
lished by Pope Clement VIII to settle the theological
controversy regarding grace which arose between the
Dominicans and the Jesuits towards the close of the
sixteenth century. Vast as was the subject of that
controversy, its principal question, and the one which
gave its name to the whole dispute, concerned the
elp (auxxLia) afforded by grace; while the crucial
point was the reconciliation of the efficacy of erace
with human freedom. We know on the one hand
that the efficacious grace given for the performance
of an action obtains, infallibly, man's consent arid
that the action takes place. On the other hand, it is
certain that in so actmg man is free. Hence the ques-
tion: How can these two things — the infallible re-
sult and liberty — be harmonizea? The Dominicans
solved the difficulty by their theory of physical pre-
motion and predetermination; grace is efficacious
when, in addition to the assistance necessary for an
action, it gives a physical impulsion by means of
which Ood determines and applies our faculties to the
action. The Jesuits found the explanation in that
mediate knowledge {scientia media) whereby God
knows in the objective reality of things what a man,
under any circumstances in which he might be placed,
would do. Foreseeing, for instance, that a man woula
correspond freely with p^ce A, and that he, freely,
would not correspond with grace B, God, desirous of
the man's conversion, gives him grace A. Tliis is
efficacious grace. The Dominicans declared that the
Jesuits conceded too much to free will, and so tended
towards Pelagianism. In turn, the Jesuits com-
plained that the Dominicans did not sufficiently safe-
guard human liberty, and seemed in consequence to
lean towards Calvinism.
The controversy is usually supposed to have begun
in the year 1581, when the Jesuit Prudcncio de Monte-
mayor defended certain theses on grace which were
vigorously attacked by the Dominican Domingo
Hiat this debate took place is oertain, but
the text of the Jesuit's theseer has nevisr been pub-
lished. As to those which were reported to the In-
quisition, neither Montemayor nor any other Jesuit
ever aclbiowledged them as his. The controversy
went on for six years, passing'throagh three phases —
in Louvain, in Spain, and in Rome. At Louvain wbs
the famous Michel Baius (q. v.) whom propodtiona
were condemned by the Ghta^h. The Jesmt (after-
wards Cardinal) Francisco de Toledo, authorised by
Gregory XIII, had obliged Baius, in 1580, to retract
his errors in presence of the entire university. Bahjs
thereupon conceived a deep aversion fix the Jesuits
and determined to have revenge. During the Lent
of 1507 he, with some of bis coUeagues, extraeted
from the notebooks of certain studente who were dis-
ciples of the Jesuits, thirty-four propositions, .many
of them plainly erroneous, and askea the university
to condemn "these Jesuit doctrines". Learning of
this scheme, Leonard Lessius, the most distingcdmed
theologian of the Society in the Low Countries and the
spcciaTobject of Baius attacks, drew up another list
of thirty-four propositions containing the genuine
doctrine of the Jesuits, presented them to the dean
of the university, and asked for a hearing before some
of the professors, in order to show how diiferent his
teaching was from that which was ascribed to him.
The request was not granted. The university pub-
lished, 9 September, 1587, a condemnation of the first
thirty-four propositions. At once, throughout Bel-
gium, the Jesuits were called heretics and Lutherans.
The university ur^ed the bishops of the Low Countries
and the other umversities to endorse its censure, and
this in fact was done by some of the prelates and in
partic\ilar by the University of Douai. In view of
these measures, the Belgian provincial of the Society,
Frands Coster, issued a protest against the action of
those who, without letting the Jesuits be heard, ac-
cused them of heresv. Lessius also published a state-
ment to the effect that the university professors had
misrepresented the Jesuit doctrine. 'The professors
replied with warmth. To clear up the issue Lessius,
at the instance of the Archbishop of Mechlin, formu-
lated ebLantitheaea, or brief statements, embodying the
doctrine of the Jesuits relative to the matter of the
condemned propositions, the third and the fourth
antithesis bearing upon the maja problem, i. e. efficsr-
cious grace. The discussion was kept up on both
sides tor a year lon^r, imtil the papal imncio suc-
ceeded in softening its asperities. He reminded the
contestants that definitive judgment in such matters
belonged to the Holy See, and he forwarded to Sijctus
V the principal publications of both parties witli a
petition for a final decision, l^iis, however, was not
rendered ; a controversy on the same lines nad been
started at Salamanca, and attention now oentied on
Spain, where the two discussions were merged- ixi one.
In 1588 the Spanish Jesuit Luis de Molina pub-
lii^hed at Lisbon his "^Concordia tiberi aibitrii cum
grati» donis", in which he explained efficacious grace
on the basis of scientia media, Baftes, the Dominiean
piofessor at Salamanca, informed the Ardiduke
Albert, Viceroy of Portu^l, that the work contained
Certainly thirteen propositions which the Spanish In*
quisrtion had censured. The archduke forbade the
(Kile of the book and sent a copy to Salamanca. Bafies
examined it and reported to the arehduke that out of
the thirteen propositions nine were held by Molina and
that in consequence the book ought not to be circu-
lated. He also noted the passages which, as he
thought, contained the errors. Albert referred these
comments to Molina who drew up his rejoinder. As
the book had been approved by the Inoulsition in
Portugal, and its sale permitted by the Councils of
Portugal and of Castile and Aragon it was thought
proper to print at the end the replies of Molina; with
these the wofk appeared in 1589. The Dominicans
OOHCnSOAZIOllALIftM
239
OOVOBBaATIOllAUBM
attacked it on the ground thai Molina and all the
Jesuits denied efficacious grace. The latter replied
that such a denial was impoestble on the part of any
Catholic. What they, the Jesuits, attacked was the
Dozninican theory ot predetennioation, which they
regarded as incompatible with human freedom. The
debates continued for five years and, in 1594, became
public and turbulent at Valladolid, when Antonio de
radilla, S. J., and Diego Nuno, O. P., defended their
respectiTe positions. Similar encounters took place
at ^amanca, Saragossa, Cordova, and other Spanish
cities. In view of the disturbances thus created,
Clement VIII took the matter into his own hands and
ordered both parties to refrain from further discussion
and await the decision of the Apostolic See,
The pope then asked an expression of opinion from
various universities and distinguished theologians of
Spain. Between 1594 and 1597 twelve reports were
submitted: by the three universities of Salamanca,
Alcaic, and SigOenza; by the bishops of Coria, Sego-
*via, Plasencia, Cartagena, and Monaofiedo; bySezra,
Miguel Salon (Augustinian Friar), Castro (Canon of
Toledo), and Luis Coloma, Prior of the Augustinians
at Valladolid. There were also forwarded to Rome
some statements in explanation and defence of the
Jesuit and of the Dommican theory. Clement VIII
appointed a commission under the presidency of
Cardinals Madrucci and Arrigone, which b^n its
labours 2 Jan., 1598, and on 19 March handed in the
result condemning Molina's book. Displet^ied at
their haste in treatmg a question of such importance,
the pope ordered them to go over the work again,
keeping in view the documents sent from Spain.
Though the examination of these would have rec}uired
several years, the commission reported again in No-
vember and insisted on the condemnation of Molina.
Thereupon Clement VIII ordered the generals of the
Dominicans and Jesuits, respectively, to appear with
soine of their theologians before the commission, ex-
. plain their doctrines, and settle their differences. In
obedience to this command, both generals be^n (22
February, 1599) before the commission a series of con-
ferences which lasted through that year. Bellarmine,
created cardinal in March, was admitted to the sessions,
little, however, was accomplished, the Dominicans
aiming at criticism of Molina rather than exposition of
their own views. The death of Cardinal Madrucci inr
terrupted these conferences, and Clement VIII, seeing
that no solution was to be reached on those lines, de-
termined to have the matter discussed in his presence.
At the first debate, 19 Mardi, 1602, the pope presided,
^'fth Cardinals Borghese (later Paul V) and Arrigone
assisting, as well as the members of the former com-
mission and various theologians simunoned by the pope.
Sixty-eight sessions were thus held (1602-1605).
Clement VIII died 5 ^iarch, 1605, and after the
I/rief reign of Leo XI, Paul V ascended the papal
throne. In his presence seventeen debates took
place. The Dominicans were represented by Diego
Alvarez and Tomibs de Lemos; the Jesuits oy Gre-
g>rio de Valencia, Pedro de Arrubal, Fernando de
astida and Juan de Salas. Finally, after twenty
years of discussion private and public, and eighty-five
conferences in presence of the popes, the question was
not solved, but an end was put to the disputes. The
pope's decree, communicated (5 September, 1607) to
both Dominicans and Jesuits, allowed each party to
defend its own doctrine, enjoined each from censuring
or condemning the opposite opinion, and commanded
them to await as loyal sons of the Church the final de-
cision of the Apostolic See. That decision, however,
has not been reached, and both orders, consequently,
maintain their respective theories, just as any other
theological opinion is held. The long controversy
had aroused considerable feding. and the pope, aim-
ing at the restoration of peace ana charity between the
religious orders, forbade by a decree of the Inquisition
(1 December, 1611) the publication of any book oca
ceming efficacious grace until further actk>n by the
Holy See. The pronibition renuuned in force during
the greater part of the seventeenth century.
(See also Auqustznb or Hippo; Baius; BaI^bz;
Ghacs, Coktrovbbbisson; Molina; TBomibm.)
Acq. Lbbxjlno (pMUdon. of HTAaimis Sjbbrt, O. P.), Hit-
Unia CongtMoHonum ds auxiliia dwina groHm wb Sunmu
PimHfidbus ClemenU VIII ei Paulo V (Louvmd. 1700); Thko-
IK>RUB Elcutheriub (pseudon. of Livintb i>e Meter, S. J.),
Hiataria eontroversiarum de divinm gratia awtUHa avb aummia
PantiftGanta CUmerUs VIII el Paulo V (Venice, 1742): Schneb-
MANN^ Die EnteUhung u. veitere EfUwiMutkg der UtomiMliedi-
molintHiaehen CorUroverse (Freiburg, 1879: also in Latin tr.,
Frdburs, 1881); db RieNON. BaAez et Molina (Parifl, 1883);
BzLLUAST, Le thomiame triamphant: Apologia du thomiama
triompharU (Li^ge, 1731); Gatraud. rAomwwe e£ Mdliniame
(Touionse, 1800); Dummbrmuth, 5. Thomaa tt dodrina pramt>'
Uonia jthgaiaa (Pazis. 1886); Feins, 8. Thoma Aguiin. doetriina
de cooperaiione Dei (Paris, 1892); DuMUERKUTa, Delenaio
doctrince 8. Thoma^ a reply to Frins (Louviun, 1895).
Ajitonio Astkatn.
Ckmgroffatiozubliam.— The retention by the Angli-
can State Church of the prelaticai foim of government
and of many Catholic rites and ceremonies offensive to
genuine Protestants resulted in the formation of innu-
merable Puritan factions, with varying degrees of radi-
calism. The violent measures adopted by Elisabeth
and the Stuarts to enforce conformity caused the more
timid and moderate of the Puritans to remain in com-
munion with the State Church, thou^^ keepins up to
the present day an incessant protest against '^popisb
tendencies''; but the more advanced and daring or
their leaders began to perceive that there was no pSaos
for them in a Church governed by a hierarchy and en-
slaved to the civil power. To manv of ihem, Genevs
was the realization of Christ's kingdom on earth, and.
influenced by the example of nei^liboiuing Scotland,
they began to form churches on the model of Presbv-
terianism (q. v.). Many, however, who had with-
drawn from the 'Hvranny" of the episcopate, were
loath to submit to tne dominion of presbyteries and
formed themselves into religious commimities ao-
knowledgine ''no head, priest, prophet or king save
C^hrist ' '• These dissenters were known as " Independ-
ents", and in spite of fines, imprisonments, and the
execution of at least five of their leaders, they in-
creased steadil]^ in numbers and influence, until they
played a conspicuous part in the revolution that cost
Charles I his crown and life. The earliest literary ex-
ponent of Independence was Robert Brown, from
whom the dissenters were nicknamed Brownists.
Brown was bom in 1550, of a flood family, in Rutland-
shire, and studied at Cambric^. About 1580 he be-
gan to circulate pamj^ets in which the State Church
was denounced in unmeasured terms and the duty was
inculcated of separating from communion with it.
The gpdly were not to look to the State for the refonn
o£ the Church; thev must set about it themselves on
the Apostolic model. Brown defines the Church as '' a
company or number of Christians or believers, who, by
a wiUing covenant made with their God, are under the
government of God and Qirist, and keep his laws in
one holy communion''. This new gospel attracted
numerous adherents. A congregation was formed in
Norwich which grew rapidly. Summoned before the
bishop's ooiurt, Brown escaped the consequences of his
zeal tnrough the intervention of his poAreif ul relation^
Lord Buwley, and, with his followers, migrated to
Holland, the common refuge of the persecuted reform-
ers of all Europe. The Netherlands were soon flooded
with refuseee from England, and laijge oonmgati<ms
were established in the principal cities. The most
flourishing Independent Churcn was that of Leyden
under the direction of John Robinson. It was to this
congregation that the ''Pilgrim Fathers" belonged,
who in 1620 set saH in the Mayflower for the New
World.
The successful establishment of the New England
colonies was an event of the utmost importance in the
OOVOMBOATIOirAUSH
240
OONCHEUiCMlTXOHAIifiUt
development of Congregationalism, a term preferred
by the American Puritans to Independency and prad-
ually adopted by their coreligionists in Great Britain.
Not only was a safe haven now opened to the fugitives
from persecution, but the example of orderly commu-
nities based entirely on congregational principles,
"without pope, prelate, presbytery, prince or psj-lia-
ment", was a complete refutation of the charge
advanced by Anglicans and Presbyterians that Inde-
pendency meant anarchy and chaos, civil and relig-
ious. In the Massachusetts settlements, "the New
England way", as it was termed, developed, not in-
deed without strifes and dissensions, but without ex-
ternal molestation. They formed, from the Puritan
standpoint, the veritable kingdom of the saints; and
the slightest expression of dissent from the Gospel as
preach^ by the ministers was punished with scoui^g-
mg, exile, and even death. The importance of stamp-
ing put Nonconformity in the American colonies did
not escape the vigilance of Archbishop Laud; he had
concerted measures with Charles I for imposing the
episcopacy upon them, when war broke out between
tne king and the Parliament. During the Civil War
in England, though few in number compared with the
Presbyterians, they grew in importance through the
ability, of their l^^rs, notably of Ohver Cromwell
who gained for them the ascendency in the army and
the Commonwealth. In the Westminster Assembly
convened by the Long Parliament in 1643, Independ-
ency was abl^ represented by five ministers, Thomas
Goodwin, Philip Nye, Jeremiah Burroughs, William
Bridge and Siarach Simpson, known as ''The Five
Dissenting Brethren", and ten or eleven laymen.
They all took a prominent part in the debates of the
Asmmbly, pleading strongly for toleration at the
hands of the Presbyterian majority. They adopted
the doctrinal articles of the Westminster Confession
with slight modifications; but as there could be no
basis of agreement between them and the Presbyter-
ians regarding church government, a meeting of ^* eld-
ers and messengers" of " the Congregational churches "
was held at the Savoy in 1658 and drew up the famous
"Savoy Declaration", which was also accepted in New
Eingland and lone remained as authoritative as such a
document could Be in a denomination which, theoreti-
cally, rejected all authority. From this Declaration
we obtain a clear idea of the Congregationalist notion
of the Church.
The elect are called individualljr by the Lord, but
"those thus called (through the ministry of the word
by His Spirit) he commandeth to walk together in par-
ticular Societies or Churches', for their mutual edinca-
tion and the due performance of that Public Worship
which He requireth of them in this world". Each of
these particular churches is the Church in the full
sense of the term and is not subject to any outside jur-
isdiction. The officers of the church, pastors, teach-
ers, elders, and deacons, are "chosen by the common
suffrage of the church itself, and solemnly set apart by
fasting and prayer, with imposition of hands of the
eldership of that church, if there be any before consti-
tuted therein"; the essence of the call consists in elee-
tion by the Church. To preserve harmony, no person
ought to be added to the Church without the consent
of tne Church itself. The Church has power to admon-
- ish and excommunicate disorderly members, but this
power of censure " is to be exercised only towards par-
ticular members of each church as such ". " In case of
difficulties or differences, either in point of doctrine or
administration, wherein either the churches in general
are concerned, or anyone church, in their peace, union,
and edification, or any member or members of any
church toe injured in or by any proceeding in censures
not agreeable to truth and order, it is according to the
mind of Christ that many churches holding one com-
munion together do by their messengers meet in a
Synod or Council to consider and give their advice in
or about that matter in difference, to be rejpoited to
ail the ehtirches concerned: Howbeit, these Synods so
assembled are not entrusted with any church power
properiy so called, or with any jurisdiction over the
churches themselves, to exercise any censures, either
over any churches or persons, or to impose their de-
termination on the churches or officers. " If any per-
son, for specified reasons, be dissaUsified with his
church', "he, consulting with the church, or the officer
or officers thereof, may peaceably depart from the
communion of the church wherewith he hath ao
walked, to join himself to some other church'*. Fi-
nally it is stated that ** churches gathered and walking
according to the mind of Christ, judging other churches
(though less pure) to be true churches, may receive
unto occasional communion with them such members
of these churches as are credibly testified to be godly
and to live without offense".
Such are the main principles of Congre^tionalism
regarding the constitution of the Church; m doctrine
the Congregational teachers were, for the most part,
strictly Calvinistic. Independent ascendency came to
an abrupt close at the aeath of Cromwell and the
restoration of Charles II. The Presbyterians, who
had seated the Stuart on his throne, might hope for his
favour: there was slight prospect that he would tol-
erate tne democratic tenets of Congregationalism. As
a matter of fact Charles and his servile parliament
persecuted both forms of dissent. A succession of
severe edicts, the Corporation Act, 1661, the Act of
Uniformity, 1662, the Conventicle Act, 1663, renewed,
1670, the Five-Mile Act, 1666, and the Test Act, 1673,
made existence almost impossible to Nonconformists
of all shades of belief. Yet in spite of persecution,
they held out until the eighteenth century brought
toleration and finally freedom. It is characteristic of
the Puritans that, notwithstanding the sufferings they
had undergone they spumed the indulgence offered by
James II, oecause it tolerated popery; in fact, they
were more zealous than the rest or the nation in driv-
ing James from the throne. The exclusion of Dissent-
ers from the British universities created a serious
groblem for the Congregationalists as well as for the
atholics; to the sacrifices which these and other de-
nominations out of communion with the State Church
made for the maintenance of academies and collies
conducted according to their respective principles,
England, like America, owes that great boon so essen-
tial to the well-being of civilized nations, freedom of
education. Durine the eighteenth century, vfh\ie the
clergy of the Established Cnurch, educatea and main-
tained by the State, were notoriously incapable and
apathetic, whatever there was of spiritual energy in
the nation emanated from the denominational col-
leges.
CoNOREOATiONAL Unionb. — ^Thc CongT^ational
churches were at their best while the pressure of per-
secution served to cement them; this removed, the
absence of organization left thom an easy prey to the
inroads of rationalism and infidelity. Before the end
of the eighteenth century many of them lapsed into
Unitarian ism, alike in England and America. A new
problem was thus forced upon them, viz. how to main-
tain the unity of the denomination without con-
sciously violating their fundamental doctrine of the
entire independence of each particular church. "A
Congregational Union of England and Wales", formed
in 1833 and revised in 1871, issued a "Declaration of
the Faith, Church Order, and Discipline of the Con-
gregational or Independent Dissenters", and provided
for annual meeting and a president who should hold
office for a year. American Congregationalism has
always been of a more organic character. While per-
sisting in emphasizing the complete independence of
particular churches, it has macie ample provision, at
the expense of consistency, for holding the denomina-
tion together. No minister is admitted except upon
OOHmUMATlOltAt
211
OOHORSGAnONAL
appioval of the clerical '^association" to which he
must belong. To be acknowledged as Congresational-
ist, a new oominunitv must be received into f eliowship
by the diurcfaes of its district. Should a chur^
fail into serious error, or tolerate and uphold notoiv
iou8 scandals, the other churches may withdraw their
fellowBhip, and it ceases to be recognised as Con-
gregationalist. If a minister is found guilty of
gross heresy or evil life, a council summoned to
examine his case may, ix neoessaiy, withdraw from
him the fellowship of the churches. The statements
of Henry M. Dexter, D. D., the historian of his
sect (" American fineyolopsadla ", s. v. " Congregation-
alism ")> prove that there is a marked contrast between
Oongr^ational theory and practice. The Congrega-
tionalists have been veiy active in home and foreign
mission work and possess eight theological seminaries/
in the United States, vis. Andover. Massachusetts*
Atlanta, Georgia; Bangor, Maine* New Haven and
Hartford, Connecticut; Oberlin, Ohio; Chicago, Illi-
nois; and the Pacific, Berkeley, California. Since
1871 national councils, composed of delegates from
all the States of the Union, are convened eveiy third
year. ^Hie Congregational Handbook for 1907''
gives the fbUowIng statistics of the denomination in
America: (lurches 60S1; ministers 0933; manbers
668,736. Included in this count are Cuba with 6 min-
isters and 636 members and Porto Rico with 3 minis-
ters and 50 members. In England and Wales the
statistics for 1907 were: sittings 1,801,447; communi-
cants 498,953; ministeni 3197; local preachers 5603.
The efforts made in recent yean to nnd a basis for
some kind of corporate union between ihe Conmga-
tionalists, the Methodist Protestants, and the United
Brethren in Christ have not been successful.
Waucsb, a Hntorv of tht Comoregational Churdtet in the
Unit0d SUmUb (New York, 1894)11001, Tht Creed* and Plat-
forma of ConqrtfloHonaliam (ibid., 1893); Dbxter, The Conqre-
r the kut 30O years, as eeen in its Literature (ibid..
I ootttaim * good bibliography.
J. F. r
1880). Eaohof thoMWork „______
LOUGBLIN.
Oongregatioiial Singing. — In his Instruction on
■acred musiCi commonly reiferred to as the Motu Pro-
prio (22 Nov., 1903), Pius X says (no, 3) : ** Special ef-
forts are to be made to restore the use of Gregorian
chant by the people, so that the faithful may again
take a more active part in ecclesiastical ofRces, as was
the ease in ancient times". TheRC words suggest a
brief treatment of congreeational sineing with respect
to (a) its ancient use, (b) its formalprohibition and
gradual decay, (c) its present-day revival, (d) the
oiaracter whicn that revival may assume.
(a) The first testimony is found in the Epistle of St.
Paul to the Ephesians (v, 19): '^Speaking to your-
selves in psalms, and hymns, and spiritual canticles,
singing and making melody in your hearts to the
Lord *\ Cardinal ^na finds in these words a witness
to the fact that ^from the very be^nings of the
Chureli, psalms and hymns were sung m the assembly
of the faithful", and understands them to refer to an
sltemated chant (mutuo et aUerno catUu), McEvilly
in his "Comnvntary" applies them to public
and private meetings. St. Augustine (Ep. cxix, ch.
xviii) says: ''As to the singine of psalms and hymns,
we have the proofs, the examples, and the instructions
of the Loid Himself, and of the Apostles". (Of. also
Col, iii, 16; I Cor., xiv, 26.) In the ancient congr^a-
tional singing both sexes took part; the words of St.
Paul imposing silence on women in church being in-
terpreted to refer only to exhorting or instructing.
I^chesne describes how the earliest worship of the
Christians was parallel to that, not of the Temple of
the Jews at Jerusalem, but of the local synagogues, the
^TMUans borrowing thence their four elements of
Divine service — the lections, the chants (of the
™lter), the homilies, and the prayers. In treating of
t^e Syrian Uturgy of the fourth century, he makes up
A composite picture from the 23rd catechetical dis-
IV.— 16
coune of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (about the year 347).
the Apostolic (Constitutions (II, 57; VIII, 6^15), ana
the homilies of St. John Chrysostom, and describes the
Divine service (diristian Worship: Its Origin and
Evolution, London, 1903, pp. 67-64), and mciden*
taller shows the part the congr^ation took in the
sinmng.
(b) A council held at Laodioea in the fourth century
decreed (can. xv), that " besides the appointed singers
who mount the ambo and sing from the book, others
shaQ not sing in the Church . Cardinal Bona (Re-
rum Liturg., Bk. I, ch. xxv, sect. 19) explains that this
canon was issued because the unskillful singing of the
people interfered with the decorous performance of
the chant. The decree was not accepted everywhere,
as Bona shows. With respect to France, he also re-
marks that the custom ot popular (congregaticmal)
song ceased a few years after Ca»arius ; for the Second
Synod of Tours decreed "that the laity, whether in
vigils or at Masses, should not presume to stand with
the clergy near the altar whereon the Sacred Mysteries
are celebrated, and that the chancel should be re-
served to the choirs of singing clerics". Hereupon
^la notes (no. 4) that "this custom still obtauis,
nevertheless, in the Eastern Church; and in many
places in the Western Church, very remote from cities,
and therefore tenacious of older customs and less in-
fluenced by newer ones, the people learn the ecclesias^
tical chant and sing it together with the clergy".
Many causes, doubtless, combined to bring about the
present lamentable silence of our congregations,
amongst which the most prominent was probably the
one mentioned by Bona as havingoccasioned thede«
cree of the Council of Laodicea. That the cause was
not, as Dickinson thinks,' " the steady prepress of ritu-
alism and the growth of sacerdotal ideas , which "in-
evitably deprived the people of all initiative in the
worship, and concentrated the offices of public devo-
tion, including that of song, in the hands of the cleigy"
(Music in the History of the Western Church, New
York, 1902, p. 48), may be inferred from the efforts of
ecclesiastical authority to revive the older custom of
congregational singing, as will be seen under (c).
(c) Tlie Second Plenary Council of Baltimore (1866)
expressed (no. 380) its earnest wish that the rudi-
ments of Gregorian chant should be taught in the par-
ish schools, in order that " the number of those who
can sing the chant well having increased more and
more, gradually the greater part, at least, of the peo-
ple should, after the fashion still existing in some
places of the Primitive Church, learn U> sing Vespers
and the Uke together with the sacred ministers and the
choir". The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore
(1884) repeats (no. 119) the words of the Second
Council, prefacing them with denuo canfirmemita.
(d) The words of the quoted councils and of the
pope imply a restoration of congregational singing
through mstruction in Gr^orian chanty and thereiore
clearly refer to the strict^^ liturgical offices such as
solemn or high Mass, Vespers, Benediction (after the
Tantum Ergo has begun). Congregational sinking at
low Mass and at other services in the church, not
strictly "liturgical" in ceremonial character, has al-
ways obtained, more or less, in our churches. With
respect to the strictly liturgical services, it is to be
hoped that the congregation may be instructed suffi-
ciently to sing, besiaes the responses to the celebrant
(especially those of the Preface), the ordinary (i. e. the
Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Benedictus, Agnus
Dei) of the Mass in plain chant; leaving the Introit,
Gradual or Tract, sequence (if there be one). Offer-
tory, and Communion to the choir; the Psalms and
hymns at Vespers, leaving the antiphons to the choir.
Ine singing mi^t well be made to alternate between
congregation and choir. Perosi made a strong plea
to the musical congress of Padua (June, 1907) for
such congregational singing of the Credo (cf. Civilti
ooMaasGATioir
242
CNINQBnsni
Gattolioa, 6 July, 1907). (See Choir; Mubic; Sino-
INO, Choral.)
Waonvr, Origine et D^v^appemerU du CharU Liiurgique, tr.
BouB (Touraai, 1004). 14 sqq. jeIvqs a ^ood sammnry of the
history of the eaiHest congregational ainging. Two attioies in
the American EccUatastical Review (Jvuy, 1892, 19-29, and
August, 1892, 120-133) give histoty, zefennces, limits of
vernacular singing, and methods of training. See also Manual
of Church A/unfe7Dolphin Press. Philadelphia, 1905), 112-118;
Church Musio (quarterly) (December. 1905), 21-33 for
methods: also Dzckinbgn, Mutic in the Uistory of the WeaUrn
Church, 223, 242, 376 for congregational mnong in Protestant
churches.
H. T. Henry.
Oongregation of St. Francis de Sales. See
Francis db Sales, Saint.
Oongregation of the JBf ission. See Lazarists.
Oongregationsi Religious. See Religious Con-
gregations.
Oongregationsi Roman. See Roman Conors-
GATIONSl
OongresseSi Catholic. — One of the remarkable
and important manifestations of tlie social and relig-
ious life of the present day are gatherings of Catho-
lics in general public conferences. This is the case
both when these assemblies consist of delegates rep-
resenting the entire Catholic population of a country
or nation meeting to express opinions concerning
matters close to its heart; or when they consist
simply of the members of some one Catholic associa-
tion who have come together for the advancement of
the particular alms of the societv. Taken collectively,
these congresses prove that the life of the Catholic
Church of the present day itf not confined to Church
devotions; that not merely individual classes and
circles, but all Catholics, men of eveiy rank and of
every degree of culture, of all callings, all ages, and of
all nations have been c|uickened to an unheard-of
extent by the eodesiastical movement of the nine-
teenth century, and gladly co-operate with it. This
movement in Catholic life has been made possible by
the development of travelling facilities, the multipli-
cation of social interests, and also by the political
freedom of modem nations. But Catholics would
probably not have made use of these aids in such
targe measure if they had not been stirred up by ex-
traordinary zeal.
I. History. — ^The first large Congress was held by
the Catholics of Germany. In the year of political
revolutions, lg48, they founded throughout Germany
local Catholic associations, called ^'Piusvereine" after
Pope Pius IX, the Catholics of Mainz taking the lead.
Their object was to stimulate Catholics to make use
of the favourable moment to free the Church from
dependence on the State. In accordance with an
agreement made by a number of distinguished Catho-
lics at the festivities held to celebrate uie completion
of a portion of the cathedral of Cologne, August,
1848, these associations met in convention at Mainz,
3--6 October of the same year. In Uie neighbouring
city of Frankfort the German Diet was in session.
Only a few weeks before, this body had decided to
separate the schools from the Church, in spite of the
opposing votes of the Catholic deputies, ana had filled
tne Catholic people with a deep aistrust of the Frank-
fort Assembly. A large part of the Catholic members
of the Diet went to Mainz, and expressed their views,
thus directing widespread attention to the convention
and arousing the enthusiasm of its members, which
reached its highest pitch when one of the deputies,
Wilhelm Emanuel von Ketteler, the parish pnest of
Hopsten, arose and uiged the Consress to give their
attention to social as well as rdigious questions.
Thenceforth the General German Catnolic Congresses
had a distinctive character impressed upon them. It
became their mission to prove and intensify the de-
votion of German Catholics to their Church, to defend
the ri^ts of the Church and the liberties of Cathofios
as citizens, to preserve the Christian character of the
schools, and to further the Christian spirit in society.
At first the con^:ress met semi-annually; after 1850,
it met annually m a German or Austrian city. From
the start it regarded the development of GCTmaii
Catholic societies into a power in national affairs aa
one of the most important means of gaining its. ends.
Consequently the Congress gave its attention not only
to the ''Piusvereine" but also interested itself in all
other Catholic societies, e. g. the St. Vincent de
Paul Conferences, the Gesellenvereine (journeymen's
unions), the reading-circles, the students' corps, etc.,
and also encouraged the founding of important new
associations, such as the societies in aid of German
emigrants, the St. Boniface Association, the St. Au-
gustine Association for the development of the Catho-
fie press, and others. The end sought was to com-
bine the general assemblies of as many of these socie-
ties as possible with that of the "Piusvereine," or to
secure their convening at the same time and place.
Thus the Catholic Congress became in a few years and
is still an annual general meetinfr for the majority of
German Catholic societies. This appears m>m the
Erogranune of every German Cathohc Congress. As
mg as the Catholic Congress was principally a repre-
sentative general meeting of Catholic societies, its
proceedings were chiefly discussions and debates and
the number of those who attended was relatively
small. Hiis was the case in the first decade of its
existence. Still even at this time one or more public
mass-meetings were held at each. Congress, in order
to arouse the interest of the Catholic population of
the place of assembly and its vicinity. The most
celebrated address of the first decade was made in
1849 at Ratisbon by Ddlllnger on the ''Independence
of the Church." The most Important of the early
German Catholic Congresses was the session held at
Vienna, 1853.
Owing to epidemics and political difficulties up to
1858 the con^^ss met irregularly and the attendance
decreased so that its future appeared doubtful. After
1858, however, the congress rose again in importance
while at the same time its character gradually
changed. It became a general assembly of German
Catholics, and the attendance greatly increased. In
these changed conditions the public sessions devoted
to oratoricid addresses from distinguished speakers as
well as the private sessions for deliberation grew in
importance. In these years Cathotic Germany could
boast of several very eloquent orators, the best among
whom were Moufang, Heinrich, and Haffner, theo-
logians of Mainz, ana after these Lindau, a merchant
of Heidelbei|:. The participation by the Catholic
nobility in tne meetings made them socially more
impressive. The most striking speech of this period
was made at Aachen in 1862 by Moufang on the
''Duties of Catholic Men." Among the subjects de-
bated the school and education aroused tne most
feeling; in connexion with these great discussions
sreat attention was given, under the guidance of Dr.
HUlskamp, editor of ^The Literarischer Handweiser",
to the development of the press and popular literar
ture. Since the Frankfort Congress of 1863 the
labour question has occupied more and more of the
attention of the assembly.
The hope awakened in the hearts of Catholics by
the apparently victorious progress of the Catiiolic
movement in Western Europe gave spexdsl inspira-
tion to the gatherings of these years. A similar con-
gress was held by tne Swiss Catholics; a more im-
portant development was the resolve of the Belgian
Catholics, instigated by the success of the German
Catholic Congress near them at Aachen, to hold
Catholic congresses for Belgium and to invite the
most distinguished Catholic men of the entire work*
OimdMBRlMI
243
OOHaBSSftH
to participate. The intention was to form a oentrai
point for the Catholic movement of Western Europe
and to ^ve it a perpetual oreanization, making it an
international movement, so that in the future Catho-
lics of all nations could 'vrork together. The chief
organizer of the preparatory plans was Ducp^tiaux.
Hie first Belgian congress was neld at Mechlin, 18-22
August, 1863, and was a great success. The most
grominent champions of the Church in Europe at-
snded the Belgian Congresses: Montalembert, Prince
Albert de Broglie, Cardinals Wiseman and Manning,
the two Brachenspergers and KOlping, the Abb^ Mer-
millod; representing the United States were Bishop
Fitspatrick, of Boston, and L. Silliman Ives, of New
YorK. Reports on the Catholic life and work of
ervery country were presented: much time was de-
voted to the discussion of social questions, and de-
cided differences of opinion were expressed. The
most brilliant success was achieved by two discourses
by Montalembert on '' A Free Church m a Free State."
A second congress took place in September of the
next year, and the intention was to hold yeariy meet*
ingjs; but alreadv the first clouds of internal conflict
among Catholics began to appear. According to their
views on political liberalism and modem science,
men's minds drifted apart. Henceforth Catholics
could not be gathered together for a common meeting.
The only later congress was held at Mechlin in 1867;
the Swiss assemblies also ceased after a short timcy
so that soon the German Catholic Congresses were
the only large assemblies of the kind. At the Bam*
berg Ck)ngress, 1868, a standing Central Committee
was formed, which ^ve a permanent form of organi*
zation to the German Catholic gathering.
Development in France. — Towards the end of the
sixties a third period of progressive development
b^an, due to the increasing interest of Catholics in
social problems and the growth of the spirit of aa90*
ciation among Catholic workmen. In Belgium, in
1867, it was decided to form a imion of all workmen^
associations in order to systematize their develop*
ment and growth. A standmg committee was formed,
and a fir^ congress was called to meet at Mona in
1871 . Its object was to strengthen and aid the move-
ment for organization among workingmen, and at the
same time to give it a Christian character and to en-
able woHcingroen to make their views and wishes effec-
tive. The work grew rapidly in importance; up to
1876 the pr«eident was Clement Bivortj and over 60,-
000 workmgmen were connected with it. The most
successful congress was that held in 1876 at Mechlin.
After this, the organization declined, partly it would
fiecm, because, instead of following purely practical
economic ends, under French influence politios were
introduced; so much weight was laid on the religious
element that social interests did not receive their due,
because the members were not agreed as to the inter-
vention of the State in socio-economic activities, and
because suflicient consideration was not given to the
growing independence of workingmen. A Cathohe
workingnien's movement also sprang up in the great
German industrial region of the Lower Rhine; this
did not grow into a national convention, but it exerted
its influence at the meetings of the general Catholic
Congress, especially at the one held at Dtisseldorf;
1809. In Fmnce there was formed an ^ Union des as-
sociations ouvridres catholiques" for the purpose of
promoting all Catholic efforts and ''to develop a race
of Christian workingmen's families for the Church and
State*'.
The first congress of this association was held at
Nevers, 1871, but it never grew to much importance
although a permanent central office was founded, and
special committees were appointed to encourage
eporta, clubs for study, etc. The association laid un-
due stress on the cultivation of relipous life, and did
nothing to develop social economics m connexion with
politics and but little for the class interests of work-
ingmen ; it was hardly more than a confraternity. In
{Northern France it succeeded owing to personal influ-
ence. The "Cerclee d'ouvriera catu>lique8", founded
by the Comte de Mun in 1873, were much more suo-
oeasful. De Mun desired to unite in these cerdea ihe
best mechanical and agricultural labourers, to bring
them under the influence of educated practical Cath-
olic gentlemen, so that, led by the latter, the work-
ingmen might exert a social and political influence in
the worid m labour. At the same time he wished the
organization to frame and advocate a distinct plan of
social reforms. From 1876 the work of advocating
reforms fell chiefly to the annual sessions which were
composed of 4he dele^tes of the '' Secretariates" of
the circles, the deputies from all the circles of the
province, and Catholic dignitaries who were inter*
ested in social questions. The sessions for delibera-
tion had an average attendance of from three to four
hundred members, and the public meetings were often
attended by several thousand persons. The assem-
blies were manaoed by the Comte de Mun, assisted by
the Marquis do ui Tour du Fin, M. de la GuUlonni6re»
and M. Florroy. These meetings and the work of the
various circles fint spread among Frmch CathoUes
correct conceptions of social problems. The practi-
cal social results became, however, gradually smaller.
With the help of the congress De Mun graduaJly
worked out a complete socisJ programme; by meaos
of industrial associations, with perfect freedom of or-
ganisation, laws were to be obtained granting to the
w(H-king classes proper representation in the political
bodies of the country, effective measures were to be
taken to aid workmen by means of insurance aad the
regulation of wages, their corporal and m^ital well-
being were to be protected by Sunday rest, limitation
of working-hours, etc. ; compulsory surbitiation in dis-
putes between masters and workmen was to be kgedl^
enforced. The programme is noteworthy because xt
induded reform of taxation, and also because it aimued
to aid agricultural labourers as well as mechanics.
De Mun's main mistake was, that he refused on prin-
ciple to allow the workingmen to or^niw independ-
ently, and permitted only organisations common to
workingmen and employers. Although apparently
the congresses just described and the societies con-
nected with them were the proofs of the growth in
strength of the economic movement, yet in their first
development they did not advance far enough to be
able to impress their character upon the Catholic con-
cresses of the third period. This was defined by the
nirther growth of the general Catholic conventions.
After the successful setttement of the diff erenees in the
Church by the Vatican Council, in consequ^iee of the
Kulturkampf, the German Catholic Congresses re-
gained their former importance with a religious enthu-
siasm never before witnessed. At the same time the
French Catholics also started general congresses.
During the siege of Paris by the Germans, a com-
mittee had been tormed in the city to protect Catho-
lic interests against the dan^r from anti-religious and
revolutionary sects. In a circular of 26 Aurust, 1872,
this committee proposed that all forma of Catholic
asBociations of the country and all French Catholic
organisations should create a general representative
bcSy for the purpose of def^Mung their common in-
terests. This circular led to the convening of the first
"Congrte des comit^s catholiques" at Paris, 1872, and
the sessions of this body were held annually untU
1892. They were originally presided over by M.
Bailloud, their foimder, afterwards by Senator Chesne-
lon^. The congress, divided into different sectiMis,
busied itself with purely religious questions, with
teaching, education, the press, and social subjects.
A large part of the attention of these assemblies was
given to the non-governmental schools, and much
was done for them. On the other hand, the incessant
OMrcmasssB
244
and vehement a^tation of the aEBemblies against free,
obligatory, lay uistruction had no apparent effect.
The French, like the German congresses, recdved
strong encouragement from the pope, and the bishops
ardently promoted them. Neveruieless, owing to its
oomposition, the French congress never attained the
importance of the German assemblage. Although in-
tended to be a union of all the Catholic forces of
France, it drew together only the Monarchists. For
although its constitution excluded politics, neverthe*
less, as the circular of August, 1872, said, it supported
the Conservative candidates as a matter of course.
The connexion with the Royalists made the congress
unfruitful also in social questions; its social p<^itical
position was not sufficiently advanced, and it offended
the classes that were fitting their way up. When it
became evident that the Royalist party had failed, the
congress declined with it. The sessions ceased when
Leo XIII, on receiving the oongratulatoxy telegram of
the oongreas of 1892, expressed the hope that, follow^
' ing his wishes, they should uphold the Republican
constitution. The place of the former organization
was taken by the ''Congrds nationaux catholiques".
The first session, held at Reims, was a preparatory
one; tibia was followed bv two oonRresBes at Paris,
1897 and 1898. Both their organisation and aim
were the same as those of the congress of the ** Comit68
catholiques", but the political views held were differ-
ent; the meetings were gatherings or ^Ralli^", that
is, of Royalists who had become Republicana and of
CSiristian Democrats. The history of this organixa*
tion is, briefly, that of the *' Ralli^^' movement, and it
went to pieces with the latter. A working together in
the eonpresB of those who were democrats from honest
conviction, the politically indifferent "New Catho*
lies", and the "Rallies", or ''Constitutional Ri^ht-
ers", who obeyed the papal command against inclina-
tion and conviction, proved to be impossible. The
** Christian Democrats*' met separately, in 1896 and
1897, at Lyons and received the blessing of Leo XIII.
But it was found that the views of the members were
too divergent to make a continuation of these assem<-
blies profitable. The meetings of the "Cercles
d'ouvriers" also came to an end through the failure of
the '' Ralli^ " or " Constitutional Right ' '. From the
decade 1880-90 these circles, like those of the "* Unkm
des associations ouvridres'', were gradually trans**
formed by their leaders into pious comratemities, and
the clergy sought to control tnem more than was wise,
making the members feel like irresponsible children.
Most of the members of the circles were Royalists, and
few of them obeyed the suggestion of the pope as sin<-
cerely as did De Mun. In 1892 the congress assem-
bled for the last time; but even before this, of the
1200 still existing circles, a part had combined with
the new diocesan organisations, and a part with the
''Association catholique de la jeunesse fran^ise".
Fourth Period of Development, — The fourth and
latest period in the development of the Catholic Con-
gresses dates from the last years of the nineteenth
century. About 1890, the year when the "People's
Union [Volksverein] of Catholic Germany'^ was
founded, the Cathouc social movement reached its
full strength and became the leading factor amons
German Catholic societies. Its influence was well
shown by the multiplying of Catholic societies in all
directions * it shapea the form and aims of oigaaisar
tion, checked the spirit of particularism, induced the
societies to oombine in a united bodv, and brought
thousands of new membera into the branch associa-
tions, while directing Catholic orsanization more and
more toward practi^ social worx. The meetings cl
the congresses are the tangible s^ of this social
movement; their increase in strength and influence is
furthered by the growing interest of the civiliised
world in all kinds of congresses. It is owing to the
centralized, many-sided propaganda of the well-
oiiganized '' Volksverein'', with its 000|000 membera,
that the German Cadiolic CongreBses have been mo
successful. The aims of the soeieties are limited to
social work of a practical duiracter, and the annuftl
meetiiuES are held on one of the five days o^ the sesaioa
of the Catholic Congress and at the same place. Since
the Mannheim Congress of 1892 the meetings of the
congresses have been attended l^ lari^r numbera <^
workmen than any other such conventions in £urope,
from twentv-five thousand to forty tiioiMsand besne:
present at the sessions, the number at a single sessian
often reaching ten thousand persons. In Austria
alter two decfildes of hard struggle Christian sociaiisxn
finally reached success. After 1867 it was for a kmg
time almost impossible to hold a Catholic convention
in Austria; now a Genen^ Catholic Congress is held
every oth^ year, while numerous asBemulBS oonvcsie
in the different states forming the Austio-Hungariaa
Monarchy; the general congress of November, 1907,
attained neariy as much influence over miblio opinion
as the German Congress; a speech of Buiigomaster
Luegers of Yiennastarted the *' hig^-school movement "
which has since greatly agitated Austria. Since 1900
a Catholic Congress has been held annuallv in Hun-
gary; in Spain since 1889 Catholic asBemblies have
met from time to time; in Switaerland, after suspen-
sion for a generation, the first genend congress was
held in 1903 on the basis of an acceUent organisation.
In 1906 the Danish Catholics of the CopeiAsigen dis-
trict met for the first time to diseuas their schcx>l
interests. Before this, in 1886 and 1889, they had
met for aoniversajy celebrations, the first time, in 1886,
in ecmjunction with representatives ffom Sweden and
Norway. About the close of the nineteenth century
a congress was held in Italy r^refientinff all the
Catholic organisaticMis of that country. Not only
among ihe above-named great nations of Eufope has
Catiiolac seal led to the meeting of general ooQgresses,
but on both sides of the ocean hardly a year passes
in which the Catholics of some country do not unite
in a public congress.
However numerous and huge these assemblies,
whether general or special, have been, they do not
represent the whole number of Catholics who take an
interest in social reorganisation. Catholies have
taken a prominent part in many movements which
have an interdenominational, universal Christian, or
neutral character, because this form of organisation
can lead to better results. Among these may be men-
tioned the " Christian Trade Unions" of Germany, the
"Christian Fanners' Unions" of Germany and Aus-
tria, and the "Soci^t^ d'^conomie sociale et Union
de la paix sociale" of France, founded by Le Play, in
1866, with annual congresses since 1882. A German
branch is ihe "Gesellschaft fOr social Reform"
(founded 1890), which gives its attentkxi largely to
scientific investigations, but has at times also had
much influence on legislation; besides these may be
cited the '' Workin^^en's Gaixiens", founded in 1897
by Abb^ Lemire, with international ccmeresses in 1903
and 1906; the work of the ''Haiffeisen Bank" (inter-
national assemblies at Tarbes, 1897, and Paris, 1900);
the ''Anti-DueUing Society", founded by Prince
Ldwenstein, the last international convention being
held at Budapest, 1908; and the association for sup-
pressing public vice, which held an international con-
gress in 1908.
II. Intbrnational CoNcrBBasBS. — ^The forerunner
of the international congresses of the present was the
Mechlin general congress of 1863-64. Since then
interiiational Catholic congresses of general scope have
been abandooed as unlikelv to be profitable, and it
has been sufllcient, especially as between Germany,
Austria, and Switserland, to invite a few foreign rep-
resentatives. It was only by limisting the scope of
ffiscussion to a few tooios, especially religious, that
it has been possible to nold Catholic congresses of an
ooHoaBssia
245
inieniAiional character Among the best known of
these aflBemblies is the '^ Eucharistic ConmBs'', the
aim of which is to increase and deepen ue love of
Christ in every way tolerated by the Churoh: by
general communions, general adoration of the Blessed
Sacrament, and discussion of the best means of inr
creasing devotion to the Blessed Sacrament. Between
its sessions the Eucharistic League endeavours to pro-
mote and intensify Eucharistic devotion in the various
dioceses in which it ifforganised. Nineteen of these meet-
ings have been held since the first in lille in 1881, most
of them being preponderatinsly Frendi, the inspira-
tion of the first coming from Mer. de S^ur. The first
to attract the attention of the Catholic world was that
held at Jerusalem in 1893, and they have since grown
more solenm and influential, A general congress was
held at Rome, 1905, another at Mets, 1907, and one in
London 9-13 September, 1908. Both Leo XIII and
Pius X manifested great interest in these congresses.
Less successful, however, was the attempt of Leo
XIII, by means of international congresses, to make
the Tlurd Order of St. Francis once more a great
Bocio-religious influence. After he had indicated his
tAbsi of Christian social politics in his encyclical
^Novarum refum'\ he hoped to change the Third
Order of St. Francis from a purely pious ofganisation
into an instrument for the regeneration of society such
as it had been in the thirteenth century. For a time
efforts were made, especially in France, to carry out
thia ambition of the pope. A committee met at Val^
des-Bois, July, 1893, at the call of the Minister-
General of the Franciscans, and under the presidency
of JAon Harmel a plan of action was drawn up: sev-
eral meetinfls were hdd in France, and in 1900 an
international congress met at Rome. After this the
movement came to an end. The political-sociid
scientists, who were too much absorbed in their politi"
cal schemes, were unable to grasp the grandeur of the
pontiff's idea, and the Tertiaries clung to their aecue-
tomed exero&ies and preferred to remain a pious con-
fraternity rather than to transform themselves into a
world-wide relisious and social organization.
For a time ue Congress of Catholic Savants had
nearly as successful a career as the Eucharistic Con-
ns. This was also of French origin, and founded
Hgr. d'Hulst, rector of the Institut Catholique at
ris, in pursuance of a suggestion of Canon Duilh6
de Saint-Projet. The founders meant to prove to
mankind that Catholics, instead of being opposed to
aeience, were vigorously active in scientific work; to
show the haTmcmy of faith and science, and to stimu-
late the slackened interest of Cathoticsin science. The
plan of the congress was. therefore, largely apologetic;
it received the approval of Leo XIII, and from 1888
the sessions were triennial. • The first two meetings,
at Paris, had an attendance, respectivdv, of 1006 aiid
2494 persons; the third cona^, at Brussels, 2618;
the fourth, at Fribourg, in Switseriand, 3007: the
fifth, at Munich, 3367; a sixth was to be held at Rome,
1003, but it did not take place. Originally this con-
gress was divided into six sections; theology, philoso-
phy, law, history, natural sciences, anthropology;
four more were added later: exegesis, philology, bi-
ology, and Christian art. Tne character of the inter^
national congress of Catholic physicians which met at
Rome, 1900, was laigely religious.
International meetings are also held by the ^As-
sociation catholiaue intemationale pour la protection
de la leune fille , a society that looks after youi^
eirls who are seeking employment, guards them from
migers, and aids in their training and secures em-
ployment for them. It was found^ by a Swiss lady,
Fiau von Reynold, 1896-97. Up to 1897 the sessions
were at Fribourg, Switzerland; 1900, at Paris; 1902,
at Munich; and ui 1906, again at Paris. Fribourg,
Switseriand, is the headauartere of the society. Ten
countries are represented in it, among them Argen-
tina, South America. Each national society holds its
own annual meeting; the French branch, formed in
1898, alternately in the provinces and at Paris; the
German, founded 1906, at the session of the Strasburg
Cathohc Congress in connexion with the Oiarities
Congress. Among national Oatholic assemblages
may be also included the so-called "Social WeeK"
started by the " Volksverein" (People's Union) of Cath-
olic Germaav. Its sessions were held annually, 189^
1900, with the exception of 1897, in different places.
About a week was given to an introduction to prac-
tical social work. The original attendance of 682 in
time rose to about 1000. The sessions were devoted
not to discussions, but to ii^ tructive lectures and the
answering of questions, thus making what mi^t be
called a popular travelling school. But a week was
too short a period of instruction, and the constant
change of place made it difficult to obtain good teach-
ers, consequently a permanent home was given to the
association at MQncnen-Gladbach, and the annual ses-
sion was made a two months' course in political econ-
omy. A limited number of men and women selected
by a committee of the ** Volksverein" assisted at these
lectures. Since 1904 the shorter courses, in improved
form, have been resumed in addition to the longer
ones, and the attendance has laigely increased. Hie
French Oathohcs were the first to imitate this ex-
ample, holding a similar assembly at Lyons in 1904;
since then sessions have been held at various places^
that of 1907 being at Amiens, and the next at Biar-
seilles. The best of their national economists mve
their assistance : the programme differs from the Ger-
man in as much as the topics treated are not exclu-
sively practical, but that the lectures include the
philoeophical and rriigious premises of modem social
politics, and the part Christians should take in politi-
cal life. The movement spread to the other Romance
countries during 1906-08, and also to Belgium and
Holland, and made great progress, thanks to the ef-
forts of Professor Toniolo in organising a social-science
week at Pisa, followed by a larger meeting at Pistoja in
October and another at Valencia in December, 1907.
In France, Spain, and Italy, this social-edence week
will hereafter be held according to a joint programme.
III. National Catholic CoNoaBSSBS. — France. —
Since 1898 the French Catholics have held provincial
conventions in place of general congresses, and since
the separation of Church and State, these have given
place to diocesan conferences. Such gatherings nave
been held in about half of the dioceses, the most im-
portant being those of the Archdiocese of Paris.
Their aim is to unite all Catholic social societies, eepe-
cially those for the young which In many dioceses
have a large membership. In results they are- not as
effective a^ general Catholic congresses, but they
seem rather to tend to supply what nas hitherto been
lacking in France, a steaay and even attention to de-
tails, SA the VolkBverein has done in Germany, elo-
quent orations giving place to quiet, practical work.
This would be an important result. On the other
hand, it is possible that the inclination of the French
to overburden even socio-political societies with relig-
ious issues, to give them a denominational aspect, and
place them under strict clerical control, may be kept
alive by the diocesan societies. Before this the im-
pulse to permanent oi^ganization came from a con-
gress, whereas now the oishop or an ecclesiastic com-
missioned by him is the head of the diocesan commit-
tee, and the parish priest of the parish committee.
ReligiooB Congresses. — In certain French dioceses
e. g. at Paris, 1902-1908, special diocesan Eucharistic
Congresses have been held. A "Congrte national de
I'oBUvre dee Cat^diismes'^ was held at Paris under the
presidency of Mgr. Amette, Archbishop of Paris, 24*-
26 February, 1908. Seventy dioceses were ofhciallv
represented, and the attendance was over 2000. it
was reported that 20,000 lay catechists, chiefly women,
OOHORBSSttl
246
00NaBE88K8
voluntarily awisted the French clergy in the ivUgiuus
instruction of the young. These teachere are united
in an archconfratemity, publish a periodical, and re-
ceive special preparatory training. Charitable and
social care of the famiUes of the pupils is united with
the catechetical work.
Sociological Congresses. — ^The "Union des associa-
tions ouvridres catholiaues" has held, sinoe 1871, an-
nual meetings attended by about 500 delegates. The
''Association catholique de la jeunesse francaise'',
founded in 1886 by Robert de Roquefeuil, whicn aims
to gather together the Catholic youth of the country,
in order to strengthen them in their Faith and to train
them to do their duty in the stru^le for the reorgani-
sation of French society in a Christian spirit, has held
several hundred interesting meetings. They have
served in part to spread a more thorough knowledge
of certain social truths or of certain important prob-
lems of religious life; but they have principallv
made known the work of the "Jeunesse catholiaue
throughout France. Their assemblies which took up
the mst mentioned class of subjects were held at
Ch^ons, 1903, where trusts were discussed : at Arras,
1904, which discussed mutual benefit schemes; at
Albi, 1906, regulations governing the labour of youth-
ful workmen was the topic; and at Angers, 1908, the
agrarian movement. The treatment of these prob-
lems at these conventions was excellent. The meet-
ingp held to arouse interest in the membership were
chiefly movincial, only a few being national assem-
blies. The erowth of the association is best shown by
the national conventions: Angers, 1887, 17 groups
having 782 membera were represented; Besan^n,
1898, 25 groups with 16,000 members; Bordeaux,
1907, 180 groups with 75,000 members. There has
been a great increase since the meeting at Besan^n,
chiefly by the admission of young mechanics and farm
labourers as well as of the student class. The associa-
tion has placed itself in all things under the guidance
of the Church authorities, consequentlv, its social as
well as its religious activities rest on a denominational
basis without any further enunciation of principles,
and it has always been very favourably regarded both
by the bishops and the Roman authorities. The
"Jeunesse catholique " has not been undisturbed by
the political troubles of French Catholics. At the
conmss of Grenoble, 1892, it accepted unconditional-
ly the advice of Leo XIII, but declared at the same
time that, in accordance with its statutes, the associa-
tion had nothing to do with party conflicts. Some of
the groups, however, still adhere to the Monarchists.
Fortunately, these differences of opinion have not
checked the development of the society, the religious
and social influence of which on the youth of France is
not equalled by that of any other organization.
About the close of the nineteenth century Marc
Sangnier and some of his friends founded the society
called the "Sillon" (the Furrow). Convinced that in
. future democracy, which they took as their ideal,
would rule the State and society, and desiring to pre-
vent its degeneration under bad and godless leaders,
while hoping to keep it from turning against the
Church, these yoimg men resolved to build up a
democratic constituency of high-minded Christians
devoted to the Church and well-informed on political
snd social questions. The idealism characteristic of
the ''Sillon" has gained for it the respect of the
working-classes. In the beginning the tendencies of
the society were not clear, as was shown in the first
four general meetings: Paris, 1902; Tours, 1903;
Lyons, 1904; Paris, 1905. More definiteness of plan
was evident at the later gathering, Paris, 1906; Or-
leans, 1907; and especially at Paris, 1908, giving
promise that the "Sillon ' would develop into a
socio-political party taking an active part in national
politics. This explains why it asserted its indepen-
dence of the bishops and intention always to support
any political measure that may aid in improving the
condition of the working-cla^wes, and especially all
efforts aiming at thorough social regeneration and a
genuinely democratic form of societv and govern-
ment. Only in this way, it is held, will the workman
be able to obtain an equal share of the material, in-
tellectual, and moral possessions belonging to the
whole nation. Collectivism is absolutely rejected by
the association. The growth of the ''Sillon" into an
independent socio-jpolitical party, its refusal to be
"avant tout cathohque" aroused the distrust of some
of the bishops. Consequently the cleigy held back
from it. Nevertheless, the membership did not fall
off. The first congress represented 45 members; the
second, 300; the third, 800; the fourth, 1100; the
fifth, 1500; the sixth, 1896. The "F^^ration gym-
nastique et sportive des patronages catholiques de
France" intended to aid all CathoUc societies in
honour of a local saint by arranging sports for the
members of the patronage has held annual meet-
inga since 1898 when the federation began in a union
of 13 patronages; the number is now 450, represent-
ing 50,000 young people in all parts of France.
Political Congresses. — ^The ''Action lib^rale popu-
laire", founded oy M. Piou on the basis of the Asso-
ciations Law of 1901, is a political association led
by him with much skill and energy. Its task is to
defend civil rights derived from the Constitution in
all legal ways, to promote reform in law-making by
energetic work at elections, to develop or create anew
sociological influence and methods, and to improve
the lot of the workingman. Only Catholics are mem-
bers, but it claims that it is not a "Catholic party."
Its first general session convened at Paris, December,
1904, with 900 delegates representing 648 cowUtds or
branches and 150,000 members. The statistics for
the following years are as follows: Paris, 1905, 1400
deleg^ites from 1000 camit^a with 200,000 members;
Lyons, 1906, ICOO delegates representing loOO
comity and 225,000 members: Bordeaux, 1907, 1740
comitie with 250,000 members. The proceeding? of
all four congresses were of great interest. The so-
ciety, conducted bv a central committee, is divided
into provincial and town committees which, though
controlled by the general committee, are allowed much
independence of action. Besides assiduous efforts to
educate the voter the society has turned its attenti(9n
more and more to practical sociological work, as the dis-
cussions held at tne various congresses show. The re-
actionary methods which so greatly damaged the
Monarchists have never been adopted. However, the
growth of the association has not eaualled expecta-
tions, because at the first election which took place
after its establishment (1906), while the "Action
lib^rale" did not disappoint its friends, the parties of
the Right, without the aid of which it could not suc-
ceed, were completely defeated at the polls. Besides,
the distrust of many Frenchmen was aroused because
in order to gain numerical strength it admitted as
members many who, until their reception into its
ranks, had been known as opponents ot the Republic.
The Women's Movement. — The " Ligue patriotique
des Frangaises", formed in 1901, to collect funds for
the election expenses of the candidates of the "Ac-
tion lib^rale populaire''. tLVOOH to arouse interest among
women in the efforts oi the " Action *' to defend civil
liberty. and to promote sociological activity. Since
then tKe league has declared that it does not pursue
political ends. The movement had as its leaders such
able women as the Baroness Reille, Mademoiselle
Frossard, Mademoiselle de Valette, and others, and
in 1008 the league numbered 700 branches with
328,000 members, 28,000 more than in 1j906. The
league holds numerous district sessions and an an-
nual general meeting. At the last two annual sessions
at Lourdes, 2000 women attended. The addresses
and discussions at these conventioDS ahow that the
0OirO]tC88X8
247
eONa&£S8£8
altcuition of the league is more and iuoi*e (Ixed ou
attaiiung practical social ends. This, however, is
made noore difficult by the miwtaken conception that
all Catholic Frenchwomen, because they are Catholics,
should belong to the league; consequently, the pro-
gramme lacks definiteness, and n:iany problems are
taken up in a hesitating and incomplete manner.
Moreover, this policy prevents a correct perception of
the sociological character of the organizations m que^-
tion and meur accommodation to the needs of the
workingman. Thev are turned too much into the
direction of charitaole and benevolent activities. Hie
work of the league in social economics is as ^et only
in its infancy. The ^'Jeanne d'Arc" Federation aims
to unite all CathoUc women of France who take up
questions of social betterment, in an annual assembly
for exchange of views and combined effort. Since
1901 a well-attended annual meeting has been held at
Paris, but so far has resulted only in an interchange of
opinion and resolutions. This is due to the fact that
the federation has no regular and recognized authority
over the mamfold associations affiliated in it.
Educational Congresses. — Up to 1908 three con-
gresses of French priests had been held: Saint-
Quentin, 1895; Reims, 1897; Bouiges, 1898. The
fiist, which differed in aims from those following, met
at the suggestion of L^n Harmel and confined itself
to oonsidenng the share the clergy should take in the
efforts to better present social conditions. The at-
tendance was about two hundred. The two following
congresses called by the Abb6 Lemire, supported by
the Abb^ Dabry, Naudet, Gibier, Lacroix, had an
attraidanoe of from six hundred to eight hundred per-
sons. Questions touching the sacerdotal life were
discussed: training of the clergy; continuation of
clerical studies; activity in the cure of souls: organi-
zation to secure a continuous succession oi clergy;
priests' unions ; mutual aid societies, etc. The con-
ventions were presided over by bishops, Leo XIII sent
his blessing, and the influence on the yoimger clergy
was excellent. There was much opposition to them,
however, on the part of some of the oishops and some
of the older clergy, and especially on the part of the
Conservatives in politics. The '' Congr^ de I'AUiance
des grands-«6minaires '' met at Paris, 21-22, July, 1908,
the (questions taken up were mainly the preparatory
trainmg of the clergy in letters and in ascetic life.
Conventions of delegates of the teachers of higher and
elementary schools not under State control, the "Syn-
dicats et associations de I'enseignement libre'', met:
at Bordeaux. 1906; Poitiers, 1907; Paris, 1908. At
Paris, the delegates represented 2300 teachers belong-
ing to teachers' unions and 3000 not connected witn
such oiganizations, from a teaching force of 20,000.
Among the subjects discussed were peda^^cal ques-
tions, school-organization, instruction m industrial
and high schools, matters of professional interest.
The association of Catholic Lawyers has met yeariy
since 1876, the first session being held at Lyons, that
of 1907 at Anjgers. Those legal questions are taken
up which, at the moment, are of practical importance
for the continuance of the Church as an organized
society, for its endowments and institutions. The
''Alliance des maisons d'Mucation chr^tienne" aims
to secure for independent schools those advantages
which a centralized organization confers on those
luder State control. Up to 1908 the annual sessions
were organized by Al^ ^^^^* Professor at the
Catholic Institute of Paris. The subiects discussed
^ methods of instruction and school organization.
The Alliance originally represented 76 schools; the
number rose to 600, but on account of the law of 1901,
^"hich reduced the number of schools independent of
^e State, those in the Alliance fell to 500 in 1908.
Oermany, — Up to 1908, fifty-five congresses have
been held, the last, 1908, at Dtisseldorf , those previous
raet at: Mannheim, 1902; Cologne, 1903; Rntisbon,
1904; Strasburg, 1905; Essen, 1900; Warzbttig,
1907. The Central Committee, formed in 1868, super-
intends the preparations for the sessions and directs
the conventions. When the KuUurkampf began the
committee was dissolved, and its work was done by
Prince Karl Ldwenstein-Wertheim-Roeenbei^, the
"Standing commissioner of the Catholic Congress '\
In 1898 a new conmiittee was formed, Count Clenciens
Droste-Vischering being chairman. The president dt
the congress dianges every year, and the most distin-^
guished representatives of Catholicism in Germany
and the leading members of the nobility aie regularly
selected for the oresidency, which office is always held
by a layman. On the other hand the chairman of the
oommittee of arrangements is always the bishop of ^e
diocese in which me coming session is to be held.
Each congress lasts five days, the meetmg being held
in August. A number of Catholic societies, especially
the Yolksverein, founded 1901, the St. Aupistine
Association for the Development of the Cnthoho
Press, founded 1877, at the second Catholic congress
at Wilrzburg, and the Catholic Students' societies,
founded 1867, take advantage of the occasion to hold
their own oonventiona at the same time and place. In
addition to the sessions of the General Catholic Con-
gress, in 1850 arrangements were made for diooesan
conventions; these, however, seldom meet. Conven-
tions are more oonomon for the various Prussian prov-
inces and the different states of the confederation,
e. g. for Silesia, Bavaria, and the last held for WOiv
temberg at Ulm, 1901. Early in 1904, by order of the
Archbishop of Ck>l(^;ne, all the charitable societies and
those for social betterment of the diocese were feder-
ated, the first convention of thia general oiganization
meeting in May, 1904. The first congress of the
" Bonimcius Association" was held 8-9 ^Iv, 1908, at
Paderbom ; the object of the society is to collect funds
for Catholic churches and schools among Gennana
scattered abroad, for the Scandinavian mission, and
to aid the religious needs of the Catholics.
Social Congresses. — General conventions are held of
the " Arbeiterwohr* (Society for Bettering the Condi-'
tion of the Working-Classes); "Society of Catholic
Manufacturers and Friends of Workingmen", founded
in 1905; and ''Society for Social Culture and Com-
munal Betterment", founded 1880 with the aid of
Franz Brandts, Hitze, etc. At the last-named gen-
eral assembly heki annually all members can take part
in the discussions of the questions brought up. A
congress of the '' Yolksverein" haa been held annually
since 1890 in connexion with the General Catholic Con-
gress. At these sessions, open to all, annual reports
and explanation of the object of the imion are given.
The president of these annual congresses was gener*
ally Franz Brandts of Manchen-Gladbach, and the
chief speakers Gr6bcr, Trimbome, and Lieber. Under
the direction and leadenship of Mgr. Werthmann of
Freiburg, Baden, the Association for Charitable Work
has met annually as a national assembly since 1896,
when it convened at Schw&bisch-Gmund. The ses-
sion of 1907 was at Hildesheim, the next, the thir-
teenth, at Ravensburg. Reports of conmiittees and
addresses are alternately made at the sessions. The
Congress for Charitable Work came into existence
through the sociological activity of the " Yolksverein";
its aim being to show that Catholic charities should be
more extensively guided by sociological considerar
tions, and that they stand in need of doser union and
greater zeal. In 1897 a "Union of Charitable Soci-
eties'' grew out of this congress; the Union is divided
into local and provincial societies under the direction
of a well-organized central management which, with-
out interfering with the subordmate organizations,
exerts on them a beneficial influence. Especially
important are its training courses; the local and pro-
vincial societies also frequently hold district and dio-
cesan conventions. A reorganization of the St. Yin-
00NOB2S8CS
248
ooiraiassni
eent de Paul societies has been broached, the societies
for the protection of young girls, and the women's
movement have also received encouragement from
this charitable ox^nisation. The United Catholic
Workinemen's Union has its head-quartens at Berlin.
Althou^ the greater number of organised Catholic
worionen are members of trade unions not denomina-
tional in character, an effort has been made, since the
end of the nineteenth century, to unite other Catholic
woridnen in a denominational union. This work has
been done chiefly among the East German workmen
and in the Diocese of Trier. Conventions of delates
have been held annually since 1898, the eleventh hav-
ing taken place in 1908. The Union of ihe Associa-
tions of Catholic Wage-earning Women and Girls is a
branch of the one just mentioned. Four congresses
have been held, the fourth in 1908. The Catholic As-
Booiatiion for German Young Men was formed to exert
religious influence on boys who have left school and
are apprentices until they are prepared to enter a
workingmen's union. So far, not over twenty per
cent of Catholic apprentices have joined the union.
To remedy this it nas been proposed to give a more
social character to the union, and to form diocesan
and a national imion, and to convene the presidents of
all the branch unions throughout Germany in a ^en-
O'al meeting. The first of these general conventions
was held in 1896; followed by four others, up to 1899;
then the assemblies lapsed until 1905, when, through
the efforts of the " Arbeiterwohr* (Society for Better-
ing the Condition of the Working-Classes) the union
was reomnized, and a general meeting held at Col-
ogne. Fiiture sessions are to be held triennially.
The " Association of Catholic Women " was founded
at the Congress for Charitable Work held at Frankfort,
1903. Two meetings have been held : Frankfort, 1904 :
Munich, 1906. Its weakness, so far, has been a lack ox
definiteness in its aims, for, although an offshoot of the
*Charitasverband" (Ch^itable Union), it has been
influenced, more or less, by the general women's
movement in Germany and ite tendencies, which deal
less with sociological problems than with the general
interests of the sex. It works for sociological im-
provement through charity; for the education of
women; and in the interests of wage-earning women
and women outside of the family circle.
The "Catholic Teachers' Union*' in Germany, com-
prising male teachers of primary and middle schools,
was founded in 1899, at Bochum. It numbers 19,000
members, and thirteen conventions, semi-annual as a
rule, have been held ; latterly it has met at Strasburg,
Berlin, and Breslau. The union is made up of sixteen
brandies which meet, generally, once a ^^ar. W^tir-
temberg has formed a imion of its own. The " Union
c4 Catholic Women Teachers of Germany", founded in
1885, developed slowlv imtil 1891. Thirteen conven-
tions have been held, the last three in Strasburg,
Bochum, and Munich. It is composed of teachers,
both of the primary and higher schools for girls; in
1903 it organiiied a section of the teachers in middle
and hi^er girls' schools which holds special sessions
during the meeting of the general convention. The
''Union of the As£>ciations of Catholic Merchants",
with head-quarters at Essen, founded in 1877, has
20,000 members; its delegates hold a meeting a few
days before the General Catholic Congress and at an-
other place. The union of the Catholic Students'
Corps who do not wear colours, has held regular an-
nual conventions since 1866, the sessions convened in a
different university town each year with the exception
of 1906, when Wiesbaden was chosen. Some sixty
societies are thus united; as many societies belong
to the union of Catholic Students' Corps in which
are included also some Swiss and Austrian or^anisar*
tions. The St. Cecilia Society was founded in 1868
to promote interest in Church musie. The eighteenth
general assembly took place at Eichstfttt in 1908.
Political Congresses. — As political oongresseB, up
to 1907, should bo mentioned the general meetingB of
the " Windlterstbund ", the first session of whidi was
held at Essen, 1895. Their object was to interest young
Catholics in politics so as to insure constant recruits
for the Centie Partjr. The membership inereasuig, it
was formed into unions. Since 1897 an annual con-
vention of delegates has met. At Wiesbaden, 1907, it
was decided that, in accordance with its statutes axid
the partv it represented, the local unions could xx>t
have a cfenominational character, consequently some
of them withdrew from the association.
Educational Congresses. — ^The Association of
Catholic Lawyers, held two meetings without achieving
success, and was merged, 1907, with the ''GOrres Asso-
ciation" for the encouragCTnent of science in Catholic
Germany, founded 1876, at Coblens. Since this first
^neral session, the latter society has held annual ses-
sions in other cities. Its importance lies in the dis-
cussions of its different sections. At first, these treated
topics in philosophy and history, only of late oth^*
sections have been added for the natural sdenoes, law,
and archeology. At times, there are two meetings
with lectures tor larger audiences, which are attended
by members and theirguests. A general meetins of
the ''Association for Christian Art" has taken p&oe
annually, the object of which is to encourage Cauiolie
artists and develop religious art. The ''Catholic
Press Club", largely a Baviman association, is in-
tended to encourage Catholic journals. Catholic popu-
lar libraries, and Catholic culture. Its annual meet-
inffl are held at Munich.
Denmark. — In 1886 various Catholic conununities,
with del^ates from Norway and Sweden, united to
celebrate the eight-hundredtn anniveisaiy of the mar-
^rrdom of King Canute (Knut) by a festival at
Odense. Some two hundred persons attended, and
the exercises were largely religious. In 1889 a meet-
ing was held at Ranoers to c^ebrate ^e seven hun-
dredth anniversaiy of the canonisation of St. Kjeld,
the attendance being entirely Danish. In 1908 the
Catholics of Copenhagen and its vicinity met to dis-
cuss questions concerning the Church and sdiools for
all Denmark. Seven comerences of the Society of St.
Vincent de Paul have been held since 1885.
Switzerland. — Besides the general assemblies of the
nineteenth century mentioned above, two sessions
of a General Catholic Congress, in imitation of the
Geiman Congress, have been held in Switserland:
Lucerne, 27-29 September, 1903; Freiburg, 22-25
September, 1906. At Lucone it was molved to
umte all Catholic associations into one organisation,
of which the Swiss "Volksverein" (People's Union)
was to be the nucleus. This arrangement hdd untU
1906. The central committee of the "Volksverein"
now forms the standing committee of the Catholic
Congresses, and all Catholic societies of S¥niierland,
charitable, social, and relieious, societies to further
education, culture, women's, and trades' unions are
affiliated with it. The general organization is divided
into cantonal unions, of which several meet annually.
Special mention should be made of the first Swiss
congress of the Sacred Heart of Jesus at Einsiedeln,
20-21 Au^t, 1907. At the suggestion of Bishop
Mermillod international conferences of those interestea
in political movements for sodsil betterment met annu-
ally at Freiburg, Switserland, 1883-93, to discuas the
principles imderlying modem political economy. A
similar meeting was held here, 20-22 October, 1903;
the discussions concerned Christian Socialism in the
different countries, trade unions, women's work, and
the international protection of labourers. Fluotical
courses in sociology were held at: Lucerne, 1^6;
Zurich, 1898, and 1904; in 1894 a ''Congi^ d'dtude
et de propagande" was held at Freiburc for the
French Swiss; after this, these assembues
adopted by the French Cathdies.
o<»iaass&i8
249
OONOEXMM
Austria (including Bohemia). — Up to 1867 the Au9-
tiiaii General Con^pas fonned part of the Gennan
CongresB; since this date six independent Austrian
congreases have met, the last at Vienna, 16-19 Novem-
ber, 1907. The organization is similar to the German,
consequently, the annual meetings of various other
societies are held at the same time as the iniportant
"Pius Verein" for the development of the Catholic
press. Besides the General Congress there are various
national congresses: (1) The first congress for North-
em Bohemia was held in 1887; the fourth, 1890; after
a long intermission the fifth, 1904; the sixth, 1906.
(2) The first congress for Lower Austria met, 1894;
the second, 1898; the third, 1903: this was followed,
1905, bv a meeting of del^ates of the Catholic socie-
ties of tne crown lands; a national assembly was held
in 1908. (3) The first Slovenian congress was held in
1892; the second, 1900. (4) A CzcSh congress was
held in 1907 with an attendance of about 30,000 pei^
sons. In 1903 the "Union of Catholic Benevolent
Societies of the Austrian Empire" was founded; a
charity congress met at Vienna, 1901; a second at
Graa, 1903; a third at Linz, 1906. The second as-
sembly brought about the formation of the Charity
Union for the whole empire. This union includes the
benevolent associations of the different crown lands
without, however, lessening their independence, and
the latter include the individual societies of each part
of the empire. Besides the general congress, the im-
perial organization, in accordance with its statutes,
holds semi-annually a convention to which the pro*
vindal unions sena delegates. During the last de-
cade a number of various other assemblies have been
held in Austria, among them a congress for priests,
one session; a congress for the veneration of the
Blessed Virgin, St. Poelten. 1901; Prague, 1906, ete.
Hungary. — Six Catholic congresses have been held
in Hungary since 1900, the first at Stuhlweissenburg,
the four lollowing at Budapest, the last, 1907, at
FUnfkirchen. The language used is Magyar, but the
language spoken at tne place of meetmg receives
recognition. The perpetual nresident is Count Jo-
hanni Zichy, Jr., president of tne Central Union of the
Catholic Societies of Hungary. Up to 1908 the meet-
ings of the congress mainly discussed the press and
the needs of Catholic young men. At the last meeting
a Catholic Federation, similar to the Volksverein of
Germany, was founded. Some of the bishops are
greatly mterested in the congresses and their results.
Belgium. — In Belgium a laige number of societies
hold conventions^ but owin^ to the many divisions of
Catholic associations statistics are not available.
HoUand. — Each diocese of Holland holds a con-
vention from time to time of all its Catholic organ-
izations; the agricultural associations as well as
societies for schools, religious or social purposes, are
included, but each society holds its own sessions and
also joins in a general meeting of all. The "Soci-
olc^cal Week'' has been held three times in the last
few years. The bishop of the diocese controls the
or^nization.
^pam. — Since 1889 six Catholic congresses have
been hdd, the last in 1903. Lately more attention
has been paid to social improvement, especially by
means of sociological associations; consequently, the
scheme of the Sociological Week is developing. The
International Marian Congress met at Lyons, 1900,
at Einseidehi, 1906, and at Saragossa, Sept., 1908.
ArqenJtma. — ^Up to 1908 two Catholic congresses
were neld at Buenos Aires, one, 15-30 August, 1884:
the other, 20-28 October, 1907. The first aroused
great enthusiasm, but the results were meagre. The
second had an attendance of about 350 delegates, the
president being Dr. Emil Lamarca. Its chief aim was
to found a Catholic daily newspaper. Besides this a
Cathob'c Education League was oi^ganized to reform
the srhcHil-laws.
MAT.<Oe«eAifi&te der general Vermmmlungen der kathotitehen
DeiUsehlanda ^Cologne. 1M4); BbOck. Geediithie der JkaAtH
heehen Ktreh^ im neunuhnUn Jahrhundert (MOoBter, 1905);
CatKUic Social Work in Cfermany in The Dublin Review (Lon*
don, July, 1908). Mahtin Spahn.
^ III. In ENGLisH-sPEAKiNa CoTJNTBiBS. — In Eng-
lish-Speaking countries the term "congress" is usualfy
applied only to gatherings of an important national
character, hence the assemblies in the United States
of such bodies as the Federation of Catholic Societies,
the Central Verein, the Staats-verbund, the Catholic
Young Men's National Union, the Catholic Total Ab-
stinence Union, and other associations are treated
under their separate titles.
In England, meetings are held annually of the
Catholic Truth Society, founded in 1872 by Cardinal
Vaughan, at which papers are read on various sub-
jects connected with Catholic interests. The Catholic
Truth Society of Ireland, organized in 1903, has also
done excellent work by its conventions and the dif-
fusion of sound Catholic literature in popular form
(see Truth Societies, Catholic). Federations for
the defence of Catholic interests have been formed in
the dioceses of Salf ord, Westminster, and Leeds. This
federation movement has done much to organize the
Catholic forces, and has been characterized by the
number of popular gatherings which it has promoted
especially in connexion with the defence of Catholic
education. The Catholic Union of Great Britain
which represents an influential body of English Cath-
olics; the Catholic Association, to promote Catholic
organization and organizes social gatherings; the
Catholic Young Men's Society (founded in 1854) ; the
Catholic Education Council, established by the bishops
of Great Britain in 1905; the Conference of Catholic
Colleges, founded by Cardinal Vaughan 1896, and
other bodies representing Catholic education hold
annual or occasional conventions. Conferences for
specific social or religious purposes are held by such
bodies as the Catholic Guardians Association (chari-
table), the League of the Cross (temperance), the
Guild of Our Lady of Hansom (conversion of England).
Diocesan or local conventions are found especially in
London and Lancashire. The Catholics of Birmingham
have held an annual reunion for over half a century.
Catholic women are being effectively organized by the
Catholic Women's League, founded by Miss Fletcher,
London, 1907, with branches in the provinces.
The most imposing religious convocation England
has seen since pre-&formation times was the inter-
national congress of the Eucharistic League held in
London, 9-13 September, 1908. Vincenzo Vannur
telli, Cardinal-Bisnop of Palestrina, presided as the
legate of the pope — the first occasion on which so
exalted a representetive of the Holy See had appeared
in England since the days of Reginald Pole. France
and Germany, as well as all the Engfishnspeaking
countries, were represented by such a gathering of
cardinals as is seldom seen outside of Rome. More
than one hundred archbishops, bishops, and mitred .
abbots, from all parts of the world — even the great
missionary fields of Central Africa, Cape Colony,
India, Burma, with thousands of the laity, were also
in attendance. The religious functions took place in
Westminster Cathedral, where, on one of the mornings
during the congress, by speciafpermission of lie pope,
a high Mass according to the Greek Rite was sung?
The United Stales. — There have been two congresses
of Catholic laymen held in the United States. In
conjunction with the celebration of the centenary of
the establishment of the hierarchy of the United
States by Pius VII in 1789, and the dedication of the
Catholic University, at Washington, the first Catho-
lic Congress of the United Stat.es met in Baltimore,
Maryland, on November 11 and 12, 1889. ITie dele-
gates were selected by the bishops of the various dio-
ceses and were in the main representative of t\ certain
OONOaSSSES
250
ooiraRESsEfi
percentage of the Catholic population in each. * About
twelve hundred delegates were present. In prepara-
tion for the gathering a meeting had been held in
Chicago the previouB May attended by Archbishop
Ireland of St. Paul and Messrs. Henry J. Spaunhorst.
of St. Louis, William J. Onahan, of Chicago, and
Heniy F. Brownson, of Detroit. The objects proposed
for the congress were the closer imion of all tne mem-
bers of the Catholic body in the coimtry, increased
activity of the laity in aid of the clergy in religious
work, and a declaration of views on the important
questions of the hour, and for the assistance and relief
of the poorer classes of society. Cardinal Gibbons,
considering the congress as in some sense part of the
religious function taking place at the centenary cele-
bration in Baltimore, deemed it desirable that the
papers to be read diu*ing its sessions should tot be
submitted to an advisory committee of the hierarchy
and named as such committee: Archbishop Ireland
(chairman) and Bishops Gilmour, of Cleveland, Maes,
of Covington, Ryan, of Buffalo, Harkins, of Provi-
dence, and Foley, of Detroit. A committee on Or-
ganization, consisting of Messrs. Onahan, Spaunhorst,
D. A. Rudd, of Cincinnati, J. D. Keiley, of Brooklyn,
and Dr. , John Gilmary Shea, the historian, was au-
thorized to issue a call for the congress and to organize
it; and a Committee on Papers — Messrs. Brownson,
Peter L. Foy, of St. Louis, and M. J. Harson, of Provi-
dence— to prepare the work for the several sessions.
Beginning with a solemn pontifical Mass at the
cathedral on the morning of 11 November, celebrated
by Archbishop Corrigan of New York, and at which
Archbishop Gross of Oregon preached, the sessions of
the congress were opened in the Concordia Opera
House, former Governor John Lee Carroll, of Maryland,
presiding. The Most Rev. Archbishop Francesco
Satolli, representing the pope, Cardinals Taschereau
of Quebec, Gibbons of Baltimore, with represent-
atives of the English and Irish hierarchy, and from
Mexico, with many of the bishops of the United
States, in addition to the lay delegates, were present.
The pope, through Cardinal RampoUa, sent his bless-
ing to the congress, and at the first session addresses
weramade by Cardinal Gibbons, the Rev. James Nu-
gent of Liverpool, England, Daniel Dougherty, Fran-
cis Keman, Honors Mercier, Premier of Quebec, fol- ,
lowed by the formal papers of the programme:
"Catholic Congresses*', by Dr. John Giknary Shea;
"Lay Action of the Church", by Henry F. Brownson;
and "The Independence of tne Holy See*', by Charles
J. Bonaparte. On the second day, the firat paper,
"Archbishop Carroll as a Statesman", was read by
Honor6 Mercier, Premier of Quebec, and at its con-
clusion a formal resolution sending greetings to the
people of Quebec was adopted. Mgr. Gadd who
represented Cardinal Manning, Archbishop of West-
minster, then tendered the greetings of tnat prelate
and the English hierarchy to the congress, ana Peter
L. Foy, of St. Louis, read the fourth regular paper,
"The New Social Order," which dealt with philan-
thropic movements in general. Other papers read
were "Education: the rights and duties of the State,
the Church, and the Parent in that Regard", by Ed-
mund F. Dunne, of Florida; "The Catholic Periodical
Press", by George Deering Wolf of Norristown, Penn-
8vlvania| "Societies", by Henry J. SpaunhorHt, of
St. Louis; "Catholic American Literature", by
Cond^ B. Fallen, of St. Louis; "Temperance", by
John H. Campbell, of Philadelphia; "Sunday Ob-
servance", by Manly Telle, of Cleveland; "Labour
and Capital ^^ by William Richards, of Washington;
"What Catholics have Done in the Last Hundred
Years'* by Richard H. Qarke, of New York; " Church
Music *% by Heman Allen, of Chicago.
The resolutiors adopted rejoiced in the progress of
the Church, advocated sound Catholic education, de-
nounced Mornionisiu, divorce, ami secret sociotic^s;
Nihilism, Socialism, and Communism; commended
Catholic charitable, social, and benevolent societieB,
the support of the Catholic press, Sunday observance;
and pledged loyalty and aevotion to the pope and
demanded the temporal freedom of the Holy See. It
was resolved to hold the next congress during the
Columbian celebration of 1892, and in the concluding
address of the congress Archbishop Ireland said: — "I
am overjoyed to see so many laymen, overjoyed to
listen to such magnificent discourses and such grand
papers, and to have realized that there is among our
Catholics in America so much talent, so much strong
faith. As one of your bishops I am ashamed of my-
self that I was not conscious before this of the power
existing in the midst of the laity, and that I have not
done anything to bring it out. But one thine I will
do with God's help. In the future I shall do s3l I can
to bring out this power. "
Second Congress. — The sessions of the Second Catho-
lic Congress of the United States were held at Chicapo
on 4, 5, and 6 September, 1893, as incidental to the
Worid's Coimresses Auxiliary of the Columbus Expo-
sition and World's Fair of that year. Archbishop
Feehan of Chicago and William J. Onahan were presi-
dent and secretary of the committee on oi*ganization,
by which it was decided that three topics should be
treated during the sessions: "The Social Question as
outlined by Leo XIII in his encyclical 'Rerum No\'a-
rum'", "Catholic Education", and "The Indepen-
dence of the Holy See". No discussion of the papers
was allowed, but each was submitted to its proper
section for consideration. Archbishop Feehan opened
the congress, and President Bonnev, of the World's
Congress Auxiliary, welcomed the delegates "on behalf
of the World's Exposition and the fifty million non-
Cathojics who loved justice and relicious liberty".
Cardinal Gibbons also spoke, and on the second day
Archbishop Satolli, who represented the pope at the
World's Exposition, greeted the congress m the name
of the Holy Father. Other visitors were Archbishop
Redwood of Australia, and Count de Kaefstetn of
Austria. Letters from Cardinals Vaughan and Logue
were read.
Judge Morgan J. O'Brien, of New York, presided
over the sessions during which these papers were read :
"The Relations of the Catholic Church in the Social,
Civil, and Political Institutions of the United States",
Edgar H. Cans, of Baltimore ; "Civil Government and
the Catholic Citizen", Walter Geoi^ Smith, of Phila-
delphia; "The Independence of the Holy See", Mar-
tin P. Morris, of Washington; "Coliunbus, His Mis-
sion and Character", Richard H. Clarke, of New York ;
"Isabella the Catholic", Mary J. Onahan, of Chicago;
" The Colonization of the American Continent * ', George
Parsons Lathrop, of New York; "The Encyclical of
Pope Leo XIIl on the Condition of Labor", H. C
Semple, of Montgomerjr^ Alabama* "The Rights of
Labour and the Duties ot Capital", Edward O. Brown,
of Chicago, and the Rev. Dr. William Barry of Dor-
chester, Endand; "Pauperism, the Cause and the
Remedy". Dr. Thomas Dwight, of Boston, and Miss
M. T. Elder of New Orleans; "Public and Private
Charities", Charles A. Wingerer, of Wheeling, Thomas
F. Ri^ of Boston, R. R. Elliott of Detroit, and the
Rev. Francis Maguire of Albany; "Workincmen's
Organizations and Societies for Young Men", Warren
T. Mosher of Youngstown ; "Trade Combinations and
Arbitration", Robert M. Douglas, Greensboro; "Tem-
perance", the Rev. James M. Cleary; "Women's
Work in Religious Communities", F. M. Edselas;
"Women in the Middle Ages", Anna T. Sadlier; "Life
Insurance and Pension Funds for Wa^ Workers",
John P. Lauth, of Cliicago; "Immigration and Colo-
nization ", the Rev. M. J. Callahan, of New York; "The
'Seed o' Catholic Colleges", Maurice Francis Eean.
Australia. — Two congresses have been held by the
Catholics of Australasia, the first at Sydney in Sep-
OOKdlSSS
251
ooircninsM
lember, 1900^ and the second at Melbourne in October,
1904. T^e first congress followed immediatdy after
the dedication of Bt. Marv's cathedral, Sydney, on 9
September, 1900, at whicn Cardinal Moran presided,
and three archbishops, eight bishops, two nundred
priests, with the Governors of New South Wales,
Queensland, New Guinea, and a great oon^pegation of
the laity were present. TTie congress received its im-
petus nt>m Rome, as affording Catholics an oppor-
tunity to manifest their faith and devotion at the dose
of the nineteenth century; to make non-Catholics un-
derstand more about their religion; to answer calum-
nies such as were made current in the Dreyfus case;
to urge a reform of divorce laws; and to promote
harmonious relations between capital and labour. In
^)ening the congress Cardinal Moran spoke on "The
C&thohc Church in the Nineteenth Century", using
the progress of Catholicism in the United States as
an illustration. The sessions of the congress, which
last^ a week, were held in the cathedral and the
topics treated included social questions, Catiiolic apol^
ogetics, education, science, and sacred art, ethnology
and statistics, history and the Catholic missions.
The seoona congress met in Cathedral Hs^ Mel-
bourne, 24 to 31 October, 1904, the Most Rev. Thomaa
J. Carr, Archbishop of Melbourne, presiding, and the
gathering was made one of the details of the local
celebration of the golden jubilee of the proclamation
of the dopma of the Immaculate Conception. Its
delegates mcluded bishops, priests, and laymen not
only from all the States of the Conmionwealth, but
also from New Zealand and the islands of the Pacific.
The topics discussed in the various sections were
Marian and religious: Education, History, and Mis-
sions, Charitabfe Organizations, Social Questions,
Sacred Art, Science, Christian Woman, Medical Ques-
tions, and the Catholic Newspaper. Pex^aps the
most practical outcome of the gathering was the es-
tablishment of the Catholic Truth Society of Australia.
Souvenir Volume of (Ae Ceniiomial Ceiebrat%on and Catholie
Cimaren {Detroit, 1880); Brnxiaer^B Catholio FamAy Almanac
(New York. 1894); Catholio Nw>b (New York); Freeman'*
Journal (Sydney); Advocate (Melbourne), contemporaneoufl
hies; Proce9din(fe cf the Second AuatraUuian Catholie CongreM
(MetbouRM. 1804).
Thoiias F, Mebhan.
Oongresa of Vieiine. See Vibnne, Congress of.
Oongruft (i. e. Congrua Portio}, a canonical term
to designate the lowest stun proper for the yearly in-
come of a cleric It is sometimes used in the same
sense aa competency (q. v.). Owing to the many
charges to which a bencnce is liable, it oecame nece»-
sarv for the ecclesiastical authority to decree that first
an(l foremost the proper sustenance of the holder of
the benefice shoula be provided for. and that a mini-
mum revenue should be determined, below which his
inoome was not to fall. This was all the more neces-
sary in eases where benefices had been incorporated
with monasteries or collegiate churches. Veiy often
the curate of such incorporated benefices received only
one-sixteenth of the revenue. To remedy this abuse
a number of ordinances were passed whi(^ reserved
to the person having cure of souls a decent subsist-
ence. The Council of Trent (Sess. XXI, c. iv, de
Kef.) leaves the determination of the congrua to the
judgment of the bishop. This sum must, of course,
vary with the fluctuation of values at different times.
It must not be so parsimoniously fixed as to provide
for the beneficiary the mere necessaries of life. To be
a proper income m accordance with the dignity of his
state, it should likewise be sufficient to enable him to
dispense moderate hospitality and almsgiving and
Bupply hipiself with books, etc. The Council of Trent
did not determine the amount of the congrua. It
suggested, however, that about one-thirfl of the rev-
enue of the benefice should be ossignckl to the vicar.
When the benefice can not furnish a proper sustenance.
it is the duty of the bishop to see thAt several bene*
fices be umtod or that the deficit be made up from
other sources, as tithes, collections, etc. If these
means fail, the benefice must be suppressed. It is to
be noted tnat in determining the congrua the bishop
can not take into considera^on emoluments that are
uncertain, such as offerings at funerals or marriages,
or Mass stipends; nor what the vicar might earn by
his labour; nor what he receives from his patrimonv;
for these are not fruits of the benefice. When the
congrua has been fixed for a certain benefice, it is
always presumed to be sufficient, unless it be proved
to have been lessenecL Hence, if the beneficiary de-
clare the consrua to be insufficient, especially when it
has sufficed for his predecessors, the burden of proof
rests on him. If the congrua had been sufficient at
the time a pension was reserved to another from the
fruits of the benefice and later became insufficient, the
amount necessary to provide proper sustenance must
be taken fTom the pension, for those who have cure of
souls are to be preferred to pensioners. Even a curate
who is removaole and a temporary vicar are to have a
congrua assigned to them. Althou,gh, in speaking of
the congrua, authors generally limit the question to
the inferior deigy, yet all rectors of churches, hence
also bishops, are entitled to it. The Coimcil of Trent
(Sess. XaIv, cap. xiii) declared that a cathedral
church whose revenue did not ^Eceed one thousand
9cudi (about one thousand dollars) should not be bur-
dened with pensions or reservations. The bishop is
entitled to an income that will allow him to live ac
cording to -his dignitv. If he have a coadjutor, the
ordinary must provioe a congrua for him. In many
European countries, whore church property has
passed into the possession of .the State, the civil laws
nave determined the congrua of the deigy more or less
liberally. Such laws are yet in force in Austria and
Germany, and until the end of 1905 existed in France.
Hie salary for rectors of churches in the United States,
fixed by plenary or diocesan synods, has nothing in
common with the canonical congrua.
FsBRABxa. BtbUothooa Canoniea (Rom^ 1886), 11; HABTiia,
Zur Conorua-Frage in (Esterreich (Grai, 1883); ANDRt-Wxa-
NBR, l>ict. du Droit Can. (Fftris, 1001); Verino, Lehrbtuh dee
kath. orient, und prot. Kir^kenrethle (FreiburR, 1803), 424, 647,
708; BucHBBHOBB, Kitthl, Handlex. (Municb, 1006), 0. v.
WiLUAM H. W. Failing.
OongrtdMm(cangrua, suitable, adapted) is the term bv
which theoloffiaiis denote a theory according to which
the efficacy of efficacious grace (see Grace) is due, at
least in ps^ t to the fact that the grace is given in cir-
cumstances favourable to its operation, i. e. '* congru^
ous" in that sense. The distmction between gnOia
congrua and groHa incongrua is foimd in St. Augustine
where he speaks of the elect as congmenier vocaU (Ad
Simplieianum, Bk. I, Q. ii, no. 13). The system
known as Coi^ruism was developed by eminent Jesuit
theologians at the dose of the sixteenth century and
the beginning of the seventeenth. All Molinists re-
gard actual grace as being really identified with super*
natural action, actual grace of will, technically called
inspiration, being an act of will. This act invariably
be^;ins necessarily^ and may become free at a certain
pomt in its duration : so, however, that, should it be*
come free, there will oe no complete break in the indi*
viduality, but only a modification of the action: the
original necessary motion continuing in a modified
form after the point where freedom commences has
been reached. An actual grace of will which is merely
sufficient never gets beyond this point. Whenever
the motion does get beyond and become free, it is
called an efficacious grace; the term being applied, not
merely to the second stage of the action, wherein it is
free, but even to the first stage, wherein it was neces-
saiy^ with a tendency, however, to continue after the
crucial point where freedom begins. This tendency to
continue as a free act is found in the grace which re*
0OVIMB8I0BH8E8
252.
OOHIMBmOKNSSS
nunnfl merely sufficimit, in the sense that the second,
or free, stage may be, but is not, reached in that case;
whereas, in the case of efficacious grace, the second or
free stage is actually attained.
Hereupon the question arises: what is the precise
reason wny,of two motions which may be supposed to
be similar in every respect as far as their intrinsic con-
stitution is concerned — to be of the same intensity as
well as of the same kind — one does not last beyond the
critical point where freedom begins, whereas the other
does? It is of the essence of Molinism that this is due
in part to the will itself continuing to act under the
Divine grace or not continuing. To which Bellarmine
adds that grace which proves efficacious is given by
God to one who. He foresees, will use it freely ; whereas
He foresees no less surely, when giving a grace which
remains merely sufficient, that it will not last in the
recipient b&vond the initial or necessary stage of its
duration. ConRruism further insists that the motion
passes into the free stage when the circumstances €kre
comparatively favourable (oongruous) to it; but Y/hem
they are comjparativelv adverse (not congruous), it
will not contmue, at least as a rule. The circum^
stances are to be deemed favourable or unfavourable
not absolutely, but oomparativelv, that is, in propor-
tion to the intensity of the grace; for it is plain tnat, no
matter how adverse they may be, God can overcome
them by a strong impulse of {race such as would not
be needed in other less stubborn cases ; and, vice versa,
very powerful Divine impulses may fail where the
temptation to sin is very great. Not that in the necefr-
sary stage of the motion there is not sufficient energy,
as we may say, to continue, always supposing freedom;
or that it is not within Uie competence of the will,
when the crucial point has been reached, to discon-
tinue the motion which is congruous or to continue
that which is rot so. The will can continue to act or
can abstain in either case; as a rule, however, it con^
tinues to act when the circumstances are favourable to
that precise form and intensity of motion, thereby he*
coming efficacious; and does not continue when the
circumstances are. unfavourable, thereby proving a
merely sufficient grace.
To anyone who reflects on the way in which th^ will
is influenced by motives it must be obvious that any
movement or tendency that may arise towards a par-
ticular object, whether sood or evil, is more or less
likely to continue according as it harmonizes or con-
flicts with other motions or tendencies towards objects
which are incompatible with the first. The whole
theory of reflection or meditation is based on this
truth. Concomitant states, in sympathy with the
motions of grace, make the favourable or congruous
circumstances in which these motions operate ; just as
a tendency towards vice, if accompanied by other ap-
petites favourable to its working, must be deemed oon-
gruous or fortunate as regards the circumstances in
which it intervenes. Jansenists, Augustinians, Molin-
ists, Determinists, all should and do agree, therefore, in
admitting the strengthening influence of a number of
confluent motions and, conversely, the weakening
effect on any tendency of a simultaneous tendency in
an opposite direction. So far all are Congruists; the
difference being that whereas Jansenists and Deter^
minists do not admit that the will is free to resist the
stronger combination of motives ; and while Augustin-
ians proclaim this in words but seem to deny it in real-
ity; all Molinists maintain that the will can effectually
cease to tend towards an object, even though it should
be proposed as more perfect than what is seen to be in-
compatible with it; provided always this more perfect
object is not presented as absolutely or infinitely per-
fect in every way. The will is likely to be drawn, and
almost invariably is drawn, by the stronger, i. e. more
congruous, motive ; it is not, however, drawn of neces-
sity, nor even quite invariably, if Molinism is true. In
this, which is the only psychologically intelligible sense
of Coi^(ruism, Molina^ Lessiusi, and all thfiir followen
were Congruists just as much as Suarex or Bellarmine.
AH true Molinists admit and contend that, antece-
dently to the concession of grace, whether merely suffi-
cient or efficacious, God knows by 9cientia media
whether it will actually result in the free action for
whidi it is given^ or will remain inefficacious though
sufficient. All likewise admit and prodaixn that a
specially benevolent Providence is exercised towards
the recipient of grace when, with His knowledge of
conditioiaal results, God eives eraoes whidi He fore-
sees to be efficacious, rauier man others which He
foresees would be inefficacious and which He is free to
give.. Bellarmine (De Grati&et Lib. Arbitrio, Bk. I,
oh. xii) seems to accuse Molina, imjustly, of not admit-
ting this latter point. Difference of opinion among
Molinists is manifested only when they proceed to in-
(juira into the cause of the Divine selection: whether it
is due to any antecedent decree of predestination
which God means to carry out at all costo, selecting
purposely to this end only such graces as He foresees
to prove efficacious, and passing over or omitting to se-
lect, no less purposely, such as he foresees would be
without result if given. Snares holds that the sdeo-
tipn of graces which are foreseeL to prove efficacious is
consequent on and necessitated by such an antecedent
decree, whereby all. and only, those who will actually be
saved were infaUibly predestined to salvation, and this
antecedently to any foreknowledge wnether of their
actual or merely conditional correspondence with the
graces they may receive. The great body of the theo-
logians of the Societv of Jesus, as well as of other fol-
lowers of Molina, wnile admitting that individuals,
such as St. Paul, may be, and have been, predestinea
in that way, do not regard it as the only, or even the
ordinary, course of Divme Providence. (See Predes-
tination.)
Thou^ this difference of opinion has really nothing
to do with Congruism, it b probably the main reason
why Billuart and other opponents of Molinism have
mamtained that Suarez and Bellannine differ from
Molina and Lessius not merely as regards predestinar
tion, but also as regards the nature of efficacious grace ;
that the opinion ol Suarez is the only true Congruism
as distinguished from the pure Molinism of the others;
and that Coneruism in this sense was made obligatory
on all the sdaools of the Society by Aoquaviva, the
fifth general (1613). The precise bearing of hja decree
has been rather hotly disputed. Father Schneemann,
Cardinal Mazella, and others maintaining that it did
not in any way command a departure from the teach-
ing of Molina, P^ de Regnon candidly, and rightly,
aomits that it did; not as regards the nature of effica-
cious grace but only as regards predestination. (See
CoNoiuBOATio n£ Auxiuis; Grace; Pbeoestination;
Molina; Suarez.)
On Congruism proper tUe best author ia probably Suarez.
pe Gratid, Bk. V, ch. xxi, nos. 4 sqq.; Idem, ibid.. Appendix
Prior, D4 verd inteUiaerUid, etc.; Idbm, Opuac i de aiwiZtu, et«M
Bk. III« ch. xiv. Of recent wiiten 4e« Mazzxuji, D^ Gratid
Chrixli «rd ed.. Rome. 1882), nos. 677 sqq.; Ch. Pescs, Dt
Gratid (Freibuq?, 1897), Prop, xxil; Bcrnekuann, Controvern-
arum de Div. CfraHd, etc. (Fretbure. 1881), aect. 1, no. 10; La-
aousBV. De Oraiid JHvindt aoe. 213 eqq.; db Bxonon, BaAez et,
Molina (Paris, 1883). Bk. II, sect. 8.-— On the predestination ss-
2t see FranzeuNj De Deo LVw (Rome, 1876), Th. Iv, lix-
Ixvi; Billot, De Deo <Prato. 1898), pp. 268 aqq.— As to
whether Congniism is or implies a departure from the piinciples
of Molina, and on the bearing of Acc^uaviva's decree see on the
one side BcLLARtfiNB, De Oraiid et Ltb. Arb., Bk. I, ch. xii. jdii;
BtLLUAflT, De Gratid, diss, v, art. 2, sect. 3: Obawson, Bpi'-'
telUf theol.ihiaL'poleiniccB (Bassaoo, 1785). Classis I, n. L pp. 5
sqq.; Gaxzaniqa, De Gratid, Pt. I, diss, v, ch. ii, no, 110. ror
the views of the other side see Mazella, op. cH., nos. 717 sqq.;
ScRiPFiT^i. De GrMid (Ffeibmv, 1901), IV, no. 276; Svmtss-
MANN, Controveravammt 0tCn sect. 16; de Reqnon^op. ci(., loc
cit. Walter McDokald.
Oonimbricenses (or Collegium Conimbricensb).
the name by which the Jesuits of the University ot
Coimbra (q. v.) in Portugal were known. On the reg-
i.sl<T of the college at various times appeared the namrti
OOJillluK
253
oovnttonctft
&f two hundred Jesuits including professors and stu-
dents. Towards the end of the sixteenth century and
the beipnning of the seventeenth, voluminous com-
mentaries on the philosophical writings of Aristotle
went forth from the university. These commen-
taiies were dictations to the students by the professors
and as such were not intended for publication. Still
they were actually published, but fraudulently. In
order to intercept and disown incorrect and unauthor*
ised editions, Father Claudius Aquaviva, the General
of the Society of Jesus, assigned to Father Peter Fon-
seca, the provincial of the Portuguese province, the
task of supervisingthe revision of these commentaries
for publication. Father Fonseea was widely known
88 tne Aristotle of Portugal. The different treatises
appealed in the following order: — (1) "Oommentarii
CknXe^ Conimbricensis Societatis Jesu in octo libros
Physioormn Aiistotolis Sta^rriUe" (Coimbra, 1591).
(2) '^Gommentarii Ck>llegii Conimbricensis Societatis
Jesu in quattuor libros Anstotolis de Coelo" (Coimbra,
1592). (3) *'Commentarii ete. in libros meteorum
AristoteHs Stagyrit®" (Coimbra, 1592). (4) ''Com-
mentarii etc. in libros Anstotolis qui parva naturalia
appellantur" (Coimbra, 1592). (5) "Commentarii
etc. in libros Ethicorum Anstotolis ad Nichomachum
aliquot Cursus Conimbricensis disputationes in quibus
pnecipua quasdam Ethicse disciphnae capita continen-
tur" (Coimbra, 1595). (6) "Commentarii eto. in
duos libros Anstotolis de generatione et corruptione
(Coimbra, 1595). (7) "Commentarii eto. in tres
libros Aiistotolis de Animit" (Coimbra, 1595). This
treatise was published after the death of Father Em-
manuel GoU (whom Father Fonseea had commis-
sioned to publish the earlier volumes) by Father Cob-
mas Mamilliano (Magalhsens). To it he added a
tBeatise ^Father Balthasar Alvarez " De Anim& Sep-
arate" and his own work "Tractatio aliquot proble-
matum ad quinoue Sensus Spectantium * \ (8) " Com-
mentarii eto. m universam dialecticam Aristotelis
nunc primum" (ed. Venice, 1606).
To this last treatise was prefixed a foreword dis-
owning any connexion whatever with the work pub-
lished at Frankfort in 1604 and claiming to be the
'^ Commentarii Conimbricenses". The portion of the
preface here referred to is substantially the following:
* Before we could finish the task entrusted to us of ed-
iting our Logic, to which we were bound by many
romises, certain German publishers fraudulentlv
rought out a work professing to be from us, abound-
ing in errors and inaccuracies which were really their
own. They also substituted for our commentaries
certain glosses gotten furtively. It is true these writ-
ings thirty yean previously were the work of one of
our professors not indeed intended for publication.
They were the fruit of his zeal and he never dreamed
they would appear in print". The last treatise was
prepared for printing by Father Sebastian Couto.
The entire eight parts formed five quarto volumes, en-
joyed a wide circulation, and appeared in many edi-
tions, the best known being those of Lyons, Lisbon,
and Cologne. The Commentaries are in flowing Latin
and are supplemented by reliable explanations of the
text and exnaustive disoussibn of the system of Aris*
totle. Kari Werner says that the Jesuits of Coimbra
gave to the world a masterpiece, whose equal is yet to
be seen and which has received the admiration that it
deserves. Father de Backer gives an exact list of all
the editions. The later ones have added the Greek
text of AriJBtotle.
Lavobqrr in KirehenUx., b. v.; doMUEByooBL* BM. de la
c. de J., II; Braoa, Hiaioria da Univenidode de Coimbra (Lis-
E
bon, 1892-1902).
John J. Cassidy.
Oonlaeky Otlss ns (also called Rboitjs), Jesuit
theologiao, b. 20 Deo., 1671, at Bailleul in French
Flanden; d. 31 May, 1633, at Louvatn. At the age of
twenty-one he entered the Society of Jesus. During
bis course of studies at Louvain he had Lessius among
his professors, and became the worthy successor of his
illustrious teacher in the chair of scholastic theology,
which he held for eighteen years. St. Alphonsus con-
siders Coninck a moral theologian of distinction.
Though de Lugo impugned his views on many ques-
tions, he is acknowledged to have rendered consider-
able services to moral theology. His style is concise,
clear, and direct; on sevenu points his writings are
exhaustive. Coninck's principal works are: ''Com-
mentariorum ac disputationum in universam doc-
trinam D. Thomse", eto. (Antwerp, 1616; enlarged
and revised 1619, 1624; Lyons, 1619, 1624, 1625, 1643;
Rouen, 1630. The last edition was among the Jesuit
works condemned to be torn and burnt, by an act of
the parliament of Rouen, 12 Feb., 1762). "De Mora-
litato, natur& et effectibus actuum supematuralium'*,
eto. (Antwerp, 1623; Lyons, 1623; Paris, 1624. The
author is said to have left very ample additions in-
tonded to appear in the subsequent editions of the
work. Father MQllendorff assures his readers that
this treatise may be recommended to the theologians
even of to-day). " Responsio ad dissertationem im-
pu^antem absolutionem nioribundi sensibus desti-
tuti", ete. (Antwerp, 1625); "Disputationes theo-
logicffi" (Antwerp, 1645, publishea posthumously,
though finished twelve years before the author's
death).
HuBTBB, Nommdator (Innabnick, 1S92), I, 361; MCllbn-
DORFF io A«rvA«nter.. III. 947 ; Sommkrtoobl. BiblMUUquedMlA
e. ds J.. II, 1369 aq. A. J MaaS.
Oonnecticitt. — This State, comprising an area of
substantially 5000 square miles, was one of the thir-
teen colonies which, m 1776, declared their independ-
ence from Ei^land. It was among the first to ratify
the Federal 6)nstitution under which, in 1789, the
republic known as the United
States of America established
its present form of government.
The population enrolled in the
census of 1900 was 908,420, and
in 1908 undoubtedly exceeded
1,000,000, the increase being in
the cities, while the rural com-
munities barely held their own.
Manufacturing industries,
rather than agricultural or com-
mercial, are the principal re-
sources of the State. „
Early Settlers.— The firet ^"^ ^^ Connecticot
English settlement was estab-
lished on the Ooimecticut River at Windsor by
traders from the Plymouth Colony in 1633. In
the same year the Dutch from New Amsterdam had
sailed up the river and erected a trading house and
fort where the city of Hartford now stands, a few
miles below Windsor. The Dutoh soon after
withdrew, leaving the English to establish the first,
permanent settlements within the boundaries of Con-
necticut. Saybrook, at the mouth of the Connecticut
River, was settled by the English in 1636, and New
Haven by colonists from Massachusetts Bay in 1638.
In 1664 the New Haven Colony, then comprising the
various settlements along the coast, was forced to
unite with those in the Connecticut valley, thus form-
ing one commonwealth thereafter known as Connec-
ticut.
On' 24 January, 1639, settlers of Windsor. Hartford,
and Wethersfield then "cohabiting and awelling in
and upon the River of Connectecotte and the lands
thereunto adjoining" united in the adoption of the
first written constitution known in history. The
"Fundimental Orders", as they were called, estab-
lished a Christian commonwealth, and provided for
the election of a governor and other magistrates, to-
gether with a General Court havmg both legislative
OOHKBOnoUT
254
OORHIOTZOUT
tnd judicial powers. This General Court consisted of
deputies who were to be Freemen elected from the
several towns. The towns named above were each to
send four deputies, and other towns thereafter added
to the jurisdiction were to send such numbers as the
court should judge meet, to be reasonably propor-
tioned to the number of Freemen in each town. In
1661 Governor Winthrop was sent to England to peti-
tion the king for a charter confirming such privileges
and liberties as were necessary for the permanent wel-
fare of the colony. He secured from the reigning
sovereign, Charles II, a most liberal charter whidi re-
mained the oi^nic law of the commonwealth until
the adoption of the present State Constitution in 1818,
almost naif a century after the State had severed its
allegiance to the Ei^s^ish Crown. This charter con-
ferred upon the people of the colony the right to elect
their own governor and other officers, and the largest
measure of self-government. It is of interest to note
the territorial boundaries of the colony set forth in the
charter. It was bounded on the east oy Narragansett
Bay, on the north bv the line of the Massachusetts
Pkmtation, and on the south by the sea. It was to
extend to the west in longitude with the lipe of the
Massachusetts Colony to the South Sea ''on the west
part with the islands there adjoining".
In 1786 Connecticut ceded to the United States all
its public land, reserving, however, about three and a
half million acres in what is now the State of Ohio.
TWs was known for many years as the '* Connecticut
Reserve" or "Western Reserve". The legislature
granted some five hundred thousand acres of the res-
ervation to the citizens of the towns of Danbury, Fair-
field, Norwalk, New London, and Groton to indem-
nify them for special losses during the War of the Revo-
lution when tnese towns were burned by the British
troops. The grant was afterwards known as the
"Fire Lands". In 1795 a conunittee was appointed
to dispose of the reservation. It was sold to a syndi-
cate oi-ganized to effect the purchase for $1,200,000.
The income from this fund is devoted to the support
of common schools, and the State Constitution declares
it shall never be directed to any other purpose.
The present Constitution was adopted in 1818.
Under its provisions the town is the basis of represen-
tation in tne lower house of the legislature rather than
population. This has brought about, by the growth
of the larger cities and towns, a most undemocratic
form of government. The cities of New Haven, Hart-
ford anaBridgeport, each having a population of more
than 100,000, have only two representatives in the
lower house, while a laige number of towns with a
population of less than 1000 have the same number
of representatives. In 1902 a constitutional conven-
tion was held in the hope that this inequitable system
of repres^itation would be corrected. The conven-
tion was so constituted, however, as to make any hope
ol a radical change of the system of representation
impossible. The convention numbered 167 delegates,
one from each town. The constitution finally pro-
posed b^ this convention made but a slight ch^ige in
the basis of representation, and was rejected by the
people when submitted for their ratification.
The early settlers of Connecticut were for the most
part English of the upper middle class. Their minis-
ters, many of them, had been clergymen of the Estab-
lished Church who had been deprived of their English
livings for non-conformHy. Their devoted congr^a*
tions followed them across the Atlantic and founded
the settlement at Massachusetts Bay. From thence
came chiefiy the first emigrants, attracted by the fer-
tile soil of the Connecticut valley and the sequestered
haibours along the Soimd. Before the War of the
Revolution, however, Ireland had contributed quite a
noticeable percentage to the population of the various
settlements. This seems to be established from the
considerable number of Irish names disclosed in the
official military documents of that period. The vast
majority of the population, however, remained dis-
tinctively English of Puritan origin until the great
emigration set in from Ireland, prompted by the dis- '
astrous famine in 1846. There is also a considerable
German element distributed pretty evenlv through-
out the State. Since the close of the CSvU War French
Canadians have come down from the Province of
Quebec, and have settled more numerously in the
eastern part of the State where they have found em-
ployment in the manufacturing towns. More recently
the Italians, in large numbers, have located in the
cities and larger towns. New Haven, alone, it m esti-
mated, has an Italian population of upwards of 20,000.
Russian Jews have also oecome very numerous, prin-
cipally in the cities, while Scandinavians, lithuajuana,
and Greeks are becoming an increasingly prominent
element of the urban population. In common with
all the other States of the Atlantic seaboard, while the
language and customs of the An^lo-Saxon are still
overwhelmingly dominant, the strain of English blood
is becoming more and more attenuated with the pass-
ing of each decade. In colonial times and during the
earlier days of the Republic, Connecticut occupied a
place of distinction and comnu^iding influence among
her sister commonwealths. At the close of the War
of the Revolution she was the eighth in respect to
population among the thirteen States that formed the
Union, having by the census of 1790, 238,141 souls.
She furnished, however, ^31,959 soldiers to armies of
the Revolution, thus exceeding by 5281 the number
furnished by Viiiginia, then the most populous of all
the States, and having at that time more than three
times the population of Connecticut. In this respect
Connecticut was surpassed only by Massachusetts,
which furnished 67,097 soldiers, from a population of
475,257 souls.
Reugious Polity. — ^The planters of the Connecti-
cut River towns, in formulating their first constitu-
tion in 1639, were all of them Puritans of the sect sub-
sequently known throughout all of the New Eiu^and
States as Congr^ationalists. The distinctive theory
of their ecclesiastical polity regarded each congrega-
tion as a self-governing body, with power to formu-
late its own creed and prescribe its own conditions of
membership. They repudiated all allegiance to any
central ecdesiastical authority, and the various con-
p;regations or churches, as they were then called, were
mdependent and self-governing, bound to each other
by ties of fellowship and community of interest, rather
than by canons prescribed by any superior ecclesias-
tical authority. (See CoNGJiBGATiONALiaM.) There
was from the very first, however, the most intimate
relation between the churches and the civil authority.
Church membership was an indispensable qualifica-
tion for civil office, and for the exercise of the ri^ts of
Freemen. In the preamble of their first constitution
they declared that they were entering into a combini^
tion or confederation " to maintain and preserve the
liberty and purity of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus
which we now profess, as also the discipline of the
churches which according to the truth of the said
Gospel is now practiced among us". Freedom of
religious worship, as now understood and dmanded
everywhere in America, was a principle to which they
accorded iMit scant and reluctant acceptance. For a
centuiy and a half Congregationalism was the estab-
lished religion supported by public taxation. Other
Christian sects were merely tolerated. Not until the
adoption of the Constitution of 1818 did the principle
of true religious freedom receive governmental recog-
nition. It was then declared that it being the duty
of all men to worship the Supreme Being, and to ren-
der their worship in the mode most consistent With
the dictates of their consciences, that no person
should by law be compelled to join or auj^port, be
classed with, * or associated to any oongregation.
OONKIfiOTlOUT
255
OOMNBOnOUT
bhureh or religious aasociaiion. It waa further de-
clared that eveiy society or denomination of GhriB-
tians should have and enjoy the same and equal paw-
eiB, rights, and privileges. Amon|; such powers was
specified authontjr in such denominations to support
fluod maintain ministers or teachers, and to build and
repair houses for public worship by a tax on the mem-
bers of such society only, to be laid by a msjority vote
of the legal voters sssembled at any society mee'ting
warned and held according to law or in an;^ manner.
It was further provided that any person ought sep^ar
rate himself from the societv or denomination of Chris-
tians to which he belonged by leaving a written notice
te that effect with the derk of the society, and dioukl
thereupon cease to be liable for any future expenses
incurred by such society. This power of taxation has
for manv jrean ceased to be exercised by the constit-
uent societies of any of the denominations, which are
now usually maintained by pew rents, voluntary offers
ings, and the income of specific charitable trusts
wh^re such exist.
Tlie observance of Sunday has always been strictly
provided for by law. The statutes now in force had
their origin about the beginning of the eighteenth
centuiy. They forbid any secular business or labour,
except works of necessity or mercy, the keeping open
of any shop, warehouse, or manufacturing establiah-
ment, the exposing of any property for rale, or the
engaging in any sport on Sunday, and the person
offending may be fined not to exceed fifty doUars.
These statutes ako provide that any person who is
present at any concert of music, dancing, or other
public diversion on Sunday, or the evemng thereof,
may be fined not more than four dollars. The keep*
ing open of saloons and sale of liquor on Sunday is
also prohibited under severe penalties. These laws
still have public opinion strongly in their favour, and
are in consequence pretty generally respected and
enforced. Special laws allow the running of r^way
trains and trolley cars on Sundays during su<^ hours
and with such frequency as the State railroad com-
missioners may, from time to time, prescr&e.
All judges and ma^trates, clerks of courts, and
c^tain other officials m special cases are empowered
by statute to administer oaths. An oath of faithful
performance is usually required from the incumbent
before entering upon the duties of any public office.
Administrators and others when making return of the
duties they have performed are required to make oath
that the diuties have been faithfully perfonned or that
the return thev make thereof is true and eorrect.
The ceremonial of the oath universally employed is
by raising the right hand in the presence of the
magistrate administering it, who recites the statutory
form, always beannin^; with the words " You solemnly
swear", and encung with the invocation ''So help you
God". For many years the statutes have permitted
any person having conscientious scruples to affiim in
lieu of bein^ sworn. Such persons ''solemnly and
sincerely afl&m and declare' , "upon the pains and
penalties of perjuiy". If the authority administer-
ins the oath shall have reason to believe that any
other ceremony will be more binding upon the con-
science of a witness, he may permit or require any
other ceremony to be used.
Statutes a^unst blasphemy and profanity have
been in existence since tne settlement of the colony,
and in the seventeenth century these crimes were
severely punished. The statutes now in force are
traced to Iraslation of 1642 and 1650, and provide
that one who shall blaspheme against God, either
person of the Holy Trinity, the Christian reli^n,
or the Holy Sisriptures, shall be fined not m<M« than
one hundred doUars and imprisoned not more than
one year, and bound to his good behaviour. One who
shall use anv profane oath or wickedly curse another
shall be fined one dollar.
It has always been the custom to open each daily
session of botn houses of the General Assembly with
prayer, and chaplains are appointed by each body
whose salaries are fixed by law. It is still the custom
to open each term of the Supreme and Superior courts
with prayer. The clerk invites some cleigyman to
perform that office* and pays him an honorarium
which is taxed in the r^[ular expenses of the court.
The great festival of Christmas received little recog-
nition among the Congregationahsts of Connecticut
and the other New England States until the latter
half of the nineteenth century. Almost from the
settlement of the colony it was the custom for the
g>vemor to proclaim a day of thanks^ving in the
te autumn to be observed as a religious noliday.
It was originally intended to be and is still considered
as a sort of hi^est festival, and has long be&a, es*
teemed in Connecticut as a day for family reunions
and feasting. ^It was not until Episcopalians or, still
later, Catholics became such prominent factors in the
population that the 25th of December was declared
by statute to be a l^al holiday. Good Friday, as
such, has never been made a legal holiday. The
earlier settlers and their descendants were accustomed
to observe a day in the early spring, proclaimed by
legal authority as a day of fasting and prayer. For
many years now it has been the custom for the gov-
ernor to select Good Friday for the annual spring
fast. Thus Christmas and Good Friday have in
recent years received somewhat indirectly the recog-
nition of civil authority. No statutes have been
enacted, however, to compel their observance, and
the statutes relating to Sunday observance are in no
way applicable to these days. No other holy days
of the Church are recognised in any manner by the
law.
No privily under the law attaches in any way to
communications made to a priest under the seal of
confession. As yet such pnvil^^ extends only to
communications between a lawyer and his client,
which the common law of England has always pro-
tected. It may be doubted if a law extending such
privile^ to priests or indeed to clergymen of any
denomination could be passed through the legislature
as at present constituted. No instance, however,
exists, certainly in recent years, where an attempt
has been made in any court of justice to compel a
priest to disclose any knowledge which came to him
through the confessional, and it is quite certain that
public opinion would strongly disapprove any such
attempt.
EccLESiAsncAji Corporations. — The statutes of
Coimecticut contain quite elaborate provisions regu-
lating ecclesiastical societies and the moorporation of
diurches. Many of those still in force were originally
pass^ when the Congregational denomination was
practically the State religion, and its various eccle-
siastical societies had power to lay taxes for their
support. Originally such a society was distinct from
the church, constituting a separate organization.
Individuals might be l^al members of the society
and not members of the church. This condition still
remains in many communities, although, as before
stated, one may escape liability of taxation by with-
drawing from tne society. It would be legally possi-
ble for an ecclesiastical society to be incorporated
under these laws for the purpose of maintaining a
church in communion with the Catholic Church. In
early times before statutes were enacted for the
organization and govcjmment of these societies, the
several towns hsa the functions of ecclesiastical
societies.
In recent years special statutory provisions have
been made for the government of other denomina-
tions. Prior to 1866, when a law was passed having
special reference to the Catholic Churcn, the title to
most of its property was vested in the bishop and his
OdlYKKOTlOTTT
256
OOHVEOTIOUT
sucoessore. In that vear an act was paased by the
legiBlature providing for the organization of a corpora-
tion in connexion with any Catholic church or congre-
gation. Such corporation consists .of the bishop and
vicar-general Of the diocese, the pastor and two lay-
men of the congr^ation. The lay members are &p-
gointed annually by the ex-officio or clerical members,
uch corporation is empowered to hold aU property
conveyed to it for the purpose of maintaining religious
worship according to the doctrine, discipline, and
ritual of the Catholic Church, and for the support of
the educatiopal or charitable institutions of that
church. A restriction exists to the effect that no one
incorporated church or congregation may possess an
amount of property, except church buildmgs, parson-
ages, school-houses, asylums and cemeteries, the
annual income of which exceeds three thousand
dollars. Such corporation shall at all times be sub-
ject to the general laws and discipline of the Catholic
Church, and shall hold and enjoy its franchise solely
for the purposes above mentioned. Upon a forfeiture
of its franchise or surrender of its charter itfi property
vests in the bishop and his successors, in trust for such
congregation. This law has in the main worked with
entire satisfaction. Property of various religious
orders is usually legally vested in a corporation either
specially chartered or organized under the general
laws of the State where the mother-house of the com-
munity is located.
Tax Exemption. — In the general statute providing
for exemption from taxation are included buildings
exclusively occupied as colleges, academies, churches,
public school-houses, or infirmaries, and parsonages
of any ecclesiastical society to the value of five thou-
sand dollars, while used solely as such. So also are
buildings belonging to and used exclusively for scien-
tific, literary, benevolent or ecclesiastical societies.
Clei^gymen are not exempt under the law from lia-
bility to perform jury duty or rendering military
service. They are, however, rarely if ever found in
a jury panel, for the reason that it is not customary
to place their names on the lists from which jurors
are drawn.
Marriage and Divorcb. — ^The laws relating to
marriage reouire that no persons shall be married
until one of tnem under oath shall inform the registrar
of the town in which the marriage is to be celebrated
of the name, age, colour, occupation, birthplace, resi-
dence and condition (whether single, widowed, or
divorced) of each. The registrar thereupon issues a
certificate that the parties have complied with the
provisions of law, which certificate is a license to any
person authorized to celebrate marriage, to join them
m marria^ in that town. No such certificate shall
be issued if either party is a minor without the writ-
ten consent of the parent or guardian of such minor.
The person celebrating the marriage is required to
certify that fact upon the license, stating the time
and place of such marriage, and return the s&me to the
registrar before or during the first week of the month
following the marriage. If he fails to do so he is
liable to a fine of ten dollars. All judges and justices
of the peace and ordained or licensed clergymen
belonging to the State or any other State, so lon^ as
they continue in the work of the ministry, may join
persons in marriage. A clergjrman in solemnizing
marriage is regarded in the law as a public officer, and
his acts in that capacity are prima facie evidence of
his character. Any person who attempts to join
persons in marriage, knowing that he is not authorized
so to do, may be fined not more than $500 or kn-
prisoned not more than one year, or both.
Divorces are granted by the superior court on any
of the following grounds: adultery; fraudulent con-
tract; wilful oesertion for three years with total
Dedect of duty; seven years' absence, whereabouts
miKnown' habitual intemperance; intolerable crudty;
sentence to imprisonment for life, or for any infamous
crime involving a. violation- of conjugal dtrtypuniah-
able by imprisonment in the State's prison. The Gen-
eral Assembly may pass an act dissolving a marriage
so far as its civic relation is concerned, but in recent
years applicationB to that body have been regarded
with disfavour and are very exceptional. Notwith-
stan^iing the fact that the judges have in recent years
been increasingly vigilant in requiring strict proof of
the facts upon wnich, under the law, a divorce may be
adjudged, the number of divorces has alarmin^^y
increased.
CHARmss AND ExciSE. — The State is well supplied
with hospitals and orphan asylums. The former,
located in all of the principal cities, are, most of ibem,
controlled by secular coiporations, but in Hartford,
Bridgeport, and New Haven, Catholic ho^itaJs have
been established in recent years. All hospitals, secu-
lar and Catholic, receive liberal annual grants from
the State. Several orphan asylums are supported by
the charity of non-Catholics, while the St. Francis
Asylum, located in New Haven, provides for the
needs of the Catholic population. County houses
for dependent children who would otherwise have to
be committed to the town poorhouses are established
by law in each county and supported by public grants.
For many years the sale of spirituous and utoxi-
cating liquors has been regulated by a law which
secures local option to each dty and town. On
petition of twenty-five legal voters of any town a
secret ballot must be held at the next annual Section
on the (question of licence or no licence. Unless the
vote is m the affirmative the sale of liquor in that
town is absolutely prohibited, except by a public
agent for limited purposes of necessity. Licences are
^nted by the county commissioners. The licence fee
in towns of over 9000 inhabitants is $450, and in other
towns $250. The business of the licencees is very
strictly regulated by law, and their places must be
dosed from twelve o'dock at night until five the next
morning, and on Sundays and ui days on whi<^ any
public dection is held.
There is one State prison, located at Wettiersfield,
a reformatory for boys at Meriden, and an industrial
school for p:irls at Middletown. No reformatory for
adult convicts has yet been established in the ^tate,
though the matter has received legidative sanction,
and the establishment of such a reformatory will
doubtless be accomplished.
The statute of wills has been in force from the
establishment of the colony. All persons of sound
mind above eighteen years of age may dispose of
then* estate by will. A will must l>e in writii^, sub-
scribed by the testator, and attested by three wit-
nesses, each of them subscribing in his presence.
The common law of public and charitable uses has
always been in force in Connecticut. Grants for the
''maintenance of the ministry of the Gospel", of
schools of learning, the relief of the poor, the main-
tenance of any cemetery or lot therein, or monuments
thereon, are especially dedaied to be within the law
of charitable uses.
Educational, FAjdumas. — ^New Haven, the prin-
cipal dty, having a population in 1900 of 106,027, and
in 1908 estimated to be upwards of 125,000, is chiefly
noted as being the seat ot Yale Univerraty. The col-
lege from which this university has grown was char-
tmd as a collegiate echoed by the Colonial Assembly
in 1701, and first opened at Saybrook, a town at the
mouth of the Connecticut River. Its promoters were
the leading Congregational ministers of the colony,
nearly all of whom had been graduated at Hanrara
College which had been founded at Caminidge by th«
General Court of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay in
1636. In 1718 the college was transferred to New
Haven where the Gret building was eitsoAed, and where
it took the name of Yale College on account of a donsr
COMNOLLT
257
COniTOLLT
iion of books and money of the value of about £800,
made by £lihu Yale. Yale was bom near Boston in
1648, but on his maturity removed to England where
he died in 1721, never having returned to the oolonies.
The declared intention of the founders of the College
was to educate young men for the ministry of the
Congregational sect, then, and for many years after,
(iie established religion of the eobny. It received
from time to time substantial grants from the CcHonial
Assembly, and the only one of its ancient group of
buildings still remaining, and rec^itly restored, was
erected with funds granted for that puri>0Be by the
legislature. In 1715 it received a new charter.
To the original college other faculties and depart-
ments have from time to time been added. In 1812
a school of medicine was established: in 1822, theo-
logy; in 1824, law; in 1847, a school of science^ now
known as the Sheffield Scientific Schod; in 1868, a
school of fine arts; in 18d4, a department of music,
and in 1900, a forest school. These several schools
and departments, together with the Peabody Museum
of Natural History, founded in 1866, and the Win-
chester Observatory in 1871, together constitute Yale
University. More than 3,000 students are enrolled in
ail of its departments, and its various faculties num-
ber 320 professors ana instructors. Its libraries con-
tain about 500,000 volumes. In 1907 its property
and funds amounted to nearly nine millions of dollars
in value, and it esqpended in that year more than one
million doUars in its operations. Vale has long since
ceased to be denominational or sectarian in its char«
acter and influence, and has become substantially a
si^ular institution. Upwards of 300 Catholics are
numbered among its students, and several among the
instructors.
Other f jolieges in tiie State are Trinity, established
in Hartford, the capital of the State, by the Episco-
palians in 1824, which has 200 students, and Wesleyan
University at Middletown, chartered in 1831, and
Uiider the control of the Methodist Episccpatians.
This institution has about 350 students, and thirtyfive
pk-ofesBors and instructors. There is no State uni-
viirsrty, as suc^, although a school of agriculture was
efitabbshed by the State in the town of Mansfield in
l^iSl, upon the bequest of Augustus Storrs. This in-
stitution now receives the income of the various grants
from the United States to Connecticut for the mainte-
nance of colleges for instruction in agriculture and the
mechanic arte, and is duly incorporated as the Con-
necticut Agricultural Colfece. It has an enroUment
^of about 140 students, with twenty-^^t professors
and instnictors. The Sheffield Scientific School oi
Yaie University XQaintains advanced courses in civil,
mechanical, electrical, and minixig engineering, which
are pursued by large numbers ofstudoits.
In the State system of public schools, high schools
are nudntained m all cities and considerable towns,
and diitrict or grammar schools are conveniently ac-
cessible to every ohUd in the State. The public
schools have a total enrollment of 163,141 pupils, with
4,281 teachers. The total amount expended for the
maintenance of these schools, including expenditures
for new buildings and repairs, was for the year 1905,
$3,795,259. Besides the State schools^ good schools
of the grammar grade are maintained m most of the
larger Cathoiio parishes. There are 75 of these
parochial schools in the State, with 31,877 pupils, and
714 teachers. The teachers are almost exclusively
members of various sisterhoods. The establishment
of these parochial schools has cost the Catholic popu-
lation of the State $3,290,700, and the annual cost of
their maintenance has reached the sum of $475,355.
These sdxools receive no aid from the State or other
public funds.
Chttbch Statiswcs. — ^The See of Hartford was
erected 18 September, 1843, with jurisdiction over
the States of Connecticut and Rhode Iriand. These
IV.— 17
States had formerly been included in the Diocese of
Boston. The first Bisliop of Hartford was the Bight
Reverend William Taylor, who, with his successors,
maintained the episcopal residence in the city of
Providence until 1872, when Rhode Island was set
apart as the Diocese of Providence, and Bishop Mc-
Farland then took up his residence in Hartford. In
1835 a census taken by Bishop Fenwick of Boston
found about 720 Catholics in Connecticut, and in
1844 Catholics numbered 4817. In 1890 they had
increased to 152,945, outnumbering the communi-
cants of all Protestant denominations by more than
5000. In 1899 the Catholic population in Connecticut
exceeded 250,000, and in 1908 had reached 395,354,
with a remaining non-Catholic population of 725,000.
Neither the coloured nor the Indian races contribute
appreciably to this nimiber. For the most part the
Catholics of Connecticut are of Irish ancestry, largely
augmented by the German, Italian, French Canadian,
and Polish immigrations of recent years. Compara-
tively few trace their ancestrv to the early settlers of
the colony, and these generallyare converts or belong
to the fancies of converts. The number of conver-
sions has been slowly but steadily increasing, but the
enormous growth of the Catholic Church in Connecti-
cut is styi chiefly due to the ^preat tide of immigration
from European countries dunng the last half-century.
The Congr^^tionalists are the most numerous of
the Protestant denominations, having, according to
the religious census taken in 1890, 59,154 members.
The same census disclosed 26,652 Protestant Episco-
palians. 29,411 Methodists, and 22,372 Baptists. It
is notable that of Presbyterians, probably in other
parts of the United States one of the most numerous
of the Protestant bodies, there were in Connecticut
at the time of the taking of this census only 1680
communicants.
HoLunvH, HUtoty of Conneetieut (Hew Haven, 1855), II;
LivBBJiORB* Republic of New Hattn (Baltimore, 1886); Bab-
BRR. Connediput Historical Collections (New Haven, 1836);
TkrUBULL, History of Connecticut (New London, 1898). II;
Colonial Records of Connedieut^ eds. Trumbull and Hoadlby
(Hartford. 1850^1800). XV; New Haven Colonial Records, ed.
HoAJ>LBT (Hartford, 1857-8). II; O'Donnbll, History of the
Diocese of Hartford (Boston, IdOO).
James Henry Webb.
Coimollj, John, second Bishop of New York, U.
S. A., b. at Slane, Co. Meath, Ireland, 1750; d. New
York, 6 Fdbruary, 1825. Ho joined the Dominican
Order in early youth and was sent to Rome, where,
alter ordination to the priesthood, he became profes-
sor at St. Ctoient's, theologian of the Minerva, agent
of the Irish Bishops, and Pnor <rf St. Clement's. Both
Pius VI and Pius VII held him in high esteem. Bv
his influence he sayed the Irish, Scotch, and English
colleges and his own convoit, church, and library
from being plimdered by the French invaders. He
was nominated Bishop of New York as successor to
Bishop Concanen, who had desired his appointment
in the first instance. He was consecrated in Rome.
6 November, 1814, but did not reach New York until
24 November, 1816. Despite advanced years and
untoward circumstances, he did the fruitful work of
both bishop and missionary almost to the day of his
death. The diocese then included all New York and
part of New Jersey, for which there were only four
priests. He built several churches^ founded an or-
phan asylum, and introduced the Sisters of Charity.
Actively interested in religious progress throughout
the country, he advocated the idea of a diocese in
every state as the best means of inromoting the cause
of the Church.
Batlbt, a Brief Sketch of the Hiat. of the Cath. Ch. on the
Island of New York (New York, 1853); Dr Courcy and Shba.
Hittory ofthsCaih, Ch, in the V. 8. (New York, 1856): Clabkb.
Lives of the Deceased Bishops (New York. 1872), I, 192; Cath-
olic Miscellany (Charleston), 6Ies 1824 and 1825 paanm.
Victor F. O'Daniel.
GonnaUyr Thomas Louib. See Halifax.
oomroB
258
oomuD
Oonnor, Diocess of. See Down and CSonnor.
Oonon, Pope, date of birth unknown; d., after a
long illness, 21 September, 687. The son, seemingly,
of an officer in the Thracesian troop, he was educated
in Sicily and ordained priest at Rome. His age, ven-
erable appearance, and simple character caused the
clergy and soldiery of Rome, who were in disagree-
ment, to put aside their respective candidates and to
elect him as pope. He was consecrated (21 October,
686) after notice of his election had been sent to the
Exarch of Ravenna, or after it had been confiimed by
him (see Benedict I-X, Popes, under Benedict II).
He received the Irish missionaries, St. Kilian and his
companions, consecrated Kilian bishop, and commis-
sioned him and the others to preach the Faith in
Franconia. (Vita S. Kiliani, in Canisius, Lect.
Antique, III, 175-180.) He was in favour with the
savage Emperor Justinian II who informed him that
he had recovered the Acts of the Sixth General
Council, by which, he wrote, it was his intention to
abide. Justinian also remitted certain taxes and
dues owin^ to the imperial exchequer from several
papal patnmonies.
Ada SS., 8 July, II. 612 sq.: Duchbsnb ed.. Liber Pontifi-
adit, I. 368 aq.; Mann. Livea of the Po9eM, I, pt. II, 72 eq.
HoRACB K. Mann.
Oononites. See Tritheists.
Oonqoistadores. See Spanish Exploration and
Colonization.
Oonradin of BomadA (or of Brescia), Dominican
preacher, b. in the latter part of the fourteenth cen-
tury; d. at Bologna, 1 November, 1429. His parents,
noble and wealthy Brescians, were devoted adherents
of the Church in a time of many ills, including the
great Western Schism. They fi^ve their son a careful
education and sent him, at Uie ace of sixteen, to study
civil and canon law at the University of Padua.
There for five years amid the perils of the unbridled
licence and moral disorders of the times, the ^outh
was conspicuous for both talent and virtue, winning
the esteem of his masters and compelling the respect
of his fellow-students. He entered the Domimcan
Order at Padua in 1419, and was speedily found to be
a model of religious observance. After his ordination
his zeal found fruitful expression in his eloquent
He was made prior of Brescia and shortly
neral,
afterwards, by appointment of the master gene
Erior of the convent of St. ]>om]nic at Bologna, where
e was to restore strict observance. During a visita-.
tion of the black plague he displayed heroic seal and
intrepidity in mmistering to the stricken people.
Amia political upheavals, when Bologna under the
influence of the Bentivogli had revoltedf against papal
authority, Conradin took a fiim stand against the
conduct of the misguided populace. For publishing
the papal interdict, which they had incurred out which
they had disregarded, he was twice seized and impris-
oned, suffering many indignities and cru^ties. His
courageous baring and constant mediation finally
SrevaUed, however, and peace was restored. Pope
[artin V, in recognition of his services, sou^t to
create him a cardiiml, but the humble servant of God
resolutely declined the honour. The plague breaking
out anew. Conradin fell a victim to nis charity and
dic^d in tne midst of his heroic ministrations. His
eariy biographers generally refer to him as Blessed.
TouBON. Hommea iiluatrea d» Fardre de SaitU-Dmninique
(Paris. 1746). m. 163. , ^ ^^
John R. Volz.
Conrad of Ascoli, Blessed, Friar Minor and mis-
sionary, b. at Ascoli in the Maorch of Ancona in 1234;
d. there, 19 April, 1289. He belonged to the noble
family of Milliano and from his earnest years made
penance the ppedominating element of his life. He
entered the Onlnr of IViars Minor at Asooli together
with his townsman and lifelong friend, GirolaiDO
d'Asooli, afterwards minister seneral, and later pope
under the Utle of Nicholas IV. Having completed
his studies at Perugia, Conrad was sent to Rovne to
teach theology. Later he obtained permiaaion to go
to Africa, where he preached with much frtiit through
the dififerent provinces of libvaand worked nunmous
miracles. He was recalled from Africa to go on a
mission to the King of France, then at war with Spain,
and subsequently he became lector of theology at
Paris. When not engaged in teaching, Conrad
E reached to the people or ministered to the sick in
ospitals. In 1288 be was summoned to Rome by
the new pope, Nicholas IV, who wished to make him
cardinal, but Coorad died on the way after reaching
his native city, being then fifty-five vears of age.
Nicholas IV was deeply grieved at tne losa of his
saintly friend, on whose counsel and seal he had
counted so much, and dedared that Conrad's death
was a great loss to the Church. The people of Ascoli
erected a splendid tomb over the remains of Blessed
Conrad, in 1371, when his body was removed to the
new church of the Franciscans, it was found Incsorrupt
and gave f cHth a siroet odour. Pius VI approved the
cultus of Blessed Conrad. His feast is kept in the
Order of Friars Minor on 19 April.
Wadding. AnnaUt Minorumj V, 212-215; Aela SS., Apnl.
II, 38-^; Lbmmbnb, ed., CalalcffuM Sattdorum FnUrum AUn-
orutn (Rome, 1903). 18; Lbo, Lwea of the Samta and Biased
of the Three Orders of St. Franeia (TMinton, 1886), II. S3-Sf
Stbphbn M. Donovan.
Ckmrad of Hoehatadt (Hobta»bn), Arehbishop of
Cologne and Imperial Elector (1238-1261), aiKi son of
Count Lothar of Hochstadt and Mathilcie of Vian-
den, date of birth unknown; d. 28 September, 1261.
Nothing is known of his eari^ youth. In 1216 he
became beneficiary of the parish of Wevelingfaoven
near Diksseldorf ; in 1226 he was canon and, some
years later, provost of the cathedral of Cologne.
After the death of Henry of Molenark (26 March,
1238) the cathedral clu4>ter elected Conrad Arch-
bishop of Cologne. He received the archiepisoopal
insignia from the Emperor Frederic II at Brescia
in August of the same year. The following jrear, 28
October, he was ordamed priest and consecrated
arehbii^p by LUdolf of Milnster.
During the first few months of his reign the new
archbishop was on the side of the emperor in his con-
flict with Pope Gregory IX, but for unknown reasons
went over to the papal party shortlv after the em-
peror's excommunication (12 Maren, 1239). The
whole temporal administration of Conrad was a series
ol struggles with some neighbouring: princes and with
the dtisens of Cologne, who refused to acknowledi^e
the tenoporal sovereignty of the arehbishop over their
city. Conrad was geneoraUy victorious, but his often
treacherous manner of wsirfare has left many dark
spots on his r^utation. When Pope Innocent IV
deposed Frederic II (17 July, 1246), it was chiefly due
to the influence of Conrad that the pope's candidate.
Henry Raspe, Landgrave of Thuringia, was elected
king, and wnen Henry died after a short reign of seven
months (17 February, 1247), it was again the influ-
ence of Conrad that placed the crown on the head of
the youthful William of Holland.
In recognition of these services, Pope Innocent
made him Apostohc legate in Ciermany (14 Mareh,
1249), an office which had become vacant by the
death of Archbishop Sifrit of Mains, five days previ-
ously. The deigy and Uuty of Mains desired to have
the powerful Conrad of Cologne as their new areh-
fai^iop. Conrad seems to have secretly encouraged
them, but for diplomatic reasons referred them to the
pope, who kindly but firmly refused to phioe the two
most important ecclesiastical provinces of Germany
under the power of one man. Shortly after this decis-
ion the hitherto friend^ relations between P6pe In
259
0QlfR4D
nocent IV and the archbiahop ceased, and in April,
1250, the Apostolic Lsgation in Gennany waa commitr
ted to Peter, Bishop of Albano. At the same time
be^pui Conrad's 'estrangement from Kin^ William,
which finally led to open rebellion. With all the
means of a powerful and unscrupulous prince, Con-^
rad attonpted to dethrone William and would prob-'
ably have been successful had not the king^s prema-
ture death made the intrigues of the archbishop un-
necessary. After the death of King William (2B
January, 1256), Conrad played an important but de-
spicable r61e in the election of the new kiog* For a
lailge sum he sold his vote to Richard of Cornwall,
brother of Henry III of E^ngland, and crowned him at
Aachen, 17 May, 1257. This was the last important
act of Conrad. He is buried in the cathedral of
Cologne, of which he laid the comer-stone, 15 August,
1248.
Cajbdauns, Kanrad van BaaUiden, SnbueKof von Kdln,
ltSS-^1 (CoIocDe. 1880); Id^ RtauUn det Kdlnm- SrtinachofM
Konrad von Ho$taden m Annaun des hxai. Vertina fUr den
Nttderrhtin (Ooloipe, 1880). No. 35; Bobcxhabdt, Konrad
von HoeKatadtn (Bonn. 1843); AnnaUs MonaaUrii 8. FomXor
ieoni$ in Mon. Qtrm. HiaL: SerijU., XXII, 630 sqq.
Michael Ott.
Oonrad of Leonberg (Lbontorius)^ a Cistercian
monk and Humanist, b. at Leonberg m Swabia in
1460; d. at Engentbal near Basle after 1520. He
took vowB at the Cistercian monastery of Maulbronn
in the Neckar district, which; unlike most other Cis-
tercian monasteries of those tunes, was then exgoying
its golden af^e. In 1490 he became secretary to the
general of his order. When the German Humanists
began to revive the study of the Latin and Greek
classics, as Conrad deplored the. barbarous Latin in
which the scholastic pnilosopheis and theolo^ns of
Gennany were expounding the doctrine of their great
masters, he was in full accord with their endeavours
to restore the classical Latinity of the Ciceronian Age.
He also, by word and example, encouraged tlie
study of Greek, but was especially attracted by the
great Hebrew scholar Reuchlin (d. 1522) who in-
spired Conrad with his own enthusiasm for the study
of Hebrew. like Reuchlin, his friend and teacher;
Conrad was convinced of the necessity of Hebrew for
a thorough imderstanding of the Holy Scriptures, and
became one of the few great Hebrew scholars of his
time. He was in correspondence with the best writers
in sacred and profane literature, and was highly es-
teemed by the learned men of his period. For a time
he appears to have been engaged as proof-reader in
the celebrated printing-office of Amerbach at Basle.
Besides writing numerous Latin poems, orations, and
epistles, hepublished (Basle, 150&-8) tne Latin Bible
with the "Rwtilla" and "MoraUtates" of the Oxford
Franciscan Nicolas d^ Lyra, together with the " Addi-
tiones " of Paul of Burffos (d. 1435) and the " Replicss "
of Mathias Thoring (d. 1469).
WvHi. Lignum YiUv (Vmioe, 1605). I. 78; Httstbr, Nomon^
dator (Innabrack, 1007). II. 040; Haobn, DeuUehlanda
1841). I. 151. ^^
Michael Ott.
Oonrad of UchtMnfta. See LicareNAtr.
Oonrad of Marbnrgt confessor of Saint Elisabeth
of Thuringia and papal inquisitor, b. at or near Mar-
bui^, Germany, in the seeond half of the twelfth cen-
tury; d. 30 July, 1233. His contemporaries called
him Magitier, a proof that he had finisned the course
of studies at some universitjr, perhaps Paris or Bo-
logna. According to the Thunnspan court-chaplain
Berthold, and Csesarius of Hei8ten>ach, he was prob-
ably a secular priest, therefore neither a Dominican,
as nausrath states, nor a Franciscan, as is asserted by
Henke and, others. Papal letters and oontemponury
chroniders describe Conrad as a man of mudi ability,
large theological learning great eloouence, ardent
seal in defence of the purity of Catholic Faith, and a
severe ascetic. Tliejr also agree as to the stemno0B of
his character. He is first heard of as a vigorous*
preacher of the crusade proclaimed in 1213 by Inno-
cent III. The death of innoeent and the consequent
relaxation of interest in the crusade, did not dampen
the ardour of Conrad, while, in addition, he was
charged with various important oommissions. Hon-
(Mrius III authorized him (1219) to adjust the differ-
ences of the convent of Nihenbur|; with the Duke of
Saxony and the Count of Askamen. The abbot of
Hayna, the provost of St. Stephen, Mainz, and Con-
rad were appointed in 1227 papal commissioners for
the separation of Marburg from the parish of Ober-
Weimar. The synod of Mainz (I22o) had issued sev-
eral decrees for the improvement of the clergy and
Conrad was intrusted with their execution; he was
also charged with the reform of certain convents, as
Nordhausen. In 1232 he describes himself as visiter
tor rnonoMeruirum in Alemofmid. In the course of
these labours Conrad became acquainted with the
Landgrave Ludwig of Thuringia and his wife, St«
Elizabeth. The prince held Conrad in high esteem,
and the latter exercised great influ^ice at the Thur-
ingian court, being authorized by Ludwig to appoint
to all ecclesiastical offices in the eft of the landgrave.
This power of appointing to ecclesiastical livings waa
confinned (12 June, 1227} by Gr^ry IX (Mon. Geitn.
Hist.: Epistoia Sec. XIII, ed. Bodenberg, 1, 276, iw
361).
In 1225, after the recall of the Franciscan Rodeger,
Conrad became the spiritual director and confessor of
the pious landgravine. He treated her with the
same severity tnat- he used a^inst himself, a pro-
cedure in accordance with her own wishes. At times,
however, he checked her pious zeal and forbade ex-
cessive mortifications. Conrad has been often
blamed, quite unjustly, for the direction, in keeping
with the custom of the time, which he imparted to the
soul of St. Elizabeth. After the death of St. £3iza-
beth on 19 November, 1231, Conrad was deputed,
with the Archbishop of Mainz and the Abbot or Eber-
bach, to examine witnesses concerning her life and the
miracles attributed to her intercession. He also
wrote for the process of canonization a shQ^ life of St.
Elizabeth. In his later years Conrad was very active
in Grermany as papal inquisitor. The heresies of the
Catharists and tne Waldenses were spreadix^ throng*
out the land; to Catharism, in particular, was owuu^
the fantastic sect of the Jjuciferians (see Michael,
Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, II, 266). From the
beginning of the thirteenth century the (jerman ecele-
siastical authority, in union with the civil power, had
Sroceeded vigorously against all heresies. The con-
ict in which Conrad had so large a share was waged
according to the medieval views of public right and
welfare. The first process in which he took part waa
that directed against Heinrich Minaike,^ . Provost of
Goslar. In 1224 after a trial that lasted two years,
Minnike was declared guilty of heresy, delivered to the
secular arm, and perished at the stake. In the follow-
ingyears Conrad preached with great vigour against the
heretics and was waimly praised and encouraged to
greater zeal by Gregory IX in a letter of 1227. The
Archbishops of Trier and of Mainz both wrote to the
pope in 1231 in praise of the extraordinary activity of
Conrad and reported his triumphs over several hereti-
cal leaders. Thereupon Pope (xregory conferred OAt
Conrad (11 October, 1231) tne extensive authoritv of
papal inqubitor, the first such officer appointed in
Germany. At the same time the pope released Con-,
rad from the obligation of following the ordinary
canonical procedure (te a cognUwmbus eausarum
habere volumue exoueaium) and authorized him to pro-
CMd resolutely against heretics as he thought best,,
but with due observance of the papal decrees on the
subject.
In the exercise of this authority, even acoording to
oomukD
260
OOMBAD
the sympathetic accounts of contemporary annalists,
Conrad proved too severe and harsh. His assistants)
Conrad vono, a Dominican lay brother, and John, a
layman, were ignorant fanatics unqualified for such
work. Conrad believed too easily the declarations of
persons accused of heresv; on the strength of their
statements, and without further investigation, others
were arrested and treated as heretics. The accused
either confessed their guilt and had their heads shaved
for penance, or denied their guilt, were delivered as
obstinate heretics to the secular arm, and perished at
the stake. How ^reat was the number of victims caiv-
not now be ascertamed. In Western Germany a general
panic followed ^e appearance of this severe judge of
neretics, who did not fear to summon before his tri-
bunal powerful nobles, suspected of heresv, among
such the Count of ^yn. The count appealed to the
Archbishop of Mains who convened a synod of his suf-
fragans (25 July, 1233), at which King Heni^ also as-
sisted. Both the bishops and the indSuential nobles
were generally ill-disposed towards Conrad, who was
present at the synod, and it was found impossible to
prove the charge of heresy against the Count of Sayn.
Theraapon Conrad undertook, in the exercise of nis
papal commission, to preach a crusade afl»inst heretic
nobles. Shortly afterwards (30 July, 1233) both he
and his companion, the Franciscan Gerhard Luteel-
kolb, were mimlered while returning to Marburg. He
was buried in Marbiirg near St. Elizabeth. I>&spite
the unfavourable action of the synod of Mainz, Greg-
ory IX extended his protection to the memory of the
deceased inquisitor and insisted that severe punish-
ment be meted out to his murderers.
Hxif KB, Kanrad vcm Marbura, Beiehtvaier der M, Eluabelh und
Jnauititor (MarbuiSt 1861); Haubrath, I>er Ketzerme%9ter Ken-
rod von Marburo, in Kleine Schriften (Leipsig, 1883). 137-233;
Bbck, Konrad von Marbiarg, hwuiaitor in Deutaehland (Breslau,
1871); KxiirBR, Kownd von Marburg vnd die Inquisition m
Deut9chlattd (Pmgue. 1882): Michael, Geseh. des deuUehen
VoUcM (FreibuiYTlSOQ). II. 109. 206. sqq.: 318. sqq.; Huybkens.
ZvM 700. Oeburttiaoe der hi, BliacMh von ThUringen, Studien aber
ddo QueU, ihnr Geaeh. in Hitiar. Jahrb. (1907), XXVIII, 499
aqq»739 8qq. t « -r^
J. P. KiRSCH.
Oonrad of OAda, Blbssbd, Friar Minor, b. at Of-
fida, a little town in the March of Ancona, c. 1241;
d. at Bastia in Umbria, 12 December, 1306. When
barely fourteen years old he entered the Order of
FViars Minor at Ascoli, and was making rapid progress
in the study of sacred sciences, when an internal voice
called him to humbler offices of the religious life. He
therefore abandoned his studies with the consent of
his superiors, and for many years was emploved as
cook and questor. His superiors subsequently had
him ordained and sent him forth to preach. His im-
passioned sermons touched the hearts of the most
haniened. Conrad modelled his life after that of his
seraf^ic father, St. Francis. He was especially zeal-
ous for the observance of poverty. During his long
religious life he always wore the same habit and
always went barefoot, without sandals. The early
l^^nd declares that Conrad's guardian ai|«;el was the
same that had formeriy fulfilled this omce for St.
Francis, and that Blessed Giles came back to earth to
teach him the mysteries of contemplation. When
Brother Leo, the companion and confessor of St.
Fllmcis, was dying, he sent for Conrad and made him
the depositary of his writings. Conrad was allied
with Angelo Uareno and intimately united with John
of La Penna, John of Parma, Peter of John Olivi,
f^ter of Monticello, and others of the *' Spirituals".
In 1204 he obtained permission from Celestine V to
separate from the mam body of the order and found
the Celestinee by whom the Rule of St. Francis was
observed in all its purity. When this congregation
was supiMressed by Boniface VIII, Conrad unme*
diately returned under the authority of the superiors
of the order. The letter written in 1296 by Pteter of
John Olivi to Blessed Conrad in which the legitimacy
of Boniface VIH's election is defended, has been
edited by Ignatius Jeiler (Historisches Jahrbuch, III.
649). Dunng a course of nussions he was giving at
Bastia, he pafi»ed away at the age of about sbcty-five
years and was buried in that place. Fffty-oix years
later his remains were carriea off by the Perugians
and buried at San Francesco. They now repoee be-
side those of Blessed Giles in the ch<^r of the cathe-
dral at Perugia. Pius VII in 1817 ratified the cultus
of Blessed Conrad. His feast is kept in the Order
of Friars Minor <$n 19 December.
See the early Vita Ft. Conmdi in AntOoeia Fremeiaeana
(Quaraochi. 1897). Ul, 42^-i30: aa epitoin* of the Mune u
ffivea in Analecta Franciscana (Quaraechi, 1906), IV, 233-4;
Verba B. Conradi in Opuaeulea de critiquea hi^ortgust, I. 370;
MiaeOlanm Franciseana, VII, 182; WAiyDiMO, AmtaUo Mino'
rum, 1. 165; III. 364; iy,232; V.2iaii«iKiiMwsam; LsifMWffl,
ed., Caialogiu Sanctorum Minorum (Rome, 1903), 8; CLJOnifo,
TribuUUione8t ed. Ehbxb in Archiv fUr Ltteratur und Kirdten-
qmehieku da MiUdaUera, II. 306; Sabatikr. ed.. Actus B.
Francisci CParia, 1902). 50-53; JaCobxllx. ViU de' SmUi s
BeatiddL* Umbna, III, 12 December; Sabatdbr, ed.. Speculum
Perfedionis (Paris, 1898). cxi-cxiv; Lbo, Lives of the Saints
and Blessed of the Three Orders of St. Francis (Taunton, 1887).
IV. 174-7; MACDONBI.L, Sons of Francis (London, 10(^),
303-316.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Oonrad of Ptacensa, Saint, hermit of the Third
Order of St. Francis, date of birth imcertain: d, atNoto
in Sicily, 19 February, 1351. He belonged to one of
the noblest families of Piaoenza, and naving mar-
ried when he was quite youn^, led a virtuous and
God-fearing life. On one occasion, when he was en-
gaged in his usual pastime of himting, he ordered his
attendants to fire some brushwood in which game had
taken refuge. The prevailing wind caused the flames
to spread rapidly, and the surrounding fields and forest
were soon in a state of conflagration. A mendicant,
who happened to be found near the i^ace where the
fire had originated, was accused of being the author.
He was imprisoned, tried, and condemned to death.
As the poor man was being led to execution, Oonrad,
stricken with remorse, made open confession of his
g^lt; and in order to repair the damage of which he
had been the cause, was obliged to sell all his posses-
sions. Thus reduced to poverty, Conrad retired to a
lonely hermitage some distance from Piaoenza, while
his wife entered the Order of Poor Clares. Later he
went to Rome, and thence to Sicily, where for thirty
years he lived a most austere and penitential life and
worked numerous miracles. He is especially invoked
for the cure of hernia. In 1515 Leo A j)ermitted the
town of Noto to celebrate his feast, which permission
was later extended by Urban YIII to the wnole Order
of St. Francis. Though bearing the title of saints
Conrad was never formally canoiuzed. His feast is
kept in the Franciscan Order on 19 February.
Wadding. Annates Minorum, Vl. 240-242. VIII, 62; Acta
SS., February. III. 162-170; Lso. Lives of the SainU and
Blessed of the Three Orders of St. Francis (Tsonton. 1885), I«
261-265.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Oonrad of Saxony (also c^M Co^vradus Saxo^
Oonrad op Brunswick, or Conradus Holtingeb),
Friar Minor and ascetical writer, date and place of
birth uncertain; d. at Bologna in 1279. Holyinger is
perhaps his family name. l*he error has been made
by some of confounding Oonrad of Saxony with an-
other person of the same name who suffered for the
Faith m 1284, whereas it is certain that they were two
distinct individuals, though belonging to the same
province of the order in Germany. Oonrad became
provincial minister of the province of Saxony in 1245,
and for sixteen years ruled the province with much
zeal and prudence. While on his way to the general
chapter of 1279, he was attacked with a grievous
illness and died at Bo]OT;na in the same year. The
writings of Oonrad of Saxony Include several ser-
OOX&AD
261
mom and the "Speeulvm Beftte Marie Virginis''; the
latter, at times enroneoudy attributed to St. Bona-
▼entiue> has recently been edited by the Friars Minor
at Qnara^ohL The preface to this excellent edition of
the ''Speculum" contains a brief sketch of the life of
Conrad of Saxony and a critical estimate of his other
writings.
Spteulum B, M, V, Ft, dmradiaSaaunUa (Quamcdu, 1904);
AnaiMia FmneUeana (Quazacchi, 1887), U. 09, 83.
Stephen M, Donovan.
Oonrad of Uraeh, Caidinal-Bishop of Porto and
Santa Rufina; bom about 1180; d. 1227. At an early
skge he became canon of the church of St. Lambert,
the cathedral of Ii§^. lit 1199 he entered the Cister*
cian monastery of ViUers in Belsium, of which he soon
became prior and, in 1209, aboot. In 1214 he was
choeen Abbot of Clairvaux and, in 1217, Abbot of
Otteaux and general of his order. Pope Honorius III
created him cardinal, 8 Januarjr, 1219, and charged
him with two important legations, one in France
(1220-23), to suppress the Albigenses; the other in
Germany (1224-26), to preach and arrange the crusade
which Frederick IT had vowed to undertake. After
the death of Honorius III the cardinals agreed to elect
him pope, but he refused the dignity. The CSstercians
venerate nlm as Blessed (30 September).
Glonino, C&nrad •on Uraeh, CatdinaUnBchcf von Porto und
mmtta RuHna (Auffbuiv, 1901); OlAmbnt, Conrad d^Ufacht de
Vordm do CttooMX, LSgat en France et en AUemagne in Revuo
BirUdielino (Maredaous, 1905). XXII, 232 sqq.; Bchkbckbic-
vrkzN, Konrtad von Uraek aU CardindUoffot in ueuUchland in
Form^mtgon fur doutaehm Oeichiehte (GdttinsMi. 1867), VU,
321-493.
Michael Orr.
Oonrad of Utrecht, Bishop, b. in Swabia at an
unknown date; lulled at Utrecht, 14 April, 1099.
Before becomiiu; bishop he was chamberiam of Arch-
bishop Anno IT of Cologjue and, for a time, tutor of
Prince Heniy, the future Emperor Henry IV. When
the excommunicated Bishop William of Utrecht
died in 1076, the emperor gave the episcopal See of
Utrecht to Conrad, who, like his predecessor, sided
with Heniy IV in his coniOicts with Gregory Vll, and
at the Synod of Brixen in 1080 even condemned the
pope as a heretic. The contemporary annalist, Lam-
bert of Hersfeld, caUs Conrad a schisxnatic bishop, uni*
worthy of holding an episcopal see. In a battle with
Robert, Count of Flandera, Conrad was defeated,
afterwards taken captive and compelled to jield part
of South Holland to Robert. This territorial loss of
the bishop was compensated by the emperor, who, in
1077, gave him the district of Stavoren in Friesland,
and in 1086 added the two other Frisian districts,
Ostergau and Westeigau. Conrad is the founder and
architect of the collegiate church of Notre-Dame at
Utrecht. He was assassinated, shortl]^ after com-
pleting the Holy Sacrifice, by his Frisian architect
whom he had discharged, and who, in the opinion of
some, was instigated by a certain nobleman whose
domains Conrad held unjustly. He is said to have
written the discourse "Pro Imperatore contra
PtLptan'*, and to have delivered it at the Synod of
Oerstnngen in 1085. It is inserted by Aventmus (d.
1534) in his "Vita Henrici IV" and by Goldast (d.
1606) in his "Fh> Henrico IV imperatore". Hefele
(Oondlienii^eschichte, V, 180, note) is of the opinion
that the mscourse is falsely attributed to Conrad of
Utrecht, and that Aventinus himself is the author.
Kuperti Chronioon in Afon. Oonn. Hid.: Saripi., VIII. 278.
Michael Orr.
Oonry (or Conrot), Florbncs, in Irish Flaithri
OliAOiiCONAiRB (OlfuLcosniT), Archbu^op of Tuam,
patriot, tbedogiaa, and founder of the Irish (Fran-
ciscan) College of St. Anthony at Louvain, b. in Gal-
way, 1560; d. at Madrid, 18 Nov., 1629. His early
studies were made on the Continent, in the Nether-
lands, and in Spain; at Salamanca he joined the Fran^
ciscans. In 1588 he was appointed provineial of tho
order in Ireland and as suoh sailed with the Spanish
Armada; we have no details as to the manner of his
escape from the disaster which overtook that ill-fated
eiq)editu>n. At all times active in the interest of his
native land he was asain sent to Ireland, this time by
Clement VIII, to aid with counsel and influence the
Irish and their Spanish allies during the last struggle
of Hugh O'Neill (Tyrone's Rebellion) for the inde-
pendence of Ireland. After the disaster of Kinsale
(1601) he accompanied Hug^ Roe O'Donnell (Prince
of TVTconnell) to Spain in the hope of interesting anew
the Spanish Court But the great chieftain soon died
at Simancas, being assisted on his death-bed by
Father Coniv^ (Four Masters, ad an. 1602) who also
accompanied the remains to their last resting place in
the Franciscan church at Valladolid. Corny was also
deeply interested in the welfare of the Irish College at
Salamanca (q. v.). When the native Irish chieftains,
the Eari of Tyrone (Hugh O'Neill) and the Eari of
lyrconndl (Rory O'Donnell, brother of Hugh Roe),
fled from Ireland in 1607, Conry proved a devoted
friend in their exile and accompanied them to Rome.
For the so-called ''Revelations" of Christopher St.
Laurence, Baron of Howth, impUcating Father Coory
and the principal Irish in an imaginary plot to seize
Dublin Csstle and raise a new rebellion just previous
to the "Flight of the £arls"8ee Meehan (dted below),
pp. 67-73. At Rome Father Coniy was consecrated
Archbishop of Tuam in 1609 by Cudinal Maifeo Bar-
berini (later Urban VIII), always a warm friend of the
persecuted Irish Catholics. In 1614 Coniy wrote from
Valladolid a vigofous remonstrance to the Catholic
members of the Irish Parliament for their oowardl^r
adhesion to the Bill of Attainder that deprived of their
estates the fugitive Irish earls and their adherents and
vested six whole counties of Ulster in the English
Crown. Meehan says of this document that it is
''stamped in its every line with the impress of a great
mind'' (Fate and Fortunes of the Earls of lyrone and
T^roonnell, Dublin, 1886, 3d ed., pp. 262. 395).
In 1616 Archbishop Conry founded at Louvain for
Irish Franciscan youth the College of St. Anthony of
Padua, principally with means furnished by Princess
Isabella, wife of Archduke Albert, and daughter of
Philip the Second. The archbishop was himself the
foremost member of this famous Irish Franciscan
house of studies whence came a long line of erudite and
virtuous historians and archeologtsts (CClenr, Col-
fm, Hu^ Ward, Francis Walsh, and others: cf. V. De
uck, ''Xi'arch^Iogie irlandaise au convent de Saint-
Antoinede Padoue a Louvain ", Paris, 1860), and where
the most active Irish printing press on the Continent
was long in operation. One of the earliest works of
Conry was a translation from Spanish into very pure
Irish of a catechism known as " The Mirror of Christian
life", printed at Louvain in 1626, but probably cur-
rent in manuscript at an earlier date, both in Ireland
and among the Irish troops in the Netheriands; tins
was composed, as he says himself "out of charitv for
the souls of the Gael". As Archbishop of Tuam, Conry
never took possession of his see, owing to the roysl
groclamations of 1606, 1614. 1623, commanding all
ishops and priests, under tne gravest penalties, to
quit the kingiiom. But he governed Tuam throudi
vicars-generiu and continued to live principally at St.
Anthony's in Louvain, not improbably on the hountr
of the King of Spain, as was the case with manv Irish
ecclesiastics of tne time. His influence in Irish mat-
ters at the royal court vma always considerable : thus,
as late as 1618 we find him presenting to the (x>uncil
of Spain Philip O'Sullivan Beare's '^ Relation of Ire-
land and the Number of Irish therein", and in the
following year his own "Statement of the Severities
Practised by England against the Irish Catholics".
Like his fellow-FninciBcan, Luke Wadding, and Peter
Lombard, Archbishop of Armagh, he was ever at th«.
oranukLvi
262
00H8ALVZ
dilipOBition of his exiled countrymen. He commuoi-
csated (1610) to the Ck>uncil of Spain a translation of
the original (Irish) statem^rt of one Francis Maguire
concerning his observations In the "State of Vir-
ginia", between 160S and 1610, a curious and unique
document for the earUest English settlements in the
New World and the life and habits of the Indian
tribes (Alexander Brown, The Qeneeis of the United
States, Boston. 1890, I, 302-^).
Archbishop Conry was a profound scholatrtic theo*
logian, very learned especially in the writinf;B of
St. Augustine, all of whose works he read seven tunes,
while Uiose pertaining to grace he read some twenty
times. In the interpretation of the more difficult
passages he frequentiv had recouree to prayer and
tasting. At Louvain he sat at the feet of Baius, and
was siso a friend of Jansenius (d. 1638). He had,
however, by his own efforts arrived independently at
conclusions concerning the teaching of St. Augustine
on gr&ce and free will quite similar to those of his
teacners. Most of his writings on these subjects were
published after his death. His work On the fate of
unbaptised children (De statu parvulorum sine bap*
tismo deoedentium ex hac vita juxta sensiun beati
Augustini, Louvain, 1624, 1635; Rouen, 1643) was
reprinted bv the Jansenists as an appendix to the 1662
edition of the ** Augustinus". Cardinal Noris (Vindic.
Aug., ch. iii, § 5) says that in it Conrv abundantly
demonstrates from the Scriptures and Augustine the
sensible character of the suffering of sudi unbapttzed
children. His Tercgrinus Jenchontinus, h. e. de
naturft humanft feliciter instituti, infeliciter laps&,
miserabiliter vuhieratA, misericoitliter restauratA''
(ed. Thadv MacNamara, Paris, 1641) treats of orig-
inal sin, tne grace of Christ, free will, etc., the ''Pu«*
grim of Jericho" bdng human nature itself, the rob-
ber Satan, the ^ood Samaritan Our Lord. Hurter
says ih&t this edition was owing to Amauld, and that
the same ardent Jansenist is possibly the autiior of the
(Paris, 1645) French version. Conry wrote also other
works expository of the teaching and opinions of the
great Doctor of Grace, e.g. "De gratis Christi"
(Paris, 1646); ''De fla^Uis justorum'^ (Paris, 1644);
*'De Augustini sensu circa b. Mari» Viri^inis concep-
tionem" (Antwerp, 1619). In 1654 his body was
brought hBuck from Madrid and buried in the col-
legiate chapel of St. Anthony's, near the high altar,
where an epitaph by Nidioias Aylmer recorded his
virtues, learning, and love of country: —
Orc&nis aHus honor, fidei patriseque honos,
Pontificum merito laude perenne jubar.
Thomas Darcy Magee sa^rs of this patriotic scholar:
** He is the leading figure in a class of exiled Catholic
churchmen who were of great service to religion and
letters and not seldom powerful allies of their county.
From the founding of a college to the composition of a
catechism he shrank from no labour that could, ac-
cording to his convictions, benefit the people of his
native land."
Wab»>Hajuu8, Wrilen of Ireland (Dublin. 173»-^): Rapin,
Hitt. du Jant^rUame ed. DoicaNBCH (Paria, 1861); Hubteb,
Nomendator, 253: Meehan, Tfu FaU and Fortunes of Hugh
O'Neill, Earl of Turone, and Rory O'Donel, Earl of Tyrconnel,
their Fliohtfrvm Ireland and Dmth in ExOe ^Dublin, 1886);
H<AROU>k I^* <ff Luke Wadding t pr^Ace to the Epitome AnnaU^
um (Rome. 1662); Renehan, (JoUediona of Irish Churdi His-
toru (Dublin. 1861). I. 399. 400; O'CTlery. Life of Hugh Roe
CyDonneU, ea. Murfhy (Dublin, 1895). cxlv, exhx, diii; Jbilbb
m'KirthBnlts.^ Ill, 949; Moran, SpicHegium Oteorimse (Dub-
lin, 1874-85). I. 162: Maobe, Lives of the trith Writers of the
Seventeenth Centvry (Dublin, 1848). 13-24.
STepHEi? M. Donovan.
Oonsalvl, Ercolg, cardinal and statesman, b. in
Rome, 8 June, 1757; d. there, 24 January, 1824. His
ancestors belonged to the noble family of the Bru-
nacci in Pisa, one of whom settled in the town of
Toscanella in the Papal States about the middle of
the seventeenth century. The grandfather of the
cardinal, Gregorio Bruuacci, inherited from Eroole
Consalvi of Rome a large fortune on eonditiao off
taking the name and arms of the Consalvi famfly.
In this way Gregorio Brunacd became Majcheac
Gr^orio Consalvi, with residenoe in Rome. At the
age of nine, Eroole Consalvi was placed in tbe col-
lege of the Scolopii or Brothers of tiie Pious Sdux^
at Urbino, where he remained from 1766 to 1771.
From 1771 to 1776 he was in the seminary of Fraa-
cati, where he finished his studies in rhetoric, phil-
osophy and theology; it was there also that be
gained the powerful protection of the Caidinal, Duke
of York, Bishop of Frascati. The years from 1776
to 1782 were devoted to the studies of juri^^xrudenoe
and ecclesiastical history in the Academia Ecdesi-
astica of Rome, where he had among other professors
the Jesuit scholar, Zaocaria. He thex) entered on
his public career. Named private chamberlain by
Pius VI in AprU, 1783, m 1786 he was made PanenU
del bticn gavemo, i.e. member of a congregation
charged with the direction of municipal affairs. Ap-
pointed in 1787 secretary of the congr^;ation com-
missioned to administer tae Ospisio olSui Michele a
Ripa, in 1700 he became VcUmie di ISeffnatwna, or
member of a hi^ court of appeals^ and m 17d2 ob-
tained the nomination of UdUare dk B^ta, or member
of the high court of justice. He was. made assessor
in 1706 of a militaiy commission established by
Pius VI for the purpose of preventiii^ revohiti<mary
disturbances ana intervention of the French Direc-
tory in the Papal States. In this latter ewacity he
accomplished his work with such tact, prudeooe, and
foresjmt that no serious troubles arose, whidi
could nave served as an excuse for an invasion of
Rome by the armies of the French Republic^ Un-
fortunately on 28 December, 1707, the Trench gen-
eral Duphot was killed in Rome; he was himself
largely to blame, and the event took place without
the slightest fault of the Papal Government. Still it
was used as a pretext for the occupation of the city.
On 10 February, 1708, General Berthier entered
Rome with an army, and five days afterwards the
pope was deprived of his temporal soverei^tv, and
a Roman republic proclaimed. Consalvi, havine
been assessor of the military commission, was plaoea
first on Uie list of those who were to be handed over
to the French Government. He was arrested, im-
prisoned in the fortress of Sant' Angelo, sent to dvU
taveochia en route to Cayenne, French Guiana,
brought back to the castle of Sant' Angelo, and ^en
sent to Terracina, whence he was fin^y pennitted
to repair to Naples.
Consalvi thus recovered his personal liberty;
but he disliked to remain in Naples, and wishea
rather to join Pius VI, who snortly after t^e
occupation of Rome was taken from his capital
and held a captive In a Carthusian monastery
near Florence. Having obtained permission from
the Neapolitan Government, he went by sea to Leg-
horn and thence to Florence, where ne made two
visits to the pope; his wish to remain with the pontiff
was frustrated by the French envoy at Florence.
Towards the end of September, 1708, he took up his
residence in Venice. After the death of Pius VI at
Valence in France, 20 Ausust, 1790, the caxdinals as-
sembled in Venice for the conclave, and Consalvi
was chosen secretary by an almost unanimous
vote. He had a large share in securii^ the election
of Cardinal Chiaramonti, Bishop of Imola (14 March,
1800). Tbe new pope, Pius VII (1800-23), soon ap-
pointed Consalvi pro-secretary of state; and thus
Consalvi accompanied the pope' to Rome, where tfaey
arrived 3 July, 1800. Shortly before, the pppe had
recovered possession of the Papal States, wni(» were
then partly under the control of Austria and parUy un-
der that of Naples. On 11 August, 1800, Consalvi
was made cardmal and appointed defiaitively secre-
tary of state. In this capacity he first endeavoured
ERCOLE CARDINAL CONSALVI
OONSALVI
263
OONSALVI
to restore better conditions in the Papal States. He
abolished the custom of furnishing food to the
I>eopIe at low prices, introduced free trade, with-
drew from dreulation all depreciated money, and ad-
mitted a large number of lavmen to Qovemment
offices. He did much to embellish Rome and to
make it an art-centre by designing public promen-
ades along the Tiber, restoring the ancient monu-
ments, and filling the museums with statues un-
earthed by excavations made under his direction. In
his negotiations with the various courts or Govern-
ments of Europe he was ever watchful in saf^;uard-
in^ the interests of the Holv See, both temporal and
spiritual, the latter especially, in which the pope as
the h^id of Christendom was primarily concerned.
In this respect he rendered an incalculable service to
religion in signing the French Concordat. The nego-
tiations commenced for that purpose by Monsignor
Spina, Arehbishop of Corinth, and Father Caselli,
former Superior General of the Servites, seemed to
lag; in oraer not to interrupt them completely Con-
saTvi was sent to Paris in June, 1801. Loi^ and
painful discussions followed with Napoleon Bona-
parte, then First Consul of the French Republic, or
his commissioners, until finally, on iike I5m of Juiy,
the Concordat was signed by the papal and the
Frendi commissioners, and afterwards ratified by
the pope and the French Government. Consalvi
left immediately for Rome, where he arrived on the
6th of August. With what are known as the ''Or-
ganic Artides", added by the Frendi Government to
the Concordat, Consalvi had nothing to do; on the
contrary he condemned them unequivocally as de-
structive of the Concordat, of which they pretended
to be commentaries. He was also prominent in the
negotiations that preceded the Italian Concordat,
concluded with the Cisalpine Republic on the 16th of
September, 1803.
When Napoleon was proclaimed emperor in 1804,
Consalvi urged Pius VII to accept Bonaparte's invi-
tation to crown him as ^e new sovereign of France , and
during the pope's absence (November, 1804, to May,
1805) Consalvi acted as his representative to the entire
satisfaction of his master. When the discussions be-
tween Napoleon and Pius VII commenced, Consalvi
was blamed for the refusal of the pope to consider
himself a vassal of the French emperor. The sus-
picions of Napoleon were confided to Cardinal Fesch,
then French ambassador at Rome; and the dismissal
of Consalvi was insisted upon. Consalvi, hoping to
secure peace for his master, asked repeatedly to be
relieved; but only after long hesitation did the pope
consent to the demand. Consalvi left ihe secr^
tariate of state on 17 June, 1806, but was often con-
sulted privately on matters of importance. The im-
perial persecution of the pope reached its climax with
the annexation of the Papal States to the French
Empire (20 June, 1809), and the deportation of
the pope to ^vona durmg the night of 5-6 July.
Conmlvi was forced to depart from Rome, 10 De-
cember following; in company with Cardinal di
Pietro he journeyed to Paris, where he arrived 20
February, 1810. Ihere he lived in retirement as
much as possible, and refused a pension of 30,000
francs assigned to him by the French Government.
On the occasion of Napoleon's marriage to the Areh-
duchess Marie Louise of Austria, Constuvi with twelve
other cardinals declined to assist at the civil and re-
ligious ceremony, held 1-2 April, 1810, thoi^ he
was present at the semi-solemn reception at Saint-
Ooua, 31 Mareh, and went also to tne Tuileries in
Paris for the great reception, on 3 April. He did not
wish to appear as approving the second marriage of
Napoleon, as long as the pope had not pronounced
on the validity of the first. Napoleon was so in-
censed at his action, that he expelled him with the
other cardinals of like sentiments from the Tuileries
on 3 April, and in the first moment of passion gave
orders to have him shot. However, he modified his
rash judgment and decreed that Consalvi and the
twelve other cardinals should be deprived of their
property and of their cardinalitial dignity. From
that moment these princes of the Chureh were com-
pelled to wear black garments, whence their name
of ''black cardinals", and on 11 June they were all
banished to various cities of France^ Coxisalvi was
sent to Reims; it was there in his enforced retire-
ment that he wrote his memoirs. Set free on 26
January, 1813, he hastened to Pius VII, then at
Fontamebleau. At his suggestion the pope re-
tracted (24 March) the concessions made to Mapoleon
in a Brief from Savona and in a new concordat
agreed upon at Fontainebleau; as a consequence
Consalvi was restricted in his free intercourse with
the pope. When Pius VII left Fbntainebleau for
Italy (23 January, 1814) Consalvi followed a few
days afterwards, at first under a military escort as
far as Hosiers. Having heard of Napoleon's abdica-
tion in Fontainebleau (11 April, 1814) he asked for
a passport and rejoined Pius VII in Italy. He was
at once reappointed secretary of state by papal letter
written from Folkpio, 19 May, 1814.
Before taking office Consalvi went to Paris for the
purpose of claiming from the allied Powers of Europe
the restoration of tne Papal States under the sovereigni-
ty of the pope. With the same object in view he went
also to England, and asmsted afterwards at the Con*
eress of VMnna (September, 1814, to Jtme» 1815).
He was successful in his negotiatrans, and obtained
the restitution of all papal territoiy such as it had
been before the French Revolution, with the excep*
tion of Avignon, Venaissin, and a small strip of hmd
in the k^tion dl Ferrara. After his return to Rome
Consalvi continued to work for the welfare of the
Papal States and of the Church. He aboli^ed the
ancient privileges of the nobility and of the papal
dties, devised a new plan of administration for the
papal territory, readjusted the finances, prepared a
new civil and criminal code of laws, reorganised the
system of education, and provided for puolic safety.
He continued the elaboration of his plans for the
embellishment of Rome and the improvement of the
Campagna; he endeavoured, as already said, to make
Rome a centre of art, and extended his protection
to such famous artists as Canova and Thorwaldsen.
At the same time he maintained with firmness the
ri^ts and soverdsnty of the pope. When in 1817
the Carbonari tried to bring about, a rebellion, a few
of their leaders were prosecuted, banished, or im-
prisoned; and in 1821 a Bull was issued against
these disturbers. During this period several con-
cordats or similar agreements were concluded with
foreign Powers: with Bavaria in 1817, with Prussia
and the princes of the Upper Rhine in 1821, with
Hanover m 1823, with Victor Emmanuel of Saitlinia
in 1817, with King Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies
in 1818. The new French Concordat concluded in
1817 with King Louis XVIII never received legal
force in France; hence that of 1801 continued in ex-
istence. Hie career of Consalvi came to an end
with the death of Pius VII (20 August, 1823).
After his retirement his thoughts were devoted to
the erection of a monument at St. Peter's in honour
of his former master; only a few months afterwards
he was carried himself to his tomb in San Lorenzo,
while his heart was taken to the Pantheon. Ap-
propriate monuments were erected to his memory m
Dotn places.
Eroole Consalvi is to be regarded as one of the
greatest statesmen who has ever served the papal
oomt ; his eminent qualities were at all times apparent
during the great trials of the papacy. If not always
Bucceffiful in his enterprises, it was largely because of
the scareity of means at his disposal and the prejudices
OONAANGUmXTT
264
ooNaAHauxxmr
of his age. The purity of his life was the more ad-
mired because in his position he had to mingle much
with a worldlv society. He was devoted to works
of charity ana religion; the poor knew him as their
friend, and in his exercises of devotion he was most
punctual. Finally he was very unselfish and disin-
terested. He served the pope and the Church loy-
ally without looking for personal advantage. He
never asked for a position, except for that pf Udiiare
di Rota, which appeared desirable owing to the
studies he had made and the Rreat opportunities it
offered for travelling during the vacation months.
The many gifts, pensions, or legacies, offered him.
and at times persistently, by friends, admirera, and
patrons, were invariably declined. All in all, both
for tiie work he accomplished and for his personal
character, Consalvi is one of the purest glories of
the Church of Rome.
Ce^tinbau-Jolt, Mimoirm du Cardinal Conaalvh ed.
Drochon (Paris. 1895); Wisbman, RecoU^ionM of the LaH
Four Popn (London, 1858); Rxnuri, La diplomana poiUifieia
nd secolo XIX (Rome, 1002); Idbm, 11 eongrfso di Vienna e
la Safita Sede (Rome, 1004); Tbbinbb. Hietoire det deuxcon"
eordaU CPans, 1860) ; Artaud, Hiataire du Pave Pie VJI (Paris,
1837); Wbbnbb in Kirehenlex. (Frrfburs, 1884). s. v.; Nnu*
■BN in Realencyk. f. prel, TheU., s. v.
Francis J. Schabfbr.
OoBLBanguiiiity (in Canon Law), a diriment im-
pediment of marriage as far as the fourth degree oi
kinship inclusive. The term canaanguiniiy here
means, within certain limitations defined by the law
of nature, the positive law of God, or the supreme au-
thority of State or Church, the blood-relationship
(cognatio naturalie), or the natural bond between per-
sons descended from the same stock. In view of the
recognised descent of all men from one common stock,
t^ere is a general blood-relationship between all men;
hence the limitation mentioned has reference to the
nearest root or source of consanguinity. This bond or
union of blood takes place in one case throueh the
desc^it of one person from the other; this is called the
direct line. In another case it takes place because
the common blood is drawn from a common root, the
same ancestor, from whom both persons descend,
thoush they do not descend one from the other, ana
are therefore not in a direct but in a transverse or col-
lateral line. By the law of nature, it is univeraally
conceded, marriage is prohibited between parent and
child, for the reverential relation between tnem is rec-
ognized as incompatible with the equality of relations
engendered by the bond of marriage. The univensal
sentiment of peoples is likewise opposed to marriage
between all persons related in any cfegree in the direct
line, thus between grandparent and grandchild.
History op Impboimbnt. — ^Because of the acknowl-
edged derivation of the human race from the common
progenitors, Adam and Eve, it is difficult to accept the
opinion of some theologians that the marriage of
brother and sister is against the law of nature; other-
wise the propagation of the human race would have
begun by violation of the natural law. It is readily
understood that, considering the freedom of inter*
course between such persons, some effort would soon
be made (in the interest of the sodal welfare) to pre-
vent eariy corruption within the close family circle by
placing a bar to the hope of marriage. Hence among
all peoples there has arisen a natural repugnance to
the marriage of brother and sister. Some theologians
suppose herein a positive Divine law, but it is not easy
to point out any such early Divine enactment. Abrar
ham married Sarah who was his sister by his father,
though of a different mother (Gen., xi; cf. Gen. xx,
12). Marriage was allowed at Athena with half-aiB-
ters by the same father (Plutarch, Cim., iv; Themist.,
xxxii), with half-sisters by the same mother at Sparta
(Philo, De Special. I^eg., tr. Yonge, HI, 306), and with
full-sisters in It^Rirpt (Diodonis Siculus, I, 27) and
Persia, as illustrated in the well-known instances of
the Ptolemies in the former, and of Cambyses in the
latter, country (Herodian, III, 31). For w good sum-
mary of non-Christian customs in this re&i>ect see
Melody, "Marriage of Near Kin" in "Catholic Uni-
versity Bulletin''^ (Washington, Jan., 1903, pp. 4<>-
60).
In the earUer history of the human race tliere was a
tendency in a family group to keep marriages of its
members within the group. Of this we have exam-
ples in the marriage of Isaac and Rebecca (Gen., xxiv)
and Jacob and laarRachel (ibid., xxix). We know
from Exodus, vi, 20, that Amram took Joc^iabed, his
father's sister, to wife, and she bore him Aaron and
Moses. The Mosaic Law, however, introduced im-
P|Ortant modifications into the arrangements of m&i^
riage or carnal intercourse between near relations by
blwd as also by affinity; these modifications were
founded mainly upon the sharpened instincts of hu-
man nature and the importance of guarding; against
the dangers of corruption from the mtxmac^ of very
near relations, which. prompted the cutting on all hope
of covering past impurity by subsequent marriage.
Undoubtedly this danger incressed the instinctive
natural repugnance to marriage between those con-
nected by the closest ties of blood and family affection.
These prohibitions relating to consanguinity, between
aman and the " flesh of his flesh ' ', are contained mainly
in Lev., xviii, 7-13, and xx, 17, 19. Specific prohibi-
tions are here made with regard to marriage or caimal
intercourse with a mother, granddaughter, aunt by
blood on either side, sister, or half-sister, whether
"bom at home or abroad". This expression ha8
generally been understood as eouivalent to " in or our
of wedlock". Yet, as late as David's time, the lan-
guage of Thamar towards her half-brother Amnon (II
K., xiii, 13) seems to implv the possibility of their
union with consent of their mther, perhaps because be
was also king (for a contrary opimon see Wema, Jus
Decretalium, Rome, 1894, II, 634). Some theologians
held the daughters of Lot {Gen., xix, 30*38) some-
what excusalue because they thoui^t that the human
race had been swaUowed up by fire, and could be con-
tinued through their father alone (Kenrick, De Im-
ped. Matr., <£. v, p. 318).
In eariy Roman times marriage of cousins was not
allowed, thou^ it was not infrequent after the Second
Punic War. fif arriage between uncle and niece wa«
unlawful among Romans. Consanguinity in the di-
rect line, to any extent, was recognized by the Church
as an impediment to marriage. Worthy of notice is
the declaration bv Nicliolas 1 (858-67) in his letter to
the Bulgarians, that "between those persons who are
related as parents and children marriage cannot be
contracted, as between father and daughter, grand'
father and granddaushter, or mother ana son,
mndmother and grandson, and so on indefinitely '^
Billuart, however, caHs attention to the fact that Inno-
cent III, without dLstinotion of lines, allowsindisorim'
inately infidels converted to Christianity to retain
their wives who are blood-relations in the second de-
gree. Other theologians take it for granted that this
declaration of Innocent III has no reference to the di-
rect line. In the early ages ttxe Church accepted the
collateral degrees put forward by the State as an uor
pediment to marriage. St. Ambnose (Ep. Ix in P. L.,
XVI, 1185) and St. Augustine (De Qv. Dei, XV, xvi)
wpro ved the law of Theodosius which forbade ^c 384)
the marriage of cousins. This law was retained in the
Western Cnurdi, though it was revoked (400), at
least in the East, by Arcadius, for which reason,
doubtless, the text of the law has been lost, llie Code
of Justinian permitted the marriage of first cousins
{oonaobrini), but the Greek Church in 092 (Second
Trullan Synods can. liv) condemned such marriages,
and, according to Balsamon, even those of second
cousins (solnrini).
This discipline continued throughout the Churob
ocnreAimuiiim
265
ooM&AiffaTnNrrr
till the eighth century. We then meet with the cauon
(^c. 16, C. 55, q. 2)| attribated to various popes and em-
bodied in a letter of Gregory III (732), which forbids
marriage among the Germans to the seventh degree of
consanguinity. Wems <Jub Decretal., IV, p. 624),
Bays that at this date so severe a prohibition cannot be
baised on tiie canonical computation, but rather on
that of the Roman low; it is, therefore, no proof of eo
early an acceptance by the Church of the Germanic
coxn{Mitation. For a fuller exposition of the theory
that the canonical computation is borrowed from the
(iermanic system see Von Scherer, ^Handbuch des
Kirchenrechts'' (Gras, 1898), II, 291, and theexcel-
lent expose of Wems, ''Jus Decretalium", IV, 616-25,
eepecially p. 621, where he sets forth with moderation
both the free and original action of the Church in es^
tablishing the degrees within which it was forbidden
relations to marry vAd her natural tendency, bo often
exhibited in other mattens, to accept whatever was
good or useful in the mannem and institutions of newly
converted peoples. Von Scherer calls attention (op.
cit., II, 296-9) to the influence of the ninth-century
Pseudo-Isidore (and the canonical collections based on
him, e. g. the ** Decretum" of Burchard) in familiaris-
ing the West with the Germanic computation, and
s&ys that it does not appear in any genuine papal de>
cietals before Alexander II, and that its exact charac-
ter is not yet thorou^ly ascertained. The Roman
canonist De Angelis (Prffilectiones Jur. Can., Bk. Ill;
tit. xiv) holds rightly that the computation of d^rees
was or^^inally the same as that of tne Roman civil law
for inheritance. He states that in the eleventh cen-
tury Alexander 11 (c. 2, C. 35, q. 5) adopted the now
usual system of computation, which established for
collateral consanguinity the principle that persons
were remote from one another by as many degrees as
they are remote from the common stock, omitting the
i-ommon stock (Wema, however, op. cit., IV, 623, be-
lieves that this system, de facto the (jermanic compu-
lation was adopted at some earlier period, though
doubtless not so early as Gasparri maintains). In
this way the degrees of relationship were determined
by the number of venerations on one side only; while
in the Roman civil system the number of degrees re-
liulted from the sum of the generations on both sides.
In the Roman svstem (computatio Romana civUiB) first
(ousins would be in the fourth degree, while in the
new computation thev would be in the second degree
cff consanguinity. This, as is seen, would extend the
impediment of consanguinity.
bome have called the new computation Germanic
{cxunpuintio Oermaniea) because it has a similarity to
the peculiar Germanic system of determining inherit-
ance, and whose technical tenns were borrowed from
tfie seven joints of the body (on both sides) from the
neck to the finger-tips. But 8anti-Leitner calls atten-
tion (ed. 1905, III, 241, against Gasparri) to various
discrepancies between the ecclesiastical {compuiatio
eanomea) and the Germanic systems which often led
the newly-converted Franks and other Germans to op-
pose the system of the Church. The latter syston
was more directly connected with the natural relsr
tions of marriage, and Alexander II (1061-73) treated
it as peculiarly ecclesiastical law (c. 2, C. 35, q. 5) and
threatened severely all advocates of a return to the
Roman, or civil, calculation. The reception and ex-
tension of this severe discipline regarding the itnpedi-
ment of ccmsanguinity came about gradually and by
custom, says Wemz, from the sixth and seventh cen-
turies (when first the thhd and then the fourth de^
gree, i. e. respectively second and third cousins,
\ias the limit) to the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies; in the eleventh century the controversy of
St. Peter Damian C'De parentete gradibus" m P. L.,
XLIV, 191 sqq.) with the Roman legists of Ravenna,
decided in his favour by Alexander 11, helped to fix the
popular view in the sense of extreme strictness. It is,
however, doubtful whether the sixth and seventh de-
grees of consimguinity were ever a diriment impedi-
ment, at least everywhere. It is not improbable that
even the fifth was only a preventive impediment
(Wemz, op. cit., IV, 626). While in the twelfth cen-
tury the theory of the remote degrees was strictly
mamtalned by canonists, councils, and popes, in prac-
tice marriages ignorantly contracted within them were
healed by dispensation or dissimulation (Wems, loc.
oit.)< llnally, in the Fourth Lateran Council (1215)
Innocent III restricted consanguinity as a diriment
impediment to the fourth degree. He explains that it
was foimd difficult to carry out the extension to fur-
ther degrees. In those days of imperfect registration
it was, of course, often impossible to ascertain the dis-
tant degrees of relationship. (For a defence of his il-
lustrative reference to the current theoiy of the "four
bodily humours", borrowed from the ancient physiol-
ogy, see Santi-Leitner, op. cit. Ill, 248; cf. Wems, op.
cit, IV, 629.)
Gregoiy I (590-604), if the letter in question be
truly his, granted to the newly converted Anglo-
Saxons restriction of the impediment to the fourth de-
gree of consanguinity (c. 20, C. 35, qq. 2, 3) ; Paul III
restricted it to the second degree for American Indians
(Zitelli, Apparat. Jur. Eccl., 405), and also for natives
of the Philippines. Benedict XIV (Letter "JEbIbs
Anni", 11 Oct., 1757) states that the Roman pontiffs
have never eranted ^pensation from the first degree
of eollatersa consanguinity (brothers and sisters).
For converted infidels it is recognized that the Church
does not insist upon annulment of marriages beyond
thra first decree of consanguinity. (For further de-
tails of the history of ecclesiastical legislation concern-
ing this impediment see Esmein, ** Le mariage en droit
canomque^', Paris, 1891, I, 335-56; II, 258, 345;
Santi-Leitner, op. cit. below, 247-48; and Werms,
"Jus Deci^tal", II, 614 sqq.)
Motives of Impediment. — ^Tlie Church was
prompted by various reasons first to recognize the pro-
nibilive legislation of the Roman State and then to ex-
tend the impediment of consanguinity beyond the
limits of the civil legislation. The welfare of the
social order, according to St. Augustine (De Civ. Dei,
XV, xvi) and St. Thomas (Suppl. Q. liii, a. 3). de-
manded the widest possible extension of frienoship
and love among all humankind, to which desirable aim
the intermarriage of close blood-relations was opposed ;
this was especially true in the first half of the Middle
Ages, when the best interests of society required the
unification of the numerous tribes and peoples which
had settled on the soil of the Roman Empire. By
overthrowing the barriers between inimical families
and races, ruinous internecine warfare was diminished
and greater peace and harmony secured among the
newlv-converted Christians. In the moral order the
prohibition of marriage between near relations served
as a barrier against early corruption among young per-
sons of either sex broiight hatrituallv into close inti-
macy with one another; it tended also to strenffthen
the natural feeling of respect for closely related per-
sons (St. Thomas, II-II, Q. div, a. 9; St. Augustine,
De Civ. Dei, XV, x). Nature itself seemed to abhor
the marriage of close kin, since such unions are often
diildless and their offspring seem subject to grave
physical and mental weakness (epilepsy, deaf-mute-
ness, weak eyes, nervous diseases), and incur easily
and transmit the defects, phjrsical or moral, of theit
parents, especially when tne interbreeding of blood-
relations is repeated (Santi-Leitner, op. cit., IV, 252;
Huth, " The Marriage of Near Kin, considered with re-
spect to the Law of Nations, the results of Experience
and the teachings of Biology'', London, 1875; Sur-
bled, ''La morale dans ses rapports avec la m^ecine
et ITiygi^ne''^ Paris, 1892, II, 245-^55; Eschbach.
^'Disputat. ph3r8iologico-theolog.",99sqci.; Luckock,
^The History of Marriage, Jewish and Christian, in
ooKaANannriTT
266
oovsAHaumnr
relation to divorce and certain forbidden degrees",
London, 1894; Esmeini ''Le mariage en droit canoni*
?ue", Paris, 1891, 1, 337, sqq. ; see also Wemz, op. cit.
V, 636-37, and the Encyclical of Gi^ory XVI, 22
Nov., 1836).
Mode of Calculation. — ^In calculating the desree
of conaanguinity special attention must be paia to
three things, the line, the degree, and the stock or root.
The siock, or root, is the common ancestor, or the per-
son, male or female, from whom descend as from the
nearest conmion bond the persons whose blood*iela-
tionship is to be determine The degree is the dis-
tance of one person from the other in regard to blood-
relationship. The liTie is the classified series of per-
sons descending from the common stock through one
or more generations. The line is dired when the series
of persons descend one from the other, as father and
son, grandfather and grandchild. The line is trans-
verse, or collateral, when the blood-relations spring
from a common stock, yet do not descend one from
the o^er but form different branches side by side, as
two brothers, two nephews. This collateral line is
equal or unequal according as these persons derive
equally or imeaually from the same stock or root. The
blood-relationship is computed according to the dis-
tance from the stock whence it is derived, and this is
the rule by which the degrees or steps of consanguinity
are determined.
In the direct line the Roman civil and the canon law
agree on the principle that there are as many degrees
as generations; hence as many degrees as there are
persons, omitting the stock or root. A son is one
degree from his father, a grandchild two demes
from the grandfather. In the computation of the
decrees of the transverse or collateral line there is a
senous difference between the Roman civil and the
canon law. The civil law founded its degrees upon
the number of generations, the number of degrees
being eaual to the nimiber of generations; thus
between orothers there are two degrees as there are
two generations; between first cousins four degrees,
corresponding to the four generations. The degrees
are ejaculated easily in the civil law by summing
up the number of persons in each line, omitting the
common ancestor. Except for marriage, the canon
law follows regularly the computation of the civil law,
e. g. in the question of inheritance. But the canon
law, in the collateral line of consanguinity, compites
for marriage one series onlv of generations, and if the
series are imequal, only the longer one. Hence the
principle of canon law that in the transverse or col-
lateral line there are as manv degrees of consanguinity
as there are persons in the longer series, omitting the
common stock or root. If the two series are eaual,
the distance is the number of degrees of either from
the common stock. Thus brother and sister are in the
first degjtee, first cousins in the second degree; unde
and niece in the second degree because the niece is two
degrees from the grandfather who is the common
stock. Thus if Caius has two sons, Titius and Sem-
pronius, and Sempronius has a son and grandchild, the
relationship of the grandchild of Sempronius to Titius
is in the third degree, because this grandchild is dis-
tant three degrees from the common stock, Caius.
This rule holds if the common stock should only be
one person; thus half-brothers and half-sisters, tliat is
from either father or mother, are in the firrt degree.
Children of the same father and mother are called ger-
man, as from the common germ; those of the same
mother and not of the same father are called uterine,
as from the same womb; and children of the same
father and different mother are called blood-children.
The legitimacy or illep^itimacy of any member of the
series does not modify the relationship as a bar to
marriage.
For civil effects the civil law's computation of de-
grees must be known. In most European countries
the law follows mainly the computation of the Roman
civil law. In England, since the Reformation, the
Levitical law has been recognised as the standard by
which to determine the prohibitions of marriage. For
Catholics everywhere, as Alexander II decreed (c. 2,
C. 35, q. 5), the ecclesiastical calculation (com-
putaHo canonica) must be followed for the direct ques-
tion of the lawfulness of marriage. Clement V, in the
Council of Vienne (1311), decieed that any one who
knowingly contracted marriage* within the forbidden
degrees should by the fact incur exoommunieation,
though not reserved; this penalty<has ceased ainee the
BuU "ApostoUc» Sedis" of Pius IX (1860). The
Council of Trent (1563) rec|uired the absolute separa-
tion of those who knowingly contracted marria^
within the prohibited d^rees, and denied all hope of
obtaining a dispensation, especially if the attempted
marriage had been consummated. But in this regaxd
the practice of the Church, probably on account of the
recognition of such marriages by the Stsite, and the
consequent difficulty of enforcing the dissolution of
Ulicit unions, has tended towards greater leniency.
The Council of Trent, it is true (Sess. XXIV, c v, De
ref., matr.), made no changes in the existing leosla-
tion, despite the wishes of many for a reduction ci the
limits of the impediment (Themer, Acta Cone Tiid.,
Leipzig, 1874, 336, 342). Such reduction would in all
prooability have been discussed at the Vatican Coun-
cil (1870), had it not been interrupted (L&mmer, Zur
edification des can. Rechts, Freiburg, 1899, 137,
sqq., and Martin, Coll. docum. Cone Vat., p. 162 aqq.).
In the Uniat Eastern Churches, the marriage of
bkxxi-relatiotts is forbidden in the collateral line to the
seventh civil degree, L e. second cousins touching third,
but in that d^iee is only preventive, not diriment
(Wemx, IV, 627). Among the Italo-Greeks, however,
the Maronites, and the Syrians the legislation of the
Roman Church obtains (Benedict XIV, Etsi Pastor-
alis, 26 May, 1742; Synod of Mount Lebanon. 1736;
&mod. Sciarf. Syror.. 1888). In the schismatic
CJhurchee of the East aU marriaffea of relations in the
direct line are prohibited; in the collateral Une the
seventh (civil) degree is the limit of prohibition; the
remotest degree, however, is only a preventive im-
pediment. In the National Greek Church, since
1873, marriage is forbidden within the sixth (civil) de-
mee, i. e. second cousins; in Russia, since 1870, within
tiie fourth (civil) decree, i. e. first cousins (cf. Zhish-
man, Eheredit d. oriental. Kirche, Vienna, 1864, and
Milas, Das Kirchenrecht der morgenl&nd. Kudie,
Mostar, 1897).
DlSPBNBATION FROM THE iMPEDIMBNT.-j-WhateVer
dispensing power is available resides principally in the
supreme authority of the (]hiut^, namely the Apostolic
See. The pope generally exercises his power of dis-
pensing throtigh tne Roman Congregations. For pub-
lic dispensations (in foro extemo) the Dataria (see
Roman Curia) is the ordinary medium for so-called
Catholic countries; the Sacra PemierUiaria for cases
of conscience (occiUt impediments) and of late for the
cases of the poor. The Congr^^tion of Propaganda
is the medium for countries dependent on it, e. g.
(^reat Britain and its dependencies and the United
States. This power of dispensation with the right to
subdele^te is often delegated to bishops, vicars
Apostohc, and others having pastoral authority over
souls. In. whatever is fqrbiaden by the law of nature
there is no dispensation. In the direct line of conaan-
uty Nicholas I supposes that there is no room for
msation. However, in cases of infidels when one
or t>oth are converted, while it is to be held that noar-
riages within the first decree of the direct line are in-
vaud, in all others the Holy See has to be consulted.
The Holy See has the supreme ri^t in doubtful eases
to determine what may or may not be forbidden by
the law of nature or by the Divine positive law. Bene-
dict XIV, as alrrady said, emphasised the fact that the
267
QomAMwmnrr
popes bad never granted a dispensation for a marriage
between bzoiher and sister, even where the union
mi^t haye ooourred without a knowledgie of the re*
lataonship on the part of the contracting persons.
Consanguinity may be duplicated as arising from
two souvoes: fint» fmm two roots, e. g. two Mothen
manying two women who are cousins : the children of
each brother will be related to those of the other in the
■eeond d^^ree on the father's side, and in the third de-
gree on the mother's aide; aeoona, from one root, but
when the deacendants intennarry. Hence, where
there is a double consanguinity, there is a double im-
pediment which muat be expressed in the petition for
dispensation; and should there be a more extensive
is also required if an attempt at mairiage had been
made, even if not consummated.
Civil Lboisi^tion. — ^In the Eastern Church the
Quinisext Council (692) forbade, as we have seen, mar-
riages between first cousina In the eighth century
Emperors Leo and Gonstantine oonfirmed this deeree
and forbade alliances between persons in the sixth
degree of consan^nity according to the computation
of the Roman civil law, i. e. between thegraodehlldren
of brothers and sistezs, and still later Un, the seventh
degree of the same computation. This holda to-day
in the Greek-Church. The question ol consanguinity
is important in determining civil rights, which are
mainly under control of the State, thou^ Ul^timacy
TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY
ON TBS rATHBR'S 8X0B
* ^ * * *
•Their mnd-— — Tfaeir*— Great-<r«at-«-Greftt-great«
«hildreti childrm unete gn»dfatlMr
Gn^t-Mnat' Graat-great
aunt grandmother
ON THE, MOTBBR'b SIDE
4 4 4
-Great-great- —Their— —Their grand- —Their great-
unole ohildren ohildinen
Great-great-
aunt
—Their greal
grandcfiildr
ildrati
Their great-
grandchildren
o^dren
8 3 3 3
-Their grand- ^—Their-^— Great-uncle-^^reat-grand-
children children Great-aunt father
8
coufina
Gieat-grand-
motner
I
2
•Orandfathei^
Grandmother
-Great-uncle Their ' Their grand--
Great-aunt children children
2
-Unele.
Aunt
2 8
-Firat 8eeond«
cousina cousins
i— Their great-
grandcoUdreo
4
—Their
children
Great-grand-— Grand-nephew^Nephew — Brotheiw—
nephew Qnuid-^ieee Niece Half-brother
Gi«ait-gnAd> .
Mother
John
Mary
I
Son
Daughter
2
Qnndaon
Granddaughter
12 3
■ Rater ■ Nephew ■■ Onand-pephefw«
Half-mster Niece Grand-nieoe
'— Qreat-^grand-
nepheW
Great-grand-
3
t-gr
children
Great-grand«
lildren
Great-great-
grandcfiildr
Idren
duplication by still further intennarriages, all the for-
biaden d^tees regulling from the blood-relationship
should be mentioned in seeking dispensation* In the
petition for dispensatioii, both series in the collateral
oonB|8ngutnity must be mentioned, thou^ this is not
necessary for validity of the dispensation. A special
proviso la made when dispensation is aou^t from cot*
lateral consanguinity. It must be mentioned, even
for validity, if the one part is next of kin to the root or
common ancestor and the other within the forbidden
degrees; the sex of the next of kin should also be men-
tioned, because of the greater difficulty of the dispen-
sation for a nephew to marry his aunt. If the f artnest
should be in the fifth degree, there is even in that case
no pn^ffaitioD of marriage. The impediment of mar-
riage arises also from any carnal intercourse, even out-
side of marfti^, to the fourth d^^ree of consanguinity.
To oonsaaguinity within the prohibited degrees may
bettddeduiegrBvamedof the crime of incest If the
incest were committed in the hope of f acflitatfaig the
gnmt of a dispsnsation, this eincumistance must be
'in tb0 petition for dispensation; mention
often produces ecclesiastical disbarments (see Birth).
The hindrances to marriage basedon consanguinity vai^
ccMisiderably in different States. In Germany oonsan-
euinity is a bar only in the direct line, and between
brothers and sisters. In France uncle and niece, aunt
and nephew, are forbidden to intennarry, but dispen-
sation may be granted by the head of the State. The
prohibition does not extend to this relationship aris-
ing from an illegitimate union. Even in the most
conservative Catholic coimtries, there is a tendency to
limit the impediment of eonsanguinity. In England
the statutes of Henry VIII, rej^ed in part by Ed-
ward VI and wholly hy Phillip and Mary, were revived
in EKzabeth's first year, the provision being that ''no
prohibition, Qod^ law except, shall trouble or im-*
peach any marriage outside Levitical law". The ety
desiastieal interpretation was that consanffuiniW was
an impedhneni to marriage as far as the third degree
of civil computation. A man might not marry hil
aunt, or his niece, but midit marry his first counn*
Relationship by ^ half-blood was put on the same
footint; as the full-blood, and illegitimate consanguift*
ooHsomos
268
ity was treated as ociuivalent to If^itiniate blood rela-
tionship. The courts regarded marriages within the
f (»t>idaen degree as voidable rather than void, but such
marriages were declared void by an act of 5 and 6 Wil-
liam IV (1835). In the United States all the States
prohibit marriage between lineal descendants; most
of ^em prohibit marriages between uncle and niece,
nep^w and aunt, and between first cousins (Des-
mond, The Church and the Law, Chicago, 1898, C. X).
Gbnsau>oical Table. — ^We subjoin a genealogical
table which esdiibits the various degrees of consan-
guinitv according to a custom in use in the Western
Church since the seventh century (Isidore of Seville).
This will be a useful guide in determining the extent
of the impediment of affinity (q. v.). Affinity from a
true marriage is a diriment impediment to the fourth
degree of consanguinity of the deceased spouse; ac-
coniing to the ecclesiastical law a widower may not
marry any of his deceased wife's blood-relations as far
as the fourth d^ree inclusively, nor a widow her de-
oeased husband's blood-relations. • There is a modifi-
cation if tiie afl^ty be one arising from illicit inter-
eoane,
Fbjs, De Impedim. H Diapetu. Matrim. (Louvaan, 1885). cfa.
xiii, xzx. xxxi; Scayinx, Theol. Mor,, Bk. Ill, De imped. Matr.,
art. 2 OtilMD, 1858); Db Anokub, Fral. Jur, Can., vol III. pt.
I. tit. 3dv (Rome, 1880); Taunton, The Law of the Church (Lon-
don, 1906) s. v.: ZiTBLU, Apparat. Juria Bed., Bk. 11, ch. ii,
art. 7, p. 439 (Rome, 1888): Santi-Lextner, Pral. Jur, Can.
Uih ed.. New York, 1905). 111. 245-61; Kbnrxck, Theol. Mor.,
Tract, xxi. De Mair., eh. v. (Mechlin, 1861); Aodu and Ab-
NOLD, Catholie Ditiionaru (Jxmdon, 1903). e. v.; CRAxaaoN,
Man. Jur, Can,, vol. III. Bk. II, ch. viu, De Imped, d
(PoUien, 1880): Laubbntiub, Inet, Jur. Can. (Froburg, l9l
1 151; AndbA-Waonbb, Did. de droit canon. (Paris, 1901), s.
Coanat.
. lS03).
D'AviNO, Bncidopedia deW BceUaiaelicq. a. v. Imped, del Mair.
(Turin. 1878); HAaiiNoa, Did. of the BtUe (New York, 1902),
8. V. Marriage: Chbtnb, BncydopcBdia BiUiea (New York,
1899). 8. V. Marriage.
RiCTHARD L. BURTBELL.
OoDBcittiee. — ^I.Thb Name. — In En^ish we have
done with a Latin word what neither the Latins nor the
French have done: we have doubled the term, making
" conscience ' ' stand for the moral department and leav-
ing ''consciousness" for the universal field of objects
about which we become aware. In Cicero we have to de-
pend upon the context for the specific limitation to the
ethical area, as in the sentence: ** mea mihi conscientia
pluris est quam omnium sermo" (Att., XII, xxviii, 2).
Sir W. Himulton has discussed how far we can be said
to be conscious of the outer objects which we know,
and how far ''consciousness" o^sht to be held a term
restricted to states of self or sel&consciousness. (See
Thiele, Die Philosophic desSelbstbewusstseins, Berlin,
1895.) In the two words Betmisstaein and Uetvis9en
the Germans have made a serviceable distinction an-
swering to our "consciousness" and "conscience".
The ancients mostly neglected such a discrimination.
The Greeks often used ^pdn^ftt where we ^ould use
"conscience", but the two terms are far from coinci-
dent. They also used ^vdhta-itf which occurs repeat^
edly for the purpose in hand both in the Old and the
New Testament. The Hebrews had no formal psy-
chology though DelitBsch has endeavoured to fincT one
in Scripture. There the heart often stands for con-
science.
II. Origin of Conscience in the Race and in the
Individual. — Of anthropologists some do and some do
not accept the Biblical account of man's origin; and
the former class, admitting that Adam's descendants
might soon have lost the traces of their higlber deseent,
are willing to hear, with no pledge of endorsing, what
the latter class have to say on the assumption of the
human devdopment even from an animal ancestry,
and on the further assumption that in the use of evi-
dences they ma^ nedect sequence of time and place.
It is not maintainecTby any serious student that the
Darwinian pedigree is certainly accuiate: it has the
value of a diagram giving some notion of the lines
along which forces are suDDoaed to have acted. Not,
then, as accepting for fact, but as using it for a very
limited purpose, we may give a characteristic sketch oif
ethical development as suggested in the last chapter of
Mr. L. T. Houiouse's " Morals m Evolutk>n ". It is a
conjectural storv, verjr like what other anthropolo-
gists offer for what it is worth and not for fully oerti-
ned science.
Ethics is conduct or regulated life; and regulation
has a crude beginning in the lowest animal life as a re*
sponse to stimulus, as reflex action, as useful adapta-
tion to environment. Thus the amoeba doubles itself
round its food in the water and lives ; it propagates by
self-division. At another stage in the ammal snies
we find blind impulses for the benefit of life and its
propagation taking a more complex shape, untfl some-
thing like instinctive purpose is displayed. Useful
actions are performed, not apparently pleasurable in
themselves, yet with good in the seauel which cannot
have been foreseen. The care of tne animal for its
youn^, the provision for the need of its future offspring
IS a kmd of foreshadowed sense of duty. St. Thomas
is bold to follow the terminolo^ of Koman lawyers,
and to assert a sort of moralitj m the pairing and the
propagating of the higher anunals: "ius naturale est
quod natura omnia animalia docuit". (It is the na-
tural law which nature has taugjit all animab. — "In
IV Sent.", dist. xxxiii, a. 1, art. 4.) Customs are
formed imder the pressures and the interactions of ac-
tual living; they are fixed by heredity^ and they await
the analysis and the improvements ot nascent reason.
With the advent of man, in his rudest state — however
he came to be in that state, whether by ascent or de-
scent— ^there dawns a conscience, which, in the devd-
opment theory, will have to pass through many stages.
At first its categories of ri^t and wrong are in a very
fluid condition. Keeping no fixed form, and easily inter-
mixing, as in the chaos of a child's dreams, fancies, il-
lusions, and fictions. The reauirements of social life,
which becomes the great moraliser of social actbn, are
continually changing, and with them ethics varies its
adaptations. As society advances, its ethics im-
proves. " The lines on which custom is formed are de-
termined in each society by the pressures, the thousand
interactions of those forces of individual character and
social relationship, which never cease remoulding until
they have made men's loves and hates, their hopes and
fears for themselves and their children, their oread of
unseen agencies, their j^ousies, their resentments,
their antipathies, their sociability and dim sense of mu-
tual dependence — all their (qualities good and bad, sel-
fish and sympathetic, social and anti-social." (Op.
cit.. Vol. II, p. 262.) The grasp of experience widens
ana power of analysis increases, till, in a people like the
Greeks, we come ti^xm thinkers who can distinctly re-
flect on human conduct, and can put in practice the
ywQ$i amvrSp (know thyself), so that henceforth the
method of ethics is secured for all times, with indefinite
scope left for its better and better application. " Here
we nave reached the levd of philoso]:dluoal or apiritaal
religions, systems which seek to concentrate all experi-
ence in one focus, and to illuminate all morality nom
one centre, thou^t, as ever, becoming more compre-
hensive as it beoomes moie explicit ' '. (ibid«, p. 266.)
What is said of the rads is applied to the individual,
as in him custoniary rules acquire ethical character by
the recognition of distinct prinomles and ideals, aU
tending to a final unity or goal, which for the mere evo*
lutionist is left very indeterminate, but for the Oirie-
tian has adequate definition in a perfect possession ai
God -by knowledge and love, without the contingency
of further lapses from duty. To come to the fullness oJF
knowled^B possible in this workl is for the individual a
process of growth. The brain at first hsB not the o^•
ganiaation whidi would enable it to be the Instrument
of ratkmal thou^t: probably it is a necessity of our
mind's nature i&t we diould not start with ttie fully
formed brain but that the first elem«kts of knowledge
2R9
should be gatfaered with the gradations of the develop-
ing etnioture. • In the moraUy p>od familv the child
slowly leania right oondoct by imitation, by instrue-
tton, by aanctiGai in the way of rewards and puniab-
Dients. Bain esaggsrates the predominance of the
last named element as the soime whence the sense of
obligBtipn comes, and therein he is like Shaftesbury
(Inquiry, II, n. I), who sees in conscience only the re-
prover. This view is favoured also by Carlyle in his
'' £]saay on Characteristics", and by Dr. Mackenxie in
his ''Manual of Ethics" (3rd ed.. Ill, § 14), where we
read : '^ I should prefer to sa^ simpiv that conscience is
a feeling of fMun accompanying and resulting f ^om oiv
non-conformity to prmotple.'' Newman also has put
the stress on the reprovingoffice of conscienoe. (}Eurlyle
says we diould not observe that we had a conscienoe if
we had never offended. Green thinks that ethmd
theory is mostlj of negative use for conduct. (Fktile*
^mena to Ethics, IV, 1 .) It is better to keep in view
3th sides of tiie truth and say that the mind ethically
developed comes to a sense of satisfaction in ri^t doing
and of dissatisfacdon in wronsdoing, and that the re-
wards and the puniMunents judicioiuly assigned to the
young have for their purpose, as Aristotle puts it, to
teach the teachable hcrar to find pleasure in what ouf^t
to please and displeasure in what ou^t to displease.
Tine immature mmd mist be civen' external sanctJons
before it can reach the inward. Its earliest glimmer^
in^ of duty cannot be clear light: it begins by distin-
guishing conduct as nice or as nasty and natu^ty: aS
approved or disapproved by parents and teachers, be-
hmd whom in a dim way stands the ofi>4nentioned
Ciod, conceived, not only in an anthropomc»phie, but
in a nepiomon^io way, net oorrect yet more correct
than Oahban's speculations about Setebos. The per-
ception of sin in the genuine sense is gradually formed
until the age which we roughly designateas the seventh
year, and henceforth the agent entere upon the awful
career of responsibility according to the dictates of con-
science. On grounds not ethical but scholastieally
theological, St. Thomas explains a theory that the unr
baptised person at the dawn of resaon eoes through a
first crisis in moral discrimination which turns simply
on the acceptance or rejection of God, and entails mor-
tal sin in case of faflure. (I-II, Q. Ixzziz, a. 6.)
in. WbaT GoNSCUBltCE Is IN THE SoUL OF MaN?—
It is oftm a good maxim not to mind for a time how a
thing came to bCy but to see what it actually is. To do
so in regard to oonsdenee before we take up the history
of philosophy in its regard is wise poltcv, for it will sive
us Bome dear doctrine upon whicii to lay hold, v^ile
we travel throng a region perplexed by much confus-
ion (A thoudit. The following points are cardinal : (a)
The natural conscience is no distinct faculty, but the
one intelleot oi a man inasmuch as it considers right
and wrong in conduct, aided meanwhile by a good will,
b V the use of the emotions, by the practical experience
of living, and by idl External helps that are to the pur-
pose, (b) The natural conscience of the Ghristian is
known by him to act aotakme, but under the enlight-
enment and the impulse derived from revelation and
grace in a strictly simeniatural order, (o) As to the
order of nature, whi 7n does not exist but which mis^t
have existed, St. Thomas (I-II, O. cix, a. 3) teadMs
that both for the I nowiedge of (}oa and for the knowl-
edge of moral duty, men such as we are would require
some assistance from God to make their knowledge suf-
ficiently extensive, clear, constant, effective, and rela-
tively adequate; and especially to put it within readi
of tfatose whoare much ensrossed with the cares of ma-
terial Itfe. It would be absurd to suppose that in the
cnder of nature God oould be debarred from any reve-
lation of Himself, and would leave Himself to be
settfched for quite irresponsively. (d) Being a prae-
tical thing, eonsc»nce depends in large measure for its
oorreotness upon the good use of it and on proper care
taken to heed its deliverances, eulttvate its powera,
and frustrate its enemies, (e) Even where due ditt*
^ence is employed conscience will err sometimes, but
its inculpable mistakes will be admitted by (Sod to be
not blameworthy. These are so many prindi^as
needed to steady us as we tread some of the mju of
elhical history, ^ere pitfalls are many.
IV. The FknxMonn of Conscience CowaiPERwn
HiSTDEzcALLT. — (1) In pre^krutian times. — ^The earl-
iest written testimonies that we can consult tell us of
recognised principles in morals, and if we confine our
attention to the good which we find and neglect for the
present Uie inconstancy and the admixture of many
evils, we AnXL experience a satisfaction in the history.
The Persians stood for virtue against vice in their sup-
port of Ahura Masda against Ariman; and it was an
excellence of theirs to rise above " independent ethics ' '
to the conception of God as the rewaraer and the pun-
isher. They even touched the doctrine of Ghiist's say-
ing, ''What doth it profit a man if he gain the whole
wdrld, and lose his own soul?" when to the question,
what is the worth of the whole creation displayed before
us, the Zend-Avesta hss the reply: ''the man therein
who is delivered from evil in thought, word, and
deed: he is the most valuable object on earth." Here
conscience was cleariy enlightened. Of the morel vir-
tues among the Persians truthfulness was conspicuous.
Herodotus says that the vouth were tau^t ''to ride
and shoot with the bow's and "to speak the truth".
The unveracious Greeks, who admired the wiles of an
Odysseus, were surprised at Penian veraci^ (Herodo-
tus, 1, 136, 138); and it may be that Herodotus is not
fair on Ihis head to Darius (III, 72). The Hindus in
the Vedas do not rise hi^, but in Brahminism there is
something more spirited, and still more in the Bud-
dhist refonn on its best side, considered apart from the
pessimistic view of life upon which its f aliBe asceticism
was grounded. Buddhism had ten prc^ibiUve com-
mandments: three concerning the body, forbidding
murder, theft, and unchastity ; four concerning speech,
forbidding lying* slander, abusive language, and vain
converuition ; and threeooDoerning the mind internally,
covetousness, malicious thoughts, and the doubting
spirit. The Egyptians show the woridnos of con-
science. In the ^Book of the Dead" we find an ex-
amination of conscience, or rather profession of inno-
cence, before the Supreme Judge after death. Two
confessions are given enunciating most of the virtues
(chap, oxxv): reverence for Gkxi; duties to the dead;
chanty to neighboun ; duties of superiors and subjects ;
care for human life and limb ; chastity, honesty, truth-
fulness, and avoidance of slander ; freedom from t» vet-
ousnesB. The Assjrro-Babylonian monuments offer us
many items on the favourable side; nor could the peo-
ple whence issued the Gode of Hammurabi, at a date
anterior to the Mosaic legislation by perhaps seven
himdred years, be ethically undeveloped. If the Code
of Hammurabi has no precepts of reverence to Ckxi
correspcmding with the first three Gonmiandments of
the Mosaic Law, at least its preface contains a recogni-
tion of Ckxl's supremacy. In China Confucius (c.
600 B. c), in connexion with an idea of heaven, deliv-
ered a hish morality; and Mencius (c. 300 b. g.) de-
veloped &is code of upr^htness and benevolence as
''Heaven's appointment . Greek ethics began to pass
from its gnomic condition when Socrates fixed attention
on the 7WMi emvT6w in the interests of moral reflection.
Soon followed Aristotle, who put the science on a lasting
basis, with the great drawback oi neglecting the theistic
side and consequoitly the full doctrine of obligation.
Neither for "obligation" nor for "conscienoe" had the
Greeks a fixed term. Still the pleasures of a good con-
science and the pains of an evil one were welfset forth
in the fragments collected by Stobnus wtpl rev ^vmiMtos.
Penandros, asked what was true freedom, answered : " '\
good conscience" (Gaisford's Stobieus, vol. I, p. 429).
(2) In the ChritUan Fatheri. — The patristic treat-
ment of ethics joined together Holy Scripture and the
oowuuBim
270
classical authors of paganism ; no system was reached,
but each Father did what was characteristic. Teitul-
Han was a lawy^ and speke in legal terms: espedally
his M ontanism ureed hmi to inquire which were the
mortal mm, and thus he started for futiue investigar
tors a good line of inquiry. Clement of Alexandria
was aUegodc and mystic: a combiner of Orientalism,
Hellenism, Judaism, and Christianity in their bearing
on the several virtues and vices. The apologists, in
defending the Christian character, dwelt on the marks
of ethical conduct. Sti Justin attributed this excel-
lence to the Divine Logos, and thought that to Him.
through Moses, the pagan philosophers were indebted
<Apol., I, xliv). Similarly Origen accounted for pre-
Christian examples of Christian virtue. As a Roman
skilled in l^al administration St. Ambrose was largdy
guided by Latin versions of Greek ethics, as -is vorv
well illustrated by his imitation in style of Cicero^
*' De Officiis", which he made the title of his own work.
He discusses fumestum et tUile (I, ix) ; decorum, or t6
wp4ww, as eodiibited in Holy Scripture (x) ; various de-
grees of goodness, mediocre and perfect, in connexion
with the text, **if thou wilt be perfect" (xi); the pas-
sions of hot youth (xvii). Subsequent chapters dwell
on the various virtues, as fortitude in war and its allied
quality> courage in mart^rtdom (xl, xli). The second
book opens witn a discussion of beatitude, and then ne-
tums to tihe d^erent virtues. It is the pupil of St.
Ambrose, St. Augustine, who is, perhaps, tne most im-
portani of the Fathers in the development of the Chris*
tian doctrine of conscience, not so much on accoimt of
his fluent discourses about moral subjects, as be-
cause of the Platonism which he drank in before his
conversion, and afterwards got rid of only by degrees.
The abiding residt to the Sdiolastic system was that
many writers traced their ethics and tneology more or
ksss to innate ideas, or innate dispositicxis, or Divine
'illuminations, after the example of St. Augustine.
£ven in St. lliomas, who was so distinctly an Aristote-
lean empiricist, some fancy that Hhey detect oocasibnal
remnants of Augustinianism on its Flatanic side.
Before leaving the Fathers we may mention St.
Basil as one who illustrates a theorizing attitude. He
was sotod enough in recc^izihg sin to be graver and
less gmve; yet in the stress of argument against some
persons who seemed to admit only the worst ofifences
against God to be real sins, he ventured, without ap-
proving of Stoic doctrine, to point out a sort of equal-
ity in all sm, so far as ail sin is a disobedience to God
(Hom« de Justiti^ Dei, v-viii). Later Abelard and re-
cently Dr. Schell abused this suggestion. But it has
had no influence in anyway like that of St. Augustine's
ihatonism, of which a specimen may be seen in St.
Bonaventure, when he is treating precisely of conr-
science, in a passage very useful as diedding lisht on a
subsequent part of this article. Some habits, ne says,
are acquired, some iniude as regards knowledge of sm*-
gulars and knowledge of universals. *' Quum enim ad
cognitionem duo concurrant neoessario, videUcet prse-
sentia cognoscibilis et lumen quo mediante de iUo judi-
camus, habitus cognoecitivi sunt quodammodo nobis
innaH ratione luminis animo inditi; sunt etiam ac-
quisiti ratione speoiei ' ' — ** For as two things necessarily
concur for cognition, namely, the presence of some-
thing cognoscmle, and the light by which we judge con-
cemmg it, cognoscitive habits are in a certain sense imr
note, by reason of the light wherewith the mind is oi-
dowed; uid they are also acquired, by reason of the
epeciee." (** Comment, in II Lib. Sent.", dist. xxxiz,
art. 1, Q. ii. Of. St. Thomas, '* De Veritate ", Q. xi, art.
1: ''Principia dicuntur innata qus statim lumine in-
tellectus agentis cognoscuntur per species a sensifous
Idbstractas . — Principles are called innate when they
are known at once by the light of the active intellect
throu^ the speciee abstracted from the senses.)
Then comes the very noticeable and easily mis-
understood addition a little later: 'si que sunt
cognoBcibiiia per sui essentiam, non per speoem,
respectu talium poterit dici oonadentia esse hab>Uut
eimpUcUer innaiut, u^3ote respectu hujus quod est
Deum amare et timere; Deus emm non cogDoscitur per
SMnQitudinem a eensu, immo 'Dei notitia natunJiter
est nobis inserta', siout dicit Augustinus" — ^''if tbne
are some things cognoscible throu|^ their very enence
and not throu^ the species, eonsoienoe, with regaxti to
such things, may be called a habii simpiy innaU, as, for
example, with regard to loving and serving God; for
God is not known by sense through an ima^e; rather,
Hhe knowledge of God is implanted in us by nature',
as Augustine says'' C' In Joan.", Tract. ovL a. 4; ^Con-
fess.", X, XX, xxix; "De Lib. Afbitr.", I, xiv, xxxi;
"De Mor. Eccl.", iii, iv; "De Trin.", XIII, iii, vi;
" Joan. Dam. de Fide ' ', I, i, iii). We must remember
that St. Bonaventure is not only a theok)giaa but also
a mystic, supposing in man ocvme cands, octiius raii-
enis and octduB eonUsmpiatumis (the eye of the flesh,
the eye of reason, and the eye of contemplation) ; and
that he so seriously regards man's power to prove by
arguments the existence of God as to devote his labour
to explaining that lo^cal conviction is ooiuristent with
faith in the same existence (Comm. in III Sent.» dist.
xxiv, art. 1, Q. iv). AU these matteis are highly sig-
nificant for those who take up aay thorou^ examina-
tion of the Question as to what the Scholastics thought
about man naving a conscience by his veiy nature as
a rational being. The point recuiss frequently in S<^io-
lastic literature, to which we must next turn.
(3) In SchoUuiie timee,— It will help to make iatellir
gible the subtle and variable theories which follow, if it
be premised that the Scholastics are apt to puade
reaaers by mixing up with their philosophy of reason a
real or apparent apriorism, whim is caUed Augustin-
ianism, Platonism, or Mysticism, (a) As a rule, to
which Durandus with some others was an exception,
the Schoolmen regarded created causes as unable to is-
sue in any definite act unless applied or stimulated by
God, the Prime Mover: whence came the Thmnistic
doctrine of vrwmolio phyaioa even for the intellect and
the will, ana the simple eonetirstit of the non-Thomiats.
(b) Furthermora they supposed some powers to be
poUnHcd and poMuie, that is, to need acreative deter-
minant received into them as their oomfdement: of
which kind a prominent example was the inteUectus
poesUnUs informed by the ^wetes i$ddUfibiiiB, and an-
other instance was in relation to oonsacDoe) the sytk-
teresis. (St. Thomas, De Vent., Q. xvi, art. L ad 13.)
(c) First principles or halnts inherent in intellect and
will were deariy traced by St* Thomas to an origin in
experience and abstraction; but othen spoke more
ambiguously or even contracUetorily ; St. Thomas himr
self, in isolated passages, mi^t seon to afford material
for the priorist to utilise m favour of innate forma.
But the Thomistic explanation of ofpeHtue winslus, as
contrasted with eldeiiue, saves thesituati<m.
Abelaid, m his " Ethics ", or *< NosceTdpsum", does
not plunge us into these depths, and yethe taught such
an indwdling of the Hdy Ghost in virtuous pagans as
too unrestrictedly to make their virtues to oe Chris-
tian. He placed morality so nuu^ in the inward act
that he denied the morality of the outward, and sin he
placed not in the objectively disordered deed but in
contempt for Gkxl, in which opinion he was imitated by
Prof. SoheU. Moreover he opened a way to wrong
opinions by calling free will " the free judgoaent about
the will ". In his errors, however, he was notso wholhr
astray as careless reading mig^t lead some to infer. It
was with Alexander of Hates that discussions which
some will regard as the tedious minutis of Scholastic
speoulstion began. The orioyi lay in the introduction
from St. Jerome (in Esech., I^Bk. I, oh. 1) of the temi
eynierene or synderesis. Then tiie oommentaAor, hav-
ing treated tmee of the mystic animals in the Prophr
ecy as symbolising respectivdy three Platonic powers
of the soul: r6 tfrc^vrueiir (the appetitive), r6 0v§tUBhf
0ON80XBN0S
271
OONSOIEKOS
(the irascible), and rb \oyiK6p (the rational), uses the
fourth animal, the eagle, to represent what he calls
c^yr-^fiifau. The last, according to the texts em-
ployed by him to describe it, is a supernatural Imowl-
edge: it is the Spirit Who groans in man (Rom., viii,
26), the Spirit wno alone knows what is in man (I Cor.,
ii, 11^, the Spirit who with the body and the soul forms
the Patdine trichotomy of I Thess., v, 23. Alexander
of Hales neglects this limitation to the supernatural,
and takes synteresis as neither a poteniia alone,' nor a
habilus alone, but a poienHa habittudiSy something na-
tive, essential, indestructible in the80ul,3ret liable to be
obscured and baffled. It resides both in the intdli-
genee and in the will: it is identified -with conscience,
not indeed on its lower side, as it is deliberative' and
makes concrete applications, but on its higgler side as
it is wholly general in principle, intuitive, a lumen tn-
natum in tne intellect and a native inclination to good
in the will, voluntas naiuralis non deliberaHva (Summa
Theol., Pt. IT, QQ. Ixxi-lxxvii). St. Bonaventure, the
pupil, follows on the same lines in his "Commentarium
in II Sent." (dist. xxxix), with the diiferenoe that he
locates the synteresis as color et pondua in the will only,
distinguishing it from the conscience in the practical
intellect, which he calls an innate habit — ''rationale
iudicatoriimi, habitus cognoscitivus moralitmi princi-
piorum" — "a rational judnnent, a habit cognoscitive
of moral principles". Umike Alexander he retains
the name conscience for descent to particulars: "con-
scientia non solum consistit in universali sed etiam de-
soendit ad particularia ddiberativa" — "conscience not
only consists in the universal but also descends to de-
liberative particulars". As regards general principles
in the conscience, the habits are innate: while as re-
gards particular applications, they are acquired (II
Sent., dist xxxix, art. 1, Q. ii).
As forming a transition from the Franciscan to the
Dominican ^hool we may take one whom the Servite
Order can at least claim as a great patron, thoueh he
seems not to have joined their body, Henry of Ghent.
He places conscience in the intellect, not in the affec-
tive part — "non ad affectivam jpertinet" — ^by which
the Scholastics meant generally the will without special
reference to feeling or emotion as distinguished m the
modem sense from will. While Nicholas of Cusa de-
scribed the Divine illumination as acting in blind-bom
man (virtus illuminati coecinati qui per fidem visum
acquirit), Henry of Ghent required only assistances
to human sight. Therefore he supposed: (a) an
xnfuentia generalis Dei to apprehend concrete ob-
jects and to generalize thence ideas and principles;
(b) a light of faith; (c) a lumen specude wherewith
was known the sincera et limmda Veritas rerum by
chosen men only, who saw tnings in their Divine
exemplars but not God Himself; (d) the lumen
glonm to see God. For our purpose we specially note
this: "oonscientia ad partem animse co^itivam non
pertinet, sed ad affectivam'' — "conscience belongs
not to the co^itive part of the mind, but to the affec-
tive" (Quodlibet., I, xviii). St. Thomas, leading the
Dominicans, places synteresis not in the will but in the
intellect, andne applies the term conscience to the con-
crete determinations of the general principle which the
synteresis furnishes: "By conscience the knowledge
given through synteresis is applied to particular ac-
tions". ("Be Verit.", Q. xvii, a. 2. Cf. "Summa
Theol.", Q. bcxfac, a. 13; ^*III Sent.", dist. xiv, a. 1,
Q. ii; "Ck>ntra Gent.", II, 59.) Albcrtus agrees with
St. Thomas in assigning to the intellect the sjmteresis,
which he unfortunately derives from syn and h(erere
(haerens in aliquo) (Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xcix,
memb. 2, 3; Summa de Creaturis, Pt. II, Q. bdx, a. 1).
Yet he does not deny all place to the will: "Est ra-
tionis practicse . . . non sine voluntate naturali, sed
nihfl est voluntatis deliberativse (Summa Theol., Pt.
II , Q. xcix, memb . 1 ) . TTie preference of the Francis-
can School for the prominence of will, and the prefer-
ence of the Thomistic School for the prominence of in-
tellect is characteristic. (See Scotus, IV Sent., dist.
xlix, Q. iv.) Often this preference is less sig^iiiicant
than it seems. Fouill6e, the great defender of the
idSe force — idea as the active principle — allows in a
oontrovensy with Speneer that feeling and will may be
involved in the idea. ' Having shown how Scholasti-
cism began its research into conscience as a fixed termi-
nologv, we must leave the matter there, adding only
threeheads under which occasion was given for serious
errors outside the Catholic tradition: —
(a) While St. Augustine did excellent service in de-
veloping the doctrine of grace, he never so clearly
defined the exact character of the supernatural as to ,
approach the precision which was given through the
condemnation of propositions tau^tby Baius and Jan-
senius; and in consequence his doctrine of ori^nal sin
remained unsatisfactory. When Alexander of Hales,
without distinction of natural and supernatural, in-
troduced among the Scholastics the words of St.
Jerome about synteresis as seinttUa conscientiOf and
called it lumen tnnatum, he helped to perpetuate the
Aimistinian obscurity.
(d) As regards the intellect, several Scholastics in-
clined to the Arabian doctrine of inteUectus agenSf or to
the Aristotelean doctrine of the Divine poGs higher
than the human soul and not perishable with it. Roger
Bacon called the inteUectus agens a distinct substance.
Allied with this went Exemplarism, or the doctrine
of archetypic ideas and the supposed knowledge of
things in these Divine ideas, [(jompare Hie Tpok^w
%li^vr^ of the Stoics, which were universab, xoimt
MfvoMi (Zeller, Stoics, ch. vi)]. H»uy of Ghent distin-
guished in man a double knowledge: "primum exem-
plar rei est species eius universalis causata a re: secun-
dum est ars divina, continens rerum ideates rationes"
— ^"the first exemplar of a thing is universal species of
it caused by the thing: the second is the Divine Art
containing the ideal reasons (rationed) of things"
(Theol., I, 2, n. 15). Of the former he says: "per tale
exemplar acauisitum certa et infallibilis notitia veri-
tatis est omnino impossibilis" — "through such an ac-
quired exemplar, certain and infallible knowledge of
truth is utterly impossible" (n. 17) ; and of the latter:
''illi soli certam veritatem valent agnoscere qui cam
in exemplar! (»temo) valent aspicere, quod non omnes
valent" — "they alone can know certain truth who
can behold it in the (eternal) exemplar, which not all
can do" (I, 1, n. 26). The perplexity was further in-
creased when some, with Occam, asserted a confused
intuition of things singular as opposed to the clearer
idea ^t by the process of abstraction: "Cognitio sin-
gulans abistractiva pnesupponit intuitivam ejusdem
objecti" — " alratractive cognition of a sin^ar presup-
poses intuitive cognition of the same object" (Quod-
lib., I, Q. xiii). Scotus also has taught the confused
intuition of the singulars. Here was much occasion
for perplexity on the intellectual side, about the
knowledge of general principles in ethics and their ap-
plication when the pnority of the general to the par-
ticular was in question.
(c) The will also was a source of obscurity. Des-
cartes supposed the free will of God to have deter-
mined what for conscience was to be right and what
wrong, and he placed the act of volition in an affirma-
tion of the judgment. Scotus did not fgp thus far, but
some Scotists exaggerated the determming power of
Divine will, especiafly so as to leave it to the choice of
God indefinitely to enlai^ a creature's natural facul-
ties in a way that made it hard to distinguish the nat-
ural from the supernatural. Connected with the phil-
osophy of the will in matters of conscience is another
statement open to controversy, namelv, that the wUl
can tend to any good object in particular onl^ by rea-
son of its universal tendency to the good. This is what
Alexander of Hales means by synteresis as it exists in
the will, when he says that it is not an inactive habit
OOBTSOISNOX
272
ooHsonaraB
but a habit in some aenae active of itself, or a general
tendency, disposition, bias, weight, or virtuality.
With this we might contrast Kant's pure noumenal
will, good apart from all determinedly pood objects.
(4) Anti-Scholastic Schools. — ^The "history of ethics
outside the Scholastic domain, so far as it is antagonis-
tic, has its extremes in Monism or Pantheism on the
one side and in Materialism on the other.
(a) Spinoza is a type of the Pantheistic opposition.
His views are erroneous inasmuch as they r^ard all
thin^ in the light of a fated necessity, with no free
will m either God or man; no preventable evil in the
natural course of things; no purposed good of crea*
^ tion; no individual destiny or immortality for the re-
' sponsible agent: indeed no strict responsibility and no
strict retribution by reward or punishment. On the
other hand many of Spinoza's sayings, if lifted into the
theistic region, may be transformed into something
noble. The theist, taking up Spinoza's phraseology
in a converted sense, may, imder this new interpreta-
tion, view all passionate action, all sinful choice, as an
''inadequate idea of things", as 'Hhe preference of a
part to the detriment of the whole", while all virtue is
seen as an ''adequate idea" taking in man's "full rela-
tion to himself as a whole, to human society and to
God". Again, Spinoza's amor Dei inteUecliLalis be-
comes finally, when duly corrected, the Beatific Vi-
sion, after having been the darker understanding of
God enjoyed by holy men before death, who love all
objects in reference to God. Spinoza was not an anti-
nomian in conduct; he recommended and practised
virtues. He was better than his philosophy on its bad
side, and worse than his phUosophjr on its good side
after it has been improved by Christian inteipretation.
(b) Hobbes stands for ethics on a Materialistic basis.
Tracing all human action to self-love, he had to ex-
plain the generous virtues as the more respectable ex-
hibitions of that quality when modified by social life.
He set various schools of antagonistic thought devis-
ing hypotheses to account for disinterested action in
man. The Cambrid^ Platonists unsatisfactorily at-
tacked him on the principle of their eponymous philos-
opher, supposing the innate vo-fnukra to rule the em-
pirical oUrHiitara By the aid of what Henry More
called a "boniform faculty", which tasted " the sweet-
ness and savour of virtue". This calling in of a spe-
cial faculty had imitators outside the Platonic School ;
for example in Hutcheson, who had recourse to Divine
"implantations" of benevolent disposition and moral
sense, which remind us somewhat of synteresis as im-
perfectly described by Alexander of Hales. A robust
reliance on reason to prove ethical truth as it proved
mathematical truths, by inspection and analysis, char-
acterized the opposition which Dr. Samuel Clarke pre-
sented to Hobb^. It was a fashion of the age to treat
philosophy with mathematical rigour ; but very diffei^
ent was the "geometrical ethics' of Spinoza, the nec-
essarian, from that of Descartes, the libertarian, who
thought that God's free will chose even the ultimate
reasons of right and wrong and might have chosen
otherwise. l7 Hobbes has his representatives in the
Utilitarians, the Cambridge Platonists have their rep-
resentatives in more or less of the school of which T.
H. Green is a leading light. A universal infinite mind
seeks to realize itself fmitely in each human mind or
brain, which therefore must seek to free itself from the
bondage of mere natural causality and rise to the lib-
erty of the spirit, to a complete self-realization in the
infinite Self and after its pattern. What this pattern
ultimately is Green cannot say; but he holds tnat our
way towards it at present is through the recognized
virtues of European civilization, together with the cul-
tivation of science and art. In the like spirit G. £.
Moore finds the ascertainable objects that at present
can be called "good in themselves" to be social inter-
oourae and aesthetic delight.
(g) Kant may stand midway between the Pantheis-
tic and the purely Empirical ethics. On the one sido
he limited our knowledge, strictly so called, of things
good to sense-experiences; but on the otho* he al-
lowed a practical, regulative etystem of ideas lifting us
up to God. Duty as referred to Divine commands
was religion, not ethics: it was religion, not ethics, to
r^ard mor^ precepts in the light of the commands of
God. In ethics these were restricted to the autonom-
ous aspect, that is, to the aspect of them under which
the will of each man was its own legislator. Man, the
noumenon. not the phenomenon, was his own law-
giver and nis own end so far as morality went: annr*
thing beyond was outside ethics proper. Again, the
objects prescribed as good or forbidden as bad did not
enter in among the constituents of ethical Quality:
they were- only extrinsic conditions. The whole of
moralitv intrinsically was in the good will as pure
from all content or object of a definite kind, from all
definite inclination to benevolence and as dmving its
whole dignity from respect for the moral law simply as
a moral law, self-imposed, and at the same time uni-
versalized for all other autonomous individuals of the
rational order. For each moral agent as noumenal
willed that the maxim of his conduct should become a
principle for all moral agents.
We have to be careful how in practice we impute
consequences to men who hold false theories of con-
science. In our historical sketch we have found
Spinoza a necessarian or fatalist; but he believed in
effort and exhortation as aids to good life. We have
seen Kant assert the non-morality of Divine precept
and of the objective fitness of thin^, but he tound a
place for both these elements in his system. Simi-
larly Paulsen gives in the body of his work a mundane
ethics quite unaffected by his metaphysical principles
as stated in his preface to Book II. Luther logicsdly
might be inferred to be a thorough antinomian: he
declared tlie human will to be enslaved, with a natural
freedom only for civic duties; he taught a theory of
justification which was in spite of evil deeds ; he cfuled
nature radically corrupt and forcibly held captive by
the lusts of the fiesh; he regarded Divine grace as a
due and necessary complement to human nature,
which as constituted by mere body and soul was a
nature depraved; his justification was bv faith, not
only without works, but even in spite of evil works
which were not imputed. Nevertheless he asserted
that tlie sood tree of the faith-justified man mu^t
bring forth good works; he condemned vice most bit-
terly, and exhorted men to virtue. Hence Protest-
ants can depict a Luther simply the preacher of good,
while Catholics may regard simply the preacher of
evil. Luther has both sides.
V. Conscience in rrs Practical Working. — (1)
The supremacy of coiisdence is a great theme of dis-
course. " Were its might eaual to its right * ', says But-
ler, "it would rule the world". With Kant we could
say that conscience is autonomously supreme, if
against Kant we added that thereby we meant onlv
that every duty must be brought home to the indi\'ici-
ual by his own individual conscience, and is to this ex-
tent imposed by it; so that even he who follows author-
ity contrary to his own private judgment should do so
on his own private conviction that the former has the
better claim. If the Church stands between God and
conscience, then in another sense also the conscience is
between God and the Church. Unless a man Ls con-
scientiously submissive to the Catholic Church his sub-
jection is not really a matter of inner morality but a
mechanical obedience.
(2) Conscience as a matter of education and perfed'-
bility. — As in all other concerns of education, so in tUe
training of conscience we must use the sevex^ meaa^.
As a check on individual caprice, especially in youth,
we must consult the best living authorities and the bent
traditions of the past. At the same time that we are
recipient our own active faculties must exert them-
CON80IBV0B
273
OQMfCHflllOil
selves in tlie purauit with akeenoutlookforthe ohanoes
of error. Really unavoidable mistakeB will not count
Hgainst us: but many enons are remotely, when not
proximately, preventable. From all our blunders we
should learn a lesson. The dili^nt examiner and cor-
rector of his own conscience has it in his power, by long
diUgence to reach a great delicacy and responsiveness
to the call of dutv and of higher virtue, whereas the
ii^^igent, and still more the perverse, may in some
sense become dead to conscience. The burdening of
the heart and the bad power to put light for darkness
and darkness for light are results which may be
achieved with only too much ease. Even the best
criteria will leave residual perplexities for which pro-
vision has to be made in an ethical theory of probabili-
ties which will be explained in thearticlePROBABiLisif .
Suffice it to say here that the theory leaves intact the
old rule that a man in so acting must judge that he cer-
tainly is allowed thus to act, even though sometimes it
might be more commendable to do otherwise. In in-
ferring something to be permissible, the extremes of
scrupulosity and of laxity have to be avoided.
(3) The apfrowUa and reprovaU of conadence, — The
office of conscience is sometimes treated under too nar-
row a conception. Some writers, after the manner of
Socrates when he spoke of his damon as rather a re-
strainer than a promoterof action, assign to conscience
the office of forbidding, as others assign to law and go v-
emm^it the negative duty of checkmg invasion upon
individual liberty. Shaftesbury (Inquiry II, 2, 1) re-
gards conscience as the consciousness of wrongdoing,
not of rightdoing. Carlyle in his ''Essay on Charao-
teristics asserts that we should have no sense of hav-
ing a conscience but for the fact that we have sinned;
with which view we may compare Green's idea about a
reasoned system of ethics (Prol^., Bk. IV, oh. ii, sect.
311) that its use is negative ''to provide a safeguard
aesunst the pretext which in a speculative age some in-
adequate and misapplied theories ma^ afford our scdf-
ifihness rather than in the way of pomting out duties
previously ignored". Others say that an ethics of
conscience should no more be hortatory than art should
be didactic. Mackenzie (Ethics, 3rd ed., Bk. Ill, ch. i,
sect. 14) prefers to say simply that "conscience is a
feeling of pain accompanyinc^and resulting from non-
conformity to principle". The suggestion which, by
way of contrary, these remarks o£fer is that we should
use conscience largely as an approving and an instigs^
ting and an inspiring a^ncy to advance us in the right
way. We should not m morals copy the physicists,
who deny all attractive force and limit force to vU a
tergOf a push from behind. Nor must we think that
the positive side of conscience is exhausted in lurging
obligations: it may go on in spite of Kant, beyond
duty to works of supererogation. Of course there
is a theor>r inrhich denies the existence of such works
on the principle that every one is simply bound to
the better and the best if he feels himself equal to
the heroic achievement. This philosophy would la^
it down that he who can renounce all and give it
to the poor is simply obliged to do so, though a less
generous nature is not bound, and may take advan-
tage— if it be an advantage — of its own inferiority.
Not such was the way in which Christ put the case : He
said hypothetically, ' if thou wilt be perfect", and His
follower St. Peter said to Ananias ** Was not [thy land]
thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine
own power? . . . Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto
God.*' (Acts, V, 4.) We have, then, a sphere of duty
and beyond that a sphere of free virtue, and we include
both under the domain of conscience. It is objected
Uiat only a prig considers the approving side of his conr
science, but that is true only of the priggLsh manner,
not of the thiiug itself ; for a sound mind may verv well
seek the joy which comes of a faithful, generous heart,
aud make it an elTort of a conscience that outstrips duty
to aim at higher perfection, not under the false persua
IV,— 18
sion that only after duty has been fulfilled does merit
be^, but under the true conviction that duty is meri-
torious, and that so also is goodness in excess of duty.
Not that the eye is to be too narrowly fixed on rewaros:
these are included, while virtue for virtue's sake and
for the sake of God is carefully cultivated.
AsuTOTUS, Eth. Nic.t VI, 5; Pet£B Lohbard. II Sent., diat.
xxjdx, Q. iii; Alexander or Haleb, Sutnma, Pt. II, Q. Ixxl;
St. BoNAVENTtrxB, M Lib. Sent., loo. dt.; Aiskbtub If aonus,
Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xeix, mamb. 2, 8: Jj»EM,8ufnma de
Creai., Pt. II, Q. box. a. 1; St. Tbomab. Summa, X Q. Ixxix,
aa. 12, 13; I-II, Q. xix. aa. 6, 6: Idem, De Verit., Q, xvi; tehn
von Weten de» GewisMm in der SfkoUttHk dew ISen Jahthunderte
(Freibitts im Br., 1895); Thibiue. Die PAOoaopkia dee Seibe^
hewueeieeine (Berlin. 1895); Gass. Geacfnchte der ehrUaichen
Ethik (Berlin, 1881-1887); Luthardt, History of ChrieHan Ethiee
to the Reformation, tr. from German (Edinburgh, 1868); Janvf
AND 86AXULE8, Hittory of the Frobleme of Phuoeoj^ tr. from
French by Monahan (London, 1902); Paux* Janet, Tfie Theory
of Atorala, tr. Chapman (Edinburgh); Sidgwick, History of
Sthice (London. 1896); Butxab, Sermone; Newman, Grammar
of Assent (London, 1903); StoowzcK, Methods of Etkies (Lon-
don, 1901): BncRBERaEB, Kirchlichss Handlexikon (Munich,
1907); DB Wjii.r, Henri de€fand(hanvBin, 1894); Hvmthbbt,
Coneeienee and Law (London, 1896).
John Rickabt.
Ooiuicienc^ BIxamination of. gee Examination
OF Conscience.
Oozuicienca, Hendbik, a Flemish novelist, b. at
Anttrerp, 3 Deoember, 1812; d. at BraBKb; 10 Sep-
tember, 1883. Hb father was Freneh and his mother
Flemish. Until the age of seven Oonsoienoe was a
cripple, and was constantly under the care of his
mother who used to tell him wonderful tales of fairies
and angels. little by little, how<9v«r, he grew
stronger, and was able to take part in the games of
other ehUdren^ but, as soon as he could md, books
were his favourite companions. In faefe, it was hj
reading that he mainly educated himself, for his
schooling was limited to what would be considered
tOHky as the elementary grade. In 1890 he was a
tutor in tlie Delin School, to some degree a fashion-
able institution of Antwerp, but at tli^ vevy begin-
ning of the struggle for mdependence he resigned
his- position and entered the army as a private.
His militaiy service, which lasted six years, brought
him into contact with the peasants of the northern
part of Belgium, and gave him an opportunity to
study their mannera, their customs, and to see the
attractive skies of their character, rough as it is on
the surface. After leaving the arm^r he was suoces-
sively connected with the local adminiitration of Ant-
werp, the mcadany of the same city, and, in 1857,
with the local administration of Courtrui. In 1868
he was appointed commissioner of the royal museums
of paintmg and sculpture* He had taught Flemish
to the sons of Ki^g Leopold I, and in 1868 refused
the chair of Flemish literature in the University of
Ghent. In 1869 be became a member of the Eoyal
Aoidemy of Belgium.
While in the lurmy Oonsoienoe began to write, but
in French. In 1887, following the advice of his friend
Jan Delaet, he made up his mind to write in Flemish^
an idiom which was then considered too rude for
literary composition. In this language he published
hisfiistnovd, '"The Wonderful Year", and six months
later a volume of verse and prose, '' Phaatasij ".
These two highly romantic {Hroductions, where every*
thing, romance, style, and even laoi^iage, lay open to
criticism, were failures. Conscience, however, was in
no way dismayed and took in hand another woric.
This time his efforts were crowned with success.
When, in 1838, "The Lk>n of Flanders" i4>peared,
it enriched Flemish literature with « masteri»eee.
After this success he never ceased writing. His com '
plete worics embrace more than a hundred volumes
Conscience got his inspiration from three mais
sources: the tetherland, the family, and loyalty tc
the Church. His conception of art is an kieawtic
one, thoi^h he gives a vivid account of the reaHties
of life. Bis avowed purpose was always to inspire
OOKSOnSHOX
274
coirsoioirsHsss
the people with a love for the good and the beautiful.
He possesses to a high d^iee the sense of the dra-
matic and pathetic; he has a wonderful power of grasp-
ing the picturesQue side of things, ana often renders
it with a rare felicity of expression. His works en-
joyed a great vogue, and have been translated into
most of the European languages. Several English
editions appeared in London, Edinburgh, and Balti-
more. Among his historical novels '^The lion of
Flanders" and ''Jacob van Artevelde'' are consid-
ered his best achievements; among his studies of life
and manners the most successful were ''Siska van
Roosemael" and "The Blessing of Being Rich";
among his village tales the best known are ''The
Conscript" and ^' Baas Gansendonck". The city of
Antwerp raised a monument to this famous son,
which was unveiled some weeks before his death.
OoNsamcB, Oe9cMedmvu mijner jeuod; Ekkhoud. Henri
Canacienot (BnuBeb, 1881); db Mont, Hendrik Catucimce,
ntn Uven en aijne werken (Ghent, 1883); Mabxston, JLea
riamanda h jtrovoa de la moft ae H. Conadenee: Le sentiment de
race (Lyons, 1884); db Konxnck, Bibliographie natumale bdge
(BrusMls. 1886). ^ , ,,
P. J. Mabique.
Ooiuieieneev Libebty of. See Toleration.
Oonacioiuniesa (Lat. amaeieniia; Qer. BewusMsnn)
cannot, strictly speaking, be defined. In its widest
sense it includes all our sensations, thoughts, f eelines,
and volitions — in fact the sum total of our mental lue.
We indicate the meanins of the term best by con-
trasting conscious life witn the unconscious state of a
swoon, or of deep, dreamless sleep. We are said to be
oonaoious of mental states when we are alive to them,
or are aware of them in any d^;ree. The tenn aelf-
conscious is employed to denote the higher or more
reflective form of knowledge, in which we formally
recognise our states as our own. Consciousness in the
wide sense has come to be recessed in modem times
as the subject-matter of a special science, psychology;
or, more definitely, phenomenal or empirical psy-
chology. The investigation of the facts of conscious-
ness, viewed as phenomena of the human mind, their
observation, description, and analysis, their classifi-
cation, the studv of the conditi<m8 of their growth and
development, tne laws exhibited in their manifesta-
tion, and, in general, the explanation of the more com-
plex mental operations ana products by their reduc-
tion to more oementary states and processes, is held
to be the business of the scientific p^rchdogist at the
present day.
HnrroRT. — ^The scientifio or qrstematic study of the
phenomena of consciousness is modem. Particular
mental operations, however, attracted the attention
of acute thinkers from ancient times. Some of the
i^enomena connected with vdition, such as motive,
mtention, choice, and the like, owing to their etiiical
importance, were elaborately investigated and de-
scribed by eariy Christian moralists; whilst some of
our cognitive operations were a subject of interest to
the earliest Greek philosophers in their speculations
on the problem of numan knowledge. The common
character, however, of all bran(jhes of phQosophy hi
the ancient worid, was objective, an inouiry into the
nature of being and becoming in general, and of cer-
tain forms of being m particular. Even when epis-
temological questions, investigations into the nature
of knowing, were undertaken, as e. g. by the School of
Democritus, there seems to have been very little
effort made to test the theories by careful comparison
with the actual experience of our oonseiousness. Ac-
cordin^y, crude hypotheses received a considerable
amount of support. The great difference between
ancient and modem methods of investigating the
human mind will be best seen by comparing Aris-
totle's "De Anim&" and any modem treatise such as
Wflliam James' " Principles of Psychology*', or James
Ward's article on psychology in the ninth edition of
the "Encyclopaedia Britannica". Although there »
plenty of evidence of inductive inquiry in the Gneck
philosopher's book, it is mainly of an objective Aar-
acter ; and whilst there are incidentally acute obecrva-
tions on the operations of the senses and the constitu-
tion of some mental states, the bulk of the treatise is
either physiological or metaphysical. On the other
hand tne aim of the modem inquirer throughout is
the diligent study by introspection of different forms
of consciousness, and the explanation of all complex
forms of consciousness by resolving them into their
simplest elements. The Schoolmen, in the main,
followed the lines of the Greek philosophers, especially
Aristotle.' There is a striking uniformity in the trac-
tate "De Anim&" in the hands of each successive
writer throughout the whole of the Middle Ages. TTie
object and conditions of the operations of the ec^ni-
tive and appetitive faculties of the soul, the constitu-
tion of species f the character of the distinction between
the soul and its faculties, the connexion of sou^ and
body, the inner nature of the soul, its origin and des-
tiny arc discussed in each treatise from the twelfth to
the sixteenth century; whilst the method of ars:ument
throughout rests rather on an ontological anarysis of
our concepts of the various phenomena than on pains-
taking introspective study of the character of our
mental activities themselves.
However, as time went on, the importance of cer-
tain problems of Christian theology, not so vividly
realized by the ancients, compellea a more searching
observation of consciousness and helped on the sub-
jective movement. Free will, responsibility, inten-
tion, consent, repentance, and conscience acouired a
significance imknown to the old pagan worid. This
procured an increasingly copious treatment of these
subjects from the moral theologians. Tlie difficulties
surrounding the relations between sensuous and in-
tellectual knowledge evoked more systematic treat-
ment in successive controversies. Certain questions
in ascetical and mystical theology also necessitated
more direct appeal to strictly psychological investi-
gation among the later Schoolmen. Still, it must be
admitted that the careful inductive observation and
analysis of our consciousness, so characteristic of
modem psychological literature, occupies a relatively
small space in the classical De animd of the medieval
schools. The nature of our mental states and pro-
cesses is usually assumed to be so obvious that de-
tailed description is needless, and the main part of the
writer's ene^ is devoted to metaphysical aigument.
Locke's "Essay Concerning Human XJnderstaiKiing"
(1690) and the writings of Thomas Hobbes (15^
1679), both of which combine with confused and
superficial metaphysics much acute observation and
genuinely scientific attempts at analysis of various
mental states, inaugurated the systematic inductive
study of the phenomena of the mind whidi has grown
into the mooem science of consciousness, the empir-
ical or phenomenal psvcholog^ of the present day. In
Great Britain the idealism of Berkeley, which resolved
the seemingly independent material world into a series
of ideas awakened by God in the mind, and the seep*
ticism of Hume, which professed to carry the analysis
still farther, dissolving the mind itself mto a cluster of
states of consciousness, focused philosophical specu-
lation more and more on the analytic study of mental
phenomena, and gave rise to the Associationist School.
This came at last virtually to identify all philosophy
with psychology. Reid and Stewart, the ablest
representatives of the Scotch School, whilst opposini^
Hume's teaching with a better psychology, still
strengthened by their method the same tendency
Meantime, on tiie Continent, Descartes' system ol
methodic doubt, which would reduce all philosophical
assumptions to his ultimate cogtto, ergo sum, furthered
the stibjective movement of speculation from another
side, for it planted the seed of the sundry modem
OONSOXOUSHSSS
275
oovocnotmms
plillosophiM of ooDBciousneas, destined to be evolved
along varioua lines by Fiehte, Sdielling, and Hart*
Such being in outline the histoiy of modem speeu-
lation in T^ud to human oonBciousness, the question
of primary mterest here is: Viewed from the stand*
point of Catholio theologieal and philosophical teach-
ing, what estimate is to be fonned of this modern
psychological method, and of the modem science of
the phenomena of ocmsciousness? It seepis to the
presefnt writer that the method of careful hidustrious
observation of the activities of the mind, the accurate
description and dassificsEttion of the various forms of
oonscMnisness, and the effort to analyse complex men-
tal products into their simplest elements, and to trace
Hie laws of the growth and development of our several
faculties, constitute a sound rational procedure which
is as deserving of oonunendation as the employment of
sound sctentinc method in any other brandi of knowl-
edge. Furtiter, since the only natural means of
aoquirii^ information respectingtiie inner nature of the
soul is by theinvestkation of its activities, thescientifio
study of the facts of consciousness is a necessary pre-
liminary at the present day to any satisfactory meta*
physics of the soul. Assuredly no philosophy of the
human soul which ignores the results of seientifio ob-
servation and ecq)eriment applied to the phenomena
of conseiousness can to^ay <naim assent to its teach-
ing with much hope of success. On the other hand,
most En^ish-speaking psychologists since the time of
Locke, partly uiroug^ excessive devotion to the study
of these |^enomena, partly throu^ contempt for
metaphysics, seem to have f aUen into the error of for-
getting that the main ground for interest in the study
of our mental activities lies in the hope that we may
draw from them inferences as to the inner constitution
of the being, subject, or agent from which these activi-
ties proceed. Inis error nas made the science of con-
sciousness, in tile hands of many writers, a ''pifychol-
ogy without a soul''. This is, of course, no necessaiy
consequence of the method. With respect to the relsr
tion between the study of Tx>nsciousnesB and philoso-
phy in general, Cathofic thinkers would, for tne most
part, h^ that a diligent investigation of the various
forms of oar cogxiitive consciousness must be under-
taken as one of me first steps in phik)sophy ; that one^
own conscious existence must be the ultimate fact in
every philosophical eyntem; and that the veracity of
our cognitive faculties, when carefully scrutinized,
must be the ultimate postulate in every sound theory
of oognitioiL But the prcepect of oonstractin^ a gen-
eral philo80];^y of consciousness on idealistic Imes
that win harmonijse with sundry theological doctrines
whidi the Church has stamped with her authority,
does not seem promising. At the same time, although
much of our dogmatic theology has been formulated
in the technical language of theAristotelean physios
and metaphysics, and though it would be, to sa;^ the
ieast, extremely difficult to disentan^e the Divinely
revealed relisious element horn the human and im-
perfect vehi(Ue by whi^ it is communicated, yet it is
most important to remember that the conceptions of
Anstotelean metaphysics are no mora part of Divine
Revelation than are the hypotheses of Aristotelean
physics : and that tilie technical lan^age with its philo-
sophical associations and implications in which mai^
of our theologusl doctrines are clothed, is a hiunan
bstrument, subject to alteration and correction.
QUANTTTATIVB SciENCB OP CONSCIOUSNESS. — ^Thc
term psychophysics is employed to denote a branch of
expenmental psychologv which seeks to establish
quantitative laws descnbing the general relations of
intensity" exhibited in various kinds of conscious states
under certain conditions. Elaborate en)eriments
and ingeiiious instruments have been devised by
Weber; Fechner, Wundt. and others for the purpose
of measuring the strength of the stimulus needed to
awaken the sensations of the several senses, the quaB*>
tity of variation in the stimulus required to produce a
consciously distinguishable sensation, and so to dis-
oov^ a minimum morement or unit of consciousness;
also to measure the exact duration of particular con-
scious pnicesses, the ''reaction-time-' or interval be*
tween the stimulaticm of a sense-organ and the per*
formancQ of a responsive movement, and similar facts.
These results have been stated in certam approximate
laws. The best established of these is the Weber-
Fechner generalisation, which enunciates the general
fact that the stimulus of a sensation must be increased
in geometrical progression in order that the intensity
of the resulting sensation be augmented in arith-
metical progression. The law is true, however, onl^ of
certain kinds of sensation and within limits. Whilst
these attempts to reach quantitative measurement —
characteristic of the exact sciences — ^in the study of
consciousness have not been directly very fruitful in
new results, they have nevertheless been indirectly
valuable in stimulating the pursuit of greater aocu<-
zacjrand precision in all methods of observing and
registering the phenomena of consciousness.
Sblt-Conscioitbnbss. — ^A most important form of
consciousness from both a philos(]^i<»d and a psycho-
logioal point of view is self-consciousness. By uiis is
understood the mind's consciousness of its operations
as its own. Out of this cognition combined with
memory of the past emerges the knowledge of our own
abiding personality. We not only have conscious
states uke the lower animals, but we can reflect upon
these states, recognize them as our own, and at the
same time distinguish them from the peraianent self
of which they are the transitory modifications.
Viewed as the form of consciousness by whidi we
study our own states, this inner activity is called in-
trospection. It is the chief instrument emplc^ed in
the building up of the science of psychology, and it is
one of the many differentia whidi separate the human
from the animal mind. It has sometimes been
spoken of as an '^ intomal sense", the proper object of
which is the phenomena of consciousness^ as that of
the external senses is the phenomena of ph3r8ical na^
ture. Introspection is, however, m«nely the function
of the intellect applied to the observation of our own
mental hfe. The peculiar reflective activity exhibited
in all forms of sell-consciousness has led modem psy-
chologists who defend the spirituality of the soul, in-
creasingly to insist on this operation of tiie human
mind as a main argument agunst materialism. The
cruder fonn of materialism advocated in the last cen-
tury by Broussais, Vog^, Molesdiott, and at times by
Huxley, which maintained that thought is merely a
** product", ''secretion", or '^ function" of the brain,
is shown to be untenable by a brief consideration of
any form of consciousness; All ''secretions" and
''products" of material agents of which we have ex-
perience, are substances which occupy space, are ob-
servable by the external senses, and continue to exist
when unobserved. But all states of consciousness are
non-spatial; they caimot be observed by the senses,
and they exist only as we are conscious or them — their
esK m percipi, similarly ''functions" of material
agents are, in the last resort, resolvable into taore*
ments of portions of matter. But states of conscious-
ness are not movemente any more than they are
"secretions" of matter. The contention, however,
that all states of consciousness, though not "secre-
tions " or " products" of matter, are yet forms of activ-
ity which have their ultimate source in the brain and
are intrinsically and absolutely dependent on the lat*
ter is not disposed of by this reasoning.
To meet this objection, attention is directed to the
form of intellectual activity exhibited in reflective
self-consciousness. In this process there is recogni-
tion of complete identity between the knowing agent
and the object which is known ; the 690 is at once sub-
CmUEOBATXOir
276
OmBMOLATUm
iect and object. This feature of our menial life has
been adduced in evidence of the immateriality of the
soul by former writers, but under the title of an argu-
ment from the unity of consciousness it has been
stated in perhaps its most effective form by Lotse.
The phrase ''continuity of consciousness ''has been
employed to designate the apparent connectedness
whidi characterizes our inner experience, and the
term '^ stream'' of consciousness has been popularised
by Professor James as an apt designation of our con-
scious life as a whole. Strictly speaking, this continu-
ity does not pertain to the "states" or phenomena of
consciousness. One obviously large class of inter-
ruptions is to be found in the nightly suspension of
consciousness during sleep. The connecting contin-
uity is really in the underlying subject of conscious-
ness. It is only through the reality of a permanent,
abiding principle or being which endures the same
whiLst the transitory states come and go that the past
experience can be linked with the present, and the
apparent unity and continuity of our inner life be pre*
served. The effort to explain the seeming continuity
of our mental existence has, in the form of the prob-
lem of personal identity, proved a hopeless crux to all
sdiools of philosophy which decline to admit the real-
ity of some permanent principle such as the human
soul is conceived to be m the Scholastic philosophy.
John Stuart Mill, adhering to the principles of Hume,
was driven to the conclusion that the human mind is
merely " a series of states of consciousness aware of
itself as a series". This has been rightly termed by
James "the definite bankruptcy" of the Association-
ist theory of the human mind. James' own account
of the ego as "a stream of consciousness" in which
^eaoh passing thought" is the only "thinker" is not
mudi more satirfactory.
Abnormal Forms of Conbciousness.— In pro-
cesses of self-conscious activity the relative prominence
of the self and tihe states varies much. When the
mind is keenly interested in some external event, e. g.
a race, the notice of self may be diminished ahnost to
aero. On the other hand, in efforts of difficult self-
restraint and deliberate reflection, the consciousness
of the ego reaches its highest level. Besides this
experience of the varying degrees of the obtru-
siveness of the self, we are all conscious at
times of trains of thought taking place auto-
matically within us, which seem to possess a certain
independence of the main current of our mental life.
Whilst going throu^ some familiar intellectual opera-
tion with more or less attention, our mind may at the
same time be occupied in working out a second series
of thoughts connected and coherent in themselves, yet
quite separate from the other process in which our
intellect is engaged. These secondary "splitrroff"
processes of thought may, in certain rare cases, de-
velop into very (Sstinct, consistent, and protracted
streams of consciousness; and they may occasionally
become so complete in themselves and so isolated
from the main current of our mental Ufe, as to possess
at least a superficiiJ appearance of being the outcome
of a separate personality. We have here the phenom-
enon of the so-called "double ego". Sometmies the
sections or fragments of one fairly consistent stream
of consciousness alternate in succession with the sec-
tions of another current, and we have the alleged
"mutations of the ego", in which two or more dis-
tinct personalities seem to occupy the same body in
turn. Sometimes the second stream of thought ap-
pears to run on concomitantly with the main current
of conscious experience, though so shut off as only to
manifest its existence occasionally. These paralld
currents of mental life have been adduced by some
writers in support of an hypothesis of concomitant
"multiple personalities". The psychological literar
ture deEiluDg with these phenomena which has grown
up in recent years is ahready very large. Here it suf-
fices to observe in passing that all these .
belong to morbid mental life, that their nature and
origin are admittedly extremely obscure, and that the
cases in which the eao or subject of one stream of ocm-
sciousness has absolutely no knowledge or memoiy of
the experiences of the other, are extremely few and
very doubtful. The careful and industrious obaerva-
tions, however, which are being collected in this field
of mental pathology are valuable for many purposes;
and even if they nave not so far thrown mudi li^
on the problem of the inner nature of the soul, at aA
events they stimulate effort towards an important
knowledge of the nervous conditions of mental pro-
cesses, and they ought ultimately to prove fruitful for
the study of mental disease.
Reverie, dreams, and somnambulistic expeiiencei
are forms of consciousness mediating between nonnal
life and the eccentric species of mentality we have just
been discussing. One particular form of abnormal
consciousness which has attracted much attention
during the last quarter of a century is that exhibited
in hypnotism (q. v.). The type of consciousneas pre-
sented here is in many respects similar to that of
somnambulism. The main feature in which it differs
is that the hypnotic state is artificially induced and
that the subject of tlus state remains in a condition of
rapport or special relation with the hypnotiser of such
a kind that he is singularly susceptible to the suggestions
of the latter. One feature of the hypnotio state in
common with some types of somnambuusm and certai n
forms of the "split^cff " streams of consciousness con-
sists in the fact that experiences which occurred in a
previous section of the particular abnormal state,
Uiou^ quite forgotten during the succeeding normal
consciousness, may be remembered during a return of
the abnormal state. These and some other kindrei^
facts have recently given rise to much ingenious ^>ec-
ulation as to the nature of mental Ufe bdow th.?
"threshold" or "margin" of consciousness. Certain
writers have adopted tne hypothesis of a " subliminal ",
in addition to our ordinary " supraliminal ' ', conscious -
ness, and ascribe a somewhat mystic character to th/«
former. Some assume a universal, pantheistic, sub*
liminal consciousness continuous witn Uie subliminal
consciousness of the individual Of this universal
mind they maintain that each particular mind is but a
part. The question, indeed^ as to the existence and
nature of unconscious ment^ operations in individual
minds has been in one shape or another the subject of
controversy from the time of Leibnis. That during
our normal conscious existence obscure, subconsciouii
mental processes, at best but faintly recognisable, do
take place, is indisputable. That latent activities of
the soul which are strictly unoooscbus, can be truly
mental or intellectual operations is the point in debate.
Whatever conclusions be adopted with respect t9
those various problems, the discussion of them nas et»-
tablished beyond doubt the fact that our normal corr
sciousness of everyday life is profoundly affected by
subconscious processes of the soul whicn themselves
escape our notice. (See Person alitt; Pbtohology;
Soui,.)
John Rickabt, Fint Principlea (London, 1901). part II« v;
BKiMt», Fundamental PhUoaophu (New York. ISHMI), I, xxin;
Jambs, Prineiplea of Ptytholooy (New Yoric ana London, 1800),
vit. ix, z; Febiubb, An AUrotktcUon to Ike PhSUmopky of Cim-
adoutness (London, 1966); htyrzE.MetaphyBic, tr. (Oxford, 188i).
Ill . i; Ladd, PhOowphy of Mnut (London and New York, 1895),
v; Janet, VAvJUnmaH^mB Pavckologique (Paris, 1800), 8^*44,
84-140. 30&-336; Uahbii, Pwdkology, BmpiriaU and RaHomd
(London and New York. 1007). 26-28, a6(Sh367. 47&-402.
Michael Mahxr.
Oonsecration, in general, is an act by which a
thing is separated from a common and profane to a
sacreid use, or by which a person or thing is dedicated
to the service and worahip of God by prayers, rites,
and ceremonies. The custom of consecrating penons
to the Divine service and things to serve in the war-
GOiraiOBATION
277
OOVSIOBATIOV
ship of CSod may be traced to the remotest times. We
&id rites of conseoration mentioned in the early cult
of the E^i^tiaoB and other pagan nations. Amons
the Semitic triberit oonsistea in the threefold act o!
separating, Baiictif3ing) or pur^hring, and devoting or
offering to the Deity. In the Hebrew Law we find it
applied to the entire people whom Moses, by a solemn
act of oonaecration, aesignates as the People of God:
As described in the Book of Exodus (xxiv), the rite
used on this occasion consisted (1) of the erection of an
altar and twelve memorial stones (to represent the
twd ve tribes) ; (2) of the selection of twelve youths to
perform Uie burnt-offering of the holocaust ; (3) Moses
read the covenant, and the people made their profes-
sion of obedience; (4) Moses sprinkled upon the peo-
ple the blood reserved from the holocaust. Later on
we read of the consecration of the priests — ^Aaron and
his sons (Ebcod., zxix) — ^who had been previously
elected (Exod., xxviii). Here we have the act of conse-
cration consisting of purifying, investing, and anoint-
ing (Lev., viii) as a preparation for their offering public
sacnfioe. The placing of. the meat in their nands
(Exod., zxix) was considered an essential part of the
eoemony of consecration, whence the expression fiU-
%ng the hand has been considered identi(»d with conr-
atxrating. As to the oil used in this consecration, we
find the paxticulars in Exodus (xxx, 23, 24 ; xxxvii, 29).
Distinct from the priestly consecration is that of the
Jjevites (Num., m. 6) who represent the first-bom of
fdl the tribes. Tne rite of uieir consecration is de-
scribed in Numbers, viii. Another kind of perM>nal
fionsecntion among the Hebrews was that of the Nas-
aritea (Num., vi). It implied the voluntary separa-
tion from certain things, dedication to Glod, and a vow
(if special sanctity. SimSariy, the rites of consecra-
tion of objects-Hnidi as temples, lUtars, firstfrnits,
spoys of war, etc. — are minutely described in th^ Old
Testament. Among the Romans whatever was de-
voted to the worship of their gods (fields, animals, etc.
was said to be eonieeraied^ and the objects which per-
tained intimately to their woiship (temples, altars,
etc.) were said to be dedicated. These words were,
however, often used indiscriminately, and in both
cases it was understood that the object once conse-
crated or dedicated remained sacred in perpehtum.
The CShurch dirtinguishes conseoration from bless-
ing, both in regpEud to persons and to things. Hence
the Roman Pontifical treats of the consecration of a
bishop and of the blessing of an abbot, of the blessing
of a corner-stone and the consecration of a church or
altar. In both, ^e persons or things pass from a com-
mon, or profane, order to a new state, and become the
subjects or the instruments of Divine protection. At
a conseoration the ceremonies are more solemn and
elaborate than at a blessing. The ordinary minister
of a consecration is a bishop, whilst the ordmary min-
ister of a blessing is a priest. At every consecration
the holy oils are used; at a blessing customarily only
holy water. The new state to which consecration ele-
vates persons or thiz^ is permanent, and the rite can
never be repeated, which is not the case at a blessing;
the graces attadied to consecration are more numer^
ous and efficacious than those attached to a blessing;
the profanation of a consecrated person or thin^ car-
ries with it a new species of sin, namely sacrilege,
which the profanation of a blessed person or thing does
not always do.
Of consecrations proper the Roman Pontifical con-
tains one &[ persons, tliat is of a bishop, and four of
^ng«, that is, of a fixed altar, of an altar-stone, of a
church, and of a chalice and paten. Hie consecration
of a churdi is also ealled its dedication (q. v.), in ac-
(x>rdance with the distinction between consecration
wd dedication among the ancient Romans pointed
<jat above. To these might be probablv added con-
55'*n»tion and Holy orders, for which, however, the
■^^niaii PontlficiU, because they are distinct sacra-
ments, has retained their proper names. If we except
the consecration of a biimop, which is a sacrament^
althouf^ there is a question among theologians,
whether the sacrament and the character imprinted by
it are distinct from the sacrament and character of
the priesthood, or only a certain extension of the sacer-
dotal sacrament and character — ^all the other conse-
crations are» sacramentals. These are inanimate
things whidi are not susceptible of Divine grace, but
are a medium of its communication, since bv tiieir con-
secration they acquire a certain spiritual power by
which they are rendered inperpetuum fit and suitable
for Divine worship. (St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa
Theol., in, Q. Ixxxiii, a. 3, ad 3 and 4.)
In the Eastern Churches the prayers at the conse-
cration of altars and sacred vessels are of the same
import as those used in the La^ Church, and they are
accompanied by the sign of the cross and the anointing
with holy oils ^Renaudot, ** Liturgiarum Orient. Col-
lectio", I, Ad benedictiones). At the consecration of
a bishop, the Orientals hxAd, with the Latins, that the
essence consists in the laying-on of hands, and they
entirely omit the anointing with holy oils (Morinus,
De sacris EScclesisB ordinationibus. Pars III, Appen-
dix).
When we speak of consecration without any special
qualification, we ordinarily understand it as tne act by
whidi, in the celebration of Holy Mass, the bread and
wine are changed into the body and blood of Chnst.
It is called tran&ubstantiati&n, for in the Sacrament ot
the Eucharist the substance of bread and wine do not
remain, but the entire subetanoe of bread is changed
into the body of Christ, and the entire substance of
wine is clumgiBd into His blood, the species or outward
semblance of bread and wine alone remainii^. This
change is produced in virtue of the words: This is my
body and This is my Uood, or This is the chalice of my
blood, pronounced by the priest assuming the pcnon
of Christ and using the same ceremonies that Christ
used at the Last supper. Tliat tiiis is the essential
form has been the constant belief and teaching of both
the Eastern and Western Churches (Renaudot, " li-
turgiarum Orientalium CoUectio, I, i).
L Consecration of a Bishop. — ^The consecration
of a bishop marks the plenitude of the priesthood,
and it is probable that on this account the " Pontificale
Romanum" places the ceremony of episcopal conse-
cration immediately after that of the ordination of
priests, Tit. XIII, " De eonsecratione electa in Episco-
pum''. Episcopal jurisdiction is acquired by the act
of election and confirmation or by definite appoint-
ment, whilst the ftdlness of the priestly power itself is
obtained in consecration, as the completion of hierar-
chical orders. Formerly the consecration of a suffra-
gan bishop was performed jure communi by the metro-
politan oi the province, who could delegate another
bishop. An archbishop was consecrated by one of his
suffragans, the senior bemg usualhr sdected. If the
bishop-elect was not a suffragan of any ecclesiastical
province, the nearest bishop performed the ceremony.
According to the present dSuscipline of the Church the
office of consecrator is reserved to the Roman pontiff,
who performs the consecration in person or delegates
it to another (Benedict XIV, Const. '*In postremo",
10 Oct., 1756, I 17). If the consecration takes place
in Rome, and the bishop-elect receives the permission
to choose the consecrator, he must select a cardinal
who is a bishop, or one of the four titular Latin patri-
archs residing m Rome. If they refuse to perforai the
ceremony, he may choose any archbishop or bishop.
A suffragan, however, is obliged to select the metro-
politan or his province, if the latter be in Rome (ibidem).
In Rome the consecration takes place in a consecrated
church or in the papal chapel (Cong. Sac. Hit,, Deer.
V of latest edit., no date). If the consecration is to
take place outside of Rome, an Apostolic commission
is sent to the bishop-elect, in which the Roman pontiff
aoKsscnunoN
278
omraacouTiOH
grants him the faculty of chooeing any bishop having'
- communion with the Holy See to consecrate him and
Administer the oath, a please of obedience and respect
to the Apostolic See. Besides the consecrator, the an-
cient canons and the general practice of the Church
require two assistant bishops. This is not of Divine
but of ApcNBtolic institution (Santi, ''Prslectiones
Juris Canonici") Vol. I, Tit. vi, n. 49), and hence, in
cases of necessity, when it is impossible to procure
three bishops, the places of the two assistant Dishops
may, bv Apostolic favour, be filled bv priests, who
should be dignitaries (Cong. Sac. Rit., 16 Julv, 1605).
These priests must observe the rubrics of the '' Pontifi-
cale Romanum" with regard to the imposition of
hands and the kiss of peace (Cong. Sac. Rit., 9 June,
1853). Benedict XIV (De Synod, Dioec., Lib. XIII,
cap. xiii, n. 2 sqq.) holds that the consecration of a
bishop, when the consecrator is assisted by one priest,
although the Apostolic Brief required two assistant
priests, is valid although UUcit. In missionaiy coun-
tries the consecrator may perform the ceremony with-
out the assistance even of priests (Zitelii, '^ Apparatus
Juris Ecdesiastici", Lib. I, Tit. i, § iv). The selection
of the assistant bishops or priests is left to the conse-
crator, whose choice is, however, understood to be in
harmony with the wishes of the bishop-elect (Mar-
tinucci, Lib. VII, cap. iv, n. 5).
The day of consecration should be a Sunday or the
feast of an Apostle, that is to say a dies ntUaUlia, and
not merdy a day which commemorates some event of
his life, e. g. the Conversion of St. Paul. Since in
liturey Evangelists are rei^arded as Apostles (Cong.
Saa Kit., 17 July, 1706) their feast days may be se-
lected. The choice of aiiy other day must be ratified
by special indult of the Holy See. Outside of Rome
the consecration ought to be performed, if it can be
conveniently done, in the cathedral of the diocese, and
within the province of the bishop-elect; the latter
may, however, select any church or chapel for the
ceremony. A bishop must be consecrated before the
expiration of three numths after his election or ap-
pointments If it is delayed beyond this time without
sufficient reason, the bishop is obliged to relinquish the
revenues to which he is entitled ; if it is delayed six
months, he may be deprived of his episcopal see (Cone
TridM Sees. XXIII, cap. ii, De Reform.). Tituhu*
bishops. forfeit their right of episcopal digni^ unless
they are consecrated within six months of their ap-'
pointment (Benedict XIV, Const. "Quum a nobis", 4
Aug., 1747, § H»c sane). According to the ancient
canons, both the consecrator and the oishop-elect are
expected to observe the day preceding the consecra-
tion as a fast day.
The ceremomf of consecration of a bishop is one of
the most splendid and impressive known to the
Church. It may be divided mto four parts: the pre-
ludeSf the amseeratian proper, the presenUUian of the
insignia, and the conclusion. It takes place during
Mass celebrated by both the consecrator and the bish-
op-elect For this purpose a separate altar is erected
for the bishop-elect near the altar at which the conse-
crator celebrates Mass, either in a side chapel, or in the
sanctuary, or just outside of it.
Preludes. — ^Ilie consecrator is vested in full pontifi-
cals of the colour of the Mass of the day ; the assistant
bishops, in amice, stole, and cope of the same colour,
and a white linen or damask mitre; the bishop-elect
in amice, alb, cincture, white stole crossed on the
breast, and cope and biretta. The consecrator is seat*
ed on a faldstool placed on the predella of the altar,
facing the bishop-^lect, who sits between the assistant
bishops, upon a seat placed on the sanctuary floor.
The senior assistant bishop presents the elect to the
consecrator, after which the Apostolic commission is
called for and read. Ttien the elect, kneeling before
the consecrator. takes an oath in which he promises to
be obedient to the Hefy See, to promote its rights, hon-
ours, privileges, and authority, visit the City of Rome
at stated times, render an account of hs whale pas-
toral office to the pope, execute all Apostolie man-
dates, and preserve mviolable all the poeeesstons of hia
Church. Then foUows the examination, in which ser-
enteen questions oonoeming the canons of the Church
and articles of faith are proposed, to which the elect
answers, "I will", and, ^I do believe", respectivehr,
each time rising slightly and imcovering nis head.
Mass is now bc^un at we foot of tiie oonseerator's
altar and continued down to " Oremus. Auf er a nobis ' '
inclusively, llie elect is then led b^ the aasistoiit
bishop to the side altar, at which, having been clad in
his pontifical vestments, he oomtinuQB the Mass, siinul-
taneously with the consecrator, down to the last yrerse
of the Gradual, Tract, or Sequence exclusively, with-
out any chan^ in the liturgy, except that the cx>Ueet
for the elect is added to the prayer of tiie dar under
one condusion. llie elect is again presented to the
consecrator, who sets forth the duties and powem of a
bishop: "It behooves a bishop to judge, interoret,
consecrate, offer, baptise and confirm.'' The clergy
and the faithful are tnen invited to pray that God znay
bestow the abundance of His grace on the elect. The
Litany of the Saints is now recited or chanted, while
the elect lies prostrate on the floior of the sanetoaiy
and all the otners kneel.
ConaeeraHon, — ^The consecrator, aided by the aasos-
tant bishops, takes the bode of the Goepda and, open-
ing it, places it on the nedc and shopldem of the ^eet,
so that the bottom of the page be next to the elect's
head, and the book is held in this manner by one of the
deigy \mtil it is to be given to the elect after the pres-
entation of the rixig. This rite is found in all the an-
cient rituals — ^Latin, Greek and Syriac — though in
early times it seems not to have been univenal among
the ^Latins. Now follows the imposition of hands,
which, according to the common opinion, is the ea-
sence of the consecration. Both the oonseorator and
the assistant bishops place both hands, to express the
plenitude of the power conferred and of the grace
asked for, on the head of the elect, saying, '^ Receive
the Holy Ghost"— without restriction and with ail
His gifts, as the simple formula indicates. Theolo-
mans do not agree as to whether the communication of
uie gift of the Holy Ghost is directly implied in these
words, but the prayers whidi follow seem to determine
the imposition of hands l^ which the grace and power
of the episcopacy is signified and comerred. In the
Greek ritual the prayer which aoeMnpaDies the impo-
sition of hands is eleariy the form. The ** Veni, Crea-
tor Spiritus" is sung, during which the consecrator
first makes the sign of the cross with holy chrism on
the crown or tonsure oi the new bishop and then
anoints the rest of the crown. That this undion is to
^pibolise the gifts of the Holy Ghost with which the
Qiurch desires a bishop to be filled, is evident from the
praver which follows, ^* May constancy of faith, purity
of love, sincerity of peace abound in him". The
anointing of the hands of the bidiop in the f onn of a
cross, and afterwards of the entire palms, then foUowa.
This unction indicates the poweni that are given to
him. The consecrator then makes thrice the sign of
the cross over the hands thus anointed and prays:
** Whatsoever thou shalt bless, may it be blessea ; uid
whatsoever thou shalt sanctify may it be sanctified:
and mav the imposition of this consecrated hand ana
thumb be profitable in all things to salvation." The
hands of the bishop are then joined, the ri^t resting
on the left, and placed in a unen doth wludi is sus-
pended from his neck.
PresenUUion of the episcopal insignia, — ^The crosier
is then blessed and handed to the bishop, yrho receives
it between the index and middle fingers, ike hands re-
maining joined. The consecrator at the same time
admonishjBS him, as the Ritual indicates, that the true
character of the ecclesiastical shepherd is to t«nper
OONaSORATIOir
279
oovsMBAnoir
the cxerciee of justice with meekness, and not to neg-
lect strictness of discipline througjbi love of tranquillity.
The consecrator then blesses the ring and places it on
the third finger of the bishop's right hand, reminding
the latter that it is the symbol of fidelity which he owes
to Holy Church. The book of the Gospels is taken
from the bishop's shoulders and handed to him', with
the command to go and preach to the people commit-
ted to his care. He then receives the kiss of peace
from the consecrator and the assistant bishops, and
the latter conduct him to his altar, where the crown of
his head is cleansed with crumbs of bread, and his hair
is adjusted. Afterwards the bishop washes his hands,
and both he and the consecrator, at their respective
altars, continue the Mass as uaual, down to the prayer
of the Offertory inclusively. After the Offertory the
new bifiliop is led to the consecrator's altar where he
presents to the latter two lighted torches, two loaves
of bread, and two small barrSs of wine. This offering
IB a relic of ancient discipline, according to which the
faithful made their offerin£)B on such occasions for the
support of the clergy and other purposes connected
with religion. From the Offertory to the Communion
the bishop stands at the Epistle side of the consecra-
tor's altar and recites and acts toother with the latter
everything as indicated in the Missal. After the con-
secrator has consumed one-half of the Host which he
consecrated at Mass, and partaken of one-half of the
Precious Blood together with the particle of the coDse-
cratttl Host that was dropped mto the chalice, he
Communicates the bishop by giving him, first, the
other half of the consecrated Host, and then the Pre-
cious Blood remaining in the chalice. Both take the
ablutions from different chalices, after which the new
bishop goes to the Gospel side of the consecrator's
altar, and with the consecrator continues the Mass
down to the blessing inclusively. The consecrator
then blesses the mitre and places it on the head of the
bishop, referring to its mystical signification as a hel-
met of protection and salvation, that the wearer of it
may seem terrible to the opponents of truth and be
their sturdy adversaxy. The gloves are then blessed
and put on the hands of the bishop, referring to the
action of Jacob, who, having his hands covered with
the skins of kids, implored and received the paternal
blessing. In like manner the consecrator prays that
the wearer of the gloves may deserve to implore and
receive the blessing of Divine srace by means of the
saving Host offered by his hanoB.
Condusion, — The new bishop is then enthroned on
the faldstool on the predella, from which the conse-
crator haa risen, or, if the ceremony be performed in
the cathedral of the new bishop, on uie usual episcopal
throne. The Te Deum is now intoned by the conse-
crator, and while the hynm is being sung the new bish-
op is led by the assistant bi^ops tnroii^ the church,
that he may bless itie people. Having returned to the
altar — or to the throne in nis own cathedral — the bish-
op gives the final solemn blessing as usuaL The con-
secrator and assistant bishops move towards the Gos-
pel comer of the altar and lace the Epistle side; the
new bishop goes to the Epistle comer, and there, with
mitre ana crosier, facing the consecrator, makes a
genuflexion and cnants '^Ad multos annos". He pro-
ceeds to the middle of the predella and performs the
same ceremony, chanting m a higher tone of voice.
Finally, approaching the feet of the consecrator, he
again genuflects, chanting in a still higher tone of
voice. After this the consecrator and assistant bish-
ops receive him to tJie kiss of peace. Accompanied by
the assistant bishops, he returns to his altar, reciting
the Gospel of St. John. All then lay aside their vest-
ments and depart in peace.
MAHTtai*, De anti^ia Ecde$%a riitbua (Venice. 1753);.
Ahbiwib, PaHoniiheolooie (Ratisbon. 1884), II; Bkbnard,
^n d0 Uhirgit romame—U PorUifieal (Pane. 1002). I; Knr*
^CK, Form tfCcnueraHon of a Biahop (Baltiioore, 1868).
n. Ck>NaBciiATioN OF A FixsD Ai^TAB. — ^At the con-*
secration of a church at least one fixed altar must be
consecrated. Altars, permanent structures of stone,
may be consecrated at other times, but only in.
churches that have been consecrated or at least sol-
emnly blessed. We have instances in which a simple
priest has performed this rite. Walaf ridus Strabo, in
the Life of St. Gall (ch. vi), says that St. Columban, at
that time being a priest, having dedicated the cburdi
of St Aurelia at Bregenx on the Lake of Constance,
anointed the altar, deposited the relics of St. Auielia
under it, and celebrated Mass on it. But according
to the present discipline of the Church, the ordinary
minister' of its consecration is the diocesan bishop.
Without the permission of the ordinary, a bishop of
another diocese cannot UciUy oonsecrate an altar, al-
thou^ without such pennission the consecration
would be valid. One and the same bishop must ner-
f orm the rite from the beginning to the end. An utar
may be consecrated on any day of the year, but a Sun-
day or feast day is to be preferred (Pontificale
Komanum). It is difficult to determine when the
rite used at present was introduced. To the essen-
tials c^ consecration reference is made as eariy as the
sixth century by the Council of Apie (606): " Altaans
are to be consecrated not only by the chrism, but with
the sacerdotal blessing ' ' ; and by St Cssarius of Aries
(d. about 542) in a sermon deliveied at the oonseorar
tion of an altar: ''We have to-day oonseorated an
altar, the stone of which was blessed or anointed''
(Migne, P. L., LXYII, Serm. ccxzx).
The ceremonies of the exposition of the relics on the
evening before the day of consecration, the keeping of
the vigil, the blessing of the Gregoriaf^ water, the -
sprinkEng of the altar, and the translation of the lelicB
to the chureh are the same as those described at the
consecration of a church (see IV, below). When the
relics have been carried to the church, the consecrator
anoints with holy chrism, at the four comers, the sep*
ulchre of the altar (see Altar), in which the relics are
to be enclosed, thereby sanctifying the cavity in which
the venerated remains of the martyrs are to rest, and
then reverently places therein the case containing the
relics and incenses them. Having anointed with noly
chrism the nether side of the small slab that is to cover
the sepulchre, he spreads blessed cement over the
ledge of the sepuldire on the inside and fits the dab
into the cavity, after which he anoints the upper side
of the slab and the altar-table near it He then in-
censes the altar, first, on every side — rigiht, left, front
and on top— whilst the chanters sing the antiphon
"Stetit angelus"; secondly, in the form of a cross on
the top, ifi the middle, and at the four comers;
thirdly, whilst ^(Mng round the altar three times.
After the third mcensation, the censer is given to a
priest, vested in surplice, who, till the end of the oon-
secratioui continues going around the altar, incensing
it on all sides, save when the bishop uses the censer.
The incense symbolizes the sweet odour of prayer
which is to ascend from th6 altar to heaven, whilst the
fullness of the grace of the Holy Ghost, which is to
descend on the altar and the faithful, is indicated bv
, nym recited after the three unctions which fol-
low." The oonsecrator then anoints the table of the
altar at the middle and the four comers, twice with
the oil of catechumens, and the thind time with holy
chrism. After each unction he goes round the altar
once, incensing it continuously, the first and second
time passing by the Epistle side, and third time by the
Gospel side. Finally, as if to indicate the complete
sanctification of the altar, he pours and spreads over
its table the oil of catechumens and holy chrism to-
flethor, rubbing the holy oils over it with his right
hand, whilst the chanters sing the appropriate anti-
phon, ''Behold the smell of my son is as the smell of a
pl^tiful Md'\ etc. (Gen., xxvii, 27, 28). When the
church is oonaeorated at the same time, the twelve
crosses on the inner walls are now anointed with holy
coirsioBAnoii
280
OOKSSORATION
chriHiii and incensed. The conseerator then bleeses
the incense and sprinkles it ivith holy water. Hien he
forais it into five ezosses, each consisting of five grains,
on the table oi the altar, in the middle and at the four
comeiB. Over each cross of incense he places a cross
made of thin wax taper. The ends of each cross are
lighted, and with them the incense is burned and con-
sumed. This ceremonv symbolizes the true sacrifice
which is thereafter to be offered on the alt>ar; and it
indicates that our prayers must be fervent and ani-
mated by true and lively faith if they are to be accept-
able to Uod and efhcacious against our spiritual ene-
mies. Finally, the bishop traces with holj chrism a
cross on the nront of the altar and on the juncture of
the table and the base on which it rests at the four
oomers, as if to join them together, to indicate that
this altar is to be in future a firmly fixed and constant
source of grace to all who with faith approach it.
Then follow the blesmngs of the altar-cloths, vases,
and ornaments of the altar, the celebration of Mkss,
and the publication of the Indulgences, as at th^ end of
the consecration of a church.
L0O88 of Consecration, — -An altar loses its consecra-
tion: (1) when the table of the altar is broken into
two or more large pieces ; (2) when at the comer of the
table that portion which the conseerator anointed
with holy oil is broken off; (3) when several large
stones di the support of the table are removed ; (4)
when one of the cc^umns which support the table at
the comers is removed ; (5) if for any reason whatever
the table is removed from the support, or only raised
from it — e. g., to renew the cement; (6) by the re-
moval of th^^ics, or by the fracture or removal, by
chance or design, of the small cover, or slab, placed
over the cavity containing the relics* (See also Ax-
tar, History of thr Christian.)
Bona, Berum lAiurmcarum Hbri duo (Turin, 1747-68);
MARTfeNE. De antiquit ecdena ritHnu (Venioe, 1753); BsB-
NARD, Coun de liiurgie romaine — U Pontifical (Paris, 1002), 11;
AMBKtiaKSLpcuicniUheUoaie (RatSBbon, 1884). II; Van der
Stappbn, Saam LUurma (MechUn, 1002), III; Uttini, Cono di
Scienza Lituraica (Bologna, 1004); S. L. T.. The AUar, in Am,
Eed. Rei>., July, 1904; Schtjlte, Consecranda (New York,
1907).
III. Gonsbcration op an Altar-Stonb. — ^Mass
must be celebrated either on an altar which has been
consecrated or on a ocmsecrated altar-stone, or port-
able altar (Ruhr. Gen. Miss., XX). Its consecration
is a less solemn function than the consecration of an
altar. It may take place on any day of the year, in
the morning, as, after its consecration, Mass must be
celebrated upon it the same day. If several stones
are consecrated, it suffices to celebrate Ma^ on one of
the altars so consecrated. The ceremonv may take
place in the church, sacristy, or any otner suitable
place.
The cavitv for the relics is made on the top of the
stone, usually near its front edge. It may be in the
centre of the stone, but never on its front edge (Cong.
Sac. Eit., 13 June, 1899).' Relics of two martyrs,
with three grains of incense, are placed immediately
(i. e. without a reliauary) in its cavity, which is closed
with a small slab ot natural stone fitting exactly upon
the opening. The Oong. Sac. Hit. (16 Feb., 1906) de-
clarea that for valid consecration it suffices to have
enclosed in the cavity the relics of one martyr. The
Pontifical makes no mention of the blessing of ihe ce-
ment with which the slab is secured, but the Oong.
Saa Rit. (10 lAay, 1890) presmbes it.
Ordinarilv, only a bishop may consecrate an altar^
stone, but by pontifical privile^ some abbots have
this faculty for altar-stones used in their own churches.
The Holv See frequently grants this privilege to
priests laJoourii^e in miEHUonary coimtries. lite high-
er of the United States have vbe faculty of delegating
priests to perform this function by virtue of the^ Fao-
uhates Extraordinaris'', C» VI. The reHos are not
eipoted, nor are Matins and Lauds recit^ on the
evening before the consecration; neither is the vizQ
kept. The ceremonies are similar to those used at the
consecration of an altar. Hence the blessing of the
Gregorian water, the sprinkling and inf^nsation, the
anointing with holy chrism and the oil of catechu-
mens, the burning of incense and the offering of the
Holy Sacrifice, take place; and the symbolical meaxv-
ings of these ceremonies are the same as those given at
the consecration of an altar.
IV. Consecration of a Chxtrch. — By a decree of
the Council of Trent (Scss. XXII), Mass should not be
celebrated in any place except a consecrated or
blessed chm-ch. Hence it is the wish of the Church
that at least cathedrals and parish churches be sol-
emnly consecrated, and that smaller churches be
blessed (Cong. Sac. Rit., 7 Aug., 1875), but any
church and public or semi-public oratory may be con-
secrated (Cong. Sac. Rit., 6 June, 1899). Both by
consecration and by blessing a church is dedicated to
Divine worship, which forbids its use for common or
profane purposes. Consecration is a rite reserved to a
Dishop, who by the solemn anointing with holv
chrism, and in the prescribed form, dedicates a build-
ing to the service of God, thereby raising it %n ner-
petuum to a higher order, removing it from the malign
influence of Satan, and rendering it a place in which
the prayers of the faithful are more readily heard and
favours are more graciously granted by (k>d (Pontifi-
cale Romanum). The blessing of a cnurch is a less
solemn rite, which may be performed by a priest dele-
gated by the diocesan bishop. It consists in the
sprinkling with holy water ana the recital of prayers,
tnus malang it a sacred place, though not necessarily
in perpetuum. Consecration differs from mere bless-
ing in this, that it imprints an indelible mark (St.
Thomas, II-II, Q. xxxix, a. 3) on the building, by
reason of which it may never be transferred to com-
mon or profane uses.
The consecration of churches dates probably from
Apostolic times and is, in a sense, a continuation of
the Jewish rite instituted by Solomon. Some authors
attribute its oricin to Pope St. Evaristus (d. 105), but
it is more probable that he merely promulgated form-
ally as a law what had been the custom before his
time, or prescribed that a church cannot be conse-
crated without the celebration of the Holy Sacrifice.
That churches were consecrated before peace had
been granted to the Church would appear not only
from the life of St. Cecilia (Roman Breviary, 22 No-
vember), who prayed for a cessation from hostilities
against the Chnstians in order that her home might be
consecrated as a church by St. Urban I (222-230), but
also from the life of St. Marcellus (308-309), who ap-
pears to have actually consecrated a church in the
home of St. Lucina (Roman Breviary, 16 January).
Before the time of CJonstantine the consecration of
churches was, on account of the persecutions, neces-
sarily private, but after the conversion of that em-
peror it became a solemn public rite, as appears from
Eusebius of Csesarea (Hist. Eccl., X): "After these
things a spectacle earnestly prayed for and much de-
sired by us all appeared, viz. the solemnization of the
festival of the dedication of churches throughout
every city, and the consecration of newly-built ora-
tories. " The passage clearly indicates that churches
were consecrated b«ore, and that accordingly the an-
niversaries of the dedication might now be publicly
celebrated.
It is difficult to determine in what the rite of conse-
cration consisted in early times. Many sermons
g reached on these occasion/^ are still extant, and we
nd occasional notices of the vigil kept before the con-
secration, of the translation of the relics, and of the
tracing of the Greek and the Latin alphabet on the
pavement of the church. The lelics were not always
the whole body of a saint or even large portions of it,
but sometimes merely articles with which the martyr
OOHSlOEATIOll
281
mmmamaiom
came in contact. Churohes were sometiiiies coiue-
crated without depositii^ relics. Some ancient fonna
of consecration prescribe that the Host consecrated bv
the bishop be deposited. Often only the Greek al-
phabet or the Latin was written twice; and same-
times to the Greek and Latin the Hebrew alphabet
waa added (Martdne, De Antiquis Ecclesise Ritibus,
II). The rite does not appear to have always been
one and the same, but the essential element of the
ceremony — ^namely, the actual separation of any
buildinfl from common to a sacred use, which would
be the Sret reli^ous act in the process of initiating and
appropriating it to a Divine use — was always called its
consecration. In allusion to this fact the first begin-
ning of anything is often styled its dedication (Bing-
ham, Origines sive Antiquit. Eccles., VIII, ix, §1),
which word the Roman Pontifical uses in this place
only — "De £cclesi» Dedicatione seu Consecratione''
— elsewhere the word consecratio only is used. It cut-
not be definitely decided when the nte of consecration
in use at present began to be employed. The Pontifi- ,
cal of Egbert, Archbishop of York (733-767), bears
a striking resemblance to it.
The ordinary minister of consecration is the dio-
cesan bishop. He may, however, delegate another
bishop to perform this function. A bishop of another
diocese cannot licitly consecrate a church without the
permission of the diocesan bishop, althou^ without
such permission the church would be validly conae-
cratea. A priest cannot perform this rite unless he be
del^ated in a special manner by the Roman pontiff
(Benedict XIV, Const. "Ex tujs precibus", 16 No-
vember, 1748, §2). To consecrate a church licitly it
is necessary to consecrate a fixed altar in the same
church, which altar ordinarily ought to be the main
one (Cong. Sac. Rit., 19 Sept., 1665). If this altar is
already consecrated, one of the side altars may be con-
secrated (Cong. Sac. Rit., 31 Aug., 1872). If all the
altars of a church are already consecrated, it cannot be
licitly consecrated except by special Apostolic indult.
One and the same bishop must consecrate both the
church and the altar (Cong. Sac. Rit., 3 March, 1866).
Although the consecration of the altar may for some
reason be invalid, yet the church remains consecrated
(Cong. Sac. Rit., 17 June, 1843). The essence of the
consecration of a church consists in the anointing
of the twelve crosses on the inner walls with the
form: " Sanctificetur et consecretur hoc templum",
eta If before this ceremony the consecrator should
become incapacitated for finishing the function) the
whole rite must be repeated from the banning (Cong.
Sac. Rit., 12 April, 1614). The church should stand
free on all sides so that the bishop may pass around it.
If there be obstructions at only some points, the
church may be consecrated (Con^ Sac. Rit., 19 Sep-
tember, 1665), but if the obstructions be of such a na-
ture that the exterior walls cannot be reached, the
church may not be consecrated without a special
Apostolic indult (Cong. Sac. Rit., 22 February, 1888).
On the waJk inside the church twelve crosses must be
painted, or (if they are made of stone or metal) at-
tached to the walls. These crosses are not to be of
wood or of any fragile material. They must never be
removed (Con^. Sac. Rit., 18 Februaxy, 1696), and,
documents failing, they serve to prove that the church
has been consecrated. Under each cross a bracket
holding a candle is affixed.
The consecration may take place on any day of the
year, but a Sunday or feast day is to be preferred
(Pontificale Romanum). The consecrator and
those who ssk for the consecration (Van der Stappen,
HI, quaest. 32, iii, says, ''all the parishioners, if it oe a
parish 'church"; Bernard, "Le Pontifical", II, p. 7,
only the deigy attached to the church ; Marc, '* Institu-
tiones Mora&*', I, n. 1221, nota 2**, only the parish
pru>8t, if he alone asked) are obliged to observe the day
before the conseoration as a day of fasting and absti-
nence. If the oonseeration takes place on MondMr»
the fast is observed on the preoeding Saturday. On
the evening preceding the day of conaecration^ the
coBseorating bidK^ phioes in a reliquaiy the relics of
the mart^TB^ which are to be placed in the altar, three
grains of incense, and an attestation written on parch-
ment. The Cong. Sao^ Rit., 16 February, 1906. de-
clared that for the vaUd consecration it sumees to have
enclosed the relics of one martyr. The teliquarvis
then placed in an urn or in the tabemaele of an utar
in a nearby church or oratory, or in an adjaoent zoom
or the sacnsty.- At least two cadidles are kept burning
before these relics during the night, and Matins and
Lauds de cmrnnwU phuritMrum martyrunt or ci tike
proper Office of the martyrs whose relica have been
plaoed in the reliqua-
ry, are sung or recited.
At the beginning of
liie eonsecration on
the next dav the can-
dles under tne crosses
on the walls are
lighted. After this
the bishop and the
oleigy go to the plaee
in which the rehcsof
the martyrs were de-
posited the evening
before, the church
meanwhile being left
in charge of a deaoon.
Whilst the bishop is
being vested the
Seven Penitential
Psalms are recited,
after which all pro-
ceed to the main en-
trance of the ohurdi,
where, remaining out>-
side, the bishop Meases
the water. The bishop
th^i goes three times
roundthe outside of the church, the first time sprinkling
the upper part of the walls, the second time the k>wer
part, and tne third time on a level with his face. After
each circuit the bishop strikes the door with the base
of his crosier and says, " Lift up your gates, ye princes,
and be ye lifted up, ye everlasting doors, and the King
of Glory shall come in." Thr«e times the deacon
within the churoh asks, *' Who is this King of Glory?"
Twice the bishop answers, ''The Lord, strong and
mighty; the Lord mi^^ity in battle"; and the third
time he saya, '' The Lord of Anbies, He ia ^e King of
Glory". This triple sprinkUns and cironit of the
walls, according to Bl. Yves of Chartres (Sermo de
Sacramentis Dedicationis), symbolises thettfiple im-
mersion at holy baptism, t&e consecration of taie soul
as the iqnritual temple of God, to which the material
bears a certain analofigr.
The bishop and hjs attendants now enter tiie
churoh, leaving the clergy and pe(»ple outiande, and the
door is dosed. The chanters sing the ** Veni, Creator
Spiritus" and chant or recite the Litany of the Saints.
After this, whilst the cantide '^Benedictus" is being
chanted, the bishop traces with the point of his cro-
sier, in the ashes spread on the floor, first, the Greek
alphabet, be^nning at the left side of the church door
and proceeding to the Eputle cornier of the ehinrch
near the altar, then the Latin alphabet, banning at
the ri^t side of the church door and prooeemng to the
Gospel comer of the churdi near the altar. The ** Li*
berSaoramentorum"irf St. Gregory I and the ''Pon-
tificale" of Egbert, Archbishop of Yoric, attest the an*
tiquity oi tms ceremony, which symboiises the in-
struction given to the newly baptised in the elements
of faith and piety. The crossing of the two lines
points to the cross, that is Christ crucified, aa the priiH
0CI1I8S0R4TX0V
282
CX>MSB0BATIOV
dpal dogma of the CSuristiati religion. The Greek and
Latin languages m>reBent the Jews and Gentiles re-
spectively. The Greek alphabet is written first be-
cause the Jews were first called to the Christian Faith.
The bishop then blesses the Gregorian water, a mia^
ture of water, salt, ashes, and wine, prescribed hv
St. Gregory I to be used at the consecration of a church
(P. L., LXXVIII, 152 sqq.). After this he goes to the
main door of the chun^ and with the point of the cro-
sier traces a cross on the upper part and another on the
lower part of the door inside. The ingredients of ihia
water are to recall to our mind the l^al purifications
and the sacrifices of the Jewi^ people, the wine taking
tibe place of the blood. The symbolism of this mix-
ture is explained by authors in various manners. The
cross traced on the door is to be, as it were, a guard
lest the work of redemption in the church be thwarted
by the malignant infiuences from without. The bish-
op now traces, with the Gregorian water, five crosses
on the altar and then sprinldes the support and table
of the altar seven times, passing roimd it sevei!! times,
whilst the chanters sing or recite the Psahn '^Mise'
rere''. He then sprinkles the walls in the interior of
the church three times, first the lower part, ijtken on a
level with his face, and lastly, the upper part, after
which he sprinkles the floor of the church in the form
of a cross, passing from the altar to the door, and
from the Gospel to the Epistle side in the middle of
the church. Having returned to the middle of the
church, he sprinkles with one swing each time the
floor before him, behind him, at his left, and at his
right.
The bishop, deigy, and laity then go to the place in
which the relics repose and in solemn procession cany
them to the church. Before entering, the relics are
borne round the outside of the church, whilst the
clergy and people repeat "Lord, have mercy on us".
Havins returned to the church door, the bishop gives
a suitM>le exhortation to the people and addmnes the
founder of the church. Then one of tne clergy reads
the two decrees of the Council of Trent from the Pon-
tifical. The bishop next anoints with holy chrism,
three times, the pillar on each side of the door, after
which the clergy and the laity enter the church, and
the consecration of the altar takes place. (See II
above.) Finally, the twelve crosses on the interior
walls are anointed with holy chrism and incensed by
the bishop; the altar-cloths, vases, and ornaments of
the churcn and altar are blessed, and solemn or low
Mass is celebrated by the bishop. If he be too fa-
tigued, he may appoint a priest to celebrate a high
Idass in his stead. If more than one altar has been
consecrated, it will sufiioe to celebrate Mass on the
principal one (Cong. Sao. Bit., 22 February, 1888).
At the end of the Mass an Indulgence of one year is
publisdied, which may be gained by all who visit the
church on the day of consecration. At the same time
another Indulgence which may be gained in the same
manner on the anniversary of the consecration is
publidied. If the latter Indulgence is granted by a
cardinal in his titular church or in his diocese, it may
be of two hundred days; if by an arehbiriiop,
of one hundred days; if fay a bishop, of fifty da^ns^
in their respective cQooeses. (S. 0. Indulg., 28 Aug.,
1903.)
The annivena^ of the consecration is kept solemn-
ly as a double of the first class with an octave each
recurring year, until the church falls into ruin or is
profaned. In order to avoid the inconveniences likely
to arise from its clashing with other solemnities, tfate
bishop is empowered to apooint, in the act of conse-
cration, another day for tne anniversary, provided
such day be not a ciouble feast of the first or second
class in the Universal Church, a privileged Sunday, or
a local feast of the first clam (0>ng. Sac. Rtt., 4 Feb.,
1896), or a day in Advent or liPnt (Cong. Sac, Kit., 12
JuBei 1660). Should the bi^op fail to do so, or defer
making such arrangement, the anniversary miurt be
kept on the recurring actual ^y, or recouTBC must be
had to the Apostolic See (Gardellini, Adnot. super
Deer. dat. 6 Sept., 1834).
Besides the anniversary of the consecration of indi-
vidual or parish churches, the annivereazy of the con-
secration of the cathedral of a diocese is celebrated as
a double of th6 first class with an octave by the secular
clergy living within the limits of the cathedral city;
the secular clergy living outside the cathedral dty cA-
ebrate it as a double of the first class without an
octave, the re^ar clergy living within the limits of
the cathedral city celebrate it as a double of the second
class without an octave ; the regular clergy outside the
cathedral city are not obliged to celebrate it in any
manner (Cong. Sac. Rit., 9 July, 1895). In some dio-
ceses the simultaneous celebration on a fixed day of
the consecration of all the churches of a diocese, irre-
spective of the fact that some of the churches are not
consecrated, ia granted by special indult. In this case
individual consecrated churches are not allowed to
celebrate the anniversary of the consecration of their
respective churches. This day of common celebration
is a double of the first class for all the clergy in the dio-
cese, with this distinction, that it is a primanr feast
for those attached to consecrated churches and a seo-
ondaty feast for the others (Cong. Sac. Rit., 24 MEarcfa,
1900).
LoM of Cansecraiion, — ^From the axiom in canon law
''Consecratio adheeret parietibus Eksclesiae", it follows
that a church loses its consecration (1) ^en the walls
of the church are totally or in ^^eater part simuiiane"
oudy demolished ; (2) when the inner walls are totally
or in greater part simuUanetmdy destroyed by fire;
(3) when an addition is made to the walls of the Aurch
in length, breadth, or height, greater than the origina]
walls.
Bona, Rerum Lilurmcarum libri duo (Turin, 1747-53);
MABTfeNB, De aniiquia ^edeauB rUOnu (Venice, 1753); Ber-
nard, Coun de liturme romame — le PonU^joal (Paris, 1902), II;
Ambeboxr. Paatornltkeoloou (Ratisbon, 1884), II; Van Dsa
Stappbn, (Sacra Liturgia (Mechliii, 1902). Ill: Santi. iVceteo
tumes Juria Canonici (Ratisbon, 1886), III; Schuxa'E, Conse-
cranda (New York, 1907).
V. Consecration op a Chalice ani> Paten. — ^The
ordinary minister of the consecration of the chalice
and paten used at Mass is a bishop. In missionary
countries some priests, by Apostolic indult, have the
privilege of consecrating these sacred vessels. The
bishops of the United States have the faculty of dele-
gating priests for performing this rite bv virtue of the
Facultates Extra6rdinaris, C, VI. These two altar
vessels must be consecrated before they can be used
at the altar. Thev are always consecrated at the same
time, because both are indispensable at the celebration
of Mass, the paten for holding the Body of Christ and
the chalice for containing the Precious Blood. Chal-
ices ^ich were formeriy used for the offeringB of wine
made by the faithful, for the ornamentation of the
altar, and at the administration of baptism, to give to
the newly baptised a symbolical beverage composed
of milk and honey, were not consecrated. The same
is true of the patens used at present at the Communion
of the faithful to prevent consecrated Particles from
falling to the floor.
Chalices and patens may be consecrated on any day
of the year ana at any hour, without solemnity, al-
thou^ in many places this rite takes place after Mass
and at the altar. Firet the paten is consecrated, prob-
ably because it is to hold the Sacred Host, which is con-
secrated before the Precious Blood, and because the
species of bread is always mentioned before the species
of wine. The function b^ins with an address to the
faithful, or at least to the attendants, eschorting them
to imf^re the blessing of God on the action the oonse-
cmtor is about to perform. This is followed by a
prayer that God may render the rite efficacious, after
OORSENT
283
OONSBHT
which the oonsecrator anoints the paten twice with
holy chriBTn^ from rim to rim, in the fonn of a crossi
and rubs the oiIb over the whole upper side of it, recit-
ing at the same time the oonsecratoiy form. The
sanie ceremony with a special address, prayer, and
form, is performed over tne chalice, except that the
consecratcn' anoints the inside of the chalice twice from
rim to rim, and ruhs ihe oil all over the inside of the
cup. The consecrator then recites a prayer in which
allusion is made to the symbolical meaning of the
chalioe andpaten, the former of which, according to
Benedict XlV (De Sacrificio Missae, Sect, i, n. 31),
represents the tomb in which the body of Christ was
laid, and the latter the stone with which the tomb was
closed. Finally, he sprinkles both vessels with holy
water, saying nothing.
It is difficult to determine when the Church began
to consecrate chalices and patens. Some lituigists are
of opinion that the custom of doing so goes back to the
time of St. Sixtus I (d. 127), ik^o, by a decree, forbade
any other than those constituted in Sacred orders to
touch the sacred vessels (Rom. Breviary, 16 April).
Even if this decree is authentic, it would probably oidy
prove that the prohibition was made out of respect due
to the vessds which contained the Sacred Species.
Others refer to a passage of St. Ambrose (d. ^7) in
which he says that the vaaa EcdetkB initiaia may be
sold for the relief of the poor. Conmientators inter-
pret imttaia to mean not conaeerataj but rather nsOy or
vessels wiiidi had been used for the sacred mysteries.
The ancient canons and decrees decide tiie material of
which chalices and patens must be made, but they do
not say a word of the consecration, although they treat
of the consecration of churches, altars, bishops, etc. ;
hence we may conclude that chalices and patens were
not consecrated by a special form before the thirteenth
century.
LoM of ConaeeroHon, — The chalice and paten lose
their consecration (1) when they are regilt; (2) when
they become battered or broken to such an extent that
it would be imbecoming to use them; (3) when the
slightest sUt or break appears in the chalice near the
bottom ; not so, however, if the break be near the up-
per part, so that without fear of spilling its contents
consecration can take place in it; (4) when a break
appears in the paten so laige that particles may fall
through it.
Bona, Rerum LUurgicarum Hbri duo (Turin, 1747-B3);
Mabt^mb. De antiqui» Eedesim ritiinu (Venice. 1753); Bsa-
RASD. Coun de hturffie romatfK— <« I-<mtifi4xd (Paris. 1902),
11; Amb£bg£B, PasiamUheolooie (Ratisbon, 1884). It; Van
DEB Stappbn, Sacra lAturgia (Mechlin, 1902). Ill; ScHULflrs,
ConMcnxfufa (New York, 1007); Urmn, Ctrrwo di Sderua LUur-
0^ (Bologna. 1004); Steujl, JnatUutumes Liturvica (Rome,
A. J. SCHULTE.
Oonsent (in Canon Law), the deliberate agreement
reauired of those concerned in legal transactions in
order to legalize such actions. Words, deeds, writing,
or silence bear witness to the existence of this consent.
Completeness of consent is gauged not so much by the
preliminaries of transactions as by their ratification,
which is the psychological development of incipient
wnsent, and gives consistency to le^ transactions.
Jhe consent necessary to constitute contracts must
be internal, external, mutual, and deliberate. Some
authorities claim that contracts formed without any
intention on the part of the contracting parties to
oblige themselves are valid; others more rightly main-
tain the contrary, since the very essence of contracts
embodies obligation. Consequently, whoever is un-
prepared to admit this obligation is in no position to
'^"^^*»e a contract. Two possible suppositions here
present themsdves. In the first the promise and in-
tention of not assuming any obligation concern the
?ame object under the same respect. Promises made
»n this way are utterly meaningless. Tn the second
Buppontion the promise and intention of waiving the
obligation refer to the same object under different
respects. In such cases it is necessary to ascertain
which of these two contrary tendencies of the will is
dominant. If the intention of making a oontract
possess greater efficacy, the obligation thereunto cor^
responding unquestionably holds good. On the con-
trary, if the intention of accepting no obli^tion
prevail, no oontract can be formed. Finally, if one
mtention is just as efficacious as another, th^e forma-
tion of a oontract would then involve quest for an
unattainable result. Contracts made by individuals
haying absolutely no intention of abiding by the obli-
gation connected therewith are altogether invalid,
and the parties thus fictitiously contracting are bound
to indemnify those whose interests thereby suffer.
The contract in question must always be capable of
begetting an obligation. It is not impossible to find
genuine oonsent which is worthless for giving consis-
tency to contracts either because it is nullified
beforehand bv positive law or because it is the result
of error, fraud, or fear (see Contract).
Error affecting the very nature of the contract, or
concerning the substance of the object in question or
a naturally substantial quality of the object, or one
considered indispensable bv the contraetingparties,
vitiates oonsent and invalidates contracts. EiTor re-
garding an accidental qualitv of the contract, or per-
taining to the motive undenying the contract, or to
its material object, is insufficient to vitiate consent or
nullify contracts. In like manner fraud, whether in-
troduced by one of the contracting parties or by an
extern, for the sake of provoking consult in the other
party, counteracts oonsent as orten as such fraud cir-
cumscribes the nature of the contract, the substance
of the obje^ at stake, or a quality naturally substan-
tiated in that object or esteemed as substantial by the
one upon whom the fraud is perpetrated. As often as
accidental fraud induces another, in some measure,
to oonsent, he is at liberty to rescind the contract,
provided it is naturally dissoluble. In general, giave
fear lawfully superinduced does not militate against
consent in the will, and therefore renders contracts
neither invalid nor rescindable. On the other hand,
while fear unlawfully superinduced to extort consent
does not invalidate contracts, it gives the intimidated
party the liberty of rescinding them. According to the
civil law of the United States, no contract is binding
without the mutual assent of both parties. They must
assent at the same time and to the same thing. This
mutual assent consists of an offer by one party and its
acceptance by another. When the offer is verbali and
tiie time allowed for acceptance is not mentioned, the
offer must be immediately accepted to constitute aeon-
tract. In case the offer and acceptance are written and
pass through the mail, the contract is complete when
the acceptance is mailed, provided the party accepting
has received no notice of the withdrawal of the offer
before mailing his letter. As far as the validity of
matrimony is concerned, genuine, internal, personal
oonsent of both parties, covermg the present and indi-
cated by external signs, is unquestionably required.
While internal consent must be complemented by
some external manifestation, words are by no means
necessary. The Congregation of the Inquisition (22
August, 1860) decided that marriages are entirely
valid when the ceremony takes place in the presence
of witnesses and according to the custom of tne coun-
try in a manner which indicates that the contiaoting
parties here and now mutually agree to enter wedlock.
At the same time, if one or both contracting parties
have no present intention of marrying in circumstances
such as those outlined, they can make no marriage
oontract. Hie required matrimonial consent signi-
fied by proxy does not militate against the validity of
tiie marriage contract. This consent must include
the material object of the matrimonial contract, which
material (^ject is the mutual right of one party to the
oonsBKnus
284
OONSERVATOR
body of the other, a rig^t that carries with it eveiy
prerogative vested therein by the laws of nature, it
IS not necessary, however, that the intention of parties
to a marriage contract should be explicitly directed to
all its conditions or circumstances. On the oontraiy,
an intention implicitly thereunto directed is entirely
sufiScient for all practical intents and purposes.
Hence, as often as marriageable parties intend to con-
tract marriage in the way in which men and women
ordinarily understand that agreement, or according
to the way in which it was instituted by the Author
of this sacrament, they exhibit consent sufficient to
render their marriage contract entirelv valid, provided
nothing essential is positively excluded by a counter
intention usurping the place of the chief, indispensable
intention in entering matrimony. While marriage
contracts are null unless based on the consent of those
concerned, it is usually very difficiilt to establish the
actual absence of this consent so as to satisfy the judge
in a matrimonial court, once the marriage ceremony
has really taken place. (For the renewal of consent
in the case of invalid marriages, see Rbvalidation,
and for the consent requisite for espousals, see Espon-
SAi^s.) While in canon law the consent of parents is
not necMary to validate the marriages of their chil-
dren, it is usually required to render such marriages
legitimate. [For the civil law concerning the consent
of parents in France (modified 1907), Germany, Aus-
tria, Switzerland, Canada, etc., see Marriage.]
In the United States the common law exacts
no solemnity to validate matrimonial consent. In
many of the Stated, however, special statutes carry-
ing a penalty require certain conditions for the legit-
imacy of such consent. Ck>mmon law regards mar-
riage as a dvil contract for which cons^t alone is
essential. It demands no legal forms, nor religious
solemnities, nor special mode of proof. According to
common law, oonsent indicated b^ words covering the
present, whether consummation follows or not, or by
words pertaining to the future together with consum-
mation, constitutes a valid marriage. In New York,
Illinois, and Rhode Island words pertaining to the fu-
ture, even with subsequent consummation, no longer
render a marriage valia. Even without explicit proof
of words implying consent, cohabitation, acknowledg-
ment of a marriaee by the parties concerned, reception
of such parties as husband and wife by relatives, friends,
or society, are sufficient to establish a valid marriage.
Canon law reauires the oonsent of cathedral chap-
ters to lend validity to certain official acts of bishops.
In general, this consent is necessary in such matters
as usually involve a serious obligation or the possi-
bility of a notable damage, or in matters which simul-
taneously pertain to bishops and their chapters.
Nevertheless, unwritten law can narrow the rights of
chapters and widen the liberty of bishops in these
mattere unless ciroumstances conspire to stamp par-
ticular measures as unreasonable. In like manner,
unwritten law may exact the consent of chapters
in matters of secondary importance, a requirement
sometimes enjoined by special statutes. When im-
mediate action is necessary, and it is impossible to
convoke their chapters, bishops may proceed validly
without the chapters' consent. Inasmuch as there
are no cathedral chapters in the United States, dioc-
esan oonsultors constitute the advisory board of the
bishops. The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore
specines several instances in whi(^ the bishops,
though not obliged to abide by the advice of their
consultors, are bound to seek such advice, else their
acts in such cases are liable to nullification.
For consent in its relation to sinful acts, see Sin,
and for the consent of the legislative authority in the
formation of consuetudinafy law, see Custom.
Ojrrn. Synopttin tfrmn maraliwrn et jutib ponUfieii (Prato,
1904); fnstructio Hastoralw tCyeateUenais (Freiburg, 190"2), in-
dex, n. V. Const-nsu:*: Hkinkr, OrundnnH ties kalh. Eht'rt'chfa
(Munstcr, 1905), index, a. v. Konaena; HERueNHdTiiKR-Hoi.Lr
WBGK, Lehrbuch des hath. KirthenrethU (FrailmrB. i90ff), is*
dex. 8. V. Conaensua; PsRMANEDsa in Kircheniex .
and in general all manuals and dictionariee oi
(Roman), and national legielationa. For the histofy
aemt in aU that pertaina to the mantaBe ocMitraei,
__.'_., ,- Stnt coMoniaue (Pazis. Uwl'
ConsentemenL
Mw^.
). IL in indi
j^. 6. CN
xnx.
Oonsentiufl. — ^The name of a fifth-centuiy Gallo-
Roman family, three of whoee repre8a:itBitveB are
known in history:
(1) CoNSXNTiTJS OP Nabbomnb, dorisnmuSt "who
combined the honour of a prefecture with philoeophy",
was a correspondent of Sidonius Apollinaiis* ^nio
dedicated to nim a poem on Narbonne. He used
all metres — iambic, elegiac, hendecasyllabic, and
the hexameter — and wrote in Greek as well as in
Latin. His poems are redolent of flowers and thyme
(Sidonius, Cfarm., xsdii, 20, and 234-240; Epist.,
Ill, 6; VIII, 4; IX, 15). However, these praises
must not be taken too literally, as Sidonius counted
among his friends thirty men who were similariy
gifted. The authors of the "Histoire litt^nure de
la France'' make a distinction b^ween the Coo-
sentius to whom the poem was dedicated and Con-
sentius the epistolary author, maintaining the former
to have be^ the father of the latter. — (2) Cok-
SENTIUS, father of the former, a native of Marbonne
and a poet, a contemporary of Valentinian, and son-
in-law of Flavius Valens Jovinus, consul in 367. —
(3) CoNSBNTiuB, a Gallic grammarian,, was the author
of two treatises, which are perhi^M the fragmeots of a
complete grammar: one on the noun and the verb,
mucn used durinjs the Carlovingian period, and the
other on barbarisms and metaplasm. An edition
of these treatises has been published by Keil in
"Grammatici Latini" (Leipssig), vol. V,p. 336.
Biatavre liU^raire <U la France (Pari«. 1735). II. 249-60. 431-
33. 653-56; Teufpel, Geschichte der rdmiaehen Littratur (Leip-
■ig. 1890); Keil. Orammatici Latini (1885). V. 338. 404.
Paul Lbjat.
Conservator (from Lat. conaervare), a judge dele-
gated by the pope to defend certain privilegea classes
of persons — sa universities, religious orders, chapters,
the poor — ^from manifest or notorious injury or vio-
lence, without recourse to a judicial process. Con-
servators were appointed as early as the thirteenth
century. Innocent IV presupposes their existence in
the decree (c. 15, de off. et pot. jud., del. 1, 14, in VF)
from which we first learn their power. Owing to
abuses and complaints the Council of Trent (Sess.
XIV, c. V, de ref.) limited their jurisdiction, but new
controversies, often recurring, caused Clement VIII,
Gregory XV, and Innocent X to define their privileges
more precisely. Troubles continuing to arise, espe-
cially concerning the conservators of religious orders,
Clement XIII (23 April, 1762) decreed that in mis-
sionary countries such officials should no longer be
chosen, but that all controversies should be referred to
the Holy See. From that time forth conservators fell
into practical desuetude. According to law, these
officials were to be chosen from among the prelates or
dignitaries of cathedral and collegiate churches; later
from the synodal judges. .When a conservator had
been chosen by regulars he could not be removed for
five years without cause. He had no jurisdiction ia
cases that required juridical examination. While he
took cognizance of all complaints against r^;ulai8, he
had no authority to receive those of the ra;;ulazs
against others unless they were notorious. La the
latter case the conservator decided the question sum-
marily. He could punish with ecclesiastical penalties
even high church dignitaries who interfered with his
duties. His power was limited, however, to the one
diocese in which he had been elected, nor could the
same conservator have power in several dioceses.
AxDRt-tTAniiBR, Did. de droit can. (3d ed., Paris, 1901), I;
Werne. Jub DecrettUium (Home, 1899), II; Bomx. De Jurt tU*
ffuiar. (3a Mi.. PariA. 1883). II.
William H. W. Famnino.
o<»8iaTxxn8
285
OOKSISTORT
ConsiBtentM (BrsTANDBim). See Pbnitbncb.
OoiiaifttOffy» Papal. — ^I. Dsfinttion. — ^During the
Roman imperial epoch the term conaisUfnum (Lat.
conrsisiere, to stand together) was used to designate
the sacred oounoil of the emperore. In time it came
to designate the senate oC the Roman pontiff, tiiat is»
** the assemblage of the Cardinals in council around the
Pope" (Innocrat III to the Bishop of Ely and the Arch-
deacon of Norwich, in 1212; see Gonzales, ''Commen-
taria in textus decretalium Gr^jorii IX", III, vii, 108).
II. Origin and Historical Dbvelopment. — The
origin of the papal consistory is closely connected with
the history of the Roman mesbytery or body of the
Roman clergy. In the old Itoman pretbyterium there
were deacons, in chaige of the ecclesiastical temporali-
ties in the various r^ons of Rome; priests, at the
head of the principal churches of the city, called tituli;
and (at least by the eighth century) the bishops of the
dioceses in the nei^bourhood of Rome. The cardi-
nals of to-day (divided likewise into the three orders
of bishops, priests, and deacons) have succeeded the
members of the ancient presbytery not only in the
offices attaching to these three grades, thou^ with
somewhat different functions, but also, and chiefly, in
the capa4nt}r of assisting the pOpe in the management
of ecclesiastical affairs.
From the earliest Christian times the popes were
wont to confer with the Roman presbytery on mat-
ters affecting the interests of the Church. From a
letter of Pope Cornelius (254-255) to St. CJyprian we
learn that ne had summoned his presbyteiy before
agreeing to the reconciliation of three schismatics.
Lokewise, Pope Liberius (352-363) informed the
Roman clerf^ about the course of action he had
deemed advisable to take during his exile. Pope
Siricius (384-398) condenmed the neresy of Jovinian
after havii^ convoked his presbytery. How far the
more prominent members of the Roman clergy, event-
ually called cardinals, were being gradually entrusted
with the management of ecclesiastical affairs is shown
by the action of Leo IV and John VIII in the ninth
centuiy. The former ordered that the Roman cardi-
nals should meet twice a week in the Sacred Palace to
provide for the administration of the churches, look
after the discipline of the der;^, and decide* the cases
of laymeni llie latter ordered them to meet at least
twice a month in order to take cognizance of and
decide cases of clerics and laymen brought before
the pope's tribunal. For many centuries, however,
the Roman presbytery did not form the senate of the
popes to the exclusion of aU other clerics, at least in
matters of greater importance. These matters were
discussed and decided in the Roman councils, which,
though admitting the Roman dergy to an active part,
consisted diiefly of bishops summoned by the pope
from the greater part of Italy, as well as of other
bishops who happened to be in Rome at the time.
These councils were very frequent until the beginning
of the twelfth century. Thenceforth, the popes held
them more reur^, finding it difficult to convoke them
tt often as the ever increasing volume of business de*
manded. In thw stead the popes transacted the
Affairs biou^t before their court m the presence and
with the assistance of the Roman cardinats, who about
the same time had grown in dignity and importance,
owing to the fact toat the right of electing the pope
JM)w rested in them exclusively. Thus the Sacred
^lleee of C!ardinals, assembled in consistory, became
the chief organ of the supreme and universal govern*
nwnt of the Church.
, At first, matters of judicial as well as of administra-
tive character were referred to the consistory. In
course of time, however, the former were transferred
to the Tribunal of the Sacied Rota. The ''Corpus
Juris'' contains many of the decisions givea, by the
popes in amsistory, aa is evidenced by the frequent
formula de fratrum noslwrum coruilio (with the advice
of oiir brethren). The papal consistory has continued
ever since to act as the supreme oounol of the popes,
though it lost much of its importance when m the
fifteenth and sixte^ith centuries the Roman Oongre-
gations were instituted. The amount of business
brought before ihe Holy See had gradually increased
to such a vast extent thiat it had to be divided among
several particular committees of cardinab. These
committees were at first temporary but gradually
became pennanent, and to each of them a definite
kind of ecdesiastaoal affairs was assigned. These
permanent committees came to be known as oongre*
gations. The first of them was instituted b^ Paul III,
others by Pius IV and Pius V, but most of them owe
their origin to Sixtus V. Once the Roman Congregsr
tions, embracing in their scope dmoet the whole range
of ecclesiastical affairs, were instituted, it was but
natural that the papal consistory should lose in im-
portance. However, it did not so into desuetude
altogether; it continued to be held, but more rardy,
and only in the form which we proceed to describe.
III. Prbssnt Practiob. — Consistories are of three
kinds: secret or ordinary, public or extraordinary,
and semi-public. — (1) The secret consistory is so
called because no one save the pope and the Qiidinals
is present at its deliberations. ForaAerly it was cus-
tomary for the pope, soon after entering the hall of
consistory, to confer singly with the cardinals on such
personal matters as they wished to bring before him,
and it was only after this audience was over that
nobles and prelates were excluded from the hall . But
at the present day this audience is omitted. The
consistory is frequently opened with an address, or
allocution, in which the pope often reviews the oondi>
tion of the Church in general or in some particular
country, pointing out what deserves praise or needs
to be condemned. Such allocutions are afterwards
given to the public in order that the world at larse
may know the mind of the pope on these matters. At
the end of the allocution the creation of new cardinals
takes place. The pope announces the names of those
whom he intends to raise to the cardinalate, and asks
the cardinals for their opinion; the cardinals remove
their caps as a sign of consent, and the pope proceeds
immediately to uie formal appointment. It is also
in the secret consistory that the cardinals receive
from the pope the carainal's ring, are appointed to
some titular church or deaconry, exerdse the option
of passing from one titular churdi to another, and of
ascending from the order of deacons and priests to the
order of priests and bishops respectively. It is also
here that the .pope appoints the camerlengo and the
Vice-Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church, and per-
forms the ceremony of "closing*' and "opening" the
mouth of the new cardinals. To this consistoiv be-
long also the appointments of bishops, archbishops,
ancf patriarchs, the transfers of these dignitaries frpm
one see to another, the ^pointments of coadjutors,
the creation and announcement of new dioceses, the
division and union of dioceses already existing. But
the detaib are not discussed in the consistory itself.
All the previous consultations that are required m order
that the pope may come to a prudent conclusion have
taken place in a congregation called consistorial, and
the pope in the consistory itself only gives his decision.
There are some sees whose bishops are tuppointed
through a Brief outside the consistory. Such ar^
those in territories depending on the Sacred Congre-
gation of Propaganda, and others as necessity may
require. These appointments are merely promuljB;ated
in the secret consistory. At the end of the coiuustoxy
the advocates called consistorial are admitted to re-
qoesfty with the usual formalities, the pallium for newly
appointed arehbishops; their petition is gmnted im-
inediately, but the conferring of the pallium takes
place later.
OOirSTABLB
286
OOHSTAJICm
(2) The public oonsistory is so called because per-
sons foreign to the Sacred College of Cardinals, suoi as
Apostolic prothonotaries, the auditors of tiie Sacred
Rota, and other prelates are called to it. Laymen
also, who have made previous application, are per«
mitted to be present. Formerly, in this oonsistory
the pope usea to give solemn reception to kines,
princes, and ambassadors; but this is no longer the
custom. In the public oonsistoiy the pope Deforms
the ceremony of aelivering the red hat to the newly
created cardinals. Moreover, the consistorial advo-
cates plead here the causes of beatification and canon-
ization. These pleadings are of two kinds. In the
first permission is asked that the ordinary process of
beatification or canonization may be introduced, or
continued, or brought to completion. The second has
reference only to causes of canonization. For in ac-
cordance with the practice of ttxe Holy See, even
after it has been conclusively proved that the mira-
cles required for canonization have been performed
through the intercession of one declared blessed, the
honours of a saint are not decreed to him, unless the
question as to whether canonization should take place
has been treated in three consistories: secret, public,
and semi-public. In* the secret oonsistory tiie pope
asks the opinions of the cardinals, who express it
singly by answering placet or non placet (aye or no).
In the public consistory one of the consistorial advo-
cates pleads the cause and a prelate answers in the
pope's name, inviting all to pray in order that the
pope may be enlightened on the subject. The final
voting takes place in the semi-public consistory.
(3) Hie semi-public oonsistoiy is so called beicause,
besides the cardinals, bishops also take part in it. To
this consistory the bishops residing within one hun-
dred miles of Rome are summoned, while invitations
are sent to all the other bishops of Italy; moreover,
titular patriarchs and archbisnops and bishops who
live in Rome, as well as bishops who happen to be
sojourning there at the time, are likewise present.
After all the Fathers have expressed their opinions on
the subject, the pope closes tne assembly with an ad-
dress on the following canonization. With regard to
the time for holding the consistories, the old practice
of assembling them at fixed intervals has passed out
of use and tcvday they meet, as occasion demands, at
the pope's wish.
HiLUNQ, Procedure at ihe Rotnan Curia (New York, 1007);
Baabt, The Roman CouH (New York« 1895): Hukphsey. Urba
et OrbUior The Pope aa Btshop and as PorUiff (London, 1899);
Smith. ElemerUa of EccUsioBtioal Law (New York, 1895). I, 270;
HcROBNiidTHKR*HoLLWscK. Lehfbueh dee kathUieehen Kirehen-
rechU (Freiburg im Br., 1905), 292; von Schbrer, Handbuchdea
kaiholiffchen KtrchenrechU ((iraa, 1886). I, 481; Andr^-Waq-
NfiR. IHcl. de Drtfit Carum. (Paris. 1901), I. 655; Wbrne, Jue
Decretalium (Rome. 1906), II. 394; Coreluus. Notilia Cardy-
naialue (Rome, 1653); Leoa, De Judiciis Eedeaiaatieie (Rome,
1898), II. 253.
Hector Papi.
Oonstable (formerly Tunbtall), Cuthbert, date
of birth uncertain; d. 27 March, 1746. He was the
son of Francis Tunstall of WycliflFe Hall, Yorkshire,
England, and Cicely, dauj^ter of John Constable,
second Viscount Dunbar. When in 1718 he succeeded,
on the death of his uncle, the last Viscount Dijnbar,
to thd estates of Burton Constable, he changed his
surname from Tunstall to Constable. He was edu-
cated at Douai and subsequently studied medicine
at Montpellier, where he took the degree of Doctor
of Medicine. He formed a large collection of books
and MSS. at Burton Constable^ and in other ways
was a constant patron of Catholic literature, assist-
ing Bishop Challoner by lending him documents for
the "Memoirs of Missionary Priests", and Dodd, by
contributing to the expenses of the " History of the
Church of England". He also maintained friendly
relations with non-<^tholic scholars; and among the
Burton Constable pap«9 are two volumes of his coi^
respondenoe with Mr. Ntohnlson of TTniveniity Col-
lege, Oxford, and the well«4cnown antiquaiy, Thomas
Heame. His correspondence with the former waa
chiefly ooncemed with particulam for the bjogniphy
of Abraham Woodheaa, for whom he had a great
veneration. His only publication is a life of Wood-
head prefixed to his edition of '* The Third Part of the
Brief Account of Church Govenament", written by
that author (London, 1736). Gillow (BibL DicL Eog.
Cath., I J 549) states that even this was lai^ely taken
from Nicholson, but is valuable for the complete
Woodhead bibliography. The other woiks enumer-
ated by Qillow (toe cit.) aie not by Constable, but
were MSS. in his collection. The collection itself
was sold by auction in 1889, some of the MSS. being
l>urchased b^r Lord Herries and added to his collec-
tion at Everingham. Con8table> wxms twice marned,
first to Amy, daughter of Hugh, third Lord CUfford,
by; whom he had three children, William, Cicely, and
Winifred, and secondly to Elisabeth Heneage, by
whom he had one son, Maimaduke, who inherited the
estate of Wycliffe and resumed the family jiame of
Tunstall.
KiRX. Biographiee (London. 1908): Ca<ft. MiecdUmy (1830),
p. 134; Gii<LOW. Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath, (London, 1885), I, 548
sag.; Hamilton, Chronide of the Eng. Auguftinian Canonnen
of St. Monica's at Louvain (London, 1906), II.
Edwin Bubix>n.
OonBtable (alias Lacht), John, controversialist
(pen-name Clerophilus Alethes), b. in Lincoln-
shire, 10 November, 1676 or 1678; d. 28 March, 1743.
In 1695 he entered the Society of Jesus. For many
years he served the Fitzherbert family at Swinnerton,
where he is buried. Constable's chief controversial
opponents were: the Abb^ Courayer (1681-1776;
Diet. Nat. Biog., XII, 328)i who championed Anglican
orders, came over to England in 17^, was lionized,
and eventually buried in the cloisters of Westminster j
and Charles Dodd vere Hugh Tootell, who wrote with
a prejudice against Jesuits. The chief writing of
Constable are: "Remarks upon Courayer's Book in
Defence of English Ordinations, wherem their inva-
lidity is fully proved", an answer to Courayer's "Dis-
sertations" of 1723; "The Stratagem Discovered to
show that Courayer writes ' Booty', and is only a sham
defender of these ordinations", by "Clerophilus Ale-
thes", an answer to Courayer's "Defense"; "The
Convocation Controvertist", by "Clerophilus Ale-
thes" (8vo, 1729), aeamst Rev. Joseph Trapp's ''De-
fence of the Churda of England"; "^Doctrine of
Antiquity concerning the Eucharist", by "Clerophilus
Alethes" (8vo, 1736); "Specimen of^ Amendments
proposed to the Compiler of 'The Church History of
England'", by "aerophilus Alethes" (12mo, 1741);
"Advice to the Author of 'The Church History of
England"', MS. at Stonyhurst. GilTow enumerates a
few other writings by Cfonstable.
OuvBR, CoUedanea 8. J., 73: Folkt. Records 8. Jl, III. 207;
VII (i). 169; SOMMBBVOGSL, BiUiothims deiaC.de J„ U, ral.
1374; GiLLOW, l>ict. of Eng. Co/A., I, 552 aqq.: Coopsr in Diet,
Nat. Biog., XII, 36.
Patrick Ryan.
Ck>ii8tance (Lat. Corutantia, Ger. Kanatofu or
Conaianz, Ceechic name KoeiwUz)^ formerly the seat
of a diocese. Constance, a very ancient town sit-
uated where the River Rhine flows out of the Bodensee
(between the Bodensee and the Untenee) in the south-
eastern part of the Grand Duchy of Baden, was origin-
ally a village of lake-dwellers which under Roman rule
was fortified by Constantius Chlotnis in 304. Chris-
tianity seems to have been introduced into 0>nstance
and the neighbouring country by Roman l^ionaries as
early as the end of the second or the begiiming of the
third century. The episcopal see was first at Vin-
donissa, the present Windiscn in the Canton of Aaif^
in Switserland. It is not known when this see was
erected. The first bishop of whom history has pre-
served any record is Bubulcus who was pfcsent at the
Burgimdian Synod of Epaon in &17. (Mansi, AmpL
00N8TAH0I
287
OOmTAMOl
Coll. Cone., VIII, 565.) He was sucoeeded by Gram-
matius, who attended a Frankkh synod at Clennont in
535 (ibid., VIU, 863), one at Origans in 541 (ibid., IX,
120), and a third at Orleans in 540 (ibid., IX, 136).
After this time history makes no further mention of
the Dioeese of Vindonissa. Since, however, the neigh-
bouring dty of Constance is for the first time men-
tioned as an episcopal see about this time, it becomes
almost a certainty that from Vindonissa the see was
transferred to Constance. The episcopal catalogues
of Constance designate Maximus as the first and
Rudolph as the second bishop, but nothing further is
known about them. Walafrid Strabo, in his *'Vita
S. Galli", speaks of a certain Gaudentius as Bii^op of
Constance, after whose death (c. 613) the bishc^ric
was offered to
St. Gall who,
however^ re-
fused the dig-
nity and recom-
mended his dis-
ciple John in his
stead. The ser-
mon which St.
Gall preached at
John's consecra^
tion is still ex-
tant (H. Cani-
sius, "Antiquffi
Lectiones", ed-
ited by Basnage,
" Thesaurus
monum. eccl. et bLst.*^ Antwerp, 1725, I^ 78i>).
Nothing is known of Marcian, JUmo, Gangalf,
Fidelis, and Rudol]>1i, who are generally Hcsir-
nated as successors i^f John.
The limits of the l>ioet?«e af Const:mce were
fixed during the se vc n t b vm^ i ury . Tht^ river 1 1 ler
Reparated it from tho Dioeesf af AupiburK.
From the influx of the llltT into the Dtiutjhethe
* lx)undary turned tuwLirri^ tht^ nortVi-wrat. past
Cimiind, across the Ne^^kar, north of Miirbach,
thence south-westerly t'dl it reaches! the Rtiitie
south of Breisach [Altbreisadj). It foUowfMJ
the Rhine upward tu tlu^ inllux of the Aar, then
up this river to the St. Gotthard, whence it turned
north-easterly across Canton St. Gall to the source
of the nier. The dioceses surrounding it were
Auesburg, Speyer, Strasburg, Basle, Lausanne, Chur,
and (since 742) WUrzburg. There was not a diocese in
Germaxw' which surpassed Constance either in area or
population. It belonged to the province of Besanoon
until it became a suffragan of Mamz in 747. With tew
changes it retained the above-mentioned dimensions
till the time of t^e Reformation. In the year 1436 the
diocese had 17,060 priests, 1760 parishes, and 350
monasteries and convents. During liie eighth and
ninth centuries the bishops of Constance repeatedly
infringed upon the rights of the Abbots of Reichenau
and St. Gall and sometimes combined the abbatial with
the episcopal dignitv. Bishop Sidonius (746-760)
was instrumental in the unjust deposition and impris-
onment of St. Othmar, the Abbot of St. Gall, in 758 or
759 (Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, in, 596). Most
bishops of the tenUi century were great and holy men.
Solomon III (890-919) had previously (885) been im-
perial chancellor and was eoually beloved as Abbot of
Heichenau and St. Gall ana as Bishop of Constance.
St Conrad (934-975) was ^ great friend of the poor,
made three pilgrimages to the Holy Land, built three
new churches and renovated many old ones. He was
canonixed in 1123 and became patron of the diocese.
St. GebliMd II (979-995) founded the Abbey of Petera-
hausen in 983, bc^an to be honoured as a saint soost
after his death, and became patron of the city of Co»-
|tance. During the conflict between Pope Gregory
VII and EJmperor Henry IV, concerning the right of
investiture, the episcopat See of Constance was occu-
pied by Otto I (1071-1086), who sided with the em-
peror and was excommunicated because he took part
m the deposition of Gregory VII at the ^nod of
Worms (1076). His successor Gebhaid Ul (1084-
1110) was an intrepid defender of the papal rights
against Henry V, became Vicar Apostolic lor Germany
under Urban II (Mansi, Ampl. CoU. Cone, XX, 666
and 715), consecrated the new cathedral at Constance
in 1089, heki a sjmod in 1094, at which wholesome
ecclesiastical reforms were decreed, and with the con-
sent of the pope freed Henry V from the ban in 1095.
I>uring the piUMil oonfliets with the Emperors Freder-
kk I and Frederick II the bishops sidea with the em-
peroiB until Bishop Henry I, von Thann (1233-1248)
returned to papal aliegianoe in 1246. Bishop
Kudrilph von Motiifort, nH22-1334) supported
Pope Jahn XXII in his Btntggle against Louis the
Bavarian until 1332» when h<? joined the party of
the emperor. His successor Nicholas, von Kreuc^
tinpen ( 1 :V14-1344). sided with the popes. While
tne Council of
Constance (q.
▼.) was in ses-
sion (1414-
1418) the epis-
copalSeeof Con-
stance was oc-
cupied by Otto
III, von Hoch-
berg (1411-
1434). From
the thirteenth
century the
bishops of Con-
stance were
princes of the
German Em-
pire. Their ter-
ritory, as tem-
poral rulers, ex-
tended over
twenty - two
German (about
482 fkoglish)
square miles,
with a popula-
tion of about
50,000, and lasted until it was divided between Baden
and Switzerland in 1802.
The decline of the diocese beginB with the Protestant
Reformation. The Swiss Cantons Zurich, Bern, St.
Gall, Scha^hauseii, and Thurgau were first to adopt
the new doctrine (Zwinglianism). They were follow«l
in 1526 by the city of Constance and in 1534 by the
Duchy of Wtirtemberg. Baden became Protestant
in 1556, but here the Catholic religion was restored in
1571. The old Faith was also slowly restored in the
city of Constance from 1548 when that city came un-
der Austrian rule. From 1526 the bishcps of Conn
stance resided at Meersbuig. Despite the great losses
sustained during the Reformation, the diocese in 1750
atill numbered 3774 secular priests, 2764 monks, 3147
nuns, and a Catholic popidation of 891,948. In 1814
the portion of the diocese situated on Swiss territory
was detached and apportioned to the Swiss dioceses of
C:hur, Basle, and St. Gall. After the death of Bishop
Karl Theodor von Dalbeig in 1817, the portion of the
diocese Ijring in Wtirtemberg came under the jurisdic-
tion of the vicai^general of EUwangen-Rottenburp, and
all the Bavarian territory was attached to the Diocese
of Augsbuig. In 1821 Pope Pius VII dissolved the
Diocese of Constance and joined its remaining terri-
tory to the newly erected Archdiocese of Freiburg.
The most important rulers of the diocese since tM
Reformation were: Cardinal Marcus Sitticus von
Hohenems (Altemps), 1561-1580; Cardinal Androw
Cathxdsaih Gosstanob
flOHITAMOl
288
0OH8TAVOB
of Austria (158^1600), Jacob Fugger (1604-1626), ICarl
Theodor von Dalberg (1800-1817) and his Vicar-Gen*
eral Heinrich Ignaz von We88eid>erg. The last two es*
poused the doctrine of Febronius. Dalberg joined the
Freemasons and the lUuminati, of whose real tenden-
cies he was igncmmt ^ and Wessenbeig was heart and soul
for the anti-ecclesiastical reforms of Emperor Joseph II.
The city of Constance received municipal ri^ts in
780, became a free imperial city in 1192 and was one of
the largest and most nourishing cities of Grermany dur-
ing the Middle Ages. Its population is said to have
exceeded 40,000. Here the famous Peace of Con-
stance, a treatv between Barbarossa and the Lombard
cities was declared in 1183 and an imperial diet was
convened by Maximilian I in 1507. Commercially it
was highly important on account of its manufacture
of choice linen the famous tela di Codama whidi
was known throughout Europe. Its ecclesiastical
renown it owes to the fact that it was the seat of
perhaps the largest diocese in Germany and that from
1414-18 the Sixteenth (Ecumenical Council was cele-
brated there. For joining the Smalkaldic League
and refusing to accept the Interim of Augsburg in
1548, it was deprived of its privileges as a free and
imperial city and given to Austria by Emperor Charles
V. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the Swedes in
1633, pillaged b^r the French (1740-45), and finally
joined to Baden m 1805. Its population in 1900 con-
sisted of 15,917 Catholics, 711 Old Catholics, and 565
Jews.
Mekok, Chronik du Bisthuma KonUanz (Gonstwice, ld27):
Nbuqabt, £'pi8C9palv« ConstarUiensia (to 1806), (St. BUrien,
1803 and Freiburg, 1S62); Idkm, Codex DiplomaHcua (St. Blaaien,
1791-6): Laoxwig. Regesta Episcoporum Conakmlimmvm (in
Gennao) von Bvbmcua bia Thomu BerUnoer, 617-1406 (Inns-
bruck, 1S8&-90);. Lupwio. l>ie* KonaUnuer GeschiehtMachreibuno
bia turn 18. Jakrh. (Strasburs, i894). For the city of Ck>n-
atanee: EiaELSiN, Geachxchie und Bfadtreibunq der Stadt Kon-
atom ((^nstanoe, 1861); BsYEttue, Konatani im SO^Mrigen
Krieg (1900); Insii . QnmdeioanlhwnavarhAUniaae und Bibrgar'
redU im mUfeUdUrlichen Ktmatant (1900-02).
" Michael Ott.
OonBta&ee, Council of, a (partly) oecumenical
council held at Constance, now in the Grand Duchy of
Baden, from 5 Nov., 1414, to 22 April, 1418. Its
forty-five general sessions were devoted to three chief
purposes : (I) The Extinction of the So-Called Western
Schism; (II) The Reformation of EcclesiajBtical Gov-
ernment and Life; (III) Hie Repression of Heresy.
The article will abo take up: (IV) Attendance at
the Council; General Considerations.
I. The Extinction of the So^ALLsn Western
Schism. — ^In its attempt to restore to the Church her
immemorial unity oi headship theCouncil of Pisa (q. v.)
in 1409 had onlv added to tne confusion ^nd scandal
that afflicted au Christendom since 1378 (see Schism,
Western). There were now three popes, the two
deposed by the oomtdl (Gregory XII and Benedict
XIII) and its own creation, Alexander V; the latter
soon died (3 May, 1410) and was succeeded b(y Cardi-
nal Baldassare Cossa as John XXIII. Obedient to a
ciecree of the Council of Pisa that ordered a general
council every three years, this pope convoked such an
assetnblv at Rome for April, 1412, but with so little
success that it was prorogued and again convoked for
the beginning of 1413; its only important decree was
a ooD&mnation of the writing? of Wyclif. In the
meantime the treachery and violence of Ladislaus of
Naples made John XXIII quite dependent politically
on the new Emperor-elect Sigismund whose anxiety
for a general council on German territory was finaiW*
satisfm by the pope, then an exile from Rome. lie
convoked it from Lodi, 9 December, 1413, for 1 No-
vember, 1414, at Constance, a free city of the empire,
on Lake Constance. It was solemnly opened 5 Novenn
ber in the cathechul of Constance, where all the public
sessions were held. The first public session took pUoe
16 November under the presidency of John XaIII,
and for a while it considered itseu a oontinufttion of
the Council of Pisa, and John XX III the sole legiti-
mate pope. It was soon evident, however, that many
members of the new assembly (comparatively few
bishops, many doctors of theology ana of canon and
civil law, procurators of bishops, deputies of univer-
sities, cathedral chapters, provosts, etc, agents and
representatives of princes, etc.) favoured stn>n$!:ly
the voluntary abdication of all three popes. This
was also the idea of Emperor Sigismund (q. v.)
present since Christmas Eve, 1414, and destined to
exercise a profound and continuous influence on the
course cd the council in his character of imperial
protector of the Church. The French deputies es-
pecially ursed this solution of the intolerable crisis,
under the leadership of Pierre d'Ailly (Cardinal and
Bishop of Cambrai), Guillaume Fillastre (Cardinal
and Bishop of San Marco), and Jean Chariier de
Gerson, chancellor of the University ol Paris, rep-
resentative of the French king, and known with
d'Ailly, as "the soul of the council". The Italian
bishops who had accompanied John XXIII in large
numbera and stood for his legitimacy vrere soon
rendered helpless by new methods of diiscussion and
voting. Early in January, 1415, envoys of Benedict
XIII appeared, but only tb propose a personal
meeting at Nice of their pope and the emperor.
Towards the end of the month Gregory XII (Angelo
Corrario) offered, through his representatives, to re-
^n, on condition that tne other popes did the same.
Tne execution of this project, henceforth the main
object of the council, was long delayed for reasons
that will appear below. Pressure was at onoe brought
to bear on John XXIII by Emperor Sigismund and by
the non-Italian members. His resistajice was finally
broken by the resolution of the members to vote bj
"nations ' and not by persons. The legality of this
measure, an imitation of the "nations" of the univer-
sities, was more than questionable, but during Febru-
aiy, 1415, it was carried through and thenceforth ac-
cepted in practice, though never authorised by any
formal decree of the council (Finke, Foischungen,
31^33) and opposed by d'Ailly and Fillastre, who
want^. indeed, a considerable enlaigement of the
voting body, by the inclusion of professors (doctors)
of theology, pi^ish priests, etc., but not the abandon-
ment of ^e traditional individual vote; the former
was willing to compromise on a vote according to
ecclesiastic^ provinces. The vote by nations was in
neat measure the work of the English, German, and
French members, but the Italians did not long resist,
and on this basis the council's work was organised and
executed as follows : By each of the four nations repre-
sented at the council, i. e. Germans (with whom were
counted the few Poles, Hungarians, Danes, and Scan-
dinavians), English, French, and Italians, several dep*
uties, ecclesiastical and lay, were appointed to repre-
sent the entire membership of the nation prosnit at
Constance. These national deputies met separately
under a president of their own choice, but changed
from month to month. Their decisions were reached
by a majority vote, and were then communicated to
the General Congregation of all four nations in which
the vote of a majority (three) was decisive. There
seems also to have been (Finke, Forschungen, 36-37)
an important general committee appointed by the
nations to prepare the subjects of discussion for the
individual nations, and to act generally as intermedi-
ary. At the seventh session (2 May, 1415) the right
to vote apart was withdrawn from the cardinalB:
henceforth they could only vote like other individual
deputies in the meetings of their respective nations*
The Roman Church, therefore, was not represented as
such, while the small English nation (20 deputies, 3
bishops) was equal in Influence to the entire Italian
representation, as individuals about one-half the
oonncil. The decisions of the general congregations
were presented at the public sessions of the council
OOKfiTANai
289
Q6il3TA]rai
and there promulgated, unanimously, ab ooneiliar-
decrees.
While these measures were being tak^i John XXIII
grew daily more suspicious of the council. NeverUie-
less, and partly in consequence of a fierce anonvmous
attack, from an Italian source, on his life and charac-
ter, he promised under oath (2 March, 1415) to resign.
On 20 March, however, he secretly fled from Constance
and took refuge at Schaffhausen on territory of his
friend Frederick, Duke of AustriarTvroL Tnis step
filled the council with oonstemation, for it threatened
both its existence and its authority. Emperor Sigis-
mund, however, held together the wavering assembly.
Then followed the public sessions (third to fifth) of 26
and 30 March and 5 April out of which came the fa^
mouB decrees "Articles of Constance", long a chief
argimient of Gallicanism (q. v.). As finally adopted
in the fifth session they were five in number ana de^
dared that the council, legitimately called in the Holy
Spirit, is a general council, represents the whole
Cnurdi Militant, has its authority directly from God ;
and that in all that pertains to faith, the extinction of
the schism and reformation in head and membecB» .
every Christian, even the pope, is bound to obey it;
that in case of refusal to ooey the couneil all reealci*
trant Christians (ev^i the pope) are subject to ecclesi*
astical puniidiment and in case of necessity to other
(civil) sanctions; that without the consent of the
coimcil Pope John cannot call away from Constance
the Roman Curia and its officials, whose absence
might compel the closing of ihe council or hinder its
work ; that all censures inflicted since his departure b^
the pope on members and supporters of me council
are void, and that Pope John and the members of the
council have hitherto enjoyed full liberty. In the
meantime (29 March, 1415) the English, German, and
French nations had agreed to four articles, in the first
two of which was expressed the complete supremacy
of the council over tne pope; these two were incor-
porated in the aforesaid articles of the fifth session.
It has been maintained that these decrees were
meant only for the extraordinary situation which then
faced the council; they express, nevertheless, the
well-known persuasion of the majority of the peculiar
ecclesiastical representation at Constance tnat the
council, independently of the pope, was the final de-
pository of supreme ecclesiastical authority; indeed,
by virtue of these decrees they proceeded at once to
judge and depose John XXIII, hitherto for them the
legitimate pope. It is to be noted that of lixe twelve
cardinals present at Constance only seven or eight as-
sisted at the fifth session, and they solely to avoid
scandal (among the absent was d'Ailiy). Nor would
any cardinal announce these decrees; that office fell
to a bishop, Andrew of Posen. The emperor was
present at their promulgation, also 200 members,
mostly doctors, etc. These decrees, it must be re-
membered, thou^ adopted at Basle and often quoted
by the disciples of Gallicanism and other opponents of
^pal supremacy, were formulated and accepted at
Constance amid quite unusual circumstances, in much
haste, and in quasi despair at the threatened failure of
the long-desired general council ; they ran counter to
the immemorial praxis of the Church, and substituted
for its Divine constitution the will of the multitude or
at best a kind of theological parliamentarism. They
were never approved by the Apostolic See (Funk,
Kirchengeschichtliche Studien, Paderbom, 1897, I,
489-98) and were almost at once implicitly rejected by
Martin V (Mansi, Coll. Cone. , XXVIII, 200). The rest
of March, and the months of April and May were con-
fi^njed in a tragic conflict of the council with John
XXIIT. He did not withdraw his resifjjnatton, but
P<»ited conditions that the council refused; he called
wav from Constance several cardinals and members
01 the Cnria, who were soon, however, obliged to re-
turn; put forth a plea of lack of liberty; complained
IV— 19
to the ICing of France concerning the method of vot-
ingy as well as his treatment by the council and the
emperor; and finally fled from Schaflhausen to Lauen-
buig, giving the council reason to fear either his final
escape from imperial reach or the withdrawal of the
Italian representatives. The pope soon fled again, this
time to freibuii^ in the Breisgau, and thence to Brei-
sach on the Bhine, but was soon compelled to return
to Freiburg, whence eventually (17 May) he was
brought by d^uties of the council to the vicinity of
Constance, and there held prisoner, while the council
proceeded to his trial. He had eidiausted ^ means
of resistance, and was morally vanqiushed. Unwill-
ing to undergo the ordeal of the impending trial he re-
nounced all right of defence and threw himself on the
mercy of the council. He was deposed in the twelfth
session (29 Ma^, 1415), not for heresy but for notorious
simony, abeitmg of schism, and scandidous life, hav-
ing already been suspended by ibe council in the tenth
session (14 May). Two da^ later he ratified under
oath the action of the council and was condemned to
indefinite impriscmment in the custody of the em-
peror. He was held sttocessiveiy in uie castles of
Glottlieben, Heidelbeig, and Mannheim, but was
eventually released, for a heavy ransom, with the help
of Martin V, and in 1419 died at Florence as Cardinal-
Bishop of Tuaoulum. (For a fuller treatment of the
diaiges against him, see John XXIII.) The prom-
ised resignation of Qreepry XII (q. v.) was now in
order, and was accomplished with the dignity to be
expected from the pope usually considered by Catho-
lic historians the Intimate oocupajit of the See of
Peter, though at tms time his obedience had practi-
cally vanished, being confined to Rimini and a few
German dioceses, liunoudi his protector and pleni-
potentiary. Carlo Malatesui, Lord of Rimini, he pos-
ited as ooncBtions that the council should be recon-
voked by himself, and that in the session which
accepted his resignation neither Baldassare Cossa nor
any representative of him should preside. The coun-
cil agreed to these oonditionB. The fourteenth session
(4 July, 1415> had, therefore, for its president the Em-
peror Sigismund, whereby it appeared, as the support-
ers of Gregoiy wished it to appear, that hitherto the
council was an assembly convoked by the civil au-
thority. The famous Dominican Cardinal John of
Ragusa (Johannes Dominid), friend and adviser of
Gregory XII, and sinee 19 Dec., 1414, the pope's repre-
sentative at Constance, convoked anew tne council in
the pope's name and authorised its future acts. I^e
reunion of both obediences (Gregory XII and John
XXIII) was then proclaimed, whereupon the Cardinal^
Bishop of Ostia ( Viviers) assumed the presidency, and
Malatesta pronounced, in ihe name of Gregory, the
latter 's abdication of all right whatsoever to the papacy.
Gregory confirmed these acts in the seventeenth ee^
sion (14 July) and was himself confirmed as Cardinal-
Bishop of Porto, Dean of the Sacred Collie and per-
petual Legate of Ancona, in which position he died
(IS Get., 1417) at Recanati, in his ninetieth year in
the odour of sanctity. From the fourteenth session,
in which he convoked the council, it is considered b^
many with Phillips (Km;henrecht, I, 266) a legiti-
mate general council.
There remained now to obtain the resignation of
Benedict XIII (Pedro de Luna). For this purpose,
and because he insisted on personal dealings with him-
self, Emperor SKgismund and deputies of the council
went to Perpignan, then Spanish territory, to confer
with him, but the stubborn old man, despite his pre-
tended willingness to resign, was not to be moved
(Sept.-Gct., 1415) from the claims he had so peraist-
ently and amid so great vicissitudes defended. Soon,
however, he was abandoned by the Kings of Aragon,
Castile, and Navarre, hitherto his chief suppbrlere.
By the Treaty of Narbonne (13 Dec., 1416), they
bound themselves to co-operate with the Coimeil of
CX>HSTAKOI
290
CON8TAH0I
Oonstance for the depoeitioii of Benedict and the elec-
tion of a new pope. St. Vincent Ft'ircr (q. v.) hither-
to the main support of Benedict, and his confessor,
now save him up as a perjurer; the council confirmed
(4 Feb., 1416) the articles of Narbonne, the immediate
execution of which was retarded, among other causes,
by the flight of Benedict (13 Nov., 1415) from the
fortress of Perpignan to the inaccessible rock of Pefiis-
oola on the sea-coast near Valencia, where he died in
1423, maintaining to the end his good right (see Luna,
Pedro db).
Various causes, as just said, held back the appear-
ance of the Spanish deputies at the coimcil. Finally
they arrived at Oonstance for the twenty-first session
(15 Oct., 1416) and were thenceforth counted as the
fifth nation (Fromme, Die spanische Nation und das
Konzil von Konstanz, MtSnster, 1896). The next
eight months were largely taken up with complicated
canonical procedure destined to compel the abdication
or justify the deposition of Benedict XIII, who in the
meantime had excommunicated solemnly his former
royal adherents and with a courage worthy of a better
cause maintained that Holy Church, the Ark of Noe,
was now on the wave-worn peak of Pefiiscola, in the
little group of a few thousand soub who yet clung to
his shadowy authority, and not at Constance. He was
finally deposed in the thirty-seventh session (26 July,
1417) as guilty of perjury, a schismatic, and a heretic:
his private life and priestly character, unlike those ot
John XXIII, were never assailed. The Western
Schism was thus at an end, after neariy forty years of
disastrous life; one pope (Gregoiy XII) had volun-
tarilv abdicated; another (John aXIII) had been sus-
pended and then deposed, but had submitted in canon-
ical form; the third daimant (Benedict XIII) was cut
off from the body of the Church, ''a pope without a
Church, a shepherd without a flock" (Hergenrfifther-
Kirsch). It had come about that, whichever of the
three claimants of the papacy was the legitimate suc-
cessor of Peter, there reigned throughout the (]3xurch
a universal uncertainty and an intolerable confusion,
so that saints and scholars and upright souls were to
be found in aU three obediences. On the principle
that a doubtful pope is no pope, the Apostolic See ap-
peared really vacant, and under the circumstances
could not possibly be otherwise filled than by the
action of a general council.
The canonical irregularities of the council seem less
blameworthy when to this practical vacancy of the
papal chair we add the universal disgust and weariness
at the continuance of the so-called schism, despite all
imaginable efforts to restore to the Church its unity of
headship, the jtistified fear of new complications, the
imminent peril of Catholic doctrine and discipline
amid the temporary wreckage of the traditional au-
thority of the Apostolic See, and the rapid growth of
false teachings equally ruinous to Church and State.
Election of Martin V. — Under the circumstances
the usual form of papal election by the cardinals alone
(see Conclave) was unpossible, if only for the stron^lv
inimical feeling of the majority of the council, which
held them responsible not only for the horrors of the
schism, but also for many of the administrative abuses
of the Roman Curia (see below), the immediate cor-
rection of which seemed to not a tew of no less impor-
tance, to say the least, tiian the election of a pope.
This object was not obscured by minor dissensions,
e. f . concerning the rightful rank of the Spanish
nation, the number of votes of the Aragonese and
CastOians, respectively, the ri^t of the £ngliih to
constitute a nation, etc. The French, Spanish, and
Italian nations desired an immediate papal election:
a CSiurch without a head was a monstrosity, said
d'Ailly. Under Bishop Robert of Salisbury the Eng-
lish held stoutly for the reforms that seemed im-
perative in the administration of the papacy and the
Ouria ; Emperor Sigismund was foremost among the
Germans for the same xsause, and was ready to take
violent measures in its interest. But Robert of Salis-
bury died, and curiously enough, it was by another
English bishop, Henry of Winchester, then on his
way to Palestme, and a near relative of the King of
England, that the antagomstio measures of papal Sec-
tion and curial reform were reconciled in favour of the
priority of the former, but with satisfactoiy aasur-
ance, among other points, that the new pope would at
once undertake a serious reform of all abuses; that
those reforms would be at once prodauned by the
council on which all the nations a^^eed; and that the
manner of the imminent papal election should be left
to a special commission. Amon^ the five reform de-
crees passed at once by Uie council in its thirty-ninth
session (9 Oct., 1417) was the famous "Frequwis"
which provided for a general council every ten yeara;
the ndct two, however, were to be convoked by the
pope after five and seven years respectively, the first
of them at Pavia.
In the fortieth session finally (30 Oct.) was dis-
cussed the manner of the new papal election. Hie
coimcil decreed that for this occasion to the twmity-
three cardinals should be added thirty deputies of the
council (six from each nation) making a body of fifty-
three electors. Another decree of this session pro-
vided for the immediate and serious attention of the
new pope to eighteen points concerning refarmaiio
in capite et Curia Romano. The forty-first session
(8 Nov.) provided for the details of the election and
for this purpose had the Bull of Clement VI (6 T>ec.,
1351) read. That afternoon the electors assembled
in conclave and after three days chose for the pope
the Roman Cardinal Odo Colonna, who took the name
of Martin V (q. v.). He was only a subdeacon, and so
was successivelymade deacon, priest, and bishop
(Fromme. ''Die Wahl Martinfl V.'', in *R6m. Quartal-
schrift ' ', 1896) . His coronation took place 2 1 N ovem-
ber, 1417. At its fort^-fifth session he solemnly
closed the council (22 April, 1418), whereupon, declin-
ing invitations to Avignon or to some German city, ha
returned to Italy, and after a short stav in Florence
entered Rome, 28 Sept., 1420, and took up his resi-
dence in the Vatican, thereby restoring to the See of
Peter its ancient rights and prestige in Christendom.
II. Reformation of Ecclbsiasticajl Govsrn-
MBMT AND LiFB. — ^Thc long absence of the popes
from Rome in the fourteenth century, entailmg
the economical and political ruin of tne ancient
Patrimony of Peter; the many grave abuses directly
or indirectly connected with the administration
of. French popes at Avignon ; the general civil dis-
orders of the time (Hundred Years War, Condottieri,
etc.), and other causes, had created, long before
Uie Council of Constance, an earnest demand for a
refonnation of ecclesiastical conditions. Hie writ-
ings of theologians and canonists and the utterances
of several popular saints (St. Bridget of Sweden. St.
Catherine of Siena) are alone enough to show how
well justified was this universal demand (Rooquain).
In the minds of many members of the council this re-
formation, as already stated, was of equal importance
with the closing of the schism ; and to some, especially
to the Grermans, it seemed to overshadow even the
need of a head for the Church. It was precisely the
pope and the cardinals, they argued, whose adminis-
tration most needed refonn, and now, when both were
weakest and for the first time in their history had felt
the mastery of the theologians and canonists^ seemed
to this party the psychological moment to wnto these
reforms into the common ecclesiastical law, whence
they could not easily be expunged. Since July, 14 Id,
there had been a reform commission of thirty-five
members: a new one of twentv-five members had been
appointed aftor the entry of the Spanish nation in
October, 1416. During its long career many memo-
rials were presented to the council concerning every
OOMtTAlfOB
201
OOmTAHOI
iiniiginiible abuse. In its general oongragationt and
aesoioiui bitter reproaches were often uttered on the
same themes. Tne acAdemic equality of man>r of the
memben, the prostrate condition of ecclesiastical
heaflahip, the peculiar freedom of discussion in the
** nation'' meetingi, and other causes made this coun*
oil a unique forum for the discussion of all points and
methods of reformation. More would certainly have
been accomplished had the learned men and the zeal-
ous preachers been able to reach some desree of unani-
mity as to the importance and order of the reforms
called for, and had there been m<M« general anxiety for
personal reformation and less passion in denouncing
the past abuses of papal and curial administration.
The Germans (Avisamenta nationis germanicffi) and
the English were ardent for a reformation of the Ro-
man Curia, so that a new, holy, and just pope would
find his way made straight before him. The former
asserted that for 150 years the i>opes had ceased te
govern with that justice which for twelve centuries had
characterised them. The cardinals, they said; had loved
riches too much, and ecclesiastical synods had been
neglected. These were the true causes, according to
them, of the corruption of the dergy, the decay
of good studies, the ruin of churches anaabbe3rs. Re-
forms had been promised at Pisa, but what had be*
come of these premises? As a matter of fact, how-
ever, the reforms most loudlv called for meant the
restoration to the bishops of oieir ancient freedom in
the collation of benefices, also a notable diminution in
the various dues and assessments payable to Rome
from the ecclesiastical properties and revenues of the
various nations, which for several reasons had been
growing in number and size during the previous
oentuiyy and were not always unjustified or inec|ui-
table. We have already seen that it was much against
their wifl that the Germans agreed to a papal election
before receiving full satisfaction in the matter of the
aforesaid reforms. The day after his coronation
Martin V appointed a (third) reform commjssion,
but its members showed no more unanimity than their
predecessore in the same office. The new pnjpe de-
clared that he was ready to accept any propositions
that were unanimously agreed on. Eventually, after
much discussion and various suggestions seven points
were agreed to in the forty-thnrd session (21 March.
1418). All exemptions jgranted durinc the synod
were witiidrawn, and in the future should be granted
with difficulty; unions and incorporations m bene-
fices were likewise to be diminiriied: the pope agreed
to renounce the revenues of vacant benefices; all sim*
ony was forbidden, likewise the custom of dispens-
ine beneficed persons from the obligation of takins
oraera ; the papal right to impose tithes on dei^ and
churches was sensibly restricted; ecclesiastics must
henceforth wear tlie dress of their order (Mansi, Cone,
XXVII, 1114-77). Other informs were left to the
initiative of each nation which provided for them by
special concordats, a term said to have been here used
for the first time. The German Ooncordat (including
Poland, Hungary, and Scandinavia) and* that with
France, Spain, and Italy, ran for five years; the Eng-
lish Concordat was mdefinlte (for the details see
Mansi, op. cit, XXVII, 1189 sqq., and Htbler, Die
Konstanzer Reform und die Konkdrdate von 1418,
Leipzig, 1867), The number of cardinals was fixed at
twenty-four, and they were to be taken proportion-
ately from the great nations. Stricter regulation was
ftlso agreed on fr r papal reservations, annates, com-
mendams, Indul^nces, etc. Nevertheless, in a papal
consistory (10 March, 1418), Martin V rejected any
right of appeal from the Apostolic See to a future
wuncfl, and asserted the Supreme atrthority of the
Roman pontiff as Vicar of Jesus Christ oft fearth in all
questions of Catholic Faith (Nulli fas est a supremo
judice viddicet ApostoKcA sede Seu Rom. Pontif . Jesu
(^Hsti vicario in tetris appi^lare aut ilfiuB Judicium in
causis fidei, quae tamquam maiores ad ipsum et sedem
Apostolicam deferendffi simt, declinare, Mansi, Cone,
XXVIII, 200). Von Funk has shown (op. cit., 489
sqq.), that the oft-maintained confirmation of the de-
crees of Constance by Martin V, in the last session of
the council (omnia et singula determinata et decreta in
materiis fidei per prsesens concilium oonciliariter et
non alitor nee alio modo) must be understood only of a
specific case (Falkenberg, 9ee below), and not of any
notable part of, much less of all, the decrees of Con-
stance. It is true that in the Bull ''Inter Cunctas",
22 Feb., 1418, apropos of the Wycliffites and Hussites,
he calls for a formal approval of the decrees of Con-
stance in favorem fidei et aalutem animartan, but
these words are easily understood of the council's
action against the aforesaid heresies and its efforts to
restore to the Churoh a certain head. In particular
the famous five articles of the fifth session, establishing
the supremacy of the coimcil, never received papal con-
firmation (HergenrOthex^Kirsch, II, 862, and Baudril-
lart, in Diet, de th6ol. cath., II, 1219-23). For a refu-
tation of the Glallican claim that these decrees possess
a dogmatic character, see Gallicanism. Neverthe-
less, the Council of Constance is usually reckoned the
Sixteenth Genoal Council ,' some, as stated above, ac-
knowledge it as such after the fourteenth session (re-
convocation by Gregory XII); others again (Salem-
bier) after the thirtv-fiith session (adherence of the
Spanish nation); iiefele only in the final sessions
(rorty-seoond to forty-fifth) under Martin V. No
papKU approbation of it was ever meant to confirm its
anti-papal acts; thus Eugene IV (22 July, 1446) ap-
proved the council, with oue reserve of the rights, d^-
nity, and supremacy of the Apostolic See (absque
tamen pnejudicio juris dignitatis et prsBeminentin
Sedis ApostolicfB). See Bouix, '* De papa, ubi et de
ooncilio cscumenico" (Paris, 1869), and Salembier
(below), 313-23.
III. The REPRsasiON of Heresy. — At various
times the council dealt with current heresies, among
them those of John Wy clif and John Hus. Condemnor
Hen of Forty-five WydtffiU Propaeitione, — ^In the eighth
session it was question of Wydif , whose writings had
already been condemned at the Council of Rome (1412-
13) under John XXIII. In this session forty-five
propositions of Wydif, already condemned by the uni-
versities of Paris and Prague, were censured as hereti-
cal, and in a later session another long list of 260
MTors. All his writings were ordered to be burned
and his body was condemned to be dug up and cast
out of consecrated ground (this was not done until
1428 under Bishop Robert Fleming of Lincoln). In
1418 Martin V, by the aforesaid Bull" Inter Cunctas ",
approved the action of the council (Mansi, op. dt.,
XXVII, 1210 sq.; see WTCLmrrEs).
Condemnation and Execution of John Hue. — Since
1408 John Hus, an elo<}uent preacher of Prajgue, had
openly taught the Wydiffite heresies. By his ardent
Bea\ for ecdesiastical reforms oa the basis of Wyclif 's
teachings, his patriotic insistence on the purity of Bo-
hemian faith and his assertion of Bohemian nation-
alism, he had gone rapidly to the front as a leader of
his nation, then deeply embittered against the Ger-
mans dominant in tne political and academic life of
Bidiemia. Since 1412 he had been banished from
Prague, but was only the more dangerous, bv his fiery
discourse and hi^ writings, among the highly excited
B<^«nians, who mostly saw in him the flower of their
national genius, and were otherwise embittered
against a clergy which then offered too many elements
of weakness to the attacks of such reformers as John
Hus and his friend and admirer Jerome (Hierony-
mus) of Prague. The errors of Hus concerned chiefly
the nature of the Church (only the predestined), the
papal headship, the rule df faith (Scripture and the
law of Christ), Communion under both kinds (q« v.
also HvBsrncB), auricular ooafession (unnecessary).
0OXSTAN08
292
OOMS^TAJMB
dvil authority (dependent among Christians on state
of grace). More tnan once (e. g. 1411) Hus had ap-
posed to a general council, and when at the opening
of the Council of Constance Emperor Sigismund and
King Wenceslaus of Bohemia urged him to present
himself, he was not unwilling; it was made up, he
knew, of ardent reformers, and he oould hope by his
eloquence to convert them to his own intense faith in
the ideas'of Wyclif . He left Prague, 1 1 October, 1414.
in the company of three Bohemian nobles and assured
of a safe-concluct {salvua conductus) from Emperor
Sigismund. They entered Constance 3 November,
where Hus took up his residence in a private house,
and where (6 November) the safe-conduct was deliv-
ered to him. The dav after his arrival he appeared
before John XXIII, who treated him courteously, re-
moved the censures of excommimication and mter*
diet, but forbade him to say Mass or to preach, also to
appear at public ecclesiastical functions (his thor-
oughly heretical and even revolutionary doctrines
were long notorious and, as said above, had already
been condemned at Rome) . He appeared again b^ore
the pope and the cardinals, 28 November, dedared
himself innocent of a single error, and said he was
ready to retract and do penance if convicted of any:
He had continued, however, to violate the papal pro-
hibition, said Mass daily and preached to the people
present. Consequently he was the same day arrested,
oy order of the Bishop of Constance, and a little later
(6 December) placed m the Dominican convent. On
conoplaining of the imsanitaiy condition of his place of
connnement he was transferred to the castle oi Gott-
heben, and later to the Franciscan convent at Con-
stance (June, 1415). His examination went on dur-
B^ Apnl and May, and was conducted by d'Ailly and
Fulastre; in the meantime he carried on an extensive
correspondence, wrote various treatises, and replied to
the charges of his opponents. His Bonemian friends
protested against the arrest of Hus, and exhibited the
emperor's safe-conduct (but only after the arrest).
Sirasmund was at firet wroth over the arrest, but later
(1 Jan., 1415) declared that he would not prevent the
council from dealing according to law with persons
accused of heresy. The aforesaid condemnation (4
May) of the forty-five propositions of Wyclif fore-
shadowed the fate of Hus, despite the protests of Bo-
hemians and Poles against his severe incarceration,
the slanders against Bohemian faith, the delay of jus-
tice, secrecy of the proceedings, and the violation of
the imperial safe-conduct (Raynaldus, ad an. 1414,
no. 10). The public trial tooK place on 5, 7, and 8
June, 1415; extracts from his works were read, wit-
nesses were heard. He denied some of the teachings
attributed to him, defended others, notably opinions
of Wyclif, declared that no Bohemian was a heretic,
etc. He refused all formulse of submission, again de-
clared himself conscious of no error^ nor, as he saidy
had any been proved against him from the Scrip-
tures. He declared that he would not condemn the
truth, nor perjure himself. His books w&e burned by
order of the council (24 June). New efforts to obtain
a retractation proved fruitless. He was brought for
final sentence before the fifteenth session (6 July,
1415), at which the emperor assisted, and on which
occasion thirty propositions, taken mostly from the
work of Hus '^On the Church" (De EccfesiA), werd
read publicly. He refused to retract'anything and so
was condemned as a heretic, deposed, and degraded,
and handed over to the secular arm^ which m turn
condemned him to perish at the stake, at that time the
usual legal punishment of convicted heretics. He suf-
fered that cruel death with self-possession and courage
and when about to expire cried out, it is said: "Christi
Son of the living God, have mercy on us t " His ashes
were thrown into the Rhine. Owing largely to the dram*
atic circumstances of his death, he became at onoe the
hero ctf Bohemian patriotism and the martyitfaint of
multitudes in Bohenua and elsewhere who «hai«d hii
demagogic and revolutionary principles. Ihef were
surely incompatible with either the ecclesiastical or
the civil order of the time, and would at any period
have bred both rel^^oUs and civil anarchy, had they
been put into practice. As to the safe-conduct of the
emperor, we must distinguish, says Dr. von Funk
(Kmshengeschichte, 3d ed., Fre&uig, 1902, p. 495,
and the more recent Uterature theie quotea; also
'<Der Katholik", 1898, LXXVUI, 18&-90, and K.
Mtiller, non-^atholio, in the "Hist. Viertdjahisdirift",
1898, 41-86) between the arrest of Hus at Constance
and his execution. The former act was always ae-
ooimted in Bohemia a violation of the safe-oonduct
and a breach of faith on the emperor's part; on the
other hand they knew well, and so did Hua, that the
safe-conduct was only a guarantee asainst illegal vio-
lence and could not protect him from toe sentence of his
legitimate judges. (On the deatii penalty for heresy,
seeFicker, ''DtegesetslicbeEinfQhrungderTodestiiae
fur H&iesie" in ''Mittheil. d. Inst Least. Gochiohts-
forschung", 1888, 177 sqq., and Havet, **L'h^r6aie et
le bras seculierau moyen &ge jusqu'au XIIP sidde",
Paris, 1881 ; see also Gosselin, '* Temporal Power of the
Pope in the Middle Ages ", 1, 85-89). In the medieval
German codes known as the Sacosenspiegd (about
1225) and the Schwabensniegel (about 1275), heresy is
already punishable with' tne stake* li is not tnie that
the council declared that no faith should be kept with
aheretic(seePallavioino, ''Hist. Cone Trid.", All, 15,
8; Hdfler in "Hist, polit. Bl&tter", IV, 421, and Hefele,
''ConciUengesch.". VII, 227, also Baudrillart, op. dt,
II, 1217). In the following year Jerome (Hieronymus)
of Prague, the friend of Hus, suffered the same fate at
Constance. He had come voluntarily to the council in
April, 1415, but soon fled the city; afterwards, mind-
ful of the fate of Hus, he obtained from the council a
safe-conduct to return for his defence. He did not ap-
pear, however, and was soon seized in Bavaria and
broujB^t in chains to Constance. In Sept«nber, 141 5,
he abjured the forty-five propositions of Wyclif and
the tmrty of Hus, but did not r^ain his freedom, as
his sincerity was suspected, and. new charges were
made against him. Finally, be was brought before
the council, 23 May, 1416, one year after his anest.
Ihis time he solemiily withdrew his abjuration as a
sinful act and compelled by fear, and proclaimed Hus
a holy and upiignt man. He was forthwith con-
demned as a na»tio in the twenty-first session (30
May, 1416) and perished at the stake with no less
courage than Hus. The humanist IV»ffliQ was an
eyewitness of his death, and his lett^ to Leonardo oi
Aretso, describing the ftcene, may be seen in Hefele,
** Conciliengesch.'% VII, 280 aqo. The death of both
Hus and t^rcmie of Prague affected stron^y other
humanists of the time; &ie9B Sylvius (later Pius II)
said that th^ went to their deaths as m^ invited to a
banquet. The immediate consequences were grave
enough, L e. the long Utraquist wars. For an eouit-
able criticism of tlie defects in the trials of both Hua
and Jerome see BaudriJlart in "Diet, de th4ol. cath.",
11,1216-17. (See also HU86IXB3.)
Jean Petit (Johanne9.P<trvua) and Johann von Folk"
enbei^g.—Tbe question of the licity of Wrannicide oc
oupied the attention of the counoL The Franciscan
Jean Petit (Parvus) had publicly defended (in nine
theses) the Duke of Buiigundy for his share in the
murder of Louis d'Ori^ans (23 Nov., 1407), on the
ground that any subject might kill or cause to be
killed a tyraimioa) ruler (Kervyn de Lettenhove, Jean
sans peur et - I'apologie du tyrannicide, Brussels,
1861)i After several ^ears of discussion this thesis
was condemned at Pans in 1414 by the bishop, the in-
quisitor, and tha university* The Duke of Buigundy
appealed to the Roman See. At Constance the mat-
ter was dlpQussed in the fifteenth session (6 July,
1415); many French doctor^ were eager for the for«
oonxAKcn
293
OONSTAMOI
mal ecmdemnation of Petit and his theses, but his
f^anciscan brethven defended him in a oommon me*
morial; the oounofl fiiyallY was content with con-
demning in a genenl wav the proposition that, regard*
less of his oatn and without awaiting a iudidal sen-
tence, any vaasal or subject mig^t licitly Kill, or cause
to be killed, a tyrant. Quite similar was the case of
Johaan von Faikenberg, a Qenaan Dominican, who
had xnaizitained in a vlMent work against the Kins of
Poland that it was allowed to kill him and all other
Poles (Mansi, Cone, XXVII, 765). Many demanded
with mudi earnestness the condemnation of Falken*
berg, hut no definite sentence was pronounced, des*
pite^the ardent discussions (see TntANNiciD£), not
even in the fort^-^lh (last) session when the Poles
urged it on Ifiartin V; he declared that in matters of
faith he would approve only what had been decided
bv the ho]y genml council ooncUiarUerj i. e. by the
wnole council and not by one or more nations. As
noted above, these words of the pope refer onlv to the
particular (Falkenbeig) matter before hhn ana not to
all the decxees of the council, even in matters of faith.
IV. Attendanob at thb Council; Genbral
CoNSiDBRATioNS. — Owing to its long duration the at-
tendance at the council varied much. The highest
figures reached were: 29 cardinals, 3 patriarchs, 33
archbishops, IfiO bishops, 100 abbots, 50 provosts, 300
doctors (mostly of theolo^). It was calculated that
some 5000 monks and f nara were present and in all
about 18,000 ecclesiastics. The visitors are variously
reckoned from 50,000 to 100,000 or more. Many Eu-
ropean sovereigns and princes were present, invited
by the emperor, among them (besides Emperor Sigds-
mimd ana his suite) the Electors Ludwie von der
Pfal2 and Rudolph of Saxony, the Dukes of Bavaria,
Austria, Saxony, Schleswig, Mecklenburg. Lorraine,
and Teck, the Mamave of Brandenburg, also the am-
bassadoiB of the lungs of France, England, Scotland,
Denmark, Poland, Naples, and the Spanish kingdoms.
Towards the end the Greek ^nperor, Michael Paksolo-
gus, was also present (19 Feb., 1418, with 19 Greek
bishops). In some respects the council resembled more
a modem Catholic congress than a traditional eccles-
iastical synod. The numerous princes and nobles by
their tournaments and splendid amusements ; the mer-
chants by their rich and curious wares ; the travellers by
their number and importance; the fringe of fakirs and
mountebanks found at all popular gatherings, made
Constance for the time the cynosure of all Europe and
even of the Greek worid. Tnere is, of course, no rea*
son to wonder that in so moUey a throng, suddenly
gathered frcmi all quartern, moral disorders and loose
living should have manifested themselveB. Quite
apart from the reliability or animus of some gossipy
ctfironiclen, liie council was directly responsible only
for its own acts and not for the life of the city of Con*
stance; It most also be remembered that in one way
or another unforeseen events and situations pro-
tracted the council bejrond all ordinary prevision.
Among these were: the flifi^t of John XXIII; the
lengthy process of Benecuct XIII; the general
jealousy and dislike of the cardinals, and in turn,
the natural effolrts of the latter to save the eccle-
siastical constitution from thorough ruin at the un-
hapinest moment for the papal authority, hitherto its
eorneMitone; the passionate longing for a public can-
ODKal purification of Catholicism from its acknowl-
edged abuses and excrescences (in the head and in the
Roman Curia). We need not wonder that at the ^d
of his remarkable diary of the coancil» Cardinal Guil-
laume Fillastre wrote as follows (Finke ed., For-
■cfaun^ und Quellen, p. 242): "Hoe Constantiense
eoncihum . . . omnibus qusB preeeBsemnt generalibus
epneOiis fuit in congregando difficilius, in progressu
BiiMPilarius, mirabilius et periculosius. et tempore diu-
*«mius", i e. no previous council was gqtten together
^tb so much difficulty, or ran a career so unique,
marvellous and perilous, or lasted so long. From
an ecclesiastical point of view, the Council of Con-
stance mav truly be said to close the medieval and
to open tne modem period. It was an anti-climax
for the all-dominant medieval papacy, while in Siras-
mund (Emperor-elect, King of Hungary, heir of Bo-
hemia, etc.; for the last time appears a pale image of
the ideal office of the medieval empire. The language
of its orators and its "Acta'' exhibits a certain dawn
of Humanism (Finke) while there for the first time
modem nationalism, quite different from its medieval
prototype, comes to the front, dominates the entire
situation, menaces even the immemorial unity of the
Church, and begins its long career of discordant rela-
tions with the central administration of Catholicism
(see Galucanism; Hontheim, Johann). Not a few
elements of the later ecclesiastical revolution under
Luther (q. v.) are already visibly present at Constance.
The German nation in particular remained grievously
discontented with the local results of the second of
the ereat reform councils (Pisa, Constance, Basle),
and Uiroufi^out the fifteenth century sought variously,
but with uttle success, to realize the demands put
forth at the Council of Constance. [See Eugene
IV; Mabtin V; Sigismund, Emperor; F. Rocquain,
"La cour de Rome et I'esprit de r^forme avantLuther "
(Paris, 1900), also Pastor (see below), and Janssen,
" Hist, of the German People ", etc. Pope ; IShmacy ;
Reformation; Churc?h; Trent, CJouncil of; Vat-
ican, Councils of the.]
Acts ef th$ Council.— The chief, coUection of Uiq Acto of the
council and pertinent documents ia that of von der Hardt, in
six folio volumes. Magnum cecnmenicum Constantiense concilium
(Frankfort and Leipzig, 1692-1700). whence they passed into
Hakdouin (VIII) and Manbi (XXVU-XXVIII), All former
editions, however, of these Acts and documents are in many
ways imperfect and uncritically edited, and must give way to
the (partly finished) edition of Hjunricb Fznkb, Acta Coneilii
CotutanlienaiB /. (Manster. 1896). from 1410 to 1414; Acta
Aroffonensia (1907); cf. Zur Krilik der Akien, etc., in his
Forachungen und QuelUn (below), 52-68; also Noii< Valois, in .
prefaoe to Vol. Ill of La France et le grand achtsme d'Oeeiaent
(Paris. 1901). Many important documents are in RaynaX4>us.
Ann. Bed., ad ann. 1414-18: see also for important correspon-
dence and other documents MartI:ne AND DIJR.VND, T?iesaurii8
novua aneed.. II, and Dolunoer, BeUr&ge eur Geech. dee
X V-XVL Jahrhunderte (Munich. 1863). II. a. Deuteche Retche-
taoeakten, IV-XI. from 1400 to 1438 (Munich and Gotha, 1878-
1900), a very important collection of civil and ecclesfastical
interest; also ^e writings of Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson.
Modem Hieicriee df the Cotmcif.— Lenfamt (CTalvioist), Hiei.
du ConeiU de Ctmetanoe (2od ed., Amsterdam, 1727); Rotko
(Jos^phinrat), Gcach. der grosaen aUg. Kirchenveraammtniig zu
Coatnitz (Prague and Vienna. 1782); Wessenbbro (Febrdnian), .
Die groeeen Kirehenversammiungen dee XV. und XvJ. Jahrhun-
derte (C>>nstance, 1840); Crexohton (non-€athoIic). A Hietory
of the PajKLCu during the Period of the Reformation, I: The Great
Schism and the Council of Conetance (London, 1882). Excellent
Catholic accounts: Toari. Storia del ConeUio d« Coatama
i Naples, 1883); Hefels, ConcUiengeach., VII, 26, 66 sqq.;
^ABTOR, Hietory of the Popes, Vol. I, bk. 11: SaLembier, Lc
grand schieme ^Occident (Paris, 1902), 291-410, has good litei^
atura of the subject; VLKVMOfi.Daa KonzU zu Conetane^ (ibid.,
1898): Bllbmbtzbzedeb, Dae Generalkonzil eu Conetam (1904).
Dtariea and Chronicles. — ^The most important of the contem-
porary accounts of the council is the Diary of Ottillaomk Fil-
hAtrttM, Oardinal. of San Maroo. and a leading spirit during the
entire council. Dr. Finke savs (p. 77) that it is throughout
trustworthy and exact (it has been edilc<l by him from Vatican
MS3. 4173 and 4175. in Forachungen und QueUen (below), 163-
242). Among the ohroniclers of the council are Theooorxcus
(DivnutiCH) DE Vrib, an Gsnabrflck Augustinian. De conaola-
tione Ecdeeice, ecu Hist. Cone. Cont^f., m the first volume of
VON DER HaRDT; THEODOMCnS (DXETERICH) VON NiEM, a well-
informed but partial and vindictive writer. De eehismate liini 111
ed. Erleb (Leipsig. 1890), Id.. A'em«4S unionie (Basle. 1566). and
Id,, Hiatoria de vUd Johannia XX III, in the second volume of
VON DER Hardt; Ulrich von Richenthal, Chronik dee Kon-
etamer Komile, ed. M. R. Buck, in Bild. d. liUer&r, Vereine in
SlutlgaH (TQbingen. 1882). Vol. CLVIII.
Lives of Prominent Participants. — Asgbbach. Geschichte
Kaiser Sigismunda (Hamburg, 1838-46); Jeep. Gereon, Widiff
und Hu99 (Oattingen, 1857): Lobbsth. J. Hues und Widtf
(Piagne, 1884); Schwab. Johannee Gereon (Wfkrzbure. 1858);
Mabbon, Jean Gerson (Lyons. 1894); Salrmbier, Petr^is de
AUiaoo (Lllle, 1886) ;T»chackert, Peterwm AiUi (Gotha, 1877);
Faobs. Hiel. de Saint Vincent Ferrier (2nd ed.. Louvain. 1901).
Special Dieeertations. — Kneer. Die Enlatehung der komiliaren
Theorte (Rome, 1893); Bess, Studien z. Geech. des Konsianter
Konc&s (1891), I: Deniflb, Lee dSUguSe des unitfersiUefran-
paises au Caneue ae Conelanee in Remie dee Bibliothkquee (Paris,
1892); also his Df eolation dee iglieea, dee monasttres ef de$
00K8TAHTIA
294
oovnAMTm
h^pitaiuc de Fnxnee durant la auerre dt oaU an$ (Pans, 1889);
FntKB, Fonehungen vnd Quellen tur OtuchichU de» K&nakmMer
Konnla (Paderbom, 1880); Idem, BUder vom Korutamer KoruU
in the Almanack al ihit Bad. HisL Commianon for 190S: Kbp-
PLBR, Die PdMk dea KardinaUkoUegiunu inKonakm* (MQiuter,
1899): F. MOllbb. Der Kampf wn die AvloriUU auf dem KoruU
gu KoMtanx (Bertin, 1860)^ Siebexino, Die Organieation u.
OtechAfieordnuno dea CoatniUer KoruHa (Leipsiff, 1875), and
Stohb, Die Organiaation u. OeachAftaordnung dea Fiaoner v.
KonaL KomHa (Sohwerin, 1891); TanfrMANN. Daa KonUave
aufdem KoruU au Conatanz (Freibuix, 1899). ,
Encydopedia Ariidea.—KVim:n in Kirchenlex. VII, 978-
1006; Voiot-Bbm in Hauck. RealeneykL XI. 30^34: ZBLLBam
KirJdiehea HandlexUum (Munich. 1908). II. 470 aqg.. Bau-
OBZLLART in Dict. de thiol, cath, (Paris, 1908), II. 120(h24.
Thomas J. Shahan.
Oonstantia, a titular see of Arabia and suffragan
^ of Bostra. It figures in Hierocles' "Synecdemus'*
about 533, in the "NotiticB episcopatuum" of Ansa-
tasius I, Patriarch of Antloch, in the sixth oentuij,
and in Qeorgius Cyprius' "Descriptio orbis Romam"
in the beginning or the seventh century. Two bish-
ops only are known: Chilon, present at Constanti-
nople in 381 (Mansi, CJoll. Con., Ill, 669; Leouien, II,
865, says wron^y at Nicsa in 325), and Solemus at
Chalcedon in 451 (Mansi, VII. 168). Eubel mentions
(1, 21 1) three Latin bishops of Constantia in Phoenicia
during the fourteenth century; this city is otherwise
unknown and may be our Arabian see. Waddington
(Inscriptions grecques et latines . . . Syrie, 575) has
identified with much likelihood Constantia with Brftk.
north of Ledja, in Trachonitis. Br&k had a special
era, and inscriptions prove that it had been embel-
lished by Constantine, whence it took its name Con-
stantia (also Constantine, or Constantiana). The
ruins are rather important. There have recently set-
tled on this site some Circassian immigrants. Con-
stantia in Arabia is not to be confounded with
Constantia, a suffragan see of Amida in Mesopotamia;
Constantia, or Telia, a renowned Jacobite bishopric
whose ruins are at Viran-Shehir, half-way between
Mardin and Edessa; nor with Constantia, or Salamis,
metropolis of Cyprus.
R€oua biUique (1898). VII, 9<^100. 283-285.
S. VailhI:.
CtonBtantine, Pops, consecrated 25 March, 708; d.
9 April, 715; a Syrian, the son of John, and "a remark-
ably affable man". The first half of his reien was
niarked by a cruel famine in Rome, the secona by an
extraordinary abundance. For some time he had
trouble with Felix, Archbishop of Ravenna, whom he
had himself consecrated. Relying on the secular
power, the new bishop refused to offer the pope due
obedience. It was only after he had tasted of dire
misfortune that FeUx submitted. Constantine re-
ceived as pilgrims two An^o-Saxon kings, Coenied
of Mercia and Offa of the East Saxons. They both
received the tonsure in Rome and embraced the
monastic' life. (Bede, Hist, ecd., V, xix, zx.) St.
Egwin, Bishop of Worcester, went to Rome alonf
with them ana obtained from the pope various privi-
leges for his monastery of Evesham. ("Cinron.
Abbat. de Evesham'', in R. S.; ''St. Egwin and his
Abbey of Evesham", London, 1904.) The extant
documents regarding this monastery which bear this
pope's name are all spurious. (They are to be found
m Haddan and Stubbs, "Councils '\ III, 281.) But
his privilege for the monasteries of Bermondsey and
WoKing (ibid., 276) may be genuine.
In ^2 the Emperor Justinian II had caused to
assemble the 6o-<^led Quinisext or Trullan Council.
At this assembly, which was attended only bv Greek
bishops, 102 canons were passed, many of which
estabushed customs opposed to those of Rome. By
canon xiii the celibacy of the Greek secular clergy
became a thing of the past; and by canon xxxvi a
further step was taken m the direction of rendering
the Patriarch of Constantinople quite independent
of the Holy See. Justinian made every effort to
secure the adhesion of the popes to these decroca.
But one after another they aU fefused. At length be
sent an order to Constantinq to repair to Constanti-
nople. Leaving behind him, aoomins to the custom
at the time, the arch^Niest, the arehdeaeon, and the
FrimiceriuM, or chief of the notaries, to govern the
Church in his absence, he set sail for the East (709)
with a number of bishops and cla«r« Wherevor his
vessel touched, he was, by Justinian's orders, received
with as much honour as the emperor himmf. He
entered Constantinople in triumph, and at Justinian's
re<^ue8t crossed over to Nioomedia, where he was then
residing. Strange to say, this cruel prince leoeived
the pope with the greatest honour, prostrating him-
self beiore him and kissing his feet. After receiving
Holy Communion at the hands of the pope, he
renewed all the privileges of the Roman CnurdL
Exactly what passed between them on the subject of
the Quinisext Council is not known. It would
appear, however, that Constantine api»oved those
canons which were not opposed to the true Faith or
to sound morals, and that with this qualified approval
of his council the emperor was content.
Soon after Constantine's return to Rome (Oct,
711). Justinian II was dethroned by Philippicus
Baraanes. The new emperor strove to revive
Monothehsm, and sent a letter to the pope which the
hitter caused to be examined in a synod and con-
demned. Further, as the emperor burnt the Acts
of the Sixth General Council, restored to the diptychs
the names which that council had caused to be
erased, re-erected their images, and removed the
rejMesentation of the council which was hanging in
front of the palace, the pope and the people of Rome
placed in the portico of St. Peter's a series of repre-
sentations of tne six general councils, and refuaea to
place the new emperor's name on tneir charters or
their money. They also declined to place his statue,
according to custom, in the oflSciai chapel of St.
CflBsarius on the Palatine, the site of whicn has just
been discovered (1907), or to pray for him in the
Canon of the Mass. To punish the Romans tot theae
daring measures, a new duke was sent to Rome, and
they would no doubt have had much to suffer but for
the opportune deposition of Philippicus by the or-
thodox Anastasius (Whitsun Eve, 713). The new
emperor made haste to dispatch to Rome, through
the Exarch Scholasticus, a letter in which he pro-
fessed his orthodoxy and his adhenon to the Sixth
General Coimcil, which had condemned Monothelism.
Constantine also received a letter from J(rfm, the
Patriarch of Constantinople, acknowledging that the
"apostolical pre-eminence of the Pope is to the whole
Church, what the head is to the tXKly", and that
"according to the canons he is the head of the
Christian priesthood ''. John assured the pope that,
while co-operating with the Emperor Phihppicus, he
had always been orthodox at neart, ami that the
decree, drawn up at the council in which the heretical
emperor had hoped to re-establish Monothelism
(712), was really orthodox in sense, althou|^ not
apparently so in wwds. (See John's letter in the
epilogue of the Deacon Agatho, in Mansi, "Coll.
Omic.", XII, 192.)
Among other distinguished men who came to Rome
in the days of Constantine was Benedict, Archbishop
of Milan. He came not only to pray at the duines
of the Apostles, for he was a man.of such remarkable
holiness that he was distinguished for it in all Italy
(Paul the Deacon, Hist., Vl, xxix), but also to discuss
with the pope as to whose immediate jurisdiction
belonged the Church of Pavia. At one time, cer^
tainly in the fifth century, the bishops of Pavia were
subject to the bishops of Milan and were consecrated
by them. For some reason, perhaps because the
Lombards made Pavia their capital, its bishops had
ceased to be dependent on those of MUan, and had
0ON8TAHTINX
296
OOXSTANTINa
become directly subject to the popes. Accordiiiglyi
when it had been proved to Benedict that for some
long time at least they had been consecrated at Rome,
he definitely surrendered his claim to jurisdiction
over them. The visit of a pope to a city at any dis-
tance from Rome being so comparatively rare, the
people of several places at which Constantine touched
m ms journey to and from Constantinople were only
too pleased to be able to a vaO themselves of the oppor-
tunity of getting him to consecrate a bishop for them.
It is on record that he consecrated twelve m this way,
and, at the customary times and places, no less than
sixty-four.
_ Lib, poniifioalis, ed. Ddchesnb, I, 3S9; Mann, Lives of the
Papet (Lonclon. St. Louis. 1902), I, pt. II, 127 eqa.
Horace K. Mann.
Ck>nBtantixie (Cirta), Diocese op (Constantin-
fana), comprises t)ie present arrondissement of Con-
stantine in Algeria. It was separated from the Dio-
cese of Algiers 25 July, 186d. A pontifical Brief,
.^*t3^,»^'
,^
^i?
\;ONflrTAMTlNB TROU THE KOCB OF THK ittABTTBS
dated 1867, authorized its bishop to adopt the title
of Bishop of Constantine and Hippo.
The city of Cirta, nhich took in the fourth centurv
the name of its resto/er, Constantine, and in which
this emperor built two churches, was an episcopal see
from the second century up to the time of the Mussul-
man invasion. The Bishops Agapius and Secundinus.
the soldier ^milianus, axid the virgins Tertulla ana
Antonia were martyred there under Valerian (253-
60). A Latin inscription cut in the rocks at the
entrance to the Rummel Pass (Corpus Inscriptionum
Latinarum: Africa, 7924) mentions Sts. Marian and
James as martjrrs either at Cirta or Lambesa during
the same persecution. Within the territory now com-
prising the Diocese of Constantine there were, in
the fifth century, 195 dioceses, whose titles and epis-
copal lists have been* published by Mgr. Toulotte,
among them the Diocese of Hippo, governed by St.
Augustine in the fifth century. On 30 August, 1842,
Mgr. Dupuch, Bishop of Algiers, brou^t the ridiit
arm of St. Augustine from ravia to Hippo, and tne
anniversary of the translation of this precious relic
is celebrated annually. A new basilica erected on
the hill of Hippo, purchased by Mgr. Lavigerie in
1880, was consecrated 11 March, 1900. Prior to the
enforcement of the law of 1901, there were in the
diocese Laisarists, the Little Brothers of Mary, and the
White Fathers; at present only the latter remain. In
1900 the diocese contained 2 foundling asylums, 22
infant luylums, 2 boys' orphanages, 4 girls' orphan-
ft^, 3 industrial schools, 2 houses of shelter, 13 hos-
piUk and. hospices, 7 dispensaries, and 15 houses of
religious who care for the sick. At the close of 1905
(end of the period under the Concordat) the diocese
bad a population of 137,041; 5 pastorates, 67 9uccur-
sal parishes (mission churches), and 17 curacies i^
munerated by the State.
Toci^TTE. Gioar, de VAfri^ue chrH. (Akpria. 1804); Gsxll.
Obeenahananir rtnecnp. dee marturs deConetantine (Algiers,
1807); M pBATO. L'igUee afrieame (ToaiB, 1804); CmsYA-
Luut, Topo-atbL, a. v.
Georges Gotau.
Constantine, Donation of.
Constantine.
See Donation op
Oonstantine Afrieanns, a medieval medical writer
and teacher; bom c. 1015- died o. 10^. His name,
Africanus, comes from the place of his nativity.
Garthage in Africa. Early in life he devoted himiBelf
to the study of medicine, smd as was the custom of
the times made distant journeys, some of which
brougjht him into the Far East. He became familiar
with the Oriental langua^ and studied Arabian lit-
eratiure verv deeply. His studies in Arabian medi-
cine taugjht nim many things unknown to his Western
contemporaries. On his return to C^urthage this led
to great jealousy on the part of his professional
brethren and to so much unpleasantness, for he is
even said to have been accused of practising magic,
that he gladly accepted the position of secretaiy to
Duke Robert of Salerno. Before this he was, for a
short time at least, secretaiy of the l^peror Con-
stantine Monomachus in Reggio, a small town near
Byzantium. While in Salerno Constantine became
a professor of medicine and attracted widespread at-
tention. He remained but a few years in this posi-
tion, however, and gave up his honours and his
worldly soods to become a Benedictine in the mon-
astery of Monte Cassino. He was received with
open arms by the Abbot Desiderius, one of liie most
learned men of the time, who afterwards became
Pope Victor III. Neariy twenty years of Constan-
tine's life were spent at Monte Cassino. He occu-
Eied himself with the writing of books, bein^ stimu-
kted thereto by Desiderius who was his most intimate
friend. His best-known work is the so-called ''Liber
Pantegni", which is really a translation of the
"Khitaab el Maleki" of All Ben el-Abbas. This
book he dedicated to Desiderius. He also wrote
some original works, but it has been found so diffi-
cult to separate what is undoubtedly genuine from
what came to be attributed to him in time, that
there is no certainty as to his original contributions
to medicine. With Constantine benns the second
epoch of the Salemitan School of Medicine, espe-
cially notable for its translation of all the great
writers on medicine, Greek as well as Arabian, and
for original work of a high order. Many of the dis-
tingui^ed professors of the twelfth century at Sar
lemo were proud to proclaim Constantine as their
master. Or the many editions of his works the chief
is that of Basle (in fol., 1536).
SraiNscHNBrDKR, Canst. Afr. und eem* arabieehsn QueUen
in Virchow^Archiv, XXXVII; Paobl in Puschiiann, Otech.
d. Med., I; Deidechee Archiv f, Geeeh. d. Med., 1870.
Jambs J. Walsh.
Ctonatantine the Great. — His coins dve his name
as M., or more frequently as C, Flavins Valerius Con-
stantmus. He was bom at Naissus, now Nisch in
Servia, the son of a Roman officer, Constantius, who
later became Roman Emperor, and St. Helena, a
woman of humble extraction but remarkable charac-
ter and unusual ability. The date of his birth is not
certain, being given as early as 275 (Schiller) and
as late as 288 (Otto Seeck). After his father's
elevation to the dignity of Csesar we find him at the
court of Diocletian and later (305) fightmg under
Galerius on the Danube. When, on the resignation of
Diocletian and Maximian (305), his father Con-
stantius was made Augustus, the new Emperor of the
West asked Galeriiis, the Ejistem Emperor, to let Con-
stautine, whom he had not seen for a long time, retuni
OONSTANnNE
296
OONSTAHTHTB
to his father^s court. This was reluctanthr sranted.
Constantine joined his father, under whom he nad just
time to distinguish himself in Britain before death
carried of! Gonstantius (25 July, 306). Constantine
was immediately proclaimed CsBsar by his troops, and
his title was acknowledged by Galerius somewhat hesi-
tatingly. Hiis event was the first break in Diocle-
tian's scheme of a four-headed empire (tetrarchy) and
was soon followed by the proclamation In Rome of
Maxentius, the son of Maximian, a tyrant and profli-
gate, as Caesar, October, 306.
During the wars between Majcentius and the Em-
perors ^verus and Galerius, Constantine remained
maotive in his provinces. The attempt which the old
Emperors Diocletian and Maximian made, at Car->
mentum in 307, to restore order in the empire having
failed, the promotion of Licinius to the position ol
Augustus, me assumption of the imperial title by
Maximinus Daia, and Maxentius' claim to be sole em-
peror (April, 30^, led to the proclamation of Constan-
tine as Augustus. Constantine, having the most effi-
cient army, was acknowledged as such by Galerius,
who was fightinjg against I^i^iximinus in the East, as
well as by Licinius.
So far Constantine^ who was at this time defending
his own frontier agamst the Germans, had taken no
part in the quarrels of the other claimants to the
throne. But when, in 311, Galerius, the eldest Au-
gustus and the most violent persecutor of the Chris-
tians, had died a miserable death, after cancelling his
edicts against the Christians, and when Maxentius,
after throwing down Constantine's statues, proclaimed
him a tyrant, the latter saw that war was inevitable.
Though his army was far inferior to that of Maxentius,
numbering according to various statements from
25,000 to 100,000 men, while Maxentius disposed of
fuUy 190,000, he did not hesitate to march rapidly
into Italy (spring of 312). After storming Susa and
almost anmhilatine a powerful army near Turin, he
continued his marcn southward. At Verona he niet a
hostile armv under the prefect of Maxentius' guard,
Ruricius, who shut himself up in the fortress. While
besieging the city Constantine, with a detachment of
his army, boldly assailed a fresh force of the enemy
coming to the relief of the besieged fortress and com-
pletely defeated it. Tlie surrender of Verona was the
consequence. In spite of the overwhelming numbers
of his enemy (Seeck reckons Maxentius' army at 1(X),-
000 against 20,000 in Constantine's army) the em-
peror confidently marched forward to Rome. A
vision had assured him that he should conquer in the
sign of the Qirist, and his warriors carried Christ's
monogram on tiieir shields, though the majority of
them were paeans. The opposing forces met near the
bridge over the Tiber called the Milvian Bridge, and
here Maxentius* troops suffered a complete defeat, the
tyrant himself losing his life in the Tiber (28 October,
312). Of his gratitude to the God of the CSiristians the
victor immediately gave convincing proof; the Chris-
tian worship was henceforth tolerated throughout the
empire (Edict of Milan, early in 313). His enemies
he treated with the greatest magnanimity; no bloody
executions followed the victory of the Milvian Bridge,
(jonstantine stayed in Rome but a short time after his
victory. Proceeding to Milan (end of 312, or begin-
ning of 313) he met nis colleague the Au^pstus Licin-
ius, married his sister to him, secured his protection
for the Christians in the East, andpromisea him sup-
port against Maximinus Daia. Tne last, a bigoted
pagan and a cruel tyrant, who persecuted the Qiris-
tians even after Galerius' death, was now defeated by
licinius, whose soldiers, by his orders, bad invoked
the God of the Christians on the battle-field (30 April,
313). Maximinus, in his turn, implored the God of the
Christians, but died of a painful disease in the follow-
ing autumn.
Of all Diodetian's tetrarchs Licinius was now the
only survivor. His treachery soon compdled Con-
stantine to make war on him. Pushing forward with
his wonted impetuosity, the emperor struck him a de-
cisive blow at Cibalae (8 October, 314). But Licinius
was able to recover himself, and the battle fought be-
tween the two rivals at Castra Jarba (November, 314)
left the two armies in such a position that both parties
thought it best to make p^e. For ten yeazs the
peace lasted, but when, about 322, Licinius, not con-
tent with openly professing paganism, began to perse-
cute the Christians, while at the same time he ti%at<>d
with contempt Constantine's undoubted ri^ts and
privileges, the outbreak of war was certain, and Con-
stantine gathered an army of 125,000 infantry and
10,000 cavalrv, besides a fleet of 200 vessels to gain
control of the Bosporus. Licinius, on the other
hand, by leaving the eastern boundaries of the empire
imdefended succeeded in ooUecting an even more
numerous army,
made up of 160,-
000 infantry and
15,000 cavalry,
while his fleet con-
sisted of no fewer
than 350 ships.
The opposing
armies met at
Adrianople,3 July,
324, and Constan-
tine's well discip-
lined troops de-
feated and put to
flight the less dis-
ciplined forces of
Licinius. Licinius
strengthened the
garrison of Byzan-
tium so that an at-
tack seemed likely
to result in failure,
and the only hope
of taking the for-
tress lay m a block-
ade and famine.
This required the
assistance of Constantine's fleet, but his opponent's
ships barred the way. A sea fight at the entrance to the
Dardanelles was indecisive, and Constantine's detach-
ment retired to Elains, where it joined the bulk of his
fleet. When the fleet of the Ucinian admiral Abantus
pursued on the following day, it was overtaken by a
violent storm which destroyed 130 ships and 5000
men. Constantine crossed the Bosporus, leaving a
sufficient corps to maintain the blockade of Bvzan-
tium, and overtook his opponent's main body at
Chrysopolis, near Chalcedon. Again he inflicted on
him a crushing defeat, killing 25,000 men and scatter-
ing the greater part of the remainder. Licinius with
30,000 men escaped to Nicomedia, But he now saw
that further resistance was useless. He surrendered
at discretion, and his noble-hearted conqueror spared
his life. But when, in the following year (325), Licin-
ius renewed his treacheroos practices he was con-
demned to death by the Roman Senate and executed.
Henceforth, Constantine was sole master of the
Roman Empire. Shortly after the defeat of Licinius,
Constantine determined to make Constantinople the
future capital ot the empiro, and with his usual energy
he took every measiire to enlarge, strengthen, and
beautify it. For the next ten vears of his rei^n he de-
voted himself to promoting tne moral, political, and
economical welfare of his possessions and made dis-
positions for the future government <A the empire.
While he placed his nephews, Dalmatiiis <and Hanni-
balianus in char^ of lesser provinces, he designated
his sons Constantius, Constantine, and Constans as the
future rulers of the empire. Not long brfore his end,
EtfPKROR CONSTAMTTNS, RoiCS
oonnMxma
297
0Omf!AllTDIfi
tlio hostile movement uf Uie Persian king, ShapCU*,
a«d]i summoned him into the field. When he was
aEout to march against the enemy he was seized with
&IX illness of which-he died in May, 337, after receiving
baptism.
Charlbs G. Hbrbbrmann.
Historical Appreciation. — Constantine can right-
f uliv daim the title of Oreai, for he turned the history
of toe world into a new course and made Christianity,
vrhich until then had su£fered bloody persecution, the
religion of the State. It is true that the deeper reasons
for this change are to be found in the religious move-
ment of the time, but these reasons were hardly im-
perative, as the Christians formed only a small portion
of the population, being a fifth part in the West and
the half of the population in a larse section of the
E^ast. Constantme's decision depended less oi> general
conditions than on a personal act; his personality,
therefore, deserves careful consideration.
Long before this, belief in the old polytheism had
heen shaken; in more stolid natures, as Diocletian, it
showed its strength only in the form of superstition,
magic, and divination. The world was fully ripe for
monotheism or its modified form, henotheisTn, but
this monotheism offered itself in varied guises, under
the fonns of various Oriental religions: in the worship
of the sun, in the veneration of Mithras, in Judaism,
and in Christianity. Whoever wished to avoid mak-
ing a violent break with the past and his siuroundings
sou^t out some Oriental form of worship which did
not demand from him too severe a sacrifice ; in such
cases Christianity naturally came last. Probablv
many of the more noble-minded recognized the truth
contained in Judaism and Christianity, but believed
that they cQuld appropriate it without being obliged
on that account to renounce the beauty of other wor-
ships. Such a man was the Emperor Alexander
Scverus; another thus minded was Aurelian, whose
opinions Were confirmed by Christians like Paul of
Samosata. Not only Gnostics and other heretics, but
Christians who considered themselves faithful, held in
a measure to the worship of the sun. Leo the Great
in his day says that it was the custom of many Chris-
tians to stand on the steps of the church of St. Peter
and pay homage to the sun by obeisance and prayers
(cf. Euseb. Alexand. in. Mai, "Nov. Patr. Bibl."
il, 523; Augustine,
'Enarratio in Ps. x"; Leo I,
Serm. xxvi; Grupp, '^ Kulturgeschichte der rOnii-
schen Kaisexseit", II, 130, 317, 348). When such
conditions prevailed it is easy to understand that
many of the emperors yielded to the delusion that
they could unite all their subjects in the adoration c^
the one sun-god who combined in himself the Father-
God of the Christians and the much-worshipped
Mithras; thus the empire could be founded anew on
unity of rdigion. Even Constantine, as will be
shown farther on, for a time cherished this mistaken
belief. It looks almost as though the last persecu-
tions of the Christians were directed more against all
inreooncilables and extremists than against the great
body of Christians. The polioy of the emperors was
not a consistent one; Diocletian was at first friendly
towards Christianity; even its grimmest foe, Julian,
wavered. Ceesar Constantius, Constantine's falser,
protected the Christians during a most cruel per-
secution.
Constantine grew up under the influence of his
father's ideas. He was the son of Constantius
Chlorus by his first, informal marriage, called concTi-
binatu9, with Helena, a woman of inf^or birtii. For
a short time Constantine had been compelled to stay
at the court of Galerius, and had evio^tly not re-
ceived a good impression from his surroundings thou
When Diocletian retired, Constantius advanced from
the position of Cssar to that of Augustus, and the
army, against the wishes of the other emperors, raised
the young Constantine to the vacant position. Right
here was seen at once how unsuccesstul would be tne
artificial system of division of the empire and succes-
sion to the throne by which Diocletian sought to frus-
trate the overweening power of the Pnetorian Guard.
Diocletian's personality is full of contradictions; he
was Just as crude in his religious feehngs as he was
shrewd and far-seeing in state affairs; a man of auto-
cratic nature, but one who, und^ certain circum-
stances, voluntarily set bounds to himself. He began
a reconstruction of the empire, which Constantine
completed. The existence of the empire was threat-
ened by many serious evils, the lack of national and
religious imity, its financial and miUtary weakness.
Consequentlv the system of taxation had to be ao-
oommodated to the revived economic barter system.
The taxes bore most heavily on the peasants, the peas-
ant communities, and the landed proprietors; in-
creasingly heav^ compulsory service was also laid on
those engaged m industrial piumiits, and th^ were
therefore combined into state guUds. The army was
strengthened, the troops on the irontier being increased
to 360,000 men< In addition, the tribes living on the
frontiers were taken into the pay of the State as allies,
many cities were fortified, and new fortresses and ^r-
risons were established, bringing soldiers and civihans
more into contact, contrary to the old Roman axiom.
When a frontier was endangered the household troops
took the field. This body of soldiers, known as fata"
Hni, eom%UUense9, which had taken the place of the
Preetorian Guard, numbered not quite 200,000 men
(sometimes given as 194,500). A good postal service
maintained constant communication between the dif-
ferent parts of the empire. The civil and military
administration were, perhaps, somewhat more sharply
divided than before, i>ut an equally increased impor-
tance was laid on the military capacity of all state offi-
cials. Service at court was termed mUitia, "military
service". Over all, hke to a ^od, was enthroned the
emperor, and the imperial dignity was surrounded by
a halo, a sacredness, a ceremonial, which was borrowed
from the Oriental theocracies. The East from the
earliest times had been a favourable soil for theo-
cratic government; each ruler was belieyed by his
people to be in direct communication with the god-
nead, and the law of the State was regarded as re-
vealed law. In the same manner the emperors al-
lowed themsdves to be venerated as holv oracles and
deities, and everything coimected with them was
called sacred. Instead of imperial, the word sacred
had now always to be used. A large oourt-retinue,
elaborate coiuirceremoniab, and an ostentatious
court^HX)stume made access to the emperor more diffi-
cult. Whoever wished to approach the head of the
State must firat pass through many ante-rooms and
prostrate himself before the emperor as before a divin-
ity. As the old Roman population had no liking for
such ceremonial, the emperors showed a constantly
increasing preference for the East, where monotheism
held ahxK>st imdisputed sway, and where, besides,
economic conditions were better. Rome was no
longer able to control the whole of the great empire
with its peculiar civilizations.
In aU directions new and vigorous national forces
began to show themselves. Onlv two policies were
possible: either to give way to tne vanous national
movements, or to take a nrm stand on the founda-
tion of antiquity, to revive old Roman principles,
the ancient military severity, and the patriotism
of Old Rome. Several emperors had tried to follow
this latter course, but in vain. It was just as impoe-
sible to bring men back to the old simplicitv as to
make them return to the old pagan beliefs and to the
national form of worship. Consequently, the empire
had to identify itself with the progressive movement,
employ as far as possible the existing resources ot
national. life, exercise tolerance, make concessions to
OONSTANTINC
298
OONSTANTIinB
the new religious tendencies, and receive the
Germanic tribes into the empire. This conviction
constantly spread, especiallv as Constantine's father
had obtamed good results therefrom. In Gaul, Brit-
ain, and Spain, where Constantius Chlorus ruled,
peace and contentment prevailed, and the prosperity
of the provinces visibl]^ increased, while in the East
prosperity was undermined by the existing confusion
and instability. But it was especially in the western
part of the enipire that the veneration of Mithras pre-
dominated. Would it not be possible to gather all
the different nationalities around his altars? Could
not Sol Deus InvictuSy to whom even Ck>nstantine dedi-
cated his coins for a long time, or Sol Mithras Deus In-
vidust venerated by Diocletian and Galerius, become
the supreme god of the empire? Constantine may
have pondered over this. Nor had he absolutely
rejected the thought even after a miraculous event
had strongly influenced him in favour of the God of
the Christians.
In deciding for Christianity he was no doubt also
influenced by reasons of conscience — treasons resulting
from the impression made on every imprejudioed per-
son both by the Christians and by the moral force of
CSiristianity, and from the practical knowledge which
the emperors had of the Christian military officers and
state officials. These reasons are, however, not men-
tioned in history, which gives the chief prominence to
a miraculous event. B^ore Constantine advanced
against his rival Maxentius, according to ancient cus-
tom he smnmoned the haruspices, who prophesied dis-
aster; so reports a pagan panegyrist. But when the
gods would not aid him, contmues this writer, one
particular god lU'ged him on, for Constantine had
close relations with the divinity itself. Under what
form this connexion with the deity manifested itself
is told by Lactantius (De mort. persec., ch. xliv) and
Eusebius (Vita Const., I, xxvi-xxxi). He saw, accord-
ing to the one in a dream, according to the other in a
vision, a heavenlv manifestation, a brilliant light in
which he believed he descried the cross or the mono-
gram of Christ. Strengthened by this apparition, he
advanced courageously to battle, defeated his rival,
and won the supreme power. It was the result that
gave to this vision its full importance, for when the
emperor af terwaitls reflected on the event it was clear
to him that the cross bore the inscription: hoo vinces
(in this sign wilt thou conquer). A monogram com-
bining the first letters, X and P, of the name of Christ
(XPI2T02V a form that cannot be proved to have
been used oy Christians before, was made one of the
tokens of the standard and placed upon the Labarum
(q. v.). In addition, this ensign was placed in the hand
of a statue of the emperor at Rome, the pedestal of
which bore the inscription: '' By the aid of this salutary
token of strength I have freed my city from the yoke of
tvrannsr and restored to the Roman Senate and People
the ancient splendour and elory. ' ' Directly after liis
victory Constantine grantedf tolerance to the Christians
and next year (313) took a further step in their favour.
In 313 Licinius and he issued at ^an the famous
joint edict of tolerance. Tliis declared that the two
emperors had deUberated as to what would be advan-
ta^us for the security and welfare of the empire and
had, above all, taken into consideration the service
which man owed to the ** deity* '. Therefore they had
decided to grant Christians and all others freedom in
the exercise of religion. Eveiyone mi^t follow that
religion which he considered the best. Tliev hoped
that ''the deity enthroned in heaven" would grant
favour and protection to the emperora and their sub-
jects. This was in itself quite enough to throw the
pagans into the o-eatest astonishment. When the
w)(nding of the eoict is carefully examined there is
clear evidence of an effort to express the new thoueht
in a manner too unmistakable to leave any doubt.
Tbe edict contains more than the bdief, to which
Galerius at the end had given voice, that the persecu-
tions were useless, and it granted tne Christians free-
dom of worship, while at the same time it endeavoured
not to affront the pagans. Without doubt the term
deity was deliberately chosen, for it does not exclude a
heathen int^retation. The cautious expression
probably originated in the imperial chancery, wheie
pagan conceptions and pagan forms of expresskm still
lasted for a long time. Nevertheless the change from
the bloody persecution of CSiristianity to the tolera-
tion of it, a step which implied its recognition, may
have startled many heathens and may have excited in
them tiie same astonishment that a German would fed
if an emperor who was a Social Democrat were to
seise the reins of government. The foundations of the
State would seem to such a one to rock. Hie CSiris-
tians also may have been taken aback. Before this,
it IB tniei it had occurred to Melitorof Sardes (Euse-
Arch op Ck>N8TANTiNB, Rome
bins, Hist. Eccl., IV, xxxiii) that the emperor might
some day become a Christian, but Tertullian had
thought otherwise, and had written (ApoL, xxi) the
memorable sentence: ''Sed et Csesares credidissent
super Christo, si aut Cffisares non esl^nt sflsculo neces-
sarii, aut si et Christiani potuissoit esse Caosares"
(But the Csesars also would nave believed in CSirist, if
either the Caesars had not been necessary to the worid
or if Christians too could have been Cffisars). Hiesame
opinion was held by St. Justin (I, xii; II, xv). That
the empire should become Christian seemed to Justin
and many others an impossibility, and th^y were just
as Uttle in the wrong as the optimiists were in the right.
At all events, a happy day now dawned for the Chris-
tians. They must nave felt as did the persecuted in
the time of the French Revolution when Robespierre
finally fell and the Reign of Terror was over. The
feeling of emancipation Trom danger is touchingly ex-
pressed in the treatise ascribed to Lactantius (De
mortibus persecut., in P. L., VII, 52), concerning the
ways in whidi death overtook the perseflmtors. It
says: ** We should now give thanks to the Lord, Who
has gathered together the flock that was devastated
by ravening wolves. Who has exterminated the wild
beasts whidi drove it from the pasture. Where is
now the swarming multitude of our enemies, where
the hangmen of Diocletian and Maximian? God haa
swept them from the earth; let us therefore celebrate
His triumph with joy; let us observe the victory of
the Lord with songs 61 praise, and honour Him with
pra^rer day and ni^t, so that t^e peace which we have
received again after ten jem of misery may be pre-
served to us.'' Hie imprisoned Christians were re-
leased from the prisons and mines, and were received
by their brethren in the Faith with acclamations of
joy; the churdies were again filled, and those who
baid fallen away sought foiigiveness.
OOVBTAHTIIIB
299
OOirSTAHTIlIB
¥>Ar a time it seemed aa if merely toleranoe and
equality were to prevaiL Cbnstantine showed equal
favour to both religious. As pontifex maadmiis he
watched over the heathen woranip and protected its
rights. The one thing he did was to suppreas divina-
tion and magic; this the heathen emperors had also at
times sought to do. ThuBj in 320, the emperor for-
bade Uie diviners or haruspioes to enter a private
house under pain of death. Whoever by entreaty or
promise of ]myment persuaded a haruspex to break
this law, that man's property should be confiscated
and he himself should oe burned to death. Informers
were to be rewarded. Whoever desired to practise
heathen usages must do so openly. He must go to
the public aftars and sacred places, and there observe
traditional forms of worship. "We do not forbid",
said the emperor, ''the observance of the old usages
in the lig^t of day. " And in an ordinance of 1^ same
year, intended for the Roman city prefects, Constan-
tine directed that if lightning struck an imperial pal-
ace, or a public building, the haruspices were to seek
out according to ancioit custom what the sign might
signify, and their interpretation was to be written
down and reported to the emperor. It was also per-
mitted to pnvate individuals to make use of this old
custom, but in following this observance they must
abstain from the forbidden aacrificia dameshca, A
general prohibition of the family sacrifice cannot be
deuced from this, although in 341 Constantine's son
Constantius refers to such an interdict by his father
(Cod. Theod., XVI, x, 2). A prohibition of this kind
would have had the most severe and far-reachine
results, for most sacrifices were private ones. And
bow could it have been carried out while public
sacrifices were still customary? In the dedication of
Constantinople in 330 a ceremonial half pagan, half
Christian was used. The chariot of the sun-god was
set in the market-place, and over its head was placed
the Cross of Christ, while the Kyrie Eleison was
sung. Shortly before his death Constantine con-
firmed the privileges (^ the priests of the ancient gods.
Many other actions of his have also the appearance of
•half-measures, as if he himself had wavered and had
always held in reality to some form of syncretistic
relieion. llius he commanded the heathen troops to
make use of a prayer in which any monotheist could
join, and whioi ran thus: ^We acknowledge thee
alone as god and king, we call upon thee as ournelper.
From thee have we received the victory, by thee have
we overcome the foe. To thee we owe that good
which we have received up to now, from thee do we
hope for it in the future. To thee we offer our en-
treaties and implore thee that thou wilt preserve to us
our emperor Constantine and his god-fearingsons for
many years uninjured and victorious.'' The em-
peror went at least one step further when he with-
drew his statue from the pasan temples, forbade the
repair of temples that had fallen into decay, and sup-
pressed offensive forms of worship. But these meas-
ures did not go beyond the syncretistic tendency
which Constantine had shown for a long time. Yet
he must have perceived more and more clearly that
syncretism was impossible.
In the same way religious freedom and tolerance
Gould not continue as a form of equality; the age was
not ready for such a conception. It is true that
Christian writers defended religious liberty; thus Ter-
tullian said that religion forbids religious compulsion
(Non est religionis oogere reli^onem qu» n>onte sus-
cipi debet non vi. — ^**Ad Soapulam", near the close);
and Lactantius, moreover, declared: ^In order to de-
fend religion man must be willing to die, but not to
|dn.'' Origen also took up the cause of freedom.
Most probably oppression and persecution had made
men realise that to have one'b way of thinking, one's
conception of the world and of life, dictated to him
wasamiBchief-working compulsion. In contrast to the
smotnenng violence of the ancient State, and to the
power and custom of public opinion, the Christians
were the defenders of freedom, but not of individual
subiective freedom, nor of freedom of conscience as
unclerstood to-day. And even if the Church had rec-
ognised this form of freedom, the State could not
have remained tolerant. Without reidudng the full
import of his actions, Constantine granted the Church
one privilege after another. As early as 313 the
Church obtained immunity for its ecclesiastics, in-
cluding freedom from taxation and compidsonr serv-
ice, and from obligatory state offices — such for ex-
ample as the curial digiiity, which was a heavy bur-
den. Ihe Church further obtained the right to in-
herit property, and Constantine moreover placed Sun-
day imder the protection of the State. It is true that
the believers in Mithras also observed Sunday as wdl
as Christmas. Conseauently Constantine speaks not
of the day of the Lord, but of the everlasting; day of
the sun. According to Eusebius, the heathen also
were obliged on this day to ^ out ioto the open coun-
try and together raise then: hands and repeat the
prayer alr^dy mentioned, a prayer without any
marked CSuistian character (Vita Const., IV, xx).
The emperor granted many privileges to the CSiurch
for the reason that it took care of the poor and was
active in benevolence. Perhaps he showed his Chris-
tian tendencies most pronoimcedly in removing the
legal disabilities which, since the time of Augustus,
had rested on oelibac^, leaving in existence only the
leffea decimaricBf and m recognising an extensive ec-
clesiastical jurisdiction. But it snould not be for-
^tten that the Jewish communities had also their own
jurisdiction, exemptions; and immunities, even if in -a
more limited degree. A law of 318 denied the com-
petence of civil courts if in a suit an appeal was made
to the court of a Christian bishop. Even after a suit
had begun before the civil court, it would still be per-
missible for one of the parties to transfer it to the
bishop's court. If both parties had been granted a
legal hearing, the decision of the bishop was to be bind-
ing. A law of 333 commanded the state officials to
enforce the decisions of the bishops ; a bishop's testi-
mony should be considered sufficient bv all judges,
and no witness was to be simunoned after a bishop
had testified. These concessions were so far-reaching
that the Chiutdi itself felt the great increase of its
jurisdiction as a constraint. Later enperors limited
this jurisdiction to cases of voluntary submission by
both parties to the episcopal court.
Constantine did much for children, slaves, and
women, those weaker members of society whom the
old Roman law had treated harshly. But in this he
only continued what earlier emperors, uiider the in-
fluence of Stoicism, had b^im before him, and he left
to his successors the actual work of their emancipa-
tion. Thus some emperors who reigned before Con-
stantino had forbidden the exposure of children,
althou^ without success, as exposed children or
foundlmgs were readily adopted, because they could
be used mr many purposes. The Christians especiallv
exerted Uiemselves to get possession of such found-
linffl, and consequently Constantine issued no direct
prwiibition of exposure, although the Christians
regarded exposure as equal to murder; he com-
manded, instead, that foundlings should belong to the
finder, and did not permit theparents to claim the
children they had exposed. Tnose who took such
children obtained a property right in them and could
make quite an extensive use of this; th^ were al-
lowed to sell and enslave foundlings, untu Justinian
prohibited such enslaving imder any guise. Even in
the time of St. Ghrysostom parents mutilated their
children for the sake of gain. When suffering from
famine or debt, man^ parents could only obtain re-
lief by selling their children if they did not wish to sell
tiiemselves. All later laws against such practices
oohstantute
300
CKnrsTAvrm
availed as little as those af^ainst emasculation and
pandering. St. Ambrose vividly depicts the sad spec*
tacle of children being sold by their fathers, under
pressure of creditors, or by the creditors themselves.
All the many forms of institutions f6r feeding and
supporting children and the poor were of little avail.
Constantine himself establisned asylums for found*
lings ; yet he recognized the ri^t of parents to sell their
children, and only excepted older cnildren. He ruled
that children who had been sold could be bought back,
in contradistinction to children who had been ex-
posed ; but this ruling was of no avail if the children
were taken into a foreign country. Valentinian, there-
fore, prohibited the traffic in human beings with for-
eign lands. The laws forbidding such practices con-
tinually multiplied, but the greater part of the burden
of saving the children fell on the ChUrch.
Constantine was the first to prohibit the abduction
of girls. The abductor and those who aided him by
influencing the girl were threatened with severe pun-
ishment. In harmony with the views of the Church,
Constantine rendered divorce more difficult; he made
no chan^ where the divorce was agreed to by both
parties, but imposed severe conditions when wie de-
mand for separation came from one side only. A
man could put awav his wife for adultery, poisoning,
and pandering, and retain her dowry; but if he dis-
carded her for any other cause, he was to return the
dowry and was forbidden to marry a^in. If. never-
theless, he remarried, the discarded wife had tne right
to enter his house and take everything which the new
wife had brought him. Constantine increased the
severity of the earlier law f orbklding the concubinage
of a free woman with a slave, and the Church did not
regard this measure with disfavour. On the other
hand, his retention of the distinctions of rank in the
marriage law was clearly contrary to the views of the
CSiurch. The Church rejected all class distinctions in
marriage, and regarded informal marriages (the so-
called concubinatu8) as true marriages, in so far as they
were lasting and monogamous. Constantine, how-
ever, increased the difficulties of the concubinaiits, and
forbade senators and the hi^er officials in the State
and in the pagan priesthoods to contract such unions
with women of lower rank (Jemince humilea), thus mak-
ing it impossible for them to marry women belonging
to the lower classes, although his own mother was of
inferior rank. But in other respects the emperor
showed his mother, Helena, the greatest deference.
Other concutnnatua besides those mentioned were
placed at a disadvantage in r^ard to property, and
the rights of inheritance of the children and tfe con-
cubines were restricted. Constantine, however, eiH
couraged the emancipation of slaves and enacted that
manumission in the church should have the same
force as the public manumission before State officials
and by will (321). Neither the Christian nor the
heathen cmperore permitted slaves to seek their
freedom without authorization of law; the Christian
rollers sought to amehorate slavery by limiting the
power of corjwral punishment; the master was al-
lowed only to use a rod or to send a slave to prison,
and the owner was not liable to punishment even if
the slave died under these circumstances. But if
death resulted from the use of dubs, stones, weapons,
or instruments of torture, the person who caused the
death was to be treated as a murderer. As will be
seen below. Constantine was himself obli^ to observe
this law when he sought to get rid of Lacinianus. A
criminal was no longer to be branded in the face, but
only on the feet, as the human face was fashioned in
the likeness of God.
When these laws are compared with the ordinances
of those eariier emperora who were of humane dispo-
sition, they do not go far beyond the older regulations*
In eveiything not referring to religion Constantine
followed in the footsteps of Diocletian. In spite of all
unfortunate experiences, he adhered to the artificial
division of the empire, tried for a long time to a(void a
breadi with Licmuis, and divided the empire among
his sons. On the other hand, the imperial power was
increased by reeeiving a reli^ouB consecration. The
Chun^ tc^erated the cult of the emperor under many
forms. It was permitted to speak of the divinity of
the emperor, of the sacred palace, the sacred diainber,
and of the altar of the emperor, without being con-
ndered on this account an idolater. From this point
ol view Constantme's reheious change was relatively
trifling; it consisted of little more imn the renuncia-
tion of a formality. For what his predeeessots had
aimed to attain by the use of all their authoriW, and
at the cost of incessant bloodshed, was in truth only
the recognition of their own divini^; CMvtantine
gained this end, thou^ he renouncecl the offering of
sacrifices to hiinself . Some bishops, blinded by the
splendour of the court, ev^n went so far as to laud the
emperor as an angel of God, as a sacred being, and to
prophesy that he would, like the Son of Qod, r&aa in
heaven. It has oonsecjuently been asserted that Cbn-
stantine favoured Chnstianity merdy from political
motives, and he has been re^uxied as an enlightened
de^t who made use of religion only to advance his
pc^cy. He certainly cannot be acquitted of grasping
ambition. Where ^e poUcy of the State requirea, he
could be cruel. Even after his conversion he cwuied
the execution of his brother-in-law Licinius, and of
the latter's son, as well as of Crispus his own son by
his first marriage, and of his wife Fausta. He quar-
relled with his colleague Licinius about their religious
policy, and in 323 defeated him in a bloody batUe;
Licinius surrendered on the promise of personal safety ;
notwithstanding this, half a year later he was stran-
fi^ed by order of Constantine. During the joint reign
Licinianus, the son of Licinius, and Crispus, the son
of Constantine, had been the two Cffisara. Both were
gradually set aside; Crispus was executed on the
charge of immorality maae aflndnst him by Gonstan-
tine's second wife, Fausta. Ine <^aiige was falae, as
Constantine learned from his mother, Helena, after
the deed was done. In punishment Fausta was sufib-
cated in a superheated oath. The young licinianus
was flogged to death. Because licinianus was not
the son of his sister, but at a slave-woman, Constan-
tine treated him as a slave. In this way Constantine
evaded his own law regarding the mutflation of slaves.
Aft^ reading these cruelties it is hard to believe that
the same emperor could at times have mild and tender
impulses; but human nature is full of ocmtradictions.
Constantine was liberal to prodigality, was generous
in almsgiving, and adorned the Christian diurches
magnificently. He paid more attention to literature
and art than we mi^t expect from an amperor of this
period, although this waa partly due to vanity, as is
proved by his i^f>preciation of the dedicaticm of uterary
works to him. it is likely that he practised the fine
arts himself, and he frequently preached to those
around him. No doubt he was endowed with a
strong religioua sense^ was sincerely pious, and de-
li|riit^ to be represented in an attitude of nraver.
with his eyes raised to heaven. In his palace ne had
a chapel to which he was fond of retiring, and where
he read the Bible and prayed. " Every di^ *\ £use-
bius tells us, "at a fixed hour he shut hiiaadf up in the
most secluded part of the palace, as if to assist at the
Sacred Mysteries, and there commune with God alone,
ardentl3r beseeching Him, on bended knees, for his
necessities *\ As a catechumen he was not permitted
to assist at the sacred Eucharietic xnystenes. Re re>
mained a catechumen to the end of his Ufe, but not
because he lacked conviction nor because, owing to
his passionate disposition, he desired to lead a pagan
life. He obeyed as strictly as possible the precepts of
Christianity, observing especially the virtue of chas-
tity, which his parents had impressed iqwn him; he
VICTORY OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT OVER MAXENTIUS AT THE MILVIAN BRIDGE
DETAIL OF THE FRESCO "DESIGNED BY RAPHAEL, EXECUTED BY GIULIO ROMANO
SALA DI COSTANTINO, VATICAN
OOVSTAVTIirOPUS
3D1
OOMBTAirriNOPLE
respected celibacy, freed it from le^ disadvantages,
soujg^t to elevate morali^, and punished with great
severity the offences aeunst morals which the pagan
wordiip had encouraged. He brought up his chilcCen
as ChnstiaDs. Thus his life became more and more
Christian, and thus gradually turned away from the
feeble syncaretiBm which at times he seemecl to favour.
The God of the Christians was indeed a jealous God
who tolerated no other gods beside him. The Church
ooiild never acknowled^ that she stood on the same
plane with other religious bodies; she conquered for
neradf one domain after another.
Conatantine himsdf preferred the company of
Christian bishops to that of pa^an priests. The em-
peror frequently invited the bishops to courts g^ve
them the iise of the imperial postal service, invited
them to his table, called them his brothers, and when
they had suffered for the Faith, kiased their scan.
Wmle he chose bishc^ for his counsellors, the^, on
the other hand, often requested his intervention —
e. g. shorUy after 313. in the Donatist dispute* For
many years he worried himself with the Arian trouble,
and m this, it ma^ be said, he went beyond the limits
of the allowable, for example, vihea he dictated whom
AthanasiuB should admit to the Church and whom he
was to ^Eoluda Still he avoided any direct interfer-
ence wilb dogma, and only sought to carry out what
the proper authorities— the synods^-decided. When
he app^oxsd at an cecumenical council, it was not so
rnueki to infiunice the deliberation and the decision as
to show his strong intnest and to impress ihe heathen.
He banished bishops only to avoid strife and discord,
that is, for reasons of state. He opposed Athanasius
because he was led to believe that Athanasius desired
to detain the cornrships which were intended for Con-
stantinople; Constantine's alarm can be understood
when we bear in mind how powerful the patriarchs
eventuallv became. When at last he felt the w-
C roach of death he received baptism, declaring to the
ishops who had assemUed around him that, after
the example of Christ, he had desired to receive the
saving seal in the Jordan, but that God had ordained
otherwise, and he would no longer delay baptism.
Laying aside the purple, the emperor, in the white
robe Of a neophyte, peac^ully and almost joyfully
awaited the end.
Of Constantine's sons the ddest, Constantine II,
showed decided leaniimB to heathenism, and his poins
bear many pagan emmems; the second and favourite
son, Constantius, was a more pronounced Christian,
but it wae Arian Christianity to whidi he adhered.
Constantius was an unwavering opponent of paganism ;
he dosed all the temples and forbade sacrifices under
pain of death. His maxim was: ''Cesset superstitio;
sacrifidortim aboleatur insania'' (Let superstition
cease; let the folly of sacrifices be abolished). Their
successors had recourse to religious persecution sagsAnst
heretics and pagans. Their laws (Cod. Theod., AVI,
v) had an unfavourable influence on the Middle Ages
and were the basis of themuch-abused Inquisition. (See
Persecutions; Gonbtaotinoplb; Robian Empire.)
BtTBcKHARDT, Di4 ZtU Con. d. Or. (Ist ed., Basle, 1853; 2nd
ed., Ldptiir. 1880); Kvsu.Dtr UebertnU Con.d, Or.tumChria-
tmtum (Zuiich, 1862); FiAScai, Con, d. Or. aU arUtr ehriatltcher
Aataer (Wa«burgj_1801); Sjcuptebt. CorutatUina Geaetxe und
dew Christenhim (Wflrtburg. 1891); Funk in TiUring. theol.
QuortaMkrift (18M); QObris in Ztittehrift fUr wisseruchafa.
XW. (1887-88); Si»CK» i&ui (1890); Bcaouns, OesehtcMe d.
VrUerMnget deajprieeh.-rlim. Heidentuma (1887-92). II; Sseck.
^t9ch\<Att deg VnUrgonaea der aniiken WeU (1897-1901), II;
Rpi;rAu, Da» ForOeben dm Heideniuma in der altchriUlieken
5V^ (1W)6){ GpiUfP, KvkwrgMchichU der rHn, Kaiaertni
a903-04), II; JUddbn, Chriatian EnMema on the Coina of
tonatantina /, the Oreat (London, 1877-78) ; Boisster, La Con-
f«^(!ton da Conakmiin in Revue dea Deux Mondea (1886).
I'XXyi, 51-72; OK BhqouCs (Catholic). h'Bgtiae H Vemnire
nmatn au IV« aiicU (1866; 1807). I. II ; Firth (non-CathoGc).
\^^i^ine the Oreai in Heroea of the NcOicna Seriea (New York.
!SS3* BtntT, Hiatory of ihe Later Roman Empire (London,
{.^d). I; FiMLAT, A UuAory of Oreeee from ita Conquaat hy IHka
ttonwiia.cd.TozEB (Oxford, 1877). GbOBO GbUPP.
Oonstantiiiople (Gr. KwivraiTcpo^oAif , City of Con-
stantine), capital, fonnerly of the Byzantme, now
of the Ottoman, £mpire.
The Modern Citt. — ^It occupies oite of the most
beautiful and advantageous sites in the world, uniting
as it does Europe with Asia and putting in commun^
catbn the Black Sea and all Soutnem Russia with the
sreater port of Europe and Asia^ and even with distant
America. It is surrounded by water on all sides ex-
cept the west, which is protcxsted by walls. Its sea
front is about ei^t miles in length. Ine air is generally
pure, and the climate very temperate. Constanti-
pople fonns a special district (sanitary cordon) divided
into three principal sections, two in Europe and one
in Asia. The two European sectbns are Stamboul
(anoint Bysantium), whose suburbs border the Sea of
Marmora; Galata sjod Pera, more or less European-
ised quartern, with many villages rising in rows along
the ^een hills that look down on the (}olden Horn and
the Bo^wrus. The Asiatic section is Scutari (Turk.
Uskudar; Chrysopolis) and Kadi-Keui (Qtalcedon),
with their extensive suburl)s on the Asiatic shore of the
Bosporus, the pleasant coasts of the Gulf of Nioo>
media,^ and the Isles of the Princes. The city is di-
vided into ten quarters or cirdes, each with its own
municipality. The population is estimated (1908) at
1,200,000 inhabitants, tour-fifths of whom are in Eu-
rope* There are about 600,000 Turks or other Mussui-
mans; the remainder include, in order of numeri<sal
importance, Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and foreigners
of various nationalities.
The Bosporus separates Europe from Asia; it is
about eighteen miles lone ahd varies in width from
about half a mile to a mue and a half. The Golden
Horn separates Stamboul from Galata and Pera, ex-
tends inland for about four £uid one-half miles, and
ends abruptly at the Valley of the Sweet Waters be-
yond Eyoub. Two wooden bridges unite Galata with
Stamboul, which latter section is mostly inhabited by
Turks, and still preserves its ancient ramparts with
their towers and gates. The chief monuments of the
city are: St. Sophia, the magnificent church built in
the first half of the sixth century by the Emperor
Justinian, now a mosque; about 2000 other mosques
(e. g. the Suleimanieh, the Ahmedieh, the Bayaeidieh,
Mohammed's mosque, etc.) ; many ancient churches ;
beautiful fountains; imposing "turb^'^ or tombs of
sultans and other great personages; t^ S^'askierat or
war office, with its enormous tower; the Tcharshi, or
baxaar (more than 10,000 merchants) ; Yedi-Kouleh or
the Seven Towers Castle, where ambassadors and
other men of note were often impris^ed; the palace
of the public debt; the lar^e postomce; the old se-
raglio of the sultans. The imperial museum has a
remarkable collection of sarcophagi and another of
cuneiform texts. In the Galata section the Genoese
Tower (over 150 feet) attracts attention, as in Pera
the residences of the ambassadors. Beyond, on the
European shore of the Bosporus are the laree palaces
of DolmarBaghtch^ and Tchera^n, also tne Yildiz
Kiosk, the residence of the reigning sultan. On the
Asiatic shore are the palace of Beylerbey, many beau-
tiful mosQues, and the great Mussulman cemetery at
Scutari, the Selimieh barracks (largest in the world),
the magnificent new school of medicine, quite dose to
which is the little port of Haldar-Pasha, whence starts
the railway line to Bagdad.
Early History of BYZAi»rnuM. — Ck)nstantinople
was founded c, 658 b. c. by a Greek colony from Ide-
sara; the site was then occupied by the Thracian vil-
lage of Lygos. The chief of the Megarian expedition
was Byzas, after whom the city was naturally called
Bysantion (Lat. Byzantium). Despite its perfect
situation, the colony did not prosper at first; it suf-
fered much during the Medic wars, chiefly from the
satraps of Darius and Xerxes. Later on, its control
was aisput€d by Laceds^monians and Athenians ; for
ooHSTAirriiiopui
302
cxnrsTumifOFUi
two years (341--339 b. c.) it held out against Philip of
Macedon. It succeeded in maintaining its independ-
ence even against victorious Rome, was granted the
title and limfs of an allied city, and its ambassadors
were accorded at Rome the same honours as those
Stven to allied kings; it enjoyed, moreover, all transit
uties on the Bosporus. Cicero defended it in the
Roman Senate, and put an end to the exactions of
Fiso. Later on, the Roman emperors entrusted the
government of Uie city to prsetors, at once civil and
militaiy magistrates, who maintained, however, the
earlier democratic forms of government. For a while
Vespasian placed it under the Governor of Moesia.
The city continued prosperous to the reign of Sei>ti-
mius Severus, when it sided with his rival, Pescennius
Niger. After a siege of three years (193-196) Severus
razed to the ground its walls and public monuments,
and made it subject to Perinthus or Heraclea in Thrace.
But he soon forgave this resistance, restored its former
privileges, built there the baths of Zeuxippus, and
began the hippodrome. It was devastateci again by
the soldiers of Gallienus in 262, but was rebuilt almost
at once. In the long war between Constantine and
Licinius (314-323) it embraced the fortunes of the
latter^ but, after his defeat at Chrysopolis (Scutari),
submitted to the victor.
The Christian City. — ^It has quite lately been es-
tablished that Byzantium received its new name of
Constantinople as early as the end of 324 (Cent^naire
de la soci^ nationale des antiquaires de France,
Paris, 1904, p. 281 sqq.). Nevertheless, the solemn
inauguration of Uie new city did not occur until 11
May, 330; only after this date did the Court and
Government settle permanently in the new capital.
It was soon filled with sumptuous edifices like those of
Rome; like the latter it was situated on seven hills
and divided into fourteen regions; in the matter of
privileges also it was similar to Rome. Among the
new public bufldings were a senate house, forums, a
capitol. circuses, porticoes, many churches (particu-
lany that of the Holy Apostles destined to be the
bunal-place of the emperors). The most beautiful
statues of antiquity were gathered from various parts
of the empire to adorn its public places. In general
the other cities of the Roman wond were stripped to
embellish the "New Rome'', destined henceforth to
surpass them all in greatness and magnificence.
Traces of Christianity do not appear here before the
end of the second or the beginning of the third oentui^.
In 212 Tertullian commemorates the joy of the Chris-
tians at the defeat of Pescennius Niger ("Ad Scapu-
lam", iii: "Csecilius Capella in iUo exitu Byzantmo:
Christiani gaudete")* About 190, an Antitrinitarian
heretic, Theodotus the Currier, a native of Byzantium,
was expelled from the Roman Church (" Philosophou-
mena'% VIII, xxxv; St. Epiphanius, "Adv. Il»r.,"
liv). A probably reliable tradition makes the Byzan-
tine Church a siinragan of Heraclea in Thrace at the
beginning of the thini century. In the fifth century
we meet with a spurious document attributed to a
certain Dorotheus, Bishop of Tyre at the end of the
third century, according to which the Church of By-
zantium was founded by the Apostle St. Andrew, its
first bishop being his disciple Stachys (cf . Rom., xvi,
9). The mtention of the forger is plain: in this way
the Church of Rome is made inferior to that of Con-
stantinople, St. Andrew having been chosen an
Apostle by Jesus before his brother St. Peter, the
founder of the Roman Church.
The first historically known Bishop of Byzantium
is St. Metrophanes (30&-314), thoudi the see had per-
haps been occupied during the thira century. It was
at first subject to the metropolitan authority of Her-
aclea, and remained so, at least canonically, until 381,
when the Second CEcumenical Councfl (can. iii) gave
the Bishop of Constantinople the first place after the
Bishop of Rome. (For the exact meaning of this
canon see Hefele, Hist, des Counciles, tr., Ledenq,
Paris, 1908, II, 24-27.) Fuller details are given m
Fischer, '' De patriarcharum Constantinopolitanorum ' '
catalogis (Leipzig, 1894); Schermann, "Propheten-
und Apostellegexiden nebst JQngerkatalojgen des Doro-
theus und verwandter Texte'' (Leipzig, 1907);
Vailh^, "Origines de I'Eglise de Constantinople'' in
"Echos d'Onent" (Paris, 1907), 287-295.
Constantine had chosen this city as the new capital
of the Roman Empire, but owin^ to his wars ana the
needs of the State, he rarely resided there. His suc-
cessors were even more frequently absent. Constan-
tins, Julian, Jovian, and Valens are found more
habitually on the Danube or the Euphrates than on
the Bosporus: they reside more regulariy in Antiocb
than in New Rome. It was oidy imder Theodosios
the Great (379-95) that Constantinople assumed
definitive rank as capital of the Eastern Roman
Empire. However, its ambitious prelates did not
wait so lon^ to forecast the future greatness of the
new city. In 339 Eusebius, and in 360 Eudozius,
quitted the great Sees of Nicomedia and Antioch for
what was yet, canonicaUy, a simple bishopric. Both
the city and its inhabitants suffered much during the
Arian controversies; the Arian heretics held posses-
sion of the Church for forty years. Honourabfe men-
tion is due to two of its bishops: St. Alexander, whose
resistance and j^rayers were crowned by the sudden
death of Arius in Constantinople; and St. Paul the
Confessor, a martyr for the Faith. We must add the
eighty martyrs put to death simultaneously by Em-
peror Valens. St. Gregory of Nazianzus restored
religious peace in this Church early in the reign of the
aforesaid Tlieodosius. From the council of 381 may
be said to date the ecclesiastical fortimes of Constan-
tinople. Its bishop began thenceforth to claim and
to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the six
provinces of Thrace, hitherto subject to Heradea,
and soon over the twenty-two provinces of Asia
Minor and Pontus, originally subject to Ephesus
and Cssarea. These rights of supremacy, though
usurped, were acknowledged by tne twenty-eighth
canon of the Council of Chaloedon (451)^ from which
time the bishops of Constantinople ruled over about
420 dioceses. In 431 began an ahnost continuous
conflict with the Roman Church, that was crowned
with success in 733, when an Iconoclast emperor
withdrew from the jurisdiction of Rome all ecclesias-
tical lUyricum, i. e. more than a hundred dioceses.
About the end of the ninth century, ^en Photius
broke with the Roman Church, his own patriarchate
included 624 dioceses (51 me^politan sees, 51 ex-
empt archbishoprics, and 522 suffragan bi^oprios).
At that time the Roman Church certainly did not
govern so great a number of sees. At this period,
moreover, by its missionaries and its political influ-
ence, Constantinople attracted to ChristianiW the
Slav nations, Serbs, Russians, Moravians, and Bul-
gars, and obtained in these northern lands a strong
support against the Roman and Frankish West.
This ecclesiastical prosperity coincided with the
political and municipal grandeur of the city. At the
death of Theodosius the Great (395), when the Roman
Empire was divided into two parts, Constantinople
remained the centre and capital of the Eastern Ejn-
pire. The Western Empire was destined soon to fall
before the onslaughts of the barbarians. While its
provinces were held by uncouth German tribes, Con-
stantinople alone remained to represent Christian
civilization and the greatness of the Roman name.
Simultaneously the city was enlamd and embellished,
particularly under Theodosius U, Justinian, Hera-
clius, and Basil the Macedonian. In 413 it reached
its actual (1908) size on the right bank of the Golden
Horn, under the oity prefect, Anthemius. In 625
Heraclius added the famous cmarter of Blachemffi
with its venerated church of the Blessed Virgin, whose
QONBTAHTXMOPU
303
OOHBTANTIirOPI.B
image was coDsidered u the palladium of the city.
The curcuzziference of the walls was then (and still is)
eleven or twelve miles. They were often rebuilt,
especially under Tiberius III (c. 700), Anastasius II
(714), Leo m (740), Nicephonis I (803), Theophilua
(8dl)» Micshael VHI (1262), Andxonicus II (1316),
Jolm VII (between 1431-1444). To protect the
tenitorv of Thrace from the inw'ons ot the barbor
riansy Anastasius I, in the early part of the sixth
century, built a great wall about hity miles in length
and about twenty feet in breadth from Silistria to the
Lake of I>erkoL The ramparts ol Constantinople had
many g^tes: the principal one was the Golden Gate,
the terminus of the Triumphal Way. On the Sea ot
Marmora numerous havens gave shelter to boats and
barques ; the present unique port of the Golden Horn
had not yet been created. The strongly fortified
Great Pialaoe was a real town. Other splendid pal-
aces adorned the city (Boucoieon, Chalks, nlachemie);
many graced the European and Asiatic suburbs.
Hundreds of churches and monasteries, thousands of
clerics, of monks, and nims, attested an intensely
religious life. The church of St. Soplua alone, the
^ory of Justinian's reign, owned 365 estates. How
vast these dcnnains were may be judged from a law
of HeracliuB (627) that established 626 clerics as the
number necessary for the service of St. Sophia. The
little church of BlachemsB had 75 endowed clerics.
The names of at least 463 churches are known, 64 of
which were dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. As early
as 536, 68 superiors of local monasteries were present
at a council m the citv.
So many rich churches and monasteries, imperial
or private palaces, not to speak of the luxury <^
the court and the great imperial dignitaries, natu-
rally excited the covetousness of baroarian peoples.
Constantinople had, therefore, to sustain numberleas
sieges; it was attacked in 378 by the Cioths, by the
Avars and Persians durinp the reign of Heradius
(610-41)^ by the Arabs dunng the reign of Constan-
tlne Pogonatus (668-85), and again by the Arabs under
Moslemeh in 717; many times also by Bulgarians,
Patzinaks, Russians, and Khazars. But the city al-
ways defied its besiegers, thanks to the solidity of its
walls, often to the vsuour of its soldiers, but chiefly to
the gold that it distributed in profusion. More griev-
ous, perhaps, were the domestic conflicts tiiat broke
out m almost every new reign; the quarrels between
the Blue and Green factions that clamoured for im-
perial favour in the races of the hippodrome ; the con-
nagrations and earthquakes that sometimes levelled
the city with the ground, e. g. the conflagration that
broke out during the Nika revolt (532), on which oc-
casion Justinian neariy lost his throne, more than
80,000 persons were killed, and fire destroyed the
greater part of the city.
Herbbt and Schism. — ^When Photius (d. 891) be-
^an the schism consmnmated by Michael Gmrularius
in 1054, the Bysantine Church had, since the death
of Emperor Constantine in 337, been formally out of
communion with the Roman Church during 248 years
(55 years on account of Arianism, 11 on account of the
condemnation of St. John Chrysostom, 35 on account
of 2^o's Henotioon, 41 on account of Monothelism,
90 on account of Iconoclasm, 16 on account of the
adulterous marriage of Constantine VI). On the
whole, therefore, C!onstantinople had been out of com-
munion with the Apostolic See one out of every two
years. During this period nineteen patriardis of
Constantinople were open heretics, some of them auite
famous, e. g. Eusebius of Nicomedia, Eudoxius, Mace-
donius, Nestorius, Acacius, Sergius, Pyrrhus. On the
other hand must be mentioned several, orthodox
^hops, e. g. St. Gregory of Nasianxus, St..^John
^puysostom, St Flavian, St. Germanus, St. Tarasius,
St. Methodius, and St. Ignatius, the opponent of
rhotiu^ whose virtues and literary fame compensate
for the scandalous heterodoxy of their confreres. Nor
can we omit illustrious monki and hymnographero like
St. RcHnanus (Melodus), the greatest liturgical poet
of the Bysantine Church, St. fiaximus Comessor, St
Theodore, the noble abbot of the famous monastery
of Studium (Stoudk>n), and many others who suffered
martyrdom during the reigns of Iconoclast emperors.
Many councils were held in Constantinople, some^
tiznes against heresies, sometimes in favour of them.
Chief among these councils are: the cecumenical
eouncilB of 381, 553, 681, and 869; the Trullan Coun-
cil (602), veijr important for the history of canonical
legislation; the councils of 712 and 878 which ratified,
reB|>ectively, Monothelism and the revolt of Photius
against Rome. The schism of Photius was not at
once followed by its worst consequences. The learned
but ambitious patriarch was yet living when union
with the Ex>man Church was re-estabbshed by Em-
peror Leo the Wise in 886; he obliged Photius to quit
the patriarchal throne. From that time to the patri-
archate of Michael Csrularius (1043-1049), in spite
of the Filioque question, relations with the papacy
were generally cordial. There were indeed, at the
beginning of the tenth century, some difficulties
caused by the emperor's fourth marriage, but in this
conflict both the opposing patriarchs attempted to
obtain from the Roman Church justification of their
conduct. It was onl^ under Michael CsBrularius that
the schismatic condition was finally confirmed, almost
without any apparent motive and only through the
bad will of this patriarch. After long and shaip dis-
putes between the two Churches, the pope's legates,
with the approbation of the imperial court, deposited,
15 July, 1054, on the altar of St. Sophia the Bull of
excommunication against the patriarch. This apt
resulted in a popular revolution. Five da^s later
Michael Casrularius repUed b^ excommunicating the
pope and the '^azymite" Latins. The weak-mmded
and lewd emperor, Constantine Monomachus, dared
not resist the all-powerful patriarch. It must be
noted, however, that, unhappily, the idea of schism
had long been familiar to the mmds and hearts of the
Greeks. The first period of the schism was coeval,
especially at Constantinople, with a remarkable Uter-
aiy revival, inai^rated as early as the tenth century
by the Macedonian dynasty and carried to its perfec-
tion under the Comneni and the Palsologi. This
revival, unfortunately, did not affect favourably the
moraiity of the population, beinjg chiefly an uncon-
scious return to mcdels of anticjmty, indeed a kind of
neo-paf^anism. We owe to it, however, beautiful
works m literature, architecture, and painting.
iMPSRUJi Succession; Crusades; Latin JSmfiiuq
OF CoNSTANTiNOPUS. — ^Aftcr the division of the
Roman Empire in 395, Constantinople beheld the
passage of many great dynasties: that of Theodosius,
prolonged by a^doption until 602; that of Heraclius,
from 610 to 711, with intrusion of several usurpers;
that of Leo the Isaurian, from 717 to 802; the Amo-
rium dynasty from 820 to 867 ; that of Basil the Mace-
donian from 867 to 1057; finally from 1081 to the
Frankish conquest in 1204, that of the Comneni and
the Angeli. Succession, of course, was not always
regular; even in the legitimate dynasties murder and
cruelty, it is well known, often marked the accession
of an emperor. Sometimes the streets of the capital
were on the same day decked with flowers and
drenched with blood. Nevertheless, till the middle
of the eleventh century, the eiz^pire held its own in
Asia Minor against the Arabs. The latter were now
mdually supplanted by their coreligionists, the
Turks, who, towards the end of that century, occu-
pied most of the Asiatic peninsula and set up their
capital at Nicsea, not far from Constantinople. Then
b^an the Crusades, that great overflow of the West
towards the East, started by the pious wi^ of all
Christian Europe to deliver the Holy Sepulchre. Con-
OONSTANTINOPLE
304
COHSrAKTIVOPLS
stantinople saw the crusaders for the first time in
1096. llie contact between the two eiviiusations was
not cordial; the Greeks gave^nerally to the crusad-
ers an unkindly reception. Iney looked on them as
enemies no less than the Turks, except that the cru-
saders, marching in the name of Christ and backed by
all the strength of the West, appeared much more
dangerous than the Mussulman Turks. On the other
hand the Franks were only too ready to treat tiie
Greeks as mere unbelievers, and, but for the opposi-
tion of the popes, would have begun the Crusades with
the capture of Constantinople.
These sad quarrels and the fratricidal conflicts of
Christian nations lasted nearly a oentiuy, imtil in
1182 Emperor Andronicus Comnenus, a ferocious
tyrant, ordered a general massacre of the Latins in
lus capital. In 1190 the Greek patriarch, Dositheus,
solemnly promised indulgences to any Greek who
would murder a Latin. These facts, together with
the selfish views of the Venetians and the domestic
divisions of the Greeks, were enough to provoke a con-
flict. The Greek Emperor Alexius III had de-
throned his brother and stripped his nephew of all
rights (1195); the latter soudit a shelter in the West
(1201), and, together with his brother-in-law, Em*-
Siror Philip of »wabia, with Venice, and Boniface of
ontferrat (chief of the projected crusade), he turned
aside the Fourth Crusade and directed the knights,
first to the siege of Zara in Dalmatia, and afterwards
to Constantinople. In spite of the formal veto of In-
nocent III, the crusadeiiB laid siege to the city, which
soon surrendered (17 July, 1203). Emperor Alexius
III took flight. His brother, Isaac An^lus, was
taken from prison and crowned emperor, with his son
Alexius IV. The crusaders had hoped that the new
emperors would keep their promises and reunite the
two Churches; confident of this they wrote to Inno-
cent III (August, 1203) to justify their behaviour.
But the imperial promise was not kept; indeed, it
could not be executed. In November, 1205, Alexius
IV broke off all relations with the crusaders. There-
upon the hostility between the Greeks and the Latins
was in almost daily evidence; brawls and conflagra-
tions were continually taking place. Alexius IV and
his father were dethroned ana piit to death (Febru-
ary, 1204) by a usurper who took the name of Alexius
V Murtzuphlos. The latter made haste to put his capi-
tal in a state of defence, whereupon the crusaders
began a second siege. After several onslau^ts the city
was taken (12 and 13 Aprfl, 1204) amid scenes of peat
cruelty; the slaughter was followed by an unbridled
plunder of the countless treasures heaped up during
so many centuries by the Byzantine emperors. The
holy relics especially excited the covetousness of the
Latin clerics; Villehardouin asserts that there were
but few cities in the West that received no sacred
booty from this pillage. The oflficial booty alone, ac-
cording to the same historian, amounted to about
eleven millions of dollars whose purchasing power
was then of course much greater than at this day.
The following 9 May, Baldwm, Count of Flanders, be-
came emperor; Boxuface of Montferrat obtained Thes-
salonica and Macedonia; the knights, various feudal
fees ; Venice, the islands and those regions of the em-
pire that assured her maritime supremacy. ThiB
new Latin Empire, organized according to feudid law,
never took deep root. It was unable to hold its owli
against the Greeks (who had immediately created two
empires in Asia, at Nica^a and at Trebizond, a despot-
ate in Epirus and other small States) nor against •the
Bulgarians, Comans, and Serbs. After a much-dis-
turbed existence it disappeared in 1261, and Con-
stantinople became again the centre of Greek j^ower
with Michael Palseologus as emperor.
Latin Patriarchate. — ^Together with the Latin
Empire a Latin patriarchate? had been established in
1204 at Constantinople, on which occasion the Greek
patriarch took refu^ at Nicflea. NotwithstandiDg
the missions of Cardmal Benedict a Sancta Susanoa
(1205-1207) and Pehigius of Albano (1213), negotia-
tions, and even persecutions, the Latins failed to in-
duce all their Greek subjects to acknowledge the au-
thority of the pope. In its best days the Latin patri>
archate never numbered more than twenty-two arch-
bishoprics and fifty-nine suffragan bishoprics, situ-
ated m Europe, in the islands, and even in Asia Minor.
However, tl^ Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople
outlived the Latin Empire, after the fall of which the
Latiii patriarchs resided in Greece or in Italy. From
1302 the Holy See reserved to itself the appointmmt
to this office and united with the patriarohate first
the Archbishopric of Candia, later ^e Bishopric of
NegropNont; this was still the situation as late as 1463.
A oonsistoriai decree of 1497 reserved this hi^ title
to cardinals; the rule, however, was subject to many
exceptions. In modem times a contrary practioe has
prevailed; the Latin titular Patriarch of Constanti-
nople ceases to bear this title only on entrance to the
Sacred College. Of course, after the fall of the Latin
or Prankish Empire in 1261, the Latin patriarch
could not deal directly with the Catholics of Constan-
tinople; they were committed to the care of patri-
archal vicars, simple priests chosen usuallv among the
superiors of religious orders resident in the city, Ob-
servantine or Conventual Franciscans, and Domini-
cans. This lasted until 1651, when the Latin patri-
aroh WHS allowed by the sultan to have in Constanti-
nople a patriarchal suffragan bishop, who was free to
administer the diocese in the name of the patriarch.
Finally, in 1772, the Holv See suppressed the office of
patriarchal suffragan ana appoint^ patriarchal vicars
Apostolic, which system is yet in existence.
Rbstoration of Griusk Ebipire; Efforts at
Reunion of ths Churchbs. — Having anticipated a
little we may here take up the thread of our narra-
tive. By the recovery of Constantinople in 1261,
Michael Palseologus had drawn on himseu the enmity
of some Western princes, especially of Charies of
Anjou, brother of St. Louis and heir to the rifi^ts of
the aforesaid Latin emperors of Constantinopfe. To
forestall the crusade with which he was threatened
the Greek empercn* opened negotiations with the pope
and accepted the union of the Churdies. It was pro-
claimed at the (Ecumenical Council of Lyons in 1274,
and was confirmed at Constantinople by several par-
ticular councils held under the Gxedc patriarch, John
Becous, a sincere Catholic. It waa not, however, ac-
cepted by the Greek people who remained always
immical to the West, and, on the emperor's death in
1282, it was rejected at a council hdd in the Blachemso
church. Thenceforth the rulers of Constantinople
had to reckon with the ambitious claims of Charles of
VsUois, brother of Philip the Fair, and of other Latin
pretenders to the imperial crown. The city itself
was rent by the theological disputes of Barlaamites
and Palannsts arising from Hesychaam (q. v.), also
by the domestic dissensions of the imperial family
during the reigns ci the two Andronici, John Palso-
logus, and John Cantacuzene. With the aid of Turk-
ish mercenaries John Cantacusene (the hope of the
Palamists) withstood the legitimate emperor and
conquered the city.
Tne Byzantine £^pii« was now in face of its last
and greatest peril. The smaller Greek Empire of
Trebizond controlled since 1204 a part of its Asiatic
provinces. The Fourth Crusade had caused almost
all the islands and a great part of its possessions in
Europe to fall into the hands of the Venetians, Genooac,
Pmans, and local dvnasts. It feared most, however,
the new empire of the Omanlis that was rapidly ovei^
flowing all Asia Minor. The Osmanlis were originally
a small Turkish tribe of Khorassan; in the thirteenth
century they had settled near Dorylsum (Eski-
Shehir), ^euoe they gradually annexed all the sul*
OOMBTAHTINOPU
305
OOMBTAHTZNOPLX
UoiateB and principalities of the Seljuk Turks and
others. As early as 1326 Brusa in Bithynia had
become the centre of their power. A Genoese fleet
soon conveyed theii army into Europe, where they
took Gallipoli in 1397. llienceforth, while the popes
were especially anxious to save the Greek East and
Constantinople, the Byzantines, excited by their
priests and monks, appeared daily more hostile to the
West and exhausted their opportunities in useless
theological disputes. The memorable defeat of the
Serbs and Bulgarians at Kossovo in 1389, and that
of the crusaders at Nicopolis in 1396, seemed to indi-
cate the hopelessness of the Byzantine cause, when
the Mongol invasion of Timur-Leng (Tamerlane) and
the defeat of Sultan Bayazid at Angora in 1402 com-
bined to assure another half-century of existence to
the doomed empire.
Scarcely had Manuel II heard of the Turkish dis-
astej* when he pulled down the mosoue in his capital
and abandoned his negotiations at Rome^ where he
had initiated proposals of peace, but onlv for political
reasons. However, the IHirkish powe^' nad not been
destroyed on the plain of Angora. From June to
September, 1422, Sultan Murad II laid siege to Con-
stantinople, which he nearly captured. Though
finally repulsed, the Turks tightened daily their con-
trol over all approaches to the city, which only a new
crusade could have relieved. At the Council of
Florence, therefore (1439^, the Greeks apain declared
themselves Catholics. This formal reumon, however,
imposed by the emperor and again rejected by the
Greek nation, could not in the bc^nning be pro-
claimed even at Constantinople, in spite of the election
of a patriarch favourable to Rome, and of Western
Sromises to help the Greeks with men and money,
[ark of Ephcsus and after him Gennadius Scholarius
were omnipotent with clergv and people, and infused
into them fresh hatred of the Latins. Nevertheless,
the promised crusade took place under the direction
of Cfardinal Giuliano CesannL J^os Hunyady and
Iskender-B^ (Scanderbeg) performed miracfes of
valour, but in vain. The crusaders were completelv
defeated at Varna in 1444, and nothing was left
to Constantinople but to perish honourably. The
reunion with Rome, as accepted at Florence, was at
last proclaimed officially in St. Sophia by Cardinal
Isidore, Metropolitan of Kiev (12 Dec., 1452). It
was thus fated that Emperor Constantine Draeases,
the last heir of the great Constantme, was to die in
the Catholic Faith.
Fall or Constantinoplb ; Capftal of Ottoman
Empire. — ^When the tragic hour struck, the emperor
had only about 7000 men, including all foreign suc-
cour. Since March, 1453, the Turks, to the number
of 200,000, had invested the city; the preceding year
they had built on the Bosporus the redoubtable
fortress of Rumeli-Hissar. Tneir fleet also held the
entrance to the Dardanelles, but was prevented from
entering the Golden Horn by a stroxig iron chain that
barred its mouth. But Mohammed II caused seventy
of his ships to slide on greased planks behind Galata;
in this way they entered the Golden Horn (22 April).
He then ^ist across it a bridge of boats broad enou^
to allow the passage of five soldiers abreast, while his
troops, constantly renewed, kept up without ceasing
their attacks by land. Eventually the defenders were
exhausted by the toils of a oontmuous and hopeless
conflict, while tiieir ranks grew steadily thinner
through death or wounds. Tne population gave no
help and was content to taunt the Latins, while wait-
ing for ^e miracle of Heaven that was to save them.
Finally, 29 May, 1453. about 4 o'clock in the morning,
a furious assault of tne Turks broke down the wafls
and gates of the city, and the besiegers burst in from
every side. Emperor Constantine fell like a hero at
the gate of St. Romanus. St. Sophia was imme>
diat^ transformed into a mosque, and during three
Tt.— 20
days the unhappy city was abandoned to unspeakable
excesses of cruelty and debauchery. The next year,
at the demand of the sultan himself, Gennadius
Scholarius, Rome's haughty adversary, was ap-
pointed Patriarch of Constantinople, and soon the
Greek Chureh was re-established, almost in its former
position.
Thus was granted the sacrilegious prayer of so
many Greeks, blinded bv unreasoning hate, that
henceforth, not the tiara, but the turban should rule
in the city of Constantine. Even the name of the
city was changed. The Turks call it officially (in
Arabic) Der-es-Baadet, Door of Happiness, or (cniefly
on coins) Konstantinieh. Their usual name for it is
Stamboul, or rather Istamboul, a corruption of the
Gieek expression «/f r^r t6\ip (pronoun^ stimuli),
perhaps under the influence of a form, Islamboul,
which could pass for ''the city of Islam '\ Most of
the churches, like St. Sophia, were gradually con-
verted into mosoues. This was the fate of SS. Sei^ius
and Bacchus, a oeautiful monument built by Justin-
ian, commonly called "the little St. Sophia^'; of the
church of the monastery of Khora, whose splendid
mosaics and pictures, mostly of the fourteenth
century, are among the principal curiosities of the
city; or the churehes of the celebrated Pantocrator
and Studium monasteries, etc. Other churches were
demolished and replaced by various buildings; thus
the church of the Holy Apostles gave way to Uie great
mosqme built by the conquering Sultan Mohammed
11. The imperial tombs in this church were violated;
some of their gigantic red porphyry sarcophagi were
taken to the chureh of St. Irene. The latter is the
only chureh taken from the Greeks that has not becm
changed into a mosque or demolished; it became, and
is yet an arsenal, or rather a museum of ancient
weapons.
Tne sultans in turn endowed their new capital with
many beautiful monuments. Mohammed II built the
castle of Yedi-Kouleh, the Tchinili-Kiosk (how a
museum), the mosques of Cheik Bokhari, of the
Janizaries, of Kassim-Pasha, of Eyoub, where every
sultan at his accession is obli^ to be girt wit^ the
sword of Othman, etc. Bayazid II built the Bayszid-
ieh (1458). Soliman the Magnificent buUt the Sulei-
manieh, the most beautiful Turkish monument in
Constantinople. His architect Sinan constructed
fifty other mosques in the empire. Ahmed I built
(1610) the Ahmedleh on the foundations of the
imperial Great Palace, a pretty fountain near St.
Sophia, etc. The buildings of the old seraglio at
Seraglio Point are also of Turkish origin; nothing
is left of the Byzantine imperial palaces that once
stood there. The Blachenue palace has also disap-
peared; its church was accidentally burned in the
seventeenth century. Not far distant are the impor-
tant ruins of the palace of the Porphyrogemtus.
When the Turks took Constantinople, the hippo-
drome was already in ruinous decay. There remain
yet three precious monuments of ancient imperial
splendour: the Egyptian obelisk brought thither by
'Aieodosius the Great, the Serpentine Column brought
from Delphi by Constantine, and the Byzantine monu-
ment known as the Walled-up Column. Near them
has been constructed, on the plans and at the expense
of the German Emperor, William II, a fountain in
Byzantine style. The Turks have also respected
some other relics of antiquity, espc>cially the columns
of Constantine, Mareian, Theodosius, and Areadius,
the aqueduct of Valens, and many of the great sub-
terraneous cisterns.
The Turkish City.— This is not the place to
narrate the later history of the city, so often the
scene of sanguinary events, revolts of the Janizaries,
palace-revolutions, etc. In 1826 Mahmud II sup-
pressed the redoubtable prsetorians, but the tragic
domestic revolutions go on as before. In 1807 •
OONSYAKTtltOPLI
306
OONBtAKnHOFLB
British fleet threatened the city, which was courage-
ously defended by Sultan Selim III and the French
ambanador, General Sebastiani. In 1854 Anglo-
French armies encamped at Constantinople before
and after the Crimean expedition against Russia.
In 1878 the Russians advanced to San Stefano, a
little village in the European suburbs, and dictated
there the treaty of that name. In 1821 the Greek
patriarch, Gregory V, with many bishops and laymen,
was hanged on the occasion of the outbreak of the
Greek War for Independence. In 1895-1896 the
capital, as well as the provinces, saw many Armenians
massacred by the Kurds, with the complicity, or
rather by order of the Government. Even the
dreadful physical catastrophes of former times have
been renewed; great conflagrations in 1864 and 1870
destroyed entire quarters at Stamboul and Pera.
In the latter place many thousands of lives were lost
(most of the houses are built of timber). In 1894 an
earthquake laid low a Rreat part of the Bazaar and
killed several thousana persons. The city is now
undergoing a slow process of cleansing; it is lit by
gas, and there are some tramways in its streets, most
of which are still very narrow and dirty, and are at
ail times obstructed by vagrant dogs. A cable rail-
wi^ joins Galata to Pera.
National and Religious Statistics. — The popu-
lation, we have already said, is (1908) at least 1,000,-
000, perhaps 1,200,000; Turkish statistics are very
uncertain. The Turks seem to form about three-
fifths of this population. There are more than 2000
mosques, near whiclf are generally found elementary
schools for boys and even for girls; often also we-
dreasehB or Mussulman theological schools. The
tekkis are Mussulman monasteries for dervishes of
various orders. Superior instruction is given at the
Lyceum of Galata Seraglio. It has about 1200 pupils
(mostlv Mussulmans), and instruction is given in both
Turkish and French. Efforts are being made to
transform this college into a university. There are
also about 20 secondary schools, a university of law, a
school of medicine, military schools, and other pro-
fessional and special schools. The libraries annexed
to the great mosques contain precious Eastern manu-
scripts. There are many Turkish hospitals, several
of which are in charge of Catholic Sisters of Charity,
an asylum for the poor, a Pasteur institute, and other
charitable foundations. The Persian Mussulmans,
generally Shiites^ have their own religious oi^niza-
tion, with a hospital at Stamboul, conducted by Sis-
ters of Charity. The Jewish population increases
rapidly, and is of two kinds: the Spanish Jews who
came to Turkey in the sixteenth century when ex-
pelled from Spain, and still speak a bad Spanish;
others, who came and still come from Russia, Ru-
mania, Austria, Germany, etc. The latter often ob-
tain good situations; not so the former, whose social
status is low and unnappy. There is also among the
Jews of the city a diversity of rites, synagogues,
schools, and works of beneficence. The Christians
seem to number over 300,000. If we except an insig-
nificant body of Jacobites and their bishop, the rest
may be divided as Monophysites, Protestants, Ortho-
dox Greeks, and Catholics. The Monophysites are
Armenians, who call themselves Gregorians, after
their apostle, St. Gregory Illuminator. They number
about 100,0(X),. with a patriarch resident at Koum-
Kapon (Stamboul), many churches, 53 elementary
schools, 2 colleges, a large charitable establishment at
Y6di-Kouleh, etc.
Protestantism is represented by English, American,
German, and other foreigti colonies, also by about one
thousand Anno;ilan converts. Its chief institutions,
apart from several churches, are the Bible house at
Stamboul with its bran^'ies (homes for sailors and
fore^ girls), Robert Colle^ al Rumeli-IIis.«5ar on
the Bosporus (a large American school founded in
1863, with about 600 pupils), and a hig^ school for
girls at Scutari. There are also some elementary
Protestant schools and a special mission for the Jews,
finally an English and a German hospital. The
Schismatic Greeks who call themselves Orthodox,
number about 150,000, some thousands of whom aie
Hellenes, i. e. subjects of the Kingdom of Greecc
The oecumenical patriarch, who resides hi the Fanar
(Greek quarter, along the Golden Horn), is the bifihof>
of the duocese (there are metropolites at Kadi-Keui
and at Makri-Keui, the latter with the title of Derki).
He is aided in the administration of his office by the
Great Protosyncellus. There are 40 parishes, 12 of
which are first^ class. 11 second class, and 17 third
class. The principal churches prefer instead of a
simple priest, a titular bishop or chorepiscopus: they
are five in number. Recent statistics snow 72 schools,
64 of which give elementary and middle, and 8 supc^
rior teaching. Amone the higher schools are included
the so-call^ Great National School in the Fanar
(said to date from the Middle Ages), the commercial
and theolo^cal schools at Halki, etc. The theolora-
cal school is a seminary for future bishops of the
Greek CHiurch. These Greek schools have 398 teach-
ers and 13,217 pupils; the elementary schools have
10,665 pupils, and the superior schools 2562. We
may add that many Greek boys and girls, also Armen-
ians, are taught in foreign schools, chiefly in those of
the French religious congregations and at Robert
College. The Greeks have a large charitable estab-
lishment at Balekli and an orphanage. Quite impor-
tant also are their various associations (syoUogi), the
principal one being the iinportant learned body known
as the Literary Greek Society, with a rich library.
The libraries of the Metochion, of the Holy Sepulchii,
and the theological school at Halki are also remarkable
for their manuscripts. For the general organization
of the Greek Schismatics, see Greek Chtjrch. TTie
Russians have at Constantinople 3 monasteries, a
school, a hospital, and an archaeological institute,
with a rich library. The Serbs and Rumanians have
also their national establishments. There are In the
capital about 15,000 Bul^rians. They are consid-
ered schismatics by the Greek Church, from which
they have completely separated. Their exarch, who
hasjurisdiction over all native Bulgarians and those
of European Tiu-key, resides at Chichli (pronounced
8hiMt)t where there are also a seminary, a school, and
a hospital for Bulgarians. His cathedral is at Balata,
Stamboul.
Catholic Life and Statistics. — ^The Catholics in-
clude those of the Roman or Latin Rite, and others of
Eastern rites often called Uniats. Among the latter,
the Catholic Armenians deserve most attention; they
number about 5000. Their patriarch resides at Pera,
and to their special organization belong: ' 6 elementary
and 3 middle schools, also a large charitable establish-
ment for orphans and for poor or sick people. They
have four congregations conducted as follows: The
Mechitarist^ of Vienna have 2 residences, 19 monks;
the Mechitarists of Venice, 1 residence, 8 monks; the
Antonines, 1 residence, 8 monks; Sisters of the Im-
maculate Conception, 3 residences, about 100 nuns.
The Melchites or Arabic-speaking Syrians of Byzantine
Rite have a church with 3 priests, one of whom acts as
vicar of his patriarch for all affairs of the "nation"
that come before the Sublime Porte. The Catholic
patriarchs of the CJhaldeans and the Syrians are simi-
larly represented by vicars to whom are subject the
few faithful of their rites present in the city.^ The
Catholic Greeks, few in number as yet, are subject to
the Apostolic delegate; they have two parishes, at
Koum-Kapou (Stamboul) and Kadi-Keui, T»nducted
by the Assumptionists, and a mission at Pera, con-
ducted by the Fathers of the Holy Trinity. The
former have also missions for the Greeks at Csesarea
in Cappadocia ana at Per^mos in the Peninsula of
OONSTAVTDIOFUB
307
comTANTnropu
Cvzicus; the latter at Maisara and Daoudili in Thrace.
The Catholic Bulgarians have at Galata their arch*
bishop and one priest. The Catholic Georgians are
few and are subject to the Apostolic dele^te; most
of them bdonjg to the Latin or the Armenian Rite.
The Catholics of the Latin Rite, as already stated,
are ruled by an Apostolic vicar. Thou^ a titular arch-
bishop he enjovB ordinary jurisdiction and since 1868
is Apostolic aelegate for the Catholics of Eastern
Kites. He resides at Pancaldi and has there his pro-
eathedral. His authority is not adcnowledged by the
Sublime Porte and he is obliged to use the French
embas^ in his lelatbns with the Turkish Govern-
ment. The limits of his vicariate are: in Eur(H>e the
Vicariate of Sofia, ihe Archdioceses of Usoub and
Duraaso, and the Apostolic Delegation of Athens; in
Asia, the Diocese of Tiraspol, the Apostolic DeLega-
tions of Mesopotamia and AI^po, and the Archbish-
ofH-ic of Smyrna. The Latin Catholics subject to him
must number (1906) between 30,000 and 35,000,
about 22,000 of whom are at Constantiotople. Other
principal centres are, in Europe: Salonica, Gallipoli,
Cavalla, Monastir, Rodosto, Dedc-Akhatch, and
Adrianople, with about 6000 souls; in Asia: Brusa,
Ismid, Adampol, Zongoul-Dagh, Dardanelles, Eski*
Shehir, Angora, TrebisoncL Samsoun, and Er«eroum
with about 3000 souls. Most Latin Catholics are of
foreign nationalities and come from Greece, Italy,
France, Austria, etc.
Almost all the religious works (^ the Apostolic vi-
cariate'are conducted by religious orders occongrega-
tk>ns. The secular clerxy counts only about ten
members; they possess tne two parishes of Pancaldi
(pro-cathedral) and the Dardanelles. There are foui^
teen parishes (five principal) in Constantinople and
its suburbs. Outside the capital, the vicariate com-
prises 7 other parishes and 23 missionary stations.
There are several seminaries, but none for the vicari-
ate itself: a Greek preparatory seminary at Koum-
Kapou (Stamboul), a Bulgarian preparatory semin-
ary at Kara-Aghatch (Adrianople), a Greek-Bulga-
rian theologicaf seminary at Ivadi-Keuii conducted
by the Assumptionists, with respectively 30, 35, and
10 pupils; the Eastern Seminary, preparatory and
theological, founded at Pera in 1889 by Fmioh Capu-
chins lor Latin and Eastern Bite pupils of every East-
em diocese, with 45 to 50 pupils; the preparatorv
Seraphic Seminary conducted smce 1894 at San Stef-
ano by Austrian Capuchins, 30 pupils; a Bul^ian
preparatory and theological seminary at Zeitenlik
(Salonica), conducted by the Lasarists, 58 pupils.
Eighty elementary or middle schools are conducted
by the aforesaid religious congregations. There are
74 primary and boarding schools, for boys or girls,
with 11,400 pupils (7030 rirls and 4370 boys), 6 (prop-
erly so caUea) colleges forooys with 1410 pupils and a
commercial institute. Moreover, 600 male and fe-
male orphans are trained in 6 oipbanages. A profes-
sional sdiool has just been founded. More than half
of these schools are situated in Constantinople or its
suburbs. Many of the pupils are not Catholics, and
manjr are Mussulmans or Jews. There is at Feri-
Keui a large and beautiful cemetery.
Catholic Ordbbs and CoNaRBOATioNS. — Orders^
of Men. — Augustinians of the Assumption, 13 resi-
dences, 51 priests (including 6 of Greek and 6 of Slav
Rite)^ and 28 students or lay brothers, 3 semiiuiries,
6 parishes, 7 schools. French Capuchins, 2 residences,
59 monks (25 students and 10 lay. brothers). 1 semi-
nary, 1 scholasticate, and the church of St. Louis,
pansh of the French embassy. Austrian Capuchins,
1 residence, with 1 parish, 1 seminary and 1 novitiate,
10 monks. Italian Capuchios, 3 residences, 8 priests,
and 4 lay brothers. Ckinventuals, 6 residencei^, 5
paridies, 21 priests, and 10 lay brothers. Franciscans,
4 residences, 2 parishes, with 10 priests and 6 lay
brothem. Dominicans, 3 residences, 1 parish, 9
priests, and 3 lay brothers. Geoigian Benedictines of
the Immaculate O>nception, 3 residences, 2 paridbes
1 school, with 13 religious (2 priests of Geoman Rite).
Jesuits, 6 residences, 42 religious, about 20 priests^ 0
schools. Austrian Lazarists, 1 residence, 1 college,
12 religious. French Lazarists, 7 residences, 71 re-
ligious (56 priests), 2 colleges, 1 seminary, several
schools, 1 parish. Greek Fathers of the Holy Trinitv
of Pera, 3 residences, 6 priests, 3 schools. Polish
Resurrectionists, 3 residences, about 30 religious (12
priests, several of the Slav Rite), 1 coll^. Brothers
of the Christian Schools, 150 brothers, 10 residences,
1 college, 1 commercial and 10 elementary schools.
Brothers of Ploennel, 10 brothers, aiding the Assump-
tionists in their schools. Marist Brothers, 8 resi-
dences, 4 schools, 46 brothers, aid other religious
in 4 more schools. Italian Salesians of Dom Bosco,
1 technical school.
Orders of Women. — Cannelites, 6 nuns. Dominican
Sisters of Mondovf, 2 schools, 14 nuns. Sisters of
Charity, 17 establishments, 210 nuns; they conduct
amons others three Turkish hospitals, the Persian,
French, Italian, and Austrian hospitals, 2 asylums,
7 orphanages, 13 schools. Franciscan SLsters of
Calais, 1 residence, 10 sisters for care of sick people
at home. Franciscan Sisters of Gemona (Italy\ 4
residences, 30 sisters, 5 schools. Sisters of the Im-
maculate Conception of Ivrea (Italy), 3 residences,
35 sisters^ 1 hospital, 2 schools, bisters of the Im-
maculate Conception of Lourdes, 1 residence, 14
sisters, lor the adoration of the Most Blessed Sacra-
ment and care of Sick people. Oblates of the Assump-
tion, 8 residences, 94 sisters, 7 schools, 1 hospital, 1
novitiate for native girls. Oblates of the Assumption
of Ntmes, 15 sisters, 3 schools. Little Sisters of the
Poor, 1 asylum, 16 sisters. Sisters of St. Joseph of
the Apparition, 2 residences, 30 sisters, 2 scnools.
Sisters of St. Joseph of L^^ons, 3 residences, 39 sisters, ,
3 schools, 1 hospital. Sisters of Our Lady of Sion,
120 sisters, 2 residences, 2 boarding, and 2 elementary
schools. Georgian Servants of Our Ladyi 2 resi-
dences, 2 schools, 15 sisters. Bulgarian Eudiaristine
Sisters, 5 residences with schools, 30 sisters. Resur-
rectionist Sisters, 5 sisters, 1 school Missioiiary Sis-
ters of t^e Most Holy Heart of Mary, 8 sisters^ 1
hospital. Most of these residences have dispensanes,
with a physician, where remedies are supplied
gratuitously to the poor. To the works of these
congregations must be added pious works conducted
by lay persons: St. Vincent de Paul (inferences (6 at
Constantinople); the Sympnia, an association which
conducts a school for (Catholic Hellenes, with 90
pupils, various associations and brotherhoods, etc.
The Chbistian City. — CJousi?*, Hisloire de ConttantinapU
depuia JusHnien )U9tu'h la fin de Vempire (8 vob., Paiia, IS/l-
1674): UuTTON, ConeUmHnople (London. 1900); Babtb, Con-
atatUinaiie (Paiu, 1903); Du Canoe, Corutantinopolia chrie-
tiana in De ByzarUina hietoruB scriptortbue (Paiu, 1S87),
XXII: Banduri, Imperium orientaU etve antifuHatea Conetan-
twofMaitawB (2 vol. fol., Venioe, 1729): lioBimiAKii^aquuee
topographique de Conatantinople (lille, 1892); von Hammbji,
Cormtarainopolis und der Bosporoe (Budapest, 1822); Byzan-
TToe, Cowttantinople (Greek, Athens, 1851); CoinrrAirnoB,
Conetantiniade au dtacripUon de ConaUmtiinople aticMime et
modeme (Gonafeantinople, 1846); Richter, Queilen der hyzan-
iininchm Kunnlgeschichie (Vienna, 1897); Gedeon, Ccnalanti'
nople in Bouttras (Greek). Dictionary of Hieiory and Geo-
graphy (Constantinople, 1881), III. 929-1121: Riant. Ezwria
eacm Conetantinopolilanas (Geneva, 1877); Bouvy, Soumnire
cfiretifns de Conatantinople (Paris, 1896); Cupebos, Tradatua
jmttliminarie de patriarchie ConatantinopolitaniM in Ada S8^
ed. Palme, Aasust, I, vi-ix, 1-272; LsQUiKif, Oriene chrio-
iianue (Paris, 1740). I..1-350. Ill, 79a-836; Geoeon, Harpiap.
XtKol vlvaictt (C!onstaniinop1e, 1887).
SiEOEe OF CON0TANTINOPLE. — Gekland, GeMicfUe dee
laUsiniecken Kaiaerreichea von KonaUM$Uinopei (Hamburg. 1904);
Krause, Die Eroberunijen von Konatantmopel^ %ni IS, und 15.
Jahrhundert (Halle, 1860); Pears, The Fall of ConelanUmopU,
being the Story of the Fourth Crueade (London, 1886); Idem.
The Deatruetion of the Greek Empire and the Story tf the Caphire
of Conetantinople by the Turke (London, 1903); arAMA-nADBS.
History of the Capture of Byzantium by the Franke and of Thew
Domination (Greek, Athens, 1885); Kaiuoas. Beoaue on
Jiyzantine Hiatory from the Former to the Latter Capture «/ Con-
OOlTBTAllTniOFIiB
308
OOHSTJJIXXRCIPXJB
ffttfOmopCe (Qnak, Athens, 1894); Vlasto, Lt§ dtmien smun
d€ ConstmntmopU m ms (Puis. 1883): Poujoulat, BiuUrirt
de la conrnMe el de Voccupanon de CotutantinopU vat lu LatMB
(Toun. IsSfi); D'OimiEMANN, ConstanHnopoliM Bdpiea mm de
rAu» ouiu a Baldmno tt Henrico, impenUariInu CcfuttaUmth
pglta u'oumai. 1643): Mordtmann, Bdagtrung und Erobenmg
KoiulantinopeU durch die Turken im Jahre 1U5S (Stuttgart,
1858); Vast, Le ai^e et la prite d» Con»latUinople aapria dea
docuffurUa nouveaux m Revm hittorique. XIII. 1-40.
MopEBN Reuqioub STATuncB. — VAiLHft, Corutantinople
in Diet, de thiol, calh.. III. 1307-1519; Cuinet. La Turquie
d^Aaie (Paris. 1894), iV, 589-705; Misaionea oaQMieoi (Rome,
1907), pp. 137-140; Pioubt, Laa miaaiona eaikel*quea fmactnaaa
ott XIX^ aiide, I, 39-142. 149-184; Bbun, Hiatoire de la
LaHniU da ConatantinopU (PariB, 1904); Hilairk db Baban-
TON, La France oaUioligue en Orient (Parig. 1902); Almanack h
Vuaage dea famillea eatholiquea de ConatanUnople (1901-1906).
For extensive biblionaphiea tee: CJbevax.ubb, Topo-bibl.
(MoDtb^liard, 1904). I, 780-787: Kbcmbachbs, Oeachiehte der
In/zajUiniadien Litteratur (Muniob, 1897), 1068-1144; VailbI!'
ba Diet, de tMol. eaih.. Ill, 1616-1619.
a Vailh6.
Oonstantiiiople, Councils or. — A. Gbnbral
Councils. — ^Four general oounclls of the Church were
held in this city.
I. The First Council of Ck)NSTANTiNOPiiB (Second
General Ouncil) was called in May, 381, by Emperor
Theodosius, to provide for a Catholic BucoeBsion in the
patriarchal See of Constantinople, to confirm ihe Ni-
cene Faith, to reconcile the Semi^Arians with the
Church, and to put an end to the Macedonian heresy.
Originally it was only a coimcil of the Orient; the ar-
guments of Baronius (ad an. 381, noe. 19, 20) to prove
that it was called by Pope Damasus are invalid (H&-
fele-Leclercq, Hist, des Conciles, Paris, 1908, II, 4).
It was attended bv 150 Catholic and 36 heretical
(Semi'Arian, Macedonian) bishops, and was presided
over by Meletius of Antioch; after his death, by the
successive Patriarchs of Constantinople, St. Gregory
Nazianzen and Nectarius. Its first measure was to
confirm St. Gregory Naziansen as Bishop of Constanti-
nople. Tlie Acts of the council have almost entirely
disappeared, and its proceedings are known chiefly
through the accounts of the ecclesiastical historians
Socrates, Sosomeri, and Theodoret. 'Hiere is good
reason to believe that it drew up a formal treatise
(iamos) on tiie Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, also
against Apollinarianism; this important document has
been lost, with the exception of the first canon of the
coundl and its famous creed (NiciBno-Constantino-
politanum). The latter is traditionally held to be an
enlargement of the Nicene Creed, witn emphasis on
the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. It seems, however,
to be of earlier ori^, ana was probably composed
(369-73) by St. Cynl of Jerusalem as an estpression of
the faith of that Cnureh (Bois), though its acioption by
this council gave it special authority, both as a baptis-
mal creed and as a theological formula. Recently
Hamack (Realencyklop&die fUr prot. Theol. und
Kirche, 3rd ed., XI, 12-28) has maintained, on ap-
parently inconclusive grounds, that not till after the
Council of Chalcedon (451) was this creed (a Jerusa-
lem formula with Nicene additions) attributed to the
Fathers of this council. At Chalcedon, indeed, it was
twice recited and appears twice in the Acts of that
council: it was also read and accepted at the Sixth
General Council, held at Constantinople in 680 (see
below). The very ancient Latin version of its text
(Mansi, Coll. Cone, III, 567) is by Dionysius Exisuus.
The Greeks recognize seven canons, but the oldest
Latin versions have only four; the other three are
very probably (Hefele) later additions. The first
canon is an important dogmatic condemnation of all
shades of Arianism, also of Macedonianism and Apol-
linarianism. The second canon renews the Nicene
I^islation imposing upon the bishops the observance
ofdiocesan and patriarchal limits. Hie fourth canon
declares mvalld the consecration of Maximus, the
Cynic philosopher and rival of St. Gregonr of Nazian-
zus, as Bishop of Constantinople. Hie tamous third
canon declares that because Conataotinople is New
Rome the bishop of that city should have a pre-emi-
nenoe of honour after the Bishop of Old Rome. Bar-
onius wrongly maintained the non-authenticity of
this canon, while some medieval Greeks maintained
(an equally erroneous thesis) that it declared the
bishop of the royal city in all things ^e equal of the
pope. The purely human reason of Rome's ancient
authority, suggested by this canon, was never ad-
mitted by the Apostolic See, which always baaed its
claim to supremacy on the succe8sk>n <n St. Peter.
Nor did Rome easily acknowled^ this unjustifiable
reordering of rank among the ancient patriardbates of
the East. It was rejected by the papal legates at
Chalcedon. St. Leo the Great (Ep. cvi m P. L, LIV,
1(X)3, 1005) declared that this canon had never been
submitted to the Apostolic See and that it was a viola-
tion of ihe Nicene order. At the Ei^th General
Council m 869 tile Roman legatee (fiCansi, XVI, 174)
acknowledged Constantinople as second in patriardial
rank. In 1215, at the Fourth Lateran Council (op.
cit., XXII, 991), this was formally admitted for the
new Latin patriarch, and in 1439, at the Council of
Florence, for the Greek patriarch (Hefele-Lederoq,
Hist, des Conciles, II, 25-27). The Roman oomdora
of Gratian (1582), at dist. xxii, c 3, insert the words:
** canon hie ex iis est quos apostolioa Romana sedes a
prinoipio et longo poet tempore non redpit.''
At the close of the council Emperor Tbeodoeius is-
sued an imperial decree (30 July) dedaring tiiat the
churches should be restored to those bishops who con-
fessed the eq|ual Divinity of the Father, tne Son, and
the Holy Spirit, and who held communion with Nec-
tarius of Constantinople and oth«r important Oriental
prelates whom he named. The oecumenical character
of this council seems to date, amone the Greeks, from
the Council of CHialcedon (451). According to Pho-
tins (Mansi, III, 596) Pope Damasus approved it, but
if any part of the council were approved by this pope
it could have been only the aforesaid creed. In the
latter half of the fifth oentury the successors of Leo
the Great are silent as to this council. Its mention in
the so-called '^Decretum Gelasii", towards the end of
the fifth century, is not orginal but a later insertion in
that text (Hefele). Gregorv the Great, foUowin^ the
example of Vigilius and Peiag^us II, reco^oiied it as
one of the four general councils, but only in its do^
matio utterances (P. G., LXXVII, 468, 893). (See
Sehi- Arianism; Macedonians; Gmbgost of Nazi-
ANZUB, Saint; Leo I, Saint, Pope; Theodosius
THE Great.
Hbfbub, Concaienoaadi. (Freiburs, 1875). II, 1-^ Ens. tr.
(Edinbuiyfa, 1876), vol. II: and Lbcubroq's Fr. tr. (PmoA,
1908). IlT 1-18. NoD-CaUiolic: Bukn, hUroduction to the
Creeda and The Te Deum (London, 1899); Hobt, Two lyiaaerla-
(ion«. etc. (London. 1876): II. The Conatantinpppktan Creed
and Other Creeda a^ the Fourth Century (London. 1^6) ; Bbigqt.
Canona of the Firat Four General CauneHa (Oxford, 1892);
Bethune, The Homoouaioa in the Conatantinopotiiam Creed
(London. 1906).
II. The Second Council of Conbtamtinoplb
(Fifth (jeneral Council) was held at Constantinople
(5 May~2 June, 553), having been called by Emperor
Justiman. It was attendeamostly by Oriental oish-
ops ; only six Western (African) bishops were present.
Tne president was Eutychius, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople. This assembly was in realitjr only the last
phase of the lon^ and violent conflict inaugurated by
the edict of Justmian in 543 against Origemsm (P. G.,
LXXXVI, 945-90). The emperor was persoaded
that Nestorianism continued to draw its streng^ f rcnn
the writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia (d. 428} , Tbeo-
dorst of C^ruB (d. 457), and Ibas of Edessa (d. 457).
also from the personal esteem in which the mst two
of these ecclesiastical writers were yet held by many.
The events which led to this council will be narrated
more fully in the articles VioiLnm, Pope and in ItexE
Chapters ; only a brief accotmt will be given hoe.
Fnnn 25 Jan., 547, Pope Vigitius was forcibly de-
OOVSTAimROFLl
309
OOMSTAimKOPU
tained in the royal city; he had originaUy refused to
participate in the condemnation of the Three Chapters
(i. e. brief statements of anathema upon Theodore of
Mopsuedtia and his writinn, upon Tl^odoret of Cyrus
ana his writings against St. Cyril of Alexandria and
the CouncU of Ephesus, and upon the letter written
by Ibas of Edessa to Maris, Bishop of Hardasdhir in
Persia). Later (by his '* Judicatum'\ 11 April, 64S)
Vigilius had condemned the Three Chapters (the doc-
trine in question being reallv censurable), but he ex-
pressly maintained the authority of the Council of
Chalcedon (461) wherein Theodoret and Iba» — but
after the condemnation of Nestorius — htoA been re-
stored to their places; in the West much discontent
was called forth by this step which seemed a weaken-
ing before the civil power in purely ecclesiastical
matters and an injustice to men lonp; dead and judged
bv God; it was all the more objectionable as the
w estem mind had no accurate knowledge of the theo-
logical situation ambi^ the Qreeks of that day. In
consequence of this Vigilius had persuaded Justinian
to return the aforesaid papal document and to pro-
claim a truce on all sides until a general coimeil could
be called to decide these controyersies. Both the
emperor and the Greek bishops violated this promise
of neutrality; the former, in particular, pumisliii^
(551) his famous edict, 'OftokiytBi rijt wtrrtmy con-
demning anew the Three Copters, and refusing to
withdraw the same.
For his digpoified protest Vigilius thereupon suffered
various personal indignities at the hands of ihe dvU
authority and neariy lost lus life; he retired finally
to ChaloiBdon, in the very church of St. Euphemia
where the great coimcil nad been held, whence he
informed the Christian worid of the state of affairs.
Soon the Oriental bishops sou^t reconciliation wi^
him, induced him to return to the city, and withdrew
all that had hitherto been done against the Three
Chapters;, the new patriarch, Eutyohius, successor
to Hennas^ whose weakness and subserviency were
the immediate cause of all this violence and comusion,
presented (6 Jan., 553) his profession of faith to
Vigilius and. in union with other Oriental bishops,
urged the calling of a ^neral council under the prasi-
dency of the pope. Vigilius was willing, but proposed
that it should be held either in Italy or in Siciiy,'in
order to secure the attendance of Western bishops.
To this Justinian would not agree, but proposed,
instead, a kind of commission noade up of delegates
from each of the great patriarchates; Vigilius sug-
gested that an equal number be chosen fton the East
and the West; but this was not acceptable to the
emptor, who thereupon opened the council by his
own autnority on the date and in the manner men-
tioned above. Vidlius refused to participate, not
only on account of the overwhelminqg proportion of
Oriental bishops, but ^so from fear of violence; more-
over, none of ms predecessors had ever taken part
personally in an Oriental council. To this decision
he was faithful, though he expressed his wUlingnesB
to give an independent judgment on the matters at
issue. Eight sessions were held, the result of which
waa the final condemnation of the Three Chapters by
the 165 bishops present at the last session (2 June,
553), in fourteen anathematisms similar to the thir-
teen previously issued by Justinian.
In the meantime Vigilius had sent to the emperor
(14 May) a document known as the first "Constitu-
tum" (Mansi, IX, 61-106), signed by himself and
sixteen, mostly Western, bishops, in which sixty
heretical propositions of Theodore of Mopsuestia were
condemned, and, in five anathematisms, his Christo-
logical teacnings repudiated; it was forixidden, how-
ler, to condemn his person, or to proceed further in
condemnation of the writings or the penon of Theo*
doret, or of the letter of Ibas. It seemed indeed,
under the circumstances, no easy task to denounce
fitting!]^ the certain errors of the great Antiocheow
theologian and his followers and yet uphold the repu-
tation and authority of the Council of Chalcedon.
which had been content with obtaining the essentials
of submission from all sy£apathizers with Nestorius,
but for that veiy reason had never been forgiven by
the Monophysite opponents of Nestorius and his
heresy, who were now in league with the numerous
eneniies of Origen, and until the death (548) of Theo-
dora had enjoyed the support of that influential
enipress.
The decisions of the council were executed with a
violence in keeping with its conduct, though the
ardently hoped-tor reconciliation of the Monophysites
did not follow. Vigilius, together with other oppo-
nents of the imperiaiwiD, as registered by the subser-
vknt eourtrprelates, seems to have been banished
(Hefele, II, 905), toother with the faithful bishops
and eodesiastics of his suite, either to Upper Egypt
or to an island in the Propontis. AlreiEuly in the
seventh session of the council Justinian caused the
name of Violins to be stricken from the diptyohs,
without prejudice, however, it was said, to com-
munion with the Apostolic See. Soon the Roman
clergy and pei^le, now freed by Narses from the
OotEic yoke, requested the emperor to permit the
return of the pope, which Justiman agreed to on
condition that vigilius would recognize the late coun-
cil. This Vigilius finally agreed to do, and ut, two
documents (a letter to Eutychius of ConstantinDple,
8 Deo., 553, and a second ''Constitutum'' of 23 Feb.,
554, probably addressed to the Western e^Hscopate)
condemned, at last, the Three Chapters (Mansi, IX,
414-20, 457-88; ef. Hefele, II, 90&~11), indepen-
dently, however, and without mention d the council.
His opposition had never been based on doctrinal
grounds but on the decency and opportuneness d the
measures proposed, the wrongful imperial violence,
and a delicate fear of injury to the authority of the
Council of Chalcedon, especially in the West. Here,
indeed, despite the admtional recognition of it by
Pelagius I (555-60), the Fifth General CounoU only
gradually acquired in public opinion an cecumenical
character. In Northern Italy the ecdesiastioal prov-
inces of Milan and Aauileia broke off communion with
the ApoetoKe See; tne former yielding only towards
the end of the sixth eentury, whereas the latter
(Aquileia^Grado) protracted its resistance to about
700 (Hefele, op. cit., IL 911-27). (For an equitable
apptedatioD ol the conduct of Vigilius see, besides the
article VrsiLniB, the judgment of Bois, in DicU de
thM. catfa., II, 1238-39.) The pope was always
correct aa to the doctrine involved, and yielded, lor
^16 sake of peace, only when he was satisfied that there
was no fear for the authority of Chalcedon, which he
at first, with the eniiie West, deemed in peril from
the machinations of the Monophvsites.
The orif^nal Greek Acts of the council are lost,
but there is esrtant a very old Latin version, probably
contemporarv and made for the use of Viflalius, cer-
tainly quoted by his successor Peiagius I. Tne Baluse
ecfition is reprinted in Mansi, ''Coll. Cone", IX, 163
sqq. In the next General Council of Constantino!^
(^0) it was foimd that the original Acts d the Fifth
Council had been tampered with (Hefele, op. cit., II,
855-58) in favour of Monothelism; nor is it certain
that in tiieir present shape we have them in their
original completeness (ibid., pp. 859-60). This has
a TOaring on the much disputed question concemiitt
the coodemnation of Ongenism at this 'couneuT
Hefele, moved b^ the antiquity and persistency of
the imorts of Oneen's condemnation, maintains (p.
861) with Cardinal Noris, that in it Origen was con-
demned, but only en paaaarU, and that his name in the
eleventh anathema is not an interpolation!
The cbi«f sbaroeB are tSie writinsi of the oontempomty WeM-
em (AfrieMi) Faookdus of H«bmt*w», J^ defm&» iriumamm'
CX>N8TANTIN0PLE
310
OOiraTANTIlfOPLE
Liber conlm Mulianum; and Jipisl. fudki oath. — all in /*. X«.,
LXVII, 527 aqq.; and the Carthaginian deacon Foloentius
FamuNDua, EpUl. ad Pdagium et Anaiol, in P. L., LXVII,
921 0qq. See Fumkbb, Papal Viffiliw und der DnikapikUlnU
(Munich, 1864); Visceszi, In 8, Qrtg. Ny»8. et Origen. aeri^
H dodtr. mova reeenaio, cum, append, de actis Vcecum. concUii
(Rome, 1865); Duchesne^ ^i^ el P^oife in Revue dee queeU
1884). J&XVJ, 860. with noly ai OHAUMa^,
640, and the counter-reply of Dd " "
E- Etude eur U pape Yigtle (Ai
KNEcarr, Dte RdimonspciiHk Kaieer Juatiniane I. (WOnbuis,
ibid.
679;
aL (Louvain,
id.,XXXVlU
'9; LftvE^uE.
CBEBME, ibid.,
(Amiena, 1887);
1806); D^BKAMP, Die origeniaHatiten Streitigkeiten im VL Jafi^
hundert (Mttnster, 1890).
III. The Third Council of Constantinoflb
(Sixth General Council) was summoned in 678 by Em-
peror Constantine Pogonatus, with a view of restoring
between East and West the religious harmony that
had been troubled by the Monothelistic oontroversies,
and pMBirticiUarly b^ the violence of his predecessor
0[>nstans II, whose imperial edict, known as the '"ly-
pus" (64S-49) was a practical suppression of the or-
thodox truth. Owing to the desiie of Pope Agatho to
obtain the adhesion of his Western brethren, the papal
legates did not arrive at Constantinople until late in
680. The council, attended in the banning by 100
bishops, later by 174, was opened 7 Nov., 680. in a
domed hall (trtulua) of the imperial palace and was
presided over by the (three) papal legates who broudit
to the council a Ions dopxiatic letter of Pope Agatho
and another of umuar unport from a Roman synod
held in the spring of 680. They were read in the sec-
ond session. Both letters, the pope's in particular,
insist on the faith of the Apostolic See as the living and
stainless tradition of the Apostles of Cluist, assured by
the promises of Christ, witnessed by all the popes in
their capacity of successors to the Petrine privilMp of
eonfirmmg the brethren, and therefore finally autaoii-
tative for the Universal Church.
The greater part of the eighteen sessions was de-
voted to an examination of the Scriptural and patriae
tic passages bearing on the question of one or two
wills, one or two operations, in Christ. George, Patri-
arch of Constantinople, soon yielded to the evidence
of the orthodox teacninyg oonoeming the two wills and
two operations in Christ, but Macarius of Antioch,
''almcwt the onljr certain representative of Monothel-
ism since the nme propositions of Qyrus of Alexan-
dria" (Chapman), resisted to the end, and was finally
anathconatised and deposed for " not consenting to the
tenor of the orthodox letters sent by Agatho the most
holy pope of Rome", i. e., that in each of the two na-
tures (human and Divine) of Christ there is a perfect
operation and a perfect will, against which the Mono-
tnelites had taught that there was but one operation
and one will (/da M/tyeta 9€ap9piK^) quite in oonso-
nance with the Monophysite confusion of the two na-
tures in Christ. In tne thirteenth session (28 March,
681) after anathematising the chief Monothdite here-
tics mentioned in the aforesaid letter of Pope Agatho,
i. e. Sergius of Constantinople, Cyrus of Alexandria,
Pyrrhus, Paul, and Peter of (!k)n8tantinople, and Theo-
dore of Pharan, the council added: "And in addition
to these we decide that Honorius also, who was Pope
of Elder Rome, be with them cast out of the Holy
Church of God, and be anathematised with them, be-
cause we have found by his letter to Sergius that he
followed his opinion in all things and confirmed his
wicked dogmas." A similar ocmdemnation of Pope
Honorius occurs in the dogmatic decree of the final
session (16 Sept., 681), which was signed bv the legates
and the emperor. Reference is here made to the fa-
mous letter c^ Honorius to Serous of Constantinople
about 634, around which has arisen (especially before
and duHng the Vatican Council) so laiige a oontcover-
otol UteractuK. It had been invoked three times in
previous sessions of the council in question by the
stubborn MonotheMte Macarius ci Antiodi, and had
been publicly read in the twelfth session together with
the letter of Sergius to which it replied. On that oo-
i a second letter ol Honorius to Sergius was also
read, of which onl^ a fragment has survived. (For
the question of this pope's orthodoxy, see HovoRir.^
I;lNirALUBiuTT; Monothbutes.)
There has been in the past, owing to (jalUc&nism
and the opponents ol papal .infallibility, much con>
troversy concerning the proper sense of this oouncil'a
condemnation of Pope Honorius, the theory (Baxo-
nius, Dambei^ger) of a falsification of the Acts being
now quite abandoned (HeCele, III, 299-^13). Some
have maintained, with Pennaochi, that he was indeed
condemned as a heretic, but that the Oriental bishops
of the council misunderstood the thoroughly orthodox
(and dogmatic) letter of Honorius; othere. withi He-
fele, that the council condemned the neretically
soundins expressions of the pope (though his doctrine
was reaSy orthodox); others finally, with Chapman
(see below), that he was condemned "because he did
not, as he should have done, declare authoritatively
the Petrine tradition of the Roman Church. To that
tradition he had made no appeal but had merely ap-
proved and enlarged upon the half-hearted oQQipn>-
mise of Sergius, . . • Neither the pope nor the coun-
cil consider that Honorius had compronused the purity
of the Roman tradition, for he had never claimed to
re|»esent it. Therefore, just as to-day we judge the
letters of Pope Honorius bv the Vatiean definition and
deny them to be ax caihedrd, because they do not de-
fine any doctrine and impose it upon the whole Church,
so the Christians of the seventh century judged the
same letters by the custom of their day, and saw that
they did not daim what papal letters were wont to
claun, via., to speak with the mouth of Peter in the
name of Roman tradition'' (Chapman).
The letter of the council to Pqpe Leo, asking, after
the traditional manner, for confirmation of its Acts,
while including again the name of Honorius among the
condemned Monothelites, lavs a remarkable stress on
the ma^t^al office of the Roman Church, as, in gen-
eral, the documents of the Sixth General Council fa-
vour stron^y the inerrancy of the See of Peter. " Ihe
Council'', says Dom Chapman, "accepts the letter in
which the Pope defined the faith. It deposes those
who refused to ftocept it. It asks [the pope] to con-
firm its decisions. The Bishops and Emperor declare
that they have seen the letter to contain the doctrine
of the Fathers. Agatho speaks with the voice of Pe-
.ter himself ; from Rome the law had gone forth as out
oi Sion; Peter had kept the faith unaltered." Pope
Agatho died during the council and was succeeded by
Leo II, who confirmed (683) the decrees against Mono-
ihelism, and expressed himself even more narshly than
the council towards the memory of Honorius (Hefde,
Chapman), though he laid stress chiefly on the n^lect
of that pope to set forth the traditional teaching of the
Apostolic See. whose spotless faith he treasonably
tried to overthrow (or, as the Greek may be tran»>
lated, permitted to be overthrown).
The Acts of the CouncU an in the eleventh volume of Mansi.
Coil. Cone. The most complete presentation of its history is in
Hepeli;. ConcUienoeechidite (2nd ed., Freiburg, 1877), III.
burg, 1864); PSNNACCHI, be Honorii I Rom. PonStif. caved m
Cone. VI (Rome, 1870); HsBoaNBOiHGs-KiiiacH, Kirehen-
oeach, (4th ed.. Fnibunc 1904), I, 633-38: Mabsbau., Hoi^
oriua and Liberiua in Am. Cath. QuarteHy Rev. (Philadelphia,
1804). XIX, 8^-^2; Bottalla. Pope Honoriua before the Tribu'
not of Reaaon and Hialory (London, 1864); DOlunqbi (Old
CathoUo), FaUea reapeeting the Pcpee in the Miidle Agea, Ameri-
can ed. of the Papatfabdn (New York. 1872), 22^-48; Chaf-
if AN, The Condemnatton of Pope Honoriua in Dublin Review for
1007, and r^rinted by the London Cath. Tbuih Socnmr.
1907; OmaAK in Kirehenie*,, VI, 230 am. For the exteiuive
Honorius literature, see (^evausr, £to-dw., 8.V.
IV. TniB FouRTB Council of Constantikoplb
(Eighth General Council) was opMied. I» Oct., $69, in
the Cathedral of Saint Sophia, under tne presidency of
the legates of Adrian II. During the preceding de*
cade grave irregtilarities had occurred at Constantl*-
nople, among wem the deposition of the Patriarch
OORSTAKTINOFLB
311
QOHBTiOnaOllfLM
Ignatius and the intrusion of Photius, whose violent
xneafiures against the Roman Church culminated in
the attempted deposition (867) of Nicholas I. The
accession m that year of a new emperor, Basil the
Macedonian, chan^ the situation, p<^tieal and ec-
clesiaBtical. Fhotius was interned in a monastery;
Ignatius was recalled, and friendly relations were re-
sumed with the Apostolic See. Both Ignatius and
Basil sent representatives to Rome asking for a gen-
eral council. After holding a Rtmian synod (June,
869) in which Photius was again condemned, the pope
sent to Constantinople three legates to premde in his
name over the counml. Besides the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople there were present the representatives of
the Patnardis of Antioch and Jerusalem and, towmxls
the end, also the representatives of the Patriarch of
Alexandria. The attendance of Ignatian biidiops was
small enough in the begimiing; indeed there were
never more than 102 bishops present.
Hie legates were asked to exhibit their commission,
which they did; then th^ presented to the memboiB
of the council the famous formula (UbeBua) of Pope
Hormisdas (514-23), binding its si^iatories ''to fol*
low in everything the Apostouc See of Rome and teach
all its laws ... in which conmiunion is ihe whole, realy
and perfect solidity of the Cluristian religk>n". The
Fathers of the council were required to sign thb docu-
ment, which had originally be^ drawn up to dose ike
Acacian schism. Ine earlier sessions were occupied
with the reading of important documents, tho recon-
ciliation of Ignatian bishops who had fallen away to
Photius, the exclusion of some Photian prelates, and
the refutation c^ the false statements of two fonner
envovB of Photius to Rome. In the fifth sessbn Pho-
tius nimself unwillingly appeared, but when ques-
tioned observed a deep silence or answered only in a
few brief words, pretendine blasphemously to imitate
the attitude and speech of Christ before Caiphas and
Pilate. Through his representatives he was given an-
other hearing in the next session ; they appealed to the
canons as above the pope. In the seventh session he
c^peared again, this time with his oonsecarator Qeorge
Asoestas. Thcry appealed, as before, to the ancient
canons, refused to recognize the presence or authority
of the Roman li^ates, and rejected the authority (h
the Roman Churdi, though they offered to render an
account to the emperor. As rhotius would tiot re-
nounce his usurpea daim and recognise the rightful
patriarch Ignatius, the former Roman excommunica-
tions of him were renewed by the council, and he was
banished to a monastery on the Bosporus, whence he
did not cease to denounce the council as a triumph of
lying and impiety, and by a very active correspond-
ence kept up the courage of his followers, until in 877
the death of Ignatius opened the way for his return to
power. loonoclasm, in its last remnants, and the in-
tof erence of the civil authority^ in ecclesiastical affairs
were denounced by the counoiL The tenth and last
session was held in the presence of the emperor, his
son Constantine, the Bulgarian king, Micnael, and
the ambassadors of Emperor Louis II.
The twenty-seven canons of this council deal partly
with the situation created by Photius and partly witn
eeneral points of discipline or abuses. The decrees of
Nicholas I and Adrian II against Photius and in
favour of Ignatiurl were read and confirmed, the Pho-
tian derics deposed, and those ordained by Photius
reduced to lay communion. The council issued an
Encydical to all the faithful, and wrote to the pope
requesting his confirmation of its Acts. The pajxd
legates signed its decrees, but with reservation of the
papal action. Here, for the first time, Rome recog^
idxd the andent claim of Constantinople to the sec*
ond place among Ihe five great patriarchates. Greek
pride, however, was offended by the compulsory
sisnatme of the af oresud Roman tormulary of recon-
ciliation, and in a subsequent conference of Greek
ecclesiastical and civil authorities the newly-converted
Bi^barians were declared subject to the Patriardiate
of Constantinople and not to Rome. Though restored
by the Apostouc See, Ignatius proved ungrateful, and
in this important matter sided with the other Eastem
patriarchs in consummating, for political reasons, a
notable injustice; the territory henceforth known as
Bulgaria was in reality part of the ancient lUyria that
had always bdonged to the Roman patriarchate untfl
the loonodast Leo III (71S-41) violently withdrew it
and made it subject to Constantinople, ienatius very
soon consecrated an archbishop for the BuMsarians and
sent thither many Cheek missionaries, whereupon the
Latin bishops and priests were obliged to retire. On
their way home the papal legfttes were plundered and
imprisoned; they had, however, given to the care of
Anastasius, Librarian of the Roman Qiurch (present
as a membor of the Prankish embassv) most of the
mibmiBBion-signatures of the Greek bifiuops. We owe
to him the lAtin remon of these documents and a
copy of the Greek Acts of the council which he also
translated and to whidi is due most of our document-
ary knowledge of the proceedings. It was in vain
that Adrian il and his successor threatened Ignatius
with severe penalties if he did not withdraw from
Bulgaria his Greek bishops and priests. The Roman
Church never r^ained the vast regions she then lost.
(See Photius; IaNATiireoFCk)NBTANTiNOPLB; Nich-
olas I.)
HEBQBNSdVHKR, PkoHut (Ratiflboo, 1867-00), I, 373 a^q^
505 sqq.. and vol. 11: Idem, MonumerUa Graea ad Photium
2*tuque historiam perhnerUia (Ratiabon, 1800); Toan, Storia
iU* oriffine dello aciama greco (Florenoe. 1856); Hsfblb, Con-
cUiengMch. (2nd ed., Frabuic. 1877). IV, 436 aqa.; Mxlmaj«
(Proteatant). HiaUnv of Latin ChriiHanitu, Bk. V, ch. iv; Nob-
den (Proteatant), PapsUum und Bytanz (Berlin. 1003); FoA-
TSBCVB, The Orthodox BatUnt Church (London, 1007), 166-61.
B. Particular Counciui of Constantinoplii;.— L
In the summer of 382 a council of ihe Oriental bishops,
convoked by Hieodosiusi met in the imperial city.
We still have its important profession of laith, often
wrongly attributed to the Second General (Council
(i. e. at C<»istaniinople in the preceding year), ex-
hibiting the dootrinal agreement of all the Chnstian
churches: also two canons (v and vi) wronsiy put
among tne canons of the Second General Uouncil
[Hefele-Leeleroq, Hist, des Ck>nciles, Paris, 1907, II
(i), B^-S&l. In the summer of the next year (383)
Theodosius convoked another council, with the nope
of uniting all factions and parties amons the Christians
on the basis of a general acceptance of the teachings
of the Ante-Nicene Fathers. He met with a qualified
success (Socrates, V, 10; Hefele-Ledercq, op. cit.,
63-65): among the most stubborn of those who
resisted was Eunomius (see Eunomianism).
II. The council, held in 692, under Justinian II is
generally known as the CouncU in TruUo, because it
was held in the same don^ hall where the Sixth
General Council had met (see above). Both the Fifth
and tiie Sixth (jeneral Councils had omitted to draw
up disciplinaiy canons, and as this council was in-
tended to complete both in this respect, it also took
the name of Quinisext (0>nc£Uum Quinisextum, Z^i^
^ vcrMrrif), i. e. Fifth-Sixth. It was attended by
215 bishops, all Orientals. Basil of Crort3pa in Ulyria,
however, belonged to the Roman patriarchate and
called himself papal legate, though no evidence is
extant of his right to use a title that in the East served
to dothe the decrees with Roman authority. In fact,
the West never recognised the 102 disciplinary canons
of this council) in large measure reaffirmations of
earlier canons. Most of the new canons exhibit an
inimical attitude towards Churches not in disciplinai}'
accord with Constantinople, especially the Western
Churches. Their customs are anathematized and
''every little detail of difference is remembered to be
ccmdemned" (Fortescue). Canon iii of Constanti-
nople (381) and canon xxviii of (^halcedon (451) are
OOVSTAHtnrOFLX
312
omsfjanmonM
renewedi the heresy of Honorius is again condcnmed
(can. i), and marriage with a heretic is invalid because
Rome says it is merely unlawful; Rome had recog-
niaed fifty of the Apostolic Canons ; therefore the other
thirty-five obtain recognition from this council, and
as inspired teaching (see Canons, Apostolic).
In the matter of celibacy the Greek prelates are not
content to let the Roman Church follow its own dis-
cipline, but insist on making a rule (for the whc^
Church) that all clerics except bishops may continue
in wedlock, while they excommunicate anyone who
tries to separate a priest or deacon from his wife, and
any cleric who leaves his wife because he is ordidned
(can. iii, vi, xii, xiii, xlviii). The Orthodox Crreek
Church holds this council an oecumenical one, and
adds its canons to the decrees of the Fifth and Sixth
Councils. In the West St. Bede calls it (De sextA
mundi state) a reprobate ssmod, and Paul the Deacon
(Hist. Lang., VI, p. 11) an erratic one. Dr. Fortescue
riditly says (op. cit. below, p. 96) that intolerance
of all other customs with the wish to make the whole
(Christian world conform to its own local practices has
always been and still is a characteristic note of the
Byzantine Church. For the attitude of the popes,
substantially identical, in face of the various attempts
to obtain their approval of these canons, see Hefele,
"Conciliengesch.'' (HI, 345-48).
III. In 754 the Iconoclast Emperor Constantine V
called in the imperial city a council of 338 bishops^
Throng cowaroice and servility th^ approved tne
heretical attitude of the emperor and his father Leo
III, also the arguments of the Iconoclast party and
their measures against the defenders of tne sacred
images. They anathematized St. Germanus of Con-
stantinople and St. John Damascene, and denoimced
the orthodox as idolaters, etc. ; at the same tune they
resented the spoliation of the churches imder pretext
of destroying images (see Iconoclasm).
IV. For the three Photian s3mods of 861 (deposition
of Ignatius), 867 (attempted deposition of Nicholas
I), and 879 (recognition of Photius as lawful patri-
ardi), recognized by the Greeks as Eighth General
Council in opposition to the council of ^-70, \Hiich
they continue to abominate, see Photiub.
V. In 1639 and 1672 councils were held by the
Orthodox Greeks at Constantinople condemnatory of
the Calvinistic confession of Cyril Lucaris and his
followers. (See Semnoz, ''Les demidres annto du
patr. Cyrille Lucar" in •'Echos d'Orient" (1903), VI,
97-117, and Fortescue, "Orthodox Eastern Church"
(London, 1907), 267].
Tromas J. Shahan
0oxi8tantinople» Creed of. See Nigene Creed.
Oonstantinople, The Rite of (or Byzantine
Rite), the Liturgies, Divine Office, forms for the ad-
ministration of sacraments and for various blessings,
sacramentals, and exorcisms, of the Church of Con-
stantinople, which is now, after the Roman Rite, l^
far the most widely spread in the world. With one
insignificant exception — ^the Litur^ of St. James is
used once a year at Jerusalem and Zakynthos (Zacvn-
thus) — it is followed exclusively by all Orthodox
Churches, by the Melkites (Melchites) in Syria and
EsTpt, the Uniats in the Balkans and the Italo-Greeks
in Ualabria, Apulia, Sicily, and Corsica. So that more
than a hundred millions of Christians perform their
devotions according to the Rite of Constantinople.
I. History. — ^This is not one of the original parent-
rites. It is derived from that of Antioch. Even apart
from the external evidence a comparison of the two
litur^es will show that Constantinople follows Anti-
och m the disposition of the parts. There are two
original Eastern types of liturgy: that of Alexandria,
in which the great Intercession comes before the Con-
secration, and that of Antioch, in which it foUows after
the Epiklesis. The Byzantine use in both its Litui^
giee (of St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom) foUows ex-
actlv the order of Antioch. A number of other par-
aUeis make the fact of this derivation clear from inter-
nal evidence, as it is from external witness. The tra-
dition of the Chureh of Constantinople ascribes the
oldest of its two litumes to St. Basil the Great (d.
379), Metropolitan of Csesarea in Cappadocia. This
tradition is confirmed by contemporary evidence. It
is certain that St. Basil made a refonnation of the
Lituigy of his Church, and that the Byzantine aervioe
calledafter him represents his refoimedLituigy in its
chief parts, although it has undei]gone further modifi-
cation since his time. St. Basil Imnself speaks cm sev-
eral occasions of the changes he made in tne servioea of
CsBsarea. He writes to thecleigy of Neo-Cssarea in
Pontus to complain of opposition against himaelf an
account of the new way ot singiog psalms introduced
by his authority (Ep. Basilii, cvii, Patr. Gr., XXXII,
763). St. Gregory of Naziansos (Nasianaen, d. 390)
says that Basd had reformed the order of prayers
UdxQp ««lraf€f-Orat. xx, P. G„ XXXV. fHl).
Gregory of Nyssa (died o. 395) compares his brother
Basil with Samud because he "carerully arranged the
form of the Service'' ('Icpovp7k, In laudem fr. Has.,
P. G., XLVI, 808). Proklos (Proclus) of Constanti-
nople (d. 446) writes: "When the ereat BasO . . .
saw the carelessness and degeneracy oFmen who feared
the length of the lituipy — ^not as if he thought it too
long — he shortened its form, so as to remove the weari-
ness of the clergy and assistants" (De traditjone di>
vinie Misss, P. (i., XLV, 849). The first question
that presents itself is: What rite was it that Basil
modined and shortened? Certainly it was that used
at Caesarea before his time. And this was a local form
of the ^at Antiochene use, doubtless with many
local variations and additions. That the original rite
that stands at the head of this Hne of development is
that of Antioch is proved from the disposition of the
present Liturgy of St. Basil, to which we have already
referred ; from the fact that, before the rise of the Pa-
triarehate of Constantinople, Antioch was the head of
the Churohes of Asia Minor as well as of Syria (and in-
variably in the East the patriarchal see gives the
norm in lituigical matters, followed and then gradu-
ally modified by its suffragan Churches); and lastly
by the absence of any other source. At the head of
ail Kastem rites stand the uses of Antioch and Alex*
andria. Lesser and later Churches do not invent an
entirely new service for themselves, but form their
practice on the model of one of these two. Syria,
Palestine, and Asia Minor in liturgical matters derive
from Antioch, just as Egypt, Ab^^inia, and Nubia do
from Alexandria. The two Antiochene lituigies now
extant are (1) that of the Eighth Book of the Apos-
tolic Constitutions and (2), pc^allel to it in every way,
the Greek Liturgy of St. James (see Antiochene Lit-
xjrot). These are the starting-points of the develop-
ment we can follow. But it is not to be supposed that
St. Basil had before him either of these services, as
they now stand, when he made the changes in ques-
tion. In the first place, his source is rather the Lit-
urgy of St. James tnan that of the Apostolic Constitu-
tions. There are parallels to both in the Basilian
Rite; but the likeness is mudi greater to that of St.
James. From the beginning of the Eucharistic
grayer (Vere diqnwn ei jualum est, 6\u Preface) to the
ismissaL Basil's order is almost exactly that of
James. But the now extant lituigy of St. James
(in Brightman, ''liturgies Eastern and Western"
31-^) has itself been considerably modified in later
years. Its eariier part espedallv (the Lituigy of the
Catechumens and the Offertory) is certainly later than
the time of St. Basil In any case, then, vc n?ust go
back to the anginal Antiochene Rite aa the source.
But neither was this the immediate origin of the re-
form. It must be remembered that all living rites are
subject to gradual modification through use. The
OOVBTAirnVOFIJI
313
outliiie and frame remain; into thiBirame new prayeni
are fitted. As a general rule liturgies keep the disposi-
tioo of their parts, but tend to change the text of the
prayers. St. Baml took as the basis of his reform the
use of GsBsarea in the fourth century. There is reason
to believe that that use, while retaining the epsential
Older of the original Axrtiochene service, had already
considerably modified various parts, especially the
actual prayers. We have seen, for instance, that
Basil shortened the litursnr. But the service that
bears his name is not at aU shorter than the present
one of St. James. We may, then, suppose that by htt
time the Liturgy of Cnsuea had been oonaidenbly.
lengthened by additional prayers (this is the conunon
development of LitiHgies). When we say, then, that
the rite of Constantinople that bears his name is the
Liturgv of St. James as modified by St. Basil, it must
be understood that Basil is rather the chief turning*
point in its development than the only author of the
change. It had alread^r passed through a period of
development before his time, and it has developed fur-
ther since. Nevertheless, St. Basil and his re£onn of
the rite of his own city are the starting-point of the
spedal use of Constantinople.
A comparison of the present lituigv of St. Basil
with earlser allusions shows that in its «bief parts it ib
really the service composed by him. Peter the Dea^
con, who was sent bv the Scythian monks to Pope
Honnisdas to defend a famous formula they had
drawn up ("One of the Trinity was crucified") about
the year 512, writes: ''The blessed Basil, Bishc^ of
CflBsarea, says in the praver of the holy altar which is
used by nearly the wnde East: Give, oh Locd,
strength and protection ; make the bad good, we pniyi
keep the sood in their virtue; for Thou oanst oo ail
Uiings, and no one can withstand Thee ; Thou dost save
whom Thou wilt and no one can hinder Thy will"
(Petri diac. Ep. ad Fulgent, vii, 26, in P, L., LXV,
449). This is a compilation of three texts in the B»-
silian lituiigy: Keep the good in their virtue; make
the bad aooacy iky mercy (Brightman, op. oiU, pp. 333^
334) ; the words: Givty O Lord, strength and protection
come several times at the beginning of prayers; and
the last words sae an acclamation made by the dioir
or people at the end of several (Renaudot, I, p.
xxxvii). The Life of St. Basil ascribed to Aaphi-
lochioe (P. O., XXIX, 301, 302) quotes as composed
by him the begiiming of the Introduetion-prayer and
that of the Elevation exactly as they are in tne existing
Liturgy (Bri^tman, 319, 341). The Second CowMal
of Nicsa (787) says: ''As all priests of the holy Lit-
uigy know, Basil sajw in the prayer of the Divine Ana-
phora: We approach with confidence to the holy
altar . . . ". The prayer is the one that follows the
Anamnesis in St. Basil's Liturgy (Brightman, p. 329.
Ct. Hardouin, IV, p. 371).
From these and similar indications we conclude that
the Litur^ of St. Basil in its oldest extant fonn m'
substantiSuv authentic, namely, from the beginning
of the Anapnora to the Communion. The Mass of the
Catechum^is and the Offertory iNrayers have devel-
oped siace his death. St. Gregory Naaiaiuwn, in de-
scribing the saint's famous encounter with Yalens at
CsBsarea, in 372, describes the Offertory as a simpler
rite, accompanied with psalms sung by the people out
without aa audible Offertory prayer (€hreg. Nas.,Or.,
riiii, 52, P. G., XXXVI, 661). This oldest form of
^eBastlian Liturgy is contained in a manuscript of
the Barberini Library of about the year 800 (MS., Ill,
55, reprinted in Brishtman, 309-344). The Lituivy
of St Basil now used in the Orthodox and Melkite (or
Meldiite) Churehes (Euchok>gion, Venice, 1898, pp.
75^7; Brightman, 400-411) 1s printed after that of
St. ChiTiostom and differs fhxn it onlv in the prayers
said br the priest, diiefly in the Anaphora; it has re-
ceivea furuier unimportant modifications. It is
probable that even before the time of St. Jdm Chiysos-
tom the Liturgy of Basil was used at Constantinople.
We have seen^at Peter the Deaoon mentk>ns that it
was '<used by nearly the whole Bast". It would
seem that the importance of the See of Gnsarea (even
beyond its own exarehy), the fame of St. Basil, and
the practical convenience of this short Lituigy led to
its adoption by many Qiurches in Asia a^ Syria*
Hie '"East" in Peter the Deacon's Kmark would
probably meaa the Roman Prefecture of the East
(Prmfeokura OrionOa) that included Thrace. Moie-
over, when St. Gregory of Nasiansos came to Gonstan-
tinople to adnunister that diocese (881) he found in
use theiea Lituigy that was pracUcallv the same as the
oneiie had known at hmne in Gappaoocia. His Sixth
Oration (P. G., XXXV, 721 sq.) was hdd in Cappi^
dooia, his Thirty-eighth (P. G., XXXVI, 811) at Con-
stantinople. In both he refers to and quotes the Eu-
charistie prayer that his hearen know. A comparison
of the two texts shows that the prayer is the same.
This proves that, at any rate in its most important
element, the liturgy used at the capital was that of
Oappadoda^-the one that St Basil used as a basis of
his reform. It would therefore be most natural that
the reform tooshould in time be adopted at Constanti-
nople. But it would seem that before Chiysostom
tlus BasiHan Bite (according to the universal nile) had
received further development and addiUons at Con*
stantinople. It has b^n suggested tiiat the oldest
form of the Nestorian lituxtnr is the original Byaan-
tine Rite, the one that St. Uhrysostom found in use
when he became patriarch (I^bst, ''Lit. des IV.
Jah]htB.",413).
Hie next epodb in the history of the Bvaantine Rite
is the reform of St. John Chiysostom (d. 407). He
not only further modified the Rite of Basil, but left
both his own reformed Lituisy and the unreformed
Basilian one itself, as the exclaaive uses of Coostanti-
nople. St. John became Patriarch of Constantinople
in 397; he reigned there till 403, was then banished,
but came back in the same year; was banished again
in 404, and died in exile in 407. The traditi<m of his
Church says that during the time of his patriarchate ■
he composed from the Basilian Liturgy a shorter form
that is the one still in ooounon use throughout the
Orthodox Churdi. The same text of Proklos (Proe-
lus) quoted above continues: ''Not Ions afterwards
our father, John Chrysostom, sealous for tne salvation
of his flock as a shc^eid should be, considering the
cardessness of human nature, thorou^y rootwl up
every diabolical objection. He ther^ore left out a
great part and ahortoned all the forms lest anyone . . .
stay away from this Apostolic and Divine Institution * ',
eta He would, then, have treated St. Basil's rite
exactl^r as Basil treated the older rite of Cassarea.
There is no reason to doubt this tradition in the main
issue. A comparison of the Lituigy of Chrysostom
with that of Basil will show that it follows the same
Older and is shortened considerably in the text of the
prayers; a further comparison of its text with the
numerous allusions to the rite of the Holy Eucharist '
in Chrysostom's homilies will show that the oldest
form we have of the Liturgy agtees substantially with
the one he describes (Briehtman, 530-534). But it is
also certain that the modem Lituisy of St. Chrysos-
tom has received considerable modifications and addi-
ti<M28 since his time. In order to reconstruct the rite
used by him we must take away from the present
Lituigy all the IVeparatlon of the Offerings (JlpoaKo-
fuii(), the ritual of the Little and Great EkiUances, and
the Creed. The service began with the bishop's greet*
in^, "Peace to all", and the answer, ''And with thy
spuit. " The lessens followed from the Prophets and
Aposties, and the deacoD read the Grospel. After the
Gospel the bishop or a priest preached a homily, and
the prayer over the catechumens was said. (Jrigi-
nally it had been followed by a prayer over penitents,
but Nektarios ^381-397) had abolished the discipline
CKursTAwmronds*
314
aOMBTAHmrOPLB
of public penanoe, so in St. Ohrysofltom's Liiui^gy this
wayer is left out. Then came a prarer for the faith-
ful ^ptized) and the difimiagal of tiie catechumens.
81. Chiysoetom mentions a new ritual for the Offer-
tory: the choir accompanied the bishop and formed a
solemn procession to bring the bi«ad and "srine firom
the protnesis to the altar (Horn, xxxvi, in I Cot,f vi,
P. G., LXI, 313). Nevertheless the present cere-
monies and the'Clierubic Chant that accompany tiie
Qreat Entrance are a later development (Biightman,
op. dt^ 530). The Kiss of Peace apparently preceded
the Offertory in Chrysostom's time (Bri^mman, op.
dt., 522, Probst, op. cit., 208). The Eucharistio
prayer began, as everywhere, witn the dialogue: ** Lift
up your hearts " etc. This prayer, which is cleariy an
abbreviated form of that in the Basilian Rite, is cot-
tainly authentically of St. Chrysostom. It is appar-
ently chiefly in reference to it that Proldos says that
he has shortened the older rite. The Sanotus was
sung by the people as now. The ceremonies per-
formed by the deacon at the words of Institution are
a later addition. Probst thinks that the origmal
Epiklesis of St. Chrysostom ended at the words ''Send
thy Holy Spirit down on us and on these gifts spread
before us'' (Brightman, op. dt., 386), and that the
continuation (jspeciaUy tiie disconnected interrup-
tion: Ood be mercihd to me a einnerf now inserted into
the Epiklesis; Maltsew, ''Die Liturgien"etc., Berlin,
1894, p. 88) are a later addition (op. dt., 414). The
Intercession followed at once, beginning with a mem-
oiy of the saints. Hie prayer for t£e dead came
before that for the living (ibid., 216-415). The Eu*
charistic prayer ended with a doxology to which the
people ans :ered. Amen; and then the bishop greeted
them with the text, **The mercy of our great (Sad and
Saviour Jesizi Christ be with all of you'* (Tit., ii, 13),
to which they answered: ''And with thy spirit'*, as
usual. The Lord's Prayer followed, introduced by a
short litany spoken by the deacon and followed by the
wdl-known doxology: ''For thine is the kingdom"
etc. This ending was added to the Our Father in the
Codex of the New Testament used by St. Chrysostom
(cf. Hom. xix in P. G., LVH, 282). Another greeting
(Peace to all) with its answer introduced the manual
acts, first an Elevation with the words " Holy things
for the holy" etc., the Breaking of Bread and the'
Communion under both kinds. In Chryaostom's time
it seems that people recdved dther kmd separatdy,
drinking from the chalice. A short prayer of thaaks-
givine ended the Ldtuiigy. That is the rite as we see
it in tne saint's homilies (cf. Probst., op. dt., 156-202,
202-226). It is true that most of tnese homilieB were
preached at Antioch (387-397) before he went to Con-
stantinople. It would seem, tiien, that the Lituxgy of
St. ChiyBostom was in great part that of his time at
Antit^ch, and that he introduced it at the capital when
he became patriarch. We have seen from Peter the
Deacon that St. Basils Rite was used by "nearly the
whole East''. There is, then, no difficulty In suppos-
ing that it had penetrated to Antioch and was already
abridged there into the " LdtuiTgy of Chrysostom" be-
fore that saint brought this abridged form to Constan-
tinople.
It was this Chrysostom Liturgy that gradually be-
came the common Eucharistic service of Constanti-
nople, and that spread throughout the Orthodox
worid, as the city that had adopted it became more
and more the acloiowledged head of Eastern Christen^
dom. It did not completely displace the older rite of
St. Basil, but reduced its use to a very few days in the
year on which it is still said (see below, under II).
MeanwhOe the Liturgy of St. Chrysostom itself under-
went further modification. The oldest form of it now
extant is in the same manuscript of the Barberini
Library that contains St. Basil's Liturgy. In this the
elaborate rite of the Proskomide hns not yet been
added, but it has already received additions since the
time of the saint whose name it bean. The l^isaaio
(Holy God, Holy Strong One, Holy Immortal Qo^
have mercy on us) at the little Entrance is aid to
have been revealea to Proklos of Constantinople (434-
47, St. John Dam., De Fide Orth., Ill, 10) ; tlus/robsr
Uy gives the date of its insertion int>> the Litiu jy.
l£e Cherubikon that accompanies the Great Entraiioe
was apparently added by «lustin II (565-78, Bri^t-
man, op. dt., 532), and the Creed that foUows, just
before the beginning of the Anaphora, b dao ::aeri jed
to him (Joonnis Bidarensis Chronieon, P. Lb, LXXU,
803). Since the Barberini Euchologkm (ninth cent)
the Preparation of the Offerings (r/too-c^/u^) at the
credence-table (called prothesas) gradually cleveloped
into the elaborate rite that now accompanies it
Brightman (op. dt., 539*^2) gives a series of docu-
ments from whidi the evolution €i this rite may be
traced from the ninth to the sixteenth century.
These are the two Liturgies of Censtanti loi^e, the
older one of St Basil, now said on oiJy a f ^w days,
and the lator shortened one of St Chrysostom that is
in common use. Hiere remains the third, the Litur^
ofthePresanctified(rArir/winrMi^ic^MM')- Thisservio^
that in the Latin Church now occurs only on Good
Friday, was at one tune used on the aliturgical days of
Lent everywhere (see Axituboioal Days and Du-
chesne, Originee, 222, 238). This is still the practice
of the Eastern Churches. The Paschal Chromde (see
Chrontcon Paschale) of the year 645 (P. T, XCII)
mentions the Presanctified Liturgy, and the fifty-
second cancm of the Second Tnillan Council (692)
orders: ^ On all days of the fast of forty days, except
Saturdays and Sundays and the day of the Holy
Annunciation, ihe Liturgy of the Preranctified shall
be celebrated.'' The essence of this Liturgy is sitiply
that the Blessed Sacrament that has been conaecratcd
on the preceding Sunday, and is reserved in the taber-
nacle (dfiTo^6ptop) under both kinds, is taken out and
distributed as Communion. It is now always cele-
brated at the end of Vespers (^(nrc^vdt), which form
its first part. The lessons are read os usual, and thu
litanies sune; the catechumens are dirmissed, and
tben, the wnole Anaphora being naturaUy omitto'l,
Communion is given; the Uessing and draniss:! fol-
low. A great pStft of the rite is simply taken frc ^Iie
corresponding parts of St. Chrysostom's Liturgy. The
present form, then, is a comparativdy kto onw H^si
supposes ^e normal litiurgies of ConstaLtinople. It
has oeen attributed to various persons — St James, St
P^ter, St. Basil, St Germanos I of Constantinople
(715-30), and so on (Brightman, op. dt, p. xciu).
But in the service books it is now offidally ascribed to
St. Gregory Dialogos (Pope Gregory I). It is impjos-
sible to say how this certainly mistaken ascription
bc^an. The Greek legend is that, when he was
apocrisiarius at Constantinople (578), seeing that the
Gtteeks had no fixed rite for this Communion-service,
he composed this cme for them.
The origin of the Divine Office and of the rites for
sacraments and sacramentals in the Bysantine Church
is more difficult to trace. Here too we have now the
result of a long and gradual devdopment; and the
starting-point of that development is certainly the use
ofAntioch. But bereave no names that stand out as
dhearfjr as do those of St Basil and St. Chrysosto.a in
the history of the Lituigy. We may periiaps fin * tLo
trace of a dmilar action on their part in the case of the
Office. The new way of ranging psalms intvoduced by
St. Basil (Ep. cvii, see above) would in the first lAaM
affect the canonical Hours. It was the mannr^ of
singing psalms antiphonally, that is alternately *)7
two choirs, to which we are accusUMned, that had J^
ready been introduced at AnModi in the time or thfl
Patnareh Leontios (Leontius, 344-57; llieodoret. H.
R, II, xxiv). We find one or two other alludons to
reforms in various rites among the works of St. Ouys-
ostom; thus he desires people to accompany funeralfi
OOirSTiUmHOFXiB
315
OOHSTAMTXHaPUi
by singiDg psalms (Hom« iv, in £p. ad Hebr.. P» G.,
With r^u^d to the Divine Office especially, it has
the srae general principles in East and West from a
veiy early age (see Brkviart). Essentially it oon-
sista in psalm-«inging. Its fint and most important
part is the Night-watch {vannrxb, our Nocturne) : at
dawn the 6p$pot (Lauds) waa sung; during tibe dav
the people met again at the third, sixth, and ninth
hours, and at sunset for the iawtpivd^ (Vespers). Bo-
Bides the psalms these Offices contained lessons f run
the Bible and collects. A peculiarity of the Antiodi*
ene use was the ^Oioria in excelsis'' sung at the
OrthroB (Ps.-Athan., De Virg., xx, P. G.7xXVin,
276); the evening hymn, ^«}t (Xap6r, still sung in the
Bysantine Rite at the Hesperinos and attributed to
A' henogenes (in tiie second cent.), is quoted by St.
Basil (De Spir. Sancto, famii, P. G., XXXII, 205).
Egeria of Aquitaine, the pilgrmi to Jerusalem, gives a
vivid description of the Office as sung there accordmg
to Antioch in the fourth century (''8. Silvia (si^
peregrin.", ed. Gamurrini, Rome, 1887]. To tins series
of Hours two ^7ere added in the fourth century. John
Cassian (Instit., Ill, iv) describes the adqitidn of
Prime by tlie monks of Palestine, and St. Baaii refera
(loc cit.) to OompUn {dw6dMtirpow) as the monks'
evening prayer, rame and CSomplin, then, were
originally private pmvetB said by monks in addition to
the ricial Hours. Tne Antiochene manner of keepina
this Office wns famous all over the Eaat. Flavian m
Antioch in 387 softened the heart of Theododus (after
the outra^ to the statues) by making his clerks sing
tc him ''the suppliant chants of Antioch'' (Sosom.,
H. £., VII, xxiii). And St. John Chiysoetom, as soon
as he comes to Constantinople, introduces the methods
of Antiodi in keeping the canonical Hours (16, VIII,
8). Eventually the Eastern Office admits short ser-
vices (M«ir6c#/Mi) between the da^ Hours, and between
Vespers and Complin. Into this frame a number of
famous poets have fitted a long succession of canons
(nnmetncal hymns); of these poets St. Romanos the
singer (sixth cent.)y St. Coemas the aiumr (eighth
cent.), St. John Damascene (c 780), St. Theodore of
Studion (d. 826), etc, are the most famous (see Btzan*
TINE Lttbraturb, sub-titlc IV. Ecdematiical etc).
St. Sabas (d. 532) and St. John Damascene eventually
arranged Uie Office for the whole year, though, like the
Idtuigy, it has imdeigone further development since,
till it acquired its present form (see below).
n. Tbb Byzanthib Rttb at the Present Tub. —
The Rite of Constantinople now used throu^out the
Orthodox Church does not maintain any prmoq>le c^
Hmiformity in language In various countries the
«ame prayers and forms are translated (with unim-
portant variations) into what is supposed to be more
or less the vul^r tongue. As a matter of fact, how-
ever, it is only m Rumania that the lituittical language
is the same as that of the people. Greek (from whidi
all the others are translated) is used at Constantino-
ple, in Macedonia (by the ratriardiists), Greece, by
Greek monks in Palestine and Syria, by nearly all Or-
thodox in Ekypt; Arabic in parts of Syria, Palestine,
and bv a few churches in Egypt; Old Slavonic
throu^out Russia, in Bulgaria, and by all Exarchists,
in Csemagora, Servia, and by the Orthodox in Austria
and Hunguy; and Rumanian by the Church of that
country. Tnese four are the principal languages.
Liater Ruadan missions use Esthonian, Lettiiui, and
German in the Baitio provinces, Finnish and Tatar in
Finland and Siberia, Chinese, and Japanese. (Bright-
man, op. cit., LXXXI-LXXXII). Althou^ the
Liturgy has been translated into English (see.Hajv-
good, op. dt. in bibliography), a translation is never
used in any church of the Greek Rite. Hie Uniats
use Greek at Constantinople, in Italy, and partially
in Syria and £en>t, Arabic chiefly in these countries.
Old Slavonic in Slav Uuids, and Rumanian in Rumania.
It is curious to note that in spite of this great diversity
of languages the ordinary Orthodox lawman no more
understands his Lituigjr than if it were m Greek. Old
Slavonic and the semi-classical Arabic in which it is
su^ are dead languages.
The Calendar. — ^It is well known that the Orthodox
still use the Julian Calendar (Old Style). By this
time (1908) they are thirteen days behmd us. Their
lituigical year b^ns on 1 September, "the begin-
ning of the Indict, that is of the new year". On 15
November begins the first of their four ««at fasts, the
''fast of Ourist's birth" that lasts till Christmas (25
December). The fast of Easter b^ios on the Monday
after the sixth Sunday before Easter, and they abstain
from flesh-meat after the seventh Sunday before the
feast (our Sexagesima). The fast of the Apostles lasts
from the day after the first Sunday after Pentecost
(their All Saints' Day) till 28 June, the fast of the
Mother of (Sod from 1 August to 14 August. Through-*
out this year fall a great number of feasts. The great
cyeieB are the same as ours — Christmas, followed oy a
Memory of the Mother of Crod on 26 December, then
St, Stephen on 27 December, etc. Easter, Ascension
Day, and Whitmmd^ follow as with us. Many of the
other feeats are the same as ours, though often with
different names. They divide them into three cate-
soriesy feasts of our Lord (iopral de^warucaC), of the
Mother of Ck>d (ito/JntirpucaC), and of the saints {tQw
6yimp). They count the ''Holy meeting" (with St.
Simeon^ 2 Februaiy), the Annunciation (25 March),
the Awakening of Laiarus (Saturday before Palm
Sunday), etc, as feasU of Our Lord. The .hief feasts
of Our Lady are her birthday (8 Septenxber), Presenta-
tion in the Temple (21 November), Conception (9 De-
cember), Falling-asleep (jco^i^if, 15 August), and
the Keeping of her Robe at the Blachems (at Con-
stantinople, 2 July). Feasts are further divided ac-
cording to their sol^nnity into three classes: great,
middle, and less days. Easter of course stands alone
as greatest of alL It is "The Feast" (^ iofn^, o^kJ);
there are twelve other very p;reat days and twelve
neat ones. Certain chief samts (the Apostles, the
uiree holy hierarchs — Sts. Basil, Gregory of Nazian-
sus, and John Chrysostom— 30 January, the holy and
equal-to-the-Apostles Sovereigns, Constantino and
Helen, etc.) have middle feasts; all the others are
lesser ones. The Sundays are named after the subject
of their Gospel ; the first Sunday of Lent is the feast of
Orthodoxy (after Iconoclasm), the Saturdays before
Meatiess Sunday (our Sexf^^emma) and Whitsunday
are All Souls' days. Our Trinity Sunday is their AU
Saints. Wednesdajrs and Fridays throughout the
year are days of abstinence (Fortescue, '^Orth. East-
em Church^ 39S-401).
Service^booke, — ^The Bysantine Rite has no such
eompendiums as our Missal and Breviary; it ia con-
tained in a number of loosely arranged books. Th^
are: theTypikon (rifircic6ir), a perpetual calendar con-
taining f uU directions for all feasts and all possible co-
incidences. The Euchologion (c^oX^ioy) contains
the priest's part of the Hesperinos, Orthros, the three
Liturgies, and other sacraments and sacramentak.
The Triodion (r/M^f itor) contains the variable parts of
the Liturgy and Divine Oflice (except the psalms,
Epistles, and Gospeb) for the movable days from the
tenth Sunday before Easter to Holy Saturday. The
Pentekostarion (ircmfJCD^d/»wr) continues the Trio-
dion from Easter Day to the first Sunday after Pente*
cost (All Saints' Sundav). The Oktoechos (^crc^iyx'
os) gives the Offices of the Sundays for the rest of the
year (arranged accercUng to the eight modes to whidi
they are sung — 6terA Ijxoi) and the Parakletike (vupa-
kkffTiKi) is for the weekdays. The twelve Menaias
(/KfM&u), one for eadi month, contain the Proper of
Saints; the Menologion (firipQ\6yio¥\ is a shortened
version of the Menaia, and the Ilorologion (ifpoK^tow)
contains the choir's part of the day Hours. Th»
OCmSTAMTIMOPLS
316
OOHRAMTnrOPLl
Fsalter (^oXrii^pwr), Gospel (€6ayyikbQw\ and Apos*
tie (Ar6ar6\of — Epistles and Acts) contain the parts
of the Bible read (Fortescue, "Orth. E. Ch.'*, ^101-402;
NiUes, "Kal. Man.", XLIV-LVI; Kattenbusch,
"Confessionskunde", I, 478-486).
The aUar, vestments and aacred veasets^^-^A church of
the Byzantine Rite should have only one altar. In a
few very lai^ ones there are side-chapels with altars,
and the Uniats sometimes copy the Latin multitude of
altars in one church ; this ic an abuse taat is not con-
sistent with their rite. The altar (if Ayia rpdircju)
stands in the middle of the sanetuarv (le^retbr) ; it is
covered to the ground with a linen cloth over which is
laid a silk or velvet covering. The Euchologion, a
folded antimension, and perhaps one or two other in-
struments used in the Litur^ sLre laid on it; nothing
else. [See Altar (in the Greek Crxjrgh).] Behind
the altar, round the apse, are seats for priests with the
bi^op's throne in the middle (in every chiu-ch). On
the north side of the altar stands a large credence-table
{irpbStffts) ; the first part of the Liturgy is said here.
On the south side is the diakonikon, a sort of sacristy
where vessels and vestments are kept; but it is in no
way walled off from the rest of the sanetuarv. The
sanctuary is divided from the rest of the church by the
ikonostasis (ckoi^ra^tf, picture-screen), a great
screen stretching across the whole width and rea^ng
high up to the roof (see sub-title The Icanostasis s. v.
Altar, History op tbb Christian). On the outside
it is covered with a great number of pictures of Christ
and the saints, arranged in a more or less determined
order (Christ aiways to the right of the royal doors and
the Bl. Virgin on &e left), before which rows of lamps
are hung. The ikonostasis has three doors, the
"royal door" in the middle, the deacon's door to the
souui (right hand as one enters the church^, and an-
other door to the north. Between the roval door and
the deacon's door the bishop has another throne f acii^
the neople. Immediately outside the ikonostasis is
the choir. A mat part of the services take place here.
In the body of the church the people stand (there are
no seats as a rule) ; then comes the narthex, a passage
across the church at the west end, from which one en-
ters by doors into the nave. Most of the funeral rites
and other services take place in the narthex. Churches
are roofed as a rule by a succession of low cupolas,
often five (if the church is croBs-«haped). In Russia
there is generally a belfry. The vestments were once
the same as the Latin ones, though now they look
very different. It is a curious case of parallel evolu-
tion. The bishop wears over his cassock the sticha-
rion (mixdpwif) our alb; it ia often of 4silk and col-
oured; then the epitrachelion (iriTpax^^w)i a stole
of which the two ends are sewn together and hang
straight down in front, with a loop through which -the
head is passed. The sticharion and epitrachelion are
held together by the zone H^rti, girdle), a narrow belt
of stuff with clasps. Over the wnsts he wears the epi*
manikia {iTtfuipUut)^ cuffs or ^oves with the part tor
the hand cut off. From the girdle the epigon^tion
(iwtYopdr tow), a diamond-shaped piece of stuff, stif-
fened with cardboard, hangs down to the right knee.
Lastly, he weare over all the sakkos (drdncos), a vest-
ment like our dalmatic. Over the sakkos comes the
omophorion (dffio<^6pw9). This is a great pallium of
silk embroidered with crosses. There is also a smaller
omophorion for some rites. He has a pectoral cross,
an enkolpion (iy«6\ino9, a medal containing a reiic),
a mitre formed of metal and shaped like tin imperial
crown, and a dikanikion (itKapUMp), or crosiev,
shorter than ours and ending in two serpents between
which is a cross. To give his blessing in the Liturgy
he uses the trikerion (rpur^w) in his right and ttie
dikerion (dutfiptpw) in his left hand. Iheae are a triple
and double candlestick with candles. The priest
wears the sticharion, epitrachelion, sone, and epimani-
kia. If be is a dignitary he weaiB the epigonation and
(in Russia) the mitre also. Instead of a sakkos lie has
a phainolion (faiv6\to9), our chasuble, but re&ching
to the feet hehind and at the sides, and cut away in
front (see Chasuble and illustrations). The deacon
wears the sticharion and epimanikia, but no girdip*
His stole is called an orarion (6pdpior) ; it is pinned to
the left shoulder and hangs strait down, except that
he winds it around his body and over the right shoul-
der at the Cbmmunion. It is embroidered with the
word '''AFIOS" three times. A very oonunon
abuse (amone Melkites too) is for other servers to
wear the oranon. This is ^tpressly forbidden by the
Ck>imcil of Laodicea (c. 360, cazu xzii). The Byzan-
tine Rite has no sequence of liturgical colours. They
eenerally use black for funerals, otherwise any colours
for any day. The vessels used for the holy Lituzigy
are the chalice and paten (Uvkos), which latter is
much larger than ouis and has a foot to stand it (it is
never put on the chalice), the asteriskos (ArTtpiaiBoty a
cross of bent metal that stands over the paten to pre-
vent the veil from touching the holy bread, the spoon
(\dftis) for giving Communion, the spear (Mrx^y to
cut up the bread, and the fan (Paridtor) whicn the dea-
con waves over the Blessed Sacrament — ^this is a flat
piece of metal shaped Uke an angel's head with six
wings and a handle. The antimension (d^fM^^c^O
is a kind of corporal containinp relics that is spread
out at the beginning of the Lituivy. It is reallv a
portable altar. The Holu Bread (aTways leavened of
course) is made as a fiat loaf marked in squares to be
cut up during the ProskcMnide with the letters Id
XC. NL KA. ('IinreSr Xiwrr^ nc$). In Uie dia-
konikon a vessel is k^t with hot water for the Uturgy
(Fortescue, op. cit., 403-409; "Echos d'Orient", V,
129-139; R. Storff, "Die gjiech. Lituig.", 13-14).
Chiurch music — ^The singing in the Bysantine Rite is
always unaccompanied. No musical instnunent of
any kind may be used in their churches. They have a
plain chant of eight modes that correspond to ouis,
except that they are numbered differently; the four
authentic modes (Doric, Phiyraan, Lydian, and Hixo-
lydian — our 1st, 3rd, 5th, and 7th) come fiist, then the
Plagal modes (our 2nd, 4th, 6th, and Sth). But their
scales are different. Whereas our plauMong is strictly
diatonic, theirs is enharmonic with variable intervals.
Thev always sing in unison and frequently change the
mode in the middle of a chant. One singer (generally
a boy) sings the dominant (rh (ao^) of the mode to the
sound of A continuously, while the rest execute thar
elaborate pneums (see Plain Chant). The result is
generally — to our ears — ^unmelodious and starange,
tnoug^ in some cases a carefully trained choir pro-
duces a fine effect. One of the best is that of St/
Anne's (Melkite) Collie at Jerusalem, trained by the
French P^res Blancs. One of these, Pdre Rebours,
has written an exhaustive and practical treatise of
their chant ("Traits de psaltique" etc; see biblic»-
laphy). In Russia and lately, to some extent, in the
metropolitan church of Athens they sing figured music
in parts of a very stately and beautiful kind. It is
prooably the most beautiful and suitable church
music in the worki.
The Hciy Lilurgy, — The present use of the Byaan-
tine Rite confines the older Lituigy of St. BasU to the
Sundays in Lent (except Palm Sunday), Maundy
Thuisday, and Holy Saturday, also the eves of Cainst-
mas and the Epiphany, and St. Basil's feast (1 Janu-
ary). On all other di^ on whidi the Lituigy is cele-
brated they use that of St. Chryscstom. But on the
we^days m Lent (except Saturday) they may not
consecrate, so they use for them the Liturgy of the
Presanctified. An Orthodox priest does not celebrate
eveiy day, but as a rule only on Sundays and feast-
dajTs. The Uniats, however, in tlus, as in many other
ways, imitate the Latin custom. They also have a
curious principle that the altar as well as the oriebrant
must be fasting, that is to say that it must not have
ooinftAMraiofMaS
m
90UAuamaQptit
been uaed already on the same day. So there is only
one Utiu^ a day in an Orthodox Ghurob. Where
manv priesta are preseiit they conoelebraie, all aayi&g
the Anaphora together over the aame offeringnk Thia
happens nearly ^waya when a bishop celebra^; he
is surrounded by his priests, who eelebrate with him.
The Litumr d St. ChryBostom» as being the oTie ootn-
monly used, is always printed first in the Eucholog^
It is the franaewofrk into which the otheiB are fitted;
and the greater part of the Lltui^ is alw;iyB said ao-
cordin^to this form. After it are printed the prayers
of St. Basil (always much longer) which are substi*
luted lor some of the usual ones when his rite is used)
and then the yariants of the liturgy of the PresanoU-
(icd. The Liturgies of Basil and ChiyBOstom« then»
diflering only in a certain number of the prayem» may
be describecl together.
The first rubric directs that the celebrant must be
reconciled to all men, keep his heart from eyil
thoughts, and be fasting since midnight. At the Bf>-
pointed hour (usually munediately after None) the
celebrant and deacon (who communicates uid must
therefore also be fasting) say the preparatoiy prayers
before the ikonostasis (Bri^htman, op. cit,, 363-354),
kiss the holy ikons, and go mto the diakonikon. Here
they vest, the celebrant biessinK each vestment as it is
put on, say certain prayers, andwash their hands, say-
mg verses 6-12 of Ps. xxv('' Lavabo inter innooentee"
etc., op. <sit., 854-356). Ilien the first part of theXit-
urgy, the PreparaHon of the Offering (wppvmfuiH be^
gins at the ciedence taole (rpS^is). The loaves of
bread (generally five) are marked ia divisions as de-
scribed above under the caption AUar. etc The cele-
brant cuts away with the holy lance the parts marked
IC. XC. NI. KA., and says: '' The Lambof God is sacri-
ficed." These parts are then called the Lamb.. The
deacon pours wine and warm water into the dialice.
Other pairts of the bread are cut away in honour of the
All-hoiv Theotokos, nine for various aaints, and others
for the bishop, Ortihodoz clers;^, and various people for
whom he wisnes to pray. Thli rite is aocompamed by
many pravers, the particles (irpotr^paC) are arranged
on the diskos (paten) by the Lamb (that of the Theo-
tokos on the right, because of the verse '"Hie Queen
stands at thy right hand ' '. A long rubrie explams all
this), eovered with the asteriskos and veils, and the
offerings are repeatedly incensed. The. deacon thop
incenses the prothesis, altar, sanctuary, nave, and the
celebrant. (A detailed account of the now elaborate
rite of the Proskomide is given ia the ''Eches d!Orient",
III, 65-78.) Ihey then eo to the altar, kiss the Gee-
pel on it and the deacon holding up his orarion says:
It is time to sacrifice to the Lord. Here bc^in the
LilQme9 (ixreml or ffvpearraS), The doors of the ikon-
ostasis are opened, and the deacon goes out through
the north door. Standing before the loytA doors he
chants the Great Litany, praying for peace, the
Church, the patriarch or synod (in Orthodox oountries
for the sovereign and his family), the <aty, iravellem,
etc, etc. To each clause the dioir answer "Kvrie
eleison". Then foUows the first antiphon (on Sun-
days Pa. cii), and the celebraiit at the altar says a
prayer. The Short Litany is sung in the same way
(the dauses are different,. Brightmon, op. cit., 362-
375) with an antiphon and prayer, and then a third
litany; on Sundays the third antiphon is the Beati-
tudes,
Here follows the LiUle Entrance. The deaoon has
gone back to the celebrant's side. Thejcota» out
throitgh the north door in procession, the deacon hold-
ing the book of the GospeiB> with acolytes bearizig
eandles. The troparia (short hymns) are sung, encP
mg with the Trisagion: — • ^ < -- - -
Holy Immortal One,'
then "Gtery be to t ,
^e berinmng", etc— and again *'Holy God'\'etc
Meanwhile the celebrant says other prayeok. A reader
sings the Epistle; a Gradual is sung; the deaoon sings
the Gospel, having incensed the book; more pn^ers
follow* Then come prayers for the catechumens, and
they are dismissed by the deacon: "All catechumens
go out. Catechumens go out. All catechumens go
away. Not one of the catechumens {shall stay]." —
Of oourse nowadays there are no catechumens. — ^The
prayers for. the (sateohumens bringus to the first vari-
ant between the two Liturgies. The one said by the
celebrant is different (and, as an exception, Bhorter)m
St. Basil's rite (Brightman, op. cit,, 374 and 401). The
deacon sa3^, "All the faithful again and again pray to
the Lord in peace", and repeats several times the curi-
ous exclamation "Wisdom I" (ffwpla) that occurs re-
peatedly in the Byzantine Rite — ^before the Gospel he
says " Wisdom 1 Upright!" — vo^la, 6p99L, meaning
that the people should stand up.
The iMurgy of the Faithful b^iDs here. Prayers for
the faithful xollow (different in the two rites. Bright-
man, op. cit., 375-^77 and 400-401) ; and then comes
the drcunatic moment of the Liturgy, the Great En-
trance. The celebrant and deacon go to the prothesis,
the offerings are incensed. The deacon covers his
shoulders with the great veil (see Aeb) ^nd takes the
diskos (paten) with the bread; the thiu'ible hangs
from his hand; the celebrant follows with the chalice.
Acolytes go in front and form a solemn procession.
Meanwhile the choir sings the Cherubic Hymn (Xtfiw-
ffuiAs t/jjros): "Let us, who mystically represent the
Cherubim, and who sing to the Life-giving Trinity the
thrice holy hymn, put awajr all earthly cares so as to
receive the ICing of all things [here the procession
comes out through the north door] escorted by the
army of angels. Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia." The
procession goes meanwhile all round the church and
enters the sanctuary by the royal doors. The CJheni-
bic Hymn has a very elaborate and effective melody
(Rebours, op. cit., 156-164) with almost endless
pneums. Tliis ceremony, with its allusion to the en-
trance of the " King of all things" before the offerings
are consecrated, is a curious instance of a dramatic rep-
reeentation that anticipates the real moment of the
Consecration. After some more prayers at the altar,
different in the two liturgies, the deacon cries out,
"The doors I The doors I Let us attend in wisdom",
and the doors of the ikonostasis are shut. The Greed
ia then stmg.
Here begms the Anaphora (Canon). There is first a
dialogue, Lift up your hearts" etc., as with us, and
the eelebrant begina the Eucharistic prayer: "It is
meet and just to sing to Thee, to bless Thee, praise
Thee and give thanks to Thee in all places. . . .''The
form in St. Ba^'s Kite is much longer. It is not said
aloud, but at the end he lifts up his voice and says:
" CJrying. singing, proclaiming the hymn of victory and
sayin^^— and the choir sings "Holy, Holy, Holy"
etc., as in o\ar Mass. Very soon, after a short prayer
(considerably longer in St. Basil's Kite) the celebrant
comes to the words of Institution. He lifts up his
voice and singa: " Take and eat: this is nnr Bodv that
is broken for you for the forgiveness of sins' ; and
throu^ the Ikonostasis the choir answers "Amen".
Then: "Drink ye all of this, this is my Blood of the
New Testament that is shed for you and for many for
the foraiveness of sins." R. Amen — as before. The
Orthoi£>x, as is known, do not believe that these words
oonsecrate, ao the^ ^ straight on to the Anamne^,
and a special rubric m their Euchologion (ed. Venice,
1898, p. 63) warns them not to make any reverence
here» The Uniats, on the other hand, make a pro-
found reverence after each form. The Anamnesis
(our " Unde et memores ") again is longer in the Basil-
ian Liturgy. The Epiklesis follows. The deacon in-
vites the cdebrant in each case: "Bless, sir, the holy
bread [or wine]." The two forms (of Basil and Chrys-
ofltom) may stand as specimens of the principle of ab-
breyiatk>a that distii^guishfis the later lite. In St.
oomiTAimirovLi
318
Basil's Liturgy it is: "We pray and beseech thee, O
Holy of Holy ones, that according to the mercy of thy
favour th]^ Holy Spirit come down on us and on these
present ^ts to bless them, sanctify them and to
make " (Chrysostom : " Send down thy Holy Spirit
on us and on these present gifts "). Then, after an
irrelevant interpolation, with two verses from Ps. I
about the celebrant's own soul, he continues (Basil):
'' this bread the precious Body itself of our Lord and
God and Saviour Jesus Christ" (Chrys,: "and make
this bread the precious Body of thy Christ ")• Beacon :
" Amen. Bless. Sir, the noly chalice." Celebrant
(Basil) : " But this chalice the l^recious Blood itself of
our God and Saviour Jesus Christ" (Chrys.: "And
what it is in this Chalice the precious Blood of Thy
Christ"). Deacon: "Amen. Bless, Sir. both." Cele-
brant (Basil): "That was shed for the life and salvar
tion of the world" (Chrys.. "Clianging it by thy Holy
Spirit"). Deacon: "Amen. Amen. Amen." Both
then msJce a deep prostration, and the deacon waves
the ripidion (fan) over the Blessed Sacrament. This
ceremony, now interpreted mystically as a symbol of
adoringangels, was certainly once a practical precau-
tion. They have no pall over the chalice and there is
a dajieer of flies. The waving of the ripidion occurs
seven! times during the Liturgy.
In the Byzantine Rite, as in all the Antiochene fam-
fly of liturgies, the Intercession follows at this point.
First comes a memory of saints ; the deacon then reads
the Diptychs of the Dead^ and the celebrant says a
prayer into which he may mtroduce the names of any
of tne faithful departed for whom he wishes to pray.
iS^yers for the living follow (in Russia for the second
time occur the names of "Our'Grthodox and Christ-
lovins Lord Nicholas, Czar and Autocrat of all the
Russias" and of all his "right-believing and CSod-
fearinc" family), with the names of the patriarch (or
Synom and metropolitan, and the ending: "and all
[masc.j and all [fern.]" xal irdrrofv xal watrQv, The
deacon then reaas the Diptychs of the Living; more
prayers for them follow. Here ends the Anaphora,
file celebrant blesses the people: "The mercy of am
neat (}od and Saviour Jesus dirist be with all of you."
Choir: "And with thy spirit." And the deacon goes
out to his place before the ikonostasis and reads a lit-
any, praying for various spiritual and temporal fa-
vours, to each clause of which the choir answers:
"Kyne eleison". and at the last clause — "Having
prayed in the union of faith and in the communion of
the Holy Ghost, let us commend ourselves and one
another and our whole life to Christy our God." To
Thee, O Lord (Sot, Ktfpte). — ^Meanwhile the celebrant
says a long prayer silently. The people sing the Lord^s
Prayer, and the celebrant adds the clause: For Thine
is the Kingdom" etc. The Inclination follows. The
deacon says, "Bow your heads to the Lord" (our
"Humiliate capita vestra Domino"); they answer,
" To Thee, O Lord", and the celebrant says the Prayer
of Inclination (diflferent in the two Litureies). The
preparation for Communion begins here. The deacon
winds his orarion (stole) around his body, the curtain
of the royal doors (they have besides the doors a cur-
tain that is continually drawn backward and forward
during the Liturgy) is drawn back, and the celebrant
elevates the Holy Eucharist saying, " Holy thinss for
the holy", to which the answer is: "One only is holy,
one only is Lord. Jesus Christ in the glory of God the
Father. Amen." Tlie Communion hymn (imwvwtKAp)
of the day is sung, and the Communion begins. Whfle
the clergy Communicate in the Sanctuary a sermon is
sometimes preached. The celebrant breaks the Holy
Bread into four parts, as it is marked, and arranges
them on the diskos thus: —
I 2
K I K A
X 2
He puts the fraction marked 12 into the chalice, and
the deacon again pours into it a little warm water (the
use of warm water is a very old peculiarity of thb rite).
The part marked X2 is divided into as many parts as
there are priests and deacons to Communicate. Mean-
while, prajrers are said; those about to Conmiuiucale
ask pardon of their offences against each other. The
celebrant says, "B^old I draw near to our imznortal
King" etc., and receives Holy Communion in the fonn
of bread, sayuig: The precious and all-hcrfy Body of
Our Lord and ^viour Jesus Chnst is gtven to me N.
priest [or bishopi for the forgiveness of my sins and for
life everlasting." Then he says, " Deacon, approach ' '.
and gives him Communion with the same form (To
thee N. deacon etc.). Hie celebrant then drinks of
the chalice with a corresponding form — The precious
and all-holy Blood— and communicatee the deacon bs
before. After O>mmunion each says sQentiy a very
beautifid prayer — I believe. Lord, and I confess that
Thou art m very truth Christ, the Son of the living
God etc. (Brightman, op. cit., 994.) The rest of the
clergy are Communicated from the portion marked 12,
that has been put into the chalice and is therefore
soaked in the consecrated wine, with one form (The
grecious and all-holy Body and Blood). The cele-
rant divides the portions marked NX and KA, and the
deacon puts them into the ehaliee with a aponge. The
doors are opened and the deacon soya, " Draw near in
the fear of God and with faith ". The celebrant comes
down to the doors with the chalice and the spoon and
communicates the people with the Holy Bread dipped
in the chalice, and with one form, as before. The pec
pie stand to receive Communion (the Bjniantine Rite
knows practically no kneeling at all). Finally, the
deacon i)uts all the remaining pajrtioles into the chalice
and carries it back to the pro&esis. Those other parti-
cles (prosphora) originally cut off from the bread have
lain on the diskos (paten) since the proskomide. It has
been &jpcat question whether they are consecrated or
not. "Ae Orthodox now say that they are not, and
the deacon puts them into the chalice after the Com-
mumon. It is obviously a question of the celdi)rant'8
intention. The Uniat priests are told to consecrate
them too, and in their Liturgy the peo^e receive
them in Communion (Fortesoue, op. cit., 417 ; " Echos
d'Orient", 111,71-73).
Here begins the JDismissaZ. The deacon unwinds
his orarion, goes back to the choir before the ikonosta-
sis, and says a short litany aoain with the choir. He
then goes to the prothesis and consumes all that is left
of the Holy Eucharist with the prosphora. Mean-
while, some of the bread originaUy cut up at the Pro-
thesis has remained there aiU the time. This is now
brought to the celebrant, blessed by him, and given to
the people as a sacramental (the French pain b^nil—
see Antidoron). After some more prayers the cele-
brant and deacon go to the diakonikon, the doors are
shut, th^ take off their vestments, and the Lituigy i^
over, ll^e whole service is very much lonoer than our
Mass. It lasts about two hours. It shoiud be noted
that all the time that the choir are singing or litanies
behig said the priest is saym^ other prayers silently
(/iv^rcirdt). The Bysantine Rite has no proviflk)n for
low Mass. As they say the litursy only on Sundays
and feast-days, they have less needffor such a rite. In
oases of necessity, where there is no deacon, the cele-
brant supplies his part as best he can. The Uniats,
who have begun to celebrate every day, have evolved
a kind of low Litui^; and at the Greek College at
Rome they have a number of little manuscript books
containing an arrangement for celebrating with a
priest andone lay mrvet only. But in the Levant, at
any rate, the Liturgy is always sung, and incense is al-
ways used; so that the nrinimiim of persons required
for the Liturgy is a oelebfant, server, and one other
man who forms the choir.
The Liturgy of the PneancHfied is fitted into the gen*
end framework of St. Chiysostom's Rite. It is usu-
OOHBTAHTfiVOIPLS
319
tKMMAVmiOKS
ftlly celebrated on WcdnesdavH and Friday in the first
six weeks of Lent, and on all the days of Holy Week,
except Ma\mdy Thunday and Easter Eve which have
ihe real Litiugy (of St. Basil). On other days in Lent
there is no liturgical service at all. On the Sunday be-
fore more loaves (^pov^paC) are used than otherwise.
The same rite of preparation is made over all. After
the Elevation the celebrant dips the other prosphoras
into the chatice with the spoon, and places it in another
chalice in the tabernacle (jipro^hptov) kept for this puiv
pose. The Liturgy of the Presanctifi^ is said stfter
VcapeTB (l^vepiiK6f)^ which forms its first part. Iliere
is of course no further Proskomide, but the preparatory
prayeis are said by celebrant and deacon as usual.
The Great Litany is introduced into the middle of Ves-
pers. The hymn ^dt IXop^r (see below) is sung as
usual, and the lessons are read, llie prayers for cate-
ehimiens and their dismiBsal follow. The Great En-
trance is made with the already consecrated offerings,
and a changed form of the Cherubic Hymn is sung
(Maltssew, "Die Liturgien", 149). The curtain of the
royal doors is half-drawn across, the whole Anaphora
is omitted, and they go on at once to the Short Litany
before the Lord's Prayer. The Lord's Prayer, In-
clination, and Elevation with the form: "Thepresano-
tified Holy Thmgs to the holy" follow. Wine and
warm water are poured into tne chalice, but not, of
course, consecrated. Communion is given with one
form only. The Blessed Sacrament already dipped in
consecrated wine is now dipped in unconsecrated wine.
The celebrant drinks of this wine after his Communion
without any prater. The Liturgy ends as usual (with
different forms m some parts), and the deacon con-
sumes what is left of the Holy Eucharist (unless some
of it IS again reserved for the next Presanctified Liturgy
and the wine in the Chalice. This is the merest out-
line of the rite. Its earlier part is inextricably joined
to the Vespers (Maltzew, op. cit., 121-168).
The Divine Office is very long and complicated.
When sung in choir it lasts about eight hours. It is
said entire^ only by monks. Secular priests say part
of it, as tneir devotion dictates, llie Uniats fre-
quently c^ply to Rome to know what to do, and the
answer is always: Servetur eoneuetudoj by which is
meant that their secular cleii^ should say as much of
the Office as is customary. It is impossible for them
to say it all. The Office is divided into the -hours
named above (imder Service-hooks) which correspond
to ours, with additional short hours {fu^ktpa) inter-
mediate between Prime, Terce, Sext, None, and Ves-
pers. It is made up of psalms, lessons, prayers, and es-
pecaally of a great number of hymns in rhythmical
prose. The Psalter is divided into twenty parts called
KaBlff flora, each of which is made up of three sections
(ffrdattt). The whole Psalter is sung every week.
The most important of the many kinds of hymns are
the following: A canon (Kawtiw) is made up of nine
odes corresponding to the nine canticles (of Moses,
Ex., XV, 1-19; Deut., xxxii, 1-43; of Azma, I Kings, ii,
1-10; Hab., iii, 2-19; Is., xxvi, 9-20; Jonas, ii, 2-10;
the Benedidte, Magnificat, and Benedictus) sung at
Lauds. Of these canticles the second is sun^ only in
Lent; therefore most canons have no second ode^
Each ode (i^fi) is supposed to correspond more* or less
to its canticle. Thus the sixth ode will generally eon«-
tain a reference to Jona's whale. Otherwise the canon
is always about the feast on which it is sung, and much
ingenuity is expended in forcing some connexion be*
tween tlie event of the day and the allusions in the oan^-
ticles. The odes are further divided into a heirmos
(dpfaSt) and troparia (rpottdpia) of any number,
fVom three to twenty or more. "Die heiimos sets the
tune for each ode (see FukXtf Cramt), and the troparia
follow it. The last troparion of each ode alwasfs xe-
feiB to Our Lady and is cafled Bmrhnov. The odes
often make an acrostic in their initial letters; some-
times they are alphabetic In long canons a poem is
intercalated in the middle during which people may sit
(they stand for nearly the whSe Office) ; it is called
KdBifffjm, Three troparia form an oIkoi (''house", cL
Italian etama). The canons for the weekdays are in
the Oktoechos, those for immovable feasts in the }i»^
naias, for movable ones in the Triodion and Pentekoa^
tarion (see above under Service-books), One of the
most famous of all is St John DamMcene's Golden
Canon for Easter Day (translated by Dr. J. M. Neala in
his ** Hymns of the Eastern Church", 4th ed., London,
pp. 30-44). Other kinds of chant are the kontakion
Inrrdmop), a short pOem about the feast, the stichoa
i'rrlxot) a versicle, generally from a psalm (like our
antiphons), which introduces a stioheron {mxfp6p)t or
hynin sun^ at Matins and Vespers. An idiomelon
{UiSfuiKop) IS a troparion that has its own melody, in-
stead of following a heirmos (for other kinds of chant
see Nilles, ''Kalend. Man.", pp. Ivii-lzix, and the ex-
ample he gives from the feast of the Transfiguration,
6 August). The Great Doxology {S^^oryltL) is our
" Gloria in ezcelsis ' ', the small one our ** Gloria Patri' '.
The Hymnos Akathistos (^m^m dicdA^rot, standing
hvmn) IS a complete Office in honour of Our Lady and
of her Annunciation (see Acathistds). It has aJl the
Hours and is made up of psalms, odes, etc, like other
Offices. It is sung very solemnly on the Saturday be-
fore the second Sunday before Easter: and they sing
parts of it eveij Friday evening- and Saturday morn-
ing in Lent. It is always sung standins. TheHymnoe
Akathistos is printed at the end of the HorolCgion. P.
de Meester, O.8.B., has edited it wUh an Italian trans-
lation ('AmXovMa ro0 aica^lrrau ^funv,—OmdiQ dell'
inno acatjsto, Rome, 1903). At the end of Vespers
every day is sung the famous ^dr lXaf6p, as the evening
light disappears, and the lamps are lit: —
Hail, gladdening Li^t, of his pure jglory pcAued
Who IB the imniortal Father, neavenly,. blee^
Holiest of Holies, Jesus C9irist, Our Lord,
Now we are come to the sun's hour of rest.
The lights of evening round us shine.
We hvmn the Father^ Son and Holy Spirit divine,
Wortniest art Thou at all times to be sung
With undefiled tongue,
Son of our God, giver of life alone.
Therefore in ail the world, thy glories, Lord,
they own.
— ^Keble's translation in the ''Hymns, Ancient and
Modem", No. 18.
There are, lastly, services for the administration of
the Seven Great Mysteries (the. Seven Sacraments)
that are printed in the Eudiologion alter the liturgies
(ed. cit., pp« 136-288). BapUem ia always conferred
by inunersion (the Orthodox have grave doubts as to
the validity of baptism by infusion. — See Fortescue,
Orth. E. Oiun^, p. 420). The child is anointed all
over its body and dipped three times with its face
towards the east. The form is: " The servant of God
N. is baptised in the name of the Father^ Amen, and of
the Son, Amen, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen." Covo-
fimuUion follows at once and is conferred by priests
(the Holy See reoogniaes this confirmation as valid
and neither rebapttaes nor reoonfinns converts from
Orthodoxy). The whole body is again anointed with
chrism (t6 4ywp fu^pow) prepared veiy elaborately with
fif tv-five various substances by the cscumenical patri-
arch on Maundy Thursday (Fortesoue, op. cit., 425-
426). The form is: '' The seal of the f^ of the Holy
Ghost'' (Euch., 136-144). The OHhodox never re-
baptize when they are sure of the validity of former
baptism; but thev reeonfirm continually. Confirmar
tion has become the usual rite of admittance into their
CSiuroh, even in the case of apostates who have already
been confizmed orthodoxly. The pious Orthodox
layman Oommunicates as a rule only lour times a year,
at Christinas, Easiter, Whitsunday, and the Falling
Asleepof the Motherof God (^5August). TheBleased
MiMntimoMifits
320
ooHanruTXOirs
Bacrament is reserved for the sick in the ifro^Spm^,
(or Itpo^vXiKtow) under both kinds more or leas, that
is to say it has been dipped into the chalice and al-
lowed to dry. It is given to the sick with a spoon and
wi^ the usual form (see above under Holy lAturgy).
They have no tradition of reverence for the reserved
Eucharist. PenanoB (Mcrdwca) is administered rare-
ly, usually on the same occasions as Holy Oommunion.
They have no confessionals. The ghostly father (tiw-
ftarudt^ sits before the ikonostasis imder the pio*
ture of Our Lord, the penitent kneels before him (one
of the rare cases of kneeling is in this rite), and several
prayers are said^ to which the choir answers '' K3nrie
rieison". The "choir" is always the penitent him-
self. Then the ghostly father is directed to say ** in a
cheerful voice: Brother, be not ashamed that you
come before God and before me, for you do not confess
to me but to God who is present here. " He asks the
penitent his sins, says that only God can forgive him,
but that Christ gave this fiower to his Apostles sajring:
" Whose sins ye shall for;^ve", etc., ana absolves him
with a deprecatory form m a long praver in which oc-
cur the words: ''May this same CkKi, through me a
sinner, forgive you all now and for ever." (Euch.^
pp. 221-223.) Holy Order (x^tpororia) is given by
laying on the right hand only. The form is (for dea-
cons): ''The 0ace of (jod, that always strengthens
the weak and mis the empty, appoints the most relig-
ious sub-deacon N. to be deacon. Let us then pray
for him that the grace of the Holy Ghost may come to
him. " Long prayers follow, with allusions to St. Ste-
phen and the oiaoonate ; the bishop vests the new dea-
con, giving him an orarion and a ripidlon. For priests
and bishops there is the same form, with the obvious
variants, ''the most religious deacon N. to be priest",
or " the most religious elect N. to be Metropolitan of
the holy Metropolis N. " (neariy all their bishops have
the title MetrofoUUm), and the subjects receive their
vestments and mstruments. Priests and bishops con-
celebrate at once with the ordainer (Euch., 160-181).
Tlie Orthodox believe that the moe of Holy orders
may perish throu^ heresy or sdiism, so they gener-
ally reordain converts (the Russian Church has offi-
cially refused to do this, Fortescue, op. cit., 423-424).
Matrimony (yd/tot) is often called the "crowning"
(ar^^pta/ML) from the practice of crowning the spouses
(Euch., 23S-252). They wear these crowns for a
week, and have a special service for taking them off
again (Euch., 252). The Arunniing of the Sick (e*x«-
Xa&y) is administered (^en possible) by seven
priests. The oil contains as a rule wine, in memory of
the Good Ssjnaritan. It is blessed by a priest just be-
fore it is used. They use a very long form invoking
the all-holy Theotokos, the "moneyless physicians"
Sts. Cosmas and Damian, and other samts. They
anoint the forehead, chin, cheeks, hands, nostrils, and
breast with a brush. Each priest present does the
same (Euch., 260-288). The service is, as u6ual. vcoy
long. They anoint people ^o are only slishtly ill,
(they very much resent our name: Extreme Unction),
and in Russia on Maundy Thursday the Metropolitans
of Moscow and Novgorod anoint everyone who pre-
sents himself, as a preparation for Holy Communicm
(Echos d' Orient, II, 193-203).
There are many SderamenUda, People are some-
times anointed with the oil taken from a lamp that
bums before a holy icon (oocasiottally with the form
for oonfirmatk>n! "The seal of the gtft of the Holy
Ghost")* They have besides the antidoron another
kind of blessed bread — ^the kolyba (ii6Xi;/8ft) eaten in
honour of some saint or in memory of the dead. On
the Epiphany ("the Holy Lights"—^ *yia ^^a)
there is a solemn blessing of the waters. They have a
sreat number of exorcisms, very stem laws of fasting
(involving abstinence from many things besidee flesh
meat), and blessings for all manner of things. These
are to be found in the Buchologlon. Preaching was
till lately almost a lost art in the Orthodox Qiurcb;
now a revival of it has b^un (Gelser, Geistliches vl
Weltliches, etc.. 7&-^2). There is a long funeral ser-
vice (Euch., ed. cit., 393-470). For all these rite?
(exc^ the Lituigy) a pridst does not wear all his
vestments but (over his cassock) the epitrachelion and
phainolbn. The high black hat without a brim
(caXvA«a^«toy) worn by all priests of this rite is well
known. It is worn with v^tments as well as in ordi-
nary life. Bishops and dignitaries have a black veil
over it. All clerks wear Ions hair and a beard. For a
more detailed account of all these rites see "Orth.
Eastern Church", pp. 418-428.
The Orthodox S«rvioe-book8 in Greek are pubiiahed at their
official press (o ^otVif) at Venice (various dates: the Budutio'
gion quoted here, 1898)^ the Uniat ones at Rome (Propacanda).
There is also an Athenian edition; and the Churches that use
translations have published their versiona. Provoet Axjuaoe
M ALTXEw (of the Russian Embassy church at Beilin) has edited
all the books in Old Slavonic with a parallel Oermaa traaalation
and notes (Berlin, 1892): RaNAtTVor. lAturgiaaum orieniaiimm
eotUeiio (2d ed., 2 vola., Frankfort, 1847); Neale. 7%e Lihirffiet
of 81, Mark, Si. James, St. CUment, SL Chrysoatomj^l. Banl
(London, 1876. in Greek); another volume contains The 2>wu-
hatuma of the Primitive Liturgiet of St. Mark^ etc.; Roannaoir,
The Divine LUurgiee of Our Father* among the SainU John
Chryeoatom. Basil the Great and that of the PreaanetifUd (Greek
and Enetiui, London, 1894): d> Meestbr, La divine Ithiryie
de S.^ Jean Chiyaootome (Greek and French. Pane. 1907);
'H #>ta kflTOvpy^a. wynd^ovoa ihir •ottipawv, m. r. k. (Athene,
1894); (^ARON, Lee eainUe et divines Liturgies, etc. (Beirut,
1904); Storfi% i>»e t/riechiechen Liturtfien, XLI of TBAUiorss,
BOdioOuk dor KirehenvAter (Kempten, 1877); KitA al4ii&roiai
d^-HahSyveh (Melchite Use in Arabic. Beirut, 1899); Goab,
EiuJu)looidn, sive Rituale Oraeorum ' fznd ed., Venice, 1720);
Pbobst, Litarffie der drei ersten chrieUiehen Jahrkttnderte (T«k-
bingen. 1870): Anox.. Litwme de9 vierten Jakrhunderta und
deren Reform (MOnBter, 1893); iCATTBNBuacB. Lehrimch der ver-
gieichenden Konfessionskimde: Die orthodoxe antUalische Kirche
(Freiburg im Br.. 1892): Nilues, Kaiendarium maniMie ulriiie-
oye oodeeia (2nd ed., bmsbnick, 189&-97): Fbimcs Max or
Saxont, Praieeiionee de Liturgiia orierUalibus (Freiburg im Br.,
1908), I; Hapqood, Service-Book of the Holy Orthodox-Catholic
Apoetoiie (Oraoo-Russian) Church (Boston and New York,
1906); AUATIVB, De Ubrio el rebno oecL Grmeorum (Gok>gDe,
1646); Cluonet. Dietionnaire grec-franfais des noms liturgiquea
en usage dona riglise greeque (Paris, 1895); Archatzxxakz,
Studea aur lea prineipalea FHea airHiennea dona Vancienne Bglise
d^ Orient (Geneva, 1904); de Mbbster, Officio ddV imw aeatiiito
(Greek and Itahan, Rome, 1903); Gelzbb, Geiatlichea uad Welt-
lichee aua dam tHrkiaeh-griechiachen Orient (Leipzig, 1900); Gais-
BEK, Jje ayathna muaieal de VE^ise greeque (Maiedsous, 11X)1);
Rebourb, TraiU de paaiima^ Thfone et praHque du chant dana
I'Egliae greetua (Paris, 1906); Fostescue. The Orthodox Baalem
Church (London, 1907).
Adrian FoRTESons.
OoDStltatioiiists. See Jansbnibto.
Oo&Btitations, EocuuiAfirioAJU — ^Tlie term amtH^
tuJbion denoteB. in general, the make-up of a bodjr.
either j^hyBical or moral Used in reference to civil
or reUgious societies, the word, in the singular, si^-
fies the fundamental law determining their governing
kgislative, and ezecutive organism; in the plural it
denotes the enactments, ordmanoes, and laws issued
by the supreme authority to further the object of the
society. In legal lancuage the term amttiJtuiionee
denotes only church orcunanoes, civil ordinances being
termed logest laws. The conttittUiones ecdenasticm
have in common with the lege* civiles the binding
power derived from the authority of their f ramers, but
ihe^ differ from them as the Church differs from civil
sooietv, vis. in their origin, object, and sanction.
Civil taws are o^tments of a power directly human
and only Divine in its first cause ; their primary object
is the furthttimce of temporal welfare; and their sane-
tion, temporal penalties. Ecclesiastical constitutions,
on the other h^d, emanate from an authority directly
of Divine institution; their ultimate object is to pro-
mote the salvation of souls in the Kingdom of God on
earth; thdr sanction consists in spirittud penaltiea.
In the total complex of laws bearing on matters
spiritual, ecclesiastical constitutions stand midway
between the Divine and the natural law. The Divine
law is contained in the Scriptures interpreted by liv-
ing, authoritative tnadltion, e. g. the Ten Ck»miBand«
the constitutions of the Church, the admini^
OOKSTITUnOKS
321
OONSTITimOllS
tration of the sacraments. Natural law reata on the
dictates of human reason, e. g. the law of self-preserva-
tion, obedience to authority. Divine worship. Both
the Divine and the natural laws are often insuffi-
ciently determined; the Church expounds them and
adapts them to particular times, places, and persons.
Chief anoong ecclesiastical constitutions are the ordi-
nances emanating from general councils (see Counciub,
Gensral, X, XI) and from the Apostolic See (see
CoNsnTonoNS, Papal); these are the eofutUutianes
eecUsuuHca in tiie strictest sense of the term. Episco-
pal constitutions are issued by bishops either singly or
assembled in svnods, e. g. the constitutions of the ten
provincial ana three plenary councils of Baltimore,
which have adapted the ancient constitutions of the
Universal Church to the peculiar national and politi-
cal situation of the United States of America.
J. WlLHELJf.
OoiiBtitiltioiis, Papai. (Lat. eantlUuerej to estab-
lish, to decree), ordinations issued by the Roman
pontiffs and binding those for whom they are issued,
whether they be for aU the faithful or for special
classes or individuals. From the earliest times, the
Christians of the whole world have consulted the
popes on all matters pertaining to faith, morals, and
discipline. The earliest instance is the well-known
S)p^ from Ck>rinth to Pope Clement I, during the
etime of St. John the Apostle, in the first century of
the Christian Era. From that time on, requests for
decisions on various ecclesiastical matters were ad-
dressed to Uie Holy See from ail parts of the known
world, and the answers that were received were rever-
enced as proceeding from the mouth of CSirist's chief
Apostle and His vicar on earth. The fact that the
decrees of Church councils, whether general, provin-
cial, or even diocesan, were anciently as a rule for-
waided to the pope for his revision or confirmation,
gave occasion for many papal constitutions during the
early ages. After the tune of Ck>nstantine the Great,
owin^ to the greater Uberty allowed to the Cliurch,
euch mteroourse with the Apostolic See became more
frequent and more open. Bt. Jerome, in the fourth
century (Ep. cxxiii), testifies to the number of re-
sponses requested of the sovereign pontiff from both
the Eastern and the Western Churcn during the time
be acted as secretary to Pope Damasus. That these
papal responses soon began to constitute an important
section of canon law, is evident from statements in the
letters of various Roman pontiffs. The decretalia and
ronsHtuia of the Apostolic See were recognized as
laws or as interpretations of existing canons binding
the particular Churches to their observance. The
fact that oecumenical councils required the papal con-
fvmation before their decrees were valid (a principle
expressly admitted by the early councils themselves)
tended not a little to direct the attention of all Chris-
tians to the fullness of jurisdiction residing in the suc-
cessor of St. Peter. Hence the professions of faith
sent to the popes by newly elected oishops and by em-
perors on their succession to the throne.
Turning to the strictly canonical aspect of the case,
' the word constUtUion is derived from can (cum) and
ftaiuendoy and therefore means a common statute. It
is consequently synonomous in most respects with
l&w. In fact, a papal constitution is a legal enact-
ment of the ruler of the Church, just as a ci^ law is a
clecree emanating from a secular prince. Reiffenstuel
declares that the difference of name between ecclesi-
astical and civil statutes is very proper, since a secular
niler derives his authoritv immediately from the peo- •
Ele, and hence it is really the people who make the
ws, while the pope receives his power immediatelv
from (5od and is nimself the source whence all Church
'^(^ulations proceed. As a matter of fact, however,
while it is true that ecclesiastical laws are generally
uenominated ** constitutions", yet they are occa-
sionally designated as 'Maws" in canonical jurispru-
dence (e. g. Can. Leges Ecclesiie, 3, Q. 6). It must
not be supposed, however, that even in ecclesiastical
usage the word conMiUwn is restricted to papal ordi-
nances; it is also employed for conciliar, syncxlal, and
episcopal mandates, though more rarely in later times
The name canon is generally, though not exclusively,
given to conciliar decrees (see Canons, Ecclxsiasti-
cal). Letters emanating from the pope, though all
designated constitutions, receive more specific names
according to their form and their subject matter. As
to their form, pontifical constitutions may be eithei
Bulls or Bridfs. The former are used for the more
important and pennanent decrees and begin: Pius
(or name of pope) EpisoopuSj Servua servorum Dei; the
latter are heaaed by the name of the ruling pontiff:
Pius PP. X. Pope Leo XIII (29 Dec., 1878) made
some changes in the exterior form of papal Bulls (see
BxTLLS AMD Bribfs). As to subjcct-matter, the term
consHtutionf if used in a restricted sense, denotes
some statute which the Vicar of Christ issues in sol-
emn form either to the whole Christian world or to
part of it, with the intention of permanently binding
those to whom it is addressed. When the papal let-
ters are addressed to the bishops of the entire (jhufch,
they are denominated Encyclicals. This is the most
usual form employed by the popes for treating o ues-
tions of doctrine and discipline. When pontincal en-
actments tiUce the form of responses they are called
decaretal epistles. If they be issued motu proprui
(that is without a request having been made to tho
Holy See), they are called deerda^ though this nam<s
has also a more seneral si^ficance (see Dbcrees).
Ordinances issued to individuals concerning mattero
of minor or transient importance are called Kescriptis
(see RESCRIPTS, Papal).
Before issuing constitutions the pope usually takeii
counsel with his advisers. These counsellors have
varied in the different stages of church history. Dur-
ing the first eleven centuries, the Roman presbyterate
and the suburbicarian bishops were formed into
councils by the pope whenever he wished to investi-
gate matters of doctrine or discipline. TTie synodal
letters, or constitutions, issuing from these assemblies
owed their importance and binding force to the pri-
matial jurisdiction of the throne of Peter, for these
gatherings were not cecumenical councils in anv sense
of the word. History records a long list of these
Roman councils from the second to the eleventh cen-
tury. The papal constitutions issued at the close of
their celebration were as various as the subject-matter
of the councils. The paschal question, the baptism of
heretics, the heresies of Sabellius, Nestorius, Eu-
tyches, and others, the restoration of patriarchs and
bishops to their sees, ordinances conceminj; the mo-
nastic state, the election of the pope, the right of in-
vestiture— ^sill found treatment and decision in these
Roman councils and gave occasion to important pon-
tifical constitutions. These rulings were reverenced
as law throughout the Universal Church, East and
West, and constitute an important witness to the pri-
macy of the Bishop of Rome. After the eleventh cen-
tury, these Roman councils grew more infrequent and
finally ceased altogether, liiis was owine to the im-
portance gradually accruing to the cardinals, who suc-
ceeded the Roman presbyterate as the senate of the
pope. Consistories of the cardinal-bishops, -priests,
and -deacons were held twice and then thrice a week in
the Apostolic Palace; and to these consistories the
pontiff proposed the questions submitted to the Holy
See before ne drew up his constitution deciding them.
The consistory was the ordinary tribunal and audience
of the pope for the transaction of all the business of the
UniversaS Church. (See Cardinal.) From the six-
teenth century to our own time, a third period in the
methods of government and counsel ia to be distin-
guished. The rise of the Sacred Roa^aix Congregar-
OOVSTXTUnOVS
322
00N8UBSTAKTZATI0X
^ona, witli their separate tribunals, their consultons,
and trained officials, has brought about a change in
the preparation of papal constitutions. It is to wese
congregations that the pope looks for aid in preparing
the subject-matter of his letters to the Chumi. (See
Roman CoNOREOATioNa.)
The binding force of pontifical constitutions, even
without ^e acceptance of the Church, is beyond
Question. The pnmacy of jurisdiction possessed by
the successor of Feter comes immediately and directly
from Christ. That this includes the power of making
obligatory laws is evident. Moreover, that the popes
have the intention of binding the faithful directly and
immediately is plain from the mandatory form of their
constitutions. Bishops, therefore, are not at liberty
to accept or refuse papal enactments because, in theu*
judgment, they are ill-suited to the times. Still less
can the lower clergy or the civil power (see Exequa-
tur; Placet) possess any authority to declare pon-
tifical constitutions invalid or prevent their due pro-
mulgation. The Galilean opinions to the contrary
are no longer tenable after the decrees of the Council
of the Vatican (Sess. IV, ch. iii). If a papal constitu-
tion, published in Rome for the whole Church, were
not formally promulgated in a particular region, the
faithful woula nevertneless be bound by it, if it con-
cerned faith or morals. If it referred to matters of
discipline only, its observance would not be urgent,
not because of any defect in its binding force, but
solely because in such circumstances the pope is pre-
sumed to have suspended the obligation for the time
being. This leads to the Question of the proper pro-
mulgation (q. V.) of papal laws (see Law). The com-
mon teaching now is that promulgation in Rome
makes them obligatory for the whole world. The
method employed is to afiix the decrees at the portals
of St. Peter's, o St. John Lateran, of the Apostolic
Chancery and in the Piazza de' Fiori
Smith. BUm, of Eccl. Law (New York. 1805), I; Aichnbr.
Comp. Jur. Eccl. (Brixen, 1805); RxiFFSNaruEL, Jum Can.
Univerntm (Paris, 1864).
William H. W. Fanning.
Oonstitntions of the Apostles. See Apostolic
Constitutions.
OonstitationB of the French Olergy. See French
Revolution.
OonBubstantiation. — ^This heretical doctrine is an
attempt to hold the Real Presence of Christ in the
Holy Eucharist without admitting Transubstantia^
lion. According to it, the substance of Christ's
Body exists together with the substance of bread, and
in like manner the substance of His Blood together
with the substance of wine. Hence the word Con-
substaniiaiton. How the two substances can co-
exist is variously explained. The most subtle theory
is that, just as God the Son took to Himself a human
body without in any way destroying its substance, so
does He in the Blessed Sacrament assume the nature
of bread. Hence the theory is also called '^Impansr
tion'', a term founded on the analogy of Incarnation.
The subject cannot be treated adequately except in
connexion with the general doctrine of the Holy
Eucharist (q^. v.). Here it will be sufficient to trace
briefly the historv of the heresy. In the earliest ages
of the Church Chnst's words, "This is my body",
were imderstood by the faithful in their simple, nat-
ural sense. In the course of time discussion arose as
to whether they were to be taken literally or figurar
tively; and when it was settled that they were to he
taken literally in the sense that Chnst is really
and truly present, the question of the manner of this
presence began to be agitated. The controversy
lasted from the ninth to the twelfth century, after
which time the doctrine of Transubstantiation, which
teaches that Christ is present in the Eucharist by the
change of the entire substance of bread and wine into
His Body and Blood, was fully indicated as Catholic
dogma. In its first phase it turned on the queition.
whether the Body was the historical body of Qiziat^
the very body which was bom, crucified, and risesu
This was maintained by Pasdiasius Radbert and
denied by Ratramnus m the middle of the ninth
century. What concerns us here more closely is
the next stage of the controversy, when Beiren-
garius (I(X)a-1088) denied, if not the Real Preaaooe,
at least any change of the substance of the bread
and wine into the substance of the Body and Blood.
He maintained that "the consecrated Bread, retain-
ing its substance, is the Body of Christ, that is, not
losing anything which it was, but ftiwiifnipg some-
thing which it was not" (panis sacratus in aitari,
salva suA substantia, est corpus Christi, non amittena
quod erat sed assumens quod non erat— Cf. Martdne
and Durand,^ "Thesaurus Novus Anecd.". IV,
col. 105). It is clear that he rejected Transuostan-
tiation; but what sort of presence he admitted would
seem to have varied at oiiferent periods of his long
career. His opinions were condemned in various
councils held at Rome (1050, 1059, 1078, 1079), Ver-
celli (1050), Poitiers (1074), though both Pope Alex-
ander II and St. Gregory YII treated him with
marked consideration. His principal opponents
were Lanfranc, afterwards Archbishop of Quiter-
bury (De Corpore et Saneuine Domini adveraus Ber-
en^rium Turonensem), Durandus of Troam (q- v.),
Guitmundus of Aversa, and Hugh of lanpres. Al-
though it cannot be said that Berenganus found
many adherents during his lifetime, yet his here^
did not die with him. It was maintained by Wycbf
(Trialog., IV, 6, 10) and Luther (Walch, XX,
1228), and is the view of the High Church party
among the Anglicans at the present time. Besides
the councils above-mentioned, it was condemned by
the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), the Coimcil of
Constance (1418. — "The substance of the material
bread and in like manner the substance of the ma-
terial wine remain in the Sacrament of the altar' %
the first of the condemned propositions of WydiO*
and the Council of Trent (1551).
Berengarius and his modem followers have sp^
pealed chiefly to reason and the FaUiers in support
of their opinions. That Transubstantiation is not
contrary to reason, and was at least implicitly taught
by the Fathers, is shown in the article Transub-
stantiation. In the discussions of the Fathers about
the two natures in the one Person the analogy be-
tween the Incarnation and the Eucharist was fi«-
quentlv referred to, and this led to the expression of
views favouring Impanation. But after the definitive
victory of St. Cyril's doctrine, the anido^ was seen to
be deceptive. (See Batiffol, Etudes d^istoire, etc.,
2nd series, p. 319 sqq.) The great Schoolmen unani-
mously rejected Consubstantiation, but they differed
in their reasons for domg so. Albertus Magnus, St.
Thomas, and St. Bonaventure maintained that the
words, "This is my body", disproved it; while Alex«
ander of Hales, Scotus, Durandus, Occam, and
Pierre d'Ailly declared that it was not inconsistent
with Scripture, and could only be disproved by the
authority of the Fathers and the t€»Mshing of the
Church (Tunnel, Hist, de la th^l. posit., I,
313 soq.). This line of argument has been a stum-
bling-olock to Anglican writers, who have quoted
some of the Schoolmen in support of their erroneous
opinions on the Eucharist ; e.g. Pusey, "The Docteine
of the Real Presence" (1855).
In addition to the works mentioned, see Harper, Pme§
through the Truth (London, 1866), I ; Franxexjn, De 8S. EucK.
(Rome, 1873) , thes. xiv ; Scrwanb, DogmengfehieMe (Freibuxc
im Br., 1862). Ill; Verkbt in Ihet. de UM. eath, e.v. BHvmget
de Toure; Streber ia Kirchenlex. s. v. ConaubetanHatio: Hbd-
LET, The Holy Euchariet (1907) ; Waooett, The Holy £«cAar-
Ml (Anfflican, London, 1906) ; Gore, Th^ Body of ChriH (Loa*
don, 1907).
T. B. SCANNBLL
OOttSULTOES
323
OONTABINI
Oonsiiltors, Diockhan, a certain number of priests
in each diooeee of the United States who act as official
advisere of the bishop in certain matters pertaining to
the administration of the diocese. As a body tney
take the place of the cathedral chapter as establishea
elsewhere by the general law of tne Church. Their
appointment was recommended (1866) bv the Second
Plenaiy Council of Baltimore. The Third Plenai^
Council (1884) decreed that the^ should be consti-
tuted a diocesan council, and denned their particular
rights and duties.
Mannsr of AppoDmfSNT. — ^The diocesan con-
suitors, it was decreed (n. 18), should be six, qr at
least four, in number. Where neither number is pos-
sible, there should be at least two. They hold office
for three years; but they may be reappointed or se-
lected at the expiration of each term. The manner
of their election consists in the appointment by the
bishop alone of half of their number, and of the other
half by the bishop also, after having taken the vote of
the clergy. All the clergy exercising the sacred min-
istry in the diocese seira, in writing, to the bishop
three names for every consultor to be elected. From
the names thus proposed the bishop selects those
whom he judges most fit for the office. At stated
periods they are convened and presided over by the
bishop, four times, or at least twice, a year, and, as
occasion requires, monthly. In case of the death,
redgnation, or removal of a consultor, the bishop ap-
points his successor with the advice of the other con-
Btiltors.
Rights Ain> Duties. — ^The diocesan council has
certain rights and duties (A) when the see is fiUedf and
(B) when it is vacant, — (A) Wh^ the see is fiiUdy the
biihop Ib bound to ask the advice of the diocesan con-
suhors: (1) For convoking and promulgating a dioc-
esan synod; (2) for dividing missions or parishes;
(3) for giving over a mission or parish to a religious
community; (4) for appointing deputies for the dio-
cesan seminary ; (5) for appointmg anew diocesan con-
sultor and ssmodal exammens to conduct the examina-
tbn for vacant parishes; (6) for alienating church
property, when the sum exceeds five thousand dollars;
(7) for determining what missions are to be made
parishes with irremovable rectors and appointing
the first irremovable rectors in the diocese; (8) for
fixing the pension of an irremovable rector who has
resigned or who has been removed for cause; (9)
for determining, out of synod, the salary of rectors.
In all these cases the consultors give their opinion
collectively, i. e. in a body, and by secret bulot if
they deem proper. The bishop, however, although
bound to seek their advice in these matters, is not
obliged to foUow it.
(B) When the see is vacant: (1) the administrator
must follow the same procedure, L e. he must ask the
opinion of the diocesan consultors in the above-stated
cases. (2) Theexpiration of the three-year term of the
(x>nsultorB within the period of the vacancy does not
affect their tenure of office. They remain in office
until the accession of the new bishop who, within six
months from his consecration, should hold a new elec-
tion of diocesan consultors. (3) In the election of a
new bishop the council of 1884 conceded a voice to
the OQnsuftors, as representatives of the clergy of the
diocese. Together with the irremovable rectors they
meet within thirty davs after the vacancy occurs
under the presidency of the archbishop of the prov-
ince, or, if ne be hindered, of a suffragan deputed by
him. If the vacancy be that of the archbishopric the
Knior suffragan presides, or one deputed by him.
The voting is by secret ballot. Three candidates are
Klected whose names are sent to the S. Cong, de Pro-
pAgsndA Fide, and to the other bishops of the prov-
moe, who meet, within ten days, to approve or aisap-
prove of the candidates presented by the consultors
Sod irremovable vectors. The bishops send their
own list to Rome. The pofie may reject l)oth lists
and appoint as bishop some one who is on neither.
(4) Wnen there ia a question of selecting a coadjutor
with the right of succession the consultors with the
irremovable rectors have a voice just as in the election
of a new bishop. (5) This is also the case where a
new diocese is formed out of one or more existing
dioceses. In that case, only the irremovable rectors
within the limits of the new diocese join with the
consultors of the older diocese or dioceses. (See
Baltimore, Plenary Councils of.)
Second Plenary Couned of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1866);
T*hird Plenary CouncU of Baltimore (Baltimore. 1884). noa. 17-
22; Smith, BUmenta of Bcdeeiaatical Law (New York, 1886);
M&BHAN, Comp, Jur. Canoniei (Rochester. Kew York, 1809);
NiLLKa, Comment, in Cone PUn. Bait. (Innsbruck. 1888). III.
Joseph F. Moonet.
Oonsultors, Roman. See Roman Conqreoations.
Oontant de la Molette, Philippe do, theologian
and Biblical scholar, bom at C6te-8aint-Andr6, in
Dauphin^, France, 29 August, 1737; died on the scaf-
fold during The Terror, 1703. He studied at the Sor-
bonne, and, in 1765, defended a thesis on Job, in six
languages. Louis XV was so well pleased that he
allowed him to pass the examinations for the licenti*
ate without the required dela3rB, a privilege, however,
which de la Molette did not use. Later on, he be-
came Vicar<ieneral of the Diocese of Vienne, France.
As a Biblical author, he shows great erudition and is
well versed in the Oriental languages, but he lacks
originalitv, and his criticism is often misleading. His
worics, all published in Paris, are the following.
''Essai sur rEcriture Sainte, ou Tableau hiBtori<iue
des avantages que Ton peut tirer des langues orien-
tates pour la parfaite intelligence des Livres Saints''
(1776); "Nouvelle m^thode pour entrer dans le vrai
sens de TEcriture sainte" ^1777); "La Gendse expU*
qu^ d'apr^ les textes primitifs". etc. (1777), 3 vols.,
a work intended especially as a refutation of Voltaire;
"L'Exode expliqu6", 3 vols. (1780); the thesis that
he had defended m 1765 is printed in the begiiming of
this work; '^Les Psaumes expliqu4s", etc., 3 vols.
(1781); "Traits sur la po68ie et la musique des H^
breux" (1781), a continuation of the preceding: "Le
Ldvitique expliqu^", 2 vols. (1785). He had also
done considerable work as a preparation for a " Nou-
velle Bible polv^lotte", but it is doubtful whether he
ever publistied it.
Feller, Biog. Univ., b.v.; Manoknot in VxaouBOUX, DicL
de la Bible, s.v.
R. BUTIN.
Oontarixd, Gaaparo, Venetian statesman and
cardinal, b. 16 October, 1483, of an ancient and noble
family in Venice; d. at Bologna, 24 August, 1542.
He received his elementary training in his native
city; and afterwards, from 1501 to 1509, he fre-
quented the University of Padua, where he studied
Greek, mathematics, Aristotelean philosophy, and
theology. He was a close student and acouired the
reputation of a great philosopher. After nis return
to Venice he became, like all the sons of patrician
families, a member of the Great Council, and after-
wards was named to a commission which adminis-
tered the debt of the republic. In September, 1520,
he was appointed orator or ambsssador to the court
of the Emperor Charles V (151^56), with instruc-
tions to deiend the alliance of his Government with
Francis I of France (1515-47), and to prevent all
hostile measures of the emperor. In Worms, where
he arrived in April, 1521, he heard much about
Luther and his errors; but, not beinp concerned with
the matter, he refrained from all mterference. and
never saw Luther nor spoke to him. From Worms
he went with the imperial court to the Netherlands,
thence to England, and finally to Spain. In August,
1525, he returned to Venice. A report of hia ezpe-
oomtahiki
324
OONTEMPLAnOK
riences was presented to the tSenatc IG November fol-
lowing. During his absence he was named "Savio
di terra ferma", i. e. president of a commission
charged with the affairs of the Continental posses-
sions of Venice, and he assmned the duties of this
office. In 1527 he represented the Republic of
Venice in the Congress of Ferrara, where the Duke of
Ferrara joined the league, formed against the Em-
peror Charles V, between France ana several states
of Italy. In 1528 he was sent as ambassador to the
court of Clement VII (1623-34), with instructions to
retain the pope in the above-mentioned leaeue, and
to defend the action of the republic in withholding
from the pope the cities of Kavenna and Cervia,
seized during the late invasion of the Constable
Bourbon. Contarini failed in both objects. Venice
was forced not only to surrender the aforesaid cities,
but also to make peace with the emperor; it was con-
cluded through Contarini in January, 1530, at Bo-
logna. On 24 February following, Contarini assisted
at the solenm coronation of Charles V in Bologna,
and then returned to Venice, where he presented the
usual report to the Senate on 9 March. In com-
pensation for his services he was appointed to several
nigh positions in the government of the republic,
and ultimately became a member of the Senate.
Contarini was created cardinal by Paul III in 1535.
He accepted the honour and went to Rome (Oct.,
1535). He used his influence with the pope to sup-
press abuses in the papal government ana to secure
virtuous men for the SacrS College. Contarini was
the president of a commission appointed by the pope
in 1536 to submit plans for a reform of evils in the
Roman Curia or in other parts of the Church. It was
largely due to him that, early in 1537, the commission
could present its programme, the ''Consilium de
emend^d& ecclesi^^'. He advised the pope not to
abuse the great jurisdiction placed in his hands; and
encouraged his friends among the bishops to take ap-
propriate measures for discipline and good order in
their dioceses, setting an example in his own Diocese of
Cividale di Bellimo, to which he was appointed in
October, 1536. St. Ignatius acknowledged that Con-
tarini was largely responsible for the papal approba-
tion of his society (1540). At the desire of Charles V,
Contarini was sent as papal legate to Germany in
1541, and took part in the conference held at Ratisbon
between Cathoucs and Protestants in hope of concili-
ating the latter. As it ^raduallv became evident that
the aifTerences in doctrine coulu not be bridged over,
the conference was broken off; Contarini remitted the
final decision of all articles of faith to the pope, and re-
turned to Rome. In January, 1542, he was appointed
cardinal legate at Bologna, where, after a few months,
death put an end to his career. His remains were in-
terred, first in the church of San Pctronio, then trans-
ferred to the church of the monastery of San Proculo,
and finally, in December, 1565, to the family tomb in a
chapel of the church of Santa Maria dell' Orto in Venice.
Contarini 's principal works are the following: (1)
"Ldbri duo de immortalitate anims'^; (2) "De
officio episcopi libri duo": (3) "De ma^tratibus
et republic^ Venetorum libri V"; (4) "Compendii
primse philosophic libri VIII"; (5) **De potestate
Pontificis"; (6) "De elementis libri V"; (7) "Con-
futatio articulorum seu quaestionum Lutheri"; (8)
"De libero arbitrio"; (9) "Conciliorum magis illus-
trium eumma"; (10) "De Sacramentis christiame
Icgis et catholicse ecclesiae libri IV"; (11) "De justi-
ficatione"; (12) "Cathechismus"; (13) "De Pi»-
destinatione"; (14) "Scholia in epistolas divi Pauli".
In many of these writings Contanni touched upon the
questions raised by Luther and other reformers; in
stating the Cathouc view, however, he was not al-
ways fortunate. Thus, in describing the process of
justification, he attributes the result lately to faith
—not to faith with incipient charity in the Catholic
sense, but to faitli in the sense of confidence. How*
ever, he departs again from the Protestant view by
including in the preparatory stage a real breaking
away from sin and turning to good, a repentance
and detestation of sin. Thus al^, in describing the
essence or the caiisa farmalis of justification, he
requires not only the supernatural equality inbercnt
in the soul, by which man is constituted just, but,
in addition to that, the outward imputation of tiie
merits of Christ, believed to be necessaiy owin^ to
the deficiency of our nature. It would be unjust,
nevertheless, to class Contarini among the partisans
of the Reformation. The above-mentioned views
were taken only in part from the teaching of the
Protestants; as yet the Church had given no definite
decision on these matters. Moreover, Contarini
wished always to remain a Catholic; at the Confer-
ence of Ratisbon he protested repeatedly, that he
would sanction nothing contrary to the Catholic
teaching, and he left the final decision of all matters
of faith to the pope.
DiTTRiCH, Regeken und Brief € dm CardinaU OoBpar^ CmUa-
rini (Braunabers, 1881); iDKM.Okwporo CarUarini, eine Moiuh-
graphie (Braunsoerg, 1885) ; Pabtor in KirchenUx, (Frnburc
im Br., 1884), b.v, FraNCIS J. SCHAicFER.
Oontazini, Giovanni, Italian painter of the Vene-
tian School, b. at Venice about 1549 ; d. in 1605. Con*
tarini was a contemporary of Jacopo Palma called
Palma Giovine. He was a great student of the works
of Tintoretto and Titian and is declared to have been
an exact imitator of Titian. According to an old
story he was so extremely accurate in his portraits
that on "sending home one he had taken of Marco
Dolce his dogs b^an to fawn upon it mistakiiig it for
their master^\ Contarini's work is extremely man-
nered, soft and sweet, but distinguished by beautiful,
rich colouring and executed very much on the tinea of
Titian's painting. His finest picture is in the Louvre,
having been removed from the ducal palace at Venice,
and represents the Vimn and Child with St. Mark and
St. Sebastian, and the Doge of Venice, Maiino Grimani,
kneeling before them. Other paintings of his are in
the ^[slleries at Berlin, Florence, Milan, and Vienna,
and m many of the churches at Venice. He painted
easel-pictures of mythological subjects, whidh are
treated with propriety and discretion but are pecul-
iarly lacking in force and strength; in many of the
palaces in Venice he decorated ceilings. Some years
of his life were passed at the court of the Emperor
Rudolf II, with whom he was a great favourite and by
whom he was knighted. His work has been de-
scribed by one writer as a "combination of sugar,
cream, mulberry juice, sunbeam and velvet", but the
criticism is a little unjust and one or two of his works,
for example the " Resurrection'' in the church of San
Francesco di Paolo at Venice, can claim to be mas-
terly. This picture is certainly a fine piece of colour-
ing, well composed and well carried out.
The cshief aothority is Gajujo Ridolfx, Vttutian Artialt
(Yenioe, 1648) ; Brinton, The Renai»9anc0 in Italian Art (Lon-
don. 1898) ; KuQUSR, The JUdian SchooU of Pdintino CLondon.
1900). George Charles Williamson.
OontempUtion. — ^The idea of contemplation is so
intimately connected with that of mystical theology
th&t the one cannot be clearly explained independenUy
of the other ; hence we shall here set forth what mysti-
cal theology is.
Preldiinart DsFiNrnoNS. — ^Those supernatural
acts or states which no effort or labour on our part can
succeed in producing, even in the slidlitest degree or
for a single instant, are called mystical. The mAking
of an act of contrition and the reciting of a Hail Mary
are supernatural acts, but when one wishes to produce
them grace is never refused ; hence they are not mysti-
cal acts. But to see one's guardian angel, whirii does
not in the least depend on one's own efforts, is a mjati-
cal Mi. To have very ardent sentiments of Divine
OQNTIMFXATIOM
325
OOMTSMPLATION
love is not, in itself, proof that one is in a mystical
state, because such love can be produced, at least
feebly ajid for an instant, by our own efforts. The
preoedmg definition is equivalent to that given by St.
Teresa in the beginning of her second letter to Father
Rodriguez Alvarez. Mystical theology is the science
that studies mystical states; it is above all a science
based on observation. Mystical theology is fre-
quently confounded with ascetic theology; the latter,
however^ treats of the virtues. Ascetical writers dis-
cuss also the subject of prayer, but they confine them-
selves to prayer that is not mystical.
Mystical states are called, nrst, supernatural or iV
futed, by whidi we mean manifestly supernatural or
infused; secondly^ extraordinaryf indicating that the
intellect operates m a new way, one which our efforts
cannot bnn^ about; thirdly, passive, to show that
the soul receives something and is conscious of reoaiv-
ing it. The exact term would be passivo-^ictive, since
our activity responds to this reception just as it does
in the exercise of our bodily senses. By way of dis-
tinction ordinary prayer is called active, Ine word
mystical has been much abused. It has at length
come to be applied to all religious sentiments that are
scxnewhat ardent and, indeed, even to simple poetic
sentiments. The foregoing definition fldves the re-
stricted and theologicalsense of the word.
First of all, a word as to ordinary prayer, which
comprises these four degrees: first, vocal prayer;
second, meditation, also called methodical prayer, or
prayer of reflection, in which may be included medita-
tive reading; thiro, affective prayer; fourth, prater
of simplicity, or of simple gaze. Only the last two de*
greea (also called prayens of the heart) will be consid-
ered, as thev border on the mystical states. Mental
prayer in wnidi the affective acts are numerous, and
which consists much more laigelv of them than of
reflections and reasoning, is ciJled affective. Prayer
of simplicity is mental prater in which, first, reason-
ing is largely replaced by intuition; second, affections
and resolutions, thou^ not absent, are only slightly
varied and expressed m a few words. To say that the
multiplicity ot acts has entirely disappeared would be
a harmf id exaggeration, for they are only notably di-
minished. In Doth of these states, but especially in
the second, there is one dominant thought or senti-
ment whicn recuiB constantly and easily (although
with little or no development) amid many other
thoughts, benefidal or otherwise. This main thought
is not continuous but keeps returning frequently and
spontaneously. A like fact may be observed m the
natural order. The mother who watches over the
cradle of her child thinks lovingly of him and does so
without reflection and amid interruptions. These
prayers differ from meditation only as greater from
lesser and are applied to the same :;ubjects. Never-
theless the prayer of simplicity often has a tendency
to simplify itself, even m respect to its object. It
leads one to think chiefly of Grod and of His presence,
but in a confused manner. This particular state,
which is nearer than others to the mystical states, is
called the prayer of amorous attention to God. Those
who bring the charge of idleness against these different
states ^ways have an exonerated idea of them. The
prayer of simplicity is not to meditation what inac-
tion is to action, though it might appear to be at times,
but what uniformity is to variety and intuition to rear
Boning.
A soul is known to be called to one of these degrees
when it succeeds therein, and does so with ease, and
when it derives profit from it. The call of God be-
comes even clearer if this soul have first, a persistent
attraction for this kind of pmyer; second, a want of
facility and distaste for meditation. Three rules of
conduct for those who show these signs are admitted
by all authors: (a) When, during prayer, one feels
*>«jitlier a relish nor facility for certain acts one should
not force oneself to produce them, but be content with
affective prayer or the prayer of simplicity (which, by
hypothesis, can succeed) ; to do otherwise would be to
thwart the Divine action, (b) If, on Uie contrary,
during prayer, one feels a facility for certain acts, one
should yield to this inclination instead of obstinately
striving to remain immovable like the Quietists. In-
deed, even the full use of our faculties is not superflu-
ous in helping us to reach God (c) Outside of prayer,
properly so called, one should profit on all occasions
either to get instruction or to arouse the will and thus
make up what prayer itself may lack. Many texts
relative to the prayer of simplicity are found in the
works of St. Jane de Chantal, who, together with St.
Francis of Sales, founded the Order of the Visitation.
She complained of the opposition that many well-dis-
posed mmds offered to this kind of prayer. By an-
cient writers the prayer of simplicity is called acquired,
active, or ordinary contemplation. St. Alphonsus
Liguori. echoing his predecessors, defines it thus: ''At
the end of a certain time ordinary meditation pro-
duces what is called acquired contemplation, wnich
consists in seeing at a simple glance the truths which
could previously be discovered only through pro-
longed discourse" (Homo apostolicus, Appmlix I,
no. 7).
To distinguish it from acquired contemplation
mystical union is called intuitive, passive, extraordin-
ary, or higher contemplation. St. Teresa designates
it simply as contemplation, without any qualification.
Mystical graces may be divided into two croups, ac-
cording to the nature of the object contempl^tea. The
states of the first group are characterised by the fact
that it is God, and Ciod only, who manifests Himself;
these are called mystical union. In the second group
the manifestation is of a created object, as, for ex-
ample, when one beholds the humanity of Ghrist or an
angel or a future event, etc. These are visions (of
created things) and revelations. To these belong
miraculous bodily phenomena which are sometimes
observed in ecstatics. . There are four degrees or
stat^ of mystical union. They are here taken just as
St. Teresa has described them with the greatest clear-
ness in her "Life" and principally in ner "Interior
Castle": first, incomplete mystical union, or the
prayer of auiet (from the Latm quies, quiet; which
expresses tne impression experienced in this state);
second, the full, or semi-ecstatic, union, which St.
Teresa sometimes calls the prayer of union (in her
"life" she also makes use of tne term erdire union,
entera unidn, ch. xvii) ; third, ecstatic union, or ec-
stasy; and fourth, tranisforming or deifying union, or
spiritual marriage (properly) of the soul with God.
"nie first three are states of the same grace, viz. the
weak, medium, and the eneigetic. It will be seen
that the transforming union differs from these specific-
ally and not merely m intensity.
The preceding ideas may be more precisely stated
by indicatinjg the easily discernible lines of aemarca-
tion. Mystical union will be called (a) spiritual quiet
when the Divine action is still too weak to prevent
distractions: in a word, when the imagination stiU re-
tains a certain liberty ; (b) full union when its strength
is so great that the soul is fully occupied with the
Divine object, whilst, on the other hand, the senses
continue to act (under these conditions, by making a
greater or less effort, one can cease from prayer); (c)
ecstasy when communications with the external world
are severed or nearly so (in this event one can no
longer make voluntary movements nor emerge from
the state at will). Between these well-defined types
there are imperceptible transitions as between the
colours blue, green, and yellow. Mystics use many
other appellations: silence, supernatural sleep, spir-
itual inebriation, etc. These are not real degrees, out
rather ways of being in the four preceding degrees.
St. Teresa sometimes dosignates tlie weak prayer of
OOHTEMPLATIOH
326
OOMTSBfPLATIOM
quiet SB sut>ematural recollection. As regards trans-
forming union, or spiritual marriage, it is here suffi-
cient to say that it consists in the habitual conscious-
ness of a mysterious grace which ali shall possess in
heaven: the participation of the Divine jiature. The
soul is conscious of the Divine assistance in its supe-
rior supernatural operations, those of the intellect and
the will. Spiritual marriage differs from spiritual
espousals inasmuch as the mst of these states is per-
manent and the second only transitory.
Characters op Mystical Union. — ^The different
states of mystical union possess twelve characters.
The first two are the most important; the first be-
cause it denotes the basis of this grace, the other be-
cause it represents its physiognomy.
First character: the presence felt, — (a) The real dif-
ference between mystical union and the recollection of
ordinary prayer is that, in the former, Grod is not sat-
isfied with helping us to think of Him and reminding
us of His presence; He gives us an intellectual ex-
perimental knowledge of that presence, (b) How-
ever, in the lower degrees (spiritual quiet) God does
this in a rather obscure way. The more elevated the
order of the union the clearer the manifestation. The
obscurity just mentioned is a source of interior suffer-
ing to beginners. During the period of spiritual quiet
they instinctively believe in the preceding doctrine,
but afterwards, because of their preconceived ideas,
they begin to reason and relapse into hesitation and
the fear of poing astray. The remedy lies in provid-
ing them with a learned director or a book that treats
these matters clearly. By experimental knowledge
is understood that wnich comes from the object itself
and makes it known not only as possible but as exist-
ing, and in such and such conditions. This is the
case with mystical union: God is therein perceived as
well as conceived. Hence, in mystical umon, we have
experimental knowledge of God and of His presence,
but it does not at all follow that this knowledge is of
the same nature as the Beatific Vision. The angels,
the souls of the departed, and devils know one another
experimentally but in an inferior way to that in which
God will be manifested to us in heaven. Theologians
express this principle by saying that it is a knowledge
by impressea or intelligible species.
Second character: interior possession. — (a) In states
inferior to ecstasy one cannot say that he sees God,
unless indeed in exceptional cases. Nor is one in-
stinctively led to use the word see. (b) On the con-
trary, what constitutes the common basis of all the
degrees of mystical union is that the spiritual impres-
sion by which God manifests His presence makes that
presence felt in the way of an interior something with
which the soul is penetrated; it is a sensation of ab-
sorption, of fusion, of immersion, (c) For the sake of
greater clearness the sensation one experiences may be
designated as interior touch. This very clear expres-
sion of spiritual sensation is used by Scaramelli (Direo-
toire mystique, Tr. iii, no. 26) and had already been
resorted to by Father de la Reguera (Praxis theologise
mysticfiB, vol. I, no. 735). The following comparison
will aid us in forming an exact idea of the physiogno-
my of mystical union. We may say that it is in a
Precisely similar way that we feel the presence of our
ody when we remain perfectly immobile and close
our eyes. If we know that our body is present, it is
not because we see it or have been told of the fact. It
is the result of a special sensation (coensesthesis), an
interior impression, very simple and yet impossible to
analyse. Thus it is that in mystical union we feel
God within us and in a very simple way. The soul
absorbed in mystical union that is not too elevated
may be said to resemble a man placed near one of his
friends in an impenetrably dark place and in utter si-
lence. He neither sees nor hears his friend whose
hand he holds within his own, but through means of
touch, he fj'rls liis nrrscncc. He tluis remains think-
ing of his friend and loving him, although amid dis-
tractions.
The foregoing statements concerning the first two
characters always appear unquestionably true to
those who have received mystical graces, but, on the
contrary, they are often a source ofamazement to the
profane. For those who will admit them, at least
provisionally, the difficulties of mystical union are
overcome and what is to follow will not be very mys-
terious. The ten characters remaining are the conse-
quences or concomitants of the first two.
Third character, — Mystical union cannot be prrv
duced at will. It is this character that was uwrfiil
above in defining all mystical states. It may also i>e
added that these states cannot be augmented nor their
manner of being changed. By remaining immobile
and being content with interior acts of the will one
cannot cause these graces to cease. It will be seen
farther on that the only means to this end lies in re-
suming bodily activity.
Fourth character. — The knowledge of God in mysti-
cal union is obscure and confused; hence the expres-
sion to enter into Divine obscurity or into Divine
darkness. In ecstasy one has intellectual visions of
the Divinity, and the loftier these become, the more
they surpass our understanding. Then is reached
blinding contemplation, a mixture of light and dark-
ness. The great darkness is the name given to the
contemplation of such Divine attributes as are never
shared by any creature, for instance, infinity, eternity,
immutability, etc.
liijih character. — Like all else that borders on the
Divine nature this mode of communication is only
half comprehensible and it is called mystical because
it indicates a mystery. This character and the pre-
ceding one are a source of anxiety to beginners, as they
imagine that no state is Divine and certain unless they
understand it perfectly and without anyone's h^p.
Sixth character. — In mystical union the contempla-
tion of God is produced neither by reasoning nor by
the consideration of creatures nor still by interior
images of the sensible order. We have seen that it
has an altogether different cause. In the natural
state our thinking is always accompanied by images,
and it is the same in ordinary prayer, because super-
natural operations of an ordinaiy character resemble
those of nature. But in mystical contemplation a
change takes place. St. John of the Cross is con-
stantly reverting to this point. It has been said that
the acts of the imagination are not the cause of con-
templation: however, they may at least accompany
it. Most irequently it is in distractions that the
imagination manifests itself, and 8t. Teresa declared
that for this evil she found no remedy (Life, ch. xvii).
We shall designate as constitutive acts of mystical
union those which necessarily belong to this state, such
as thinking of God, relishing Him and loving Him;
and by way of distinction we shall denote as addi-
tional acts such acts, other than distractions, as are
not proper to mystical union, that is to say, are neither
its cause nor its consequences. This term indicates
that an addition, whether voluntary or not, is made to
Divine action. Thus, to recite a Hail Mary during
spiritual quiet or to give oneself up to a consideration
01 death would be to perform additional acts, because
they are not essential to the existence of spiritual
quiet. These definitions will prove useful later on.
But even now they will permit us to explain certain
abbreviations of language, often indulged in by mys-
tics, of which many erroneous interpretations have
been made, misunderstanding having resulted from
what was left unexpressed. Thus it has been said:
"Often in supernatural prayer there are no more
acts"; or, "One must not fear therein to suppress all
acts"; whereas what should have been said was this:
"There are no more additional acts*'. Taken liter-
ally, tliose abridged phrases do not differ from those of
OONTEBIPLATZOH
327
OOHTSBIPLATIOM
the Quietista. St. Teresa was suddenly enlightened
in her way of perfection by reading in a b^k this
phrase, though it is inaccurate: ''In spiritual quiet
one can think of nothing" (Life, ch. xxiii). But
others would not have discerned the true value of the
expression. In like manner it was said: "The will
onJv is united"; by which was meant that the mind
adds no further reasoning and that thenceforth it
makes itself foi^tten or else that it retains the liberty
of producing additional acts; then it seems as if it
were not united. But in future these expressions
that require long explanations will be avoided.
Seventh charader, — ^There are continual fluctua-
tions. Mystical union does not retain the same de-
gree of intensity for five minutes, but its average in-
tensity may be the same for a notable length of time.
Eighth char€uier, — ^Mystical union demands much
less labour than meditation, and the more elevated
the state the less the effort required, in ecstasv there
being none whatever. St. Teresa ccxnpares the soul
that proeresses in these states to a gardener who takes
less and less troOble to water his garden (Life, ch. xi).
In the prayer of quiet the labour does not consist in
procuring the prayer itself; God alone can give that,
out first in combating distractions; second, in occa-
sionally producing additional acts; third, if the quiet
be weak, in suppressing the ennui caused by incom-
plete absorption which very often one is disinclined to
perfect by something else.
Ninth character. — Mystical union is accompanied
by sentiments of love, tranquillity, and pleasure. In
spiritual auiet these sentiments are not always very
araent although sometimes the revense is the case and
there is spiritual jubilation and inebriation.
Tenth character, — ^M^stical union is accompanied,
and often in a very visible manner, by an impulse
towards the different virtues. This fact (whicn St.
Teresa constantly repeats) is the more sensible in pro-
portion as the prayer is more elevated. In private,
far from leading to pride these graces always produce
humility.
Eleventh character.-^MyBtical union acts upon the
body. This fact is evident in ecstasy (q. v.) and en-
ters into its definition. First, in this state the senses
have little or no action; second, the members of the
body are usually motioxiless; third, respiration almost
ceases ; fourth, vital heat seems to disappear, especially
from the extremities. In a word, all is as if the soul
loses in vital force and motor activity all that it gains
on the side of Divine union. The law of continuitv
shows us that these phenomena must occur, although
in a lesser degree, in those states that are inferior to
ecstasy. At what moment do they begin? Often
during spiritual quiet, and this seems to be the case
mainfy with persons of weak temperament. Since
this spiritual quiet is somewhat opposed to bodily
movements the latter must react reciprocally in order
to diminish this quiet. Experience confirms this con-
jecture. If one begins to walk, read, or look to right
and left, one feels the Divine action diminishing;
therefore to resume bodily activity is a practical
means of ending the mystical union.
Twelfth character, — Mystical union to some extent
hinders the production of some interior acts which, in
ordmary prayer, could be produced at will. This is
what is known as the suspension of the powers of the
soul. In ecstasy this fact is most evident and is also
experienced in actual quiet, one of those states in-
ferior to ecstasy, being one of the phenomena that
have most occupied mystics and been the cause of the
greatest anxietv to be^ners. Those acts which have
been termed additional, and which would likewise be
voluntary, are what are hampered by this suspension,
hence it is usually an obstacle to vocal prayers and
pioas reflections.
To sum up: as a general rule, the mystical state has
a tendency to exclude all that is foreign to it and espe-
cially whatever proceeds from our own assiduity, our
own effort. Sometimes, however, Ciod makes excep-
tions. Ck>noeming suspension there are three rules
of conduct identical with those already given for Uie
prayer of simplicity (see above). If a director sus-
pects that a person has attained unto the prayer of
(]^uiet he can most frequently decide the case by ques-
tioning him on the twelve characters just enumerated.
The Two Niohtb of the Soul. — ^There is an inter-
mediate state not yet mentioned, a frequent transition
between ordinary prayer and spiritual auiet. St.
John of the Cross, who was the first to describe it
clearly, called it the night of sense or first night of the
soul. If we abide by appearances, that is ^ say, by
what we inomediately observe in ourselves, this state
is a praver of simplicity but with characteristics, two
especially, which make it a thing apart. It is bitter,
and it is almost solelv upon God that the simple gaze
is incessantly rivetecf. Five elements are included in
this distressmg state: there is first, an habitual arid-
ity; second, an undeveloped, confused idea of Ciod,
recurring with singular persistency and independently
of the will; third, the sad and constant need of a
closer union with God; fourth, a continual action of
God's grace to detach us from all sensible things and
impart a distaste for them, whence the name, ''i^ght of
sense'' (the soul may struggle against this action of
pace) ; fifth, there is a hidden element which consists
m this: God besins to exercise over the soul the action
characteristic of the prayer of quiet, but He does it so
gently that one may be unconscious of it. Hence it is
spiritual quiet in the latent, disguised state, and it is
only by verifying the analogy of effects that one comes
to know it. St. John of the Cross speaks of the second
night of the soul as the night of the mind. It is noth-
ing more than the union of the mvstical states inferior
to spiritual nuurriage but r^arded as including the
element of gloom and therefore as producing suffering.
We can now form a compact idea of the develop-
ment of mystical union in the soul. It is a tree tne
seed of which is first concealed in the earth and the
roots that are secretly put forth in darkness consti-
tute the night of sense. From these a frail stem
springs up into the li^t and this is spiritual quiet.
The tree grows and Incomes successively full union
and ecsta^. Finally, in spiritual marria^ it attains
the end of its development and then especially it bears
tlowers and fruit. This harmony existing between
the states of mystical union is a fact of noteworthy
importance.
HBVBUkTIONB AND VlSlONS (OF CrEATUBBS). —
There are three kinds of speech: exterior, which is re-
ceived by the ear, and interior, which is subdivided
into imaginative and intellectual. The last is a com-
munication of thoughts without words.
There are three similar kinds of visions. Many de-
tails of these different graces will be found in the
works of St. Teresa. What are known as private and
particular revelations are those containea neither in
the Bible nor in the deposit of Apostolic tradition.
The Church does not oblige us to believe in them, but
it is prudent not to reject them lightly when they are
affirmed by saints. Nevertheless it is certain that
many saints were deceived and that their revelations
contradict one another. What follows will explain
the reason of this. Revelations and visions are sub-
ject to many illusions which shall be briefly set forth.
First, like Jonas at Ninive, the seer may regard as
absolute a prediction that was only conditional, or
commit some other error in interpreting it. Second,
when the vision represents a scene from the life or
Passion of Christ, historic accuracy is often only ap-
proximate; otherwise God would lower Himself to the
rank of a professor of history and archaeology. He
wishes to sanctify the soul, not to satisfy our curiosity.
The seer, however, may believe that the reproduction
is exact ; hence the want of agreement between revela-
dONTElffPLATIOK
328
CONTmSPLATION
mons concerning the life of Jesus Christ. Third, dur-
ing the vision personal activity may be so mingled
with the Divine action that answers in the sense de-
sired seem to be received. In fact, during prayer
vivid imaginations may go so far as to produce revela-
tions and visions out of whole cloth without any evil
intent. Fourth, sometimes, in his desire to explain it,
the seer afterwards unconsciously alters a genuine
revelation. Fifth^ amanuenses and editors take de-
plorable liberties in revising, so that the text is not
always authentic. Some revelations are even abso-
lutely false because: first, in describing their prayer,
certain persons lie most audaciously; second, amongst
those afflicted with neuropathy there are inventors
who, in perfectly good faith, imagine to be real facts
things that have never occurred; third, the devil may
to a certain degree, counterfeit Divine visions; fourth,
amongst writers there are genuine forgers who»are re-
sponsible for political prophecies, hence the profusion
of absurd predictions.
Illusion^ in the matter of revelations often have a
serious consequence, as they usually instigate to ex-
terior acts, such as teaching a doctrine, propagating a
new devotion, prophesying, launching into an enter-
prise that entails expense. There would be no evil to
fear if these impulses came from God, but it is entirety
otherwise when they do not come from God, which is
much more frequently the case and is difficult of dis-
cernment. On the contrary there is naught to fear
from mystical union. It impels solely towards Di-
vine love and the practice of solid virtue. There would
be equal security in the impossible supposition that
the state of prayer was only an imitation of mystical
union, for then the tendencies would be exactly the
same. This supposition is called impossible because
St. Teresa and St. John of the Cross keep repeating
that the devil cannot imitate nor even understand
mystical union. Neither can our mind and imagina-
tion reproduce the combination of the twelve charac-
ters described above.
What has been said shows us the importance of not
confounding mystical union with revelations. Not
only are these states of a difiPerent nature but they
must also be differently estimated. Because ignor-
ant of this distinction many persons fall into one of
these two extremes: first, if they know the danger of
revelations, they extend their severe judgment to
mvstical union and thus turn certain souls from an ex-
cellent path; second, if on the contrary, they are rea-
sonably persuaded of the security ana tranquillity of
mystical union, they wrongfully extend this favour-
able judgment to revelations and drive certain souls
into a dangerous path.
When God so wills He can impart to him who re-
ceives a revelation the full certainty that it is real and
wholly Divine. Otherwise one would not have had
the right to believe the Prophets of the Old Testa-
ment. Scripture ordained that they be distinguished
from false prophets. For instance, the envoys of
God performed miracles or uttered prophecies the
realization of which was verified. In orcler to judge
private revelations in a more or leas probable way,
two kinds of information must be obtained. First,
one should ascertain the qualities or defects, from a
natural, ascetic, or mystical point of view, of the per-
son having revdations. When the one in question
has been canonized the investigation has abready been
made by the Church. Second, one should be ac-
(^uainted with the qualities or detects of the revelation
it,self and with its various circumstances, favourable
or otherwise. To judge of ecstasies one should be
actuated by the same principles, the two chief points
to settle being: first, in what the soul is absorbed
whilst thus deprived of the senses, and whether it is
captivated by knowledge of a higher order and trans-
jKirt^l by an immense love; second, what degree
of virtue it possi'SKtil befon* reA<^hing ihiA nUte and
what great progress it made afterwards. If the re-
sult of the investigation be favourable the probabili-
ties are on the sioe of Divine ecstasy, as neither tbe
devil nor disease can work the imagination up to this
pitch.
There are several rules of conduct in oonnexion
with revelations but we shall give only the two most
important. The first relates to the director. If the
revelation or the vision has for its sole effect the aug-
menting of the love of the seer for God, Christ, or the
saints, nothing prevents these facts from being pro-
visionally considered Divine; but if, on the contrar>'f
the seer be impelled to certain undertakinos^r if he
wish that his prediction should be firmly b^eved, the
utmost distrust must be shown, but with the greatest
kindness. If the seer be dissatisfied with this prudejit
attitude and insist upon being believed, he should be
told: "You must admit that you cannot be believed
simply upon your word, conseauently give signs that
your revelations come from Goa and from Him alone."
As a rule this request remains unanswered. Note the
prudence of the Church in rejsard to certain feasts or
devotions which she has instituted in consequence of
private revelations. The revelation was only the oc-
casion of the measure taken. The Church declares
that such a devotion is reasonable but she does not
guarantee the revelation that suggested it. The sec-
ond rule concerns the seer. In the beginning, at
least, he is gently to do his utmost to repulse the rev-
elations and to turn his thoughts away from them.
He is to accept them only after a prudent director will
have decided that he may place a certain amount of
confidence in them. This doctrine, which seems
severe, is nevertheless taught forcibly by many saints,
such as St. Ignatius (Acta SS.. 31 Jiuy, Prdliminaires,
no. 614), St. Philip Neri (ibid., 26 May, 2nd life, no.
375), St. John of the Cross (Assent, Bk. II, ch. xi, xvi,
xvii, and xxiv), St. Teresa, and St. Alphonsus Ldguori
(Homo Apost., Appendix I, no. 23)) for the reason
that there is danger of illusions. With even greats
reason, revelations and visions (of created objects)
should be neither desired nor requested. On the other
hand many passages in St. Teresa and other m3r8tics
prove that m3^tical union may be desired and asked
for, provided it be done humbly and with resiraiation
to God's will. The reason is that this union nas no
disadvantages but presents great advantages for
sanctification (see Theoix>gy, under sub-title Mysti-
cal: Quietism).
St. Teresa far excels all writers that preceded her
on the subject of contemplation. In tneir descrip-
tions those prior to her confined themselves to gener-
alities. Exception must be made in favour of Blessed
Angela de Foligno, Ruysbroeck and the Venerable
Marina d 'Escobar as regards the subject of ecstasies.
St. Teresa was likewise the first to give a clear, accur-
ate, and detailed classification. Before her time
hanily anything was described except ecstasies and
revelations. The lower degrees reouired more delicate
observation than had been devoted to them before her
day. After St. Teresa the first place for careful ob-
servation of these matters belongs to St. John of
the Cross. But his classifications are confused. St.
Teresa and St. John of the Cross are also greatly supe-
rior to subsequent authors who have been satisfied to
repeat them, with comments.
Dbnib thb CARTRunAN, De Contemphtione; Inuu, De fonU
lucie <t aimUA tita (Nurambecg, 1495); BixMnrs, Worke (In-
goldstadt. I03I-1726): Saint TERnsA, Worke (Salamanca.
1588): SuABES. De RelaHone Soeietatie Jeeu (Bninela, 1857)
tr. hr; Alvarbs db Pas. De inalitutUme mtde Me ehtdio on-
tionis (Lyons, 1617. 1619. 1623; r»«dited Paris, ^^"^^zlSt'
Schramm, Inatitutionee theologiccB myetiea (Au0ibur|, 1777);
Skraphxn, Principea de thMogie mystique (1873); Mbynabo,
Traits ds la vie inUriewe (3rd ed., Amai. 1899); Poulain, l^
myatique de Si, Jean de la Croix in Meaeager du Cmtr de Jtaw
(1893); Idem, Lea deaiderata de la myatique in Lea Etude* (20
March, 1898); SAnoRBAn, Lea deqria de la vie apiritueUe (Vic
and Amat. 1896-07): Idem, La vie d'union A Dieu (AmaU
liMK)); Ipkm, L'Hat mn^ique Uoiat, 1903); Joi.T, Ptysholfi/v
OONTSMFLATIVE
329
OOMTSlCPLAnVE
o^lA« Sttinis (ir. 1897); Ljukunk, Manuel de throtoffv- myatigHe
<Pans. 1897): DtfBLA.NCRY, Aacetieum in Diet, de tMol. cath.
(1Q03) ; Har<:cradx, Le merveilleux divin et U merveiUeux
dSnumiamu (Pariei, 1901): Ribet, La mystique divine (Paris,
1895); Bakes. Sonata aaphia, or Diredtiona for the Prayer
of Contemplation (Douai^d57); Hilton, Scale of Perfection
(printed by Wynkin de Worde, 1494) ; Dotle. Principlea of
Reliaioue lAfe (3rd ed., London, 1906); Dkvine, A Manual of
MysHcal Theaion (London. 1903). ^^q Poulain.
Oontemplative Life, a life ordered in view of con-
templation; a way of living especially adapted to lead
to and facilitate oontem^ation, while it excludes
all other preoccupations and intents. To seek to
kiiow and love Qod more and more is a dtitv incum-
b4»nt on every Christian and should be his chief pursuit,
and in this wide sense the Qiristian and the contem-
plative lives are synonymous. This duty, however,
admits of various aegrees in its fulfilment. Many give
to it onhr a part of their time and attention, either
from lacK of piety or because of other duties; others
attempt to blend harmoniously the contemplative life
with active ministry, i. e. the care of souls, which,
undertaken from a motive of supernatural charity, can
be made compatible with the inner life. Others again,
who have the will and the means, aim at accomplishing
the duty of contemplation to the utmost penection,
and give up all occupations inconsistent is-ith it^ or
widen, on account of man's limited abilities, of tneir
nature would impede it. The custom has prevailed of
applying the terra " contemplative" only to the life led
by the latter.
Contemplation, the object of contemplative life, is
defined as the complacent, loving gaze of the soul on
Divine truth already known and apprehended by the
intellect assisted and enlightened by Divine grace.
This definition shows the two chief differences between
the contemplation of the Christian ascetic and the
merely scientific research of the theologian. The con-
templative, in his investigation of Divine things, is
actuated by love for those things, and to increase this
love is his ultimate purpose, as well as the firetfruits of
his contemplation; in other words the theological vir-
tue of chanty is the mainspring as well as the outcome
of the act of contemplation. Again, the contempla-
tive does not rely on tne natural powers of his intellect
in his endeavours to gain cognizance of the truth, but,
knowing that human reason is limited and weak, espe-
cially when inauiring into things supernatural, he
seeks aid from aoove by prayer, and by the practice of
all Christian virtues strives to fit his soul for the grace
he desires. The act of contemplation, imperfect as it
needs must be, is of all human acts one of the most
sublime, one of those which render greatest honour to
G<m1, bring the greatest good to the soul, and enable it
roost efficaciously to become a means of salvation and
of manifold blessing to others. According to St. Ber-
nard (De Consider., lib. I, c. vii), it is the highest form
of human worship, as it is essentially an act of adora-
tion and of utter self-surrender of man's whole being.
The soul in contemplation is a soul lying prostrate be-
fore God, convincea of and confessing its own nothing-
ness and His worthiness to receive all love and glory
and honour and blessings from those He has created.
It is a soul lost in admiration and love of the Eternal
Beauty, the sight of which thou^ but a feeble reflec-
tion, fill it with a joy naught eke in the world can give
—a joy which, far more eloquently than speech, testi-
fies that the soul rates that Beauty above all other
beauties, and finds in It the completion of all its de-
sires. It is the Jubilant worship of the whole heart,
mind, and soul, the worship "in spirit and in truth" of
the **tnie adorers", such as the Father seeks to adore
Him (John, iv, 23).
By contemplative life, however, is not meant a life
passed entirely in contemplation. On earth an act of
contemplation cannot be of long duration, except in
the case of an extraordinary pnvilege granted by
Divine power. The weakness of our brcUly serses
and the natural instability of our minds and hearts,
together with the exigencies of life, render it impossi-
ble for us to fix our attention for long on one object.
This is true with re^rd to earthly or material things;
it is still more true in matters pertaining to the super-
natural order. Only in Heaven shall the understand-
ing be strengthened so as to waver no more, but adhere
unceasingly to Him Who made it.
Hence it is rare to find souls capable of leading a life
of contemplation without occasionally engaging their
mental or physical activity in earthy or material
things. The combination, however, oi the two lives,
of which Catholic hagiology affords such striking and
glorious examples, is, as a general rule and for persons
of ordinanr attainments, a matter of consideraole dif-
ficulty. Exterior action, with the solicitude and
cares attendant on it, tends naturally to absorb the
attention ; the soul is thereby hampered in its efforts
to ascend to the higher regions of contemplation, as its
energy, capacity, and power of application are usually
too Umitea to allow it to carry on together such differ-
ent pursuits with success. If this is true with regard
to tnose even who are working for God and are en-
gaged in enterprises undertaken for the furtherance of
His interests, it is all the more true of those who are
toiling with no other direct end than to procure their
subsistence and their temporal well-bemg. This is
why those who have wished to ^ve themselves up to
contemplation and reach an enunent degree of mysti-
cal union with God have habitually wimdrawn from
the crowd and have abandoned all other pursuits, to
lead a retired life entirely consecrated to the purpose
of contemplation. It is evident that such a fife can be
led nowhere so safely and so easily as in those monas-
tic orders which make it their special object. The
rules of those orders supply their members with every
means necessary and useful for the puipose, and safe-
guard them from all exterior obstacles. Foremost
among these means must be reckoned the vows, which
are barriers raised against the inroads of the three
freat evils devastating the world (I John, ii, 16).
overty frees the contemplative from the cares inher-
ent to the possession and administration of temporal
goods, from the moral dangers that follow in the wake
of wealth, and from that insatiable ^reed for gain
which so lowers and materializes the mmd. Chastity
frees him from the bondage of married life with its
solicitude so ^'dividing" to the heart and mind, to use
the Apostle's expression (I Cor., vii, 33), and so apt to
confine man's sympathy and action within a narrow
circle. By the same virtue also he obtains that clean-
ness of heart which enables him to see God (Matth., v,
8). Obedience, without which conununity-life is im-
possible, frees him from the anxiety of having to de-
termine what course to take amidst the ever-shifting
circumstances of life. The stability which the vow
gives to the contemplative's purpose by placing him in
a fixed state with set duties and obligations is also an
inestimable advantage, as it saves mm from natural
inconstancy, the blight of so many undertakings.
Silence is of course the proper element of the con-
templative soul, since to converse with God and men
at the same time is hardly possible. Moreover, con-
versing unnecessarily is apt to give rise to numberless
thoughts, fancies, and desires alien to the duties and
purpose of contemplative life, which assail the soul at
the hour of prayer and distract it from God. It is no
wonder, then, that monastic legislators and guardians
of regular discipline should have always laid such
stress on the practice of silence, strenuously enforcing
its observance and punishing transgression with spe-
cial severity. This silence, if not perpetual, must en»-
brace at least the greatest part of the contemplative's
life. Solitude is tiie home of silence, and its surest
safeguard. Moreover, it cuts to the root one of the
strongest of man's selfish propensities, the desire to
make a figure before the world, to win admiration and
OOHTENSON
330
OONTnnBROX
applause, or at least to attract attention, to be thought
and spoken of. '' Manifest thyself to the world"
(John, vii, 4) says the demon of vaingloiv; but the
Spirit of God holds another language (Matt., vi).
Solitude may be twofold: the seclusion of the cloister,
which implies restriction of intercourse with the outer
world; and the eremitic confinement of the cell, a prac-
tice which varies in different orders.
Religious life, being essentially a life of self-denial
and self-sacrifice, must provide an effectual antidote
to every form of self-seeking, and the rules of contem-
plative orders especially are admirably framed so as
to thwart and mortify every selfish instinct; vigils,
fasts, austerity in food, clothing, etc., and often man-
ual labour tame the flesh, and thus help the soul to
keep in subjection its worst enemy. Contemplatives,
in short, forgo many transient pleasures, many satis-
factions sweet to nature, all that the world holds most
dear: but they gain in return a liberty for the soul
whicn enables it to rise without hindrance to the
thought and love of God. Though God Himself is the
chief object of their study and meditation, He is not
the only one. His works. His dealings with men, all
that reveals Him in the province of grace or of nature
is lawfully open to the contmnplative's investigation.
The development of the Divine plan in the growth of
the Church and in the history of nations, the won-
drous workings of grace and the guidance of Provi-
dence in the hves of individual souk, the marvels and
beauty of creation, the writings of the saints and
sages of Christendom, and above all, the Holy Scrip-
tures form an inexhaustible store-house, whence the
contemplative can draw food for contemplation.
The great function assumed by contemplatives, as has
already been said, is the worship of God. When liv-
ing in community, they perform this sacred office in a
public, official way, assembling at stated hoxuis of the
day and night to offer to the Almighty "the sacrifice
of ]3raise" (Ps. xlix, 14, 23; see Office. Divine).
Their chief work then is what St. Benedict (Rule,
xliii) calls emphatically God's work {opus Det), i. e. the
solemn chanting of Divine praise, in which the tongue
gives utterance to the admiration of the intellect and
to the love of the heart. And this is done in the name
of the Church and of all mankind. Not only does con-
templation glorify God, but it is most beneficial to the
soul itself. Nothing brings the soul into such close
union with God, and union with God is the source of all
saintliness. Never so well as when contemplating the
perfections of God and the grandeur of His works
does man see his own imperfections and failings, the
vileness of sin, the paltriness and futility of so many
of his labours and undertakings: and thus nothing so
grounds him in humility, the prop and the bulwark of
every other virtue.
Love for God necessarily breeds love for our fellow-
men, all children of the same Father; and the two
loves keep pace with each other in their growth.
Hence it follows that contemplative life is eminently
conducive to increase of charity for others. The heart
is enlarged, affection is deepened, sympathy becomes
more keen, because the mind is enhghtened as to the
worth of an immortal soul in God% eyes. And al-
though of the two great commandments given by
Christ (Matt., xxii, 37 sqq.) — ^love for God and love
for our neighbour — ^the first is exemplified more
markedly in contemplative orders, and tae second in
active orders, contemplatives, nevertheless, not only
must and do have in their hearts a stronp and true love
for others, but they realize that love m their deeds.
The principal means contemplatives have of proving
their love for oUiers are prayer and penance. By
prayer they draw down from Heaven on strug^ing
and suffering humanity manifold graces, light,
strength, courage, and comfort, blessings for time ana
for eternity. By penance they strive to atone for the
offences of sinful humanity, to appease God's wrath
ami ward t)ff its dirc^ful effects, by giving vicarious sat-
isfaction to the demands of His justice! Their lives of
perpetual abnegation and privation, of hardship cheer-
TulW- endured, of self-inflicted suffering, joinea to the
suflferings of their Divine Master and Model help to
repair the evil men do and to obtain God's mercy for
the evildoers. They plead and make reparation for
all men. This twofold ministry carried on within the
narrow precincts of a monastery knows no other
limits to its effects than the bounds of the earth and the
needs of mankind. Or rather that ministry extends
further still its sphere of action, for the dead as well as
the living^ benefit by it. (See Contemplatiow,
Prayer of; Monasticism.)
St. Thomas, Summa theol,, II-II, Q. cbodx-cLcaai; Suaxsz.
TrtuU. de Oratume, lib. II, c. ix aqq.; Idem, Dt varietaU reU-
gionum, lib. I, c. v, vi; Dsmrs the Cartrusxan, De dmiempia-
lione: Im vie contemplative: aon r^ apcatolique (Montreuil'
8ur-Mer. 1898); Devinb. Momud of MyHioal Theoloay (I^on-
^*^°» ^«»>- Edmund Gtjrdon.
Oontensozi, Vincent, Dominican theologian and
preacher, b. at Altivillaxe (Gers), Diocese ofCk^ndon,
France, 1641; d. Creil-sui^Oisc, 26 Dec., 1674. His
epitaph in the church of that place described him as
'Un years a youth, mature in wisdom and in virtue
venerable " . Despite his short life, he gave proof in his
writings of considerable learning and won remarkable
populs^ty by his pulpit utterances. He was seven-
teen years old when he entered the Order of Preachers.
After teaching philosophy ?or a time at Albi, and
theology at Toulouse, he began a career of preach-
ing as brilliant as it was brief. He was stricken in the
pmpit at Creil, where he was giving a mission. His
reputation as a theologian rests on a work entitled
"Theologia Mentis et Cordis ", published posthum-
ously at Lyons m nine volumes, 1681; second edi-
tion, 1687. His life is found in the fifth volume of
the '^ Histoire des hommes illustres de Tordre de Saint
Dominique", by P^re Touron. The peculiar merit
of his theology consists in an attempt to get away
from the prevailing dry reasoning of Scholasticism
and, while retaining the accuracy and solidity of its
method, to embellish it with illustrations and images
borrowed from the Fathers, that appeal to the heart
as well as the mind. This pious and learned compila-
tion has not yet lost its value and utility for students
and preachers.
Robe, New Gen. Biogr. Did. (London, 1848); Mobbbi, Gr.
Did. Hist. (Paris, 1769).
John H. STAFurroN.
Ctontinence. — Continence may be defined as absti-
nence from even the licit gratifications of marria^.
It is a form of the virtue oftemperanoe, though Aris-
totle did not accord it this high character since it in-
volved a conflict with wrong desires — ^an element, in
the mind of the philosopher, foreign to the content of a
virtue in the strict sense. Continence, it is seen, has a
more restricted significance than chastity, since the
latter finds place in the condition of marriage. The
abstinence we are discussing, then, belongs to the
state of celibacy, though clearly the notion 3L this lat-
ter does not necessarily involve that of continence.
Practice. — In considering its practice we regard
continence as a state of life. Though among savages
and barbarians every one, as a rule, seeks to contract
an early marriage, yet even among these peoples con-
tinence is frequently practised by tnose who aischarge
the public duties of religion, llius, according to au-
thonties cited by Westermarck, the male wizards of
Patagonia embraced a life of continence, as did the
priests of the Mosquito Islands and of ancient Mexico.
According to Chinese law such condition of abstinence
is made obligatory upon all priests, Buddhist or Tao-
ist. Among the Greeks continence was recjuired of
several orders of priests and priestesses, as it was of
the vestals among the Romans. The oontinence ex-
tensively observed amoi^ the Essenes, the M«ani-
OONTIHOENT
331
OOMTIMGSMT
diuuaiits, aiid boiuu of Uiu GiiuMtics, Ihuu^h not cuii-
fined to a priestly class, was reckoned the means to a
greater sanctification. Such widespread practice
offers evidence of an instinctive feeling that the indul-
gence of our sensual nature is in a measure degrading,
and that it is particulariy incompatible with the perfect
purity tiiat should characterize one consecrated to the
worship of the All Holv. That the attitude of a num-
ber of sects towards the lower side of human nature
has taken on a character of unreasonable, and even
absurd, severity is clear. This is observed especially
in the case of the Manichaeans and branches of the
Gnostics in the past, and of the Shakers and other un-
important conununities in our time. The law of the
Catholic Church imposing a state of continence upon
its ministers and upon its religious orders of men
and women is set forth in the articles Celibacy op
theCubrgt; Reugious Orders; and VmoiNrrr.
Two general objections are frequency urged against
the state of continence. First, it is said that the con-
dition of continence is detrimental to the well-being of
the individual. In such a statement, it will be fre-
quently found, continence is understood as an un-
diasteoelibacy,and such singly ia notonl;^ a moral but
a physical evil most pernicious. Certam it is, how-
ever, that theself-sacnfioe and control involved in true
continence finds fruitage in a greater measure of moral
power. The words of Jesus Christ (Matt., xiz, 12)
may be here appealed to. Moreover, the abstinence
of which we speak is a condition of increased physical
vigour and energy. Of this many savages are not un*
mindful; for amons a number of these continence is
imposed upon the braves during times of war as a
means of fostering and strengthening their daring and
coiuage* A second objection rests upon considera-
tions of the social good. It is contended that a state
of continence means failure to discharge the social
obligation of conserving the species. But such an
obli^ktion falls, not upon every member of the com-
munity, but upon society at large, and is amply
discharged though there be individual exceptions. In-
deed the non-fulfilment of this duty is never threat-
ened by a too general observance of sexual abstinence.
On the contrary it is only the unlawful gratification of
carnal passion that can menace the due growth of
population. But it may be said that the practice of
continence withdraws from the function of reproduc-
tion the worthier members of society — those whose
possible offspring would be the most desirable citizens
of the State. Tnis contention, however, overlooks the
social service of the example set by such observance —
a service which, in view of the dut^ incumbent upon
every individual of society of observing absolute chas-
titv for periods of greater or less duration, is of highest
value.
St. Thomas. Summa Theol., II~II. Q. civ, a. 1. ad 4: Q. dvi,
a. 1, ad 4; AiUffroTLE. Ttu Nicomachean Ethics, Bk. VII;
EaCHBACH. Quaationet Phytiolooioo- Morales; Westermarck,
The Hisiory cf Human MarrioM (London, 1891); Crawlbt,
7^ Mystic Rose (N«w York, 1902): Northcotb, ChrislianUy
and Sex Problems (Philadelphia, 1906); Scorr, The Sexual In-
sHnd (New York, 1899).
John Wbbstbr Mblodt.
€k>iiting6nt (Lat. corUingere, to happen). — Aside
from its secondary and more obvious meaning (as, for
instance, its qualification of the predicable accident,
oC a class of modal propositions, and so on), the pri-
mary and technically philosophical use of the term is
for one of the supreme divisions of being, that is, con-
tingent being, as distinguished from necessary being.
In this connexion the meaning of the term ma.ybe
considered objectively, and the genesis of the idea
subjectively.
Objectivdy (ontologically) the contingent may be
viewed: (1) in the purely ideal or possible order, and
it is then the conceptual note or notes between which
and existence in the actual order there is no contra-
diction, and which curujCHiiiontly adiniln of, though it
does not demand, actualisHiioM. It is thus coexten-
sive with possible being and is called the absolutely
contingent. (2) Considered iii the order of actual ex^
istence, the contingent is that being whose essence, as
such, does not include existence and which, therefore,
does not, as such, demand existence but is indifferent
to be or not to be. This is called relativelv contin-
fsnt and the term is usually employed in this sense,
very finite existent being is thus contingent, though
likewise hypothetically necessary, in that having ex-
istence it cannot at the same time and under the same
aspect not have it; inasmuch, too, as it is determined
by proximately , and hence relatively, necessitated ante-
cedents. (3) In regard to its subject — ^be this sub-
stance or accident — contingency may relate to action
as well as to existence, ana it then signifies that the
subiect (agent) is as yet undetermined, either intrin-
sioally, as in the free agent, or extrinaically, as are nec-
essitated causes. (4) Since the essence of the contin-
gent does not contain the reason of its existence, that
reason must be sou^t in an outside efHcient cause,
which cause, if in turn contingent, must show reason
for its existence in some other antecedent cause, and
so on until ultimately a being is reached whose essence
includes existence, a first cause whose existence is
underived, a being which is necessary and absolute.
This argument from contingent to the necessary
being is not, as Kant maintained, the well-known
ontoTogical argument formulated by St. Anselm and
others to prove the existence of God. The latter ami-
ment passes illogically from the ideal concept of tne
infinite to the objective actual existence of the in-
finite, while the argument from contingent (finite) to
the necessary (infinite) being, proceeds from the ob-
jective actual contingent (dependent, conditioned) to
the existence of an fuiequate cause thereof. The in-
ference is based on an objective application of the
principle of causality and involves no leap from a sub-
jective phenomenon (idea) to an objective realized
content. 'Die ari^ument supposes, it is true, the real
existence of contingent being and that existence is
denied by many thinkers, notably by pantheists,
materialists, and determinists generally. Kant re-
duces both contingency and necessity to mere mental
forms or categories under which the mind views the
world of phenomena but which it has no means of
knowing to be objective. Necessary being, therefore,
ontologically and obiectively precedes the contingent,
since the latter has the sole ultimate reason both of its
intrinsic consistency (possibility) and of its actual ex-
isl^nce in the former — actxia ao9oliUe prcecedit voten-
Ham, In the order, however, of man's knowledge,
the contingent falls primarily under experience.
Suhieciiv€ly,-^h\k!& every other concept, tiiat of the
contingent is originally derived from external and
internal experience. Adverting to the changes occur-
ring in the world of sensuous phenomena and to the
interdependencies thereof, the mtellect easily, almost
intuitively, discerns that, while the ^ven events are
the necessitated consequences of sunilarly necessi-
tated antecedents, each number of the series, by the
very fact of its being thus conditioned, does not con-
tain within itself the adequate ground of its existence.
The intellect having spontaneously abstracted this
note of dependence and ontologically reflecting there-
on sees its application to every finite subject not only
existent but ukewise possible ; sees, at least by an easy
process of reasoning, that no such subject contains
within itself the reason why it exists, under the pre-
cise limitations of substance and accidents which it
actually possesses. However, to assure this concept
and to discern precisely and explicitly the contingency
of the finite and the consequent indifference of its
essence to exist or not to exist, the sciences, physical
and biological, are called to testify ; and each declares
the dependence and conditionally^ of its respective
CX)KT&AOT
332
OONTBAOT
object-sphere and atte«Us that all tilings ol>servcd and
searohea into have a borrowed existence. This idea
of contingency is then further assured by the witness
of consciousness to the conditioned, and hence contin-
gent, character of its own states, a testimony which is
reconfiimed by the facts of birth and death.
Against this statement of the genesis of the contin-
gency-concept it may be objected that experience does
not extend beyond the field of sensuous phenomena.
On the other hand, however, the intellect, motived by
the principle of sufficient reason, discerns the under-
lying noumenon, or essence of things material, Kant
to the contrary notwithstanding, at least sufficiently
to pronounce with certitude on their essential condi-
tionateness and contingency. But it is urged by mar
terialistic monists that the underlying substrate of the
sensuous world is one homogeneous, eternal, necessary
being, essentially involving existence. To this objec-
tion it may be answered that no fim'te thing, much
less a finite material being, can contain the ultimate
reason of its existence. Tne definite limitations, spa-
tial, int^ral, positional, etc., and the inertia of the
hypothetical primordial matter shows that it is condi-
tioned by some limiting and determining cause, while
its passage from the homogeneous to the heterogene-
ous state, into which it is supposed to have evolved in
the actual universe, equally demands an extraneous
active agency. It should, however, be noted that the
argument from contingent to necessary being does not
explicitly prove the existence of God. A further
analysis of the objective concept is necessarily re-
quired in order to show that the latter concept in-
cludes that of underivedness {aseitas) and that this in
turn includes completeness, absence of any potential-
ity for further perfection (acttis pums), hence infini-
tude. The failure to note this limitation of the
ai^ument seems to have led Kant to deny its validity.
Balmes, FundamerUal Philosophy (New York. 1864); Dris-
OOLL, CArwfuin PhUoaophu — Ood (New York, 1004); Aveuno,
The God of Phtloaophy (St. Louis and London, 1006); Eibler,
Wdrterbueh der ph%l. Beffriife (Berlin, 1004); Blanc. Dictum-
natredephHoaoji^ie (Pans, 1006); Ubrabur^, Inatittdionea PhU.
(ValladoUd, 1800).
F. P. SiBOFRIED.
Oontract (Lat. corUractus; Old Fr. contract; Mod
Ft. contrat; Ital. contratto). — ^I. The Canonical
AND Moralist Doctrine on this subject is a de-
velopment of that contained in the Roman civil
law. In Roman law a mere agreement between
two parties to give, do, or refrain from doing some-
thing was a nude pact (pactum nudum) which gave
rise to no civil ooligation, and no action lay to
enforce it. It need^ to be clothed in some in-
vestitive fact which the law recognized in order
to give rise to a civil obligation which should be
enforced at law. Not that the nude pact was con-
sidered to be destitute of all binding force ; it gave rise
to a natural obligation, and it might afford ground for
a legal exception. A man of honour would keep his
engagements even if he knew that the law could not
be invoked to compel him to do so. Moral theology,
being the science of Christian conduct, could not be
satisfied with the mere legal view of the effect of an
agreement. If the agreement had all other requisites
for a valid oontract, moral theology must necessarily
consider it to be binding, even though it was a nude
pact and could not be enforced in the courts of law.
Canon law made this moral attitude its own. In the
Decretals of Gregory IX it is expressly laid down that
pacts, however nude, must be kept, and that a strenu-
ous endeavour must be made to put in execution what
one has promised. It thus came to pass that nude
pacts could be enforced in the Christian courts, and
the Church's legislation served eventuallv to break
down the rigid formalism of Roman law, ana to prepare
the way for the more equitable law of contract wnich
all Christian nations now possess.
In the canonical and moral doctrine there is hardly
room for the di.stinctii>n Wtween a nude pact, or mens
agreement, and a contract. The Roman jurist's defi-
mtion of the former is frequently used by canonists to
define oontract. They say that a contract is the con-
sent of two or more persons to the same proposal; or,
bringing out a little more definitely the effect and
object of a oontract, they define it to be an a^r^eement
by which two or more persons mutually bind them-
selves to give, do, or abstain from something. From
the moralist's point of view, then, eveiy agreement
seriously entered into by those who are capable of
contracting with reference to some lawful object is a
contract, whether such agreement can be enforced in
the civil couris or not. The intention of the parties
is looked at, and if they seriously intended to bind
themselves, there is a contractual relation between
them. This doctrine, however, fidves rise to a ques-
tion of some importance. The Church fully a<nnit8
and defends the ri^t of the State to make lat¥s for the
temporal well-being of its citizens. All States require
certain formalities for the validity of certain actionsw
Last wills and testaments are a familiar example, and
although they are not strictlv contracts, yet tne prin-
ciple is the same and they wul serve for an example of
wnat is meant. A deed, the only formal contract
of English law. is another example. A will destitute of
the reciiusite formalities is nuU and void at law; but
what is the effect of such a voiding law in the forum
of conscience? ' This question has been much debated
among moralists. Scnie have maintained that such
a law is binding in the internal as well as in the ex-
ternal forum, 80 that a formal oontract, destitute of the
formalities required by law, is null and void in con-
science as it is in law. Otners adopted the contrary
opinion, and held that the want of formality only
affected the external forum of civil law, and left intact
the natural obligation arising from a oontract. The
common opinion takes a middle course. It holds
that the want of f ormalitv, though it midces the oon-
tract void in the eyes of the law, renders it only void-
able in the forum of conscience; so that, until one oi
the parties moves to set the contract aside, it remains
valid, and anyone driving benefit under it may enjoy
his benefit in peace. If, however, the party interested
moves to set it aside, and does so effectiviuy, bv hav-
ing recourse to the court of law if necessary, bom must
then abide bv ^e law which makes the contract void
and of no effect.
There are four essential elements in a oontract: con-
sent of the parties, contractual capacity in them, de-
terminate and lawful subject-matter, and a lawful
consideration. The contract is formed by the mutual
consent of the parties, which must be real, not feigned,
and manifested so that each may know tnat the other
partv consents. There is no difficulty about the out-
ward manifestation of consent when the parties enter
into the contract in each other's presence. But when
the parties are not present to each other, and the con-
tract is made by letter or telegraph, it sometimes be-
comes a question of importance as to when and how
the contract is effected. Is the contract entered into
when the offeree signifies his consent by posting a let-
ter of acceptance to the offeror, or is the knowledge of
his acceptance required to complete the contract?
All that 18 required by the nature of a contractus that
there should be mutually manifested agreement of
the two wills. There will be such agreement when
one of the parties makes an offer to the other, and this
one manifests his acceptance of the offer by posting a
letter or by sending a telegram. There is then con-
sent of two wills to the proposal, and so there is a con-
tract. Mutual consent to the same proposal may be
hindered by a mistake of one of the parties, ouch
mistakes are not infrequently caused by the fraud or
misrepresentation of the other party. If the mistake
is substantial, so that at least one of the parties thinkB
that the subject-matter of the contract w quite other
.— H
OOHTBAOT
333
OOimULOT
than it really is, there will be no true oonaenty and no
contract. Similarly, if there be a mistake about the
nature of the contract proposed (as, if one party in-
tends to sell while the otl^ only means to boirow)
there is no agreement of wills. Mistake about the
mere quality of the subject-matter of the contract is
aocidental, not substantial, and in spite of it there
mav be substantial agreement between the parties.
If, however, such a mistake has been caused by the
fraud or misrepresentation of the other party to the
contract, and the party deceived would not otherwise
have entered into it, it is only fair that the deceived
party should be able to protect himself from injury by
retinnp from the agreement. Contracts, then, en-
tered mto because of accidental mistake which was
induced by the fraud or misrepresentation of the
other party f will be rescindable at the option of the
party deceived.
The consent of the parties must be deliberate and
free, for a perfect anci grave obligation cannot arise
from consent which is not deliberate or free. Hence
we must see what the influence of fear is upon the
validity of a contract. If the fear eoes to the length
of depriving one of the parties of tne use of reason,
he cannot, while in that state, give a valid consent,
and the contract will be null and void. Fear, how>
ever, does not ordinarily produce such extreme effects :
it leaves a man with the natural use of his reason and
capable of consenting or withholding his consent.
Even grave fear, then, does not of itsdf invalidate a
contract, but if it is unjustly caused bj the other
party to the contract with a view to forcing him who
IS under its influence to consent, the injured party
may withdraw from the contract. Some contracts,
sucn as marriage, thus entered into under the influ-
ence of grave fear unjustly caused by the other party
to the contract with the mtention of compelling con-
sent, are made invalid by canon law. Some authori-
ties even hold that all such contracts are invalid by
natural law, but the opinion is at most only probable.
A person must have the use of reason in order to give
valid consent to a contract, and his contractual ca-
pacity must not have been taken away by law. Those
who have not yet attained the use of reason, imbe-
ciles, and those who are perfectly drunk so that they
do not know what they are doing, are incapable of
contracting by the law of nature. Minors are to a
certain extent restricted in their contractual capacity
by English and American law. PracticaUy, their con-
tracts are voidable except those for necessaries. Mar-
ried women were formeriy incapable of entering into
a valid contract, but in ^aigland since 1882 their dis-
ability has been removed, and in most of the States of
the Union the same doctrine begins to prevail. Ro-
iigious persons are to a greater or less extent, accord-
ing as tney are imder solemn or simple vows, incapable
of entering into a binding contract. Corporations
and companies are limited in their contractual capac-
ity by their nature or by the articles of association.
The subjeet-matter of a contract must be deflnite
and certain, it must be possible, and it must be honest.
A contract cannot be a bond of iniquity, and so an
agreement to conunit sin is null and void. Some
theologians maintain that when, in execution of
a contract, a sinful action has been performed, a right is
aoquii^ to receive the price agreed upon. The opin-
ion seems at any rate probable. If the contract is
not sinful in itself, but voided by positive law, it will
be valid until it is set aside by the party interested,
as was said above concerning informal contracts.
When persons enter into a contract, each party prom-
ises to give, do, or forbear something in favour of the
other. The benefit which thus immediately arises
frtnn the contract, and which is the cause of it, is called
the eansideratum in English law. It is a necessary
element in a contract, and if it is wanting the contract
is null on account of the failure of a necessary condi-
tion in the agreement. The courts of civil law will not
enforce a simple contract unless there be a valuable
consideration m it; mere motives of affection or moral
duty will not suffice. This rule, however, only affects
legal obligations ; it has nothing to do with obligations
in conscience. A valid contract imposes on ^e con»
tracting parties an obligation of justice to act con-
scientiously according to the terms of the agreement.
They will be bound to perform not only what they
expressly agreed to do, but whatever the law, or
custom, or usage prescribes in the circumstances.
The obligation arising from a contract will cease
when the contract has been executed, when a new
one has been substituted for the old one by the free
consent of the parties, when the parties mutually and
freely withdraw from the contract. When one of the
parties fails in what he promised, the other will, as a
rule, be free. A contract may be concluded not ab-
solutely but conditionally on the happenine of some
uncertain and future event. In this case the condi-
tional contract imposes on the parties the obligation
of waiting for the event, and in case it happens the
contract becomes binding on them without renewal
of consent. On the other hand, a contract is some-
times entered into and begins to bind at once; but the
parties agree that it shall cease to bind on the happen-*
ing of a certain event. This is called a condition sub-
sequent, while the former is a condition precedent.
dnjnM Juris eanonid, ed. Fbxbdbbro (Lmniic, 1881);
Corpus Juris civUia (I«ip«g, 1865). Among toe canonwta
Reiffenotusju, Jus oanonicutn (Rome. 1831). and among the
moralist* Lugo, De JuatitiA et Jure (Paris, 1860), may be con-
sulted. See also Pollock and Mattland, History of English
Law (Cambridge, Eng., 1886). T. BuLTBB.
II. In Civil Juribprttoencb, a contract has been
defined to be " the union of several persons in a co-
incident expression of will by which their legal relations
are determined" (Holland, "Elements of Jurispru-
dence", 10th ed., Oxford and New York, 1906, 209).
This ** co-incident expression " consists of an agreement
and promise enforceable in law, and ''on the face of
the matter capable of having legal effects", "an act
in the law" " whereby two or more persons cfmable of
contracting", "of doing acts in the law", " declare
their consent as to any act or thing to be done or for*
borne by some or one of those persons for the use of
the others or other of them" (Pollock, "Principles of
Contract", 3rd Amer. ed.. New York, 1906, 68, 1, 2,
3), the intention implied by the consent being that
from the agreement and promise shall arise "duties
and rights which can be dealt with by a ooxurt of jus-
tice" Ohid.). Thus, whUe evezy contract is an a^-ee-
ment, not every e^reement is a contract. A mutual
consent of two persons to walk out together, or to
dine together, would be an agreement, and yet not
what in jurisprudence is known as a contract. For
such consent contemplates the producing of no legal
right, or of any duty which is a legal obligation. Sub-
ject only to these or similar explanations may be
properly adopted the time-honoured definition of
contract as understood in En^ish law, a definition
commended by Chancellor Kent ('^Commentaries on
American Law", II, 449, note b) for its "neatness and
precision ' ', namely, " an agreement of two or more per-
sons upon sufficient consideration to do or not to do a
particular thing".
Kinds of Contract. — ^The Roman civil law defined
contracts as real (re), verbal (verbis), literal (Utteris),
or consensual (consensu). A real contract was one.
such as loan or pledge, which was not perfected until
something had passed from one of the parties to the
other. A verbal contract (verborum obligatio), or
stipulation, was perfected bjr a spoken formula. This
formula consisted of a question by one of the parties
and an exactly corresponding answer by the other.
Thus: Quingueaureoannhi dwe epondeef Spondeo, or
PramittisT Promttto, i. e. Dost thou agree (or promise)
OOHTRAOT
334
OOHTRAOT
to give me five pieces of gold. I agree, or I prooike.
llie Bimiiarit^ may be noted of tnis to the modem
form for administering an affidavit or for taking the
acknowledgment of a written legal instrument. A
literal contract was perfected by a written acknow-
ledgment of debt ana was used chiefly in the instance
of a loan of money. Consensual contracts were those
of which sale would be an example, which might be
perfected by consent, and to whicn no particular form
was essential (Mackenzie, ^Studies in Roman Law",
Cdinbuigh and London, 1898, 211, 215-256). In
ihe EngGsh law the principal division of contracts is
into those by writing under seal (called specialties),
and those known as simple contracts ; and there are also
"contracts by matter of record*', such as a recogni-
zance or judgment by confession, contracts in court,
which need no further description. Simple contracts
include aU contracts written, but not under seal or of
record, and all verbal contracts.
A peiBon may contract in person or by an agent.
"The tendency of modem times", remarks Holland
(op. cit., 118), "is towards the fullest recognition of
the principles proclaimed in the canon law, potest quis
per aliitm quod potest facere per se ipeum, qui Jacit
per alium est verinde ac si faciat per se ipsum'\ i. e.
one may do through anotner whatever one is free
to do by himself, or an act done through another is
equivalent to an act done by oneself.
Rbquisites op CJontract. — ^Accordin^ to Roman
law, such a contract as that of sale reqmred a justa
causa, namelv, a good legal reason (Leage, " Roman
Private Law,'* London, 1906, 131 ; Poste, "Gaii Institu-
tiones", 4th ed., Oxford, 1904, 138). According to
English law, simple contracts require a valuable con-
sideration, in like manner as bv Roman law there was
needed a justa causa. By that law, informal con-
tracts which had no jusia causa were ineffectual
(Poste, op. cit., 334). Stipulations irregular in form
were termed nuda pacta, i. e. mere agreements, to
which the ancient law (Leage, op. cit., p. 273, 308)
attached no obligation. The translator of Pothier
cites a civil-law authority to the effect that the
Roman jurisprudence let some engagements rest
on the mere mtegrity of the parties who contracted
them, thinking it more conducive to the cultivation
of virtue to leave some things to the good faith and
probity of mankind than to subject everything to the
compulsory authority of the law (Pothier, "A Trea-
tise on the Law of Obligations", tr. Evans, Philadel-
phia, 1826, Appendix, 11, 17).
As the civil-law jurist admitted the moral obliga-
tion of good faith and probity, so an eminent English
judge concedes that " by the law of nature ' ' every man
ought to fulfil his engagements. But it is equally
tme", he continues, " that the law of this country sup-
plies no means nor affords any remedy to compel the
performance of any agreement made without suffi-
cient consideration.'' ' 'Such agreement ' ', he adds, " is
nudum pactum ez quo rum oritur actio'\ a mere agree-
ment giving rise to no action at law, the learned judge
conceding tnat this understanding of the maxim may
(as it certainly does) differ from its sense in the
Roman law (J. W. Smith, "The Law of Contracts",
7th Amer. ed., Philadelphia, 1885, 103). A moral
consideration has been said to be "nothing in law"
(Smith, op. cit., 203). The moral obligation of a con-
tract is of "an imperfect kind", to quote an eminent
American jurist, "addressed to the conscience of the
parties under the solemn admonitions of accountabil-
ity to the Supreme Being" (Stonr, "Commentaries on
tile Constitution of the United States", 5th ed., Bos-
ton, 1891, Section 1380), but not to an earthly court of
justice. With these doctrines of the Roman and of
the English law we may compare the Scotch law, ac-
cording to which no consideration is essential to a
legal obligation, "an obligation undertaken deliber-
ately though gratuitously being binding". '*This",
adds Mackenzie (op. cit., 233) "is in conformity with
the canon law by which every paction produoeth
action ei omne verbum de ore fideli cadit in debitum",
i. e. every word of a faithful man is eauivalent to a debt
In the Roman law fulfilment of tnel^^ solemnities
of the verbal contract was deemed to indicate such
"serious intention of contracting a valid and effectual
obligation" (Pothier, op. cit.. Appendix II) as to dis-
pense with proof of any justa caumi (Poste, op. cit^
334) . In the English law it is not an v verbal f ormalitj',
but the solemmty of writing and sealing (PoUuer,
ibid.) which dispenses with proof of that valuaUe
consideration in modem English law analogous to the
old Roman justa causa, and, as a gena«l proposition,
essential to the validity of simple contracts, althou^
in the exceptional instance of negotiable paper always
presumed, and in favour of certain holders condu-
siveljr (Smith, op. cit., 181). This consideration is
described generalljr as "the matter accepted or agreed
upon as the eauivalent for which me oromise is
made" (Leage, " Principles of the Law of (Contracts".
4th ed., London, 1902, 425). And one promise would
be a legal consideration for another (Smith's " Lead-
ing Cases", 9th Amer. ed., Philadelphia, 1889, 302).
But the English law infers what a man chooses
to bargain for to be of some value to him, and
therefore does not allow the adeouacy of the consid-
eration to be inquired into (Pollock, op. cit., 193).
The consideration must, however, "be ol some value
in contemplation of law". A promise, for instance,
to abstain from doing what Uie promisor has no ri^^t
to do, is a promise of no value, and therefore no con-
sideration for a contract (Smith, op. cit., 181). No
obligation can bjr English law result from an agree-
ment "immoral in a legal sense". By this is meant
" not only that it is moxally wrong, but that according
to the common understanding of reasonable men it
would be a scandal for a court of justice to treat it as
lawful or indifferent, though it may not come within
any positive prohibition or penalty" (Pollock, op.
cit., 410). The civil-law authority, rothien instances
a promise by an officer to pav a soldier for fighting "a
soldier of another r^^ent ". If the officer pay, he
has no legal claim for recovery of this consicferation
given and received for a wrongful act, and, on the
other hand, the soldier, if he fight before receiving; the
agreed consideration, acquires no lefisl claim ror it
against the officer (Pothier, op. cit., 23). No one is
\mder a legal duty to fulfil a promise to do an act
opposed to the policy of the law (Smith, op. cit., 241,
243). But there are not wanting instances of con-
tracts opposed to the policy of tne law which yet
conflict with no moral law (Smith, op. cit., 213).
A contract induced by what in law is deemed to be
fraud may be rescinded at the election of the party
defrauded. But "general fraudulent conduct , or
"general dishonesty of purpose", or mere "intention
and design to deceive" is not sufficient unless
these evil acts and qualities have been connected
with a particular transaction, were the ground
on which it took place, and gave rise to the con-
tract (Smith, op. cit., 248, editor's note). In the in-
stance of a sale, the seller was, by the Roman civil
law, held to an implied warranty that the thing sold
was "free from such defects as made it unfit for the
use for which it was intended" (Mackenzie, op. cit.,
236). By the English law there is, if the thing be
sold for a fair price and be at the time of sale in the
possession of the seller, an implied warranty of title,
but of Quality there is no imphed warranty, except as
to food sold for domestic use (Kent, op. cit., II,
478) . " The writers of the moral law, " observes CThan-
cellor Kent, " hold it to be the duty of the seller to dis-
close the defects which are within his knoided^^
But the common law is not quite so strict If the de-
fects in the article sold be open equally to the observa-
tion of both parties, the law docs not require the
OOKTRAOT
335
OONTRAOT
vendor to aid and assist the observation of the vendee''
(Kent, op. cit., II, 484).
Re^)ecting what may be termed generally
" motives and inducements" (ibid., 487) of a contract,
the same^ authority cites Pothier as in accord with
the doctrine of En^lsh law, ** that though misrepre-
sentation or fraud will invalidate the contract of
sale, the mere concealment of material knowledge
which the one narty has touching the thing sold
and which the other does not possess, may affect the
conscience, but will tiot destroy the contract, for
that would unduly restrict the freedom of commerce;
and parties must at their own risk inform themselves
of the coomiodities they deal in" (op. cit., 491). In
a note, Cicero is referred to as favouring the view that
conscience forbids the concealment, the commentator
adding, "It is a little singular, however, that some of
the best ethical writers, under the CJhristian Dispensa-
tion should complain of the moral lessons of Cicero, as
being too austere in their textiu^, and too sublime in
speculation for actual use" (ibid., note d). As fraud,
so coercion, termed in English law duressj or tlie
threat of it, constitutes a valid defence to fulfilment
of a contract (Smith, op. dt., 230; Pollock, op. cit.,
728 sq.).
SrATinoRT Restrictionb. — ^A certain French ordarir
nance of 1667 (Pothier, op. cit., 448, Appendix, 168)
has been thought to have, perhaps, suggested the
English statute of 1689, which re^^ites its purpjose
to be "prevention of many fraudulent practices
which are commonly endeavoured to be upheld by
perjury and subornation of perjury". Accordingly,
the statute requires that certain contracts be in writ-
ing, and those for sales of ** goods, wares or merchan-
dise of over ten pounds price" in writing, or that there
be a part-delivery or part-payment. This enactment,
known as the Statute of Frauds, has, with numerous
variations, been embodied in statutes in the United
States (except in Louisiana), carrying, to quote from
the American commentator, "its iimuence through
the whole body of our civil jurisprudence" (Kent,
op. cit., 494, note a).
By the early Roman law many contracts were
enforceable by legal action after any lapse of time
however long. But, to quote the Institutes, " Bacrse
constitutiones .... actionibus certos fines^dede-
runt" (the imperial constitutions assigned fixed limits
to actions), so that, after certain prescribed periods,
no legal remeedy would be provided to enforce the
obligation of contracts ("The Institutes of Justinian",
tr. Sandars, London, 1898, Bk. IV, tit. xii; Bk. II, tit.
vi). Sflch positive restrictions on the legal remedy
are in English law contained in enactments known as
Statutes of Limitation (Blackstone, op. cit., Bk. Ill,
307). - One ancient English statute fixed for limita-
tion of certain actions the time of the coming of King
John from Ireland, another statute the coronation of
Henry III (Blackstone, op. cit., Bk. Ill, 188). But
modem statutes, as well in England as throughout the
United States, limit the remedy to certain periods
from the time of entering into contracts, adopting
the manner of the Homan constitutions. The legtu
maxim Leges vigilaniibiM rum dormientibue subveniurU
(the laws aid the vigilant, not the careless) is appli-
cable to private suitors (Blackstone, op. cit.). But
nuUutn iempua occurrit regi (no time runs a^nst
the king), and therefore, unless specially mentioned,
the Government is not included within the restric-
tions of a statute of 1 imitations. According to ancient
Enelish les^ conceptions these statutes ought not to
bind the king, for the reason that he *Ms always
busied for the public good, and therefore has not
leisure to assert his right within the times limited to
subjecte" (ibid., Bk. I, 247).
iNviOLABiLrTY OF CoNTRACT8.-^To secure inviola-
bility of contracts, the Constitution of the United
States (Art. 1, Sect. 10) provides that no Stat^ shall
pass a 'Maw impairing the obligation of contracts''.
By MiaaHon is meant that Icsal obligation whicn
exists ''wherever the municipal law recognizes an
absolute duty to perform a contract". And the
word contract being used in this clause of the Oon-
stitution without qualification, the protection of the
Constitution is not confined to executory contracts,
but embraces also executed contracts (Stonr, op. cit.,
Sect. 1376-1392), such as a grant which, because it
amounts to an extinguishment of the right of the
party, implies a contract not to reassert the right.
And the Constitution also protects even state char-
ters granted to private persons for private purposes,
whether these be literary, charitable, religious, or
commercial (Kent, op. cit., 1, 413-424; Story, op. cit..
Sect. 1376-1392). See also Donation.
PABaoNs, Tke Lata of Contrada (Oth ed., Boston, 1004):
Wood, A TreaUw on the Statule of Fraud» (New York and
Albany, 1884): Idem, A Treatise on the Limitation of Actions,
etc. (3rd ed., Boston, 1901).
Charles W. Sloane.
Contract, Trb Social. — "Du Oontrat Social, ou
Principes du droit politique", is the title of a work
written by J.-J. Rousseau and published in 1762.
From the time of his stay at Venice, about 1741,
Rousseau had in mind a lai^ treatise dealing with
" Les institutions politic^ues ' '. The " Oontrat Social "
is but a fragment of this treatise which, as a whole,
has never l^n published.
The "Gontrat Social" is divided into four books.
The first treate of the formation of societies and the
social contract. Social order is a sacred right which
is at the foundation of all other rights. It does not
come from nature. The family is the most ancient
and the most natural of all societies; but this associa-
tion of parente and children, necessary as long as these
cannot provide for themselves, is maintained after-
wards only by convention. Some philosophers have
said that among men some are bom for slavery, others
for domination; but they confound cause and effect;
if some are slaves by nature, it is because there have
been slaves against nature. Again, social order is not
based on force, for the strongest is not strong enough
to retain at all times his supremacy unless he trans-
forms force into right, and obedience into duty. But
in that case right would change places with force. If
it is necessary to obey because of force, there is no
need of obeying because of duty; and if one is not
forced to obey there is no longer any obligation.
All legitimate authority among men is based on an
agreement. This argument, according to Grotius,
has its foundation in the right of a people to alienate
its freedom. But to alienate is to give or to sell. A
man does not give himself; at most he sells himself
for a living; but for what should a people sell itself.
To ^ve itself gratuitously would be an act of folly
and therefore null and void. Moreover, even if a
man has the right to give himself, he has no right to
give his children who are bom men and free. Gro-
tius, aeain, in order to legitimize slavery, appeals to
the right of the conqueror to kill the conquered or to
spare nis life at the price of his freedom. But war
is a relation between State and State, and not be-
tween man and man. It gives the right to kill
soldiers so long as they are armed, but, once they
have laid down their arms, there remain onlv men
and no one has the right to kill them; besides, no
one has the right to enslave men. The words slavery
and rigfd are contradictory.
The social order originates in an altogether primi-
tive and unanimous agreement. When men in the
state of nature have reached that stage where the
individual is unable to cope with adverse foroes, they
are compelled to change their way of living. Ther
cannot create new forces, but they can unite their
individual energies and thus overcome the obstacles
to life. Tlie fundamental problem is, then, ** to find a
OONTRAOT
336
OOimULOT
fonn of aasoeiation which defends and protects with
the whole common energy, the person and property
of each associate, and by which each individual aaso-
oiate, uniting himself to all, still obeys only himself
and remains as free as before". The solution is a
contract bv which each one puts in common his per-
son and all his forces under the supreme direction of
the ''general wiQ". There results a moral and col-
lective body formed of as many members as there are
persons in the community. In this body the condi-
tion is equal for all, since each gives himself wholly;
the union is perfect, since each gives himself unre-
servedly; and finally, each, giving nimself to all, gives
himself to nobody. This body is called the "State
or Sovereign''; the members, who, taken toother,
form "the people" are the "citizens** as participating
in the supreme authority, and "subjects" as sub-
jected to the laws. By this contract man passes from
the natural to the civil state, from instinct to morality
and justice. He loses his natural freedom and his
unlimited right to all that he attempts or is able to do,
but he gains civil liberty and the ownership of all that
he possesses by becoming the acknowledge trustee of
a part of the public property.
The second book deals with sovereignty and its
rights. Sovereignty, or the general willj is inaliena-
ble, for the will cannot be transmitted; it is indivisi-
ble, since it is essentially general; it is infallible and
always right. It is determined and limited in its
power by the common interest; it acts through laws.
Law is the decision of the general will in regard to
some object of common interest. But though the
general will is always right and always desires what
IS good, its judgment is not always enlightened, and
consequent!^ does not always see wherein the com-
mon good hes; hence the necessity of the legislator.
But the l^islator has, of himself, no authority; he is
only a guide. He drafts and proposes laws, but the
people alone (that is, the sovereign or general will) has
authority to make and impose them.
The third book treats of government and its exer-
cise. In the State it is not sufficient to make laws, it
is also necessary to enforce them. Although the
sovereign or general will has the legislative power, it
cannot exercise by itself the executive power. It
needs a special agent, intermediary between the sub-
jects and the sovereign, which applies the laws under
the direction of the general will. This is precisely
the part of the Government which is the minister of the
sovereign and not sovereign itself. The one or the
several magistrates who form the Government are only
the trustee of the executive powers; they are. the
officere of the sovereign, and their office is not the
result of a contract, but a charge laid upon them;
they receive from the sovereign the orders which they
transmit to the people, and the sovereign can at will
limit, modify, or revoke this power.
The three principal forms of government are:
democracy, a government by the whole, or the
greater part, of the people; aristocracy, government
by a few; monarchy, government by one. Democ-
racy is in practice impossible. It demands conditions
too numerous and virtues too difficult for the whole
people. " If there were a people of gods, its govern-
ment would be democratic, so perfect a government
is not for men. " Aristocracy may be natural, heredi-
tary, or elective. The first is found only among sim-
ple and primitive people; the second is the worst of
all eovemmentfi ; the third, where the power is given
to the wisest, to those who have more time for public
affairs, is the best and the most natural of all govern-
ments whenever it is certain that those who wield power
will use it for the public welfare and not for their own
interest. No government is more vigorous than
monarchy; but it presents great dangers; if the end
is not the public welfare, the whole energy of the
administration is concentrated for the detriment of
the State. Kings seek to be absolute, and offices ara
gjven to intriguers. Theoretically, a government
simple and pure in form is the best; practically, it
must be combined with, and controlled by, elements
borrowed from other forms. Also, it is to l>e remarked
that not every form of government is equally suitablo
to every country; but the government of each oountnr
must be adapted to the character of its people. ** AU
things being equal, the best form of |^vemment for a
country is theone under which the citizens, without any
outside means, without naturalization or colonies, in-
crease and multiply." In order to prevent any
usurpation on the psut of the -government, some fixed
and periodical meetings of the people must be detei^
mined by law, during which all executive power is
suspended, and all authority is in the hands of the
people. In these meetings tne people will decide two
questions: "Whether it pleases the sovereign to pre-
serve the present form of government, and whether it
pleases the people to continue the administratioD in
the. hands of those who are actiudly in charge."
Intermediary between the sovereign authority and
the Government there is sometimes another power,
that of the deputies or representatives. The general
will, however, cannot be represented any more than
it can be alienated; the deputies are not representa-
tives of the people, but its commissioners; ihey can-
not decide anything definitively; hence, any Law
which is not ratified oy the people is nulL The insti-
tution of the Govermnent, tner^ore, is not based on a
contract between the people and the magistrates; it
is a law. Those who hold power are the officers, not
the masters, of the people; they have not to make a
contract, but to obey; by fulfilling Uieir ftmctioiis
they simply discharge their duties as citizens.
In the fourth book, Rousseau speaks of certain
social institutions. The general will is indestructible ;
it expresses itself throu^ elections. As to different
modes of elections and institutions, such as tribunate,
dictatorship, censure, etc., the history of the ancient
republics of Rome and Greece, of Sparta especially,
can teach us something about their value. Keli|gion
is at the veiy foundation of the State. At all times
it has occupied a lais;e place in the life of the people.
The Christianity of we Gospel is a holy R^igk>n, but
b^ teaching detachment from earthly things it con-
flicts with the social spirit. It produces men who fulfil
their duties with indifference, and soldiers who know
how to die rather than how to win. It is important
for the State that each citizen should have a reli^n
that will help him to love his duty; but the dogmas
of this religion are of no concern to the State except
in so far as they are related to morality or duti(«i
towards others. There must be, therefore, in the
State a religion of which the sovereign shall determine
the articles, not as dogmas of religion, but as senti-
ments of sociability. Whosoever does not accept
them may be banished, not as impious, but as unsocia-
ble; and whosoever, after having accepted them, w\ll
not act according to them shall be punished by death.
These articles shall be few and precise; existence of
the Divinity, powerful, intelligent, gooq, and provi-
dent; future lue, happiness of the just; chastisement
of the wicked; sanctity of the social contract and the
laws ; these are the positive dogmas. There is also one
n^ative dogma: Whosoever shall say, "Outside of
the Church there is no salvation", ou^^t to be ban-
ished from the State.
The influence of this book was immense. Rousseau
owes much indeed to Hobbes and Locke, and to
Montesquieu's "Esprit des lois", published fourteen
years before; but, oy the extreme prominence given
to the ideas of popular sovereignty, of liberty and
equality, and especially by his highly coloured style,
his short and concise formulie, he put within the
common reach principles and concepts which had
hitherto been confined to scientific exposition. Thm
OOHTBmON
337
OONTBinON
book gave expresBion to ideas and feelings v^ch, at
a time of political and social unrest, were growing in
the popular mind. It would.be interesting to deter-
mine how far Rousseau influenced the naming of
various modem constitutions; at an^ rate, he fur-
nished the French Revolution with its philosophy,
and his principles direct the actual political life of
France. His book, sajrs Mallet du Pan, was "the
Koran of the Revolutionists", and Garlyle rightly
calls Rousseau ^Hhe £vanfielist of the French Revo-
lution". The orators of the Constituante c|Uoted its
sentences and formuhe, and if it may be believed that
Rousseau would have condemned the massacres and
violences of 1793, the Jacobins, nevertheless, looked
to his principles for the justification of their acts.
It is quite intelligible that the "Contrat Social"
should have come to be considered by some as the
gospel of freedom and democracy, by others as the
code of revolution and anarchy, lliat it contains
serious contradictions is undeniable. For instance.
Rousseau assigns as the essential basis of the general
will the unanimous consent of the people, yet he as-
sinnes that this eeneral will is expressed in the plural-
ity of suffrages; ne affirms that parents have no risht
to eneage their children by a contract, and yet chil-
dren from their birth will be subject to the primitive
contract; he affirms that a man has no right to alien-
ate himself, yet he bases the social contract essentially
on the total alienation of personal rights and person-
ality in favour of the community. If there are some
true considerations and reflections in this book — as,
for instance, on slavery and the dignity of man, on the
adaptation of the divers forms of government to the
character of the people, etc. — its fundamental princi-
^es — ^the orisin of society, absolute freedom and
absolute equality of all — are false and unnatural.
He bases society on a convention, ignoring the fact
and truth so clearly shown both by psychology and his-
tory that man is a being essentially social, and that,
as Bonald says, the ''law of sociability is as natural
to man as the law of gravitation to physical bodies".
He aflirms as a first principle that all men are bom
free. He calls the natural state a state of instinct,
and he defines natural freedom as the unlimited rieht
of each to do whatever he can. He opposes to this
natund state and freedom the civil state which he
caUs the state of justice and morality, and civil lib-
erty, which is freedom limited by the general will.
This evidently implies that man is bom an animal
with force as its power and instinct as its guide, and
not an intelligent and free being. Rousseau forgets
that, if natural freedom is power to act, it is at the
same time an activity subjected to a rule and disci-
pline determined by tne very object and conditions of
numan life; that if all men are bom with a right to
freedom, they are also Iwm with a duty to direct this
freedom; that, if all are bom eoually free — in the fun-
damental sense that all have the same essential right
to live a human life and to attain human perfection —
stiU, this very right is determined in its mode of ex-
ercise for each individual by special laws and condi-
tions; in a word, that the natural state of man is both
freedom and discipline in the individual as well as in
the social life. Rousseau's conception of freedom
leads him directly to an individualism and a natural-
ism which have no limits save those of brute force
itself.
A^in, he declares that all men are born naturally
equsu. Now this principle is true if it is understood
in the sense of a specific equalitv, the foundation of
human dignity. Every man has ihe right, equal in all,
to be treated as a man, to be respected in his pen^nal
dignity as a man, to be protected and helped by author-
ity in nis effort towards perfection. But the principle
isfundamentally false, if, as interpreted by Rousseau, it
means individual equality. The son is not individ-
ually equal to his father, nor the infant to the adult,
^^ IV ~M
nor the dull to the intelligent, nor the poor to the rich,
in individual needs, rights, or special duties. The
natural relations between individual men, their re-
ciprocal duties and rights, involve both equality and
hierarchy. The basis of social relations is not abso*
lute individual indei>endence and arbitrary will, but
freedom exercised with respect for authority. By
his interpretation of this principle, Rousseau leads
to a false individualism which ends in anarchy.
Rousseau maintains that society arises through the
total alienation of the personality and rights of each
associate; hence, for the absolute individualism of
nature he substitutes an absolute socialism in the civil
state. It is the general will which is the ultimate
source and supreme criterion of justice, morality,
property, and religion. Then we have, in spite of ail
the explanations advanced by Rousseau, the sup-
pression of personality, the reign of force and caprice,
the tyranny of the multitude, the despotism of the
crowd, the destruction of true freedom, morality, and
society. The French Revolution was the realization
of these principles. Society has not its foundation in
the free alienation of personality and rights, but in the
natural imion of all personalities, or, rather, families,
with a view to reach their perfection. Society is
not the source of duties and rights of families or indi-
viduals, but the protector and helper of families and
individuals in the fulfilment of their duties and rights;
its existence is commanded, its authority is limited,
by this very end. Society is not formed from ele-
ments all individually equal, but is organized from
graduated elements. These degrees of authority,
however, in the social organization are not by nature
the exclusive possession of l^nybody, but accessible
to the capacities and the efforts of all. Society is
made up of authority and subjects; and this authority,
while it may be determined in its subject and numner
of exercise by the people, has not its foundation in
their will, but in human nature itself as God created it.
MussKT Pathay, aSuvres de J.-J. Rousseau (Paris, 1823-26
and 1870); Lettrea iniditea de Rousseau h Marc-Michel (Pans.
1858); BsAUDOiN, Lavieetles cnivns de J.- J. Rousseau (Paris,
1891); HoRNUNQ, Les idles politiques de Rousseau (1878);
LzcHTENBKROER, Lc soctolisme au XVIII^ si^ds (1895); Mob-
let, Rousseau (London, 1896). II, iii; LbmaItbx, J.-J, Rous-
seau (Paris, 1907); Brbdif, Du caraeUre inteUectud ei moral de
J.-J. Rousseau (Paris, 1906). Also, for bibtiography of Rous-
seau, cf. GufeRARD, Im France littiraire, VIII, 192>230. For
the influence of the CorUrat Social, see (Euvres de MaximUieH
Robespierre (Paris, 1840); Carltlb, The French Revolution;
Taine^ Origmes de la France coniemporaine (Paris. 1876-90).
II, III. See also the Eneyclieals of Leo XIII: Diutumum
JUud (29 June, 1881). and Jmmortale Dei (1 Nov., 1893).
G. M. Sauvaob.
Oontrition (Lat. coniritio — a breaking of some-
thing hardened). — In Holy Writ nothing is more com-
mon than exhortations to repentance: "I desire not
the death of the wicked, but tnat the wicked turn from
his way and live" (Ezech., xxxiii, II); "Except you
do penance you shall all likewise perish" (Luke, xiii,
5; cf. Matt., xii, 41). At times this repentance in-
cludes exterior acts of satisfaction (Ps. vi, 7 sqq.); it
always implies a recognition of wrong done to God, a
detestation of the evil wrought, and a desire to turn
from evil and do good. This is clearly expressed in
Ps. 1 (5-14): "For I know my iniquitv. ... To thee
only have I sinned, and have done evil before thee
Turn away thy face from my sins, and blot out all
my iniquities. Create a clean heart in me", etc.
More clearly does this appear in the parable of the
Pharisee and the publican (Luke, xviii, 13), and more
clearly still in the story of the prodigal (Luke, xv.
11-32): "Father, I have sinned against heaven and
before thee: I am not worthy to be called thy son ".
Natuke of Contrition. — This interior repentance
has been called by theologians "contrition". It is
defined explicitly by the Council of Trent (Sess. XIV,
ch. iv de Contritione) : " a sorrow of soul and a hatred
of sin committed, with a firm purpose of not sinning in
CONTRITION
338
CONTRITION
the future". The word contrition itself in a moral
sense is not of frequent occurrence in Scripture (cf .
Ps. 1, 19). Etymologically it implies a breaking of
something that has become hardened. St. Thomas
Aquinas in his Commentary on the Master of the Sen-
tences thus explains its peculiar use: ^' Since it is
requisite for the remission of sin that a man cast away
entirely the liking for sin which implies a sort of con-
tinuity and solidity in his mind, the act which obtains
forgiveness is termed by a figure of speech 'contri-
tion'" (In Lib. Sent. IV, dist. xvii; cf. Supplem.
III, Q. i, a. 1). This sorrow of soul is not merely
specidative sorrow for wrong done, remorse of con-
science, or a resolve to amend ; it is a real pain and
bitterness of soul together with a hatred and horror for
sin committed; and this hatred for sin leads to the re-
solve to sin no more. The early Christian writers in
speaking of the nature of contrition sometimes insist
on the feeling of sorrow, sometimes on the detestation
of the wrong committed (Augustine in P. L., XXXVII,
1901, 1902; Chrysostom, P. G., XL VII, 409, 410).
Augustine includes both when writing: "Compunctus
corae non solet dici nisi stimulis peccatorum in dolore
poenitendi" (P. L., Vol. VI of Augustine, col. 1440).
Nearly all the medieval theologians hold that contri-
tion is based principally on the detestation of sin.
This detestation presupposes a knowledge of the hein-
ousness of sin, and this knowledge begets sorrow and
pain of soul. " As sin is committed bv the consent, so
it. is blotted out by the dissent of tne rational will;
hence contrition is essentially sorrow. But it should
be noted that sorrow has a twofold signification — dis-
sent of the will and the consequent feeling; the
former is of the essence of contrition, the latter is its
effect" (Bonaventure, In Lib. Sent. IV, dist, xvi, Pt.
I, art. 1). [See also St. Thomas Aquinas, Comment,
in Lib. Sent. IV; Billuart (De Sac. Pcenit., Diss, iv,
art. 1) seems to hold the opposite opinion.]
Necessity of Contrition. — Until the time of the
Reformation no theologian ever thought of denying the
necessity of contrition for the forpveness of sin. But
with the coming of Luther and his doctrine of justifi-
cation by faith alone the absolute necessity of contri-
tion was excluded as bv a natural consec][uence. Leo
X in the famous Bull "Exsurge" [Denzinger, no. 751
(635)] condemned the following Lutheran position:
**By no means believe that you are forgiven on ac-
count of your contrition, but l>ecause of Christ's
words, 'Whatsoever thou shalt loose', etc. On this
account I say, that if you receive the priest's absolu-
tion, believe firmly that you are absolved, and truly
absolved you will be, let the contrition be as it may. '
Luther could not deny that in every true conversion
there was grief of soul, but he asserted that this was
the result of the grace of God poured into the soul at
the time of justification, etc. (For this discussion see
Vacant, Diet, de th^ol. cath., s. v. Contrition.) Catho-
lic writers have always taught the necessity of contri-
tion for the forgiveness of sin, and they have insisted
that such necessity arises (a) from the very nature of
repentance as well as (b) from the {xisitive command
of God. (a) They point out that the sentence of
Christ in Luke, xiii, 5, is final: "Except you do pen-
ance", etc., and from the Fathers they cite passages
such as the following from Cyprian, *'De Lapsis", no.
32: '' Do penance in full, give proof of the sorrow that
comes from a grieving and lamenting soul . . . they
who do away with repentance for sin, close the door to
satisfaction. " The Scholastic doctors laid down the
principle, " No one can begin a new life who does not
repent him of the old" (Bonaventure, In Lib, Sent.
IV, dist. xvi, Pt. II, art. I, Q. ii, also ex profe^ao, ibid.,
Pt. I, art. I, Q. iii), and when asked the reason why,
they point out the absolute incongruity of turning to
God and clinging to sin, which is hostile to God's law.
Tlie Council of Trent, mindful of the tradition of the
ages, defined fSess. XIV. ch. iv de Contritione) that
"contrition has always been necessary for obtaining
forciveness of sin", (b) The positive command «
God is abo clear in the premises. Hie Baptist aouxtd-
ed the note of preparation for the coming of the Me9-
siais: ''Make straight his paths"; and, as a ooiise-
quence, ''they went out to him and were baptised
confessing their sins ". The first preaching of Jesus is
described in the words : ** Do penance, for the kingdom
of heaven is at hand"; and the Apostles, in Uieir firat
sermons to the people, warn them to "do penance and
be baptized for the remission of their sins" (Acts, ii,
38). The Fathers followed up with like exhortation
(Clement in P. G., I, 341; Hennas in P. G., II, «M;
Tertullian in P. L., II).
Perfect and Imperfect Contrition. — Catholic
teaching distinguishes a twofold hatred of sin: one,
perfect contrition, springs from the love of God Who
nas been grievously offended; the other, imperfect
contrition, arises principally from some other mo-
tives, such as loss of heaven, fear of hell, the heinou«-
ness of sin, etc. (Council of Trent, Sess. XIV, ch. iv cie
Contritione). For the doctrine of imperfect contri-
tion see Attrition.
Qualities. — In accord with Catholic tradition con-
trition, whether it be perfect or imperfect, must be at
once (a) interior, (b) supernatural, (e) universal, and
(d) severely.
(a) Interior, — Contrition must be real and sincere
sorrow of heart, and not merely an external manifes-
tation of repentance. The Old-Testament Prophets
laid particular stress on the necessity of hearty repent-
ance. The Psalmist says that God despises not the
"contrite heart" (Ps. 1, 19), and the call to Israel
was, "Be converted to me with all your heart . . .
and rend your hearts, and not your garments" (Joel,
ii, 12 sq.). Holy Job did penance m sackcloth and
ashes because he reprehended himself in sorrow of
soul (Job, xlii, 6). The contrition adjudged neces-
sary bv Christ and his Apostles was no mere formality,
but tne sincere expression of the sorrowing soul
(Luke, XV, 11-32; Luke, xviii, 13); and the grief of
the woman in the house of the Pharisee merited for-
giveness because "she loved much". The exhorta-
tions to penance found everywhere in the Fathers have
no uncertain sound (Cypnan, De Lapsis, P. L., I V ;
Chrysostom, De compunctione, P. Gi., XL VII, 393
8qq.),andthe Scholastic doctors from Peter Lombard
on insist on the same sincerity in repentance (Peter
Lombard, Lib. Sent. IV, dist. xvi, no. 1).
(b) Supernatural, — In accordance with Catholic
teaching contrition ought to be prompted by God's
grace*and aroused by motives which spring from faith,
as opposed to merefv natural motives, such as loss of
honour, fortune, and the like (Chemnitz, Exam. Con-
cil. Trid., Pt. II, De Pcenit.). In the Old Testament it
is God who gives a "new heart" and who puts a "new
spirit" into the children of Israel (Ezech., xxxvi,
25-29); and for a clean heart the Psalmist prays in
the Miserere (Ps. 1, 11 sqq.). St. Peter told those to
whom he preached in the first days after. Pentecost
that God tne Father had raised up Christ "to eive re-
pentance to Israel" (Acts, v, 30 sq.). St. Paul in ad-
vising Timothy insists on dealing gently and kindly
with those who resist the truth, " if peradventure God
may give them repentance" (II Tim., ii, 24-25). In
the days of the Pelagian heresy Augustine insists on
the supematuralness of contrition, when he writes*
"That we turn away from God is our doing, and this
is the bad will ; but to turn back to God we are unable
unless He arouse and help us, and this is the ^>od
will." Some of the Scholastic doctors, notably Sco-
tus, Cajetan, and after them Suares (De Pcenit., Disp.
iii, sect, vi), asked speculatively whether man left to
himself could elicit a true act of contrition, but no
theologian ever taught that repentance which mak€«
for forgiveness of sin in the present economy of Got*
could be inspired by merely natural motives. On tho
CONTRITION
'639
OONTUTION
Oontrary, all the doctors have insisted on the absolute
necessity of grace for contrition that disposes to for-
giveness (Bonaventure, In Lib. Sent. iV, dist. xiv,
Pt. I, art. II, Q. iii; also dist. xvii, Pt. I, art. I, Q. iii;
cf . St. HiomaS) In Lib. Sent. IV). In keeping with
this teaching of the Scriptures and the doctors, the
Council of (Sent defined: "If anyone say that with-
out the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and without His
aid a man can repent in the way that is necessary for
obtaining the grace of justification, let him be anath-
ema.'*
(c) Univeracil. — The Council of Trent defined that
real contrition includes " a firm purpose of not sinning
in the future"; consequently ne who repents must
resolve to avoid all sin. This doctrine is intimately
bound up with the Catholic teaching concerning grace
and repentance. There is no forgiveness without sor-
row of soul, and forgiveness is always accompanied by
God's grace; grace cannot coexist with sin; and, as a
consequence, one sin cannot be foi^ven while another
remains for which there is no repentance. This is the
clear teaching of the Bible. The> Prophet urged men
to turn to God with their whole heart (Joel, ii, 12 sq.),
and Christ tells the doctor of the law that we must
love God with our whole mind, our whole strength
(Luke, X, 27). Ezechiel insists that a man must
** turn from all hia evil ways" if he wish to live. The
Scholastics inquired rather subtly into this question
when they asked whether or not there must be a spe-
cial act ox contrition for evezy serious sin, and whether,
in order to be forgiven, one must remember at the
moment all his grievous transgressions. To both
questions they answered in the native, judging that
an act of sorrow which implicitly mcluded all his sins
would be sufficient.
(d) Sovereign. — ^The Council of Trent insists that
true contrition includes the firm will never to sin
again, so that no matter what evil may come, such
evil must be preferred to sin. This doctrine is surely
Christ's: ''What shall it profit a man if he eain the
whole world and suffer the loss of his soul?'''^ Theo-
logians have discussed at great length whether or not
contrition which must be sovereign appretiative, i. e.
in regarding sin as the greatest possible eviL must also
be sovereign in degree and in intensity. Tne decision
has generuly been that sorrow need not be sovereign
"intensively", for intensity makes no change in the
substance of an act (BaUenni, Opus Morale: De Con-
tritione; Bonaventure, In Lib. Sent. IV, dist. xxi,
Pt. I, art II, Q. i).
CONZMTION IN THE SaCRAMENT OF PeNANCE. —
Contrition is not only a moral virtue, but the Council
of Trent defined tiiat it is a ''part", nay more, quasi
materia, in the Bacrament of Penance. "The (quasi)
matter of this sacrament consists of the acts of the
penitent himself, namely, contrition, confession, and
satisfaction. These, inasmuch as they are by God's
Institution required in the penitent for the integrity of
the sacrament and for the iidl and perfect remission of
sin^ are for this reason called P&rts of penance. " In
consequence of this decree of Trent theologians teach
that sorrow for sin must be in some sense sacramental.
La Cioiz went so far as to say that sorrow must be
aroused with a view of going to confession, but this
seems to be asking too much; most theolopans think
with Schider-Heuser (Theory and Practice of Con-
fession, p. 113) that it is sumcient if the sorrow co-
exiit in any way with the confession and is referred
to it Hence the precept of the Roman Ritual,
"After the oonfessor has heard the confession he
ahoidd try by earnest eidiortation to move the peni-
tent to contrition" (Schieler-Heuser, op. dt., p. Ill
PKRIBCTT CONTBmON WiTHOTJT THE SaCEAMBNT.—
Reganllngthat contrition which has for its motive the
love ofGod, the Council of Trent declares; '*The
Council further teaches that, though contrition may
sometunes be made perfect by charity and may recon-
cile men to Qod before the actual reception of this sac-
rament, still the reconciliation is not to be ascribed to
the contrition apart from the desire for the sacrament
which it includes." The following proposition (no.
32) taken from Baius was condemned by Gregory
XIII : " That charity which is the fullness of the law lis
not always conjoined with forgiveness of sins. " Per-
fect contrition, with the desire of receiving the Sacra-
ment of Penance, restores the sinner to grace at once.
This is certainly the unanimous teaching of the Scho-
lastic doctors (Peter Lombard in P. L., CXCII, 886;
St. Thomas, In Lib. Sent. IV, ibid. ; St. Bonaventure,
In Lib. Sent. IV, ibid.). This doctrine they derived
from Holy Writ. Scripture certainly ascribes to
charity and the love of God the power to take away
sin: "He that loveth me shall be loved by My
Father"; "Many sins are forgiven her because she
hath loved much". Since the act of perfect contri-
tion implies necessarily this same love of God, theo-
logians have ascribed to perfect contrition what Scrip-
ture teaches belongs to charity. Nor is this strange,
for in the Old Covenant there was some way of recov-
ering God's grace once man had sinned. God wills
not the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn
from his way and live (Ezech., zzxiii, 11). This total
turning to God corresponds to our idea of perfect con-
trition ; and if under the Old Law love sufficed for the
pardon of the sinner, surely the coming of Christ and
the institution of the Sacrament of Penance cannot
be supposed to have increased the difficulty of obtain-
ing forgiveness. That the earlier Fathers taught the
efficacy of sorrow for the remission of sins is very dear
(Qement in P. G., I, 341 sqq.; Hennas in P. G., II,
894 sqq. ; Chrysostom in P. G., XLIX, 285 sqq.), and
this is particularly noticeable in all the commentaries
on Luke, vii, 47. The Venerable Bede writes (P. L.,
XCII, 425): "What is love but fire; what is sin but
rust? Hence it is said, many sins are foi^given her be-
cause she hath loved much, as thou^ to say, she hath
burned away entirely the rust of sin, because she is
inflamed with the fire of love." Theologians have
inquired with much learning as to the kind of love that
justifies without the Sacrament of Penance. All are
agreed that pure, or disinterested, love {amor bene-
voUntioB, amor amicUiiB) suffices; when there is ques-
tion of interested, or selfish, love (amor concupiacentia)
theologians hold that purely selfish love is not suffi-
cient. When one furthermore asks what must be the
formal motive in perfect love, there seems to be no
real unanimity among the doctors. Some say that
where there is perfect love God is loved for His great
ffoodness alone; others, basing their contention on
Scripture, think that the love of gratitude (amor araiir
tudtnis) is quite sufficient, because Ciod's benevolence
and love towards men are intimately united, nay, in-
separable from His Divine perfections (Hurter^lneoL
Dog., Thesis cczlv. Scholion iii, no. 3; Schieler-Heuser,
op. dt., pp. 77 sq.).
Obligation of ELicrriNG thb Act of Comtbition.
— ^In the very nature of thincs the sinner must repent
before he can be reconciled with God (Sess. XIV,
ch. iv, de Contritione, FuU guovie tempore, etc.).
Therefore he who has fallen into grievous sin must
either make an act of perfect contrition or supple-
ment the imperfect contrition by receiving the Sacrar
ment of Penance; otherwise reconciliation with God
is impossible. Inis obligation urges under pain of
sin ymen there is danger of death. In danger of
death, therefore, if a priest be not at hand to adminis-
ter tlie sacrament, the sinner must make an effort to
elicit an act of perfect contrition. The obligation of
perfect contrition is also urgent whensoever one has
to exercise some act for which a state of grace is neces-
sary and the Sacrament of Penance is not acoessibla
Theolog^ns have questioned how long a man may re-
main in the state of sin, without making an effort to
OONTUMAOT
340
OOMVJBMT
elicit an act of perfect contrition. They seem a^eed
that such neglect must have extended over consider-
able time, but what constitutes a considerable time
th^ find it hard to determine (Sohieler-Heuser, op.
dt., ^p. 83 Bcyi,). Probably the rule of St. Alphon-
sus Liguori will aid the solution: '^The dut^ of mak-
ing an act of contrition is uraent when one is obliged
to make an act of love" (Saoetti, Theologia Mor^:
de neoess. contritionis, no. 731 ; Ballerini, Opus Mor-
ale: de contritione).
CiiRisrnAN Pbsch, Praicclionea Doamatica (Freiburg, 1897),
VII ; Hunter, Ou^tn«a of Dogmatic Tht^otw (New York, 1896) ;
St. Thomab, In Sent. IV, dist. xvii, Q. ii, a 1, sol. 1 j Suabez,
De Pcenitenti&.disp. iv, eect. iiL a. 2; Bcllarmxnb, De Contro^
ver«ii8, Bk. II, De eacramerUo potnttentice; Salmanticbnbbs,
Cursua Theologieus: de pemilentid (Paris. 1883), XX; Db-
NiFLB, Luther und Luthertum in der ersten Brdwicldung (Mains,
1906), I, 229 sqq., 11,454. 517, 618 sq.: Collbt in Mtone,
Theologia Cunua CompieliiM (Paris, 1840), XXII; Palmibri,
De PtenitentiA (Rom©, 1879 ; Prato, 1896) ; Pbtavius. Dogmata
TheUogica: dejxtnitentid (Paris, 1867).
Edward J. Hanna.
Oontuxnacy (in Canon Law), or contempt of coiut,
is an obstinate disobedience of the lawful orders of a
court. Simple disobedience does not constitute con>
tumacv. Such crime springs only from tmequivo-
cal and stubborn resistance to the reiterated or per-
emptory orders of a legitimate court, and implies
contempt or denial of its authorit^r. The general law
of the (Jhurch demands that the citation, or order to
appear, be repeated three times (in the United States
twice) before proceedings declaratory of contmnacy
take place. A peremptory citation, stating that the
one replaces the three, satisfies the law. Contumacy
may arise not only from disobedience to the citation
proper, but also from contempt of any order of a law-
ful court. Contumacy is commonly divided into true
and presumptive. True contumacy takes p\&ce when
it is certain that the citation was served, and the de^
fendant without just cause fails to obey the terms of
such citation. R^umptive contumacy occurs when
there is a strong presimiption, thoueh it is not certain,
that the citation was served. The law holds this pre-
8umi>tion equivalent to a moral certitude of service of
citation. The defendant becomes guilty of contu-
ma<^ if, when lawfully cited, he fails to appear before
the judge, or if he secludes himself, or in any way pre-
vents the service of citation. The plaintiff incurs the
guilt of contumacy by faQure to appear before the
coiui; at the specified time. And the defendant or
plaintiff may be proceeded against on the ohaige of
contempt, if either rashly withdraws from the trial, or
disobeys a special precept of the judge, or refuses
to answer the charges of the other psSty. A wit-
ness becomes guilty of eontumacv by disobeying the
sunmions or by refusal to testify m the cause at issue.
All causes excusing appearance in court exempt
from contempt of court. The following, among
others, produce such effects: (1) ill-health; (2) ab-
sence on public affairs; (3) summons to a lugher
court; (4) inclement weauier; (5) unsafety of ^aoe
to which cited. These and like causes, if known to
the juctee, render null and void any sentence pro-
noimcea by him in such circumstances. But if they
be unknown to the judge at the time of sentence, the
condemned, on motion, must be reinstated in the posi-
tion held by him prior to the sentence. Contumacy
should never be held equivalent to a juridical confes-
sion of guilt. It cannot therefore dispense with the
trial, but only makes it lawful to proceed in the ab-
sence of the party guilty of contumacy as though he
were present (Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, no.
313). Contempt of court, being an act of resistance to
legitimate authority, is a crime, and therefore punish-
able. The chief penalties are: (1) The trial proceeds
in the absence of the contumacious person, ana presum-
ably to his detriment ; (2) presumption of Kuilt, but not
sufficient for conviction ; (3) a pecuniary fine at the dis-
cretion of the judge; (4) suspension; (S) exoomrauni«
cation may be inflicted, and if the oontunmcious party
be not absolved within one year he may be proceeded
a^inst as suspected of heresy (Council of Trent, Seas.
XXV, ch. iii de Ref.); (6) loss of the ri^t of appeal
from a definitive sentence, in all cases of true con-
timiacy. Presumptive contumacy does not canj tliis
penalty. Before mflicting penalties the guilt of con-
tumacy must be establishea by legal pro^. The ac-
cused must be cited to answer tne charee of con-
tumacy, which must be prosecuted aocording to the
procedure established and laid down in the law.
Santx-Lbitnkb, P^radeetioneB Juris Canoniei (Nefir York,
1905); Smfth, Ecdeaiaatical Trials (New York. 1887). U. 1010-
1025; Baart, Legal Formulary (New York. 1898), 324-330;
FERaABis. Promvia BihHotheca. a. v.; ANDRi-WAOKEB, DitL
de droit can, (3rd ed.. Pans, 1001), I, 563; Taunton, The Lam
of the Church (London. 1906). a. v.
James H. Driscx>ij:^
Oontien, Adam, economist and ex^ete, b. in 1573
(according to Sommervc^l in 1575), at Montjoie in
ihe Duchy of Jolich, which is now part of the Rhine
Province of Prussia; d. 19 June, 1635, at Munich.
He entered the Society of Jesus at Trier in 1595, was
professor of philosophy in the University of Wursburg
m 1606, and was transferred to the UruverBi^ c3
Mainz in 1610, where he occupied the chair of Holy
Scripture for more than ten ^r^BLta. He had a share in
the oi^nization of the UnivecBity of Molsheim, in
Alsace, of which he was chancellor m 1622-23. Cont-
zen was a learned and versatile writer in thedogical
controversy, in political economy, and in the interpre-
tation of the Scriptures. He defended the contro-
versial works of Cardinal Bellarmine against the at-
tacks of Professor Parens of Heidelbere, and when the
latter soueht to unite the Calvinists and the Lutherans
against the Catholics, Contzen demonstrated tlie
impractical nature of the project in his work, '*I)e
umone et synodo Evangelicorum", and showed the
only way of restorizjg peace to the German nation in h is
important work, ''De Pace Germanic libri duo, prior
de falsa, alter de ver&" (Mainz, 1616). This work
was twice reprinted at Cologne, in 1642 and in 1685.
His idesB on the restoration of peace were further de-
veloped in the works occasioned bv the centenary of
the Reformation, one of which, '' Jubilum Jubilorum",
was published (1618) in Latin and in German. His
most interesting work, which marios him as a thinker
in advance of his age, ** Politicorum lib. X", was pub-
lished at Mainz in 1621 and 1629.. The book has been
called an " Anti-Macchiavelli" because the author de-
scribes the ruler of a Christian commonwealth in ao»
cordance witii the principles of Revelation. In the
ritions of political and national economy which he
usscs he advocates a reform of taxation, the free-
ing of the soil from excessive burdens, state ownership
of certain industries for the purpose of revenue, indi-
rect taxation of objects of luxury, a combination of
the protective system with free>trade, and state aid
for popular associations. The Elector Maximilian of
Havana was so impressed by the abilitv shown in this
work that he chose Contzen for his confessor. During
his residence in Munich, which began in 1623, he com-
pleted and published his commentaries on the Four
Gospels, ana on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Ro-
mans, the Corinthians, and the Galatians. He also
wrote a political novel, "Methodus doctrins civilis,
seu Abissini R^b Historia", in which he showed the
practical working of his political theories.
Brischar, p. Adam Contzen, ein Irtniker und NaHmud-
akanom dee 17. Jahrhunderta (WQrabunt, 1879): Romhkkvogbl,
BiblioUilque de la c de J., II. s. v.; SmBBH in KvrhenUx.^
8. V. B. GULDNSR.
Oonvent (Lat. conventus) originally signified an as-
sembly of Roman citizens in the provinces for pur-
poses of administration and justice. ^ In the history
oi monasticism the word has two distinct technical
meanings: (1) A religious community of either sex
OOKVENT
341
OONYENT
when spoken of in its coi-porat<* capaxnty. Tiic word
was first used in this sense when the eremitical life
began to be combined with the cenobitieal. The her-
mits of an Eastern laura^ living in separate cells
grouped aromid that of their conmion superior, when
spoken of collectively, were called a converUus, In
Western monasticism the terra came into ^neral use
from the very be^ning, and the technical phrase
abbtts et converUua si^fiea to this day the entire com-
munity of a monastic establishment. (2) The build-
ing in which resides a community of either sex. In
this sense the word denotes more properly the home
of a strictly monastic order, and is not correctly used
to designate the home of what is called a "congrega-
tion". In addition to these technical meanings, the
word has also a popular signification at the present
^y> ^y which it is made to mean in particiuar the
abode of female religious, just as "monastery" de-
notes that of men, though in reality the two words are
interchangeable. In the present article the word is
taken chiefly in its popular sense. The treatment,
n'oreover, is limited to those features which are com-
mon to all, or nearly all, convents, while peculiarities
due to the special purpose, rule, or occupation of each
ri'ligious order are explained in the pertinent article.
Convent Life. — ^Tne life lived by the inmates of a
convent naturall^r varies in its details, acoordins to
the particuhur object for which it has been founded,
or tne 8i>ecial cireumstances of time and place bjr
which it is affected. Convents are often roughly di-
vided into two classes, strictly enclosed and unen-
closed, but with regard to the convents existing at
the present day this division, though correct as far as
it goes, is not a very satisfactory one, because both
classes are capable of subdivision, and, on account of
the varied kinds of work undertaken by the nuns,
these subdivisions overlap one another. Thus, of the
strictly enclosed communities, some are purely con-
t««nplative, others mainhr active (i. e. engaged in
eiucational or rescue wonc), whilte others again com-
bine the two. Similarly, of the unenclosed orders,
some are parely active (i. e. undertaking educational,
parochial, hospital, or other work), and others unite
the contemplative with the active life, without, how-
ever, being strictly enclosed. As a general deduction
it may be stated meX the contemplative life, in which
women were actuated by a desire to save their own
souls and the souls of others by their lives of prayer,
seclusion, and mortifioation, was the idea of the older
orders, while the distinctive note of the more modem
congr^ations is that of active work amongst others
and the relief of their bodily wants.
With regard to the educational work of the con-
vents, it may here be stated that this includes the
teaching of both elementary and secondary schools,
aa well as the training of teachers for such schools and
higher education. The hospital and nursing work com-
prises the manag^nent of nospitals, both general and
lor special classes of patients, as well as the nursing of
both rich and poor in their own homes. Rescue work
includes the conduct of penitentiaries, orphanages,
and homes for the aged poor. A few convents make
special provision for the reception of guests, for re-
treats and other spiritual purposes, and a large propor-
tion of them receive boarders at moderate charges.
Some, mostly of enclosed communities, have under-
taken lie work of Perpetual Adoration, while others
devote themselves to ecclesiastical embroidery and
the making of chureh vestments. This particular
kind of work has always been characteristic of Eng-
lish nuns, whose embroidery, known as the opus
angUcanum, was famous in medieval times (Matthew
Paris, Rolls ed., IV, an. 1246). The ordinary nwitine
of hie in a nunnery has always oorrest)onded approxi-
mately with fhat of a monastery. The nun's day is
divided between t^e ehoir, the workroom, the school*-
room, the refectory, the recreation-room, the cell,
and, with the active orders, the outside work, in peri-
odical rotation. Idleness or lack of occupation is
never pennitted. The earliest rules for nuns, as well
as the most modern, all prescribe labour of some use-
ful kind. The medieval nuns could always read and
write Latin, and they also employed themselves in
transcribing and illuminating sacred books, and in
many of the fine arts, the cultivation of which they
consecrated to the service of God. The convents
thus were always hemes of industry, and just as form-
erly they played no small part in the spread of civili-
zation, so now they are almost indispensable hand-
maids to the cause of the Catholic Chureh.
Unfounded Calumnibs. — ^It is not necessary here
to refute the many base and vile charges that have
from time to time been brought against the conven-
tual system ; a mere general reference to them is suffi-
cient, for the evidence of the salutary work done by
convents and the fruits of the lives of the nuns are in
themselves ample refutation. In the past there have
been "anti-convent" and ''convent-inspection" socie-
cally in the future. " These may and do for a time
hamper the work of the nuns and cause a certain
amount of disquietude in some quarters, but it is a
si^ificant fact tl\at, whatever excitement they may
raise for the time being, the a^tation always dies
down again as suddenly as it arises, and its harmful
effects never appear to leave behind them any lastins
results, except perhaps an increased interest in, and.
respect far, the conventual life that has been vilified.
liEOiSLATroN AS TO CONVENTS. — Cauou law con-
tains a large and important section relating to the
establishment and j^vemment of convents. The
privileges of such as are exempt from episcopal juris-
diction, the appointment of confessors for tne nuns,
and the duties of the same, the regulations of the
Church concerning enclosure, and the admission and
testing of candidates, the nature and obli^tions of the
vows, the limits of the powers of superiors, and the
conditions regarding the erection of new convents
are among the many points of detail legislated for.
One or two noints may be alluded to here. The law
of the Chureh requires that no new convent be estab-
lished^ whether it be one that is exempt from episcopal
jurisdiction or not, without the consent of the bishop
of the diocese; for what is technically called "canom-
cal erection" further formalities, including approba-
tion from Rome, have to be complied with. All
confessors for nuns must be specisilly approved by
the bishop, even those of convents tnat are exempt
from his ordinary jurisdiction, and the bishop has also
to provide that all nims can have access two or three
times in the year to an "extraordinary" confessor,
other than their usual one. The bishop also is oblig^
periodically to visit and inspect all the convents in nis
diocese, excepting those that are exempt, at the time
of which visitation every mm must be free to see him
privately in order to make any complaints or sugges-
tions that she may wish. With regard to the admis-
sion of postulants the law provides for every precau-
tion being taken, on the one hand, to prevent coercion
and, on the other, to safeguard the community from
being obliged to receive those about whose vocation
there may be any doubt. Physical fitness on the part
of a candidate is in most orders an indispensable con-
dition, though there are some which admit women of
delicate health ; but, once admitted and professed, the
contract becomes reciprocal, and while the mm under-
takes to keep her vows, the convent, on its side, is
bound to provide her with lodging, food, and clothing,
and to maintain her in sickness or in health (see
Novitiate; Vow).
DowRT. — With regard to the dowry required of a
nun, the customs and rules of the different orders vary
OONVIMTZOLE
342
OONVSNT
much according to circumstances. Some convents,
on account of their poverty, are obliged to insist upon
it, and, generally speaking, most expect their members
to bring some contribution to the general fund. A
convent that is rich will often dispense with the dowr^
in the case of a highly promismg candidate, but it
must always depend upon particular circumstances.
The minimum amount of the dowry required is gen-
erally fixed by the rule or constitutions of the convent
or order.
Office. — ^In most of the older contemplative orders
the choir nuns are bound to recite the whole Divine
Oflfice in choir. In only a very few of the Encdish
convents, e. g. Cistercians, Dominicans, and Poor
Clares, do the nuns rise in the night for Matins and
lAuds; in the others these Offices are generally said
in the evening " by anticipation ' '. In some there are
other additional offices recited daily; thus the Cister-
cians and Poor Clares say the Office of Our Lady and
that of the Dead every day, and the Brigittines say
the latter thrice in the week, as well as an Office of
the Holy Ghost. Almost all the active orders, both
enclosed and unenclosed, use the Office of Our Lady,
but some, like the Sisters of Charity, are not bound to
the recitation of any Office at all.
Lay Sisters. — In most orders the nuns are divided
into choir sisters and lay sisters. The latter are usu-
ally employed in the household duties and other
manual work. They take the usual vows and are as
truly religious as the choir nuns, but they are not
bound to the choir Office, though they often attend the
choir at the time of Office and recite certain prayers in
the vernacular. There is always a distinction between
their habit and that of the chour nuns, sometimes very
slight and sometimes strongly marked. In some
orders where the choir sisters are enclosed the lay
sisters are not; but in others they are as strictly en-
closed as the choir nuns. Several orders have, by
their rule, no lay sisters, among them being the
Sisters of Notre Dame, the Sisters of Charity, the
Sisters of Bon Secours, the Little Sisters of the Poor,
and the Poor Servants of the Mother of God.
Conventual Buii^dings. — ^The internal arrange-
ment of a properly constituted convent is, for the
most part, sinular to that of a monastery for men
(see Ajbbet and Monastery), but from poverty and
other obvious causes, many convents have had to be
established in already-existing ordinary dwdling-
houses, which do not always lend themselves to id^
adaptation. (See Cloibtbsr; Dower of Reugious;
Nun; Office; Schools.)
HtLTOT, HiaL da orders rdigietix (Paris, 1792); Duqdale,
Moruuticon AnMioanum (London, 1817-30); Smith in Did.
Christ. AfUiq. (London, ISiBO), b. v. Nun; Eckenbtein, Woman
ttnder Monaaticism (CombridjEe, 1896); Bateman, Origin and
Early History of Double Monasteries in T^nsadioru of Royal
lluttorical Society (London, 1899), XIII; Graham, St. Gilbert
of Sempringham and the GiU>ertines (London, 1901); Steele,
The Convents of Great Britain (London, 1902); Oabquet, Enoh
lish Monastic Life (London, 1904); Mabxllon, Annates O. S. B.
(Paris, 1703-39); Dn Canoe, Glossarium, ed. Henschbl (Lon-
don, 1884), 8. V. Conventus.
G. Cyprian Alston.
Oonventide Act. See Penal Laws.
Oonvent Schools (Great Britain). — Convent ed-
ucation is treated here not historically but as it is at
the present day, and, by way of introduction, it may
be briefly stated that the idea of including the educa-
tion of the young amongst the occupations of a re-
ligious community is practically as old as that of ^e
religious life for women itself. From the earliest
times it was customary in Ensland for children to be
educated in convents, and we uiow that the nuns who
went forth from Wimbome in the eighth century to
help St. Boniface in his work of evangelizing Saxonjr,
established convent schools wherever they went, m
which a very high standard of scholarship was at-
tained. Stray remarks in Chaucer and other medie-
val writers likewise reveal the fact that the English
convent schools of the Middle Agi^ compared favour-
ably with schools for the other sez. But all this came
to an end at the Reformation, so far as En^and vas
concerned; and, save for one notable ezoeption, Ekig-
lish convent education had puctically to start af^vu
in the nineteenth century. The exception referrod to
was the Bar Convent at York, belonging to the Ixurti-
tute of the Blessed Virgin Maiy, whose foundrese^
Mary Ward, was the pioneer of idj^ous oongraEatioiiB
devoted to the education of English jB^izis. Ine Bar
Convent was established in 1686, and m spite of penal
laws, Protestant persecution, no-popeiy riots, and
even, on more than one occasion, the imprisonment of
the nuns for their faith, the work of the convent has
continued from that day to this, and with its hundred
and eighty houses in aifferent parts of the Englishr
speaking world, the Institute of the B. V. M. has knis
held a foremost place amongst the teaching orders m
the Church.
The opening of numerous convents in England dur-
ing the latter naif of the nineteenth century has pro-
duced correspondingly numerous convent schools, in
many of which, be it noted, Protestant as well as
Catholic girls (especially in day and dementary
schools) have been and are still being educated. The
foundation of training colleges for Catholic teachers,
the demand for teachers with academic qualificataons,
the move in favour of Government inq)ection with
the consequent oflicial recognition of convent schools,
and the more recent advance in the way of hl^ier
education for Catholic women, have all combinedto
raise the standard of convent education; and the lead-
ing teaching orders have proved equal to the demand
made upon their capabilities and enemr. The con-
vents stand foremost in the work they mtve done for
religion and education, and they have turned out
hundreds of girls, not only educated in the hi^iest
sense of the word but also truly religious.
Although in its widest sense the term ''Convent
Schools " may be taken to include all those, of what-
ever kind, in which the work of education is under-
taken by female religious — such as primary or ele-
mentary schools (whether mixed or for gins only),
reformatory and industrial schools— it is only pro-
posed in this article to deal with secondary schools;
I. e. day or boarding schools for the upper and middle
classes, training collies for Catholic scnoolmistresses,
and coll^^ for the higher education of women, these
being more closely connected with convent life itself.
Secondary Education. — Almost all convent sec-
ondary schools are under Government inspect'on.
This gives them the status of being "reco^iized" by
the Board of Education, regulates their course of
studies, and ensures unity of method and efficiency.
Some are also in receipt of a State aid-erant, which
places certain restrictions upon their metnods of man-
agement. Where no grant is accepted the nuns arc
more independent as regards the admiBsion and
refusal of pupils. The aim of all relifi;ious orders
engaged in secondary education for ginis is, Whilst
making every effort to keep abreast of modem require-
ments with regard to scholastic efficiency, to give also
the additiojial advantage of a thorou^ religious
training, so that parents may have no reason to fear
that by securing the latter for their children they
are sacrificing the ereater temporal advantages that
might be obtained at a Protestant schod. The
system of Government inspection and recognition
by the Board of Education, with or without the
State aid-^rant, secures the necessary degree of effi-
ciency, whilst the general character and reputation of
the various communities by which the schools are
conducted sufficiently guarantees the religious side of
their educational work. Government inspectors and
public examiners have frequently testined to the
excellent moral tone and atmosphere of convent
schools and to the cordial relations existing between
OONVXMT
343
OONYJCNT
toachere A/i#l pupils, no less than to the high teaching
ability of the nuns themselves. The fact that educa-
tion in its truest sense means something more than
mere book-learning is nowhere more fully realized
than in the convent school, and results all tend to
prove that the religious and moral training imparted
m such establishmentfthas in no way acted as a hin>
drance to the more technical side of educational work.
It has sometimes been said that the standard of
scholarship attained is not so high in Catholic as in
non-Catholic schools of the same class, but however
true this may have been in the past, the general levcl-
Ung up that has taken place during the last ten or
twenty ye&ra has rendered the reproach an idle one
now. The pubUc examination lists of recent years
afford ample proof that the leading convent schools
are equal m emcien<^ to all others.
The range of studies pursued in convent secondary
schools is a wide one. It includes relieious knowl-
edge, English in all its branches, French, Latin, math-
ematics, science, drawing, needlework, class-singing,
and drilling, while such subjects as music, singing,
dancing, Greek, German, Italian, elocution, short-
hand, book-keeping, dressmaking, cooking, etc., are
generally taudit as optional extras. Puoils are en-
tered for the Oxford and Cambridge Local Elxamina-
tions, the Higher Locals, the Hi&;her and Lower
(''ertificates of the Oxford and Cambridge Joint Ex-
amination Board, the Matriculation Examinations of
the London and Liverpool Universities, as well as for
those of the College of Preceptors, the Incorporated
Society of Musicians, the Royal Academy of Music,
and tne South Kens\nfi;ton school of Art. School
buildings and accommodations are of the riiost up-to-
date pattern — one of the necessary conditions for
Government recognition. Physical development is
provided for by means of hockey, croquet, tennis,
• cycling, swimmmg, and gymnastics, according to the
particular circumstances of each school.
All the leading educational commimities make a
special point of having their teachers properly trained
and fully qualified. This again is a sine qud non for
official recognition, and the Order in Council of 1902,
concerning the registration of secondary teachers,
eave fresh impetus to the work of training teachers
for convent schools. The principal teachmg orders
send their subjects usually to one or other of the two
Catholic trainmg colleges for secondary teachers (St.
Mary's Hall, Liverpool, and Cavendish Square, Lon-
diploma for teachers. Women's Honours in Modem
Langua^ (Oxford), the Women's diploma for the
Oxford B. A. degree, the LL.A. diploma of St. An-
drew's University, the Licentiateship of the Collie of
Preceptors, the Higher Certificate of the Oxford and
Cambridge Joint Board, the Higher Local Certificate
of Oxford or Cambridge, or a degree at one of the
universities that grant degrees to women, e. g. Lon-
don, Liverpool, or Dublin. Foreign languages are in
^ost cases taught by natives, ana in the teaching of
many of the special subjects the religious are assisted
by extern professorB holdiiu; the highest qualifications.
From these few facts it will be evident that the con-
vent schools of England are adequately keeping pace
with the times and that in point of efficiency they are
in no way behind non-Catholic schools of the same
class, while the facilities that have been recently
brou^t into existence for the advanced education of
CathoUc women, religious as well as secular, at the
Univeraities of Oidora and Cambridge point to a still
higher degree of efficiency for the future.
There are at the present over two hundred Catholic
secondary schools in England under the care of repre-
sentatives of about sixty different religious orclers.
Chief among these may be mentioned the Englifh
Institute of the B. V. M., with six such schools, the
Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus (eight schools), the
Faithful Companions of Jesus (fourteen), the Sisters of
Notre Dame of Namur (eighteen), the Keligious of St.
Andrew (one), the Religious of the Sacred Heart
(eight), the Sisters of Jdercy (eleven), the Servites
(three), and the Ursulines of different congregations
(twenty-three). Some of the best known and most
successful of these schools are those at York and
Cambridge (Inst, of B. V. M.); Mayiield, St. Leon-
ard's, Preston, Harro^te, and Cavendish Square,
London (Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus) ; Isleworth.
Liverpool, Birkenhead, and Clarendon Square, Lon-
don (Faithful Companions) ; Liverpool (Mount Pleas-
ant), Northampton, and Norwicn (Notre Dame);
Streatham (St. Andrew's); Stamford Hill (Servites);
and St. Ursula's, Oxford. Many of these secondary
schools have attached to them pupil teachers' cen-
tres, where valuable preliminary work in the traininj|
of elementary schoolmistresses is done, and many of
them Berve also as "practising schools" in whidi tb>d
students of Catholic and other training colleges givi t
their model lessons in the presence of their instruc^rs
and the Government inspectors. Hie pass and hon-
ours lists of the various public examinations in recent
years show a very high percentage of candidates from
the convent schools and prove conclusively that as far
as results go they are fully equal to the best secondary
schools under non-Catholic management.
Training Colleges. — The traming colleges are of
two kinds — those for the training of primary or ele-
mentary schoolmistresses, and those for teachers in
secondary schoob. Both kinds are under the care of
the religious orders. All the Catholic training col-
ic^ are recognized by Government, and in those for
primary teachers the students whose expenses are
assistea by a Government grant are known as " King's
Scholars' , their selection as such being dependent
upon a competitive examination under Government
auspices. Tnere are six recognized training colleges
for primary teachers, Mount Pleasant, Liveroool (un-
der the Sisters of Notre Dame) ; St. Charles Square,
London, and Newcastle-on-Tyne (Religious of the
Sacred Heart); Southampton (Nuns of La Sainte
Union); Salford (Faithful Companions): and Hull
(Sisters of Mercy). In all of these the Uovemment
syllabus is followed and the Board of Education certi-
ficate is eranted after two years' successful teaching
in one soiool, subsequent to the completion of the
course at the college. An important part of the
training consists in the "criticism lessons , which are
given by the students in some secondary school con-
nected with the training college under the direction
of the "Mistress of Method", and which are criticized
then and there by her as well as by the other students
in turn. The best known and largest of these trainixi^
colleges, which was also the first to be established, is
that of Mount Pleasant, Liverpool, under the Sisters
of Notre Dame of Namur. It was opened in 1856 with
twenty-one students and now numbers one hundred
and sixty King's Scholars. It has been (1905) officially
affiliated to the Liverpool University and a limited
number of its students are allowed to follow the arts
or science degree course of the university after the usuaJ
two years' Government course has been completed.
The whole of the preliminary and certain subjects of
the intermediate course can be done at Mount Pleasant
under the sisters, which reduces the time of residence
rec|uired for obtaining the degree. Although this is
auite an innovation, it speaks well for the coUege that
nve out of the first six sent in obtained the B. A.
degree in the minimum period of time.
The training colleges for secondary teachers are St.
Mary's Hall, Liverpool, attached to Notre Dame,
Mount Pleasant, ana established in 1898; and Caven-
dish Square, London, under the Sisters of the Holy
C\\i\d Jesus, opened in 1895. Both of these are reoog-
CONVENTUALS
344
C0NVENTI7ALS
tised by t.hn Hoard of ICdtiuation as well as by the
Teachers Syndicate of the Cambridge University; and
the teachers' diploma of that imiveraityy necessary
for "r^istration", is granted to successful students at
the end of the course. Many of the other teaching
orders send their subjects to these colleges, where
while following the usual course with other students,
special arrangements are made for them to carry out
tne duties of their religious life and to follow their own
rule as far as possible. The theoretical studies in-
work, taken in the secondary schools attached to
the two coU^es, is awarded the diploma after one
year's practice and a test lesson given before a Gov-
ernment insp)ector. The syllabus of the Cambridge
Syndicate is followed in all subjects except philosophy,
for which a course of Catholic philosophy is allowed to
be substituted.
Hitherto only Catholic students have been admitted
to these colleges, but regulations issued by the Board
of Education (which came into force September,
1908) require that no qualified student applying for
admission may be rejected, if there is room, on the
score of religion. The Catholic hierarchy have pro-
tested against this and memorialized the prime mmi&-
ter, but the authorities adhere to their decision and
rule that no training college failing to comply with
these regulations will in future be recognized. The
Catholic training colleges had therefore to face the
alternative of the introduction of non-Catholic stu-
dents to the exclusion of Catholics, where numbers
are limited, or serious monetary loss through the with-
drawal of the State-aided King's Scholars.
Higher Education for Women. — ^The higher edu-
cation of women, in connexion with convents, is
hardly out of the experimental stage. The university
class m the Notre Dame Training College and its affik-
ation to the Liverpool University have alreadv been
mentioned. Up to 1895 Catholics were prohibited
(by ecclesiastical authority) from entering the older
residential universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and
the removal in that year of the prohibition favoured
men only. Women had to wait still longer; but this
restriction^was taken away in June 1907^ by a decree
from Rome, which sanctions under certam conditions
the opening of houses for women, both secular and
religious, at Oxford and Cambridge, to enable them
to secure the advantages of a university education.
The Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus were the first com-
munity to avail themselves of this concession. They
have opened a convent at Oxford, recognized and
licensed by the University authorities, where twenty
secular students and an unlimited number of religious
may reside whilst following the university course.
St. Ursula's Convent, also at Oxford, likewise receives
ladies and religious desirous of reading for honours in
modem languages or for the B. A. degree examina-
tion, which they may do either by attending the uni-
versity lectures, or by means of private tiution in the
convent itself. Women are not eligible for degrees,
either at Oxford or at Cambridge, out they are al-
lowed to attend almost all the university lectures and
to sit for the degree examinations, receiving if success-
ful a diploma instead of the degree itself. It is pro-
posed to establish at Cambridge a college for Catholic
women, similar to those of Newnham and Girton,
which win probably, in accordance with the desires of
Propaganda, be placed under the charge of one of the
principal teaching orders. A committee to carry out
the project has the Archbishop of Westminster at its
Secondary Edtjcation in Ireland and Scot-
land.— ^The convent schools of Ireland and Scotland
compare favourably with those of England, and their
general character, scope, and conditions being prac-
tically similar, they need no further description here.
There are' in Scotland about ten different orders en-
gaged in secondary education, with upwards of twenty
schools under their care, besides two training ooUeges
— one at Glasgow for primary teachers, under the
Sisters of Notre I>ame, and the other at Edinbur^
for secondaiy teachers, condueted by the Sisters of
Mercy. In Ireland the chief teaching orders are the
Institute of the B. V. M. (with thirteen convent
schools), the Faithfid Companions of Jesus (with
three schools), the Dominicans, Ursulines, and tlieSt.
Louis Nuns, each with several prominent secondary
schools. The equivalent in Ireland of recognition
and inspection by the Board of Education is the "In-
termediate System", introduced in 1878, which pro-
duces practically the same results and has been
adopted by most of the religious institutes engaged in
secondary education. This system arranges examina-
tions and awards medals, money prizes, and exhibi-
tions. Catholic girls wishing to pursue a hif^er course
after completing that of the Intermediate System,
have had to take the examinations and degrees of the
"Royal University of Ireland." To meet the de-
mand several orders have colleges under their care in
Dublin, the most prominent and successful being
Loreto College, belonging to the Institute of the
B. V. M., and the Dommican College. The Irish edu-
cational authorities do not insist on the formal train-
ing of secondary teachers; consequently each religious
institute is responsible for the trainmg of its own
members. The results, however, of then: work prove
that this is no less thorough and efficient than that
obtainable, at one of the recognized English training
colleges.
There is very little published literature on this mibjeet, but
scattered information can be had in Eckbnstsik, Woman
under Moruuticism (Cambridge, 1896), for the educational work
of medieval convents, and Steele, The Contents of Great
Britain (London, 1902), for (larticulars as to the teaching orders .
of the present day. Some information may also be found in
various articles in The Crucible (Oxford, quarterly. 1905-08)
and in the Catholic Directory (London, 1908). The foregoanic
article has been compiled chiefly from unpublished informatioD
supplied by the superiors of the principal teaching orden work-
ing in England.
G. Cyprian Alston.
Conventuals, Order of Friars Minor.— This is
one of the three separate bodies, forming with the
Friars Minor and the Capuchins what is commonly
called the First Order of St. Francis. All three bodi^
to-day follow the rule of the Friars Minor, but whereas
the FViars Minor and the Capuchins'profess this rule
pure and simple, differing only accidentally in their
particular constitutions, the Conventuals observe it
with certain dispensations lawfully accorded.
There has been some difference of opinion as to the
origin of the name "Conventual". Innocent IV de-
creed (Bull "Cum tamquam veri", 5 April, 1250)
that Franciscan churches where convents existed
might be called Conventual churches, and some have
maintained that the name "Conventual" was first
S'ven to the religious residing in such oonvents.
thers, however, assert that the word CoftweniualM
was used to distinguish the inmates of large convents
from those who lived more after the manner of her-
mits. In any event it seems safe to assert that the
term ConverU'udl was not used to signify a distinct
section of the Order of Friars Minor in any official
document prior to 1431. Since that time, and more
especially since 1517, this term has been emf^oyed
to designate that branch of the Franciscan Order
which has accepted dispensations from the substan-
tial observance of the rule in regard to poverty. It
may be noted, however, that the name ''C<mventual"
has not been restricted to the Franciscan Order.
Thus the statutes of the Camaldolese approved by
Leo X distinguish between the Conventuals and
the Observants in that order, and St. Pius V (Bull
"Superioribus mensibus", 16 April, 1667) says: "That
OONVENTUALS
345
0OHVKHTT7ALS
which we have decreed for the Conventuals of the
Order of St. Francis we decree likewise for the Con-
ventuals of other orders''.
Although all the religious professing the rule of the
Friars Mmor continued to -form one body under the
same head for over three hundred years (1209-10 to
1517), it is well known that even during the lifetime
of St. Francis a division had shown iteeu in the ranks
of the friars, some favouring a relaxation in the rigoiur
of the rule, especially as regards the observance of
poverty, and others desiring to adhere to its literal
strictness. The tendencv towards relaxation became
more marked after the oeath of the Seraphic founder
(1226), and was encouraged by his successor, Brother
Elias. The latter, a man of great ability, but whose
religious ideals differed vastly from those of St. Fran-
cis, even oppressed such as opposed his views. The
long and deplorable controversy which followed — a
controversy which called forth a mass of remarkable
writings and even affected imi)erial politics — resulted
m two parties being formed within the order, the ZektrUi,
who were zealous for the strict observance of the rule
and who were afterwards named Observants, and the
fratres de communUaie who had adopted certain miti-
gations and who gradually came to be called Con-
ventuals. In spite of the fact that a cleavage h ad been
graduallv developing between these two branches
from at least the middle of the fourteenth century, it
was only in 1415 at the Council of Constance that
the Church authoritatively recognized this division
in the order. Hence the Holy See decreed that all
the friars who died before that council may not be
termed either Observants or Conventuals, but simply
Friars Minor (see Decrees of 25 Sept., 1723; 11 Dec.,
1723; and 26 Feb., 1737). Notwithstanding this
division of the order formally sanctioned in 1415' by
the Council of Constance, both Observants and Con-
ventuals continued to form one body under the same
head until 1517.
In the latter year Leo X called a ^neral chapter of
the whole order at Rome, with a view to effecting a
complete reunion between the Observants and Con-
ventuals. The former acceded to the wish of the sove-
reign pontiff but reojuested permission to observe
the rule without any aispensation ; the latter declared
they did not wish for the union if it entailed their re-
nouncing the dispensations the3r had received from the
Holy See. Leo X thereupon incorporated with the
Observants (Bull ^'Ite et vos in vineam meam"^ 29
May, 1517) all the Franciscan friars who wished to ob-
serve the rule without dispensation, abolishing the
different denominations of Clareni, Colletani, etc. ; he
decreed that the members of the preat family ihua
united riiould be called simply Fnars Minor of St.
Francis, or Friars Minor of tne Regular Observance,
and should have precedence over the Conventuals:
he moreover conferred upon them the right of
electing the minister general, who was to bear the
title of Minister General of the Whole Order of Friars
Minor, and to have the exclusive use of the ancient
seal of the order as the legitimate successor of St.
Francis. On the other hand, those who continued to
live under dispensations were constituted a separate
body with the name of Conventuals (Bulls "Omni-
potens Deus", 12 June, 1517, and ''Licet Alias",
6 Dec., 1517) and given the right to elect a master
general of their own, whose election, however, had to
be confirmed by the Minister General of the Friars
Minor. The latter appears never to have availed
himself of this right, and the Conventuals may be re-
garded as an entirely independent order from 1517,
but it was not until 1580 that they obtained a special
cardinal protector of their own. Some years later
the masters general of the order b^^n to call them-
selves " Ministers General ' '. Father Evangelist Pelleo,
elected fifteenth master general in 1587, was the first
U) take this title, whicli has been generally acconled to
his forty-nine successors even in Apostolic letters,
though the ordinance of Leo X was never formally
revoked. Under Sixtus V (1587) the Conventuals at-
tempted to dispute the right of the Minister General
of tne Friars Minor to the title ''Minister General of
the )Vhole Order'', but were unsuccessful. They re-
newed their efforts under Clement VIII (1593 and
1602) but with no greater suocess. In 1625 they again
reopened the question, which was discussed for nearly
six years. On 22 March, 1631, the right of the Minist^
General of the Friars Minor to the title in dispute was
solemnly confirmed by the Sacred Congregation of
Rules, and Benedict XIII by a Bull of 21 July, 1728,
imposed perpetual silence upon the contestants.
In 1565 tne Conventuals accepted the Tridentine
indult allowing mendicant orders to own property
oorporately, and their chapter held at Florence in
that year drew up statutes containing several impor-
tant reforms which Pius IV subsequently approved
(Bull ''Sedis Apostolicse", 17 Sept., 1565). Three
years later St. Pius V (Bull " Ad Extirpandos", 8 June,
1568) sought to enforce a stricter observance of the
vow of poverty and of the community life among the
(Conventuals, and the superiors of the order imme-
diately enacted statutes conformable to his desires,
which the pope approved (Bull ''Ula nos cura", 23
July, 1568). In 1625 new constitutions were adopted
by the Conventuals which superseded all preceding
ones. These constitutions, which were subsequently
promulgated by Urban VIII (Bull "Militantes Eccle-
siffi", 5 May, 1628), are known as the "Constitu-
tiones Urbanse " and are of primary importance,
since at their profession the Conventuals vow to
observe the Rule of St. Francis in accordance with
them, that is to say, by admitting the duly authorized
dispensations therein set forth (see " Constitutiones
Urbansa ordinia fratrum Minorum Sti. Francisci
Conventualium, Assisi, 1803). It would therefore
be no less false than unjust to regard the Conventuals
as less observant of the obligations contracted by
their profession than the Friars Minor and Capuchins,
since they are not bound by all the obli^tions as-
sumed by either of the latter. The institution of
several communities and even provinces of Reformed
Conventuals, more especially between 1562 and 1668
(see ''Constituzioni generali de' frati riformati de'
Minori Conventuali da osservarsi per tutta la rif orma^
fatte per ordine del Capitulo generale de' Minon
Conventuali celebrate in Orvieto Tanno 1611 'Or af-
fords interesting proof of the vitality of the order,
which for the rest nas possessed many men of eminent
virtue and has rendered important services to the
Church.
St. Joseph of Cupertino (d. 1663), one of the
greatest samts of the seventeenth century, and Bl.
Bona venture of Potenza (d. 1711) were Doth Con-
ventuals, and the beatification of several other mem-
bers of the order is now under way. The Conventuals
have, moreover, given three popes to the Church:
Sixtus IV (1471^4), Sixtus V (1585-90), and Qement
XIV (1769-74), besides a number of cardinals and
other distinguished prelates. Among the eminent
theologians and scholars the order has produced, the
names of Mastrius, Pagi, Brancati, Papini, Sbaralea,
and Eubel are perhaps most familiar. The Con-
ventuals enjoy the privilege of guarding the tomb of
St. Francis at Assisi and that of St. Anthony at
Padua, and they furmsh the penitentiaries to the
Vatican Basilica and to the sanctuarv at Loreto. At
Rome they possess the famous church and convent of
the Twelve Apostles, and it is here that their general
resides. The habit of the Conventuals whicn was
formerly gray is now black — ^whence they are some-
times called by the people the ''Black Franciscans '',
in contrast to the Friars Minor and Capuchins, whose
habit is brown ; it consists of a Ht^rge tunic fastened
an>und the waist with a thiii white cord with three
OONVEBSANO
346
0ONVER8I
knots; to the lai^ cape, which is round in front and
pointed behind, a small hood is attached. Unlike the
Friars Minor and the Capuchins, the Conventuals
wear birettas and shoes.
In 1517 the Conventuals formed only about a sixth
part of the order. After their separation from the
fViars Minor, the number of Conventuals diminished
considerably. In Spain Cardinal Ximenes was instru-
mental in depriving them of their convents, which
were given to the Fnars Minor. Clement VII, 22 June,
1524, ordered the Provincial of the Friars Minor at
Buiigos to bring back to the Regular Observance all the
Conventuals in the Kingdom of Navarre, and St. Pius
V, 16 April, 1567, commanded all the Conventuals in
Spain to embrace the R^ular Observance. Like
measures were adopted, 30 October, 1567, in regard
to Portugal, where as in Flanders and in Denmark
all the Conventuals gradually passed over to the
Friars Minor. In France all their provinces save
three joined the main branch of the order. Never-
theless the Conventuals continued to prosper in
other coimtries. In Italy and Germany they suffered
fewer losses than elsewhere. During the seven-
teenth and ei^teenth centuries they increased very
much, for in 1770 they possessed some 31 provinces
with 966 convents. In France alone they had 48
convents and numbered 330 religious. In 1771, 8
convents in France including, the great convent in
Paris, which had since 1517 been subject to the Min-
ister General of the Friars Minor, passed over to the
Conventuals, giving them a total of 2620 religious in
France alone, but twenty years later their numl^r there
had fallen to 1544. Since the revolutionary epoch
the order lost more than 1000 houses, principally in
France, Italy, Switzeriand, and Germany. At pres-
ent (1907) it is divided into 26 provinces. Of these
12 are in Italy, the others being those of Malta; Gali-
cia;" Russia and Lithuania; Strasburg, comprising
Bavaria and Switzerland; Li^ge, comprising Belgium
and Holland; Austria and Styria; Bohemia, with
Moravia and Silesia; Hungary and Transylvania;
Spain* the United States; Rumania, with the mission
of Moldavia; and the Orient, with the mission of Con-
stantinople. The mission of Moldavia, which is one of
the oldest in the Seraphic Order, comprises 10 con-
vents with parishes, in which there are 28 missionaries
governed by an archbishop belonging to the order.
There are also 10 convents and 28 missionaries con-
nected with the mission at Constantinople, where the
Apostolic delegate is a Conventual. The order has
recently made new foundations in England and Den-
mark. According to the latest available official sta-
tistics (1899), the Conventuals numbered in all some
1500 religious.
At least two Conventual missionaries were labour-
ing in the United States in the early forties, but the
establishment of the order there may be said to date
from 1850. In 1907 there were two flourishing provinces
of the order in the United States, the provmce of the
Immaculate Conception which numbers thirteen con-
vents and houses, those at Svracuse, Louisville,
Trenton, Camden, .Hoboken, Albany, and Terre
Haute being the most important; and the province
of St. Anthony of Padua, the members of which are
Poles, and which has ten convents and houses in the
Dioceses of Baltimore, Brooklyn, Buffalo, Detroit,
Harrisbm^, Hartford, and Springfield.
The Conventuals were not affected by the Apostolic
Constitution "Felicitate quAdam" of Leo XIII (4
Oct., 1897) by which the different special reforms into
which the Observants had become divided since 1517
were reunited under the name of Friars Minor, but
like the Capuchins (who were constituted a separate
body in 1619) they still remain an independent order.
Leo XIII, however, expressly confirmed the ri^t of
prece<lence accorded to the Friars Minor by I^eo X.
WADDlNtt, Anryihif Min. (Rome, 1736), XVI. 41-60; Sbara-
LEA, BuUanum Frandaeanum (Rome, 17fi9), I, wkkf-w,
H^TOT, Diet. de8 ordrea rdigieux (Paris, 1850) in Hxokf,
Eneycl., let series, XX, 1104-12: ToesiNiANBmx. Hial. S€rtti^
Rdtgionia libri Irea (Venice, 1580), II, 149; Dk Gubkrmatiiu
Orbit Seraphicua (Lyons, 1686), II, lib. IX: Van pen Haytt^ .
Bravia Hial. OnL Min. (Rome, 1777), Tr. ii; Pateem, TaUtt-u
aunopliQue de VhiaL da tout VOrdre Shnphimia (Pans, 1S7S),
ch. li. 48-51; Heimbucrer, Die Orden una Konareoatio9^-m
(Plsderbora. 1907), II. 380-87; Pazx>iib8, Dei FmS Minon e
della loro dencminaziani (Palenno, 1897), 1-60; Db Kektal,
S, Franpoia d'Aaaiae el VOrdre Siraphunte (Paris, 1898). It.
II, ch. ii: Casmicrael, T?ie Fronciacan FamHiea in iriah BedUia^
Record (March, 1904), 235-254.
Paschai* Robinson.
OonTersano, Diocese or (Cupersanenbis), suf-
fragan to Bari. Conversano. situated in the province
of Bari, in Apulia (Southern Italy), is the ancient
Cupersanum, a cit^ of the Peucetians. Its history is
practically tnat of Apulia. After the invasion of the
Normans, it was for a while the seat of a duch^; later,
however, it became a fief of the dukes of Atri. The
first bishop whose date is certain was Hilarius, present
at the Roman synod of 50 1 . Local tradition, however,
preserves the name of a previous bishop, Simplicius,
who died in 492. No other names are recorded up to
the episcopate of Leo, mentioned in a document of
1088. Otner bishops worthy of mention were; the
Cistercian Stefano (c. 1266); Giovanni de Gropi
(c. 1283); Antonio Guidotti (d. 1433); Paolo de Tor-
coli, who died in the odour of sanctity in 1482; Ro-
molo de' Valenti (d. 1579); Giuseppe Palermo (who
was appointed 1658), Andrea Brancaccia (1681).
The diocese has a population of 95,521, with 7
parishes, 130 churches and chapels, 132 secular and
8 regular priests, 2 religious houses of men and 8
of women.
Cappellbtti, Le chieae d* Italia (Venice. 1844), XXI. 40-45;
Ann. Bed. (Rome. 1907), 423-24; Morea, II Charttdarium
di San Benedetto di Converaano (Monte Caoiino, 1893), 815-
1266,
U. Benioni.
OoxxTersi, lay brothers in a religious order. The
term was originally applied to those who, in adult life,
voluntarily renounced the world and entered a reli-
gious order to do penance and to lead a life of greater
perfection. The renouncing of the worid was known
as the canversio a aceculOf which had as its object a re-
form or change of life, the ctmversio moruntj hence cart'
versi or the "converted". The conversi were ttius
distinguished from the oblati or those who, as children,
were presented or offered (oblati) by their parents to
the religious life and were placed in a monasteiv to re-
ceive proper religious instruction and to be educated
in profane knowledge. In the eleventh century 8t.
John Gualbert, founder of the Benedictine conereea-
tion known as the Vallisumbrosani, introduced &r Uie
first time a distinction between the fratres oonventj or
lay brothers, and priests, or choir religious. For
among the conversi there were not seldom those who
were either entirely illiterate, or who in the world had
led a life of public scandal, or had been notorious
criminals, and while on the one hand it was unjust that
such should be debarred from the means of doing pen-
ance in the cloister and from the other benefits of Uie
religious life, they were at the same time hardly to be
considered fit subjects for the reception of Sacred
orders. They were thus received into the order for
the purpose of engaging in manual labour and occa*
sionally for directing the temporal affairs of the mon-
astery. In modem canonical usage the term eonver^
8U8 is synonymous, or nearly so, with that of lay
broiher. What has been said of religious orders of
men can, in general, be applied equally to those of
women, though the distinction between convonsae, or
lay sisters, and choir religious does not appear to have
been introduced before the twelfth century. As a
rule, the conversi wear a habit different from that of
the choir religious; but the essential obligations of the
vows and of the monastic life in general are alike for
all. (See Lav Brotheu ami Oblati.)
OONVBSSIOH
347
OOKYIBSXOK
Kauucm in Kinkenin^ s. ▼. For the large share of these
conversi, or lay brothers, in the development of medieval
acrieultiirQ, monastic administration, etc. see Hoftmann,
Da9 KonveneninstUid d«B CiaterzieMerordena (Freiburg,
SwitMrland. 1905). ,^ ^
Stephen M. Donovan.
Oonversion (from the cla498ical Latin amverio,
depon. contwrtor, whence oanversio, changCi etc.), in
the Latin Vul^te (Act6,xv, 3), in patristic (St. Augus-
tine, Civ. Dei, VIII, xxiv), and in later ecclesiastical
Latin, a moral dian^, a turning or returning to God,
to the true religion, in which sense it has passed into
our modem languages: the conversion of St. Paul, of
Constantine the Great, of St. Augustine. In the Mid-
die Ages the word conversion was often used in the
sense of forsaking the world to enter the religious
state. Thus St. Bernard speaks of his conversi6n.
Hie return of the sinner to a life of virtue is also called
a conversion. More commonly do we speak of the
conversion of an infidel to the true religion, and most
commonly of the conversion of a schismatic or heretic
to the Catholic Church.
Every man is bound by the natural law to seek tlie
true religion, embrace it when found, and conform his
life to its principles and precepts. And it is a dogma
of the Church defined by the Vatican Council that man
is able by the natural light of reason to arrive at the
certain knowledge of the existence of the one tme
God, our Creator and Lord. The same council
teaches that faith is a gift of God necessary for salva-
tion, that it is an act of the intellect commanded by
the will, and that it is a supernatural act. The act of
faith then is an act of the understanding, whereby we
firmly hold as true whatever God has revealed, not
because of its intrinsic truth perceived by the natiutd
li^t of reason, but because uod, who can neither de-
ceive nor be deceived, has revealed it. It is in itself
an act of the understanding, but it requires the influ-
ence of the will which moves the intellect to assent.
For many of the truths of revelation, being mysteries,
are to some extent obscure. Yet, it is not a blind act,
since the fact that God has spoken is not merely prob-
able but certain. The evidences for the fact of revela-
tion are not, however, the motive of faith; they are
the grounds which render revelation credible, that is
to say, they make it certain that God has spoken.
And since faith is necessary for salvation, that we
may comply with the duty of embracing the true
Faith and persevering in it, God by His only-be-
(Eotten Son has instituted the Church and has adorned
It with obvious marks so that it may be known by all
men as the guardian and teacher of revealed truth.
These marks (or notes) of credibility belong to the
Catholic Church alone. Nav, the Church itself by its
admirable propagation, sublime sanctity, and inex-
haustible fecundity, by its Catholic unity and invin-
cible stability, is a great and perpetual motive of
credibiHtv and irrefra^ble testunony of its Divine
mission (jsee Cone. Vatic, De Fide, cap. 3).
The first step, therefore, in the normal ftrocess of
oonveision is the investigation and examination of the
credentials of the Church, which often is a painful lar-
bour lasting for years. The external grace which
draws a man's attention to the Church and causes him
to begin his inquiry is as various and manifold as there
are individual inquirers. It mav even be something
to one's temporal advantage, which was the case with
Henry IV of France. It may be the interest aroused
in a great historical personagje, such as Innocent III,
in the case of Friednch von Hurter. Whatever may
have been the initial motive, if the study be pursued
with an open mind, we hold that it will lead to the
knowledge of the true Church, i. e. to this certain con-
cluabn: The Catholic Church is the true Church.
This intellectual conviction, however, is not yet the
act of faith. One may hesitate, or refuse to take the
next step, which is the "good will to believe" (piua
credulUatis affectus). And this leads to the third and
final act, the act of faith itself: I believe what the
Church teaches because God has revealed it. These
three acts, especially the last, are, in accordance with \
Catholic teacmng, supernatural acts. Then follows
baptism by which the believer is formally received into
the body of the Church. (See BAPnsM, VII, VIII.)
Since the duty of embracing the true religion is of
natural and positive Divine right, it is evident that no
civil law can forbid the fulfilling of this duty, nor
should any temporal considerations be allowed to in-
terfere wiui a duty on which depends the soul's salva-
tion. And because all are bound to enter the Church,
it follows that the Church has a right to receive all
who apply for reception, of whatever age, sex, or con-
dition they may be. Nay, in virtue of the Divine
command to preach the Gospel to every creature, the
Church is strictly boimd to receive them, and no
earthly authoritv can forbid the exercise of this duty.
To the Church alone it belongs to lay down the condi-
tions for reception and to inquire into the interior dis-
positions of nim who presents himself for admission
mto her bosom. The conditions are, knowledge and
profession of the Catholic Faith and the resolve to live
m accordance with it. The right to admit converts
into the Cllhurbh belongs strictly speaking to the bish-
op. Usuallv all priests exercising the sacred ministry
receive faculties for reconciling heretics. When con-
ditional baptism is administered, sacramental confes-
sion is also required from the convert. It is the law
dearly laid down in the Acts of the Second Plenary
Council of Baltimore. The order of proceeding is as
follows: first, abjuration of heresy or profession of
faith; second, conditional baptism; third, sacra-
mental confession and conditional absolution. (Tit.
V, Cap. II, n. 240.)
Force, violence, or fraud may not be employed to
bring about the conversion of an imbeliever. Such
means would be sinful. The natural law, the law of
Christ, the nature of faith, the teaching and practice
of the Church forbid such means. Credere volurUatiM
est, to beUeve depends upon the free will, says St.
Thomas (II-II, Q. x, a. 8), and the minister of baptism,
before administering the sacrament, is obliged to ask
the question, "Wilt thou be baptized"? And only
after havine received the answer, "I will", may he
proceed with the sacred rite. The Church abo forbids
the baptism of children of imbaptized parents without
the consent of the latter, unless the children have been
cast away by their parents, or are in imminent danger
of death. For the Church has no jurisdiction over tne
unbaptized, nor does the State possess the power of
using temporal means in spiritual things. The punish*
ments formerly decreed against apostates were not
intended to coerce men to accept outwardly what they
did not believe in their hearts, but to atone for a
crime (see the article of St. Thomas, loc. cit.). The
medieval legislation, both ecclesiastical and secular,
clearly distineuished between the punishment to be
inflicted for tne crime of apostasy and the means of
instruction to be used in order to bring about the
resipiscence of the apostate. As Bishop von Ketteler
says, "The punishment inflicted by the Church upon
heretics in comparatively few cases was not baaed
upon the false principle that conviction could be
forced upon the mind by external means, but upon the
truth that bv baptism the Christian has assumed obli-
^tions the fulfilment of which could be insisted upon.
This punishment was only inflicted in particular cases
and upon public and formal heretics.'* Convert par-
ents like other Catholics are obliged to have their
children baptized and educated in the Catholic religion*
The Constitution of the United States of America
proclaims complete separation of Church and State
and guarantees full liberty of conscience. In conse-
quence the laws of these States place no hindrance
whatever in the way of conversions. It may also be
OOWBRSION
348
OQStWOOATKn
said that on the whole the American people are socl-
ally tolerant towards converts. No wonder that in this
country oonveraions are comparatively more numer-
ous than in any other. In the British Empire too,
since the days of Catholic Emancipation in 1829, lib-
erty of conscience prevails in theory as well as in prac-
tice, although there exists both in England and Scot*
land an established Church. Catholic disabilities
have been almost entirely removed. Catholics are
onlv excluded from the throne and from a few of the
highest offices of the State. In Germany after the
Reformation the tyrannical i>rinciple cujus r^io, il-
lius rdtgio was proclaimed, in virtue of which the
soverei^ for the time being could impose his rdigion
upon his subjects. He exercised thepower both to
forbid conversions to the Catholic Cnurch, and to
compel apostasy from it. In the present German Em->
pire, where nearly two-thirds of the population is Prot-
estant, liberty of conscience is the law of the land.
And although union of Church and State exists, con-
veision does not involve any disabilities or the loss of
any civil or political rights. In some of the States,
however, the ri^ts guaranteed by the empire are
somewhat restricted oy State laws. Most of the
States prescribe the age before which conversions are
not lawful, which is either fourteen or si^tteen, or even
eighteen. In Saxony, Brunswidc, and Mecklen-
burg, the public exercise of the Catholic reliraon is
subjected to vexatious interference. In Kussia
the Greek-Orthodox is the State religion, other
denominations are only tolerated. For long con^
version from the Orthodox Church to Catholicism
was followed by ^evous disabiUties. By the ukase
of 1905 certain rights and liberties were granted to
other denominations. The publication of the ukase
was immediately followed by the return to the Catho-
lic Church of many Uniats who had been forced into
schism by persecution. The Scandinavian countries
were very intolerant till about the middle of the nine-
teenth century. Denmark gave liberty to the Catho-
lic Church in 1849, Sweden and Norway in 1860.
B. GULDNER.
OonverBion of St. Paol* Fkaot of. See Paul,
Saint,
OonrertB. See Counter-Reformation; Oxford
Movement; Roman Empire; Statistics.
Oonvocation of the EngliBh Olergy, the technical
name given in the Church of England to whcrt corre-
sponds in some respects to a provincial synod,
tnough in other respects it differs widely from it.
The two ecclesiastical provinces of Canterbuiy and
York have each their Convocation, but that of Can-
terbury is the more imoortant, and is spoken of as
"Convocation" par exceUence, The history of its ex-
ternal constitution is continuous down to the present
time and is bound up with the development of Eng-
lish constitutional nistory; its powers and inde-
pendence, however, were lost at the Reformation;
its organisation, retained as a mere form for many
years, has been utilized of lato to give expression to
the opinions entertained by the clergy as a body upon
questions of the day. Thus it exercises influence, out
has no power. The authority of the Crown asserted
at the Reformation is still supreme and intact.
The history of Convocation may be divided into
five periods: (1) Before 1295; (2) From 1295 until
tlie Reformation; (3) The Reformation period; (4)
llie post-Reformation period; (5) Modem times.
(1) Before ifSJ.— Previous to 1295 the Church in
Ellwand had assembled in diocesan and provincial
83mods to regulate disciplinary and other matters inter-
esting the body of the clergy. Moreover the archbish*
ops, bishops, abbots, and pnors used to take their place
in the national council on account of the estates
they held in chief (m cupite) of the (Yown. But
the beneficed clergy took no part in it. Hie in-
creasing frequency of royal appeals for money
grants and the unwillingness of the bishops to be re-
sponsible for allowing them had brougjat Stephen
Langton, as early as 1225, to summon proctors of
cathedral, collegiate, and conventual churches to atr
tend his provincial synod, and gradually that re|»e-
sentative piindple became part of the system d
Convocation. The failure ot the irregular attempt
of Edward I to convoke the clergy at rforthampton
led him to issue (1288) a writ to the archbishop
with a view to Convocation meeting in London in
that same year, and at that meeting a ''benevo-
lence" was duly voted. The form of writ used in
1283 is the same in form as that still in usa and the
instructions issued on that occasion by tne Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, John Peckham, still embody
the existing constitution of Convocation, so that,
with the exception of the disappearance of the mon-
astic representatives, the external organization oi
Convocation remains unchanged.
(2) After Jt96, — In addition to the Baronage and
Commons of the realm we find, after 1295, a represent-
ative body of the beneficed clergy summoned to attend
personally in Pcuiiament, the summons being conveyed
by the insertion, in the bishop's writ of summons Ut
Parliament, of tne prcBmunierUeB clause. That sum-
mons was the beginning of a new phase in the long
strug^e waged bv the Crown on tne subject of the
taxation of the aergy. It was to facilitate the ob-
taining of mone^r grante that Edward I endeavoure*!
once more to unite representatives of the clergy and
laity in one deliberative assembly, composed on the
basis of temporal property. To have countenanceil
the attempt would nave been to recognise the
Crown's claim to tax church property, and tli«
der^ insisted upon their constitutional ri^t cf
making their money grante in Convocation. Tbe
stnigflpe between the Crown and the deigy oos-
tinned until 1337, when the Crown gave way, though
retaining the proBmunientes dause in the bishop's
writ of summons. Authorities differ as to whether
the Parliamentary proctors of the dergy sat in the
Lower House or m the Upper House; most probably
th^ sat and voted in the liower House.
The question of the exact relation of Convocation
to the newer Parliamentary rniresentetives of the
dergy ia obscure; nor is the obscurity leraened by
the fact that the proctors of the dergy for Convoca-
tion were frequently the same persons as the proc-
tors of the clergy for Parliament. Two opinions
have found defenders: the first, that the older ec-
clesiastical council fused with the Parliamentary
representetives of the dergy; the other, that by the
process of gradual decay of Parliamentary repre-
sentetion of the dergy, part of their righte passed to
the ecclesiastical ooundls, thus giving rise to the his-
torical connexion between the Convocations and
Parliament. The latter view, ably advocated by
Stubbs, at present holds the field.
The division of Convocation into an Upper and a
Lower House came about gradually, and was not
formed, as is sometimes supposed, on the model of
the tiKO Houses of Parliament. In 1296 the mem-
bers ot Convocation resolved themsdves for ddib-
erative purposes into four groups: bishops, monastic
representetives, digniteries, and proctors of the
der^. Eventually Convocation came to open with
a jomt session presided over by the archbishop, after
which the bishops and abbote remained to deliberate
as the Upper House, while the rest withdrew to
deliberate as the Lower House.
The objection of the clem to sitting in Parlia-
ment lessened indeed their innuence over that body;
at the same time they secured the rigjit of meeting
when Parliament met, and that right of meeting in-
volvfd the right of ptftitioning and to some extent
COKWEIL
349
OOttWSLL
of legislating for themsolvca. That idea of Convo-
cation as the clerical parliament had important con-
sequences; the right to tax chtirch property wai^
sucoessf ull J maintained ; but the clexpr could neither
elect nor be elected to the House ofCommons, and
to this day a person in Holy orders is ineligible for
Parliament. At l^e same time the legislation of
Convocation was binding on the clei^gy only and not
upon the laity.
(3) The Reformation Period, — Convocation lost its
independence and most of its powers by the Act of
Submission [25 Hen. VIII (1633-4), c. 19], which en-
acts that Convocation can only meet by royal com-
mand, and that without royal leave and licence no
new canons, constitutions, or ordinances may be
made. This act was repealed in Queen Mary's
rei^, but revived by 1 Elie. (1558-9), and still re-
mams in full force. The climax of Convocation's
degradation was reached when, after the Act of Su-
premacy (1534), Thomas Cromwell, the representa-
tive of Henry VIII, though a layman, asserted his
right to preside, a right never subsequently exercised.
(4) Post-Reformation Period,— Tine Act of Sub-
mission of Henry VIII was stringently interpreted
by the judges at a conunittee before the Lords in
Parliament (in 8 Jac., 1) as forbidding, even after
obtaining royal assent, any canon (a) against the
prerogative of the king; (b) against common law; (c)
against any statute law; or (d) against any custdm
of the realm. The loss of legislative independence
paved the way for the loss of taxing powers, which
were finally renounced in 16fi5, the ripht of voting at
Parliamentary elections being obtamed in return.
The power or Convocation of dealing with cases of
heresy has been exercised but rarely, and then to no
piirpNOse. It continued to be convoked at the be-
ginning of each Parliament, but its sittings were in-
terrupted from 1640 to 1660, to be resumed after the
Restoration. In 1689, in view of the opposition of
the clergy to the Toleration Act of William and
Mary, no summons was issued to Convocation. The
C(»mmons, however, protested against the innovar-
tion, and their petition had its effect; at the same
time Archbishop Tillotson, and to some extent his
successor Tenison, met the difficulties of the situar-
tion by refusing to allow any deliberations. Convo-
cation was summoned, met, and was prorogued.
Parties were formed, and claims were made, insist-
ing upon the independence of the Lower House on
the analogy of the House of Commons. Atterbury
led the malcontents; Wake, afterwards Archbishop
of Canterbury, Kennet, Hoadley, and Gibson led the
defence. The question was really a political one.
Toryism dominated the Lower iiouse; Liberalbm,
alike in politics and theoloey, pervaded the Upper
House, rermission to deliberate led to trouble in
1701, and prorogation followed. The Bangorian
Controversy arising out of Hoadly's sermon Ted to
similar results in 1717. The opposition of the
Lower House was worn out by repeated proroga-
tions immediately following the opening session, and
with the exception of the discussions allowed in 1741
and 1742, Convocation ceased to be a deliberative
body until 1854.
^ (6) Modem Times.— The old organisation had sur-
vived, and many earnest Anglicans of the early nine-
teenth century, anxious to revive the synodal life of
the Anglican Church, sought and obtained the re-
Is xation of the customary immediate prorogation.
A brief sessbn was authorised m 1854. (The ex-
ample was followed by York in 1859.) The action
of Convocation as a d^iberative body began in 1861,
^hcn, at its own reauest, the Crown licensed it to
amend the twenty-nmth of the canons of 1603 on
^ subject of sponsors, and although no result fol-
lowed, new canons were passed in 1865, 1887, and
igain in 1892.
Apart from such g(*nerul authorizations the Cruwn
also possesses the right to submit definite business to
the consideration of Convocation. This is done by
"Special Letters of Business", a method used in
1872, and again in 1907, in submitting the reports of
the ritual commissioners to its consideration.
The House of Laymen, which first met in con-
nexion with the Convocation of Canterbury in 1886
(York, 1892), is an assembly unknown to law. As
at present constituted the two Convocations of Can-
terbury and York are summoned by the archbishops
on the instruction of the king when Pariiament is
summoned. Ektch possesses an Upper and a Lower
House; the Upper House, presided over by the ardi-
bishops, consists of the cliocesan bishops; the Lower
House is composed of deans, archdeacons, a proctor
for each chapter, and proctors for the beneficed
clergy, two from each diocese in the province of
Canterbury, two from each archdeaconry in the
province of York. The Lower House elects a pro-
locutor who, on being presented to the archbishop
and approved by him, presides over the delibera-
tions of the Lower House, and communicates the re-
sults to the Upper House. The stately ceremonial
of Catholic days has been preserved for the opening
session of Convocation, to^^iher with the use of the
Latin tongue.
QiBsoN, Synodus Anglicana (1702), ed. Cabowsix (London,
1854); Wau, The AuLhority <jf Chrutian Princes over their
Bcdesiaatical Synods (LondoD, 1697): Kxnkkt. Ecclesiastical
Synods (London, 1701); Hoadlst, A History of Bnfflish CouneOs
and Convocation and of the Clergy sUtinff in Parliament (LoDdoo,
1701); Tjubvor, The Convocation of the Tv?o Provinces (Londoik
1852); Lathbusy, A History of the Convocation of the Churoi
of Bnoland (2nd ed., London, 1863); Jotcs, Bnylimd'e Sacred
aynoaa (London, 1853); Linoabd, History of England^ pasaain;
Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England (London, 1878);
Idbu, Select Charters (8th ed., London, 1895): Maxowsb, The
Constitutional History and Constitution of the Church of EnMond,
tr. from German (London, 1896); Prilumobb, The Eccieaiae-
tical Law of the Church of England (2nd cd., London, 1895) ; Gbb
AND Hardt, Documenls Illustrative of English Churt^ History
(London, 1896); Hbnbon, Our National Church (London, 1908).
Edward Mters.
OonweU, Hbnrt, second Bishop of Philadelphia,
U. 8. A., b. at Monoymore, County Deny, Ireiaiid,
in 1745; d. at Philadelphia, 22 April, 1842. After
the death of Bishop Egan, in 1814, the Bishopric of
Philadelphia was offered successively to the Rev.
Ambrose Marechal and to the Very Rev. Louis de
Earth, the administrator, but both these clergymen,
deterred by the contumacious attitude of the trustees
of St. Mary's church, returned the Bulls; whereupon
the Holy See appomted (26 Nov., 1819) Heniy Con-
well, parish pnest of Dungannon and Vicar-ueneral
of Armagh, Ireland, who imprudently accepted a task
too heavy for his seventy four years. He had made
his studies in the Irish CoUege at Paris, where his
family had foimded a burse. He was universally be-
loved by his people and the clergy, and an ineffectual
attempt was made to retain him in Ireland. He was
consecrated in London by Bishop Poynter, 24 Aug.,
1820, and arrived in Philadelphia, 2 Dec., bringing
with him a young priest named Keenan, subsequently
for many years pastor at Lancaster. The seeds of
future troubles had been sown during the vacancy,
when the administrator, without demanding creden-
tials, stationed at St. Mary's the brilliant but dema-
gogic and unpriestly Rev. William Hoean, who had
so mgratiated himself with the board of trustees that
when, on 12 Dec., the bishop revoked his faculties, a
schism ensued which lasted lor many years. For de-
tails of the quarrel, the reader is referred to J. Gil-
maiy Shea's "History of the Catholic Church in the
United States" (see below). Bishop Con well con-
ducted the controversy with dignity, but in the course
of it, through desire of peace, conunitted two errom of
judgment. The first waa the recalling to the diocese
and appointing as vicar-general of William Vinoeni
Harold, a Dominican whom his predeoessor had die-
OONZA
350
OOPAOAVANA
niisMHl. C'Ouiraiy to the bishop's expectation, the
return of Harold complicated the situation. It was
a more serious mistake that on 9 Oct., 1826, he capitu-
lated to the trustees, yielding to them the ri^ht of de-
termining salaries and of vetoing his appomtments.
Highly displeased at this surrender of episcopal rights,
the Holy See appointed an administrator and sum-
moned the bishop^ to Rome. His explanations were
pronounced unsatisfactonr and he was forbidden to
return to his see. He did return to Philadelphia and
received permission to perform episcopal functions,
without interfering in matters of administration. In
1830 Francis Patrick Kenrick arrived as coadjutor
and administrator, and Bishop Conwell spent his re^
maining years in seclusion and prayer.
&aKA, Hiatary of the Catholic Churdi in the U.S., (New York,
1890) III; FiNom, BiU, Cath, Americana (New York. 1872),
i^vea an extensive list of the literature of the Hogan Schimn.
James F. Loughlin.
Ooxua, Abchdiocbsb of (Comfsana), with the
perpetual administration of Campagna {Campanien*
ns) . Conza, a city of the province of Avellino, South-
em Italy, on the River Ofanto (the ancient Aufidus),
was formerly called Compsa, and belonged to the Hir-
pim', allies of the Samnites during their wars with the
Romans. It was captured in 213 b. c. by Fabius
Maximus and was made a Roman colony. Dunne
the Second Punic War it was betraved to Hannibiu
(214 B. c.) and opened the way to Capua. The city
was twice destroyed by earthquakes (980, 1694), and
was at one time neariy abandoned. The first known
Bishop of Conza is Pelagius, who was present at the
Roman synod of 743 held under Pope 2achary. The
see was raised to the rank of an archbishopnc under
Alexander II or Gregory VII (i. e. between 1061 and
1085), having previously been a suffragan of Salerno.
Among the bishops worthy of mention is the Blessed
Erberto (1169). The bishops resided either in their
feudal stronghold of Sfui Menna, it Campagna, or at
Sant' Angelo de' Lombardi, the present episcopal
residence. The Diocese of Campagna was erected
by Clement VII, 19 June, 1525; the see was vacant
from 1793 to 1818, when it was placed under Conza.
The dioceses together have a population of 123,000,
with 37 parishes, 230 churches and chapels, 232 secu^
Iw and 10 regular priests, 3 religious nouses of men
and 5 of women.
Cappbllbtti, Le chieae ^Italia (Venice, 1844), XX, 531; Ann,
eod. (Rome. 1007), 424-26.
U. Benigni.
Oooktown, Vicariate Apostolic of, comprises
North Queensland, Australia, from 16** 30' south
latitude to Cape York, and from the Pacific Coast to
the boundary of Northern Territory. It was formed
out of the Diocese of Brisbane, as a pro-vicariate in
1876, was first entrusted to Italian priests, who sub-
sequent! v withdrew, and, in 1882, to the Irish Augus-
tinians (Father John Hutchinson, Pro-Vicar). In
1887 the mission was created a vicariate apostolic,
and Dr. Hutchinson was appointed its first vicar.
He died 28 October, 1897, ana was succeeded by the
Right Rev. James D. Murray, consecrated 3 Jul^,
1898. The administrative centre of the vicariate is
at Cairns.
Statistics to dose of 1907. — Parochial districts, 7;
stations, 32; churches, 18; regular priests, 11; nuns,
24 ; boarding school, 1 ; primary schools, 3 ; children
attending Catholic schools, 470; Catholic population,
about 6000.
MoRAN. History of the Catholic Churdh in AuetraUuia (Syd*
&ey, s. d.): Aualraliuian Catholic Directory (Sydney, 1908).
Henrt W. Cleart.
Ck>ombe8. William Henrt, b. 8 May, 1767; d. 15
November, 1850. He passed his eariy srears at Mead>
gate, Somersetshire, Kngland, the property and for
many years the residence of his uncle, Rev. William
Coombes (d. 18 April, 1822), of Douai College, Grand-
Vicar of the Western District. Young Coombes went
to Douai at the age of twelve, was ordained in 1791,
and during the French Revolution escaped (October,
1793) from Dourlens to England. He was a doctor
of theology and co-operated earnestly with Bishop
Douglass at Old Hall seminary as professor and vice-
president. From 1810 he served the mission of Shep-
ton Mallet till 1849, when he retired to Downnde
monastery, where he died. He is described as a qnrit^
ual and self-denying priest, an eminent scholar and
theoloflian. His chief works are: ''Sacred Eloquence;
being Discourses from the Writings of Sts. Basil and
Chiysostom, with the Letters of St. Eucberius of
Lyons'' (London, 1798); ''Escape from France; witJi
an account of the English Poor (lares from Aire, and
a narrative of the sufferinfls and death of Pius VI"
(London, 1799) ; " life of St. Francis de Sales, from
the Frendi of Marsollier" (Shepton Mallet, 1812);
"^iritual Entertainments of St. Francis de Sales''
(Taunton, 1814); "The Essence of Religious Con-
trover^" (1827); "Life of St. Jane FrvDces de
Chantal" (London, 1830). There survive certain
other writings by Coombes on religious and political
themes.
OuvER, CoUeeUmea, 272; Gillow. SiU, Diet. Bng. Caih.,
I. 558; Cooper in Did. Nat. Biog., XII, 109.
Patrick Rtak.
Oopacavana (also called Copacabana), a village
of about four hundred people, Indians chiefly, on the
shore of Lake Titicaca, province of Omasuyos, in
northern Bolivia. It is the location of a famous sanc-
tuary dedicated to Our Lady of Carmel, and of a
convent of Franciscan Recollects. During the wars
of independence it was despoiled of most of its rich
ornaments and ^fts, and rutnless plundering by faith-
less custodians m the course of political disturbaiices
has further contributed to impoverish it. The edi-
fices, originally very handsome, are in a state of sad
neglect. It is a shrine for pilgrims from Bolivia and
southern Peru, and on 6 August the feast of its
patron saint is frequented by thousands. Before
1534 Copacavana was an outpost of Inca occupation
and pernaps the only one on Bolivian soil of any
prominence. The Incas held it as the key to the very
ancient shrine and oracle on the Island of Titicaca,
which they had adopted as a place of worship, yield-
ing to the veneration in which it stood anK)ng the
Aymard from time almost immemorial. There were
at Copacavana minor shrines, in which the ceremonial
of the Incas was observed with that of the original
inhabitants. When the Spaniards first vinteathe
Islands of Titicaca and Koati, in 1534 and 1538, the
primitive cults were abandoned and the Dominicans
made Copacavana the centre of their missions. Secu-
lar priests then replaced them at the instigation of
the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, and finally the mis-
sion and its annexes were entrusted to the Augus-
tinians in 1589.
In 1582 an Indian from Copacavana, struck by the
sight of the statues of the Blessed Viigin which he
saw in some of the churehes at La Pas, tried to make
one himself, and after many failures, succeeded in pro-
ducing one of fair workmanship for an untrained
native, and it was placed at C/opacavana as the statue
of the tutelar protectress of the conununity. Many
miracles have been attributed to it, and its fame has
spread far bejrond the limits of its surroundings. It
is kept in a special chapel, where the Indians are un-
tiring in their devotions. The jewels with which it is
adorned are perhaps the only ones in the church that
have not been replaced by modem imitation& Dur-
ing the uprising of the Indians in 1781, while the
chimsh itself was desecrated, the "Camarin". as the
chapel is called, remained untoudied and exempt
from spoliation. Copacavana is the scene of often
repulsively boisterous Indian celebrations. On tha
OOPS
2d of February and 6th ot
furnLsh the pretext for Indi
have not yet b(»n able entirely _
ture of the old Pagan with the ChristiaiTlBTflWh^sting,
although a source of mortification to the Bolivian
clergy, who are as yet unable to modify it. Copaca-
vana is surrounded by pre-Columbian ruins of con-
siderable interest.
Mention is made of Copaeavana iii the earlier documents
touching what is now Bolivia, as, for instance, Doeumentoa
iniditoa para la Hxaicria <U Chile (1568); Ramos. Hiai. dd
Santttario de Copacavana (Lima, 1621); Ouva. Hiatoria dd
Perv. Etc. (Lima, s. d., writteh o. 1636); Jaqub db jam Rios
DB MANCAifBD, Voyage aux Jndea crientalea et occiderUalee
(Archivea dee Youaoea^ tr. French, 1606); Calancha, Cordnica
moralizada, II: Andres db S. NicolXs, YmAgen de N. S. de
Copacavana (Madrid, 1663); Mabacci, De ditta virgine, Copaca-
vana^ in peruana novi mundi Regno cdeberrima (Rome, 1656).
Ad. F. Bandelier.
Oop6 (known in Latin as pluviale or cappa), a vest-
ment which may most conveniently be described as a
long lituiigical mantle, open in front and fastened at the
breast with a band or clasp. As existing monuments
show, whether we look at pictoiial representations or
at the copes of earl^ date which still survive, there has
been remarkably little change in the character of the
vestment from the earliest ages. Then as now it was
made of a piece of silk or cloth of semicircular shape,
and, as it IS important to note, it differed from the
earlier form of chasuble only in this, that in the chasu-
ble the straight edges were sewn together in front while
in the cope they were left open. The most conspicu-
ous external modification which the cope has under-
gone, during the past thousand years and more, lies in
a certain divergence in the shape of the hood, a feature
which, after all, is not in anv way an essential part of
the vestment. In some eany examples we find only a
little trianjgular hood, which was no doubt intendecf to
be of practical utilitv in covering the head in proces-
sions, etc. But witn the lapse 3i time the hcHod has
developed into a mere ornamental appendage, and it is
now quite commonly represented by a sort of shield of
rich embroidexy, artificially stiffened and sometimes
adorned with a fringe, the whole being fastened by
buttons or by some other device to the back of the
cope below the broad orphrey which usually forms an
upper border to the whole. The fact that in many
^ny chasubles, as depicted in the drawings of the
eighth and ninth centuries, we see clear traces of a
pnmitive hood, thus bearing out the explicit state-
ment upon the point of Isidore of Seville, stronely con-
firms the view that in their origin cope and cnasuble
were identical, the chasuble being only a cope with its
front edges sewn together.
History. — The earliest mention of a cappa seems to
meet us in Gregory of Tours, and in the * 'Miracula' ' of St.
Furseus, where it seems to mean a cloak with a hood.
So from a letter written in 787 by Theodemar, Abbot
of Monte Cassino, in answer to a question of Charle-
magne about the dress of the monks (see Mon. Germ.
Hist.: Epist. Carol., II, 512) we learn that what in
Gaul was styled cucuUa (cowl) was known to the Cas-
Binese monks as cappa. Moreover the word occurs
more than once in Alcuin's correspondence, appar-
' ently as denoting a garment for evervday wear. When
Alcuin twice observes about a casiua which was sent
^, that he meant to wear it always at Mass, we may
piobably infer that such garments at this d&te were
not distinctively liturgicalowing to anything in their
material or construction, but that they were set aside
for the use of the altar at the choice of the owner, who
"light equally well have used them as part of his ordi-
|!&ry attire. In the case of the chasuble the process of
liturgical specialization, if we may so call it, was com-
pleted at a comparatively early date, and before the
end of the ninth century the maker of a casuia prob-
mv knew quite well in most cases whether he intended
bis nandiwork for a Moss vestment or for an everyday
iiL'ut. But in the case of a cappa, or oope,
nod of specialization seems to have been de-
laved imtil much later. The two hundred cappa of
wnich we read in a Saint-Riquier inventory in the year
801, a number increased to 377 by the year 831,
were, we believe, mere cloaks, for the most part of
rude material and destined for common wear. It may
be that their use in choir was believed to add to the de-
corum and solemnity of the Divine Office, especially in
the winter season, lii 83 1 one of the Saint-Riquier copes
is specially mentioned as being of chestnut colour and
embroidered with gold. This, no doubt, implies use
by a dignitary, but it does not prove that it was as vet
regarded as a sacred vestment. In fact, if we follow
the conclusions of Mr. Edmund Bishop (Dublin Re-
view, Jan., 1897), who was the first to sift the evidence
thoroughly, it was not until the twelfth century that
the cope, made of rich material, was in general use in
the ceremonies of the Church, at which time it had
come to be regarded as the special vestment of can-
tors. Still, an ornamental cope was even then con-
sidered a vestment that might be used bv any member
of the clergy from the hignest to the lowest, in fact
even by one who was only about to be tonsured.
Amongst monks it was the practice to vest the whole
community, except, of course, the«oelebrant and the
sacred ministers, m copes at high Mass on the greatest
festivals, whereas on ^asts of somewhat lower jgrade,
the community were usually vested in albs, in this
movement the Netherlands, France, and Germany had
taken the lead, as we learn from extant inventories.
For example, already in 870, in the Abbey of Saint-
Trond we find "thirty-three precious copes of silk"
as against only twelve chasubles, and it was cleariy the
Cluny practice in the latter part of the tenth century
to vest all the monks in copes during high Mass on the
great feasts, though in England the regulations of St.
Dunstan and St. i£thelwold show no signs of any such
observance. The custom spread to the secular canons
of such cathedrals as Rouen, and cantors nearly every-
where used copes of silk as their own peculiar adorn-
ment in the exercise of their fimctions.
Meanwhile the old cappa nigra, or cappa choralis, a
choir cope of black stuff, open or partly open in front,
and commonly provided with a hood, stul continued
in use. It was worn at Divine Office by the clergy of
cathedral and collegiate churches and also by many
religious, as, for example, it is retained by the Domin-
icans during the winter months down to the present
day. (See Costume, Clerical.) No doubt the
''copes'' of the friars, to which we find so many refer-
ences in the Wydiffite literature and in the writings of
Chaucer and Langland, designate their open mantles,
which were, we ma^ say, part of their full dress, though
not always black in colour. On the other hand we
may note that the cappa dausa, or close cope, was
simply a cope or cape sewn up in front for common
outdoor use. " The wearing of this ' ', says Mr. Bishop,
(loc cit., p. 24), ** instead of the 'cappa scissa', the same
cope not sewn up, is again and again enjoined on the
clergy by synods and statutes during the late Middle
Ages. ' * The cappa magna, now worn according to Ro-
man usage by cardinals, bishops, and certain specially
privil^^ prelates on occasions of ceremony, is not
strictly a hturgical vestment, but is only a Verified
cappa choralis, or choir cope. Its colour for cardinals
is ordinarily red, and for bishops violet. It is ample
in volume and provided with a lon^ train and a ais-
proportionately large hood, the linm^ of which last,
ermine in winter and silk in summer, is made to show
like a tippet across the breast. Further we must note
the papal mantum, which differs little from an ordinary
cope except that it is red in colour and somewhat
longer. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the
immaniatio, or b^towal of the mantum on the newly
elected pope, was regarded as specially symbolical of
investiture with papal authority. "Investio te de
350
OOPAOAVAf^^^S
COPBKHAOi..
papatu romano iit pnpBis urbi et orbi " w . .
used in oonfemng it (I invest thee with u^^-j;;;; V^r oFthe* WertSm'lS*^^ and 6500 manuacripts.
papacy, that thou rule over the city and the worla/. "*^*^SiJili " * *v«r^«w* -*^^8Uie9 of Europe in the Midd
the Coombes (d. 18 April, 18221 ^ studcnte. The library
Use. — Under all these different forms the
cope has not substantially changed its character or
shape. It was a vestment for processions, and one
worn by all ranks of the clergy when assisting at a
function, but never employed oy the priest and his
sacred ministers in offering the Holy Sacrifice. At
the present day it is still, as the '* CsBremoniale " directs,
worn by cantors on certain festal occasions in the sol*
emn Office; but it is also the vestment assigned to the
celebrant, whether priest or bishop, in almost all func«
tions in which the cnasuble is not used, for example in
processions, in the greater blessings and consecrations,
at solemn Vespers and Lauds, in giving Benediction
of the Blessed Sacrament, at the absolutions and
burial of the dead, at the Asperges before Mass, etc.
At a pontifical high Mass it is worn by the assistant
priest who especially attends upon the bLahop. As
regards colour the cope follows that of the day, and it
may be made of any rich or becoming material. Ow-
ing to its ample dimensions and unvarying shape,
ancient copes are preserved to us in proportionately
ereater numbers tnan other vestments and provide
tne finest specimeas of medieval embroidery we pos-
sess. Among these the Syon Cope in the South Ken-
sington Museum, London, and the Ascoli Cope are re-
markable as representing the highest excellence of
that specially English thirteenth-century embroidery
known as the opus angltcanunu We are also indebted
to the use of copes for some magnificent specimens of
the jeweller's craft. The broocn or clasp, meant to
fasten the cope in front, and variously cisdled morses
pectoral, hoUone, etc., was an object often in the high-
est degree precious and costly. The work which was
the foundation of all the fortunes of Benvenuto Cel-
lini was the magnificent morse which he made for
Pope Clement VIL (See Cellini, Benvenuto.)
Some admirable examples of these clasps still survive.
Besides the minor articles which are devoted to this Bubject
in the ecclesiastical encyclopedias and works on archsologv,
we may note the exhaustive work of Braun, Die liturgisthe
Oewandung (Freiburs, 1907), 30&-358, also the very thorough
diflouBsion oi Edmdnd Bishop in Dublin Review (Jan., 1807),
17-^: and Tralhofer, Liturgik^ I, 887. For some magnifi-
cent illustrations of copes, see especially de Fahct, La
Broderie, (Angers, 1890), and also RoHAUiyr de Fleurt, La
Me$M (l^aris. 1889). VIII, 1-17. ^
Herbert Thurston.
OopeBhageiiy Universitt of. — It was founded by
a Bull which Sixtus IV issued 19 June, 1475, at the re-
quest of King Christian I. This Bull authorised the
primate, the Archbishop of Lund, to establish a uni-
versity in any place selected by the king ; and the latter,
by letters patent of 4 Oct., 1478, laid the foundation at
Copenhagen. The Bishop, Dean, and Provost of Ro&-
kild and the Dean of Copenhagen were appointed con-
servators. The statutes, drawn up by the Archbishop
of Lund and promulgated 28 Nov., 1479, followed
closely those ol Cologne. From Cologne also the new
imiversity received its first professors. The niost dis-
tinguished among these, before the Reformation, was
the Carmelite, Povel Helgesen (Paul Helia, q. v.) writer
of important controversial and historical works. Both
he and Bishop Lage Ume, chancellor of the university,
vigorously opposed the advances of Protestantism m
Denmark. Tne university suffered severely during
the religious upheaval, but was reorganized under King
Christian III by the Lutheran theologian, Johann Bu-
genhagen (1539), called for that purpose from Witten-
berg. In the conflagration of 1728 the university
buihiings were almost totally destroyed, but were at
once restored bv King Christian VI (1732). Notable
among the professors during the modem period are
Holberg, O^lenschlager, Rask, Madviff, and Oersted.
The university comprises at present the faculties of
theology, law, medicine, philosophy, and sciences, with
'J^^M^ib?:*^!* 291; .Matcbn, Kiobenhqvfu Unvvenitiar
iddU Agem
vo;,^-7'^^3S^^^'V-^x. zvi; matzbn, Aiot»ermavfu UnvvenilOr
ReUhtatorie (Ck>penhagen, 1879); Rordau, Kiohenhavna Uni-
versUeta historie fra 15S7 tU IGfl (Oopenhagen. 1808-74).
E. A. Pace.
Oopernicns, Nicolaus, latinized form of NicLAfi
KoppERNiGK, the name of the founder of the helio-
centric planetary theory; b. at Thorn, 19 Feb., 1473,
d. at Frauenburg, 24 May, 1543, both places being in
what is now Prussian territory. Whether the fam-
ily came originally from Silesia or from Poland, cer-
tain it is that his father Niclas. a merchant, emigrated
from Krakow to Thorn, ancl married the sister of
Lucas Watzelrode, later iSince-Bishop of Ermland. Of
the four children
the oldest and
younffest, Andreas
and Nicolaus,
adopted the cler-
ical career, while
the older girl be-
came a Cistercian
nun and Abbess of
Culm, and the
younger married.
The whole family
belonged to the
Third Order of St.
Dominic. Nic-
olaus was hardly
ten years old when
his uither died. His
uncle, Lucas, how-
ever, took charge
of the children and
gavetheboysauni* ^
vereity traming. Nicolaus Coperkicus
Nicolaus Nicolai de Thonmia was matriculated in
Krakow in 1491, where he studied classics, mathe-
matics, drawings, and perspective. Professor Blar,
who represented astronomy, belonged to the school of
Ptolemy. The bishop, himself a former student of
Bologna, sent the boys to Italy. In 1497 Nicolaus
was enrolled in the University of Bologna as of Ger-
man nationality and a student in canon law. He
also studied Greek and became a disciple of Novara,
then professor of astronomy. To obtain for his
nephews the necessary support, the bishop procured
their election as canons by the chapter of Frauenburg
(1497-1498). In the spring of 1500 the brothers went
from Bologna to Rome for the jubilee. Acconiing to
George Joachim, sumamed "Rheticus" (because a
native of Feldkirch, in ancient RhsBtia) and his friend
Achilles Gasser, Copernicus gave astronomicaJ lec-
tures in the Eternal Citv, and it was there that he
awoke to his vocation of founding a new astronomy.
The brothers obtained from the chapter of Frauen-
burg a two years' leave of absence to continue their
studies. From 1501 to 1503 Nicolaus was in Padua
and Ferrara studying medicine and jurisprudence.
In Ferrara he took his degree of Doctor of Canon Law ;
but no document is found of his graduating in medi-
cine. His proficiency in that profession was, how-
ever, later evinced by his renown as a physician at the
episcopal court of Heilsberg, where his uncle resided.
After his university studies Copernicus practised medi-
cine for six years (1506-1512) at Heilsberg, being
sought by bishops and princes, but especially by the
poor, whom he served gratis. There is no document to
show that Copernicus ever received higher orders. His
medical practice, which was only pnvate, would not
speak against him being a priest; and the fact that in
1537 King Sigismund of Poland put his name on the
list of four candidates for the vacant episcopal seat ot
■Mi^H K f ■ 1,
-CiT'
',' . "^ - ■ jiifit.p^in
•*,#'i t»>. . '
-n
* »•? * .
:^^
COPERNICUS. "DE ORBIUM CCELESTIUM REVOLUTIONIBUS"
FACSIMILE OF PAGE OF THE MS., LIBRARY OF THE COUNTS NOSTITZ. PRAGUR
oopiiuaoos
^3
oops&incus
Ermland, makes it probable that, at least fn later life,
he had entered the priesthood. After the death of
his undle, in 1512, Copernicus went to Frauenburg for
the election of the new bishop, and reqiained there until
1516, when he was nominated administrator of the
diocesan castle of Allenstein. His term of four vears
being over, he returned to the chapter in Frauenburg.
Three years later the bishop died, and Copernicus be^
came administrator of the diocese. Whue the qniet
life at Heilsberg had left him enoneh leisure to Jpub-
lish a Latin translation of the Greek letters of llieo-
phyiactus (1509). his public offices gradually drew
nim into the study of finance. In 1522 he wrote a
memorandum on monetary reforms, which five years
later grew into a Latin treatise. It wfB.sohi^ly
thought of that the Kin^of Poland substantially ac>
ceptra it (1528), and Copermeus was nominated
deputy counsellor on the financial regulations of
Prussia (1522-29). ^ .
These various offices, however, could not distract
Hie genius of Copernicus from the main thought of his
life. The towers of Heilsberg, of Allenstein, and of
Frauenburg became so many observatories, and his
great work "On the . Revolutions of the Celestial
Bodies" bears testimony to his unremitting observa-
tions of sun, moon, and planets. Hi^ reputation was
such that as early as 1514 the Lateran Coiincil, con-
voked by Iieo X, asked through Bishop Paul of Fos-
sumbrone. for his opinion on the reform of the eccle-
siastical calendar. His answer was, that tne length
of the year and of the months and the motigns of the
sun and moon were not yet sufficiently known to at-
tempt a reform. The incident, however, spurred him
on as he himself writes to Paul III, to make more
accurate observations; and these actually served,
seventy years later, as a ba^is for the workmg out of
the Gregorian calendar. Twenty-five years jBter his
university career, he had finished his jgreat work, at
least in nis own mind, but hesitated a long time,
wliether to.pniblish it or to imitate the Pythagoreans,
who transmitted the mysteries of their philosophy
only orally to their own disciples for fear of exposing
them to tne coittempt of the multitude. His menos
who had become interested in the new theory pre-
vailed on him to write at least an abstract for them,
manuscript copies of which have been discovered in
Vienna (1873) and Stockholm (1878). In this comr
mentary Copernicus stated his theory in the form of
seven aooms, reserving the mathematical part for the
principal work. This was in 1531, or twelve years
before his death. From this on the doctrine of the
heliocentric system began to spread. In, 1533 Albert
Widmanstadt lectured before Pope Clement VII on
the Coperpican solar system. His reward consisted
in a Greek codex which is preserved in the State li-
brary of Munich. Three veais later Copernicus was
urged by Cardinal Schdnoeig, then Archbishop of
Capua, in a letter, dated at Rome, 1 November, 1536,
to publish his disooveiy, or at least to have a copy
made ait the cardinal's expense. But all the urging
of friends was in vain, until a younger man was
providentially sent to his side.
It was George Joachim Rheticus who quitted his
chair of mathemattics in Wittenberg in order to spend
two years at the feet of the new master (1539^)*
Hanily ten weeks after his arrival in Frauenburg he
sent a ^ First Narration" of the new solar system to
his Boientifio friend Sch6ner in Nuremberg, in the
fo^ of a letter of sixty-sue pages, which wasapomafter
printed in Danzig (1540) and Basle (1541). Khctieus
next obtained for publication the manuscript* of a
preliminary chapter of the great work on plane and
spherical trigonometry. FiniUly Copernicus, feeling
the weight of his sixty^ht yaars, yielded, as he
"vmtes to Paul III, to the entreatiesi of Cardinal
^6nberg, of Bishop Oiese of Culm, and of other
leaned men to sorrender his maoiBoripts lor pubUear
IV— 23
tlon. Bishop Giese charged Kheticus, as the ablest
disciple of the great master, with the task of editing
the work. The intention of the latter was to take the
manuscript to Wittenbei^ and have it published at
the university: but owing to the hostility prevailing
there against tne Copemican mtem, c^ly the chapter
on trigonometry was printed (1542). The two copies
of the *' First Narration" and of the treatise on trig-
onometry, which Rheticus presented to his friend
Dr. -GasseTi then piuetising medicine in Feldkhch,
may be seen in the Vatican Library (Palat. IV, 585).
Rheticus then turned to SchOner in Nuremberg, who,
together ^tb Gsiander, accepted the charge and en-
gaged the printin^house of Petrerius in the same city.
hi the meanwhile Rheticus tried to resume his chau-
iii Wittenberg, but . on account of his Copemican
views had to reaiffn (1542) and turned to Leipsig
(1543). He was tnus prevented from giving his per-
sonal attention to the ^tion, nor was the author him-
self able io snpeiintend it. Copernicus became par-
iif aed on the li^t side and weakened in memory and
imnd roBoxy days' before his death. The first copy of
Ifae "Six^Bookir on the Revolutions o( the Celestial
Orbits" was handed to him the very day he died.
Fortunately for him, he could not see what Osiander
had done^ This reformer, knowing the attitude of
Luther and Melanchthon against the heliocentric os-
tein; intioduoed the word ^Hypothesis" on the title
page, and without adding his own name, replaced the
pr^ace of Copernicus by another strongly contrasting
in spirit with that of Copernicus. The preface of Osi-
ander warns the reader not to expect anything certain
from astronomv, nor to accept its hypothesis as true,
ne stuUior ab hoc diacipHnd dMcedat, quam accesserit.
The dedication to Pope Paul III was, however, re-
tained, and the text of the work remained intact, as
iras ascertained later when access was had to the
origiiial manuscript, now in the family library of the
Counts Nostitdi in Prague.
Opposition was first raised against the (3opernican
system by Protestant theologians for Biblical reasons,
and strange to say it has continued, at least sporadic-
ally, to our own days. A list of many of their pamph-
lets is enumerated by Beckmaim. On the Catholic
side opposition only commenced seventy-three years
Utter, when it was eeeasioned by Galileo. On 5 March,
1616, the work of Copernicus was forbidden by the
Gongregation of the Index ''until corrected", and in
16^ these oorrections were indicated. Nine sen-
teiuses, by which the hehocentric system was repre>
sented as eertain, had to be either omitted or chaiiged.
Hiis done, the reading of the book was allowed. In
1758 the book of Copenucus disappeared from the
revised Index of Benedict XIV. New editions were
isnied in Basle (1566) by Rheticus; in Amsterdam
(1617) bvMuller of Gk^tingen; in Warsaw (1854) an
^tion de liace with Polish translation and the real
preface of Copernicus; and the latest (5th) in Thorn
(ld73> l^ the Copernicus Society, on the four hun-
dredth annhrersaiy of the author's birthdav, with all
the corrections of the text, made by Copernicus,
given as foot-notes. A monument by Thorwaldsen
was erected to Copernicus in Warsaw (1830), and
another by Tieck at Thorn (1853). Rheticus, Qa-
vius^ and others called Copemieus the second Ptolemy,
a&d his book the second ''Almagest". His genius
appears in. the fact that he grasped the truth centuries
before it could be proved. If he had precursors, the^
are to be compared to those of Columbus. What is
most significant in the character of Ck>pemicus is this,
that wmle he did not shrink from demolishing a scien-
tific •system consecrated by a thousand years' univer-
sal aeceptance, he set his face against the reformers
oi religion, fbr supplementary information see the
artide Qauleo,
Bkckmann, a series of articles on Gbpernicus in ZtiUthrift /•
aoPFti
354
OOQUJOff
Nicolaua Copernicua und Martin Luther (1868), ibid.. IV;
Idem, SpieUegium Copemieanum (Braunsberg, 1873); Bebti.
Copemico, etc. (Rome. 1876); Cubtzs, /nednto Copemieana
(Leipaig, 1876); Pbowb. Nicotatu Copernicua (Berim, 1883);
MOlleb, Nicolaua Copemieua in Stinunen cnia Maria-Loach
(Freiburs im Br., 1898) , supplement 72 ; Hold en, N. Cqpemieus
in Popular Science Monthly (New York, June, 1004); Oostard.
HiaUiry of Astronomy (London. 1767); Narribn, Uiatorieal
Account, etc. (London^ 1833) HoraMAN, Uiat. of Aatronamy
in Library of Useful Knowledge ( — 1834).
J. G. Hagen.
Oopp Je,FRAN^iB Edouard Joachim, poet, dram-
atigt and novelist, b. at Paris, 26 January, 1842; d. 23
May, 1908. His father, a clerk in the war depart-
ment, eave him the example of a true Christian life.
He studied for a few years at the LyoSe Saint-Louis,
but his family being in strai^tened circnmstanoes, he
left the school before graduating to aid in their sup-
port. He completed his education by private study,
spending lonj;
hours in the Li-
brary 8te-Qene-
vidve, after a hard
day's work. In
1863, he joined tJie
group of poets
later celebrated
under the name of
the ''Parnas-
siens'', and three
years later pub-
lished his first col-
lection of verses,
"Le Reliquaire",
soon followed by
''Intimity". His
first play" Le Pas-
sant", was pro-
duced in 1869.
Througfi the in-
fluence of Prin-
■r<. ^ . ccooc Mathilde. he
sistant-librarian at the senate, a sinecure wnich allowed
him to devote himself to literature. From 1871 to 1385
he was librarian at the Commie Francaise. In 1876 he
received the cross of the Legion of Honour, and was
elected to the French Academy in 1884, succeeding Lap-
rade, anotherpoet whose talent did no little honour to
the Catholic Faith . The works of Coppte come under
four classes : narrative poems, dramas, novels and short
stories. The narrative poems, including ''Le Reli-
quaire" (1866), "Inthnit^s" (1868), "Les Humbles''
(1872), ''Contes en Vers" (1880), and ''Les Pb^mes
Modemes" (1867-1869), present picturesque studies
of contemporary life, the sentimental realism of which
is entirely free from coarseness or triviality. He
wrote a great number of plays in verse, chief among
which are: "Le Passant" (1869), "Le Luthier de
Cr^mone" (1876), "Severe Torelli^' (1883), which is
regarded as his dramatic masterpiece, " Les Jacobites"
(1886), "Pour La Couronne" (1896), "Fais ce que
Dois" (1871), and " Le Pater", a play deaUng with an
episode of the Conmiune; long forbidden by the Gov-
ernment, it obtained a peat success in 1890. His
drama is remarkable for its lofty and generous ideals,
while its technique shows a constant effort to combine
the theory of romanticism with the demands of mod-
em theories. His works in prose comprise several
novels- "Henriette"(1889); " Une klylle pendant le
siftge" (1874); "Les vrais riches" (1898); "Rivales"
(1893); "le Coupable" (1897), and many short stories
" Contes en prose" (1882) : " Vlngt oontes nouveaux"
(1883); "Contes rapides'^ (1889). The short stories
are the most popular part of his works. Simplicity,
truth and vividness in the portrayal of familiar scenes,
constitute the charm that nas so endeared the author
to readers the world over. In "La Bonne Souf-
fiance", written in 1898, after a serious illness that
brought him back to the religbus faith of his diild-
hood, there are elements of jy^reat strength and sweet-
ness. The last years of his life were saddeqed by
cruel sufferings endured with patience. He was a
modest man and led a quiet simple life. He was
always ready to help those who stn^gs^ throu^ life
in obscurity. He ^ve to the French Academy, in
1907, a sum yielding $200 annually to be used as a
prize for young poets.
Standard editions: Edition dgSviriantu (P$Lna, IS70-19^ IB
voU; Oeuvrea compiHea (Paris, 1887-1906), 16 vol.; hmcawm,
F. Coppie, rhomma, la via at Vmuvra (Fkria, 1889); ob Jum»-
viLLB, Hiatoira de la Umaua etdela littinUure franQoiaaa d^Ja.
1899), VIII; Gaubeot.F. CoppSe (Paria, 1906).
Louis N. Deuimarre.
Ck>ptie Ohurch. See Egypt.
Ck>ptic Versionfl of the Bible. See Versionb or
THE Bible.
Ck>pt08» a titular see of Tipper Egypt. It was the
chief town of the Nomos of Harawt (Two Hawks), and
was once politically important, but under the eleventh
dynasty it was overshadowed by Thebes. Its princi-
pal god was Manou, with an Isis and an Horns infant;
the remains of their temple were explored by Flinders
Petrie in 1894. Coptoe was at the starting-point of
the two great routes leading to the coast cl the Red
Sea, the oile towards the port T&^u (Myoehormos),
the other more southerly, towards the port of Sha-
shirit (Berenice). Under the Pharaohs the whole
trade of southern Egypt with the Red Sea passed over
these two roads; under the Ptolemies, ana in Roman
and Byzantine times, merchants followed the same
roads for purposes of barter with the coasts of Zanzi-
bar, Southern Arabia, India, and the Far East.
Coptos was most prosperous under the Antonines; it
was captured in 292 by Diocletian after a long raege,
butsoon recovered its former standing. In the siirth
century it was called Justinianopolis. The see was
suffragan of Ptolemais in Thebais Secunda. Five
bishops are known (Lequien, II, 607): Theodorus, a
partisan of Meletius; Pncebanmion in 431; Sabinus
m 461 ; Vincent, author of the "Canonical Solutions",
preserved in an Arabic translation and highly es-
teemed by the Copts; Moyses, who wrote the pane-
gync of Vincent. Under the caliphs and ihe sultans
Koptos remained one of the chief ci tide of Said. In
11 To its Christian inhabitants raised the standard of
revolt against the Mussulmans, but werfe pronoptly
suppressed by El Adel, brother of Saleh ed-Din (Sahi-
din), who haneed nearly 3000 on the trees around the
cit^r. In the thirteenth century there were stlU in ^is
region numerous monasteries. Ooptoe was ruined in
the sixteenth century by the Turidsh conquest. It is
to-day a village called Kebt, or Keft, with about 2600
inhabitants, subject to the mudirieh of Keneh; it is
situated near the right bank of the Nile, between Den-
derah (Tynteris) and Kamak (Thebes), about 620
miles from Cairo.
Smith, Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Oaogr- (London, 1878). I. 666.
S. VailhIu
Ooquart, Claude-Godefroi, missionary and anx^
chaplain, b. in Pays de Caux, France, 20 February,
1706; d. at Chiooutimi, Canada, 4 July, 1765. He
began his novitiate in the Jesuit GoU^e at Paris, 20
May, 1726, studied at the College of Louis le Grand
and at La Fldche, and was professor at Arras and
Hesdin. In 1740 he set out for Canada and, in the
foUowingyear, journeyed with Verendiye to Fort La
Reine. He probably returned with Verendiye when
that explorer was compelled to resign his position as
commandant in the North-West. From 1746 to 1767
Father Coquart laboured on the Saguenay mission
and later at Quebec. After the conquest of Canada
he attempted to settle a few Jesuits in Acadia^but the
RngMsh authorities forced them to leave. He then
resumed bis laboun io the Saguenay region, where he
(XIE40B8IUM
355
closed hk miaBionary- career. He has left an Abnaki
gcammar and dictionary. In the Jeeuit Relations
(Thwaites ed., LXIX) is a memoir written by him
for the Intendant of Canada, in irhich he describes
theso-caUed ''Kinp^'s Poets" of Eastern Canada, with
practical observations and suggestions that make it
a valuable document for economic study.
BocBXHOMTKix, L«t Jiau^M §i la NauvtUe-l^nmee au X VJJJ^
fiMs^ (Pans, 1906), laii: Tbwaitm ^d^Jeiuit Rdatioiu (Cleve-
land. ISW^igOl), LXIX. 289. 290; Aluno, BiUiogra^y of
theAlofrtiquiimLanQuaqMCNwilt^ Boia, NoHee
•ur Rh. Clmid$OodfrouiCotuart (copy in Ubmry ol WU. Uiet.
Society): Sadubb» An U%9torie SpU in the Cath^ic World
(1893), LIX. 309 sq.; Prud'homii b, Revue Canadienne (1897),
81-02; Bbown, Tw> Uiuumarv Prieeta at Madeinae; Idew,
St. Atme^e Parieh RegUur «U MiMlitmaekinae (C^caco, 1889).
Edwabd p. Spillans.
Ooraeeaiuin, a titular see of Asia Minor. Accord-
ing to Ptolemy ry, 5, 3), this town was not in Cilicia
Tracheia, but m Roman Pamphylia. It had belong
to Isauria according to the pre-Koman ethnic system,
azMi from a. d. 74 was probably included in Ljcia-
Pamphylia. Its port was the chief centre oc the
famous Cillcian pirates: there Diodorus Tryphon was
killed by Antioohus VII, and the pirates utterly do-
stroyed by Pompey, who levelled their fortress.
Coraoesium became a suffra^jan of Side, metropolis
of Pamphylia Prima. Leqmen (1, 1007) mentions
only four bishops, the first having been present at
the Council of Constantiaople (381), the last at the
Council of ConstantiiK>ple in 681 ; but the see is still
mentioned in the "Notitie episeopatuum" as late as
the twelfth or thirteenth oentury. Coracesium is now
a liUle town with about 2000 inhabitants (500
Greeks), the chief centre of a com in the vilayet of
Konia. Its Turkish name is Alaya. The Armenians
have completely disappeared, though the town was a
very important one in the time of the Rupesis. There
arc curious ruins; walls, ancient tombs, and other re*
mains of antiquity, and mai^ romantic stories are
associated with it.
Bbavvort, Caramania (London, 1847); Cvimn, Turquie
cTAne, I, 867-870; Aushan, Sieeouan (Venice. 1899). 368 sq.,
with lutkstratioiie.
S. PirntiniB.
Oorbavia, I>iocsaE of. See Szent.
Oorbeieiiiia Oodez. See MSS. of thb Biblb.
Oorbetty James. See Sale, Diocese of.
Oorbi^ (CoRBT or Corbinqton), Ambrose, b. near
Durham, 7 Dec., 1604; d. at Rome, 11 April, 1649.
He was the fourth son of (jierard Corbie and his wife
Isabella Richardson, exiles for the Faith. Of their
childrefn, Ambrose, Ralph, and Robert, having be-
come Jesuits (Richard died as a student at St.-d&ers,
and the two surviving dau^ters, Mary and Catherine^
became Benedictine nuns at Brussels), the parents by
mutual agreement entered religion. The father entered
the Society of Jesus as a lay brother in 1628, and having
reconofled his father Ralph (aged 1(N)) to the Church,
died at Watten, 17 Sept., 1637. The mother, in 1633,
was professed as a Benedictine at Ghent and died a
centenarian, 25 Dec., 1652. Ambrose at the age of
twelve entered St.-Omers, jeoing thence (1622) to the
English College, Rome. He entered* this Society of
Jesus at Watten in 1627, and in 1641 was professed.
Having taudit wiUi success for some years at St^
Omers, and T>een minister at Ghent in 1645, he was
appouited confessor at the English College, Rome,
where he died in his forty-fifth year. His works are:
(1) "Certamen Triplex" etc., the history of the mar-
t3atlom of three English Jesuit priests: Thomas Hol-
land, his own brother Ralph Corbie (see below), and
Hefnry Iforse (Antwerp^ 1645, 12mo), with three en-
mved portraits; reprmted (Munich, 1646, 12mo):
English trstaslation by E. T. Scaigill under the title ot
•The Threefold Conflict", etc.; ed. W. T. Tumbull
(LottdoB, 1858; 8vo). (2) An account of his family;
English version in Foley, "Records", IH, 64. (3)
"Vita e morte del Fratello Tomaso Stitintono [i. e.
Stillmgton alias Oglethorpe] no vitio Ii^lese della (^m-
pagnia di Gesu morto in Messina, 15 ^pt., 1617":
(MS. at Ston^hurst College; see ''Hist. MSB. Cwnm.^
3rd Report, 338, tr. ancfed. Foley, "Records", III,
15 sqq.
B??'%"T2?^>,-^?'*?'*^^»^ ife te c. «fe J., II. 1410; OiLLOw,
BM. Diet. Bno. Caih., 1, 563.
Ralph (called at times Corbinoton), Venbrablb,
brother of the above, martyr-priest, b. 25 March, 1598,
near Dublin; d. 7 September, 1644. Fr<Mn the age of
five, he spent his childhood in the north of England,
then going over seas he studied atSaint-Cmer, Seville,
and VaUa^olid, where he was ordained. Havii^ be-
come a Jesuit about 1626, he came to England in 1631
and laboured in Durham. He was seized by the Far-
liamentcuians at Hamsterley^ 8 July, 1644, wheo
clothed in his Mass vestments, conveyed to Loodoni
uid committed to Newgate (22 July), with his friend
John Duckett, a secular priest. At their trial (Old
Bailey, 4 September) they both achnitted tiieir priest*
hood, were condemned to death, and executed at Ty"
bum, 7 September. Stomrhurst has a relic of Father
Corbie; for the Duke of Cxueldres' attestation ifk 1650
of other relics, see Foley's '' Records S. J.'V 1, 564; the
"Certamen" portrait is r^roduced in *'lieooida"«
VII (I), 168; for his letters, see vol III, 69 sqq., of
the same work. The Cbrbie oliaBi according to Foley
[(». cit., VII (II), 808] was Carlington or Carlton.
Tannbb, SocieUu Jeeu militant, 122: Chaixoner, Mienon-
ary PrUsU (1742), IL 278; Dodd, Church SZtory, III, 111;
OuvBR, CoUedanea S. J., 674; FoLirr, Records S. J., HI.
6fr-08, 151 sqq.; VI. 29ft; VII (I). 167; Xlnxaw. ML DidH
Eng. Cath,, I, 564; Coopsa in JXcL Nat, Bufg., XI^. 209; C«r-
tamen Triplex (Antwerp, 1645).
Patrick Rik's.
CkMrMe (also CJorbby), Monabtbry of, a Benedfo*
tine abbey in Picardy, in the Diocese of Amiens,
dedicated to Sts. Peter and Paul. It was foundod
in 667 by Saint
Bathilde, widow of
ClovisII,andboth
she and her son
Clotaire III en-
dowed it richly
with lands and
privileges. The
latter were subse-
quently confirmed
by Popes Benedict
III and Nicholas
I. Thefirst monks
came from Lux-
euil, Theodefrid
being the first
abbot. Under St.
Adelhard, the
ninth abbot, the
monastic school of
Corbie attained
great celebrity and
about the same ~ I ~ '
time it sent forth <?Hmica of St. SrispMNa. Ck)RBijB
a colony to found the abbey of Corvey in Saxony* In
11^ a fire destroved the monastic buildings but they
were rebuilt on a larger scale. Commendatory sbbots
were introduced in 1550, amongst those that held the
benefice being Cardinal Mazarin. The somewhat
droopmg fortunes of the abbey were revived in 1618,
when it was one of the first to be incorporated into
the new Congregation of Saint-Maur. At its sup-
pression in 1790 the buildinoB were partly demolished,
but the (^urch remains to this day, with its imposing
portal and western towers. One of the most famous
scholars produced by Corbie was Pasdiasius Badbert
(d. 865), the first to write a comprehensive treatise <m
OOBBnrXAH
356
OOBMEAH
the Blessed Sacnunent. In the coutroverHy to which
this work gave rise, his chief opponent was Ratraiu-
nus, one othis owii monks, whose views, however, are
at variance with Catholic teaching; both treatises are
printed in Migne. P. L., CXX-CXXL The library of
Dorbie, rich ana extensive, was removed to Saint-
Gennain-des-Prte in 1624.
Mabxllon. Ij%9€» of St. BatkOde and Bl, Theodtlrid in Ada
SandoTum 0, S. B, 9ctc II, (Venice, 1733); SAiNTB-MASisa,
QiMia ChriaHana (Paris. 1728), X, 1263; BfioNx, Did. de»
aVbay€» (Paris. 1850): Sbxtbus in Kxrdienlex, III, 1088-«);
GBnTAUVB, Tapp-^fMioqr. (Paris, 1894-99). 703-^. good bib-
Uosraphy. A view of the abbey, as it was bef oxe suppreBrian«
is siven in Deiaooubt and Djblulb, Monattiam OoUioBmvm
(Paris, 1871). U. pi. 76.
G. Cyprian Alstton.
CkyrbiaUii, Saimt, Bishop of Freising, in Bavaria,
b. about 680 at Chatres near Melun, Trance; d. 8
September, 730. His feast is celebrated 8 September,
translation, 20 November; emblem, a bear. Nothing
\b known of his youth. His father, Waldekiso, died
before the birth of Corbinian. After the death of his
mother, Corbiniana, he lived as a hermit at the church
of Saint-Germain at Chatres. With some of his
disciples he went to Rome in 716 (709). Here he was
consecrated bishop, given the pallium, and sent to
pfeadi, which he aid with great success in the vicinity
of his former home. In 723 (716) he again visited
RiMne, with the intention of resigning. The pope
would not listen to his request. On his return trip
Cort>inian came to Mais in l^rol, where he was induced
by messengers of Duke Gnmoald to go to Bavaria,
and settle at Freising. The dates of the Roman jour-
beys are somewhat confused, but the people of Freis-
ing seem to consider 724 as the date of Corbinian'b
amval, for in 1724 was celebrated the tenth, and in
1S24 the eleventh centenaiy of the existence of the
diocese. On account of the incestuous marriage of
Grimoald, his apparent repentance, and subsequent
relapse, Corbinian left Freising, but returned in 729
(72»), on the invitation of Hucbert, Grimoald's suo-
oessor, and continued his apostolic labours. His bo(^
waa buried at Freising, then transferred to Mais, and
in 769 brou^t back to Freising by Bishop Aribo, who
also wrote his life. St. Ck>rbinian waa a man of zeal,
and of steong feeling, not to say temper, and exercised
great influence over all with whom he came in con-
tact.
Manh. PbfMt cflke BaHy MiddU Agta (London, 1902). Vol. I,
Ft. II. p. 152 iq.; Hops, Convenion of the Teutonic Raeeq, II,
4a' Ada 33.» Smtember. III. 261 : Mbichblbbcx, Hidoria Frit-
ingmtnM I,Dt. II. 3 sqq.; Hauck, KirdimgmdiiehUDtutaefiUmdt
(1887), 1. 345: Wattbnbach. DmUadU. OnchidUatvulUn, 1, 90;
FAwnmomMt Bmtr. tur Omeh. de» Brtb, Mdtieh^n und Freuing
(1901), VII. ^ „
Francis MxasRiCAir.
Oorcona, Jamks Andrbw, theologian, editor, and
Orientalist, b. at Charieston, South Carolina, tl. S.
A., aO March, 1820; d. at Fhihidelphia, 16 July. 1889.
In his fourteenth year he was sent to the College of
Propaganda, Rome, where he made a brilliant course
and was ordained priest 21 December, 1842. He was
the first native of the Carolinas who received priestly
orders. He remamed a year longer in Rome to com-
plete his studies and was made doctor in sacred theol-
ogy. He read with ease the literatures and dialects
or Western and Northern Ehirope, spoke Latin as
fluently as his native tongue, axid acquired that
thorouf^ mastery of the idiom which distinguishes
the text of the Second Henary Council of Balti-
more. In addition, he was a profound Semitic
schdar, with a special predilection for Syriao. On
the death of Bishop En^and in 1842 he was recalled
to Charieston, where he tau^t in the seminal^, doing
parochial work in the meantime, and in conjunction
with Dr. Lynch edited the ''United States Catholic
Misoenany'S the first distinctively Catholic literary
perkMiSeal published in the United States. His pon-
tioB as a GathoUo editor naturally involved him in
many controversies, one being on the life and taacb-
ings of Martin Luther, for which Dr. Corcoran pio-
cured from Eurooe an abundance of Luikerana. He
had made great neadway with the prepsratkm of a
life of Luther, when in 1861 his manuscript and li-
brary were destroyed b^ Qx»» During the Civfl War
his sympathies were with .the South, and the end oC
the stnigide found him rector of a pariah at Wifaning-
ton, Nonn Carolina, where he proved his fidelity to
pastoral dut^ durinjE an epidemic of cholera wnidi
decimated his little nock. He was made secretary to
the Baltimore Provincial Councils of 1855 and lo58:
also secretary in chief at the Second Plenary Council
of 1866. He waa one of the editors of the complete
works of Bishop England. In 1868 he was cmMen
by the unanimous voice of the American hierarchy
as their theologian tm the commisBictn prepamtory to
the Vatican Counofl. He was assigned to the doc-
trinal commission presided over h^ Cardinal Bfllio.
During the debates on papal infallibility, a doctrine
which he firmly held, ne drew up for Archbishop
Spalding the famous "Spalding Formula", destined
as an olive-branch, in which the doctrine is rather
implied than flatly stated. But those were no days
for compromises. While at the council, Bishop Wood
of Philadelphia; his school*fellow at the Propagsuida,
perfected arrangements by which Dr. Corooraa took
a theological dmir in the n^wly-opened seminary at
Overbrook, near Philadelphia. Tnis position he re-
tained until death, declining, on the plea of advancing
years, a call to the Catholic Universi^ at Washington.
In 1876 the "American Oatholk Qmuteri^ Review"
was foimded, and Dr. Corcoran was made chief edi-
tor. His able articles and book notices were the prin-
cipal source of its success. (For a li^ of his contribu-
tions see General Index of Uie Review. Phfladelphia,
1900, p. 15.) In 1883, whan the aichbishops of the
United States were invited to Rome* to prepare for
the Third Plenary Council of Baltimora, they took
Dr. Corcoran witn them as secretoiy, and, at their
request, he was permitted to be present and take
notes at the sessions held with the three canjinals
appointed by Pope Leo XIII as a special commission.
Ttie following year he was made a dopiestic prelate
and assisted as secretary at the FTenary CounciL
That Monsignor Corcoran. did not bequeath to pos-
terity works of any ^[reat size is explained by the
circumstances of his life. He was too busy a man
to devote himsdf to literary pursuits. A peat part
of his time was occupied witn his immense corree-
Sondi^nce. He may be said to have been weudited
own with "the solicitude of all the Churches , for
such was the confidence which the bishops and clergy
reposed in his judgment, that they sou^t his counsel
on all difllcult points of theology and canon law.
He was apparently wioonaoious of his. great gifts,
claiming no supenoritv, and was exiremeljr affable.
His love for the Quucn, and his loyal adhesion to all
her doctrines, were patent in all he said or Wrote.
Kbans, In Memofiam: Mar. Corcoran in. Am, Catk. Quart,
Rw. (Philadelphia, 1889), 738.
Jam£8 F. LotroRLnr.
Ckircoraa, Michabl, soldier, b. at Carrowkeel,
County Sligo/ Ireland, 21 September, 1827: d. at
Fairfax Court House, Viigini% U. a A., 22 i)eoem«
ber, 1863. His father was an anny pensioner, and
he himself joined the Royal Irish Constabulary
when nineteen years of age. He resigBcd after three
3rearB' service and emigrated to New York in August,
1849. Here he soon beeame a leader among his
fellow-countrymen. He enlisted as a private in the
Sixty-Ninth Regiment of the State Militia, a oom-
mand composed of Catholics of Irish birth or dssoent,
and rose from mnk to rank until he was elected
cokmel, 25 August, 1859, The next year the Prince
of Wales (afterwards King Edwaid YU of Bngjand)
visited New York, and in the milttaiy parade givoi
3S7
QQBD
in hishonoar CSolonel Goioonui rafiuedto oidertlie
fiizty^Nliiih Rflppment to jciiu For this aei of
militaiy disobocfieiioe he was placed under amsi
by the State autluxities and oraend before a court
martiaL The tiial created much excitement all over
the ooontxy, his Irish countiymen enthueiaatically
amiaudiiiffhiB oottne, and the caee was pending when
the Clril War broke out. The proceeding were
hnmediateljr quashed, and the wcty^Ninth, with
oveiflowing ranks, was one of the fiist regiznents to
march, with Corooian at its head, 23 April, 1861,
to the defence of the Union. It participated with
speciiil calfamtry in the first Battle of^ Bull Run, 21
July, 1S61, in which action Colonel *^Corooran was
wounded imd taken prisoner. He was kept in the
Ck>nfederate prisons for thirteen months and then ex-
changed in August^ 1862. His retuin to the North
brought him a series of popular ovations and testi-
monials. He i^as commissioned a brigadier-general,
at once raised a brigade of four regiments, which was
called the Irish Legion, and, taking command of it,
rejoined the army in Virginia in November, 1862.
During the following year the Legion participated
in several minor engaflements, and while in camp at
Fairfax Court Heuse, Virginia^ General Corcoran was
thrown from lus horse and died the same day from
the effects of the accident.
CoifTMOHAic, The Irith Brigade and It» Campaigne (Boston*
I860); Cbxmmxns, Irieh American ffiatotieal MieceOany (New
York. 1906); Tha Jriah Ameriam (New York). The POoi (Bos-
ton); ooDtempoxmzyfiles; QiTiftNA«H, Memoin ef Oen. Thomae
FnmeiB Meagher (Worepster, IB02).
Thomas F. Meehan.
Oordt CoNVBATBUNiTiES OF THE, pious associations
of the faithful, the members of which wear a cord or
cincture in honour of a saint, to keep in mind some
special grace or favour which they nope to obtain
tnrou^ his intercession. Among Oriental peoples,
and especially among the Jews, whose priests and
prophets wore a cincture, the wearing of a belt or
girdle dates back to very ancient times. Christ him-
self commanded his Apostles to have their loins
girded. In the eariv Church viigins wore a cincture
as a sign and emblem of purity, and hepce it has
alwi^ Dcen considered a symbol of chastity as well
as of mortification and humility. The wearing of a
cord or cincture in honour of a saint is of v^ ancient
orifiih, and we find the first mention of it in the life
of St. Monica. In the Middle Ages cinctures were
also worn by the faithful in honour of saints, though
no ooidfratemities were formally established, and the
wearing of a cincture in honour of St. Michael was
general throughout France. Later on, ecclesiastical
authority set apart iqpecia] formula for the blessins
of cinctures in nonour of the Most Precious Blooo,
Our Lady, St. Francis of Paul, and St. Philomena.
There are in the Churdi three archconfratemities
and one confraternity the members of which wear
a cord or cincture.
(1) The ArchconfraUrnUy of Our Lady of Conaola-
fum, or of the Btack Leathern BhU of Si, Monica, St
AugutHnet and St. N'icholas of Tolentino. — According
to an old tradition, St. Monica in a vision f'eceived a
black leathern belt from the Blessed Vitgin, who as-
sured the hdir widow that she would take under her
rial protection all those who wore it in her honour.
Monica related this vision to St. Ambrose and
St. Simplicianus; both saints put on a leathern belt,
and St. Ambrose is said to have girded St. Augustine
with it at his baptism. Later on it was adopted by
the Hermits of St. Augustine as a distinctive part of
their habit. When, after the canonisation of St.
Nicholas of Tolentino, it came into general use
among the faithful, Bugene IV m 1439 erected the
Confraternity of the CSncture of St. Monica, St.
Augustine, and St. Nicholas of Tolentino, in the
church of St. James at Bologna. In 1590 Thaddeus
of Perugia^ General of the Augustinians, united this
oonf ratermty and that of Our Lady of Consolation
(founded in 1318 or, according to others, in 1495)
into one confraternity, which union was confirmed
bv Gregory XIII in his Bull "Ad ea" (15 July, 1575).
The same pope raised this confraternity to the rank
of an archoonfratemitT and enriched it with many
Indulgences. He furlher ordained that all oonfra-
ternitieB 61 the black leathern belt should be aggre-
gated to the archconf ratemity at Bologna, in order
to share its privileges and Indulgences. The princi^
pal f esst of this confraternity is the Sunday within
the octave of the feast of St. Augustine (28 August).
The members are obliged to wear a black leathern
belt, to recite daily thirteen Paters and Aves and
the Salve Eegina, and to fast on the vigil of the
feast of St. Au^tine. For the erection g« and re-
oeption into this ardioonfratemitv special faculties
must be had from the general of the Augustinians.
(2) Archeonfratemihf of the Card of St. Francie. —
After his conversion St. Francis girded himself with
a rough cord 'in memory of the cords with which
Christ had been bound during His Passion, and a
white girdle with three knots came subsequently to
form pi&rt of the Franciscan habit. According to
Wadding, St. Dominic received the cord from St.
Francis and alwa^ wore it under his habit out of
devotion to the saint, his example being followed by
many of the faithful. In his Bull ** Ex supemiB dis-
positionis" (19 November, 1585), Sixtus V erected
the Archcontratemity of the Cord of St. Francis in
the basilica of the Sacro ConvMito at Assisi, enrich-
ing it with many Indulgences, and conferred upon
the minister general of the Conventuals the power of
erecting conmitemities of the Cord of St. Francis in
the churches of his own order and of a^r^ating
them to the arohconfratemity at Assisi.
pope, in his Bull "Divinie caritatis" (29 August,
1587), granted new Indulgences to the archconfra-
temity and empowered the minister general of the
Friars Minor to erect confraternities of the Cord of
St. Francis in the diurches of his own order in those
places where there are no Ccyiventuals. Paul V, in
hisBull ''Cumcertas" (2 March, 1607), and ''Nuper
archiconfratemitati" (11 March, 1607), revoked all
spiritual favours hitherto conceded to the archcon-
fratemity and enriched it with new and more ample
Indulgences. Both these Bulls were confirmed oy
the Brief of Clement X, ''Dudum felicis" (13 July,
1673). Finally, Benedict XIII in his Constitution
''Sacrosancti apostolatus" (30 September, 1724). con-
ceded to the minister general of the Conventuals au-
thority to erect confraternities of the Cord of St.
Francis in churches not belonging to his own order
in those places where there, are no Franciscans.
New privil^^ and Indulgences were conceded to the
arehconf ratemitv by two decrees of the Sacred Con-
gregation of Indulgences dated 22 March, 1879, and
26 May, 1883. Besides the ordinary requirements
necessary for the gaining of all plenary and partial
Indulgences, the wearing of the cord and enrohnent
in the records of the archconfratemity are the only
conditions imposed on the members.
(3) ArchconfraUrnUy of the Cord of St, Joeeph. —
The miraculous cure of an Augustinian nun at Ant-
werp in 1657 from a grievous illness, throu^ ike
wearing of a cord in honour of St. Joseph gave rise
to the pious practice of wearing it to obtain the
grace of purity throu^ his intercession. The devo-
tion soon spread over many countries of Europe,
and in the last century was revived at Rome in the
church of San Rocco and in that of San Nicol6 at
Verona. Pius IX, in a rescript dated 19 Septem-
ber, 1859, approved a special formula for the bles»*
ing of the Cord of St. Joseph, and in his Brief ''Ex-
positum nobis nuper" (14 March, 1862) enriched the
confraternity witn many indulgences. In 1860 1
0(»DAEA
358
ersl new Indulgences were granted to the oonfra-
temity erected in the church of San Nicold at Verona
and by the Brief ** Univeisi Dominici gregiB"i 23 Sep-
tember, 1862, the Confratemitv of the Cord of St.
Joeeph was raised to an arcnoonfratemity. The
membera are obliged to wear a oord having seven
knots, and are exhorted to recite dailjr seven Glorias
in honour of St. Joseph. Confraternities of the Cord
of St. Joseph must be aggr^;ated to the archoonfra-
terhity in the church of San Roeoo at Rome in order
to enjoy its spiritual favours and Induleences.
(4) Ctmfratemity of the Card of St. Thomas.— It is
related in the life of St. Thomas Aquinas that, as a
reward for his overcoming a temptation against
purity, he was girded with a cord by angels, and that
m consequence he was never again tempted asainst
this virtue. Hiis cord is still preserved in the dhurch
at Chieri near Turin. Soon after the saint's death
many of the faithful began to wear a oord in honour
of St. Thomas, to obtain the grace of purity throup;h
his intercession. In the seventeenth century socie-
ties were formed at different universities, the student
members of which wore a oord in honour of St.
Thomas, hoping through his intercession to be pro-
tected from the dangers to which youth is generally
exposed. The first Confraternity of the Cord of St.
Thomas was erected at the University of Louvain by
the Belgian Dominican Francis Deuwerdersy and num-
bered among its members all the professors and
students of the faculty of theologr and many of the
faithful. Thence it spread to Maastricht, Vienna,
and man^r other cities of Europe. Innocent X sanc-
tioned this new confraternity by a Brief dated 22
March, 1662. The members are required to have
their names enrolled, to wear a cord with fifteen knots,
and to recite daily fifteen Ave Marias in honour of St.
lliomaB. For the erection of and reception into this
confraternity special faculties must be had from the
superior general of the Dominicans. Its Indulgences
and privfli^es are contained in the great Bull of Bene-
dict XIII, ^Pretiosus" (26 April, 1727, § 9) and in the
decree of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences (8
May, 1844). (See ARCHCoNFRATBiiNrrY.)
MoccHBGXANi, CoUecHo IndulaerUiaruin (Quaracchi* 1897),
1018^24, 102e-35: BEHiHOEa. Die AbUiUB (11th ed., Padei^
bom. 1805), 722<i3, 712-14; Scbneidbb, BucripUi AuUientica
S. Cong. Indulg. (Ratisbon, 1885), 505 sqq., 432-35; Idkm.
Decrtia AiUhentiea S. Cong. Indulg. ab a, 1609-1882 (Ratisbon.
1883); Idsm, Die AblOsse, iht Wesen vnd Gebroiach (8th ed*.
Pad«rboro, i884), 479-481. 540. 579. 705, 730: LdCHEBKR,
VxAUt&ndiger Jnbeariff der Gnaden una Abld^se der Brxbruder"
9(hatt Maria torn Troste (10th ed., Ratisbon, 1890); Prbndbr-
OA8V, The Cord of St. Fronds (12th ed., Dublin, 1886); Gau-
1879); La mUice angUiquty ea nature, tea oonatiU^ ^pTatig^ee,
prices (Parian 18^); Scupou. II gigtio deUa puriUi (3d ed..
Rome, 1878); -Esser, Der fU. Thomas eUs Patron der Unsehtdd
in der ihm oisiaeihien Onrtelbruderoehaft (Ratisbon, 1883); Bnt-
stehung una Zvnek dor Ertbrudarsehaft vom OUrtel des hi. Joseph
(Innabraok, 1875); S. Josephs OUrieL (3d ed., Vienna, 1881).
Fbrdinand Heckmann.
Ookrdara, Qiulio Cesare, historian and UtUrateur,
b. at Alessandria in Piedmont, Italy, 14 Dec., 1704;
died there 6 March, 1785. The scion of an illustrious
and ancient family that came orisinally from Nice,
voungCordara studied at Rome under the Jesuits, and
oecame a Jesuit himself at the age of f oiuteen. Sul>-
sequently he taught in various colleges of the order,
soon acquiring a great reputation not only for a
knowledge of general literature, but especially for
proficiency in poetry, rhetoric, and history. A bril-
liant discourse on Pope Qregorjr XIII, the founder of
the Roman College, and a satire on the Cabalists of
the day, won for him admission into the Academy of
tiie Arcadians. Several poetical works oC his ap-
peared'under the pen name of Pameno Cassio. lie
was in high favour with the exiled Stuarts, then resid-
ing in Rome, on account of an allegorical drama, ** La
Morte di Nice", wliidi he composed in booour of Hie
titular Kin^ James UI, and a nistQiy in lAtin of the
expedition .mto Scotland of Chailes Edward Stnaii,
prmoeof Wales, whidi some olhia admiien kx>k upon
as his most finished produotion. His satirBs on '^The
literary Spirit of the Tknes", published in 1737, are
of a hi^ order of merit. £i them he pillorifis a dass
of oontemporaiy writers who arrogatea to themselves
the literary oensoiship of their dav, oondemnad the
clasBification of the scienoes and tae methods c£ in-
struction in vogue, and even the accepted prindples of
taste. A seventh and revised edition was oroumt out
at Augsburg in 1764. But the work by whicn he is
peihape best known is the '^ History of ih» Socieiv of
Jesus ^', Sixth Part, in two volumes, the first puUimd
in Rome in 1750, the second posthumously, by Fathef
Ra^;azzini in 1859, over a century later. Tins worie
was a continuation of the history of the Society by
Orlandini, Saochini, and Juvency and embraced the
period of Mutaus Vitelleschi, 1616-1533. It is in
Latin and remarkable for the elegance, purity, and
dignity of its style. He is also the autiior of a hirtoty
of the German College in Rome, wiiich contains a Ust
of its distinguished Aumni (Rome, 1770). When the
Society of Jesus was suppressed, Gordara, who had
been a member for more than half a century, with-
drew^ from Rome to Turin and later to Alessandria,
where the King of Sardinia had allowed some members
of the Socie^ to live unmolested. Notwithstanding
his advanced i^ge and his new mode of life, Cordara
continued his literary labours and published mudi in
prose and verse. Sommervogel enumerates more
than sixty works, large and small, of which he is the
author. The citisens of his native town erected a
ttiarble statue to his memory, in the church of the
Bamabites where he was interred.
SoMMBRYoaBL, BikH. delae.de J., 11. 1411-^1432: ob Bacxbs.
I. S60-74; III, 2007-8; Michaud, Biog. Univ. (Puis, nooTelle
Id., s. d.), IX, 90: HuRTBB, Nomendator (Inn«braok, 1895). V,
376; Caraton, Bibliographie Bistorimte de la c de J. (Pluia,
1864), 249. ^ ^ ^
Edward P. Bptllanm.
OordeUen. See RBcoLLBcrek
Oordell, Charles, English missbnaiy priest, b, 5
October, 1720; d. at Newcastle-on-iyne, 26 Januaiy,
1^1. He was the son of Charles Cordell and Hannah
Dardl, of the well-known family of Scotney Castle
and CalehiU, Kent, and was educated first at "Dame
Alice's School"; Femyhalgh, afterwards at Douai,
where, in 1739, he b%an nis course of philosophy.
Having been ordained priest, he left the oolle^se 10
June, 1743, for England^here he served the mxasion
at Arundel (174^55), Rounday, in Yorkshire, the
Isle of Man, and finally Newcastle-on-Tyne (1765-91).
In 1778 the presiden(nr of the Engli.sh ooUege at Saint-
Omer was offered to nim, but he would not accept it.
He was a scholarly, book-loving maiu of some note as
a preacher. In politics he remained a stanch Jaco-
bite. He published many translations and one orig-
inal pampnlet, ''A Letter to the Author of a Bode
called 'A Canidid and Impartial Sketch of the Life
and Government of Pope Clement XTV'" (1785).
The translations include ''The Divine Office tor the
Use of the Laity" (4 vols., Sheffield, 1763; 2d ed.,
2 vbls., Newcastle, 1780): Bemer's "Deism Self-re-
futed'' (1775); CaraccioU's ''Ijfe of Pope Clement
XIV" (1776); Letters of Pope Clement XIV (2 vols.,
1777); Fronsletin's "Travels of Reason" (1781):
Fleury's "Manners of the Christians" (1786) and
"Manners of the Israelites" (1786); " Larger Histor-
ical Catechism" (1786); and "Short Historical Cate-
chism" (1786).
Eiax. Biographies (BaHv Nineleefith Cent.) Oxniioii, 1908);
Catholic MireeUany {lS6).yh387i Notes andOueriesM Mri«,
X. 330. 383: GiLLow. BiU. Did. Eng. Cath. (London. 18S6). 1,
606; CooPBR In Ditt. ffat. Biog. (London, laS?). XU. 213.
Edwin Burton.
OCttDXSR
350
OORDOVA
Oordiar (Gobdkriub), Bajjihaaab, exQgete and ed-
itor of patriBtic woiks, b. at Antwerp, 7 June^ 1592;
d. at Rome, 34 June, 1650. He enterod the Society
of Jesus in 1612, and alter teaching Greek, moral
theology, and Sacred Seripture, devoted himself to
translating and editing BiSS. of Greek oatenta and
other woncB of the Greek Fathen, for which he
searched the libraries of Europe. He published
the following: (1) ''Catena sezaginta quinque
Patrum grsBcorum in S. Lucam" 'Antwerp, 1628):
(2) ^Catena Patrum graecorum m S. Joannem'*
(Ajitwerp, 1690); (3) '^Joannis l^hiloponi in cap.
I Geneseos . . . libri septem" (Antwerp, 1690k
(4) ''S. Cypm f^logis morales'' (Vienna, 1630); (5)
''Opera ». Dionysu Areopagitffi cum S. Maximi
Bcholiis" (Antwerp, 1634); (6) ''Expodtio Patrum
sriBcorum in Psalmos" (Antwerp, 1643-46); (7)
^Symbolie in Matthseum'' (2 vols., of which, howoter,
only the second is by him; Toulouse, 1646-47); (8)
''S. Dorothei archimandritse institutiones ascetics"
(Antwerp, 1646); (9) ''S. P. N. Cyrilli archiepiscopi
Alezandrmi honulise XIX in Jeremiam" (Antweip.
1648) — ^in this case, as in a few others, his critical
acumen was at fault; these homilies are Origen's. He
is also the author of a commentarv on the Book of Job,
'^ Job lUustratus'' (Antwerp, 1646; reprinted in
Migne's "Cuisus S. Scripture^ XIII and XIV, and in
Campon's edition of Gomelius a Lapide).
SoMMKRYooBZi, B%l>l%olh» d« la c de J.t II. 1438, 8. v.;
HmTBR, JVommcIotor. F, Bbxthtbl.
Oordova, Diocbsb or (Gordubsnsis), in Spain,
fonneriy suffragan of Toledo, since 1851 of Seville.
It includes the province of the same name, with the
exception of a few parishes that pertain to the Arch-
diocese of Seville, while in retiun Cordova takes in
a portion of the civil province of Badsjoa. The
(jospel, it is bdieved, was preached there in the
Apostolic period, it being veiy probable that the
Apostles St. James the Greater and St. Paul, while
preaching in various cities of Spain may have sent
thither some of their disciples; Gordova (CoUmia
Pairicia) was then the chief city of Betica, and the
centre of Andahmian life. The name of the apos-
tolic founder of the See of Cordova is imknown, as
the oldest extant documents do not antedate the
third oentiuy. The conditions of the Christian re*
lizion in this early period were quite similar to those
wnich obtained elsewhere in the Roman Empire —
penecution, suspicion, denunciation, enforced profes-
sion of idolatiy, etc. Many illustrious martyrs,
Faustus^ Januanus, and others, suffered at Cordova;
Uieir rehos were afterwards eagerly sought by the other
ehurdies of Spain, and even in Gaul and elsewhere.
The earliest known bishop (thou^ not the founder
of the see) is Sevenis, about 270 ; he was followed by
Gratus and Berosus. In 294 the famous Hosius be-
came Bishop of Cordova and inamortalised it by his
resistance to Arianism. Fifteen bishops governed
the see from the death of Hosius in 357 to w3, from
which period to 839 no bishops are known. All ec-
clesiastical records, doubUess, perished in the course
of the Arab domination that began in 711. Diuing
this time^ the faithful could, it is true, worship f reebri
and zetamed their churches and property on condi-
tion €i paying a tribute for eveiy parish, cathedral,
and monastery; frequently sucn tribute was in-
creased at the will of the conqueror, and often tiie
living had to pay for the dead. Many of the faithful
then fled to Northern Spain; others took refuge in
the monasteries of the Sierras, and thus the number
of CSiristians shrank eventually to small proportions.
In 786 the Arab Caliph, Alxi-er-Rahman I, b^B;an
the construction of the ^^eat mosque of Cordova, now
the cathedral, and compelled mapy Christians to tdce
part in the preparation of the site and foundations.
Thougji they suffered many vexations, the Christians
continued to enjoy freedom of worship, and this tol-
erant attitude of the ameers seduced not a few Chris-
tians from tiieir original allegiance. Both Christians
and Arabs co-operated at this time to make Cordova
a flourishing dty, the elegant refinement of which was
unequalled in Europe. Under Abd-er-Kahman II
there came a change m the attitude of the Arab rulers,
and a fierce persecution ensued, during which many
Christians were accused of abusing the memory of
Mohammed, of entering mosques, and of conspiracy
af^ainst the Government. I^uaoen fanaticism ran
hj^. Among the martyrs of this period are Per-
feetus. Flora, Maria, numerous nuns of the monas-
tery of Tabana in the Sierras, also Aurelius, Sabiniana,
Abundius, Amator, and oth^s; the names of more
than thirty are known. The most famous of these
^martvrs is St. Eulogius, priest and abbot, who was in
858 <»osen Archbishop of Toledo. For his encourage-
ment of the confessors by his writings, '^Memoriale
sanctorum", ''Apolpgeticus sanctorum martyrum",
''Documentum martyrii", "Epistolie", he was event-
ually put to death in 859. His life was written (P. L.,
CX V, 706-32) by Paulus Alvarus, a Scriptural scholar
and theolop;ian, who was not a martyr, Baudissin not-
withstanding (Eulogius und Alvarus, Leipzig, 1872).
With sli^t mterruptions this persecution continued
under succeeding bishops, Saul (850) and Valentius
(862); it co-operated with the Anthropomorphite
heresy of Hoetogesis and other causes to bring about
a gap oi a century and a half in the list of the bishops
of Cbrdova. In 962 Abd-er-Rahman III was suc-
ceeded by his son Al-Hakim. Owing to the peace
which the Christians of Cordova then enjoyed, soms
knowledge of their condition has been preserved,
among ouier things the name of their bishop, Joaxmes,
also the fact that, at that period, the citizens of Cor-
dova, Arabs, Christians, and Jews, enjoyed so high a
degree of literary culture that the city was known as
the New Athens. From all quarters came students
eager to drink at its founts of knowledge. Among
the men afterwsunds famous who studied at Cordova
were the sdiolarly monk Gerbert, destined to sit on
the Chair of Peter as Svlvester II (999-1003), the
Jewish rabbis Moses and Maimonides, and the famous
Soanish-Arabian commentator on Anstotle, Averroes
(Bourret, De ScholA Cordubse christian^ sub Omiadi-
tarum imperio, Paris, 1853). On account of the
wretched administration of the successors of Abd-ei^
Rahman III, the invasion of the Almohad^ (1097),
and the continuous peninsular warfare between Mos-
lem and Cliristian, little is known of the episcopal
succession in Cordova from the time of Bishop Joan-
nes (988) to the reconquest of the city by the Chris-
tians under St. Ferdinand III (1236). The lone period
(524 years) of humiliation of the Church of (>>rdova
npw came to an end, and a new epoch of prosperity
and Christian religious service began which was in-
augurated by the piety and generosity of the saintly
conmdstadoT (Haines, Christianity and Islam in
Spun, London, 1889, 756-1031). Reference has al-
ready been made to the conversion of the mosque
into a cathedral; several parishes were also estab-
lished, and spacious convents were built for various
religious oroers, Dominicans, Franciscans, Merceda-
rians. A cathedral chapter was established, some of
the earlier Christian churches were restored, and some
mosques were converted into churches. Tne diocese,
that in the earlier Hispano-Roman period had been
very large, began to expand again and had added to
it many cities of the Archdiocese of Seville, which
was yet in the power of the Moors. Ihe newly ao*
quired territory was soon occupied by Christian
knights and Christian families, owing to the privi-
Xand franchises granted by St. Ferdinand to sudi
lists. Bishop Lope de Fitero, who was conse*
crated about 1237, began a new episcopal series which
has remained unbroken, the lishop consecrated in
1898 being his seventy-third successor.
HORt
361
OOBEA
Oove, Bfttiiaii, and Abiron (mp, pi, tn*3K>;
leaders of a revolt against Moaes and Aaron {Num.,
xvi). Core was the son of Isaar, of the Caathite
family of Ddvites; Dat^an and Abiron were the
sons of Eliab, the son of Phallu, of the tribe of
Ruben. A fbur^ leader is mentioiied^ Hon, the sbn-
of Pheleth, likewise a Rubenite; but as the name
does not aSgam appear, a eorruption of the text is
rightly suspected. Core was the head of the re-
bellion, whence it is called the sedition of Ck>re
(Num., xvi, 40; xxri, 0; xxvii, 3; Jude, 11), and the
reb^s are stvled the congre^tion of Gore (Num.,
xvi, 40; EceluB., xiv, 22). The rebel faction con-
sisted of three parties with different motires and dif*
ferent aims. Many oi the people were not ret recon-
ciled to the exclusive priesthcx>d instituted at Sinai)
and desired the restomtion of the old order, in which
the priestlv functions were exercised by the oldest
member of each family. The non-Aaronic Levites
bore it ill that the prerogatives of the priesthood'
shoidd be confined to the family of Aaron, while
they occupied the portion of mere servants, and
they demanded that they also be admitted to exer-
cise priestlv functions. Lastly the Rubenites were
aggrieved because their tribe was deorived of the
leadership, which naturally should belong to it as
being descended from the oldest ^son of Jacob. But
all were animated by jealousy of the power of the
house of Anunun, in which the civil and religious au-
thority was concentrated, and all aimed at its over-
throw. Ttie two first parties, however, desired the
removal of Moses from power, only in sd far as he
was an obstacle to the realization of their claims,
whereas with the Rubenites this removal was the
main object. In the account of the revolt neither'
time nor place is mentioned. But it must have oc-
curred shortly after leaving Sinai, when the Aaronic
priesthood was still a recent institution. -It prob-
ably took place at Cades, after the attempt to pene*
trate into the Promised Land had ended disastrously
near Horma (Num., xi% 40 sqq.), and the people had
begun to realize that there was no escape from the
sentence condemning them to wander forty years in
the desert. The taimting words of Dathan and>
Abiron (Num., xvi, 13. 14) point to such a situation.
Core and two hundrea and Mty leading men of dif-
ferent tribes (cf . Num., xxvii, 3) — Dathan and Abiron
for some unknown reason were not with them — ^went
to Mosto and demanded the abolition of the exclu-
sive priesthood. ** Enough for you", they said: "aU
the congregation consisteth of holy ones, and the
Lord is with them: why lift vou up yourselves above
the people of the Loiti?" Moses directed them to
brmg their censers (fire*pans) on the morrow to offer'
incense with Aaron before the Lord; the Lord would
choose between them. When the next day Core and
his two hundred and fifty companions ofTsred in-
cense before the door of the tabernacle, they were
destroyed by fiie from the Lord. In the meanwhile
Moses went to the dwellings of Dathan and Abiron,,
who had refused to obev his summons to appear be-
fore him, and warned the people. to depart from the
tents of Core, Dathan, ana Abtron, lest the^r Bhould
share the dreadf ulpimishment about to be inflicted
on the two last. Hardly had he done q>eaking when
the earth broke asunder and swallowed up Dathan
and Abiron and their households and all the men
that appeitained to Core. The sons of Core -did not
perish, however (Num., xxvi, 10, 11), and later we
find their descendants among the singers (I Par., vi,
37; 11 Par., xx, 19; Pss. xli, xliii, xlviii, Ixxxiii,
Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii), or among the door-keepers
^ the temj^ (I Par., be, 19; xxvi, 1, 19). Moses
ORlered the censers of Core and his companions to be
beaten mto plates and fastened to the altar as a*
^VBming to those who would usurp the priesthood.
llie critical school sees in t^e Atoiy of this rebeUion*
a clumsy combination of three distinct narratives;
one relating a revolt under Dathan and Abiron
against t^ civil authority of Moses; another con-
taining an account of a rising of representatives of
the people under Core, who is not a Levite, apainst
the eccfesiastical authority of the tribe of Levi; and
a third, whidi is merely a retouched version of the
seoond, telling of the struggle of the non-Aaronic
Levites under Cc«e, who is now a Levite. against the
exclusive (Mriesthood vested in the family of Aaron.
But it may be asked what possible object a redactor
could have had in combining the narrative of a re-
l^llion against civQ authority with another having
for its moml to warn against usurpation of the priest-
hood. The story presents nothing improbable. We
need not search oeepl^ into history to find similar
examples Of 'parties with different, or even conflict-
ing interests, umting for a common end. It may, it
is tine, be resolved into two fairly complete narra-
tives. But many an historical account can thus be
divided by using the arbitrary methods here applied,
pidsing out sentences or parts of fif ntences here and
there and iejecting as later additions whatever mili-
tates against division. The literary alignment is too
weak and too tmcertain to base a theory upon it.
HOMMBLAUBB, Cowtm, ui Nwn. (Parii, 1899), 129 sq.;
'BAuaixkIHct.<UlaBib„ II, 909. For the critical view: Sblbik.
in Hastings, Did. cf the Bib., lit, 11 sq.; Gray, Comm.
Num. <Ncw York, 1903), 186 sq.; DinvaR, Lit. Old Ttat. (6th
ed., N«w Yoric» 1897). 63 sq.
F. Bechtbl.
Odrea, Vicarutb Apostolic of, coextensive with
the Empire of Corea; it was created a distinct
vicariate Apostolic, 9 September, 1831. But for
nearly half a century before that time Oorea had many
fervent Catholics. In a manner perhaps unique
in the annals of the Church, the Faith was introduced
there i^nthout preaching and before any missionaries
had penetmtea the countrv. The educated people,
more eager for new knowledge the more their country
was jealously dosed, procured through the annual
embassy to Pekine all tne books possible upon science,
literature, etc. Some Christian books fell into their
hands, and, the grace of God aiding, they recognized
the truth. One of them, Ni-seung-houn, undertook
in 1 784 the journey to Fekine and was baptized there,
under the name of Peter. Upon his return he bap-
tized his companions, who, like himself, were men of
learning and high position. That their faith was
firm, events proved. In 1791 Paul Youn and Jac-
ques Kouen sealed their belief with their blood for
having refused to dSer sacrifice^ upon the occasion of
the death of their relatives. Connected by reason of
ite origin with the Church of Peking, Corea was de-
pendent upon that vicariate until 1831. About the
year 1794, a Chinese priest. Father Jacques Tjyou,
was sent to Corea. Upon his arrival he found about
4000 faithful. After seven years of a heroic and
fruitful ministry he was arrested and put to death,
31 May, 1801. Before and after him numerous Chris-
tians suffered martyrdom with admirable fortitude.
Among them particular mention is due to the married
couple, Jean Ryou and Luthgarde Ni. Shaken and
decimated by the tempest, and deprived of its priests,
the Christian religion was preserved by the zeal of the
fervent people, voluntary catechists, who rallied the
dispersea, and made unheard-of efforts to obtain
pastcmi from the Bie^op of Pekine or the sovereign
pontiff. It was at this time that the vicariate Apos-
tolic was established, and confided to the Society of
Foreien Missions of Paris. The first vicar Apostolic
named, Mgr. Bniguidre, came from the mission of
Siam. He started upon his journey in 1832, suffered
incredible hardships in passing through China and
Mongolia, and died in Tatary, just as he was com-
pleting arrahgements to enter the country of his
mission. His companion, Father Maubant, succeeded
OOETU
362
OOBW
in crossing the northeni frontier bv wav of £ui-tjyoU|
and in January, 1836, entered the closed country.
The following vear Father Chastan joined him there,
and, a little later, the new vicar Apostolic, Mgr.
Inobert. Under their ministration Chnstianity soon
flourished. All this went on with the greatest se-
crecy; the least indiscretion would have caused all
to be lost. The edicts proscribing Qiristianity re-
mained as rigorous as ever, and all, both pastors and
flock, lived as upon the eve of battle, preparing them-
selves for martyrdoOL
The persecution broke out in 1839, manv Christians
were arrested, tortured, and put to death; the mia-
sionaries were hunted without mercy. Mgr. Imbert
was the first to be taken, and, thinking that the cap-
ture of his two companions would cause the persecu^
tion to cease, he directed them to deliver themselves
up; they responded heroically to the call, and all
three were beheaded, 21 September, 1839. It was not
until 1845 that a new bishop, M^. Ferr^ol, succeeded
in entering Corea; he broujnxt with him a young mia-
sionary and also the first Corean priest, Andr^ Kim,
who had made his studies at Macao, and who was
taken and executed the following year. His cause,
and those of the Venerable Mgrs. Imbert, Maubant,
and Chastan, and of the principal Corean martyrs,
ei^ty-two in all, were introducea in the Roman Court
by a decree of 24 September, 1857. The country re-
mained more firmly closed than ever, the Christian
religion more severely proscribed, and the entrance of
apostolic workers more perilous and difficult. Ad-
mission to Corea was most often accomplished by
way of the sea, a Chinese barque bringing the mission-
aries with great secrecy to the coast of Corea, where a
Corean ship, under cover of the darkness, would ^
to meet them. Father Maistre spent ten years m
vain attempts and useless expeditions before he was
able to set foot in Corea. Notwithstanding these
difficulties, and numerous local persecutions, during
twenty years the mission prospered. In 1866 it
counted upwards of 25,000 faithful, two bishops, and
ten missionaries. A terrible persecution then broke
out, the two bishops and seven missionaries were
taken and executed: Mgr. Bemeux, vicar Apostolic,
with Fathers BeauMeu, Doric, and de Breteni^res
(8 March); Father Pourthid, pro-vicar, and Father
Petitnicolas (10 March); and Mgr. Daveiuv, the coad-
jutor, with Fathers Aumattre and Huin (30 March^.
Numbers of the laity also suffered martyrdom, while
others perished of distress and hunger in the mountains.
The process, or formal declaration, of the martyrdom of
the two bishops, of the seven missionaries, and of
twenty of the princip'kl Christians, waa sent in 1901
to the Sacred Congregation of Ritea. The three sur-
viving missionaries, unable to maintain themselvea
in the country, were obliged to return to China.
This persecution, which occurred during the second
year of the reign of the emperor who abdicated in
1907, waa not precisely his fault. Durins hia minor-
ity the power was exercised by his father, known
imder the name of Tai-ouen-koun, prince-regent. Of ,
a suspicious and violent character, tne re^nt believed
that the extermination of the CathoUcs in Corea waa
the best policy to follow. Later he recogniaed his
mistake and repented of it.
A French attempt, known as the Kang-hoa exi>e-
dition, made to avenge the murder of the French mia-
sionanes, was not prosecuted with sufficient viginir,
and merely served to revive the persecution which
lasted as long aa the regent remained in power. In
1876, after an interval of ten yeaia, the new vicar Apos-
tolic, M0. Bidel, succeeded in aending two miaooxi-
aries to Corea; he himself entered the following year
mith two others. But after some months of sojourn
in Seoul his retreat became known and he was
thrown into prison. Upon the demand of thq French
minister to Peking, the Corean Government consented
to send him back to China; in 1879, Fatber Degoefele.
arrested in turn, waa also sent back after aevenl
.months of captivity. The bloody era was dosed;
nevertheless tne^missionaxies were obliged to con-
tinue their life of seclusion. liberty came to them
ovXv with the treaty of commerce, concluded with the
different Powers towards the year 1884. TJwm their
return in 1876 they found but 10,000 Uuisftiaos;
since then this number has grown from year to year.
The Catholic Coieans numbered in 1885, 14,039; 1890,
17,577; 1895, 25,998; 1900, 42,441; 1905, 58.503:
and in 1907, 03,340. From 1S76 dates the qmad
of the ordinary mission-labours which the perseoQ-
tion had not permitted to develop.
In 1888 the Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres wen
called to take charge of the orphanages. In each
district some chapels have been built, with resideooes
for the missionaries. In 1892 a seminar^r was built
sX Byox^-eaun near Seoul. The quaai-cathedrai
church of Seoul was solemnly consecrated 29 May,
1898. The parish schools have been opened anew,
or organized upon a better footing. It baa even been
possible to open in the great centres a few schools for
girls, a thing which Corean usage would never before
have ^rmitted. In 1875 the missionaries published
a dictionary and a grammar in French and Corean.
The movable type then cast has served as a standard
for all that is used to-day. The mission possesses a
printing-house {6t the puolication <^ Corean Catholic
books, and of a weekly Corean CathoHc newspaper,
founded in 1906, which counts more than 4000 sub-
scribers. As a striking event of this period may be
noted the conversion to Cathohcism of the princess,
the mother of the eioperor and the true wife of the
terrible regent. Christian in her heart even before
the persecution of 1866, she was baptised and con-
firmed 11 October, 1896, but in great secrecy and
unknown even to those about her. The following
year she received, under the same conditions, the
Sacraments of Penance and of Holy Eucharist, and
died piously 8 January, 1898. The Vicars Apostolic
of Corea have been: Barth^toy Bnigui^re (1831-^5);
Laurent-Marie-Joseph Imbert (1837-39); Jean-Josef^
Ferrtol (1843-53); Simton-FianocHs Bemeux (1854-
66); Marie-Antoine Nicolas Daveluy (1857-66); F^liz
Chiir Ridel (1870-84); Jean-Mane-Gustave Blanc
(1884r^); Gustave-Charles-Bfarie Mutel (1890--).
The fdlowing statistics show the state of the
missions in 190/: 1 bi^op; 46 French missionaries;
10 Corean priests; 11 French sisters; 41 Corean sis-
ters; 72 schools for boys, with 1,014 pupils; 5schods
for girls, with 191 pupils; 2 orphanages, with 28 boys
and 261 girls; 379 orphans placed in fanulitt; 2
phannacies; 1 seminary, with 22 preparatory stu-
dents and 9 theological students; 48 churches or
chapels; 48 districts; 931 Christian parishes; 63,340
baptised Christians; 5,503 catechumens under in-
struction. (See map of China.) .
IXiLurr, HiH. d9 VBglue de C«r6e (FMrii, 1874): Pechon.
Vie de Mar, Bemeux (Le Mans. 186S): Salmon, Vm de Mffr-
Davduy (Pliris, 1883); D*Ht7LBT. Vie de Just de Bretenih-ea
(Puis, 1895); Baudst, Vie de Henri DorieJlWl]
Bernard Louie Beaiulim
A. Petitnieotae (1891): «w»««.«x,
1893); PiACSNTmi, Mgr, Ridd (L;
Bernard Leuie BetnUieu (Bordoaux, 1894); Dt
A.PetUnieotaa (1891)l Ramatst, ViedeM.L._
fi DSTDOU,
^ ^ViedeM.
ifutn (Trft"JTT^.
. ,_/ona, 1890); Ridbl* Maoap^
Heiii; Annaie of tKe PtopaooUonofthe Faith (annu*!) ; Pioi^r,
Lu mieeione ctUholituee fnm^ieee, Ilh
Q, MUTXU
Oozf u, AAoaDXocB8B or. — (]orfu is one of t^ loniaa
Islands, at the entrance of the Adriatic, opposite the
Albanian eoaat, from which it is separated by a nai^
row channel. Its modem name is an Italian coirup-
tion for Ko^^oi (pronounced Cor/O, the Eysaatine
Greek name for tne chief town of the island. Tike
ancient name for both island and citjr was C^rcyra
or Corofra. This has been identified with the Hmnr
eric Selena, where reioied Aloinous, kine <^ the
FhAaoiansi the host of VlysseSi and
363
OOKDITH
iMmt. Jn 735 b. o. the aabuid reoeivied Corinthian
colonists led by Chersicrates. Its nary and trade
inereasBd to such an extent that as early as 664
B. c. it could wage war upon Corinth. During
the Pdoponnesian War, when allied with the Athe-
niano, Corfu fitted out 120 ahipa and overcame its
suaoain. But internal strife soca caused the de-
cay of its powerj while the people sided with the
Athenians, the anstocnu^ were helped by the Corin-
thians. From the rule of the Macedonians Corfu
passed to that of the Romans. Under the Byaantines
it became practically the capital of the Ionian lalanda
and of the neighbouring cities in Epirus (Preveaa,
Buthrotum, etc.), and si{p»alised itself by courage-
ous conflicts with Dalmatians, Bulgars, and Saracens,
About the end of the twdfth centuiy it formed a
duchy under the despots of Epirus. Charles of AnjoU|
King of Naples, conquered it in 1274. It recovered
its indepenoience by expelling the Neu^olitan garrison
and took refuse in the jnotectorate of Venice. After
the Ci4>ture oTConstantincnle, Mohammed II sent an
army which laid unsuooesstul siege to Corfu to punish
it for having helped Buthrotum. Solyman II was
equally unsucoesaiul. thou§^ he took away 16,000
pnsoners. In 1716 Ahmed III was also driven back,
the inhabitants being helped b^ the Saxon general
Matthias Schulenburg and inspired by a monk who
led the way bearing an uplifted cross. For a brief
while, together with Venice (1791), Corfu came under
French rule, and was then successively conquered by
the Turks and the Russians (1799). The Seven
Ldaads were united in a republic under a Turkidi and
Russian protectorate. The Treat>r of Tilsit gave them
a^ain to the French in 1807, but in 1809 the islands.
with the exception oC Corfu, fdl into the power oi
England. In ISIS the United States of the Ionian
IslaiKla were put under the protectorate of Great
Britain, with Corfu as capital and residence of the
governor. On 8 March, 1864, the islands were an-
nexed to Greece, and since this time Corfu (Gr. Ker*
kyra), with Faxos, Santa Maura (Leukas), and
Ithaca, etc. have formed a nomarohy or province of
the kingdom.
The Island has a mild, salubrious dimate. It is
hiQv, with rather barren valWs, and produces com
ana oil. Brimstone and marble are among its ex-
ports. The whole population is about 70,000. Ital-
ian is still much usedi together with Greek, chiefly
among Uie Catholic population. Tlie city of Corfu
is situated on the eastern coast and boasts of a broad
and good port. It exhibits ruins of a temple of
Poseidon, a cenotai^ of Menecrates, and a statue of
SchuIenbuiK. In 1861 the late Empress Elisabeth
of Austria ouilt there, in the purest Ureek style, her
magnificent palace, the Achiileion, named after a
oolosBal statue of Achilles on one of the terraces of
the park; this palace has be«i bought by the Emperor
of Germany, The population of the city is about
17,000; ^000 Jews, 4000 CathoUcs, the rest orthodox
Greeks.
According to legend the Church of Corfu was
founded bv St. Jason, a disciple of St. Paul, but
the first Known bishop is Apoliodorus, present at
Nic»a in 325. It was at first a suffraean of Nioo-
polis in CIpirus Vetus, but in the Middle Ages was
made a metropolis. Since 1900 it has again become
asimple bishopric. (See " Echos d'Orient", III, 285
sqq.) Among its distinguished prelates were St.
Arsenius, a tenth-centuiy author .of homilies, and
Georgius Baxdanes, in the thirteenth oentuiv. a fieiy
adversaiy ci the Latins. (See Lequien, II, 145.)
The island honours as its patron the celebrated St.
SpyridoD, whose relics lie in the Greek cathedral*
Smee the thirteenth century Corfu has also been a
Catholic arohiepisoopal see. Hie archdioGeee includes
I^oos^ Antipaxos, other islets^ and several localities
in E^piiusy between Parga and Sasino; the Catholics,
however, have almost completely dBappeand i ^_
in Corfu. There is but one paruh, with six dmre^Bs
or chapels, and some ten priests. The Sisters of Our
Lady of Compassion conduct a school and an orphan-
age. (For the episcopal list see Lequien, III, 877,
completed by Gams, 399» and Eubel, I, 217, II, 1620
Amons the archbishops, the famous Benedictine Car-
dinal, Angelo Maria C^iirini, who died in Italy in I75O9
deserves mention.
Mabuoea., Hiataria di Cor/ii (Venice, .1672); Quibini. iVi-
mordia Corcyra (Lecce. 1725; Briscia, 1738); Moustoxtdks,
VUuHrazwni Cordrwi (Milan, 1811); DeOe coat Careirtai- (Oorfu.
1848); RmiANN. Corto^* (Paria, ,1679); Lampbob. K«|mm«Ui*
AviK^ora (Athena, 1882); Hidbouxnos, Svvovt4«i| irropi* njc
KcMcvpof (Corfu, 1895); Jkrvib, Hiatory of Corfu (London,
1862); GLAPARfeDB, Corfou et Ua Corfiotea (Paris, 1900).
S. P^iDta*
Ck>ria (Cauria), Dioobsb or (CAURHiNsn), in
Spain, suffragan of Toledo; it includes nearly the en-
tu« province of Cdoeres, with the exception of a few
parishes that belong to the Diocese of Salamanca.
The first mention of a Diocese of Coria is in 589 when
its bishop, Jaointus, subscribed the acts of the Third
Council of Toledo. Under VisigoUuc rule Coria was a
suffragan of M^da. Durine tne Arab conquest the
episcopal list was continued By means of titular bish-
ops; one of tYtetti, Jacobus, appears among the pre-
lates who assisted at the consecration of the church of
Compostela in -876. After the reconquest of the city
(1142) Alfonso VII turned the mosque into a cathe-
dral, and had it reconsecrated in honour of the Blessed
Virgin and all the saints. The first bishop of the new
series was Ifligo Navarr6n. The statistics for 1906
were: Catholics, 171,041; priests, 250; parities, 124;
churches, 159; chapels, 186.
Fl6bbz. EspalUt Soffr, (Madrid, 1769), XIV, 62-61; DXvixa
in Teatn da laa JgUaioM de Bapatia (Madrid. 1647). U. 438-76.
Eduardo de Bxngjosa.
Ooiiath (CoRiNTHUs) , a titular arohiepisoopal see of
Greece. The origin of Corinth belongs to prehistoric
kgend. About 1 100 a. c. this city, delivered from die
Aigives bv the Dorian invasion, became the centre of
the Heracieid rule in Peloponnesus ; at this time it wa^pd
successful wars against neighbouring citi^, including
Athens. A little later, under the tyranny of the
Bacchiadee (750-657 b. c), it founded many colonies,
anK>ng them Corcyra and Syracuse. About 657 b. c.
a revolution substituted for tyranny a government
based on popular election ; from that tune Corinth took
no great part in Greek history, except as the scene of
the Isthmian games and by the transit duty it im-
posed on all goods passing by its citadel. Its name is
scarcely mentionea during the Medic wars, and after
b€ginmng the Peloponnesian war (432-404) it handed
the direction of it over to Sparta and later on abaiv-
doned its ally. The foreign policy of this submissive
vassal of Philip (later the feaeral. centre, but not the
inspirer, of the Aoh»an league) wsa never positive and
domestic; its true glory was its luxury, riches, and
artistic culture. It gave its name to the third and
most ornamental of the orders of Greek architecture.
Corinth was captured and plundered by Mummhis
(146 B. c.)f restored and embellished again by Cesar
and Hadrian, and ravaged In turn by the Hemli, Visi-
goths, and Slavs. In 1205 it was captured by the
Stench, who gave it up to the Venetians, by whom it
was held, excepting brief intervals, until 1715. The
Turks left it in 1821. and in 1858, after a severe earth-
quake, it was transferred to the western shore of the
gulf. The new town, in the provinces. of Argolis and
Corinthia, has about 4500 inhabitants, and exports
dried currants, oil, com, and silk. The ancient site
is now occupied by a wretched village, Palso-Corin*
thoe, or Old Corinth, with five churches, probably
built where temples had formerly stood. Near by are
the lofty Acropolis (Acro-Corinthus) and ruins of a
temple and amphitheatre. The ship canal between the
OOBIRTHIANS
364
ooRnrnaAHs
bay of Coriiitii and the gulf of i£gina, about four iiiileB
in length, was opened 8 November, 1893; it had been
be^n hv Nero, and is in great part cut through the
St. Paul preached successfully at Corinth, where he
lived in the house of Aquila and Priscilla (Acts, xviii,
1), wbme SilaB and Timothy soon joined him. After
hiB departure he was replaced by Apollo, who had
been sent from Ephesus by Priscilla. The Apostle
visited Corinth at least once more. He wrote to the
Corinthians in 57 from Ephesus, and then from Mace-
donia in the same year, or in 58. The famous letter
of St. Clement of Rome to the Corinthian church
(about 96) exhibits the earliest evidence concerning
the ecclesiastical primacy of the Roman Church. Be-
sides St. Apollo, Lequien (II, 155) mentions forty-
three bishops: amon/r them, St. Sosthenes (?), the
disciple of St. Paul. St. Dionysius; Paul, brother of
St Peter, Bishop of Argos in the tenth century; St.
Athanaaius, in the same century; George, or Gregory,
a oonunentator of liturgical hvmns. Corinth was the
metropolis of all Hellas. After the Byzantine eno-
peroro had violently withdrawn Illyricum from papal
direction, Corinth appears as a metropolis with seven
suffragan sees; at the beginning of the eighteenth cen-
tury there were only two united in one title. Since
1890 Corinth, for the Greeks, has been a simple
bishopric, but the first in rank, Athens being the
sole archbishopric of the Kingdom of Greece. Le-
quien (III, 883) mentions twenty Latin prelates from
1210 to 1700, the later ones being only titular. But
Eubel (I, 218; II, 152) mentions twenty-two arch-
bishops for the period from 1212 to 1476.
Lbbab and Fougast, Jfueripiioiu du PRopatmkte; BauUa,
UaH one ovoni PhidU; Fwamorr and Chxpibs, Hiai. ds Fart
dana VaMiquiU; Spon, Voyage d^IUdie, de DalnuUU, de
Qrhee d. du Levant (Anwterdam. 1679). II. 223 aq.; Smith,
Dtdionary cf Ortek and Roman Oeography (London, 1878). I,
S. PtotiDis.
Ck>rint]iia]Ui, Epibtlbs to the. — ^Introductory.
—8L Paul Founds the Churdi at Conn/A.— St. Paul's
firet visit to Europe is graphically described by
St. Luke (Acts, xvi-xviii). When he reached Troas.
at the north-west comer of Asia Minor, on his second
great missionaiy journey in company with Timothy
and Silvanus, or Silas (who was a '^ prophet" and
had the confidence of The Twelve), he met St. Luke,
probably for the first time. At Troas he had a
vision of "a man of Macedonia standing and baseech^
ing him, and saying: Pass over in to Macedonia and
hdp us.'' In response to this appeal he proceeded
to Philippi in ICaoedonia, where he made many con-
verts, but was cruelly beaten with rods aocormng to
the Roman custom. After comforting the brethren
he travelled southward to Thessalonica, where some of
the Jews " believed, and of those that served Qod, and
of theGlentiles a great multitude, and of noble women
not a few. But the Jews, moved with envy, and taking
unto them some wicked men of the vulgar sort, set the
city in an uproar. . . . And they stirred up the people
and the rulers of the city hearijig these tnincs. But
the brethren immediately sent away Paul andSilas by
ni^t to Bensa. Who, when they were come thither,
went into the Bynag(»;ue of the Jews, and many of
them believed, and of honourable women that were
Gentiles and of men not a few." But unbelieving
Jews from Thessalonica came to Beroea "stirring up
and troubling the multitude". " And inunediately the
brethren aetii away Paul to go to the sea ; but SUas and
Timothy remained there. And they that conducted
Paul brouglit him as far as Athens" — ^then reduced to
the position of an old university town. At Athens he
preached his famous philosophical discourse in the
Areopagus. Only a few were converted, amongst
these Iwing St. I>ion3nBius the Areopacite. Some of
his fHvolofiiB hearers mocked him. Others said that
that was cnon^for the present; they would listen to
more another time.
He appears to have been very disappointed witik
Athens. He did not visit it again, and it is never
mentioned in his letters. The disappointed and soli-
tary Apostle left Athens and travelled westwards, a
distance of foHy-five miles, to Corinth, the then capi-
tal of Greece. The feaif al icooiging at Philippi oonift-
ing not very long after he had men atoned and left
for dead at Lystra, together with all hisiU-treatmcDt
by the Jews, as described in II Cor., must have greatly
weakened him. As we are not to suppose tGat he,
any more than his Master, was miraculously saved
from pain and its effects, it was with physical pain,
nervousness, and misgiving that the lonelv Apostle
entered this great pagan ci^, that had a bad name for
profligacy throughout the Roman world. To act the
Corinthian was s3monymous with leading a loose life.
Corinth, which had been destroyed by the Rmnana,
was re-established as a colony by Julius Csesar, 46
B. c, and made the capital of ihe Roman lYoviiioe of
Achaia by Augustus. It was buflt on the southem
extremity of tiie isthmns connecting the mainland
with the Morea, and was on the great line of traffic
between East and West. Its two magnificent har-
bours, one at each side of the isthmus, were crowded
with shipping and were the scenes of constant bustle
and activity. CorinUi was filled with Greeks, Ro-
mans, Syrians, Egyptians, and Jews, many of the last
having latelv eome trom Rome on account of their ex*
pulsion by (Claudius ; and its streets were thronged by
tens of thousands of slaves. Crowds, too, came from
all parts every four years to be present at the Isthmian
games. On the summit of the hill to the south of
the city was the infamous temple of Venus, with its
thousand female devotees dedicated to a life of shame.
It was to this centre of traffic, excStement, wealth,
and vice 'that St. Paul came, probably about the end
of A. D. 51 ; and here he spent upwards of eis^teen
months of his Apostolic career. He took up his resi-
dence with two Christian Jews, Aquila and hia wife
Priscilla (refugees from Rome), because they ^'rore of
the same trade as himself. Like all Jews he had
learnt a trade in his youth, and in their house he sup-
ported hunself by working at this trade, vis., that of
tentmaker, as he had determined not to receive any
support from the money-loving Corinthians. He be-
am bv preaching in the synagogue every 8^>bath:
^and ne pemuaoed the Jews and the Greeks". Of
this period he says that he was with them ''in weak-
ness, and fear, and much trembling". The ill-usage
he had received was still fresh in his memory, as,
writing a month or two later to the Thessalonians, he
recalls how he had been ''shamefuUv treated at
I%ilippi". But when he was joined by Silas and
Timotny, who broug^ hf m pecuniary aid from Mace-
donia, he became more bold and confident, and ^was
earnest in testifying to the Jews that Jesus is the
Christ. But they gakiskying and blaspheming, he
shook his garments and said to them: Your blood be
upon your own header; I am clean: from henceforth I
will go unto the Gentiles.'^ He then b^an to preach
in the house of Titus Justus, adjoining the s^^agogue.
Oispus, the ruler of the synagogue, and his family^
and several of the Corinthians were converted and bap-
tijsed. Among^ these were Caius, Stephanas, and his
household, and the house of Fortunatus and A^aicUB,
"the firstfruits of Achaia" (I Cor., i, 14, 16; rvi, 15).
The growing opposition of the Jews, however, and the
wicked state of the city had a depressing influence
upon him ; but ''the Lord said to Paul in the night, by
a vision: Do not fear, but speak; and hoki not thy
peace, because I am with thee; and no manahall set
upon thee to hurt thee ; for I have much people in this
city. AndhestayedthereayearandBlxi!nonths,teach-
faig among them the word of Qod" (Acts, rriii, 9-11),
Many were converted; some of them noble, wealthy,.
ODBnmiiAiiB
365
and learned, but the great majority neither learned,
nor powerful, nor noble (I Cor., i, 26). During this
long period the Faith waa planted not onlv in Corinth
but in other portions of Acnaia, especially in Cenchree,
the eastern port. At length the unbelieying Jews,
seeing the ever-increasing crowd of Christians fre-
quenting the house of Titus Justus, next door to their
cfjmagogue, became fUrious, and rose up with one ao-
cord and dracged St. Paul before the newly-appointed
Proeonsul orAchaia, Gallio, the brother ot Seneca
(a. d. 54). Gallio, peroeivinff that it was a question of
refigion, refused to listen to tnem. The crowd, seeing
this and supposing that it was a dispute between
Greeks and Jews, fell upon the ring-leader of the lat-
ter (Sosthenes, who succeeded Crispus as ruler of the
synagc^e) and gave him a sound beating in the very
Bi^t ofthe Jud^ent seat; but Gallio pretended not
to notice. His treatment must have cowed the Jews,
and St. Paul ''stayed yet many dajrs". Comely is of
opinion that at this time he made his journey as far as
ID3rricum, and that his first visit to them ''in sorrow"
was when he retiu*ned. Others, with greater proba-
bility, place it later. St. Paul, at last taking leave of
the brethren, travelled as far as Ephesus with Priscilla
and AquQa. Leaving them there he went on to Jeru-
salem and came back bv Antioch, Galatia, and Phry-
pia, where he confinned aH the disciples. After hav-
ing thus traversed the ''upper coasts" he returned to
Ephesus, which he made his head-quarters for neariy
three vears. It was towards the end of that period
that tne First Epistle was written.
AftihenHcthfof the Fptsfles.-^Little need be said on
this point. The historical and internal evidence that
they were written by St. Paul is so overwhelmingly
strong that their auth^ticity has been frankly ad-
mitted by every distlnguiBhed writer of the most ad-
vanced critical schools. They were contained in the
first oollectioUs of St. Paul's Elpiatles, and were quoted
as Scripture by early Christian writers. They were
refenea to as authorities by the eariy heretics and
translated into max^ languages in the middle of the
second century. Ine umque personality of St. Paul
is impressed upon their evexj page. Baur, the ration-
alistic founder of the TUbin^n Sdxool. and his fol-
lowers, held the two t6 the Corinthians, CSalatians, and
Romans to be unassailable. One or two hyi)ercriticai
writers, of little weight, brought some futile objec-
tions against them; but these were scarcely meant to
be taken seriously; they were refuted and brushed
aside by such an vi&ra writer as Kuenen. Schmiedel, one
of the most advanced modem critics, says (Hand-
Kommentar, Leipzig, 1893, p. 51) that unless better
atiguments can be adduced against them the two
Epistles must be acknowledged to be eenuine writings
of St. Paul. Tlie Second Epistle was known from the
very earliest times. There is a trace of it in that
poHion of "l^e Ascension of Isaiah" which dates
back to the first century (Knowling, "The Testi-
mony of St. Paul to Christ", p. 58- Charles, "The
Ascension of Isaiah ", pp. 34, 150). It was known to
St. Polycarp, to the writer of the Epistle to Diognetus,
to Athenagoras, Theophilus, the heretics Basilides
and Marcion* In the second half of the second cen-
tury it was so widely used that it is unnecessary to
give quotations.
TaB First Epistle.—TT^ TFntfen.— During the
years that St. Paul was at Epnesus he must have fre-
quently heard from Corinth, as it was distant only 250
miles, and people were constantly passing to and fro.
A ship sailing at the rate of four miles an hour would
cover the distance in three days, though on one un-
propitious occasion it took Cicero over a fortnight
(Ep. vi, 8, 9). By degrees the news reached Ephesus
that some of the Corinthians were drifting back into
then* former vices. Alford arid others infer from the
words of II Cor., xii, 20, 21; xiii, 1, ^'Behold this is
the Qiird time that I come to you", that he made a fly-
ing visit to dieck these abuses. Othen suppose that
this comina meant by letter. Be this as it may, it is
generaUy neld that he wrote thi^n a brief note (now
lost) telling them ''not to associate with fornicators'^
asking them to make collections for the poor brethren
at Jerusalem, and giving them an account of his inten-
tion of visiting them bef(»« going on to Bfacedonia,
and of retumme to them a«;ain from that place.
News which he neard later irom the household of
Chloe and others made him change this plan, and for
this he was accused by his enonies of want of steadi-
ness of purpose (II Cor., i, 17). Tlie accounts whidh he
received caused him gre^at anxiety. Abuses, bicker- ,
ingB, and party strife had grown up amongat them.
The party cries were: ''I am of Pam; I am of Apollo
[Apoiloe]; I am of Cephas; I am of Christ." These
parties, m all likelihood, originated as follows: Dmrhig
St. Paul's circular tour from Ephesus to Jerusalem,
Antioch, Galatia, Phrygia, and back to Ephesus, ''a
certain Jew, named ApoUo, bom at Alexanoiia, an elo-
quent man, came to Ephesus, one mi^ty in the
scriptures, and being fervent in spirit, spoke, and
taught diligently the tninos that are of Jesus, knowing
only the baptism of John." Priscilbi and Aquila
fully instructed him in the Christian Faith. In accord*-
ance with his desire he received letters of recommen-
dation to the disciples at Corinth. " Who, when he waa
come, helped them veiy much who had believed. For
with much vigour he convinced the Jews openly, shew-
ing by the scriptures that Jesus is the Christ^' (Acts,
xviii, 27, 28). tie remained at Corinth about two years,
but, being unwilling to be made the centre of strife, he
joined St. Paul at J^p^esus. From Uie inspired words
of St. Luke, no mean judge, we may take it that in
learning and eloquence Apollo was on a par with the
greatest of his contemporaries, and that in intellectual
powers he was not inferior to Jews like Joeephus and
Philo. He is likely to have known the latter, who
was a prominent member of the Jewish community in
his native city of Alexandria, and had died only foup-
teen years l)efore; and his deep interest in Holy
Scripture would certainly have led him to study the
worKB of Philo. llie eloouence of ApoUo, and his
S)werful applications of the Old Testament to the
essias, captivated the intellectual Greeks, especially
the more educated. Thati they thou^t, was true
wisdom. They besan to make invidious comparisQns
between him and S%, Paul, who on account ot his ex-
perience at Athens, had purposely confined himself to
what we should call solid catechetical instruction.
The Greeks dearly loved to belong to some particular
school of philosophy; so the admirers of Apollo laid
claim to a deeper perception of wisdom ana boasted
that they belonged to the Christian school of the great
Alexandrian preacher. The majority, on the other
hand, prided themselves on their intimate connexion
with their Apostle. It was not seal for the honour of
their teachers that really prompted either of these
parties, but a spirit of pride which made them seek to
put themselves above their fellows, and prevented
them from hiunbly thanking God for the grace of being
Christians. About this time there came from the
East some who had possibly heard St. Peter preach.
These regarded the others as their spiritual inferiors;
they themselves belonged to Cephas, the Prince of the
Apostles. Commentators are of opinion that this
party spirit did not ^ so deep as to oonstitute formal
schism or heresy. They all met together for prayer
and the celebration of the Sacred Mysteries ; but there
were hot disputes and many broiches of fraternal
charity. The Fathers mention only three parties;
but the text obviously implies that there was another
party the members of wiuch said, ''I am of Christ",
lliis view is now held by several Catholics, and by
many non-CathoHcs. what was the nature of this
party it is difficult to deteraiine. It has been sug-
gested that a few of those who were specially endowed
tKttmHUHB
366
with spiritual g^te, or charismata, boasted that they
were above the otheni, as they were in direct oommu-
joioation with Christ. Aixotner explanation is that
thejr had seen Cbriat in the flesh, or that they claimed
^to follow His example in their reverence for tne Law of
Moses. At any rate, the statement, " I am of Christ'',
seemed to make Christ a mareparty name, and to im-
ply that the others were not Gnristians in the genuine
and perfect sense of the word.
St. Paul, hearing of this state of things, sent Tim-
othy together with Erastus (probably the "treasurer
of the city" of Corinth — Rom., xvi, 23) round by
Macedonia, to put things in order. Soon after they
left, Stephanas and other delegates came with a letter
from the Corinthians. This letter contained some
self-glorification and requested the Apostle to give a
solution to several serious difficulties which they pro-
posed to him; but it made no mention of their short-
comings. By this time he had become fully aware of
the grave state of afifaire amongst them. Besides
party strife, some made light of sins of impurity. One
man had gone to the extent of marrying his step-
mother, his father being still alive, a crime unheard of
amongst the pagans. So far were they from showing
horror that they treated him in a friendly manner ana
allowed him to be present at their meetings. As mat-
ten wera too pressing to wait for the arrival of Tim-
othy, St. Paul at once wrote the First Epistle to the
Gormthiajis and sent it by Titus, about Easter a. d. 57.
Importance of the First Epistle. — ^This is generally
regarded as the greatest of the writings of St. Paul by
reason of the magnificence and beauty of its style and
the variety and importance of ite contents. So
splen(Hd is its style that it has given rise to the con-
jecture that St. Paul took lessons in oratory at Ephe-
sus; but this is hig^hly improbable. St. Paul's was
not the type of eloquence to be moulded by mechani-
oal rules ; nis was the kind of genius that produces lit-
erataue on which rules of rhetoric are based. If the
Corinthians were impressed by the eloauence of
Apollo, they could not help feeling, when tney heard
and read this Epistle, that nere was an author capable
of bearing comparison not only with Apc^lp, but with
the best Uiat they oould boast in Greek literature, of
whidi they were so justly proud. Scholars of all
tt^ools are loud in its praise. The striking similes,
figures of speech, and telling sentences of the Epistle
have paasea into the literatures of the world. Plum-
mer, in Smith's "Diet, of the Bible", says that chap-
ters xiii and xv are among the most sublime passages,
not only in the Bible, but in all literature.
But this Epistle is great not only for its style but
also for tiie variety and importance of its doctrinal
teaching. In no other Epistle does St. Paul treat of
BO many different subjects; and the doctrines which
are touched upon (in many cases only incidentally)
are important as showing what he and Silvanua, a dis-
ciple and trusted delegate of the older Apostles, taudbt
the early Christians. In some of his letters he had to
defend his Apostolate and the freedom of Christians
from the Law d Moses against heretical teachers; but
he never had to defend nimself against his bitterest
enemies, the judaisers, for his teaching on Christ and
the principal points of doctrine contained in these two
Epistles, the obvious reason being that his teaching
miist have been in perfect harmony with that of The
Twelve. He distinctly states in ch. jcv, 11, "For
whether I, or thqr [The Twelve Apostles], so we preach,
and so you have believed." '
Dwisuma of the First Epistle, — ^Instead of giving
a formal summary of the contents of the Epistle, it
may be more useful to give the teaching of the Apos-
tle, in his own words, classified under various heads,
following, in general, the order of the Creed. With
regard to arrangement, it may be stated, in passing,
that the Epistle is divided mto two parts. In the first
six chapters be rebtikes than for their fauha and ooi^
(1) He shows the absurdity of their
bickerings;
rects abuses:
divisions and bickerings; (2) deals with tlie scandal-
ous case of incest; (3) their Lawsuits before pi^guM;
and (4) the want of sufficient horror of impurity in
some of them. In the second part (the remaining ten
chapters) he solves tiie difficulties which they pro-
posed to him and lays down various r^;ulations for
their conduct. He deals with questions rdating to
(1) marriage, (2) virginity, (3) tiie use of things olfered
to idols, (4) proper decorum in church and the cele-
bration of liie Eucharist, (5) spiritual sifts, or Charis-
mata, (6) the Resurreoti<Hi, (7) the collectioos for the
poor of Jerusalem.
Its Teaching.--Ood ths Father (passim), ''Yet
there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all.
things, and we unto him; and one Lord Jesus Christ,
by whom are all things and we by him*' (viii, 6).
Compare II Cor., xiii, 13: ''The grace of our Loixi
Jesus Christ, and the charity of God, and the commu-
nication of the Holy Ghost be with you all. " (Beoj^,
quoted by Bernard, calls this an earegium testimomum
to the Blessed Tnmty,y^esus ChrisL (1) "Grace to
you and peace from God our Father, and from the
Lord Jesus Christ*' (i, 3). " You are called unto the
fellowship of his Son. Jesus Christ our Lord" (i, 9).
"Christ the power ot God and the wisdom of Giod"
(i, 24). " We speak the wisdom of God in a mystery,
a » wisdom which is hidden, which God ordained before
the world, unto our glory, which none of the princes of
this world knew; for if they had known it, they would
never have crucified the Lord of glory" (ii, 7, 8).
" But you are washed, but you are sanctified, but you
are justified in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and
the Spirit of our God" (vi, 11 — see also i, 2, 4, 7,
9, 13; iu, 5, 11; vi, \l; xii, 4-6). (2) "The word of
the cross to thesn that ar^ saved is the power of God "
(i, 18). " We preach Chnst crucified, unto them that
are called Christ the power of God and the wisdom of
God" (i, 23, 24). "But of him are you in Christ Jesus,
who of God is made imto us wisdom^ and justice, and
sanctification and redemption" Q, 30). "For I
i'udged myself not to know any tiling among you, but
fesus Chnst, and him crucified" (ii, 3). "For Christ
our pasch is sacrificed" (v, 7). "For you are
bougnt with a great price" fvi, 20 — cf. i, 13, 17; vii,
23; viii. 11, 120 (3) The. following passage prob-
ably contains fragments of an early creed: " Tne ^ispel
which I preached to you, which also you have re-
ceived. . . . For I delivered unto you first of all,
whidi I also received: how that Christ died for our
sinsj according to the scriptures: and thai he was
buried, and thai he rose again the third day, according to
the scriptures: and that he was seen by Cephas; and
after that by the eleven. Then was he seen by more
than five hundred brethren at once: of whom many
remain until this present, and some are fallen asleep.
After that, he was seen by James, then by all the
apostles. And last of all, he was seen also by me, as
by one bom out of due time" (xv, 1-8). "Have not
I seen Christ Jesus our Lord?" (ix, 1). "And if
C^irist be not risen again, then is <Dur preaching vain,
and your faith is also vain" (xv, 14). "But now
C!hrist is risen from the dead, the fixstfruits of them
that sleep" (xv, 20— cf. vi, 14). (4) "Waiting for
the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ" (i, 7). "That
the spirit may be saved in the day of our Lord Jesus
CHirist" (v^ 5). ''He that judgeth me is the Lord.
Therefore judge not before the time; until the Lord
come, who bom will bring to lidit the hidden things of
darkness, and will make manifest the counsels of the
hearts; and then shall every man have praise from
God" (iv, 4, 5).— The Holy Ghost. "Now there are
diversities of graces, but the same Spirit; and there
are divensities of ministries, but the same Lord; and
tiiere are diversities of operations, but the same God"
(xii, 4-6). "But to us God hath revealed them, by
his Spirit. The Spirit searcheth all thingSy yea, the
OOBXMTHUJIS
367
COBIMTHIAirS
deep things of God. . . . the thingB.that are of God
no man knoweth, but the Spirit of God" (ii, 10, 11 —
cf. d, 12-14, 16). ''Know you not, that you are the
temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in
your' (iii, 16). ''But you are washed, but you are
sanetified ... in the name of our Lord Jesua Christ,
and the Spirit of our God" (vi, 11). ''Or know you
not, that your members are the temple of the Holy
Ghost, who is in you, whom you have from God; and
you are not your own? . . . Glorify and bear God in
your body" (vi, 19, 20). "But aU these things one
and the same Spirit worketh, dividing to every one
according as he will" (xii, 11). "For in one Spirit
were we all baptised unto one body" (xii, 13). "Yet
by the Spirit he speaketh mysteries" (xiv, 2). — The
aoty CatKoUe Church. "The head of every man
is Ouiat" (xi, Z).—UnUy. "Is Christ divided?"
(i, 13). "Now I beseech you, brethren, by the name
of our Lord Jesus Christ, uiat you all speak the same
thing, and that there be no schisms amonf; you; but
that you be perfect in the same mind, and m the same
judgment" (i, 10). He devotes four chapters to the
reprehension of their divisions, which did not really
amount to anything constituting formal schism or
heresy. They met in common for prayer and the partici-
pation of the Blessed Eucharist. " Know you not that
Sou [the Christian body] are the temple of God . . .
ut ii any man violate the temple of God fby pulling it
to pieces], him shall God destroy. For the temple of
God is holy, which you are ' ' (iii, 16, 17) . " For as the
body is one, and hath many members, and all the
membeiB of the body, whereas they are many, yet are
one body, so also is Christ. For in one Spirit were we
all baptised into one body, whether Jews or Gentiles,
whether bond or free " (xii. 12, 13). [Here follows the
allegory of the bodv and its members, xii, 14-25.1
**Now you are the body of Christ, and members of
member" (xii, 27). "And God hath set some in the
church; first apostles, secondly prophets . . . Are
all apostles?" (xu, 28-31). "For God is not the God
of dissension, but of peace: as also I teach in all the
Churches of the saints" (xiv, 33). "I have sent you
Timothy, who is my dearest son lEuid faithful in the
Xx>rd, who will put you in mind of my ways, which are
in Christ Jesus: as I teach everywhere in every
church" (iv, 17). "But if any man seem to be con-
tentious, we have no such custom, nor the church of
God" (xi, 16). "The gospel which I preached to you
and wherein you stand; by which also you are
1 saved, if you hold fast after the manner I
led unto you, unless you have believed in vain"
,xv, 1-2). "For whether I, or they [The Twelve
Apostles], so we preach, and so you have believed"
(xv, 11). "The churches of Asia salute you"
(xvi, 19).— OW Testament Types. "Now all these
things happened to them in figure: and they are
written for our correction" (x, 11). — AvinorUy.
" What will you? shall I come to you with a rod ; or m
charity, and in the spirit of meekness?" (iv, 21).
"Now concerning the collections. . . . as I have given
order to the churches of Galatia, so do ye sJso" (xvi,
1). — Power of excommunication. "I ind^od, absent
in body, but present in spirit, have alr^uiy jud^, as
though I were present, him that hath so done. In the
name of our Lord Jesus Christ, you being gathered to-
S ether, and my spirit, with the power of our Lord
esus Christ, to deliver such a one to Satan for the
destruction of the flesh, that the spirit miw be saved "
(v, 3-6). — Jews and pagans exempt from Churches jtir-
isdiction. " For what have I to do to judge them that
are without . , . For them that are without, God will
judge" (V, 12, l3).Sanctitu. "For the temple of
God; is holy, which you are'* (iii, 17). "Know you
not that your bodies are the members of Christ"
(vi, 15). ^* Your members are the temple of the Hohr
Ghost . . . Glorify and bear God in your body"
(vi, 19, 20— cf. vi, 11, etc.).— Gracs. "God \a faith-
Z
f ul, who will not 8u£fer you to be tempted above that
which you are able, but will make also with tempta-
ti(m issue, that you may be able to bear it" (x, 13).
"Grace be to you • • . " (i. 3). "But by the grace
of God, I am what I am: and his grace in me hath not
been void, but I have laboured more abundantly than
all they: yet not I, but the grace of God with me"
(xv, 10). — Virtuous life necessary for salvation,
"ELnow you not that the unjust shall not possess the
kinfldom of Ckxi? Do not err: neither fornicators, nor
idolatera, nor adulterers, nor the effeminate . . . nor
thieves, nor oovetous, nor drunkards, . . . shall pos-
sess the kingdom of Ckxi" (vi, 9, 10). This^ like a
dominant note, rings clear throu^ all the Epistles of
St. Paul as in the teaching of his Divine Msster. " But
I chastise my bodv, and orins it into subjection: lest
perhaps when I have preached to others, I myself
should become a castaway" (ix, 27). " Wherefore he
that thinketh himself to stand, let him take heed lest
he fall " (x, 12). " Therefore, my beloved brethren, be
ye steadfast and unmoveable ; always abounding in the
work of the Lord, knowing that your labour is not in
vain in the Lord " (xv, 68). " Watch ye, stand fast in
the faith, do manfully, and be strengthened " (xvi, 13).
"Do all to the rfoiy of God" (x, 31). "Be without
offence to the Jews, and to the Gentiles, and to the
chuiY^ of God " (x, 32). " Be ye followers of me as I
am of Christ" (xi, 1). — Resurrection of the body and
life everlasting. "For God hath raised up the Lord,
and he will raise us up also by his power" (vi, 14).
"And as in Adam all die, so also in Christ all shall be
made alite. " "For star differeth from star in gloiy.
So also is the resurrection of the dead. It is sown m
corruption, it shall rise in incomiption. It is sown in
dishonour, it shall rise in ^ory. " " Behold, I tell you
a mystery. We shall all indeed rise again." "In a
moment, in the twinkling of an eve, at the last trum-
pet: for the trumpet shSU sound, and the dead shall
rise again incorruptible." (See all of eh. xv.) "We
see now throu^ a glass in a dark manner * but then
face to face. Now 1 know in part; but then I shall
know even as I am known" (xiii, 12). — Baptism,
" Were you baptised in the name of Paul?" (i, 13). " I
bapti»9d also the household of Stephanus" (i» 16).
"For in one Spirit were we all baptized into one body "
(xii, 13). "But you are washed [i.'w^KiaOcMBt]^ but you
are sanctified, but you are justified in the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and the Spirit of our God" (vi, 11).
— Eucharist. "Tne chalice of benediction, whic^ we
bless, is it not the communion of the blood of Christ?
And the bread, which we break, is it not the partakine
of the body of the Lord? . . . But the things which
the heathens sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils. . • . You
cannot drink the chalice of the Lord and the chalice of
devils" (x, lfi-21). "For I have received of the Lord
that which also I delivered unto you, that the Lord
Jesus, the same night in which he was betrayed, took
bread, and giving thanks, said: Take ye, and eat:
this is my body ... In like manner also the chalice,
etc. . . . Therefore whosoever shall eat this bread, or
dxink the chalice of the Lord unworthily, shall be
nulty of the body and of the blood of the Lord. . . .
For ne that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth
and drinketh judgment to himself, not discerning the
body of the Lord" (xi, 23-29). On the words of con-
secration see the two able articles by Dr. A. R. Eaear
in "The Expositor", March and April, 1908.— Afar-
riage. Its use. Marriage good, but celibacy better.
— ^The marriage of divorrod persons forbidden. —
Second marriage allowed to Christians; but single
state preferable for those who have the gift from God.
(vii, 1^.) Pauline Dispeiusation: a Christian is not
bound to remain single u his pagan partner is unwill-
ing to Kve with him (vii, 12-15). — Virginity, It is not
wrong to many; but preferable to remain sinp;le —
fit Paul's example—" He that giveth his virgin in
marriage doth well; and he that giveth her not doth
OORtNTfilMVS
368
dbBIHTBIAlIni
better." (vii, 25-40.) — Principles of moral theology.
In ch. vii and following chapters St. Paul solves sev-
eral difficult cases of conscience, some of them of a
very delicate nature, falling under what we should
now call the tractatus de sexto (sc. prceeepto decalogi).
He would, doubtless, have preferred to be free from
the necessity of having to enter into such disagreeable
subjects; but as the welfare of souls required it, he
felt it incumbent upon him, as part of ms Apostolic
office, to deal witi^ the matter. It is in the same
spirit that pastors of souls have acted ever since. If
so many difficulties arose in a few years in one town, it
was inevitable that numerous complicated cases
should occur in the course of centuries amongist peo-
ples belonging to every decree of barbarism and civil-
ization; and to tiiese questions the Church was rightly
expected to give a helpful answer; hence the growth
of moral theolo^.
The Second Epistle was written a few months
after the First, in which St. Paul had stated that he
intended to go round by Macedonia. He set out on
this journey sooner than he had anticipated, on ac-
count of the disturbance at Ephesus caused by Deme-
trius and the votaries of Diana of the Ephesians. He '
travelled northwards as far as Troas, and after waiting
some time for Titus, whom he expected to meet on hfi
way back from Corinth, whither he had carried the
First Epistle, he set sail for Macedonia and went on to
Philippi. Here he met Titus and Timothy. The
news tnat Titus brought him from Corinth was for the
most part of a cheering character. The grq^t major-
ity were loyal to their Apostle. They were sorry for
their faults: they had obeyed his injunctions regard-
ing the public sinner, and flie man himself had deeply
repented. We hear no more of the parties of Paul,
Apollo, and Cephas, though the letter appears to coh-
tam one reference to the fourth party. His friends,
who had expected a visit from himself, were deeply
grieved at his not coming as he had promised ; a lew
who were his enemies, probably judaizers, sought to
take advantage of this to undermine his authonty by
discovering in this a clear proof of fickleness of mind
and instability of purpose; they said that his unwill-
ingness to receive support betrayed want of affection;
that he used threatenmg language when at a safe dis-
tance, but was in fact a coward who was mild and con-
ciliating when present; that they were foolish to let
themselves be led by one who made the rather enor-
mous pretension to tie an Apostle of Christ, when he was
nothing of the kind, and was in reality, both naturally
and supematurally, inferior to men tney could name.
This news filled the soul of St. Paul with the deepest
emotion. He purposely delayed in Macedonia, and
sent them this Epistle to prepare them better for his
coming and to counteract the evil influence of his op-
ponents. It was sent by Titus and two others, one of
whom, it is almost certain, was St. Luke. The cir-
cumstances under which the Epistle was written can
be best gathered from the text itself. We can easily
imagine the effect produced when it was read for the
first time to the assembled Christians at Corinth, by
Titus, or in the sonorous tones of the Evangelist St.
Luke. The news that their great Apostle had sent
them another letter rapidly spread through the dty;
the previous one had been sucn a masterly production
that all were eager to listen to this. The great bulk of
the expectant congregation were his enthusiastic ad-
mirers, but a few came to criticize, especially one man,
a Jew, who had recently arrived with lettere of rec6m-
mendation, and was endeavouring to supplant St.
Paul. He said he was an Apostle (not one of The
Twelve, but of the kind mentioned in the Didache).
He was a man of dignified presence, as he spoke sli^t-
ingly of St. Paul's insignificant appearance. He was
6kuled in philosophy and polished in speech, and he
insinuated that St. Paul was wanting in both. He
Imew nttle or nothbg of St. Plaul except by hearsayv
as he accused him of want of determination, of cow-
ardice, and unworthy motives, things bdied by every
fact of St. Paul's history, llie latter miciit t^ii^
others by letters, btit he would not frighten ninL This
man comes to ihe assembly expectins to be attacked
and prepared to attack in turn. As t£e letter is being
read, ever and anon small dark clouds appear on the
horizon; but when, in the second part, the Epistle baa
quieted down into a calm exiiortation to almsgiving,
this man is congratulating himself on his easy e9ci^>e,
and is already, picking holes in what he has heara.
Then, suddemy, as upon the anny of Sisara, the
storm breaks upon him; lig^tninss strike, thunder
upbraids. He is beaten down by the deluge, and his
influence is swept out of existence by the irresistible
torrent. At any rate, he is never h^ard of again.
These two Epistles as effectively destroyed St. Paul's
opponents at Corinth, as the Epistle to the Galatians
annihilated the judaizers in Asia Minor.
StyU. — ^This Epistle, thou^ not written with the
same degree of care and polish as the First, is more
varied and spontaneous in style. Erasmus says that
it would take all the ingenuity of a skilled rhetorician
to explain the multitude of its strophes and fi^^ures.
It was written with great emotion and intenaity of
feeling, and some of its sudden outbursts reach the
highest levels of eloquence. It gives a deeper insight
than any other of his writings into the character and
personal history of St. Paul. With Comely, we may
call it his *' Apologia pro VitA Sud", a fact which makes
it one of the most interesting of the writings of the
New Testament. Erasmus described it as follows:
"Now it bubbles up as a limpid fountain; soon it
rushes down as 4 roaring torrent carrying all before it;
then it flows peacefully 'and gently along. Now it
widens out as into a broad and tran()uil lake. Yonder
it jgets lost to view, and suddenly reappears in quite a
different direction, when it is seen meandering and
winding along, now deflecting to the right, now to the
left; then making a wider loop and occasionally
doubling back upon itself."
Divisions of the Epistle. — It consists of three parts.
In the first of these {chapters i to vii, incl), after (1)
introduction, (2) the Apostle shows that his change of
plan is not due to lightness of purpose but for the good
of the people, and nis teaching not mutable; (3) he
did not wisn to come again in sorrow. The repentant
sinner, the cause of his sorrow, to be now reconciled.
(4) His great affection for them. (5) He does not re-
quire, like others, letters of recommendation. They,
as Christians, are his commendatory letters. (6) He
writes with authority, not on account of arrogance,
but because of the greatness of the ministry with
which he was entrusted, as compared with the minis-
try of Moses. Those who refuse to listen have the
veil over their hearts, like the carnal Jews. (7) Ho
endeavours to please Christ Who showed His love by
dying for all, and will reward His servants. (8) Mov-
ingexhortation.
The second part (chapters viii and ix) relates to the
collections for the poor Christians at Jerusalem. (1)
He praises the Macedonians for their ready generosity in
givmg out of their poverty. He exhorts the Corinthians
to follow their example in imitatipn of Christ Who,
beirvg rich, became poor for our sakes. (2) He sends
Titus and two others to make the collections and to
remove all grounds of calumny that he was enriching
himself. (3) He has boasted of them in Macedonia
that they began before others. (4J A man shall reap
in proportion as he sows. God loves the cheerfid
giver and is able to repay. Giving not only relieves
the poor brethren but causes thanksgiving to God
and prayers for benefactors.
The tliM part (last four chapters) is directed against
the pseudo- Apostles. (1) He is bold towards some
who think he acts from woridly motives. He has
powered arms from God for humbling such and pan-
OORHnnBIANS
CX)ItDRm4N8
Ishiiig their disofoedienco. Some say he tenifieft by
iettcn which ''are wd^ty and stioog; but iiis bodily
presence is weak, andms speech contemptible". Lrt
such a one understand that such as he is m his Epistle,
80 will he be when presrat. (2) He will not pretend, as
they do, to be greater than he is, nor will he exalt him-
self by other men's labours. (3) He asks pardon for
talking like a worldly-minded man. It is to counteract
the influence df the pseudo-Apostles. He jealously
guards the Corinthians lest they be deceived as Eve
was by the serpent. (4) If the new-comers brought
them anythii]^ better in the way of rdigion, he ocmld
- understand their submission to their dictatonhip.
(5) He is not inferior to those superlative Apostles.
If his speech is mde, his knowled|;e is not. He hum-
bled himself amon^ ^^% ^^ ^^ ^^^ exact support
in order to gain them. Tne false Apostles profess a
like disinterestedness; but they are deceitful work-
men transforming themselves into Apostles of Jesus
Christ. And no wonder: for Satan transformed him-
self into an ansel of light, and they imitate their mas-
ter. Th^ nu3ce f abe insinuations against the Apos-
tle. (6) He, too, will glory a little (speaking like a
foolish worldly person, in order to confound them).
The^ boast of natural advantages. He is not inferior
to them in any; but he far surpasses them in his suf-
feringB for the propagation of the Oespel, in his super-
natural gifts, ana in the miraculous proofs of his
Aposileship at Oorinrth, ''in all patience, in signs, and
wondeiB, and mighty deeds". Ilie Corinthians have
all that other Churches bad except the burden of his
support. He asks them to pardon him that injury.
Neither he nor Titus nor any oliier of his friends over-
reached them. He writes thus lest he should come
again in sorrow. He threat^is the unrepentant.
Unih^ of the Second EpisUe.-^WhiiBi the Pauline
authonuiip is universally acknowledged, the same
eannot be said for its unity. Some critics hold that it
consists of two Epistles, or portions of Epistles, by
»St. Paul; that the first nine chapters b^ong to one
Epistle, and the last four to another. As these two
sections are held to have been written by St. Paul,
there appears to be nothing in this view that can be
said to be in opposition to the Catholic doctrine of
inspiration. But the hypothesis is very far from
being proved. Nay more, on account of the argu-
ments that can be alleged against it, it can scarcely be
regarded as probable. The principal objection a^&st
the imity of the Epistle is the difference of tone m the
two sections. This is well stated and answered l^tbe
Catholic scholar Hug ("Introduction", tr. by Wait,
London, 1827, p. 392): "It is moreover objected how
difTerent is ^e tone of the first part, mild, amiable,
affectionate, whereas the third part is severe, vehe-
ment, and irrespectively castigatory. But who on
this account would divide Demosthenes' oration De
Ccrand into two parts, because in the more general
defence placidity and circumspection predcniinate
while on the ot^er hand, in abashing and chastizing
the accuser, in the paralld between him and iEschines,
words of bitter irony gush out impetuously and fall
like rain in a storm.'' Tim argument is referred to
with approval by Meyer, Comely, flnd Jacquier.
Others nave explained the difference of tone by sup-
posing that when the first nine chapters were finished
fresh news of a disagreeable kind arrived from Cor-
inth, and that this leid St. Paul to add the last four
chapters. In the same way the parenthetical section
(vi, 14, vii, 2), which seems to have been inserted as an
afterthou^t, can be explained. It was added, ac-
cording to Bernard, to prevent a misconception of
the expression used in vi, 11, 13, "our heart is en-
larged ... be you ako enlarged", which in the O. T.
had the bad meaning of being too free with infidels.
Bt. Paul's manner of writing has also to be taken into
account. In this, as in his other Epistles, he speaks
as a preacher who now addresses one portion of his
IV.— 24
eongregation, now another, as if they were the only
persons present, and that without £Bar ci being mia*
imderstood* Dr. Bemaid thinks that the difference
of tone can be sufficiently accounted for on the eup-
posttkin that the letter was written at different mt-
tingB, and that the writer was in a different mood ow-
ing to ill-health or other drcumstanoes. Ihe other
obiections brou^t against the unity of the Epistle are
ably refuted by the same author, whose argument may
be briefly summarized as fdllows: The last section, it
is said, begins veiy abruptly, and is loosely cozmeeted
with the previous on^ by tibe particle B4, But there
are several other inatanoes in the Epistles of St. Paul
where transition is made in pirecisdy the same way.
In the last part, it is objected, people in open rebellion
are denounoed, wheireas that is not the case in the firart
p»ortion. Still, there is clear reference in the first sec-
tion to persons who accused him of behig fickle, arro-
gant, brave at a distance, etc* One of the strongest
aiguinenta agamst thet integrity is that there are sev-
eru verses in thefisst nine ooapteis which seem to
presuppose an ecpial number o£ passages in the second,
and me eontentaion is that the last section is a portion
of an eariier Epistle. But on closer examination of
each passage this connexion is seen to be only appar-
ent. On the otiter hand, there are at least as maoiy
passages in the last part which clearly and unmistak-
a^y look back to and presuppose verses in the first.
It is remarkable, moreover, tnot the cocdy extant fratf-
mentaof the supposed two Epfistles should fit so weU.
It has also been uige^ that Uie First Epistle is not
''painful" enough to account for statements in the
Second. But a close etamination of i, 11, 14; ii, 6;
iii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 18; iv, 8, 9, IQ, 18, 19; v, ete., of the
First Epistle, will show that this' objeotioffi isquite un-
founded. The linguistic unity between the two por-
tions of the Epistle is very great ; and many examples
can be given to show that t& two sections were always
integral portuMos of one whole. The evidence afforded
by early manuscripts, translations, and quotations
points strongly in the same direction.
Organizatiow of Tite Church at Corinth as Ex-
HiBrrED IN THE Two EpisTLEB. — ^Thcreis nothing in
either Epistle which enables us to sav what was the
grecise nature of the organization of the Church at
brinth. In I Cor., xU, 28, we read: "And God in-
deed hath set some in the church ; first apostles,, sec-
ondly prophets, thirdly doctore; iifter that [the gift of]
miracles; then the graces [charismata] of hc^ingfs,
hdpB, governments [or wise counsels], kinds of tongues,
interpretations of 8pee<ihes: Are all apostles? » . . Are
all workers of miracles T Have all tpe grace of heal-
ing?" From the whole context it is clear that this
passageis nothing else than an enumeration of extraor-
dinary gifts, and that it has no bearing whatsoever
on chumi government. The word apoelJk iB:prob^bly
used here in its broad- sense, not as mea*ning we Apos-
tles of Jesus Christ) but the apostles of the Church. ' If
it is meant to include the former, then the reference is
not to their ruling power, but to their supernatural
«ft8, upon which the who^ argument turns. St.
jPaul thanked God that hei spoke with all their tongues.
Bartiabas is called an apostle (Acts, xiv, 4v 13). In
II Cor., viii, 23, St. Paul calls his messengers " the apos-
tles of the churches". (Compare Rom., xvi, 7 ; Apoc,
ii, 2.) The Didache, or ''Teaching of the Twelve
Apostles'^ whidi is probably awork of the first cen-
tury, has the statement that if an apostle remains till
the third dav claiming support, he is to be regarded as
a false prophet. It also says that every true teacher
and true prophet is worthy of his support; and it
gives one of the rules for detecting a false prophet.
^Prophets and doctors" are referred to in Acts, ziii,
1. It is extremely probable that St. Paul had organ-
ised the Church at Corinth during his long stay there
as carefully as he had previously - done in Galatia .
(''and when they had ordained to them priests in
ooiamuB
370
evenr church" — ^Acts, ziv, 22) and in Ephesus
V* wherein the Holy Ghost hath placed you bimops''
— Acta^ zx, 7, 28). We have these statements on the
authority of the author of the Acts, now admitted,
even by Hamack, to be St. Luke, the companion of
the Apostle. St. Paul had spent six or eig^t times as
long at Corinth as he had at Philippi, yet we find him
writing to the latterplaoe: ''Paul and Timo^ . . .
to all the saints in Uirist Jesus, who are at Philippi,
with the bishops and deacons" (Phil., i, 1 — cf. I
Thess., V, 12). Tlie principal office of the biidiops and
deacons was, accordmg to the Didache, to consecrate
the Blessed Eucharist. It is only by accident, as it
were, on accoimt of abuses, that St. Paul speaks, in
the First Epistle, of the form of consecration used at
Corinth, and which is substantiallv the same as that
given in the Gospels. Had the abuses not arisen, it
seems dear that he would not have referred to the
Eucharist. He says nothing of it in the Second Epis-
tle. In that case there would not be wanting those
who would have loudly asserted that the Corinthians
''knew nothing of it", and, by implication, that the
Apostle's mindhad not yet developed to that extent.
But as he speiJcs so clearly we may take it as certain,
too, that the ministers of we ESucharist were the same
as in other places. There is no evidence that it was
ever consecrated without a biriiop or priest. These,
with the deacons, were the regular mmisters in each
place, under the immediate jurisdiction of the Apos-
tles of Jesus Christ. From al( this we may conclude
that the Chureh in Achaia was as regularly oiganized
as the earlier Churches of Galatia, Ephesus, and the
neighbouring Province of Macedonia, or as in t^e
Chureh of (Sete (Tit, i, 6). There were '^bishops"
(which word certainly meant priests and perhaps also
our modem bishops) and deacons. Later on, Tim-
othy, and Titus, and others were appointed over these
''bishops'', priests, and deacons, ana were monarchical
bishops in tne modem sense of the word. Other such
bishops succeeded the Apostles. (See Bishop.)
The usual IrUroduclion$t mioh aa Gornklt. jAcquiBft. Salmon,
Bblsbr, Zarn; Bebnakd, Second Corintkiana in Expontor'a
Greek Teatament (London, 1903): Findlat, Firat BpiatU to the
Corinthiana in Bxp. Gr. Tea. (London, 1900); Rickabt, Ro-
moM^ CoHnthiana, OalaUana (London, 1898); Kbnnctt. Sec-
ond and Third Corinthiana jhondon, 1900): Alford. The Greek
Teal. (London. 1855). II; Robkrtson in HAanNoa. Did. of the
BibU; lives of St. Paul by Farrar, 0>ntbearb and now-
BON, Lewin, Fouard; M6Eytllt, An Expoeiiion ^ tiha EpiaAm
of St. Pend (3rd ed., Dublin, 1875); 0>bnbly, Cammentariua
(Paris, 1890). See also the commentaries of Estiub. Bibpino.
Maxbr, Loch, Rbxbchl, Dracr, ^teenkibtb. The critical
oommentary of ScmciBDEL, Die Briefe an die Korinther in
Hand Kommentar (Leipsig» 1893); LioirmoT. Biblical Eaaaye,
Nota on Bpiatlea of St. Paul (notes on seven chapters of First
Cor. — London. 1895); Robertson, Corinthiana m The Inter-
national CriHoal Commentary (Cambridffe, 1906).
C. Ahbbnb.
Oorioli8» QASPARD-GnsTAVB T>B, French mathema-
tician, b. at Paris, in 1792; d. in the same dty, 1843.
He entered the Eoole Polytechnique in 1808, and later .
continued his studies at the Eoole dee Fonts et Ghaus-
s^ Though determined to become an engineer, he
did not enter upon the practice of his profession, but
became insteaa, in the year 1816, a tutor in mathe-
matical analysis and meohanios at the Ecole Ptty-
teohnicjue. In 1838 he succeeded Dulong as director
of studies in the same school. He became a member
of the Acaddmie des Sciences in 1836. CorioUs was
a man of much abilit^r, but his deHoate health pre-
vented him from doing justice to his powers. He was
a successful educator and together with Gen. Fonoe-
let was one of the pioneers of reform in the methods
of teaching mechanics. While enga^ in teaching,
he at the same time carried on his researches in
theoretical and applied mechanics. • The theorem
enunciated by him r^arding relative motions has
found numerous applications, particularly in the case
of motions taking place <m the surface of the earth:
as, for example, the deviation towards the east of
falling bodies, the apparent i'otaUon of the plane of
^vibration of a peodulum, etc. Coriolis was the author
of "Calcul de Teffet des machines'' (1829), which wis
reprinted in 1844 with the title ''Traits de la m^cam-
que des corps solides", and of "Throne math^-
matiaue du leu de billard" (1835). He also fiub-
lishea a number of articles, notably in the " Diction-
naire de Tindustrie ".
HkBn, Hiai, dm acieneea math, el phtf. (Fitfis. 1888), ZU.
190.
Henrt M. Bbock.
Oork (Cobcagia), Diocxsb of (CoBCAOiBifBiB), in
Ireland, suffragan of Cashel. St. Finbarr was the
founder and firat bishop of this see. He was bom
about the middle of the sixth century at RathcuUeen,
six miles north of Bandon, and educated in Leinster.
Having scent some time on "a green island" in
Gougane Barra, he founded a monastery and a school
at Lough EHrc, the name given to the mushy expan-
sion of the river Lee, on which the oit^ is built, and
from which both city and diocese derive the name
Cork (eoratffhy '^ marsh")- This monastery seems to
have been erected on the elevated plateau to the
south of the city, now known as the llock, close by
the pakce of the Protestant bishop. Soon many
students flocked thither from various parts. Tb^
and those interested in them rapidly took possession
of the large island in the marsh beneath, iMiilt on it.
and so gave' birth to a city which now numbers over
70,000 inhabitants, and is the residence of the saint's
episcopal successor.
The limits of the territory over which St. Finbarr
ruled cannot be accurately defined to-day. A fact,
however, not generalhr recognised by historians en-
ables us to conclude tnat the boundaries were suffi-
ciently clear even in the most ancient times. Finbarr 's
father was chief metal-worker to Tighemeach, chief
of Ui Eachach Mumhan. As the saint advanced in
years he was venerated as a patron by the entire
sept, and so obtained spiritual jurisdiction over their
wide territories. The eastern and western limite were
respectively Cork and Missen Head, and there are
argumente to show that the northern and southern
were the Avonmore (Blackwater) and the ocean. In
the Synod of Rathbreasail (U 10) these are also named
as the limits of the Diocese of Cork, whence it would
appear that the sept lands and the diocese were coter-
minous, as was the case with St. Faughnan's Diocese
of Ross, which coincides with the lands of the O'Dris-
colis; and that of St. Munohin, Limerick, with those
of Ui Ftghente, in later times O'Donovans. At some
period alter the twelfth century part of the territory
between the Lee and Blackwater to the north was
detached in favour of the neighbouring Diocese of
Cloyne; the land of the O'Driscolls had been already
erected into the Diocese of Ross; and to-day Cork is
approximately bounded on the north by the d^ and
suburbs, and the River Lee as far as Ctougane Barra,
on the east by Cork Harbour, on the south by the
Diocese of Ross and the ocean, and on the west by
Bantry Bay.
The church and monastery founded by St. Finbarr
were naturally the centre of the diocese till the six-
teenth century. For many years the successor to the
first abbot was also bishoo of the diocese. Other
churches and monasteries, nowever, grew up in the
city itself and in the territories over which he ruled.
In a document dated 1199, in which Innocent III con-
firms to the Bishop of Cork his various privfleges,
mention is made of eight churches in the city, the
first being Sancta Maria in Monte, doubtless St.
Mary's, Shandon, close by which stands the Catholio
cathedral of to-day. Two centuries later (1309), in
the will of John de Wychedon, we find the names of
no fewer than fifteen ehurdies, all in the city, four of
them bearing names such as *' Lepers of Dilbv'\
'' Lepers of Gienamore"; but a hundred years axtei
371
00B&
tibis (1402), in a charter of Edward IV, we find only
eleven churohes mentioned. Of the churches in coun-
try districta during this long period we have no
definite account. The Cannelitee were introduced
into Kinsale in 1334 by Bobert Bahrain; much earlier,
in the seventh century, we find mention of Saint
Gobban, abbot of a monastery of regular canons in
the same town. In Bantry Dermot CrSullivan Beare
built a convent for Fiandscans about 1463, and
McCarthy Lauder had done likewise at Bal vmacadane
on the Mndon Road in 1460. Tracton Abbey, two
miles west from Carrigaline, was begun in 1224, and
- the great monasterv of Kilcrea, five miles west of
Ck>rk, was founded bv MacCarthv Mor in 1466, who
is interred in the miadle of the choir.
At the Reformation, when Bishop Bennett was de-
prived of the temporalities of the see (1535), such of
the churches as remained passed into Protestant
hands. Among others the old church of St. Finbarr,
called Gill Abbey, after a famous bishop of the
twelfth century (1152-72), seems to have remained
in some form till 1725. At that date it was removed
to make room for a more modem building, which in
turn has been succeeded by the present Protestant
cathedral. After the Sequestration the Catholics had
perforce to rest contented with very himible " Massr
houses ", as contemporary acooimts describe them. In
the reports given by government officials in 1731 we
find many of them put down as huts; and the addi-
tion ''built since Georse the 1st" applied to the
names- of many more. The existing churches of the
diocese have been erected in recent years on, or near,
the sites of these last monuments of persecution. In
the five parishes into which the citv is divided there
are thirteen public churches, besides private orato-
ries and chapels attached to institutions. In each of
the thirty parishes in country districts there are one,
two, or three churdhes, according to the population,
all of recent erection, and built in a manner that befits
the great mvsteries thev enclose. Of the citv. par-
ishes two — ^that called the North, or St. Mary s, and
that of Sts. Peter and Paul — are held by the bishop.
In the former stands the pro-cathedral, beguil by Dr.
Moylan in 1729, a red sanastonc structure, overlooked
by a magnificent tower of the same material, due to
the energy of a well-known Cork priest.
The lists of successors to St. Finbarr in the bishop-
ric vary considerably with the different authorities.
The present (1908) occupant of the see is described as
the §9th, or the 105th, from the first bishop. The
latter number seems to be the more correct, though
somewhat too large. Two have been raised to the
altars of the Church — St. Nessan and Blessed Thad-
deus McCarthy. The veneration of the former dates
from ancient tunes, that of the latter from 1492, when
he died a pilgrim at Ivrea in Piedmont, Italy. First
appointed Bishop of Ross, and expelled therefrom on
a raise charge, he was nominated to the imited Dio-
ceses of Cork and Cloyne. Unable to occupy the see
owing to the opposition of the Geraldines, etc., he
journeyed to Rome, won his cause, but died amid
wonderful evidences of sanctity on the i^tum journey.
The decree of his beatification was published in 1895.
Giolla Aedh O'Muighin (11 52-72) was a famous bishop.
He practically refounded the old monastery of St.
Finbarr; like his great predecessor he belonged to a
Connacht clan. The Four Masters speak of him as
"the tower of the virginity and wisdom of the time''.
Three centuries after his death (1430), at the in-
stance of the Bishop of Cloyne, the two Dioceses of
Cork and Cloyne were united, and remained thus for
three hundred years (1747). During the seventeenth
oentury the united bishoprics were more than onse
governed by vicars apostolic. This occurred in 1614-
22, and a^^ain in 1666-76. During the same period
Catholic citizens of Cork were more than once expelled
tor their religion; frequently the Catholics of the
province were forbidden to live in walled towns or
fortified places (1644, 56, 72). In 1693, on the repre-
sentation of King James, the administration of Ross
was given to the reigning Bishop Sleyne. It se^ns
to have remained in uie hands of his successors until
1747, when it passed into the jurisdiction of the
newly enfranchised Bishopric of St. Cohnan.
The Diocese of Cork Dossessed a chapter, with
twelve prebendaries ana the usual dignitaries.
Though re-established by Dr. Delaney in 1858-59, it
dates from the twelfth century; naturally it ceased
to exist during the years of persecution. The relig-
ious orders and congregations in the diocese are ei^t
in number: Augustimans (second foundation, Ked
Abbev, in fifteenth century) ; Dominicans (&«t
foundation Abbey of the Island, 1229) ; Friars Minor
(first foundation near Wise's HUl, 1214); Carmelites
(Kinsale); Franciscan Capuchins; Vincentians; Fath-
ers of Charity; Society of African Missions, the last
four being quite modern foundations. There are in
addition two teaching orders of men, the Christian and
Presentation Brothers, besides 1 1 communities of nuns ;
the latter are : Presentation (4 houses), Ursullnes (2
houses), Sisters of Mercy (4 houses), Sisters of Chari^
(4 houses). Good Shepherd (1 house), French Sisters of
Charity (2 houses), Sisters of Marie RSparatrice (1
house), Bon Secours (1 house). Sisters of the Poor (1
house), Sisters of the Assumption (1 house), the last
nursing the poor in their own homes.
At tne census of 1891 the Catholic population of
the diocese numbered 178,461. They are attended
by one bishop and 114 priests, who administer 35
parishes, of which 5 are in the city. Kilcrea Abbey
and Gougane Barra are the best preserved among the
early monuments of the diocese. A ^eat part of the
former still stands. The latter is an islana on which
are the ruins of a square court, with walls fourteen
feet thick, in which are ei^t cells or cloisters rudely
arched over. Each of the cells is ten feet deep by
seven broad, and the court fifty feet sauare. It was
here that St. Finbarr prepared himself oy prayer and
seclusion in the lonely shadows of the mountains that
surround the lake for the great work of founding a
city and a diocese.
Braot, Epiaeopal Sitcoeaaion in England^ Ireland, and Scot*
land (Rome, 1876), II, 78-98; Arehaolooical Journal (Cork),
paasim; Smzth. Cork (1750, new ed. 1815), with Note$ by
Cbokea and Caulrku) (Cork. 1893); Tuokkt, Cork Remem-
Itrancea (Cork, 1837): Lynch, CanUn-enaia Everaua (1662),
paasini; O'Donovan (ed.). AnnaU of the Four MaaterSt paBsim;
CuBACK. Hittory of the City and County (DubUn, 1876); Gib-
son, Htat, of the County and City of Cork (London, 1861).
P. Sexton.
Gorki School of. — ^The monastic School of Cork
had a wide reputation, especially in the seventh and
eighth centuries. The name is derived from the Irish
corcagh, which means a marsh, for in ancient times the
floods of the River Lee covered the low ground on
which most of the present city of Cork was afterwards
built. The founder of the School and Diocese of Cork
was Barra or Bairre (Barry), more conunonly called
Finbarr the Fair-haired. His family belonged to the
Hy Brinin Ratha, a tribe that dwelt on the eastern
shore of Lough Corrib, in the County Galway; but
his father, a skilful cerdf or certified worker in brass,
was forced to migrate to Hy Liathain, in the west of
the Coimty Cork, where the saint was bom idix>ut the
middle of the sixth century. His chief teacher was a
certain MacCuirp, or Curporius, who himself, it is
said, had been a student under St. Gregory the Great
in Rome. To perfect himself in the science of the
saints, Barra retired to a hermitage in a small island
of the lonely lake which still bears iiis name^ Gougane
Barra. Callanan's splendid poem in praise of the
romantic beauty of this lake has made its name
familiar to all Irbhmen. From Gougane Barra, it
would appear, Barra returned to his native territory,
where he founded some dozen churches before he
CORKER
372
OORKIR
finally established himself near the marsh of Lough
Eire (Eirce), which appears to have been the original
name of the place. There he founded a monastic
school about 620, which in a short time attracted a
multitude of students and produced many great
scholars. The Irish " Life
of Finbarr" gives the
names of a dozen of these
holy and learned men, who
in turn became founders
of churches and schools
in the South of Ireland.
The most distinguished of
them was St. Colman Mac
Ua Cluasaigh, Ferlegind or
professor in the School of
Cork about the year 664.
At that time all Ireland
was devastated by a terri-
ble yellow plague which
carried off two-thirds of
the population. There
was a prevalent idea that
the pestilence could not,
or at least did not, extend
beyond nine waves from
the shore. So Colman and
St. Mary's Cathicdkal, Cork
his pupils wisely resolved to migrate from their monas-
tery in the marshes of Cork to one of the islands in the
hign sea. Bein^ a poet and a holjr man he composed a
poem, mostly m Irish, committing himself and his
pupils to the protection of God and His saints, espe-
cially the patron saints of Erin. As they sought their
island refuge the students chanted the poem verse by
verse, each one reciting his own stanza until it was
finished, and then they began again. Fortunately
lines themselves do. The School of Cork conifnued
to flourish for many centuries, even after the Dana
had established themselves there; in 874 we find
recorded the death of a ^Scribe of Cork", and in 891
we are told of the death of a certain son of Connudh,
" a scribe, wise man, bkfaop
and abbot of Cork". In
1134 the ancient iDOQae>
tery and School of Cork,
which had fallen into de-
cay, were ref ounded bv the
oel^irated Cormac Mao-
Carthy, King of Monster.
(See FiNBARR, Saint.)
Todd. Book at Hymn* (Dub-
lin. 1800), 11; HKA1.T, htlMtt*
Ancient SchooU <md SdMon
(Dublin, 1890); Latin lAvet of
at. Fmbarr, ed. Caultxeui
(London. 1864); OUanum.
Uvea of the irieh SamU, 25
Sept.; Forbes in Diet, of Cfkrist.
BwQ., I, 266 sq.; LAiaoAM.
Ecd. Hiat. of Ireland (Dublin,
1820). II, 314 aoQ.
John Hjbalt.
Ctorker, BIaurus, an
English Benedictine, b. in
1636 in Yorkshire; d. 22 December, 1716, at Padding-
ton near London. His baptismal name, James, he ex-
changed for Maurus when he entered the order. On
2S April, 1666, he took vows at the Enatish Benedic-
tine Abbev of Lamspringe near Hildeaneim, in Ger-
many, and returned to England as miasionuy in 1666.
Being accused by Titus Gates of implication in ** the
Popish Plot" he was imprisoned in Newgate, but was
acquitted of treason by a London jury, 18 Jidy, 1679.
QUKKNBTOWN HaRBOUR, CoRK
most of this poem still survives, and is printed in the
"Leabhar Imum*' or "Book of Hymns" (edited by
J. H. Todd, Dublin, 1856-69). The language is of
the most archaic type of Gaelic, and is interspersed
here and there with phrases mostly taken from Scrip-
ture, but made "to rhyme with each other as the Gaelic
Hereupon he was arraigned for being a priest and sen-
tenced to death, 17 January, 1680. Through influ-
ential friends he was granted a reprieve and detained
in Newgate. WTiile thus confined he is said to have
reconciled more than a thousand Protestants to the
Faith. One of his fellow-prisonera at Newgate
OOBKAO
373
OORNKELXiX
the saintly Olhrer Plnnket; Archbishop of Armagh,
with whom he formed an intimate friendship, and
whom he prepared for his martyrdom, whicn took
place, 15 June, 1681. Some very interesting oorre-
spondenee which was carried on in prison between
tneoe two confessors of the Faith was published in the
'^ Irish fioelesiastieal Record" (Sept., 1883). On the
accession of James II in 1685, Father Corker was re-
leased and kept at the court as resident ambassador
ctf Prinoe-Bishop Ferdinand oi Bavaria, the Eleetor of
Gologiie. In 1687 he erected the little convent of St.
John at Clerkenwell, where religious services were held
for tlM public, but which was destroyed by a mob, 11
November, 1688, during the revolt against King
James. Father Corker himself was obliged to seek
refu^ on tiie continent. In 1691 he was made Abbot
of Cismar near LObeck and, two years later, of Lam-
springe, where he had made his religious profession.
In 1696 he resigned as abbot and returned to England
to continue his missionary labours." He in the author
of various pamphlets provinjg the innocence of those
condemned for implication in the fictitious *' Popish
Plot."
Gnxow, BtM. Diet, of Enq, Cath. s. v.; Weldow, Chnm-
ideoftKe Bnalitk Benediclme Monks (London. 1881), 219. etc.;
Craixonkb, Memoira cf Minumaru Prints (Derby. 1S43), II;
MoRAN, in trish Bed. Record^ IV, 613 sq.; Taunton, The Eng-
lUh Blade Monks of St. Benedict (London. 1808). II. passim;
Spiixmann, Die Bhttxeugen aua den Toatn der Titus Oates
Venthwdrung (Fraibursim Br., 1901), 135 sq.
Michael Ott.
OonnAC MmcOuilenan (836-908), an Irish bishop
and King of Cashel, was of the race of Eoghanact, of
Southern Ireland, and in his early years received a
good education in one of the Irish schools. He was
ordained priest, and afterwards appointed Bishop of
Cashel. in the year 900 he became, on account or his
descent, King of Cashel, and thus were combined in
his person the two offices of spiritual and temporal
ruler of Leth Moga, as the southern portion of Ireland
was called. The ardrt (high king), Flann,' assisted by
the King of Leinster, led his forces into the Southern
Province (906), and was met by the Munstermen un-
der Cormac at Moylena (Tullamore). The ardri stif-
fered a signal defeat. Later on, however (908)
Flann. assisted by Ceorbhall, King of Leinster, and
Cathai, King of Connaught, returned to the attack,
apparently because Cormac, instigated by Flaherty,
Abbot of inniscathay, had claimed tribute from Lein-
ster, and had even signified his intentioh^sf assuming
the position of ardru The battle was fought at the
present Ballymoon; the Munstermen suffered a com-
flete defeat and Cormac was killed in the battle. An
rish Glossary caUed "Sanas Chorraaic", containing
etymologies and explanations of over 1400 Irish words
has come down to us. Though, etymologically, the
work is of little value, yet on account of the light it
throws upon many ancient Irish customs and institu-
tions it is of neat importance to the historian. The
'^ Glossary of Cormac" is said to be onlv a part of the
"Ssdtair Chaisil", also attributed to Cormac. This
work, if it ever existed, has disappeared, or, as W.
Stokes thinks, it is more likely that at best the
"Saltair Chaisil" was only a collection of transcripts
of manuscripts from the hands of different writers.
TTie above-mentioned "Sanas Chormaic", or "Cor-
mac's Glossary '', was translated and annotated by John
O'Donovan and edited by W. Stokes (Calcutta, 1868).
See Stokes, "Three Irish Glossaries" (London, 1862).
O'DowovAK. The Annals of IreUnui (DubUn). I. II; O'Currt,
Mmusaipi MateriaU of Irish History (Dubllh. 1873); O'Dono-
van «d.. Book9 of Riokts in PubHooHons of Celtic Society; W^B,
Compendium of Irish Biography (Dublin, 1878); D'Al.ton, His-
tory of hdand (DubUorTm). I.
Jameb MaoCaffrey.
Oomaro, Elbna Lucrezia Pisoopia, a learned
Italian woman of noble descent, b. at Venice, 6 Jime,
1646; d. at Padua, 26 Julv, 1684. Her father, Gio
vanni Battista Oomaro, was Procurator of St. MarkV
At the age of seven she began the study of Latin and
Greek imder distinguished instructors, and soon be-
oame proficient in these languages. She also mas-
tered Hebrew, Spanish, French, and Arabic, earning
the title of ** Oraculum Septilingue ' '. Her later studies
included mathematics, philosophy, and theology. In
1666 she took the habit of a Benedictine Oblate with-
out, how^ever, becoming a nun. In compliance with
her father's wishes she entered the University of
Padua and after a brilliant course of study received
the doctorate in philosophy. The degree was con-
ferred 25 June, 1678, in the cathedral of Padua in
presence of many persons eminent for learning and
rank. Elena was a member of various academies and
was esteemed throughout Europe for hef attainments
and virtues. The last seven years of her life were de-
voted to study and charity. She was buried in the
, church of Santa Giustina at Padua and her statue
was placed in the university. Her writings, pub-
lishea at Parma in 1688, include academic discourses,
translations, and devotional treatises. In 1685 the
University of Padua caused a medal to be struck in
her honour. In 1896 Abbess Mathilda Pynsent of
the English Benedictine Nuns in Rome had Elena's
tomb opened, the remains placed in a new casket, and
a suitable tablet inscribed to her memory.
BioKraphim (in Italian) by Dkxa (Venioe, 14186); Luna
(Yeniee. 1689); Baccuni (Pamui, 1688); more recently, Da
Santi (Home, 188Q); Abbesb Pynbcnt, L*/e of Helen Lucretia
Comoro (Rome, 1896). For an account of tne bibliography aee
CiviUd, CattoUea (Rome, 180S-189O). 17th aeriee, v^. IV, V:
Bailet, a Daughter of tks Doges in Amer. Cath. Quart. Review
(Philadelphia. 1896), XXlTSS.
E. A Pace.
Oorneille, Jkan-Baptiste, French painter, etcher,
and engraver, b. at Paris between 1646 and 1649;
d. there, 12 April, 1696. He was the youngest son
of Michel Comeille of Orleans, and brother of the
younger Michel. He is known as "the younger
Com^e". His devoted father was his teacher
and painstakingly prepared the youth for his future
successes as an histoncal painter. In 1664 he won
the second prize and in 1668 the first prise of the
academy. He then went to study in Rome and,
on his return in 167»5 was received into the Rojral
Academy, painting for his reception-picture the
"Punismnent of Bi}siris by Hercules", now one of
the notable canvases in the Louvre. He painted
in some of the Paris churches and in 1679 nnished
his "Deliverance of St. Peter from Prison" for the
Cathedral of Notre-Dame. With Jacques Vouet
he was employed on the decorations of the Tuileries.
In 1692 he was appointed professor in the academy.
His style, like nis brother's, was that of the school
of the Desiderosi, but Jean was somewhat inferior
to the younger Michel in composition and drawing.
Many of the paihtings of this excellent artist were
engraved by contemporaries, a few by the great
Mariette, and Jean nimself engraved and etched
plates after his own designs and finished pictures,
and after the Carracci. His work with acid and
the burin was spirited and exhibited his thorough
mastery of technic. He commenced and finished
his plates after the manner of Agostino Carracci.
His most important plates were: "Bust of Michel-
angelo", "St. Bernard", "Mercury in the Air", and
"St. John in the Wilderness" (after Annibale Car-
racci).
For bibUography, see artida ComnaiXB, Michel <tbe
Younger).
Leigh Hunt.
OomeiU^, Michel, a French pamter, etdier and
engraver, b. in Paris in 1642; d. at the Gobelins
manufactory at Paris, 16 August, 1708. He was thr
son of an artist, Michel Comeille of Orl^ns, and on
this account is sometimes called the "younger Mi-
chel", lie is also and more commonly known as
OOBNEILLI
374
OOBHKLLB
the "elder Comeille" (ComeiUe VAini), to distin-
guish him from a younger brother, Jean-BaptLste
Comeille, also a painter. His father was tAxe first
and the most indefatigable of his teachers; his other
masters were Mignard and the celebrated Lebrim.
Devoting himself wholly to historical painting, Mi-
chel won the Academy Prize and went to Rome on
the king's pension; but feeling his genius hampered
by the restrictions of the prize, he gave up the
money so l^t he might study the antique in his own
way. Coming under the then powerful influence of
the Eclectics, ne studied with the Carracci and mod-
elled his style on theirs. In 1663 he returned to
Paris and was elected a member of the Royal Acad-
emy, his picture on entering being " Our Lord's Ap-
pearance to 0t. Peter after His Resurrection". In
1673 he became an adjunct, and, in 1690, a full, pro-
fessor in the Academy.
Comeille painted for the king at Versailles, Meudon, ,
and Fontainebleau, and decorated in fresco many of *
the great Paris churches, notably Notre-Dame, the
church of the Capuchins, and the chapel of Saint-
Gr^ire in the Invalides. , His style, reminiscent of
the old masters, is the conventional style of the Ec-
lectics; his drawing is remarkably careful and exact,
the expression on the faces of his religious subjects
is digxufied and noble, the management of chiar-
oscuro excellent, and the composition harmonious, but
sufsgestive of the Venetian School. From his insuf-
ficient knowledge of the composition of pigments, the
colour in many of his pictures has sunered such a
change that it is to-day disagreeable; but the artist
possessed a good colour-sense, and contemporary
records go to prove that his colour was refined and
pleasing. He etched and engraved over a hundred
plates m a bold and free style, for he was a master
of the line; but he subsequently spoiled the effect bv
too much and too precise work with the graver. A
dishonest dealer put Raphael's name on some of
Michel Comeille's plates, and for a long time no one
disputed their attribution to the sreat master. For
many years Comeille resided at tne Gobelins manu-
factorv, and was sometimes called "Comeille des
Gobelins". Among his paintings are a "Repose in
Egypt", now m the Louvre, and a "Baptism of Con-
stantine", in the museum at Bordeaux. Among his
more important etched and e^raved works are:
"The Nativity"; "Flight into l^^t"; "Abraham
joumeving with Ix>t" (wrongly ascribed to Raphael),
and "Jacob wrestling with the Angel", a plate after
Aimibale Carracci.
Mimoirea inidiU 8ur la vie el lea ouvraoea de VAcadimie
rqvale de ptinlwe (Paris, 1884); AUffemeinea KitneUerlexikon
(Berlin, 1570): Durrisn, La peinture d. Vexpoeition de primi'
Hfe franoaia (Puis. 1904).
Leigh Hunt.
Oomeilley Michel, the elder Michel, a French
painter, etcher, and engraver, b. in Orleans about
1601 ; a. at Paris, 1664. He was one of mamr who
studied with that celebrated master, Simon Vouet,
wlio exerted a despotic influence over the French
School, and impressed his artistic personality so
strongly on all his pupils. Michel devoted himself
to historical paintings, and was one of the twelve
original meml^n of the Royal Academy at ite founda-
tion in 1648. He became ite rector in 1656. He was
an excellent colourist — ^in this more Venetian tlian
French — and his earlv style resembled that of Simon
Vouet; later his worK had all the merits and all the
faults of the post-Raphaelite, or decadent, "sweet",
school of Itauan art, showing the far-reaching in-
fluence of the Carracci. He was lon^ employed in
the deooratioii of churdies in Paris, his masterpiece
being the celebrated "St. Paul and St. Barnabas at
I^tra", pfdnted for the Cathedral of Notre-Dame.
flfis etehed and engraved woric differed very little
from that of the Carracci and of his two sons. It waa
chiefly reproductive. Notable examples are iha
"Munier of the Innocente", after Raphael, and the
"Virgin Suckling the Infant Jesus", after Lodovico
CarraccL
Mbtul Geaehidtte der frantOaiaekenr MaUrm (Leipu 1M7>:
see, dso, bibliocmphy under Oobnklub, Mksuuj (the YouncBr).
Leigh Hunt.
Oomeille, Piebre, a French diBmattsI, b. at
Rouen, 6 June, 1606; d. at Pans, 1 October, 1684.
His father, Pierre ComeiUe, was avocat du roi and
maitre dea eaux et furHa in the Vicomt^ of Rouen.
His mother, Marthe Lepesant, belonged to ao old
family of Normandy. He was educated at the Jesuit
college in Rouen, studied law at Caen, and was ad-
mitted to the Bar in 1624. Four years later he was
granted the office of Advocate to the Adnuralty.
Although the duties of his charge allowed him leisure
enough to follow
liis poetical voca-
tion, ne soon quitted
the Bar and went
to Paris, in 1629.
The first comedv
he produced, "Me-
lite^' (1629), met
with so great a suc-
cess that he resolved
to write for the
stage. Other plays
followed rapidly:
"Clitandre"(1632),
"La Veuve", "La
galerie du palais'
(1633), "La sui-
vante", "La place
rovale" (1634),
"M6dde" (1635), Pibrbb Cobnkillb
"L'iUusion oomique" (1636). Cardinal Riclielieu,
who took a great interest in dramatic matters and
was even the writer of several plays, realized that
the young author had some talent and enrolled him,
in 1633, among "the five authors", whose functions
consisted in revising and polishing the plays written
by the great politician.* Comeille was too indepen-
dent a genius to get along easily with the autocratic
plavwnght; he was dismissed, in 1635, because he
had no esprU de suUe^ and returned to Rouen.
The year 1636 saw the production of "Le Cid",
which marked the beginning of a new epoch in the
French drama. Ite remarkable success aroused
Richelieu's anger and jealousy to such a deeree that
the French Academy, which was so much indebted to
the great cardinal, was obliged to criticize the play in
a public pamphlet, known as "Les sentimente de
r Academic sur le Cid", written, under command, bv
Chapelain. The public, however, admired "Le Cid
none the less, and, as Boileau said, "all Paris saw
Rodrigue with the same eyes as Chim^ne". After a
silence of four years Comeille brought out "Horace"
and "anna" (1640). The poet was then in full pos-
session of his talent and from this time to the year
1651 produced a series of plays, most of which are
masterpieces: "Polyeucte , a Christian tragedy,
perhaps the most perfect of Comeille's plays: "Pom-
p4e"; "Le Menteur" (1643), a comedy; ''^Th^odoie,
vierge et martyre"t a very poor drama which failed;
"La suite du menteur" (1645); "Rodogune" (1646);
"H^raclius** (1647); "AndromMe" (1650); "Don
Sanche d'Aiagon" (1650); "Nicom^e'^ (1651). Cor-
neille was elected to the French Academy in 1647. After
"Pertharite" (1653), which was a decided failure, he
resolved to quit the stage, and in his retreat at lUnien
bc«^ to translate the "Imitation of Christ" at the
Boficitation of Queen Anne of Austria. A few yvars
later, jrielding to Fouquet's entreaties, he began again
to write plays: "(Edipe" (1659), "Sertoriua" (1662),
375
dOSMKJUft
'"Sopfaonisbe" (ld63), "Othon'' (1064), ''Ag^ilaa"
(1M6), "Attila" (1667), "Tite et B^rtnioe" (1670),
"Pulch^rie" (1672), "Surtna" (1674), which, in
spite of a few sparks of genius, show too well the de-
dine of % onee powerfal playwnidit. Besides his
plays Ooraeille wrote in prose "Disoours sur Tart
dnunatique et examens" (1660), and contribiited
several poems to the ''Griiirlande de Julie".
CoxneiUe was a true Chnstian. For yean he
served as churchwarden of the church of Sainl-Sau*
veur in Rouen, and dischaiged his duties most relig-
iously. Towaids the end of his life he sold the
iiouse in which he was bom to give a dowry to his
daughter, who entered the Order of Saint I>ominic.
In all his dramas he constantly pursued a lofty ideal,
showing men ''as they should be",^and reprasentinjS
cbaractets whose heroism, sense of *dutjr, and readi-
ness to self-sacrifice contain lessons of highest mofa^
ity. The standard text of Ck>mei]le'8 woiks is the
edition of Marty-Laveaux (2 vob., Paris, 1862-68).
PxooT. La h&dxoaraphie comAunne (PbriB, 1876); Tambb-
RKAU, HiaUrire dtla vit 0t de9 ouvraget de Piem ComeUU
(Paris, 1856); Sainte-Bbuvs. PortrmU litUmirea (1829), I;
NiSARD, Hittmn d» la litUraiure franpaiw (1844), 11; GuizoT,
CometUe €t 9on temm (18&2); Godetbot, Lanaue compaH dt
la loMifue de CametUe (Puis, 1802); Faoubt, Le dix-ieptihwiB
aikde (1880): BHUNmtRa in La gnmdi encye., s. v.: Idem,
Iiet ^poquM du thtAtrt franeaia; Petit de Jullevixj:jb. HitUrin
de la laniue el de la littifuture frxmcaiae (ParU, 18»7). IV,
863-045.
Louis N. Delamarre.
Oomelisi, Jacob, also called Jacob van Amster-
dam or van Oostsann, and at times confounded with
a Walter van Assen, a Dutch painter of the first third
of the sixteenth century. Nothing certain is known
reeEirdin^ the life of Comelisz nor of his relations to
other artists. He was one of the last painters of the
Netherlands who showed no traces of Italian influ-
ence; however, his pupil, Jan van Scorel, is regarded
as the first ''Romanist' . In composition Comeliss
was natiural and expressed agreeable feeling in the
manner of the old Flemish school; his colours are
rich and warm; his backgrounds display an attractive
landscape. But besides mistakes in drawing, an u^y
realism often detracts from his work. Pictures are
extant which it is certain he painted in the years
1506h-30. A small yet attractive altar-piece in Berlin
represents in the foreground the Madonna and Child
with angels playing musical instruments, while the
background shows a landscape; on the winss are
depicted St. Augustine, St. Barbara, and the donor;
the>outer sides of the wings show St. Anne and St.
Elizabeth. An altar-piece in the Belvedere at Vienna,
representing St. Jerome, is full of force, variety,
and relidous feeling. St. Jerome is drawing a thorn
out of the foot of a lion; the landscape in me back-
groimd shows scenes from the life of the saint; on the
outside of the doors is the Mass of St. Gre^rv. One
of the most important works of Comelisz is the "Tri-
umph of Religion", or the "Adoration of the Trinity*',
at Uassel. At Antwerp there is an altar-piece of the
Virgin with angels; another, representing the Cruci-
fixion, is at Cologne. A "Nativity" at Naples anc|
an "Adoration of the Magi" at Verona are qarefully
executed paintings. Both Berlin and the archiepisco-
pal museum at Antwerppossess canvases representing
the Adoration of the B/C&gi; a painting of the same
subject is in private possession at The Hague. The
figure of Christ and the drapery of Mary Magdalen are
not pleasing in a picture at Cassel of the Risen Christ,
painted by Comeiisz in his earliest period. Another
canvas of a later date shows Saul and the Witch of
Endor.
WaAoen, Handbudi der deuUeheti und niedeHAndUehen Ma-
lendMlen (Stottgart. 1862), I; Scmniyp, Ktmetekrontkj XVi
Bode. Repertarium, IV; Scbeibubb, GemtUe 4m /ofcpb Car-
nelise van Ameterdam in Jahrhuefi der preu$ei»ehen Ktmttmmn^
lunaen (1882): Frante. Oeedtiehte der ehrieaiehen Malerei
(Fraiborg im Br.. 1894). II.
Q. QtETMAHN.
Oomelias (Kopr^Hkm), a centurion of the Italic
cohort, whose oonveraion at Ciesarea with his house*
hold is related in Acts, z. The Roman name Cornelius
would indicate that he was either a member of the
distinguished gena Conwlia, or a descendant of one of
its freedmen — most likely the latter. The cohort in
which he was oenturion was probably the Cahofn II
HaUea eiviuai Romanonun, which a recentl]^ discovered
inscriptionpioves to have been stationed in Syria be-
fore A. D. 66. The desonption of Cornelius as "a re-
ligious man, and fearing dod . . . ., giving much alma
to the people" [i. e. the Jews (cf. x, 22)], shows that
he was one of those gentiles commonly, though incor-
rectly, called proselj^ of the gate, who worshipped
the one true God and observed some of the prescrip-
tions of the Mosaic Law, but who were not affiliated
to the Jewish communitv by circumcision. He was
certainly not a full proselyte (Acts, x, 28, 34 sq., 45;
xi, 3). The bi^itism of Cornelius is an important
event in the historv of the Eariy Church. Tl^ gates
of the Church, witoin which thus far only those who
were drcumciaed and observed the Law of Moses had
been admitted, were now thrown open to the undr-
cumdsed Oentilea without the obligation of submit-
ting to the Jewish ceremonial laws. The innovation
was disapproved bv the Jewish Christians at Jeru-
salem (Acts, xi, 2, 3) ; but when Peter had related his
own and Comeltua's vision and how the Holy Ghost
had come down upon the new converts, opposition
ceased (Acts, xi, 4~I8) except on the part of a few
extremists. The matter was finally settled at the
Council of Jerusalem (Aets, xv). According to one
tradition Cornelius became Bishop of Cnsarea; accord-
ing to another. Bishop of Scepsis in Mytria.
Raimat. Comdim mndthe Italic CahaH in Bxvoeitor (1806).
104 80.; Acta SS., Feb.. IJgTO •q.; BABOMnjs, awwfet ad an.
41, n: 4 P. a, I. 1049; fc5crv7l287; P. L- XXni, 266.
F. BSCHTBL.
OornaUnSt Pofb, Bfartyr (251 to 253). We may
accept the statement ot the Liberian catak)gue
that he reisoed two years, three months, and ten
days, for lipsius, Lighuoot, and Hamack have shown
that thk list is a first-rate authoritv for this date.
His predecessor, Fabian, was put to death by Decius,
20 Januaxy, 250. About the beginmng of Maroh^ 251
the perseoutioii slackened, owing to the absence of
the emperor, against whom two rivals had arisen.
It was possible to assemble sixteen bishops at Rome,
and Cornelius was elected, thouffh agamst his will
(Cyprian, Ep. Iv, 24), '* by the judgment of God and
of (Christ, by the testimony of almost all the clergy,
by the vote of the people then present, by the consent
of aged priests and d good men, at a time when no one
had men made before him, when the place of Eabian,
that iB the place of Peter, and the step of the sacer-
dotal chair were vacant". ''What fortitude in his
acceptance of the episcopate, what strength of mind,
what firmness of faith, tnat he took his seat intrepici
in the saceidotal chair, at a time when the tyrant in
his hatred of bishops was making unspeakable threats,
when he heard with far more patience that a rival
pi^ce was arising against him, than that a bishop of
God was appointed at Rome" (ibid., 0). Is he not,
asks St. Cyiman, to be numbered among the glorious
confessors and martjrrs who sat so long awaiting the
sword or the cross or the stake and eveiy other tor*
ture?
A few weeks later the Roman priest Novatian
made himself anti-pope, and the whole Christian
world was convulsed by the schism at Rome. But the
adhesion of St« Cyprian secured to Cornelius the hun*
dred bishops of Amca^ and the influenee of St. Dionv-
siuB the Great, Bishop of Alexandria, brought the
East within a few months to a right decision. In
Italy itaelf the pope got together a qmod of sixty
NoYATiANiaic.) Fabius, Bishop of
bishopa.
Anti<m,
(See
to have warned. Three ktten to
OOBinBLnTS
376
ooBnBLnis
him from Ck>melni8 were known to EuscbiuSf who
gives extracts from one of them (Hist. Bed., VI,-
xiiii), in which the pope details the faults in Nova^-
tian's election and conduct with considerable Intter*
ness. We inddentally learn that in the Roman
Chmvh there were forty-six priests, seven deacons,
seven subdeacons, forty-two acolytes, fifty-two os-
tiarii, and over one thousand five hundred widows
and persons in distress. From this Burnet estimated
the number of Christians in Rome at fiftr thousand,
so also Gibbon; but Benson and Harnack think this
figure possibly too large. Pope Fabian had made
seven regions; it appears that each had one deacon,
one subdeacon ana six acolytes. Of the letters of
Comelius to Cyprian two have come down to us,
together with nine from Cyprian to the pope. Mgr.
Mercati has shown that in the true text the letters
of Cornelius are in the colloquial "vulgar Latin" of
the day, and not in the more classical style affected
by the ex-orator Cyprian and the learned philosopher
Novatian. Comelius sanctioned the milder measures
proposed by St. Cyprian and accepted by his Car-
thaginian council of 251 for the' restoration to com-
munion, after varying terms of penanoe; of those
who had fallen during the Deeian persecution (see
Cyprian).
At the beginning of 353 a new persecution sud->
denly broke out. Cornelius was exiled * to Centum-
celliB (Civita Vecchia). There were no defections;
among the Roman Christians, all were eonfessofs.
The pope ''led his brethren in confession", writes-
Cyprian (£p. Ix, ad Com.), with a manifest reference
to the confession of St, Peter. ** With one heart and
one voice the whole Roman Church confessed. Tl^n.
was seen, dearest Brother, that faith which the blessed
Apostle praised in you (Rom., i, 8); even then he
foresaw m spirit your glorious fortitude and firm
strength.'' in June Comelius died a martyr, as St.
Cyprian repeatedly calls him. The Libenan eata-
lojipae has ibi cum ghrid dormicionem aocepUy and
this may mean that he died of the rigours of his
banishment, though later accounts say that he was
beheaded. St. Jerome says that Comelius and Cyp-
rian suffered on the same day in differmt years, and
his careless statement has been generally loUowed.
The feast of St. Cyprian was in fact kept at Rome
at the tomb of Comelius, for the fourth oentuiy
" Depositio Martirum *' has " XVIII kl octob C^rpriani
Africs Romse oelebratin- in CalHsti". St. Cornelius
was not buried in the chapel of the popes, but in an
adjoining catacomb, perhaps that of a branch of the
noble Comelii. His inscription is in Latin: cornb-
uvs* MAHTTR'^ wheress those of Fabian and Lucius
are in Greek (Northcote and Brownlow, "Romii
sotteranea*', I, vi). His feast is k^t with that of
St. Cyprian on 14 September, possibly the day of his
translation from Centumeells to the catacombs.
The two lAtin letUn wili be found in all editioqs of CrPBi^iN.
A better text is in Mebcatx, D'alcuni nuovi Butidi per la eritica
del ttsto d* S. Cipriano (Rome. ISOO). They witi be found with
the fra^enta in Cotjvtant, Epp. Rom. Pontt. aad in Rooth,
RdtQuxas SacrcB, There is a spurious latter to St. Cyprian in
the appendix to his works, another to Lupicinua of Vienne. and
two more were for^ bv Pseudo-Isidore. All' these will be
found in the collections of counoils and in Mionb. The neeudo-
Oyprianic Ad Nv9otianian is attributed to Cornelius by Nklks,
Die Chronol. der Correaponderu Cyprians (Thorn, 1902); but it
is by an unknown contemporary. On Cornelius see Tillevont.
Ill; Ada SS. 14 Sept.; 'Ben son, Cyprian (London; 1897). The
Aet9 of St. Comelius are valueless. j^^j^ CHAPMAN.
Ctomeliiuit Pstkr, later when ennobled, von Cor«
NBLius, b. at DOBseldorf, 23 September, 1783; d. at
Berlin, 6 Mansh, 1867. In 1811. he went to Borne,
where he stayed until 1819. Returning hoHie he be*
came director of the Academy of Fine Arts at DOssel-
dk>rf ; while at DOsseLdorf he also executed works on
a large scale for the Crown-Prince of Bavaria, liter
Louis I. In 1826 0)melius was appointed dmetor
of the Academy ait Mnnich, and for a long time
Louis I of Bavaria was his liberal patron. After fif-
teen years, however, misunderstandings and the
envy of detractors obliged Comelius to accept the
position offered him by Frederick IV of Prussia as
director of the Academy of Fine Arts at Berlin,
which office he retained until his death. Comelitts
early developed poetic- imagination, great energv,
courage for targe undertakings, and technical alall.
He fdit himself called to accomplish great tasks, and
soon occupied himself with a large theme, the illus-
tration ot Goethe's "Faust". The publication of
the first six sheets fumUied Comelius with the
means for his first visit to Rome. Here he joaied
the Italian colony
of German artists,
thescMsalled^Nas:
arene painters"',
and was powers
fuHy stimulated
boui by working
with them and by
their enthusiasm
for a new school
of German-Chris-
tian art. This in-
tercourse, how-
ever, entailed no
loss of his inde-
pendence and na-
tive force. He
drew the remain-
ing six pictures
for"Faust^', illus- ^^
trated the "Romeo ^^™ ^'^'^ Cornmuub
and Juliet" of Shakespeare, whose works just at this
period were becoming better known in Germany,
and filled by the rising national spirit of his country
made drawings for the old German epic, the "Niebef-
ungenlied''.
While at Rome his longing to express great con-
ceptions in fresco-painting on a latge scale had its
first opportunity of fulfilment. The Prussian am-
bassador, Bartholdy, gave a commission to the Ger-
man painters for the decoration of his house on
Monte Pincio with frescoes from the Old-Testament
story of Joseph; through Bartholdy's influence the
same painters received an order from theltfarchese
Massimi to paint frescoes from the works of Ariosto,
Tasso, and Dante in his villa near the Lateran.
Some of these frescoes have a deservedly high repu-
tation, as: "Joseph before Pharao", "Joseph and his
Brethren", "Dante before Peter, James, and John",
as well as other groups in the cartoons for scenes in
Paradise. Three of the Dante cartoons were com-
pleted, but one of them has since vanished. The
superiority of Comelius to the entire circle of his
artist-friends, Overbeck included, became so clear to
men like Niebuhr and Prince Louis of Bavaria that
the two positions above-mentioned, at Dusseldorf
and Munich, were offered him. No longer hampered
by material ca)*es or artistic limitations, Comelius
had now full opportunity and a fine field for the
carrying out of nis ideals. A commanding place in
the artistic world of his own country was a long
time assured him, and the attainment of his hopes
for the development of art on a heroic scale in Ger-
many seemed near. The first ten years of his life in
DQsseldprf and Munich as a professor and working
artist formed a period of great renown and success.
As dijiector Comelius took up with vigour the re-
organization of the art academies of Munich and
DOsseldorf, but his influence in the latter city was
not permanent. After he had made Munich his per--
manent residence and most of his friends had fol-
lowed him there, the academy sit Dtksseldorf, tmder
the direction of Schadow, pursued other aims, one of
the- main differences being that the scheme of de-
OOBHSLIUS
377
ooBmaiTO
veloping oainting in fresco on a heroic scale wa^
abandoned. At the same time Cornelius did not
find at Munich all the assistants he had wished;
above all Overbeck had not followed him. Besides
this the pupib did not meet the great problems of
painting in fresco with skill equal to his; he was also
not able to obtain in every case <H>nlpetent teachers
for the theoretical instruction in the subsidiary
sciences which at that time he held to be absolutely
essential. Moreover, the favour of the king was too
extreme to be permanent, nor could it fail to arouse
envy. After 1820 Cornelius and his pupils decorated
^^ro halls and an entrance chamber oi the Crtyptothek
at Munich, a buildii^ intended for the exhibition of
ancient sculpture. The subjects were, for the' two
halls, the gods and heroes of classic antiquity and,
for t^e entrance chamber, the history of primitive
man, the compositions being based on Greek my-
thology. The selection gave the artist the oppor*
tunity of presenting beautiful forms, strong action,
The Poub Kniobtb of thb ApocAiiTPss — Fsrca von
COBNRUUS
and lofty ideals ; at the same time he could make use
of symbolical allusions as they are conceived by
Dante.
Cornelius has been called a poet and thinker; the
loftiness and unity of conception displayed by these
frescoes justify the assertion. The mastery of the
difficult proportion of space shown is astonishing;
the surfaces seem to have been planned for the fres-
coes and not the frescoes for the spaces. On the
other hand, the inequality of execution especially in
regard to colour is very striking. Cornelius allowed
great liberty to his unequally gifted pupils; still
much of the work, especially what he painted him->
self, is excellently earned out, as: *'The Fall of Th>y",
" The Judges of the Lower World'', "Eros with an
Ecigle", and ' 'Eros with Cerberus". It must be acknowK
edged that Cornelius was not strong in colour, althou^
his frescoes from the life of Joseph in the Villa Bar-
l^oldy are in all particulars satisfactory. King
Louis I aUowed him to make only the drawings for
the loggias of the Pinakothek; the execution m the
work was entrusted to Clemens Zinunermann.' In
these designs Cornelius gave in an unconstrained
manner, yet one full of thought and imagination,
the history of German and Italian paintmg. He
hoped to have an opportunity in the new church,
the "Ludwigskirche ', to create a Christian epic
which should be a Divine Comedy in colour, but to
his bitter disappointment he was only commissioned
to decorate the choir and transept. The subject
chosen for delineation was the Christian conception
of the Creation, Redemption, and the Last ju4g<-
meat; the gigantic fresco of the Judgment, contain-
ing 2500 square feet, was painted by Cornelius him-
seB (1836-39). Parts of the fresco show great merit
in composition and drawing; a reverent composure
lind the avoidance of repellent nudity distinguish the
painting from Michelan^lo's ' ^'JtK^ment'' on the
altar wall of the Sistine Chapel. The colour scheme,
it must be acknowledged, is somewhat lacking in
harmony, and the light m the church is unfavomwle.
King Louis saw the fresco under peculiarly unfor*
tunate circilmstances, and Cornelius fell into dis-
grace.
In 1841 he went to Befriin where the art-loving
Frederick William IV became his unwavering patron.
While at Berlin he drew for the royal mausoleum
planned by the king the celebrated cartoons: ''Christ
CSonquering Sin'', mtended for the east wall of a
cloister des^ned in connexion with a new cathedral f
"Christ Conquering Deatii'', f6r the west wall of the
ok>ister; ''Christ in His Church'' for the south wall>
and "Christ at the End ol the World", taken from
the imagery of the Apocidypse, fof the north wall.
In harmony with tiie echeme dl the cartoons is the
painting for the apse of the intended cathedral,
^Mknkmd Awaiting the Day of Judgment", com-
pleted bv Cornelius in 1856. During his residenoe at
Berlin Cornelius produced his most mature work as
a drauehtsman; his designs were at all times so com-
plete that they were not certain to gain by execu-
tion in colour. The cartoons for the royal mauso-
leum, of which the one for the north wall was on the
scale of the intended frescb, met fairly undiapttted
approval. His work as head of the German School
at Rome and as leader in Germany of aspiring
artists gives ComeHus the position of a pioneer of the
nineteenth century in asBertin^ hig^ ideals and in
developing technk on the heroic atoile,
H. Obbim* Pfeue B^saia (Berlm, 1865); Yok WotiooBif.
Peler von Comdiu» (Beadin, 1867); Rxzoai^. Camdiua, der
Meister der deuUehen MoUrei (Hanover, 1870); FGbbtbr,
Peltr iHmConuliu8, ein CMenkbuch (Bertin, 1874); CARiuibRa
in Nmer PlfOarek (UipiAg, 1880); Egkbrt. PMer Comdim
(Bieleleld, 1906), gives qd p. 131 a complete bibliography.
G. GlETMANN.
Ooni«liiui Oomelii a Laplde ifjOfBosmuA Corns-
LI88SN VAN OC2N 8^^sen), Flemish Jesuit and exegiBte,
b. at Bochoh, in Flemish Limbuig, 18 December,
1567; d. at Rome, 12 March, 1637. He studied hu-
manities and phUoBophy at the Jesuit colleges of
Maastricht and Cologne, theolbgy fiiBt, for half a year,
at the University of Douai, and afterwards for four
years at Louvain; he entered the Society of Jesus, 11
June, 1592, and, after two vears^ novitiate and another
year of theology, was ordained priest 24 December,
1505. After teaofainff philosophy lor half a year^ he was
made professor ol H<dy Scrmture at Louvain m 1596
and next year of Hebrew also. Twenty years later,
in 1616, he was ealled to Rome in the same capacity,
where, on Uie 3rd of November, he assumed the office
which he filled with such renown for many years after.
The latt^ yeare of his life, however, he seems to have
devoted exclusively to finishing and correcting his
celebrated commentaries. He was a sincerely pious
and sealouB priest and an exemplary religious. Dur-
ing his professorship at Louvain he liked to spend his
hoiidajrs preaching and administering the sacraments,
especially at the pilgrimage of Scherpenheuvel (Mon-
taigu). With moving simplicity and truth he por-
trayed himself in an emotional prayer to the Prophets
at the end of his commentary on Daniel: ^'For
nearly thirty yean I suffer with and . for ^wi ^dth
gladness the continual martyrdom of reli^us Ufe.
the martyrdom t>f illness, the martyrdom of study ana
writing; obtain for me ako^ I beseech you, to crown
all, the fourth martvidom, of blood. For you I have
spent my vital and animal spirits; I will spend my
blood too." With his brethren in religion at Rome
he enioyed so high a refutation for a^mctitv that,
when he died, they gave him a sepacate burial plaeei
in Older to be the more certain of finding hia boDee
when eventually, as they hoped, he should receive tha
honour of beatification.
oounLT
378
€X>BMSI.T
Gometius a Lapide wrote ample oommentaries on. all
the books of the Catholic Canoa of Seriptuie, with the
exception onlv of Job and the Psalms. Even before
leavmg Flanaers, he edited the ''Commentarius in
omnes divi Pauli epistolas" (1614) and "in Penia-
iHuehum" (1616), both at Antwerp. The commen-
taries <»i the Greater and Lesser prophets, on the
Acts of the Apostles, the Canonical Emstles and the
Apocalypse, JSoclesiasticus and the Proverbs, fol-
lowed later on* The rest were edited only after his
death; but all of them have been several times re-
edited, both separately; and collectively. Of the
(}ommentary on the Epistles of St. Paul he himself
was permitted to see at least eleven editions. The
complete series, with Job and the Psalms added by
other hands, appeared at Antwerp, 1681, 1714; at
Venice, 1717, 1740, 1798; at Cologne, 1732; at Turin,
1838; at Lyons, 183^-42, 1865 and 1866; at Malta,
1843-46; at Naples, 1854; at Lyons and Paris, 1855
and 1856; at Milan, 1857; at Paris, 1859-63. The
last-mentioned edition has been enriched byCramt)on
and P6ronne with many annotations from more recent
interpreters. All these oommentaries are on a very
large scale. They explain not only the literal, but also
the allegorical, tropological, and anagogical sense of the
sacred text, and f urmsh a large number of quotations
from the Fathers and the later interpi^rs of Holy
Writ during the Middle Ages. Like most of his pre-
decessors and contemporaries, a Lapide intends to
serve not only the historical and scientific study of
the Bible, but, even more, the purposes of pious medi-
tation, and especially of pulpit exposition. An ex-
tract from the commentary on the Acts appeared
in 1737 at Tvmau, under the title: ''Effigies Bancti
Pauli, sive idea vits apostolioB''. A large work in
4 vols., "Les tr^Bors de Cornelius a Lapide: ex-
traits de ses commentaires de T^riture sainte k
Tusage des ^r^cateurs, des communaut6» et des
famiUes chr^tiennes ", bv the Abb6 Barbier. was pub-
lished at Le Mans and Paris, 1856, re-edited at Paris,
1859, 1872, 1876, 1885, 1896: and an Italian transla-
tion of the same, by F. M. Faber, appeared at Parma,
1869-70, in 10 vols., 16 mo.
These numerous editions show how hidily these
works are estimated bv Catholics. But Protestant
voices have joined in the appreciation. Q. H. Goe-
tzius (Leipzig, 1699) wrote an academical disserta-
tion, ^'Exereitatio theologica de Comelii a Lapide
Conunentariia in Sacram Scripturam'', in which he
praises the Jesuit author as the most important of
Catholic Scriptural writers. An English translation
of the complete commentaries was undertak^i by the
Rev. Thomas W. Mossman, an Andean clergyman,
under the title,. ''The great Commentary of Cornelius
a Lapide" (London, 1876 ). A manuscript in the
Vatican Library contains an Arabic translation of the
Commentary on the Apocalypse, by Yusuf ibn Girgis
(beginning of the eighteenth oentunr). The same
Maronite writer is said to have translated the Com-
mentary on the Epistles of St. Paul.
Tbkwboorbn, CovTMfiiM a Lanide in CaUecli4m efe prMa h%»'
toriquea (BniMeb, 1857). 010-14. 630-45; Db Backkb and
BoMiiEHVociEL. Btbl. de la c de J. (BniMeh and Paris, 1803),
IV. 161 1-26, IX (1900), 673.
John P. van Kastbrbn.
OoriMly, Karl Josef Rudolf, German Biblical
scholar and Jesuit, b. 19 April, 18d0, at Breyell in
Qermany ; d. at Treves, 3 March, 1906. On the com-
pletion of his classical studies he matriculated at
MQnster in Westphalia to study philology and theol-
ogy. In 1852 he joined the Society ot Jesus, Re-
ooginizinB his abilities, his superiors determined to give
him the best possible training both practical and theo^
retioal. Consequentih^, his novitiate finished, he took
a two yean' course of Scholastic philosophy at Padex^
bom and Bonn and another year of sacred and profane
oraioiy. Then he was sent to Feldklrch to teach
Latin, Greek, and German, and to preside at the cSbio-
tations of the students of philosc^hy from 185? to
1859. After this practical experience he returned to
Paderbom to go through the necessary course of dog-
matic and moral theology previous to his ordinayon
in 1860. The next years he devoted to specHal study
of the Scriptural sciences and langua^ in Germany,
at Ghasir near Beirut, in £k^pt, and m Paris, and l^
dint of hard labour acquired an extensive knowledge
of Syriao, Arabic, Samaritan, and Aramaic After
five yeara thus spent in special work, he waa recalled
to Mari^Laach, the theologate of the Society, to
review his varied acquirements in the lifl;ht of dog-
matic theology and to prepare his theses for the final
examination and the dejgree of Doctor in the Societjr.
After the customary thurd year of probation spent m
study and practice of the exercises and the Institute
of St. Ignatius, he was appointed professor of Scrip-
ture and Oriental languaoes at Maria-Laach.
When the Jesuits founded the periodical ^Stimmen
aus Maria-Laach", Father Comely became at first a
regular contributor and then its editor from 1872 to
1879. His style is remarkable for deameas and
Vigour and compares favourably with the great Ger-
man classics* The ring of indignation and irony in
his articles a^^ainst the Old Catholics, on the Protes-
tant Association, and on poUtical hypocrisy finds its
explanation in ^e unwarranted attacks and in the
relentless persecution of the Church and of the order
to which he belonged. The expulsion of the Jesuits
from Germany in 1872 intermpted his career as a pro-
fessor and rendered the task of the editor extremelv
difficult. With three or four of his brethren he took
up his residence at Tervueren near Brussels, and
thoueh many of his collaborators and the ridi library
of Maria-Laach were scattered about in different
places, he succeeded not only in maintaining the peri"
odioal on its former level but also in strengthening and
widening its influence on Catholic Germany. Most of
the men who from that time on contributed to the
"Stimmen" were won and trained bv the magnetic
personality of Comely, who frequently inspired and
always carefully revised their papers, thus securing
uniformity of tone and tendency. An important
stage in the development of the "Stimmen'' was
majrked by the appearance of the first supplements
(Erg&nzungshefte), in 1876. This new departure was
occasioned by the numerous philosophic writings of
Father Tilmann Pesch. They could not all be pub-
lished in the "Stimmen" without altering the general
character of the periodical and sacrificing the interest
of some classes of readers. They might, of course,
have been separately published in book form. But
Goraelv was of opinion that a series of supplements to
a widely read review would reach larger numbers and
would m a manner offset the numerous non^Catholic
publications of a similar character. The supplements
embody the most varied scholarship: theology, i^ilo-
sophy, literature, and science.
To quicken the interest of his countrymen in the
missionarv workof the Church, Father Comely founded
in 1873 'Die katholischen Missionen". Intended
for German readers this magasine was above all to
describe the labours and successes of the German mis-
sionarv and to give the history, the geogra^y, and
the etonog^aphio features of the German missions in
foreign countries. In the beginning Comely took ihe
lion's share of the work upon himself. Soon, how-
ever, the labour was thus divided: Comely wrote the
reports on Europe and Australia; Baun^artner re-
ported on Asia; Kreiten on Africa; and von Hum-
melauer on America. In 1879 Comely was appointed
^fessor of exegesis at the Gregorian University in
Rome. Here he planned and wrote the first volumes
of the ''Cuisus ScriptursB SacrsB", a complete Biblical
encyclopedia, the largest publication ot its kind in
modem Catholic literature. To cariy out a plan so
379
OOBONADO
"vast required ihe combined eflforU of many scholan.
Comely hiniBelf undertook to write the general and
speotaT intioducttonB and the oommentarieB on the
£piatles of St. PauL Even this task he could not
oDmp]ete» although he discontinued lecturing in 1880
to devote all his energies to the greatest work of his
laborious life. Among his writinoB are: ^'Introductio
SenendiB in U. T. libros saeros" (Paris, 1893): ''Intro-
actio specialis in historicos V. T. libros^ (Paris,
1897) ; ** Introductio specialis in didacticos et propheti-
cos V. T. Mbroe" (Pans, 1897); "Introductio specialis
in singuloe N. T. libros^' (Paris, 1897); ''Historicie et
eritic» Introductionis in U. T. libros Oompendium"
(Paris, 1900); "Synopses onmium librorum sacro-
rum" (Paris, 1899): ''Psahnonim synopses" (Paris,
1899); "Analyses hbrorum sacrorum N. T." (Paris,
1888); "Oommentarius in priorem ep. ad Oorinthios"
(Paris, 1890); "Oommentarius in epistolas ad (}or.
alteram et ad Galatas'' (Paris^ 1892); "Commenta-
rius in ep. ad Romanos" (Pans, 1896); "Leben des
sel. Petrus Faber" (Freibuig, 1900); "Leben des sel.
Spinola'' (Mainz, 1808).
Bauiioabtnbb, Stimmen oum Marim-Laach, LXXIV« IV, 367.
Peter ScHWEirzER.
Ooznet, Nicolas, a French theologian, b. at
Amiens, 1572; d. at Paris, 1663. He studied at the
Jesuit college of his native place, took the doctorate
of theology at the University of Paris, 1626, and soon
became president of the College de Navarre and
syndic of the Sorbonne or faculty of theology. In
this latter capacity he reported to the assembly of the
Sorbonne, 1619, seven propositions, two taken from
Amauld*s "Fr^uente Commiuiion" and five from
the ''Augustiaus" of Jansenius. In spite of strong
opposition created by members of the faculty who,
with Saint-Amour, appealed to Parliament and by
Jansenists like De Bourseis In " Propositiones de
gratiA in Sorbonn® facultate prope oiem examin-
andse, propositcB Cal. Junii 1649", and Amauld in
"Considerations sur I'entreprise faite par M. Comet,
syndic de la faculty, en Tassemblde de Juillet 1649",
he succeeded in having the Assembly of the Clergy of
1650 denounce the five propositions of the " Augus-
tinus" to Pope Innocent X, who condemned them,
31 May, 1653 (Denzinger, Enchiridion, nos. 1092 (966)
sqq.). Maligned by Jansenist writers like Hermant,
Comet was neld in high esteem by Richelieu and
Mazarin. His eulogy was pronounced by no less a
personage than Bossuet himself (Craison fundbre de
Messire Nicolas Comet). He left no writings, bbt is
said to have collaborated with Richelieu on the
"M^thodes de controverse".
Rapin, Mhnoira (Ftiris. 1865); SAXMTB-BEtJVi:, Pori-
Raycd (Paiu» 1871); Rohbbacrsb, Uiatoin univerteUe (Plaris,
ilSs). XI. 9. 150. J. F. Soulier.
Oometo-Tarquinia, Diocese of. See Civftavec-
CHIA AND CORKETO.
Oomie^y the uppermost division of the entabla*
ture, the Tepresentative of the roof, of an order, con-
sisting of projecting mouldings and blocks, usually
divisible into bed-^moulding, corona, and ^tter. In
classic architecture each of the orders has its peculiar
cornice. Any moulded projection which crowns or
finishes the part to which it is afl^ed, as the coping
of a facade, the moulding that runs round an apart-
ment under the ceiHng, or surmounts a door, window,
etc.
Andumon anp Spikbs, Ardi. of Oreece and Rome (London,
1908); RoaKNGABTCN. Architectural Styles (New York, igOl);
Rkbkb. Ancient Art (New York. London, 1904) ; Sturoxb, Dirt,
of Ardi. and BuUding (New York. 1904) ; Parkbb, Glouary of
Ardl. (London, 1845); Qwii;r. Encu, of Arch. (New York.
Bombay, 1903). THOMAS H. PoOLB.
OMnilkai, Abbbt of, fotmded by Albero, Bishop of
Id^, in 1124, three years after St. Norfoert had
formed the Premonstratensian Order. The abbey
was intended for Canons Regular of Pr&nontr6 who
had been sent from the Abbey of Floreffe near Namur;
it stood on the right bank of the Meuse on an elevation
called Mont Comillon which overlooked the city of
Lidge. In the early years of the order all Norbertine
abbeys were double abbeys, that is to say, the canons
lived on one side of the church and the Norbertine
nuns, who had charge of the hospital for women,
dwelt on the other side. Where an abbey stood on an
elevation, as was the case at Ck>millon, both the nun-
neiy and the hospital were erected at the foot of the
hill. St. Juliana of Comillon (b. 1193; d. 1258),
whose name is connected with the institution of the
feast of Corpus Christi, was a nun of this convent.
The first abbot of Comillon was Blessed Lucas, one of
St. Norbert's disciples, a learned and holv religious,,
some of whose wntinm have been published in the
^'Bibliotheca Magna Patrum", and also by Migne.
The Bishop of Li^, wishing to build a fortress on the
heights of Comillon, gave in 1288, in exchange to the
Norbertine canons, another place in his episcopal city
where the abbe^, now called Beaurepart (Bellus Redi>
tus). stood imtd it was suppressed by the French Re-
public in 1706. All the religious refused to take the
oath of allegiance to the Republic: some were exiled
and one was put to death. The abbey was declared
to be of pubuc utility, consequentlv it was not sold;
for a tune it served as an arsenal and for other govern-
ment purposes, but by decree of 11 June, 1809, Napo-
leon gave the abbey to the Bishop of Li^ge, as the
bishop's residence and diocesan seminary. Where
the Abbey of Mont Cornillon originallv stood the
Little Sisters of the Poor have erected a home for old
people, and dose to the home, but below, at the foot of
the nill, the former convent is now inhabited by Car-
melite nuns. Part of the church of the nuns has re-
mained as it was when St. Juliana of Comillon prayed
in it and was favoured with visions which led to the
institution of the feast of Corpus Christi.
Hugo, Atmal. Prcsm, (Nantes, 1734-36); Dabib, ffwtotVe de
Liige (Liese. 1868-85).
F. M. Geudens.
Ctomoldi, Giovanni Maria, professor, author, and
preacher, bom at Venice, 29 Sept., 1822; d. at Rome,
18 Jan., 1892. He entered the Society of Jesus in
1840 and tau^t philosophy at Bressanone and Padua
for many years. From 1880 \mtil his death he be-
longed to the editorial staff of the "Civiltk Cattolica",
at Some and often preached at the church of the Gesi^.
He was an ardent disciple of St. Thomas and wrote
many works in explanation of his doctrine and in refu-
tation of Rosmimanism. His "Lezioni di Filosofia"
(Rome, 1872) was translated into Latin by Cardinal
Agostini under the title " Institutiones Philosophicse
ad mentem divi Thomse Aquinatis". In addition to
his purely philosophical writings he published a com-
mentary on the "Divina Commedia'* of Dante, illus-
trated from philosophy and theology. He founded
academies in honour of St. Thomas at Bologna and at
Rome and established two periodicals, " La Sciensa
Italiana" and the journal of the "Accademia di S.
Tommaso ". He was a man of great amiability, seal-
ous and fervent in religious life.
Civilih Cattolica, 1802. 1, 348^352. givee & full list of his writ-
inss; HuBTSR, NomeneUUor,
JOBN (yORBBTF.
OomonailleSi Diocese of* See Quimpbb,
Ooro. See Caracas.
OoronadOy Francisco Vasquez de, explorer, b. at
Salamanca, Spain. 15(X);' d. in Mexico, 1553. He
went to Mexico before 1538, and is said to have
been a favourite of the viceroy Don Antonio de Men-
dosa, who appointed him Governor of New Galicia in
1538. In the year following, on the strength of the
OOROITATIOK
380
OOBOVATlOir
Btatements of Cabeza de Vaca and other vague re-
porta, the viceroy sent Father Marcos of Nizza with
the negro or Moor E^t^vanico to reconnoitre towards
the north. The friar coming back with the news that
sedentaiy Indians had been met beyond what are now
the limits of Mexico, an expedition was determined
upon and Coronado was made commander.
One of the chief objects of this expedition seems to
have been to free Mexico from an idle and unruly ele-
ment. Hence exaggerated accounts of the northern
re^ons, of the culture of their inhabitants, and of their
mmeral resources, were purposely spread abroad.
Whether or not Coronado knew of this object is not
stated. The expedition collected at Compostella on
the Pacific coast; and consisted of about 300 Spaniards
and 1000 Indians, with 1000 horses and six swivel
guns (pedereroa). There were also a number of sheep
and some cattle, and everything indicated that the
intention was not only to explore but to colonize. In
the course of two years Coronado visited almost every
New Mexican puMo then inhabited. The first of the
pueblo groups touched was what is now called Zufii,
which lutd become known to the Spaniards throueh
Father Marcos pf Kizza the year previous under the
name of "Cibola". The first engagement took place
about 7 July, at the village of Hauicu of the ZxiSi
group. Coronado was wounded, but the puMo taken.
After that, only one other conflict with Pueblo Indians
occurred, viz., near Bernalillo, in New Mexico, on the
Rio Grande, in March, 1541. The conduct of Coro-
nado towards the Indians during the whole campaign
was humane and he secured their respect and sym-
pathy. New Mexico and Arizona (which he explored
as far as the Colorad9 Hiver) disappointed the expec-
tations of the Spaniards. The wealth in metals sup-
posed to exist there was not found, the inhabited
regions were partly barren, and the population less
numerous than it had been represented. While Coro-
nado was establishing himself at Zufii, another expe-
dition, by sea, under the command of Hernando de
Alar^on, reached the mouth of the Colorado and ex-
plored the course of the river for about two hundred
miles inland, but found it impossible to communicate
with Coronado, and returned to the Mexican coast.
While at the puMo of Pecos, south-east of the pres-
ent city of Santa F6, the Spanicu-ds had been told
lowing stories of metallic ricnes among a tribe called
iuivira, said to dwell beyond the great eastern plains,
hese tales were reported by an Indian from the
plains, a captive among the recos tribe. Coronado
set out for Quivira on 23 April, 1541, with part of his
forces, and wandered as far as the confines of Arkan-
sas, then northward as far as southern Nebraska, find-
ing none but nomadic Indians, except at the farthest
pomt reached by him, where the Quivira Indians lived
m more stable settlements of houses, round in shape
and built of wood, with roofs of grass. They culti-
vated com, and the only trace of metal was a piece of
native copper wliich tney had obtained from afar.
After an aibsence of six months Coronado returned
to New Mexico on the Rio Grande, and while there
suffered a fsJl from his horse, which Injured his
head seriously. Henceforward he lost energy. His
people also were discouraged and, while some were in
favour of remaining in New Mexico, the majority
clamoured to return to New Spain. In April, 1542,
the homeward march was resumed. There remained
in the country only Fray Juan de Padilla, a lay
brother, Fray Luis, and a Portuguese soldier, Do-
campo. Coronado reported to the Viceroy Mendoza,
who was highly incensed at the failure of his phm to
rid New Spain of undesirable elements. Although
Coronado was not punished for what was looked upon
as disobedience to orders, he fell into a mild dis-
grace and diod in comparative obscurity, leading
a widow and right rhildren. The reports oft his
exixniition arc of the greaWst importance for the geog-
raphy, and more particularly ethiM>graphv, of the
south-western part of North America. They were
not so well appreciated at the time as they are now,
when the ' ' March ' ' of Coronado is looked upon as one
of the most important explorations in America during
the sixteenth century.
For doouznentary material Ma Winamp in FowUmA Ai^
nuai Report of the U. S. Burmts, of BUmoloey (Wadhinctan.
1906), with Sp. texta and tr.; Idem, The Journey of Caromado
in The TraUmaken (New York. 1904): CkncAmA, Hiet«ria gm-
end de laa Indiaa (Medina del Gampo. 1553): Otibdo. Hietoria
general y natttnU (Madrid, 1850); UKUttRA, HieUma omeraL
(Madrid, 1601); Mota Padilla, Hittdria de la Nueva Galicia
(Mexico, 1870, though written in 1742): Davxb, Cbro«iodo'«
March; Bandblibr, Introdudion to Sludtea Atumoihm Saden
Uury Indiana of New Mexico; Idbm, Report on Uu ttume «f Ike
Pueblo of Pecoa (Boaton. 1883); Idbm. Final Report (BosCon.
1888 and 1890); Idem, Documentary Hietery of ZuHi.
An. F. BANnEURB.
Coronation. — The subject will be treated under
the following headings: (I) The Emperors at Con-
stantinople: (II) Visigothic and Celtic Elements; (III)
The English Coronation Orders; (IV) Tbe Western
Empire and the Roman Pontifical; (V) Other Cere-
monials.
I. The Emperors at Constantinople. — "A cor-
onation rite", \i has been well said, "is ideally the
process of the creation of the monarch, even though
m course of time, throu^^ a change in the theory of
succession, it may come to be ratner the ratification
of an accomplished fact than the means of its aooom-
plishment" (Bri^tman, Byzantine Coronations, 359).
In the light of this very true remark it will be needful
to trace the coronation ceremonies back to a time ear-
lier than the introduction of any ecclesiastical ritual
Down to the reign of Constantine it may be said that
coronation, properly speaking, there was none, for it
was he who first broumt the remX diadem into |>romi-
nence. Yet certain features about the accession of
the emperors in this earl^ period deserve attention.
In the first place, theoretically at least, the emperor
was elected. Normallv, the senate voted and the peo-
ple, or more commonly the army, acclaimed and in
that way ratified the choice. No doubt this procedure
was often anticipated and the result was assured be-
fore any forms were gone throu^. But the forms
were not dispensed with, and even when the senate or
the anny hid exercised an infiuence which was deci-
sive, the people met and acclaimed in more or less
formal comitia. In spite, however, of Uie principle of
election, the em{>eror was often able to exercise a pre-
dominant voice in the election of his successor or his
colleague, as he could also create his wife " Aupusta".
At this period the more distinctive imperial insignia
were "tne purple'', that is the pdludam«fi<um (or
chlamys) of the general in the field, emblematic of the
supreme military* authority, for the emperor was sole
imperator; and secondly, the laurel wreath. Hie
more or less violent clothing of the new emperor in the
paltidamentwn often constituted a sort of investiture.
On his part the promise of a largess to tiie soldioBv and
sometimes to the people, became the equivalent of a
formal acceptance of the election.
A new order of things was brought about bv Con-
stantine's assumption of the diac&m (see Bickel, in
Byzantinische Zeitschrift, VII, 5ia-534). (Constan-
tine wore it habitually during life (caput exomans per-
pehvo (fiadematey says Aurehus Victor, Ep. Ix), and
after death it adorned his corpse. In this waj the
diadem became the primary s^bol of sovereignty,
but without at first any prescription of forms accord-
ing to which it should oe conferred. When Julian
was proclaimed emperor by his troops in 360, they
hoisted him standing upon a shield, a ceremony they
seemed to have leamea from the Carman recruits in
their ranks, and then a standard-bearer took off the
torque, or gold necklace, which he wore and set ft upon
Julian 'ft head. No other crowning seems to have taken
place, but soon after we find the emperor at Vieuie
CORONATION
381
oosoNAnoir
wearing a gorgeous diadem set with jewels. In the case
of Vsdentinian (364) and his son Gratian (367) we have
equally tnention of a crown assumed amid profuse
acclamations of the assembled army. In each case,
also, the newly-elected sovereign made a speech and
gromised a largess to the troops, which Julian fixed at
ve gold pieces and a pound of silver to each man.
Informal as the proceemngs in all these oases seem to
have been, most of Uie elements so far mentioned took
a permanent place in the coronation ceremonial which
WBfl ultimately evolved. Bven the Teutonic
prtit '__<■•■ <n hoi?ting upon u IsnrkU^r ^ ->■*■'
Tacitus, Ann., XV, 29) though mn?ly
m€*Tttioned explicitly » was probohly
main tain e<l for a consideriiblo
tiinf% for it certamly wa^
observed in the eWtion of
AnaMtusiuB (491) and
Justin M (565), AtKJ
the miniatOTP of
the plecrtion of
David in a
tenth-centuty
psalter at
Pari.% in
which he
isrf^pre*
the selection of the patriarch mav possibly have been
due simply to the desire to pfeclude jealousy and to
avoid giving ofience to more powerful claimants of the
honour. But already in 473 , when Leo 1 1 was crowned
in the lifetime of his grandfather, we find the Patriarch
Acacius not only figuring in the ceremony but reciting
a prayer before the imposition of the diadem. If it
was Leo's grandfather and not Aoadus who actually
imposed it, that is only on account of the accepted
rule, that the reigning emperor in his lifetime is alone
the fount of honour whenever he chooses to
jKirtioii of liLs iiiithority W
ooliea^ue or oonBort. Following close
u^xm the finst mter vent ion of the
patriarch, the ecclesiitfltical
element in the coronation
ceremfmifll rapidly de-
velops. At the elec-
tion of Anas tail us
(491) the patri-
arch is pre*K?nt
at the ȣ^nn-
bly of the
senate and
noiabl6f»
when
I Uey
CoKONATXO.N OF Charl.i:maqn£ BY Lso III (Rathaus, Aachen)
sented standing upon a buckler supported by young
men while another sets a diadem on his head, im-
plies that this ceremony was generally familiar at a
later date. The diadem, though the military torque
after the analogy of Julian's election was often re-
tained as well, was and continued to be the symbol of
supreme power, and along with it, from the time of
Constantme onward, went the ceremony of "adora-
tion" of the monarch by prostration.
The next epoch-making change seems to have been
the introduction of the Patriarch of Constantinople to
set the diadem upon the head of the elected sovereign,
llie date at which this first took place is disputed,
for we cannot altogether ignore the alleged dream of
Theodosius I who saw himself crowned by a bishop
(Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., VI, vi), but Sickel (loc. cit.,
p. 517; cf. Gibbon, ch. xxxvi) holds that the Pa-
triarch AnatoUus in 450 crowned Marcian and by
that aet ori^nated a ceremony which became of the
ereatest possible signiiicahce in the later conception of
Sineship. At first there seems to have been no idea of
tending any rel^ous character to this investiture; a,nd
make their formal choice, and the book of the Holy
Gospels is expos^ in their midst (Const. Porph..
De Cser., I, 92). The coronation does not take
place in a sacred building, but an oath is taken by
the emperor to govern justly and another writtevi
oath is exacted of him by the patriarch that he
will keep the Faith entire and introduce no novelty
into the Church. Then after the emperor had
donned a portion of the regalia, the patriarch made a
f)rayer, and the ** Kyrie eleison" (possibly an ektene or
itany) being said, put upon his soverdgn the imperial
chlamvs and the jewelled crown. The acclamations
also which accompany and follow the emperor's speech
with its promises of the usual largess, are pronouncedly
religious in character; for example ''God will pre-
serve a Christian Emperor! Tnese are oonmion
prayers! These are the pravers of the world! Lord
nelp the pious! Holy Lord uplift Thy World! . . .
God be with you! ' ' Moreover at the conclusion of the
ceremony the emperor went str»g^t to St. Sophia,
putting off his crown and offering it at the altar.
The first emperor to be erownc» in ehurdi was Pho-
OOROKATIOir
382
OOBONATI0M
cas in 602, and althou^ our reoordsof procedure are
Bomewhat defective, no doubt can be lelt that from
this time forth the whole ceremonial assumed a formal
and ielifi;ious character. The rite is contained in the
"EuchoTogium", the earliest extant manuscript, dat-
ing from about 795« There is a partial clothing with
the insignia in the metatorium before the ceremony
begins, but the ritual centres in the conferrinjg of the
chlamys and crown. Before each of these is imposed
the patriarch reads in silence an impressive prayer
closely analogous in spirit to what we find in the West-
em orders at a later date. For example the prayer
over the dilamys bM:ins thus: " O Lord, our God, the
Kine of kines and Lord of lords^ who through Sam-
uel vne prophet didst diooee David Thy servant to be
king over Thy people Israel; do Thou now also hear
the supplication of us imworthv and behold from
Thy dwelling place Thy faithful servant N. whom
Thou hast b^n pleased to set as kin^ over Thy holy
nation, which Thou didst pimdiase with the precious
blood of Thine only-batten Son: vouchsafe to
anoint him with the oil of badness, endue him with
power from on high, put upon his head a crown
of pure gold, grant him long life," etc. After the
crowning the people cry out, ^'Holy, holy, holy" and
''Glory to Ciod in the nighest and on earth peace",
three times. Then Holy Communion is given to the
emperor from the reserved Sacrament, or perhaps even
the Mass of the Presanctified is celebrated. After
which all the standards and halberds are dipped and
raised again, and the senators and clergy prostrate in
adoration.
One cannot help suspecting that the choice of this
particular moment, when the emperor has just re-
ceived the Sacred Host, for the act of adoration may
have been motived by some foresight of possible con-
scientious objections about performing such adoration
merely to the emperor's person. The rite of prostrar
tion, uiough introduced by Constantine, was probably
not unaffected by lingering memories of the pa^n
apotheosis of the Ciesars. Finally, after the adoration
came the laudes (see Acclamations) or qcto as they
were called in the East (drroXoYetr was the technical
word). The cantors cried "Glory be to God in the
hi^est. . . • This is the ereat day of the Lord. This
is the day of the life of tne Romans", and so on for
many verses, the people repeating each once or thrice.
After which "Many, many, many". ^. "Many years,
for many years". " Long years to you, N. and N., auto-
crats of the Romans". % "Many years to you" and
so forth with much repetition. Finally, the emperor
leaves the church wearing his crown and goins to the
metatorium seats himself upon his throne wnUe the
dignitaries (^i^ni/MTa) come and do homage by kissing
his knees. Although the prayer over the chlamys begs
God to " anoint him with the oil of g^ness ' * the early
eudiologia contain no mention of any rite of unction,
and it seems tolerably certain that this was not intro-
duced in the East until the twelfth century (Bright-
man, loc. cit., 383^386). Even when adopted, the
unction was confined to making the sign of the cross
with chrimi upon the monarch'snead. The introduc-
tion of this new feature seems to have been accom-
Sanied with other dhanges which are found m the later
lyzantine coronations. The investiture with the pur-
ple chlamys altogether disappears, but two distinct
prayers or blessings are retained, between which are
inserted both ihe unction and the crowning. Finally,
w8 may notioe that the emperor is to scmie extent
treated as an ecclesiastic, for he wears a mandyas, or
cope, and dischsjrses the functions of a depuiatus,
whkh is, or was, the Greek equivalent of one of our
minor ordera.
n. VisxQOTHio AMD Csi/no Elbmbntb. — ^Turning
now to the inaugumtion rite of early kingships in the
West the first traces of a coronation order seem to be
Ibood in Spain and in Great Britain. Some of the
Spanish councils speak copiously, thoudU vaguely, of
the election of lungs (Migne, P. L., LXXXI V, 3S5. 39C
426), and while in the first half of the seventh century
there is no mention of unction but only of a profession
of faith and promise of just government on the part of
the king with a oorresponcung oath of fealty on the
part of his subjects, towards the dose of the same cen-
tury we have the clearest evidence that the Viaiflothic
kinffs on their accession were solemnly anointed by the
Bi^op of Toledo. When in 672 the oil waa poured
upon the heeul of the kneeling King Wamba a oloud of
vapour arose (evaporaHo qiuBdam fumo stmilis in
modum colummB, Julian, Hifftoria, c iv; Migne, P. L.,
XCVI, 766) whidi was regarded by those present as a
supernatural pcnrtent. For the rest we know litUe of
this early Spanish coronation rite beyond the fact that
it was a religious ceremony and that the king under-
took certain obligations towards his people. It is
chiefly interesting as supj^ying the earliest known ex-
amples of the imction. wheuer this ceremony was
instituted by the Spanish bishops in imitation of what
thev read in the Old Testament concerning the unction
of Saul, David, and Solomon (I Kings, x and xvi; III
Kings, i) or whether they themselves derived it from
some eariy Christian tradition it seems impossible now
to decide.
In view of what has been written of late about the
close liturgical relations between Spain and England,
via Gelticji. e. probably Irish, channels (see Bishop in
Joum. of Theol. Stud., VlII, 278), it is natural to pass
from Spain to the eaniest coronations in the British
Isles. The statement of Gildas (c. 530?) cannot be ig-
nored, when, speaking of the desolation and corruption
of manners in Britain, he says: " un^bantur reges non
per Deum, sed qui ceteris cruddiores exstarent, et
paulo post ab imctoribus non pro veri examinatione
trucidabantur, aliis electis trucioribus" (De £Ixcidio,
ch . xxi ; Mommsen, 37) . Again , in his commentary on
the First Book of Kings (x, 1) St. Gregory the Great
certainly seems to speak as if the rite oT the unction of
kines was practised in his time (Migne, P. L., LXXDC,
278) . " Ungatur caput reeis ' ', he says, " quia spirituali
gratid mens est replenda aoctoris ' '. It may oonoeiva-
bly be that these passages are only metaphorical, but
they at least show a familiarity with the oonoeption
which might at any moment find expression in actual
practice. At the same time no recoitl exists of the use
of unction in the eariiest Scottish coronations. Gath-
ering up scattered traditions, the Marquess of Bute
gives the following ceremonial as representing in all
probability the rite of "ordination" of a Geltic king,
say the Lord of the Isles, in the seventh and eigh£
centuries. There was a gathering of the principal
people of the nation including, if possible, seven
priests. The new ruler was elected xmless a tanist
(a lieutenant with right of succession) had been elected
already. The king was clad in white and Mass was
celebrated down to the Gospel. After the Go^)el the
king was made to set his right foot in the foot-print of
Fergus Mor- Mac Erca, the impression of which was
cut m stone; there he took an oath to pr^rve idl the
ancient customs of the country and to leave the suc-
cession to the tanist. His father's sword or some
other sword was then placed in one of his hands and a
white rod in the other, with suitable exhortations.
After this a bard or herald rehearsed his genealogy.
Re-entering the chureh seven prayers were recited
over him by, if possible, as many priests, one at least of
these prayers being called the Benediction, during
which he who offered it laid his hand upon the king's
head. The Mass was then finished and the king prob-
ably Communicated. At the conclusion of the whole
he gave a feast and distributed a largess (Bute,
Scottish O>ronations, 34) . It will be notic^ that here,
as in theearlier Spanish ritual, there is no mention of a
orown or diadem, and though the uncticm which is so
prominent a feature in the Spanish ceremony is ap-
00£OKATIOn
383
ooBOirATmi
parentiy lacking, still our inf ormatioa is too f ragmen-
tanr to enable us to apeak with oonfidenee. more espe-
cially in view of the eaaual utterance of Qildas.
in. Thb English Coronation Ordsrs. — ^But of
all detailed ceremonials for the investiture of a mon-
arch tiie earltost which has been preserved to us in a
complete form is one of Enalish origin. It is known
as w Egbertine Order, because the beBt4mown
manuscript in which it is contained is an Anglo-Saxon
codex whM^ professes to be a copy of the Pontfficai of
Arohbiahop Egbert of York (7d2-766). We cannot in
such a ease be sedue against the poesibilit;^ of sidt>se-
qiient interpolations^ for the ^bert Pon-Ufical. now
at Paris (MS. Latin 10,575), is only of the tenth cen-
tury, but the character of the ooronatioci order itself is
quite consistent with an eariy date. Moreover the
same ritual occurs in other eariy manuscripts, and frag-
ments of it are found embedded in Continental orders,
sudi as that for the coronation of Queen Judith (866).
Neariiy everything in this Egbertine Order is of in-
terest and we may analyse it rather dosely. At the
head we find the title: Missa pro rt^&jus in die bens-
dietiome efus (sic)* Being, as the title says, a Mass, it be-
gins with a "pTopet " Introit, collect, lesson from Leviti-
cus (xxvi,6-4), Ciradual, and Gospel (Matt., xxii, ISso.).
Then oecurs the rubric: ''the bieBsing upon a newly-
elected l^ng"f upon which follow three prajf^eniof mod-
erate lengw beginning respectively: ''Te invocamus,
Domine sanete , etc.; "Deus qui p<9ul{8 tuis'\ etc.;
and ''In dii^us ejus priatur omnibus flequitas' , etc
The second df these prayers, which st9l remains prac-
tically unchanged in the coronation order used at the
accession of Kmg Edward VII| may be quoted here as
a specimen:—
"O God, who providest for Thy people by Thy
power and rulest over them in love; grant unto this
Thy servant Edward our King, the spirit of wisdom
and Kovenmient, that bein^ devoted unto Thee with
all his heart, he may so wisely govern this kingdom,
that in his tune Thy Church toad people may continue
in safety and prosperity, and that, peraevering in
good works unto the aid, he may through Thy meroy
oome to TUne everlasthig Kingdom; through Jesus
Christ Thy Son our Lord. Amen.^
It is worth noting that we have no reason to believe
that this prayer or oUien occurring in the EJfliwrtine
Order is neoessarav of English origin. On tne con-
trary it flooms to have been adapted out of one for
the pope ooeurring in the Gregorian Sacramentary
which begins: Detis mi populis hits indulgenHd eon*
euUe, and an intermediate form was used at the coro-
nation of Charies the Bald as King of Lotharingia in
860. After the three prayers we meet the rubric:
"Here he shall pour oil upon his head from a horn,
with the antiphon: Unxerunt Sahmonem, etc., and the
Psahn Domine in virtute tud, etc. (Ps. xx). Let one of
the bieihops say the prayer while the others anoint him.''
The prayer referred to is the Deue eleeiorum fortC-
tudo, some phrases of which stUl remain in the prayer
now said immediately before the unction. The same
Deue eled&rum fortUudo is found in the coronation
order of Queen Judith, who was anointed queen bj^
Hincmar, Bidiop of Reims, in 860. It oontains al-
lusions to the olive-branch brought by the dove to the
ark and to the anointing of Aaron and of the kiugi of
Ipael and thus shows itself to have been originally de-
swied for some such purpose as a prayer of unction.
Ihen follows another rubric: ''Here all the bishc^
with ihe mamates \frincipibwi\ put the sceptra into
his hand. " Some at the texts, however, omit this last
rubric and write simply Benedictio; and to say the
truth the diort sentences whidi follow are very much
of the nature of acdamafeions of benediction, such as
we have alnady quoted from some of the Byaantine
orders, thoiuh thev are a little longer in fofm and
could certaiiuy not have been repeated in Latin by the
A^jb-fiazon populaee or even the magnates. The
people's riiaro tai this function is probably indicated by
the simple ^ Amen" which fofiows each chiuse. There
are sixteen of these brief elauses and then the rubric
announces: ** Hero a staff is put into his hand ", where-
upon another prayer of mooerate length is said which
is followed by a praver of blessing, vague and some-
what extravagant in language, preceded by the rubric:
** Hero let aU the bishops tali» the helmet and set it
upon his head." The simultaneous crowning by sev-
eral hands is rather a noteworthy featuro in the cere-
mony and it is curious that aithot^rii in the later " Liber
Regalis" and other orders the archbishop is named as
alone imposing the crown, the flluminations in medie-
val chronicles and romances almost invariably repre-
sent the crown as being put on by at least two biriiops
standing on either side. After this praver follows
what is perhaps the lAost interesting rubric of the
whole order, though unfortunately even with the aid
of our three different manuscripts we cannot restcH^
the text of the latter part with anv great defiree of con-
fidence. "And all tbe people rtiful say toiee times
with the bishops and pnests: 'May King N. live for
ever. Amen, Amen, Amen.' Then shful the whole
people oome to kiss the prince; and he shall be
stren^hened on his throne by this R. e. the following
blessins. " Accordingly before the Mass is suffered to
proceed another solemn prayer is said. Dene perpe-
iuiiatie auctor, which in the Egbert Pontifical is
emphasized by a preceding rubric: " Let them say the
seventh prayer over the King." Now the prayer in
question is really the eighth, and undoubtedly this fact
coupled with traces of marginal numbering which
reveal themselves in the Egbert Pontifical lends
probability to Lord Bute^i theory that this series of
pra^rs betrays Oeltic influences and was originally
destined for the seven priests whose presence was sup-
posed in the Celtic ritual. The eighth prayer, as he
thinks that of the unction, is shown on this hypothe-
sis to be an interpolation of somewhat later date.
After this last pniyer, Deue perpetuitaiie auctor, the
Mass is resumed. The Mass prayers are Roman and
the same Mass prayers are attached to the very early
coronation order which Mgr. Magistretti has printed
from an Ambrosian pontifi^ at the ninth century and
which he pronounces to be also indisputably Roman.
It seems probable enou^ that we are nere again in the
presenoeof the samesortof compromise between Celtic
and Roman elements which we find in the Stowe Mis-
sal (see Oftimc Rrrs). At the conclusion of the
Mass we find the following rubric— it may perhaps be
an interpolation of later date than the rest dl tiie order
— and we may here see the King^ first proclamation
to his people:—
"It IS rightful condRict in a king newly ordained to
make these three behests hjreBcepkq to his people.
"First, that the Churdh of God and ab (Aristlan
folk should keep tru^ peace at an tunes. Amen.
"The second IS that ne should forbid all robbeiy and
all unrighteous things to all orders. Amen.
"The third is that he should enjoin in aU dooms jus-
tice and mercy, that the gracious and merciful God, of
His everlasting mefcy, may show pardon to us all.
Amen."
It is probable that in this tripledivisionof the primi-
tive oath we have the explanation of a f eatiue which
still survives in the Enclish coronation service. Be-
fi»e the king three naJced swords are carried, two
pointed and one without a point, which is hence known
as cwiana, the sword cut short. The first two
swords were known to medieval writers as the sword of
the clergy and the sword of justice. They represent
the king's two promises, to defend the Church (not, as
certain Anglican writers have unwarranta^y sup-
posed, to coerce and punish the Oiun^) and to punish
evildoenk The third, without a pohit, most aptly
symbolises the mercy with which, as the oovereign
himself is tau^t to liope for nie«^, aU hii justioe i^ to
ctmovATum
384
OQBOVATXOV
be tempered. We have evidence ihsk% these ihiee
ftwords were known in Kngiwh ceremoniBl aa eaarlv as
Richard I (1189), while the form of oath just cited, re-
mained in use until a centuiy later. Upon this oath
somethine mora will need to be said.
Towards the end of the tenth century we find that a
new coronation order waa in use in England. It inoor-
porated most of the E^bertine Order but it added
much new matter. Various considerations show that
it was an attempt to imitate the imperial coronation of
theCarlovingian monarchs on the Continenti and our
knowledge of the imperial state assumed by King
Eadgar strongly suggests that it is to be assigned to the
date of his dderredcoronation (973). Another modi-
fication took place shortly after the Conquest and is
probably to be traced to Norman influences which
m^e themselves felt in Church and State. But the
most important English order is that introduced at the
coronation of Edward II, in 1307, and known as that
of the '' Liber Regalis ' \ It lasted practically unaltered
through the Eeformation period'and though translated
into Englishupon the accession of James I it waa not sub-
stantia^y modified until the coronation of his grand-
son James II, and it may be said even at the present
day. to form the substance of the ritual by wmch the
monarchs of Great Britain are C3x>wned. While it coor
tained many prayers in conunon with those used in the
imperial coronation of the Western Empire and those
of the existing " Pontificale Bomanum " it also pre-
served many distinctive features. A short synopsis
of it will be serviceable.
After the sovereign had been solemnly .brought to
Westminster Abbey church and had made an offering
at the altar, he was conducted to a raised platform
erect^ for the purpose and there he was presented 4k>
the people, who, on a short address from one of the
bishops, signified by acclamations their assent to
the coronation. Then the king was interrogated bv the
archbishop as to his willin^ess to observe the laws,
customs, and liberties grantca by St. Edward the Confe»-
sor, and he was required to promise peace to the Church
and justice to his people, all which ne confirmed by an
oath taken upon the altar. Next thev nroceeded to
the unction, w\dch. was introduced by the Veni Creator
and the litanies, during which the king remained pros-
trate on his face. Por the unction ,the kin^ was seated
and his hand, breast, shoulder-blades, and joints of the
arms were all anointed with the oil of catediumens, an
anthem and several long prayers, being recited the
while. Finally his head was anointed, first with the
oU of catephumens and afterwards, with chnsm. The
next stase in the ceremony was the dressing and inves-
titure cfthe monarch. A tunic (colobium nndonia)
was put upon him with sandals upon hk feet and spurs.
Then he was girded with a swqrd.and received the
armiOcef a sort of stole put about the neck and tied to
his^ arms at the elbows. These were followed by the
pcdlium, or cloak, formerly the equivalent of the chia-
mys, or purple paludamenhim, and fastened bv a elasp
over the ri^t shoulder, but now represented in Eng-
Uftb coronations by a sort of mantle like a oope. Th^
the crown was blessed bv a spe&ai prayer, x>eu« huh
rum corona fidelium, and imposed by the archbishop
with two other prayers. lliis wa». followed by the
blessing and conferring of the ring and finally the Bcefh
tre and rod were presented, also with prs^fens. A fur-
ther long blessing was pronounced when the king was
conducted to the throne there to rsceive the homage of
the peers. Then if there was no queen consort to be
crowned, Mass began imiaediatelyi aMass with' 'proper''
Srayers and preface and a special benediction siven by
le archbishop before the Agnus Dei. After theCredo
the king again went to the altar and offered bread and
wine and a. mtfk of goki. The Jciss of peace was
brought to the king at bis thiene but he went humbly
to the altar to Commuaieatei after which be received a
Oi:aught of wixielrom St. Edward^, stone chalice. .AA
the end the king was conducted to the shrine of St
Edward where he made an offering of his crown.
As already remarked, the service for the coronation
of the King of England even in modem times remains
eubstantia&y the same, though English has been sub-
stituted lor Latin and though many transpositioDS and
modifications have been introduced in the prayers and
ceremonies, all distinctively EcMnan exprassions being
studiously suppressed. Ine Mass ot comae giv«B
place to the communion service of the Book of Com-
mon Prayer, but the sovereign still offers bread and
wine as well as <gold, and <iown to the ooxonation of
Queen Victoria even the '' proper" preface was re-
tained* Indeed its omission and other (Hniasions and
ohan^ introduced for ihe fiat time in the coronation
of King Edward VII were prompted onhr by the de-
sire to abbreviate a very long service. Toe most seri-
ous alteration in the medieval fonn ia of course in the
oath. Since the time of William III the king has
sworn to maintain '^the Protestant tleformed Kdjgion
established by Law "—-a phiaae which has always been
a thorn in the side of those advanced Ritualists who
contend that the Church of England has never been
Protestant. Moreover since the interrogative form is
used, this description is uttered by the Arcdibiahop of
Canterbury before the Lords and. Commons and the
representatives of the whole English CSiurch. On the
otner hand one dause in the interrogation stiU stands
as it did. . The king is asked, " Will you to your power
cause Law and Justice in mercy to be executed in all
your judgments ? " To which he relies, " I will" — a
promise which differs but sii^tly from the under-
taking made in the oldest E^>ertine Order. After
the archbishop's questions have all been answered the
king advances to the "Altar", as it is still called^ and
takes ^lis solemn oath upon the Bible lying there:
"The things which I have here before promised I will
perform and keep, so help me QocL" The coronation
oath, it shoidd be noticed, must be carefully distin-
guished from " the Protestant Dedaration", which ihe
sovereign by a still unrepealed clause of the BiU of
Rights (1689) is required to make on the first day of
his first Parliament. In this declaration Transubstan-
tiation and other Catholic doctrines are repudiated and
the Mass declared idolatrous. When, as sometimes
has happened, the coronation ceremony precedes the
first meeting of Parliament, the dedaration against
Transubstantiation has to be made in the course of the
ooronaUoQ ceremony. The only new element intro-
duced into the English rite since the Reformation is
the presenting of the Bible to the sovereign. This
like the Protestant Declaration dates from the coro-
nation of William and Mary.
IV. Thb Westsrm EMPras and t^s Roman Pon*
TiFiCAL. — ^There is so much general similarity be-
tween the En^h coronation order in its perrected
fonn and that used for the coronationof the Emperor
and the King of the Romans that it will not be neces-
sary to Ueat this section in ^reat detaiL The fact
undoubtedly is, though Anglican litnigiBts ignore it
as far as possible, that at each of the eariy modifica-
tions of the English ritual, more eiqaedally that under
King Eadgar. the imperial ooremonial was freely imi-
tated (see Thurston, Coronation Ceremonial, 18-23
sqq.). But owing to the acddental preservation ol
so many En^sh documents there is no ooionataoii
ceremonial in the world the histoiy of irhkh is so weQ
knotm to us as that of England and we have oonse-
2uently given it the preference in order of treatments
Lpart from Spanish examples, the earliest definite
instance of unction of a Chnstian sovereign seems to
be that of Pepin, who was first erowned by St. Bocu-
face, the papal legate at Soissons in 752, and again,
together wiln his sons Charles and Carioman and his
wife Bertha,' by Pope Stephen at S^Denis, Sunday,
28 July, 754. Charlemame Mbb solemnly crowned at
St. Peter's. in Borne by Pope Leo III, qa OhristmBa
COBOVATlOir
385
OOBOVAnOM
Day, 800. The statement of a Greek chronicler that
he waa anointed from head to foot is probably a mere
blunder or groes eza^^ration. Despite the efforts of
Dr. Diemand (Das Oraremoniell der KaiserkrOnungen)
to classify the various Ordtnes for the coronation of
the emperor and to trace the stages of their develop-
ment, the subject remains intricate and obscure. We
may be content to note rafHdly the elements of its
somplete form.
The cer»nony was assumed to take place at Rome,
as by right it mould, and the first incident was the
solemn entry of the emperor into Rome, whidi should
if possible take place on a Sunday or festival. He
was met in state outside the walls and escorted to
St. Peter's. Next came the reception b^r the pope,
who sat enthroned and surrounded by his cardinals
at the head of the steps before St^ Peter's, and
there the -emperor, after kissing the pope's foot,
took the coronation oath (Diemand, 108-123), which
in its earliest form ran as follows: '^In the name of
Christ I, N., the Emperor, promise, undertake and
protest in the presence of God and Blessed Peter the
Apostle, that I will be the protector and defender of
the Holy Roman Church in all ways that I can be of
help [in amnibtis utilitai(bu8\ so far as I shall be sup-
ported by the Divine aid, according to my knowledge
and abflity." This undertaking, which at first was
clearly not an oath in form, was afterwards strength-
ened by a number of added clauses, for instance by the
words, * I swear upon these Holy Gospels ", or agam by
an explicit promise of fealty to the reigning pope by
name and to his successors. There was here also per-
haps a prayer of blessing spoken as the emperor was
esoortea into the church. At one time this waa fol-
lowed by a sort of examination into the fitness ol the
candidate (scmKftMfm), but this disappeared in the
later Ordines. He was then received and in a
sense enrolled among the canons of St. Peter's and
prepared for the anointing. The unction was intoo-
duced by the litany and performed by the Bishop
of Ostia, who only anointed the ri^t arm and the
back between the shoulders with the oil of catechu-
mens. Two prayera follow, both of which have
found their way into the English ord^, though one
of them occurs in a oontra^ed form and is used
only for conferring the rine. All this took place
before the beghming of Mass, but in the later forms of
the imperiid <nrh toe next item of the coronation
service, the b^towal of the insignia and notably oi the
crown, took place after the Gradual, being thus in-
serted in the Mass itself. The order in which the
^osignia were delivered varied much, and in the later
forms a mitre was given to the emi>eror before the
crown, and the sceptre was accompanied with an orb.
This last had no place in the medieval English cere-
mony. After the giving of the insignia the Landes,
or acclamations, were sung and then the Gospel was
chanted and the Mass resumed its course. The whole
ceremony concluded with a solemn procession to the
Lateran and a state banquet.
The form used in Germany for the coronation
of the King of the Romans retains much Sn com-
mon with the imperial order, but it bears a still
closer resemblance to what is known as the ''second"
English ritual, viz.: that used for the Anglo-Saxon
King Eadgar. The fact, as Dr. Diemand points out,
seems to have been that the Eebertine Order
was reinforced by imperisd elements oorrowed from
abroad, and thus acquired a certain reputation as
the most elaborate form for the crowning of a king.
Hence it came to be largely copied on the Continent
and in that way we find unmistakable traces of prayers
originally written for Anglo-Saxon kings travelling
into Central Europe and even as far south as Milan.
'Hie ordo inscribea ''De Benedietione et Ooronatione
Regis", which is still extant in the '^ Pontificals
Bomanum", beam much resemblance to the forma
IV.— 25
1'ust described used for the coronation of the emperor.
**or example the mrulinium occurs in this form:
The king is presoited to the consecrating arehbishop
by two bishops, who petition that he may be erownea,
and who, when themselves interrogated as to his fit-
nem, reply that they know him to be a worthy and
proper person. The oath follows, also the litany with
prostration, and then the anointing on the arm and be-
tween the shoulders. Then, after Mass has been bo-
|;un and broueht as far as the Gradual, the king kneel-
mg at the altar-steps receives successively swoixl,
crown, and sceptre, each accompanied with appro*
priate prayers. Finally the king is solemnly en-
throned, the Te Deum sung, and the remainder of the
Mass follows. A similar, but generally somewhat
shorter, rite is observed in the coronation of a queen
consort. The prayers often differ from those used for
the king and tne insignia are naturally fewer.
V. Other Csremoniaub. — In earlier ages almost
every country imder monarchical government had a
coronation ceremony of its own and this was nearly
always distinguished by some peculuur features. For
examole in Aragon the king was expected to pass the
preceoing night in the chureh with a purpose which
was evidentiy analogous to that of the knight's vi^
spent in the watching of his arms. In Scotland agam
tne light of regal unction and coronation was accorded
(1329) in a Bull of Pope John XXII (the crown having
previously been regarded rather as a civil ornament)
m which the privik»e was burdened with the condition
that the king should take an oath that he would do his
utmost to extirpate f rexn his dominions all whom the
Chureh should denounce as heretics. As a remote
consequence of this James VI, the infant son of
Queen Mary, or rather Morton, the Regent, in his
name, took an oath '^to root out all heresy and ene-
mies to the true worship of God that shall be convicted
by the true kiric of Crod of the aforesaid crimes"; the
principal amonff these crimes being the ''ydolatre of
the odious and blasphemous mass". At present,
however, the investiture of sovereigns with the in-
signia of their office by a religious ceremony is by no
means universal, and it is curious that in Spain, a most
Catiiolic country in fuU diplomatic relations with the
Holy See, no such religious ceremony is now in use. Of
European countries we may note that the rite followed
in France in the fourteenth and subseouent centuries
was almost identical in substance with tnat of the Eng-
lish ** Liber Regalis " (see the careful comparison in De-
wick's " The Order of Coronation of Charles V", pp. xvi
sq<i.). The most important differences were first the
privil^e of the French kin^ a privilege not shared by
nis consort, of Conmiunicating under CK)th species, and
secondly the use of the oil from the Sainte Ampoule,
an oil which according to universal belief had been
miraculously brouglht from heaven by an angel, or a
dovC) for the baptism of Clovis. This oil down to the
Revolution was kept in the Abbey of Reims. The
abbot brought the Sainte Ampoule to the corona-
tion and by means of a golden needle a drop of its
contents was extracted and mixed with chrism. With
this mixture the king was anointed first on the head,
then on the breast, sm finally on the back and on the
joints of the arms. It seems clear that this privilege
of the French king provoked imitation in England,
and a letter of Pope John XXII has recently been
brou^t to light returning a guarded answer to an
application of Edward II who wished to be anointed
with certain oil said to have been revealed by Our
Blessed Lady to St. Thomas of Canterbury.
It would take us too far to enter into any details as to
ibe ceremonial formerly observed in the coronation of
the Kings of Hungary, Bdhemia, and Poland, but a word
may be added about one of the most splendid of the
coronation orders still maintained, namely that of the
czar, which always takes place at Moscow. The ser*
vice begins after the Proscomedy, or Offertory, bfa
OOlBOinBL
386
OOBPOBAL
solemn procession in which the emperor enters the
church and is conducted to his throne. The lifting
u(K)n a shield which was long retained in the ola
Greek ritual of Constantinople is not now used at
Moscow. After the emperor has recited the Nicene
Creed as a profession of faith, and after an invocation
of the Holy Ghost and litany, the emperor assumes
the puiple chlamys and then the crown is presented
to him. He takes it and puts it on his head himself,
while the metropolitan says, ''In the name of the
Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, Amen",
and then the metropolitan makes the following short
address: ''Most God-fearing, absolute and mighty
Lord, Emperor of all the Russias, this visible and
tangible adornment of thy head is an eloquent symbol
that thou as the head of the whole Russian people art
invisibly crowned by the King of kings, Chnst, with a
most ample blessing, seeing that He bestows upon thee
entire authority over His people." This is followed
by the delivery of the sceptre and orb, each with ad-
dresses. Then the queen is crowned, the emperor for
a moment putting his own crown on the head of the
empress before he invests her with that which prop-
erly belongs to her. This is followed by the proclama-
tion of the emperor's style and by a gen^^ act of
homace. The Liturgy is then celebrated, and after
the Gonmiunion hymn (jcoiywMffiv) the ro^al gates
of the sanctuary are opened, the emperor is mvitod to
approach, and there, near the entrance, standing on
the dolii of gold, the emperor and empress are anoint-
ed. In the case of the emperor the forehead, eyes,
nostrils, mouth, ears, breast, and the hands on both
sides, are all touched with oil but in the case of the
empress the unction is confined to the forehead only.
Then the emperorpasses within the royal ^tes and
receives both the Eucharistic species as a pnest does,
separatelv. The empress, however, remains outside,
and receives only, as the Greek laity usually do, by
intinction.
0«aend.— Thalhofkr in Kirchetdex., «. t. KrGnung; Vbn-
ABLE8 in Did. Christ. Ant., s. vv. Coronation and Crovm. Mar-
TfcNE, De Antiquia Bcdetice Ritibu» (Venice, 1783), II. 201-241 ;
Catalani, CinremoniaU Rotnanum (Rome, 1750), I, 86-146;
PontificaU Rotnanum (Rome. 1736), I, 360^17. . ,
Particular Rites. — Byzantine.— ^iCKJih, Das byzanttniache
KrOnvngsrecht bis turn lO. Jahrhundert In Bytantxniseks ^pit-
schrifi (Leipsig, 1898). VII: Bbightman, Byzanime Imperial
Coronatione in Joum. of Thecl. Studies (1901), II, 369-392.
Spanish. — FArotin, MonuTnenla Ecdesia Litwrgioa (Paris,
1904), IV, 498-505. Cettic;— Bute. Scottish CoronaHona (Lon-
don, 1902); Ckx>PBR, FourSooUiah Coronations (Aberdeen. 1902,
Eccies. Society); Kinloch, Scottish Coronations in The Dublin
Review (1902). English. — ^M askell. Monumenla Ritualia Be-
dcsice AnifiieancB (Oxford, 1882), II; WoRDBWORrn, The Manner
of Coronaiion of King Charles i (London, 1892). The vaat num-
ber of pubUcaUons produced on the coronation of Edward VII
cannot be mentioned here, but among the more important are
Wicrram-Leoo. English Coronation Records (London, 1901);
WoRDBWORTR. Three Enolisk Coronotion Orders (Loodon, 1901);
Macleanb, The Great Sdemniiv (London, 1902); Thurston, The
Coronation Ceremonial (London. 1902). and in Nineteenth Cen-
tury (March. 1902), and in The Month (June, July, 1902); Wii^
30N, The English Coronation Orders m Jour, of TheoL Studies
(July, 1901). Imperial Coronations. — Dieiiand, Dos Cere-
moniell der Kaiserkr&nungen (Munich, 1894); Wattz, Die For-
meln der deuisdten K6nigs-und der r&misehen KaiserkrOnung
(GOttingen, 1871); Scrwarzbr, Die Ordines der F—' — *
MisoiUaneous. — Dbwick, The Order of Coronation of Charles .
" ■ Maltzew, Bitt-:^ParOo' und
(Henry Bradahaw Society, 1899),
Weihe^ottesdienste (Beriin, 1897),
Knmungen in Oberitalisn (Strasburs,
PontiHoale Andirosianum (Milan. 1807).
Herbert Thurston.
1-61; Haasb, Die KOntga-
1901); MAOiflTRBrri.
chaplain and preacher to his court. He came to
Rome by order of his sui^eriors, and there took the
degree of Doctor of Divinity. Goronel tav^t theol-
ogy for many years in the Eternal City with eredit
to himself and honour to his order. At this time the
controversy about the efficacy of Divine grace and
free will between the Jesuits and Dominicans was at
its height. The reioiing pontiff, Clement VII I , estab-
lished the famous Congregatio de Auxiliis to decide
the points at issue, and Coronel was appointed by the
pope to the onerous and invidious position of secre-
tary. He was continued in this office by Pope Clem-
ent's successor, Paul V. As a reward for his services
to the congregation, he was offered a bidiopric. This
he declined, saving that at his age — ^he was then sixty
— ^honours and responsibilities were rather to be laid
down than assumed. He attended the genenJ cha|>-
ter of his order, held at Rome in 1620, as definitor of
the Sardinian province. Coronel 's principal worics
are: ''Libri decem de verU ChrisU EcclesiA" (Rome,
1504); ''Libri sex de optimo reipublice statu"
(Rome, 1597); ''De traditionibus i^x)stolicis" (Rome.
1597). A history of the Coneregatio de AuxMiis, n
manuscript, is preserved in the Angelica Library in
Rome.
Elssiub, Encomiasticon Augustinianum (Bnieeels, 1054>:
OasiNGER, Bibliotheea Augustiniana (In^oldstadt, 1768>;
Lantbrx, /\>«<rpma soBcula sex rdigionis AuguMnianm (Rome,
1860); Babbosa and Narducci, CataJogus manuaaripiorum
BibliotheoaB Angelica (Rome, 1893); Baboon, Af<m<u(ict AugHa-
tiniani Crusenti continuaHo (VallaaoUd, 1903).
J. A. Knowleb.
Ooronel, Juan, b. 1569, in Spain; d. 1651, at
M^da, Mexico. He made his academic studies at
the Universitv of Alcald de Henares, and joined tfao
Franciscans of the province of Castile. He was sent to
Yucatan, Mexico, in 1590, and there so familiarised
himself with the Maya language that he was able to
teach it, the historian Cogolluao being one <A his pu-
pils. Ck)golludo says he wrote a Ma^a grammar
(Arte) that was printed in Mexico, of which, however,
nothing else is known. A catechism in Mava: " Doc-
trina cristiana en lengua l^ya", was published at
Mexico in 1620, and in the same year there i^peared in
print, also at Mexico, ''Discursos predicables y trata-
dos espirituales en lengua Maya". Both are ezoeed-
in^y rare. Father Coronel was one of the foremost
teachers of the Indians of Yucatan in the seventeenth
century. He was a strict Observant for sixty-seven
years, always travelling barefooted. His neat aus-
terity impeded his election to the office of Inovindal
of the Franciscan Order in Yucatan.
CocioiiLt7DO, Historia de Yucatan (Madrid, 1688; Mdrida.
1842); BsBiSTAiN, Biblioteca hispano-amerieana (Mezioo, 1816;
Amecameca, 1883); Squibb, Monograph, ete. (New York,
1861) ; he merely copies Bbbistain.
Ad. F. Bandsusr.
Oor^Xdl (from Lat. corjma, body), a square
white linen cloth, now usually somewhat smaller than
the breadth of an altar, upon which the Sacred Host
and chalice are placed during the celebration of Mass.
^thoujdi formal evidence is wanting, it may fairly be
assumed that something in the nature of a corpora^
has been in use since the earliest days of Christianity.
Naturally it is difficult in the early stages to distin-
guish the corporal from the altar-cloth, and apassage
of St. Optatus (c. 375), which asks, "What Christian
is unaware that in cdebrating the Sacred Mysteries
the wood [of the altar] is covered with a linen cloth?"
(ipso ligna UrUeamine cooveriri^ Optatus, VT, ed.
Ziwsa, p. 145), leaves us in doubt which he is referring
Ooronely Gregorio Nui^BZ^ a distinguished theolo-
gian, writer, and preacher, b. in Portugal, about 1548;
d. about 1620. At an early age he entered the Order
of St. Augustine in one of its many houses in his native
land, m manifested, during the course of his stud-
ies, great powers of research and a ready grasp of the lur bue dw»m;uu»i<* ui \»im ^luvi x uiiviu«»t» , ^tc
most abstruse proUems of philosophv and theology. rPope Sylvester] decreed that the Sacrifice should not
Soon after his ordination to the priesthood he became be celebrated upon a silken or dyed cloth, but only
famous as a profound theologian and master of sacred on linen, sprung from the earth, as the Body of oiu*
eloquence. When his fame was at its zenith, he left Lord Jesus Christ was buried in a clean linen shrouu *'
Portugal and was appointe<i by the Duke ot Savoy (Mommsen. p. 51). cannot be rdied upon. StilL the
to. This is probablv the earliest direct testimony;
for the statement of the "Liber Pontificalia", "He
OOBMRAIt
387
OeBPOB41!fOV
Ideas ezpfressed in this passage are found in an aiithen*
tie letter ol St. Isidore of rausium (£p. i, 123) and
again in the *' Expodtio " of St. Qennaniis of Paris in the
sixth century (P. L., LXXII, 93). Indeed they lasted
thioiigh the Middle Ages, as the verses attributed to
Hildebert (P. L., CLXXI, 1194) sufficiently show>—
Ara cnicis, tumulique calix, lapidisque patena^
SindonJs offioium Candida byssus habet.
It is quite orobable that in the early centuries only
one linen cloui was used which served both for altar-
cloth and corporal, this beina c^ large sise and doubled
back to cover the chalice. Mueh ooubt must be felt
as to the oiiginal use of certain cloths of figured linen
in the treasury of Monaa which Barbier de Montault
BOiuAt to identify as ccnrporals. The corporal was de-
apribed as jnUa corf)oraUMf or vdamsn dominica menMB,
or aperianum dominici corporis, etc.; and it seems
genmdly to have been of linen, thousdi we hear of
altar-cloths of silk (Greg, of Tours, ''Hist. Franc.",
VII, 22; X, 16), or of purple (Paulus Silentiarius,
** Descr. S. Sophue", p. 758; a coloured miniature in
the tenth-century BeiMdictional of St. i£thelwold also
seems to show a purple altaiHsovering), or of doth-of-
gold (Ghrysoetom in Matt., Hom. 1). In some of
these cases it seems difficult to decide whether aitar^
doth or corporal is meant. However, there is no
doubt that a clear distinction had established itself in
Cariovingiaa times or even earlier. Thus, in the
tenth oentuiy, Regino of PrOm (De Disc. Eod., cap.
cxviii) Quotes a council of Reims as having decreed
"that tne corporal [corporale] upon which the Holy
Saorifioe was offered must be of the finest and purest
linen without admixture of any other fibre, because
Our Saviour's Body was wrapped not in silk, but in
clean linen *\ He adds that the corporal was never to
remain on the altar, but was to be put in liie Missal
[Sacramentonan Ubro] or shut up with the chalice and
paten in some dean receptade. And when it was.
wBt^aed, it was to be washed first of all bjr a priest,
deacon, or subdeacon in the church itsdf, in a place
or a vessd specially reserved for this, because it had
been impreg^ted with the Body and Blood of Our
Lord. Afterwards it mijght be sent to the laundry
and treated like other linen. The suggestion as to
keeping the corporal between the leaves of the Missal
is interesting beisause it shows that it cannot, even in
the tenth centuiy, have always been of that extrava-
^nt sise whieh might be inf enred from the description
in the'^Seoond Roman Ordo" (cap. ix),where the deacon
and an assistant deacon are represented as foldjns it
up between them. Still it was big enough at this
period to allow of its being bent back to cover the
(Malice, and thus serve the purpose of our present pall.
This is done by the Carthusians to this day, who use
no pall and have no proper devation of the chalice.
As regards the sise of the corporal, some change may
have taken place when it ceased to be usual for the
Eple to bnng loaves to the altar, for there was no
zer need of a laige doth to fold back over them
[cover them. Anjrway, it is in the deventh and
twelfth centuries that the practice of doubling the
corporal over the chalice gave place to a new plan of
using a second (folded) corporal to cover the mouth
of the ehalice when required. The question is debated
in some detail in one of the letters of St. Anselm, who
quite approves of the arrangement (P. L^ CLVIII,
5oO); luiid a hundred years later we find Pope Inno-
cent III stating, ''there are two kinds of palls or cor-
porals, as they are called [duplex est paUa gum dicUur
corporale] one which the deacon spreads out upon the
altar, the other which he places folded upon the
mouth of the chalice" (De Saorif . Missse, II, 56). The
essential unity of the pall and the corporal is further
shown by Ihe fact that the special blessing which both
palls and corporals must always receive before use
deaisnates the two as 'Minteamen ad tegendimk invol-
^vodumque CorpuB et Sanguinem D. N. J. C", L e.
to .cover and enfold the Body a$ui Blood of Ohrist.
This special blessing for corporals and palls is alluded
to even in the Odtio lituigical documents of the sev-
enth century, and the actual fcnrm now prescribed by
the modem Roman Pontifical is found almost in tne
same words in the Spanish ** liber Ordinum ' ' of about
1^ same early date.
According to existing liturgical rules, the corporal
must not be oniamented with embroidenr, and must
be made entirely of pure white linen, tnough there
seem to have been many medieval exceptions to this
law. It is not to be left to lie open upon the altar,
but when not in use is to be folded and put away in
a burse, or " corporas-case", as it was conmionly
called in pre-Reformation England. Upon these
burses much ornamentation is lavished, and this has
been the case since medieval times, as many existing
examples survive to show. The corporal is now usu-
ally folded twice in length and twice in • breadth, so
that when folded it still forms a small square. At an
eariier period, when it was larger and was used to ^
cover the chalice as well, it was commonly folded four
times in length and thrice in breadth. This practice
is still followed by some of the older religious carders.
The corporal and pall have to pass through a triple
washing at the hands of a priest, or at least a sub-
deacon, before they may be sent to a laundry. Also,
when they are in use they may^ not be handled by any
but the clergy, or sacristans to whom special permis-
sion is given.
Strbbsh in KirekmUxikon, III, 1105-1107: TsAUiorKR,
lAturgik, I. 777-781; Van deb Stappen, Sacra Liturgia (Mech-
lir.. 1902), III. 102-110; Gihr, The Mais. tr. (Freiburg, IWW).
201-264; Barbibr ds Montault, Le Mofnlier BcdMaaHqtu;
RoaAUU* DB Fleuby. Z^ ATmm (FkurU, 1888), VI, 107-204;
Diet. Christ. Antiq., b. v. Corporal: Atchley in St. Pavd'§
Bedes. Soe. Transactions (1000), IV. 155-100; Babbxer de
MoNTAiriA' in BuUetin Monumental (1882), 588-680.
HiaiBSRT IVlURSTOII.
Corporal Works of Mercy. See Mercy.
Oorporation (Lat. corpus, a body), an association
recognized by civil law and regarded in all ordinary
transactions as an individual. It is an artificial per*
son. Chief Justice Marshall of the Supreme Gourt of
the United States of America, in the course of a formal
judicial utterancei thus defined the term corporation:
** A corporation is an artificial being, invisible, intan-
gible, and existing only in contemplation of law. Be-
mg the mere creature of law, it possesses only those
properties which the charter of its creation oonf era
upon it, either expressly or as incidental to its vezv
existence. These are such as are supposed best cal-
culated to effect the object for which it was created.
Among the most impoitant are immortality, and, if
the expression may oe allowed^ individuality; prop-
erties by which a perpetual succession of many per^
sons are considered as the same, and may act as a sin^
individual. They enable a corporation to manage its
own afTairs, and to hold property without the peiplex-
ing intricacies, the hazardous and endless necessity
of perpetual conveyances for the purpose of transmit-
ting it from hand to hand. It is chiefly for the pur-
pose of clothing bodies of men, in succession, with
qualities and capacities, that corporations were in-
vented, and are in use. By these means, a pemtual
succession of individuals are capable of acting for the
— :>motion of the particular object, like one immortal
Chancellor Kent of New York, one of the most
famous jurists of modem times, defines a corporation as
''a franchise possessed by one or more individuals,
who subsist, as a body politic, under a special denom-
ination, and are vested, by the policy of the law, with
t^e capacity of perpetual succession, and of ac^n^ in
several respects, however numerous the associations
may be, as a single individual. The object ol
t^e institution is to enable the membos to aot
by one united will, and to continue their joint
OOBPOEilTIOir
388
OOBFORATIOV
powers and property in tiie some body, uiidwiurlicd
by the change of members, and without the nec-
essity of perpetual conveyances, as the rights of
■tembers pass from one individual to another. All
^e individuals composing a corporation and their
soeoessors, are considered in law as out one person, cap-
able, under an artificial form, of taking and conveying
property, contracting debts and duties, and of enjoy-
mg a variety d civil and political rights. One of the
peculiar properties of a corporation is the power of
peipetual succession; for, in ju^;ment of law, it is
capable of indefinite duration. The rights and priv-
ileges of the corporation do not determine, or vary
upon the death or change of any of the individual
members. They continue as long as the corporation
endures."
Ancxbnt Corporations. — Among the ancient
GreeJcs a kind of association call^ iraipla corre-
sponded in its characteristics very closely with the
modem corporation. Solon is said to have encour-
y BfSdd, the formation of such bodies, and in his legisla-
tion permitted them to be instituted freely and to en-
mge in any transactions not contrary to law. The
Roman prototype of the corporation as it came into
existence under the common law of England, and from
EInpland was transplanted into America, was the col'
legium. This kind of association, called also corpus,
was required to consist of at least three persons (Dig-i
' L, tit. xvi). and persona who had regulariy and legafiy
constituted a collegium were said corpus habere (to
have a body), i. e. to have been, as we say, duly incor-
porated. The persons who formed a collegium were
called eoUeacB or aodales. The word eottegium derived
from con, ^*with", and lego, "to select", had the lit-
eral meaning of an aggregation of persons united in
any office or for any common purpose. In the later
days of the Roman Republic corjnraiion was used in
documents relating to public law in the same sense as
collegium. The word societas seems to have been
used as a term corresponding to our word partnership.
A collegium possessed the legal right of holding prop-
erty in common. Its members had a common treas-
ury and could sue and be sued by their syndicus or
aetor. According to the Roman law, that which was
due to the collegium was not due to individuals com-
posing it; that which was an indebtedness of the col-
iMum was not the debt of individuals. The property
oi the collegium was liable to be seized and sold for its
debts. The term universUeta is used by the Roman
law writers in the same sense as oolle^um. The ap>
plication of universitas to an academic or literary in-
stitution is first found in a Decretal of one of the popes
establishing a medieval university for the teachms of
rdligion, literature, science, and the arts. A colle-
gium or universitas was, imder the Roman law, man-
agsd by its officers and agents under regulations es-
tablished by the corporate body itself, and these
regulations mi^t be such as were agreed upon by the
members, subject onlv to the limitation that they
were not contrary to the public law.
A lawfully constituted coU^um was termed
kffiUmum. Associations attempting to act as a col-
iMum, when not duly authorised, were called collegia
imeUa. It seems that no particular Roman law de-
fined the mode in which collegia were regulariy to be
formed. They appear to have been formed by the
voluntary association of individuals according to some
general leg^ authority. Some of these ancient
Roman corporations resembled the guilds of medieval
times, such as the collegia labrorum, collegia pielorum,
etc.; others were of a religious nature sucn as the
collegia ponHficum, augurum. According to Ulpian a
universitaB, though reduced to a single member, was
still considered a universitas ; for the remaining mem-
ber thereof possessed all the rights and privileji^ of
the universitas, and used the name by which it was
originaUy known. When a new member was taken
into a collegium, he woh said co-^plari, and the mem
b^rs of an association into which he was introduiaed
were said, with respect to him, recipere in eolUgium,
The chief public corporation of ancient Rome was the
municipium, Municipia possessed all of the diarao-
teristic powers of ordinary corporations together with
the rig^t of local government. It is stated by
Plu^tarch that corporations were introduced into the
Roman ssrstem of legislation b^ Numa. That sover-
eign, upon his accession to toe throne, noted that
great public disorder existed in the mty oi Rome by
reason of the contentions between the rival factions
of Sabines and Romans; and for the purpose of pro-
tecting the State against tumult, divided each of these
factions into many smaller ones by creating eoUcgia
for each of the professions and for eadi of the manual
occupations.
Classification. — Under the English law ootpora-
tions are distinguished in the first place as Mng
either agmgate or sole^ A oorroration segregate
consists o! several penorui unitea in a socKty and
mamtained by a perpetual succession of members.
A corporation sole consists of one person only, and
the successors of that person in some particular sta-
tion or office. The King of Kngiand is a corporation
sole; so is a bishop; and in the Church of Rngjand
eve^ parson and vicar is, in view of the law, a corpo-
ration sole. The laws of the United States have
rarely recognised any sole corporatbn,'but ** the Cath-
olic Bishop of Chicago", now Archbishop, was^ many
years ago, created a oorpCMration sole by a special act
of the legislature of the State of Illinois. In Mary-
land the Archbishop of Baltimoie holds all Churdb
property as a corporation sole. Similariy in the sev-
eral Cathcrfic dioceses of California^ the. bishop or
archbishop is a corporation sole, and sinoe 1897 sadb
is the case in Massachusetts for the Ardidiooese of
Boston (H. J. Desmond, The Church and the Iaw,
Chicago, 1898, 72, 73). Under certain eireumstanees
the Third Plenary Coundl of Baltimore (Acta et
Decreta, no. 267) urged each bishop and archbishop
of the United States to have himself constituted a
corporation sole (see PnoPBinT^ Ecx^ubsiasticajl.).
A further division of corporations, either sole or
aggregate, recognized by the law of EngjUuMl, is that
oiecclesiasticaT corporations and lay coiporationa.
Ecclesiastical corporaticms are those whose membra
are peraons devoted to spiritual affairs, such as bidi-
ops, archdeacons, parsons, and vicaxa. Prior to the
rei^i of Edward VI, deans and chapters, priors and
convents, abbots and monks wcare ecdesiastical cor-
porations aggregate. Lay corporations are of two
kinds, civil and eleemosynary. Civil are such as
exist for the safeeuardins and administration of
temporal affairs. As Blaekstone says, the king is
made a corporation to pi^vent in gjoaenX the possi-
bility of an interregnum and to preserve the poeses-
sions of the Crown entire; for immediately lomn the
demise of one king his successor is considered in law
as having full possession of the regal dignity and
privileges. Examples of other lay eorporatk>ns are
those which are created to govern towns or districts
such as the corporation known as the City of London;
others have been created for the oonduct of manufac-
turing and commercial enterprises, for the diffusion
of learning, and for scientific research. The Univer-
sities of (Jbcf ord and Cambridge are examines of cor-
porations created for the advancement of learning.
Eleemosynary corporatbns are defined by Blaekstone
to be such as are constituted for the perpetual distri-
bution of free alms or bounty of the founder thereof
to such prsons as such founder mav have designated.
Of this kind are all hospitals for the maintenance of
tiie poor, sick, and impotent.
Crbatton. — Under the common law of En^and
corporations depended for their existence upon a
charter (Lat. chafla, a paper) granted by the Idnfr
CORPORATION
389
OORPORilTION
Cbrporations which had existed so long a time that
"the memory of man ran not to the contrary" were
said to exist by prescription* but that considerate
doctrine was baBea upon the theory that the corpora-
tion had at one time received a charter, whicn, in
oouise of time and by reason of the vicissitudes of
human affairs, had been lost. When the religious
revoltition of the sixteenth century occurred, most of
the religipus houses of £ngjand were corporations b^
prescription, because they were so ancient that their
')rigiiial charters, if there were any, had disappeared.
rhe r^ts of a corporation by prescription, however,
are quite as valid at common law as are the rights of
those which can eidiibit a charter. Instances of
corporations interesting to American people are those
created by letters patent from the King of Endand to
the London Company, under which the original settle-
ments of the New £m^and coast were made; and the
charter to the Viigima Company, under which the
shores of Virania Were first colonized bv Englishmen.
Namb. — ^Imder the Roman law as well as under the
English common law a corporation must, necessarily,
have a name, and by that name alone it must appear
in court and must conduct all of its transactions.
Such a name is said by Blackstone to be for a corpora-
tion, '* the very being of its constitution ' '. The name
of incorporation is said by Sir Edward Coke to be its
proper namcf or name of baptism.
fiCCLKsiAOTicAL CoitPORATiONS, as such, are not
recognized by the laws of the United States or o( the
several States constituting the Union. Under the
American system of law, corporations are either public
or private, public corporations being those that are
erected for the purposes of local government, such as
municipal corporations for the government of cities.
The term private corporations includes all others,
religious, literary, charitable, manufacturing, insitf-
ance, banking, and railroad corporations. In the
various States of the Union corporations were formerly
created by charter granted by the ledslature. In the
greater number of the States at tne present time
private corporations are created by the voluntary act
of individuals who associate theniselves together and
make a public declaration of their intention to become
a body corporate and take such action in conformity
with general rules laid down by legislation. Charters
of incorporation granted by the legislatures of the
States to private corporations are considered as exe-
cuted contracts within the protection of Article 1,
Section 10, of the Constitution of the United States,
by which it is declared that "no State shall pass any
law impairing the obligation of contracts * \ This was
decidea by the Supreme Court of the United States in
the case entitled ''The Trustees of Dartmouth College
vs. Woodward" (Wheaton's Reports, Vol. 4, p. 518).
In many States the right to amend, modify, or repeal
a charter was usually reserved in the charter itself.
Such a provision is now incorporated into the consti-
tutions of mamr of the States.
Power of Corporations. — ^The principal charac-
teristic of a corporation at common law was that it
was vested with the privilege of perpetuity, that is,
it was said to have perpetual succession. At the
present time in the ^;reater number of American States
the general l^islation providing for the creation of
corporations expressly designates a fixed term during
which a corporation may exist. The second of the
original powers of corporations which is still main-
tained, is to sue or to be. sued, implead, or to be
impleaded, grant or receive, by its corporate name
and to do alTother acts as natural persons may. The
third privflege was to purchase lands and to hold them
for the benefit of the methbers of the corporation and
their successors. This ri^t was laroely modified by
the statutes of mortmain (q. v.) in England and has
been strictly regulated and greatly limited by Ameri-
can l^islation. The fourth original power possessed
by corporations was that of having a common seal.
As was said by the ancient law writers of En^and, a
corporation, being an invisible body, cannot manifest
its intentions by any personal act or by speech, and
therefore can act and speak only b^ its common seal.
In modem times many corporations are exprc^slv
authorized by legidation to act without usin^ a aeai,
and the decisions of the courts have ^neral^ hdd.
at least in modem times, that a corporation was bound
by implication in many cases where its acts had not
been attested by the corporate seal.- The fifth privi-
lege of a corporation, which has existed from time
immemorial and still exists, is that of making by-laws
or providing statutes for the reguTation of its own
affairs; and these are binding upon the corporation
and its members unless oontrarv to the law of the
land. Hiis right was allowed oy the Law of the
Twelve Tables at Rome.
Privileges and Disabilities. — A corporation
must always appear by attorney or agent (the actor
or syndicus of tne Roman law) for it cannot appear
in person; being, as Sir Edward Coke says, invisible
ana existing only in contemplation of the law. Under
the strict construction of its l^al quality the courts
of England originally held that a coiporation could
not be held liable for any action based upon tortious
conduct; that is, a corporation could not be held
liable for personal injuries inflicted by the wrongful
act or culpable n^lect of its agents. It is now held
however, both in England and America, that a cor-
poration is liable in damages for any wrong com-
mitted by its servants or agents when acting within
the scope of the duties whicn properly devolve upon
them. The doctrine designated oy the term tutra
vires is that which governs the courts in limiting the
liability of a corporation to acts which are expressly
authorized by its charter, or acts which are defined
by its ori^al articles of institution to be within the
scope of its corporate operations. This doctrine is
sound because it would be contrary to public policy
to hold that a corporation had the ri^t to do anv
act or to undertake any course of transactions which
was not within the scope of the powers which it orig-
inallv declared itself as possessing. However, the
apphcation of this doctrine is so restricted by the
courts as not to allow corporate ofl^cers to use the
doctrine as a cloak for deeds not equitable in their
nature. It is construed strictly by the courts as a
shield and is not allowed to operate as a sword.
Visitation. — ^The necessity of supervision over
corporate acts being generally acknowledged, it was
held at common law that every corporation had,
necessarily, a visitor. As Blackstone well says,
"Corporations, being composed of individuals, subject
to human frailties, are liable as well as private persons,
to deviate from the end of their institution. And for
that reason the law has provided proper persons to
visit, inquire into and correct all irregularities that
arise in such corporations, either sole or aggregate,
and whether ecclesiastical, civil or eleemos^aiy".
Prior to the religious revolution of the sixteenth
oentuiy the pope was the visitor of the archbishops
and metropoUtans. In respect to all lay corpora-
tions, the founder, his heirs, or assigns are the visitors
under the Enelish sjrstem. In the various States of
the American Union visitors of corporations are prac-
tically unknown; the supervision of private corpora-
tions being vested in courts of equitv. In England
the king is considered as the visitor for all civil cor-
porations, and this jurisdiction is exerdsed through
the Court of King's Bench.
Dissolution. — Any member of a corporation may
be disfranchised, that la, he may lose his membership
in the corporation by acting m such manner as to
forfeit his rights under a provision of the by-laws* or
he may resign from the corporation by his own volun-
tary act. A resignation by parole, if entered upon
CORBORATZON
390
00&FU8
bhe FBOords and accepted by the corporation, is suffi-
cient. Tlie corporation itself may be dissolved and
vnsuch case, at common law, debts due from a
corporation were wholly extinguished ipso facto by
B\im dissolution; and in thb respect the common law
concurred with the maxim of the civil law which
declared that the members of a corporation in respect
to its property ri^ts and credits nad no individual
rights therein: "siquiduniversitatidebetur; singulis
non debetur; nee, auod debet universitas, sii^guli
debent" (Pandects, III, 4, 7).
The method of dissolution under the common law
was (1) by an act of Parliament; (2) in the case of a
corporation a^Kregate, by the death of all its members;
(3) by surrender of its franchise into the hands of the
king through voluntaiy action of the corporation;
(4) by the forfeiture of its corporate rights through
negligence or through non-user or abuse of its fran-
chise. The franchises, as the English law termed the
privileges which corporations enjoyed, were con-
sidered a trust lodged in the corporation for the gen-
eral benefit of society, and to allow such privileges to
be abused or to discontinue the exercise of such fran-
chise was held to be a fault punishable according to
its degree and, in extreme eases, punishable by extinc-
tion of corporate existence. The regular course
adopted for the punishment of corporations or their
dissolution is to proceed by what is termed a writ of
quo wqxrarUo, which means that a representative of
the^ State presents to some competent tribunal a
petition reciting abuses, wrongs, or culpable non-
action of a corporate boajr, prays for its dissolution,
and deihands that a writ issue from the court requir-
ing the corporation to show "by what warrant" it
presmnes to exist and to act as a corporation. Upon
a proper showing by petition, the court issues its writ
quo vxjrrarUo; Chat is, the court issues a document
requiring the corporation to present to such court
the facts which the corporation deems sufficient to
warrant its continued existence. Upon a trial of the
issues involved, if it be found that tne corporation is
amenable to public discipline, it may be amerced or
its extinction may be decreed. Proceedings by quo
warranto stIU have a place in the law of England and
also in the laws of the various American States,
althoiigh such proceedings have been greatly modi-
fied by statute. Students of history will recall the
great public agitation caused during the reign of
King Charles 11 by the institution of proceedings in
QUO warranto against the city of London, Judgment,
however, was rendered by a competent tribunal
against the city of London, and it is probable that,
according to a strict construction of the law, the
proceedings were justified. After the English revolu-
tion which seated William and Mary upon, the throne,
the judgment against the city of London was reversed
by an Act of Parliament. In all civilized countries
bodies politic, similar in nature and quality to Eng-
lish and American corporations, exist. As these have
manv special characteristics imparted to them by the
legislation of the various countries in which they exist,
no attempt to describe them is made in this article.
Baldwin, Modem Political Institutions (Boaton, 1898), 141
sqq.: BLACSffroms, Commentaries upon the Ltnos of England,
ea. SHABswooD (Philadelphm, 1876), I, xviii; KsifT, Commm-
tariet upon American Law (Boston, 1884), I, 525, and note, II,
288 sq.; MoMMSEN, History of Rome (New York, 1896), 11, 65,
V, 374; Maokknzik, Roman Law (London, 1898), 160-163;
SoHM, Institutes of Roman Law (Oxford, 1892), 106; Dedsion
of U. S. Supreme Court, Dartmouth College v. Woodxpard in
IV WheatofCs Reports (New York, 1819), 518, 636; Minor,
Institutes (Chariottesville, Vimnia, 1882), I, 541; Eluoft.
Corporations (IndianapoUiu Indiana, 1900), i; Smitb, DiU* of
Greek and Roman ArUui, (London, 1875).
. John W. Wilus.
. Oorporation A«t of 1661. — ^The Corporation Act
of 1^1 bekines to the generial categoty of test acta,
designed for tne. express purjjose of restrict ing public
offices* to members of the Church of England. Tliough
commonly spoken of as one of the " Penal Lavs **, and
enmnerated by Butler in his "Historical Account of
the Laws against the Roman Catholics of FmglanH '%
it was not directly aimed against them, but against
the Presbyterians. It was passed in December, 1661 ,
the year after the Restoration, technically 13
Charles II. Parliament was at that time entirely
reactionary. The Cavaliens were in power, and they
aimed at nothing short of restoring England to its
state before the time of the Commonwealth. It re-
quired all the prudence of the Earl of Clarendon, the
ciiancellor, to restrain them. The Corporation Act
represents the limit to wliich he was prepued to go in
endeavouring to restrict the power of tne Presbyter-
ians. They were influentially represented in the gov-
ernment of cities and boroughs throughout the coun-
try, and this act was designed to dispossess them. It
provided tliat no person could be legaUy elected to
any office relating to the government of a city or cor-
poration, unless lie had within the previous twelvq
months received the sacrament of ''the Lord's Sup-
gM" according to the rites of the Church of England,
e was also commanded to take the Oaths of XUegi-
ance and Supremacy, to swear belief in the Doctrine
of Passive Obedience, and to renounce the Coveiiant.
In default of these requisites the election was to be
void. A somewhat similar act passed twelve veai?
later, known as the Test Act, prescribed for all offi-
cers, dvil and miUtaiy, further stringent conditions,
including a. declaration against Transubd;antiation.
ThdSe two acts operated very prejudicially on Catho-
lics, forming an important part of the {;en€aial Penal
Code which kept them out of publio life. In later
times the number, even of non-Catholics, who quali-
fied for civil and military posts in accordance with
their provisions was vexy small, and an "Act of In-
demmty " used to be passed annually, to relieve those
who had not done so from the penalties incurred.
There was no expression in this act limiting its opera-
tion to the case of Protestants; yet on the only oc-
casion when a Catholic ventured to asJc for a share in
the Indemnity, it was refused on the ground of the
act not being applicable to him. , (Butler, op. cit.,
19.) The Corporation Act remained nominally in
force throughout the eighteenth century. It was
eventually repealed in 1828, the year before Catholic
Emancipation. ^eenabo Wabd.
Oorpofl Ohriflti (Body of Christ), Fbast of, is
celebrated in the Latin Church on the Thuxwlay after
Trinity Sunday to solemnly commemorate the institu-
tion of the Holy Eucharist. Of Maundy Thursday,
which commemorates this great event, mention is
made as Natalie CaLicia (Birth of Uie Chalice) in the
Calendar of Polemius (448) for the 24th of March,
the 25th of March being in some places considered
as the da;^ of the death of Christ. This day, how-
ever, was in' Holy Week, a season of sadness, during
which the minds of the faithful are enaected to be oc-
cupied with thoughts of the Lord's Passion. More-
over, so many other functions took place on this dav
that the principal event was almost lost sight of.
This is mentioned as the chief reason for the introduc-
tion of the new feast, in the Bull "Transiturus".
The instrument in the hand of Divine Providence
was St. Juliana of Mont Comillon, in Belgium. She
was bom in 1193 at Retinnes near Li^ge. Orphaned
at an early age, she was educated b]r the Augustinian
nups of Mont Cornillon. Here she in time made her
religious profp^ion and later became superioress.
Intrigues of various kinds several times c&ove her
from her convent. She died 5 April, 1258, at the
House of the Cistercian nuns at Fosses, au4 was
buried at Villiers.
Juliana, from her early youth, had a great venera-
tipn for the Bleased Sacrament, and alwajrs longed
for a special feast in its honour. This desire is said
OOBPUS
391
OOBPUS
to have been increased by a vision qf the Church
under the appearance of the full moon having one
dark spot, which signified the absence of such a
solemnity. She made known her ideas to Robert de
Thcwete, then Bishop of Lidge, to the learned Domini-
can Hu^, later cardinal legate in the Netheiiands,
and to Jacques Pantalfon, at that time Archdeacon of
Li^ge, afterwards Bishop of Verdun, Patriarch of Jem*
ndem, and finally Pope Urban IV. Bishop Robert
was favourably impressed, and, since bishops as yet
had the rig^t of ordering feasts for their dioceses,
he caUed a synod in 1246 and ordered the celebra*
tion to be held in the following year, also, tiat a
monk named John should write ttie Office for the oc-
casion. The decree is preserved in Binterim (Denk*
wurdigkeiten, V, 1, 276), together with parts of tiie
Office.
Bishop Robert did not live to see the execution of
his order, for he died 16 October, 1246; but the feast
was celebrated for the first time by the cancms of St.
Martin at Li^e. Jacques Pantalten became pope 29
August, 1261. The recluse Eve, with whom Juliana
had spent some time, and who was also a fervent
adorer of the Holy Eucharist, now urged Henry of
Guelders, Bidiop of li&ge, to request the pope to ex*
tend the celebration to the entire worid. Urban IV.
always an admirer of the feast, published the Bull
'"Transiturus" (8 September, 1264), in which, after
havingextolled the love of Om* Saviour as expressed
in thenoly Eucharist, he ordered the annual celebra-
tion of Ck>rpus Christ! on the Thursday next after
Trinity Sunday, at the same time granting many
Indulgences to the faithful for the attendance at Mass
and at the Office. This Office, composed at the re-
quest of the pope by the Angelic Doctor St. Thomas
Aquinas, is one of the most beautiful in the Roman
Breviary and has been admired even by Protestants.
The death of Pope Urban IV (2 October, 1264),
diortlv after the publication of the decree, somewhat
impeded Ihe spread of the f estivi4' Clement V again
took the matter in hand and, at the General Ooimcil
of Vienne (1811), once more ordered the adoption of
the feast. He publidied a new decree which em-
bodied that of Urban IV. John XXII, successor a[
Clement V. urged its observance. Neither decree
speaks of the theophoric processbn as a feative of
tne celebration. This procession, already held in
some places, was endowed with Indulgences by Popes
Martin V and Eugene IV. The feast had been ac-
cepted in 1906 at Q>logne; Worms adopted it in 1315:
Strasburg in 1316. In England it was introduced
from Belgium between 1320 and 1325. In the United
States and some other countries the solemnity is held
on the Sunday after Trinity.
In the Greek Church the feast of Corpus Christi is
known in the calendars of the Syrians, Armenians,
Copts, Melchites, and the Ruthenians of Gaiicia,
CaUibria, and Sicily.
GuiKAiraBB, The XjUwgkai Ywr (tr. Woroester. s. d.) ; But-
LBX. FmaUmtdFaaU: Kxllnbb, Ileortoloffie (2nd ed., Freiburc.
1906): Der KathUik (Aug., 1898), 151; BXumxr, Geach, dn
Brwnen (Fkviburs, 1895).
Francis Mershm an.
Oorirai Juris Oanonid. — I. DEnNrrioN.— The
term corpus here denotes a collection oi documents;
corpus jtaris, a collection of laws, efipeoially if they are
plfliced in systematic order. It may apuiy <dso an
official and complete collection of a legislation made
by the l^islative poorer, comprising all the laws
which are m force in a countrv or society. The term,
althou^ it never received legal sanction in either
Roman or canon law, beine merdy the phraseology
of the learned, is used in the above sense when the
'* Corpus Juris Civilis'' of the Roman Christian em-
perors is meant. The expression corpus juris may
also mean, not the collection of laws itself, but the
legislation of a aociety considered as a whole. Hence
Benedict XIV eodld liriitly say that the collection of
his Bulls formed part of the corpus juris (Jam fere sex-
tUB, 1746). We cannot better explain the significa-
tion of the term corpus juris canontci than by snowing
the successive meanings which were assigned to it in
the past and whieh it usually bears at the present day.
Unoer the name of ''corpus canonum" were desig-
nated the collection of Dionysius Exiguus and the
"Collectio Anselmo dedicata" (see oelow). The
"Decree" of Gratian is already called "Corpus Juris
Canontci" bv a glossator of the twelfth century, and
Innoeent IV calls by this name the "Decretals" of
Gregory IX (Ad expediendos, 9 Sept., 1253). Since
the second half of the thirteenth century, Corpus
Juris Canomd in contradistinction to Corpus Juris
CiviJtis, or Roman law, generally denoted the following
collections: (1) the "Decretals" of Gregonr IX; (2)
those of Boniface VIII (Sixth Book of the Decretals);
(3) those of dement V (Clementinse), i. e. the collec-
tions which at that time, with the "Decree" of Gra-
tian, were tau^t and explained at the universities.
At the present day, under the above title are com-
monly imderstood these three collections with the
addition of the "Decree" of Gratian, the "Extravar
gantea" of Jcdm XXII, and the " Extra vagantes Com-
munes".
Thus understood, the term dates back to the six-
teenth century and was officially sanctioned by Gre^
ory XIII (Cum pro munere, 1 July, 1680). The earli-
est editions of these texts printed under the now usual
title of "Corpus Juris Canonici", date from the end of
the sixteenth century (Frankfort. 8vo, 1686; Paris,
fol., 1587), In the strict sense of the word the Church
does not possess a corpus juris dausunif i. e. a colleo>
tion of laws to which new ones cannot be added. Ihe
Council of Basle (Sees. XXIil, ch. vi) and the decree of
the Congregation "Super statu regularium" (25 Jan.,
1848) do not speak of a corpus dausum; the first refers
to reservQiiawAus in corpore juris expresse chusis^ that
is, reservations of ecclesiastical benefices contained in
the "Corpus Juris", especially in the " Liber Sextus"
of Boniface VIII, to the exclusion of those held in the
"Extravagpntes" described below, and at tiiat time
not compnsed in the "Corpus Juris Canonici"; the
second iqieaks of cuilibet privikgioy licet in corpore
juris dauso et c(mfinnato, i. e. or privileges not onlv
granted by the Holy See, but also mserted in the offi-
cial collections of canon law.
II. Principal Canonical Collections. — ^We shall
briefly sketch the historv of the eariiest collections of
canons, and shall add a brief description of the " Cor-
pus Juris Canonici" as it is now understood. The his-
tory of canon law is generally divided into three
pNenods. The first extends to the "Decree" of Gra-
tian, i. e. to the middle of the twelfth century (jus
antiquum); ibe second reaches to the CouncU of
Trent {jus novum); the third includes the latest en-
actments since the Council of Trent inclusively (jus
n&mssvmum),
(1) Jus antiquum, — The most ancient collections of
canonical legislation are certain very eariy pseudo-
Apostolic documents: for instance, the Ai^x^ ^'
SMtica dwoerHKup or "Teachins of the Twelve Apos-
tles", which dates from the end of the first or the be-
flinning of the second oenturv; the Apostolic Church
Ordinance; the " Didascalia^', or "Teaching of the
Apostles" (third century); the Apostolic Canons (see
Canons, Apostolic); and Apostolic Constitutions.
These collections have never nad any official vahie,
no more than any other' collection of this first period.
It was in the East, after the Edictof Milan (313), that
arose the first systematic collections. We cannot so
designate the chronok>gical collections of the canons
of the councils of the fourth and fifth centuries (314-
451) ; the oldest systematic collection, made by an un-
known author in 535, has not come down, llie most
important collections of this epoch are the SuraYofV^
0OBPU8
392
OOBFUS
Kapitwp, or the collection of John the Scholastic (Jo-
annes Scholasticus), compiled at Antioch about 550,
and the Nomocanonfi, or compilations of civil laws
affecting religious matters (p^/iot) and ecclesiastical
laws (Katubp), One such mixed collection is dated in
the sixth century and has been enoneously attri-
buted to John the Scholastic; another of the seventh
century was rewritten and much enlarged bv the
schismatical patriarch PhotiuB (883). In the West-
em Church three collections of canons have exercised
an influence far beyond the limits of the country in
which they were composed; they are the "CoUeciio
Dionysiana", the lengthy Irish collection (Hibemen-
sis), and the ''Decretals" of Pseudo-Isidore. The
"Dionysiana", also called ''Corpus canommi", "Cor-
pus codicis canonum", was the work of Dionysius
Exiguus who died between the years 540 and 555; it
contains his Latin translation of the canons of the
councils of the Eastern Church and a collection of (38)
papal letters (Epistolss decretales) dating from the
reign of Pope Siricius (384-398) to that of Anastasius
II (d. 498). The authority of this Italian collection,
at once quite considerable at Ri^me and in Italy, was
greatly increased after Adrian I had sent to
Charlema^oe (774) a modified and enla^rged copy of
the collection, thenceforth known as the " CoUectio
Dionysio-Haoriana'', and the Synod of Aachm (802)
accepted it as the "Codex Canonum'' of the immense
Empire of the Franks.
Tne lengthy Irish collection of canons^ comniled in
the ei^th century, influenced both Qaul ana Italv.
The latter country possessed, moreover, two fifths-
century Latin translations of the Greek synods (the
collection erroneously called "Isidoriana" or "His-
pana", and the "CoUectio Prisca") ; also an important
collection of pontifical and imp^ial documents (the
"Avellana", compiled in the pontificate of Gregory
the Great, 590-604). Africa possessed a collection of
105, or more exactly 94, canons, compiled about 419;
also the "Breviatio Canonum", or digest of the
canons of the councils by Fulgentius Ferrandus (d.
c. 546), and the "Concordia Canonum" of Cresoonius,
an adaptation of the " Dionysiana'' (about 690). In
Gaul are found, at the beginning of the sixth eentuiy,
the "Statuta EcclesiA antiqua^', erroneouslv attrib-
uted to Africa, and, amons many other coUections,
the "Quesnelliana" (end of the Mth or b^inning of
the sixth centmy) and the "Dacheriana" (about
800), both so called from the names of their editors,
Pasrhase Quesnel and d'Ach^ry. Spain possessed the
"Capitula Martini", compiled about 572 bv Martin,
Bishop of Braga, and a "Codex canonum'^or "CoL-
lectio Hispana*' dating from about 633, attributed
in the ninth century to St. Isidore of Seville. In
the ninth century arose several apocryphal collections,
viz. those of Benedictus Levita, of Isidorus Merca-
tor (also Peccator or Mercatus), and the "Capitula
An^iramni". An examination of the controversies
which these three collections give rise to will be found
elsewhere (see Faube Dbcretaub). The Pseudo-
Isidorian collection, the authenticity of which was
for a long time admitted, has exercised considerable
influence on ecclesiastical discipline, without however
modifying it in its essential principles. Among the
numerous collections of a later date, we may mention
the "CoUectio Anselmo dedicata", c<Mnpilea in Italy
at the end of the ninth century, the "Libellus de
ecclesiasticis disciplinis" of Regino of Priim (d. 915);
the "Collectarium canonum'' of Burchard of Worms
(d. 1025); the collection of the younger St. Anselm of
Lucca, compiled towards the end of the eleventh cent-
ury; the "CoUectio trium partium'', the "Decretum"
and the "Panormia" of Yves of Charties (d. 1115 or
1117); the "Liber de miserioordid et justitiA" of
Algerus of Li^, who died in 1132 — all collections
which Gratian made use of in the compilation of his
** Decretum * '. The aforesaid collections and others are
described moi^p fuUy in the article Canons* Couao*
noNa OF Ancdbnt.
(2) Jua Twvum and Corpus ivris eammiei, — It wu
about 1150 that the CamaMolese monk, Gratian.
professor of theol^^ at the Univeraity of Bologna,
to obviate the difl^ulties which beset the study of
practical, external theology (tkeoloffia practica ex-
terna), i. e. canon law, composed the woric entitled by
himself "Concordia discordantium canonum", but
caUed by others "Nova collectio", "Decr«ta". "Co^
Eus juris caoonici", also "Decretum Gratiani", the
ktter being now the commonly accepted name. In
spite* of its great reputation the "Decretum" hss
never been recognised by the Church as an oflScial
coUection. It is divided into three parts (minideruty
negotia, BocramerUa). The first part is divided iuto
101 distinctions (distinctiones), the first 20 of which
form an introduction to the general principles of
canon law (tracUUvji decreUdium); the remainder con-
stitutes a iractatuB ordinandorum, relative to ecclesias-
tical persons and functions. The second part contains
36 causes (oausce), divided into questions (qtuuHona),
aaid treat of ecclesiastical administration and mar-
riage; the third Question of the 33rd causa treats of
the Sacrament of Penance and is divided into 7 distinc-
tions. The third psjt, entitled "De consecratione",
treats of the sacramoitB and other eaored tixings and
contains 5 distinctions. Each distinction or question
contains dicta Qratiani, ^or maxima of Ghratian, and
oanones. Gratian himself raises questions and brings
forward difficulties, which he answers by quoting
auctoritaUSy i. e. canons of councils, decretals of the
popes, texts of the Scripture or of the Fathen. These
are the caiumes; the entire remaining portion, even
the summaries of the canons and the <^ronolo^cal
indications, are called the maximfl or dida Gro/uim.
It is to be noted that many audoritaies have been
inserted in the "Decretum'^ by authors of a Uter
date. These are the Palece, so called from Paucsr
palea, the name of the principal oonunentator on the
"Decretum". The Ronuin revisers of the sixteenth
eentuiy (1566-82) corrected the text of the " Decree"
and added many critical notes designated by the
words Correelares Romani,
The "Decretum" is quoted by indicating the num-
ber of the canon and that of the distinction or of the
cause and the question. To differentiate the distinc-
tions of the first part from those of the third question
of the 33rd cause of the second part and those of the
third part, the words de Pom,, i. e. de PemUerUidj and
de Cone.y L e, de Conaecratione are added to the latter.
For instance, "c 1. d. XI" indicates the first part of
the "Decree", distinction XI, canon 1; "c l.» de
Poen., d. VI" refers to the second part, 33rd cause,
Question 3, distinction VI, canon 1; "c. 8, de Cons.,
a. II" refers to the third part, distinction II, canon 8;
"c. 8, C. XII, q. 3" refers to the second part, cause
XII, question 3, canon 8. Sometimes, especially in
the case of well-known and much-quoted canons, the
fiist words are also indicated, e. g., c. Si quis auadenie
diaJbolo, C. XVII, q. 4, i. e. the 29th canon of the
second part, cause XVII, question 4. Occasionally
the first words alone are quoted. In both esses, to
find the canon it is necessary to conauU the alpha-
betical tabl^ (printed in all editions of Gratian) thai
contain the first words of every canon. ^^
The general laws of a later date than the " Decree'
of Gratian have been called " Extra vagantes", i. &
laws not contained in Gratian's "Decree" {Vagai\U»
extra Decretum). These were soon brought together
in new collections, five of which (Quinque oompi^
tiones antiquse) possessed a special authority. Two
of them, namely the third and the fifth, are &e most
ancient official oompilations of the Roman Church
(see Drcretalb, Papal). Among other oompilations
at the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the
thirteenth century the following deserve speciisLl atteo-
ooBPim
393
0OBF17S
tk>nt "Appendix eoncilii Lateranensis III"; the col-
lections known as *'Bambergensis" (Bambeiv), **Lip-
siexisia'' (Leipaig), "Oasselana'^ (Cassel), ''Halensis"
(Halle), and "^Lucensid" (Lucca), so named from the
libraries in which the manuscripts of these coUeotions
-were found; ihe collection of ime Italian Benedictine
Rainerus Pomposianus, that of the English canonist
Oilbert (CoDe^io Oflberti)| that of his countryman
Alamu^ professor at Bologna (CoUectio Alani), and
that of tne Spaniard Bermuxl of Compostella. But
BOOH the new era of official collections began t6 dawn.
In 1230 Gregoiy IX ordered St. Raymund of Penna-
fort to make a new collection, which is called the
"E^eoretals of Gregory IX'' (Decretales Qregorii IX).
To this collection he gave force of law by the Bull
''Rex paeificus", 5 Sept, 1234. This collection is
alao known to canonists as the "Liber extra'', i. e.
ezfro Decretum Gratiani, Boniface VIII publiined a
similar code 3 March, 1298, called the ''Sixth Book
of the Decretals'' (Liber Sextus). John XXII added
to it the laat official collection of canon law, the " Liber
septunos Decsetaiium", better known under the title
of '^Constitutiones dementis V", or simply ''Clem-
entia»" (Quoniam nulla, 25 Oct., 1317). Later
on the canonists added to the manuscripts of the
T^eeietals" the most important constitutions of
Bueoeeding popes. These were iMon known and
quoted as ''fixtravagantes", i. e. twenty constitu-
tions of John XXII himself, and those of other popes
to 1484. In the Paris edition of the canonical oolleo-
tions (1499-1505) Jean C!happuis drew tiiem up in the
form since then univeisally accepted, and kept for the
first the name ^Extravagantes Joannis XaII", and
called the otheijs, "Extravagantes communes '', i. e.
commonly met with in the manuscripts of the
** Decretals ' * (see Dbcbbtals, Papal).
llie "Corpus Juris Canonici" was now^ indeed,
complete, but it contained collections of widely dif-
ferent juridical valua Oonsidened as eoUsotions, the
'^Deeree'' of Gratian, the '' Extrwagantes Joannis
XXII", and the "Extravagantes communes" have
not, and never had, a legal value, but the docimients
which tiiiey contain may possess and, as a matter of
fact, often do possess,- very great authority. More-
over, custom has even given to several apocryphal
canons of the ''Decree" of Gratian the force of law.
The other collections are official, and consist of legis-
lative dedskms still binding, unless abrogated by
subsequmt le^slation* The collections of Greoonr
IX (Libri quinque Deoretalium) and of Boniface Vlfl
(Liber fiextus) are moreover exclusive. The former,
indeed, abrogated all the laws contained in the afore^
said compiu^iona subsequent to the ''Decree" of
(xratian. Several authors, however, have maintained,
but wrongly, that it abrogated also all the ancirait kiws
which had not been incorporated in Gratian. The
second abrogated all the laws passed at a later date
thui the " Decretals" of Gregory IX and not included
in itself. Each of these three collections is considered
as one coUeoticm (ooUeotio una), L e. one of which sfl
the decisions have the same value, even if they appear
to. contain antinomies. It is to be noted, however,
that, in cases of contradiction, the decisions of the
oollections of later date invalidate those found in a
ooUectkm of an earlier date.
The ''Decretals" of Gregory IX, those of Boniface
VIII, and the "Qementines" are divided uniformly
into five books (liber), the books into titles {tUuhu},
the titles into olwpters (caput), and treat successively
oi jurisdiction (judex), procedure (judicium), thie
clergy (derus), marriage (connubium), and ddin-
quencies (crimen). The rubrics, i. e. the summaries
of tile various titles^ have the force of law, if they con-
tain a complete meanins; on the other hand, the.sum*
maries of the^ chapters nave not this juridical value.
It is customacy to quote these collections by indicat*
ing the number of the chapter, the title of the collec-
tion, the heading of the title, the ninnlwr of the book
and the title. The " Decretals" of Gregory IX are in-
dicated by the letter "X", i. e. extra Decretum OraH-
ani\ the "Shcth Book" or "Decretals" of Boniface
VIII by ''in VP",i.e."hi Sexto"; the " Qementines"
by " in Clem. ", i. e. " in C3ementinis * '. For instance :
"c. 2. X, De paetis, I, 85", refers to the second chap-
ter of the " Deoretids" of Gregory IX, first book, title
35; "c. 2, in VP, Dehiereticis, V, 2", refers to the
second chapter of the "Decretals" of Boniface VIII,
fifth book, title 2; " c. 2, m Gem., De testibus, II, 8",
refers to the second chapter of the "Gementines",
second book, title 8. If tnere is only one chapter in a
title, or if the last chapter is Quoted, these passages
are indicated by "c. umc", ana "c. ult.", i. e. "caput
unicum ' ' and " caput uliimum ' '. Sometimes also the
indication of the number of the chapters is replaced by
the first words of the chapter, as for instance: c.
Odoardus. In such cases* the number of the chapter
ma^ be found in the index*tables printed in all the
editions. The " Extravagantes Communes" are di-
vided and quoted in the same manner as tiie " Decre-
tals", and the collection is indicated by the abbrevia-
tion: "Extrav. Commim." For instance: "c. 1 (or
unicum, or AmbitioseeO, Extrav. Commun., De rebus
EcciesisB non alienandis. III, 4", refers to the &r8t
chapter (the only chapter) in book III, title 4 of the
" Extra vatenteS Communes". This collection omits
the usual " liber IV" which treats of marriage. The
" Extravagantes of John XXII " are divided only into
titles and chapters. They are indicated b^ the ab-
breviation, "Extrav. Joan. XXII". For instance:
" c. 2, Extrav. Joan. XXII, De v«*borumsignificatione
XIV" refers to the second chapter of the fourteenth
title of this collection.
Prindpfd ediHcne. — Very soon after ihe invention
of printing editions of the "Corpus Juris", with or
witnout the gloss (comments of canonists) were pub-
lished. We nave already mentioned the importance
of the Paris edition (1499-1505) for the two collec-
tions of " Extravagantes". lliis edition includes the
gloss. The last edition with the gloss is that of Lyons
(1671). Thpugh the Council of Trent did not order a
revision of the text of the canonical collections, St.
Pius V appointed (1566) a commission to prepsire a
new edition of the "Corpus Juris Canonici". This
commission devoted itself especially to the correction
of the text of the " Decree " of Gratian and of its gloss.
Gregory XIII ("Cum pro munere", 1 July, 1580;
"Emendationem", 2 June» 1582) decreed tiiat no change
was to be made in the revised text. This edition of
ihe "Corpus" appeared at Rome in 1582, in csdihus
papuU Rimani, and serves as exemplar for all subse*
quent editions. The best-known, previous to the
nineteenth century, are those of the brothers IHthou
(Paris, 1687), Freiesleben (Prague, 1728), and the
Protestant canonist B5hiner (Halle-Magdeburg,
1747). It is. to be noted that the text of t£e latter
edition differs fh>m that of the Roman edition of 1582,
and does not therefore possess practical utQity. Hie
edition of Richter (Leipsi^ 1833-39) avoids this defect
and is valuable for its critical notes. The edition of
Fl-iedbei^ (Leipsig, 187^-81) does not reproduce the
text of the Roman edition for the " Decree" of Gratian,
but gives the Roman text of the other collections. It
is tm best and most critical edition.
(3) Jus nomsaimum»^--A£ier the 0>uncil of Trent,
an attempt to secure a new official collection of church
laws was made about 1580, when Gregory XIII
charf^ three cardinals with the task. The work
oontmued during the pontificate of Sixtus V, was ac-
complished under Clement VIII, and was printed
(Rome, 15d8) as: "Sanotissimi Domini nostri Cle-
mentis papse VIII Decretales", sometimes also ''Sep-
timus uber Decretalium". This collection, never
approved either by Clement VIII or by Paul V, was
recently edited (Freiburg, 1870) by Sentis. In 1557
00BE4D0
394
OOBBMTeBXlS
an Italian canonist, Paul Lancelottus, attempted un-
successfully to secure from Paul IV, for the four books
of his " Institutiones juris canonici" (Rome, 1663), an
autliority equal to that which its model, the " Institu*
tiones" of Emperor Justinian, once enjoyed in
the Roman fknpire. A private individual, Pierre
Mathieu of Lyons, also wrote a " Liber septimus De-
cretalium", inserted in the appendix to the Frankfort
(1590) edition of the " Oorpus Juris Canonici". This
work was put on the Index. The sources of modem
canon law must be looked for in the disciplinary
canons of the tk)uncil of Trent (see Trent, Council
of), in the collections of papal Bulls (see Bullarium),
of general and local ooimcils, and in the collections of
the decisions and answers of the Roman Congrega-
tions (see CoNGRBQATioNS, Roman). However, toe
ancient "CJorpus Juris Canonici" forms yet the basis
of the actual canonical legislation. The present posir
tion is not without grave inconveniences. At the Vat-
ican Council sevenu bishops asked for a new codifica^
tion of the canon law, and since then several canonists
have attempted to compile treatises in the form of a
full code of canonical legislation, e. g. de Luise (1873),
Pillet (1890), Pezsani (1894), Deahayes (1894), Col-
iomiati (1898-1901). FinaUy Puis X determined to
imdertake this work by his decree ''Arduum sane
munus *' (19 March, 1904), and named a commission of
cardinals to compile a new ''Corpus Juris Canonici"
on the model of the codes of civil law. (See Law.)
Laubin, hUroduetio in eorpua juris oanonid (FreibunL 1889);
Schneider. Die Lehre von den Kirchenrechtmellen (Zad ed.,
Ratisbon, 1802); Taboxf, Hiatoire dea sources du droit eanonique
CParifl, 1887); Oallandi, De vetustis eanonum coUseUombuB
dissertationum suUogs (M«nts, 1790); Vobllos anp JuflfTEixus,
Bibliotheoa juris eanonici veteris (Paris, 1661); Maausn.
Oeschiehte der Quellen und der Literahir des kanonis&un RecfUs
im Abendlande bis sum Ausgano des MiUdaUsrs (Qim. 1870);
ScHXTiyrB, Oesckiohle der Quilien und Litsratur des eanonisehen
Rechts von OraHan bisaufdie Oeaenwart (Stuttflart, 1876-1880):
Smith, BlemerUs of Bedesiastical Law (New York, 1881). I, 62
aqq.; Scrbreb, tiandbuch des Kirehenreehis (Grai, 1880), I,
178 sq.; Wkrnz, Jus DecreUUium (Rome, 1898). I, 272. ieq.;
SaqmOller. Lehfbuch des katholisdien KinhenretMs (Freiburg,
1900-1904). 104 sqq.; Taunton, 7A0 Law of the Church (Lon-
don. 1906), 258, 274, 336, 364, 365, etc.
A. Van Hova.
OorradOi Rudolfo. See Ghirlandajo.
Oorreotion, Fratbenal, is here taken to mean the
admonishing of one's nei^bour by a private individual
with the purpose of reforming him or, if possible, prfr-
venting his sinful indulgence. This is clearly distin-
guishable from an official disciplining, whose mouth-
piece is a j udge or other like superior, wooee object is the
punislmient of one found to be guilty, and whose mo-
tive is not so directly the individual advantage of the
offender as the furuieranoe of the common good.
That there is, upon occasion and with due regard to
circumstances, an obligation to administer fraternal
correction there can be no doubt. This is a conclu-
sion not only deducible from the natural law binding
us to love and to assist one another, but also explicitly
contained in positive precept such as the inculcation
of Christ: ''If thy brother shall offend against thee,
go, and rebuke him between thee and him alone. If
he shall hear thee, thou shait gain thy brother" (Matt..
xviii, 15). Given a sufficiently grave condition of
spiritual distress calling for succour in this way, this
commandment may exact fulfilment under pain of
mortal sin. This is reckoned to be so only when (1)
the delinquency to be corrected or prevented is a
grievous one; (2) there is no good reason to believe
that the sinner will adequately provide for himself;
(3) there is a well-founded expectation that the ad-
monition will be heeded; (4) mere is no one else just
as well fitted for this work of Christian charity and
likely to undertake it ; (5) there is no special trouble
or disadvantage accruing to the reformer as a result
of his zeal . Practically, however, individuals without
any official capacity are seldom imp(»ichable as having
seriously transgressed the law in this matter because
it is but rarely one finds the coalition of i
just eniunerated.
Of course the reproof is ta be administered pri-
vately, i. e. directly to the delinquent and not in the
presence of oUiers. This is plamly the method ap-
pointed by Christ in the words just cited and onlv as
a reme<^ for obduracy is any other oontemplatea by
Him. Still there are occasions upon which one might
lawfully proceed in a differmt way. For instance
(a) when the offence is a public one; (b) when it
makes for the prejudice of a third party or perbape
even the entire community; (o) when it can only be
condignlv dealt with by uie authority of a superior
paternally exercised; (d) when a public rebuke ia
neoBssary to preclude scandal: witness the with-
standing of Peter by Paul mentioned in the Epiakle
to the Galatians (ii, 11-14); (e) when the offender
has already in advance relinquished whatever right
he possessed to have his ^ood name safeguarded, aa
is the custom in some religious bodies. The obliga-
tion of fraternal eonectioB, so far as private persons
go, does not obtain, generallv speaking, for the caae
of one idio violates a law through invincible igno-
rance. The obvious reason is that there is then no
formal sin. Superiors to be sure can daim no such
immunity for it is their duty to instruct tiieir suboidi-
nates. Every one, however, whether having an offi-
cial competency or not, is bound to give the admoni-
tion when the sin, committed though it be from
ignorance, is hurtful to the offender or a third party
or is the occasion of scandal.
Noi4>iN, Summa Thsologia Moraiis (Inoabniek, 1906);
LEHMKUBii. Theologia Moraiis (Freibuis, 1887); JoasFH
RiCKABT, Aquinas Bthicus (London. 1806).
Joseph F. Dblant.
OoTTtcJioikf HouBEB ow Spibitual. See Rbtbkat,
HOUBBB OF COBRBCnOKAL.
Oonrectories are the text-forms of the lAttn Val-
late resulting from the critical «nendatlons as pno-
tised during the course of the thirteenth century.
Owing to the carelessness of transcribes, the oonjee-
tural ooirections of critics, the insertion of glosses and
paraphrases, and especially to the preference for read-
mgs found in the earlier lifttin versions, the text of St.
Jerome was corrupted at an eariy date. About 550
Cassiodorus made an attempt at restoring the purity
of the Latin text. Chariemagne entrusted the same
labour to Alcuin, whopresented his royal patron with
a corrected copy in 801. Similar atteaq>ts were re-
peated by Theodulphus Bishop of Orieans [787(?>-
821], Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury (1070-
1089), Stephen Harding, Abbot of Ctteaux (1109-
1134), and Deacon Nicolaus Maniaooria (about the
beginning of the thirteenth century). At this period
the need of a revised Latin text of the Vulgate beeame
more imperative than ever. When, towuds the end
of the twelfth century, the schools of Paris were or-
ganised into the university and its various faculties
adopted the same reference texts, the faculty of theo-
logy, too, adhered to a uniform text of the Latin
Bible. It cannot be ascertained at present wh^her
this adoption was owing to the chance prevalenoe of a
certain manuscript or to the critical work of theolo-
aans, whether it was the effect at an official ^oioe of
the university or of a prevailing custom; at any rate,
the almost general acioption (» this text threw into
oblivion a great number of genuine readin^i which had
been current in the preceding centuries, and perpetu-
ated a text, uniform, indeed, but very oorrupt. This
is the so-called "Biblia Parisiensis", or Paris Bible;
no copy is known to exist in our days. The thirteenth
century reacted against this evil by a series of corree-
tories. Father Demfle enumerates as manv as Uiir-
teen groups, but it is more convenknt to reduce them
to three classes: the Dominican, the Fraodsean^ and
the allied oorrectories.
OCttSBOOIO
H95
OOBRICkiir
Domimcan Corrtdones. — The general chapter of
the DomimcaiiB hehl in 1236 oonnects a oorreoted
text of ^e Laiin Bible with the members of the prov-
ince of France: it ordained that all Bibles should be
conf onned to this. Little more is known of this work ;
but the f (lowing correctories are more noted: (1)
The ''BibUa Senonensis'', or Hie Bible of Sens, is not
the Paris Bible a» approved of by the Archbishop of
Sens, nor is it a particular text adopted by the ecclesi-
asticnd authority of that city, but it is a correction of
the Paris Bible prepared by the Dominican Fathers
residing there. Whatever be the value of this correc-
tory, it did not meet with the approval of the Domini-
can Order, as may be inferred from an ordination of
the genenu chapter held in PariSi 1256. Quotations
from it found in the "Correctorium Sorbonicum" re-
semble the readings of the Latin manuscript No. 17 in
the National Libraiy, Paris. The fathers of Sens
failed to produce a satisfactory text because they were
too sparmg in their emendation of the Paris Bible.
(2) Hugues of Saint-Oher tried to restore the primitive
text of the Latin Vulgate, which in his day was prac-
tically identical with the Paris Bible, by removing its
piosses and all foreign accretions. But instead of hav-
ing recourse to the manuscripts of St. Jerome's text he
compared the Paris Bible with the original Hebrew
and Greek readings, thus furnishing a new version
rather than a correctoiy. Roger Bacon calls his
work *'the wont corruption, the destruction of the
text of God''. Eight manuscripts of Hugues' correc-
tory are still extant. (3) Theobald is the name of the
Dominican Father who is usuallv connected with the
next correction of the Latin Vulgate text, which ap-
peared about 1248. The text of this too resembles
that of the Latin manuscript No. 17 in the National
Library, Paris, and is thus related to the "Correo-
torium Senonense". It may be identical with the
''Correctio Parisiensis secunda", quoted in the "Cor-
rectorium Sorbonicum". (4) Another correctory
was prepared about 1256 in the Dominican convent of
Saint-Jacques, Paris. The manuscript thus corrected
contains a text as bad as, if not worse than the Bible
of Paris, the readings of which were carried into the
new correctory. Trie principles of Hugues of Saint-
Cher were followed by tne correctors, who marked in
red the words to be omitted, and added marginal notes
to explain changes and suggest variants. They are
more copious in the Old Testament than in the New.
The autograph is preserved in the National Library,
Paris, mS. lat. 16,719-16,722.
Francimxm Correctories. — ^The great Franciscan
writer, Roger Bacon, was the first to formulate the
true principles which ou^t to gniide the correction of
the Latin Vulgate; his religious orethren endeavoured
to apply them, though not always successfully. (1)
Tlie 'H)omctorittm ^rbonicum'^ probably the work
of William of Brittany, derives its name from the fact
that iht thirteenth-centuiy manuscript in wiiich the
emendations were made belonged to the Library of
the Sorbonne, though at present it is kept in the Na-
tional Library, Paris, MB. lat 15554, fol. 147-253.
The marginal and interiinear glosses are derived from
the Paris Bible and the correctory of the Dominican
Father Theobald; the make-up of the work imitates
the Dominican correctories. (2) The ''Correctorium
Vaticanum" owes its name to the circumstance that
its fint known manuscript was the Cod. Vaticanus
lat. d466^ though at present eight other copies are
known, belonging' to the thirteenth or the be^nning of
the fourteenth century. Its author is William de
Mara, of Oxford, a disoiple of Roger Bacon, whose
principles and methods he follows. Thou^ ac-
quainted witii several Latin and Hebrew manuscripts,
the Tafgum, the commentaries of Rashi, and the orie^
inal texts, he relied more on the authority of the early
manuscripts of St. Jerome's text. There are some
faults in the correctory, resulting mainly from the
author's limited knowledge of Greek. (3) Gerard de
Huy was a faithful follower of Roger Bacon's princi-
ples: the old Latin manuscripts and the readings of
the Fathers are his firet authority, and only when they
disagree does he have recourse to the original texts.
Unfortunately he knew no Latin manuscripts older
than those of the ninth and tenth centuries containing
a text of Alcuin's recension. But Gerard knew the
history of the versions and the origin of the textual
corruptions of the Sacred Scriptures. He corrected
the Paris Bible and gave an account of his emenda-
tions in his marginal notes. (4) Two more Francift--
can correctories must be noted: MS. 61 (Toulouse), of .
the fifteenth century, reproduces the correctory of
Gerard de Buxo, of Avignon, a work rather exegetioal
than critical in character; MS. 28 (Einsieddn), oLthe
beginning of the fourteenth century, oontama the
work of John of Cologne.
Allied Correctories, — Mangenot mentions six other
groups of correctories which have not been fully in-
vesti^ted as yet. Two of them are allied to the
Dominican correctory of the convent of Saint- Jacques ;
one is represented by the MS. lat^ 15,554, foL 1-146,
National Library, Paris; the other by Cod. Laurent.,
Hut., XXV, sin., cod. 4, fol. 101-^107 (Florence), and by
MS. 131, fol. 1, Arsenal, Paris. Two other groups are
allied to the Franciscan correctories ; one, represented
by Cod. 141, lat. class. I, fol. 121-390, Maroiana (Ven-
ice), depends on William de Mara and Gerard de Huy;
the other, found in MS. 82, Boiges. (Rome), depends
on Gerard de Huy. Finally two very brief lOorreo*
tories are to be found in M8. 492, Antoniana, Padua*
and in MS. Cent. I, 47, fol. 127, NOrenbeijg.
Mangenot in Vio.. Did. de la BibU, s. v. Corredoint: Dsmx*
1T.K, IHe Handachriften der Bxbel-Correctorien de9 13. JahrHun-
derta in Archiv fUr Literatur ttnd Kirchengesckiddt det M'UUiair
Un (Fieiburs, 1888), IV, 268>^11» 471-eol; Samusl BbbokiI.
Hietoirt de la Vulgate vendatU lee ftremitn ei^cUe d% «i0|/«a ^
(Paria^ 1803); Idem, Quam notitiam lingua hehraioa Habuerwt
Christiani rMdii tevi temvoribue in Ooflia (Paris, 1893); Vd/tfKB."
LBIN, Von CorreoUyriia bibHcia in lAterariichee Mueanttn (Alt^
dorf, 1778), 1,1; 11.177; III 344; VtittcKhU^iim, Diea^rUuiani
academiche (Kome. 1864); Kaulen, Geachichte der Vvigata
(Miiin», 1868), 244-278; GRBooirr, Prolegomerui (Lefpsig,
1904). ill, 973.
A. J. Maaa.
Ck>rreggio. See Allsqui, Antonio.
Oorrirai, Michael Auovbtine, third Arohbiflliep
of New York, b. 13 August, 1839, at Newark, New Jei^
sey ; d. at New York, 5 Mfiiy, 1902. His pafenta were
natives of Ireland. After graduating at Mt. St. Mary's
College, Emmittsburg, Md.. in 18^, he entered the
Collie of the Propaganda at R(Mne, and was one of
the twelve students with whom the North Amerioan
College was opened there, 8 December, 18^, He>
was ordained priest at Rome, 19 September, 1868, and
received there the degree of Doctor of Divinity in
1864. Returning to his native diocese in September,
1864, he was successively professor of dogmatic theol-
ogy and of Scripture, vice-president and president of
Seton Hall College axid Seminary, and vicar^general of
the diocese until 1873, when on 4 Mi^ he was conse-
crated Bishop of Newark. His admmistration, dur-
ing the seven years of its continuanoe, was character-
ized by unceasing and successful eflforts to bring the
regulation of the spiritual and temporal affairs ol the
diocese into strict accordance with the prescriptions
and recommendations of the plenary councils of the
Church in the United States that had been held pre-
viot2s to his acoessjion to the episcopacy.
The declining health of Cardinal McCloskey, Arch-
bishop of New York requiring the appointment of a
ooadjutor, the young Bishop of Newark was named,
1 October, 1880, titular Archbishop of Petra, with the
right of succession for New York, and on the death of
Cardinal McCloskev in October, 1885, he assumed
charge. Having taken an active part in the proceed-
ings of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884)
as the representative of the cardinal, his first impor-
COBBIGAH
396
aOBSIQ4
taut act as archbishop was to convoke a synod of the
diocese, in Novonber, 1886, to cany into effect the de-
crees of the council. The considerable changes made
by the council in the status oi the clex^y and its pro-
visions for the administration of the dioceses of the
United States, as to their subordinate officials, were
adopted. A new theological semimuy, to replace that
of St Joseph's, Trov, was built at Dunwoodie and
opened September, 1896. Tlie unfinished towers of
St. Patrick's Cathedral were completed. Tlie Orphan
Asylums on Fifth and Madison Avenues were trans-
ferred to a new suburban location at Kingsbridge*
The construction of the Lady Chi^l of the cathedral,
through funds donated by a generous Catholic family,
wBsb^un.
During the municipal election of 1886 Archbishop
Corrisan deemed it nis duty to disapprove of the
socialistic character of the writings and addresses of
one of the candidates for the mayoralty. This brought
about the most disturbing incident, perhaps, of the
archbishop's administration, the difference between
himself and a prominent member of his clergy, the
Rev. Dr. Edward McQlynn, rector of St. Stephen's
Church, New York city, occasioned by the latter's
advoca^ of opinions which the archbishop believed
were not in accord with Catholic teaching on the sub-
ject of the rights of propertv. The controversy b^^
m 1886 with the clergyman's appearance on the public
platform, in behalf oFone of the candidates for mayor,
who stood for certain novel econoitiic theories, and led
to the privation of his pastoral office. Not complying
afterwards with the order of the pope, Leo XIII, to
proceed to Rome, he incurred the sentence of excom-
munication.
There resulted some commotion in ecclesiastical and
other circles, accentuated later (1892) by a new phase
whidi the Catholic School ^juestion assumed in its re«
lation to the State. A period of much public discus-
sion and excitement followed which, however, b^an
to subside rapidly when Dr. McGlynn was relieved of
the censure oy the Apostolic Delegate, then Arch-
bishop SatoUi, and obeyed the summons of the Holy
Father. In 1894 Archbishop Corrigan appointed Dr.
McGlynn pastor of St. Maj^'s Church, Newburgh,
where he remained until his death in 1901.
On May 4th, 1898, Archbishop Corri^n celebrated
the twenty-fifth anniversary of his episcopal conse-
cration. Laymen, priests, and manv prominent non-
CathdicB assembled to testify to nis virtues as an
ecclesiastic and as a citizen. He made his last visit ad
liminaAj)08tolorumiiil900, Two years afterwards, re-
turning from a confirmation visit to the Bahamas, he
contraicted a cold, which, aggravated by an accident,
caused his death on May 5th of the same year. The
manifestation of sentiments of respect and fdffection
on that event was not only local but national. From
the beginning of his episcopate in New York he was
obliged to face the problem of the great influx of for-
eign, especially Italian, immi^ation and its religious
reouirements. He had to guide and direct the chai^
itable and educational interests of his diocese which
rapidly and widely expanded during his administra-
tion. During the seventeen years of his rule he was
instrumental in the increase of the churches, chapeb.
and stations of the archdiocese by one hundred ana
eighty-eight, of the deiigy by two hundred and eighty-
four, of schools by seventy-five. His scholarahip was
deep and wide, extending to every branch of ecclesias-
tical learning: his piety marked But unobtrusive; his
methods gentle but firm. His devotien, his zeal, and
his unceasing labours in behalf of religion make him a
conspicuous figure in the history of the American
Churai of the nineteentli century. The only literary
production that his busy life as a priest and bishop
permitted him to publish was a '^Register of the
Clergy laboring in the Archdiocese of New York from
early missions to 1885", which he compiled for the
'' Historical Records and Studies" of the United States
Catholic History Society (Jan., 1889, sq<|.).
Catbbdbal LIBR4BT AflSOCiA.Tioif. Memorial of MoM Rtm
Arehln$hop Corrwan, Third Arehb%9hop of Ntw York (New York.
1902); Flynn, The Cath. Ch. in New Jeney (UorriAtown, lOOt);
Smith, Tht Cath. Ch. m New Y&rk (New York. 1006); Rscas.
Bu>o. Cud. of ih« Cath. Hierarehu of U, S. (MUwankM, 1896);
Fabxay, The Hittary of SL Pabriek*e Cathednl (New York,
1908).
JOSEFH F. MOONKT.
OoRJgan, Sir Dominic, physician, b. 18Q2, in
Dublin. Ireland; d. there, 1880: distinguished for lus
original observations in heart disease, a speaal type
of pulse beins named after him. The son of a poor
shopkeeper, his early education was obtained at
Maynooth, which then had a department for secular
students apart from the ecclesiastical seminary. He
was attracted to the study of medicine by the plmi-
cian in attendance. After several yem of mecfical
stud^ in Dublin he followed the prevailing custom of
the tune and went to Edinburgh where ne received
his degree as M. D. in 1825. After his return to
Dublin he was appointed physician to the Jervis
Street Ho^ital, whidi had but six medical beds.
During the next four vears he studied certain forma
of heart disease to such good purpose that he recast
the teaching of diseases of the aortic valves. His
article on " Permanent Patency of the Aortic Valves"
appeared in the Edinburgh "Medical and Surgical
Journal" for April, 1832. He was eminently suc-
cessful as a teacher of medicine. In 1842 the Lon-
don Coll^ of Surgeons conferred on him its diploma.
In 1849 he received from the University of Dublin
the honorary degree of M. D. He was known as a
very hard-working .physician, and his self-sacrificing
devotion during the famine fever years made hhn
famous. His 'Uicctures on Fevers^ (Dublin, ia5d)
are a valuable contribution to our knowledge of this
subject. He was created a baronet partly as a re-
ward for his services as Commissioner of Education
for man^ years. He was a member of Pariiament
in the Liberal interest for five years after 1869. He
was defeated for re-election in 1874 oy the liquor in-
terest which he had antagonized bv supportmg the
Simda]^ Closing Bill. He was President of the BoybI
Zooloeical Society of Dublin, of the Dublin Patho-
logical Society, of the Dublin Pharmaceutical So-
ciety, and was five times elected President of tiie
College of Physicians in Dublin, an unprecedented
honour. His work on heart disease stamps him as a
great original investigator in medicine. Trousseau,
the French clinician, proposed that aortic heart dis-
ease should be called Corrigan's disease.
Sketches in Brit. Med. Journal and The Lancet (1880); Walsb.
Makers of Modem Medicine (New York. 1907).
JAMES J. Walsh.
Oorsica, the third island of the Mediterranean in
point of size, only Sicfly and Sardinia behog of
greater extent. The distance from the French seaport
Antibes, on the Riviera, to Calvi, the port of Cbrsica
nearest to France, is one hundred and eleven milea.
There is a brisk commerce between Ledlioni, In Italv,
and Bastia, in Corsica, the voyage being made m
five hours. The island is mountainous and w^U
watered, a large part beins covered with forests and
almost impenetrable thickets called mo^uit. The
climate is mild on the coast, but cold in the devated
r^ions. The area of Corsica is 3367 square mfles,
the population 3(X),000. Both the natives of the in-
terior and those of the coast, whose anfiestots were
Italians, are neariy all Catholics.
The island was earlv visited by the Fhoeniottiis
and Phocians who established oolonies thae. For a
time it belonged to Carthage, but was takm by the
Remans, who retained possession from 260 B. c. to
the end ef the fifth century of the Christian Era.
But they never subdued the mountain tribes of the
interior, and even in the time of Gregoiy I (590^604)
ooBms
897
OOBTiS
tbiae were many heathens in Corsica, which long re-
tained its earhr reputation as a wild and unhospitable
island. On the fall of the Western Empire (476)
GoraiGa was taksm. by the VandiUs, but was recovered
by Belisarius, only to be captured by the Qoths
under Totila. Eventually, however, it became sub-
Sct to the exarchs of Ravenna, and remained a
3rsantine poesession until the ei^th century. At
the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh
oentoiy the Roman Church owned large landed es-
tates in Corsica. By the Donation of Pepin the Short
(754-55) the island came under the civil sovereignty
of the popes (liber Pcmtif., ed. Duchesne, I, 498; II,
104, note 35). From the eidith to the eleventh cen-
tury it was frequently plunaered by Saracen pirates.
Pisa then set up a claim of overlordship which was
soon disputed by Cienoa. In 1300 the latter made
good its claim to the civil and ecclesiastical influence
hitherto exercised by Pisa, and desoite numerous
revolutions fSampiero, 1567; Baron Neuhof, 1729'
Paoii, 1755) held at least a nominal authority until
1768. In that year Genoa ceded Corsica to France,
since which time the island has remained a French
province. Ajaccio, its chief town, is historically
tamous as the birthplace of Napoleon Bonaparte.
It has been asserted that Cnristianity was intro-
duced into Corsica in Apostolic times. Ughelli, in his
" Italia Sacra", says of Mariana, one of the oldest set-
tlements: "It received the Catholic Faith, and has
had its own pastors, ever since the times of the Apos-
tles"; but this would be difficult to establish. An-
other tradition which finds favour with historians is,
that Christianity was spread in the island by con-
fessors of the Faith exiled thither (Heraenrdther, I, in
French tr., Paris, 1901, p: 297). The BoUandists s^
the country was entirely Christian in a. d. 439. It
fkve saints and martyrs to the Church; Mgr. de la
oata, in his "Recherches" (a
phy infra),
cites iSbe names of three Corsican Friars Minor of the
Observance^ Bemarduio Alberti, Franceschino Muo-
diieli, Teonlo DesM;norio, whose virtues had been
authoritatively declared heroic, and also claims as
Gorsicans St. Lauiina, virgin and martyr, whose fes-
tival was celebrated as a fint-class feast in the ancient
Dioceae of Aleria, St. Parthoeus, martyr, St. Vinde-
miaUs and St. Florentius. It is said, also, that St.
JuUa was a Corsican.
We have seen that before and after 600 Corsica
was in dose dependence on the Apostolic See, and
always remained so, (see Cappelletti, Le Chiese
d'ltalia, XVI, 307 sqq.). In 1077 Gregory VII
named as his vicariua for Corsica the Bishop of Pisa.
In 1092 Pope Uri)an II made its bishops suffragans
of the Archbishop of Pisa. In 1133 Innocent II,
having granted the pallium to the Archbishop of
Genoa, gave him for suffragans the Corsican Bishops
of Mariana, Nebbio, and Accia, the Archbishop of
Pisa retaining as suffragans the sees of Ajaccio, Aleria,
and Sagona. The Bishoprics of Mariana and Accia
were united, 30 January, 1563* About 1580 the
Blessed Alexander Sauli (q. v.), known as the
"Apostle of Corsica" awoke the islanders to a more
earnest rdigious life and founded a seminary on the
model of those decreed by the Council of Trent. At
the time of the French Revolution there were five
dioceses in Corsica: Mariana and Accia, Nebbio,
Aleria, Sagona, and Ajaccio. A decree of 12 July,
1790, of the National Assembly at Paris, whose mem-
bers had voted the Civil Constitution of the Cleigy,
reduced these five bishoprics to one, giving to Bastia
the pastoral care of the whole island. On 8 May,
1791, the election of the Constitutional bishop took
place. The choice of the electois fell upon the canon
Ignatitis Francis Guasco, Vicar-General of Mariana,
and Provost of the Cathedral. He, however, made a
public and solemn recantation 22 December, 1794.
the Concordat of 1801, between the Holy See and the
French Republic, which officially restored Catholic
worship in France, made of Coraica a sii^e diocese
with Ajaccio as its episcopal city. (See G^ncordat
OF 1801 ; Ajaccio.) St. EAiphrasius, bishop and mar-
tp, is the patron of the diocese. Sts. JuJia and
Devota were declared patronesses of the island by
decree of the 8. C. of Kites, 5 August, 1809, and 14
March, 1820. The "Directorium Cleri" of the dio-
cese for 1907 states that there are in Corsica one
bishop and five hundred and ninety-seven priests,
professors, directora, and chaplains. There are one
vicar-general, eipht titular canons, twenty-nine hon-
orary canons, nve archpriests, thirteen parishes of
the first class, forty-eight of the second class, and
three hundred and thirty-three chapels. Parochial
coimcils, composed of members of the laity, assist the
parish priests, since the suppression of the former
boards of trustees by the separation of Churdi and
State. In Ajaccio there was, until recently, a dioc-
esan seminaxy, but the students were din>ersed on
account of the non-acceptance by Pope Pius X of
the so-caUed "Law of Separation". At the time
it ceased to exist, it had thirty-eight students and
ten candidates for the priesthood. Eveiy newly
ordained priest is required to present himself yeariy
for five consecutive years for examination in ecclesi-
astical sciences before a special committee. The
degrees in theology may dispense from several or all
of these examinations, but a young priest is never
admitted to the parish ministry without having
passed an examination of this kind. In Corsica
there are numerous charitable and pious brother-
hoods, founded in the days of Italian rule. Several
of these associations assemble in their own chapels.
Tlie churches are usually of the Italian style of
architecture and sometimes richly adorned. The
Society for the Propa^tion of the Faith is directed
by a diocesan committee instituted 13 Fel>ruary,
1859. The St. Vincent de Paul Society has two
conferences. An Association for free Catholic schools
is supported by the subscriptions of the faithful, idio
also provide for the needs of Catholic worship.
Before the suppression of the religious orders there
were in Corsica one house of the Jesuits, six Francis-
cans, one Dominican, and five Capuchin monasteries,
and one house of the Oblates of Mary. These, as well
as tiie schools of the Christian Brothera and all convent
schools, have been closed by the Government. Th^e
are still six convents of nuns. In consequence of the
new laws of France, the Catholic Church in Corsica, a
poor country, is confronted with a crisis: the people,
nabituated to look to the State for the support of
public worship, must now adopt new methods and
make many sacrifices for the maintenance of religion.
PlETBo Felcb (or Petrus Cybnoeub), ChrofUde to tht Year
IIM in MuKATORi, Italioarum Rerum Seriptons^ by della
Groma, Ckccaldx, and Montegoianx, ChnmieUa, continued
to 1590 by FxuppiNi, and tr. into French by Lbttbbon (Bm-
tia); Gaudin, FoyKuw en Cone (latter half of the eighteenth
century); Renucci, Storia di Ccnioa (Bastia. 1834); Robxqubt.
Reeherchee . . . «ur 2a Cone (PariB, 1835); Fbxbss. HiaUnn dee
Conee (Bastia, 1852); GBSOosovroa, HiaUrire dee Conee, a
French tr. of the German work (Stutt«art and TCkfaiii«en, 1854).
by Luccxana; Gxamabcbi. Vita ppliUea di Pcu^uale Paoli
(Bastia, 1858); Galeth, Hiatoire Muatrie de la Cone (Paris,
1863); BonaoK, En Corae; Comapondonee de 1887 (Palis);
d'OrnanOj La Cone milUain (Paris); Bulietin de la SoeiiU dta
Sciencea kiatoriquea et naturellea de la Cone (periodical, Bastia;
a magasine of valuable documents for Corsican history}: de
i«A FoATA, Racherdtea et notea divenea aur VhiaUtin da Veffltae de
Corae (Bastia, 1895); Ortolan, IHjOomata et SoUkU; Mar.
CaaanelH d^hiria, EvSque d" Ajaccio (Paris, 19(X)); Cobtona.
Hiat. de la Corae (Paris, 1006) ; Poli. La Corae dona Vanti^iti
et dona le hout moyen Age (Pans, 1907).
AlBXANDRS GUAflCO.
Oortas, DoNoso. See Donoso Cortes.
Oortes, Hernando, conqueror of Mexico, b. at
Medellin in Spain c. 1485; d. at Gastiileja de la Cuesta
near Seville, 2 December, 1547. He was married
first to CatfUina Xuarez, from which marriage thcro
0OR7BS
398
00&Ti8
was no issue, and, after her death, to I>ofia Juana de
Zufiiga, niece of the Duke of Bejar. From this union
there sprang four children, one son (Martin) and
three daughters. His parents were Martin Cortes
de Monro V and Catalina Pizarro Altamirano, both of
honourable extraction, belonging to the middle class
of nobility, but not wealthy. They sent their son to
school at Salamanca when he was fourteen vears of
age, but study was irksome to him, his restless and
ambitious temper chafed under restraint, and he
returned home much to the displeasure of his parents.
As he was the only son, they looked upon him as tlieir
hope and future support, and had wished that he
would adopt the protes- __^
sion of the law. Dissatis- ^ —
fied at home Cort^ turned
his eyes to the newly dis-
covered Western world,
and, after an unsuccess-
ful attempt to embark
for the West Indies with
Ovando, succeeded in
reachioyg Espaflola in a
craft commanded by one
Quintero, who signalized
himself during the voy-
a^ by trying to deceive
his superiors and reacli
the New World before
them in order to secure
personal advantages. It
may be that the example
of Quintero was a school
for Cort^ in his subse-
Suent career. The life
ort^ led in the Antilles
was that of the military
man of his time, with in-
tervals of rest on such
estates as he gradually
acquired. He was a fa-
vourite of both Ovando
and Velasquez, but he
quarrelled with the latter,
aeceived him and made
him a mortal enemy. The
consequences were very
serious, for Velazquez was
Governor of Cuba and a
man of influence at court. ■
The conduct of Cort^
during his stay in the
AntiUes (1504-1519) re-
vealed, besides military
aptitude (which he had
manned With well-anned men, and horses and artilleiy
were embarked. At the last moment Velaaques,
whose suspicions were aroused by the actions of
Cort^, instigated by his surroundings, attempted to
prevent the departure. It was too late; CSortw, after
the example set by Quintero, slipped away from the
Cuban coast and thus began the conquest of Mexico.
His life from the time he sailed on nis momentous
undertaking in 1619 is so intimately linked with tlie
history of Mexico, that the reader may be referred
for additional details to the articles Mexico, Aztsgs,
and Pedro de Alvarado.
As a soldier Cort^ put to use in Mexico the Indian
mode of warfare lie had
observed in the Antilles,
and it enabled him to
achieve an unbroken soo-
oess in the open field.
Indian defensive tactics
from buildinxB and walls
were new to him, but he
quickly saw both their
strong and their weak
points, and his reduction
of the island settlement
of Tenochtitlan was no
small feat. He recognized
at an early date the Indian
method of proceeding by
decoy and ambush, and
this led to his success
against the tribe of Tlax*
oals. He was very quick
in detecting devices and
stratagems, even in time
of apparent peace, and in
adopting and executing
measiues to defeat them.
One of the most rranark-
able instances is what has
been called the " massacre
of Cholula". WhenCort^
was at the laige Indian
settlement of Tlaxcals
and had perfected an alli-
ance with that people,
some Indians from the
neighbouring tribe of
Cholula urged him to visit
their home. He was
warned not to go, since
the visitors did not ex-
press the wish of their
kindred, who were bit-
terly opposed to dealing
small opportunity of dis- (Painting in the Hospital of the Immaculate Conception, Mexico) witfi tte Span iards"
playing), shrewdness, dar-
mg (in his dealings with Velazquez), and no excess
of scruples in morals.
In 1517 Cordova reached the coast of Yucatan,
while commanding a modest expedition despatched
by Velazquez. He was mortally wounded and only
a remnant of his crew reached Cuba again, bring-
ing back news of the superior culture of the people
they had met.^ Another expedition was deter-
Though unacquainted
with the character of the natives, he marched to
Cholula, but noticed that a trap was being set for
him. He prevented the outbreiJc by an attack on
the Indians, and after a short strug^e forced them
into submission.
The most daring of his exploits, and one that may
be qualified as absolutely reckless although success-
ful, was his mareh on Narvaez who. with a much
mined upon, and was earned out the year followmg superior force of Spaniards, had landed on the gulf
under the^ leadership of Grijalva. It touched the coast with orders from Velaioues, not onfy to supers
sede Cort^, but to capture nim and bnng him to
coast of Mexico, and brought home metallic objects
and evidences of superior culture. Ere Grijalva had
come back, Velazquez determined to send a third
and more numerous squadron to the Mexican coast.
Cortes, then one of Vdazouez's favourites, was
named as the commander, a choice which created no
little envy. Cort^ entered into the enterprise with
zeal and enei^, sacrificing with too mucn ostenta-
tion a considerable part of his fortune to equip the
expedition. Eleven vessels were brought together,
trial in Cuba for disobedience and treason towards
the governor. Leaving only one hundred and forty
men under Alvarado to hold an Indian settlement of
twenty thousand souls, he set out ac^inst Narvaes,
who had nine hundred soldiers, while Cortes, rein-
forced as he approached the coast, mustered about
two himdred and sixty. With these he surprised hii
antagonist and took him prisoner. The move was a
desperate one, as the sequel proved. But the epsciet
CX)RTfal
399
ooRTia
of his success lay in his marvellously quick move-
m^its, for which Narvaez was not prepared, as well
as in his rapid return to the plateau, by which he sur-
prised the Indians who held Alvarado and his people
at their mercy. The desperate defence of the Span-
iards in the absence of Uort^ would have been un-
availing had the latter not moved ^ith such celerity.
In (x>ntrast with that lightning-like quickness, but
equally well adapted to the necessities of the case,
was the methodical investment and capture of the
lake settlement, showing the fertility of the con-
G^ueror's mind in suiting nis tactics to altered condi-
tions.
To these military accomplishments Cort^ joined
an unusual perspicacity in penetrating the general
situation in aboriginal Mexico. He saw, soon after
landing at Vera Cruz, the looseness of the bonds b^
which the Indian tribes were coxmected, and yet his
keen perception remained at fault in tliat he did not ap-
preciate (nor could he, from the standpoint of the times,
understand) Indian tribal organization. The sway
the tribes of the table-land and interior lake-basin
held over many of their neighbours appeared to him
(judging from European and Asiatic models) as an
evidence of a consolidated empire; the ofRces of
superior rank held by chiefs, as parts of an organized
hierarchy or feudal lordships; and the heaa war-
chief a hereditary autocrat. Of the nature of tribal
society he had not, and could not have, any idea.
While, therefore, his attempts at winning tribes
leagued with the Mexican confederacv over to the
Spanish cause were usually successful, he was less
fortunate in his relations wnth the Mexicans them-
selves. His seizure of the person of Montezuma, the
head war-chief of the confederates, did not have the
expected result. Led by the belief^ that Monte-
zuma was a supreme ruler, hence the pivot of a state,
Cort^ confidently hoped to control the Mexican
tribe and its confederates through his captive. The
seizure itself appears as an act of singular daring, and
Cort^ and his men were astonished at the ease with
which it was executed, and the lack of opposition on
the part of the Indians; but they did not know that
their prisoner was of so little importance. He was
an elected officer, who could be replaced without
trouble, and the tribal council, supported by the
medicine men and gtiided by their oracular uttei^
ances, were the real heads of the confederacy. The
general outbreak against the Spaniards began after
Montezuma's successor had been installed; until then
hostile numifestations were limited to blockading
Alvarado.
For the sake of policy, Cortfe was, in general, far
from cruel towards the Indians. He allowed Cuauh-
temotzin to be tortured in order to force him to
reveal the whereabouts of his supposed hidden treas-
ures. Such acts ^ere not uncommon at that period,
and every nation was at times guilty of them. This
cruelty was, however, useless, because the greater
part of the Mexican treasures had already passed into
the hands of the Spaniards. The execution of
Cuauhtemotzin on the journey to Honduras was
another instance of the misconception by Cort^ of
Indian conditions. It is not at all unlikely that the
Mexican chieftain was party to a nlan to exterminate
the Spaniards while they were noundering through
the forests and swamps, but even if this were so, his
execution was not necessary. By restraint the
same object might have been achieved. But Cort^
had an exaggerated conception of the power and
influence of tXiauhtemotzin's office, as he had in the
case of Montezuma. To the Indians as a mass he
was kind. He recognized that their preservation
would insure eventual prosperity for the Spaniards,
provided the Indians gradually accepted European
ideas. Therefore he regarded the Church as the
main instrument for the education of the Indian.
But he was far from sharing in the dreams of Las
Casas. His relations with the clergy were very
cordial, he did all he could to introduce missionaries,
and even Las Casas mentions him favourably.- It
has been intimated that the kind treatment of the
Mexican natives by Cort^ was part of a deeply-laid
plan to use his conquest of Mexico for selnsh and
treasonable purposes, for Cort^ was not always the
faithful subject. This leads us to consider his rela-
tions to the Crown of Spain and a few points of his
private character.
The impression has prevailed that Cort^ was
treated by the Spanish Government with' base in-
gratitude. It is true that a few years after 1621
an unfavourable change took place in his relations
with the EmperOT Charles V and his government.
The change never led to an absolute break, but it
caused a gradual curtailing of his power which
Cort^ felt very keenly. While lavishly contribut-
ing his own means at the outset, Cortege made his
conquest avowedly as a Spanish subject, for and
in behalf of Spain and its monarch. Mexico be-
came a Spanish colony through his instrumentality,
but it was the duty of the Spanish Government
to care for it. Cort^ personally was not un-
generously rewarded, but he speedily complained of
insufficient compensation to himself and his com-
rades. Thinking himself beyond reach of restraint,
he disobeyed many of the orders of the Crown, and,
what was more imprudent, said so in a letter to the
emperor, dated 15 October, 1524 (Ycazbalceta,
''Documentoe para la Historia de Mexico", Mexico,
1858, I). In this letter Cortes, besides recalling in
a rather abrupt manner that the conauest Of Mexico
was due to him alone, deliberately acknowledges his
disobedience in terms which could not fail to create
a most unfavourable impression. Soon after the
capture of the Indian settlement the Crown, as was
its prerogative, in 1522 sent to Mexico officers to
investigate the condition of affairs, and to report on
the conduct of Cort^. To this he could not object,
as it was an established custom. The commissioner,
Tapia, charged with the investigation, was so ham-
pered, however, by the officers of Cortifc that he did
not even reach the valley of Mexico, but returned
without carrying out his orders. Cort^ himself,
while keeping at a distance, treated him with the
utmost courtesy, but rendered all action on his part
impossible. A second commissioner, Luis Ponce de
Le6n, was sent in 1526 with discretionary and very
dangerous powers. He died at Mexico soon after
his arrival, in a manner that leaves little doubt of
foul play, although Prescott discredits it. But I¥es-
cott naa not then the documentary material since
unearthed. A number of minor charges were brought
against the conqueror, and they appear to have been
substantiated. They could not fail to create grave
suspicion, because they presented the picture of a
conspiracy, the object of which was to make Cort^
the mdependent ruler of Mexico. Under such cir-
cumstances the least that could be expected was the
elimination of Cort^ from the government of the new
province. The situation was a very critical one for
the Crown. Cort^ held the country and its resources,
and controlled a body of officers and men who4iad, in
1520, expressed to the emperor in writing their ad-
miration for their captain, and dwelt in the strongest
terms on the obligations under which his achieve-
ments had placed the mother country. It is true,
in case of a clash, Spain might have counted upon the
support of the inhabitants of the Antilles, but the
military reputation of Cort^ had become so great
that the selection of a leader against him would
have been very embarrassing. Hence a conflict had
to be avoided as long as possible. Cort^' positicm
was gradually undermined, titles and honours were
conferred upon him, but not the administrative
OORTME
400
(XATWE
authority he coveted. At the same time his attention
was insensibly directed to explorations outside of
America, to the much-desired Moluccas or Spice
Islands.
At a time when there was almost a certainty, in
court circles in Spain, of an intended rebellion by
Cort^, a charge was brought against him that cast a
fat^ bUght upon his character and plans. He was
accused of the murder of his first wife. Pieecott
makes lij^ht of the accusation, but his opinion has
little weight because, as above stated, evidence has
since been discovered which was beyond his reach.
This evidence leaves no doubt that Catalina Xuarez
was strangled by her husband. The proceedings of
the investigation were kept secret. No report,
either exonerating or condemning Cort^, was pub-
lished. Uad the Government declared him innocent,
it would have greatly increased his popularity; had it
declared him a criminal, a crisis would have been
precipitated by the accused and his part^. Silence
was the only safe policy. But tliat silence is a
strong indication that grave danger was appre-
hended from his influence. It is curious that, after
the conquest of the Mexicans had been consummated,
but more particularly after the sinister deeds above
mentioned, success seems to have abandoned his
banner. Excluded from the government of Mexico,
his eyes were turned to further exnloration. Don
Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain, was
looked upon by Cort^ as his enemy, but the accusa-
tion that he opposed and hampered Cort^ in nearly
evervoneofliis new enterprises is not justified. It was
the latter who, at once, opened a violent campai^
against everybody who approached what he consid-
ered his new domain. He found grave faults with
every measure, and resorted to statements that were
utterly baseless. Thus his attack upon Father
Marcos of Nizza, charging him with having attributed
to himself the discovery of New Mexico while in
reality he, Cort^, had been the discoverer, is so
groundless that it appears almost ridiculous. Every
expedition set on foot bv Cort^ in the Pacific either
failed abeolutelv or proauced meagre, unsatisfactory
results. Soured by these failures which stood in
flagrant contrast to the brilliant success of his early
efforts^ Cortes became a chronic complainant. He
saw his influence gone, his prestige waning. The
Government could not forget the proofs of unrelia-
bility which the conqueror of Mexico had given
when he thought himself master of the situation.
The emperor finally permitted him to join the great
expedition apainst Algiers in 1541. It may be that
had the advice of Cort^ been 'followed that under-
tiJdng would have had a less disastrous end; but he
was not even consulted. The enterprise failed, and
the conqueror of Mexico did not long survive the
failure.
Cort^ was a good writer. His letters to the em-
peror, on the conquest, deserve to be classed among
the best Spanish documents of the period. They
are, of course, coloured so as to place his own achieve-
ments in relief, but, withal, he keeps within bounds
and does not exaggerate, except in matters of Indian
civilisation and the numbers of population as implied
by the size of the settlements. Even there he uses
comparatives only, jud^g from outward appear-
ances and from impressions. His first letter is lost,
and the one from the munioipaUtv of Vera Cruz has to
take its place. It was published for the first time in
volume IV of ''Documentos para la Historia de
Espafia", and subsequently reprinted. The ''Se-
gunda Carta de Relacion'', bearing the date of 30
Oct., 1520, appeared in print at SevUle in 1522. The
''Carta teroera", 15 May, 1522, appeared at Seville
in 1523. The fourth, 20 October, 1524, was printed
at Toledo in 1525. The fifth, on the Honduras ex-
pedition, is contained in volume IV of the "Docu«
mentos para la Hist, de Espafia". The important
letter mentioned in the text has been published under
the heading of "Carta in^to de Cort^" by Ycas-
balceta. A great number of minor documents, either
by Cort^ or others,' for or acainst him, are dispersed
through the voluminous eolation above cited and
through the ''Colecci6n de Dooumentos de Indias",
as well as in the "Documentos para la Historia
de M^ico" of Ycasbalceta. Of his letters on the
conquest there are a number of reprints and transla-
tions into various languages.
See articles on Aztegb and Mexico for the bulk of litaoitare
on the conquest of Mexico and the part played by Cortda in it.
Peter Marttr and especially Ovieoo were contempoiarieB;
their statementa therafore deserve particular aftteation.
although absolute impartiality and miability cannoi be
expected. On the sinister occurrences of the death of Poooe
de Le6n and of Catalina Xuares the Documenioe de India*
contain the authentic investications. The early life of GorUs
is described at ieni^h in a f racment from the sixteenth oootury.
De Rebus Oestia rerdinand Cortesii^ author unlmown* pub-
lished by YcACBALCETA iQ his Documenioe, I, first aeries.
Bbbnal DiAS DEX« CAflTiLLo gives maoy yery valuable date on
Gort^, but he must be classed amonc writen on the oo&quest.
An. F. Bandelx£r.
Oortase, Giovanni Andrea (his name in the
Benedictine Order was Gregono), cardinal and
monastic reformer, b. 1483 at Modena; d. 21 Sept,
1548. After receiving a training in the Humanities
at Modena imder the learned Cistercian Yarino of
Piacenza, he devoted himself to the study of juris-
prudence for five years, first at Bologna, then at
Padua, and was graduated as doctor oTlaws at the
early age of seventeen. His thorough knowtedge of
the Latin and Greek languages induced Caroinal
Giovanni de' Medici, the future Pope Leo X, to take
him into his service and afterwards appoint him legal
auditor in the Curia. Desirous of leading a more
quiet life, Cortese resigned this office and in 1507
entered the Benedictine monastery of Folirone near
Mantua, one of the most flourishing abbeys of the
recently founded Cassinese Coimegation. When
Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici h^ira that his fonner
auditor had become a monk, he addressed a letter to
him expressing his surprise and displeasure at the step
which Cortese had taken and urging him to l^tve tfaie
monastery and resume his former occupation in Borne.
In his answer to the cardinal's letter Cortese points
out the great dangers which beset his soul when he
was still engaged in worldlv pursuits, and c^^eaks of the
interior happiness which he experienced while chant-
ing the Divine praises and applying himself to the
stud^ of Holy Smpture. When m 1 513 Giovanni de '
Medici ascended the papal throne as Leo X. Cortese
sent him a letter of con^atulation in which, however,
he did not omit to remind the new pontiff of his duty
to begin at last that general reform of which the
Church stood in extreme need. Like many other
saintly and learned men of the time, Cortese was
deeply grieved at the indifference manifested by
many ecclesiastical dignitaries towards a wholesome
internal reform of the Church. It is due to his
untiring zeal that the Benedictine reform, which had
recently been inaugurated in Italy by the C^issineae
Congregation, was carried through, and that, with the
return of monastic discipline, the Benedictine monas-
teries of Italy again became seata of that learning for
which they had heen so famous in the past
In 1516 Augustin de Grimaldi, Bisnop of Graose
and abbot of the monastery of Ldrins, united his
monastery with the Cassinese Congregation, and,
upon the bishop's request, Cortese and a few others
were sent thither to assist in introducing the Cassinese
reform. Here Cortese devoted himself to litenuy
puxsuits, and in order to promote the study of the
Humanities he founded an academy where he and
other learned members of the monastery educated the
French youth, thus becoming instrumental in trans-
planting to French soil the literary Humanistic move*
OOBTQMA
401
ocuvnm4
jient. The moral and literary reform of h6njm was
assured when in 1524 Coctese was elected its abbot.
His health, however, was greatly impaired during; his
sojourn at L^rins, so that in 1527 he considered
a change of climate indispensable and asked ^e
superior of the congregation for permission to return
to Italy. As a result, ne was appointed Abbot of St.
Peter's at Modena; a year later, Abbot of St Peter's at
Peru^; and in 15i37 Abbot of the famous San Giorgio
Maggiore at Venice. Cortese was now considered one
of the most learned men in Italy and had regular
correspondence with the greatest scholars in Europe.
He counted among his friends Gasparo Contarini,
Reginald Pole, Jacopo Sadoleto, Pietro Bembo, Gian
Matteo Giberti, and many other Humanists and
ecclesiastical dignitaries. The garden of San Giorgio
was the place where those pious and learned discus-
sions were held to which the Florentine scholar Bruo-
ciolo refers in his dialogues on moral philosophy. In
1536 Pope Paul III made him a member of the com-
mittee of nine ecclesiastics who were to draw up a
statement of those ecclesiastical abuses which caHed
most loudly for reform. Soon after, he was appointed
Apostolic visitor for the whole of Italy and, some-
what later, was sent to Gennany to take part in the
theological disputation at Worms in 1540, but became
sick on the journey and was obliged to remain in
Italy. Meanwhile (1538) he had become Abbot of
San Benedetto in Polirone, then the most important
monastery of the Cassinese Congregation. A few
times, moreover, he was chosen visitor general of his
congregation. Fiuallv, 2 June, 1542, Pope Paul III
createa him cardinal-priest and appointed him a
member of the conunittee of cardinals for the prepa-
ration of the Council of Trent. Towards the end of
the same year he became Bishop of Urbino. During
the five years of his cardinalate he was an esteemed
friend and adviser of Paul III, and used all his
influence to bring about that reform of the Church for
which the better sort of ecclesiastics had been clam*
ouring many years.
Cortese was one of the best-known writers of his
times. He was master of such a finished style that
the classically trained Cardinal Bembo and others did
not hesitate to class him among the most elegant
Latin writers of this Humanistic period. His prin-
cipal works are epistles, poenis, a treatise proving that
St. Peter was in Rome, a Latin translation of the New
Testament from the Greek texts, a historical work on
the destruction of Genoa, etc. All. his extant works
were collected and edited with a biography of the
author by the Benedictine Bishop Gradenigo of
Ceneda in two volumes (Padua, 1774).
F^iANDi, Elogio atorico del CardincUe Greoorio CorUae (Pavia,
1788); Ansab, Vie de Gr6goire CorUa, Wn., iv^oue d*Urbin et
cardinal (Paris, 1786); DiTTRiCHin /iCtrcAenfor..-%ie<3BLBAt7BiK,
Hiai, Lit. 0. 8. B., IH. 339-344; Ciacjoniub-Oldoinos, Vila H
rea geatw Pontificum Rom. et S. R. E. Cardinalium (Rome, 1677),
III. 683 sqq.; Horteb, Nomendator (Freiburg, 1899), IV,
1278 sq.
Michael Ott.
Ooxtona, Diocese of (Cortonensis), immediately
subject to the Holy See. Cortona is a small citjr in
the province of Arezzo, Tuscany, Central Italy, situ-
ated on a commanding hill, and overlooking the Lake
of Perugia. Its cyclopean walls, still in great part
preserved, are said to be 3000 vears old. It is cer-
tainly very ancient, was one of the twelve cities of
Etruria, and in its neighbouiiiood many ruins and
Etruscan tombs are still to be found. Oortona took
part in all the wars against Rome, until 310 B.C., when
Fabius Rullianus ddeated the Etruscans and took
Perugia which, thereupon, with other cities, made
peace with Rome. Later it was destroyed by the
Lombards but was soon rebuilt. In the fourteenth
century it was governed by the Casali, and became
afterwards part of the great Duchy of Tuscany.
Many famous men were oom or lived in Cortona:
IV.— 26
Brother Elias (Elia Coppi), the famous compankili of
St. Francis of Assist, fuud later Vicar-^eneial of the
Franciscan Order; Cardinals Egidio B<mi and Silvio
Passerini; the painter Luoa Signorelli; the architect
and painter Pietro Berrettini (Pietro da Cortona).
One of the ^ories of the city is St. Margaret of Cor-
tona (1248-97). She was bom at Laviano (Alviano)
in the Diocese of Chiusi, and formed an evil relation
with a nobleman
of the vicinity. On
discovering his
body after he had
met a violent
death, she repent-
ed suddenly, and
after a pubuc pen-
ance, retired to
Cortona, where
she took the habit
of a Tertiary of
St. Francis and
devoted her life to
works of penance
and charity. There
still exist at Cor-
tona religious
works due to her
zeaX. Leo X per^
mitted her vener-
ation at Cortona,
and Urban VIII
extended the priv-
ilege to the Franciscan Order. Benedict XIII canonized
her in 1728. Her body rests in a beautiful sarcophagus
in the church dedicated to her at Cortona. It is not
known whether Cortona was an episcopal see previous
to its destruction by the Lombards. From that time
until 1326 it belonged to the Diocese of Arezao. In
that year, at the request of Guglielmo C'asali, John
XXII raised Cortona to episcopal rank, as a reward
for the fidelity of its Guelph populace, Arezzo remain-
ing Ghibelline. The first bishop was Rainerio Ubcr-
tini. Other bishops were Luca Grazio, who was a dis-
tinguiahed member of the Council of Florence (1438) ;
Matteo Concini (1560) and Gerolamo Gaddi (1662)
were present at the Council of Trent. The cathedral
pALAZeo PrBTOMO, C50RT0NA, XVI
Cbntpubt
Cathedral, Cobtona (Designed by Antonio (U Sang»UoT)
and the other churches of Cortona possess numennis
works of art, especially paintings of tne school of lAica
Signorelli and of Fra Angelico. The diocese has &d
parishes, 60 churches and oratories, 86 secular and 36
regular priests, 30,200 inhabitants, 6 religious houses
of men, and 6 of women.
CAFPBLLfrrn, Le chieae d: Italia (Venice, 1844), XVIII, 267-
07; Ghkvaukb, R6p, hiaL: Topo-bibl., e. v.; Ann. ted, (Rome.
1907), 427-29.
U. Benigni.
00BVS7
402
CX>SA
Oonr«7, Abbbt of (also called New Corbib), a
Benedictine monastery in the Diocese of Paderborn,
in Westphalia, founded c. 820 from Gorfoie in Picardy,
by the Emperor Louis the Pious and St. Adelhard,
Abbot of the older Corbie, from which the new founda-
tion derived its name. Corvey soon became famous,
%nd its abbots ranked as princes of the empire. In
its school were cultivated all the arts and sciences,
and it produced many celebrated scholars. To it
the world is indebted for the preservation of the first
five books of tLe "Annals" of Tacittis. From its
cloisters went forth a stream of missionaries who evan-
gelized Northern Eiu*ope, chief amongst them being
St. Ansgar^ the Apostle of Scandinavia. Here, too,
Widukind is believed to have written his history of
the Saxons (see Saxons), and the " Annales Corbe-
jenses", which issued from the same scriptorium,
figure largely in the " Monumenta Germani® " col-
lected bv Pertz. (These " Annates " must not be
confounded with the forged ** Chronicon Corbejense''
which appeared in the nineteenth century.) The
school of (5orvej declined after the fifteenth century,
but the abbey itself continued until 1803, when it was
secularized and ziven to the family of Oranje-Nassau.
The famous abbey library has long since been dis-
persed.
WiOAND, Die corvev*8di£n GeaehiehtaquMen (Leipiig, 1S41);
iiBOELBAUEB, Hist, Lit. O.S.B. (Augsburg. 1754); Pum.
Mon. Germ, Hist.: Seriptorta (Hanover, 1839), III; Mione, Diet.
de» Abbayas (Pkria, 1856); Enck, Kirehefdex., Ill, 1143-51;
Cbetaueb, Tapo-Uhl. (PAiis. 1894-M) ; Janben. Wibald wm
StaUo und Corveif (Berbn. 1854)
G. Cyprian Autton.
OoryciiBi a titular see of Cilicia Trachiea in Asia
Minor. It was the port of Seleucia, where, in 191
B. c, the fleet of Antiochus the Great was defeated
by the Romans. In the Roman times it preserved
its ancient* laws; the emperors usually kept a fleet
there to watch over the pirates. Justinian restored
the public baths and a hospital. Alexius Comnenus
re-equipped the fortress, which had been dismantled.
Soon alter Corvcus was conquered by the Armenians,
who held it till the middle of the fourteenth century,
when it was occupied temporarily by the Turks, and
for a time played an important part. Peter I, King
of Cyprus, captured it in 1361. From 1448 or 1454
it belonged alternately to the Karamanlis, the Egyp-
tians, the Karamanlis a second time, and finally to
the Osmanlis. The ruins of the citv are at Ghorghos,
twenty-eight miles north-east of Selefke (Seleucia), in
the vilayet of Adana. Among them are a triumphal
arch, a beautiful Christian tomb, sarcophagi, etc.
The two medieval castles, one on the shore, the other
in an islet, connected by a ruined pier, are partially
preserved; the former was reputed impregnable.
Three churches are also found, one decorated with
frescoes. About two miles from the cape is the fa-
mous Corycian cavern, 886 feet long, 65 wide, from
08 to 228 high. Near this castle are many other
smaller but curious grottoes, a temple of Zeus, and a
little church with Byzantine paintinjn, converted into
a mosque. About ten miles north of Ghorghos exists
another large grotto with thirteen curious bas-reliefs
hewn in the rock. The city figures in the "Synec-
demus" of Hierocles, and about 840 in Parthev's
"Notitia Prima''; it was suffragan of Tarsus. Le-
quien (II, 879) mentions five Greek bishops from 381
to 680; another is known from an inscription (Wad-
dinston, Inscriptions . . . d'Asie mineure, 341). Gne
Latin Bishop, Gerardus, was present at a council of
Antioch about 1 136 ; four are known in the fourteenth
century (Lequien, III, 1197; Eubel, I, 218).
CuiNVT, Turquie d^Aaia, II. 73; Aushan, SiBWuan (Venloa»
1899), 393-409. S. Vailh6.
Oorydmlliifl, a titular see of Asia Minor. Korydal-
low. later al»o Korydalla, was a city in Lycia. In
Roman times it struck coins. It figures in the
"Notitise episcopatuum'' as late as the twelfth or
thirteenth century as a suffragan of Myra. Lequien
(I, 979) mentions only four bishop: Akxanc^r,
spoken of in St. Badl's letter ccxvui, Palladius in
451 and 458, Leo in 787, and Eustratius in 879. Cory-
dallus has not as yet been identified. There was a
see of the same name in Pamphylia, suffragan to
Perge (see Lequien, I, 1031). S. PferaiDEs.
Odsai Juan de la, navigator and cartographer, ac-
cording to tradition b. in 1460 at Sta. Maria del
Puerto (Santona), on the Bay of Biscay, Spain, and
hence called Juan Biscatno, d. on the coast of the
Gulf of Uraba, 28 February, 1510. He passed his
life from earliest childhood on the ocean. From the
waters of his native country, which he knew thor-
oughly, he soon ventured onto the coast of Western
Africa, which was at that time the goal of so many
Spanish expeditions. When Columbus in 1492 made
preparations for his voyage to the west, Juan de la
Coea had attained such reputation, that the ^reat dis-
coverer engaged him, together with his ship Santa
Maria, and in spite of a passing estrangement between
them, he secured de la Cosa's services as cartographer
for his second expedition in 1493-1496. In 1499 Juan
de la Cosa joinecl as first pilot the expedition of AJonso
de Ojeda and Vespucci, and was with them amongst
the first to set foot on the South American Continent
on the Gulf of Paria. At the same time the coast
from Essequibo to the Cape Vela was explored.
Immediately after his return he designed his chart of
the whole world, which is of the utmost importance
for the history of the discovery of America. Later in
the same year, or early in 1501, he continued his dis-
coveries along the South American coast to the Isth-
mus of Panama, and returned in 1502 to Haiti. When
the Spanish court found soon afterwards that the Por-
tuguese had made several incursions into the newly
discovered country, Queen Isabella sent Juan de la
Coea at the head of a delegation to Portugal, to remon-
strate. He was nominated alguazil major, and in
1504-05 was commander of an expedition to the Pearl
Islands and the Gulf of Uraba to found settlements
there. At the same time he visited Jamaica and
Haiti. Another voyage undertaken 1507-08 with
Martfn de los Reyes and Juan C^rrca as pilots had the
same object in view. In 1509 for the seventh and last
time Juan de la Cosa started for the New World. He
carried two hundred colonists on three ships and on
reaching Haiti he placed himself under the command
of Ojeda, who added another ship with one hundred
settlers to the expedition. After having decided an
old frontier-dispute between Ojeda and Nicuesa,
they went with Pizarro into Ojeda's territory and
landed at Cartagena asainst the warnings of Cosa, who
proposed to disembark on the more peaceful coast of
the Gulf of Uraba. They were attacked by the na-
tives and de la Cosa was killed.
Juan de la Cosa made several charts of which one,
the famous chart of the world is still preserved. It is
the oldest representation of the New World. Of
special interest is the outline of Cuba, which Columbus
never believed to be an island. Walkenaer and Alex-
ander von Humboldt were the first to point out the
great importance of this chart. It is now in the
Museo Naval in Madrid. Reproductions of it are
given by Humboldt in his "Atlas gtogmphioue et phy-
sique"; by Joraard in his "Collection des Monu-
ments", tab. XVI; by Winsor, in his "History of
America", III (London, 1888), and by Kretschmer",
"Die Entdeckung Americas" (Beriin, 1892), Atlas,
table VII. A facsimile was published in Madrid,
1892.
Db Leoutkta, Jt«in de la Cona (Madrid, 1877); Vabcano, Kh'
mayo bioffrdfico del eHebre navi{fante Juan de la Coea, Obra im-^
preea en eepafiol, f rands i ingleapara acompaikar at Afopo Mvndi
de Juan de la Coea (Madrid,
Ottc) Hartio-
NORTH
FIN HALF OF THE FIRflT MAP OF THE NSW DISCOVERIES, DRAWN ON
OX-HIDE IN COLOURS BT THE PILOT JUAN DE LA COSA, A. D. 1500, NOW PRE-
SERVED IN THE NAVAL MUSEUM, MADRID. SIZE 18 X 22 INCHES. THIS CELE-
BRATED MAP WAS DISCOVERED BT BARON ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT WHILE
AT WORK IN THE LIBRARY OF BARON WALKENAER. IN THE MIDDLE OF THE
WEST SIDE OF THE MAP IS A VIGNETTE REPRESENTING SAINT CHRISTOPHER
(the CHRIST-BEARER) CARRYING UPON HIS SHOULDERS THE INFANT CHRIST,
SUPPOSED TO BE AN ALLUSION 70 roLUMBUS.
OOftUIUL
403
008MAS
OoaenUf Archdiocese of (Cusemtina), immedi*
ately subject to the Holy See. Cosenza is a city in
the province of Calabria, Southern Italy, at the con-
fluence of the Crati and the Buaento. It was known
to the ancienta as Conaentiaf and was the capital of
Bruttium. It was conquered (338 b. c.) by Alexan-
der of £pirus, uncle of Alexander the Great. Later
it adhered to King Pyrrhusi when he invaded Italy.
Between 278-176 b. c. both Lucania and Bruttium
acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. Alaric be-
sieged the citv (a. d. 410), but died there the same
year and was buried in the bed of the Busento at its
confluence with the Crati. In 902 Cosenza was pil-
laged by the Saracens, who were later expelled by the
Normans but regained possession of the city in 1004.
In 1130 Cosenxa became the capital of Calabria
CSteriore, now Coeensa, and thenceforth shared the
vicissitudes of the Kingdom of Naples. Among its
famous citizens may be mentioned the savant Qian
Vinoenzo Gravina, co-founder with Queen Christina
of Sweden of the Roman Academy of the . Arcadia in
1656 (see Academies, Roman). The city suffered
much from eartiiquakes, especisdly in 1184, 1658, and
1783. The Gospel was first preached in Cosenza by
missionaries from Reggio; its earliest known bishop
is Palumbus, a correspondent (599) of St. Gr^ry
the Great. Cosenza was raised to the dignity of an
archbishopric about 1050. Among the best known
Archbishops of Cosenza have been: Ruffo, who
perished in the earthquake of 1184; the Cistercian
Martino (1285), a prohfic but uncritical writer; Pirro
Caracciolo (1452), the friend of St. Francis of Paula;
Bartolommeo Fleury, who died at Rome (1495) in
Castle Sant' Angelo, where he had been imprisoned
for forgery of jpontifical documents; Taddeo, later
Cardinal, Gaddi (1535), who obtained from Paul IV
the privilege by which the cathedral canons of
Cosenza wear the choir habit of the Vatican basilica;
and Giuseppe Maria Sanfelice (1650), frecyuently
charged by the Holy See with diplomatic missions.
The diocese has a population of 159,500, with 109
parishes, 264 churches and chapels, 200 secular and
16 regular priests, 2 religious houses of men and 5 of
women.
Cappbllbtti, L€ Chieae ^lUdia (Venice. 1844). XXI, 285;
Spibxti, Memarie degli BcriUori Costntini (Naples, 1750); Ann.
eeoi. (Rome, 1007). 420.
U. Bbnigni.
Ctosgrove, Hbnrt, second Bishop of Davenport,
Iowa» U. 8. A., b. 19 December, 1834, at Williams-
port, Pennsylvania; d. at Davenport, 23 December,
1906. He was the first native oi the United States
appointed to a see west of the Mississippi. In 1845
he emigrated to Iowa with his parents irom Pennsyl-
vania. He was ordained priest 27 Aueust, 1857, and
became pastor of St. Marguerite's church, Daven-
port, in 1861. After the death of Bishop McMullen
of Davenport he was administrator of the see, for
which he was consecrated 20 July, 1884.
, Rbubb, BiM. EneifC. of the Cath, Hierarchy of U. S, (Milwau-
kee. 1888); The Meuenger (New York. Jan.. 1007).
Thomas F. Mbehak.
Cosin (the name is also written Cosyn), Edmund,
Vioe-Chancellor of Cambridge University, England.
The dates of his birth and death are uncertain. He
was bom in Bedfordshire and entered King's Hall,
Cambridge, as a Bible clerk, receiving the degrees of
B.A. early in 1535, M.A. in 1541, and B.D. in 1547.
He held the living of Grendon, Northamptonshire,
which was in the gift of King's Hall, from 21 Septem-
ber, 1538, to November, 1541, and, successively, fel-
lowships of King's Hall, St. Catharine's Hall, and of
Trinity CoU^e. Early in Queen Mary's reign he was
elected Master of St. Catharine's, which brought him
as gifts from the Crown the Norfolk rectories of St.
Edmund, North Lynn (1533), Fakenham (1556), and
the Norfolk vicaia^ of CaJstor Holy Trinity, and of
Oxbuigh (1554). He was presented to the rectory
of Thorpland by Trioity Colt^ in the f oUowh:^ year.
He was also chaplain to Bisnop Bonner of London
and assistant to Michael Dunnine, the C!hancellor of
the Diocese of Norwich. In 1558 ne was elected Vioe-
Chancellor of Cambridge but being a CathoUc he re-
fused to conform to the Elizabeuian heresies, and
hence in 1560 was forced to resign all his preferments
and went in 1564 to live in retirement in Caius College,
Cambridge. Four years later, summoned to answer
before the Lords of the Council to a chai^ of non-
conformity, he went into exile rather than foreswear
his faith. He was living on the Continent in 1576
but no further definite records of his career are avail*
able.
Lbb in Diet, Nai, Biog., XII, a. v.; Sibtpb, MmnoriaU, III, i.
80; Blomeiibld,
Thomas F. Meehan.
Oonnas (called Hagiopolites or Cosmas of Jeru-
salem), a hymn- writer of the Greek Church in the
eighth centurj-, was the foster-brother of St. John of
Damascus. The teacher of the two boys was an el-
derly Silician, also named Cosmas, who had been freed
from sla venr by St. John's father. St. John and Cos-
mas went from Damascus to Jerusalem, where both
became monks in the monastery of St. Sabas near that
city. Cosmas, however, left the monasterv in 743,
when he was appointed Bishop of Maiuma, tne port of
ancient Gaza on the southern coast of Fhopnicia. The
Greek Church observes his feast on 14 October. As a
learned prose-author Cosmas wrote comments on the
poems of Gregory of Nasiansus; as a poet he is re-
garded by the Greek Church with great admiration.
It considers Cosmas and St. John of Damascus the
best representatives of the later Greek classical h3rm-
nology, the most characteristic examples of whidi are
the artistic liturgical chants known as ''Canons".
The hymns of Cosmas were OBiginally intended to add
to the interest of the services at Jerusalem, but
through the influence of Constantinople their use be-
came imiversal in the Orthodox Greek Church. It is
not certain, however, that all the hymns ascribed to
Cosmas in the Greek liturgical books were really his
compositions, especially as his teacher of the same
name was also a nymn- writer. Collections of hymns,
varying in number, are attributed to Cosmas, and
may be found in Migne, P. G., XCVIII, 459-524, and
in Christ-Paranikas, ''Anthologia gneca carminum
christianorum" (Leipzig, 1871), 161-204. For the
above-mentioned notes or scholia on the poems of
Gregory of Nazianzus see Mai, ''Spicilegium Roma-
num", II, Pt. II, 1-376, and Migne, P. G., XXXVIII,
339-^79.
Kbvmbacher, Geaeh, der byztmiiniaehen LUeratur (2d ecL,
Munich, 1806), 674 sqq.
Anton Baumstark.
Ctosmas and Damian, Saints, early Christian phy-
sicians and martyrs whose feast is celebrated on 27 Sep-
tember. They were twins, bom in Arabia, and prac-
tised the art of healins in the seaport ^jgea, now
Ayash (Ajass), on the Gulf of Iskanderun m Cilicia,
Asia Minor, a^ attained a ^reat reputation. They
accepted no pay for their services and were, therefore,
called iwdpyvpoi, "the silverless". In this way they
brought many to the Christian Faith. When the Dio-
cletian persecution began, the Prefect Lvaias had
Cosmas and Damian arrested, and ordered tnem to re-
cant. Hiey remained constant under torture, in a
miraculous manner suffered no injury from water,
fire, air, nor on the cross, and were finally beheadea
with the sword. Their three brothers, Anthimus,
Leontius, and Euprepius died as martyrs with them.
The execution took place 27 September, probably in
the year 287. At a later date a number otfables grew
up about them, connected in part with their r^cfl.
CX>8MAS
404
OMlftAB
The remains of the martyrs were buried in the city of
Cyrus in Svria; the Emperor Justinian I (627-565)
sumptuously restored the city in their honour. Hav-
ing oeen cured of a dangerous illness by the interces^
sion of Cosmas and Damian, Justinian, in gratitude
for their aid, rebuilt and adorned their church at Con-
stantinople, and it became a celebrated place of pil-
grimage. At Rome Pope Felix IV (526-530) erected
a church in their honour, the'mosaics of which are still
among the most valuable art-remains of the city. The
Greek Church celebrates the feast of Saints Cosmas
and Damian on 1 July, 17 October, and 1 November,
and venerates three pairs of saints of the same name and
profession. Cosmas and Damian are regarded as the
patrons of physicians and surgeons and are sometimes
landi in his "Bibliotheca veterum patrum'' (Venioe,
1776), and inMigne, P. G. (Paris, 1864), LXXXVin,
51-476. A French translation of the most important
parts is found in Charton, ''Voyageurs anciens et
modemes" (Paris, 1855); a complete En^ish transla-
tion, with notes and a critical introduction, was iasued
for the Hakluyt Society by J. W. McCrindle (London,
1897). The work is (fivided into twelve books tLod
contains a description of the universe, as Coemsa con-
structed it in his imagination, and an account of those
regions which he had visited, or concerning which he
hs^ gathered information. According toOssmas the
world is a rectangular structure in two sections, their
length much greater than their breadth, and oorree-
ponding in form and proportions to the Tabernacle of
As Phtsicians Cast ikto the Sea The DscAirrATioir
SoBNSs FROM TKB LiTSS OF Sts. Cosmab AND Damian (Fra Angelico, Gallery of Aneient and Modern Art. Florence)
represented with medical emblems. They are in-
voked in the Canon of the Mass and in the Litany of
the Saints.
Acta SS., 27 Sept.; Schleyer in KirchenUx.; Alois. Dae
L^}en und Wirken d. fU. Cosmas und Damian, Patrone aer
AenU (Vienna, 1876); Dbubneb, Kosmaa und Damian
(Leipsig. 1907).
Gabriel Meier.
Oosmas Indicopleastes (Cosmas the Indian
Voyager), a Greek traveller and geographer of the
first half of the sixth century, b. at Alexanoria, Ecprpt.
Cosmas probably received cmly an elementary educar-
tion, as ae was intended for a mercantile life, and in
his earlier years was engaged in business pursuits. It
may be, however, that by further study he increased
his Knowledge, since his notes and observations show
more than ordinary training. His business took him
to the regions lying south of Egypt, the farthest point
of his ti;^velB in this direction oeing Cape Guaraafui.
He traversed the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, and the
Persian Gulf, and gathered information about lands
lying far to the East ; but it is not certain that he actu-
fidly visited India. In his later years he entered the
monastery of Raithu on the Peninsula of Sinai. If it
be necessary to suppose, as some investi^tors assert,
that Cosmas was at any time a Nestonan, it would
appear from his work, the ** Christian Topography",
that, at least towards the close of his life, ne returned
to the orthodox faith. While an inmate of the mon-
astery he wrote the "Topography" above mentioned,
a work which gives him a position of importance
among the ^ographers of the early Middle Ages.
The "Christian Topography" has been preserved in
two manuscript copies, one in the Laurentian Library
at Florence, and the other in the Vatican. In the
second half of the seventeenth century Isaac Vossius,
Emeric Bigpt, and Melchis^dech Th^venot first made
the work known in a fragmentary way bv publishing
extracts from it. The firat complete and critical edi-
tion, accompanied bv a Latin translation, was issued
by Bernard de Montfaucon in his "Collectio nova pa-
trum et scriptorum graecorum (Paris, 1707), II, 113-
345. The '^Topography" was also printed by Gal-
the Old Testament. The base is formed by the sur-
face of the earth, around which flows the ocean ; on the
other side of the ocean lies another — unknown—con-
tinent, from which rise the walls that support the
firmament above. The stars are carried by the angels
in a circle around the firmament. Above the firma-
ment springs a vault which separates the heaven of
the blessed from the world beneath. The theory that
there is an antipodes, says Cosmas, is a doctrine to be
rejected. The earth rises towards the north and ends
in a cone-shaped' mountain behind which the sun con-
tinues its wanderings during the night, and the nights
are long or short according as the position of the sun is
near the base or the sunmiit of the mountain.
This curious attempt to harmoniie a childish Bibli-
cal exegesis with ordinary phenomena and the current
opinions of the time is at least superior to the extraor-
dinary geographical hypotheses of that day. Aside
from the fact that the theories of Cosmas exercised
no influence, they are not of sufficient importance to
affect the genuine worth of several portions of the
"Topography". The value of these passages rests
on the methodical conscientiousness of the simple
merchant, as it is seen, for example, in the careful
copy of the so-called Inscription of Adulis (Manu-
mentum Advlitanum) which has been preserved to
Greek epigraphy only in the copy of Cosmas. Cos-
mas, with the aid of his travelling companion, Menas,
took a copy of it in 522 for the governor of the Chris-
tian King Elesbaan of Abyssinui, retaining a replica
for himself. Of equal importance is the information
he collected concerning Zanzibar and the Indian
Ocean, and what he learned as to the trade of Abys-
sinia with the interior of Africa and of Egypt with tbs
East. The best-known and most celebrated part ol
the "Topography" is the description, in the ninUi
book, of Ceylon and of the plants and animalfl of
India. The work also gives much valuable informa-
tion concerning the extension of Christianity in his
day. The Vatican manuscript of the "Christian
Topography" has explanatory maps and sketches,
cither made by Cosmas himself or prepared under his
direction; they are of value as the first efforta of pik
0081IAS
405
OOBKOaOHY
tristic geography. Four other writings of Cosmas are
unfortunately lost: a cosmograi^y, an astronomical
treatim, and eommentariefi on the Canticles and the
Psahna.
Maxinsuu, La fftogmfia « % vadri ddia c^ieaa (Rome, 1883);
Gbusb, KotnoB der Indienfahrer in Jahrbuth fUr proUeian'
HaSeTkeolooU (Ldpsig. 1883). IX. 105-141; KacrscniiER, Die
vkynaeke Erdhtnde im ehrwaidien MiUAiUer (Vienna, 1880);
Bbaslbt, The Dmm of Modem Gtogtmphy (London, 1897);
Kbumbacbxb, 0€9ck. der hyganUnuekm IJiU. (2nd ed. Munich,
1807), 412-14; Stbztgowbki, Der BUderhreia des griech. Phy-
nolegue, dee Koemae Jndieopleualea, etc., in ByxanlmieeheB
Arckiv (Loiptis. 180»).
OlTO Habtiq.
Oounaa of Prague* Bohemian historian, b. about
1045. at Pmgue, Bohemia; d. there, 21 October, 1125.
He belonged to a knightly fainily, received his
first instruction in the schools of Prague, and
studied grammar and dialectics at Lidge under the
direction of a renowned master named Franco. At
Uh^ he acquired good literary taste and that ao-
quamtanoe mth the classics which is evident through-
out Ids work. While still voung he entered ec-
clesiastical life at Prague, but was not ordained
Sriest until 11 June, 1009, at Gran, Hungarv. In
ue time he became a monber of the cathedral
chapter of St. Vitus in Prague, and ultimately its
dean. According to a ^eral custom of the age,
while still a minor dene, he was married to one
Bosetedia, by whom he had a son named Henry or
Zdic, afterwaids Bishop of OhnQts. With the
Bishops of Prague, Gebhard, Cosmas, and Hermann*
he was on terms of great intimacy, and often ac-
companied them on their travels; he likewise en-
loyed the esteem and the confidence of the rulers of
Bohemia. Ckismas wrote in Latin a "Chronica Bo-
hemorum", or histoiy of Bohemia from the earliest
times to 1125. The work consists of three books;
the first brings the narrative to 103S, the second to
1092, the third to 1125. For the early part he relied
almost exclusively on popular tradition, since there
was no previous work on the subject. For the
other parts he drew from the testimony of eyewit-
nesses, from his own experience, or from monuments
and written documents. As an historian, Cosmas is
genenlly truthful and conscientious; he distin-
guishes between what is certain and what is based
only on rumours or tradition, and often indicates his
sources of information. The style is pleasing, and
the character^ketches are vivid. Owing to these
qualities, and ako to the fact that he was the first
writer Of Bohemian history, he is called the Herod-
otus of Bohemia. The work was edited repeatedly:
Freher, "Scriptores rerum bohemicarum" (Hanover,
1602, 1607, 1620) ; Mencke, " Scriptores rerum Germ.:
Saron." (Leipsig, 1728), I; Peld and Dobrowsky;
"Scrii^res rwum bohemicarum" (Prague, 1783);
Koepke, ''Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script." (Hanover,
1861), IX; also in Migne, P. L., CLXVI; Emler and
Tom^ *" Pontes rerum bohemicarum" (Prague,
1874), 11.
KoBPKB, FroUoomena to hia edition of Cosmaa in Men,
Otnn, Hiet,^ and Mions, P. L^ Bobowt in Kirchenlez. (Frei-
burg Im Br., 1884), III; Potthast, Bibliotheca medii etvi (Ber-
lin. 1896), I; CnVALnB, Bio-bibl. (Paris, 1905). I.
Francis J. Schaefer.
Ooamati Mosaic (Or. ir^fiof), a peculiar style of in-
laid ornamental mosaic introduced into the decorative
art of Europe dining the twelfth centurv, by a marble-
worker named Laurentius, a native of Anagni, a small
hill-town thirty-seven miles east-south-east of Rome.
Laurentius acquh>ed his craft from Greek masters and
for a time followed their method of work, but eariy in his
career, freeing hunself from Bysantine traditions and
influences, he worked along original lines and evolved
s new style of decorative mosaic, vigorous in colour
and design, whkh he invariably employed in conjunc*
tion with plain or sculptured marble surfaces, making
it a decorative accessary to some architectural feature.
As a rule he used white or light-coloured marbles for
his backgrounds; these he imaid with squares, paral*
lelograms, and circles of darker marble, porphyry,
or serpentine, surrounding them with ribb^ of
mosaic composed of coloured and gold-g^ass tesserv.
These hariequinads he separated one m>m another
with marble mouldings, carvings, and flat bands, and
further enriched them with mosaic. His eariiest re-
corded work was executed for a church at Fabieri in
1100, and the eariiest existing example is to be seen in
the church of Ara Cceii at Rome. It consists of an
epistle and gospel ambo, a chair, screen, and pave-
ment. In mucn of his work he was assCsted by his
son, Jacobus, who was not only a sculptor and mosaic-
worker, but also an ardiitect of ability, as witness the
architecttuid alterations carried out by him in the
cathedral of Civitit Casteliana, a foreshadowing of
the Renaissance. This was a work in which other
members of his family took part, and they were all
followers of the craft for four generations. Those at-
taining eminence in their art are named in the follow-
ing genealogical epitome: Laurentius (1140-1210);
Jacobus (1165-1234); Luca (1221-1240); Jacobus
(1213-1293); Deodatus (122^1294); Johannes (1231-
1303). Their noted Cosmatesque mosaics are to
be seen in the Roman churches of 88. Alessio e
Bonifacio, S. Sabba, S. Oesareo, S. Giovanni a Porta
Latina, S. Maria in Cosmedin, S. Balbina, 8. Bfaria
sopra Minerva, 8. Maria Maggiore, and in the cloister
of 8. Seholastica at 8ubiaco, the basilica of St. Magus
at Anaeni, the duomo of Civit4 Casteliana, and the
ruined atmne of St. Edward the Confessor in West-
minster Abbey.
De MoNTAtriA', OMSalagie d^artietee italiena; Coubman,
Coemati Moeaie in The ArdkUeetural Record (New York, June,
1902). XII; Parker. 7*A0 Arohceoloiiy of Rome (Oxford. 1876).
Pt. Xl; De Roeax, Delle altre iamtoUe di tnarmorarii romoni
(Rome, 1870).
Cartl Coleman.
Cosmogony. — ^By this term is understood an ac-
count of how the universe (poanoe) eame into being
{gonia — yiyowa ^ I have become). It differs from cos-
mology, or the science of the universe, in this: that
the latter aims at understanding the actual com-
position and governing laws of the universe as it
now exists; while the former answers the question as
to how it first came to be. The Christian Faith ac-
counts for the origin of the universe by creation ex
nihUo of the matter out of which the universe arose,
and the pneenxUiOy or maintenance, of Providence ac-
cording to which it developed into what it now is.
Modem science has propounded many theories as to
how the primeval gaseous substance evolved into the
present narmony of the universe. These tibeories
may be called aaenUfic cosmogonies ; and the account
of the origin of the worid given in Genesis, i and ii, is
styled Mosaic cosmogony. The word cosmoganu is,
however, usually applied to mythical accounts of the
world's origin current among^ the peoples of an-
tiquity and the more modem races which have not
been touched by recent scientific methods. In this
article the word is understood only in this latter sense.
In treating of the strange admixture of pseudo-scien-
tific speculations and religious ideas whicn the human
mind, imassisted by reveliation, elaborated to account
for the existence and harmony of the universe, we are
forced at first to follow only the chronological order.
The different accoimts given of the origin of the
heavens and the earth are at first sisht so irreconcil-
able, so fanciful, that no other order of treatment
seems possible ; but an attempt will be made in the
conclusion to sum up and systematise the various
ideas enumerated, to trace the various lines along
which past thought and fancy developed to some irreat
central principles, and thus to show the unity whidi
underlies even this confusing diversity. As modem
GOBKOOONY
406
GOSMOOOirT
scholarehip Heems to suggest the EuphrateB valley as
the cradle of all civilization, the oosmoffonies there in
vogue shall be treated first; although Ej^yptian ideas
on this subject can be traced to an antkiuity at least as
remote as that of the earliest Babylonian cosmogonies
known to us.
Babylonian. — ^Two different Assyro-Babylonian
cosmogonies have come down to us. The lonfi»r one
is known under the name of Creation Epos or " Enuma
elish", the words with which it b^jins. The shorter
one is commonly known as the Biiinguar Acooimt of
Creation because, on the fragmentary tablet on which
it is written, the Semitic Babylonian is accompanM
by a Sumerian version.
(a) The Creation Epos. — ^A good summary of this
cosmogony had been known since the sixth century of
the Christian Era, through Damascius (the Atiienian
neo-Flatonist who emigrated to Persia when Justinian
suppressed the schools of Athens), as follows: "The
Babylonians, passing over in silence the one-principle
<A the universe, constitute two, Tauthe and Apason,
making Apason the husband of Tauthe and calline her
the mother of the gods. And from these proceeds an
only>begotten son, Moumis, who, I consider, is nou^t
else but the intelligible world proceeding from the two
principles. From them another progeny is likewise
produced, Dache and Dachos, and a&o a third, Kis-
sar^ and Assoros, from which last three others proceed,
Anos, and Illinos, and Aos. And to Aos and Dauke
a son is bom called Belos of whom they say that he
is the creator of the world [demiurgtusy* The As-
syrian original upon which this summary is based was
first discovered and published by G. Smith, in 1875,
from seven fragmentarv tablets in the British Muse-
um. It has been translated by a number of scholars,
and recently (London, 1903), with the addition oi
numerous fragments, by L. W. King of the same mu-
seum. It opens as follows: —
When on high the heavens were not uttered,
Below the earth bore not vet a name ;
The ocean primevcd was their beeetter,
Mummu Tiamtu the parent of all of them.
Their waters were mixed together in one and
Fields not yet marked, mar&es not yet seen [?]
When of the gods there existed still none
None bore any name, the fates [not yet settled]
Then came into being the gods [in order?]
Lahmu and Lahamu went forth [as the first?]
Great were the ages • • • .
Ansar and Kisar were produced, and ov^ them
Lonfi grew the days, there appeared
The God Anu, their son . .
The Greek copyist had evidently mistaken AAXOC
for AAXOC, but otherwise the two accounts tally ex-
actly: Apason is Apsu the Ocean; Tauthe is Tiamtu,
as Assyrian labialises the nasals; Lache and Lachos
are likewise Lahmu and Lahamu; Kissare, Assoras,'
Anos, Illinos, and Aos correspond to Kisar and Ansar,
Anu, Enlil, and Ea or Ae. Damascius considered
Moumis the son of Tiamtu. But in the Babylonian
text Mummu seems to have Tiamat in apposition, and
the participle muaUidat is in the feminine, yet on a
later fragment Mummu does figure as the son of Tia-
mat, and Damascius' statement seems correct. In
any case they began with a double, purely material,
pnnciple Apsu and Tiamat, male ana female, probably
personifying the mass of salt and sweet water ^ mixed
together in one". Out of all these things even the
gods arise, their birth is in reality the gradual differ*
entiation of the as yet undifferentiated, imdetermined,
undivided, watery ALL. The meaning of Ansar and
Kisar is plain; they are personified ideas: Above and
Below. The meaning of Lahmu and Lahamu is not so
clear. Popular mytnolo^ spoke of the Lahmu as
monsters and demons, spirits of evil, and their pro-
geny sides with Tiamat as the monster of Clioos; yet^
on the other hand, they cannot be evil in themselveiy
for Ihe flood gods, Anu, Bel, and Ea, are their chiUd^i.
It has been suggested with great nrobability that
Lahmu and Lahamu are the perBonincations of Dawn
and Twiligjit. — In the watery Chaos first the light
breaks^ an above and a below becnn to be, and the
result IS Anu, Bel, and Ea — Sky, Earth, and Water.
But this process of development is not to proceed un-
opposed, nor are the powers (gods) of drder peacefully
to conquer the power of Chaos. This war is m3rthologi-
cally describea in the great Epos. Tiamat creates a
brood of monsters to fight on her side, puts Kingu, her
husband, at the head, g^ves him ^h» tablets of fate in
his bosom, thereby giving him supreme power. Ea
hears of this plot, tells Ansar, his father, who asks Anu
to interfere, but in vain. Ea is likewise applied to, but
without result. At last Ea's son Marduk, at the re-
auest of the gods, becomes their champion and conquen
le Dra^n of Chaos. Cutting the lifeless body of the
dragon m two he makes out of one half the expanse of
the heavens, thereby preventing the waters above
from coming down: out of the other the earth. He
then firmly fixes tne stars, arranging the constella-
tions of the zodiac, creates the moon, ''sets him as a
creature of night, to make known the days monthly
without failing". After this Marduk's ''heart tugged
him, and he made cunning plans, he opened his mouth
and said to Ae: " Let me gather my blood and let me
[take my] bone, let me set up a man and let the man
... let me make then men dwelling . . . '' Tha
ffods praise Marduk's work and they applaud him with
fifty names ; each god transferring to Marduk his own
fimction and dignity. Marduk, then, is the real De^-
urgus or world-creator, a dimity, however, whidi was
not originally his. The political success of Maitluk's
city, Babylon, necessitated this god's rise in rank
in the Pantheon; this was ingeniously contrived by
inventing the legend of all the gods voluntarily ceding
their plaee to him because he conquered the Drt^on ^
Chaos, Tiamat. This part of the cosmogony^ there-
fore, probably does not date back before ^00 b. c. It
is auite likely, however, that some stonr of a stnig;^
witn a monster of evil and disorder is of much greatcsr
antiquity. In any case this cosmogony is &arpiy
characterized because in it the cosmos arises out of a
struggle between Chaos and Order, good and evil. It
must, however, not be forgotten that both eood and
bad cods are alike the pro^y of Apsu and Tiamat.
(b) The Bilingual Creaiion-Siory was found on a
tablet in Sippar by Rassam in 1882. It consists of
three columns, the central column being Semitic, the
first and third being Sumerian, every line and sentence
being cut in two by the intervening S^nitic version.
It is really an incantation for purification; unfortu-
nately the tablet is mutilated, and the connexion of
this temple ritual with an account of the origin of the
world is not quite clear. At ih» end of the tablet a
second incantation b^ns, of which onlv the words,
"The star . . . long chariot of heaven , are left —
sufficient to show that these tablets belonged to an
astronomical or scientific series. The cosmogony be-
gins, as is usual with cosmogonies, by thinking away
all things in the worid. It is remarkable that the
empty void is expressed by first thinking away civili-
sation, temples, gardens, houses, cities; the ancient
cities are even given by name: "Nippur had not
been built, E-Kura [its temple] not been constructed.
Erech had not been built, E-ana not been constructed."
— " The Abyss had not been made ; Eridu [the oldest d
all cities, once on the Persian Gulf]> with itsf oimdations
in the deep [the abyss], had not been constructed, the
foundation of the house of the g^da not laid — ^the
whole of the lands was sea. When within the sea
there was a stream, in that day Eridu was made,
Esagila [its temple] constructed — ^E^sagila, which the
god Lu^duazaga founded within the abyss — ^Baby-
OOBMOOOVT
407
aosMoooirr
(on he built, Esagila [a counterpart of the Ksagila of
Eridu] was completed. He created the gods; the
Anmmaki [tutelary spirits of the earth] created the
fi^orious city together with him. The seat of their
heart's joy he proclaimed on high Marduk bound
together a foundation [amu] upon the waters. He
made dust and cast it over the foundation, that the
gods might sit in a pleasant 'place. He miade man-
kind. Arurxi [the goddess of Sippar] made tiie seed
of mankind with him". Marduk then creates the
animals, the plants, the city, the state, Nippur, Erech,
and their temples. Lugalduazaea is considered to be
another name for Marduk. In tne text it is doubtful
whether the Anunnaki were created by Marduk or
whether they were assistant-creators with Marduk^
The latter seems preferable. The meaning of "he
boimd together a foundation" is doubtful, because of
the uncertainty about the word amu. The anci^its
thoiip^t the ea^h to be like a section of a hollow ball
floatmg on the great waters, convex side upwards.
Marduk is here forming his rough skeleton of the
earth as a raft on the waters, and he fills it up with
soQ or clay dust according to the text. This cos-
mogony is probably not so ancient as that of the
Creation Epos, because it makes Marduk sole creator
without reference even to Anu or £a. It is remarka-
ble that man is created before animals and plants, and
scholars have not failed to draw attention to a similar
statement in Genesis, ii, 7-9. Furthermore, the Tigris
and the Euphrates are named in' this cosmogony:
" He made them and set them in their place — ^welT pro-
claimed he their name", which also reminds one of the
mention of the rivers in the same chapter of Genesis,
Some remote connexion is of course possible.
EoTPTiAN. — ^The fundamental ideas of Egyptian
cosmogonies can be gathered from the Book of the
Dead, chapter xvii, which goes back to the eleventh
dynasty (c. 2560 b.c), if not to the sixth (c. 3000
B. c). Cosmogonic speculations in greater detail can
be found in the funeral inscriptions of Seti I, in the
Valley of the Dead near Thebes (c. 1400 B.C.), nor are
they wanting in texts on monuments and papyri down
to late in the Ptolemaic period. But according to
Brugsch, Egyptian thought was but little subject to
change even during the score of centuries and more
during whidi it is known to us. In the beginning
there was neither heaven nor earth. Shoreless waters,
covered with thick darkness, filled the world-space,
lliese primeval waters are called Nun, and they were
said to contain the male and female germs and the
b^^nnings of the future world. From the very first
^ere dwelt in this watery proto-matter a divine force
or proto-soul, which pervaded and penetrated its as
yet not differentiated parts. This penetration was so
absolute that this soul became almost identical with
the matter it pervaded. The divine proto-soul then
felt a desire for creative activity and this his will, per-
sonified as the god Thot, brought the universe mto
being; whereas the image of uie universe had pre-
viouSy formed itself in me eyes of Thot. The word
of Thot brought movement m the still watery sub-
stance of Nun — movement both conscious and pur-
poseful. Nun now began to differentiate itself, i. e.
its Qualities became manifest in a cosmogonic ogdoad
of deities (four pairs, male and female): Nun and
Nunet, Heh and Hehet, Keke and Keket, Nenu and
Nenut. Nun and Nunet represent the begetting and
bearing Proto-Matter-Soul ; Heh and Hehet are rather
difiicult ideas to grasp, perhaps active and passive
infinity would be a good expression. This infinity is
mostly conceived in relation to time, and is conse-
quently equivalent to, and often described b^, the
Greek Alii^; as infinity of force it resembles 'IV>wt.
Kek and Keket are the abysmal darkness, the Erebos
of the Egyptians. Nenu and Nenut symbolize rest;
the two other names or titles of Nenu, Gohr and Hems,
embody the same idea — to settle or lie down, to cease
from work. Contrary to the Babylonian idea of war
with the Dragon of Chaos, tranquillity is, in E^^t, a
principle of pogress. All united, these divimties of
the ogdoad form the beginnings and are the fathers
and mothers of all things. Pictorially, they are indi-
cated by figures of four men and women; the men
carry a frog; the women a serpent's head on their
shoulders. The frog and serpent represent the first
elements of animal creation; the unaccounted for
appearanoe and disappearance of frogs in marshes
seemed like a sort of spontaneous generation of animal
life out of sta^ant water; the serpent periodically
shedding its skm was a symbol of the yearly renewal
of nature. The male figures are coloured blue, to
signify water the begetter of all things; the female
are fleBh-coloured, to signify the life produced. These
oosmogonic gods then transform the invisible divine
will of Thot into a visible universe, harmoniously
welded together. The first act of creation is the for-
mation of an egg, which rises upon the hands of Heh
and Hehet out of the proto-matter. Out of the egz
arises the god of li|^t, K&, the immediate cause of lue
in this world. Now this universe was conceived as
being both the house and body of God, divinity not
dweUing in, but being identical with, the cosmic All.
This universe, however, was formed by concurrence
of nine divine things, i. e. the great Ennead of Gods:
(1) Shu, the dry air of day; (2) Tafnut, the nig^t air,
pregnant with the nja of the waxing moon; (3) Keb,
the god of the earth, or soil; (4) Nut^ the goddess of
the heavens above; (5) Osiris, the moist or fructifying
element : (6) Isis, the maternal or conceiving force ot
the earth; (7) Set, the god of evil and contradiction —
the destructive element in nature, opposing the light,
moisture, and fertility of the earth — m popular myth-
ology, the brother-enemy of Osiris and Isis ; (8) Horus,
popularly conceived as the divine child of Isis and
Osiris, living nature in the circle of her perpetual re-
i'uvenesenoe; (9) Nephthys, the boundary spirit or
lorison, the world-limit, or the strand of the endless
aea.
Parallel with these quasi-scientific explanations of
the universe, the popular mind attributed to its
favourite diviiuties a share in the cosmogony. In
Upper Egypt the egg-productive energy save first
rise to a divinity, Chnum, the potter who snapes the
egg on his wheel ; in Lower Egypt, Ptah, the artificer,
becomes the creator of the egg. Sometimes, however,
a divine bird b required to lay it. Not unfrequently
the cosmogonic functions of tne efgg are attributed to
the lotus-bud. In one of the inscriptions of Denderah,
Pharao hands a lotus-flower to the solar deity, say-
izxg: " I hand thee the flower which arose in the begin-
ning, the glorious lily on the great sea. Thou camest
fortn in the city of Chmun out of its leaves, and thou
didst give light to the earth till then wrapped in dark-
ness". On the other hand, BA is not merely the
enlightener, but the personal creator of the world, the
Lord, infinite in his being, the Master Everlasting,
who was before all things; none is like unto him. He
suspended the heavens above, that he mieht dwell
therein; he laid the foundations of the earth, that it
might sustain his form; he created the deep, that he
might be hidden in the lower spheres, he, the noble
youth, came forth out of Nun. Thisj^ersonification
of the spirits of light in the sun-god Kft could evoke
real sublimity of thought and expression, so much so
that, for a little whue, the idea reached a quasi-
monotheism under Amenophis III and IV. On the
other hand the amplitude of divine titles of each local
deity plays havoo with cosmogpnic consistency, thus
Ptah in Memphis is ruler of infinity (Heh) and Lord of
eternity (Tet), Min Amum, Lord of Infinity, lasting
for eternity j Hathor of Denderah, Mistress of Infinity
and Creatnx of Eternity; Hathor and Horus are
mother and father to Horsamtui, a phase of BA the
sun-god, and similar fancies.
oosmmoiTT
408
OdSMOOOlTT
Iranian. — ^In considering these cosmogonies we
must distinguish a threefold phase of development: (a)
Tlie ancient Iranian phase, as given in the Avesta, t^e
Yasnas, and the Vendidads. Without entering into
the nmch-disputed auestion of ttie date of the Avesta,
it may be safelv said that these oldest ooffinogdnies fi;o
back to about 1000 b. c. (b) The later Iranian or earty
Persian phase, as contained in orthodox Pahiavi litera-
ture, the Bundahis and the Mainochired. (c) Hetero-
dox Iranian opinions amongst schiranatical sects, as
the Zervanites, Gavomarthiya, Rivayets, and others.
We shall find the dualism, which is me great chanio-
teristic of Iranian thought, showing a gramial tendency
towards monism, and its primeval simplicity trans-
formed into f ancuul iritricacy without, however, alto-
gether losing the loftiness of its first ideas. .
Although we possess no full systematic ex|}Oritions
of the views of tne ancient Iranians (m the origin of the
universe, yet scattered passages in the Avesta leave no
doubt that at the banning of all things thev postu-
lated a twofold principle: g^xl and evil At the h^ui
indeed of all creation stands Ahura Masda, a purely
spiritual bein£, who is distinctly and expressly styled
•^Creator of the World" of spint and of matter. Yet
in the older books the idea ot the unity of origin of the
universe is far from having come to maturity; so in the
Oathas a distinct dualism of origin is taught. At the
end of Yasna, xxviii, Zarathustra asks: "Do thou,
Ahura Mazda, teach me from th^lf , that I may de-
clare it forth, through what the primeval world arose."
And in Yasna, xxx, comes the answer: "Thus are the
primeval spirits, who as a pair — ^yet each independent
m his action — ^have been famed of old. Tney are
[these two spiritual principles] a better thing and a
worse thing as to thoueht, word, and deed. When the
two spirits came together at the first to make life and
tton-hfe. and to determine how the world at last
should fee made, [then there was] for the wicked the
worst life and for the holy the beet state of mind. He
who was the evil one chose the evil, but the bountiful
spirit chose righteousness. " Ahura Masda, or, as the
name later became abbreviated, Ormuid, the Wise
Lord, is the good spirit or Spenlo Mainyu; the Evil
One is Anro Mainyu, the destroying spirit later
known as Ahriman. The absolute dualism of the
above passage is unmistakable: in the beginning was
Good and Evil; the good became as it were incarnate
in Ormuzd, the evil in Ahriman. The name Ahriman,
however, does not actually occur in this Yasna. Tliis
dualism gradually softened as centuries went on, and
Ormuzd was repeatedly and emphatically designated
as the Creator. Thus Yasna, i, 1 (which is of consid-
erably later date than Yasna, xxx): ''I confess and
proclaim Ahura Mazda, the creator, the radiant, the
glorious, who sends his joy-creating grace afar, who
made us and who fashioned us, who has nourished us
and protected us, who is the Spento Mainyu. " But
whenever Ormuzd, the source of all good, produces
what is good, the Evil One produces its opposite^ there-
with to destroy Orrauzd's creation. Ahriman, there-
fore, becomes only a secondary, or counterKjrcator.
This is thus expressed in Fargard i of the Vendldftd:
"The first of good lands which I, Ahura Mazda, cre-
ated was Iran- Veg, thereupon came AAro Mainyu, who
is all death, and He counter-created the serpent in the
river, and the winter, the work of demons. The second
of good lands which I created was the plain of Sogdiana.
Tliereupon came Anro Mainyu, wno is all death,
and he counter-created the locust, brii^ng death
unto cattle and plants." No less than sixteen such
creations and coimter-creations are thus enumerated:
Ahriman counter-creates plunder, sin, ants and ant-
hills, unbelief, tears and wailing, iddlatry", pride, im-
purity, burial of the dead, the cooking of corpses, ab-
normal issues, excessive heat, and bitter cold. From
this enumeration of Ahriman's work one gathers that
be and his good adversaiy were originally personified
principles, and this personification led to their being
accounted real spiritual beings. Sometimes this per-
sonification was so materialized as to lead to the as-
cription of a body to Ormuzd, but this was of some
aerial substance invisible even to the celestials. Be-
sides these two worid-creators we meet in the Avesta
four elementary beings, or rather attributes of Ormuzd,
called Thwasha or mnhite Space, Zrvan Akanma or
Endess Time, Ana^ira raocao and Temao or B^tn*
ningless Light and Darkness. These peraonified ab-
stractions—-Space, Time, Light, and jDarkness — are
co-etemal with Ormuzd and Anriman* they do not
create, but they constitute the receptacle, the source,
and the twofold material of creation.
Later Parthian speculations on the origin of the uni-
verse are found in the Bimdahis, a Pahiavi commen-
tary on the Avesta, which may date from the Sassar
nlos, but in its present form cannot be earlier than the
seventh centuiy of the Christian Era. Ormuzd is here
described as in endless light and all-wise ; but Ahriman
in endless darkness and lacking in knowledge. Ldcht
and darkness seem to have been identified with Or-
muzd and Ahriman at an eariier period, according to
Poxphyrius and Plutarch. Ormuzd and Ahriman
botn produced their own creatures, which remain
apart m a spiritual or ideal state for 9000 years; for
Ahriman is unaware of the existence of Ormuzd and
his good creation. After this begins Ahriman's oppo-
sition to the work of Ormuzd, witn the understanding,
however, that the period of the evil influence would not
exceed 9000 years, and only the middle 3000 years
were to see Ahriman successful. By pronouncing a
mysterious spell Ormuzd throws Ahnman into a state
of confusion for a second 3000 years. Meanwhile, Or-
muzd creates the archangels and the material imiverse
with s\m, moon, and stars; Ahriman produces the de--
vas. or evil spirits, and, helped by them, he throws him-
selr upon the good creation to destroy it. The six di-
visions of creation — ^the sky. water, earth, plants, and
animals, and men — suffer tne attacks of th» devaa.
The primeval ox, symbolizing the later animal worid,
is slain, and so is Gayomard, representing humanity.
Yet, though Gayomard dies, his offspring Eves. After
many purifications by archangels, the Rivas plant, be-
gotten of him, grows up. Tnis plant contains both
man and woman; when their bodies have sufficiently
developed they receive "the breath spiritually into
them, which is the soul''; for Ahura Mazda said that
" the soul is created before and the body after, for him
who was created". And Ahura Mazda said to them,
" You are roan, you are the ancestry of the worid". A
story is told of the first pair, whether Mashya and
Masnyana or, as elsewhere given, Yrma and his wife,
similar to that of Adam's sin in paradise; a like simil-
arity can also be found in Ahura Mazda creating the
worid in six stages, but there is nothing to show that
the Bible is the borrower, in fact the contrary is moet
probable. In the Mainochired a further stage in Per-
sian cosmogonies is reached. There the li^t is dis-
tinctly named as the matter out of which the universe
is created and zrvan, or endless time, is no longer con-
sidered an attribute of Ormuzd, but is an independent
fundamental being, which pronounces its blessing and
joy over the creation which Ormuzd produces. So
chapter viii : **The creator Ahura produced these crea-
tures and creation, the archangeb and the spirit of
wisdom from that which is his own splexidour and with
the blessing of endless time. For this reason unlim-
ited time is undecaying and immortal, painless and
hungerless, thirstless and undisturbed; tor ever and
ever no one will be able to overpower it or to make it
not all-over-ruling in his own anain. And Ahriman^
the wickecL oounteivcreated the devas and drugs [de-
mons and nends] and the rest of the things of oomip
tion." He made a treaty with Ormuzd for QOOOyears.
during which things must remain as they are, Bui
after 9000 years iJiriman will be utteri|y impotent.
OOBMOOONT
409
CeSMOMHT
Brosh, the angd of obedienoe, will smite Aeshun, Uie
attacking demon. Mithray the ansel of sunlight, and
Zrvan Akarana, Time-without-ena, and the angel of
justice and pro'^enee, will smite the creation of Ahii-
man, and AhuraBCazda will become again undisturbed
as in the beginning. Cosmology pemaps, rather than
oosmoganv, is contained in chapter zuv: ''Skv, and
earth, and water, and what is therein are like the egg
of a bird. By Ahuia Masda, the creator, the sky is ar-
ranged above thoi^arth like an egg and the semblance
of the earth in the midst of thesky is just like the yolk
within the egs ; the water within the earth and dky is
such as the white of the egg." This, of course, must
not be understood as a sort of earlr evolution theory;
it merely indicates the shape of the universe as ooi^
oeived by the Persians.
Iranian dualism then was never quite consistent,
not even in the Avesta. In the Mainochirod it makes
indeed an attempt at monism in perscmifying Zrvan,
out of which creation comes, and oy whicn creation is
blessed, but the inconsistencies of the B3rstem finally
brought forth a number of unorthodox sects. Each of
these sects solved the problem of unity versus plural-
ity in its own way. Some, as the Gayomarthiya, those
indicated in Firdosi's book of kings, and the author of
the Vajarkart, practically believed in an eternal al-
mig^ly creator of heaven and earth, much in the same
sense as CSuistianB do. Ahriman, at first a primeval
being ooeral with Ormusd, is transformed into the
Pftnee eauivalent for Satan. Others readied a sort of
monism by making either Thwasha (Space) or Zrvan
(Time) the origin of all things, even of Ormusd and
Ahriman. That Thwasha was once the head oi the
Iranian pantheon is perhaps indicated by so early a
witness as Herodotus (I, cxzxi) and much later by
Damascius. Zrvan, as the souroe of aU things aanongst
the Persians, is attested by many of the Fathers
(Theod. Mops., Moses of Chorene), bv Esnik and £lft-
seus. At this period the origin of all thin|ss was con-
ceived in various fantastical ways. Acoordmgtosome
(lUvajets, God. XII), Time created Water and Fire and
when these came together Ormusd arose. According
to others. Time for 1000 years yearned to bring forth a
son and offered sacrifice for that purpose, but then
doubted; Ormusd was conceived as fruit of the sacri-
fice, Ahiiman as fruit of the doubt— and similar f all-
eles which strongly suggest Indian influence. It is re-
markable, however, that Ormusd remains throughout
the foremost and immediate creator of the cosmos or
world as it now is, and as far as it is good. It is remark-
able also that Iranian cosmogonies are not devoid of a
noble ettucal strain, however much they may have
dianged during the course of ages.
Inoian. — These cosmogonies are so manifold and so
bewilderuQg in their fantastic variety that only the
oldest ami most purely Indian can be referred to, and
the mam outlines indicated. As ethical dualism is
the characteristic of Iranian thought, so is idealistic
pantheism of the thought of India. In Indian cos-
mogonies more than elsewhere we have to distinguish
between philosophic speculation and popular religion,
which each in its way influenced their conception of
the oriffin of the world. The oldest cosmogomes must '
naturaSy be sought in the Eig-Veda. The ag^ of these
sacred Dooks is largely a matter of controversy, but
their origin can be roughly assigned to a date earlier
than 1000 B. c. Among the 1028 hymns of the Eig-
Veda none Is so famous as cxxix of Book X, of which a
translation was given by Max MiiUer forty years tiff).
This translation, though metrical, is remarkably fit-
eral and contams the best exposition of ancient Indian
thought on this subject. It runs as follows: —
Kor Aught nor Naught existed; yon bright siky
Was not, nor heaven's broad woof outstretched above.
What covered all? what sheltered? wliat concealed?
Was it the water's fathomless abyss?
There was not death— yet there was nau^t iamuMrtal.
There was no confine betwixt day and night;
The Only One breathed breathless by itself.
Other than it there nothing since has been.
Darkness there was, and aU at first was vefled
In gloom profoimd — an ocean without light—
The Germ that still lay covered in the husk
Burst forth, one nature, from the fervent heat.
Then first came Love upon it, the new Spring
Of mind — ^yea^ poets in their nearts discerned.
Pondering, this bond between created things
And uncreated. Comes this spark from the earth
Piercing and all pervading, or from heaven?
Then seeds were sown and mighty powers arose —
Nature below and Power and Will above —
Who knows the secret? Who proclaimed it here?
Whence, whence this manifold creation sprang?
The gods themselves came later into being —
Who knows from whence this great creation sprang?
He from whom all this great creation came.
Whether his will created or was mu^.
The Most-High Seer that is in highest heaven.
He knows it — or perchance even He knows not.
If, however, we divest this and similar Indian effu-
sions (Rig-V», X, cxc, Ixxii) of their poetical garb and
set aside the agnostic touch in the last line, weir cos-
ipogony is philosophically conceived as follows: The
first principle of aU Being is Tad (i. e. the absolutely
indefinite That), this unites in itself all spiritual and
material elements of the world. Tad is an idea ob-
tained only by absolute abstraction, for it possesses
only one quality, viz. that of vitality. From Tad the
universe proceeds by evolution. Tnis evolution is in-
troduced by TapaSp i. e. the intensity of self-contem-
plation or mtrosp|ection — self-love, one would almost
translate. This is the spiritual progress by whidi
Tad for the first time leaves his inaction. Then there
arises within Tad, kamaf or the desire, the will, the
purpose to create. Tad has therefore evolved into a
conscious act of the will, that is Manas has begun,
thereby Tad has ceased to be unconscious and has
completely left his state of inactivity. There further
arises, in consequence of Tapas, Ritam, i. e. the highest
law or causality. The production of the world through
the intelligent will of a personal creator is, at least
with regard to the first stages of evolution, unknown
to these hymns. Yet a universe without any regular
connexion of phenomena seemed unthinkable, hence
this principle of causality was postulated previous to
all cosmic evolution, and in this sense Ritam was the
first thin^ to arise out of Tad previous to the tmiverse.
But all Ritam must have its Satyam, or counterpart in
actuality. In theistic phraseoloRy this would mean
that all creation must have its archetype in the Divine
Mind, and that to create is nothine but the realization
of this archetype as distinct from God. According to
Indian thought the force of their groimd Drinciple,
will, or kama, was not blind activity, but boimd by
Ritam, or Supreme Law. The world therefore was
not the result of chance, and thus their philosophers
could establish connexion between their speculations
and popular religion. Now there arose out of Tad the
dements of the material world: the moist primeval
matter, the space to surround it, and darkness to fill
the space. Time was not reckoned among the ele-
ments, as in some Iranian cosmogonies - it was but the
measure of changing phenomena. Material evolu-
tions having so far proceeded, the first cosmic cycle of
gods makes its appearance: Aditi and his Adit^ms.
8Vom Aditi, or Innnity, imited to Daksha, or Spirit
Force, the Adityas take their origm. The hignest
among them is Varuna (o^/>ay6t?), the world-creator in
popular religion. These work together to bring about
the present cosmos. The first things produced by
separating the primeval waters is light, then follow
darknessj. day and nigiht; and thus time b^ins. By
OOSMOOOHT
410
fXMmoaoinr
differeatiation of the primeviil matter, sun, moon, and
earth arise; by differentiation of spaoe, the reahns of
heaven, air, and ether. Thus: —
11
Tad
Protoplasm
Tapas
Darkness
Kama
Place
Manas
Alternation of Time
Ritam
Division of Space
Satyam
Great World Bodies
Another development, or rather another nomencla-
ture for the same cosmogonic principles, makes Brahr
ma the source of all things. jBrahma is Tad, or the
impersonal, unconscious All-Soul. This word Brah-
ma, from meaning originally sacred sacrificial food,
came to be used for the Supreme Being out of which
the imiverse comes and unto which it returns. In
later days Atman, or Hi^est Self, becomes the start-
ing point in Indian cosmogonies. ^
A curious feature, es^cially in later cosmogonic
ideas, is the power of sacrifice, to which even the evolu-
tion of tiie universe is due; in fact sacrificial food is
the venr material out of which the world is made.
Tliis is Drought out in one of the latest hynms of the
Riff- Veda (Book X, xc, the so-called song of Purusha)
and often in the Upanishads. Purusha is one more
designation of the Supreme Being. On his spiritual
sidene \b often identified with Brahma and Atman, on
his material side he is the proto-matter out of which
the world is made. Out oi Purusha's mouth proceed
IndraandAgni. Indra in popular religion becomes the
world-creator as also Varuna the king. Some refer-
ences to Kin^ Varuna are of singular sublimity (Atharva>
Veda, IV, xvi) : " If two persons sit together and scheme,
King Varuna is there as a third and knows it. Both
this earth here belongs to Kmg Varunaand also 3ronder
broad skv, whose boundaries are far awav. The oceans
are the loins of Varuna, yet he is hidden in a small
drop of water. He that ahould flee beyond the heav-
ens would not be free from King Varuna. King Varuna
sees through sdl that is between heaven and earth and
all that IB beyond. He has coimted the winkings of
man's eyes ; ue world is in his hands as the dice in the
hands of a player". In the mind of the people the
impersonal abstractions of pantheism became Individ-
uaUsed and conceived as an intensely personal creator.
On the other hand the most grotesque, and often
coarse, conceptions arose as to the physical process of
the world's production. As intermediary oeings or
stages were mentioned seed, or an egg, or a tree, or the
lotus-bud; different animals, such as a boar, a fish, a
turtle; or sexual intercourse. The most common
theory is that of the egg (Chand, br., V, xix): "This
sdl was in the beginning non-existent, only Tad ex-
isted. Tad became transformed, it became an egg, this
lay there for a year; then it divided itself in two, the
two halves of the shell were silver and gold. The
Gold is the Heaven, the Silver the Earth, and what
was bom is the Sun". Not infrequent are the incar-
nations of the deity in animals. Brahmanspati, the
personification of the creative power of Brahma, or
Frajapati, or Vishnu, became incarnate in a boar or a
turtle; and similar fancies. In the Atharva-Veda,
especially XIX, 53, 54, another fundamental cosmo-
gonic being or personification enters, which is im-
known to earliest Indian speculations, viz.: Time; it
occurs here and there in tne Rig-Veaa, but in Ath.-
Ved., xix, Kala has risen to the first place of all, and
even Brahma and Tapas proceed from it. This rise in
Kala's dignity was prepared alreadv in the Unani-
shads (Maitri-Up., VI, xiv), where Kala and Akala,
time and not-time, are two forms of Brahma, after he
had produced the world or rather the sun as the first
thing in the universe.
pHtENiciAN. — Almost all we know of Phoenician
ooemoeonies is derived from a late souroe, FhHo By-
blius (bom a. d. 42), transmitted to us by Eusebitis in
his "Praeparatio Evangelica". Philo, howerer, only
claimed to have translated a late copy of an ancient
Fhoenidan author called Sanchoniathon. This state-
ment, thoudi believed by Eusebius and bv Poiphy-
rius before him (De abst., II, 56) is rejected as a liter-
ary fraud by many modem, especially German, achxA-
ars. Philo is supposed to have pretended to use an ex-
tremely ancient source merely to bolster up his theory
that all mythology was deified ancient history. Tlie
great controversy that has raged round the name of
Banchoniathon cannot here be gone into, but in read-
ing this cosmogony it must throughout be borne in
mmd that, inst^ul of being the exposition of very early
Canaanitish ideas, it may possibly be a m^iipulatrd
account of that cosmopolitan mixture of ideas which
was current in Syria about a. d. 100. The bpginiiin^
of all things, according to this account, was air moved
bv a breath of wind and dark chaos black as Krebus.
Tnis windy chaos was eternal, infinite. But when this
breath veamed over its own elements, and confusion
arose, this was called Desire. This Desire was the ori-
gin of an creation, and, though it knew not its own
creation, out of its self-embrace arose Mot a slimy or
watery substance, out of which all croated germs were
produced. Animal fife without sensation came first;
out of this came beings endowed with intetligenoe
whifdi were called Zophesamin (pt3e^ UCOIT), ''over-
seers of heaven''. Mot had a shape like that of an
MS out of which came forth sun, moon, and stars.
The air being thus illumined, owing to the glow of the
sea and land, winds were formed, and clouds and a
vast downpour of the heavenly waters took place. By
the heat oi the sun things were made to spbt off from
one another and, beine projected on hi^, clashed with
one another, caiised tnunder and lightning, and thus
awoke the above-mentioned intelligent beingB, wrho
took fright and began to stir on the earth and in the
sea as imdes and females. Not unlike this is the cos-
mogony given bv Damaseius on the authority of Ehide-
mos. Before aU things was Time, then Desire, then
Darkness. Out of the union of Desire and Darkness
were bom Air (masc.) and Breath (fern.). Air repie-
senting pure thought, and Breath thejproto^rpe oi life
proce^mg therem>m by motion. Out of Air an^
Breath came forth the cosmic eg^. According to the
eosmoffony ^ven by the same writer on the authoritv
of Mocnos, Ether and Air generated Oulomos (world-
time, acBculum), ChouaorM (artificer, creative enei^gy),
,and ihe cosmic ^g; and Damaseius expressly states
that, according to the Phoenicians, world-time is the
first principle containing all in itself. The origin of
manland is described as the birth of .£on and Proto-
gonos from the wind Colpias and the woman Baau,
(said to mean '^nig^t'O* '^^ name Baau strongly
suggeste in3 of Genesis ; for Colpias several derivations
have been suggested: rPD Tip voice of the wind";
iV *D 7)p» "the sound of the voice of Jahve"; or mXw-Cst,
"turgid"; or riKD ^3, ''wind from every side". But
these derivations are perhaps more ingenious than
probable.
Greek. — The cosmogonies are far too numerous
and diveroent to allow of one simple description embrac-
ing all. Only some prominent cosmogonies can foe in-
dicated, and some of the pointe common to all. Homer
seems to have taken the universe as he found it without
inquiring further, but from Hiad, XIV, verse 201, one
gathers that Oceanus is origin, and Thetys mother of
all; from verse 244 that Ndf (Night) has power even
over Oceanus; hence Darkness, Water, and Mother-
hood seem the three stages of his cosmogony. The
fragments of On>hic cosmogonies given by Eudemos,
and Plato, and Lydus do not quite agree, but at least
Night, Oceanus, and Thptvs are elementary beings,
and the first of them in order of existence was proba-
bly Night. A more detailed cosmogony of great antiq>
CXMMOaONT
411
CXMMOGONT
uity 18 to be foimd in Hesiod's '"Theogony" (about
800 B. c.) in venes 160 aqq., which C. A. Elton trans-
lated as follows: —
First Chaos was; next ample-bosomed Earth,
The seat immovable for evermore
Of those Immortals who the snow-topped heights
Inhabit of Ol^pus, or the gloom
Of Tartarus, m tne broad-tracked ground's abyss.
Love then arose, most beautiful amongst
The deathless deities; resistless, he
Of every god and every mortal man
Unnerves the limbs; cussolves the wiser breast
By reason steeled and quells the very soul.
From Chaos, Erebos and ebon Night;
From Night the Day sprang forth and shining air
Whom to the love of Erebos she gave.
Earth first produced the heaven and all the stars.
She brought the lofty mountains forth,
And next the sea. . . Then, with Heaven
Consorting, Ocean from her bosom burst
With its deep eddying waters.
Chaos, then, is the starting-point of Hesiod's cos-
moeony. Qiaos, however, must probably not be
uiMferstood as ''primeval matter '' without harmony
and oonder, but rather as the ''empty void" or "place
in the abstract ' '. To Hesiod x<^' cannot have lost its
orig;inal meaning (from xa in x^^w; x^/m, "chasm",
etc ) . Hesiod, then, starts at infinite space ; other Greeks
take Time, or XP^» oa a starting-point. The cos-
mogony of Pherecyd^ (544 B. c.) clauns a high place
MTinng Greek theories as to the origin of the worla, be-
cause of the prominence given to Zeus, a personal
spiritual being, as the origin of all things. ** Zeus and
Chronos and Chthonia have always been and are the
thr«e first beginnings; but the One I would consider
before the Two, and the Two after the One. Then
Chronos produced out oi himself fire, air, and water,
these I tiULe to be the three Logical Elements, and out
c^ them arose a numerous progeny of gods divided into
five parts or a perdecoamos. " Pherecydes' cosmogony
has come down to us in some other sli^Uy modified
forms but Zeus is ever at the head. He seems also to
have known of a primeval battle between Chronos and
Ophioneus, but how it fits in with his cosmogony we
know not. Chthonia seems to be the moist Proto-
matter, neither dry earth nor sea, out of which Ge, or
the earth, is created. The stages of his cosmogon^r are
ther^ore: God, Time, Matter — all tliree first princi-
ples, yet God is in some sense first ; God, when feeling a
desire to create, changes himself into love, so that lie
may bring forUi a C<Sano6, L e. a well-ordered world,
out of contraries, bringing its elements into agree-
ment and friendship. A noble idea, truly, only faUing
short of the Christian idea in conceiving time a^ mat-
ter as eternal, Zeus thus being maker or fashioner, not
creator, of heaven and earth.
A oosmogonv of almost the same date is that of Epi-
menides, imch seems in flat contradiction to that of
Pherecydes; for it postulates two first principles, not
origiBating from Unity: Air and Night. Out of these
arise Tartarus etc. tjoAer Orphic cosmogonies begin
some with Chronos, others with Water and Earth,
some with 'Armpos "TXiy. In the last stage of the
Greek cosmogony the egg plays an important part,
either as evolutionary stagie, as embryomc state of the
earth, or merely to indicate the shape of the Cosmos.
We possess no ancient Etruscan or Latin cosmogo-
nies, but it is certain that the God Janus was a oosmo-
gonio deity; though Jupiter was summusy the hi^est
god, Janus was primua, the first of the gods, and as
such he received sacrifice before even Jupiter. This
ancient reminiscence of Janus as creator is made use of
hi Ovid's "Metamorphoses", but in how far so late a
writer represents earlv speculations we know not.
Janus is i>erhaps the Latin equivalent for the Greek
Chaos as origin of aU things. Janus is said to be not
only xmlium mundif but mundiis itself, i. e the all-em-
bracing.
Summary of Ancient Cosmogonibb. — Common to
all is the effort to explain the origin of the world by as
few elementary beings as possible. In order to arrive
at the origin of all things, man b^an by abstraction
from the actual differentiation of being which he saw
around him to obtain some simple element underl3ring
all. Mere abstraction, however, or reduction from the
compound to the simple, did not suffice, but some in-
telligent causality was demanded by the intellect of
man. Hence personification plavs a great r61e in
every cosmogony, and the actual nmction of creating,
or rather forming and arranging the world as it now is,
is ascribed to one intelligent personality; every people
worshipped some deity, be he then Marauk or Varuna,
or Bel or Ahura-Masda, or Zeus or Janus. No ancient
cosmogony, however, rose to the pure concept of cre-
ation out of nothing by an infinite spirit; for none
succeeded in eliminating matter or its phenomena
altogether, and conceiving a subsistent Intelligence
which could create both matter and spirit. The first
stens in this process of abstraction are simple enough
ana common to most cosmogonies; once upon a time
there were no men nor beasts, nor plants; no stars nor
sky, no mountains and valleys, and neither dry land
nor sea. Then only proto-matter remained. Some
cosmogonies stopped here and were frankly material-
istic; it probabl^ depended on climatic surroundings
what they conceived the proto-matter to be, whether
clay or water, or air, or fire, or light (conceived as sub-
stances). Other cosmogonies carried the process of
abstraction farther. The variation between light and
darkness, dav and night, season and season cannot al-
ways have been, hence these were also abstracted
from ; naught therefore remained but Darkness. Night,
Eternity. By thinking away all special localities in
the universe, onlv Place remained m the abstract, or
the Void. By- tninking away all differences in the
mental and spiritual sphere naught remained but
Force in genei^. Force, Place, Tune, and Darkness
became personified cosmogonic elements. Some were
able to abstract even from Force; to them only Place,
Time, and Darkness remained. Some rightly argued
that time was but the measure of phenomena, and by
abstracting from phenomena Time ceased to be. To
them only Space and Darkness remained; but then
Darkness was conceived as the fluid filliiig the vessel of
Space, and therefore could be abstracted from, and
only the Void remained. All these ideas actually oc-
cur in the different cosmogonies. Chaos is empty
space; Chronos, Zrvan, Heh, abstract time: Nux, the
unchangeable quintessence of time; Zeus, Tad, Ahura
Mazda, Thot are spirit forces. Those cosmo^nies
which did not go so far as to personify space or tune or
darkness, but stopped short at the idea of some proto-
substance, were faced by the problem whether this
primevfd substance was spirit, or matter, or both.
Some answered, both, as the E^rptians (Nun) and the
later Indians (Purusha); some answered that spirit
was first, as some Babylonian thinkers (Anu), most
Indians (Tad, Brahma, Atman) and the Iraniaos
(Ahura, Ahriman); some answered that matter was
first, as Bab}rlonians (Apsu Tiamat), Persiansj and
Egyptians (Light, lU) Phoenicians (Air), Etruscans
(^tner). Thus ancient thought wandered through
the whole range of possible theories, not, however,
guided by mere caprice, but forced to some conclusion
which seemed to them inevitable. With regard to the
immediate process according to which this world was
produced, ueer scope was given to unbridled fancy«
Yet even here the analogy with the production of life
in nature was the guiding principle, the world was pro*
duced as life comes from life by animal generaUonSi or
as the tree comes out of the seed, the flower out of the
bud, or &s the egg is laid by the bird. These imagina-
tions are often combined in a grotesque ensemble
OOBMOGONT
412
OOSMOQOMY
against the complexity of which appear in greater re-
lief the majesty and simplicity of tne words: In the be-
ginning Qod created the heavens and the earth.
Cosmogonies of More Modern Races. — ^Amongst
more modem myths of the worid's origin the Norse
and the American cosmogonies call for comment.
The Norse Coamoganies are the only remnant of an-
cient German ideas on this subject, for the so-called
" Praver of Wessobrunn", a fragment ascribed to the
eighth or ninth century, is too short to give us any
infbnnation beyond the belief in the existence of one
almightv god, and with him a multitude of divine
spirits, bemre the world was. It is, moreover, uncer-
tain whether the Wessobrunner fragment represents
pure Germanic thought uninfluenced by Christianity.
The Norse cosmogonies are contained in the Edda;
the more ancient one in the Voluspa of the Poetic Ed-
da. the younger one in the Gylfaginning of the Prose
Edda. It is sometimes said that these cosmogonies
so clearly betray the influence of the Arctic climate
that they can in no sense belong to the Southern Ger-
mans. This, however, is hardly convincins, as it is
unknown where precisely the Germans Uvea previous
to their immigration into Eim>pe, and what was the
climate of Northern Europe and Asia when these
Sagas first grew up. In the third verse of ''The Si**
byPs Song", of Voluspa, the cosmogony begins ^—
There was a time when only Ymir was,
Nor sand, nor sea, nor briny waves,
Nay earth existed not, nor neaven above.
A yawning space without a spot of green
Until the vaults were raised of all
Bv Buri's Sons creating noble Midgard.
Tnen shone the Southern Sun on stony mountains,
And from the very soil the herbs were sprouting.
And yet the Southern Sun, the helpmate of the Moon,
Bridled heaven's steeds with her right hand.
For it was unknown as yet where me i^ould dwell,
Nor knew the moon the power he possessed,
The Stars were ignorant of their ai>ode.
Then went the Powers all to sit in judgment
The all-holy Rods held thereupon their council,
To Nig^t ana to the waning moon gave names.
They gave to Mom and Noon their calling
To Afternoon and Eve, whereby to reckon years.
The Sibyl further chants how the Aesir met on Ida's
plain, built altars and temples, lit the biasing furnace,
and forged their tools. The creation of dwarfs is then
related in detail, and finally the creation of man.
Three Aesir, great and kind, went to the world and
found in utter weakness Ask and Embla, the first
human pair. ''Spirit they possessed, but sense had
none; No blood, nor strength to move, nor goodly
colour. Life gave Odin, Sense gave Hoenir, Blood
gave Lodur and goodly colour." This cosmogony is
exi>lained, enlar^, and sli^tly modified in the Gyl-
faginning, or Gyifa's deception. The lengthy account
can be summed up as follows: —
There are three stages of development : (a) the rise
of three ftmdamentalbeings in times primeval, Mus-
pelheim. or the southern realm of Light, Niflheim or
the northern realm of Darkness, and between them the
Ginnunga Gap, or yawning cleft. Muspelheim ex-
isted first, and Niflheim is secondary in the order of
bleing, but how either arose the cosmogony does not
explain. In the northern realm there existed a well,
called Hwei^mir, from which proceeded twelve tor-
rents, callea together Elivagar, or Ic<«tream. This
stream flowing into the Ginnunga Gap formed thecos-
mogonic being Ymir. At first this was a lifeless mass,
but this mass develops under the influence of Aud-
humla, represented as a oow licking the ice, being a
figure for the Thawing Warmth, (b) Out of Ymir the
Frost Giants, or Hrimthurses, arise, and the funda-
mental godH; out of Audhunila ariHC Odin, Vili, ami
Ve; or Odin, Vili, and Ve are the sons of Bdr, who
married Bestla, daufl^ter of the Frost Giant BOllhcwii*
(c) Odin, Vili, and Ve slay the monster Ymir^ throw
his body into the Ginnunga Gap, and out of hm limbs
form the visible universe, or the Midgard, out of his
skull the vault of heaven, out of his brains the do/ads,
out of his blood the seas, and so on. Then they build
the Burgh of the Gods, Asgard: thev order the course of
the stars and create the Dwarfs. Lastly, the first man
and woman are created. Ask and EmUa. whom Odin
found as weak and miserable beings on the seashore.
These Norse cosmosonies differ from the more an-
cient cosmogonies in wis: that they do not really go
back to the first beginning of all things, but presup-
pose the existence of a twofold world — one South the
other North — and only account for the formation of
this present world in the space between both. They
agree with most other cosmogonies in ascribing the
actual formation of thb Cosmos to one (Odin) or more
(Odin, with Vili and Ve as destroyers of Chaos) inteUi- '
gent personal beings or gods.
American Cosmogonies have been preserved in
fair number. The early missionaries to America, es-
pecially those to Mexico, Cental America, and South
America, were strondy impressed with the monotheis-
tic character of Indian speculations, ascribing this
world and its phenomena to the influence of one omni-
present i^iritual being, called in one place the ''Great
spirit ' ', in another place Viraoocha, in another Hunab-
ku, elsewhere Quetzalcoatl, etc. Yet, ooncurrenth^
with these true religious and phiiosophio ideas, there
existed a number of apparently puerile traditions oon-
oemine the beginning of thingi. But again these
childish fancies were but the ckrthing of general cos-
mc^onic ideas. According to the Ottawae and other
northern Algonquins, a ran was floating on the shore-
less waters. Upon this raft were a number of animals
with Michabo, the Giant Rabbit, as their chief. As
they were without land to live on. Michabo, the Giant
Rabbit, made first the beaver and then the otter, that
they should dive and bring up a piece of mud. As
they failed, Wajashk, the female muskrat, at her own
request is allowed to dive. When she had remained
befow for a day and a ni^t, she floated to the surface
as dead, but they found in one of her paws a little dod
of mud. Michabo, endowed with creative power,
kneads this little bit of soil till he makes it Rrow into
an island, a mountain, a country, nay into thia world
in which we live. He shoots his arrows in the g^round
and transfixes them with other arrows, thus creating
trees with stems and branches. Some say he created
man from the dead bodies of certain animals, othero
that he' married the muskrat and thus begat the ances-
tors of the human race. It has been suggested that in
thename ' 'Michabo'' there lies oonoeaiedanother word,
viz. " Michi Waban'\ the eireat Dawn, or the great East.
The word '* Wajashk '', likewise, probably contains the
word ' ' Aj ishki ' ', or mud. The story then would mean :
When the great lig^t in the east shone upon the pri-
meval waters, dry land in ever-increasing extent ap-
peared above the surface, and the rays of the sun,
piercing the soil, brought forth the trees, and the action
of the light on the slime brought forth man.
(Closely similar to this cosmogony is that of the Iro-
quois. In the beginning the heavens above were peopled
with celestial beings, and the wide ocean below with
monstersofthedeep. Then Ataensic, a divine bmng, fell
through a rift in the sky into the primeval waters. The
turtle offered her his back as restmg place. Then some
animal brought her a little clay, out of which she pro-
duced the dry land. Ataensic ^ve birth to adau^ter,
who, thoueh a vir^, gave birth to twins, Tawiseara
and Josk&a. This dau^ter having died in child'
birth, her body, beine buried, imparts fertility to the
soil. A mortal batUe is wagea between the two
brothers Joskeha, the good, and Tawiseara, the evil
one. The latter is overcome, flies to the West, and
becomes the god of the dead. Joskeha creates first
OOBMOORAPaY
413
OOftMOLOOT
tbe aiiunals aud then man. Ataensic is said to mean
*'She-who-u-in-the-water". L e. the dry land in the
midst of the ooeon; Joskena is the ^wing iig^t, or
dawn; Tawiscara, the evening twilight, or growing
darkness. The Quiche of Guatemala have left us in
their sacred book ** Popol Vuh " the most detailed cos-
mogony of Central America. The universe first con-
sisted of the endless ocean and the twilight brooding
over it. Then the Creator took counsel with his help-
mate to produce the world. Though described as a
pair of gcKis, male and female, this pair is conceived as
a unity of being, male and female being but different
aspects of the Ueity. This Creator is o&lled by every
conceivable name, even with names proper to other
deities. Thus he is called Heart of the Universe,
which is a special title of the god Hurakan, or of Guku-
mats the feathered serpent. He is evidently con-
ceived as the All-in-One, as Hunabku, from whom
men and gods descend. This Creator uttered the
word Earthf and the land b^n to rise out of the
waters. As often as God called a thing so often it en-
tered into reality. Then God takes counsel with the
lesser gods, whom, apparently, he has meanwhile cre-
ated, how to fashion man. Tnev first created him out
of day, then of wood, and finally out of maiae. The
first two attempts failed, the third succeeded. The
monkeys are the surviving ronnants of the second tm-
successful endeavour.
Very weird are the cosnK>^nie8 of the ancient
Mexicans. They are charactenaed by the strong in-
fluence of dualism, the universe being in the throes of a
perpetual contest between good and evil. The infinite
deity has four sons: the black and the red Teseatlipoca,
and Quetsalooatl, and HuitzilopochtU. These four
brothers consulted together about the creation of
things. The actual work fell to the lot of Quetzal-
coatl and Huitsilopochtli. They made fire, then half
the sun, the heavens, the watere, and a certain great
fish therein with the name of Cipactli. From its flesh
was fonned soUd earth and the first man and woman,
Cipac^nal and Oxomuco. The half-sun created by
Quetsalooatl lifted the world but poorly, and the
four gods oonsiut once more to add another half to it.
Teseatlipoca does not wait for their decision, but
transforms himself into the sun. But alter thirteen
times fifty-two years, Quetsalcoatl seized a great stick
and with a blow knocked Teseatlipoca from the sky
into the waters, and became himself the sun. Four
times was the earth destroyed in this struggle. Quet-
salooatl is at present triumphant, but TezcatUpoca is
only biding his time. This cosmogonic episode of
war between brothers runs through other North
American accounts, as, e. g., Tawiscara and Joskeha
amongst the Iroquois, and is prominent in the Egyp-
tian cosmogony.
The noblest account of the world's ori^ was found
amongst the Maya of Yucatan, who ascribed all to an
inunaterial, invisible god Hunabku, father of Itsamna,
the personificatimi of the heavenly fire. Similariy,
the ancient Avmara ascribed all to Viracocha (Foam-
of-ihe^8ea — tne colour white, the Spaniards, as white-
skins, being called viracochos). This Viracocha, or
White One, was Creator and Possessor of all things.
As all things were his, and he was everywhere, the In-
css built him no temples. Ere sun or moon was made,
he rose from the bosom of the lake Titicaca and presid-
ed over the building of the ancient cities. He created
the huninaries and placed them in the sky, and peo-
pled the earUi with inhabitants. But, journeying from
the lake westward, he was attacked by the creatures he
had made, dooming the contest with the work of his
own ha^ds, he <Hily hurled lightning over hillside and
forest, and when his creatures repented he became
T'coonciled and taught them all things- Viracocha
was the divine li^t, symbolised by, but not identical
with, the sun. One can hardly refrain from a com-
PmoQ with Khu-i^Aten, the solar disc of Amenho-
tep's foreigii worahip introduced into Egypt some
three thousand years before the religiouB revival of the
IncasofPeru.
LrKAS^ Die Orundideen in dm Kotmogonian der atten Vdlker
(1893); JbAaBANQB, Biudu Mur Ua reHmona UmMquea (2d od..
Paris. 1905). 366-441; Von Ohslu, AUqem. lUlioumaoeschicKte
(Bonn, 1S99); Jbnbbm. Die K&amoiogie aer Bahylonier (Lcipstg,
1891); DAJUfSsrarrBB, Onmud H Akriman (Paris, 1877);
HoPKiNB, The Rdigiona of India (Boston, 1895); Wzndbuiand.
Hietary of Ancient JPhitoaophy (tr., London, 1900); Mjbter, Die
eddietAeKoamooonie (Fnihaimim Br.. 1891); Idbm, Mytholoaie
der Oermanen (Strasbuis. 19C»): HAxlbr, ReUmon d. mittl.
Amerika (MOnster, 1899); Bbinton, Bdigiona of l^m. PeopUe
(FhiUdelphia, 1897}: Idbm, Ameriean Hero Mytha (Philadel-
phia, 18^): Inuf, liytha I
the New World a9dS^.
J. P. Arbndzen.
Oosmograpfaj. See Geogbapht.
Oosmology. — ^From its Greek etymology (x^^t
worid; X<^ot, knowledge or science) the word ootmol'
ogy means the science of the worid. It ought, there-
fore, to include in its scope the study of the whole
material universe: that is to say, of inorganic sub-
stances, of plants, of animals, and of man himself.
But, as a matter of fact, the wide range indicated by
the etymolo^ <rf the word has been narrowed in the
actual meanmg. In our day cosmology is a branch of
philosophical study, and therefore excludes from its
mvestigation whatever forms the object of the natural
sciences. While the sciences of physics and biology
seek the proximate causes of corporal phenomena, the
laws that govern them, and the wonderful harmony
resulting therefrom, cosmology^ aims to discover the
deeper and remoter causes which neither observation
nor experiment immediately reveals. This special
purpose restricts in many ways the field of cosmology.
There is another limitation not leas important. Man 's
imique position in the universe makes him the object
of a special philosophical study, vis. psycholo^, or
anthropologv; and, in consequence, that portion of
the corpor^ world with which these sciences deal has
been cut off from the domain of cosmology properiy so
called.
There is a tendenojr at present to restrict the field
still further; and limit it to what is known as inor-
ganic creation. FBychokogy being by its very defini-
tion the study of human life consioered in its first
principle and m the totality of its phenomena, its in-
vestigations ought to comprise, it would seem, the
threaokl life of man, v^^tive, animal, and rational.
And, indeed, the inter-oependence of these three lives
in the one living human oeing appears to justify the
enlaraement demanded nowadays by many authors of
note for the psychological field. Hence for those who
accept this view, cosmology has nothing to do with
organic life but is reduced to " a philosophical study of
the inorganic world". Such, in our opinion, is the
beet deflation that can be given. At tne same time
it should be remarked that many philosophers still
favour a broader definition, which would include not
only the mineral kingdom but also living things con-
sidered in a general way. In Orman-speaking coun-
tries cosmolo^, as a rule, is known as Naturphilo'
9oMe, i. e. phuosophy of nature.
Under this name, philosophers usually understand a
study of the universe along the lines of one of the fore-
going definitions. Scientists, on the other hand, give
a more scientific turn to this philosophy of nature,
transforming it into a sort of general physics with an
occasional excursion into the realm of sensitive and
intellectual life. A notable instance is the work of
Prof. Ostwald, '' Vorlesungen aber Naturphilosophie"
(Leipzig, 1902).
Origin of CoaiiOLoaT. — ^The word itself is of recent
origin. It was first used by Wolff when, in 1730. he
entitled one of his works "Gosmolo^ Generaiis"
(Frankfort and Leipzig). In this treatise the author
studies especially tne laws of motion, the relations
that exist among things in nature, the contingency of
the universe, the harmony of nature, tha necessity of
OOSMOLOOT
414
008MOL0OT
postulating a God to explain tho origin of the cosmos
and its muiif estation of purpose. Because of the ad*
vance the natural sciences were then making, Wolff
omitted from his philosophic study of nature the
purely scientific pK>rtion which till then had been
closeiy allied with it. The cosmology of the ancients
and especially of Aristotle was simply a branch of
physics. The "Physics" of Aristotle treats of cor-
poreal beings in as far as they are subject to motion.
The work is divided into two parts: (1) General phys-
ics, which embraces the general principles governing
corporeal being. It treats of local motion and its
various kinds; the origin of substantial compounds;
changes in quality: changes in quantity by increase
and decrease; and changes arising from motion in
place, on which Aristotle hinges our notions of the in-
finite, of time, and of space. (2) Special physios
whidi deals with the various classes of bein^: terres-
trial bodies, celestial bodies, and man. It is the first
part of this work that comes nearest to what we mean
by cosmology. The Schoolmen of the Biliddle Ages,
as a rule, follow the path marked out for them by
Aristotle. Cosmological subjects, properiy so called,
have no reserved place in philosopmcal study, and are
generallv treated as a part of physics. In our own
time, philosophers employ the words "cosmology"
and "philosophy of nature" to designate the phucH
sophic study of the corporeal worid.
Mbthod. — Cosmology is the natural complement of
the special sciences. It bepins where they leave off,
and its domain is auite distmct from theirs. The sci-
entist determines tne immediate cause of the phenom-
ena observed in the mineral or the organic world:
he formulates their laws, and builds these into a syn-
thesis with the help of certain general theories, such
as those of light, of heat, and of electricity. The cos-
moloeist, on the other hand, seeks the ultimate causes,
not of this or that class of beings or of phenomena, but
of the whole material universe. He inquires into the
constituent nature of corporeal beines, their destiny,
and their first cause. It is clear that these laiger
problems are quite beyond the ran^ and purpose of
the various sciences, each of which is by its method
confined to its own particular subject. Nevertheless,
cosmology must borrow, and borrow largely, from the
data of science, since the causes which it studies are
not directly perceptible; they can be known only
through phenomena which are their more or less
f aitiiful manifestations. It is on these that cosmol-
ogy must rest in order to pass upward from cause to
cause till the ^timate cause is reached. Since, then,
it is the T6\e of the natural sciences to analyse and
classify the properties and phenoniena of nature, cos-
mology is obliged to draw very freely upon those sci-
ences and to neglect none of their definitive results.
In a word, the cosmological method is essentially a
posteriori. Descartes and his school followed a differ-
ent, even an opposite, course. Being a mathemati-
cian above all else, he applies to cosmolo^ the prin-
ciples of mathematics, and as mathematics sets out
from the simplest propositions and travels along the
road of deduction to the most complex truths, so
Descartes, starting from extension as the primoraial
and universal property of matter, in fact its very es-
sence, ends by ascribing to all bodies in nature what-
ever extension implies and by eliminating from them
whatever it excludes. This a priori method, being es-
sentially deductive is anti-scientific; and \a based,
moreover, on a false supposition, since extension is
only one of the many properties of matter, not its es-
sence. As Leibniz pointed out, extension presupposes
something extendea, just as a repetition presupposes
something to be repeated. Philosophers, therefore,
have fldmost entirely abandoned this method; with
the exception perhaps of the Idealistic Pantheists of
whom we shall speak presently.
Division of Cosiiology. — Cosmology, as most
philosophers understand it, has a threefold problem to
solve: Whence this corporeal world? What is it?
Why is it? Hence its three parts, conoemed respec-
tively with (1) the primordial efficient cause of the
cosmos; (2) its actual constituent causes; (3) its final
cause.
The first cauw of the material wdverae. — Geology, go
back as it may and as far as it may in the scientmc
history of the earth, must ever remain face to face
with a fact that calls for explanation, viz. the exist-
ence of matter itself. Ehren if it could decisively
prove Laplace's hypothesis, according to which all
portions of this universe, earth, sun, and the whole
stellar system, originally made up a single nebular
mass, there would still remain the very reasonable
question, whence came this mass and what vras its
origin? Now this is precisely the question cosmology
asks; and in seeking the answer it has given rise to
many systems which can always be brought under one
of the following headings: (a) Monism; (b) the theory
of Transitive Emanation; (c) Oreationism. (a) The
Monist theory la that all beings in the worfd are but
one and the same necessary and eternal substance
having within itself the sufficient reason of its exist-
ence; while the seeming diversity of thing? and their
attributes, are but the various manifestations and
evolutions of this sinele substance. Pantheism iden-
tifies the world with ttie Divine Being. This Being is
ceaselessly in process of evolution; which, however, in
no wise disturos the universal identity of things. The
Pantheist is either an Idealist or a Kealist according
to the view he takes of the nature and character of the
original substance. If that substance is real he is
styled a Realist, and such were Eri^na, Amalric,
David of Dinant, Giordano Bruno, and Spinoza. But
if the original substance is something iaeal, e. g. the
Ego, the Absolute, the Concept, he is styled an Ideal-
ist, and such were Hegel, Schelling, and Fichte.
Kraus and Tiberghien support the Pantheistic view:
God is in the worid and the world is in God, although
they are not identical. Schopenhauer devised a form
of Pantheism which is known as Pantheliam. Ae-
cordinp to his view the motive force of the whole uni-
verse is a single blind will. Hartmann goes a step
farther and says the world is but the constant evolu-
tion of the unconscious: hence the name Pai^ylism.
Modem Materialists, such as BOchner, H&ckel, B&-
ruch, as well as the old Greek Atomists, Leucippus,
Democritus, and Epicurus, consider all the activities
of the universe as so many purely material phenomena
arising from one necessary and eternal substance.
Lastly, according to the supporters of the Immanent
Emanation theory, the Divine Being develops within
itself so that it is continually identifying itself with
the beings it evolves, or that come forth from it, just as
the grub maintains its substantial identity throughout
its transformation into chiysaliB and butterfly. It is
clear that such a theory hardly differs from Pantheism.
(b) In the Transitive Emanation theory all beings
issue from the Divine Substance much in the same
way as new fruits appear on the parent tree witiiout
changing its substance and without diminishing its
E reductive power, (c) Oreationism is the view neld
y the generalitv of spiritualistic philosophers. The
universe through its endless transformations reveals
its contingency: that is to say, its existence is not a
necessity: therefore it must have received its exist-
ence from some other being. This first cause must be
a necessary and independent one, unless we admit an
infinite series of dependent causes and so leave un-
solved the problem of the world's existence. God has,
therefore, drawn all things from nothingness by the
free act of His Almighty Will ; in a word, He has made
them out of nothing, since any other explanation,
e. g. Emanationism, which implies a real intrinsie
change in God, is incompatible with the immutability,
necessity, and absolute perfection of the Drvine T
OOBMOUKIT
415
OMUOLOaT
T*hs eonatUiterU causes of the loorkL — ^The compoBH
tion of corporeal beings* is also the subject of much
discussion. There are actually four systems of note,
each promising to solve this delicatie problem: Mech-
anism; Hylomorphism (the Scholastic system);
Dynamic Atomism; and Dynamism proper.
The characteristic tendency of Mechanism, L e. of
the mechanical theory, is to disr^sard all qualitative
dififerenoe in natural phenomena and to emphasise
their quantitative differences. That is to say, in this
system the constituent matter of all corporcau beingB
is everywhere the same and is essentially homogene-
ous; aU the forces animating it are of the seme nature;
they are simply modes of local motion. Further-
more, there is no internal principle of finalitjr; in the
world everything is determined by mechanical laws.
To explain all cosmic phenomena, nothing is needed
but mass and motion; so that all the differences ob-
servable between corporeal beings are merelv differ-
ences in the amount of matter and motion. Mechan-
ism appeals especially to the law of the correlation of
forces m nature and of the mechanical e(juivalent of
heat. Heat, we know, does work; but it consumes
itself in proportion to its own activity. In like man-
ner mechaxucal causes produce heat and grow weaker
in proportion to the intensity of their effect. So it is
witii all corporeal energy; one form may be substi-
tuted for another, but the quantity of the new force
will be always equivalent to the quantity of the force
that has disappeared. Having in this wav identified
mechanical force with motion, the holders of this
theory felt authorized to unify all forces and reduce
them to lo<»l motion; and it was then an easy step
to consider substance as homogmeous since its only-
use is to serve as a background for phenomena.
Other arg;uments are drawn from chemistry, espe-
cially from the facts of isomerism, polymerism, uid
allotropism.
The mechanical theory is of ancient origin.
Amongst its earliest partisans were Thales, Anaxi-
mander, and Heraelitus. whose chief concern was to
prove the derivation ot the worid from one simple
primitive substance. Empedodes, however, held out
for four elements — air, earth, water, fire. But D&-
mocritus, and later Epicurus, suppressed this dis-
tinction between the elements, proclamied the essential
homogeneity of nu&tter, and referred the variety of
natural phenomena to differences of motion. After
the time of Epicurus (270 b. c,\ this sjrstem disap*
peared from philosophical thought for sixteen cen-
turies. Restored by Descartes, it soon won the favour
of most scientists, and it is still dominant in scientific
research. Tlie Cartesian philosophy was a restate-
ment of the two basic principles of the old theorr, the
homogeneity of nature and the reduction of all forces
to terms of motion; but it got new vigour by contact
with the natural sciences, especially phvsics and chem-
istry; hence the name Atomism (q. v.) by which it is
usually known. It should, however, be noted that
there are two Atomisms, the one purely chemical, the
other philosophicaL According to the former all sim-
ple bodies are made up of atoms, L e. of particles so
small that no chemicu force known to us can divide
them, but which have all the properties of visible
bodies. Atoms form groups of two or four or some-
times more; these small tenacious groups, known as
chemical molecules coalesce in physical molecules, and
from these in turn are built up the material bodies we
■ee around us. Tlie materiid oody th us results from a
proeressive aggregation of molecules, and the very
smalleet portion of it that is endowed with the proper-
ties of the compoimd contains many atoms of vanous
species, since by definition the compound results
from the union of numerous elements. On this ato-
mic theory, independent as such of all philosophical
systems, was grafted during the last century that
philoeophical Atomism which, while ascribing to all
atoms the same nature, differentiates them only by
varying amounts of mass and motion.
Another eicplanation of the material world is offered
by Dynamism. If Mechanism attributes extension to
matter and complete passivity to corporeal substances,
Dynamism sees in the worid only simple forces, unex-
tended, yet essentially active. There is nothing
strange in the antithesis of these two systems. The
Dynamism of Leibnis — it was he who propounded it —
was but a reaction against the Mechanism of Descar-
tes. To these two matrix-ideas oi unextended, active
forces the majority of Dynamists add the principle of
actio in distans. They soon found out that points
without extension can touch only by completely
merging the one with the other, and on their own
hypothesis the points in contact would amount to
nothing more than a mathematical point which could
never gjve us even the illusion of apparent extension.
To avoid tiiis pitfall, the Dynamists bethought them
of considering all bodies as aggregates of force unex-
tended indeed but separated by intervals from one an-
other. Conceived by Leibnis, who held the monads
to be dowered with an immanent activity, this system
has been amended and modernised by Father Bos-
covich, Kant, Father Palmieri, Father Carbonelle,
Him, and Father Leroy. On the whole it has found
few supporters ; scientists as a rule prefer the mechan-
ical view. It would seem, however, that a reaction
towards it has set in since the discovery of the radio-
activity of matter. The property manifested by a
considerable number of bodies of emitting at ordinary
temperatures a seemingly- inexhaustiMe quantity of
electric ra^ suggests the idea that matter is a focus of
energy wmch tends to diffuse itself in space. But in
point ol fact there are only two arguments in favour of
Dynamism. One is drawn from the difficulties of
grasping the concept of extension ; the other from the
ract that all we know of matter comes to us through its
action on our oigans of sense ; hence the inference that
force Is the only thing existing apart from ourselves.
Between these two extrones stands the Scholastic
theory, known as Hylomorphism, or theory of matter
and form (p\% matter; fi»p^, form), also as the Aris-
totelean theory, and later as the Hiomistic theonr
from the name of its 'principal defender in the Middle
Ages. Aristotle (384--322 B. c), who was its author,
gave it a large place in his treatises on physics and on
metaphysics. It was discussed during centuries in
the Peripatetic and neo-Platonic schoMs and in the
schools of Constantinople and Athens; but from the
sixth century to the tw^th, though its essential prin-
ciples survived, it was an insignificant factor in philo-
sophic thought. An exception, however, must be
made in favour of Avioenna in the East (980-1037)
and of Averroes in Spain (1126-1198), both famous
commentators on the Aristotelean encyclopedia. In
the thirteenth century, the Goldoi Age of Scholasti-
cism, the system was restored, thanks to a number of
Latin translations, and its long-forgotten treasures
were brought to light bv daring prospectors, such as
Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus. St. Thomas
Aquinas. St. Bonaventure, and Henry of Ghent. Dur-
ing the rourte^ith and fifteenth centuries the cosmo-
logical theory, and indeed the whole Scholastic sys-
tem, suffered a decline which lasted till the nineteenth
century, thou^ during the interval it found ardent
supporters in some of the religious orders. The res-
toration movement began about the middle of the
nineteenth century with the works of Kleutgen (1811-
1883); Sansevenno (1811-1865), and Liberatore
(1810-1892); but it was especially owing to the im-
pulse given it by the famous Encyclical of Leo XIII,
"iBtemi Patris^' (1879), that Scholasticism regained
its place of honour beside the great modem systems.
liie Scholastic theory can be summed up in the fol-
lowing propositions: (l) Bodies both elementi^ and
conqpound have an essential unity; they differ spe-
QMwajoar
416
008MOL0OT
cifically, and are by their very nature extended; (2)
they possess powers or enerpea both paasive and ac-
tive which spring from their substantial nature and
are inseparable from it; (3) they have an immanent
tendency toward certain sp^ual ends to be realiied by
the exercise of their native energies. The basic prin-
dole of this cosmology is that of immanent finality.
Tne corporeal world is a masterpiece of order and har-
mony. In spite of ceaseless transformations, eveiy
species of body, simple and oomposite alike, reappeara
again and again with its characteristic properties to
f urUier the well-bein^ of the individual and of the uni-
verse as a whole. !Now this constant and harmonious
co-operation of inniunerable causes acting under con-
ditions the most diverse can only be explained, sav the
Sdlolastics, by admitting in the matenal agents tnem-
selves fixed and permanent principles of order. The
universe must therefore be composed of specific na-
tures, L e. of beings which by tneir constitution and
properties are real^ adapted to the ends they have to
attain. Substance and its distinctive eneigies fonn a
whole which is completely subordinated to its ap>
pointed destiny; so tnat if serious alterations, such as
chemical combinations, succeed in affecting these
properties and in marring the harmony that ou^t to
exist between them and their substantial base, the
being so affected must put on a new nature in har-
mony with its new state. There takes place, in other
woros, what the Scholastics call a substantial trans-
formation. But this implies that an essential portion
of the original being must persist throughout the
change, ana be carried over into the final result, other-
wise transformation would involve the annihilation of
the first being and the production of the second out of
nothing. On the other hand» if we hold that during
the process the being in question doea not lose its own
specific difference in exchange for another, it would be
iUc^ical to speak of a transformation, since a change
which preserves the substantial integrity of the being
can never have as its result the production of a new
being. All bodies, then, that are subject to such a
change must contain, in spite of their unity, two con-
stituent principles. The one is a specifsring or deter-
mining principle whence spring the actuality and dis-
tiT>giiiahing marks of the bodj itself; and it is this
principle which is bom and dies at evei^y step in the
deeper transformations of matter. It is called sub-
stantial form. The other, the indeterminate comple-
ment of this, is the substratum which receives the
various essential forms; and it is called first matter.
Tliese are the fundamental ideas in the Scholastic
theory.
As a system it is not at every point the direct anti-
thesis of the two other systems outlined above. It is
true that, while Mechanism claims that the proper-
ties of bodies are nothing but local motion, the Scho-
lastics admit the existence of qualities properly so
called in all bodies, i. e, accidental determinations,
fixed and destined for action. These properties are
generated with the new substance; they clii^ to it
mdissolubly during its existence and they are its nat-
ural manifestation. But, on the other hand, the
Scholastics concede to tiie mechanical theoiy that
local motion pli^ a large part in the world, that it is
the accompaniment and the measure of every exertion
of material force. Hence they give Mechanism credit
for assigning a quantitative value to the phenom^ia of
nature by measuring the movement proportionate to
each ; while, on their side, they explain the activity at
work in eacn case by taking into account the qualita-
tive elements as well as ihe kinetic. Again, with the
mechanical theory the Scholastic recognises in eveiy
corporeal being an essential principle of passivity, of
inertia, divisibility, and extension — in a word, oi all
the properties so highly prized by Mechanism; this
principle is first matter. But the Scholastic theory
adds a .substantial form, i. e. a determining prineipb
and a rooi-oause of the activities and peouliar tendeo-
cies di^layed by each individual body.
A similar partial agreement exists between Q6tu>-
lastioism and Dsmamism. In the hyk>mor|rfue consti-
tution of bodies the dynamic element has a preponder-
ating role, reprosoiteid by the substantial lorm; but
since thecorporeal being does not appear to be a source
of energy pure and simple, the <^^namic dement is
joined with first matter, of which passiyi^ and exten-
sion are the natural outcome.
A fourth and last sjrstem is called Dynamic Aton^
ism. The oidy real difference between it and Mechan-
ism Kes in the fact that it attributes to bodies f orees
distinct from local motion; but at the same tune it
maintains that they are purely mechanical f otves.
Matter, it asserts, is homogeneous and the atom in-
capable of transformation. This theory, proposed by
Martin and Tongioigi, and upheld nowaoays by cer-
tain scientists, is a transition oetween the mewfcnical
and the Scholastic system. Its partisans, in fact, are
persuaded that a theory which denies the reality of
oualitative energies inherent in matter and reduces
tnem to local motion thereby makes the true explana-
tion of natural phenomena impossible and hands over
the universe to the whims of diance. Some I>yna-
mists, therefore, to meet the obvious reouirements of
order in the world, seek in substance itself the reasons
of its secondary principles of activity. But in this
hypothesis it seems rather hard not to admit, as the
Scholastics maintain, that diversity of substance is the
only explanation of the constancy observed in the
accidential differences of things.
The final cauae of the material univerm, — Tlie last
problem that cosmolo^ attempts to solve is that of
the final cause. It is mtimatefy bound up with that
of the first cause. Materialists like H&ckei and BOch-
ner, who refuse to see in the universe a jAan or a pur-
pose, can assign no goal to cosmic evolution. In tnetr
opinion, just as the worid, during its eternal past, has
undeigone countless variations in form, so durin^its
eternal future it is destined to ceaseless change. J^ie
laws <rf mechanics, the chance encounter of atoms and
molecules, the capricious play of natural foroes follow-
ing no preconceived aim, will determine the number,
nature, and form of the states through whidi matter is
to pass. Pantheists and all who identify God with
matter share as a rule the same view. For them the
condition of the world is but the fatal result of pur-
poseless evolution; so that the worid is its own end,
or rather is itself the term of its existence and activity.
Those who believe in the existence of a personal
God can never admit that an all-wise being created
without a purpose. And since a perfect and inde-
pendent bem^ can have no other than himself as the
final aim of his action, it follows that the ultimate end
of creation is to manifest the glory of the Creator, man
being the intermediaiy, and, as it were, the high-priest
of the material world. The welfare of man hims^ is
the secondary purpose of creation. According to St.
Thomas the worid is a vast hierarchy of whidi inor-
ganio matter is the base and man the summit. The
mineral order mimstere to the vegetable and this in
turn to the animal, ^riiile man finds in all these the
satisfaction of his needs and the adornment of his
earthly life. Above all he finds in the material uni-
verse and in the service it renders him a means of tis-
ing to perfect happiness in the possession of God.
JtiatorieB of PhUoaophy by Turner (Boston, 1908), Ubbeb-
wao (tr. Morris, New York, 1903). StOckl <tr. FirruiT, Dab-
lin, 1903): Lamoe, Hialary of MattriaKmn (Lcipnc 1806);
Aristotle. Phyatet^ MeUmh^aicB' Saint Thomas, iStunaia
Theal., Contra GentOes, De Ente H BasnttiA; T. Pbscr, huHtw
tumea philoaophia naturaiia (Frmburg im Br.. 1880); Idrm. Die
gro$aen Wdtrmhael (FraborK im Br.. 1883); Laboosbb, PrmU^-
tionea metaphyncat (Lou vain, 1887--89), llj Nts, Cotmoloffie
(Louvain, 1904); Gxttberlet, Naturphuoaophie (MQntter,
1894); John Rickabt, Oeneral M^laphyne (New York, 1900);
Hartsr. TU MOaphyaie* of ika Sdboo£ .(London, 187»-M).
D. Nm
OOSflA
417
008TA
Oo88«, Francesco, known sometimes as del CJqs-
BA, Italian painter of the Sehool of Perrara, b. about
1430; d. probably at Ferrara, 1485. Cossa is noted
espeeiall^r for his fresco work. The first reooid we
have of him is in 1466 when he was an assistant to his
father, Cristofano del Cossa, at that time emr^oved in
painting the carving and statues on the hign altar in
the cfaa^l of the bishop's palace at Ferrara. Cossa
after this worked in conjimction with Cosimo Tura,
decorating the summer retreat known as the Sdii-
faooia, and of the frescoes whieh remain, t^ree can be
safely ascribed to him. They illustrate the manners
and dress of the period and are rich in architectural
details, somewhat less decorative and less fantastic
than those of Tura, but stronger and grander than the
latter's work. Considering himself, however, insuf-
ficiently remunerated by Duke Borso, Cossa left Fer-
rara for Bologna in 1470, where he obtained many
commissions imder the BentivG^li. Here he painted
his two masterpieces, one, the Viigin and Child with
two saints and a portrait of Alberto de' Catanei. pro-
duced in 1474; the other, the fresco of the Maaonna
del Baracano, representing the Vimn and Child with
the portraits of Giovanni BentivogHo and Maria Vin-
ziguerra, painted in 1472. In these works Cossa r^'
v^ds himself as a painter of great power and ori^al-
ity, stately in his conceptions, grand and massive in
portraiture, broad in modelling, simple and severe in
composition. In the National Gallery there is a fine
picture bjr him representing St. Vincent Ferrer, an
"Annunciation", in the Dresden collection, which has
been attributed to Pollajuolo, and a fine profile por-
trait at Locko Park near Derby, said to represent
Duke Ercole I of Ferrara. He executed some glass
paintings in Bolo^m, the best of which is a beautiful
circular window, in the church of San Giovanni in
Monte, representing St. John in Patmos; this bears
his signature.
Brinton, 7%« Renaiaaanee in Halian Art (London, 1898);
KvmMB,TKe Italian SchooU of PdinUn^ (London, 1900); Mai-
VASIA, FtUina PiUrioe (Bologna, 1678); Masini, Bologna
PerlaatrcUa (Bologna, 16S6) ; Gutda di Boloffnan7S2).
Gborob Charles Williambon.
Ooflta, LoRSNSO, Ferrarese painter, b. at Ferrara
in 1400; d. at Mantua in 1535. He is believed to
have been a pupil of either Tura or Cossa. At the
age of twenty-three Costa established himself at
Bologna, under the patronage Of the Bentivogli fam-
ily, in the same workshop as Franoia. The two men
were much influenced by each other; Francia worked
as a goldsmith^ but Costa had the greater imagina-
tion, wider knowledge, and more pjerfect skill in draw-
ing. It is probable that his coming to Bologna was
the cause of Francia's change of craft, and that but
for this friendship the greater man would have re-
mained all his life a goldsmith. Costa's earliest work
in Bologna is the fresco in San Giaoomo Maggiore
(1480); his matest, the altar-piece in San Giovanni
in Monti (1497). The two friends united in painting
the altar-piece for the church of the Misericordia, the
centre and upper part of which still remain in Bolo-
gna, while the predella by Costa is at Milan. They
worked for the same patrons, decorated the same
walls of palace, church) and oratorv, and both suf-
fered when Bentivogli was driven from Bologna in
1509, and his palaoe became a heap of ruins. Costa
then passed into the service of the Gonsaga fam-
ily at Mantua. His work can be well studied in
^logna, but there are pictures by him also in
Milan, Berlin, London, and Paris. His early frescoes
are in the Schifanoia in Ferrara, and some of his
latest in the SchSilcheria Castle at Mantua. He him-
self enf^aved more than one plate alter his pictures.
HiB paintings are ver^ much m the style of those by
Francia, but the subjects are treated in a freer and
more pictureeoue manner. The colouring is always
CDflTgetie, the neads of the figures well modelled and
IV.— 27
full of expression, the architectural backgrounds rich,
varied, and accurate, and the perspective thoughtful
and well planned. The draperies in Costa's work are
far less hard than those in Francia's, and fall in easy
and not in rigid folds.
Uauvabia, FMua PUirica (BolofEoa, 1678); Oblakdi.
Abbec€dano PtUartco (Bolofsna, 1719); Oeetti, unpabliBhed
NoMH>ok9 in the Arcinnaasio library, Bologna; Wxluaiibon,
Francia in BuHingtonFiM Arts Club's CataloQue (1S04): Brtak,
Diet, of Pointert and Engmvert (New York, 1903), b. y.
Gborqe Chajeiles Willbucbon.
Oostadoni, Giovanni Domenioo, frequently known
as Dom Anselmo. his name in relinon, an Italian
Camaldolese monk, historian, and tneologian, b. 6
October, 1714, at Venice; d. 23 Januaiy, 1785, in the
same city. The son of a rich merchant, he sacrificed
at an early date his prospects of success in the world
and took the religious habit at St. Michaers monas-
tery, situated on toe island of Muzano in the Venetian
lagoon. Here he studied philosophy and theology
with more than usual success. At the age of twenty*
three he revealed his literary ability in a letter (Let-,
tera critica) written in defence of certain Camaldolese
writers, who had been attacked by Giusto Fontanini
in his ''Library of Italian Eloquence''. Costadoni
subsequently collaborated for eighteen years with the
learned Mittarelli in the publication of the "Annales
Camaldulenses" (Venice, 1755-73). Some archajolog-
ical paapexs due to his pen, such as '' Dissertaziond
sopra il pesce come simbolo degli antichi cristiani",
were published in the voluminous collection of histor-
ical essays edited by Caloger^, a moi^ of the same
order. His works also include: " Awisi ed istruzioni
pratiche intomo ai principali doveri de' regolari''
(Faenaa, lt70; Venice, 1771); "Lettereconsolatorie"
(Venice, 1 775) ; " Lettere sopra questione teologiche "
(Venice, 1773). Coatadom's unpublished manu-
scripts were transferred, after his death, to St. Greg-
ory's monastery at Rome, by order of the Camaldo-
lese abbot, Mauro Cappellari (later Pope Gregoiy
Manoxuj. Delia vita e deMi acritti di A. CoatadoniCV eu'ice^
1787); PicoT. MemaiTes (Paris, 18555, V. 470: Hurter.
Nommdaior, HI, 376.
N. A. Wbbsr.
Oosta Bicft, Republic or, a narrow isthmus be-
tween Panama on the east and the Republic of Nica-
ragua on the north, the Caribbean Sea on the north-east
and the Pacific Ocean on the south-west. Between
latitudes north 9^ and 11° and longitudes west of Green-
wich 83° and 86^ itsarea is calculated at 18,400 square
miles; the population in 1905 is given as 334,307, be-
sides 3500 Indians. The principal city is San Jos^ the
capital, with 24,500 inhabitants; next comes Cartago
with 7800» then Heredia with 7151. There are two
ports on the Atlantic and two on the Pacific coast.
Aiountsan ehidns travenle the territory in many direc-
tions, but the principal one runs throu^ the whole
lengtii from north-west to south-east. Its tallest peak
is called ''Pieo Blanco'' and rises to 11,800 feet above
sea4evel. Costa Riea has six, partly active, volca-'
noes among which the tallest (Irazu) rises to a height
of 11,600 feet and has been dormant for many years.
The surface is in general ver^ much broken, the moun-
tains are eruptive or volcanic, and sedimentary depos^
its abut against them at a lower level. Many
streams, some of which are navigable for a short disn
tance, water the territory. The Pacific coast has two
handsome gulfs: Nicoya in ihe north, and the Golfo
Dulce near t^e frontier of Pftnama4
TThe climate is tropical. There are but two seasons :
winter or the dry, and summer or the wet, season..
Altitude and dimate divide the country into three
■ones, the hot that rises from the shores on both sides
to about 3000 feet; the temperate (between 3000 and
7500) , and the cold higher up. Snowfalls, even on the
bluest summits, are veiy rare; the mean temperature
OOSTA
418
CXMTA
of the hot section is stated as varying between 72^ and
82® Fahr; of the temperate zone, from 57** to 78 de-
grees. Mahogany, cedar, rosewood and other pre-
cious woods for building and decorative purposes are
scattered through its forests, also dye-woods. Medio*
inal plants are numerous and india-rubber of the spe-
cies called CastiUoa elasHca. Among resinous plants
copal and the Myroxylum, producing Peru ana tolu
balsams, abound. The chief agricultural products are
coffee, bananas, tobacco, cocoa. Cotton and indigo are
also raised. Most of the cultivated plants were im-
ported from Europe by the Spaniards. Nearly if
not all larger mammals of the torrid zones of America
are found. To entomologists Costa Rica is a rich
field. There are mines of gold, silver, copper and
lead. Gold was discovered as early as Cfoiumbus'
last voyage in 1502, and the number of gold ornaments
found in the hands of the Indians, as well as the auri-
ferous sands of the rivers, §ave the newly discovered
country its name Costa Rica, "the rich coast''. In
1815 the rich gold district of Monte del Aguacate was
^t brought to notice by Bishop Garcia of Nicaragua
and Leon. No general mining statistics exist. Min-
ing laws are rather confused, being a mixture of former
Spanish ordinances with modem amendments. But
mining-machinery is imported free of duty and
neither the Government nor municipalities levy any
^xes on mining property.
Costa Rica became independent of Spain in 1821 and
was a member of the Central American confederacy
from 1824 to 1848 when that confederacy was dis-
solved. In 1870-1871 a constitution was adopted
which has been modified repeatedly since. The exe-
cutive head of the republic is a president^ but t^ere
have been several dictators. The president is elected,
for four years, indirectly through electors chosen hy
the people, and cannot serve a second term. He is
assisted by four secretaries. There is no vice-presi-
dent. In case of the inability of the president to dis-
charge his duties, he is replaiced by one of three per-
sons designated by Congress, at the first session in each
presidential term. . Congress consists of only one
house. Its members are also indirectly diosen by the
people for four years, one member for every 8000 in-
habitants, and one-half are elected every two years.
Members of the supreme court of juraoe are ap-
pointed by Congress. The territory is divided poUti^
cally into five provinces at the head of each of which is
a governor appointed by the president. Costa Rica
has a civil coae, a oode of civil procedure and, since
1888, a judiciary law. Trial by jury takes place cmly
in criminal cases.
By the Constitution, art 51., "The Catholic Apos-
tolic Roman is the reUgion of the state which contrib-
utes to its maintenance without impeding the exercise
in the republic of any other religion not opposed to
universal morality and good behaviour'^ (bwmas eo^
tumbrea). By the Concordat (7 October, 1852) the
jurisdiction previously exercised from the time of the
.Spanish occupation by the ecclesiastieal authorities in
litigations involving Church possessions or the tern*
pond rights of the Church, passed over to the civil tri**
Dimals, but it was stipulated at the same time that, in
the courts of the second and the third instance, legal trial
of criminal cases involving priests required the assist-
ance as judicial assessors Si ecclesiastics nominated by
the bishop. In 1908, no Apostolic delegate having
been appointed for Costa Rioa since the year 1882,
Pius A communicated to the republic his wish to re-
establish the delegation there. The republic's repre-
sentative at the Vatican answered that the govern-
ment welcomed the idea, and begged His Hohness to
give the new delegate the character of envoy to the
republic, to which the pope assented. The envoy-ex-
traordinary and Apostolio delegate named was Mgr.
Giovanni Cagliera, titular Archbishop x>f Sebaste.
Up to 1850 the Bie^op of Leon (Nicaragua) was ako
administrator of Costa Rica. The first Bishop of
Costa Rica» Anselmo Llorente y Laf uente, was conse-
crated in Guatemala, 7 Septembori 1851, and installed
5 January, 1852. Bishop B. A. Thiel (b. at Elber-
feld, 1850; d« at. San Joa^ 1901) a Lasarist, who was
professor of theology in Ecuador and banished for de-
fending the Jesuits, was appointed Bishop of San Jos^
in 1880. He was an explorer, a student of Indian
languages, and the founder of an ethnographic and
bioloeieal museum at San Joe^. He translated a num-
ber of religious works from German into Spanish and
wrote "I(Eomas de loe Indies"; "Viajes" (1897) and
"Dates cronoL para la Hist, ec.®* de Costa Rica".
There are forty-two parishes in the republic. The St.
Vincent de Paul eonferenoes are very active. In 1899
they had 1S96 members. In San Joa^ there are six.
Women's St. Vincent de Paul auxiliaries are organised
in nearly all the cities. In 1899 they distributed $26,-
208. Since the Plenary Council of Latin America
(1899) 8pon9alia (see Betrothal.) to be valid must be
publidy recorded. In 1890 the public treasurv con-
tributed 19,404 pesos to the sup^rt of the Cnurch.
Primary education is free and compulsory. Its im-
mediate direction bdongs to the municipalities, the
national ex^utive, hojnrever, reserves the right of gen-
eral supervision. Art. 53 of the Constitutioa permits
every Costa Rican to give or to receive what instruc-
tion he pleases in any educational establishment not
supported by public funds. The budget of public
instruction rose from 137,677.77 in 1890 to 235,203
pesos in 1002, when there were six higher scboola, one
normal school, and 306 primary schools, the latter,
with 17,746 pupils.
After Costa Kica was discovered by Columbus in
1502, Diego de Nicuesa attempted to oolonize it in
1509, but it was fourteen years later when Francisco
HemandC2 made a settlement in the country, and its
conquest was only gradually perfected after 1526.
Several tribes of the isthmus spoke a language alliod to
the (Jhibcha of Colombia. Amon^ these, it seems
that the Talamancas and Guavmis were the most
prominent. The former held the eastern coast, ex-
tending to the boundary of Nicaragua, the latter lived
mostly in what is now the Republic of Panama. A
tribe, to which the Spanish name of VaUerUes has been
§^ven, also belonged to Costa Rica. In culture, espe-
cially in the working of gold and silver, the Guaymis
resembled the Chibcha. All these aborigines were
grouped in small independent tribes and t£eir resist-
ance to the European invaders was protracted rather
by natural obstacles than thrQ^gn actual power.
During Spanish colonial times Costa Rica had sixty-
two successive rulers, — governors (adelantados), etc
and was regarded as a provinee of Guatemala.
THUBii, La laUna CaUolita 09» Coata Rica in ReviHa de e. I. en
d Siglo XIX (San Jos^. 1902). For the earliest period of du-
CO very and Spanish colonisation of Goeta Rica, the letten of
OoKimbus are indispenaable. Additfotud infoimation is given
by NikVAaiieTK, CUeccion de Vwoea v DeteubrimimloB (Madrid,
1829). OvisDO. Hist, general (Madrid, 1S50): Gouara. HU-
ioria general de Uu Jnd%aa (Antwerp, 1654); FfeitvXvbEX, Hi»-
faria de Co»ia Riea dwrxnU la dotninaeidn eepaflola (Madrid,
1889); MouNA, Botauejo de Coeta Rioa (London, 1851);
CAhyQ.Republica de Cotta Rica (San Jos^, 1887): Feralta,
Conta Rica^ Nicaragua y Panamd en d eiglo XVI (Madrid and
Paris, 1883); Idem. Uoata Rioa y Cdombia, de 157S A liSl
(Bladrid. 1886); VxiiiAVzcKNCio, Republica de Coda Rioa (San
Joe^, 1886); Pxttzkb, Apuntamientos aobre d Clima y Oeogmfia
de la Repijhlioa de Costa Rioa (San Joe^, 189(0; MoRKixyr. Vey-
aae dana VAmtrurm eentraU (Paris, 1851^); Bbllt, A '
tf A < • ' • /D^^_ 1 OTON. TIT ^ ._ka««
VAmirimie emUnde (Paris, 1872); WaoMbb. l>io Hmblik t
CoBta Rtca in Central Amedka (Leipiig, 1856); von ScHuuEa,
Wanderunaen durch die MitUlamerikanigi0ien Prristaaten
(Brunswick, 1857): Frobbbi., Aue Amerika (Leipsis. 1857-
1858); Squibb, The Statet of Central America (Naw York.
1858), The numerous official reports by the Govenunent and
consular reports of U. S. officifds; Bureau of American Repub-
lics, Costa Rica (Washinnrton, 1892). On linguistiGs: Lunswia,
Literakue of Ameriean Aboriffinal LanffuagM (London, 1858);
BiONTON. The American Race (New York. 1891): FbrnXndki,
Dociimentoa para la hint, de Coeta Rica (San Jose, 1881-1886):
DXtila, Teatro ee,^ de la primitiva igleeia de Uu Indiae oodd.
(Madrid. 1649).
An. F. Bandsuss.
OOaTBE
419
OOSTUMX
OoBtar, Francis, theologian, b. at MeohUn, 16 June,
1532 (1531); d. at Brussels, 16 December, 1619. He
was received iato the Society of Jesus by St. Ignatius,
7 Novexx^er, 1552, While still a young man he was
sent to Cologne to lecture on Sacred Scripture and
astroncmiy. His reputation as a professor was estab*
lished within a very abort time, and on the 10th of
December,' 1564, the university of Cologne conferred
on him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and The-
ology. He was ever ready to defend the teaching of
the Catholic Church, which at this period was engs^ed
in the struggle with heresy, ana by word and by
writing he broug|it man^ back to the true fold. He
was for two terms provmcial of the province of Bel-
gium, for one term provincial of that of the Rhine, and
assisted at three general congregations of his order.
The catalogue of his writings {pe Backer, I, 218) men-
tions forty>two titles. They include works on ascet-
ical subjerts, meditations on the Blessed Virgin, and
sermons jn the Gospel for each Sunday of the year.
Probably the most famous was his " Eilchiridion oon-
troversiarum pneoipuarum nostri temporis de Re-
l^one' (Colore. 1585, 1587, 1589, 1593). This was
afterwards revised and enlarg^ by its author in 1596,
1605, 1608 ; and was translated into various languages.
To eath. of the attacks made upon it by Protestant
writers, such as Philip Bfarbach, Franeiscus Oommar,
Lucas Osiander, Coster gave an able r^Iy. His works
directed against these opponents are entitled: '' Liber
de Ecclesia contra Fraaciscum Gommarum " J^Cologne,
1604); ''Apologia adversus Lucce Osiandri heeretici
lutherani refutationum octo propositioinum catho«
licarum" (Cologne, 1606) ; '' Annotationes in N. T,et an
pnecipua loea, quae n9ipi x>ossant in controversiam"
(Antwerp, 1614).
HtJBTEB, Nbmen. Lit., 1, 209; Dk Bacxsr, Bibt. d€» Eeri-
vaifu delacde J.; Son mxrvoobl, BiM. de la e. de J.. II, 1510 ;
Rose, Si. Ignaliua Loycia and Early JesuiU, 342. 3413.
G. E. Kelly.
OoBtume, Clerical. — To discuss the ouesticm of.
ecclesiastical costume in any detail would oe impossi-
ble in an article like the ))resent. No topiq has
fonned the subject of so many synodal enactments,
and in almost every country and every order of the
cdexgy we find distinctive features which might call for
Bpedai treatment. Only the broad outlines can there-
fore be dealt with here, it may be noted.'however, that
the more prominent items of clerical attire, e. g.
Birbtta; Mantblbtta; etc., have separate articles
assigned to them.
Hittary, — ^It seems that in the early centuries of
C!hriBtianity no distinctive dress was adopted by eo*
deaiatftics. Many indications point- to this conclu-
sion, e. g. the laamat or birrtw, and (civil) dalmatic,
aasocmted with the martyrdom of St. Cyprian. The
most explicit testimony is that afiforded by a letter of
Pope Celestine in 428 to certain bishops of Gaul, in
which he rebukes them for wearing attire which made
them oon^iouous, and lays down the rule that "we
[the bishops and deigvl should be distinguished from
the eommon people [pleoe] by our leaining, not by our
clothes; by our conduct, not by our dress; by clean-
ness of mind, not by the care we spend upon our per-
80n" (Mansi, "Concilia*', IV, 466). In the East it
would seem to have been the custom for aseeties and
philosophers, whether Christian or not, to affect a
special habit, but the Christian clergy generally did
not profess asceticism in this distinctive Way, and
were content to wear the birrua Wpot) like tlie laity
about them. This usage a dmon of the Council of
Gangra (340), especiallv when it is taken in conjimc-
tioa with other facts (ef. Sosomen, III, 14), distinctly
approves. " If any man'', says this oouncU, " uses the
pallium [cloak] upon account of an aaoetie life, and, ss
if there be some noliness in that, condemns those who
with reverence use the birrus and other gannente that
ace commonly worn, let him be anatbtfnaf^ (Hefele-
Lecleroq, *'lli8t.desCk>uc.",1, 1037). At the othei- ex-
tremity of Christendom the documents that survive
concerning St. Patrick and other early Celtic bishops
present them to us as habitually dressed in the casiua
(<diasuble), which was at that tune not a distinctively
liturgical attire, but simply an outer garment com-
monfy^ worn by the humbler classes. In the sixth and
following centuries we find that in Rome and in coun-
tries near Rome the civil dress of the clergy began
markedly to differ from that of the laity, the reason
probably beLos that the former adhered to the old
Homan type of costume with its long tunic and vol-
uminous doak, representing the toga, whereas the
laity were increasingly incUned to adopt the short
tunic, with breeches and mantle, of the gena braccata,
i. e. the Northern barbarians, who were now the mas^
tere of Italy. Probably this Roman influence made
itself felt to some extent throughout Western Cliristen-
dom.
The canons of the Council of Braga in Portugal
(572) required the cleigy to wear ,a vestia talaris, or
tunic, reaching to the feet, and even in farroff Britain
we find indications, both among the Celts and An^o-
Saxons, that undraped lower limbs were not regarded
as seemly in the cleigy, at any rate during their service
at the altar. During the same period synodal decrees
became gradually more frequent, restraining in vari-
ous ways the tendency of the clergy to adopt the cur-
rent f sshdon of worldly attire. By a German council
of 742, priests and deacons are bidden to wear habitu-
ally not the sagumy or short military cloak, but the
camda (chaauble), which even then had not become an
exclusivelv Uturgical dress. Perhaps the most inter-
estinff and significant enactment of this period is a let-
ter DtPope John VIII (c. 875) admonishing the Arch-
bishops of Canterbur]^ and York to see that their
clergy wore due ecclesiastical attire, and quoting the
example of the English clergy in Rome who, on the
eve of St. Gregory^ feast, had given up their short
cloaks and adopted the long Roman tunic reaching to
the feet: ''Apostolicce sententia usque adeo Sedis
prsvaluit, ut voluntarie omnes Anglorum clerici, sub
ipsis vigiliis S. Gregorii, laicalem et sinuosum, sed et .
curtum, habitum deponentes, talares tunicas Ro-
manas induerenf (Jaff6-Wattenbach, Reg. RR. PP.
2995). In the East the distinction between Isiy and
clerical costume was somewhat slower in developing
than in the West, probably because the influence or
the Teutonic invaders was less acutely felt. In Jus-,
tinian's legislation it seems clear that a distinctive
dness was recognised as belonging to monks, but there
is nothing to show that any similar distinction applied
to the clei^ at large. The Trullan council, however,
in 691 prescribed that all who were enrolled among the
clergy should use at all times the robes ((ttoKm) ap-
pointed for those of their profession, imder pain of ex-
communioation for a week. Furtnermore from the
ei^tb century onwards we find almost universally
numerous canons passed to restrain clerics from wear-
ing rich dresses, bright colours, and extravagant orna-
ments. In Germany, at Aachen, in 816 the cucuUa
was forbidden them, as being distinctive of monks.
On the other hand, at Metz, in 888, the laity were for-
bidden to wear the copes {cap-pas) belongmg to the
clergy, while in another synoa presbyters were en-
joined to wear their stoles always, as an indication of
their priesthood. Such a bishop as St. Hu^ of Lin-
coln still complied with this rule m the twelfth century
but at the present day the practice is peculiar to the
Holy Father alone.
In the later Middle Ages the dress df the clergy was
regulated by the canon law, the jva commune of the
Church at large, but with many supplementary enact-
ments passed by local synods. The Fourth Lateran
Council (1215) laid down the principle that clerics
must wear garments closed in front and free from ex-
travagance as to length (Clausa deferant desuper in-
008TUMX
420
OOBTDia
dumenta nimid brevitate vel longitudine non notanda*
— Mansi, XXII, 1006). Ornamental appendages,
cloth of red or green colour, brooches (fibulce) to fasten
their cloaJi^s, and the wearing of sleeved copes (cappce
manicaias), either at Office or at other times, are all
forbidden by the same enactment. In England, the
svnod held under Cardinal Langton, in 1222, required
tnat dignitaries and ordinary priests should be seen
abroad becomingly attired in the '* ecclesiastical
habit'*, and should use "closed copes" (Mansi, XXII,
1161). These ca'ppiB clauses seem to be prescribed as
an addition to the habitus dericalis, and were perhaps
now imposed upon the ordinary secular clergy for the
first time. In 1237 the national council, held under
the presidency of the Lesate Otho, declared that lav-
folk were scandalized aithe dress of the cleiw, which
was not cferical at all, but more suited to knipits (non
dericalis sed potius mtlitaris). Offenders m future
were to be punished, and the bishops were to see that
all in sacrea orders used garments ot fitting length and
wore closed copes. Somewhat later the legatine coun-
cil under Ottoboni insisted that all ecclesiastics,
whether in Sacred orders or not, were to wear clothes of
fitting length, coming at any rate below the middle of
the shin {saltern uUra tibiarum medium otHngenies).
Further, all priests and beneficed clergy were to wear
closed copes, except when on a journey, or for some
other just reason (Wilkins, "Concilia", II, 4). Severe
penalties were enacted against transfirressors, but they
do not seem to have produced any Tasting effect, for
numerous other decrees on the same subject were
passed in England at a later date, notably in 1281 and
in 1342. The proper dress of the medieval clergy was
therefore the vestts taJariSf and over this priests and
dignitaries were bidden to wear the cappa clauaii. The
former of these must have been a sort of cassock, but
made like a tunic, i. e. not opening, and buttoning
down the front. The wearing of the closed cope was
no doubt often evaded by the secular clergy. Such
writers as Chaucer and Langland seem to lajr so much
emphasis upon the copes of the friars that it is difficult
to believe that this mantle, resembling a liturgical
cope, but partly at least sewn up in front, was as com-
monly worn bv secular priests. That the cope was
often of consiclerable length may be gathered from a
passage in "Piers Plowman's Crede": —
His cope that biclypped him, wel clene was it
folden.
Of double-worstede y-dyght, doun to the hele.
It would seem that the closed cope has a modem
representative in the cappa magna of cardinals and
bishops, and also in the chimere (etymologically de-
scended from the Italian nmarra)^ the loose mantle
now worn bv the Anglican episcopate to which the
well known lawn sleeves are attached. The wearing
of a separate head-dress, or " coif", seems to have been
prohibited to the inferior orders of the cleivy except
when on a journey; but of course doctors oftheology
and some other graduates had their caps of honour.
Besides these we hear of the " liripipe", a sort of broad
tippet or scarf sometimes drawn over the head, some-
times worn hanging loose on the shoulders. The dress
of the cler^ in other countries did not probably differ
very greatly from that of medieval England. A»
already said, innumerable decrees were everywhere
passed in provincial synods restraining extravagances,
for every eccentric fashion — the peaked shoes, the
parti-coloured dress, the headgear of flowers, the in-
ordinately tidbt hose, etc. — ^was liable to find imitators
among the clergy. One article of costume which oc-
curs repeatedly on brasses and other funeral monu-
ments, both in England and abroad, is the "almuce",
a fur-Hned tippet and hood, still retained at Rome and
elsewhere by the canons of cathedral and collegiate
churches, and now practically confined to them. For-
merly the almuce was worn by university graduates,
and many other orders of the clergy. It is ptobaUy
only a wanner variant of the bood, whicA almost
eversrwhere survives as part of a university academi-
cal costume, and which is the familiar adjunct of the
surplice for Anglican ckfgymen when officiating in
the sanctuary. It will be readily understood that the
indescribably cold and dxaughty oonditaon of our old
cathedrals rendered some eSdi furred protection for
the head and neck almost a necessity during the long
hours of the night Offices. Naturally, the richness
and amplitude of the fur lining varied in some measure
with the dignity of the fearer. In funeral monumente
the almuce is found constantly associated with the
cope, also primarily a choir vestment.
Modem Usage, — ^Tfae modem and more centraliaed
legislation regsonding clerical costume may be eonsid-
ered to begin with a constitution of Sixtus V, in 1589,
insisting under the severest penalties that all derios,
even ^ose in minor ordera, shouU uniformly wear the
ve9ti9 talaris and go tonsured. Offenders were to loee
all tiiAe to their benefices or ttnj other emolument
which they held. Another edict issued under Urban
VIII, in 1624, goes into greater detail. It directs tiiat
the cassock shotdd be confined with a cincture, aiui
that the doak worn ov^r it should normally, like the
cassock, fall as low as the ankles. The under-dress,
the hose induded, should be modest, and dark in col-
our. All embroidery and lace upon coUar or cufiis is
forbidden. The hat shall be of apprcrved shape, and a
simple cord or ribbon shall f onn its only ornament.
Infringpsments (rf these regulations are to be punished
with a pecuniary fine. Another important Roman
decree, issued in 1708, forbade derios to wear a per-
Tucpe covering any part of the forehead or eaie and,
while admitting the use of shorter garments when on a
journey, required such garments in all cases to extoid
below the knees and to exhibit no eccentricities, such
as larae buttons and huge pockets. In 1725 Pope
Benedict XIII made the wearing of la^ costume bv an
ecclesiastic an offence of the most senous kind, which
not onlv, according to the Bull of Sixtus V, entailed
the forfeiture of aU emoluments, but denied absolu-
tion to those delinquents who did not spontaneoud^
surrender their benefices if they had been guilty of this
offence. It would seem that this extreme rigour haa
never been uphdd in practice by the Roman Congre-
gationa with whom the execution of such decrees ulti-
mately lies. Mgr. Baritiier de Montault, for example,
remancs that, althou^ infractions of the law of eccle-
siastical costume are by no means allowed to. pass with
impunity, and thou^ ''the Saoied Congr^jation of
the Council ia wont to anpport the decrees of bishops
which insist upon the wouing of the cassock, still so
far as concerns the question ctf punishment it answers
'Let the Inshop proceed with moderation'" (B. de
Montault, ''Le Costume" etc., I, 45). In English-
speaking countries where the wearing of the tonsure is
not obligatory, the rutes affecting the costume of eo-
clesiai^ics are less rigid. The decrees on the subject
of the First ^^nod of Westminster and the Thixd
Plenary Councd of Baltimore are in practical ag^ree-
ment. The latter says (§ 77), '* We wish th^efore and
enjoin that all keep the law of the Church, and that
when at home or wnen engaged in the sanctuaiy they
should always wear the cassock [vesHs talaru^ which is
proper to the clergy. When they go abroad for duty
or relaxation, or when upon a journey, they may use a
shorter dress, but still one that is black in eolour, and
which reaches to the knees, so as to distingaiBh it from
lay costume. We enjoin upon otir priests as a matter
of strict precept, that both at home and abroad, and
whether they are redding in their own diocese or out-
side of it, thev should wear the Roman collar. " The
general introduction of the use of bicydes among the
dergy has brought about a somewhat laxer practice
regarding the length of the uppo* eannents worn out
of dooffl and the Second ^smod of Maynooth (1900)
008WAT
421
OOTEHIIA
has recently found it necessary to msist, for Ireland,
upon certain restrietions in this matter.
Babukh OB MoifTAUiv, L€ Cottume et let uaaget eoeUaie»-
tiquea (2 vols.. Fans, 1902) — a work which gqm into muoh
detail regardinc; th« costume appropriate to the deny of
various grades; ruNKce in Kircnenlex.. s. v. Kleider, VIlTTfll;
Ebbku ibid., ■. v. SUMHoiapflie/Uen^ Xl. 718; Chevtham in
Did. ChriaL Antiq., e. v. Dtmi; Lacey in TrantactiinM of St.
PauTt Bedendoffioal Society AY; Bintbriii, DenkwHrdiakeiien,
ni. Pt. II. 385; Fbreabxb, BtUfoCAeeo. s. v. HabihU! Wxrni,
Jua Deertttdium (Home. 1906). II. Pt. I. 266-272; DBurrr.
Manual oi Cottwme (London. 1906); Magxun, Tke BroMua of
ffn^loml Oondon* 1907). 100-190.
Herbert Thurston.
OoBway* Maria, miniature-painter, b. in Florence,
Italy, 1759 ; d. at Lodi, 5 January, 1838. Her maiden
name was Hadfield, her father bein^ an English-
man. She showed great talent in drawmg at an early
age, and when only nineteen was elected a member of
the Academy of Fine Arts in her native city, where
she had been educated at a Visitation convent. Her
father dying in 1778 she went to England, at the invi-
tation of her friend, Angelica Kaunman, who intro-
duced her to society. She then met Richard Coeway,
regarded aa one of the most remarkable miniature-
pamters of the eighteenth centurv, whom she married In
London. 18 January, 1781 . In that year she first exhib-
ited at tne Academy, continuing to do so down to 1801,
but her oil pictures, mytholo^cal and allegorical in sub-
ject, were not works of specially high merit, althou^
they showed signs of ^nius. She was no mean ex-
ponent of the art of miniature-painting, however, and
many of her copies of her husband's works are note-
wortny. Her Sunday evening concerts in London are
often mentioned by Horace Walpole and other writers
of the day. She was passionately attached to her
husband, and after his death disposed of his art
treasures and went to Italy. Prior to his decease,
Mrs. Cosway, had started in Lyons a school for girls
at the earnest request of Cardinal Fesch, but in l8ll,
owing to the war, this was closed. In the following
year she made a similar effort in Italy, acquiring a
convent at Lodi, where she established her teachers
from Lyons. Cosway repeatedly helped her in her
scheme and gave her considerable sums of money
towards it. After his decease she made her home in
Lodi, bou^t the buildings outright, attached them to
the neighbouring church, and merged the little teach-
ing community she had established in that of the
Dames In^esi, a branch of which Francis I desired to
establish m Italy. For her generosity the Emperor
in 1834 created her a Baroness of the Austrian Empire
and gave her a grant of arms. She devoted the whole
of her time and means to her school. She is buried in
the neighbouring church. The municipality erected
a btist to her memory, and the school which she
foimded and endowed is still a flourishing institution
for the education of girls. In the dining-room of it
she erected a replica of the monument to the memory
of her husband that she had Westmaoott put up in
Marylebone Church, London. In the library are pre-
served many of her husband's works together with
books and mmiture which had belonged to Coswsnr,
and papers relative to her own and her husband's lite.
Her sister, Charlotte, married William Combe, the
author of the "Tour of Dr. Syntax*'.
WxLUAMSOK. Richard Cosway, R.A., Miniahtre Paintet (Lon-
don, 1897: new ed. 1905).
Gborob Charles WiLUAiiaoN.
Ootelier (Coteleriub), jEAif-BAPnsTB, patristic
scholar and theologian, b. December, 1629, at Nlmes;
d. 19 Aagust, 1686, at Paris. The eariy education of
this very g^ted man was under the penonal direction
of his father, at one time a minister of the Reformed
Church, but later a convert to Catholicity. So rapid
was his progress in learning that he could fluently
interpret the Bible in the original Hebrew and Greek
before the General Assembly of the French deigy at
Mantes (1641). On the same occasion he showed his
proficiency in mathematics, and made such a favour-
able impression on the clergy that they increased his
father's pension from 600 to 1000 livres. To this sum
300 livres were added for the purchase of books. Dur-
ing the period of his theological studies at Paris (1641-
47), Cotelier's brilliant intellectual qualities procured
for him an introduction to the kine (1644). He
graduated as bachelor in theology in 1647 at the Sor-
Donne, of which he became a member in 1648, thoueh
he never received priestly ordination. In 1654. ne
accompanied Archbishop d'Aubusson de la Feuillaae of
Embrun to his diocese and became his counsellor. He
returned, in 1659, to Paris and again devoted bimsetf
to study. With the philolo^st Du Cange he was
commissioned in 1667 by Minister Colbert to investi-
mte and cataloeiie the Greek manuscripts of the
Royal Library. In 1676 he was appointed professor
of the Greek language in the College Royal at Paris.
The editions of ancient writings prepared by Cote-
lier were, in chronological order: (1) "Homihse qua-
tuor in Psalmbs et interpretatio prophetiae Danielis,
gnece et latine" (Paris, 1661). He attributed these
unpublished homuies to St. John Chrysostom; other
critics, owine to the diversity of style, hold a different
opinion. (2l " SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis
floruerunt, Bamabce, dementis, Herms, Ignatii,
Poiycarpi oi)era edita et non edita, vera et.supposita,
grece et latine^ cum notis" ^Paris, 1672).' Tnis ex-
cellent edition is Cotelier's pnncipal work. From its
title was derived the designation of Apostolic Fathers
for the earliest non-inspired Christian writere. Most
of the Coptics of the work were consumed by a con-
flagration in the College Montaigu at Paris. Two re-
vised editions were published by Leclere (Clcricus),
one at Antwerp (1698), the other at Amsterdam
(1724). Reprints of this last edition are found in
Migne, P. G., I, II, V. (3) "Ecclesiae Graecaj Monu-
menta, graece et latine" (Paris, 1677, 1681. 1686).
The third volume of this series was published two
days before the author's death. He had collected
materiab for a fourth volume which was edited (1688)
by the Maurists, Pouget, Montfaucon, and Lopin, ana
is sometimes known as ''Analecta Grteca''. Cotelier
also left several volumes of manuscripts, which bear
chiefly on Christian antic^uity and Kt^ still preserved
in the Biblioth6que Nationale at Paris. He was an
extremely accurate scholar, of a modest and retiring
nature and kindly disposition.
Baluzb, LeUer to Bigot, in Cotsubr-Leclbrc, Patrea Apoa-
UAici ^Amsterdam, 1724). I, after the Drefaee; Nic^ron.
Mimmraa, IV, 243^-49; von HsrEUD in KircKenlex,, ■. v.; Hcb-
Tsa, Nomkmdntor (IniHbruok. 1893), II. 471-74.
N. A. WEBEa
OpteniUy a titular see of Asia Minor. Strabo
(XII, 570) mentions the Katenneis in Pisidia adjoin-
ing Selge (now SUrk) and the tribe of Homonades
(east and north of Trogitis, S^idi Sh^ihr Lake) . Their
city must be identified with the modem village of
Ckidena or Gudene, on the Alaghir Tchai, in the \il-
ajwt of Konia. An inscription nas been found dhow-
iog that the people called themselves Kotenneis, so
that the true name of the town was Kotcnna. Hie-
rocles mentions it as Kotana in Pamphylia. It ap-
pears as Kotaina in Parthey's ''Notitue episcopa-
tuum'', X and XIII, twelfth or thirteenth century,
as a suffragan of Side. Six bishops are known: Hesy-
diius in 381, Acacius in 431, Eugenius or Eusebius m
461, FlavianuB in 536, Cosmas in 680, Macarius in 879.
It has been said that the Kotenneis are the same aa
the Etenneis, mentioned by Polybius, V, 73, as living
in Pisidia above Side, and who struck coins in the
Roman times. The native name may have been
Hetenneis, and the tribe afterwards divided into at
least two districts, the northern taking the name
Etenneis while the southern preferred Kotenneis.
There was another see called Etenna or something
aOTUBUM
422
similar. A third district was perhaps also called
Banaba or Manaua; for in 680 Cosmas appears as
Bishop of ''Kotenna and Manaua".
RjkMBAT, Hiat, Oeogr, of Asia Minor (London, 1890), 418;
LaquiBN, OrienB chriatianuat I, 1009. S. PimUD^.
Ootiaum, a titular see of Asia Minor. Kotiaion,
according to its coins, better Cotyaion, the city of
Cotys, was an ancient city of Phrygia Salutaris.
JSsop is said to have been bom there. It was a cen-
tre of heresy from the second century onwards. Soc-
rates (IV, xxviii) speaks of its Novatian bishop. At
first a simple suffragan of Synnada, it became an
autocephalous archbishopric, probably in the eighth
century, and about the tenth appears as a metropolis
with three suffragan sees, whicn were later increased
to thirteen (?). Lequien (I, 851) mentions ten bish-
ops, the last in the fourteenth century. The firat is
Cyrus, sent thither by Theodosius II, after four bish-
ops had been slain by the inhabitants. The town
preserves some ancient ruins, a Byzantine castle and
church. It was taken and plundered by Timur-Leng
(Tamerlane) in 1402. It is now the chief town of a
sanjak in the vilayet of Brusa, and is called by the
Turks Kutaya. It has about 22,000 inhabitants, in-
cluding 4000 Greeks, 2300 Armenians, 700 Catholic
Armemans, and a few Latins; it contains two schools.
It is also the see of a non-Catholic Armenian bishop.
Diuing late centuries Kutaya has been renowned for
its Tuncish earthenware, of which fine specimens may
be seen at the Imperial Museum in Constantinople.
CuiNBT, Turquie dCAaie, IV, 201-205; Ramsat. Asia Aftruir,
144, 436; Idkm , Eariy Christian MonummU in Phrygia, in TKe
Expositor (1888, 1880); Iobm, CUiea and Biahoprica of Phryoia,
Pawim- S. PfeTBIDias.
Ooton, Pierre, a celebrated French Jesuit, b. 7
March, 1564, at N^ronde in Forez; d. 19 March,
1626, at Paris. He studied law at Paris and Boui^ges,
'_ entered the Soci-
ety of Jesus at the
age of twenty-
five, and was sent
to Milan to study
philosophy. Here
he became ac-
quainted with
St. Charles Bor-
romeo. On his
return to his na-
tive country he
preached with r^
markable success
at Roanne, Avi-
gnon, Ntmes, Gre-
noble, and Mar-
seilles. An ao-
?uaintanoe with
[enry IV of
France soon ri-
pened into friend-
ship, and the
PH^ftRF. ton OX .
^;!:'ll|i|li'l)ill|]ffilif|]lli
Archbishopric of Aries being vacant, the king offered it
to Father Coton, who refu^ the honour. The kinjg
having recalled the exiled Jesuits to France, their
enemies could not pardon the influence Father Coton
had in bringing this about, and an attempt was made
to assassinate him. Some writers have pretended
that Father Coton was not above suspicion on the
doctrine of regicide, and when Henry IV was assassi-
nated, they accused Father Coton of defending Ra-
vaillac, the king's murderer. But if his enemiea at
court had any Knowledge that he held such views
thev failed to make it public.
Father Coton had for two years previous to the
death of Henry been confessor to his son, the young
Dauphin. In 1610 the biting satire " Anti-Coton, od
est prouv6 gue les Jdsuites sont coupables du parri-
cide d'Henn IV " was followed by many pamphlets
lor and against the Society. It was an easy task for
Father Coton to defend himself against thaae calum-
nies and produce proofs of his innooenoe, but very
difficult for the author of the libel, who was said to
be Pierre Dumoulin, a Protestant m>xJsterof Cbaren-
ton, and an associate of the Calvinists, «x> substantiate
any statement that he had advanced. Father Coton was
continued in his capacity as confessor to the new kin&
Louis XIII, which duty he discharged until .1617,
when he left the court at the age of fifty-four and
withdrew to the novitiate at Lyons. He then trav-
ersed the provinces of the South as a missionary, and
went to Milan, Loreto, and Rome to fulfil the vows
the reigning king had made to the Blessed Vii^gin,
St. Charles, and St. Peter. He returned to France
as provincial of the Society and preached at Paris in
the church of S. Gervaise, whither the kinf and the
whole court flocked to hear him. Just at this period
a book published by Santarelli, an Italian Jesuit,
who attributed to tne pope the power of deposing
kings who were guilty of certain crimes, and under
such circumstances of absolving their subjects from
their allegiance, was the object of severe attacks
from the many enemies of the Society of Jesus in
France.
The doctrines which Santarelli expounded had
been unwisely accepted in the Middle Ages, and were
still further profeased by the Ultramontane theo-
logians, although they had become impossible in prac-
tice. This bomc, which in Italy was received m its
true light, was in Paris, under the rule of Richelieu,
construed into a provocation to regicide and rebellion,
lliese .false views were attributed to every member
of the Society, and the Parliament demanded that all
Jesuits residing in France should be called upon to
sign a protestation disavowing all the doctrines con-
tamed m Santarelli 's treatise. Father Coton was ill at
the time, and the news conveyed to him aggravated
hjs condition. On his death-bed he was visited by an
envoy of Parhament, who informed him of the con-
demnation pronounced against Santarelli and the
severe measures that threatened his brethren. The
dying Jesuit murmured: ''Is it possible that I who
have served so faithfully the Kines of France should
be looked upon at last as guilty ot treason and a dis-
turber o! the peace?" His "Institution catholiquc"
and "Geneve plagiaire" are controversial works, as
also his ' ' Sacrince de la Messe ". For his other works
see De Backer, 1st ed., II, p. 149.
RovERius, De Vita P. Petri Cotoni (Lyota, 1660); D*0»-
LtANS, La Vie du P. Pierre Coton (Paris. 168«); Prat. Reeher-
Aea hiaL et crit. aur la c. de JSatta en France, du lempa du P.
Colon (Lyons, 1876); Sommervoqkl. Bibl. de la c. ds J., II,
1539; B. Nm Tkejeauita, Their Foundation and Hiatory, I, SSS-
328; Clbmbntb, Hiatory of the SoeieHf of /anw, I.
G. E. Keixt.
Ootrone. Diocese of (Ootronensis), a sufirra«»n
of Reggio. Cotrone is a city of the province of Ua-
tanzaro, in Calabria^ Southern Italy, on the Ionian
Sea. It is the ancient Croton, an Acluean colony
founded c. 707 b. c, and long one of the most flour-
ishing cities of Magna Gnecia. Its inhabitants were
famous for their physical strength, and for the simple
sobriety of their lives. It was the birthplace of MOo,
the famous athlete, and it was at Croton that iPythag-
oias founded his school. In 380 b. a the cit;r was
taken by Dionysius the Elder of Syracuse and m 296
B. c. by AgathocloB. Later it was pillaged by Pyr-
rhus. In the Second Funic War it was s^aed bv
Hannibal, but some time later became a Bomaa col-
ony. About A. D. 550, it was unsuccessfully beeieeed
by Totila, King of the Goths, and at a later date be-
came a part of the Bysantine Empire* About 870 it
was taken and sadked by the Saracens, who put to
death the bishop and many people who had taken
lefuge in the cathedral. Later on it was conquered
by Normans and thenceforth shared the fate of the
lungdom of Na^^es.
OOTTA
423
OOUNCILS
Acoording to local le^nd the Gospel was preached
there bv St. Dionysius the Areopagite. Its first
known bishop was Flavianus, durmp whose epis-
copate occurred the si^e of the city by Totila.
Other bishops were: Theodosios (642); Petnis
(680): Theotimus (790); and Nicephoms (870);
Worthy of note are: Antonio Sebastiano Mintumo
(1565), a polished writer and poet; the Spanish Do*
minican, Juan Lopez (1595); the Theatine, Tommaso
dai Monti (1599)^ famous for his seal; and Nice-
foro Melisseno Commeno (1628), who had previously
rendered signal service to the Holy See in the Orient
and in France. The diocese has a population of 14,-
000, with 10 parishes, 29 churches and chapels, 24
secular priests, and 5 religious orders of women.
CAPPELLETn, Le chieM dHtalia (Venice, 1844). XXI. 187;
Ann, ecd. (Rome, 1907); Lbnobmant, La Cfrande Orkce (Parii,
1881-83).
U. Benigni.
Ootta. See Surplice.
C3otter, J. B. See Winona, Diocese of.
Goacy, Robert db, a medieval French master-
builder and son of a master-builder of the same name,
b. at Reims (or Coucy, according to some authorities) ;
d. at Reims in 1311. In 1263 he was appointed suc-
cessor to Hugues Libergier as director ot the work of
building the church of Saint-Nicaise at Reims, and be-
tween this date and 1279 he constructed the choir,
chapels, and part of the transept; the church was
afterwards destroyed -during the Revolution. Some
good iUustrations of this biulding, begun in 1229 and
considered one of the best Gothic churches of the great
period in France, have been preserved. A nearly con-
temporary chronicle of the Abbey of Saint-Nicaise
says that "Hugo Libergiers pronaon ecclesise per-
fecit. Robert afe Coucy caput ecclesi® construxit".
After the death of his father, Robert de Coucy had
also chief charge of the work on the cathedral at
Reims, which was rebuilt after its destruction by fire
in 1210. The new cathedral was begun in 1211, and
the choir, constructed by Robert de Coucy the elder,
was completed in 1241. The cathedral was built on a
simple plan of a vast choir, no Ixansepts^^d a rather
narrow nave. Viollet-le-Duc says: "This building
has all the strength of the cathedral of Chartr^ with-
out its heaviness; in short it combines the essential
requirements of artistic beauty, power and grace ; it
is, Desides, built of fine matermls cunningly put to-
gether, and there is found in all its parts a pains-
taking care and ji skill very rare at a period when men
built with great rapidity and often with inadequate
resources". In a labyrinth, or representation of a
maze, which formerly existe'd in the pavement of the
nave of the cathedral were effigies of the architects of
the edifice from its foimdation up to 1382; among
these effigies, according to tradition, were those of the
two Robert de Coucys, father and son. In the cloister
of the Abbey of Saint- Denis at Reims F^bien noted
the gravestone of Robert de Coucy, "Maistre de
Notre-Dame et de Saint-Nicaise, qui tr^passa en Tan
1311".
Mariot, Hutoire de la vUle de Reims (lille, 1666; Reims,
1843-45), 1, 636; LObkk. History o/ Art (1880), I, 629; Rbber,
Hia(ary of Afedunal Art (New York, 1897), 498; Gwiur and.
Pafwobth, Encyc. of ArehUecUire (London and New York,
1903). 1132; Meuzia. Lives of Celebrated Art^itecU, I. 165;
Lethabt. MedicBval Art (London and New York, 1904). 247;
La grat%de encyeUmidie, a. v. de Coucy: MAJUHAiiL, Cathedral
CiHsa of France, 4Sk49.
Thobcas H. Poole.
Ckmderti Amtoine. See Colombo, Archdiocese
of.
Oondert, Frederic Ren£, b. in New York, 1
March, 1832; d. at Washington, D. C, 20 December,
1903. He graduated from Columbia College in his
native city in 1850, and on his majority was admitted
to practice in the courts. He became a leader of
the Bar, being learned in the science of the law and
skilled in its art and practice. During the controversy
concerning American and British seal fisheries in the
Bering Sea, and in the controversy concerning the
disputed boimdary between Venezuela and British
Columbia, he acted as legal adviser for the "United
States Government. He was an orator not only in
English, but also in the French, Spanish, and Italian
languages, and was gifted with a manner and style
singularly attractive, with ready wit and power of
sarcasm. He bore testimony to his political principles
in periods of
stram and con-
troversy. He
consented in
1876 to visit
Louisiana for
the purpose of
urging the " Re-
turning Board"
of that political-
ly distracted
State to act
justly respect-
mg election ren
turne which
were to deter-
mine the presi-
d e n t i a 1 suc-
cession, and in
1892 and again
in 1893 he was
a prominent op-
ponent of the
courses taken by
his own politi-
cal party. Poli- ^ « _^ ^
tics he seemed Frbdmiic RbnA Coudbrt
to regard as a means for carrying into effect
certain principles, not as a means of office-sedcing.
He declmed the Russian mission, a jud^hip of the
Court of Appeals of the State of New York, and a
justiceship of the Supreme Court of the United
States. He accepted ^and it was the only public
office he ever held) the mconspicuous and unsalaried
membership in the Board of fkiucation of the City
of New York. As a Catholic he was always loyal
to the Church; as the son of a French refugee he never
forgot France. On two subjects he declared himself
to be sensitive: the Bark of Peter and the land of
his ancestors.
Addresses by Frederic R. C&udert (New York and London,
1905); Annual Reports of the Association of the Bar of the City
of New York (New York. 1905); U. S. Cath, Hist. Soc. Records
and Studies (New York, 1904).
Charles W. Sloane.
OouncilB, General. — ^This subject will be treated
under the following heads: I. Definition; II. Classifi-
cation; III. Historical Sketch; IV. The Pope and
General Ck)uncils; V. Composition of General Coun-
cils: (a) Rig^t of participation; (b) Requisite number
of members; (c) Papal neadship the formal element
of Councils ; VI. Factors in tne Pope's Co-opera-
tion with the Council: (a) Convocation; (b) Direc-
tion; (c) Confirmation; VII. Business Methods: (a)
The facts; (b) The theory; VIII. Infallibility of Gen-
eral Councils; IX. Correlation of Papal and Concili-
ary Infallibility; X. Infallibility Restricted to Unan-
imous Findings; XI. Promulgation; XII. Is a Council
above the Pope? XIII. Has a General Council Power
to Depose a rope?
I. Definition. — Councils are le^y convened as-
semblies of ecclesiastical dignitanes and theological
experts for the purpose of discussing and regulating
matters of church doctrine and discipline. The
terms council and synod are synonymous, although io
ooinfoiLS
424
OOUVOILS
the oldest Christian literature the ordinary meetingi
for worship are also called synods; and diocesan
synods are not properly councils because th^ are only
convened for aeUberation. Councils unlawfully as-
sembled are termed condliabida, oonvenHcula, and
even latrocinia, i, e. "robber synods". The constit-
uent elements of an ecclesiastical council are the fol-
lowing:—
(a) A legally convened nieeting of
(b) members of the hierarchy, for
(c) the purpose of canying out their judicial and
doctnnal functions,
(d) by means of deliberation in common,
(e) resulting in regulations and decrees invested
with the authority of the whole assembly.
All these elements result from an analysis of the fact
that councils are a concentration of the ruling powers
of the Church for decisive action.
The first condition is that such concentration oon»
form to the constitution of the Church: it must be
started by the head of the forces that are to move and
to act, e. g. by the metropolitan if the action is lim-
ited to one province. The actors themselves are nec-
essarily the leaders of the Church in their double
capacity of judges and teachers, for the proper object
of concuiar activity is the settling of questions of faith
and discipline. When they assemble for other pur-
poses, eitner at regular times or in extraordinary cir-
cumstances, in Older to deliberate on current ques-
tions of administration . or on concerted action in
emereencies, their meetings are not called councils but
simp^ meetings, or assemblies, of bishops. Delibera-
tion, with free . discussion and ventilation of private
views, is another essential note in the notion ot coun-
cils. The^ are the mind of the Church in action, the
$ensu9 eccIesicB taking form and shape in the mould of
dogmatic defijiition and authoritative decrees. The
contrast of conflicting opinions, their actual clash,
necessarily precedes the final triumph of faith.
Lastly, in a council's decisions we see the highest ex-
pression of authority of which its members are capable
within the sphere ot their jurisdiction, with the added
strength and weight resulting from the combined
action of the whole body.
II. CLAflsiFiCATioN.— -Councils are, then, from their
nature, a common effort of the Church, or part of the
Church, for self-preservation and self-defence. They
appear at her very origin, in the time of the Apostles
at Jerusalem, and throughout her whole history,
whenever faith or morals or discipline are seriously
threatened. Although their object is alwa3rB the
same, the circumstances undef which they meet im-
part to them a great variety, which renders a classifi-
cation necessary. Taking territorial extension for a
basis, seven kinds of synods are distinguished: —
(1) (Ecumenical councils are those to which the bish-
ops, and others entitled to vote, are convoked from
the whole world (oUovfJrij) under the presidency of
the pope or his legates, and the decrees of which, hav-
:ng received papal confirmation, bind all Christians.
A council, cecumenical in its convocation, may fail to
secure the approbation of the whole Church or of the
pope, and thus not rank in authority with oecumenical
councils. Such was the case with the Robber Synod of
449 {Latrocinium Evhesinum) ,the Synod of Pisa m 1409,
and inp^rt with tne Councils of Constance and Basle.
(2) Tne second rank is held by the general tynodt of
fhe East or of the West^ composed of but one-half of
the episcopate. The Synod of Constantinople (381)
was originally only an Eastern general synod, at
which were present the four patriarchs of the East
(viz. of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jer-
usalem), with many metropolitans and bishops. It
ranks as oecumenical because its decrees were ulti-
mately received in the West also.
(3) Patriarchalj national, and primatial councils
represent a whole patriarchate, a wnole nation, or the
several provinces subject to a primateu Of audi
coimcils we have frequent examples in Latin Africa,
where the metropolitan and ordinary bishops used to
meet under the Primate of Carthage; in Spain, under
the Primate of Toledo, and in eanier times in Sjrria,
under the Metropolitan — slater Patriarch — of Antioch.
^4) Provincial councils brine together the suffragan
biwops of the metropolitan of an ecclesiastical prov-
ince and other dignitaries entitled to participate.
(5) Diocesan synods consist of the clergy of the dio-
cese and are preaded over by the bishop or the vicar-
general.
(6) A peculiar kind of council used to be held at
Constantinople; it consisted of bishops from any pari
of the world who happened to be at the time in that
imperial city. Hence the name ot^vodoc iw9n^§iavcai
** visitors' synods ' *.
(7) Lastly t^ere have been mixed synods, in which
both civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries met to settle
secular as well as ecclesiastical matters. '^^ were
frequent at the beginning of the Middle Ages in France,
Germany, Spain, and Italy. In England even ab-
besses were occasionally present at such mixed coun-
cils. Sometimes, not always, the dei^ and laity
voted in separate chambers.
Although it is in the nature of councils to represent
either the whole or part of the Church organism vet
we find many councils simply consisting of a number
of bishops brought together from different countries
for some special purpose, regardless of any territorial
or hierarchical connexion. Th^v were most frequent
in the fourth centurjr, when tne metropolitan and
patriarchal circumscriptions were still imperfect, and
questions of faith and discipline manifold. Not a few
of them, summoned by emperors or bishops in opposi-
tion to the lawful authorities (such as that of Antioch
in 341), were positively irregular, and acted for evil
rather than good. Councils of this kind may be com-
pared to the meetings of bishops of our own times;
decrees passed in them had no binding power on any
but the subjects of the bishops present; they were
important manifestations of the sensus ecdesias (mind
of the Church) rather than judicial or le^slative
bodies. But precisely as expressing the mind of the
Church they often acquired a far-reaching influence
due, either to their internal soundness, or to the au-
thority of their framers, or to both.
It should be noted that the tenns concilia plenaria,
universalia, or generalia are, or used to be, applied in-
discriminately to all synods not confined to a single
province; in the Middle Ages, even ^vincial synods,
as compared to diocesan, receiv^ these names.
Down to the late Middle Ages all papal synods to
which a certain number of bishops from different
countries had been summoned were regularly styled
plenary, general, or universal synods. In earlier
times, before the separation of East and West, coun-
cils to which several distant patriarchates or exarch-
ates sent representatives, were described absolutely
as "plenary councils of the universal Church". These
terms are applied by St. Augustine to the Council of
Aries (314), at which only Western bishops were
present. In the same way the Council of 0)nstanti-
nople (382), in a letter to Pope Damasus, calls the
• council held in the same town the year before (381)
"an oecumenical synod" i. e. a synod representing the
olKovpJirrff the whole inhabited worid as Known to the
Greeks and Romans, because all the Eastern patri-
ardiatea, though no Western, took part in it. The
synod of 381 could not, at that time, be termed oecu-
menical in the strict sense now in use, because it still
lacked the formal confirmation of the Apostolic See.
As a matter of fact, the Greeks themselves did not put
this council on a par with those oi Niccsa and ESphesus
until its confirmation at the Synod of Chalcedon, and
the Latins acknowledged its authority only in the
sixth century.
dbunciLS
425
OOUNOILS
in. Historical Sketch of (EcimmncxL Coun-
crLA. — ^The present article deals chiefly with the theo-
logical and canonical (questions concerning councils
'wnich are cecumenical m the strict sense above de-
fined. Special articles give the history of each im-
portant synod under the head of the city or see where
it ^was held. In order, however, to supply the reader
'With a basis of fact for the discussion of principles
which is to follow, a list is subjoined of the twenty
oecumenical councils with a brief statement of the pur-
pose of each.
(1) The First (Ecumenical, or Council of Niceea (325)
lasted two months and twelve days. Three hundred
and eighteen bishops were present. Hosius, Bishop of
Cordova, assisted as legate of Pope Sylvester. The
Elmperor Constantine was also present. To this
<K>uncil we owe the Creed {Symbolutn) of Nicsea, defin-
ing against Arius the tnie Divinity of the Son of God
(6fioo&a-ua), and the fixing of the date for keeping
Caster (against the Quartodecimans).
(2) The Second Oecumenical, or First General
Council of Constantinople (381), under Pope Damasus
and the Emperor Theodosius I, was attended by 150
bishops. It was directed against the followers of
Maceaonius, who impugned the Divinity of the Holy
Ghost. To the above-mentioned Nicene Creed it
added the clauses referring to the Holy Ghost (qui
sitntd adoratur) and all that follows to the end.
(3) The Third (Ecumenical, or Council of Ephesus
(431), of more than 200 bishops, presided over bv St.
Cyril of Alexandria representing Pope Celestine 1, de-
fined the true personal unity ofChnst, declared Mary
the Mother of God (SwrUoi) against Nestorius, Bishop
of Constantinople, and renewed the condemnation of
Pelagius.
(4; The Fourth (Ecumenical, or Council of Chalce-
don (451) — 150 bishops under Pope Leo the Great and
the Emperor Marcian — defined tne two natures (Di-
vine and human> in Christ against Eutyches, who was
excommunicated.
(5) The Fifth (Ecumenical, or Second General
Council of Constantinople (553), of 165 bishops under
Pope Vigilius and Emperor Justinian I, condemned
the errors of Crigen and certain writing (The Three
Chapters) of TTieodoret, of Theodore, Bishop of Mop-
suestia, and of Ibas, Bishop of Edessa ; it further con-
firmed the first four general councils, especiallv that of
C^halcedon whose authority was contested by some
heretics.
(6) The Sixth (Ecumenical, or Third Council of Con-
stantinople (680-681), under Pope Agatho and the Em-
peror Constantine Pogonatus, was attended by the
ratriarchs of Constantmople and of Antioch, 174 bish-
ops, and the emperor. It put an end to Monothel-
ism by defining two wills in (Thrist, the Divine and the
human, as two distinct principles of operation. It
anathematized Sergius, Pyrrhus, Paul, Macarius, and
all their followers.
(7) The Seventh (Ecumenical, or Second Council of
Nicsea (787) was convoked by Emperor Constantine
VI and his mother Irene, under Pope Adrian I, and
was presided over by the legates of Pope Adrian; it
r^ulated the veneration of holy images. Between
3(X) and 367 bishops assisted.
(8) The Eighth (Ecumenical, or Fourth Council of
Constantinopte (869), under Pope Adrian II and Em-
peror Basil, numbering 102 bisnops, 3 papal l^ates,
and 4 patriarchs, consigned to the flames the Acts of
an irr^ular council (conaUabulum) brought together
by Photius against Pope' Nicholas and Ignatius, the
Intimate Patriarch of Constantinople; it condemned
Photius who had unlawfully seized the patriarchal
di^ty. The Photian schism, however, tnumphed in
the Greek Church, and no other general council took
place in the East.
(9) The Ninth (Ecumenical CJouncil (1123) was the
fint held in the Lateran at Rome under Pope Calli»-
tus II. About 900 bishops and abbots assisted. It
abolished the right, claimed by lay princes, of investi-
ture with rins and erosier to ecclesiastical benefices
and dealt with church discipline and the recovery of
the Ho^y Land from the infidels.
(10) The Tenth (Ecumenical Council (1139) was the
Second Lateran held at Rome under Pope Innocent II
with an attendanee of about IQOO prelates and the
Emperor Conrad. Its object was to put an end to the
errors of Arnold of Bresaa.
(11) The Eleventh (Ecumenical Council (1179) was
the third assembled at the Lateran, and took place
under Pope Alexander III, Frederick I being emperor.
There were 302 bishops present. It condemned the
Albigenses and Waldenses and issued numerous de-
crees for the reformation of morals.
(12) The Twelfth (Ecumenical Synod (1215) was
the Fourth Lateran, under Innocent III. There were
present the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Jeru-
salem, 71 archbishops, 412 bishops, and 800 abbots,
the Primate of the Maronites, and St. Dominic. It
issued an enlaiged creed (eymbol) against the Albi-
genses (Firmiter eredimus), condemned the Trini-
tarian errors d Abbot Joachim, and published 70 im-
pcMlant reformatorv decrees. This is the most im-
portant council of the Middle Aees; it marks the cul-
minating point of ecclesiastical life and papal power.
(13) The First (General Council of Lyons (1245) is
the lliirteenth (Ecumenical. Innocent IV presided;
the Patriarchs of Constantinople, Antioch, and Aqui-
leia (Venice), 140 bishops, Baldwin II, Emperor of the
East, and St. Louis, King of France, assisted. It ex-
communicated and deposed Emperor Frederick II
and directed a new crusade, under the command of
St. Louis, a^inst the Saracens and Mongols.
(14) The Fourteenth (Ecumenical Coimcil was held
at L^ons (1274) by Pope Gregory X, the Patriarchs of
Antioch and Constantinople, 15 cardinals, 500 bidiops,
and more than 1000 other d^^itaries. It effected a
temporary reunion of the Greek Church with Rome.
The word filioque was added to the symbol of Con-
stantinople and means were soueht for recovering
Palestine from the Turks. It also laid down the rules
for papal elections.
(15) The Fifteenth (Ecumenical Council took place
at Vienne in France (1311-1313) by order of Clement
V, the first of the Avi^on popes. The Patriarchs of
Antioch and Alexandria, 300 oishops (114 accordins
to some authorities), and 3 kings — Philip IV of
France, Edward II of England, and Jmnes II of
Aragon — ^were present. The synod dealt with the
crimes and errore imputed to the Knights Templars,
the Fratioelli, the Beghards, and the Beguines, with
projects of a new crusade, the reformation of the
clei^, and the teaching of Oriental languages in the
universities.
(16) The Council of Constance (1414>1418), the
Sixteenth (Ecumenical, wajs held during the great
Schism of the West, with the object of ending the
divisions in the Church. It only became legitimate
when Gregory XII had formally convoked it. Owing
to this circumstance it succeeded in putting an end
to the schism by the election of Pope Martin V, which
the Council of Pisa (1409) had failed to accomplish on
account of its illegahtv. The rightful pope confirmed
the former decrees of the synod against W^clif and
Hus. This council is thus only oecumenical m its last
sessions (XLII-XLV inclusive) and with respect to
the decrees of earlier sessions approved by Martin V.
(17) The Seventeenth (Ecumenical Council met at
Basle (1431); Eugene IV being pope, and Si^ismund
Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Its object was
the religious pacification of Bohemia. Quarrels with
the pope having arisen, the council was trani^erred
first to Ferrara (1438), then to Florence (1439), where
a short-lived union with the Greek Church was ef-
fected, the Greeks acoeptiiSg the council's definition of
oounoiLS
426
oouirozui
controverted points. The Council of Basle is only
oecumenical till the end of the twenty-fifth session,
and of its decrees Eugene IV approved only such as
dealt with the extirpation of iieresy, the peace of
Christendom, and the reform of the Church, and
which at the same time did not derogate from the
rights of the Holy See.
(18) The Eighteenth CEcumenical, or Fifth Council
of the Lateran, sat from 1512 to 1517 under Popes
Julius II and Leo X, the emperor being Maximilian I.
Fifteen cardinals and about eighty archbishops and
« bishops took part in it. Its decrees are chiefly disci-
plinary. A new crusade against the Turks was also
planned, but came to naught, owing to the religious
upheaval in Germany caused by Luther.
(19) The Council of Trent, the Nineteenth (Ecu-
menical, lasted eighteen years (1545-1563) under five
popes: Paul III. Julius III, Maroellus II, Paul IV,
and Pius IV, and under the Emperors Charles V and
Ferdinand. There were present 5 cardinal legates of
the Holv See, 3 patriarchs, 33 archbishops, 235 bish-
ops, 7 abbots, 7 generals of monastic orders, 160 doc-
tors of divinity. It was convoked to examine and
condemn the errors promulgated by Luther and other
Reformers, and to reform the discipline of the Church.
Of all councils it lasted longest, issued the largest
number of dogmatic and r^rmatory decrees, and
produced the moat beneficial results.
(20) The Twentieth (Ecumenical Council was sum-
moned to the Vatican by Pius IX. It met 8 Decem-
ber, 1869. and lasted till 18 July, 1870, when it was
adjoumea; it is still (1908) unfinished. There were
present 6 arohbishop-princes, 49 cardinals, 11 patri-
archs, 680 archbishope and bishops, 28 abbots, 29
generals of orders, in all 803. Besides important
canons relating to the Faith and the constitution of
the Church, the council decreed the infallibilitv of
the pope when speaking ex cathedra, i. e. when,
as shepherd and teacher of all Christians, he defines
a doctrine concerning faith or morals to be held
by the whole Church.
IV. The Pope and General CouNCita. — The re-
lations between the pope and general councils must
be exactly defined to arrive at a just conception of
the functions of councils in the Church, of their rights
and duties, and of their authority. The traditional
phrase, /'the oouncU represents the Church", asso-
ciated with the modem notion of representative
assemblies, is apt to lead to a serious misconception
of the bishops' function in general synods. The na-
tion's deputies receive their power from tiieir electors
and are bound to protect and promote their electors'
interests; in the modem democratic State they are
directly created by, and out of, the people's own
power. The bishops in council, on the contrary, hold
no power, no commission, or delegation, from the
people. All their powers, ordeiB, jurisdiction, and
membership in the council, come to them from above
— directly from the pope, ultimately from God.
What the episcopate in council does represent is the
Divinely instituted maaUteriurn, the teacnin^ and gov-
erning power of the Church; the interests it defends
are those of the depositum ficUif of the revealed rules
of faith and morals, i. & the interests of God.
The council is, then, the assessor of the supreme
teacher and judge sitting on the Chair of Peter by
Divine appointment; its operation is essentially co-
operation— ^the common action of the members with
their head — and therefore necessarily rises or falls in
value, according to the measure of its connexion with
the pope. A council in opposition to the pope is not
representative of the whole Church, for it neither
represents the pope who opposes it, nor the absent
bishops, who cannot act beyond the limits of their
dioceses except through the pope. A council not only
actine independently of the Vicar of Christ, but sitting
in jud^gment over him, is utathinkable in the oonstitu*
tion of the Church ; in fact, such assemblies have only
taken place in times of great constitutional disturb-
ances, when either there was no pope or the rightful
pope was indistinguishable from antipopes. In such,
abnormal times the safety of the C^iurch becomes the
supreme law, and the uist duty of the abandoned
flock is to find a new shepherd, under whose direction
the existing evils may be remedied.
In normal times, when according to the Divine
constitution of the C!hurch, the pope rules in the
fullness of his power, the function of councils is
to support ana strengthen his rule on occasions
of extraordinarv di^culties arising from heresies,
schisms, relaxecf discipline, or external foes, (gen-
eral councils have no part in the ordinarv normal
government of the Church. This principle is con-
firmed bv the fact that during nineteen centuries
of Churcn life only twenty oecumenical councils took
place. It is further illustrated by the complete failure
of the decree issued in the thirty-ninth session of the
Council of Constance (then without a rightful head),
to the effect that general councils shomd meet fre-
quently and at regmar intervals; the very first synod
summoned at Pa via for the vear 1423 could not be
held for want of responses to the summons. It is thus
evident that general councils are not qualified to issue,
independently of the pope, dogmatic or disciplinary
canons binding on the whole Church. As a matter of
fact, the older councils, especially those of Ephesua
(431) and Chalcedon (451), were not convened to de-
cide on questions of faith still open, but to give addi-
tional weight to, and secure the execution of, papal
decisions previously issued and regarded as fmly
authoritative. The other consequence of the same
principle is that the bishops in council assembled are
not commissioned, as are our modem parliaments, to
control and limit the power of the sovereign, or head
of the State, although circumstances may arise in
which it would be their right and duty firmly to ex-
postulate with the pope on certain of his acts or meas-
ures. The severe strictures of the Sixth CSeneral
Council on Pope Honorius I may be cited as a case in
point.
V. CoiCPosiTioN OF Gbnerai^ Counciul — (a) Right
of particiwUion, — ^The right to be present and to act
at general councils belongs in the nrst place and logi-
cally to the bishops actually exercising the episcopal
office. In the earlier councils there appear also .the
chorepiscopi (country-bishops), who, according to the
better opinion, were neither tme bitiiopB nor an order
interposed between bishops and priests, but priests
invested with a jurisdiction smaller than the episcopal
but lai^r than the sacerdotal. They were ordained
by the bishop and chai^ged with the administration of
a certain district in his diocese, 'thev had the power
of conferring minor orders, and even tne subdiaconate.
Titular bishops, 1. e. bishops not niling a diocese, had
equal rights with other bishops at the Vatican (Coun-
cil (1869-70), where 117 of them were present. Their
claim lies in the fact that their order, the episcopal
consecration, entitles them, jure divino, to take part
in the administration of the Church, and that a gen-
eral council seems to afford a proper sphere for t^e
exercise of a right which the want of a proper diocese
keeps in abeyance. Di^itaries who hold episcopal
or quasi-episcopal jurisdiction without being bbhops
— such as carainaf-priests, cardinal-deacons, abbots
nuUxus, mitred abbots of whole orders or oone?^
gations of monasteries, generals of clerks regular,
mendicant and monastic orders — were allowed to vote
at the Vatican Council. Their title is based on posi-
tive canon law: at the early councils such votes were
not admitted, but from the seventh century down to
Uie end of the Middle Ages the contrary practice grad-
ually prevailed, and has since become an acquired
right. Priests and deacons frequently east decisive
votes in the name of absent bishops whom they repre*
OOUHOILS
427
OOXTHOIU
aented; at the €k>uncil of Trent » however, such pro-
curatore were admitted only with great limitations,
and at the Vatican Council they were even excluded
from the council hall.
Besides voting members, every council admits, as
oonsultoFB, a number of- doctors in theology and canon
lavr. In the Council of Constance the oonsultors
were allowed to vote. Other clerics have always been
admitted as notaries. Lay people may be, and have
been, present at councils mr various reasons, but
never as voters. They gave advice, made complaints,
aaaented to decisions, and occasionally also signed the ,
decrees. Since the Roman emperors had accepted
duiatianity, the^ assisted either personally or through
deputies (cwnrntMom). Constantino the Great was
present in person at the First General Council; Theo^
doslua II sent his representatives to the third, and
Eknperor Marcian sent his to the fourth, at the sixth
session of which himself and the Empress Pulcheria
assisted pereonallv. Constantino Pogonatus was
present at the sixui; the Empress Irene and her son
CoQstantine Porphyrogenitus only sent their repre-
sentative to the seventn, whereas Emperor Basil, the
Macedonian, assisted at the dgjith, sometimes in per-
son, sometimes through his deputies. Onl}r the Sec-
ond and the Fifth General Synods were held in the ab-
sence o( the emperom or imperial commissaries, but
both Theodosius the Great and Justinian were oi, Con-
stantinople while the councils were sittings and kept
up constiant intercourse with them. In the West tne
attendance of kings, even at provincial svnods, was
of frequent occurrence. The motive and object of
the royal presence were to protect the synods, to
hei^ten their authority, to lay before thJ$m the needs
of particular Christian states and countries.
This laudable and legitimate co-operati<m led by
• degrees to interference with the pope's rights in con-
dliar matters. The Eastern Emperor Michael
claimed the rij^t to summon councils without obtain-
ing the pope's consent, and to take part in them per-
sonaUy or by proxy. But Pope Nicholas I resisted
the pretensions of Emperor Biichael, pointing out to
him, in a letter (865), that his imperial preoeoessors
had only been present at general synods dealing with
matters of faith, and from that fact drew the conclu-
sion that all other synods should be held without the
anperor's or his commissaries' presence. A few years
later the Eighth General Synod (Can. xvii, Hefele, IV,
421) declared it false that no synod could be held with-
out the emperor's presence — the emperors had only
been present at general councils — ^ana that it was not
rsht for secular princes to witness the condemnation
o< ecclesiastics (at provincial synods). As early as
the fourth century tne bishops greatl^r complained of
the action of Constantino the Great in imposing his
commissary on the Synod of Tyre (335). In the West,
however, secular princes were present even at na-
tional syiiods, e. g. Sisenand, King of the Spanish Vis-
igotiia, was at the Fourth Council of Toledo (636) and
King Chintilian at the fifth (638): Charlemagne as-
sisted at the Coimcil of Frankfort (794) and two Anglo-
Saxon kin^s at the Synod of Whitby (CoUoHo Phar^nr
M) in 664. But step by step Rome established the
principle that no royal commissary may be present at
any council, except a general one, in which "faith,
formation, and peace '^ are in question.
(b) ReqidsiiB number of members. — The number of
bishops present required to constitute an oecumenical
council cannot be strictly defined, nor need it be so
defined, for oecumenicity chieflv depends on co-operii^
tion with the head of the Church, and on^ secondarily
on the number of co-operators. It is physically im-
poMible to bring together all the bishops of the worid,
nor is there any standaixi by which to determine even
an approximate number, or proportion, of prelates
necessary to secure cecumenicitv. All should be in-
vited, no one should be debarreci, a somewhat consid-
erable nmnber of representatives of the several prov-
inces and countries should be actually present: this
ma^ be laid down aa a practicable theonr. But the
ancient Church did not conform to this tneory. As a
rule only the patriarchs and metropolitans received a
direct summons to appear with a certain number of
their suffragans. At Ephesus and Chalcedon the
time between the convocation and the meeting of the
council was too short to allow of the Western bishops
being invited. As a rule, but very few Western bishops
were personally present at any of the first eieht sen-
era! synods. Occasionally, e. g. at the sixUi, uieir
absence was remedied by sending deputies with pre-
cise instructions arrived at in a previous council neld
in the West. What gives those Eastern synods their
cBcumenical character is the co-operation of the pope
aahead of the universal, and, especially, of the West-
ern, Church . This circumstance, so remarkably prom-
inent in the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, af-
fords the best proof that, in the sense of the Church,
the essential constituent element of oecumenicity is
less the proportion of bishops present to bishops
absent than the organic connexion of the council
with the head of the Church.
. (o) Papal hsadMp the formal element of councils,
— It is the action of the pope that makes the councils
oecumenic. That action is the exercise of his oiRce
of supreme teacher and ruler of the Church. Its
necessity results from the fact that no authority is
commensurate with the whole Church except that
of the pope; he alone can bind all the faithful. Its
sufficiency is equally manifest: when the pope lias
spoken ex cathedra to make his own the decisions of
any council, regardless of the number of its members,
nothing further can be wanted to make them bind-
ing on the whole Church. The earliest enunciation
of the principle is found in the letter of the Council
of Sanuca (343) to Pope Julius I, and was often
quoted, since the beginning of the fifth century, as
tne (Nicfl&an) canon concerning the necessity of
papal co-operation in all the more important con-
ciliary Acts. The Church historian Socrates (Hist.
Eccl., II, xvii) makes Pope Julius say, in reference
to the Council of Antioch (341), that the law of the
Church (Kainbp) forbids ''the churches to pass laws
contrary to the judgment of the Bishop of Rome",
and Soaomen (III, x) likewise declares ''it to be a holy
law not to attribute any value to things done without
the judgment of the Bishop of Rome . The letter of
Julius here quoted by both Socrates and Sozomen
directly refers to an existing ecclesiastical custom,
and, in particular, to a single important case (the de-
position of a patriarch), but the underlying principle
IS as stated.
Papal co-operation may be of several degrees: to
be effective m stamping a council as universal it
must amount to taking over responsibility for its
decisions by giving them formal confirmation. The
Synod of Constantinople (381) in which the Ni-
cene Creed received its present form — the one used
at Mass — ^had in itself no claim to be oecumenical.
Before Pope Damasus and the Western bishops had
seen its full Acts they condemned certain of its pro-
ceeding at an Italian sjmod, but on receiving the
Acts, Damasus, so we are told by Photius, confirmed
them. Photius, however, is only right with regard to
the Creed, or Svmbol of Faith: the canons of this
council were still rejected by Leo the Great and even
by Gregonr the Great (about 600). A proof that the
Creed cd Constantinople enjoyed papal sanction may
be drawn from the way in which tne Roman l^ates at
the Fourth General Synod (Chalcedon, 451) cSlowed,
without any protest, appeals to this Creed, while at
the same time they energetically protested against the
canons of the council. It was on account of the papal
approbation of the Creed that, in the sixth century,
Popes Vigilius, Pelagius II, and Gregory the Great
OOX7HOIL8
428
cotmoiLd
ctedared this council oecumenical, although Gregory
still refused to sanction its canons. Hie First Synod
of Constantinople presents, then, an instance of a
minimum of papal co-operation impressing on a par-
ticular council tne mark of universality. The normal
co-operation, however, requires on the part of the head
of the Church more than a post-fadum acknowledg-
ment.
The pope's oflfice and the council's function in
the organization of the Church require that the pope
should call the council together, preside over and
direct its labours, and finally promulgate its decrees
to the universal Church as expressing the mind of the
whole teaching body guided by the Holy Gho^t. In-
stances of suda normal, natural, perfect co-operation
occur in the five Lateran councils, which were pre-
sided over by the pope in person; the personal pres-
ence of the highest authority in the Church, his aireo-
tion of the deliberations, and approbation of the de-
crees, stamp the concilia^ proceedings throu|;hout
as the function of the Magtnterium ScdesicB m its
most authoritative form. Councils in which the pope
is represented by legates are, indeed, also reinresenta-
tive of the whole teaching body of the Church, but the
representation is not absolute or adequate, is no real
concentration of its whole authority. Thw act in the
name, but not with the whole power, of the teaching
Church, and their decrees become universally binding
only through an act, either antecedent or consequent,
of the pope. The difference between councils pre-
sided over personally and by proxy is marked in the
form in which their decrees are promulgated: when
the pope has been present the decrees are published in
his own name with the additional formula: sacro ap*
probante Concilia; when papal legates have presided
the decrees are attributed to the synod (S. Synodus
declaratf definit, decernit).
VI. Factors in the Pope's Co-operation with
THE Council. — We have seen that no council is
oecumenical unless the pope has made it his own by
co-operation, which admits of a minimum and a max-
imum, consequently of various decrees of perfection.
Catholic writers could have saved themselves much
trouble if they had always based their apologetics on
the simple and evident principle of a sufficient mini-
mum ot papal co-operation, instead of endeavouring
to prove, at all costs, that a maximum is both re-
ouired in principle and demonstrable in history. The
tnree factors constituting the solidarity of pope and
council are the convocation, direction, -and confirma-
tion of the council by the pope; but it is not essential
that each and all of these factors should always be
present in full perfection.
(a) Convocation, — The juridical convocation of a
council implies something more than an invitation
addressed to all the bishops of the worid to meet in
council, via. : the act by which in law the bishops are
bound to take part in the council, and the council
itself is constituted a legitimate tribunal for dealing
with Church affairs. Logically, and in the nature of
the thing, the right of convocation belongs to the pope
alone. let the convocation, in the loose sense of
invitation to meet, of the first eijght general synods,
was regularly issued by the Christian enaperors, whose
dominion was coextensive with the Cnurch, or at
least with the Eastern part of it, which was then alone
convened. The imperial letters of convocation to the
Councils of Ephesus (Hardouin, I, 1343) and of Chal-
cedon (Hardouin, II, 42) show that the emperors acted
as protectors of the Church, believing it their duty to
further by every means in their power the welfare of
their charge. Nor is it possible in every case to prove
that they acted at the formal instigation of the pope;
it even seems that the emperors more than once fol-
lowed none but their own initiative for convening the
council and fixing its place of meeting. It is, how-
ever, evident that the Christian emperors cannot have
acted thus without the consent, actual or presumed,
of the pope. Othenvise their conduct had been nei-
ther lawful nor wise. As a matter of fact, none of the
eight Eastern oecumenical synods, ydth the ezceptloti,
perhaps, of the fifth, was summoned by the empenor
m opposition to the pope. As reeards the fifth, thm
conduct of the emperor caused tne legality of the
council to be questioned — a proof that the mind of
the Church required the pope's consent for the law-
fulness of councils. As r^ards most of these eight
synods, particularly that of Ephesus, the jxeviouB
consent of the pope, actual or presumed, is manifeet.
Regarding the convocation of the Coimcil of Chaloe-
don, the Emperor Marcian did not (juite fall in with
the wishes of Pope Leo I as to the time and place of
its meeting, but ne did not claim an absolute ri^t to
have his will, nor did the pope acknowled^ sudi a
ri|^t. On the eontrary, as Leo I explains m his let-
ters (Epp. Ixxxix, xc, ed. Ballerini), he only submitted
to the imperial arrangements because he was unwilling
to interfere with Marcian's well-meant endeavours.
It is still more evident that convocation by the
emperors did not impl^ on their part the claim to con-
stitute the council jundieally, that is, to give it power
to sit as an authorized tnounal for Church affairs.
Such a claim has never been put forward. The ex-
pressions jvbere and ixK^tv, occasionally used in the
wording of the convocation, do not necessarily con-
vey the notion of strict orders not to be resisted ; they
also have the meaning of exhorting, inducing, biddii^
The juridical constitution of the coimcil could oi^
emanate, and in fact always did emanate, from the
Apostolic See. As the necessity of the bishops' meet-
ing in council was dictated rather by the distressful
condition of the Church than by positive orders, the
pope contented himself with authorizing the council,
and this he effected by sending his legates to preside
over and direct the work of the assembled prelates.
The E}mperor Marcian in his first letter to Leo I de-
clares that the success of the intended synod depends
on his — the pope's — ^authorization, and Leo, not Mar-
cian, is later called the auctor synodi without any
restrictive qualification, especially at the time of the
'* Three Chapters " dispute, where the extension of the
svnod's authority was called in question. The law
therefore, at that period was the same as it is now as
far as essentials are concerned: the pope is the sole
convener of the council as an authoritative juridical
assembly. The difference lies in the circumstance
that the pope left to the emperor the execution of the
convocation and the necessary measures for rendering
the meeting possible and surroimding it with the
^dat due to its dignity in Church and State. The
material, or business, part of the councils being thus
entirely in the hands of the emperors, it was to be
expected that the pope was sometimes induced — if
not forced — by circumstances to make his authorissr
tion suit the imperial wishes and arrangements.
After studying the principles it is well to see how
they worked out in fact. Hence the foUowix^ histo-
ric^ summary of the convocation of the fint ei^t
general councils: —
(1) Eusebius (Vita Constantini, III, vi) informs U6
that the writs of convocation to the First General
Synod were issued by Emperor Constantine, but aa
not one of those writs has come down to us, it remains
doubtful whether or not they mentioned any previous
consultation with the pope. It is, however, an unde-
niable fact that the Sixth General Synod (680) plainly
affirmed that the Council of Niccea had been convened
by the emperor and Pope Sylvester (Mansi,(3oll.Oonc.,
XI, 661). The same statement appears in the Mfe
of Sylvester found in the "Liber rontificaliB", but
this evidence need not be pressed, the evidence from
the council being, from the circumstances in which it
was given, of sufiicient strength to carry the point.
For tne Sixth Greneral Council took place in Constaii*
0OUH0IL8
429
0OX7NOILS
tinople, at a time when the biahops of the imperial
city aiready attempted to rival the bi^opa ca Old
Iioaxie» and the vast majority of its memDen were
Greeks ; their statement is therefore entirely free from
the stispicion of Western ambition or prejudice and
must be accepted as a true presentment of fact.
Rufinus, in his continuation of Eusebius' history (1, 1)
Bays that the emperor summoned the e^ynod ex facer-
datum aerUentid Ton the advice of the dergv); it is but
fair to suppose that if he consulted sevem prelates he
did not omit to consult with the head of all.
(2) The Second General Synod (381) was not, at
first, intended to be oecumenical; it only became so
because it was accepted in the West, as has been
shown above. It was not summoned by Pope Da-
masus, as is often contended, for the assertion tnat the
assembled bishops professed to have met in conse-
quence of a letter of the pope to Theodosius the Great
IS .baaed on a confusion, llie document here brou^t
in as e videnee refers to the synod of the following year
which was indeed summoned at the instigation of the
pope and the Synod of Aquileia, but was not an cbou-
menical synod.
(3) The Thixd General Council (Ephesus, 431) was
oonvoked bv Emperor Theodosius II and his Western
colleague Valentinian III; this is evident from the
Acta of the council. It is equally evident that Pope
Celestine I gave his consent, for he wrote (15 Ma^,
431) to Theodosius that he could not appear in person
at the synod, but that he would send bis representa-
tives. And in hia epistle of 8 May to the 63rnod itsdf ,
he insists on the duty of the bishops present to hold
faat to the orthodox faith, expects them to accede to
the sentence he has already pronounced on Nestorius,
and adds that he has sent his legates to execute that
dentenoe at £phesus. The members of the coundl
acknowledge the papal directions and orders, not only
the papal consent, in the wording of their solemn con-
denmation of Nestorius: '' Urged by the Canons and
conforming to the Letter of our most holy Father and
feUow servant Celestine the Roman bishop, we have
framed this sorrowful sentence against Nestorius."
They express the same sentiment wnere they say that
''the epistle of the Apostolic See (to Cyril, communi-
cated to the council) aiready contains a judsment and
a rule i^n^ '(«' rih-Qr) on the case of Nestorius''.
and that they — the bishops in council — liave executed
that ruling. All thianaanifests the bishops' conviction
that the pope was the moving and quickening spiht of
the synod.
(4) How the Fourth General Synod (Chaloedon,
451) was brought together is set forth in several writ-
ings of Pope Lieo I and Eknperors Theodosius II and
Marcian. Immediately after the Bobber Synod,
Leo asked Theodosius to prepare a council composed
of bishops from all parts of the world, to meet, pref-
erably, in Italy. He repeated the same request, first
made 13 October, 449, on the following feast of Christ-
mas, and prevailed on the Western Emperor Valen-
tinian III together with his empress am his mother,
to support it at the Byzantine Court. Onoe more (in
July, 450) Leo renewed his rectuest, adding, however,
that the council might be dispensed with if all the
bishops were to maae a profession of the orthodox
faith without being united in council. About this
time Theodosius 11 died and was suooeeded by his
sister, St. Pulcheria, and her husband Marcian. Both
at once informed the pope of their willingness to sum-
mon the council, Marcian specially asking him to state
in writing whether he could assist at the synod in per-
son or through his legates, so that the necessary writs
of convocation might be issued to the Eastern bishops.
By thai time, however, the 8ituatk>n had sreatly im-
proved in the Eastern Churdi; neariy all the bishops
who had taken part in the Robber Svnod had now
repented of their aberration and signed, in union with
their orthodox colleagues, the ''Epistola dogmatica''
of Leo to Flavian, by this act rendering the need of a
council less urgent. Besides, the Huns were just then
invading the West, preventing many Latin bishops,
whose presence at the council waa most desirable,
from leaving their flocks to undertake the long journey
to Chalcedon. Other motives induced the i)ope to
postpone the sjrnod, e. g. the fear that it mi^t be
made the occasion by the bishops of Constantinople
to improve their hierarchical position, a fear well
justified by subsequent events. But Marcian had
already summoned the synod, and Leo therefore gave
his instructions as to the business to be transacted.
He was then entitled to say, in a letter to the bishops
who had been at the council that the synod had been
brought together ''ex preecepto christianorum prin-
cipum et ex consensu apostolicse sedis" (by order of
the Christian princes and with the consent of the
Apostolic See). The emperor himself wrote to Leo
that the ^ynod had been held by his authority (to
aucU)re)t and the bishops of Moesia, in a letter to the
Byzantine Emperor Leo, said: "At Chalcedon many
bishops assembled bv order of Leo, the Roman pon-
tiff, who is the true nead of the bishops".
(5) The Fifth Greneral Synod was planned by Jus-
tinian I with the consent of Pope Vi^ius (q. v.), but
on account of the emperor's dogmatic pretensions,
quarrel arose and the pope refused to be present,
although repeatedly invited. His ConatitiUum of 14
May, 553, to the effect that he could not consent to
anathematise Theodore of Mopoiestia and Theodoret,
led to open opposition between pooe and council. In
the ena all was righted by Viguius approving the
synodal decrees.
(6, 7, 8) These three synods were each and all
called by the emperors of the time with the consent
and assistance of the Apostolic See. (See Constan-
tinople, CoUNGIIfl of; NiC^A, CoUNCIIiS OF.)
(b) Direction. — The direction or presidency of
councils belongs to the pope by the same right as their
convocation and constitution. Were a council di-
rected in its deUberations and acts by anyone inde-
pendent of the pope and acting entirelv on his own
responsibility, such a councU could not oe the pope's
own in any sense: the defect could only be made g^)od
by a consequent formal act of the pope accepting
responsibility for its decisions. In point of fact, papal
legates presided over all the Eastern oouncib, which
from their beginning were legaUv constituted. The
reader will obtain a clearer insignt into this point of
oonciliar proceedings from a concrete example, taken
from Heiele's introduction to his "History of the
Councils": —
Pope Adrian II sent his legates to the Eighth (Ecu-
menical Synod (787) with an express declaration to
the Emperor Basil that they were to act as presidents
of the council. The legates. Bishop Donatus of Ostia,
Bishop Stephen of Nepesina, and the deacon Marinus
of Rome, read the papal rescript to the synod. Not
the sl^test objection was raised. Their names took
precedence in all protocols ; they determined the dura-
tion of the several sessions, gave leave to make
opeeches and to read documents and to admit other
persons; they put the leading Questions, etc. In
short, their presidency in the first nve sessions cannot
be disputed. But at the sixth session Emperor Basil
was present with hia two sons, Constantine and Leo,
and, as the Acts relate, received the presidency.
These same Acts, however, at once clearly distinguiw
the onperor and his sons from the synod when,
after naming them, they continue: conveniente aatuid
ac uwweraah eynodo (the holy and universal synod
now meeting), thus disassociating the lay ruler from
the council proper. The names of the papal legates
continue to appear first among the monbers of the
mrnod, and it is they who in those latter sessions
determine the matters for discussion, subscribe the
Acts before anyone '!;se, expressly as presidents of tha
OOUKCILS
430
OOUNOILS
mpod, whereas the emperor, to show clearly that he
cud not consider himself the president, would only
subscribe after all the bishops. The papal l^ates
begged him to out his and his son's names at the head
of the list, but ne stoutly refused and only consented,
at last, to write his name after those (x the papal
legates and of the Eastern patriarchs, but before those
of the bishops. Consequently Pope Adrian II, in a
letter to the emperor, praises him for not having
assisted at the council as a judge (judex), but merely
as a witness and protector (conseius et obaecundator).
The imperial commissaries present at the synod
acted even less as presidents than the emperor nim-
sdf. They signed the reports of the several sessions
only after the representatives of the patriarchs,
though before the bishops; their names are absent
from the signatures of the Acts. On the other hand
it may be contended that the Eastern patriarchs,
Ignatius of Constantinople, and the representatives
of the other Eastern patriarchs, in some degree par-
ticipated in the presidency: their names are con-
stantly associated with those of the Roman legates
and clearly distinguished from those of the other
metropolitans and bishops. They, as it were, fonn
with tne papal legates 9 board of directors, fix with
him the order of proceedings, detennine who shall be
heard, subscribe, like the legates, before the emperor,
and are entered in the reports of the several sessions
before the imperial commissaries. All this being
granted, the fact still remains that the papal legates
unmistakably hold the first place, for they are always
named first and sign first, and — a detail of great im-
portance— for the final subscription they use the
formula: huic sanctas et univermli synodo prccsidens
(presiding over this holy and universal synod),
while Ignatius of Constantmople and the represent'a-
tives of the other patriarchs claim no presidency,
but word their subscription thus: suscipiena et omni-
hu8 quoB ab ed judicata et scrivta sunt concordans et
defimens suhscripsi (receiving this holy and universal
synod and a^reemg with all it has judged and written,
and defining I have signed). If, on the one hand, this
form of subscription differs from that of the president,
it differs no less, on the other, from that of the bishops.
These, like the emperor, have without exception used
the formula: suscipiens (synodttm) suhacripn (receiv-
ing the synod I have signed), omitting the otherwise
customary definiens, which was used to mark a decisive
vote {ix>tum decisivum).
Hefele gives similar documentary accounts of the
first eight general synods, showing that papal legates
always presided over them when occupied in their
proper business of deciding questions on faith and dis-
ciphne. The exclusive rimt of the pope in this matter
was generallv acknowledged. Thus, the Enaperor
Theodosius II says, in his edict addressed to the Coun-
cil of Ephesus, that he had sent Count Candidian to
represent him, but that this imperial commissary was
to take no part in dogmatic disputes since ''it was un-
lawful for one who is not enrolled in the lists of the most
holy bishops to mingle in ecclesiastical inquiries".
The CJouncil of Chalcedon acknowledc:ed that Pope
Leo, by his legates, presided over it as 'the head over
the members . At Nicaea, Hosius, Vitus, and Vincen-
tius, as papal legates, signed beforo all other members
of the council. The right of presiding and directing
implies that the pope, if he chooses to make a full use
of nia powers, can determine the subject matter to be
dealt with by the council, prescribe rules for conduct-
ing the debates, and generally order the whole busi-
ness as seems best to film. Hence no concUiar decree
is legitimate if carried under protest — or even without
the positive consent— of the pope or his legates. Ttie
consent of the legates alone, acting without a special
order from the pope, is not sufficient to make cdnciliar
decrees at once perfect and operative; what is neces-
Hiry is the pope's own consent. For ibis reason no
decree can become illegitimate and null in law <m ac-
count of pressure broudiit to bear on the assembly h^
the presiding pope, or by papal legates acting on ma
orders. Suob pressure and restriction of libertv, pro-
ceeding from tAe internal, natural principle of order
through the use of lawful power, does not amount to
external, unnatural coercion, and, therefore, does not
invalidate the Acts due to its exercise.
Examples of councils working at high pressfure, if
the expression may be used, without spoiling their
output, are of frequent occurrence. Most of the
early councils were convened to execute decisions al-
rc:my finally fixed by the pope, no choice bein^ left
the assembled Fathers to arrive at another deciaton.
They were forced to conform their judgment to that
of Komej with or without discussion. Should papal
pressure go beyond the limits oi the council's d^^ity
and of the importance of the matters under discoMion,
the effect would be, not the invalidation of the coun-
cil's decrees, but the paralysing of its moral influence
and practical usefulness. On the other hand, the fact
that a synod is, or has been, acting under the leader-
ship of its Divinely appointed head, is the best guar-
antee of its freedom from unnatural disturbances, such
as intrigues from below or coereion from above. In
the same way violent interference with the papa*
leadership is the grossest attack on the council's nat
ural freedom. Thus the Robber Synod of Ephe-
sus (449), though intended to be general and at first
duly authorized by the presence of papal legates, was
declared invalid and null by those same Wates at
Chalcedon (451), because tlie prejudiced Emperor
Theodosius II had removed the representatives of the
g)pe, and entrusted the direction of the council to
ioscurus of Alexandria.
(c) Con/irwa^ian.— Confirmation of the conciliar de-
crees is tne third factor in thepope's necessary co-
operation with the council. Tne council does not
represent the teaching Church till the visible head of
the Church has given his approval, for, unaj^roved, it
is but a headless, soulless, impersonal body, unable to
give its decisions the binding force of kws for the
whole Church, or the finality of judicial sentences.
With the papal approval, on the contrary, the coun-
cil's pronouncements represent the fullest eflTort of the
teaching and ruling Chureh, a judicium pfewisnmuin,
beyond which no power can go. Confirmation bein^
the final touch of perfection, the seal of authority, ana
the very life of conciliar decrees, it is neeessaiy that it
should be a personal act of the highest authority, for
the highest auUiority cannot be dd^ted. So much
for the principle, or the Question of right. When we
look for its practical wonting throu^out the history
of councils, we find great diversity m the way it has
been applied under the influence of varying circum-
stances.
(1) Councils over which the pope presides in person
require no further formal confirmation on his part, for
their decisions formally include his own as tne body
includes the soul. The Vatican Council of 1869-70
offers an example in point.
(2) Councils over which the pope presides throu^
his legates are not identified with nimself in the same
d^ree as the former. They constitute separate, de-
pendent, representative tribunals, whose finding only
become final throu^ ratification by the authority for
which they act. Such is the theory. In practice,
however, the papal confirmation is, or may be, pre-
sumed in the following oases: —
(a) When the council is convened for the express
purpose of carrying out a papal decision previoosly
arrived at, as was the case with most of the eariy
synods; or when the legates give their cooaent m vir-
tue of a special public instruction emanating from the
pope; in these circumstances the papal ratification
pre-exists, is implied in the ooncihar decision, and
need not oe formally renewed after the oounciL It
GOtJNOILS
431
OOUKfOILS-
may, however, be superadded ad abundanHam, aa,
e. g. the confirmation of the Council of Chaloedon by
LeoL
(b) The neceBsaiy consent of the ApostoUe See may
also be presumed when, as generally at the Council of
Trent, the I^ates have personal instructions frcxn the
pope on each particular question coming up for deci*
81 on, and act conformably, i. e. if they allow no decision
to be taken unless the pope's consent has previously
been obtained.
(c) Supposing a council actually composed of the
greater port of the episcopate, concurring freely in a
unanimous decision and thus bearing unexceptional
vritnesB to the mind and sense of the whole Church:
The popBy whose office it is to voice infallibly the mind
of toe Church, would be obliged by the very nature of
his office, to adopt the council's decision, and conse-
quently his confirmation, ratification, or approbation
could be presumed, and a formal expression of it dis-
pensed with. But even then his approbation, pre-
sumcsd or expressed, is juridically the constituent
factor of the decision's perfection.
(3) The express ratification in due form is at all
times, when not absolutely necessary, at least desir-
able and useful in many respects: —
(a) It gives the oonciliar proceedings their natural
and lawful complement, the keystone which closes and
crowns the arch for strength and beauty ; it brings to
the front the majesty and significance of the supreme
head of the ChujK^.
(b) Presumed consent can but rarely &pply with the
same efficacy to each and all of the decisions of an im-
portant council. A solemin papal ratification puts
them all on the same level and removes all possible
doubt.
(c) Lastly the papal ratification formally promul-
gates the sentence of the council as an article of faith
to be known and accepted by all the faithful; it
brings to light and public view the intrinsic cecumen-
icitv of the council; it ia the natural, official, indispu-
table criterion, or test, of the perfect legality of the
conoiliar tranmctions or conclusions. If we bear in
noind the numerous disturbing elements at work in
and around an ceeumenical council, the confficting
religious, poUtical, scientific, and personal interests
contending for supremacy, or at least eager to secure
aome advantage, we can easily realize the necessity of
a papeX ratification to crush the endless chicanery
* which otherwise would endanger the success and effi-
cacy of the highest tribunal of the Church. Even
they who refuse to see in the papal confirmation an.
authentie testimony and sentence, declaring infallibly
the oecianenidty of the council and its decrees to be a
dogmatic fact, must admit that it is a sanative act
and supplies possible defects and shortcomings; the
oecumenical authority of the pope is sufficient to im-
part validity and infallibility to the decrees he makes
nis own by officially ratifying them. This was done
by Pope VigfliuB for the Fifth General Synod. Suffi-
cient >proof for the sanatory efficacy of the papal rati-
fication lies in the absolute sovereignty ol the pope
and in the infallibility of his ex-cathedra pronounce-
ments. Should it be argued, however, that the sen-
tence of an oecimienical council is the only absolute,
final, and infallible sent^ioe, even then, and then
more than ev^ , the papal ratification would be neces-
sary. For in the transactions of an oecumenical
council the pope plays the principal part, and if any
deficiency in his action, especially in the exercise of
his own special prerogatives, were apparent, the la-
bours of tne council would be in vain. The faithful
hesitate to accept as infallible guides of their faith
documents not authenticated by the seal of the fisher-
man, or the Apostolic See, which now wields the au-
thority of Bt. Peter and of Christ. Leo II beautifully
expresses tliese ideas in his ratification of the Sixth
Genial Council: "Because this ^;reat aAd ufiiveraal
synod has most fully proclaimed the definition of the
right faith, which toe Apostolic See of St. Peter the
Apostle, whose office we, though unequal to it, are
holding, also reverently receives: therefore we also,
and through our office this Apostolic See, consent to,
and confirm, by the authority of Blessed Peter, those
thines which have been defined, as being finally set by
the Lord Himself on the solid rock which is Christ. "
No event in the history of the Church better illus-
trates the necessity and the importance of papal co-
operation and, in particular, confirmation, than the
controversies which in the sixth century raged about
the Three Chapters. The Three Chapters were the
condemnation (1) of Theodore of Mopsuestia, his per-
son, and his writings; (2) of Theodoret's writings
against Cyril and the Council of Ephesus; (3) of a let-
ter from Ibas to Maris the Persian, also against Cyril
and the council. Theodore anticipated the heresy of
Nestorius; Ibas and Theodoret were indeed restored
at Chalcedon, but only after they had given orthodox
explanations and shown that tiiey were free from N^s-
torianism. The two points in debate were: (1) Did
the Council of Chalcedon acknowledge the orthodoxy
of the said Three Chapters? (2) How, i. e. by what
test, is the point to be settled? Now the two contend-
ing parties agreed in the principle of the test: the ap-
probation of the council stands or falls with the appro-
bation of the pope's legatee and of Pope Leo I himself.
Defenders of the Chapters, e. g. Ferrandus the Deacon
and Facundus of Hermiane, put forward as their chief
argument (prima et immolnlis /atio) the fact that Leo
had approved. Their opponents never questioned
the principle but denied the alleged fact, basing their
denial on^ Leo's ejpistle to Maximus of Antioch in
which they read: ^Si quid sane ab his fratribus quos
ad S. Synodum vice meii, praeter id quod ad causam
fidei pertinebat gestum fuerit, nullius erit firmitatis''
(If indeed anything not pertainine to the cause of
faith should have been settled by the brethren I sent
to the Holy Synod to hold my place, it shall be of no
force). Tne point of doctrine (causa fidei) referred to
is the heresy of Eutyches; the Three Chapters refer to
that of Nestorius, or rather to certain persons and
writings connected with it.
The bishops of the council, assembled at Constan-
tinople in 533 for the purpose of putting an end to the
Three Chapters controversy, addressed to Pope Vigil-
ius two Confessions, the first with the Patriarch Men-
nas, the second with his successor Eutychius, in
which, to establish their orthodoxy, they profess that
they firmly hold to the four general synods as ap-
proved by the Apostolic See and by the popes. Thus
we read m the Confeano of Mennas: ''^But also the
letters of Pope Leo of bleesed memoiy and the Con-
stitution of tne Apostolic See issued in support of the
Faith and of the authority (ArmiUui) of tne aforesaid
four synods, we promise to iollow aiid observe in all
points and we anathematize any man, who on any
occasion or altercation should attempt to nullify our
promises." And in the Confessio of Eutychius:
" SvMipimu8 autem et ampUciimwr epiMolas prcemdum
Romance Sedts Avostolicce, tam aliorum quam Leonia
aanctce memorioe ae fide acriptae et de quailuor aanctia
canciliia vel de uno eorum'* (We receive and embrace
the letters of the bishops of the Apostolic Roman See,
those of others as well as of Leo of holy memory,
concerning the Faith and the four holy synods or any
of them).
VII. Business Msthods. — The way in which coun-
cils transact business now demands our attention.
Here as in most things, there is an ideal which is never
completely realized in practice,
(a) The facts, — It has been sufficiently shown in the
foregoing section that the pope, either m person or by
deputy, directed the transaction of conoiliar business.
But when we look for a fixed order or set of rules regu-
^tiug the proceedings we have to come down to tbe
ooimozLs
432
00UNG1L8
Vatican Council to find an official Ordo c&ncUii <Bcur
menvci and a Methodus servanda in primd seasione, etc.
In all earlier councils the management of affairs was
left to the Fathers and adjusted by them to the par-
ticular objects and circumstances or the council. The
so-called Ordo celebrandi ConcUii Tridentini is a com-
pilation posterior to the council, written by the
conciliar secretary, A. Massarelli; it is a record of
what has been done, not a rule of what should be
done. Some fixed rules were, however, already estab-
lished at the reform councils of the fifteenth century
as a substitute for the absent directing power of the
pope. The substance of these rulings is given in the
^'Caremoniale Romanum" of Augustinus Patritius (d,
1496). The institution of ** congregations" dates
from the Council of Constance (1415). At earlier
councils all the meetings of the Fathers were called
indiscriminately sessiones or actioneSy but since Con-
stance the term session has been restricted to the
solemn meetings at which the final votes are given,
while all meetings for the purpose of consultation or
provisory voting are termed congregations.
The distinction betw^een general and particular
congregations likewise dates from Constance, where,
however, the particular congregations assumed a
form different in spirit and composition from the
practice of earlier and later councils. They were
simply separate assemblies of the "nations (first
four, then five) present at the council; their de-
liberations went to form national votes which
were presented in the general assembly, whose
decisions conformed to a majority of such votes.
The particular congregations of more recent councils
were merely consultative assemblies (committees,
commissions) brought together by appointment or
invitation in order to deliberate on special matters.
At Trent there were congregations of prelates and
congregations of theologians, both partly for dogma,
partly for discipline. The congregations of pretotes
were either " deputations", i. e. committees of specially
chosen experts, or conoiliary groups, usually three,
into which the council divided for the purpose of
facilitating discussion.
The official ordo of the Vatican Coundl confirmed
the Tridentine practice, leaving, however, to the m-
itiative of the prelates the formation of groups of a
more private character. The voting by "nations",
peculiar to the reform councils, has also been aban-
doned in favour of the traditional votine by individ-
uals {capita). At the Vatican Council there were
seven "commissions" consisting of theologians from
all countries, appointed a year before the actual
meeting of the assembly. Their dutv was to prepare
the various matters to be laid before the council.
The object of these congregations is sufficiently de-
scribed by their titles: (1) Congregatio cardinalitia
directrix; (2) Commissio caeremoniarum-; (3)politico-
ecclesiastica; (4) pro ecdesiis et missionibus Orientis;
(5) pro Regularibus; (6) theologica dogmatica; (7)
pro discij)linfi. ecclesiastic^ (I. e. a general directive
cardinalitial congregation, and several commissions
for ceremonies, politico-ecclesiastical affairs, the
churehes and missions of the Orient, the regular or-
ders, dogmatic theology, ecclesiastical discipline).
On the basis of their labourB were worked out the
schemata (drafts of decrees) to be discussed by the
council. Within the council itself there were seven
"deputations": (1) Pro recipiendis et expendendis
Patrum propositionibus (appointed by the pope to
examine the propositions of tne Fathers) ; (2) Judices
excusationum (Judges of excuses) ; (3) Judices quere-
larum et controversiarum (to settle questions of prece-
dence and sudi like) ; (4) deputatio pro rebus ad fidem
pertinentibus (on matters pertaining to faith); (6)
deputatio pro rebus disciplinse ecclesiasticcD (on eccle-
siastical discipline) ; (6) pro rebus ordinum regularium
(on religious orders); (7) pro rebus ritus orientalis et
apofltoliciB miBsionibus (Oriental rites and Apostolic
missionB).
All these deputations, except the first, were cfaoeea
by the counoii. Objections and amendments to the
proposed sehemata had to be handed in in writing to
the ren>onsible deputation which considered the mat-
ter and modified tne aehema aooordinriy. Anvone do-
ling further to improve the modified draft had to
obtain from the legaites permission to propose his
amendments in a speech, after which he put them
down in writings If, however, ten prelates decided
that the matter had been sufficiently debated, leave
for speaking was refused. At this stage the amend-
ments were collected and examined by the synodal
congregation, then again laid before the general con-
gregation to be vot^ on severally. The votes for
admission or rejection were expressed by the prdates
standing or remaining seated. Next the Bckema, re-
formed m accordance with these votes, wb0 submitted
to a general congregation for approval or disapproval
in ioto. In case a majority of plaeels were ^ven for
it, it was accepted in a last solemn public session, after
a final vote ot placet or fum placet C' it pleases ", or " it
does not please").
(b) The' theory. — ^The principle which directs the
practical working of a council is the perfect, or best
possible, realisation of its object, viz. a final judgment
on questions of faith and morals, invested wiUi the
authority and majesty of the whole teaching body of
the Chureh. To this end some means are absolutely
necessary, others are only desirable as adding perfec-
tion to the result. We deal first with these latter
means, which may be called ihe ideal elements of the
coimcil:
(1) The presence of all the bishops of the worid is
an ideal not to be realised, but the presence of a ver^
great majority is desiraUe for many reasons. A quasi-
complete council has the advantage of being a real
representation of the whole Chureh^ while a spandy
attended one is only so in law, i. e. the few members
present legally represent the many absent, but only
represent their juridical power, their ordinary power
not being representable; Thus for every bisnop ab-
sent there is absent an authentic witness of the Faitii
as it is in his diooese. (2) A free and exhaustive dis-
cussion of all objections. (3) An appeal to the uni-
versal belief — ^if existing — ^ifvnltnessed to by all the
bi^ops in council. This, if realized, would render all
further discussion superfluous. (4) Unanimi^ in the
final vote, the result either of the universal faith as
• testified to by the Fathers, or of conviction gained in
the debates. It is evident that these four elements in
the working of a council generally contribute to its
ideal perfection, but it is not less evident that ihey are
not essential to its substance, to its oonciliaiy effec-
tiveness. If they were necessary many acknowledged
councils and decrees would lose their intrinsic au-
thority, because one or other or all of these conditions
were wanting. Again, there is no standard by whidi
to determine wheuier or not the number of assisting
bishops was sufficient and the debates have been ex-
haustive; nor do the Acts of the councils always in-
form us of the unanimity of the final decisions or of
the way in which it was obtained. Were each and
all of these four elements essential to an authoritative
council no such council could have been held, in many
cases, when it was none the less uraently required by
the necessities of the Church. Autnors who insist on
the ideal perfection of councils only succeed in under-
mining their authoritv, which is, perhaps, the object
they aim at. Their fundamental error is a false no-
tion of the nature of councils. They conceive of the
function of the oouncU as a witnessing to, and teaching
of, the ^nerally accepted faith; whereas it is essen-
tially a juridical function, the action of judges as weU
as of witnesses of the Faith. This leads us to oonskiar
the essential elements in conciliar action.
QOUNOILS
433
QomraiLB
From tlie notion that the council is a court of judges
the following inferences may be drawn: (1) The bish-
ops, in giving their judgment, are directed only by
their personal conviction of its rectitude; no previous
consent of all the faithful or of the whole episcopate is
reauired. In unity with their head they are one solid
(soliege of judges authoritatively constituted for uni-
ted, decisive action — a body entireljy different from a
body of simple witnesses. (2) This being admitted,
the assembled college assumes a representation of their
colleagues who were called but tailed to take their
seats, provided the number of those actually present
is not altogether inadequate for the matter in hand.
Hence theu* resolutions are ri^tly said to rest on uni-
versal consent: wnveraoM conaeruu (unutUtUaf as the
formula runs. ^ (3) Further, on the same supposition,
the college of judges is subject to the rule obtaining in
all assemblies constituted tor framing a judicial sen-
^«nce or a common resolution, due regaitl being paid
to the special relations, in the present instance, between
the head and the m^nbera of* the cc^ege: the co-oper-
ative verdict embodies the opinion c3 the majority,
including the head, and in law stands for the verdict of
the whole assembly; it is eommum aensu consttttUum
(established by common consent). A majority ver-
dict, even headed by papal l^ates, if disconnected
from the personal action of the pope, still fdls short
of a perfect, authoritative pronouncement of the
whcrfe Church, and cannot claim infallibility. Were
the verdict unanimous, it would still be impnrfect and
fallible, if it did not receive the papal approbation.
The verdict of a majority, therefore, not endorsed by
the pope, has no binding force on either ihe dissen-
tient members present or the absent members, nor is
the pope bound in any way to endorse it. Its only
value is that it justifies the pope, in case he approves
it, to say that he confirms the decision of a council, or
^ves his own decision saero approbarUe cancUio (with
the consent of the council). Tnis he coukl not say if
he annulled a decision taken by a majority including
his legates, or if he gave a casting vote between two
e^ual parties. A unanimous conciliary decision, as
distinct from a simple majority decision, may under
certain circumstances, be, in a war, binding on the
pope and compel his approbation — by the compelling
power, not of a superior authority, but of the Cath-
olic truth shiiung forth in the witnessing of the whole
Church. To exert such power the council's decision
must be clearly and unmistakably the reflex of the
faith of all the absent bishops and of the faithful.
To pain an adequate conception of the council at
work it should be viewed under its twofold aspect of
judging and witnessing. In relation to the faithful
the conciliar assembly is primarily a judge who pro-
nounces a verdict conjointly with the pope, and, at the
same time, acts more or less as witness in the ease.
Its position is similar to that of St. Paul towards the
first Christians: quod aceepU/tis amever mtdtos testes.
In relation to the pope the ooimcil is but an assembly
of authentic witnesses and competent counsellors
whom influence on the papal sentence is that of the
mass of evidence which thev represent or of the pre-
paratory^ judgment which they pronounce; it is the
only way in which numbers of judges can influence
one another. Such influence lessens neither the dig-
nity nor the efficiency of any of the judges; on the
other hand it is never required, in councils or else-
where, to make their verdict unassailable. The Vati-
can Council, not excluding the fourth session in which
papal infallibUity was defined, comes nearer than anv
former council to the ideal perfection just describea.
It was composed of the greatest number of bi^ops,
both absolutely and in proportion to the totality of
biriiops in the Church; it allowed and exercised the
ri^t of discussion to an extent perhaps never wit-
nessed before; it appealed to a general tradition,
present and past, containing the effective principle of
IV. -28
the doctrine under discussion, vis. the duty of sub-
mitting in obedience to the Holjr See and of conforming
to its teaching; lastly it gave its final definition with
absolute unanimity, and secured the greatest majority
— ^nine-tenths — for its preparatory judnnent.
VIII. iNFAIiUBIUTT OF QbNERAL COUNCILS. — ^All
the arguments which go to prove the infaUibilitv of
the Church apply with their lullest force to the inmlli-
ble autiiority of seneral councils in union with the
pope. For concluary decisions are the ripe fruit of
the total lifo-eneigy of the teachizig Churm actuated
and directed by the Holy Qhost. Such was the mind
of the Apostles when, at the CJouncil of Jerusalem
(Acts, zv, 28), iheyjput the seal of supreme authority
on their decisions m attributing them to the joint
action of the Spirit of God and of themselves: Visum
est Spiritui sancto et nMs (It hath seemed good to
the Holy Ghost and to us). This formula and the
dogma it enshrines stand out brightly in the deposit
of faith and have been carefully guarded throu^out
the many storms raised in councils by the play of the
human element. From ihe earliest times they who
rejected the decisions of councils were themselves re-
jected by the Church. Emp^xjr Constantino saw in
the decrees of Nlcsa ''a Divine commandment" and
Athanasius wrote to the bishops of Airica: "What
God has spoken through the Council of Nic»a en-
dureth for ever." St. Ambrose (Ep. xxi) pronounces
himself ready to die by the sword rather than give up
the Nicene decrees, and Pope Leo the Great expressly
declares that ''whoso resists the Councils of Nicsea and
Chalcedon cannot be numbered among Catholics"
<Ep. Ixxviii, ad Leonem Augustum). In the same
epistle he says that the decrees of Chalcedon were
framed instmenle Spiritu Sando, i.e. under the guid-
ance of the Holy Ghost. How the same doctrine was
embodied in many professions of faith may be seen in
Denainger's (ed. Stahl) "Endiiridion symbolorum et
definitk>num", under the heading (index) ''Concilium
generale representat ecclesiam universalem, eique ab-
solute obeaiendum" (General councils represent the
universal Church and demand absolute obedience).
'Die Scripture texts on whidi this unshaken belief is
based are, among others: ''But when he, the Spirit of
truth, is come, he will teach vou all truth . . ." (John,
rvi, 13); '^Bdiold I am with you [teaching] all days,
even to the consummation of the worid " (Matt. , xxviii,
20); "The gates of hell shall not prevail i^inst It
[i.e. the Church]" (Matt., xvi, 18).
IX. Papai/ and Conciuar iNTAxaJBiLnr. — Papal
and conciliar infallibility are correlated but not iden-
ticaL A council's decrees approved by the pope are
infallible by reason of that approbation, because the
pope is infallible also extra conctUum, without the sup-
port of a council. The infallibility proper to the pope
IS not, however, the only formal acfequate ground of
the council's infallibility. Hie Piviae constitution of
the Church and the promises of Divine assistance
made by her Founder, guarantee her inerrancy, in
matters pertaining to fai& and morab, independently
of the pope's infallibility: a fallible pope supporting,
and supported by, a council, would still pronounce in-
fallible decisions. This accounts for tlie fact- that,
before the Vatican decree concerning tiie supreme
pontiff's ex-cathedra judgments, cecumenical councils
were generally held to be infallible even bsr those who
denied the papal infallibility; it also expkiins the con-
cessions largely made to the opponents of the pftpBl
Srivilege that it is not necessarily implied in the inial-
bility of councils, and the claims that it can be
proved separately and independently on its proper
merits. The infallibility of the council is intrinsw,
i.e. springs from its nature. Christ promised to be in
the midst of two or three of His diMsiples gathered to-
gether in His name; now an oecumenical council is, in
fact or m law, a gathering of all Christ's co-workers
for the salvation of man tnrougti tme faith and hob
00U90XIi8
434
COUJiOXU
oonduct; He is therefore in their midBt, fulfiiUng His
promisee and leading them into the truth lor i^ieh
they are striving. His presence, by cementing the
unitv of the assembly into one body— His own mysti*
cal body — gives it the necessary completeness, and
makes up for any defect possibly arising from the phy^
ical absenoe of a certain number of bishops. Tne
same presence strengthens the action of the pope, so
that, as mouthpiece of the council, he can say in
truth, "it has teemed good to the Holy Ghost and to
us", and conseauently can, and does, put the seal of
infallibility on tne conciliar decree irrespective of his
own personal infallibility.
Some important consequences flow from these prin-
ciples. O^nciliar decrees approved by the pope nave
a double guarantee of infallibility: their own and that
of the infallible pope. The council's dignity is, there*
fore, not diminished, but increased, by the defini*
tion of papal infallibility, nor does that definition
imply a " circular demonstration" by whidi the coun-
cil would make the pope infallible and the pope would
render the same service to the council. It should*
however, be borne in mind that the council without
the pope has no guarantee of infallibility, therefore
the conciliar and the papal infallibilities are not two
separate and addible units, but one unit with
8tng:le or double excellence. An infallible statement
of Divine truth is the voice of Christ speaking throu^
the mouth of the visible head of His mystical body or
in unison, in chorus, with all its members. The united
voice of the whole Church has a solemnity, impressive**
ness, and eHectiveness, an external, circuinstantial
weight, which is wanting in simple ox-cathedra pro-
nouncements. It works its way into the minds and
hearta of the faithful with almost irresistible force,
because in the univensal harmony each hidividual be-
liever hears his own voice, is carried away by the
powerful rhythm^ and moved as bv a Divine spell to
follow the leaders. Again, the bishops who have per-
ac^aaUy contributed to the definitions have, in that
fsfit, an incentive to zeal in publishing them and en^
forcing them in their dioceses; nay the council itself
is an effective beginning of its execution or enforce-
ment in praotice. For this reason alone, the holdiog
of most Eastern councils was a moral necessity; the
great distance between East and West, the difficulty
of commutiication, the often keen opposition of the
Orientals to Old Rome made a solemn promulgation of
the definitions on the ^pot more than desirable. No
aids to effectiveness were to be neglected in that cen-
tre of heresies.
These cansiderations further acoouikt for the great
eateem in which conciliar definitions have always
been hekl in the Church, and for the great authority
the^ universally enjoyed withoutany detriment to, or
diminution of, the authority of the Apostolic See.
. From of old it has been customarjr to place side by
side, in the rule of faith, th^ authorit)^ of the eouncik
and that of the popes as substantiall>r the same.
Thus, we read in tne formula, or profession of faith,
imposed by Pope Hormisdas (514-23) on. the East-
ern bishops implicated in the schism of Acacius:
''llie first [step towards] salvation is to keep the rule
of orthodox [rec/iE] faith and in no wise to deviate
from the constitutions of the Fathers [Le. counoilsj.
But tho words of Our Lord to St. Peter (Thou art
Peter . * . ) cannot be passed over, for what He said
has been verified by the events, since in the Apostolic
See the Catholic religion has always been preserved
Without spot or stain. Wishing by no m^ns tQ be
separated from this hope and faith, and following the
constitutions of the Fathers, w)d anathematise all
heresies, especially the heretic Nestorius» in his time
Bishop of Ck>nstantinople, wh^. was condemned in the
Qoun<»l of Ephesus by Blessed OelesUi^e, P<»pe of
^tome, and by Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria ^ . . We
faoeive and anpi^aif^ . all the letters of Lieo^ Pope,
which he wrote conoeming the Christiaii vriigioB, as
we have stated before, foUowinff in all tilings the
Apostolic See and professing [pnesafcan^] all its con-
stitutions. And therefore I hope to be worthy to be
with you [the pope] in tiie one commumoa whSoh thisi
Apostolic See professes, in which lies the entire, vera-
cious, and pesMseful solidity of the Christian rdUgion*
• . ." It should be noted that in this formula the in*
fallibility of the Apostolic See is tiie centre from which
radiates the inf aliibility of the ooimoils.
X SUBJEXTT Matter ot Infalz^ibilixt. — Hie sub-
ject mattar of inf allibfli^, or supfeme judicial author-
ity, is found in the defimtions and decrees of oouneils,
and ui them alone, to the exeluskm of the theologioal,
sdentifie, or historical reasons upon which th^ are
built up. These represent too mxxth of the human
element, of transient mentalities, of personal interests
to claim the promise of infallibility made to the
Church as a whole; it is the sense of the unchangins
Church that is infallible, not the sense of individual
churchmen of any a^ or exceUeoce, and thai sense
finds ezpreasion odiy m.tlie oonciusions of the eoundl
approved b^ the pope. Decieionr tefening to dogma
were called m the East iMrvrt^irctf (coostitut^one, stat-
utes); those ooncemed with discipline wne termed
Kaw6ptt (canons, rulesX often, with the addition of
rift c^ro^laf (of discipline, or good order). The ex-
pressions Bwftol and Bp9i apply to both, and the short
f ormulse of condemnation were known as ^vaBtftamvpol
(anathemas).
In the West.no careful distinction of terms was ob-
served: canoAss and (iecfitfto signify both dogniatic and
diseiplinaiy decisions. The Council of Trent styled
its disciplinary edicts 4ficnita de refarmaHone; its dog-
matic definitions deeretat without qualification^ where
they positively assert the points of faith then in dis-
pute, and canowa when, in isaitatkxi of the ancient
anathematismS) they imposed an anaihema sii on
those that refused assent to the defined propositions.
An epinlon too absurd to require refutation metends
that only these latter canons (with the attaohed ana-
themas) contain the peremptory judgment of the
council demanding unquestioned submission* Equallv
absurd is the opimon, sometimes recklessly advaneed^
that the Tridentine capita are no more than explana-
tions of the camme$, not proper definitions; the ooun-
cil itself} at the beginning and end of e^ chapter, de-
clares them to contain the rule of faith. Thus Sesnoa
XIII be^: "The Holy Synod forbids to all the
faithful in future to believe, teach, or preadi concern-
ing the Hol^ £ucharist otnerwise than is explained
and defined m Uie present decree", and it ends: " As,
however^ it is npt enough to si)eak the truth without
discovenng and ref atins| eiYor, it has pleased the Holv
Synod to subjoin the following canons, so that all,
now knowing the CathoUc doctrine» may also under-
stand what heresies they have to beware as^nat and
avoid. " The same remark applies to the ehapters of
the Vatican Council in its two Constitutions, as appeals
from the concluding words of the proaemium of the first
Constitution and from the initial phrasesof most chap-
ters. All that may be conceded is that the chapters
of both councils contain the dodrimi caihoUca, Le. the
authorized teachh^ of the Church, but not alwavs and
invariably dogmata formalia, i.e. propositionB of faith
defined as such.
XL Promulgation. — ^Promulgation of oonoDiar
decrees is necessary because they are laws, and no law
is binding until it has been brought unmistakably to
the knowledge of all it intends to bind. The decrees
are usually promulgated in the name of the sjmod
itself; in, cases of the pope pvesiding in person they
*have also be^n, published in the form of papal dejcrees
with the forzqula: ■ sacrA un%ver9Qli aynoJa approbanU,
This was done first at the Third Lateran Council, Uien
at the Fourth and Fifth I,»»|enMi^ mi fUso partly at the
Council of CoQstanoer
OOUHSEU
435
C0II1I8KL8
XII. Is A Council Above tbb Popsf — ^Tbe Coun-
cUs of Constance and of Basle have affirmed with
^reat emphasis that an oeoumenical council is superior
in authority to the pope, and French theologians have
adopted that proposition as one of the famous four
Gallican Liberties. Other theologians affirmed, and
still affirm, that the pope is above any general council.
The leading exponents of the Gallican doctrine are:
Dupin (1657-1719), professor at the Sorbonne in
Paris ("Dissertatio de concilii generalis supra Ro-
manum Pontificem auctoritate'\ in his book on the
ancient discipline of the Church, ''De antique £o-
clesisD discipline dissertationes histories"); >uul
Natalis Alexander, O. P. (Id39~1724), in the ninth
volume of his ereat ''Historia Ecdesiastica" (Diss.
iv ad ssBculum XV). On the other side Lucius Fer-
raris (Bibliotheca Canonica, s. v. Concilium) and
Roncaglia, editor and corrector of Natalis Alexander's
history, stoutly defend the papal superiority. Hefele,
after carefully weighing the main arguments of the
Gallioans (vis. that Pope Martin V approved the
declaration of the Council of Constance, and Pope
Gugene IV the identical declaration of the Council
of Basle, affirming the superiority of an cecumenical
svnod over the pope), concluded that both popes, in
the interests of i>eace, approved of the councils in
general terms which might imply an approbation of
the point in question, but that i^ither Martin nor
£ugene ever intended to acknowledge the superiority
of a council over the pope. (See Hefele^ Concilien-
geschidite, I, 60-64.)
The principles hitherto set forth BuppLy a complete
solution to tne controversy. General councils repre-
sent the Church ; the pope therefore stands to them
in the same relation as ne stands to the Church. But
that relation is one of neither superiority nor inferior-
ity, but of intrinsic cohesion: the pope is neither above
nor below the Church, but in it as the centre is in
the circle, as intellect and will are in the soul. By tak-
ing our stand on the Scriptural doctrine that^ the
Church is the mystical body of Christ of which' the
pope is the visible head, we see at once that a coun-
cil apart from the pope is but a lifeless trunk, a
''rump parliament'', no matter how well attended it
be.
XIII. Can a Council Depose the Pope? — ^This
Question is a legitimate one, for in the history of the
Church circumstances have arisen in which several
pretenders contended for papal authority and coun-
cils were called upon to remove certain claimants.
The Councils of G[>nstance and Basle, and Gallican
theologians, hold that a council may depose a pope
on two main grounds: (l) ob mares (for nis conduct
or behaviour, e. g. his resistance to the synod); (2) ob
fidem (on account of his faith or rather want of faith,
i. e. heresy). In point of fact, however, heresy is the
only legitimate ground. For a heretical pope has
ceased to be a member of the Church, and cannot,
therefore, be its head. A sinful pope, on the other
hand, remains a member of the (visible) Church and
is to oe treated as a sinful, unjust ruler for whom we
must pray, but from whom we may not withdraw our
obedience.
But the ouestion assumes another aspect when a
munber of claimants pretend to be the rightful occu-
pants of the Apostolic See, and the right of each is
doubtful. In such a case the council, according to
Bellarmine (Disputationes, II, xix, dc Conciliis) has
a ri^t to examine the several claims and to depose
the pretenders whose claims are unfounded. This
was done at the Synod of Constance. But during this
process of examination the synod is not yet oecumeni-
cal; it onl)r becomes so the moment the rightful pope
assents to its proceedings. It is evident that this is
no instance of a legitimate pope being deposed by a
legitimate council, but simply the removal of a pre-
tender by those oi) whom he wishes to impose his will.
Not even John XXIII could have been deposed at
Constance, had his election not been doubiful and
himself suspected of heresy. John XXIII, moreover,
abdicated and by his abdication made his removal
from the Apostolic See lawful. In all controversies
and eomplamts r^arding Rome the rule laid down by
the Ei^th General Synod should never be lost sight
of: ^'If a universal synod be assembled and any
ambiguity or oontroversv arise concerning the Holy
Church of the Romans, the question should be exam-
ined and solved with due reverence and veneration,
in a spirit of mutual helpfulness; no sentence should
be audaciously pronounced against the supreme pon-
tiff of the elder Rome" (ean. xzi, Hefele, IV, 421-22).
ScBBEBSN wrote oopiously atul learnedly in defence of the
Vatican Council; his article in the Kirchenlexicont written in
1883, oontalns the marrow of hie previous writinm, while
Hsfkub'b Hi&lory of the CouncOa is tne standard work on the
subject. For a deeper study of the eoundls a good collection
of the Ada Coneiliorum is indispensable. The firet ever printed
was the very imperfect one of Merlin (Pkris, 1623). A sec-v
ond and richer collection, by the Belgian Francieean l^vrmti
CRA.BBE, appeared in 1538 i^ Oologne, in 3 vols. Completer
editions were published as time went on: Sxtriub (Coiosne,
1567, 5 vols.); Boianub (Venice, 1585, 5 vols.); Binitjb (Col-
ore, 1006), with historical and expUnatoiy notes from Baro-
nius — ^republished 1618, and in PariSj 1636, in 9 vols.; the
Roman collection of general councils with Greek text, arranoed
by the Jesuit Sirmond (1608-1612), in 4 vols. — each councfl is
preceded by a short history. On Bellannine's advice Biimand
omitted the Acta of tf " * * '
tion is the foundation
omitted the Aote of the Synod of Basle. This Roman collec-
tion is the foundation of all that followed, first among these
is the Paris CoUectio Regie, in 37 vols. (1644). Then comes the
Still completer collection oi the Jesmts Labsb and CossAsr
(Paris, 1674). in 17 folio vols., to which Balxtze added a supple-
mentary volume (Paris, 1683 and 1707). Host French authors
Suote from Labbe-Balues. Yet another and better edition is
ue to the Jesuit Habdouin; it is of all the moet perfect and
serviceable. Manbi — later Archbishop of Lucca, his native
town — with, the help of many Italian scholars, brought out a
new collection of 31 volumes, which, had it been finished, wotiM
have sarpASBed all its predeeeeson in merit. Unfortunately it
only comes down to the fifteenth century, and, bein^ unfinished,
has no indexes. To fill this gap. Welter, a Pans publisher,
took up (1900) the new collection proposed (1870) by V. Palm^.
To a facsimile reprint of the 31 volumes of M akbi (Florenoe-
Venice, 1757-^1797) he added 19 supplementary volumes, fur-
nishing the necmsary indexes, etc. Tne Acta ei Decreta tacrorum
eoneHionint recentiorumCoUeetio Laeenais (Freiburg im Br., 1876-
90). published by the Jesuits of Maria-Leach, extends from
1682 to 1869. An English translation of Hefble's standard
History of the Chriatian CounciU, by W. R. Cuirk, was com-
menced in 1871 (Edinbunh and London); a French tianslBtion
by the Benedictines of Famboroogh is also in oourae of
publication (Paris, 1907). Among the latest authors treating
of councils are Wbbnz, Ju» Decretalium (Rome, 1899}, I, II;
Ojettt, Synopsis rerum moralium et juris eanontci, s. v.
Concilium.
J. WlLHBUi.
Ooniiflals, Evangelical (or Counsels of Pebfec-
tion). — Christ in the Gospels laid down certain rules of
life and conduct which must be practised by eveiy
one of His followers as the necessary condition for at-
taining to everlasting life. These precepts of the
Go^Tel practically consist of the Decalogue, or Ten
Conunandments, of the Old Law, interpreted in the
sense of the New. Besides these precepts which must
be obsenred by all under pain ot eternal damnatloD,
He also taught certain principles which He expresslv
stated were not to be considered as bindine upon all,
or as necessary conditions without which neaven
could not be attained, but rather as counsels for those
who desired to do more than the minimum and to aim
at Christian perfection, so far as that can be obtained
here upon earth. Thus (Matt., xix, 16 so.) when the
young man asked Him what he should do to obtain
eternal life, Christ bade him to ''keep the command-
ments'*. That was all that was necessary in the
strict sense of the word, and by thus keeping the com-
mands which God had given eternal life could be ob-
tained. But when the young man pressed further,
Christ told him : " If thou wilt be perfect, go sell what
thou hast, and give to the poor''. So again, in the
same chapter, He speaks of '^eunudns who have miMie
themselves eunuchs for the kingdom Of heaven", and
added, ** He that can receive H, let him receive it".
This distinction between the precepts of the Gospel
OOUSTSBPOIMT
436
OOUSTEBPOIMT
whiob aie binding on all, and the counsels, which are
'the subject of the vocation of the comparativelv few,
has ever been maintained by the Catholic Church. It
has been denied by heretics in all ages, and especially
by many Protestants in the sixteenth and following
centuries, on the ground that, inasmuch as all Chris-
tians are at all times bound, if they would keep God's
Commandments, to do their utmost, and even so will
fall short of perfect obedience, no distinction between
precepts and counseb can rightly be made. The op-
ponents of the Catholic doctrine base their opposition
on such texts as Luke, xvii, 10, '^ When ye have done
all that is commanded you, say, we are unprofitable
servants". It is impossible, they say, to keep the
Commandments adequately. To teach further " coun-
sels" involves either the absurdity of advisine what
is far beyond all human capacity, or else the im-
piety of minimizing the commands of Almighty God.
The Catholic doctnne, however, founded, as we have
seen, upon the words of Christ in the Gospel, is also
supported by St. Paul. In I Cor., vii, for instance, he
not only presses home the duty incumbent on all
Christians of keeping free from all sins of the flesh, and
of fulfilling the omigations of the married state, if they
have taken those obligations upon themselves, but also
gives his ^'counsel" m favour of the unmarried state
and of perfect chastity, on the 0*ound that it is thus
more possible to serve God witn an undivided alle-
giance. Indeed, the danger in the Earlv Church, and
even in Apostolic timra, was not thai the ''counsels"
would be neglected or denied, but that they should be
exalted into commands of universal obligation, ''for-
bidding to marry" (1 Tim., iv, 3), and imposing pov-
erty as a duty on all.
The difference between a precept and a counsel lies
in this, that the precept is a matter of necessity while
the counsel is leit to the free choice of the person to
whom it is proposed. It is fitting, therefore, that the
New Law, which is a la^ of liberty, should contain
counsels of this kind, which would have been out of
place in the Old Law, which was a law of servitude.
The precepts of the New Law have for their scope the
brdinance of those matters which are essential for the
obtaining of life eternal — the gift which it is the spe-
cial object of the New Law to place within the reach of
its followers. But the counsels show the means by
which that same end may be reached jret more cer-
tainly and expeditiously. Man is, in this life, placed
between the good things of this world and the good
things of eternity, in such a way that the more he in-
clines to the first the more he alienates himself from
the second. A man who is wholly given up to this
world, finding in it the end and object of his existence,
loses altogether the goods of etermty, of which he has
no appreciation. So in like manner, the man who is
whoUv detached from this world, and whose thoughts
are wholly b«it on the realities of the world above, is
taking the shortest way to obtain pOBsesston of that
on which his heart is fixed. The children of this
world are in their generation wiser than the children
of light, but the case is reversed if a larger view be
taken.
Now the principal good things of this worid easily
divide themselves into three classes. There are the
riches which make life easy and pleasant, there are the
pleasures of the flesh which appeal to the wpetites,
and, lastlv, there are honours and positions of author-
'^ which delight the self-love of the individual.
These three matters, in themselves often innocent and
not forbidden to the devout Christian, may yet, even
when no kind of sin is involved, hold back the soul
from its true aim and vocation, and delay it from be-
coming entirely conformed to the will of God. It is,
therefore, the object of the three counsels of perfection
to free the soul from these hindrances. The soul may
Indeed be saved and heaven attained without follow-
ing the counsels; but that end will be reached more
easily and with greater certainty, if the counsels be
accepted and the soul does not wholly confine bendf
to doing that which is definitely commanded. OaU^e
other hand, there are, no doubt, individual eases in
which it may be actually necessary for a person, owing
to particular circumstajioes, to follow one or more of
the counsels, and one may easily conceive a case in
which the adoption of the religious life mi^t seem,
humanly speaking, the only way in which a particular
soul coiud be sav^. Such cases, however, are always
of an exceptional character. As there are ihret great
hindrances to the higher life, so also the oounsi^ are
three, one to oppose each* The love of ridies is op-
posed by the counsel of poverty; the pleasures of the
flesh, even the lawful pleasures of holy matrimony, are
excluded by the counsel of chastity; while the desire
for worldly power and honour is met by the counsel of
holy obedience. Abstinence from unlawful indulg-
ence in any of these directions is forbidden to all
Christians as a matter of precept. The further volun-
tary abstinence from what is in itself lawful is the sub-
ject of the counsels, and such abstinence is not in itself
meritorious, but only becomes so when it is done for
the sake of Christ, and in order to be more free to
serve Him.
To sum up: it is possible to be rich, and noarried,
and held in honour by all men, and yet keep the Com-
mandments and to enter heaven. Christ's advice is,
if we would make sure of everiasting life and desire to
conform ourselves perfectly to the Divine will, that
we should sell our possessions and give the proceeds
to others who are in need, that we sfanould live a life of
chastity for the Gospel's sake, and, finally, should not
seek honours or commands, but place ourselves under
obedience. These are the Evangelical Counsels, and
the things which are counselled are not set f orwa^ so
much as good in themselves, as in the li^t of means to
an end and as the surest and quickest way of obtaining
everlasting life. (See AscvncisM ; MoNABnciaii ; Rk-
uqious Ordsks.)
All writers on donnado or moral theology touch on the sub-
ject more or lees mrectly. The followins eapedaUy may be
consulted: St. Thomas, Summa Theol.. l-II, Q. c\-iii; Il-Il,
O. exxiv; Suarbz. Opera (ed. 1858), XV, p. 38; Mionk, Diet.
cToeoftieume, s. v.; Maiooicatus, CommeiUeay on MatL xix.
Arthur S. Barnes.
Ooonterpoint (Lat. contraparuium; Ger. Kontra-
pufUU; Ft. contrepoirU; It. conimpwUo), from punc-
turn, ''point'' — ^as a note was form^v called in
music — and contra ^ "against''; originaUy], punctum
contra ptinctumy or nota contra notam — '' point against
point", or ''note against note". Tlie term counter-
point originated in the fourteenth centuiy, though
the art designated by it had been practised tor several
centuries previous. The desire for harmony, that is,
the simultaneous sounding ¥rith the caniue ^irmtts.
tenor, or theme, of one or more voices on different
intervals, first found expression in the so-called di-
aphony or "Organum" of Hucbald (840-930 or 932).
[H. E. Woolridge in his "Oxford History of Music"
(1901), vol. I, p. 61, quotes from a treatise "De
divisione nature", by Sootus Erigena (d. 880), a
passage, describing the organwn, which would indi-
cate mat diaphony, even in contrary motion, was in
use in England previous to Hucbald's innovation,
thou^ proof of its general use in the British Isles is
wanting.]
In the twelfth century, in France, the custom arose,
and became general amone singers, of improvising one
or more independent melodies above the liturgical
melody, or carUu9 firmua. This was known as (Uchantt
or diacaniua. In England the gymel, or canlus genhd"
lu8 (twin song), flourished at an even earlier date.
The gymel consisted in adding the interval of the third
both above and below the canJlua finmta, later^ the
third below was transposed an octave highex, giving
rise to the /also-bordonef faux^bourdon, or false basa
OOUNTBRrRErOBMATXOR
437
OOVHTSMCKFOEliATIOll
All tliese sporadic attempts at polyphony cvdminated,
in the forrteenth century, in tne addition of different
m^odies to the cantus fvn.vus in accordance with well-
formuLated iawg of counterpoint which are still valid
at the present day. The aim was the perfect integrity
and independence of the various melodies in their
flow^y from which, of oourse, resulted passing disso-
nances, but these were continually solved into conso-
nances on the accented notes of the measure. Durine
the course of the following century contrapuntal skiU
reached unprecedented heights among both the nu-
merous masters of the Neth^lands and those of
En^and ; but it served its highest purpose r.nd bore
its ripest fruit in the Roman school of the sixteenth
century. The polyphony for four, five, six, eight, or
more parts, produced in that century, with its pre-
vailing consonance and xmifying and life-giving prin-
cnple, the cantus firmus (generallyaGregorian melody),
is. in a sense, an image of the congrc^tion or of the
Church itself. We have unity in variety: each voice
mnging its own melody and still harmonising with
every other voice, just as every member of the Church
aspires tp the same ideal according to his own nature
and capacity. When monodv came into fashion at
the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the
seventeenth century, the study knd practice of coun-
terpoint was almost entirely neglected, but it received
a new and wonderful development at the hands of
H^ndd and Bach. For a time contrapuntal art
served masters other than the Church and her littvgy.
but with the revived observance of her laws in regard
to music, and with the study and revival, during the
past sixty years, of her greatest musical treasures,
counterpoint in accordance with its original principles^
has come into its own again and is bearing fruit as it
did of yore,
Ambbas, Getehukteder Mtuik (Leipiig. 1881), HI; Hibuank.
Handbuck der Munkoeschichte (Leipsig. 1907). II. pi. I; Hai/-
u:r. KamptmtumaUhre (Ratisbon, 1890) ; Dehm. Lekrt vom
Cordrapunkt (Berlin, 2883). JOSEPH Otten.
Ooanter-Reformation, The. — ^The subject wHl be
considered under the following heads: I. Significance of
the term; II. Low ebb of Catholic fortunes; III. St.
Ignatius and the Jesuits, pioneers of the new move-
ment; IV. The Council of Trent; V. Three great
reforming popes; VI. The missions; VII. Progress
in European States; VIII. Ecclesiastical literature;
IX. Close of the period and retrospect.
I. SiaNiPiCANCB OF THE Term. — ^Thc term Counter'
Reformation denotes the period of Catholic revival
from the pontificate of Pope Pius IV in 1560 to the
dose of the Thirty Yeara' War, 1648. The name,
though long in use among Protestant historians, has
only recently been introduced into Catholic hand-
books. The consequence is that it already has a
meaning and an application, for which a wqrd with a
different nuance should perhaps have been chosen.
For in the first place the name suggests that the
Catholic movement came after the Protestant;
whereas in truth the reform originallv began in the
Catholic Church, and Luther was a Catholic Reformer
before he became a Protestant. By becoming a Prot-
estant Refonner, he did indeed hinder the pro-
gress of the Catholic reformation, but he did not stop
it. It continued to gain headway in the Catholic
South tmtil it was strong enough to meet and roll
back the movement from the North. Even if our
Catholic refonn had been altogether posterior to the
Protestant, we could not admit that our reform move-
ment owed its motive power or its line of action to
the latter, in the way that modem reform movements
amon^ Orientals are due to the influence of Euro-
peanthought. For the principles of the Protestant
Refonnatk)n are to Catholics principles leading to
drformation and to the perpetuation of abuses, such
as the subservience of Church to State, or the mar*
riage of the clergy, to say nothing of doctrinal eiror*
Both the continuance and correction of the same abuse
ciinnot be due to the same movement. Moreover, it
will be seen that the Catholic reform was not even
originally due to reaction from Ptt>te8tantism, in the
wa>[ in which inert nations are sometimes spurred by
initial defeats to increased energy, which in the end
may oven make them victork)us. Tliou^ this reac-
tion undoubtedlv had its effect on certain Catholic
reformers, it had little or no influence on the leadens
or on the best representatives of the movement, as,
for instance, on St. Ignatius, its pioneer, or on St.
Philip Neri and St. Vincent de Paul, exemplars of its
maturity.
Another point to be noticed is that, though we
assijgn certain dates for the beginning and end of the
period under consideration, there has never been any
break in the striving of the Church against the heresies
which arose in the sixteenth century. In this sense
the CounteivR^ormation began in the time of Luthei^
and is not even yet dosed. But while the points of
similarity between this period and those which pre-
ceded and followed it miglit be dwelt upon at some
length, and must occasionally be called to mind, there
is no reason for rejecting the term, or for denying that
it corresponds with a real and important historical
period. Historical periods, it will be remembered,
are never shaiply cut off, during the actual course of
events, from wnat goes before and comes after, as they
are described in books; for history in the concrete la
always continuous. In this case the limits of the
period are to be measured not by reversals of reform-
mg policy and methods, but by the increased or de-
creased energy with which such reformation is pur-
sued. When there is intense zeal on the part of many
for making reforms, then is the "periocr' of reform.
Similarly this ''period" ceases when such seal be-
comes rare, or only mediocre in intensity, even thouch
it does really continue here and there m some indi-
viduals or classes. It would be a misrepresentation of
the heroes of the Counter-Reformation to describe
their reforms as having differed from those of the
older opponents of Protestantism, except in degree,
in earnestness, thoroughness, adaptability to altered
circumstances, etc. Their predecessors had been
clear in the condemnation and punishment of error.
They had preached, pleaded, threatened, even fought,
but they aid not remodel their ways seriously every-
where, in small things and in great. They did not insti-
tute new and vast schemes of education, or alter the
constitutions of their States. They did not succeed
in awakening the enthusiasm of their party, or in
encoun^ging whole classes to make heroic sacrifices,
or heroic efforts. But there did come a time when
there was such heroism on a large scale, when whole
classes, as for instance episcopates, new religious orders,
and even the laity (as m England during the persecu-
tions), were filled with enthusiasm; when martyrs
were numerous; when great writers, preachers, and
leaders abounded; when education was attended to
from the hi^est motives and with the greatest in-
terest; when the old duties of life were dischaiged
with*an alertness, a faith, a meaning which were new;
when for a time Catholic rulers and whole States rose
superior to considerations of self-interest.
The span of time during which this enthusiasm
lasted may be justly considered as an historical
period, and it is that which we call the period of the
Counter^Reformation. It may also be well to note
at the outset that this period is the harder to follow,
not only because of its continuity with previous a&d
succeeding periods, but also because It did not com-
mence or end at the same time in any two countries,
and in each land began, grew strong, and di<Kl away,
through different causes, m different ways and de-
grees, and at* different times. Broadly considered,
however, the dates assigned above will be shown to
be perfectly accurate.
OOUMTlBrREFOEMATION
438
OOUMTlBrBSroaiiAniMI
II. Low Ebb of Catholic Fortunes. — ''From the
time of St. Peter there has not been a pontificate so
unfortimate as mine. How I regret the past! Pray
for me. " Such were the sad words of Pope Paul I V
to Father Laynez, as he lay dying in Augusti 1569
(OUver Manare, Commentarius de rebus Soc. Jesu,
Florence, 1886, 125). It never looks daricer, it is said,
than just before dawn; the prospects of Catholicism
at Ihat moment did indeed seem ^oomy to the watch-
eiB in the Vatican. Luigi Mocemgo, Venetian ambas-
sador at Rome, sent thence to the seipnory this report
on the situation: ''In many countries, obedience to
the pope has almost ceased, and matters are becoming
so critical that, if God does not interfere, they will
soon be desperate . . . Germany . . . leaves little
hope of being cured. Poland is in almost as hopeless
a state. The disorders which have just lately taken
place in France and Spain are too well known for me
to speak of them, ana the Kingdom of England . . .
after returning a short time since to her old obedience,
has again fallen into heresy. Thus the spiritual power
of the pope is so straitened that the only remeay is a
council simomoned by the common consent of all
princes. Unless this reduces the affairs of religion
to order, a grave calamity is to be feared." Another
Venetian diplomatist (and these men were reckoned
among tiie most acute of their day) wrote not long
after, that Cardinal Morone, when leaving for the
council, told him that "there was no hope^ (Alb^ri,
Relasioni degli ambasciatori Veneti, 1859, II, iv, 22,
82). Though Morone's prophecv was soon falsified
by l^e events about to be described, his words must
be considered as conclusive proof that even the brav*
est and best-informed in Rome regarded the situation
with profound discouragement, 8^ it will be worth
while to seek an explanation by goine back to Mo-
cenigo's words. At the same time, without attempt-
ing an account of the Reformation itself, notice may
be taken of what had hitherto been done in ordor to
stem the religious revolution.
Oennany, — Even before the Protestant Reformsr
tion the holding of synods and provincial councils had
been frequent, and uiey had always been attentive to
points requiring reform. After it, the pofses had sent
thither a succession of le^tes and nuncios, sudi as
Aleander, Campeggio, Cajetan, Contarini^ Morone,
who had upon tne whole been men of conspicuous sin-
cerity, vigour, and prudence. There had also been
found among the German Catholics many men of
splendid eloquence and zeal, of holy life and ceaseless
labour, such as Tetzel, Johann von Eck, Miltiti,
Nausea, Jerome Emser, Julius Pflug, Johann Cropper,
who had striven courageously and most effect! vdy on
the Catholic side. The Emperor Chaiies V (q. v.)
had laboured upon the whole with marked devotion
in favour of Catholicism, thou^^ his Italian policy,
it is true, had frequently been repugiiant to the wishes
and the interests of the Roman pontiffs. But now he
was gone, and his successors, Philip II of Spain and
Ferdmand of Austria, whether their eneigy and devo-
tion or the power which thev wielded be considered,
were far inferior to him as cnampions and protectors
of Catholicism* There had, of course, been some, in-
deed many, improvements on the Catholic side. The
Gennan episcopate, once so worthless, now numbered
many noble oharactom, of whom Otto von Truchsess,
Bishop of Augsburg axid afterwards cardinal, was the
most brilliant representative. The I>ominican and
Franciscan friars nad showed from the first to advan-
tage; always ready to meet the foe, they everywhere
enoourased and strengthened the men of their own
skie, a^ prevented many defections (see N. Paulus,
Die deutsdien Dominikaner im Kampf gegen Luther,
1903). The first Jesuits too had won many notable
Bttcoesees. Thus while on the one hand it was evident
that there was still life in the Chureh of Germany,
while there was no intrinsic impoasibility in eanrying
* further the good that had b^un, on the wliide the oat-
look was as dark as the retrospect. No bulwark
against Protestantism had yet been found. Attempts
to conclude a ''religious peace" or an "Intertm", at
the various dtets of Nuremberg, Speyer, RatisboD,
and Augsburg seemed to effect nothing better than to
^ve the Protestants breathing time for fresh organ-
ization, and so prepare the way for new attacks and
victories. The Turks were pressing on Hungarv and
Austria from the south-east; the French, allying
themsdves with the Reformers, had invaded the Ger-
man West, and had annexed the ''three bishoprics"
Metz, Verdun, and Toul. Charles had then made
larpe sacrifices to get the Protestants to agree to " the
religious peace of Augsbui^" (1555), in order to com-
bine all forces against france. The allianoe was
made, but was unsuccessful; the French retained
their conquests; Charles retreated; the power of
Catholic Germany seemed to be under an eclipse.
Mocenko might well say that ''Germany leaves little
hope of beiiur cured".
Poland,-^^Fo\»iid is in almost as hopeless a state/'
Protestantism had latteriy gained dt>und rapidly.
In 1555 a ''national synod" had been neld, whioi had
requested the marri^ of priests, Cooununion under
both kinds, Mass in Polish, the aJx^ishment of " an-
nates". Such demands had but too often proved the
forerunners of a lapse to Protestantism, and in fact in
1557 the weak King Sigismund Augustus had allowed
"liberty" of conscience in Danzig and some other
towns. There were waverers evexk among the deigy
and the bishops, like James Uchanski, Ardibisbop of
Gnesen and Prixnate of Poland in 1562. Fortunately
the evil was not yet deeply rooted in the eountry.
There had been no sweeping confiscations of diurch
property, nor apostasies among the actual rulers.
The great bishop and cardinal, Stanislas Hosius, was
rising to fame, and behind him stood a number of
zealous clergy, who would in due time renew the face
of the Church. Still for the moment the state of the
country was very serious. (See Krause, Die Ref-
ormation und Gegenreform. im ehemaligen KOnig-
reiche Polen, Posen, 1^10
France and Spain, — "Tne disorders in France and
&>ain are too well known for me to speak of them. "
Ine first open revolt of the Huguenots, styled the
Tumuile d^AmboiWt had taken place iust before Mo-
cenigo wrote. Hitherto, France though allying herself
with the heretics of Germany, had preserved her own
religious peace. But the converts to Protestantism
were numerous and well organized, and counted not
a few of the hi^est nobility and of the blood royal,
especially princes of the House of Bourbon, to which
the crown was destined to fall ere very long. The
ruUng sovereign, Francis II, was but a boy, and
thouSi for the moment the House of Lorraine and the
family of 'the Guises brou^t victory to the Catholics,
the position was one of evident danger, and was soon
to result in a long series of wars of religion.
The troubles of Spain were in a sense rather foreign
than domestic. It was true that there had been some
defections, as Enzinas (Dryander), Servetus, and
Valdez. Though not numerous, these had been suf-
ficient to cause much alarm and suspicion, so much
so that the Ardibishop of Toledo himself, Bartolora^
Carranza (q. v.) was put on his trial. (Cf. Sdiafer,
''Gesch. des spanischen Prot^antismus", Guter^
sloh, 1902 ; Menendez y Pelayo, ** Historia do los heter-
odoxos Espafioles", Madrid, 1880-82.) TTie proceed*
ings lastea a long term of years, but in the end noth-
ing could be proved against him. There was also
danger from the Moriscoes. But what gave most
cause for anxiety to serious thinkers was tne linking
of the Netherlands, Naples, and so many parts (n
Italy to the Spaniards. The latter were everywhere
unpopular, and the Reformers were begimiing, espe-
pecially in the Netherlands, to pose as patriots, with
ooxTmsa-RXFOBMAnoy
489
OMnmB-BBFORMATIOH
nssults veiy unfortunate for Catholicism. For in-
atanoe. King Philip had arranged with the Holy See
in 1550 for certain changes in the Flemish sees. Meqh*
lio» Caonbrai, and Utrecht were naade archfoishoprics,
and fourteen smaller districts were formed into bish-
>pricflL This measure, wise and commendable in
ttaelf , was badly received when it came from Spanish
rulers. The zedistribution of benefices, which had to
be made in order to endow the new sees, caused com-
plaints which grew constantly k>uder, and in the
end proved one of the chief causes of the revolt of the
Netherlands.
EngUxni, — Of all the countries of Europe none
changed sides with such appalling facility Us England*
At fint she had seemed tne least lik^ of any to re-
volt. She had been peaceful and contented; the ob-^
servanee of the canons compared favourably with that
in many other countries; her king was emphatically
on the side of the Church, until "^ the Qoapel light
first shined in Boleyn's eves''. Then it wsa found
that the absolute power ot the sovereign was eamly
greater than an^ other force in the realm. There
were aome glorious martyrs (see Fishbr; HoiniB-
ton; More) and, in general, sufficient resistance to
show that the country, aa a whole, ijlung to its old
faith, and would never have diaoged but for force.
When that force was applied, the <mange was shame-
fully rapid and complete. When Queen Mary gained
the upper hand, there was remarkably little difficulty
founa m the much more arduous task of restoring the
old order, in spite of the church property, whidi had
been confiscated, and had alreadv been redistributed
into thousands of hands. Only about two vears were
available for the actual restoration of the Cnurch, and
though the work was carried out in a way that was
not very conciliating, vet the Marian establishment
proved itself more stable, when tried in the fire of
flliaabeth's persecution, than the ancient Church
when attacked by King Hexirv. In neither case,
however, could the Church withstand the power of
the Crown; and again the resistance, though sufficient
to be reckoned a magnificent protest M^inst the royal
t3rrannv, was entirely inadequate to hinder the dic-
tates of the Tudor sovereign and her powerful minis-
ters. The M«nan reaction movement should not be
reckoned under the Counter-Reformation proper, for
it was in effect almost entirely a restoration of old
methods and old ideas, and derived its force from the
old religious feelings of the land. These had lain
dormant while beaten down by overwhelming force,
but rose again as soon as that repression ceased.
Scotland and Ireland* — These countries were prob-
ably included by Mocenigo under England, though
their condition waa in reality widely different. Soot-
land, unlike England, was perhaps of all countries in
Europe the most Mkely to take up the Reformation.
Bloody and incessant feuds had sadly demoralized
monastic life, and rendered church government ex-
tremeiv diTicult, while the rough barons had intruded
their ill^timate children into a large number of the
livings, abbacies, and episcopal sees. Yet Scotland
resiated for a generation the r^onnation which Henry
and Edward strove with all their might to impose
upon her. Elisabeth's efforts were more subtle and
more sucoessfuL Mary of Quise, Queen Reeent of
Scotland, relied almost entirely upon the French
anns for the maintenance of royal and religious
authority* It was represented to the nobility that
this was an insult and an injury to those Oti whom
ihe government of Scotland should naturaUy have
fallen, the House of Hamilton and the nobility of
the hind. Moreover the Calvinists in France had
won over many young Scottish soldiers and students
in Pkris, notably the Eari oi Arran who stood but two
or three steps from the throne. The revolution took
place, and though the regent might have held her own
(f England had been neutra there eould be no doubt
as to the issue when EUizabeth actively supported
the rebels with money, men, and ships. The ninth
clause of the Treaty of Edinburgh (6 July, 1560)
stipulated that " the matter of religion be passed over
in silence", which in effect left to the Scottish Prot-
estants, with England at their back, absolute power
to do what they liked. The estates of the Cnurch
were seised by the laity, and (exoept in the inaccessi-
ble North) every vestige of Cathonc observance was
forcibly banished from the land. It was the last na-
tional revolt from the Church, and was the more lar
mentable because of Scotlancf's previous constancy.
As to Irdand, Rome probably knew nothing ex-
cept the darkest features. The Marian bishops and
indeed all the Anglo-Irish of the Pale had thrown
in their lot with Elisabeth, though she had as yet
made few changes. Officially the state of Ireland
seemed as bad as that of England. Communication
with the Irish beyond, the Pale was most difficult to
keep up; it had probably not yet been opened.
Scandinavia and Italy, — ^Mocenigo said nothing of
these nations. The former was so far away from
Roman influence that the Counter-Reformation never
reached it. Of the latter he would surely have given
a better account than of any other European nation.
A couple of generations backj when the pagan Renais-
sance was at its height, it might have been, or at least
seemed, otherwise. There was then corruption in
high places, as everyone could see, but the miseries of
war had cheeked the spread of luzuiy, which had not
penneated far down amona; the people, and better
condition^ resulted (Cantil, Gli eretwi d'ltalia, Turin,
1865-67). At every papal election better men were
chosen, and the College of Cardinals certainly con-
tained nusre enlightened reformers than could be
foimd in any other body. Aieander, Contarini, Mor-
one, Pole, Sadolet may be named as good examples of
their class. There were many admirable prelates like
Gian Matteo Giberti, Bishop of Verona. Moreover, sev-
eral new and efficient religious orders had lately come
into existence, the Capuchins, Theatines, and Bama-
bites, while St. Jerome Emiliani had formed the Clerics
Regular known as the Somaachi.
Pope Paul lY (Giovanni Pietro Caraffa) was him-
self a representative of the best traditions of the Ital-
ian Church immediately before the Council of Trent.
He was holy and sincere, business-like and energetic,
as he had proved before his elevation to the papacy.
But the virtues of a great reformer are not always the
virtues most needed in a ruler. Like St Pius V, on
eertain occasions, Paul IV was sometimes rash in
having recourse to medieval methods. His Bull
against nepotism was a reform of the utmost impor-
tance, 3ret he was betrayed, in a great measure by
nepotism, into the fatal war against Spain (1557-58).
the fmsfortunes and distiurbanoes of which affected
the cause of Catholicism so adversely throughout
Western Europe. Becauseof this war Sfaiy Tudor's
reign dosed in gloom, the Netherlands were distracted,
intercourse with the pope was practically intermitted
tor England, Flanders, and Spain, and the Reformers
in France maintained that the evils of the time were due
to the ambition of the popes. As soon as the Peace
of Paris was concluded, in 1559, the evils which had
hitherto been working unperceived became evident.
While England fell away, followed by Scotland,
France and the Netherlands were found to be deeply
infected by heresy; the Holy See had either no repre-
sentatives in those countries to combat the evil, or
they were so out of favour as to have little or ik)
power. This explains the words of Paul IV on his
death-bed, quoted above, which so vividly describe
the unfortimate condition of the Church at this mo-
ment.
III. St. Ignatius and thb Jbsuits, Pionbers of
THE Nhw Movkmpnt. — But thou£^ Paul IV did not
advert to it, tho Catholic reaction had alrea/ly made
0OUHnR-MUrORMA.TlO!r
440
OOUlVTSBpBXFOBBIAtlOir
eonaiderable progress. The number of ereat men
among the cardinalB, and the foundation of the Capu-
chins, Theatines, and other orders, have already been
mentioned aassrmptomatio of the improvement. Then
there appeared Ignatius and the Jesuits, so conspicuous
in the new movement. And here it mav be well to
notice how very different the evolution of the Protec-
tant Reformers (even of those who were most conscien-
tious) was from that of the vocation of this Catholic
leader. The monk Luther and many like him began
by denoxmcing abuses. The abuses were serious, no
doubt, but from the nature of the case abuses in
matters or of matters themselves holy and laudable.
Yet so violent did the accusers become that the^ grad-
ually forgot any good there was connected with t^e
object decried, though the good perhaps in reality far
outweighed the evil. Then came attacks upon the
persons who maintained or defended the thing im-
pugned, or who failed to make the changes demanded,
and they were almost always declared to have vir-
tually or actually betrayed or deserted the Church it-
self. Finally the reformer, setting himself up as the
true standard of orthodoxy, fell to self-exaltation,
and at last rebelled and separated from the Church,
which he had originally intended to serve.
The aoldier, Ignatius, in the enforced leisure after
his woimd at Pampeluna (1521) bethought himself erf
serving Christ as a captain. The idea dowly took
possession of him and aroused a lofty spiritual ambi-
tion. The imitation and service of Chnst were to be
most thorough. He would first educate himself as well
as his ace would allow, become a priest, induce the
best of nis companions to join him, and then go
to the Holy Land and imitate the Saviour's life as
literallv and exactly as possible. This was a humble
but sublime ideal, capable of appealing to and satis*
f ying the most earnest souls, and sure to lead to great
efforts. There was no preoccupation here about the
reform of abuses, nor indeed any temporal concern
whatever, even the most praiseworthy. For twelve
years Ignatius, now a middle-aged man, laboured at
the education and the sanctification of himself and of
the few followers who threw in their lot with him, and
the plan would have been completed as it had been
conceived, had not war with the Turks kept him and
his companions waiting for several months at Venice,
unable to proceed to ralestine. Then he turned to
Rome, which he reached in November, 1537. and
never left again. The servfces of his small band of com-
panions were soon in great request; they were the
" handy men " of the hour, with heads and hearts ready
for any work. In a short time they had been heard
of and seen eveiywhere. Though few in number they
had carried the Uospel to Abyssmia, India, and China,
the ends of the known worid. They had faced ana
fought the most redoubted heretics; the^ had
§ readied to the poor and tended the sick in tlie
arkest purlieus of the manufacturing cities. They
had not indeed as ye$t the great colleges which after-
wards made them famous, nor did people feel their
force as a corporate body, but this only made their
position as the pioneers, or advance guard pf the
Chureh. the more noteworthy. If so few preachers
could dfo so much, their calls on others to join in the
struggle roused multitudes to confidence, energy, and
fresh efforts. (See Socibtt of Jesus.)
IV. The Council or Trent. — ^The Council had
been ori^nally summoned in the year 1537, and six-
teen sessions were held during the next fourteen years.
In 1552 it was prorogued for the third or fourth thne,
and so serious were the quarrels throu^out Europe
that its conclusion was almost despaired of. "Tne
only remedy", said Mocenigo, " is a council summoned
by the common consent of all princes. " Yet there
was small chance that the^ factious, overbearing
princes of those davs would give up their own views
and interests. StUl, for the common good, it had to
be attempted, and when the bishops met again in 1661
they came with hearts resolved to do their utmost.
But "the consent of all the princes" was not easr to
obtain. If th^ had known of Elisabeth's secret deal-
ing with the french Court (Foreign Calendara, 1561,
nn. 682, 684), thev might have put a very sinister
interpretation on the proposals with whidi Uie Cardi-
nal of Lorraine and other Gallk»ns were constantly
interrupting the progress of business. At last Osrdi-
nal Morone and the ^urdinal of Lorraine paid personal
visits to the emperor and the pope. A better under-
standing between the clerical and the state parties
ensued, and so the coimcil was concluded, with much
more expedition and siitiBfaction than had eeemed
possible. While the politicians had been squabbling,
the theologians had been doing their work wdl, and
when the decrees came to be promulgated, there was
g0neral admiratk>n at the amount of definition that
had been accomplished. Though there had been so
many rumours of quarrels and divisions, the points
on which all were agreed were surprisingly numerous
and formed a Striking contrast to tlie contradictions
and feuds among the Protestant sects, which were
becoming ever more conspicuous and bitter. No
council that had ever been held had pronounced so
clearly nor on so many useful points. Moreover, the
Catholic bishops and representatives of various coun-
tries had come to know one another as never before,
and when they separated they returned to their
flocks with a new perception of ihe unity of the
Chureh, and edified bv the sincere holiness of her
hierarchy. From this time we find that a cer-
tain readiness for compromise, and apprehension of
change, which was once wioespreaa, has passed
away. Though, for instance, many had wished the
laity to receive the Chalice, in order to stay further
defections, and though the council and the Holy See
had allowed it for certain cotmtries, it was now found
that the concession was unnecessary, and it was not
made use of. The decrees, at least those which regarded
doctrine, were everywhere received with approval.
The disciplinary decrees, on the other hand, were not
accepted without serious qualifications by the Catholic
sovereigns. Spain withheld ''the privQeges of the
Spanish Crown"; France at first refused them alto-
gether as inconsistent with the Gallican Liberties, a
refusal significant of the danger of Regalism which
was to b^t the Chureh of France for generations to
come. [Cf . besides the decrees of the council (Rome,
1564, et 9CBp.\ the valiiable publication of the GOrree
Society, ''Concflium Tridentinum, Diariorum, acto-
rum, epistulsJTum, Tractatuum nova ooUectio", I,
"Diariorum pars prima", ed. S. Merkle (Freiburg,
1901), and *'Actorum pars prima", ed. S. Ehses
(Fk^iburg, 1904).]
V. Three Great Reformino Popes. — The popes
are as a rule, and from the nature of their positbn,
extremely conservative, but it was characteristic of
the Counter-Reformation that after the Council of
Trent tkree popes of great reforming energy should
be elected in close succession.
(1) SL Fins V. — The great achievement of this pope
was the example which ne gave of heroic virtue. In
the language of the dav, "he made hb palace into a
monasteiy, and was himself a model of penance,
asceticism, and prayer". He inspired all about him
with his own high views, and new life and strength
were soon seen m all parts of the papal administra-
tion. Many and notorious had been the corruptions
which had crept in during the reigns of the easy-going
humanistic popes who had preceded him. They had
indeed passed severe laws, after the fashion of the
time, hoping to maintain good order by occasional
severities ami the constant dread of heavv penalties,
but with lax administration such a method of govern-
ment produced deplorable results. Pius V applied
the laws with an unflinching regularity to rich and
ooxmsnMiirwMATMm
441
OOUVTSB-RSFOBICATIOH
noble, 80 well as to mean and poor. His ligour and
vigour were eometimes exceesive, no doubt, but this
would not have seemed very reprehensible in those
days. There had been a popular outciy for "reform
in the head as well as in the members", but it had
seemed hopeless to expect it, considerii^ the strong
conservative traditions of the Roman Court. Now
that the seemmgly unattainable had been aooom-
> plished, occasional excesaes in the manner of its at-
tainment were easily foigiven, if thcfy were not
actually relished, as signs of the thoroudmess with
which the desired d&ange had been ma&. Esteem
for the papacy rose, pa]^ nuncios and legates failed
with firmness the powOTful sovereigns to whom they
were sent, and strove with dignity for the correction
of abuses. Reforms were more easily accepted by
inferiors when superiors had ah«ady embraced them.
£ven Protestants mentioned Pope Pius with respect.
Bacon spoke of -'that exceUent Pope Pius QutrUua,
whom I wonder his succeasors have not declared a
saint'' (" Of a Holy War", in his Works, ed. of 1838,
I, 523; the words however are put into the mouth of
another). Though the forces against Pope St. Pius
were powerful, and the general position was every-
where so critical that extreme caution m^t have
seemed the best policy, his fearless enforcement of
ezistinff diurch law was on the whoAe wonderfully
suocessul. Thus, thou^ his Bull excommunicating
and depriving Elisabeth (1570) was in one sense ill-
timed and a failure, on the other hand its results in
the spiritual sphere were admirable. It broke the
English Catholics of their subservience to Elizabeth's
tyranny over their consciences in a way which no
xnilder measure could have done.
(2) Oregory XIII became a leader of the refonn
movement by virtue of qualities very different from
those of his predecessor. He was a kindly, sociable
man, ^^ h^ nsen to fame as a lecturer on canon
law, and hiB successes were due to his zeal for educa-
tion, piety, and the machinery of ^vemment, rather
than to anything magnetic or inspiring in ^ personal
influence. He was boimtiful in his supiiort of the
Jesuit missions, and in his grants to seminaries and
collies. The German, En^ish. and Greek coUeges.
and many others owe him their roundation Bull% ana
much of their funds. He sent out missionaries at his
own expense to all parts of the world. Thou^ he
had no great genius for politics, he had an admirable
secretary, Ptolomeo 'Gatli, Cardinal of Como, whose
papers remain to this day models of perspicacitv and
oroer. Standing nunciatures were now established
at Cathcdic courts in lieu of the old special envoys
(Vienna, 1581; Oolc^pie, 1584), smd with the happiest
results. Thus, when Gebhard Tnichseas (q. v.) the
Archbishop of Cologne, turned Protestant and tried
(1582) to carry over his electorate with him, the
nuncios on all sides organized a vigorous counter-
attack, which was completelv suocesnul. Since then
Cologne has been a tower of strength to the Catholi-
cism of North- Western Europe. The reform of the
Calendar was another piece of large-minded and far-
sifted office work, if it may be so described, which
reflected much credit on the pope who or^;aiuzed it.
Oegory was also most generous in panting Indul-
gences, and he encouraged works of piety on a large
scale. He took an active part in the celebration of
the Holy Year of Jubilee in 1575, and the pilgrims,
who had flocked in thousands to the Eternal City,
returned to spread throughout Europe the satisfac-
tion they had felt at the sight of the good pontiff
performing in person the long religbus ceremonies,
leading processions, or tendii^ poor pilgrims with his
own hands.
(3} Sixtus v.— like Pius V, Greoory XHI was too
much of an enthusiast for abstract theories and medie-
val practices to be an ideal ruler; he was also a poor
Qnancier, and, tike many other good lawyers, waa
somewhat deficient in practical judgment. It was
exactly on these points that his successor, Sixtus V,
was strong. Where Gr^oiy, at the end of his reign,
was crippled by debts and unable to restrain tke
bandits, who dominated the country up to the gates
of Rome, Sixtus, by dint of good management, was
soon one of the richest of popes, whose word was law
in every comer of his States* He fimshed St. Peter's,
and erected the obelisk of Nero before it. He built
the Vatican Library and that wing of the palace,
which the popes have inhabited ever since, wnile he
practically rebuilt the Quirinal and Lateran Palaces.
He constructed the aqueduct known as the Aqua
Felice^ the Via Sistina, the hospital of San Girolamo
and other buildings, though his reign only lasted five •
and a half vears. Sixtus was large-minded, strong,
and practical, a man who did not fear to grapple wiS
the greatest problems, and under him the aelays (re-
puted to be perpetual) of the Etemal City seemed to
be changi^ to briskness, almost precipitation.
As. the (Council of Trcuat had given Catholics, just
when the^r most needed it, an irrefragable testimony
to the unity and catholicity of their Faith, so these
three ponticEs, with their varying excellences, showed
that tne papaoy possessed all the qualifications which
the faithful eiq)ected in their leaders, virtues which
afterwards repeated themselves (though not quite so
often or so frequently) insucceeding popes, especially in
Clemwit VUI, Paul V, and Urban VIII. Now at all
events, the tide of the Counter-Reformation was run-
ning in full flood, and nowhere can its course and
strength be better studied than in the missions.
VI. Thb Missions. — While persecution and war,
g>litics and inveterate custom, nampered progress in
urope, the wide continents of America, Asia, and
Africa offered a freer outlet for the spiritual energy of
the new movement. Beginning with St. Francis
Xavier (q. v.), there are among the Jesuits alone quite
a multitude of apostles and martyrs, confessors and
preachers of the first order. In India and China,
Antonio Criminaie, Roberto de' Noblli, Ridolfo Acqua-
viva, Matteo Ricci, Adam SchaU. In Japan, after
Padre Valignano's great successes, ensued tne terrible
persecution in which there perished b^ heroic death
ahztoet ei^tv Jesuits, to say nothing of others.
Abyssinia and Uie Congo were evangelised by Fathers
Nufies, Baretto, and Syhreira. In North America
there were heroio struggles to convert the Indians (see
BaiiBKcr; Lajxeiunt),. and in South America St.
Peter Claver's woric for the slaves from Africa and the
reductions of Paraguay. The Franciscan and Do-
minican friars and the secular clergy were in the field
before the Jesuits in Central America (where Las
Casas has left an unperishing name); elsewhere also
thev were soon in the front rank. Later on in the
penod there are St. Vincent de Paul (q. v.) and his
zeidous apostolic followers and (1622) the Roman
Congregation "De Propaganda Fide'', with its
organized missionaries (see Propaganda, Collsqs
In order to appreciate the connexion of the afore-
said names with the movement under consideration,
we must remember that these apostles were not only
showing forth in their heroic labours and sufferings
the true nature of the O>unter-Refonnation; they
were also winning many new converts to it bv their
preaching, while their letters raised to the nighest
pitch the enthusiasm of generous soub at home (see
Cros, "St. FranQois Xavier, Sa vie et Ses lettres",
Paris, 1900; also ''Lettres Edifiantee et Curieuses",
34 vols., Paris, 1717, sqq.).
VII. Proobesb IK European States.— ^Whilst in
distant lands the new sjjsirit found to some extent a
free field, its prc>gress m Europe wss very largely
dependent on the varying fortunes of the Catholic
and Protestant political powers. Here it will only
be possible to jndio&te the chief stages in that pro-
OOUNTSBrREFOBMAnOH
442
oMmrauitxraEMATioH
and it must be remembered that controversies
ave arisen at one time or another even about the
leading facts.
Oermany and Attstria. — Here it is evident that in
the first named country the losses of the Catholics did
not cease with the Religious Peace of Augsburg in
1555. The Protestants, as the occasion arose, nad
not hesitated to avail themselves of religious troubles
in various episcopal sees and had possessed themselves
of two archoishoprics (Magdebui^ and Bremen), and
of 12 important bishoprics. It was only by recourse
to arms that Cologne was saved in 1583; and the
freedom of Strasburg and Aachen was in grave danger.
There were also many defections among the lesser
'princes, and so long as Maximilian II (1564-76)
was emperor, his Protestant proclivities prevented
the Catholics from acting with tne vigour and author-
ity which became their number and their cause. For
the alarming condition of Northern Germany about
1600 see "R6m. Quartalschrift" (1900), p. 385 eqo. So
serious did the eeneral position become, that St. Peter
Canisius (a. v.) rhetorically compared the Catholic
countries of Bavaria and the Tyrol to the two tribes of
Israel, which alone were saved while all the others
were carried off captive (see O. Braunsbereer, Canisii
EpistulfiB et Acta, Freiburg, 1896-4905, I-IV). In-
deed, Albert V of Bavaria (1550-79) seemed almost
the only Catholic prince who could make head against
the Protestants. He used his authority freely to ex-
clude Protestants from posts of trust, etc., an example
afterwards imitated by other Catholic princes (see
Kndpfler, Die Kelchbewegung in Bayem UTiter
Albrecht V, Munich, 1901). There was more satis-
factory progress among the Catholics themselves. A
new generation of bishops was growing up. Though
it was impossible to put an immediate end to tlie
abuses of 'patronage practised by the nobility and
the princes, the proportion of men chosen for their
capacity and virtues had everywhere increased. Otto
von Truchsess, Bishop of Augsbuiig, has been men-
tioned, and with him may be classed Julius Echter
von Mespelbnmn, Bishop of Wtirzburg (said to have
reconcile some 60,000 souls), Cardinal Klessel, Arch-
bishop of Vienna, Theodore von Furstenbere, Ernst
von Me-igeredorf, Dietrich von Raitenau, of Pader-
bom, Bamberg, and Salzburg respectively, and many
others. They were truly "columns of the church*,
whose influence was felt far beyond the limits of their
dioceses. Far-reaching, too, were the good results
effected by the Cathmic writers, Tanner, Gretscher
(Gretser), Laymann, Contzen, and by preachers and
missionaries, especially Canisius, called the nvilleus
hoBreticorumj and other Jesuits and Dominicans. The
Jesuit colleges also increased steadily and were pro-
ductive of great and permanent good.
At last with the reign of Rudolph 11 as emperor
(1576-1612) came the occasion for the Counter-
Reformation in Germany and Austria. Wherever the
House of Hapsburg had influence the Catholic princes
and lords began to exercise the same right of reforma-
tion (Refonnatwnm'echtj Jus reformandi) in behalf of
the Church, which the Protestants had hitherto used
against her. But the latter ere long became sus-
picious. In 1608 they joined in an offensive and de-
fensive "union*' which the Catholics answered by
their " League *\ In this way the opposing parties
soon drifted into the Thirty Years War (q. v.) ^ich
lasted from 1618 to 1648 Though the Catholic allies
commenced at the greatest disadvantage, they grad-*
uaOy won the upper hand. By the end of 1631 they
seemed so secure of their superiority, that Ferdinand
II by his "Restitutionsedict" (Edict of Restitution)
Tecalled the Church lands seiced by Protestants since
the Religious Peace of Augsburg in 1555, and in partic-
ular Uie aforesaid two archbtshoprics and twelve bish**
optics. The political power of the Cathol ics now stood
at the highest point it reached during the Counter-
Reformation. But a reaction soon set in ; Fnuiee and
Sweden joined hands with the Protestants, and the
Catholics had neither the fflithusiasm nor the unity of
Surpose to maintain their advantage. The Peace of
[Onster and OsnabrQok, in 1648, disastrous and hu-
miliating as it was for Germany politically, was also
most injurious to Catholicism. (See Westphalja,
Treaty of.) Church lands were freely secularized,
and distributed, as the price of peace, to lay lords
who practically had the ripht of dictating to their
subjects the religion they might profess. The secular
authorities, even in Catholic countries, claimed and
exercised a ri^t of plaoei in the i^ioe of biriiops,
which was in tne long run most injurious. Amid the
distractions of war, the deceits of victory, and the
miseries of defeat, the fervour of the Counter-Refor-
mation had evaporated.
France. — If the Counter-Reformation had much to
fear and to suffer from the politics of secular princes^
it was from France that it had most to dreaoL The
wars of Francis I with the Emperor Charies V had
fiven the Reformation an occasion for aprea<fing.
ranee had been the chief difficulty at the Council of
Trent. In France the stru^e between Catholicism
and Protestantism was earned on with great bitter-
ness and cruelty. Though the eventual victory of
the Counter-Reformation was very extensive, it was
nowhere later in coming ; nowhere had there been sudi
danger of a great disaster. This was due to the cl ^ee-
ness of the connexion of Church with State. In vir-
tue of the so-called Gallican liberties (q. v.) the
king and nobles exercised imdue influence over the
appointment of bishops, abbots, and clergy, and ec-
clesiastical administration in general. But the later
rulers of the House of Valois, as also Catherine <ie'
Medici were miserably wanting in principle, and ail
efforts at reform under such li»ders ended in turmofl
and strife. Margaret of Valob, sister of Francis I, had
favoured Protestantism, and it soon infected the
House of Bourbon (Kings of Navarre), into which she
had married, and which claimed the succession to the
French throne. Henry II had shamelessly allied him-
self with Protestant powers abroad, while be burned
heretics at home. Heresy spread among the princes
of the blood and the hi^est nobility, who drew their
retainers after them. Henoe the numberiess quar-
rels and the seven bloody '' Wars of Religion" (1562,
1567, 1569, 1573, 1577, 1580, 1587-^). Both sides
were cruel, but. the barbarities of the Calvinists were
especially revolting to Catholic feelings. In battle
-the Catholics were generally victorious, but in the
negotiations for peace the Protestants gained more
and more concessions. This was in great measure
due to the unprincipled ''see-saw" policy of Catherine
de* Medici (q. v.), who cjmically inclined first to one
side, then to another. At last Henry III having as-
sassinated the Catholic leaders of the House of Guise,
was himself assassinated, and the throne was claimed
by Henry of Navarre. But as he was a Huguenot,
the Catholic people of France would not accept him,
and the war drag^ on, with disastrous effects to
French power, until Henry IV became a Catholic in
1503, and was absolved by Pope Clement VIII in
1595. France recovered with wonderful rapidity on
the restoration of peace, and it was now that the
Catholic revival be^n in earnest, reaching its highest
point in the following reign.
Clement VIII had laid down four principal condi-
tions for absolving Kins Heniy: (1) the heir to the
throne must be educated as a Catholic; (2) a convent
or monastery was to be established in evenr province
in reparation for the numb^s which had been de-
stroyed; (3) Catholic worship must be introduced
even into Huguenot towns; (4) the Council of Trent
must be prodaimed. The Counter-Reformation in
France may be said to have followed the lines here
laid down. Thus (1) Louis XIII, the son and heir of
CX>IJKTERrBBPOIlMAT10H
443
CMnmSE-BBVQElSATIOir
Heturv IV, was educated by Pk« Coton (q. v.), aad it
was through him that most of the good traditions of
the fVench kings in exereising their ecclesiastical
patronage took shape. He was also remarkable, per-
tiape iJmost singular, among the old French kings for
the purity of his domestic relations. Thus, though he
died comparatively young, and though he was com-
^etely eclipsed by his omnipotent prime minister
Richdieu (q. v.)> he was no unfit person to preside over
and to protect a movement of religiotis reform. (2)
'niat reform reached its highest development in tne
multiplication of religious congregations and ordeis.
In his "M^moires" Richelieu says of the reign of Louis
XIII, ''Le vrai sidde de Saint Louis 6tait revenu, c}ui
oommenQa k peupler ce ro^ume de maisons religi-
euaes ' '. The most distinguished founder &nd director
of such congregations was St. Vincent de Paul, whose
religioufl oreanizations, be^nning in 1617, reached
such astoni^in^ extension m the period immediately
following. Besides those, there were the foundations
or reforms of Saint-Maur (Benedictine); Port-Royal;
Brothers of Charity;. Congregation of Notre Dame
( 1607) ; of the Visitation (1610) ; the Ursulines (1612) ;
the fVench Oratory by Cardinal de BeruUe. Moreover
the Bamabitee, Capuchins, and Carmelites developed
new provinces, and established many new houses. St.
Peter Fourier founded the Canons Regular of St.
Saviour. The Jesuits, who had previouMy had only
thirteen colleges, now increased ^^atly both in num-
bers and influence, but amid many contradictions and
acrimonious controversies with the University and
the Pariement of Paris. The Society, however, was
efFectivelv supported by the Crown, and at Paris the
College de Clermont, wterwards Louis-le-Grand, be-
came one of the chi^f centres of the Counter-Refor-
mation. (3) The re-establishment of Catholicism in
the districts left under the power of the Hitt;uenots
through the Edict of Nantes (1598) proceeded idowlv
and was attended with difficulty. But the French
monarchs had many reasons for exacting obedience
from their often insubordinate Protestant subjects.
Eventually La Rochelle, after a celebrated siegje, was
reduced by force (1628). Though their quasi-inde-
pendence was now gone, and with it their political im-
portance, the Counter- Reformation did notJead to the
abolition of religious liberty for the Huguenots, which
was fully confirmed by the Edict of Nhnes in 16^.
(4) There was much reluctanoe to admit the Council
of Trent, and an obstinate insistence on the Galilean
Liberties which proved eventually a calamity for the
French Church.
On the one hand we find great names amoi^ the
bishops of this period, such as St. Francis of Sales,
Cardinals de BeruUe and de la Rochefoucauld, Hon-
or6 de Laurens, Archbishop of Embrun, Philippe
de Cosp^an, Bishop of Nantes. Synods were fre-
quent, the education of the priests was much im-
proved. In 1642 St. Vincent of Paul opened the Col-
lege des Bons Enfants, whidi served as a model for
seminaries in many other dioceses; while M. Olier be-
tween 1642 and 1645 carried into execution his idea
of the Grand S6minaire of Saint Sulpice. The clergy
in general reached so high a level that the period may
be r^;arded as one of the brightest in the history o(
the Gallican Church. On the other hand the great
influence of the State and of the nobility in the selec- •
tion of abbots and bishops, especially for the highest
and most wealthy sees, could not but be injurious.
We sometimes hear of prelates, like the Cardinal de
Retz, who were a shame to their order, and still more
of worldly prelates, like the Cardinal Richelieu, who
though not proved to be immoral, lowered the ideals
of ecclesiastical devotion to the Church, which had
given the Counter-Reformation so much of its first
vigour. Other weak points in the progress of the
CJbunter-Reformation in France may be studied in the
careers of Edmond Richer and of the Abb4 of Saint
Cyran, Du Verger de fat Hauranne, and m the rise of
the Janaenists. <See Jambenisbc.)
Spcan and Portupal, — ^Turning now to Spain and
Portugal, we see the Counter-Ileformation winning
here its most signal spiritual victories. There can be
no question that the saints of Spain who flourished at
this period, the theologians, canonists, and spiritual
writers whom it educated, were more remarikable than
those produced bv any other country, e. g. St. Igna-
tius, St. Tereisa, St. Firancis Borgia, St. John of God,
St. Peter of Alc&ntara, 8t. John of the Cross, St. Fran-
cis of Solano, John of Avila, Bialdonado, Navarro,
Sahneron, Toleto, Gregory of Valencia, Sanchea,
Suares, Juan a Santo Tomaso, Ripalda, Barbosa.
These form a gala^ of brilliant names, which in their
?>here have never been surpassed. The Spanisfa and
ortuguese colonies in South America and the Ewt
Indies were also ennobled by missionaries, whose
heroisnL self-devotion, and energy were beyond com-
pare, starting from Las Casas, whosQ chief achieve-
ments, however, belong to an earlier period, mention
must be made of the reductions of Paraguay and the
first missions to the Philijf^ines, while the majority
of the spiritual labourers m India, China, and Japan
were dso furnished by the Spanish Peninsula. But
here again, as in France, it was in great measure the
absolutism of the Crown which prevented the tri-
umph of the new movement from being as complete
and permanent as it might have been^ A series of
second-rate sovereigns, an indifferent bureaucratic
government, slavery, and a very bad colonial system,
rought on the premature decav not oi^y of the
temporal, but also of the spiritual, greatness of these
countries. Though the Incjuisition was established
in several European countries, it was more active in
Spain than elsewhere.
Italy, — ^This country had from the first been ready
for the Counter-Reformation, and in the papaey and
the Council of Trent had, as it were, opened tne neldto
reform. Nowhere did the course of the movement
progress more uniformly, or last longer. This is bait
seen in the papal Curia, where the Colle^ of Cardinals
continued to be thoroi^ly representative of the best
tal^it and virtue in the Church and where the Sacred
Congregations worked with an eflUciency and steadfast-
ness never known before. But in truth, wherever it
is possible to look into the religious life of the nation,
a remarkably high level of fervour will be recognised.
St. Charles Borromeo did not lack followers among the
bishops, as the great names of Sirleto, Paleotto, Ar-
ri^m, Rusticucci, and many others testify. The de-
tailed accounts that have come down to ua of the Jubi-
lees of 1576 and 1600, give us a glimpse of a whole
community sensible to, and familiar with, works of
piety and charity on a very large scale. Among the
new congregations of this period mention should be
made of the Scolopii, foimded In 1600 by St. Joseph of
Calasanza (Calasanctius). The most serious set-back
was the quarrel of Paul V with Venice, 1608 to 1607,
and the constant friction with unsympathetic Span-
ish rulers of Milan, and of the Two Sicilies, about the
immunities of the clergy and the administration of
ecclesiastical property. In the former case the pope
may have precipitated the quiirrel by the vigour with
which he took extreme measures. But when the hos-
tilities had commenced the Venetians showed an om-
inous tendency to ally themselves with the Gallicabs
and even with English heretics. The quarrel, how-
ever, only lasted one year. Such men as Paolo Sarpi
and Antonio de Dominis were found but seldom. Tlie
** Index Librorum Prohibitorum" of 1664 may appro-
priately be mentioned here, though it applies to and
illustrates all countries.
England, — ^Turning now to England we find the
spirit of the Counter-Reformation suddenly bursting
into most vigorous life at the preaching of Blessed
Edmund Campion in 1680. The organisation of th^
OOUNTEB^BBrOBMATlOir
444
OOUXTER^BSFORMATIOir
mission was due to the maghanimous soul of Cardinal
AUen, whose noble sentiment oportet mdiora non ex-
pedare sed facere (Letters, p. 367) conceived as it was
m the face of overwhelming persecution, gives us the
measure of his lofty spirit. ''This Church here",
wrote Campion, ''shall never fail, so long as priests
and pastors shall be found for the sheep, rage man
or devil never so much*" So it fell out. Allen's
seminary, first at Douai, then at Reims, sent forth,
year after year, its small quota of missionaries, and
the Jesuits, with the lesser seminaries, added a few
more. It was an heroic struggle, for no persecution
can be heavier than that of the law remorselessly ap-
plied in a law-loving country. But the courage of the
whole Catholic body (num^cally small) rose to the
occasion, and if there were many failures, as also some
serious quarrels and scandals, there was an astonish-
ingly high average of courage and perseverance. In
time their worst persecutors died off, and calmer
days ensued, but at the close of the period the Puri-
tans were renewing Elisabeth's cruelties, and priests'
blood was flowing almost as fast as ever. This same
religious enthusiasm manifested itself during the last
decade or so of the period, in the foundation of new
convents, orders, etc., on tixe Continent. The move-
ment roi^hly corresponded with the similar move-
ment in France. The name of Maiy Ward (q. v.) is
one of the most noteworthy in England. The mission
of the English Jesuits to Maryland (a. v.) in spite of
home triais is another manifestation of the same spirit.
Ireland. — ^During Elizabeth's reign the Irish were
almost alway;s engaged in a struggle lor life against the
ever increasing forces of the English "planters".
Sometimes they had their hour of victory, but there
never had been time for reform. The process of the
Irish martyrs claims about a hundred sufferers in this
reign, headed by Dermod O'Hurley, Archbishop of
Cashel. There were also many missionaries of note,
the earliest of whom was David Wolfe, S. J., sent by
Pope Pius V; there were also several heroic bishops like
Richard Crea^h of Armagh, and many notable Fran-
ciscans and Jesuits.
But it was not until the comparative peace under
King James that it was possible to fill up the gaps in
the episcopate, to found colleges on the Continent, at
Paris, Salamanca, Lisbon, Douai, etc (only one or
two had commenced earlier), to organize anew the re-
ligious orders (especially the Franciscans). The old
life revived in many secluded sanctuaries at home;
synods were actually held at Kilkenny, Dublin, and
Armiueh, and elsewhere literary life was reawakening.
(See Four Masters; Wadding, Luke.) There were
many notable bishops like Peter Lombard, David
Rothe, etc. Though the persecution never wholly
ceased (Bishop Cornelius O'Devany, 1612, and some
sixty otiiers were martyred during this period), the
Counter- Reformation made great progress, and there
were moments when it seemed about to triumph, as,
for example, in 1625 and 1641-19. But at the close of
the period Cromwell was to blot out with cruelties
worse than those of the Tudors all the good that had
been accomplished.
Scotland and Scandinavia. — ^The Counter-Reforma-
tion can hardly be said to have affected Scotland and
Scandinavia, so complete had been the victory of
Protestantism. Yet while Queen Mary reined in«
Scotland there had been renewed signs of life. Fathers
de Gouda, Edmtmd Hay, James Gordon, S. J., Bishop
LesH^, and Ninian Winzet are the more notable names
of this period. Mention must also be made of John
Ogilvie, S. J., martyred in 1615, and the heroic resis-
tance made by many Catholic nobles to the tyranny of
the Kirk. There was no local ecclesiastical superior
or government, the mission depending directly on the
Holy See till 1653; but there were some small Scottish
eoUeees for the secular clergy at Rome, Douai, Paris,
and Madrid- In Scandinavia the fall of Catholicism
did not come about in a day or a genemtion — FalliBt
Possevin, S. J., aa also several papal nuncios strove
hard to avert it — ^but the Counter-tt^ormation as a
movement did not reach any of its peoples.
The Netherlands. — ^In the Netherlands every effcHt
was made to exterminate Catholicism in the United
Provinces, which had revolted from Spain, contrary
to the repeated promises of the Prince of Orange*
Still considerable numbers retained their faith — their
spiritual needs beine cuied for by miasionaries—
though it was impossible to keep up the ancient hier-
archy. In Catholic Flanders the revival ran a more
or less uniformly prosperous course. Amongst the
great prelates and writers of this period were Lin-
danus, Bishop of Roermond, Justus Lipsius, Leonard
Lessius, Comehus a Lapide, Martin Becan, Thomas
Stapleton (an Englishman), etc. But the contro-
versies occasioned by Baius form a less pleasant epi-
sode, and the wars at the end of this period were most
injurious. Campaigns and battles ruined the eoimtiy,
and the final terms of peace notably reduced its power.
Poland. — In this country there was a lone struggle
between Catholicism, which was held by the Crown
and the people, and Protestantism, which filtered in
from the neighbouring Protestant countries and uni-
versities, and was affected by many of the faction-
loving nobles and the merchants. Catholicism at last
gained the decided upper hand, through the efforts of
Stanislas Hosius and other bishops, preachera like
Scaiea, and the Jesuit colleges. King Sigismundll
and Wladislaus IV, co-operating with a series of venr
active and able papal nuncios, ensured the Church^
victoiy; the Protestants, however, still retained much
power.
VIII. Ecclesiastical Literature. — ^The hi^
spirit of this period manifested itself in literature m
many characteristic forms. The age was one of the
greatest for theology the world has ever known It
suffices to recall the names of Bellarmine, Baionius,
Suares, Vasauez, Petavius, and many others who
have been alluded to already. More characteristic
still were the writers on personal or interior reform,
foremost among them St. Ignatius, whose "Spiritual
Exercises '^ for their profound spiritual and practica]
wisdom, must be placed in a class apart. Similarly
distinguished writers were St. Francis of Sales (de-
claredT in 1877, a Doctor of the Church), St. T^Bsa,
Scupoli, Blosius.. Louis of Granada, M. Olier, Alfonso
Rodri^es. Thie teachings of the Church were set
forth m the admirable catechisms of Canisius (1555-
60) and of the Council of Trent (1566). To the same
period belong the revised editions of the Vulgate
(1590-^8), the Roman Breviary (1568), the Roman
Missal (1570), the Roman Martyrology (1582), the
Corpus Juris Canonic! (1582), the Decretum of Gra-
tian (1582). Father Campion's "Decem Rationes"
(1581) and Father Person^s "Christian Directory;',
exercised an extensive influence, doctrinal and rdig-
ious, on contemporary opinion, which was also deep^
affected by the religious poems of Tasso and Calderon,
of Southwell and Crashaw. The music of the age also
partook in the revival, as is testified by the great name
of Palestrina and the pleasant memories of the exer-
cises of the Oratory of St. Philip NerL
IX. Cix>SE OF THE Period and Retrospect. — ^It
has been said before that a period of fervour and
zeal comes to an end when that seal dies down to
mediocrity in many countries, or among the Uige
majority of people. This had taken pUoe by the
year 1648. In Germany the period is generally said
to close in 1618, but elsewhere, i. e. in France and
in Ireland, the tide of fervour was still flowing
in many places, while in Rome and Italy it was
stiU fairly strong. But this does not prevent our re-
mrding the broad movement as having spent itself.
Though the level of education had risen, the diminu-
tion m the number of men of genius was marked
OOtTET
445
oomtT
There were but few new foundations ; some great mis-
aions (Japan, Abvasinia, the Congo) were given up or
in full decline, though others stifi were growing and
flourishing. And the reason was that the interior
fervour, the enthusiasm had cooled down. The same
thing was true also about the Piotestants. An age of
fair mediocrity had taken the place of the fiercely
keen ardour of the previous century. In this there
was no wonder. It is the ordinary course of human
nature to slacken down after imusual effort, to wax
oool after an effervescence of excitement. What was
not ordinary, what was on the contrary one of the
strangest things in the historv of the worid, was the
display of life and vigour whion had been given bv the
Church just when she seemed to be about to fall be^^
hind, and to be beaten out of the field by her rivals.
Under such circumstances the Counter-Reformation
may be r^aided as one of the most striking proofs of
the inherent vitality of the Church which Providence
has ever vouchsafed, only to be paralleled by her tri-
umph over the persecutions of the Roman Empire, the
invasions of the Barbarians, or the subversive torees of
the Frekich Revolution.
This wide-aprMding Bubjeet has oeottRoned an Immmisn
fitaralure. no adequate aotount of which can be given here,
thouch its elaasificationa may be followed by referring to Tuz
Catbolic Enctclopedia, where the various peraons and subjects
mentioned above are treated in detail. Very few writers, how-
ever, have studied the broad but subtle innuenee of ideai^ in
virtue of which this revival originated, passed from land to
land, grew, flourished and failed. No Catholic writer has
deeciibed the whole movement with adequate fullnees. ( 1 ) The
beet contemporary witnesses were the Roman nuneios, whose
special business it was to study these subjects and to report
upon them. But few of thei r papers are however yet published,
pt those relating to Germany. The reports of the nuncios
to Germany (Nwuiaiturherichie mu DeuisefUan^ are bd^ig
edited (since 1892). partly by the Prussian and Austrian Histor-
ical Institutes at Rome and partly by the QOrres Oesellschaft;
Db Hinojosa. toa despeu^uts de la dipiomaeia ponHfieia «n
Espatki (Madrid, IS96); Cadcrib, hutruetumM gtniralen aux
nonon ie Flandre, 1690-15SS; Polijim, Papal Neootiationa with
Mary Queen of ScoU, mi-1567 (London, 1901); HObnkr,
SixU-QuxfU (Paris, 1870); Pastor, Hialory tf the Popee from the
CUmc of the Middle Agee; Janbsbn, Hietory of ths OermoH Pea-
jde. with criticisms of Maubenbbbchkr. Geech, der Kathol.
Reformation (1880, only one volume published), and counter
eritidsm by Dittbich in Jahrbitdt der OArtei Oes,^ ii, 610.
There are several monographs en the details of the progress,
firet of the Reformation, then of the Counter-Reformation, in
particular parts of Germany, e. g. Wiedbmann, Oee^. der
Reformation und OegenreformaHon im Lande unter der Bnna
(S.vob., 1879*^6); others by Qinublt (Bohemia), Kbu<bb
(Westphalia), Lobebtu (Austria), Matxb (Switzerland), Mbt-
br (Schleswig), etc.: Dunn, Geech, der Jeauiten in den lAndem
detdacher Zunge (1907); Drotbrn, QeaA. der Gegenreformalion
(1903, in Onckbn, AUgemeine Gtadkidhle), French history is the
hardest to follow. Consult Vxcqiite db Meattx, LitHtea rdi-
gieuaea en France (Paris, 1879), and La rUforme et la volitigue
Franpaiae en Europe^ juaqu'h la paix de Weatphalie ^ftris. 1889);
PEBRBHS, L^igliae et Vitat en France aoua Henr% IV (1873);
CouSABo. Una ambaaaade h Rome aoua Henri IV (1902): Pbat,
Rethtrchea aur laC.de Jisus du tempa du P. Coton^ lS6tf^l9ie
(1876); Ohbnoh, La Cour de Rome et la riforme eaih. m Lamssb
AKD Rambattp, Hiatoire Ght^raU (Paris, 1897), V. A more
objective treatment of the period is to be desir^ For. the
ecclesiastical writers of the period, see Hctrter, ffomenddior;
SomfBRVOOBL. Sibl, delae.de J. (1890-1000); Hilobrs, Der
Aides der verMenen Bikher (Freiburg. 1904).
. J. H. POLLVK.
Oonrt (in ScRiPnmB). — ^I. Open Space, — ^The
word e&url, in the En^ish Bible, oorrssponds to the
Hebrew nvn (hapir) enclosed space. The latter is
used to designate: (1) an encampment of nomads;
(2) a space protected by a stockade or palisades, or by
a rampart of stones or earth, henee a village ; (3) the
court-yards of the houses or temples. In the first
sense the Hedrew term Is, In the D,y., rendered in
various ways: "castle" (Gen., xxv, 16), "cities of the
desert" (Is., xlii, 11), "private placeH" (L e. places of
ambush near the settlemoits, Ps. ix, 8). The word
v^lage usually expresses Ihe second meanihg (Lev.,
XXV, 31; Jos., xiii, xv, xvi^ etc.; I Par., ivj 33, etc.
However, in Ex., viii, 13, viUage is a mistransla-
tion for eouH'yard). In connexion with this sense
it may not be amiss to notice that the Hebrew word,
either in the form tfdfier, or in the slightly different
form Ila^, was not infrequently used in pfopor
names. One of the first encampments of the He>
brews after their departure from the foot of Mount
Sinai was at a place called Haseroth (Num., xi, 34).
There was a Chanaanite city of Asor near the waters
of Meiom (Jos., xi, 5; Joscphus, Ant. Jud., V, v, 1>;
this city, taken and burned bv Josue (Jos., xi, 10, 11),
was allotted to the tribe of Nephtali (Jos., xix, 36),
but probably rebuilt by the Chanaanites (Judges, iv.
2), fortified by Solomon (HI K., ix, 16), and seised
by Theglathphalasar (IV K., xv, 29). This Asor or
Aser was, according to the Greek text, the native
place of Tobias (Tob., i, 2), and at a short distance
from it Jonathan Machabeus defeated the army of
Demetrius (I Mach., xi, 67). We read (Jos., xv, 23)
of another Asor, called Esron, in Jos., xv, 3, and
Hesron, xv, 25 on the southern frontier of Juda.
The same text (xv, 25) even mentions in the same
borders a New Asor. A third Asor existed, at least
after the Captivity, near Jerusalem, in the territory
of Benjamin (II Esd., xi, 33). Among the compound
proper names may be mentioned: Hasar Adar (D.
v., "the town called Adar", Nmn., xxxiv, 4); As-
eigadda (Jos., xv, 27); Hasersusa or Hasarsusim
(Jos., xix, 5; I Par., iv, 31); Hasar Enoh (D. V..
"couriof Enan", Efc., xlvii, 17: xlviii, 1: "village or
Enao". Num., xxxiv, 0^ 10); Hasersual or Hasar-
suhal (Jos., XV, 28; xix, 3; II Esd., xi, 27; I Par.,
iv, 28); Hasar hattikhon (D. V., "^le house of
Tichon", Ea., xlvii, 16); Baalhasor (II K., xiii, 23);
Enhasor (Jos., xix, 37).
The recent excavations in S^ria and Palestine, as
well as the modem customs inherited from olden
times, give precise indications concerning the house-
courts, not seldom alluded to in Holy Writ. When,
as occurs frequently, the house does not c^n directly
on the street, there is a first court^yard extending be-
tween the outer wall and the building. .From this
outer court an entrance doorway leads into the imier
court, around which the various apartments are lo-
cated. The inner court sometimes contains in the
centre a well (II K.^ xvii, 18) or a fountain surrounded
with fine trees; the walls, porches, and verandas are
usually covered with vines and creepers, and an awn-
ing may be stretched oveihead tx> Keep off the sun.
From the narration of the Passion we may infer that
such was the arrangement in the high-priest's house.
While Jesus was being tried in one of the halls, the
servants and ministers had gathered around a fire of
coals in the inner court: thither Peter came to warm
himself, and there he aenied his Master. From the
judgment-hall, Jesus turning (Luke, xxii, 61) could
essuy look outside (Matt., xxvi, 69) on Peter. Then
the latter, smitten with remorse, betook himself to the
outer oo\n*t (Mark, xiv, 68; D. V., "before the court",
a literal translation of the awkward Latin rendering:
ante atrium), there to weep freel;^^. Ro3ral residences
displayed, on a laiger scale and in a more elaborate
way, a similar general arrangement. The Bible
speaks of the courts of the palaces of Solomon (III K.,
vii, 9, etc.), Ezechias (Iv K., xx, 4), and Sedecias
(Jer., xxxii, 2, 12; xxxiii, l;xxxvi, 20: xxxviii, 6), as
well as those of Assuerus at Susan (Estn., ii, 11 ; iv, 1 1;
V, 2; etc.) and of Seleucus at Tyre (II Mach., iv, 46).
In connexion with sacred places, courts are most
frequently mentioned. We learn from Ex., xxxviii,
9 sq. that the place of meeting in the wilderness was
a court, a hundred cubits long and fifty cubits wide,
encompassed bypillars suoporting hanging^ of fine
twisted linen. Tne sacred, precincts cont&ied^ b»*
sides thft tabemade and its furniture, the altar of nok^
causta and th^ brazen laver (Ex., xl, 6, 7). Still mof?
famous are Solomon's constructions. All the builds
ings erected by this prince on Moimt Sk>n were sur-
rounded by a wall encompassing what may be stjrled
"the greater court". Southernmost in the lowest
court were the public halls, namely: the " house of llii
OOITETBHAT
446
OOtlSTBIIAT
foi^ of Libanus", tbe ''Porch of pillars'', and the
throne-hall ; farther in from the throne-hali (III K.,
viiy & Heb. text) and on a higher level another court,
caUed "middle court'', IV K., xx, 4 (Heb.; D. V.,
''the middle of the court"), contained the king's man*
sion and the house buHt for Pharao's daughter (III
K., vii, 8). North of the middle court, on the top of
the hill, was the "inner court '* (III K., vi, 36), also
called ''upper court" (Jer., xxxvi, 10) and "court of
the priests ' (II Par., iv, 9). No information k sup-
plied by the Sacred Text about the extent and form of
this latter court. Judging, however, from the second
and third temples, it would seem to have been rect-
angular; the rabbis say that itmeasiu^ 135 (N. to S.)
by 187 (£. to W.) cubits; but these figures, obtained
from the traditions concerning the second temple, can
claim no certainty. The floor of the inner court was
paved with stones (XI Par., vii, 3; IV K.j xvi, 17, han
no reference to this point; pavement m the Eng-
lish Bibles ought to be imderstood here: stone base-
ment). The descriptions of III K. and II Par. mex^
tion no gates, but some must have existed; one, very
likely, on the south side, connecting the temple court
with the middle court, and others probably on the
north and east sides for the accommodation of the
people. At any rate, that some time before theExite
there were gates is evidenced by such passages as J^^
xx^tviU, 14; IV K., xxv, 18 (cf. Jer,, lU, 24). An
eastern gate is said (I Par., ix, 18) to have existed; it
was called " the king's gate"« To Joatham is attrib-
uted (IV K., XV, 35) the construction of " the highest
gate of the house of the Lord", most probably the
same as the "upper gate of Benjamin" of Jer., xx, 2,
or the " new gate" of Jer., xxvi, 10, xxxvi, 10, and pet*
haps also the "gate of the altar" of Ex., viii, 5; all
these passa^s point out a gate on the north side.
Within the inner court were the temple proper, the
altar of holocausts, the brazen sea, and lavers. All
the walls encircling these various coiu-ts "were made
of three rows of hewn stones and one row of eedar
beams" (III K., vii, 12). Modem archssologists are
inclined to attribute to the son of David these courses
of huge stones which may be seen in various places of
the walls of the Haram esh-Sherif.
We possess little information concerning the second
temple; but there are reasons to believe that, with the
exception of the temple-house, which was certainly
smaller^ the arrangement and dimensions were about
the same as those of Solomon's temple. In Herod's
time the temple area was extended towards th» north,
according to some; towards the south, in tbe opinion
of others, so that the outer court had probably the
same form and dimensions as the actual Haram.
This court was surrounded by a hi^ wall covered
with spikes. Along the walls on the inside, north,
west, and east (Solomon's Porch), were double portn
eoes, and on the soilth a triple portico, the ''royal
porch". Ei^t gates gave access from the outside:
four on the west, two on the south (Huldah gates),
one on the east, and one on ^e north (Tadhi gate):
between the gates, along the outer walls, halls and
chambers hadbeen erected, among which we may men-
tion tbe Beth-Din, or meeting-place of the Sanhedrin.
Within thlBOUter.court, towards the north, a wall forty
eubits high, limited the inn«r court. All around this
wall extended a terrace (the yr\y heT) ten cubits wide
and reached by a flight of fourteen steps. A stone
parapet, about a cubit high, encircled the inner edge
of tne y^f to which thirteen openinsB gave access;
on the parapets tablets .wamea, under pcinalty of
death, the non-Jews against trespassing. From the
inn nine gates and stairways led the Israelites into
the inner courts. On the insidt, along the wallSi
twenty-five cubits high (the ground was some fifteen
cubits higher than the court of the Qehtiles). ran
porticoes, and cells for sundry purposes had been
erected between the gates. The wails of the inner
court encompassed two distinct spaces: tbe eastern
part, calUnl "the women'iei court", which^ anionjg
other things, contained the boxes for the various ooi-
lections; thence a gate, preceded by a flight of fifteen
steps, led to the western part, or ''men's eotirt".
There a balustrade separated the "priests' court '%
containing the temple proper and the altar of holo-
causts and all their appurtenances, from the place
assigned to the lay people.
if. ATTENnANCE OF A KiKG. — In the English Bible
the word court is occasionally used also to mean the
retinue of a person of h^h raiik and authority (Gen.,
xlv, 16; IV K, vii, 0: Esth., xi. 3). It then stands
generally for the Hebrew word tV2, "house", the
only word which, in the sacred language, mig^t in
some instances, receive the sense with whidi we are
now concerned. The Latin Bible in such JP^ii^ces usu-
ally has the noun aii2a, and onee in the N. T. exerciVus
(Luke, xxiii, 11). Although mention of a court is
seldom made in connexion with the kings of Israel
and Juda, they neverthdess naturally had thnr court,
consisting, besides their family and l>ody-g:aard, of
counsellors, secretaries, recorders, chancellon, min-
isters, superintendents of public works, govemois of
the house, «ven the high dignitaries of the temple.
Glowing descriptions are given of the splendour of the
court of such kings as David (II K., xxiii; I Par., xi)
and Solomon (Cant., iii, 7, 8); thejr f umirfied to later
Jewish writers the colours wherewith to describe the
glory of the palace of God. For Yahweh is king, not
only over Israel, but over the whole world, and as be-
comes a kin^ he must have his court. This is con-
stituted by uie innumerable host of the angels, ever
ready to do his will. Several (seven, in the received
text) unceasingly stand in His presence; legions of
seraphim surround his throne, as a body-guara; thou-
sands of heavenly spirits form his council (Tob., xii,
15 1 Is., vi, 2, 6; Pss. Ixxxii, Ixxxix). Ecclesiastical
writers, developing this idea, oftentimes describe the
heavenly court, made up not only of the angels, but
also of the host of all tnose blessed souls who enjoy
the beatific vision. On the other hand the courts (»
the Temple have sometimes been r^itied by noystic
writers as a figure of the souls striving for Christian
perfection: the brazen laver represents the purifying
genance, whereas the altar of holocausts signifies
hristian mortification and its necessary sacrifices.
JOMBPHUS. JBeU. Jud., V, v; Iobm. AfU, Jvd., VI, U, iv, XTV,
iv. xi; Talmud, tr. Middoth (Amaterdam. 160O-17O3), V;
Wilson, Warben, etc.. The Recovery of Jeruaalem (Lond<m,
1870); Staob, Gewh, dee Volkea lerad (ISSS); Db VoGCi. L«
ternfle de JSruaaUm (Paris, 1864); Pbbrot and Cripxbz. Hie-
toire de Vari dona Vantiqu%U (Paris), IV; Vxncbnt, Canaan
d^apr^e V exphnaion Hcente (Paris. 1007); Revue btkUffue inte^
•io<., II. VII, etc,
Charlss L. Sovyat.
Oourtenay, William, Archbishop of Canterbury,
b. in the parish of St. Martin's, Exeter, England, c.
1342; d. at Maidstone, 31 July, 1396; was the son
of Hugh Courtenay, Eari of Devon, and Margaret,
daughter of Humphrey Bohun, Eari of Hereford. He
stucfied at Oxford, where he took thedegree of D.G.L.
In 1367 he was elected chancellor of the university.
On this occasion the univet^ity .suocessfullv resisted
the Bishop of Lincoln's claim to the right of confirm-
ing its choice, and later Ck)urtenay obtained from
IM>an V a Bull dedaring a chancellor's election valid
without the confinnatxon of the diocesan. After hold-
ing prebends in the churches of Exeter. Wells, and
York, he was elected Bishop of Hereford and conse-
crated, 17 March, 1370. As bishop his support wai
given to the Prince of Wales and Bi^op Wykeham
against the anti-derioal movetneat led by John of
Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and later his efforts to sup
press the Lollards were unoeasmg. In the Conroesr
tion of 1373 he strongly opposed the granting of a suh
sidy to the king untfl the latter should try to remedy
the evils then afflicting the Church. Courtenay W
OOtJETS
447
OOVRTS
Uanaferred ta the See of Loudon^ 12 Sept., 1375. In
1377 Pope Gregpiy XI isauod a Bull of excommunica-
tion agamst the Florentines, and Courtenay published
it at Paul's Cross. The result was that the Floren-
tines in London were attacked bv the populaoe; the
magistrates had to interfere, and the King extended
his protection to the foreigners. Courtenay was ao*
cus^ of violating the law by publishing the Bull.
When called upon to retract what he hacTpublished.
bis answer was made through an official, who dedarea
from the pulpit that the bisnop's words had been mis-
understood, and there the matter ended. When the
Convocation was summoned in 1377, the archbishop,
in ihe interests of John of Gaunt, omitted to summon
the^ Bishop of Winchester. Courtenay protested
against this and succeeded in getting Wykeham's
rights recognized-. Then followed his attempts to re-
piess the Lollards, and Wyclif was cited to appear be-
fore the archbishop at St. Paul's. Wyclif came ac-
oompazued by John of Gaunt, who insisted upon a
seat being provided for the accused ; an altercatbn en-
sued which resulted in the court breaking up in con-
fusion. Courtenay 's authority alone restrained the
citixens^ from using violence towards Lancaster,
Again, in obedience to the pope, 18 Dec., he sum-
moned Wyclif, but nothing came of the summons, and
the Lollards continue4 to mcrease in numbers and in-
fluence. Some think that about this time the po{)e
offered to create Courtenay a cardinal; whether this
waa so or not, he was never raised to that dignity, but
on 30 July, 1381^ he became Archbishop of Canter--
buiT< Then followed his appointment to the chancel-
lorship of the kingdom 10 Aiu;., 1382, an office which
he shortly afterwards resisted (1^ Nov., 1382).
Urged DV Parliament he again turned his attention
to the Lollards^ calling a council which condemned
their heretical opinions. Rigge, the Chancellor of Ox-
ford and a leadii^ Lollard, retracted and sued for par*
don on his knees, but on his return to the imiver-
sity continued as before. The Oxford Lollards were
finally brought to submission on 18 Nov., when the
recantation of their leaders was received at St. Fride-
swide 'a. The archbishop then obtained a statute com-
mending, sheriffs and other officers of the king to im-
prison heretics when oertiiied aa such by a bishop.
Tho\^ this law was repealed the next yeari he stdl
had tne royal sanction allowing bishops to detain
heretics in their own prisons. After the subjugation
of Oxford he turned to Leicester (1389), placed the
town under an interdict, and in the end received the
ieeantatk)A of the leadem. About 1382 ha began a
general visitation of his province and met with much
oppoaition; his interfer^ce waa appealed against bv
tne Bishops of Exeter and Salisbury, though both
finally submitted. The Benadktine abbots also or-
ganijied a stro^ opposition to his proposed visitation
of Gloucester CoUeee, Oxford (1389); on his arrival
he waa treated with due respect, but they so firmly
refused to acknowledge his nght that he abandoned
his design. Though a strong defender of the rights of
the Chivoh in En^and, he was always true and loyal
to the pope. He so fearlessly condemned the extrava- .
ganee of the king Uiat he once (1385) had to take
refuge in Devonshire to escape the royal anger*
When the relations between kine and Parliameoit oe-
eame ao strained aa almost to lead to war, it was
Courtenay who acted aa mediator and averted the
danger. He was first buried at Maidstone, where he
had founded the College of St. Mary and All Saints;
afterwards his bodv was removed to Cantf^uiy and
buried, in the king's presence, at the feet of the Black
IVinoe, near the shrine of St. Thomas.
MwiiimfUa Amdemiea, ed. \fnfnr (London, 1868), I. 229;-
FatdmU Zitamafum, ed. Shiruit (London. 1858), xxix, 272-5.
8(M-0, 356. 493: Hook. Lives of ArMnhopa of Canierhurv
(London. 1860-73). IV, 3)6-08; fttUBBS, CongMutional Hi^
toru ol Bntfymd (Londoo, t857-80). II, 42S-38» 460-88; III.
880, 366t^«KSfii«ef«Ml UonununU (I«ondOo. 1684). I, 405^
500; Qricbn. Hi$tory of tla EnglUh People (London, 1895). EL
33&-46.
G. E. Hind,
Oonrtfl, Ecclesiastical.— I. Judicial Power in
THE Church. — In instituting the Church as a perfect
society, distinct from the civil power and entixelv
independent of it, Christ gave her le^lative, judicial,
and executive power to Le exercised over her mem-
bere without any interference on the part of civil
society. It does not fall within our scope to prove
that the Church is a perfect society, consequently
endowed with the above-mentioned power. If one
admits the Divine institution of the Church, and
the authenticity and authority of the Gospels, he
must acknowledge that Christ so constituted His
Church as to enable her rulers to make laws and
regulations for tlie faithful conducive to the attain-
ment of eternal happiness. Moreover, as John
XXII (1316-34) wiselv remarks: "It would be foUy
to make laws unless there were some one to enforce
them'* (Cap. un. de Judiciis, II, 1, in Extrava^.
Comm.). It is evident, therefore, that Christ m
conferring legislative power upon the Church also
gave' judicial and coercive power. In proof of this
we have, besides theological arguments, the practice
of the Church which explicitly claimed such power,
as well in the beginning (II Cor., x, 8; xrii, 2 sqq.,
etc.) 3S during tlie subsequent centuries of her ex-
istence; and, moreover, made frequent use of it.
SufEce it to recall the institution of canonical pen-
ances, the constitutions and laws of so many pontiffs
and councils, containing not only positive enactments,
but also sanctions to be incurred ipso facto by the
rebellious and obstinate, or to be iimicted upon them
at the discretion of ecclesiastical supeiiors.
Now the infliction of punishment certainly pre-
supposes evidence of the crime, since, accorcung to
the natural law, no one should be condemned imtil
his guilt has been established. Hence the Church,
in making use of her powers of legislation and
coeix:ion, must have also exercised judiciijl power.
It is, moreover, historically evident that the, Church
often exercised these powers either through the
Roman pontiff alone, by the agency of his delegates,
or through councib, individual bishora, or other
judges, ordinary or delegated. St. Taul pl^nly
refers to a perfect judicial procedure when he cau-
tions his disciple Timothy (I Tim., v, 19) not to
receive an accusation against a priest except in the
presence of two or three witneases. In the next
century, Marcion, after being expelled from the
clei^, vainly appealed k the Apostolic See for
restoration to his office. In the trial, degradation,
and excommunication of Paul of Samosata by the
Council of Antioch (c. 268) we meet witli a formal
ecclesiastical trial. The Council of Elvira (c. 300)
threatens with excommunication eveiy accuser of
a bishop, a priest, or a deacon who fails to prove his
charge- The Third Council of Carthage (397) dis-.
cusses regulations regarding appeals, and the Fourth
Council of Carthage (398) prescribes the manner in
which bishops are to exercise judicial authority.
Finally, in tne Apostolic Constitutions, which cer-
tainlv are representative of the ancient practice of
the Chureh, we find that certain days are set for con-
ducting trials; the mode of procedure and other
detaik are also clearly set forth. For later periods
evidence abounds.
II. Th£ Historical Development of This
Power. — ^In the early centuries, when the Christians
were still few in number; when their new faith and
new moral life constrained the followers of Christ
to carry out ail His precepts (especially the one by
which He wished them to be distinguished from afi
other men in this period)* and when there existed,
generally, among the faithful one heart and one soul
00XJET8
448
OOURTS
It was eustomaiy, in case a controversy arose, to
appeal before the bishop and accept his decision.
Tms was in accordance with the grave admonition
of St. Paul (I Cor., vi, 1), who ur^ra the faithful not
to appear as litigants before the civil courts. Though
in such cases the bishops often assumed the rOle
of friendly arbiters rather than strict judges, we
should not infer that they never conducted a
strict trial. Tertullian (Apol., xxxix) furnishes us
with information on this point in these words ad-
dressed to the pagans: "Ibidem [in ecclesifi] etiam
exhortationes castigationes et censttra divina: nam
et judicatwr magno cum pondere, ut apud certos de
Dei conspectu , i. e. the Church is wont to warn
and pumsh, is a Divinely appointed censor, whose
weighty decisions are accepted as rendered in the
presence of God. Many similar utterances from
the Fathers and the councils could easily be cited.
It was, of course, impossible for the ecclesiastical
magistrates (the bishops) to make use at that, time
of tne legal solemnities introduced at a later period.
Though rather summary, the judicial proceedings
of the primitive episcopal tribunals were trials m
the strict sense of tne word. In the work of Bishop
Fessler concerning the early history of canonical
procedure (Der kanonische Process ... in der
vorjustinianischen Periode, Vienna, 1S60) may be
found details of interest concerning the ecclesiastical
trials of Montanus, Origen, Fortunatus, Paul of
Samosata, Athanasius, and others.
When the Christians obtained control of the civil
power of Rome, the reasons that moved St. Paul
to persuade or command the faithful to avoid the
civil tribunals were, of course, no longer pertinent.
Gradually the Church allowed the faithful to submit
their differences either to ecclesiastical or to civil
tribunals. From the beginning of the new era the
bishops shared with the secular magistrates the
power of settling the disptites of the faithful. Con-
stantine the Great publisned two constitutions (321,
331) wherein he not only permits laymen to nave
their cases tried before their bishops, but also decides
that aU cases which until then were wont to be tried
by the prsetorian, i. e. by the civil, law should, when
once settled before the episcopal courts, be considered
as finally adjudicated. It was rightly established,
however, that not all cases could be submitted to the
civil courts, nor could all persons have recourse to
them. To decide a controversy the judge must first
have jurisdiction over the matters in question and
the x>arties engi^;ed in the controversy. A private
individual, for instance, could not hand down a
decision, nor could he compel others to abide by it.
In the case of a secular judge, his jurisdiction comes
from the civil authority. In purely spiritual matters
the latter is powerless, since God has committed them
exclusively to the Church. In this domain the civil
power has neither legislative nor judicial authority.
Whatever, therefore, concerns the Faith, Divine wor-
ship^ the sacraments, or ecclesiastical discipline is
foreign to the civil order. With regard to such
matters the Church has ever asserted ner exclusive
judicial authority [c. 1. dist. 96; c. 8, de arbitriis, X.
(I, 43); c. 2. de judiciis, X. (II, 1)]. This solemn
contention of the ecclesiastical power was recognized
and confirmed by the Roman emperors in their civil
constitutions [Cod. Theod., de relidone (XVI, 2),
an. 390; VII, De episcop. audienti&, C. (I, 4)]. Like-
wise, not all persons are to be judged by secular
courts. The (5hurch could not permit her clergy to
be judged by laymen; it would be utterijr unbecoming
for persons of superior dignity to submit themselves
to tneir inferiors for judgment. The cleiigy, there-
fore, were exempt from civil jurisdiction, and this
ancient rule was sanctioned by custom and confirmed
by written laws. On this point the Church has
[ways taken a firm stand; concessions have been
bv
ah
wrung from her only where greater evils were to be
avoided. Thus, in (Hiristian anticmitv, a Conncil ol
Aquileia condemned the bishop, Pailadius, for de-
manding a civil trial, and a Council of Mileve decreed
that clerics who strive to bring their lawsuits or
disputes before secular iudges should be deprived of
their clerical dignity and removed from their offices.
Innocent III reprehended the Archbishop of Pisa
[c. 12, De foro oompetenti, X. (II, 2)] for maintaining
that at least in temporal matters a cleric could
renounce his right of exemption and appear before
a secular court. Such action, said Innocent, was
unlawful even when the conflicting parties agreed Xo
submit the matter to civil magistrates. The eccle-
siastical exemption was not a personal privilege; it
belonged to the entire ecclesiastical body and could
not be renounced by individuals.
Matters purely spiritual, as explained above, fall
withm the exclusive jurisdiction of ecclesiastical law.
In addition to these there were in the past, and ate
still, cases in which the natural and spiritual elements
are so conjoined, as Le^ remarks in his excellent
work " De judiciis ecclesiasticis ", that they take on
juridically another nature and ^ve rise to different
rights. To make thb clearer, the auUior, in addition
to the example drawn from certain effects of matri-
mony, borrows from the ancient canonists the illus-
tration of a contract entered into by lay persons and
confirmed by oath. Here, to the obligation of justice
is added that of religion, and we eaolv recognise a
twofold juridical element, bringing the matter in
Question, at least as far as the vahie or execution of
tne contract is concerned, within the ecclesiastical as
well as the civil domain. Were it a ouestion only of the
value of the oath, the matter would, of course, be a
purely spiritual one. There is another order of caaea
m which the issues are purely temporal. Over these
the (Jhurch never claimed an essential rif ht to the
exclusion of civil power. Even in the Biiddle Agps
she recognised the principle that ecclesiastical judjB^?s
are incompetent in such cases unless urgent neccstiity
or custom should require otherwise. If, in medieval
times, the Church exercised jurisdiction in regard to
the temporal concerns of orphans, widows, or other
persons of unfortunate condition, no equitable mind
will see therein a usurpation of civil jurisdiction on
the part of the ecclesiastical authorities. The true
and adequate explanation lies in the peculiar neces^
sities of the a^, the deficient administration of
justice, and the undue power exercised bv the rich
and mighty. Rather does it redound to the honour
of the Church that she then assumed the defence of
the poor against the wealthy and powerful, and came
to tne aid of those who were deprived of all human
help. It must also be mentioned that in medieval
and later thnes eodesiastioal magistrates were often
vested wit^ civil power legitimately aoquiied* and
exercised it, not as ecolesiastics, but as civil magis-
trates.
III. TrS StTBJCCP OF JumdilL POWKB IN TH£
Chttrcb. — Since the judicial power flows from the
legislative, it is clear that the former resides primarily
and chiefly in those who possess the latter. The
common welfare, evidently, does not require that
every person endowed with legislative power in a
social organization should therefore enjoy the fullness
of such power; so also it is obvious that not every one
possessed of judicial power in a society has at once the
right to exercise it i^x>n all members of that societv.
It was this Exigency of the common welfare that made
it necessary to fix the limits of the juiisdiction of
magistrates even in dvil societies. We know^ for
instance, that in primitive Roman society there was
in every district one maf;istrate who was supreme,
and who had undivided jurisdiction in the province
allotted to him, but none beyond its limits [Bks. 1 and
9, De off. proc.. D. (1, 16)}. This first limitation of the
OOXJETS
449
OOITBTS
magistrste's power was based on territoiy; later on
there followed another limitation based on the im-
e>rtaiice, or '' quantity", of the case or controversy,
enee, in later Roman law the plaintiff had to
in(^uire not onl^ what territory came under the
jurisdiction of his jud^, but also what '' (quantity '%
or gravity of matter [Bk. 19 sq., 1, De junsdict., D.
(II, 1)]. In later times these principles have been
retained and even partially increasea and extended
by our civil codes; they serve even yet to justify
many special courts, e. g. courts for a^queducts, for
commercial disputes, etc. These various arrange-
ments are not altogether foreign to ecclesiastical law;
indeed, in many cases it has adopted them outright.
Thus, it is not only by Divine disposition that the
Roman pontiff is the supreme jud^ in the Universal
Church — as he is also its sovereign legislator — and
that the bishops are the law-^vers and judges in their
respective dioceses; but it is also by ecclesiastical
nihn^ that certain cases are reserved to the Roman
pontiff. These were first called by Innocent I (401-
17)« in his epistle to Victricius of Rouen, causa
maiores (greater cases) ; other cases are reserved to the
bishops, to the exclusion of inferior ma^trates and
judges; and others, finally, to the various Roman
Congrc^tions. It was likewise by ecclesiastical law
that in former times certain matters were reserved
to provincial councils, particularly in the African
Church (Concil. Hipponense, 393); this custom, how-
ever, was never sanctioned by a general law.
Many facts go to prove that this limitation of
ecclesiastical authority, a necessaiy consequence of
the primacy conferred by Christ on Peter and his
successors, was introduced in the earliest ages of
the Church; a brief mention of some will suffice.
About the ^ear 96, we find the celebrated letter of
the Corinthians to St. Clement of Rome, of which
Eusebius makes mention (Hist, eccl., Ill, xv), and
which he calls ''in every respect excellent and praise-
worthy'^ This letter disclosed to St. Clement the
causes of the discords in Corinth and asked for a
remedy. In the second centurv the Montanists
broujght their grievances before the Roman pontiff;
deceived at first, he restored them to their standing
in the Church, but later condemned them. Many
other similar occurrences could be enumerated; let
it suffice to mention the letter of Marcellus, Bishop
of Ancyra, in which he clears himself before Pope
Julius I (337-52) and makes profession of his faith:
also the letter of the Arian Bishope, Valens ana
Ursacius, in which they retract their accusations
against Athanasius and sue for pardon. In eccle-
siastical law, cases affecting civil rulers or cardinals,
also criminal cases of bishops, are still reserved
exclusively to the Roman pontiff. In the Church,
however, judicial authority is vested (by Divine
right) not only in the Roman pontiff and the bishope,
but in others also, though m a more or less re-
stricted form. In former times, there was the pro-
vincial council, with judicial authority in not a few
cases, also the court of the archdeacon, distinct from
that of the bishop, and with these the courts of
inferior judges, whose authority was based on custom
or, more generallv, on privilege. In place of these
earlier judges we have now the vicars-general (q.v.J,
who, however^ constitute but one court with their
bishop and judge-delegates, representative either
of bishops or, more particularly, of the sovereign
pontiff
IV. Classification op Ecclesiastical Courts. —
In every society courts may be classified in two
ways, according to the twofold manner in which
justice may be administered. Thus it may happen
that in a certain society the administration of justice
is so established that a controversy is not ended
by one sentence^ but several appeals may be made.
The defendant, if unwilling to skbide by the decision
IV.— 29
of the first tribunal, may then appeal from a lower
to a higher court, and this appeal may be renewed
as often as the law aUows it; thus there may be two,
three, or even more courts wherein a case may be
tried. It may also happen that any given contro-
versy must be settled by one judicial sentence, even
though diverse tribunaJs exist, because the cases,
on accoimt of their "quflintity'' — to use the termi-
nolo^ of the Roman uiw — i. e. on account of their
varying importance, come under the cognisance of
vanous judges and tribunals. In this case separate
tribunals are so arranged that there exists a highest
and a lowest, between which there may be a third
or even sevend other tribunals. Or again a mixed
system may prevail, in which are found both systems
of regulating the administration of justice.
In the Church it is precisely this last intermediate
system that prevails. For, as we have already seen,
tnere are certain cattsiB majores reserved to the
judgment of the Roman pontiff exclusivdy; and as
he has no superior there can be no higher court of
appeal, nor. indeed, is it becoming that nis judgment
be reconsidered by any other, much less that it be
revised. In these cases, therefore, there can be but
one court of judgment. Nevertheless it may be well
to remark here that, as the Roman pontiff does not
generally judge personally, but through ddegates
who give sentence in his name, he usually allows a
hearing of the case by different judges, if it should
happen that one of the contending parties^ not
satisfied with the first judgment, requests this re-
vision from the pontiff himself. AU other ecclesi-
astical cases, however, in which inferior courts ^ve
judgment admit of an appeal to higher ecclesiastical
authority, and one may appeal not once only, but
twice. Hence in ecclesiastical law there are,
generally speaking, three courts of judgment, neither
more nor less. This assertion admits of one excep-
tion, vis., when there is question of the validity of^a
marriage, or of similarly important matters, appeal
to a fourth court is then at times admitted. In the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, however, vicars-
general succeeded the archdeacons, and after the
Council of Trent, during the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries, the archdeacons' courts ceased
to exist. Consequently the first ecclesiastical court
is now regularly that of the bishop or of his vicar-
seneral. The second court is that of the metropolitan.
But if it should happen that the bishop who gave
judgment in the first court is himself the metro-
politan or an exempt bishop, or if the case was, in
the first instance, brought before a provincial council,
then the tribunal of first appeal is none other than
the tribunal of second and last appeal, and this is
fdways and for all parties the tribunal of the Roman
pontiff. In this case, therefore, only two appeals are
possible. This is the provision macle by the common
law, though sometimes an approved custom — ^more
frequently an express privileges — ^provides differently.
Thus, for instance, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire
the ecclesiastical court of Prague is the court of
appeal for the Archdioceses of Vienna and Salsbuig;
for Prague it is OlmUtz; for Olmtttz, Vienna. So,
too, in Latin America, it the first two sentences do
not agree, an appeal may be^ taken in the third in-
stance to the bisnop who resides nearest to the one
who first cpive judgment. This was decreed by
Leo XIII m his Ekicyclical ''Trans Oceanum ,
18 April; 1897. It must be borne in mind, however,
that, owmg to the special pre-eminence of the Roman
pontiff, an appeal may always be made from the
tribunal of an inferior judge to his tribunal im-
mediately, thus passing over the intermediate courts,
to which, according to the general rules, the appeal
must otherwise be directed.
What has been said above applies to the eo-
clesiastical discipline now in force. It must be
OOURTS
450
COURTS
ftdded that in the Eaatem Church the title of metro-
politan is generally, though not alwavB, a merely
honorary title, the metropolitan power being almost
entirely in the hands of the patriarch himself; it is
consequently to him that an appeal lies from the
judgment of the bishop. With regard to the ancient
ecclesiastical discipline it is worthy of remark that
in former times an appeal was allowed from the
tribunal of the metropolitan to that of the primate
or patriarch. Actually, with exception of the
Primate of Hungary in certain cases, this primate's
court no longer exists. Where appeals are possible,
the courts are said to be subordinate one to the
other, and are so in fact; hence, for instance, a metro-
politan court can, by a genuine order or mandate,
require such data from the inferior court as may
seem to it necessary for a proper cognizance of the
case. Here we must carefully note the difference
wliich oftentimes exists between subordinate courts
in ecclesiastical and in civil law. In the latter the
superior court frequently exercises a certain, true,
disciplinary power over the inferior coiui;, either by
instituting an inquiry into its proceedings, or by
delegating a substitute, if the inferior judge should
be prevented from exercising his office or should be
found incapable. All this is foreign to ecclesiastical
law, in which the courts of suffragan sees are subject
to the metropolitan court in such matters only as
regard the appeal actually before the metropohtan.
In all other matters the episcopal courts are quite
independent of metropolitan authority. Other courts,
however, whether metropolitan or episcopal, are in
no way subordinate, but are entirely independent
of one another, though this does not relieve them
from the obligation of mutual assistance. Thus it
may often happen that the administration of justice
in one locality necessitates proceedings in the territory
of another judge. Should this happen, the court
which has the case in hand may request the court
of the locality in which some proceeding necessary
to the administration of justice or to a proper
cognizance of the case must be instituted (e. g. the
examination of witnesses or the execution of a
summons) to see to its performance. And the
court to which such a petition has been addressed
through requisitional letters by another court is
obliged to render this aubaidium turiSf or legal assist-
ance, unless the request be evidently unlawful. But
the obligation arises, not from the authority of the
court requesting assistance, but from the authority
of the common law, which so ordains. This is
evidently just, for all such courts are courts of one
ecclesiastical society, the one Catholic Church,
whose welfare demands that in it justice be rightly
administered.
V. CoNSTrruTioN of tbtb Courts. — In ecclesiastical
law the Roman pontiff and the bishops, as also the
metropolitans in cases of appeal, likewise all those
who in their own right (ordinario iure) exercise
judicial power in the Church, may pronounce sentence
personally in all cases brought before their tribunal.
They may also, if they think fit, entnist the hearing
of the case to judges delegated by them; and they
may thus delegate, not only one person, but also
several, either — ^to use the canonical terms — in
aolidum or ecUegialUer. If they were delegated in
aolidum, or sevemlly, then he who first took the case
in hand must examine it and pronounce judgment.
But if they are to proceed coUe^ialiter, we have a true
college of judges, in which, therefore, everything is to
be observed which the law prescribes and the nature
of things demands in the exercise of ^ collegiate acts.
We have many examples, both in ancient and modem
times, of judges wno had thus to proceed as a
college. We have already made mention of the
ancient discipline that prevailed, principally in the
African Church, and according to which ''ertain
graver cases were to l^e. referred to provincial councils.
This regulation was retained, partially at leasts by
the Council of Trent. It decreed that the more
important criminal cases of bishops should be re-
served to the pope, whilst those of lesser importance
are left to the co^izance of provincial councils.
This is also the origin of the celebrated tribunal
called the Rota Romana.
The Roman congregations themselves are simply
collegiate courts whenever they exercise judicial
authority. In not a few dioceses the ao-caUed
OfficiaUUus (Ofjicialit^s) exist, which also administer
justice as a college. Gregory XVI erected in the
various dioceses ol the States of the Church courts
for criminal cases which were truly collegiate bodies
and proceeded as such; though herein the pope acted,
not as pope, but as temporal sovereign. Hence
this case does not property belong to canon law.
In these courts the numoer of judges is not definitely
fixed, though there are usually, besides the president,
two or four iudees, seldom more than six. Therefore
it is generally the rule that the number of judges be
uneven, as the case might otherwise often be -left
undeciaed. A majority of votes decides, especiaOy
in giving sentence; if the votes for both sides are equal
the case (^ se) remains undecided. In this event,
however, it is often provided that the vote of the
§ resident shall be decisive, or that the case shall be
ecided in favour of the defendant and not of the
plaintiff, unless the case be a privileged one, v. g.,
if the validity of a marriage is in question. Wluit
the powers of the president are in a college of judges
must be ^thered from the decree which establismd
the court m question, or also from the tatter's practice
and tradition. It is to be noted that sometimes a
court resembles a college of judges without being
such in fact. Thus a bishop can order his vicar-
^neral in giving judgment in certain cases, par-
ticulariy in those of greater moment, to appoint
assessors, whose counsel he must hear before pro-
nouncing sentence. In this case it is evident that
there is no real college of judges, as only the vicai^
general can pronounce sentence; still the case must
be examined by the assessors, who can and ought to
manifest to the judge all which they think may
conduce to a just sentence.
TJie Judge. — It is evident that in every trial
the judge has the leading r61e, whether this judge
be an individual or a college, and his obligation is to
apply the law between the two contending parties,
or to pronounce what is conformable to estaoKshed
right and equity; and as his office is to see to the
execution of the law, he has the right to require
from the contending parties reverence and obedience.
For this same reason ne is empowered to do whatever
is necessary to make his jurisdiction effective, and
therefore to use moderate coercion towards obtaining
the same end. This coercion can be exercised not
only against the contending j>arties, if they are dis-
obedient, but also against others who have an
accessary part in the trial, e. g. the procurators and
advocates. In his capacity as a public person the
judge is worthy of public confidence; hence the pre-
sumption is in his favour that the legal^ formalities
have been properly observed in his judicial proceed-
ings, and that what he testifies t^ as judge is true.
Canon law commonly requires that in ecclesiasti-
cal tribunals there shall be other persons present
besides the judge: thus there are alwavs a notary
and a defender of the marriage bond in matn-
monial cases, and a fiscal promoter {promoter fiscaUs)
in the great majority of criminal cases. Orciinarily
other persons are admitted, not by mandate, but
through permission of the law, for the rapia and
better administration of justice, v. g. assessors and
auditors.
The Notary (actuarius), whose presence wap
00U&T8
451
OOURTS
deoreed by Iniioocut III in the Fourth Lateran
Council [cap. 33, c. 11 de probat., X. (II 19)], Ib a
public peiaon whose obligation it is to transcribe
with fidelity the acts of the case. As this office is
merely that of a clerk, and does not include any
judicial power or jurisdiction, it may be held in
ecclesiastical courts even by a layman. Still, clerics
are not excluded from this office, nor does cap. 8,
"Ne derici vel monachi", etc., X. fill, 50) contra-
diet Uiis, as there it is a Question omy of clerics who
hold such office for the sake of pecuniary profit; nor
is the oontraiy affirmation of Fagnani of any weight,
as it is not supported by conclusive reasons. This
is shown also by the actual practice of ecclesiastical
courts. It is sufficient here to call to mind the
notaries of ancient times who wrote down the acts
of the martyrs, those who were employed in the
councils, and still more the class of the prothonotarics,
who have recently been divided by Pius X (21
Feb., 1905) into four classes, and rank among the
hi^est prelates.
The Auditor is sometimes a delegated jud^, to
whom is entrusted a certain amount of jurisdiction,
V. g. the formal opening of a case (jcontesiatw litis);
in the practice of the present day he would be called
an instructing judge. He may also be an ordinary
official to whom has been assigned, but without any
jurisdiction, a part of the proceedings, e. g. the simple
examination of the witnesses; he is then properly
called auditor. It follows from all this that the
duties and powers of the auditor must be deduced
from the mandate itself. It was customarv to have
auditors even in the Middle Ages, especially in the
Koman Curia, and there still remains some vestige of
this office in the auditors of the Roia RoTnanat who
after the time of Gregorv IX formed a special college
(Durandus, in Speculum).
Assessor. — ^The title of assessor has also a twofold
meaning, i. e., he may be a judge in a collegiate
tribiuuir(Diff. 1, 22; Cod. I, 51), or one who assists the
presiding judge in interpreting the law. In the latter
meaning assessors are simply advisers of the judge,
who aid him to obtain a full knowledge of the case and
by their advice help him to decide justly.
There are some other inferior ministers of the j udge
in an ecclesiastical court, whose names it will be
sufficient to mention, e. g. the apparitores, tabelliones,
eursorea (sheriffs, reporters, messengers), etc., accord-
ing to the different customs of the courts.
Fiscal Promoter, — ^After having spoken of the
jud^ and of those who assist them in the adminis-
tration of justice in the different courts, it is necessary
to say a few words on the fiscal promoter (promoior
fMxdts), since he plays an important part, especially
m criminal cases. Although not on the side of the
judge, as, by public authority, he rather takes the
pla^ of accuser or public prosecutor, still he con-
tributes greatly to the end for which the courts
were established. The fiscal promoter (fiscus, public
treasury)-— though perhaps, if we attend to the most
important part of his office, a better title would be
*' promoter of justice" — ^is a person who, constituted
by ecdesiastical authority, exercises in the ecclesias-
tical courts and in his own name the office of a public
prosecutor, especially in criminal cases (Instr. S. C.
Kpisc. et Reg., 11 Jan., 1880, art. 13). If we wish to
include in the definition all that is comprehended in
his office, he might be defined as a pubUc person
legitimately appointed to defend the rights of his
diurch, especially in court. P^i^, in his article
"Le procureur fiscal ou promoteur'' rRevue des
sdenoes ecd^siastiques, April, 1897), rightly says that
the whole office of the fiscal promoter may be summed
up in three points: solicitude for the observance of
discipline, pitfticularly among the clergy; attendance
at the proeesses of beatification and canonization in
episcopal courts; and defence of the validity of mar-
ri^ and of religious profession. All these functions,
it is true, are not always carried out by one and the
same person; they are all, however, included in the
full idea of the promoior fisccUis, for it is this official's
duty to defend the rights of the Church, the decency
of Divine service, the dignity of the cler^, the holi-
ness of matrimony, ana perseverance m the per-
fect state of life.
It is unnecessaiy here to say more about the
plaintiff and the defendant in ecclesiastical courts, or
about the persons appointed to assist both, e. g.
advocates and procurators.
VI. The Competence of Ecclesiastical Judges.
—As already explained, there are different kinds of
judges and courts in the ecclesiastical forum. Never-
theless contending parties cannot choose their judge;
the trial must be conducted by the proper judge
(proprius judex) , i. e. by one who can exert his juris-
diction against the accused: in other words, he must
be a competent judge. Moreover, as the accused is
brought to court against his will, it is further neces-
sary that the judge have the power to summon him
and oblisc him to appear. There are four chief titles
by which an accused party comes under the juris-
diction of a certain judge: residence or domicile, con-
tract, situation of obiect in dispute, place of crime
committed. Jt is self-e\adent that, if in the civil
courts it was necessary for the proper administration
of justice to place territorial limitations to the exer-
cise of jurisdiction, this same restriction was much
more necessary in canon law, since the jurisdiction of
the Church extends to the entire world. Otherwise
fpreat confusion would have resulted and the admin-
istration of justice itself would have suffered, since it
would Iiave been very difficult to hear many cases if,
as is often the case, the persons and matters con-
cerned were at a great distance from the court. For
this reason the famous principle of the Roman law:
"He who acts as judge out of his district can be dis-
obeyed with impunity" [extra territorium jus dicenti
impune non pareiur, §20, De jurisdict., D. (II, 1)],
adopted also by modern civil codes, was accepted in
canon law. This territorial character of certain courts
affects not only persons, but also things (res) and
rights (jura); competent judges, therefore, have
power not only over persons, but also over things
situated in their territory. In both civil and criminal
cases, therefore, all persons are subject to the judge
of their place of residence (judex domicilii). This
residentialforum is considered the most natural of all,
therefore the ordinary and general forum for all cases,
so that a person may be summoned to trial by the
judge within whose jurisdiction he resides, whether
the offence was committed within that territory or
not. Hence it is accepted that the jurisdiction of
such a judge always concurs with the jurisdiction of
any other judge or any other forum.
A person mav also "acquire" forum, i. e. become
subject to trial in any place by reason of a crime
committed there; in other words, his own act brings
him within the jurisdiction of a judge of a given place
who can punish liim, and of whom he would otherwise
be independent. It is easy to see the reasonableness
of this; for it is just that where a person has given
scandal by his bad conduct he should there make
amends for it by accepting the de^served punishment.
Again it is much easier to establish the fact and
inquire into the authorship of a crime in the very
place where it has been committed. Thus a person
who makes a contract in a certain place thereby
acquires right of forum in the same place, though not
one of its citizens nor in any sense a resident, provided,
of course, he be present in that locality (c. 1, § 3, De
foro competenti, II, 2, in 6°), it being much easier to
adjudicate disputes about a contract in the place
where it was entered into. Finally the possessor of
a chattel (res) may be summoned before the judge of
CK>UBTS
452
0OUET8
the temtory where the object in question \b situated,
because it is only natural that where a chattel is in
question (acHo realis), precisely such chattel, and not
tne person, should be taken chiefly into consideration;
thereby, also, the trial becomes more easy and rapid.
In adoition there are other (extraordinary) ways by
which a person can obtain ''right of forum" in a
certain place; it will suffice to indicate them briefly.
Besides the ''forum" that everybody is considered
to have in the Roman Curia, there is also the "forum"
granted by reason of the prorogation or suspension of
a case, to which should be added the prevention
(queBhing of indictment) and transfer of a case.
VII. Ecclesiastical Procedure. — ^Two methods
of judicial procedure are recognized in canon law:
one ordinary, also called full and solemn; the other
simple, extraordinary, and summary. In the ordinary
procedure all the solemnities prescribed by the law
are observed. These are described in the second
book of the "Decretals" of Gregory IX, devoted
entirely to the conduct of ecclesiastical courts.
They may be summarized as follows: — ^The party
Intending to bring suit must first send to the judge
a written petition manifesting his intention, and
setting fortli his claim. If the judge thinks the
claim reasonable and therefore worthy of a hearing,
he issues a summons (cUaHo) calling the accused
before his court. In modem civil codes a private
citizen can oblige his fellow-citizen to present nimself
before the ju&e for the examination of a case.
Though found m the Roman law of the Twelve
Tables, the canon law does not recognize in the
private individual any such right, and holds to
the later procedure of Roman law, that dates from
Ulpian and Paulus, and was afterwards confirmed
by the laws of Justinian. According to this pro-
cedure, the summoning of the accused implies power
of jurisdiction, and must therefore proceed from
the judge himself. Generally an ecclesiastical judge
ought not to be satbfled with one summons; it should
be repeated three times before the accused can be
consioered contumacious. However^ if in the sum-
mons itsdf it be cleariy stated that it must be con-
sidered as final, a repetition of the summons is not
necessary. The defendant, being summoned, must
appear before the judge, and, unless the case be a
criminal one, instituted to bring about the legal
punishment of the guilty party, or one of certain
other exceptional cases^ he may, after hearing the
cause of the summons, immediately enter a coimter-
plea against the plaintiff before the same jud^.
When the defendant is summoned, whether it be
his wish to enter a counter-plea or not, he must
appear along with the plaintiff before the judge,
and within the time fixed by the latter. ^ When they
have come before the judge, the plaintiff states
cleariy and precisely what he demands of the de-
fendant, and the demdant on his part either admits
the justice of the plaintiff's demand, in which case
he must make complete satisfaction, or he denies
it (at least in part), and makes known his wish to
contest the matter judicially; we then have a con-
tested case (JU canUstata). Such a contestation
accomplishes two things: nrst, it fixes precisely the
object of the trial, and, second, the parties bind them-
selves by a quasi-contract to prosecute the trial,
and agree from that moment to accept all the obligar
tionsunposed by the sentence, including the obligar
tion of the condemned party to make payment:
in a word, they agree to abide dv the legitimate find-
ing of the court. Then foUows the "oath of calumny*'
{juramentum calummoB), i. e. if demanded by either
party. This oath covers the entire case, and can
therefore be taken but once in the course of the same
triad. Its object is the credibility which both plain-
tiff and defendant are anxious to maintain, convmoed
as each is that he has a just case. By this oath
each party affirms that he will continue the tnal
solely for the purpose of litigation, and not of
calumny; he promises, moreover, to observe mod
faith throughout the proceeding. To this oath is
added another, namely, to tell the truth, and alac
an oath of malice or fraud (juramerUum maUtiai),
This latter would not be called for with reference to
the entire case, but only to some part of the pfo-
oeedin^, if ever a presumption arose acaixtst one
of the litigants as acting from maUce or fraud. In
modem canonical procedure the "oath of calumny"
is no longer called for. At this stage, the judge fixes
a period within which the parties must set forth
their arguments in defence of their rights; this period
can easily be extended by the judge at the request
of one of the parties, should he declare that be has
not yet been able to produce all his evidence. Tbeie-
upon the case is aiigued, and the judge m\ut weigh
aU the evidence brought forward by the contestants,
whether this evidence be written or oral. If after
this the parties, on being questioned, answer that
they have no further arguments to make, the jud||e
declares that the time for producing evidence is
closed. The aforesaid judicial interrogatory and
declaration are known as the canduaio in caued,
or the last act of the judicial hearing of the case,
and with it expires the time allowed for submiasioa
of evidence.
To this period of/ argumentation sueoeeds the
interval during which the judge studies and wei^^
the alignments advanced. During this time the
judge may ask the parties to supply declarations
and explajiations of their evidence. If, in spite of
this, the judge is unable to form a morally certain
judgment as to the rights of the plaintiff or of the
defendant, he must reauest that the proceedinsp
be supplemented by further proofs; if, notwithstand-
ing, the case is still doubtful, he must decide that the
plaintiff has not established his claim. If, on the
other hand, the judge can arrive at a decision from
the proceedings and from the evid^ioe adduced,
he must le|;ally acquit or condemn the defendant
by a defimtive sentence, this being precisely the
l^al decision of the judg^ concerning the case pn>-
pSeed by the litigants. What has been said thus
far holds good for a solemn ecclesiastical triaL
In a summary trial, as already stated, some of
these solemnities may be omitted. To b^in with,
the formal written petition may be omitted. The
plaintiff may present his petition orally^ and the
chancellor of the court makes record of it m the acts
of the proceeding. Nor are thrM judicial summooa
required: one suffices, even though it be not expressly
stated that it must be considered peremptory and
finaL The solemn declaration of mutual purx>qae
to pursue the case to a legal ending is likewise
omitted, being implicitly contained in the articles
on which the mutual argumentation of the case is
based. The proceedinflps may continue even on days
when the court would not otherwise sit (temw/re
feriato). As far as possible, all postponements (dUo'
Hemes) are avoided.^ The formal dedaration of the
judge that the hearing is dosed is not necessary, and
sentence may be pronounced without the usual solemn
foimalities; it must, however, be written, and the
parties must have previously been cited by at least
one summons.
Those thinffi, however, which are demanded in
all trials by tne natural law or the common usage
of nations must not be omitted in this summary
trial. The promise under oath to speak the truth
is never dispensed with. Each litigant may present
a full argumentation (positumes et artictdx) of his
case, and may produce his evidence. Finally, the
judicial interrogatory of the two parties cannot be
omitted, whether it takes place at the recjuest of the
litigants, or because the judge considere it hk duty.
0OU8IN
453
OOX7S8EMAKIR
Summaiy prooeedinss are commonly entered upon
for ooa of two reasons: either because the cases are
of such a nature as to demand prompt settlement
(alimony or necessary support, marriage cases, and
many cases of ecclesiastics, e. g. elections, offices
and benefices); or because the cases are of minor
importance, slight and easily remediable injuries,
comparable to civil lawsuits for trifling debts. In
all such cases the judge is allowed to base his sen-
tence on evidence somewhat less conclusive than
would be called for in cases of greater importance
{semtplena probtUio). Summary procedure is now
frequently employed in criminal cases of clerics;
the canon law, however, by an instruction of the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars (11 June,
1880), restricts its use to countries whose bishops
have fonnall^r obtained the pifht to proceed accord-
ing to said instruction, originally granted to the
bishope of France. In 1883 the Congregation of
Propaganda extended its use to the bishops of the
Uiutea States of America. (See also the decrees
of the First Plenary Council of South America,
art. 965-991.)
It mav be asked, finally, what influence has the
Roman law exercised on the canonical procedure
described above? It is certain, on the one hand
(Feeeler, op. cit.)» that the judicial procedure of the
canon law was already quite elaborate in form when,
eariy in the sixth century, the Emperor Justinian
Dublished his "Institutes'^, " Digest '\ and "Code".
On the other hand, it is verv evident that Roman
law, and particulariy that of Justinian, has exercised*
a very great influence upon canon law; it is universally
admitted as one of the subsidiary sources (JonUs)
of canon law, especially in court procedure. The
canon law, however, has wisely perfected certain
enactments of the Koman law. Thus, the ri^t
of provisional possession, insUttUum jmaeswnum
in the Roman law, was amplified and highly
developed by canon law, which gave additional
legal protection in the case of actual possession
obtained by injunction (interdicitim) of toe magis-
trate. The possessorv interdict {unde vi), it is well
known, was gianted by Roman law for immovable
• movable
jura %ncar->
law only
a strictly legal suit (actio spolii) was open to a person
despoiled of his j^oods, the canon law allowed him an
admtional plea m eouity (exceptio spoUi). In addi-
tion, in the Roman law, a suit lay only against the
despoiler (svoliafUem) or the one who ordered or
approved the act {spolium mandantem, ratiha*
beniem), whereas the canon law permitted the enter-
ing of suit against any third person found in pos-
session of the plaintiff's goods, whether such detention
were in good faith or not.
Pisite, La proeSdun can, mod. dant le» eautea diadp, H
erim, (Paria, 1808); Bouhk, De fudiciia eed. (Fans* 1855);
MouTOR, Udfer eonon. GeriefUtverf. gegen Kleriker (1856);
MthfCBEN, Canon. GerkhUverf. (2d. ed.. Cologne, 1874);
FouBNiEB, Lea ofJMaliUa au moym dge (Paria, 1850): Fssslbr,
Der eanon. Proeeas naeh aeinen poaitiven Grundl. und aeiner OU.
hial, Rntwiek. m der vorfuatinianiachen Periode (Vienna, 1860);
I^BRAMTONSLLi, Pfuxta fofi ecd. (Rome, 1883); Lboa, De
iudiciia eed. (2d ed.. Rome, 1905); Kulbb. Dtr rdnt. Zivil-
mtaaa (Leipng 1855): Endemann, Dm ZivUprozeaaverf. nach
BBNBDirrTo Ojetti.
Oouflin, Jeak, a French painter, sculptor, etcher,
engraver, and geometrician, b. at Soucy, near Sens,
1500: d at Sens before 1593, probably in 1590.
Cousm began his long art-life in his native town with
the study of glasa-painting under Hympe and Grassot.
At the same time he was dilif;ently applying himself
to this branch of art, wherein he was to become a
master, the young man became a great student of
mathematics and published a successful book on the
subject. He also wrote on geometry in his students
da^ In 1530 Cousin finished the beautiful windows
for the Sens cathedral^ the subject chosen beinx the
'' Legend of St Eutropius ". He had also painted the
windfows of many of the noble ch&teaux in and
around the city. The latest date on any of his Sens
work, 1530, points to this as the year he went to Paris,
where he began work as a goldsmith; but the amount
and kind of his productions in the precious metals are
alike unknown.
In Paris Cousin continued his eminent career as a
glass-painter, and his masterpiece, the windows of the
Sainte^hapelle in Vincennes, are considered the
finest examples of glass-painting in all France. He
subseauently devoted himself to painting in oil, and
is said to be the first Frenchman to use the ''new
medium". For this and other reasons Cousin has
been called ''The Founder of the French School ''; but
his work in oil, while graceful, refined, reserved, and
eyen classically severe, is more that of an Italian
"Eclectic" than of a "founder of a national school".
Pictures attributed to him, all of much merit, are
found in several of the large European collections, but,
excepting "The Last Judgment , none is known to be
authentic. "The Last Judgment" is fine in compo-
sition, noble in conception, and beautiful and har-
monious in colour, stron^y suggesting Correggio.
For a long time this masterpiece, which won him the
name of the "French Michelangelo", lay neglected in
the sacristy of the chureh of the Minims, \lnceimes,
until it was rescued by a priest and became one of the
important works in the Louvre. It is also celebrated
for being the first French picture to be engraved.
In the sixteenth century Cousin's renown came
from his historical and glass-paintings; to-day he is
best known as an illustrator of books. He made
many fine designs for woodcuts and often executed
them himself. The "Bible", published in 1596 bv
Le Clerc, and the "Metamorphoses" and "Epistles"
of Ovid (1566 and 1571 respectively) contain his most
celebrated work as an illustrator. Cousin etched and
eiuraved many plates after the manner of Mazsuola
of rarma, to whom the invention of etching has been
ascribed; but he excels all his contemporaries in
facility of execution and clawrical breadtn and sim-
plicity of idea and feeling. His etched work
approaches in excellence the ou-paintings of the great
masters. Cousin's sculptures are full of strenjgth and
dignity. The mausoleum of Admiral Philippe de
C&bot is the best piece of French sculpture of the
sixteenth century; the strikingly beautiful tomb of
Louis de Brez^ (Kouen) is another celebrated achieve-
ment. In addition to his early writings on mathe-
matics, he published, in 1560, a learned treatise on
perspective^ and, in 1571, an excellent work on
portrait-painting. During his life Cousin success-
fully pursued every branch of the fine arts, lind
enjoyed the favour of, and worked for four kings of
France: Henry II, Francis II, Charles IX, and
Henry III. Among his paintings, in addition to the
"Last Jud^ent", mention should be made of the
miniatures in the prayer book of Henry II now in the
Biblioth^ue Nationale; among his etchings and
engravings, the "Annunciation" and the "Conversion
of St. Paul"; among his woodcuts, the "Entrfe de
Henry II et Catherine de MMicis k Rouen" (1551).
EunaN-Dnxyr, Etude aur Jean Couain (Puis, 1872): PAm-
80N, The Worida PainUra ainoe Leonardo (New York. 1906).
Leiqh Uunt.
0ou886mak6r,CRARLss-EDMONi>-HENRiDB, Frendi
historian of music, b. at Bailleul, department of
Nord, France, 19 April, 1805; d. at Lille, 10 January,
1876. Coussemaker rendered great service to musi-
cal science by bringing to the notice of students
the early development and history of harmony and
counterpoint, as shown by the treatment of these divi-
sions of music in that section of the "Mustca Enchi-
OOUSTAHT
454
oatrsTAiTi
riadis" in which diaphony is treated. This he did in a
work on Hucbald, wno lived from about 840 to 930, was
a monk of the monastery of Saint-Amand, and wrote
the '* EnchiriadiB " as well as other works on music.
While pursuing his law studies in Paris, Cousse-
maker studied singing under Pellegrini and Payer and
harmony under Keicha. Even after entering upon
his career as a lawyer at Douai, he took a course in
counterpoint under Victor Lefebvre. His early ambi-
tion to become a composer, especially of church music,
did not produce permanent results, as most of his pro-
ductions in that field remain in manuscript. While
acting as judge at Bergues, Hazebrouck, Gambrai,
Dunkerque, and Lille successlvelv, he piursued studies
and made researches which resulted in works of the
hiphest historical importance and of permanent value.
His writings have had an important part in the revival
of true church music that began some sixty years a^,
and in the restoration, which has not yet reached its
culmination, of the chant. The pioneer nature of
Coussemaker's labours in many fields explains and
condones to some extent the fact that he was not
always correct in his deductions. Thus his assertion
(Histoire de ITiarmonie, c. ii, pp. 15^159) that the
neimis " have their origin in the accents of the Latin
language", an assumption which became the basis for
the so-called oratorical rhythm in plain chant, was dis-
proved long ago by the mensuralist school of chant
rhythm and, more recently, by the Rev. J. Thibaut in
his work "Origine byzantine de la notation neu-
matique de T^glise latine" (Paris, 1907). Cousse-
maker's most noted musico-historical works are:
"Mtooires sur Hucbald" (1841); " Histoire de lliar-
monie au moyen fige" (1852); "Les harmonistes des
XIPet XIIP sidles" (1864); "(Euvres completes du
trouv^re Adam de la Halle'* (1872); "Joannis Tinc-
toris TractatusdeMusic&'', and his collection in four
volumes, intended to be a continuation of Gerbert's
"Scriptores", of writings by medieval authors enti-
tled: "Scriptorum de musicA medii SBvi nova series a
Gerbertino altera" (1866-76). Besides these, Cousse-
maker published numerous essays and magazine
articles on historical, technical, and sesthetic ques-
tions in regard to music.
Waaldrxdob, The Oxford History of Muaic (Oxford, 1901-
1905): RiEMANN, Handbuck der Munkgtachichte (Leipiig,
1906).
JoaBPH Otten.
Ooustant, Pierre, a learned Benedictine of the
Gongregation of Saint-Maur, b. at Compi^gne, France,
30 Aprfl, 1654; d. at the Abbey of Saint-(jennain-des-
P^ near Paris, 18 October, 1721. After receiving
his classical education in the Jesuit Gollege at Gom-
pidgne, he entered the Benedictine monastery of
Saint-R^mi at Reims as novice at the age of seven-
teen, and took vows on 12 August, 1672. He made
his philosophical and theological studies partly at
Saint-R^mi, partly at the monastery of Saint-M^dard
in Soissons whither he was sent to study philosophy
under FranQois Lamy. In 1681 his superiors sent
him to the Abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pr^ to assist
his confrere Thomas Blampin in editing the works of
St. Augustine. Goustant's chief contribution to this
publication, which still remains the best edition of St.
Augustine's works, consisted in the separating of the
spurious from the genuine writings. He also aided
his fellow Benedictines Edmond Mart^ne and Robert
Mord in making the indexes for the fourth volume
containing the commentaries on the Psalms. In an
appendix to the fifth volume he collected all the spuri-
ous homilies and traced them to their true sources.
The learning and acumen which Goustant displayed
in his share of the edition of St. Augustine's works did
not remain unnoticed by the AbGot General of the
Maurist Gongregation. Wlien Mabillon suggested a
new edition of tne works of St. Hilary of Poitiers, it
was Coustant whom the abbot general selected for
this difficult imdertakin^. There was before this tnne
practically only one edition of this ^reat Gallic Doctor
of the Ghuroh, namely the defective and uncritical
one published by Erasmus (Basle, 1523). llie subse-
quent editions of Mirseus (Paris, 1544), lipsiuB (Baale,
1550), Grynseus (Basle, 1570), Gfliotius (Pans, 1572),
and the one issued by the Paris Typographical Soci-
ety in 1605 were little more than reprints of the Eras-
mian text. After making himself thorou^^y con-
versant with St. Hflary's t^minology ana train of
thought, Goustant compared numerous manuscripts
with a view to restoring the original text. In an ex-
tensive general preface he proved the Gathdicity of
Hilaiy's doctrine concerning the birth of Ghrist from
the Virgin Mary, the Holy Eucharist, Grace, the Lasl;
Judgment, the Holy Trinity, and other Gatholic dog-
mas. The preface is followed by two bio^i&phical
sketches of the saint, the former of which was com-
posed by Goustant himself from the writings of Hilary,
while the latter is a reproduction of the life writt^
by Fortunatus of Poitiers. Each treatise is preceded
by a special preface stating its occasion and purpose,
and the time when it was written. Difficult and ob-
scure passages are explained in foot-notes. This edi-
tion of St. Hilary is a model work of its kind and ranks
as one of the most esteemed literary productions of the
Maurist 0)ngregation. It was published in one folio
volume at Paris in 1693 and bears the title: ''Sancti
Hflarii Pictavorum episcopi opera ad manuscriptos
codices gallicanos, romanos, belgicoe, nee non ad
veteres ^itiones castigata, aliquot aucta opusculis",
etc. The work was republishea with a few additions
by Scipio Maffei (Verona, 1730) and by Migne, P. L.,
I A and X.
Goustant's love for study did not prevent him from
being an exemplary monk. Though often over-
whelmed with work, he was ptmctual m attending the
common religious exercises and found time for private
works of piety. After completing the edition of St.
Hilary's works he requested his superiors to release
him temporarily from literary labours and to allow
him to devote more of his time to prayer and medita-
tion. The wish was ^nted, thou^ not as he ex-
pected. He was appointed prior of the monastery oi
Nogentr-sous-Goucy. After three years he was, upon
his own urgent request, relieved from the priorate and
returned to Saint-Germain-des-Pr^. For some time
he worked on the new edition of the Maurist Breviary;
then he assisted his confrere Glaude Guesni^ in mak-
ing the elaborate general index to the works of St.
Augustine.
immediately upon the publication of St. Augus-
tine's works in 1700, Oustant was entrusted by his
superiors with the editing of a coniplete collection d
the letters of the popes from St. Glement I to Innocent
III (c. 88-1216). To understand the colossal labour
which such an undertaking entailed, it must be borne
in mind that very little had been done in this direction
before. There were, indeed, the papal decretals from
Glement I to Gregory VII, collectea by Gardinal An-
tonio Garaffa and published by Antomo d'Aquino in
1591, but they were incomplete and their chronological
order was frequently incorrect. There were also the
''Annales" of Baronius and the "Goncilia antioua
Gallise" of the Jesuit Jacques Sirmond, and otner
works containing scattered letters of the popes; but
no one had ever attempted to make a complete collec-
tion of papal letters, much less to sift tne spurious
from the authentic, to restore the original texts and
to order the letters chronologically.
After devoting more than twenty years to this
gigantic undertaking, Coustant was able to publish
the first volume in 1721. It contains the lctt<*rs from
the year 67 to the year 440, and ib entitled " Epistohe
Ronianorum Pontificum et quae ad eos scripts sunt a
S. Clemente I uscjue ad Iimocentium III, quotquot
reiwriri iK)tueruiit. . . ." (Paris, 1721V In the ex-
GOUSTOU
455
OOUTANOBS
tensive preface of 150 pages Coustant explains the
origin; meaning and extent of the papal pnmacy and
critically examines the existing collections of canons
and papal letters. The letters of each pope are pre-
ceded by a historical introduction and furnished with
copious notes, while the spurious letters are collected
in the appendix. Coustant had gathered a large
amount of material for succeeding volumes, but he
died the same year in which the first vdume was pub-
lished. Simon Mopinot, who had assisted (Constant
in the preparation of the first volume, was entrusted
with the continuation of the work, but he also died
(11 October, 1724) before another volume was ready
for publication. About twelve years later, Ursin
Durand undertook to continue the work; in his case
the Jansenistic disorders in which he became involved
prevented the publication of the material he had pre-
pared. Finally the French Revolution and the disso-
lution of the Maurist Congregation gave the death-
blow to the great undertaking. A new edition of
Constant's volume was brought out by SchCnemann
(Gdttingen, 1796); a continuation, based chiefly on
Uoustant's manuscripts and containingthe papal let-
ters from 461-521, was published by Thiel (Brauns-
berg, 1867). There are extant in the Bibliothdque
Nationale at Paris fourteen larce folio volumes con-
taining the material gathered by Coustant and his
Benedictine continuators. Coustant also took part
in the controversy occasioned by Mabillon's " De Re
Diplomatic^'' between the Jesuit Germon and the
Maurist Benedictines. In two able treatises he de-
fends himself and his confreres against Germon who
disputed the genuineness of some sources used in the
Benedictine edition of the works of St. Hilary and St.
Augustine.
Tabsin, Histoire KtUraire de la eongrSgaiion de SairU-Maur
Sirussela, 1770). 417 sqq.; Fez, Bibliotheca Benedictine
auriana (Augsburg, 1716), 345 sqq.; Le Ckbf, Bibliath^que
hiatorigue et critique dee axUeur% de la congr. de Saint-Maur
(The Hague. 1726), 62 sqq.; Mopinot in Journal dea aavants
(Paris, Jaouary. 1722); Herbst in Theologieche QuartaUchrifi
(Tubingen. 1833). 438 sqq.; Sdralek. ibid, (1880). 222 sqq.;
Kerker in KirchenUx., s. v.- Kukdla in Wiener Silzimoa-
berichte (1890. 1893, 1898); Valenti. Loe Benedictinos de 8.
Mauro (Palma de Mallorca. 1899), 199; Hurteb. Nomendator,
II, 1103 sqq.
Michael Ott.
Ooustou, Nicolas, French sculptor, b. at Lyons,
9 January, 1658; d. at Paris, 1 May, 1733. He was
the son of a wood-carver, from whom he received his
first instruction in art. At the age of eighteen he
went to Paris, and studied under the tutorship of his
uncle, the sculptor Coysevox. On the occasion of
Colbert's last visit to the Royal Academy, Coustou
received from his hands the gold medal for sculpture
(CJolbert prize), which enabled him to go to Rome as
a pensioner from 1683 to 1686. Here he applied him-
self especially to the study of Michelangelo and
Algardi, hoping to unite in his own work the strength
of the one and the grace of the other. On his return
he settled in Paris, and showed his independence by
declining to submit to the decrees of the ruling school
of sculpture. The design made by him for a public
inonument being refused, he appealed directly to the
king, who decided in his favour and awarded him the
commission. Nicolas was joined by his younger
brother Guillaume, also a sculptor, whom he admitted
to a share in his labours, so that it is not always easy
to ascribe particular works definitely to one or the
other. In 1720 Nicolas was appointed rector of the
acadeiny of painting and sculpture and held his post
until his death, shortly before which he was also made
chancellor of the "academy. Coysevox and the Cous-
tous formed a school in French sculpture and were
distinguished by grace, naturalness and truth to life.
Many of the works of Nicolas were destrojred in the
fury of the Revolution, hut a number still remain.
Chief among them are the "Union of the Seine and
Mame"* the "Ilunteraan Resting" (called in French
"Berger Chaaseur"); "D^hne Pursued by Apdlo".
All of these are now in the garden of the Tuileries;
further, the statues of Julius Csssar and Louis XV in
the Louvre, and the " Descent From the Cross" in the
choir of Notre-Dame, Paris, one of his best efforts.
There are also statues by Coustou at Versailles and
Marly. A pood terrar-cotta bust of him by his brother
Guillaume is in the Louvre.
LObkjb. History of Sculpture^ tr. Bunnett (London. 1878);
Marquand and FROTHiNOHAif. History of Sculpture (New
York. 1886); Dilkb. French Architects and Sculpton of ths
XVltl Century (Ixmdon. 1900).
M. L. Handlkt.
Ooutancas, Diocese of (Constantiensis), com-
prises the entire department of La Manche and is a
suffragan of the Archbbhopric of Rouen. It was
enlarged in 1802 by the addition of the former
Diocese of Avranches and of two archdeaconries from
the Diocese of Bayeux; since 1854 its bishops have
held the title of Bishop of Coutances and Avranches.
Cathedral and Town. CouTA.NCEa
Diocese of Coutances. — ^The catalogue of the
bishops of Coutances, as it was made out about the
end of the eleventh century, gives as the first bishops
St. Ereptiolus and St. Exuperatus (fourth century).
Leontianus, the first bishop historically known,
attended the Council of Orl^ns in 511. Coutances
counted among its prelates Saint L6 (Lauto). promi-
nent in the great councils of the middle of the sixth
century; St. Rumpharius, apostle of Barfleur (d.
about 586); St. Fr^mond (Frodomundus), who,
assisted by Thierry III, founded a monastery and a
church in honour of the Blessed Virgin in 679 at Ham,
near Valognes; Blessed Geoff roy de Montbray (1049-
1093), friend of William the Conqueror, whose
episcopate was signalized by the building of the
cathectal of Coutances, to which purpose he devoted
laree sums of money that he had gathered in Apulia,
and also by the founding of the Benedictine Abbeys
of Lessay, Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, andMonteboure,
and of the canonries <rf Cherbourg; Hugues dfe
Morville (1202-1238), organizer of charities in the
diocese and founder in 1209 of the celebrated Hdtel-
Dieu of Coutances; Philibert de Montjeu (1424-1439),
who presided over the deputation of theologians sent
by the Council of Basle to the Bohemians and Morar
vians in order to reconcile them to the CJhurch, and
Giuliano della Rovere (H76-1478), afterwards pope
under the name of Julius IT. The account book of
Thomas Marest, cur6 of Saint-Nicolas of Coutances
(1397-1433). is very interesting for the historyof
social life auring tne Hundred Years'^ War. The
Huguenots took possesion of the city in 1562, but
were banished in 1575. Through the efforts of the
Venerable P^re Eudes the cathedral of Coutances
was the first church in the world to have an altai
dtNlirated to the Sacred Heart.
OOUTURIEB
456
OOUTUBISB
Diocese of Avranchbs. — Nepos, the first bishop
known to history, assisted at the Council of Orleans
in 511. Among its bishops Avranches included:
St. Pair, or Paternus (d. 565), a great founder of
monasteries, notably that of Sessiacum, near Gran-
ville, which took the name of Saint-Pair; St. Leodo-
valdus (second half of sixth century); St. Bagert-
rannus, Abbot of Jumi^ges (about 682) ; St. Aubert,
who in 708 founded the Abbey of Mont Saint-Michel;
Robert Ceneau (1533-1560), author of numerous
works against the Calvinists; and Pierre-Daniel Huet
(1689-1699), a celebrated savant who assisted
Bossuet in educating the son of Louis XIV and
directed the publication of the Delphin edition of the
classics. Between 875 and 990. in the troubled
period caused by the victories of the Bretons and the
incursions of the Normans, the archbishops of Rouen
were titulars of the See of Avranches. In the
Middle Ages the bishops of Avranches were at the
same time barons, of Avranches, barons of Saint-
Philbert-suivRilles,' and proprietors of numerous
domains in England ana Jersey. The school of
Avranches, in which Lanfranc taught and Anselm
studied, was famous in the eleventh century. The
cathedral where, ip September, 1171, Henry II of
England swore before the legates of Alexander III
that he was entirely innocent of the murder of St.
Thomas Becket was a beautiful monument of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. It collapsed during
the Revolution. rSee Mont Saint-Michel.)
The' Diocese of Coutances and Avranches honours
in a spedal way St. Pientia (Pience), put to death
in the third centuiy for having facilitated the burial
of St. Nicasius, the apostle of Vexin, and conspicuouslv
honoured in the litun^ of Avranches; St. Floxel,
bom in the district of Cotentin, and martyred at the
beguming of the fourth century; St. Scubilio, com-
panion of the bishop St. Pair, and founder of the
monastery of Manoane on Mont Tombe (subse-
quently Mont Saint-Michel); Sts. S^nier, Gaud, and
Fragaise, monks of Sessiacum; St. Germanus of Scot-
hatd, who, in the fifth centuiy, evangelized the
Saxon colonies of the district of fiessin; St. Severus,
the shepherd (sixth centurv), who was perhaps Bishop
of Avranches; the monk St. Marcouf (sixth century),
founder of an abbey called after him, and whose
name is borne by an island to which he retired
each Lent for extraordinarv mortification; St. Holier,
disciple of St. Marcouf, beheaded in a grotto at
Jersey; St. Ortaire, Abbot of Landelles (end of sixth
century); St. Paternus of Goutances,monk at Sessiac-
um, then at Sena, and finally assassinated (eighth cen-
tury); St. Leo of Carentan, Dom about 810, a prot4g6
of Louis the Debonair and martyred at Bayonne;
the English hermit St. Clair (mnth centuiy); St.
Guillaume Firmat (eleventh centuiy), hermit, pil-
grim to the Orient, and patron of the collegiate church
of Mortain; Bleased Thomas H41ie of Biville, chaplain
to St. Louis (thirteenth oentuir); Julie Postel, known
in religion as Soeur Marie-Madeleine (1756-1846),
a native of Barfleur, declared Veneiable in 1897.
Many men worthy of mention in ecclesiaatical
history were natives of this diocese: Alexandre de
ViUedieu (thirteenth centuiy), canon of Avranches
and author of a Latin grammar universally studied
during the Middle Ages; the learned but visionary
QuiUaume Postel (d. 1581), professor of mathematics
and Oriental languages in the Collie de France;
the Franciscan fnar Feuardent (1539-^1610), promi-
nent in the Wars of the League; Cardinal du Perron
(156&-1618), who converted Henry IV; the Calvin-
islio jpublicist Benjamin Basnage (1580-1652); the
phymoian Hamon (101^1^7), well known in the
hirtoiy of Janaenismj Jean de Launoy (1603-1678),
oriebrated for his cntieal work in ecclesiastical his-
tory; Marie des Vall^es^ the demoniac (d. 1656), who
made a great sensation in her day and whose sayings
were gathered into four volumes by the YenerablB
Pdre Eudes, who had exorcised her; the Abh6 de
Beauvais (1731-1790) and the Jesuit Neuville (lfl»-
1774), both great preachers; the Abb6 de Saint-
Pierre (1658-1743), author of the " Paix pexp4tuelle'%
and the Eudist Le Franc, superior of tne Coutances
seminary in the eighteenth century and the first
Catholic publicist to write against Freemasonry.
Before the enforcement of the law of 1901 there
were in the diocese Oratorians, Siilpicians, Eudists,
and a local congregation of Brothers of Mercy of
the Christian Schools, founded in 1842 (mother-
house at Montebourg), and there are Trappists still
at Bricquebec. The diocese includes several congre-
gations of women: the Tertiary Sisters of Our I^y
of Mount Carmel,
founded in 1686;
the Sisters of the
Sacred Heart of
Jesus, founded in
the seventeenth
century by P^re
du Pont, a ^feudist,
and in 1783 placed
under the patron-
age of the Sacred
Heart, being the
oldest French con-
gregation known
by that title; the
Sisters of Mercy
of the Christian
Schools, founded
in 1802 at Saint-
Sauveur-le-Vi-
c o m t e by the
Venerable Soeur
Postel. Diocesan
missionaries are
installed at Biville,
near the tomb
Cathkdral, Coutakcbb
of Blessed Thomas H41ie, a much frequented place
f ilfvrnmo
In 1900 the diocese included in religious in-
stitutions, 28 infant schools, 1 orphanage for boys
and girls, 3 boys' orphanages, 24 girls' orphanages,
6 industrial schools, 35 hospitals, hospices, and
asylums, 30 houses of nursing sisters, ana 3 insane
asylums. The statistics for the end of 1905 (close
of the Concordat period) indicate a population
of 491,372, with 61 pastorates, 612 succursal parishes
(mission churches), and 284 curacies, then remu-
nerated by the State.
OaUia Christiana {ed. twva, 1750), XI. 466-509, 662^
863-911, 983. and Inatrumenia, 105-24, 217-82, UHiAtoire
thrtmalogique des Svfques d* Avranches de mattre JiUien NicoU
(1669) and L'Histoire ecdfsiaslique du diocese de Coxdanoes,
also written in the seventeenth century by Rbnj: Toubtain dc
BiLLiT (1643-1709), cur^ of Mesnil-Opac. are works of safficient
historic value to have been republished in our day. the first by
Beaurepaire, the second by Heron (Rouen, 1884-^). Lscanv,
HisUrin du diocese de Coutances et Avranches (Ooutances,
1877); PloBON, Le dioche d'Avranches (Coutances, 1890);
Idem, Vies des saints du diocese de CotUances et Atfranchet
(Avranches, 1892, 1898); Ls CACitBUX, Essai historique eur
VH&td-Dieu de Coutances (Paris, 1896); Ducbssnb. Faate»
Ma^paux, II, 221-4, 236-40; Chbyaubh, Topo-bibi,, 816-818»
Gboboeb Qotau.
Ooutnriar, Louis-Charlss, Abbot of the Benedic-
tine monastery of Saint-Pierre at Solesmes and Presi-
dent of the French Congregation of Benedictines; b.
12 May, 1817, at Chemill^sur-Ddme in the Diooeae
of Tours; d. 29 October, 1890, at Solesmes. He was
educated at the petit siminavre of Combr^ in A^jou
and at the grand siminaire of Angers, and was or-
dained priest 12 March, 1842. After teaching history
at Gombr^ from 1836 to 1854, he entered, in the
latter year, the Benedictine monastery of Saint-Pierre
at Solesmes, then newly restored by Dom Gu^ranger.
OOVARRUVUS
457
00YKNANTEB8
His lelkiouB zeal and asoetical learning endeared him
to the liktter, who appointed him master of novices
one month alter his profession, and towards the end
of 1861 made him prior of the monasterv. As prior,
Couturier was so esteemed that on the death of
Gu^ranger he was imanimousiy elected Abbot of
Saint-Pierre (11 February, 1876). Pius IX appointed
him oonsultor of the Sacred Congregation of the In-
dex, and granted him and his successors the privilege
of wearing the cappa maena.
Couturier was a wortny successor of the great
Gu^ranger. Despite the persecutions of the French
Government, which turned the reign of Couturier into
a veritable martyrdom for the aobot and his com-
munity, the monks of Solesmes not only upheld but
even enhanced the hi^ presti^ for piety and learn-
ing which they had gamed during the rule of Gu^ran-
ger. Couturier and nis monks were forcibly expelled
m>m their monastejry by the French Government on
6 November, 1880, and, having attempted to reoocupy
it, they were driven out a second time on 29 March,
1882. Dining the remainder of Couturier's life the
community lived in three separate houses in the town
of Solesmes, using the parochial church as their abbey
church. Nevertheless the commimity continued to
flourish. By word and example ^bot Couturier
encouraged the numerous learned writers among his
monks, and contributed to the spread of the Bene-
dictine Order by restoring old and deserted monas-
teries and by fostering the foundations made by
Gu^ranger. On 28 Maroh, 1876, he raised the priory
of St. Mary Magdalene at Marseilles to the dignity of
an abbey; in 1880 he restored and repeopled the
monastery of Silos in Spain; in July, 1889, he estab-
lished the priory of Saint-Paul at Wisques, in the
Diocese of Arras; and on 15 September, 1890, shortly
before his death, he reopened the ancient monastery
of Glanfeuil in the Diocese of Angers, deserted since
the beginning of the French Revolution in 1789. His
literary labours are confined chiefly to his collabora-
tion in the publication of ** Les Actes des Martyrs'', a
French translation of the Acts of the martyrs from
the beginning of the Christian Era to our times. The
third ^tion of the work appeared in four volumes
(Paris, 1900).
HouTiif, Dam Couturier, cibhi de Solesmes (Angers, 1809);
Babxn in Revue BhUdxctine (Maredsoua, 1800), VII, 578-588;
BiUiographie dee BivUdictina ae la eonorigation de France (Paris,
1906). ^ V. ^, r^_
Michael. Qtt.
OovaiTUYiaa (or Covarrubias y Leyva), Diego,
b. in Toledo, Spain, 25 July, 1512; d. in Madrid, 27
Sept.. 1577. According to his biography by Schott
(in tne Geneva, 1679, edition of Covamivias), his
maternal grandfather was the architect of the Toledo
cathedral. His master in law, both canonical and
civil, was the famous Martin Aspilcueta (q. v.), who
was wont to ^ory in having such a disciple. At the
age of twenty-one, Covamivias was appointed pro-
fessor of canon law in the University of Salamanca.
Later on he was entrusted with the work of reforming
that institution, already venerable for its ag|e, and the
legislation whidi he drew up looking to this end re-
mained in effect long after nis time. Such was the
recognized eminence of his legal Science that he was
stylM the Bartholo of Spain. His vast legsd learning
was always set forth with a peculiar beauty of diction
and lucidity of style, says Von Scherer (see below).
His genius was universal, and embraced all the sci-
ences subsidiary to, and illustrative of, the science of
law. If report be true, the larce library erf Oviedo,
where at the age of twenty-six ne became professor,
did not contain a single volume which he had not
richly annotated. In 1549 Covarriivias was desig-
nated by Charles V for the archiepiscopal See of San
Domingo in the New Worid, whither, however, he
never went. Eleven years later he was made Bishop
of Ciudad Rodrigo in Spain. In this capacity he at-
tended the Council of Trent, where, according to the
statement of his nephew, conjointly with UEudinal
Ugo Buonoompagni (afterwards Qregorv XIII), he
was authorized to formulate the famous reform-decrees
(De Reformatione) of the council. Pressure of other
duties having prevented Cardinal Buoncompagni
from doing his part of the work, the task devolved
upon Covamivias alone. The text of these far-reach-
ing decrees, therefore, formallv approved by the coun-
cil, we apparently owe to him. (Von Scherer, in
Kirchenlexikon, III, 1170, doubts the accuracy of this
tradition.) Having returned to Spain, Covamivias
was in 1565 transferred to the See of Segovia. Up to
this time his extraordinary talents had been discov-
ered in matters more or less scholastic only; they were
hereafter to reveal themselves also in practical affairs
of state. Appointed in 1572 a member di the Council
of Castile, he was two years later raised to the presi-
dency of the Council of State. In the discharge of this
office he was eminently successful. While president
of the Council of State he was nominated by JPhilip II
for the Bishopric of Cuenca, but death prevented nim
from assuming the duties of this new see. The prin-
cipal work of Covamivias is his ''Variarum resolu-
tionum ex jure pontificio regio et csosareo libri
IV". He wrote also on testaments, betrothal and
marriage, oaths, excommunication, prescription,
restitution, etc. Quite distinct in character from his
other proauctions is his numismatic treatise, ''Vet-
erum numismatum collatio cum his qu» modo ex-
penduntur'', etc. (1594). His complete works have
been several times edited, the Antwerp edition (5
vols., 1762) being the best. Among his manuscripts
have been found notes on the Coimcil of Trent, a
treatise on punishments (De poenis) and an historical
tract, ''Catalogo de los reyes de Espafia y de otras
cosas'',etc.
HuRTER, Nomendator, I, 38; Antonio, BM. Hisp. nova
(Madrid, 1783), I. 27^70; Schulte. Geach. d. Quellen u. Lit,
dee can. Rechte (1880), III, 721.
John Webster Mblodt.
Oovonanters, the name given to the subscribers
(practically the whole Scottish nation) of the two
Covenants, the National Covenant of 1638 and the
Solemn League and Covenant of 1643. Though the
Covenants as national bonds ceased with the conquest
of Scotland by Cromwell, a number continued to up-
hold them right through the period following tne
Restoration, and these too are known as Covenanters.
The object of the Covenants was to band the whole na-
tion together in defence of its religion against the at-
tempts of the king to impose upon it an episcopal system
of church flovemment and a new and less anti-Roman
liturgy. The struggle that ensued was a stru^le for
supremacy, viz. : as to who should have the last word,
the King or the Kirk, in deciding the religion of the
country. How this struggle arose must first be briefly
explained.
The causes of this Protestant conflict between
Church and State must be sought in the circumstances
of the Scottish Reformation. (For a summary of the
history of the Scottish Reformation down to 1601 see
ch. ii of Gardiner's " History of England ".) Owing to
the fact that Scotland, irnuke England, had accepted
Protestantism, not at the dictates of her rulers, but in
opposition to them, the Reformation was not merely
an ecclesiastical revolution, but a rebellion. It was,
therefore, perhaps no mere chance that made the Scot-
tish nation, under the gtiidance of John Knox and later
of Andrew Melville, adopt Ihat form of Protestantism
which was, in its doctrine, farthest removed from
Rome, to which their French regents adhered, and
which in its theory of church ^vemment was the
most democratic. Presbyterianism meant the sub-
ordination of the State to the Kirk, as Melville plainly
told Jcunes VI at Cupar in 1596, on the famous occa-
OOVENAHTERS
458
COVENANTERS
non when he scixcd his sovorcign by tho sleeve and
called him ** God's silly vassal ' '. In the Church, king
and bc^ggar were on an equal footing and of equal im-
portance; king or beggar might eaually and without
disi^otion be excommimicat^, ana be submitted to a
degrading ceremonial if he wished to be released from
the censtire; in this system the preacher was supreme.
The civil power was to be the secular arm, the mstru-
ment, of toe Kirk, and was required to inflict the pen-
alties which the preachers imposed upon such as con-
temned the censure and discipline of the Church. The
Kirk, therefore, believing that the Presbyterian sys-
tem, with its preachers, lay elders, and deacons, kirk
sessions, synoos, and general ass^nblies, was the one,
Divinely appointed means to salvation, claimed to be
absolute and supreme. Such a theory of the Divine
right of Presbytery was not likely to meet with the ap-
proval of the Idnffl of the Stuart line with their exag-
gerated ideas of their own right Divine and preroga-
tive. Nor could a Church where the ministers and
elders in their kirk sessions and assemblies judeed,
censured, and punished all offenders high^ or low,
craftsman or nobleman, be pleasing to an aristocracy
that looked with feudal contempt on all forms of la-
bour. Botii noble and king were therefore anxious to
humble the ministers and deprive them of some of
their influence. James VI was soon taught the spirit
of the Presbyterian clergy; in 1592 he was compelled
formally to sanction the establishment of Presbytery;
he was threatened with rebellion if he failed to rule ao-
oording to the Gospel as interpreted by the ministers.
If his Bngiy authority was to endure, James saw that
he must seek for some means by which he could check
their excessive claims. He first tried to draw together
the two separate representative institutions in Scotland
—the Parliament, representing the king and the no-
bility, and the General Assembly, representing the
Kirk and the majority of the nation — ^by granting to
the clergr a vote in Parliament. Owing, however, to
the hostility of clergy and nobility, the scheme fell
through. James now adopted that policy which was
to be so fruitful of disaster ; he determined to re-intro-
duce episcopacy in Scotland as the only possible means
of bringing the clergy to submit to his own authority.
He hadalready gone some way towards accomplishing
his object when his accession to the English throne
still further strengthened his resolve. For he consid-
ered the assimilation of the two Churches both in their
form of government and in doctrine essential to the
furtherance of his great design, the union of the two
kingdoms.
By 1612 James had succeeded in carrying out the
first part of his policy, the re-establishment ofdiocessm
episcopacy. Before his death he had also gone a long
way towMtis effecting changes in the ritual and doc-
trine of Presbyterianism. On Black Saturday, 4
Aug., 1621, the Five Articles of Perth were ratified by
the Estates. Imposed as these were upon an unwill-
ing nation by means of a packed Assembly and Parlia-
ment, they were to be the source of much trouble and
bloodshed in^ Scotland. Distrust of their rulers, hatred
of bishops, and hatred of all ecclesiastical changes was
the legacy bequeathed by James to his son. James
had sowed the wind and Charles I was soon to reap the
whirlwind. Charles' veiy first action, his "matching
himself with the daughter of Heth'', i. e. France (see
Lei^ton, "Sion's Plea against Prelacy", quoted by
Gardiner, ''Hist, of England, ed. 1884, VII, 146),
aroused suspicion as to his orthodoxy, and in the light
of that suspicion every act of his religious policy was
interpreted, wrongly we know, as some subtle means
of favouring popery. His wisest course would have
been to annul the liated Five Articles of Perth, which
to Scotchmen were but so many injimctions to com-
mit idolatry. In spite of concessions, however, he let
it be known that tne Articles were to remain (Row,
Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, p. 340; Balfour, An-
nals, II, 142; Privy Council Ilegi«ter, N. S., 1, 01-^3).
Further, he took the unwise step of increastiq; the
powers of the bishops; five were given a place in the
Privy Coimcil; and Archbishop Spottiswoode was
made President of the Exchequer and ordered as pri-
mate to take precedence of every other subject. This
proceeding not merely rouosed the indignation of Prot-
estants, who in the words of Row considered bii^ops
"bellie-gods", but it further offended the aristocracy,
who felt themselves thus slighted. But a persecution
of the Kirk and the preachers would not have broueht
about a rebellion. Charles could always count on nia
subservient bishops, and on the nobles ever ¥rilling to
humble the ministers. But he now took a step whidi
alienated his only allies. James had always been care-
ful to keep the nobles on his side by lavish grants of
the old oiurch lands. By the Act of Revocation,
which passed the Privy Seal, 12 October, 1625 (Privy
Council Register, 1, 193), Charles I touched thepockets
of the nobility, raised at once a serious opposition, and
led the barons to form an alliance with the Kirk against
the common enemy, the king. It was a fatal step and
f)roved "the groimd-stone of all the mischief that fol-
owed after, both to this king's government and fam-
ily" (Balfour, Annals, II, 128). Thus, before he had
set foot in Scotland, Charles had offended every class
of his people. His visit to Scotland made matters
worse ; Scotchmen were horrified to see at the corona-
tion service such " popish rags" as "white rochets and
whit« sleeves and copes of gold having blue silk to their
foot" worn by the officiating bishops, whidi "bred
great fear of inbringing of popery" (Spaldine, Hist, of
the Troubles in England and Scotland, 1624-45, I,
36). Acts, too, were passed through Parliament
which plainly showed the king's determination to
change the ecclesiastical system of Scotland. Scot-
land was therefore ready for an explosion.
The spark was the New Service Book. Both
CJharles and Laud had been shocked at the bare walls
and pillars of the churches, all clad with dust, sweep-
ings, and cobwebs; at the trafficking that went on m
the Scottish churches; at the lengthy "conceived
prayers" often spoken by ignorant men and not infre-
quently as seditious as the sermons (BaHlie, O. S. B.,
writing in 1627, cited by Wm. Kintoch, "Studies in
Scottisn Ecclesiastical History", pp. 23, 24; also,
"Large Declaration", p. 16). The king desired to
have decency, orderliness, uniformity. Hence he or-
dered a new service book, prepared, by himself and
Laud, to be adopted by Scotland. The imposition of
the New Service Book was a piece of sheer despotism
on the part of the king; it had no ecclesiastical sanc-
tion whatever, for the General Assembly, and even the
bishops as a Dody, had not been consulted; neither
had it any lay autnority, for it had not tiie approval of
Parliament; it went counter to all the religious fec^g
of the majority of the Scottish people; it offended
their national sentiment, for it was En^ish. Row
summed up the objections to it by calling it a " Pop-
ish-Enriish-Scottish-Mass-Service-Book" (op. cit., p.
398). There could, therefore, be very little doubt as
to how Scotland would receive the new lituiigy. The
famous riot in St. Giles', Edmburgh, 23 July, 1637
(account of it in the King's "Large Declaration" and
Gordon's "Hist, of Scots Affairs^, I, 7), when at the
solemn inauguration of the new service somebody,
probably some woman, threw the stool at the dean's
head, was but an indication of the general feeling of
the country. From all classes and ranks and from
every part of the country except the north-east, the
petitions came pouring into the Council for the with-
drawal of the liturgy. Every attempt to enforce tlie
prayer book led to a riot. In a word, the resistance
was general. The Council was powerless. It was
su^ested therefore, that each of the four orders —
nc^es, lairds, burghers, and ministers— should choose
four commissionerB to represent th^n and transact
OOVEKAHTBRS
459
OOVENANTSaS
business tnth the Council, and that then the crowd of
petitioners should return to their homes. Accord-
ingly four committees or "Tables'* (Row, pp. 485, 6)
were chosen, the petitioners dispersed, and the riots in
Edinburgh ceased. But this arrangement also gave
the opposition the one thing necessary for a successful
action, a government. TTne sixteen could, if only-
united, direct the mobs effectively. The effect of hav-
ing a guiding hand was at once seen. The demands of
the supplicants became more definite and peremptorjr
and on 21 December the Tables presented the Council
a collective "Supplication" whidi not only demanded
the recall of ^e liturgy, but, further, the removal of
the bishops from the Council on the ground that, as
they were parties in the case, they should not be
judges (Balfour, Annals, 11,244-5; Rothes, Relation,
etc., pp. 26 sqq., gives an accoimt of the formation of
the "Tables"). The supplicants^ in other words,
looked upon the quarrel between kmg and subjects as
a lawsuit.
Charles' answer to the "Supplication" was read at
Sterling on 19 February, 1638. He defended the
prayer Dook and declared all protesting meetings il-
legal and treasonable. A coimter proclamation had
been deliberately prepared by the supplicants and no
sooner had the kmg s answer been read than Lords
Home and Lindsay, in the name of the four orders,
lodged a formal protestation. The same form was
gone througih in Lmlithgow and Edinburgh. By these
K>rmal protestations the petitioners were virtually set-
ting up a government against a government, and as
there was no middle part^ to appeal to, it became nec-
essary to prove to the king that the supplicants, and
tiot he, had the nation behind them. The means was
ready to hand. The nobility and ^ntry of Scotland
had been in the habit of entering into "band^" for
mutual protection. Archibald Johnston of Warris-
toun is said to have suggested that such a band or
covenant should now be adopted, but not as heretofore
by nobles and lairds only^ but by the whole Scottish
people; it was to be a national covenant, taking as its
basis the Negative (Confession of Faith which had been
drawn up by order of James VI in 1581. The great
document was composed. After reciting the reason
of the band, that the innovations and evils contained
in the supplications have no warrant in the word of
God, they promise and swear "to continue in the pro-
fession ana obedience of the aforesaid religion, that
we shall defend the same and resist all those contrary
errors and corruptions, according to our vocation, and
to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in
our hands all the days of our life ' '. Yet, whilst utter-
ing oaths that seem scarcely compatible with loyalty
to the king, they likewise promised and swore "that
we ^all, to the uttermost of our power with our
means and lives, stand to the defence of our dread
sovereign, his person and authority, in the defence of
the foresaid true religion, liberties and laws of the
kingdom " (Large Declaration, p. 57), and they further
swore to mutualdefence and assistance. In these pro-
fessions of loyalty the Covenanters, for so we must
now call the supplicants, were probably sincere; dur-
ing the whole course of the struggle the great majority
never wished to touch the throne, they only wished to
carry out their own idea of the strictly limited nature
of the king's authority. Charles was to be king and
they Would obey, if he did as they commanded.
The success of the Covenant was great and imme-
diate. It was completed on 28 February and carried
for signature to Greyfriars chureh. Tradition tells
how me parchment was unrolled on a tombstone in
the churdiyard and how the people came in crowds
weeping with emotion to si|^ the band. This strange
scene was soon witnessed in almost every parish of
Scotland, if we except the Highlands and the North-
East. Several copies of the Covenant were distributed
for signature. ''Gentlemen and noblemen carried
copies of it in iwrtniuiitlcs and pockets requiring sub-
scriptions thereunto, and using their utmost endeav-
ours with their friends in private for to subscribe."
"And such was the zeal of many subscribers, that for
a while many subscribed with tears on their cheeks";
and it is even said " that some did draw their blood,
and used it in place of ink to underwrite their name"
(Gordon, Scots Affairs, I, 46). Not all, however, were
willing subscribers to the Covenant. For many per-
suasion was sufficient to make them join the cause;
others rec^uired rougher treatment. All those who re-
fused to sign were not merely looked upon as imgodly,
but as traitors to their country, as ready to help the
foreign invader. And "as the greater tnat the num-
ber of subscribents grew, the more imperious they were
in exacting subscriptions from others who refused to
subscribe, so that by degrees they proceeded to con-
tumelies and reproaches, and some were threatened
and beaten who durst refuse, especially in the greatest
cities" (ibid., p. 45). No blood, however, was shed
till the outbreak of the war. Ministeis who had re-
fused to sign were silenced, ill-treated, and driven from
their homes. Toleration and freedom of conscience
was hated by both parties and by none more fanati-
cally than by the Scottish Presbyterians. Scotland
was in truth a covenanted nation. A few sreat land-
owners, a few of the clergy, especially the Doctors of
Aberdeen who feared that their quiet studies and intel-
lectual freedom would be overwhelmed, stood aloof
from the movement. Many, no doubt, s^ed in imo-
ranee of what they were doing, some because tney
were frightened, but more still because they were
swayed by an overpowering excitement and frenay.
Neither side could now retreat, but Charles was not
ready for war. So to gain time he made a show of
concession and promii^ a General Assembly. The
Assembly met at Glai^w 21 Nov., and at once broug^
matters to a head, it attacked the bishops accusing
them of all manner of crimes; in conseauence Hamif
ton, as commissioner, dissolved it. Nottiing daunted,
the Assembly then resolved that it was entitled to re-
main in session and competent to judge the bishops,
and it proceeded to pull down the whole ecclesiastical
edifice built up by James and Charles. The Service
Book, Book of OBuions, the Articles of Perth were
swept away; episcopacy was declared forever abol-
ished and ail assemblies neld under episcopal jurisdic-
tion were null and void; the bii^ops were all ejected
and some excommunicated ; Presbyterian government
was again established.
War was now inevitable. In spite of their protestar
tions of loyalty the Covenanters had practicaUy set up
a theory in opposition to the monarchy. The ques-
tion at issue, as Charles pointed out in his proclama-
tion, was whether he was to be king or not. Was he
supreme head of the Church or was he not? Tolera-
tion was the only basis of compromise possible; but
toleration was deemed a heresy by both parties, and
hence there was no other course but to fight it out.
In two shoii; wars, known as the Bishops' Wars, the
Covenanters in arms brought the king to his knees,
and for the next ten years Charles was only nominaJly
sovereign of Scotland. A united nation could not be
made to change its religion at the command of a king.
The triumph of the Covenants, however, was destinM
to be shori;-lived. The outbreak of the Civil War in
England was soon to split the Covenanting party in
twain. Men were to be divided between their alle-
giance to monarchy and their allegiance to the Cove-
nant. Scotchmen in spite of their past actions still
firmly adhered to the monarchical form of government,
and there cannot be much doubt that they would
much rather have acted as mediators between the king
and his Parliament than have interiered actively.
But the royalist successes of 1643 alarmed them.
Presbyterianism would not endure long in Sootland
if Chsuies won. For this reason the majority of the
OOTEMAMTSBS
460
0OVSNAHTEB8
nation sided with the Parliament, but it was with
reluctance that the Covenanters agreed to give the
F.nglJRh brotherly assistance. This assistance they
were determined to give only on one condition, name-
fy, that England should reform its religion according
to Uie Scottish pattern. To this «nd England and
Scotland enterea into the Solemn League and Cov-
enant (17 Aug., 1643). It would have oeen well for
Scotland if she had never entered the League to en-
force her own church system upon England. If she
had been satisfied with a simple alliance and assist-
ance, all would have been well. But by materially
helpine the English Parliament to win at Marston
Moor 3ie had hefped to place the decision of affairs of
state in the hancu of the army, which was predomi-
nantly Independent and hated presbyters as much as
bishops. It the Scotch had recrossed the Tweed in
1646 and left the Parliament and the army to fight
out for themselves the Question of ecclesiastical gov-
ernment, Eng^d would not have interfered with
their religion; but the Covenanters thought it their
duty to extirpate idolatry and Baal-worship and estab-
lish the true religion in England, and so came in con-
flict with those who wielded the sword. The result
wafl that England not only did not become Presby-
terian, but Scotland herself became a conquered
country. In militarv matters the Covenanters were
successful in England, but in their own country they
were sorelv tried for a year (1644) by the brilliant
career of Montrose (an account of the year of Montrose
is given in A. Lang, Hist, of Scot., Ill, v). On ac-
count of tiie nature of the troops engaged, the encoun-
ters were fought with a vindictive ferocity unknown
in the English part of the Civil War. Not merely was
the numTOr of slain very great, but both sides slaked
their thirst for vengeance in plunder, murder, and
wholesale massacres. In this respect the Covenanters
must bear the greater share of blame. The Catholic
Celts whom A&ntrose led undoubtedly conunitted
outrages, especially against their personal enemies the
CampbeUs, during the winter campaign of Inveriochy
(Patrick (Gordon, Britane's Distemper, pp. 95 sqq.),
but restrained by Montrose they never perpetrated
such pei^dy as the Covenanters after Pnihphau^,
and the slauriiter of three hundred women, '^mamed
wives of the Irish". Montrose's success and the fact
that he was a leader of Scoto-Irish lashed the hatred
of the preachers into fury. They raved for the blood
of the Malignants. The preachers, with a fanaticism
revoltineiy blasphemous and as ferocious as that of
Islam, believed that more blood must be shed to
propitiate the Deity (Balfour, Annals, III, 311).
lie victory of Philiphaugh (13 Sept., 1645) removed
the inmiediate danger to the Covenanters and likewise
extinguished the last glinmier of hope for the Royalist
cause, which had suffered irreparable defeat a few weeks
earlier at Naseby . But the very triumph of the Parlia-
mentary forces m England was fatal to the cause of the
Solemn League and Covenant. The victory had been
sained by the army which was not Presbyterian but
indepenaent, and capable now of resisting the inflic-
tion of an intolerant and tyrannical chiirch government
upon itself and upon En^and. When, therefore, the
Scottish army recrossed the Tweed, February, 1647, it
was with its main purpose unfulfilled. En^and had
not been thoroughly retormed ; heresy, especially in the
army, was still rampant. The Solemn Leaeue and
Covenant had been a failure, and the Scots had fought
in vain. Worse than this, the Covenanters themselves
were divided. The success of the Covenant had been
due to the alliance between the Kirk and the nobility.
The latter had joined the cause from jealousy of the au-
thority of the bishops and from fear of the loss of their
estates by the Act of Revocation. But now, bishops
there were none, and the nobility were still in pos-
session of their estates. Since the causes for further
co-operation were thus wanting, the feudal instincts of
the nobility, love of monarchical eovemmeat,
tempt for tne lower orders to which we nu^onty of the
Kirk belonged, naturally reasserted ^emselves. To
this must be added their intense jealousy of Axarll,
who owed his influence to the support he gave the Kn«
A Royalist party began thus to be formed amons the
Covenanters. The cleavage in their ranks wasahown
in the dispute over the question of the surrender of
Charles I to the Parliament (1646). Hamilton had
pressed the Estates to give the king honour and shelter
m Scotland, but Argyll, backed by the preachers, op-
posed him. There must be no imcovenanted king m
Scotland. The breach was widened when Charles fell
into the hands of the heretical army. To many it now
seemed best to support the kinjB;, for if the army should
prove successful rresbyterianism would be lost. Ao-
cordingly Scottish commissioners, Loudoun, Isnaxk^
and Lauderdale visited Charles at Carisbrooke and
signed the hopeless and foolish ''Engagement" (27
Dec, 1647). In Scotland the Engagers had a large
following, and a majority in the Estates. In the Par-
liament tne Hamiitonian party could carry all before
it and was ready to take immeaiate action for the king.
But the Kirk, with An;yll and some ten nobles, re-
mained immovably on the other side. They would not
defile themselves by making conmion cause with the
uncovenanted. The preachers cursed and thundered
a^inst the Engagers and the levies that were bein^
raised for an invasion of England. Scotland thus di-
vided against itself had not much chance against the
veterans of Cromwell and Lambert. After Preston,
Wigan, and Warrington (17-19 Aug., 1648) the Scot-
tish Royalist forces were no more. The destruction of
Hamilton's force was a triumph for the Kirk and the
anti-E^n^a^rs. But an event now occurred that onoe
more divided the nation. On 30 January, 1649,
Charies I was executed. Scotchmen of whatever party
looked upon the deed as a crime and as a national in-
sult. Tne day after the news reached Scotland, they
prodaimed Charles II King, not only of Scotland, out of
England and Ireland. Tne acceptance of Charles 11,
however, had been saddled with the condition that he
should pled^ himself to the two Covenants. After
some hesitation and after the failure of all his hopes to
use Ireland as a basis of an invasion of England
Charles II swore to the Covenants, 11 Jime, 1650.
To the more extreme portion of the dovenanten
this agreement with the kuig seemed hypocrisy, an in-
sult to Heaven. They knew that he was no true con-
vert to the Covenants, that he had no intention of
keeping them, that he nad perjured himself, and they
refused to have dealings with the king. Aj^U witn
the more moderate wing, still anxious to avoH a defi-
nite rupture with the extremists, had perforce to make
concessions to these feelings ; he made the unfortunate
prince walk through the very depths of humiliation
(Peterkin, Records, p. 599). This split was to prove
fatal. Only a united Scotland could have defeated
Cromwell. Instead, to propitiate the Deity, Chsjrles
was kept apart from the army, and while every avail-
able man was wanted to meet the soldiers of Cromwell,
the fanatics were "purging" the army of all Royalists
and Malisnants (op. cit., p. 623). To allow them to
fi^ht would be to court disaster. How could Jehovah
eive victory to the children of Israel, if they fought side
by side witn the idolatrous Amalekites? The purgingi
of the army went merrily on daily, and the preachers
promised in Gkxi's name a victoiy over the erroneous
and blasphemous sectaries. Like the Scots Cromwdl
also looked upon war as an appeal to the god of bat-
tles, and the judgment was delivered at Dunbar, 3
Sept., 1650. ^'Surely it's probable the Kirk has done
their do. I believe tJaeir king will set up upon his own
score now. " This was Cromwell's comment upon his
victory and he was right. The rout of Dunbar de-
stroyed the ascendancy of the Covenanters. The
preachers had promised victory, but Jehovah had sent
OOVENANTSRS
461
OOVENANTEBS
them defeat. The ejEtremists, under such leaders as
Johnston of Warristoun, James Guthrie, and Patrick
Gillespie, attributing their defeat to the unholy alli-
ance with the Malignants grew in vehemence and pre-
sented to the Committee of Estates (30 Oct., 1650) a
"Remonstrance'' arraigning the whole policy of Ar-
gyll's ^vemment and refusing to accept Charles as
their km^ " till he should give satisfactoiy evidence of
his real diange" (ibid.). Seeing his power gone with
the "Remonstrants" or "Protesters", Argyll deter-
mined definitely to go over to the king; Malignant and
Covenanter had joined hands. In answer to the Re-
monstrance the Committee of Estates passed, 25 No-
vember, a resolution condemning it and resolved to
crown Charles at Scone. On 1 January, 1651 the coro-
nation took place. Cromwell's answer was the battle
of Worcester, 3 September, 1651. For nine years
Scotland was a conquered country kept under by the
militarysaints. It was a sad time for the Presbyter-
ians. The En^ish soldiers allowed all Protestants, as
lon^ as they did not distiirb the peace, to worship in
their own wa^. In October, 1651, Monk forbade the
preachers to impose oaths and covenants on the lie^,
and prohibited the civil magistrates from molesting
excommimicated persons, or seizing their goods, or
boy oottins them . Lest the Remonstrants and Re volu-
tioners, who all the while with ever increasing bitter-
ness quarrelled as to which was the true inheritor of
the Covenants, should cause trouble to the common-
wealth, the (jeneral Assembly was broken up (July,
1653), and all such assemblies forbidden for the future
(Kirkton, Secret and True History of the Church of
Scotland, p. 54).
Dunbar, Worcester, and the Cromwellian domi-
nation destroyed the ascendancv of the Covenantera
But not on uiat accoimt did the extreme wing, the
Remonstrants, abate a jot of their pretensions; they
still believed in the eternally binding force of the two
Covenants. On the other hand neither had the king
fully learnt the lesson from his father's fate. Like
him he considered it his nght to force his ecclesiastical
viewL upon his people. Episcopacy was restored, but
without the prayer book, and the meetings of synods
were forbidden. Partly because he had the support of
the nobility and gentry, partly because even many
Presbyterians had weaned of the strife, and partly be-
cause of his dishonesty Charles succeeded m gaininjg
his ends, but at the cost of straining to the utmost his
relations with his subjects. It only required the at-
tempt of James II to introduce hated Catholicism into
the country to sweep the Stuarts forever from the
throne of Scotland. The history of the Covenanters
from the Restoration to the Revolution is the history
of a fierce persecution varied with occasional milder
treatment to win the weaker members to the moderate
side. As the Covenanters would no longer meet in the
chuitshes they now began to meet in their own homes
and have private conventicles. Agamst these pro-
ceedings an Act was passed (1663) declaring preaching
by "ousted" ministers seditious, and it was rigoi^
ously enforced by quartering soldiers under Sir James
Turner in the houses of recusants. (For Turner's
methods see Lauderdale Papers, II, 82.) Driven
from their homes the Covenanters took to holding
their gatherings in the open air, in distant glens, known
as fieM-meetings or conventicles. The Pentland Ris-
ing (1666) was the result of these measures and proved
to the Government that its severities had been unsuc-
cessful. On the advice of Lauderdale Charles issued
Letters of Indulgence, Jime, 1669, and again in Au-
gust, 1672, allowing such "ousted" ministers as had
lived peaceably and orderly to return to their livings
(Wodrow, Hist, of the Sufferings, etc., II, 130). These
indulgences were disastrous to the Conventiclers, for
many of the ministers 3rielded and conformed. Stung
by the secessions the remnant became more irreconcil-
able; their sermons were simply poUtical party ora-
tions denunciatory of king and bishops. They were
especially wroth against the indulged ministers; they
broke into their houses, bullied and tortured them to
force them to swear that they would cease from tJieir
ministrations. These Lauderdale determined to crush
by a persecution of the utmost severity. Soldiers
were quartered in the disaffected districts (me West and
South- West), ministers were imprisoned, and finally,
as conventicles still increased, a band of half-savage
Highlanders, "The Highland Host" (Lauderdale Par
pers. III, 938qq.), was let loose on the wretched inhab-
itants of the Western Lowlands, where they marauded
and plundered at will.
The Covenanters now became reckless and wild, for
again torn asunder by the "cess" controversy (a dis-
pute arose as to whetner it was lawful to pay the tax
or ''oess" raised for an unlawful object, the carrying on
of a Government persecuting the true Kirk) they were
but a remnant of the once powerful Kirk, and every
year became less capable of effectual resistance. They
patrolled the county in arms protecting conventicles;
and their leaders, Welsh, Cameron, and others, went
about as ^soldiers of Christ", organizing rebellion,
even murdering the soldiers of Claverhouse, who was
engaged in dispersing the conventicles. The murder
of Archbishop Sharpe (2 May, 1679), rejgarded by
them as a glorious action and inspired by the spirit of
Ciod, was tne signal for a general rising in the Western
Lowlands. At Rutheiglen they publicly burnt the
Acts of the Crovemment which had overthrown the
Covenants, and at Loudoun Hill, or Drumclog, de-
feated the troops under Claverhouse. It was there-
fore deemed necessary to send a strong force under
Monmouth to suppress the rebellion. At Bothwell
Bridge (22 June, 1679) the insiireents were utterly de-
feat^. There followed a third Act of Indulgence
which again cut deep into the ranks of the Covenant-
ers. But in spite of persecution and secessions a mi-
nority continued faithful to the Covenant and the fun-
damental principles of Presbyterianism. Under the
leadership of Ricnard Cameron and Donald Cargill, and
styline tnemselves the "Society People", they con-
tinued to defy the royal authority. At Sanquhar they
published a declaration, 22 Jime, 1680 (Wodrow, III,
213) disowning the king on the ground of "his perjury
and breach of covenant to Qod and his Kirk". At a
conventicle held at Torwood (1680) Cargill solemnly
excommunicated the king, the Duke of York, Mon-
mouth, and others (ibid., Ill, 219). These proceed-
ings served no further purpose than to embitter par-
ties and make the Government all the more detennmed-
to extirpate the sect. But what roused the (Sovemn
ment more than anything else was the "Apologetical
Declaration" (ibid., IV, 148) of October, 1684, in-
spired by Renwick who nad taken up the standard of
CameroiL The document threatened that anyone
connected with the Government, if caught, would be
judged and punished according to his offences. These
threats were carried out by the Cameronians or Ren-
wickites; they' attacked and slew dragoons, and pun-
ished such of the conformist ministers as thev could
get hold of. It was at this period that the "killing
time" properiy be^. Courts of justice were dis-
pensed witn and officers having commissions from the
Council were empowered to execute anyone who refused
to take the oath of abjuration of the Declaration.
With the accession of James II to the English throne
the persecution waxed fiercer. An Act was passed
whicn made attendance at field-conventicles a capital
offence. Claverhouse carried out his instructions
faithfully, many were summarily executed, while
many more were shipped off to the American planta-
tions. The last victim for the Covenant was James
Renwick (Jan., 1688). His followers kept to their
principles and even at the Revolution the^ refused to
accept an uncovenanted king; one last brief day of
triumph and of vengeance they had, when they "rab-
OOVETOUSHESS
462
OOVINOTOir
bled" the oonformist curates. The day of the Cove-
nants had long since passed. How much the ancient
spirit of Presbyterianism was broken was clearly seen
by the subservient letter in which James was thanked
for the Indulgence of 1687, for allowing aU ''toserve
God after their own way and manner" (Wodrow, IV,
428, note). The majority had learned to submit to
compromise, and thus at the Revolution the Scottish
nation forgot the Covenants and was allowed to retain
Ptesbyterianism. The strife of a century between
Kirk and State had come to an end. Both sides in the
struggle had in fact lost and won. The king had been
defeated in his attempt to dictate the religion of his
subjects; Presbyterianism became the established re-
ligion. But it had been equally proved that the sub-
jection of the State to the Church, the supremacy,
political as well as ecclesiastical, of the Kirk, was an
mipoesibility. In this the Covenants had failed.
LA.Na, A History of Scotland (Edinburgh and London, 1004),
vol. Ill; Hums Brown, History of Scotland (Cambridge, 1905),
vol. II; Burton, History of Scotland (Edinburgh and London,
1870), vols. VI and VII: Matiueson, Politics mid Religion in
Scotland (Glasgow, 1902); Stephen, History of Scottish Church
(Edinburgh, 1894-96).— Contemporary authorities: Row, His-
tory qf the Kirk of Scotland (1558-1637) (Wodrow Society.
1841); Balfour, Annals of ScoUand (to 1652) (Edinburgh,
1824); Baillxe, Lett^s and JoumaU (1637-1662) (Bannatyne
aub, Edinburgh, 1841-42); Spalding, //wton/ of the Troubles
in England and Scotland (1624-45) (Bannatj-ne Club, Edin-
burgh, 1828-29; Gordon, History of Scots Affairs from 1637
to 16U1 (Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1841); Peterkin, Records
of the Kirk of Scotland (from 1638) (Edinburgh, 1837); Wod-
row, The History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland
from the Restoration to the Revolution (Glasgow, 1830); Kirk-
TON, The Secret and True History of the Church of Scotland
(Edinburgh. 1817); LaudfirdaU Papers (1639-79) (Cauuleji
Society, London, 1884-85).
Noel J. Campbell.
Ooyetousness, generally, an unreasonable desire
for what we do not possess. In this sense, it differs
from concupiscence only in the implied notion of non-
possession, and thus may cover all things which are
sought after inordinately. Classified under this gen-
eral head, we may have covetousnees of honours, or
pride; of the flesh, or concupiscence properly so called;
ofriches, or covetousness proper (Lat. avarUta)^ or ava-
rice. When covetousness ot the flesh or of wealth has
for its object that which is already the lawful posses-
sion of aiiother, it falls under the ban of the Nmth or
Tenth Commandment of God ; and such desires, wil-
fully indulged, partake, as we are told by the Lord
(Matt., v), m their malice, of the nature of the external
acts themselves. For he who deliberately desires the
possession of another man's lawful wife or goods has
already in his heart committed the sin of adultery or
theft. In its specific meaning, covetousness Iooks to
riches in themselves, whether of money or of property,
whether possessed or not, and pertains less to their
acquisition than to their possession or accumulation.
"Hius defined, it is numbered among the sins which are
called capital, because it is, as St. Paul says (Tim.,
vi), a radix omnium peccatonmu
The capital sin of covetousness is in reality rather
a vice or inclination to sin, which is sinful only in
that it i)roceeds from the unholy condition of origi-
nal sin in which we are bom, and because it les^
us into sin. And so far is the desire — ^natural in us
all — to acquire and hold possessions from being re-
proved as offensive bv God, that, if kept within the
Dounds of reason and justice and resisted triumph-
antly in its inordinate cravings, it is positively meri-
torious. Even when indulged, covetousness is not
a grievous sin, except in certain conditions which in-
volve offence of God or the neighbour, e. g. when one is
prepared to employ, or does actually employ, illicit or
unjust means to satisfy the desire of riches, holds to
them in defiance of the strict demands of justice or
charity, makes them the end rather than the means of
happiness, or suffers them to interfere seriously with
one 8 bounden duty to God or man. Nourished and
developed into an unrestricted habit, it becomes the
fruitful mother of all manner of perfidy, heartloBsziflH
and unrest.
SLA.TBB, Manual of Moral Theology (New York, 1908), I;
Lehmkuhi., Theologia Moralia (Freiburg, 1808), I.
John H. Stapleton.
Oovington, Diocese of (Covingtonensis), com-
prises that part of Kentucky. U. S. A., lyin^ east oi
the Kentucky River, and ot the western limits of
Carroll, Owen, Franklin, Woodford, Jessamine, Gar-
rard, Rockcastle, Laurel, and Whitley Counties, an
area of 17,286 square miles. It was established 29
July, 1853, by the division of the Diocese of Louis-
ville, then embracing the whole State of Kentucky.
This portion of the State had been mmistered to by a
body of clergy conspicuous for ability, learning, and
devotion to duty. White Sulphiu", the first organ-
ized congregation in this jurisdiction, rejoiced in the
zealous administration of a Kenrick, who in later
Cathedral, Covington, KbnYuckt
years graced the metropolitan See of Baltimore, and of
a Reynolds, destined to become successor of the great
Bishop En^and of Charieston. Lexington was grow-
ing into an important parish under the watchful guid'
ance of Rev. John McGill. afterwards Bishop of Kich-
mond, Virginia. All of the clergy manifested in their
lives the ^orious traditions of fiaget, Badin, David,
and Nerinckx, whose successors they were. Oatholk
immigration has been almost exclusively confined to
two nationalities: German and Irish. The former
compose a large majority of the Catholic population
of the cities and towns along the Ohio River, while the
latter have sought the interior of the diocese. In
Covington and Newport German Catholics predomi-
nate, while in Lexington, Frankfort, and raris, the
Irish are in the majority.^ Lying south of Mason and
Dixon's Line, although rich m raw material, the dio-
cese has been handicapped by a lack of industrial and
mineral development. Within its confines there is a
total population of about 9(X),(X)0, of whom 54,423 are
Catholic. The attitude of non-Catholics is uniformly
respectful, considerate, and kind.
Bishops. — (1) The choice of the Holy See for the
first bishop of the new diocese fell upon the Rev.
George Aloysius Carrbljl, S. J., rector of St.
Francis Xavier's Church, Cincinnati. He was bom
in Philadelphia, 13 June, 1803, ordained priest 20 De-
cember, 1827, and entered the Society of Jesus 19
August, 1835. He was consecrated 1 November,
1853, at Cincinnati. The burden resting on the shoul-
ders of the new bishop of a diocese sparsely settled by
8000 Catholics, without influence or matoial re-
sources, was a heavy one; but at his death (25 Sept.,
1868), after foiui^en years of zealous labours, he loft
it thoroughly organized with a Catholic population
three times as great as he found there, a self-sacrifio-
OOWQILL
463
OOTSXTOZ
mg clergy, a devoted people, and many educational
and eleemosynary infititutions.
(2) The seccmd bishop) Augustus Marie Toebbe,
was born 15 January, 1829, at Meppen, Hanover,
Germany, and ordained priest 14 September, 1854, at
CinoinnatL He was consecrated 9 January, 1870,
and died 2 May, 1884. He contributed largely to the
increase of the parishes of the diocese and tne growth
of Gathoticism.
(3) Camillub Paul Maes, his successor, was bom
in Bdigium, 13 March, 1846, studied at the American
College, Louvain, for the Diocese of Detroit, where he
was dianceUor when appointed to the See of Coving-
ton. He was consecrated 25 January, 1885, and soon
cleared off a diocesan debt of $150,000. He next
undertook to replace the old cathedral, rapidly tot-
tering to de»Eky, with a magnificent Gothic pile m the
most prominent part of the city. Bishop Maes also
found time to care for the remote population dwelling
in the moimtainous parts of the diocese. Few people
of the diocese were blessed with an abundance of
wealth. James Walsh, a conspicuous benefactor,
made possible the first free parochial school, and later
enablcMd Bishop Maes to begin the erection of the
cathedral. His son, Nicholas Walsh, followed sen-
erously in the footsteps of his father. Mrs. Mary
Howard Preston, a zealous convert, gave the neces-
sary funds to start the great work of the missions to
non-Catholies in Eastern Kentucky.
Statistics. — ^The Catholic popiilation (1908) is
54,423 {10,162 families). The clergy number 77 (68
secular, 9 regular). There are 74 churches, 38 sta-
tions, and 9 chapels; 3 (nrphan asylums (204 inmates);
2 hospitals (2962 patients) ; 2 homes for aged poor (351
inmates) ;7 female academies(1491 pupils) ;37 parochial
schools (7782 pupils, of these 3744 are in Covington).
The religious communities in the diocese include:
Men — ^Benedictine Fathers, five charges, and the
Marist Brothers. Women — Sisters of St. Benedict,
Sisters of Charity, Sisters of St. Francis, Sisters of the
Poor, Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Sisters of Notre
Dame, Sisters of Providence, Loretto Sisters, Visita-
tion Nuns.
Mais. Lt/« of Rev. ChaHea Nerindex (Cincinnati, 1880); Inmi,
Golden Jvhuee of the Diocese of Covington (Pastoral Letter. Nov.,
1003); Wkbb. The Centenary of Catholicity in Kentucky (Louis-
ville, 1884); Spalding, Life of Benedict-Joseph Flaget (Louis-
ville, 1852); Idem, Sketches of Eaiiy Caih. Missions in Kentucky
(Louisville, 1844). JaMEB L. GoRBY,
Oowgill» J. B. See Lseds, Diocese of.
Oowl (kovko0uop^ cucuUuSf cucuUa, cucuUio,-^
Ducange, "Gloss.", s. v.), a hood worn in many
religious orders. The name was ori^ally used for
a kmd of bag in which grocers sold their wares (ibid.)i
then for an article of dress that was like it in shape.
The lacema or byrrhua (our cope), the usual cloak for
outdoor wear until far into the Middle Ages, had a
cowl fixed behind, that could be drawn over the head.
So also had the pcemdn (chasuble — Wilpert, ''Gewan-
dung der Christen", pp. 13, 45, etc.; Braun, "Liturg.
Gewandu^", pp. 240, 348). Juvenal (VI, 118) and
Martial (Xl, 98) refer to the cucxdLus of the laicema,
Sozomen says tnat monks covered their heads with
a hood called cucuiLus (H. E., Ill, xiii), and Palladius
tells us the same fact about St. Ephrsem and the
disciples of Pa^homius (Hist. Laus., XlII). Both St.
Jerome (Ep. xxii, ad Eustochium) and Cassian (De
habitu mon., I, iv) refer to it as part of a monk's
dress. St. Benedict ordered two kinds of cowls for
his monks, a warm one for winter and a light one for
summer (Re^la S. Ben., Iv). The cowl became a
great cloak with a hood. Benedict of Anagni forbade
his monks to wear one that came below the knees
(Ardo, Vita Ben. Anian., xl). The Benedictines,
Cistercians, and all the old monastic orders now use
the cowl, a great mantle with a hood that can be
thrown back over the shoulders, as a ceremonial dress
for choir; the Franciscans have a smailer hood fixed
to their habit; canons wear it on their mossetta, and
bishops and cardinab on the cappa. With the Au-
gustinians and Servites it is still a separate hood not
attached to anything. Ducax^ge (s. v.) says the name
is a diminutive of camda — ^''qiiasi minor cella". A
cowl fixed to a cloak is still commonly worn iniyrol,
parts of Austria and Hungary, etc. CucuUaUi con-^
gregatto occurs occasionally as a general name for
monastic orders (Ducanee). The colour of the cowl
is that of the habit, blacK among Benedictines, white
with the Cistercians, etc.
Ddcanqk, Glossarium medics ei in/ifmB LaimitalUs^ m. v.
CucuUus; Wilpert, Die Oewanduna der Christen in den ersten
Jahrhunderten (O)logne, 1898). 13, 45, etc.; Braun, Die
liturmsche Gewandwng im Occident und Orient (Freiburg im Dr.,
1907), 240. 348. ADRIAN FORTESCUE.
Oozcie, MiCHiEL, Flemish painter, imitator of
Raphael, known as the Finnish Kaphael; b. at Mech-
lin, 1409; d. there 1592. There are several spellings
for his name: Cocxi^, Coxcie, Coxis, Coxcien, Coxcuen,
He was a puoil of his father, and afterwards stuoied
under Van Orley, with whom he visited Rome in
1532, where he made the acquaintance of Vasari.
There he married his first wife, Ida van Hasselt, with
whom he returned to Mechlin, in 1539, and the same
year became a member of the Academy of that place.
In 1561 he was in Brussels, and after that back in
Mechlin, where, at the age of seventy, in 1569, he
married his second wife, Jeanne van Schelle. By his
first wife he had three children, Anne, a sculptor,
William, and Raphael, painters; by his second, two
sons, Michiel, a painter, and Conrad. Coxcie painted
several large works for the Emperor Charles V and
for Philip II, King of Spain, to whom he was court
painter. He designed thirty-two subjects from the
fable of Cupid and Psvche, which were engraved,
and, in conjunction with Van Orley, he directed the
execution of some tapestry made from the designs of
Raphael. He copied part of the great Van Eyck
altar-piece for Philip II of Spain, and portions of his
copy are in Berlin and Munich and the remainder in
Ghent. Several of his paintinjgs are to be seen at
Brussels, Antwerp, Bruees, Berlm, Madrid, St. Peters-
burg, and Vienna. In nis paintings he bestowed spe-
cial care on the figures of women, and they are well
modelled and invariably graceful. In male figures
he too often exaggerated the anatomy and selected
awkward and unreasonable attitudes. His composi-
tion is very Italian in character, sometimes too
academic in line and grouping, but agreeable in effect.
His best works are signed and dated and are remarka-
ble for their splendid colouring and harmonious result.
Georqe Charles Williamson.
Ooysevoz, Charles-A^ttoine, a distinguished
French sculptor, b. at Lyons, 29 Sept., 1640; d. at
Paris, 10 Oct., 1720 ; he belonged to a family originally
from Spain. At the age of seventeen he executed
a much admired Madonna. In 1671 he was employed
by Louis XIV on various sculptures at Versailles and
at Marly. ' He was elected a member of the Academy
in 1676, and had among his pupils his two nephews,
Nicolas and Guillaume Coustou. Coysevox made two
bronze statues of Louis XIV, the " Charlemagne ''
at Saint-Louis des Invalides, and other famous
works, but his most famous is probably '* La Renom-
m6e" at the entrance of the Tuileries — two winged
horses bearing Mercury and Fame. Napoleon is said
to have delighted in the sculptor's fancy that the
horse of Mercury should have a bridle, but not that
of Fame. Coysevox also produced some fine sepulchral
monuments for the churches of Paris. We owe him
a special debt for his contemporary portraits.
LCbkb. History of Sculpture, tr. Bknnstt (London, 1878);
DxLKB, French Architects and Sculptors of the XVIII Century
(London, 1900).
M. L. Handlet.
002ZA
464
OEAOOW
wvwMii liOBBNZOy Fxiar Mmor, cardinal, and
theologian, b. at San Lorenzo near Bolsena, 31 March,
1654; d. at Rome, 18 January, 1729. He filled the
position of lector at Naples and Viterbo, where he
became guardian of the convent. Gatdinu Sacchetti
chose CozESk as his confessor and adviser, thus giving
rise to a friendship that lasted through life. While
in the Orient^ whither he had been sent as superior
of the Franciscan monastery in Jerusalem, Ckizza
found leisure to compose several important works,
and as legate of the supreme pontiff he recon-
ciled the Maronites and the Patriarch Jacobus
Petrus of Antioch, who had long been at variance
with the Holy See. In 1715 he returned to Rome,
in 1723 was elected minister general, and on 9 Decem-
ber, 1726, was made cardinal by Benedict XIII.
The remaining years of his life were passed at Rome
in quiet and studv in the little convent of St. Bar-
tholomew on the Island. His writings include " Hi»-
toriapolemicade Grsecorum schismate'' (Rome, 1719-
20); "Commentarii historico-dogmatici" (Rome,
1707); and ''Terra Sancta vindicata a calumniis'',
the last still unpublished.
Mabceluno da Civkzza, Saggio di Biblioorafia Sanfran-
069ama (Pmto. 1879), 129-130, n. 166; Qolubovich, Serie
dei Superiori di Terra Santa (Jerusalem, 1808), 98, n. 168;
HuBTER, NamendatoTt II, 1001: GabdeUiA, Memorie atoriche
deieardituUi deOa 8, Romana ChUaa (Rome, 1792), VIII, 223.
Stephen M. Donovan.
OoBsa-Liud, Giuseppe, Italian savant, Abbot of the
Basilian monastery of Qrottaf errata near Rome; b. 24
Dec., 1837, at Bolsena in the Province of Rome: d.
there 1 Jime, 1905. In early youth he entered the
ancient monastery of which he became abbot in 1882.
Pius IX was attract^ by his scholarship, as was later
Leo XIII. In 1898 he was freed from all official
cares and devoted himself thenceforth to his be-
loved studies. He won distinction by his edition of
several ancient Vatican MSS.. and was also learned in
the history of art and in arcnseology. Under his di-
rection was executed the phototype edition of the
Oodex Vaticanus, (q. v.) (Vetus et Novum Testamen-
tum e Cod. Vatican© 1209 phototyp., 5 vols, fol., Rome,
1889), also a Vatican codex of the Prophets (ibid.,
1889), and from a Vatican MS. the miniatures of
Giulio aovio to Dante's " Paradiso". Nearly all the
copies of these artistic publications I3eri8hed at the
burning of the Danesi establishment in Rome. To-
gether with the well-known Scriptural scholar. Carlo
Vercellone (q. v.), he supervised the printing of the
Greek text or the Codex Vaticanus (see Codex Vati-
canus), in five volimies (Rome, 1868-81) ; he also edited
other Scriptural MSS., e. g. the Greek codex of Daniel in
the C!higi Library at Riome. His most important scien-
tific work was the publication of some fragments of
the "Geography" of Strabo (Rome, 1884), originally
discovered by Cfardinal Mai (q. v.), who was, however,
imaware of tneir importance. We owe also to Cozza-
Luzi the publication of the eighth and ninth volumes
of Mai's "Nova Bibliotheca Fatrum", and a part of
the cardinal's correspondence.
Among the theological treatises of Cozza-Luzi is an
important study on the evidence of the Greek litur-
gies to the papal supremacy (De Rom. Pont, auc-
torit. doctrinah testim. liturg. ecclesise grsecs, Rome,
1870). He wrote also on the antiquities of his native
Bolsena, on the cathedral of Grvieto, the Vatican col-
lection of Assyrian antiquities, etc. Among his more
interesting publications is an edition of the Greek
vcreion of St. Gregoiy the Great's account of St. Bene-
dict (Historia S. P. N. Benedict! a Pontif . Gregorio I
descripta et a Zacharia grsece reddita, Tivoli, 1880).
Many of his writinps are scattered in various Italian
periodicals, ecclesiastical and historical, Hioueh
possessed of a strong intellect and a broad culture he
often lacked scientific accuracy and it is regrettable
that DO organic plan dominated his numerous studious
researches. As yet there exists no biogra^y of him.
a list of faia prinaipal writiDss.
n. Benigni.
Cfaracow (Pol. Krak&w), the Princb-Bibhopric or
glraooviensis)) comprises the western portion of
alicia in Austria, and borders on the Diocese of
Kielce in Russian Poland, Breslau in Pnissiay Tar-
now in Galicia, and Zips in Hun^uy.
It has long been disputed at what time the Diooeee
of Cracow was created. There is no doubt that it was
already in existence in the year 1000; for at that time
Poppo, its bishop, was nuuie a suffragan to Radzym
(the Latin SL Oaudentiua) the first Archbishop of
Gnesen (Thietmar Chronicon, IV, in P. L., CXXXIX,
1226). Father Augustine Amdt, S. J. (Zeitschrif t for
kath. Theologie, XIV, 45-47, Innsbruck, 1890) ad-
duces some reasons in support of the opinion tiiat the
Diocese of Cracow was lounded by the Polish King
Mieceslaw I as early as 984, and that Poppo, who had
been tutor of Duke Henry of Bavaria until 983, be-
came its first bishop; but most authorities asree
that it was not created until 1000 or shortly before.
There are extant five lists of the bishops of Cracow.
The oldest was compiled about 1266 (Mon. Genn. Hist.:
Script.. XIX, 608), the second, shortly before 1347
(Mon. hist. Polon. Ill, 801); the others are of a later
date. During the invasion of the Bohemians in 1039,
and the succ^ding period of anarchy, all ecclesiastical
documents were lost, and the names and dates of the
bishops of Cracow up to Bishop Aaron (1046-1059)
are very unreliable, rrochorus and Proculphus, who
are mentioned in the lists as predecessors of Poppo, are
entirely legendary. Three of the bishops of Cracow
are publicly venerated: St. Stanislaus Szczepanowski
(1072-1079), who suffered martyrdom at the hands of
King Boleslaw, canonized in 1253, patron of Poland
and of the Dioceses of Cracow ana Posen; Blessed
Vincent Kadlubek (1208-1218), the earliest Polish
historian of Poljmd, resigned his see and entered the
Cistercian monastery of Jedrzejow in 1218, died 8
March, 1223, beatified in 1764; John Prandotha
(1242-1266), who drove the heretical Flagellants from
his diocese, and was venerated until the seventeenth
century, when his veneration ceased, owing to a mis-
interpretation of the Bull "De cultu servorum Dd'*
issued by Pope Urban VHl, 5 July, 1634. Other
renowned bisnops were: Mattlueus (1143-1165) a
historian; Zbigniew Olesnicki (1423-1455), a great
statesman and fearless opponent of the Hussites,
created cardinal in 1439; and Georae Radziwill
(1591-1600), founder of seminaries ana hospitals.
Originally the Diocese of Oacow seems to have
comprised the towns and districts of Sandomir, Cra-
cow, and Lublin, and the castellanies of Sieradz, Spici-
mir, Rozpoza, Lenczyc, and Wolbore; but its area
underwent various changes. From the year 1443 to
1795 the Bishops of Cracow were at the same time
sovereign dukes of Severia, a territory situated be-
tween Silesia and Cracow. Before the first partition
of Poland in 1772 the Diocese of Cracow comprised the
whole of Little Poland, Sieradz, a laige portion of
Silesia, and part of the present Diocese of Zips (Scep-
usium). In 1772 it lost ite territory south of the
Vistula (DicecesiB Cisvistulana), which in 1783 consti-
tuted the new Diocese of Tamow. In 1790 the new
Diocese of Lublin and in 1805 tJie new Diocese of
Kielce were severed from its remaining territory.
Pope Pius VII made Cracow an exempt diocese in
1815 and restored to it a portion of the Diocese of
Kielce in 1817, which portion, however, was returned
to Kielce in 1846, so that then the Diocese of Cracow
was confined to the city Cracow and two deaneries
south of the Vistula. From 1851 to 1879 tiiediooese was
ruled by administrators. Under Albin Dunajewski,
who became bishop in 1879. it was somewhat anlatsed
ORAOOW
465
OBliOOW
towards the soiitli, in 1880 and a^ain in 1886. In 1889
it was made a prinoe-biahopnc, and a year later
Prinoe-Biflhop Dunajewaki was nuaed to the cardinal-
ate. John Puzyna ae Koziel was made Prinee-Biahop
of Craoow in 1895, and Anatole Nowak auxiiiaiy
bishop in 1900. The diocese numben 197 pariahes,
181 vicariates. 457 diocesan and 223 regular priests,
850,000 Catholics, 4000 Protestants, and 60,000 Jews.
The £mperor of Austria has the privily m appoint-
ing the prince-bishop, after consulting with the
bishops of Galioia. Tne cathedral chapter includes 3
prelates (dean, scholasticus, and custos) and 6 canons.
The most important educational institution in the
diocese IS the Cracow University(UniWei8itet Jagiellon-
ski), foimded by Casimir the Great in 1364 and ap-
proved by Pope Urban V the same year. The dio-
cese has also an ecclesiastical seminary, various
colleges, and minor institutions of learning. The cathe-
dral of Cracow is one of the most venerable struo>
tures in Europe. Here lie buried most of the Polish
kings, the two national heroes, Kosciusko and Ponia-
towski, the greatest Polish poet, Mickiewicz, and
of Poland; here also are
It
many other noble sons of Poland; here also
preserved the relics of St. Stanislaus (see above)
is of Gothic architecture, originally built probably bv
Mieceslaw I about 966, where now stands the church
of St. Michael and where St. Stanislaus suffered mar-
tyrdom ; rebuilt on its present site by Ladislaus Her'
man, King of Poland (1083-1102); restored by Nan-
ker Oksza, Bishop of Cracow (1320-132^); rebuilt in
the e^teenth centuiy in barocco style: and renov-
ated from 1886-1901. It contains the beautiful
chapel of Sigmund, the best specimen of the Renais-
sance style in Eastern Europe, built by Bartolommeo
da Firenze in the sixteenth century and renovated in
1894. The Church of St. Mary, a Gothic structure
built 1226-1397 and restored in the fourteenth cen-
tury, has on its high altar a large Gothic wood-carving
representing the death of the Blessed Virgin, the
masterpiece of Veit Stoss.
The chief charitable institution is the Archconfra-
temity of Mercv, founded by the Jesuit Peter Skaigo
(d. 1618), whicn distributes alms to the poor and is
the owner of a motU-de-pUte, There are also: another
mont-de-pUU; an asylum for old men and women,
three orphan asylums, an insane asylum, various hos-
pitals and workhouses. All these establishments are
subject to the diocesan authorities. The Catholic
press ia represented by two dailies, two weeklies ed-
ited by priests, three monthlies published by religious,
and two monthly magazines of nigh literary standard.
Thgr are all in Polish.
Tne following religious orders and congr^tions of
men are engaged in parish, educational, or charitable
work: Augustinians, Brothers of Mercy, Camaldolese,
Canons R^lar of the Lateran, Canons Regular of the
Holy Sepmchre, Carmelites, Discalced Carmelites (2
houses), Capuchins, Cistercians (Abbey of Mogila),
Conventual Franciscans, Observant Franciscans (hei%
called Bemardines (3 houses), Reformed Franciscans
(3 houses^, Dominicans, Hermits of St. Paul, Jesuits (2
houses)^ Lazarists (3 houses), Piarists, Resurrectionists.
Hie religious orders and congregations of women are
represented by the following: Augustinians, Benedic-
tines, Bemaraines, Canonesses of the Holy Ghost de
Saxia, Discalced Carmelites, Clarisses, Daughters of
Divine Love, Dominicans, Franciscans, Premonstrar
tensians. Resurrectionists, Salesians, Servite Ter-
tiaries, Ursullnes, Sisters of St. Albert, Sisters of St.
Charles Borromeo, Sisters of St. Felix, Sisters of the
Holy Family, Sisters of the Mother of Mercy, Sisters of
Nazareth, Sisters of the Presentation, Vincentian Sis-
ters, Servants of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
Monumenia Pclonim hiat. vetusti^nma (Ijemhen, 1872), TI.
180 and (Orooow, 1878), HI, 313-376; Mai^kcki. The Onginal
BedeaimtHeal Conditums of Poland (Lemberff, 1875), in Polish;
0TABOWOL8KI. VtttB ontiatitum Cracoviennutn (Cracow. lfW>):
BoBPBLL, GeaehidUe Polena (Haraburc, 1840); CHOTKOnnBRi in
IV.— 30
Die ktUholuk€ Kink$ umenr ZtU und ihn Diener (Umi^
1000). II. fi27HS88; Nbbbb in Kirdienlex. a. v. KrakauT^^
Michael Ott.
Thb UNmBRBiTT OF Craoow.— The first document-
ajy evidence regarding the scheme that King Casimir
the Great conceived of establishing a university dates
from 1362. Urban V favoured Sie plan, and King
Casimir issued the charter of the university, 12 May,
1364. It was modelled after the schools of Fadua and
Bologna^ oonsequentlv the faculty of law and the
study of Roman law held the first place. The pope
gpave his approval, 1 September, 1364, but excluded
tlieology. Cssimir's school, however, was refounded
during the reign of Jagiello and Hedwig of the house
of Anjou. The consent of Boniface IX was given, 11
February, 1397, and King Jagiello signed the charter,
26 July, 1400. The university now included all four
faculties and was, therefore, patterned on that of
Paris. The first chancellor was Bishop Peter Wyss of
Cracow, who also cave the opening lecture. The first
professors were Bcmemians, Germans, and Poles, most
of whom had been trained at Prague. In the first
year the number of matriculated students was 206; in
the course of the fifteenth century it rose to 500.
The university took an active part in the ecclesias-
tical controversies of the fifteenth century and showed
itself a strong supporter of the conciuar doctrine:
ctmcUium aupra papam (i. e. a council is above the
po|>e). It maintained nevertheless a strictly Catholic
position during the Hussite troubles. In the struggle
between the Nominalists and Realists it took but
little part. Realism having almost exclusive swa^ at
the school. Still the effect on the university of the
active intercourse with the West was, at the tune, but
slight and transient. King Jagiello died in 1434: in
the period following, the university was controlleci by
its powerful chancellor. Zbigniew Olesnicki, who was
also Bishop of Cracow irom 1423 to 1455. A circle of
learned men who followed the new tendencies gath-
ered aroimd him. Among these scholars was Po-
land's great historian^ Dlugoas. At the time of the
Council of Basle the imiversity and its chancellor were
partisans of the council, and Olesnicki even accepted
the cardinalate from Felix V. After the Union of Flor-
ence Olesnicki went over to the side of Nicholas Y. but
the university did not submit to tiie control of the
Church until 1449. The age of Olesnicki was one of
great scholars, among whom were: the physician and
astronomer, Martin Krol; the decretalist. Johann
Elgot; the theologians, Benedict Hesse ana Jacobus
of Paradyi. St. John Cantius, student and later pro-
fessor of theology, was distinguished for virtue even
more than for learning. He was bom at Kenty, 1397 ;
died, 1473; was canonised bv Clement XIII, 1767:
his feast is observed 20 October. Olesnicki showed
favour to men who were not Poles, suppressed the
Hussite tendencies with a firm hand, and was very
generous to the university. He died in 1455.
The causes which finally brought the university into
line with the new tendencies were various. Poland
was then the great power of Eastern Europe, the court
of Casimir of the Jagellon dvnasty wais a brilliant one,
and Cracow was a very rich city. It was, therefore,
not surprising that many famous men were drawn to
this centre. From 1470 to 1496 Callimachus was
preceptor in the royal household. Attracted by the
fame of Callimachus, Conrad Celtes, the celebrated
Humanist, made his appearance at Cracow before the
end of the century. Printing idso soon had its repre-
sentatives here; towards the close of the fifteenth cen-
tury Hailer established his press in Cracow and began
his patronage of art and letters. In this way the num-
ber of those who followed the new humanistic tenden-
cies of the West continually incresused, but unfortu-
nately there was also an increase in profliga^. In
1492, John I Albert, the pupil and fnend of Callim-
achus, ascended the throne of Poland; he did not
OSAOOW
466
cnuiois
however, ftilfil the expectations excited by him.
Callimacnus died in 1496; as time went on the seed
which he and Celtes had sown produced its fruit, as is
shown in Rhagius Sommerfeld, also called .£sticam-
pianusi and in Heinrich Bebel. Thus, at the opening
of the sixteenth century^ the classic writers were
more and more read, at first outside of the lecture-
rooms of the universitv, in the students' halls. In
1520 the study of Greek was introduced into the urn-
versit^, the professors beins Constanzo Claretti, Wen-
zel of HirscnberR, and Libanus. Hebrew was also
taught in spite of the opposition to the ''Judaizers".
and the notorious Italian, Francesco Stancari, arrived
at Cracow in 1546.
Decune of the UNivBRsmr. — In the midst of this
progress signs of decay were visible, though the de-
cline did not originate in the univereity itself. The
national policy of Poland, the foundinjg of the uni*
versities of Wittenberg and Frankfortk)n-.the-Oder,
and a strong anti-German tendenc}r, caused the Uni-
versity of Cracow to lose its original cosmopolitan
character and to become rather a national Polish uni-
versity; thus a gradual decline ensued. Neverthe-
less it maintained during this period a remarkably
high standing. Such scholars as Martin Krol, Martin
Bylica, and finally Adalbert Brudzewski made the
school famous as a seat of astronomical studies whUe
the name of Nicholas Copernicus, the pupil of Brud-
zewski, sheds upon it undying lustre. Elementary
studies were taught, consequently students of from
fourteen to sixteen years ot age entered from Hun-
gary, Moravia, Silesia^ Prussia, and the provinces
of the Polish crown. At first the students lived in
private houses, but gradually halls were established in
which ''commons" were provided, and a clerical dress
was worn. The expenses of these halls were covered
by the fees which the studentspaid for board, matricu-
lation, room rent, and fuel. Tne rector of the univer-
sity was chosen by a committee of doctors and mas-
ters. Up to 1419 a rector was chosen for the whole
year, but from this date tmtil 1778 one was selected
for each semester. Other officers were: the curators
who watched over the rights and i)rivileges of the uni-
versity, the procurator and notarius, and the cansU-
iarii wno had to decide in case of an appeal. From
the start the professors lived together in coUeees, and
were divided according to faculties. They had a com-
mon table, decided as to the reception of members,
and bestowed the positions of canon and prebend, of
which each faculty, with the exception of the medical,
had often as many as twelve at its disposal. During
the seventeenth and eighteenth oentunee the fortunes
of the imiversity sank to a very low ebb. J. Gerald, in
his "Apology" (1581), and Petrycy give as the chief
reasons for this the utter insubordination of the stu-
dents, complete indifference of the professors to the
advances of learning in the West, and lack of means
for the support of the university. Above all, there
arose after the (^ning of the seventeenth century, a
bitter conflict on the part of the imiversity against tbe
Jesuits, who, on the strength of their constitutional
grivileges, had opened schools in Cracow, Posen, Lem-
erg, and other places, to protect Polish youth against
the advances of Protestantism. Tlie university, how-
ever, appealed to a privil^e, the jus exdxmonis, and
demanded the closing of the Jesuit institutions. For
nearly one hundred and fifty years this conflict was
carried on with incredible tenacity. The conmion
people, nobility, clergy, kin^s, bi&ope, and popes
were drawn into it, and the strugjrie ended in the ais-
comfiture of the Jesuits (cf . Zafeski, Jezuici ev Polsic,
II, III). When, towardis the dose of the eighteenth
century, national misfortunes overtook the country,
and the three Partitions of Poland put an end to Po-
lish freedom, the life of the univerity came to a com-
ploto standstill. It is true that Bishop Sottyk, and
after him the energetic Koltataj, undertook a thor-
ou^ reform by breaking with the medieval routine
and giving prominence to the natural sciences. But
the political conditions in the decades following tiiese
efforts were unfavourable to quiet and serious study.
Modern Times. — ^Af tor Cracow had become, in 1846,
a part of the Austrian Empire, the central Govern-
ment at Vienna endeavoured to make the university
more German, but did nothing to improve it. A new
era did not open for the school until 1861, when Francis
Joseph I permitted Polish to be a^ain used as the lan-
guage of mstruction and official hfe, and the Ctovem-
ment allowed a new building to be erected for the
university. The nimiber of professors and students
now increased each year. Wnile, in 1853 there were
only 47 professors, of whom 87 were r^lar professors,
2 assistant professors, and 8 docents, in 1900, the fifth
centennial of the university, there were 103 professors;
of this number 48 were regular, 36 assistant professois,
and 19 docents and lecturers. In 1907 the professors
numbered 115. In 1853 there were 175 students; in
1893, 1320 ; in 1907, over 2700. The university library
contains 250,000 works in 330,000 volumes; 5500
manuscripts in 7000 volumes (some of them very val-
uable and as yet impublished); about 10,000 coins,
and 1200 atlases. The university has a college of the
physical sciences, and a medical college for anatomical
and physiological lectures; the medical school is en-
tirely modem in its equipment and possesses very fine
collections. There are also surgical, gymeoological.
and ophthalmic clinics, besides one for internal and
nervous diseases: an agricultural institute is in pro-
cess of construction. Among the distinguished scholars
connected with the university (1908) are: Professor
Obszewski, the discoverer of a new method for liauify-
ing gases, the suiveon Professor Kader, and Professor
Wicherkiewics, the oculist.
Codex diplomatieus Vniv. Craeoo. (Cmoow, 1870-84); Liber
dilioenttarum (Cracow, 1886): Album atudiaaorum Univ. Cracov.
(Cracow, 1887); Aetareatoralia (Cracow, 1803-07). I, II: Rapt-
M1N8KX, Fasti Vniv. Cracov. 1658, in M». Cod. JoffeiL, 225;
Idem, Annates usque ad ann. 1660 in Ma, Cod. Jaaell., 226;
SoLTTKOwicz, O Stanie Akademii KrakowkieJ (on the Condition
of the Cracow Academy) (Cracow, 1810); MircEKOwsKZ, Mieaa-
kania % poatepowania uamidw Krakowakieh (Restdenoes and
Customs ol the Cracow Students) (Cracow. 1842); Lukauzo
wica, Hifforya azkc* w Koronie i W. As. Litewakiem (History of
the Schools m the Kinicdom of Poland and the Qcana Docfay of
Lithuania) (Posen, 1849-61); Branpowbki, Zmotienie C/nue.
Krakowakiego (Founding of the Cracow Univennty) (Cracow,
1873); FiJALEK, Studya do dziej&to Vniw. Krak. (Studies in the
Histonr of the University of CJraoow) (Cmoow, 1808); Mokaw*
SKI Kaum, Hi*torva Vniw. Jaai«Uon*akia0o. Sradnut wieki i
Odrodaente -\Ki>\.i)rY i»f tue Ja^eUon University in the Middle
Ages and the Ilcnais»a:ice Period (CracoW, 1900>.
Oscar Rudski.
Oraigie, Pearl Mart Teresa, better known, under
the pseudonym which first won her fame, as John
OuvER HoBBES, English novdist, dramatist, and oon-
vert; b. 3 November, 1867- d. 13 August, 1906. She
was the eldest daughter of John Morgan Richards, a
successful man of business in Boston, Massachusetts,
U. S. A., and of Laura Hortense Arnold, a lady of dis-
tinguished colonial descent. Her father came of an
intensely Calvinistic stock long settled In and about
New York and New Jersey; and her grandfather, the
Rev. James Richards, D.D., was a prefer and Uieo-
logical writer of some distinction in his time. In Feb-
ruary, 1887, before she had completed her twentieth
year, Miss Richards was married to Mr. Reginald Wal-
pole Craigie, an Enslish gentleman of good -connex-
ions. The uuion, however, proved an uncongenial
one. and Mrs. Oraigie soon sought and obtained a
legal separation with the right to the custody of her
child. In 1892, as the result, it would seem, of much
private and independent reflection, she was reoeived
into the Oliurch. She had begun to turn her thoughts
seriously to literature some time before this event; for
already in 1891 she had ventured before the public
under the pseudonym which she insisted on retaining
long after her identity was known, and challenged the
puxzled critics by a book to which she gave the imcoii
ORAHOAIIOB
467
OftASBAW
v^irtkiDAl titla of ''Some Emotions and a Moral''.
Suooess waited upon her from the start: "The Sin-
ner's Comedy'' (1892); ''A Study in Temptations"
(1893); "A Bundle of Life" (1894); "TheGods,Some
Mortals, and Lord Wickenham" (1895); ''The Herb
Moon" (1896); "The School for Saints" (1897);
•'Robert Orange" (1900); "A Serious Wooing"
(1901); "Love and the Soul Hunters" (1902); "Tales
About Tempeiamente" (1902); "The Vineyard"
( 1904) ; " The Flute of Pan^' (1906) ; " The Dream and
the Business" (published after her death in 1906), —
these with plays like "Joiumeys End in Lovers
Meeti^: Provorb," in one act, written for Miss
Ellen '^nry (1894); "The Ambassador", produced at
the St. Jameses theatre in London (1898); "Osbem
and Ursyne", a tragedy in three acts, published in the
"Anglo-Saxon Review" (1899); "A Repentance", a
drama in one act, produced at the St. James's Theatre
and afterwards at Carisbrooke Castle (1899); "The
Wisdom of the Wise", produced at the St. James's
Theatre (1900); and "The Bishop's Move" (1902),
of which she was author only in part, represent the
sum of her considered work, the output she preferred
to be judged by. As she ^w older in the wisdom of
her art, the rehgious quality which seems to lie inevi-
tably b^iind allher theory of life emerged more and
more into prominence. It reached its height in "The
School for Saints" and its sequel "Robert Orange".
Whether in literary form or in artistic intention she
never rose beyond the achievement of these two
books. They are intensely serious, intensely human,
and sJmost too religious; yet they are modem and
alive. Mrs. ()raigie was in the full enjoyment of a well
deserved fame, yet hardly at the acme of her powers,
when death came to her suddenly from heart disease.
Cornelius C^ufford.
Oraniranor. See Damao.
Oraniotoxxiy. See Abortion; Embryotomy.
Orashaw» Richard, poet, Cambridge scholar and
convert; d. 1649. Tlie date of his birth is uncertain.
All that can be affirmed positively is that he was the
only child of a one-time famous Puritan divine, William
Crashaw, by a first marria^, and that he was bom in
London, probably not earlier than the year 1613. Of
the mother nothmg is known except thiat she died in
her child's infancy, while his father was one of the
preachers in the Temple ; and not even her family name
has been preserved to us. William Oashaw, the
father, was bom in Yorkshire of a prosperous stock,
which had b^n settled for some generations in or
about Handsworth, a place some few miles to the east
of the present town of Sheffield. He was a man of un-
challenged repute for learning in his day, an amunen-
tative but eloquent preacher, stronp m his Protes-
tantism, and fierce in his denunciation of "Romish
falsifications" and "besotted Jesuitries". He mar-
ried a second time in 1619, and was once more made a
widower in the following year. Richard, the future
poet, could scarcely have been more than a child of six
when this event took place; but the relations between
the boy and his step-mother, brief as they must have
been, were affectionate to an imusual degree. She
was but four and twenty when she died in child-birth
early in October, 1620, and she was bmied in White-
chapel. No o^er details of this period of Crashaw 's
life nave oome down to us, but the few to which refer-
ence has been made make it abundantly evident that
neither his poetic gifts nor the strange bias which he
afterwards displa]^ for the more mystical side of
Christianity can be explained altogether by heredity
or even by early environment.
Owing to the elder Crashaw 's fame as a Temple
pieacher and the scarcely less notable distinction
which must have attached to him as a hard-hitting
Piotestant pamphleteer, it was only natural that, in
the then state of public o^pwioni a oareer should in
time be opened to his promising son. On the nomina-
tion of Sir Randolph Crewe and Sir Henry Yelverton,
the latter one of the judges of the King's Bench, the
boy was placed on a foundation in the Charterhouse
School wnere he was brought imder the influence of
Robert Brooke, a master of nig^ ideals and mat prac-
tical success. The elder Crashaw died in 1626, leaving
his son unprovided for ; but the influence of his friends
was exerted in the boy's behalf, and on 6 July, 1631,
some five years after his father's death, Richard en-
tered Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. He did not form-
ally matriculate as a scholar untu 26 March of the fol-
lowing year, when he succeeded in getting elected to a
pensionership. That he had lived for some time at
Pembroke previous to his actual election on one of the
foundations there seems to be proved by the poems
composed on the death of WiUiam Herrys (or Harris)
which took place in October, 163 1 . Life at Cambridj^
was not ni^ardly to Crashaw in spite of the improvi-
dence whicn led him to deplete his uncertain resources
by spending his little all on books. From this time
forth books and friends and religion were to make up
the staple of existence for him.
It is significant of the essential aloofness of his spirit,
during even the chief formative years of his life, that
his poems contain no reference to his early London
house or to his family. Brooke,his kindly Charterhouse
master, however, he conmiemorates more than once in
affectionate terms both in Latin and in Enriish; and
the ties of university friendship seem ever to have been
strong with him. Benjamin Laney, the Master of
Pembrooke, a man of Laudian views, who came into his
own, after the Cromwellian troubles were over, by
being appointed successively to the Sees of Peter-
borough, Lincoln, and Ely; John Toumay, the High
Churchman, tutor of his college, who was refused a
divinity degree because of his temerity in attacking
the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone;
Nicholas Ferrer, the enthusiast who dreamed of reviv-
ing the oenobitical idea in the Anglican Church in his
home at Little Gidding; Cosin, the Royalist master of
Peterhouse; John Beaumont, the author of "Psyche";
and most characteristic of all, perhaps tenderest of all,
and certainly not the least notable of the ''Metaphysi-
cians", the poet, Abraham Cowley; — ^these were the
intimates who watched the ripenmg of those Cam-
bridge years during which Crasnaw achievad his titles
to permanent fame. His feeling for the. remote and
more icamed sense of words, which accounts in part
for the defects as well as for the felicities of his poetic
style, had manifested itself early in his academic ca-
reer; and he had been but a short while at the imiver-
sity before he was known as an adept in five lan-
guages. His knowledge of Greek and Latin was above
the average, even for a generation distinguished in no
small degree for its classical scholarship, and one fa-
mous line on the Miracle of the Marriage Feast of Cana
in his " Epi^mmatum Sacrorum Lil^r". issued from
the University Press in 1634, will probably be quoted
as long as the Latin tongue retains its spell over West-
era Christianity: " Nympha pudica DeUm vidit, et eru-
buit". (The conscious water saw its Loid, and
blushed.) Cf. Aaron Hill's translation, 1688-1750.
The year in which the " Epi^ranunatum Sacrorum
Liber^' appeared was the year m which Crashaw took
his bachelor's degree. He could scarcely have been
more than twenty-one at the time, and two years later,
possibly on the promise of a more lucrative fellowship,
ne joined his friend Dr. Cosin at Peterhouse ana
proceeded M.A. in 1638.
For the details of his life during the next ten or eleven
years we are indebted largely to the conjectures of the
late Dr. Grosart, based upon the chance statements of
his friends and an entry here and there in roisters and
diplomatic correspondence; that it was a lite sincerely
devoted to religious meditation is proved by the pre-
468
(nULVEV
vailinff note of his poetry and by a quaintly signifioant
remarK or two of the unknown friend who wrote the
ori^al preface to the ** Steps to the Temple". That
wnter calls him ''Herbert's second, but ecjuall, who
hath retriv'd Poetry of late, and returned it up to its
Primitive use; Let it bound back to heaven gates,
whence it came". And he goes on to tell us how the
"divine poet" had passed his life "in St. Maries
Church neere St. Peter's CoUedge; there he lodged
under Tertullian's roofe of Angels; there he made nis
nest more gladly than David's Swallow neere the house
of God, where, like a primitive Saint, he offered more
Srayers in the night than others usiially offer in the
ay; there he penned these Poems. Steps for hapi^
soules to climbe heaven by". Cambridge was at this
time the home, not only of "thorou^" or Royalist
principles in politics, but of Laudian ventures in An>
^canism ; and it was only to be expected, that, when
uie Puritan storm broke at last in the guise of civil
war, Crashaw and his friends should be among the
first to suffer from its fury. The poet joined the king
at Oxford sometime after March, 1643; there he re-
mained but a short while. When next we hear from
him it is as an impecunious scholar in great distress in
Paris where his friend Cowley unexpectedly discovered
him and obtained for him an introduction to Queen
Henrietta Maria. Cowley went to Paris as secretary
to Lord Jerm3m in 1646; but some time before this —
the date and immediate circumstances of the event are
entirelv unknown— <];ra^aw had become dissatisfied
with Anglican Christianity and had made his sub-
mission to the Roman See.
Through the intervention of Queen Henrietta he ob-
tained an honourable post in the great household of
Cardinal Palotta. It is pathetic to have to note that
the conscience of the man who had suffered so much to
win for himself the grace of a consistent creed was
scandalized at the spectacle of inconsbtency afforded
by the curious lives of some of his new-found Italian
fellow-believers. Difficulties multiplied for him, and
it was said that his life was threatened. (" Pope Alex-
ander the Seventh and the College of Ca^inals". ed-
ited for the Camden Society, 1867, and quoted by
Canon Beeching in Tutin's edition of the "Poems",
Introduction, pp. XXX-XXXI). The kindly cardi-
nal, however, mterested himself in his behalf and ob-
tained for him a more congenial post in the shape of a
minor benefice at the shrine of Loretto. He was
"inducted" on the 24th of April, 1649, and there
some four weeks later he died, suddenly it would
seem, from heat-apoplexy brought on by his exer-
tions during a pilgrimage.
His place in English literature may be said to be
fixed now for all time. If he is not the most impor-
tant, he is at any rate not the least distinguished of
that remarkable group of Caroline lyrists described so
unsym pathetically, it might even be said so ineptly, by
Dr. Johnson, as belonging to the Metaphysical Scnool.
Like Herbert and Donne and Cowley, he is in love
with the smaller graces of life and the profounder
truths of religion, while he seems forever preoccupied
with the secret architecture of things. He has, in
his better moments of inspiration, a rare and singularly
felicitous gift of epithet and phrase, as when ne ad-
dresses St. Teresa in the famous outburst of religious
enthusiasm that marks the close of the "Apology": —
O thou undaunted daughter of desires I
By all thy dower of lights and fires;
By all the eagle in thee, all the dove;
By all thy lives and deaths of love;
By thy large draughts of intellectual day.
And by thy thirsts of love more large than they;
By all thy brim-filled bowls of fierce desire.
And by tny last morning's draughts of liquid fire;
By the full kingdom of that final kiss
That seized thy parting soul, and seal'd thee His, —
or when he bespeaki for the ideal wife in the justly
famed "Wishes to his (supposed) Mistress.''
Whate'er delight,
Can make Day's forehead bright.
Or give down to the wings of Night.
If his predilection is for those wanton arabesquee of
ihythm m which fancy seems suddenly to beootne
crystallized as wit, on the other hand his lyric gift too
often becomes merely elaborate and flaes because he
is forever in quest of a surprise. In aodition to the
collections of his verse referred to above, he wrote a
sroup of sacred sonps under the title of "Carmen Deo
Nostro" which he dedicated to his friend and patran.
Lady Denbigh, but which was not published until
three yeais after his death, and another noup ol
occasional pieces which he called "The Deughts of
the Muses^ (1648).
GlLFiLLAN, The Life and Poetry of Hkhard Cnukdno, a faio-
— >hi<»ftl essay prefixed to his edition of the poems (Edinbunli,
_85V); Fuller. Worthiea* Libraru, ed. Grosart. fiwt printedin
1872-1873. and supplemented in 1887-1888 by collation with
the British Museum MS. (Addit. MS. 83319): Diet. Nat. Bios.
s. v.; Bbbcrxno, Introduction, prefixed to the edition of the
poems edited by J. R. Tutin (London, The Muses library; no
date); Steps to the Temple, DeUOUeofthe Muaea a$»d other Poema,
ed. Wallsr (Cambridge. 1904} ; Wooo. Fatli Onm.. ii, 4; CoLr
BBUX2K, Literary RecoUectione (1836).
CORNBLIUB ClIFFOBD.
Oraflset, Jean, asoetical writer, b. at Dieppe,
France, 3 January, 1618; d. at Paris, 4 January, 1692.
He entered the Society of Jesus in 1638, became pro-
fessor of humanities and philosophy, was director far
twentv-three years of a famous sodality of men con-
nected with the professed house of tne Jesuits in
Paris, an(i was also a successful preacher. Crasset is
the author of many ascetical worKs, among wfaidi are:
"M^thode d'oraison"* "Considerations dirdtienneB
pour tous les jours de rannde"; " Le chr^tien en soli-
tude"; ''Dissertation sur les oracles des Sibjdles",
which was vigorously attacked; "Entretiens pour la
jeunesse ". He also i>ublished in 1689 a " Histoire de
r^lise du Japon" which has been translated into sev*
er^ languages but which is considered inferior to that
of Chanevoix. Crasset's history was scarody origi-
nal; for it was drawn in great part from the work
which Father Solier had issued in 1627; he merdv re-
touched the style and continued the narrative nom
1624 to 1658. The objection is made that the work
lacks precision, is heavy, and is crowded with details.
The author attributed the origin of the persecution of
1597 to the imprudence of the friars in making their
religious ceremonies too public. There is a posthu-
mous work of his entitled: "La foy victorieuse de
rinfid^lite et du libertini^". On 9 September,
1656, the Bisho{> of Orleans issued an interdict against
him for having in one of his sermons chained several
ecclesiastics with sustaining the propositions con-
demned by the Bull of Innocent X, *'Cum occasione "
(31 May, 1653). The interdict was removed in the
following February.
Fxllbb, Bioa. univ, (Paris, 1837): Db Bacxbb, Bibliolhiqite
delacde J. (Ist series, Liw. 1853).
T. J. Campbell.
Oraven, Mrs. Axtoustcts (Pattlinb-Maris-Ar-
MANnE-AOLAE-PBRRON DB LA FeRRONNATB), b. 12
April, 1808, in London; d. in Paris, 1 April, 1891.
Her parents, Comte Auguste-Marie de la Ferronnays,
of old Breton stock, and Marie-Chariotte-Albertine de
Sourches de Montsoreau, likewise of ancient fam£l]r»
had undergone all the miseries attendant on the emi-
gration during the French Revolution, including the
loss of estates. Their attachment to the Due de
Berri brought about their return to France, followed
shortly afterwards by the appointment of M. de la
Ferronnays as amba^ador to St. Petersburg, where
he continued for eight years. In 1827 he returned to
France as Minister of Foreign Affairs to (Charles Xi
OBATXB
ORIAOa
and Pauline was introduced into the brilliant society
of the Restoration. In 1830 her father was given the
post of ambassador to Rome, where he was accom-
panied by his family. It was probably in Naples that
she met Augustus Craven, son of Keppel Craven and
grandson of the Margravine of Anspach. who in 1830 had
been appointed attache to the Bntish Legation at Nsr
pies. Their marriage was celebrated, 24 August, 1834,
m the chapel of the Acton Palace, Naples, and a few
days afterwards Augustus Craven was received into the
Church. In 1836 Mr. and Mrs. Craven returned to
England, whence they went successively to Lisbon,
Brussels (1838), and Stuttgart (1843), where Mr.
Craven held diplomatic appointments. Up to this
time Mrs. Craven's life had been intimately bound up
with those of her immediate family, whom the world
has come to know and love in the pages of "Le R^cit
d'une SoBur". She took a keen interest in English
politics, and in 1851 wrote a protest against an attack
in the House of Commons on conventual life as it
was beinff revived in England.
In 1851 Mr. Craven made an unsuccessful stand for
Parliament, which caused him severe financial losses.
In 1853 the Cravens took up their residence at Naples
in the Palazzino Chiatamone, or as it came to be
called, the Casa Craven, formerly occupied by Mr.
Craven's father, who had died in 1851. During
the years that followed, this became the centre of the
brilliant Neapolitan society depicted in Mrs. Craven's
** Le mot de 1 ^nigme ' '. By 1864 she had arranged the
mass of materials for '' Le R^it d'une Soeur '', and had
b^gun ''Anne Severin". ''Le R6cit" appeared in
January, 1866. In March, 1868, the first part of
"Anne Severin" began in "Le Correspondant", and
Lady Fullerton commenced the translation.
lie winters of 1868-69 and 1869-70 were spent in
Rome, and at the Craven apartments numbers of dis-
tinguished people met, among them many of the prel-
ates present at the Vatican Council. Mrs. Craven's
best known novel, "Fleurange", appeared in 1872
simultaneously at Paris in "Le Correspondant" and
at New York m EDglish through the efforts of Father
Hecker in "The Catholic World". This work was
crowned by the Academy. It was followed in 1874 bv
" Le mot de 1 '^nigme ' *. In the same year Mrs. Craven s
answer to Gladstone's article in the "Contemporary
Review", entitled "Ritualism and Ritual", and his
subsequent pamphlet, appeared in "Le Cbrrespon-
dant '^on the same day as Cardinal Newman's " Letter
to the Duke of Norfolk".
After 1870 Mrs. Craven's life was spent chiefly in
Paris, varied by lengthy visits to English friends, and
more particularly to Alonabri, the beautiful chalet of
Princess Sayn Wittgenstein, between Lausanne and
Ouchy, where the Empress Aususta was also a
frequent guest. The life of Natalie Narischkin, on
which Mrs. Craven had long been at work, appeared in
1876. Mr. Craven died at Monabri, 4 October, 1884,
and was buried at Boury. During the remaining
seven years of Mrs. Craven's life she was busy with
various articles for reviews, but chiefly with her last
novel, "Le Valbriant", and the life of her friend.
Lady G€K>i^ana Fullerton, published in 1888, and
adapted by Father Coleridge in his life. On 5 June,
1890, she was attacked by a species of paralysis,
which after ten months, during which she was de-
prived of speech, resulted in her death.
Bishop. A Memoir of Mra. Augualua Craven (2nd ed., Lon-
don, 1895); Le«, in Dxd. Nat. Biog., a. v. in Supplemmt.
F. M. RuDOE.
Orayer, Caspar de, Flemish painter, b. at Ant-
werp, 1582; d. at Ghent, 1669. Me was a pupil of
Raphael van Coxcie, but speedily surpassed his
master, and was appointed painter to the Governor
of the Low Countries at Brussels, was eiven a con*
riderable pension, and employed in tne churches
and publlo edifices of that place. He resigned his
position, however, and removed to Ghent, where he
painted his most celebrated works. Of his picture
of the "Centurion and Christ", painted for the
refectory of the abbey at Afflighem^ Rubens is said
to have declared: "Crayer, nobody will surpass jou".
He was one of the most eminent Flemish pamters,
and, although not a man of profound genius, was a
perfect draughtsman and an admirable colourist.
IHs compositions are simple, correct, and pleasing,
his colouring clear and fresh, comparable only in
his own school to that of Van Uyck. In many of his
important works he emploved De Vadder and
Actitschellinck to paint the landscapes, he himself
being responsible tor the composition and figures.
His chief work is the " Death of the Virgin " in Madrid,
and his principal portrait is that of the Cardinal In-
fant Don Ferdinand, brother of the Kixig of Spain,
on horseback. There are several of his paintings
at Brussels, three in Ghent, one at Antwerp, and
others at Amsterdam, Munich, Nancy, PanSy St.
Petersburg, and Rotterdam. His portrait was
painted by Van Djrck and engraved by Pontius,
and he liimself is said to have been responsible for
more than one woodcut.
CoNWAT. Eartu FlenvUK ArtiaU (London. 1887) ; PAMArAirr.
Lea peintrea de Ifccle fiamande (Ghent, 1842) ; Kugleb, Hond-
btich der Oeaehichte der Maierei (Berlin, 1837) ; Waaoen, Hand-
fwok of Flamiak Paintinff (Ix>ndon. 1860) ; Houbsatb, L'tiiatoir^
de la peifUvrejfamttfuie (Paris, 1848) ; Crows and Cavalga-
8£LLE, Early Flemish PairUera (London, 1857).
George Chables Williambon.
Oreaf^hi Richard, Archbishop of Armagh, Ireland,
b. at Limerick earlv in the sixteenth century; d. in
the Tower of Lonoon, in 1585. The son of a mer-
chant, he followed the same calling in his youth and
made many vovages to Spain. A providential escape
from shipwreck led him to embrace a religious lite,
and after some ^^ears of study abroad he was ordained
priest. Returning to Ireland, he taught school for a
time at Limerick. He refused nominations for the
Sees of Limerick and Cashel, but the papal nuncio,
David Wolfe, determined to conq^uer nis humility,
named him for ihe primacy when it became vacant,
and would accept no refusal. Creagh was consecrated
at Rome, and in 1564 returned to Ireland as Aroh-
bishop of Arma^. Shane O'Neill was then the most
potent of the Ulster chiefs. From the first he and
Creagh disa9:eed. O'Neill hated England; Creagh
preaSied loyalty to England in the cathedral of
Armagh, even in his presence. O'Neill retorted by
burning down the cathedral Creagh then cursed
him and refused to absolve him because he had put
a priest to death. Shane retaliated by threatemng
the life of the primate, and by declaring publicly that
there was no one on earth he hated so much, except
the Queen of England, whom he confessed he hated
more. In spite of all this, Creagh was arrested and
imprisoned oy the English. Twice he escaped, but
he was retaken and in 1567 lodged in the Tower of
London, and kept there till his death. From his re-
peated examinations before the English Privy Coun-
cil his enmity to Shane O'Neill and his unwavering
loytdty to England were made plain. But his stead-
fastness in the Faith and his great popularity in Ire
land were considered crimes, and in consequence the
Council refused to set him free. Not content with
this his moral character was assailed. The daughter
of his jaUer was urged to charge him with having
assaulted her. Tlie charge wus investijgated in public
court, where the girl retracted, declaring her accusa-
tion absolutely false. It has been said that Creagh
was poisoned in prison, and this, whether true or false,
was oelieved at the time of his death. His grand-
nephew, Peter Crea^, was Bishop of Cork about
1676. He was imprisoned for two years in conse-
quence of the false accusations of Titus Gates, but
OREATION
470
CBEATIOK
aoquitted (1682), was transfezred to the Archdiocese
of TUam in 1686. He followed James II to the Con-
tinent, was appointed Archbishop of Dublin in 1693,
but was never able to return and take possession. He
became Coadjutor Bishop of Strasburg, where he died
(July, 1705).
Brady, Epiacopal Sueeeasumin Irtland (Rome, 1876); Beg-
LRT, History of the DiooeM of Limerick (Dublin. IQOd); Waws-
HAnma.Bishope of Ireland (Dublin, 1764); RenehaV}, CoUee-
tions of Irish Church Hist<try (Dublin, 1881): Stuakt, Historiad
Memoirs of Armagh, ed. Colkiian (Dublin, 1900); Moran,
Spicile^um Ossoriense (Dublin, 1874), I; 0'Sul.uvan Bxarb,
Catholic History of Ireland (partly translated from the Latin
by M. J. Btrnb, Dublin, 1903); HAMXi;roN and Carew, Calen-
dars of State Papers (1509-85); O'Reilly, Memoriala of those
who suffered for the Catholic Faith in Irdand (London, 1868).
E. A. D'Alton.
Creation (Lat. creaiio). — ^I. Definition. — ^Like
other words of the same ending, the term creatum sig-
nifies both an action and the object or effect thereof.
Thus, in the latter sense, we speak of the " kingdoms of
creation", "the whole creation'', and so on. In the
former sense the word sometimes stands for produc-
tive activity generally (e. g. to create joy, trouble, etc.),
but more especially for a hi^er order of such efficiency
(e. g. artistic creation). In technically theological
and philosophical use it expresses the act whereby
God brings the entire substance of a thing into exist-
ence from a state of non-existence — praaudio totius
aubstantUB ex nihUo 8u% et tvbjecti. In every kind of
production the specific effect had as such no previous
existence, and may therefore be said to have been
educed ex nihUo 9u% — ^from a state of non-existence —
so far as its specific character is concerned (e. g. a
statue out of crude marble); but what is peculiar to
creation is the entire absence of any prior suoject-mat-
ter — ex nihih subjecti. It is therefore likewise the
production Mitts iubistantUB-^ the entire substance.
The preposition ex, ''out of", in the above definition
does not, of course, imply that nihiL "nothing", is to
be conceived as the material out of which a thine is
made — materia ex qud — a misconception which has
^ven rise to the puerile objection against the possibil-
ity of creation conveyed by the phrase, ex nihUo rvthU
fil — "nothing comes of nothing . Hie ex means (a)
the negation of prejacent material, out of which the
product might otherwise be conceived to proceed, and
(b) the order of succession, viz., existence after non-
existence. It follows, therefore, that (1) creation is
not a change or trauERformation, since the latter pro-
cess includes an actual imderlying pre-existent subject
that passes from one real state to another real state,
whidi subject creation positively excludes* (2) it is
not a procession within the Deity, like tne inward
emission of the Divine Persons, since its term is ex-
trinsic to God; (3) it is not an emanation from the
Divine Substance, since the latter is utterly indivisi-
ble; (4) it is an act which, while it abides within its
cause (God), has its term or effect distinct therefrom;
formally immanent, it is virtually transitive; (5) in-
cluding, as it does, no motion, and hence no successive-
ness, it is an instantaneous operation; (6) its immedi-
ate term is the substance of tne effect, the " accidents "
(q. V.) being "con-created"; (7) since the word crea-
tion in its passive sense expresses the term or object of
the creative act, or, more strictly, the obiect in its en-
titative dependence on the Creator, it follows that, as
this dependence is essential, and hence inamissible,
the creative act once placed is coextensive in duration
with the creature's existence. However, as thus con-
tinuous, it is called conservation, an act, therefore,
which is nothing else thin the unceasing influx of the
creative cause upon the existence of the creature. In-
asmuch as that influx is felt immediately on the crear
ture's activity, it is called concurrence. Creation,
conservation, and concurrence are, therefore, really
identical and only notionally distinguished. Other
characteristics there are, the more important of which
will come out in what follows.
II. History OF THE Idea. — 1. The idea of creation
thus outlined is intrinsically consistent. Given a per-
sonal First Cause possessing infinite power and
wisdom, creative productivity would a priori be nec-
essarily one of His perfections, i. e. absolute independ-
ence of the external limitations imposed by a material
subject whereon to exert His efficiency, besides, the
fecundity which organic creatures possess, and which,
in the present supposition, would be derived from that
First Cause, must oe foimd typically and eminently in
its somrce. But creative productivity is j ust the trans-
cendent exemplar of organic fecundity. Therefore, a
priori, we should look for it in the First Cause. How
the creature is produced, how somethix^ comes from
nothing, is of course quite unimaginable by us, and ex-
tremely difficult to conceive. But this is scarcely less
true of any other mode of production. The tntunat«
nexus between cause and effect is in everr case hard
to understand. The fact, however, of such a connex-
ion is not denied except b;^ a few theorists; and even
they continually admit it in practice. Consequently
the indistinctness of the notion of creation is no valid
reason for doubting its inner coherence. Moreover,
though the idea of creation is not, of course, based upon
immediate experience, it is the product of the mind's
endeavour, aided by the principle of sufficient leaaon,
to interpret experience. Creation, as will presently
appear, is the only consistent solution that nas ever
been dven to the problem of the worid's origin.
2. On the other hand, though the idea of creation is
self-consistent and naturally attainable by the mind
interpreting the world in the light of the principle of
causality, nevertheless such is not its actual Bource.
The conception has a distinctly theological origin.
The early Christian writers, learning from Revelation
that the world was produced from nothing, and seeing
the necessity of having a term to designate such an act.
chose the word create ^ which theretofore had been used
to express any form of production, e. g. creare conn
sulem (Cicero). The theological usage afterwards
passed into modem language. Probably the idea of
creation never entered the iiuman mind apart from
Revelation. Though some of the pa^an philosophers
attained to a rpJatively hich conception of God as the
supreme ruler of the world, they seem never to have
drawn the next logical inference of His bein^the abso-
lute cause of all finite existence. The truu of crea-
tion, while not a mystery — ^not supernatural in its
very nature (quoad esaenium) — ^is supernatural in the
mode of its manifestation (quoad moaum). Implicitly
natural, it is explicitly revealed. The distinct con-
ception of his created origin which primitive man, as
described in Genesis, must have received from his
Creator was g^radually obscured and finally lost to the
majority of his descendants when moral corruption had
darkened their understanding; and they substituted
for the Creator ihe fantastic agencies conjured up by
polytheism, dualism, and pantheism. The overardi-
mg sky was conceived of as divine, and the heavenly
b<3ies and natural phenomena as its chfldren. In the
East this gradually gave rise to the identification of
God with nature. Whatever exists is but the mani-
festation of the One — ^i. e. Brahma. In the West the
forces of the universe were separately deified, and a
more or less esoteric conception of the Supreme Being
as the father of the gods and of man was feebly held by
some of the Egyptians and probably by the Greek and
Roman sa^ and priests. The Creator, however, did
not leave Himself without witness in the race of men.
The descendants of Sem and Abraham, of Isaac and
Jacob, preserved the idea of creation clear and pure;
and from the opening verse of Genesis to the closing
book of the Old Testament the doctrine of creation
runs unmistakably outlined and absolutely undefiled
by any extraneous element. " In the banning God
created the heavens and the earth. ' ' In this, the first,
sentence of the Bible we see the fountain-head of the
OBSATION
471
GEtATION
stream which is oarried over to the new order bv the
declaration of the mother of the Machabees: ^Son,
lookupon heaven and earth, and all that is in them: and
eonsider that God made them out of nothing "(II Mach.,
vii, 28) . One has only to compare the Mosaic account
of the creative work, with that recently discovered on
the clay tablets imearthed from the ruins of Babylon
to discern the immense diiTerence between the un-
adulterated revealed tradition and the puerile story
of the oosmoeony corrupted bv polytheistic myths.
Between the Hebrew and the Chaldean account there
is just sufficient similarity to warrant the supposition
that both are versions of some antecedent record or
tradition; but no one can avoid the conviction that the
Biblical account represents the pure, even if incom-
plete, truth, while the Babylonian stonr is both legend-
ary and f rasmentary (Smith, ^* Chaldean Adcoimt of
Genesis", New York, 1875). Throu^out the New
Testament, wherein God's creative activity is seen to
merge with the redemptive, the same idea is continu-
ous, now reaffirmed to the Greek pagan in explicit
forms, now recalled to the Hebrew believer by expres-
sions that presuppose it too obvious and fully admitted
to need explicit reiteration.
3. The extra-canonical books of the Jews, notably
the Book of Henoch and the Fourth Book of Esdras,
repeat and expand the teaching of the Old Testament
on creation; the Fathers and Doctors of the early
Churdi in the East and West everywhere proclaim the
same doctrine, confirming it by philosophical argu-
ments in their controversies with Paganism, Gnosti-
cism and Manicheism; while the early Koman symbols,
that ci Nicsea and those of Constantinople repeat, in
practically imvarying phrase, the universal Christian
belief " in God the Father Almighty, Creator of Heaven
and earth, of all tilings visible and invisible".
4. After the controversy with Paganism and the
Oriental heresies had waned, and with the awakening
of a new intellectual life through the introduction of
Aristotle into the Western schools, the doctrine of
creation was set forth in greater detail. The revival
of Manich»ism by the Cathari (q. v.) and the Albi-
genses (q. v.) called for a more explicit expression of
ttie contents of the Church's belief regardmg creation.
This was formulated by the Fourth Lateran Council in
1216 [Denainger, "Enchiridion", 428 (365)]. The
council teaches the unicity of the creative principle—
wius 9olr*s Deua; the fact of creation out of nothing (the
nature of creation is here for the first time, doubtless
through the influence of the schools, designated by the
fonnma, amdidit ex nihilo) ; its object (the visible and
invisible, the spiritual and material world, and man);
its temporal character (ah initio temporis) ; the origin
of evil from the fact of free will.
6. The conflict with the false dualism and the ema-
nationism introduced into the schools by the Arabian
philosophers, especially Avicenna (1036) and Aver-
roes (1198), brought out the more phflosophically
elaborated doctrine of creation found m the works of
the greater Scholastics, such as Blessed Albert, St.
Thomas, and St. Bonaventure. The Aristotelean
theory of causes is here made use of as a defining in-
strument in the synthesis which is suggested by the
well-known distich: —
Efficiens causa Deus est, formalis idea,
Finalis bonitas, material is hyle
(Albert. Magn., Summa, I, Tr. xiii ; Q. liv, Vol. XXXI,
p. 651 of Bosquet ed., Paris, 1896). On these lines the
Schoolmen built their system, embracing the relation
of the world to God as its efficient cause, the continu-
ance of creation in God's conservation thereof and His
concurrence with every phase of the creature's activ-
ity ; the conception of the Divine idea as the archetypal
cause of creation: the doctrine that God is moved to
create (speaking oy anal(^ with the finite will) by
His own goodness, to which He gives expression in
creation in order that the rational creature recognising
it may be led to love it and, by a corresponding mental
and moral adjustment thereto in the present me, may
attain to its complete fruition in the life to come; in
other words that the Divine goodness and love is the
source and final cause of creation both active and pas-
sive. Thus the application, by a constantly sustamed
analogy of the three cau8e8---emcient, final, and formal
(arclietypal)— results in the Scholastic philosophy of
creation. There being no previously existing material
cause (hyle) of creation, the application of the fourth
cause appears in the Scholastic theory on potency and
materia prima, the radical and undifferentiated constit-
uent of nature.
6.' The idea of creation developed by the Scholas-
tics passed without substantial change along that cur-
rent of modem thought which preserved the essential
elements of the Theistic-Ohristian world-view — that of
Descartes, Malebranche, Leibniz — ^and of course along
the continuous stream of traditional teaching within
the Catholic Church. In the opposing current it dis-
appears with Spinosa, and ^ves way to realistic Pan-
theism; with Fichte, Schelhng, and Hegel, its place is
taken by some phase of varying idealistic Pantheism;
while in our own day Agnosticism (Spencer), material-
istic Monism (H&ckel), and spiritualistic Monism
(Neo-Hegetianism and the New Theology) have been
put forward as substitutes. Amongst recent Catholic
theologians there is a practically uniform tendency to
interpret the traditional and Scriptural data as postu-
lating the creative act to account for the ori^ of un-
embodied spirits (the angels), of the primordial matter
of the universe, and of the human soul. The develop-
ment of the imiverse, the introduction of plant and
animal life, the formation of the first human bodies
can be explained by the administrative or formative
activity oi God, an activity which is sometimes called
second creation (secunda ereatio), and does not demand
the creative act as such. Catholic philosophers de-
velop the purely rational arguments for these same
positions, except for the origin of the angelic worid,
which of eourae lies beyond the sphere of philosophy.
The remainder of this article will offer a summary of
the aforesaid theological and philosophical positions
and their bases.
III. Arguments for Creation, — 1. For the doc-
trine of the Church on the origin of the spiritual world
the reader is referred to the article Anqel.
2. That the material of which the universe is com-
posed was created out of nothing is the implicit, rather
than specifically explicit, statement of the Bible.
The Scriptural teaching on God and the relation of the
universe to Him unmistakably affirms creation. God
alone is declared to be underived, self-existent (Ex.,
iii, 14), and in comparison with Him all things else are
as nothing (Wisdom, xi, 23; Is., xl, 17). God is said
to be the beginning and end of all thin^ (Is., xlviii, 12 ;
Apoc, i, 8); all things else are from Him, and by Hhn,
and in Him (Rom., xi, 36; I Cor., viii, 6; Coloss., i,
16). God is the absolute and independent sovereign
(Ps.xlix, 12, andls.,xliv,24; Heb., i, 10). That these
texts equivalently assert that God is the Creator of all
things finite is too obvious to call for further com-
ment. The most explicit Scriptural statement re^
specting the created origin of the universe is found in
tne first verse of Genesis: '* In the beginning God ere*
ated heaven and earth ". The obj ects here desimated
evidently comprise the material universe; whether
the originative act is to be understood as specifically
creative, depends upon the meaning of the Hebrew
verb bora. On this point the following interpre-
tations by unimpeacnable authority may be ad-
duced. Gesenius says: " The use of this verb [6ara| in
Kalf the conjugation here employed, is entirely differ-
ent from its primary signification (to cut, shape,
fashion); it signifies rather the new production of a
thing than the shaping or elaborating of the pre-exist-
ing material. That the first verse of Genesis teaches
cuunoN
472
CUBATIOH
that the origiiial creation of the worid in its rude and
chaotic state was from nothing while the remaining
part of the chapter teaches the elaboration and distri-
bution of the matter thus created, the connection of
the whole section shows sufficiently clearly" (The-
saurus, p. 357 b). Miihlan and Volck in the new edi-
tion of Gesenius' "Handwdrterbuch" say: "Bora is
used only of Divine creation and never with an aJ^cusa-
tive of the material". Dillmann (Gen., c. i) notes:
"The Hebrews use only the conjugation Pid (inten-
sative) in speaking of human 'forming' or 'shapixig',
while on the other nand they use only Kal in speaking
of creation of God". Delitzsch says: (Gen., p. 91) " The
word bora in its etvmology does not exclude a previ-
ous material. It nas, as the use of Kal shows, the
fundamental idea of cutting or hewing. But as in
other languages words which define creation by God
have the same etymological idea at their root, so bara
has acquired the idiomatic meaning of a divine creat-
ing, which, whether in the kingdom of nature, or of
history, or of the spirit, calls into being that which
hitherto had no existence. Bara never appears as the
word for hiunan creation, differine in tins from the
synonyms asahf yalzar, yalad, which are used both of
men and of God; it is never used with an accusative
of the material, and even from this it follows that it
defines the divine creative act as one without any lim-
itations, and its result, as to its proper material, as en-
tirely new; and, as to its first cause, entirely the crea-
tion of divine power." Again Kalisch observes
(Gen., p. 1): "Goa called the universe into being out
of nothing; not out of formless matter coeval with
Himself" (Geikie, Hours with the Bible, 1, 16).
3. The patristic teaching as to the created ori^ of
the world is too explicit and well known to require ci-
tation here. The few ambiguous expressions occur-
ring in tiie works of Origen and Tertullian are more
than counterbalanced by other unmistakable declarar
tions of these same writere, while their at most excep-
tional divergencies are as nothing in comparison with
the unanimous and continuous teaching of the other
Fathers and Doctors of the Church.
4. Approaching the problem of origin from the pure-
ly rational side, we find the field preoccupied ahnoBt
from the beginning of the history ot philosophy by two
directly opposite solutions: one maintaining that the
world-matter is self-existent, underived from anv ex-
traneous source, and hence eternal;, the world has
therefore attained its present complex condition by a
gradual evolutionary process from an original, simple,
undifferentiated state (materialistic Monism); the
other asserting that the world is derived from an ex-
traneous cause, either by emanation from or evolution
of the Divine being (Pantheism) or by creation (Cre-
ationism). Creationism, though an essentially philo-
sophical solution, is never found divorced from Keve-
lation. Materialistic Monism includes a varying
number of philosophies; but all agree in maintaining
that the world-matter is eternal, unproduced, and abso-
lutely indestructible. They differ m that some attrib-
ute the formation of the universe to chance (the
ancient Atomists), others to a sort of ubiquitous oos-
mical life or worldnsoul (Anaxagoras, Hato, Pan-
peychists, Fechner, Lotze, Paulsen), others to forces
essentially inherent in matter (Feuerbach, BOchner,
H&ckel). Against materialistic Monism Cathplic
philosophers (Creationists) argue thus: The world-
matter is not self-existent; for what is self-existent is
essentially necessary, immutable, absolute, infinite.
But the worid-matter is not necessary; its essence as
such funushes no reason why it should exist rather
than not exist, nor why it is definitely determined as
to number, extension, and space. It is not immutar
ble, for it undergoes incessant change; not absolute,
since it depends upon the natural forces which condi-
tion its states; not infinite as to extent, since, being
extended, it is numerable, and hence finite; nor in-
finite in active power, since it is inert and esa^itially
limited by external stimulation. The aggregate of
natural forces must also be finite, otherwise there
could be no change, no laws of inertia, no con-
stancy and equivalence of energy. The woild-siib-
stance is not etemaL For that substance must be
conceived either as possessing eternal motion or not.
If eternally active it would have passed through an
infinite number of changes, which is self-contradictorir.
Moreover, the supposed evolutionary process would
not have begun so late as geology teaches that it did,
and would long since have come to an end, L e. to a
static equilibrium of forces according to the law of en-
tropy. If the primal matter was not endowed with
an eternal activity, evolution could not have begun —
not from within, the law of inertia forbidding; nor
from without, since the materialistic hypothms ad-
mits no extraneous cause. Moreover, smce chance is
no cause, but the negation thereof, some reason must
be assigned for the differentiation of the original
material into the various chemical elements and com-
pounds. That reason may be supposed either in-
trinsic or extrinsic to the primary matter. If in-
trinsic, it does not explain why just these elements (or
compounds) in kind and number become differenti-
ated ; if extrinsic, the supposition contradicts the v^
basis of materialism wnich negates transmateiial
agency.
A similar line of argument mav be used to prove die
impossibility of explaining, on the materialistic hypo-
thesis, the order prevailing everywh^^e throughout the
universe. To the counter argument that, given an
infinite series of atomic arrangements, the present
order must needs result, it may be answered: (a) the
ori^ of both atoms and motion still remains unex-
plamed; (b) an infinite series of combinations would
demand infinite time, while geology indicates a limited
time for the earth's formation; (c) some sort of order
might result from a chance concurrence of atoms, but
no constant and universal order; (d) the present order
presupposes some disposition of tiie elements for this
rather than another order. Now the auestioii still re-
mains: Whence came precisely this disposition, and
why did not the atoms concur in a way \inf avourable
to a continuous evolution, since the number of possible
arrangements of an infinite number of atoms must be
infinite?
The hypothesis of a world-soul exhibits another
eroup of moonsistencies. If the universe were "in-
formed " by a principle of life, there would not be that
essential difference oetween inanimate and animate
bodies which both science and philosophy establish;
inanimate bodies would manifest signs of life, sudi as
spontaneous and immanent activity, organs, etc. The
materialistic principle, ** No matter wiwout force, no
force without matter" (BQchner), though, with some
obvious qualification, true as to its first part, is untrue
as to its second. Force is the proximate principle of
action, and may be or not be, but it is not of necessity
conjoined with matter. The principle of action in
man is not intrinsically dependent on matter. — For
the development of these and more serious arguments
against materialistic Monism see *' Institutiones Phil-
osophiaa Naturalis", by Willems or Pesch.
Pantheistic differs from materialistic Monism in as-
serting a being, in some sense unitary, which unfolds
itself in the material universe and in human conscious-
ness. That such a being is called " God " is an obvious
misuse of language. Moreover, God is indivisible,
spiritual, eternal, necessary, immutable, omn^)re8ent,
absolute, and caimot, therefore^ "evolve" into a uni-
verse of matter which possesses just the contrary attri-
butes. For a like reason bodies cannot be modes,
either real (Spinoxa) or logical (Heeel), of the divine
substance. Since, then, the world-material is not
self-existenty but produced, and that not from srme
antecedent material (for such a suppositk>n wo *Vi
ORBATIOM
473
CEEATIOK
only defer and not solve the problem) ; since, moreover,
the ^erorld>substance has not emanated from the divine
nature, it follows that it must have been produced bv
some extraneous cause, from no pre-tixistmg materiiJ,
i. e. it must have been created. That that extraneous
cause is God, the self-existent, necessary, absolute, in-
finite, and consequently personal Deity, is proved
from the finalit v and order manifest in the cosmos that
has developed from the original material, which order
demands an efficient and a directive cause of supreme
if not infinite intelligence; and from the further fact
tiiat the creative act can proceed only from a truly
infinite and therefore personal agent, as will be shown
towards the end of this article.
To the question: In what condition was the world-
matter created, whether homogeneous or differenti-
ated into various specific substances? neither Reve-
lation nor science gives answer. Until lately the
practically universal opinion of Catholic philosophers
favoured an original essential differentiation of the
elements. Since, however, the tendency of physico-
chemical experimentation and inference now points
with some probability to a radical homoeeneit v of mat-
ter, and since philosophy is bound to reduce the world
to its fewest and simplest principles, the opinion seems
justified that the original mattOT was created actually
undifferentiated, but with inherent potency toward
riemental and, subsequently, compound diversifica-
tion through the action, reaction, and grouping of the
ultimate particles.
When — probably through some such processes as
are suggested by the well-Icnown nebular hypothesis
(Kant, jLaplace) and by the inductions of geology —
the material universe was disposed for the simplest
forms of life, then God said: " Let the earth bring forth
the green herb, and such as may seed, and the fruit
tree yielding fruit after its kind, which may have
seed m itself upon the earth. And it was so done"
(Gen., i, 11) — the work of the third creative day.
At a subsequent, " God created the great whales and
every living and moving creature, which the waters
brought forth, according to their kinds, and every
winged fowl according to its kind" (ib., 21) — the
work of the fifth day. And again, "God said: Let
the earth bring forth the living creature in its kind,
cattle and creeping things, and beasts of the earth,
accordine to their kinds. And it was so done. And
God made the beasts of the earth according to their
kinds, and cattle, and every thing that creepeth on
the earth after its kind*' (ib., 24, 25)— part of the
work of the sixth day. In these simple words the in-
spired author of Genesis describes the advent of life,
plant and animal, on our earth. It does not fall within
the scope of the present article to discuss the various
meanings that have been assigned to "the days of
creation ' '. Suffice it to say that Catholic exegetes are
allowed the widest liberty of interpretation compati-
ble with the obvious substance and purport ot the
sacred narrative, viz., that God is "the creator of
heaven and earth ' *. Accordingly, we find some theo-
logians following St. Augustine (In Gen. ad litt., I),
that the six days signify only a logical (not a real) suc-
cession, i. e. in the order in which the creative works
were manifested to the angels. Others interpret the
days as indefinite cosmical periods. Others, though
these are at present a vanishing number, still follow
the literal interpretation. An immense amount of
time, patient research, and ingenuity has been spent in
the task of harmonizing the successive stages of ter-
restrial evolution, as deciphered by geologists from the
records of the rocks, with the Mosaic narrative ; but the
highest tribute to the success of these efforts is that
they more or less graphically corroborate what must be
already a priori certain and evident, at least to the
believer, that between the truth of Revelation and the
truth of science there is, and can be, no discord. But
whatever may be thought of the effort to vindicate in
detail the parallelism claimed to exist between the
geological succession of living forms and the order de-
scribe in the Bible, it is certam that some general par-
allelism exists; that the testimony of the strata cor-
roborates the story of the Book, according to which
the lowliest forms of plant life, "the green herb",
appeared first, then the higher, " the seed-bearing tree ' ',
followed in turn by the simpler animal types, the water
creature and the winged fowl, and finally by the highest
organisms, "the beasts of the earth and the cattle".
IV. Creation and Evolot-ion. — If now, from the
general interpretation of the Biblical account of crea-
tion, we turn to the biologico-philosophical problems
which it suggests, and which revert to it for what solu-
tion it may have to offer, we find Catholic thinkers
exercising an equally large liberty of speculation.
"Considered in connection with the entire account of
creation'', says a recent eminent Jesuit ex^ete, "the
words of Genesis cited above proximatdy maintain
nothing else than that the earth with all that it con-
tains and bears, together with the plant and animal
kingdoms, has not produced itself nor is the work of
chance; but owes its existence to the power of Grod.
However, in what particular manner the plant and
animal kingdoms received their existence: wnether all
species were created simultaneously or only a few which
were destined to give life to others: whetner only one
fruitful seed was placed on mother earth, which under
the influence of natural causes developed into the first
plants, and another infused into the waters gave birth
to the first animals — all this the Book of Genesis leaves
to our own investigation and to the revelations of
science, if indeed science is able at all to give a final and
unauestionable decision. In other words, the article
of faith contained in Genesis remains firm and intact
even if one explains the manner in which the different
species originated according to the principle of the
tneory of evolution'' (Knabenbauer, "Stimmen aua
Maria-Laach", XIII, 74; cf. Muckermann, "Attitude
of Catholics towards Darwinism and Evolution", 78.)
Tlie two general biological problems connected with
the Biblical cosmo^ny are the origin of life and the
succession of organisms. Concerning both these prob-
lems all that Catholic Faith teaches is that the begin-
nings of plant and animal life are due in some way to
the proauctive power of God. Whether, with St.
Augustine and St. Thomas, one hold that only the
primordial elements, endowed with dispositions and
powers (ratione8 teminales) for development, were
created in the strict sense of the term, and the rest of
nature — ^plant and animal life — was gradually evolved
according to a fixed order of natural operation under
the supreme guidance of the Divine Administration
(Harper, "Metaphysics of the School", II, 746); cw
whetner, with other Fathers and Doctors of the School,
one hold that life and the classes of living beinc»—
orders, families, genera, species — ^were each and all, or
only some few, strictly and immediately created by
Goa — whichever of these extreme views he may deem
more rational and better motived, the Catholic thinker
is left perfectly free by his faith to select. It is well
known that the theory of spontaneous generation of
certain animalcule, worms, insects, etc. was h^ by
theologians and philosophers alike until compara-
tively recent times, until, indeed, experimental evi-
dence demonstrated the opposite thesis. The estab-
lishment of the universal truth of biogenesis (q. v.),
omne vivutn ex vivo, was tiien seen to corroborate the
teaching of the Bible, that life, plant and animal, is due
to the Divine productive agency. Since the charae-
teristics of living substance are contrary to those of the
non-living substance, the characteristics of life bein^
spontaneity and immanent activity, those of inani-
mate matter being inertia and transitive activity, the
Divine efficiency, to which the origin and differentia-
tion of life are ascribed, has received the distinctive
name of administration. The idea conveyed by the
ORBATION
474
OBEATIOli
latter term is thus explained by a philosopher who has
drawn it out from the suggestion supplied by St.
Thomas. (De PotentiA, Q. iv.) Though God can
operate as He does in the creative act, without the co-
operation of the creature, it is absolutely impossible for
the creature to elicit even the smallest act without the
co-operation of the Creator. Now the Divine Admin-
istration includes this and more, two thin^, namely,
as regards the present subject. The one is the con-
stant order, the natural laws, of the universe. Thus,
e. g., that all living things should be ordinately prop-
agated by seed belongs to the Divine Administration.
The second, which may be called exceptional, relates
to the initial organisms, the first plant, fish, bird, and
beast, upon which hereditary propagation must have
bubseauently succeeded. That these original pairs
should have been evolved out of the potency of matter
without parentage — that the matter, otherwise in-
capable of the ta^, should have been proximateljr dia-
. posed for such evolution — ^belongs to a special Divine
Administration. In other words, God must have been
the sole efficient cause — utilizing, of course, the ma-
terial cause — of the organization requisite, and hence
may strictly be said to have formed such pairs, and in
particular the human body, out of the pre-existent
matter (Harper, op. cit., 743). It need ha^y be said
that the distinctions between creation and co-opera-
tion, administration and formation, are not to be con-
sidered as subjectively realized in God . They are only
so many aspects which the analytical mind must take
note of in the fundamental and essential relation of de-
pendence— contingency — in which the creature stands
to the First Cause. For a sympathetic account of the
relation of Evolutionism to Creationism, the reader
may be referred to Muckermann (who has popularized
Wasmann^ technical illustrations of specific trans-
formations among the ant-guests). Harper, Mivart,
Guibert, Didiot, Farges, etc., mentioned in the bibli-
ography below. A more vigorous criticism of Evolu-
tionism is to be found in the works of Gerard, Gutbeiv
let, Pesoh, WiUems, Hunter, Thein, and Hughes.
V. Final Causb op CREATiON.--Since the produc-
tion of something from nothing, the bridging of the
chasm between non-existence and existence demands
infinite power, and since the reason for the action of
an infinite being must Ue within that being Himself,
the primary subjective motive of creation must be the
Creator's love of His own intrinsic eoodness. The
love of that absolute good is conceived by us as "in-
ducing" the Creator to give it an extrinsic embodi-
ment (creation in its passive sense, the universe).
The type-idea according to which this embodiment is
constructed must exist within the Creator's intelli-
gence and as such is called the "exemplary" or arche-
typal cause of creation (passive). The objective
realization hereof is the absolutely final objective end,
or final cause, of creation. In the matenal universe
tills reaUzation, exhibited in the purposiveness of each
individual part conspiring to the purposiveness of the
whole, remains imperfect and is out a vestige of the
original design. In the rational creature it reaches a
certain completeness, inasmuch as man's personality,
with its intellectual and volitional endowments, is a
sort of (analogous) "image" of the Creator, and, as
such, a more perfect realization of the creative plan.
Moreover, in man's consciousness the creative purpose
comes to explicit manifestation and reflective recogni-
tion. His intelligent reaction thereon by reverential
attitude and orderiy conduct realizes the absolutely
final purpose of creation, the actual "formal glorify-
ing" of the Creator, so far as that is possible in the
present life. But even as the orderly or normal activ-
ity of the individual organisms and subordinate parts
of the universe develop and complete those organisms
and parts, so man's rational conduct perfects him and,
as a consequence, results in a state of happiness, the
full oomplement whereof is attainable, however, only
in a life beyond the present. This com].)letion and
happiness of man are said to be the relatively ultimate
end of creation, and thereby the creative plan is ab-
solutely completed, the (Creator finally explicitly
formally glorined by the return of the creation, carried
up by and in man to conscious inter-communion with
the Source and End of the creative act. Lactantius
thus sums up the hierarchy of finahty in creation:
"The world was made that we misht be bom. We
were bom that we might know God. We know Him
that we may worship Him. We worship Him that we
may earn immortality. We are rewarded with im-
mortality that, being like unto the angels, we may
serve Our Father ana Lord forever, and he the eternal
kingdom of God * ' (Instit. , VII, vi). When man is said
to be the (relatively) ultimate end of creation, Hub
obviously does not exclude other coexistent and sub-
ordinate purposes.
VI. Creation the Prerooativb of God Ajlonk. —
The Fourth Lateran Coimcil defined that "God is the
sole principle of all things visible and invisible, the
creator of all" [Denzin^r, op. cit.-, 428 (355)]; and the
Bible throughout ascribes the creative act to Him
alone: "I am the Lord, that make all things . . . and
there is none with me" (Is., jdiv, 24 ; cf. xl, 25; Ps
cxxxv, 4). As to the question, whether it is intrin-
sically possible for a creature to be endowed with crea-
tive power, theologians answer with a distinction. (1)
No creature can possibly be a principal cause of crea-
tion. This is the unanimous teaching of the Fathers.
The philosophical reasons are: (a) tne creative act,
being absolutely independent of material and instru-
ment, supposes an absolutely independent subject
(agent); (b) the term of the creative act is the com-
plete substance of the effect (spiritual or material^, and
the act can extend indefinitely to whatever is intrinsic-
ally possible, while the act of the created agent reaches
only to the accidents, or partial constituents, of bod-
ies, and is definitely limited in range; (c) the creative
act produces its effects by will alone; it is immanent,
while its term is extraneous; it is as unlimited as
is the extent of will power; it is instantaneous. No
finite cause can thus operate. (2) Some theologians
(Peter the Lombard and Suarez) have thought that a
creature might be used by God as an instrumental
cause of creation. The general opinion, however, is
to the contraiy, on the ground that since creation ex-
cludes materia ex qud there is no subject whereon the
dispositive influence of an instrument could be ex-
erted.
Oad was absolutely free to create or not to create, and to
create the present or any possible world. This is
an article of Catholic Faith defined by the Vatican
Coimcil (Can., De Deo Creante, v). It is the explicit
teaching of Scripture, God " worketh all things accord-
ing to the counsel of his will" (Eph., i, 11), and of the
Fathers generally. It is an obvious rational deduc-
tion from the infinitude and absolute self-sufficiency of
God. The creative act, as a subjective aspect of the
Divine Will, is necessary, but the external positing of
a term is free. This doctrine of creative freedom ex-
cludes the exa^erated optimism of Leibniz and others,
who held that God was bound to create the best possi-
ble world. The Divine act must be perfect, but the
effect need not, and indeed cannot, be absolutely per-
fect; the creature being necessarily finite, a more per-
fect creature is always possible and creatable by in-
finite power. The world is the very best possible for
the Creator's purpose; it is relatively, not absolutely,
perfect. (See Optimism.)
VII, The Worij) was Created in Time, not from
Eternity. — The Vatican Council defined that God
created ab initio iemporis. The openine words of
GenesLs, "In the beginning God created", are re-
echoed in similar phrases throughout the Bible. Tbe
Fathers reiterate the same teaching. As to the
question, whether eternal creation is intrinsically j
aRBATIOmSM
475
GBSATIOmSM
Bible, 8t. Hiomas, in his soKcitude that infidels misht
have no ground to cavil with the alignments which be-
lievers assign for the temporal origin of creation (pas-
Bive), says: ''That the worid has not always existed is
held by faith alone, and cannot be demonstrated''
(Summa, I, Q. xlvi, a. 2). St. Bona venture and many
others maintain tnat the inherent impossibility of
eternal creation is demonstrable. Areuments too
subtle for discussion here are adduced by both sides
of the controversy.
VIII. SPECm-ATIVB AND PRACTICAL PosrnON OF
THB Doctrine of Creation. — ^From what has been
said it follows that belief "in God the Creator of
heaven and earth" is the theoretical basis of all relig-
ious and theological truth, the real foimdation under-
lying ail other truths concerning Qod, and the objec-
tive principle whence all other truths proceed. The
Incarnation completes in the supematiunl order the
creative purpose and plan by the Divine Personal
Idea, the Word, assummg to Himself man's nature,
wherein the natural order of creation is synthesized,
and thus carrying back completely the whole creation
to its origin' and end. The Redemption, the Church,
and the sacramental system are obviously the exten-
sion of the Incarnation, and so, through the medium
of the latter mystery, follow from creation/ The
proposition that the Infinite is the absolutely primary
source of aJ^ other reality is also the first phUosophicid
truth, not of course in our order of attainment but in
itself. All created being, truth, goodness, beauty,
perfection are eminently contained in the Creator's
essence, conceptually in His creative intelligence, po-
tentially in His creative omnipotence, and are deter-
mined to their measure of actual objective existence
by the creative will. The real distinction of the finite
from the Infimte opposes every form of exaggerated
monism, while the entitative contingency and aepend-
ence of the creature on the Creator refutes an ex-
aggerated dualism. A rational mediating dualistic
monism is based on the truth of creation. Lastly, the
end and purpose of creation sets before man the first
ideal and norm of life ; and thus the final reason of the
distinction between right and wrong conduct is found
in the conformity of the one and the difformity of the
other with the orginal exemplar in the Creator's mind.
Acting up to his complete nature, man is at once self-
consistent and accoraant proximately with the cre-
ated copy and hence mediately accordant with the
original pattern in the eternal design of his Creator.
(See Cosmology, Cosmooont, Evolution, God,
Life, Man, Soul, World, Materialism, Pantheism.)
HiOffBR, Metaphynct of the School (New York. 1881), II;
MxvAATt Lnaona pwn Nature (New York, 1876); Id., Omens
of Speetes (New York, 1871); Guibebt. L«« orioiaea^T. In the
Beginning (New York, 1901); Gerard. Evclutionary PhUoeophy
and Common Sense (London, 1902); Muckebmann, Attitude of
the Catholioa towards Darmnism and Evolution (St. Louis, 1906);
Huohes, ^rindpUs of Anthropology and Biology (New York,
1890); Clerke, Modem Cosmogonies (London. 1905); Thein,
Christian Anlhro>pology (New York, 1881); Vauohan, Faith
and Folly (London. 1901); Hunter, Outlines of Dogmatic
Theology (New York. 1906), II; Wilhelm and Scanneix,
Manua[ ofCatholic Theology (New York, 1890). I; McCobh,
Realiaie Philosophy (New York, 1881); Wallace, Darwin-
ism (New York, 1681); Shxeldb, VUimate Philosophy (New
York. 1906), III; Cboll. Basis of Evolution (London, 1890);
WiLLEiis. Institutiones Philosophia (Treves. 1906), II: PEsai,
WeUrAtsei (Freibun?, 1907); Pralectiones PhUosovhicB Naturulis
(FreiboiK, 1897): 0n>xoT, ContrilnUion phUosophique h VHude
ass sciences (Lilie. 1902); Gutbeblbt, ApoiogetOc (Manster,
1895); Der Menseh (MQnster, 1905); Mercier, La psyehologie,
(Loaviun, 1905): Fabobb, Laviett I'ivolutiondesespiees (Paris,
1804); Fbscb, Prtdetidones Dogmatica; De Deo Creante (Frei-
bore, 1895): Van Noort, De Deo Creante (Amsterdam, 1903):
FXNARD in Did, de tfiM. eath., s. v. — the most thorough and
best documented monognph on the subject.
F. P. Siegfried.
OreationiBm (Lat. creaiio). — (1) In the widest
sense, the doctrine that the material of the universe
WM created by God out of no pre-existing subject.
It 18 thus opposed to all forms of Pantheism. (2)
Less widely, tlie doctrine that the various species of
living beings were immediately and directly created
or produced by God, and are not therrfore the outcome
of an evolutionary process. It is thus opposed to
TninsfonniBm.
(3) In a restricted but more usual sense, the doc-
trine that the individual human soul is the immediate
effect of God's creative act. It is thus opposed to
Tradudaiilsm. Tte first two acceptations of the
term are treated in the article Creation; the third
alone is here considered. The proposition that the
human soul is immediately created by God is a
corollary of the soul's spirituality. Certain psychical
phenomena, viz. intellectual and volitional — espe-
cially when these regard immaterial objects — vindicate
that their radical principle subsists essentially and
intrinsically independent of the purely corporeal
organism. This transmaterial subsistence supposes a
corresponding mode of origin; for that l^e soiil must
have nad a beginning follows obviously from its
finitude and contingency. That origin cannot be:
(a) by way of emanation from God, as Pantheists
declare, since the Divine substance, being absolutely
simple, cannot be subject to any emissional process;
(b) nor by spiritual generation from the souls of par-
ents— as the German theologian Frohschammer (1821-
1893) maintained — because human souls, being essen-
tially and integrally simple and indivisible, can give
forth no spiritual germs or reproductive dements:
(c) still less by physical generation (as corporeal
Traducianists suppose), since such a mode of produc-
tion plainly conflicts both with the essential simplicity
and the spirituaUtv of the soul. The only other
intelligible source of the soul's existence is God; and
since the characteristic and exclusive act of the
Divine C&vae is creation (q. v.), the soul must owe its
origin to that operation.
As regards tne tiine when the individual soul is
created, philosophical speculation varies. The an-
cient Platonic doctrine of the pre-natal existence of
souls and their subsequent incarceration in bodies
may be passed over as poetic fiction and not scientific
theory. The same may be said of the ancient hy-
pothesis of transmigration, which, however, still
survives in Buddhism and is revived by recent Theos-
ophy. Besides being entirely gratuitous, met^npenr-
chosis rests on a false view which conceives of body
and soul as only accidentally, not essentially, com-
bined in the unit^ of the human person. The
traditional philosopny of the Church holds that the
rational soul is created at the moment when it is
infused into the new oiganism. St. Thomas, follow-
ing Aristotle's embryomgy, taught that the hunian
foetus passes through progressive stages of formation
wherein it is successively animated by the vegetative,
sensitive, and rational principles, each succeeding
form summing up virtually the potencies of its prede-
cessor. Accordingly, the rational soul is createa when
the antecedent principles of life have rendered the
foetus an appropriate organism for rational life,
though some time is required after birth before the
sensory organs are sufficiently developed to assist
in the functions of intelligence. In this view the
embryonic history of man is an epitome of the stages
through which the upward maroh of life on our globe
is now held by palseontologists to have passed. On
the other hand, most neo-Scholastics hold that the
rational soul is created and infused into the incipient
human being at the moment of conception. It should
be noted that the doctrine of Creationism is not an
appeal to the supernatural or the '' miraculous" to
account for a natural effect. The creation of the
soul by the First Cause, when second causes have
posited the pertinent conditions, falls within the
order of nature; it is a so-called "law of nature", not
an interference therewith, as is the case in a miracle.
So much for the philosophical or purely rational
aspect of Creationism; as regards the theological, it
OBCDXirOK
476
should be noted that while none of the Fathers main- IX (1050), in the eymbol presented to the Bishop
tained Traducianism — the parental generation of the Peter for subscription, lays down: ''I be^ye and
soul — as a certainty, some of them, notably St. Augus- profess Uiat the soul is not a part of God« but is
tine, at the outbreak of Pelagianism, began to doubt created out of noUiing, and that, without baptisiii, it
the creation by God of the individusi soul (there was is in ordinal sin" (Denzinger, Enchir., a. 296). That
never any doubt as to the created origin of the souls
of Adam and Eve), and to incline to the opposite
opinion, which seemed to facilitate the explanation
of the transmission of original sin.
Thus, writing to St. Jerome, St.
Augustine says: ''If that opinion of
the creation of new souls is not op-
posed to this established article of
faith [sc. original sin] let it be also
mine; if it is, let it not be thine"
(Ep. clxvi, n. 25). Theodorus Abucara
(Opusc. xxxv), Macarius (Hom.xxx),
and St. Gr^ory of Nyssa (De Opif.,
Hom., c. xxix) favoured this view.
Amongst the Scholastics there were
no defenders of Traducianism. Hugh
of St. Victor (De Sacr., VII, c. xu)
and Alexander of Hales (Summa,
I, Q. Ix, mem. 2, a. 3) alone char-
acterize Creationism as the more
probable opinion; all the other
Schoolmen hold it as certain and
differ only in regard to the censure
that should be attached to the op-
posite error. Thus Peter Lom bard simply says : *' The
Catholic Church teaches thet souls are created at
their infusion into the bodv" (Sent. II, d. xviii); while
St. Thomas is more emphatic: '' It is heretical to say
that the intellectual soul is transmitted by process
of generation" (I, Q. oxviii, a. 2). For the rest,
LoasNzo Di Cbedi (By himself)
the soul sinned in its pre-exist«it state, and oo that
account was incarcerated in the bodv, is a fiction
which has been repeatedly condemned by the Church.
Divested of this fiction, tiie theory
that the soul exists prior to its in-
fusion into the organism, while not
exphcitly reprobated, is obviouflly
opposed to the doctrine of the Churdiy
according to which souls are multi-
plied correspondingly with the multi-
pUcation of ouman oi^ganisms (Cone.
Lat. V, in Denzinger, op. cit., 621).
But whether the rational soul ia
infused into the oiganism at concep-
tion, as the modem opinion holds, or
some weeks subseouenUy, as the
Scholastics suppose (St. Thomas, Q. i
a. 2, ad 2), is an open question with
theologians (Kleutgen, l%il. d. Vor-
zeit,II,657). (See£UsoMAN;MirrBic-
FSTCHOsis; Soul; Traducianism.)
Mahkr, Psveholom (New York, 1908);
MiVART, Orioin of Human Rtaton (Lon«
don, 1880): Driscoll. 7^ Soul (Ncrvr
York, 1808): Mbrcibr. La PtyeMogia
(Lou vain, 1005); Gotbeblbt, Ptytholoqi^ (Munich, ISiM).
F. P. SlEOFRIXD.
Oredence (or Credence-Table). — ^A small table of
wood, marble, or other suitable material placed within
the sanctuary of a church and near the wall at the
the following citation from the Angelic Doctor sums Epistle side, for the purpose of holding the eruets,
up the diverse opinions: ''Regarding this question acolytes' candles, and other utensib required for the
various opinions were expressed in antiquity. Some celebration of the Holy Sacrifice. The credence.
held that the soul of the
child is produced by the
soul of the parent just
as the body is generated
by the parent-body.
Others maintained that
aU souls are created apart,
moreover that they are
united with their respec-
tive bodies, either by
their own voUtion or by
the conunand and action
of God. Others, again,
declared that the soul in
the moment of its crea-
tion is infused into the
body. Though for a time
these several views were
upheld, and though it
was doubtful which came
nearest the truth (as ap-
pears from Augustine's
commentary on Gen., x,
and from his books on
the origin of the soul),
the Church subsequently
condemned the first two
and approved the third"
(De Potentid, Q. iii, a.
9). Others (e. g. Greg-
ory of Valencia) speak of Generationism as "cer-
tainly erroneous", or (e. g. Estius) as maxime
temerarius. It should, however, be noted that while
there are no such explicit definitions authoritatively
put forth by the Church as would warrant our calling
the doctrine of Creationism de fidCf nevertheless, as a
recent eminent theologian observes, "there can be no
doubt as to which view is favoured by ecclesiosticfd
authority" (Peech, Pnel. Dogm., V, 3, p. 66). Leo
properly so called^ is con-
templated only m con-
nexion with solemn
Masses; on it the chalice,
paten, coiporal, and veil
are placed from the be-
ginning of the Mass until
the Offertory. When a
bishop celebrates, it
should be of larger dimen-
sions than usual, the ordi-
nary size being about
forty inches long, twenty
broad, and &irtv-six
high. On verv solemn
festivals it should be
covered with a linen
cloth extending to the
ground on all sides, on
less solemn occasions the
doth should not extend
so far, while on days of
simple rite it should mere-
ly cover the superficies.
For low Masses the ru-
bricscontemplatc a niche
or bracket in the wall, or
some small arrangement
for holding the cruets,
fingei^bowi, and towd,
but custom now favours the use of a credence-table.
Cctremoniale Epitcoporum, I, xii sq.; Ruhr. Oen. Miu., XX;
Van deb Stappen, De Misaa CeMtrtUione (Mechlin, 1902).
Patrick Morrisrob.
Oredi, Lorenzo di, Florentine j^ainter, b. at Flor-
ence, 1459; d. there^ 1537. Vasan eives his family
name as Sciarpelloni, but his original name seems to
have been Barducci. He was a pupil first of the
The Holt FAMiiiT — Lorenso di Oedi
OBSDITOB
477
ffoldsmith Credi, from whom be took his name, and
then of the sculptor Verrocchio. having as fellow-
pupils Pemgino and Leonardo da Vinci. To the latter
pamter Lorenzo attached himself in terms of friendship,
and he copied the manner of Leonardo with great suo-
oeas. Wnen Verrocchio went to Venice to cast the
bronze equestrian statue of CoUeoni, he left to L<»^nzo
the entire administration of all his affairs, and in his
will charged him to complete the statue, which he
had been unable to finish, adding the following re-
mark: ''Because he has the ability to finish it prop-
erly". Leonardo was, however, instructed by the Vene-
tians to complete the figure. Di Credi was a devout
follower of Savonarola and a man of deepl^r religious
character. He was an eminent portrait-painter, and
his religious pictures were in great demand for the
churches and convents of Florence and the neighbour-
hood. One of the finest is at Pistoja, ori^nallv painted
for the hospital of the Ceppo. The portrait of Verrocchio
is at Florence. Other examples are at Berlin, Dresden,
London, Paris, Ilome,^and Turin. They are all remark-
able for their magnificence of colour, exquisite compo-
sition, but extraordinary rigidity of drapery, the folds
having the appearance of metal work m many cases
and revealing the ori^nal training as a goldsmith
which the artist received. He died at the age of
seventy-ei^t in his own house in Florence, near
Santa Mana Nuova, and was buried in San Pietro
Maggiore. A little while before his death he be-
queathed to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova a
farm which he had purchased at Casciano. He was
said to have been a very slow painter, but took
immense pains in the execution of all hie did, pre-
pared and ^und all his own colours, and finishecl his
paintings with exquisite refinement and care.
Vasari, ViU del piUori (1550) ; Bottari, Note alls vile deipit-
tori (Rome, 1767-72) ; Idem. LeUere PiUoHch^ (Rome, 1754-59) ;
Idkii , Diawghi (Lucca, 1754); unpublished mss. of Oretti at
Bologna; Bbtan, Diet, of Paintera and Engraven (New York,
London, 19()3); Burlington Fxnb Arts Club, Catalogues.
Georob Charles Williamson.
Cfareditor, See Debt.
Oree fa contraction of Gristing or Kenisteno,
their Ojibwa name, of uncertain meaning; they com-
monly call themselves simply Eythinyuwuk, men\
the largest and most important Indian tribe of Can-
ada, and one of the largest north of Mexico. They
are a part of the great Algonquian stock and closelv
related to their southern nei^ibours, the Ojibwa, al-
though only remotel V cognate to the Blackf eet, farther
to the west. Until confined to reservations their
various bands held most of the extensive territory
about Lakes WinnipNeg and Manitoba, the lower Red
and Saskatchewan rivers, and eastward to the coun-
try of the Maskegon about Hudson Bay. from whom
they are hardly to be distinguished. Most of their
former territonr is now included in the Canadian
provinces of Manitoba, Assiniboia. and Saskatche-
wan. Their chief alliance was with the Assiniboin;
their wars were with the Sioux. Blackfeet, and north-
em Tinneh tribes. With both French and English
they have generally been on friendly terms. When
first known to the Jesuit missionaries, about the year
1650, the Cree lived farther to the south-east, but,
on obtaining fire-arms from the English trading-posts
established on Hudson Bay some twenty years later,
they push.ed out into the ooen plains in pursuit of the
bimalo. They drove the Blackfeet before them, and
at the same time began a war of invasion and extermi-
nation against the weaker Tinneh tribes, as far even
as the iSeickenzie River and the Rocky Mountains.
A great small-pox epidemic in 1781 so far reduced
theur numbers that they retired south of Churchill
River, which has since remained the extreme limit of
their claims in that direction.
In physique and intelligence the Cree do not differ
markedly from the general Indian type, but are per-
haps slightly below the general "plains'' standaid
Mackensie, who knew them before they had been
greatly modified by contact with the whites, describes
them (1790) as naturalljr generous, good-tempered,
and honest. Their primitive weapons and utensils
were fashioned from stone, bone, and horn. They
used the canoe of birch-bark and the tipi of buffalo
skins. They had no agriculture or pottery art, but
their women were expert skin-dressers and workers
in porcupine quills. For their food they depended
upon fishing, hunting, and the gathering of wild roots
and fruits. Wild plums and cherries were poimded,
dried, and preserved in rawhide bags or boxes. Buf-
falo meat was cut into strips, and dried in the sun for
immediate use, or was pounded, covered with melted
o^ase, and kept in skin bags as pemmican for winter.
Two pounds of this was a sufficient day's ration for a
man. Their clothing was of dressed skins ;^ their orna-
mentation and style of hair-cut varied in different
bands. Their dead were buried in the ground under
a mound of stones, instead of being plarod upon scaf-
folds or in the branches of trees, as was done by the
Sioux and others. In accord with general Indian
custom, the personal belongings of the deceased were
buried with nim or destroyed near the grave. Polyg-
amy was common, and a man might marry two
sisters at once from the same family. There was no
trace of the clan system, as known among the eastern
and southern tribes. They sacrificed to a number of
gods, their principal myths centring about a super-
natural hero called Wisukatcak. They were also great
believers in conjurations and witchcraft, and had an
influential order of priesthood in four degrees. Their
great reUgioiis ceremony was the annual Sun Dance.
Their two main divisions were distinguished as Wood
and Plain Cree, each of which was again subdivided
into bands differentiated by slight peculiarities of
dialect and custom. With these were sometimes in-
cluded the Maskegon, under the name of Swampy
Cree, On account of the wide extent of their formel
range the early estimates of Cree population vary
greatly. They number now about 15,000, of whom
nearly two-thirds are located upon reservations in
Manitoba.
The earliest missionaries in the Cree country were
the French Jesuits, who accompanied the commander
Verendrye in his explorations of the Saskatchewan
and Missouri River region from 1731 to 1742. Chief
among these were Fatners Nicholas Connor, Charles
Mesaiger, and Jean Aulneau. No attempt was made
at this time to found permanent mission settlements,
and the work thus begun was allowed to lapse in con-
sequence of the withdrawal of the French from Can-
ada until after the establishment of the Red River
colony by Lord Selkurk. In 1818 Fathers Joseph
Norbert Provencher and S^vdre Dumoulin established
the first regular mission station at Saint Boniface,
opposite the present city of Winnipeg. In 1822 Father
Provencher was made bishop, with jurisdiction over all
of Rupert's Land and the Northwest Territories, and
at once proceeded to organise a systematic mission
work throughout the whole vast region. Upon his
death in 1853 he was succeeded by the noted Oblate
Father Alexander Tach^, who had come out eight years
before. Among other distinguished workers in the
same field, all Oblates, may to noted Father Albert
Lacombe, author of a monumentrJ grammar and dic-
tionary of the Cree language, besides a number of re-
ligious and other translations; Father Valentin V^gr6-
vule, founder of five missions, and author of a manu-
script grammar and dictionary of the language;
Father Jean Thibault; and Father Emile Petitot,
better known for his great work among the remote
Tinneh and Eskimo tribes. The Fathers were assisted
by sisters of the Order of Gray Nuns. Protestant work
was begun by the Episcopalian Rev. John West, as
chaplain for the Hudson's Bay Company in 1820, th«
ORSSD
478
ORBBD
Wesleyan Meiho<ii8t« and Prcsbyterisinfl coming later.
Phe most distinguished Protestant worker was the
Wesleyan Rev. James Evans (1840-1861), inventor
of the Cree syllabary, which for half a century has
been in successful use in the tribe for literary pur-
poses by all denominations. Of the whole number
of Cree officially reported as Christian the majority
are Catholic and rank high ui morality.
Bbtce. Hudaon'a Bay Co. (1900); Canadian Indian Reporle;
Thwaites, JeauU Relations (aeveland, 1896-1901); LA.ooifBK,
Diet, dea Cria (1874): Mackenzie, Vcyages (1802); MacLban,
Canadian Savage Fdk (1896); Pbtitot, in Journal Roy. Geog,
Soc (1883); Pxluno, BOA. of the Aloon^ian Lanouaoea (1891);
RlCHABDSON, Arctic Expedition (1851).
James Moonet.
Oreed (Lat. credo, I believe), in ^neral, a form of
belief. Tlie word, however, as applied to religious be-
lief has received a variety of meanings, two of which
are specially important. (1) It signifies the entire
body of beliefs held by the adherents of a given religr
ion ; and in this sense it is equivalent to doctrine or to
faith where the latter is used in its objective meaning.
Such is its signification in expressions like "the con-
flict of creeds", ''charitable work irrespective of
creed ' ', " the ethics of conformity to creed * ', etc. (2)
In a somewhat narrower sense, a creed is a summarv
of the principal articles of faithprofessed by a church
or a commimity of believers. Tnus by the " creeds of
Christendom" are understood those formulations of
the Christian faith which at various times have been
drawn up and accepted by one or the other of the
Christian churches. The Latins designate the creed
in this sense by the name symbolum, which means
either a sign {a^f/^\op) or a collection (vvfifioMj), A
creed, then, would be the distinctive mark of those
who hold a given belief, or a formula made up of the
principal articles of that belief. A "profession of
faith" is enjoined by the Church on special occasions,
as at the consecration of a bishop; while the phrase
"confession of faith" is commonly applied to Protes-
tant formularies, such as the "Augsburg Confession",
the "Confession of Basle", etc. It should be noted,
however, that the Rule of Faith is not identical with
creed, but, in its formal signification, means the norm
or standard by which one ascertains what doctrines
are to be believed.
The principal creeds of the Catholic Church, the
Apostles', Athanasian, and Nicene, are treated in spe-
cial articles which enter into the historical details and
the content of each. The liturgical use of the Creed is
also explained in a separate article. For the present
purpose it is chiefly important to indicate the function
of tne creed in the life of religion and especially in the
work of the Catholic Church. That the teachings of
Christianity were to be cast in some definite form is
evidently implied in the commieeion given the Apos-
tles (Math, xxviii, 19-20). Since thgr were to teach
all nations to observe whatsoever Cnrist had com-
manded, and since this teaching was to carry the
weight of authority, not merely of opinion, it was
necessary to formulate at least the essential doctrines.
Such formulation was the more needful because Chris-
tianity was destined for all men and for all ages. To
preserve unitv of belief, the first requisite was to have
the belief itself quite clearly stated. The creed, there-
fore, is ftmdamentally an authoritative declaration of
the truths that are to be believed.
The Church, moreover, was organized as a visible
society (see CnimcH). Its members were called on not
only to hold fast the teaching they had received, but
also to express their beliefs. As St. Paul says: " With
the heart we believe unto justice ; but, with the mouth,
confession is made unto salvation" (Romans, x, 10).
Nor is the Apostle content with vague or indefinite
statements; he insists that his followers shall "hold
the form of sound words which thou hast heard of me
in faith" (11, Tim. i, 13), "* embracing that faithful word
which is according to doctrine, that he [the bishop]
may be able to exliort in sound doctrine and to <
vince the gainsayers" (Titus i, 0). Hence we can
understand that a profession of faith was reqinred of
those who were to oe baptized, as in the case of the
eunuch (Acts viii, 37); in fact, the baptismal formula
prescribed by Christ himself is an expression of faith
m the Blessed Trinity. Apart then from the questioii
regarding the composition of the Apostles' Creed, it is
clear that from the b^inning, and even before the
New Testament had been written, some doctrinal for-
mula, however concise, would have been ^nplqyed
both to secure uniformity in teaching and to place oe-
yond doubt the belief of those who were admitted into
the Church.
Along with the diffusion of Christianitv there sprazug
up in the course of time various heretical views regarf
ing the doctrines of faith. It thus became necessanrto
define the truth of revelation more cleariy. The
creed, in consequence, underwent modification, not by
the introduction of new doctines, but by an expression
of the traditional belief in terms that left no room for
error or misunderstanding. In this way the **F11io-
c^ue" was added to the Nicene Creed and the Triden-
tme Profession set forti in full and definite statements
the Catholic Faith on those points especially whidi the
Reformers of the sixteenth centtiry nad assailed. At
other times the circumstances required that special
formulas should be drawn up in order to have the
teaching of the Cliurch explicit^ stated and accepted;
such was the profession of faith prescribed for the
Greeks by Gregory XIII and that which Uxi>an VIII
and Benedict Al V prescribed for the Orientals (ct
Denzinger, Enchiridion). The creed therefore, is to be
regardra not as a lifeless formula, but rather as a mani-
festation of the Church's vitality. As these formulas
preserve intact the faith once delivered to the saints,
they are also an effectual means of warding off the in-
cessant attacks of error.
On the other hand it should be remarked that the
authoritative promulgation of a creed and its accept-
ance imply no infringement of the rights of reason.
The mind tends naturally to express itself and espe-
cially to utter its thought in the form of language. Such
expression, a^in, results in greater clearness and a
firmer possession of the mental content. Whoever,
then, really believes in the truths of Christianity can-
not consistently object to such manifestation of nis be-
lief as the use of the creed implies. It is also obvious^
illogical to condemn this use on the ground that it
makes religion simply an affair of repeating or sub-
scribing empty formulas. The Church insists that the
internal belief is the essential element, but thn must
find its outwafd expression. While the duly of be-
lieving rests on each individual, there are further ob-
ligations resulting from the social organization of the
Cfiurch. Not oiuy is each member obliged to reindn
from what would weaken the faith of ms fellow-be-
lievers; he is also bound, so far as he is able, to uphold
and quicken their belief. The profession of his faith
as set forth in the creed is at once an object-lesson in
loyalty and a means of strengthening the bonds Tdiich
unite the followers of Christ in "one Lord, one faith,
one baptism."
Such motives are plainly of no avail where the selec-
tion of his beliefs is left to the individual. He may, of
course, adopt a series of articles or propositions and
call it his creed ; but it remains his private possession,
and any attempt on his part to demonstrate its cor-
rectness can only result in disagreement. But the at-
tempt itself woiud be inconsistent, since he must con-
cede to every one else tiie same right in the matter of
framing a creed. Tlie final consequence must be,
therefore, that faith is reduced to the level of views,
opinions, or theories such as are entertained on i>urely
scientific matters. Hence it is not easy to explain, on
the basis of consistency, the action of the PR>testant
Reformers. Had the principle of private judgment
OBXED
m
(ttSBXft
been fully and strictly carried out, the formulation of
creeds would have been unnecessary and, logically,
impossible. The subsequent course of events has
shown how little was to be accomplished by confession
of faith, once the essential element of authority was
rejectedf. From the inevitable multiplication of creeds
hafi developed, in large measure, that demand for a
"creedless Gospel" which contrasts so strongly with
the claim that the Bible is the sole rule and the only
source of faith. (See Dogbca, Faith, Protestantism.)
Dbnzinobr, Enchiridion (FVeiburg. lOOQ)); M6Hixn, Symbol-
inn, XT. (New York. 1804) ; Dunlop. Account of All the End9
and Umb of Creeds and Confeaeiona of Faiths etc. (London,
1724); Btttler, An Historical and Literary Account of the
Formutariea, ete. (London, 1816) ; Schapf, A History of the
Creeds of Christendom (London, 1878); Grandiiaison,
VElastictti des formtdes ds Foi in Etudes 1898; Cjllxinb,
Creeds and Tests of Church Membership in Andover Review
p890), 13; Stbrrbtt, The Ethics of Creed Cenfomity (1800),
Georob J. Lucas.
Oreed, Liturgical Use of. — ^The public use of
creeds began in connexion with baptism, in the Trti-
ditio and Redditio symbolic as a preparation for that
sacrament, and in the preliminary interrogations.
This use is found as early as the "Canons" of Hippoly-
tus and the " Catecheses " of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, and
is so universal as to be probably of still earlier date. (Cf .
Acts, viii, 37.) The recitation of the NicsBO-Constanti-
nopolitan Creed at the Eucharist seems to have begun,
according to Theodore the Reader, at Antioch under
Peter the Fuller in 471 (though James of Edessa says
that it was adopted as soon as it was composed), and
to have been adopted at Constantinople by the Patri-
arch Timotheus in 51 1 . Both intencled to protest, as
Monophysites, apainst Chalcedonian "innovations",
but in spite of this heretical origin the practice spread,
though Rome did not finally ^opt it until the elev-
enth century. The Nicene Creed is the only one in
use in the Eastern Churches, whether Orthodox, Mono-
physite, or Nestorian, or in the corresponding Uniat
bodies, though the East Syrians, both Nestorian and
Uniat, have a variant of their own (see East Syrian
Rite) which may have been originally understood in a
Nestorian sense, and the Copts and Abyssinians have
also a shortened fortn for use at baptism. The Roman
Rite, besides the Nicene Creed, which it recites only at
Mass, uses also the Apostles' Creed and the so-called
Athanasian. These wiree creeds have been retained
in the Anglican Rite. The following is the use of
Creeds in various rites: —
Baptism. — Roman: Apostles' Creed in full, followed
by a shortened creed in interrogative form. — Am-
brosian, GaJlicanf and Mozarabic: nearly the same. —
CdUc: either the Apostles' Creed in full or a shortened
form, both as interrogatives. — Ariglicanf complete
Apostles' Creed in interrogative form. — Orthodox
Eastern: Nicene Creed in fSl in the preliminary
e^xdl «'t tA woi^ai Karrixo^fJi^yoF. — West Syrian (Jaco-
bite, Syrian Uniat, and Maronite) and Armenian:
Nicene Creed in full. — EaM Syrian: variant of
Nicene Creed in a similar position to that which it
holds in the Cucharist, on the model of which the bap-
tismal service is constructed. — Coptic and Mihiopic:
a short confession of faith in the Trmity, the Resurrec-
tion, and the Church.
Eucharist. — All rites use the Nicene Creed, though
in dififerent positions, as part of the declaration of fel-
lowship (of which the Kiss of Peace is another part)
with wnich the Missa Fidelium begins. This aspect is
less evident in Western than in Eastern rites, owing to
removal of the Paz to another position. The positions
are: — (1) Immediately after the Gospel: Roman, CeU
tict Anglican, Armenian, (2) After the Offertory, but
quite unconnected with the Pax: Amhrosian. There
is good reason to think that the Ambrosian Pax origi-
DaUy came, not as now in the Roman position, but at
the beginning of the Offertory. (3) After dismissal
o' catechumens and Offertoiy, but before the Pax:
Coptic, Greek St. James, West Syrian, East Syrian, (4)
After dismissal. Offertory and Pax: Orthodox Eastern
(Byzantine), Greek St, Mark, (5) After the Consecra-
tion, during the Fraction: Mozarabic. This last
seems to follow the use ordered bv the Emperor Justin
at Constantinople, that the Creed should be said before
the Pater Noster at Mass, but it is probably of much
later introduction.
The Divine Office. — Roman: Apostles' Creed at
the beginning of Matins and Prime, ferially with
freces in the course of Prime and Compline, and at the
end of Compline. Athanasian on Sundays at Prime.
The eariiest mention of this is in the "Capitulare'' of
Hayto, Bishop of Basle, c. 820. Many Roman deriva-
tives (e. g. the Sarum) said the Athanasian daily at
Prime. The monastic rites and the French breviaries
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries mostly
follow the Roman practice. — Ambrosian: the Apos-
tles' Creed in the course of Prime and Compline, the
Athanasian daily at Prime. — Mozardbic: The Nicene
Creed at Prime on Sundays and festivals. This was
ordered by the Council of Toledo of 689. — Celtic: The
Apostles' Creed is given with the Pater Noster in the
"Bangor Antiphoner", and at the end of the sketch
service in the "Book of Mulling", but there is no evi-
dence how it was used. — Anglican: The Apostles'
Creed is said with preoes at morning and evening
prayer, daily, except that on thirteen fast-days
(roughly, once a month, and on Trinity Sunday)
the Athanasian takes its place at morning prayer. —
Byzantine: Nicene Creed at the Midnight (Office
{fut^ovuKTuchv) after the Psalms, except on Sundays,
and at the Little Compline {A,ir6leiirvop fuKp6v) after
the Great Doxology. — East Syrian: Nicene Creed at
the end of the mommg and evening services. — Coptic:
At the "Offering of the Morning Incense", at Lauds,
Compline, and the "Prayer of tne Curtain",
Other uses of creeds are: The Ambrosian uses either
the Apostles' or Athanasian Oeed in the "Ordo Com-
mendationis Animae". — ^The CeUic used either the fuU
Apostles' Creed or a shortened confession of faith in
the Trinity, eternal life, and the Resurrection (both
forms are found) before the unction of the sick. — ^The
Anglican uses the Apostles' Creed in an interrogative
form (as at baptism; in the visitation of the sick. —
The Mozarabic introduces a threefold repetition of a
Spanish variant of the Apostles' Creed into a "Sermo
ad populum" before the Epistle at Mass on Palm Sun-
day, which is the ancient Traditio Symboli, — ^The By-
zantine has a recitation, fieya\o^i&ytJtf of the Nicene
Creed in answer to the question, jcaZ rl irurrc^cf; at
the consecration of bishops. This is followed by two
more elaborate confessions of faith, resembling the
"Interrogatio" at the same service in the Roman
Pontifical. — In the Roman ordination of priests the
Apostles' Creed is recited just before the Acdpe Spiri-
tum Sanctum, — ^At the beginning of the coronation of
the Russian emperor he is required to recite the Nicene
Creed in token of orthodoxy.
Zaccaria^ BMiotheea Ritualis (Rome, 1776-81); Swain-
son, The Ntcens and Athanasian Creeds (London, 1805): Mob-
TXMBB, The Creeds (London, 1002); Denzingkr. Ritus Orienta-
ft urn, Coptorutn, Syrorum et Armenorum in administrandis
Sacramentis (Wtinburs, 1863-4); Duchesne, Orunnes du ctdte
chritien (Paris, 1002); Briohtman, Eastern and Western Litur-
gies (Oxford, 1806); Bishop, The Genius of the Roman Rite
(London, 1800): Marquess or Bute, 7^ Coptic Morning Ser-
vice for the Lotas Day (London, 1882); also the Seroiee Books of
the various rites mentioned. HeNRT JenNBR*
Greed, Nicenb. See Nicene Creed.
Greeks, an important confederacy of Indian tribes
and tribal remnants, chiefly of Muskogian stock,
formerly holding the greater portion of Central and
Southern Georgia and Alabama, but now settled in
Eastern Oklahoma. The name by which they are
commonly known was originally app>lied not to the
Indians, but to their home territory, i. e. "the Creek
Country". The dominant tribe is the Maskoki (Mus-
OBIIOHTON
480
orhohton
eo0Be)| who constitute about one-half of the whole
body. Besides these there are Hichitee, Koasati, and
Yuciii, each with a distinct language; there are also
sev^nl smaller broken tribes. The Seminole, too,
are orieinally a separated band of Creeks. According
to traoitional and linguistic evidence, the Muscogee
and their cosnate tribes had in ancient times lived
west of the MiBsLssippi River, but thev were foimd
settled in Georgia and Alabama as earlv as 1540 by
De Soto, who crossed their territory from east to
west. In the colonial period they held the balance
of power between the English of Carolina on the one
side and the Spaniards and French of Florida and
Louisiana on the other. Their most constant alliance
was with the English, whose traders supplied them
with guns, and it was chiefly by this means that the
English accomplished the utter destruction of the
flourishing Franciscan missions of upper Florida in
1702-^. In the final mroad, 1400 of the Christian-
iced mission Indians were carried ofif and distributed
as slaves among the English of Carolina and their
savage allies. This unfortunate outcome of more
than a century of devoted missionary effort was due
to the short-sighted policy of the Spaniards, who re-
fused guns to their own Indians, even in the face
of threatened invasion. The Creeks adhered to the
English side in the war of the Revolution, but made
a treaty of peace with the United States in 1790.
English instigation in the War of 1812 led to another
war with the Creeks in 1813-14, in which they suf-
fered such heavy losses that thev were obliged to
purchase peace by the surrender of half their remain-
ing territory. Other land-cessions followed in quick
succession until, in 1832, they sold their last acre east
of the Mississippi and were removed to a new home
in the Indian Territory, where they were permitted
to organize an autonomous government under the
name of the Creek Nation. In 1.906, by previous
treaty agreement, this Indian ^vernment wss for-
mall^r dissolved, the Indians being admitted to citi-
zen-rights and their country incorporated into the
new State of Oklahoma. They number now about
10,000 souls, besides half as many more "freedmen",
descendants .of their former negro slaves.
In their old homes the Creeks were a sedentary
and agricultural, but brave and warlike, people.
Their houses were well constructed of logs, and their
villages were regularly built around a central sc^uare
devoted to public games and ceremonies, chief of
which was the great annual Buskita, or Creek Com
Dance, when every fire in the settlement was extin-
guished and solemnly relisted from a new sacred
fire kindled by means of friction. There was no rec-
ognized central authority, but neighbouring or closely
oomate villages commonly acted together. They
had the clan system, intermarriage within the clan
being strictly prohibited. No systematic mission work
was attempted among them until after their removal
to the Territory, when a beginning was made by the
Presbyterians. A few of their children are now
attending the neighbouring Catholic mission schools.
Adair, History of the American Indiana (Loodon, 1776);
Babcia, Enaayo chronolqgico para la fUstoria general de la
Florida (Madnd, 1723); Bartram, Travela through North and
South Carolina (Philadelphia, 1791); Gatschet, A Migration
Legend of the Creek Indiana (2 vob.. Philadelphia, 1884; St.
Louis^ 1888); Hawkins. A Sketch of the Creek Country (The
Georgia Hiatorical Society, Savannah, 1848); Annual Reporta
cf the Commiaaioner of Indian Affaira. JamES MooKET.
O^elghton Uniyersi^, an institution located at
Omaha, Nebraska, U. S. A., and conducted by the
Jesuit Fathers. It comprises high school and collie
departments, a free classical day colleee, and schods
of medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, and law. The fac-
ulty numbered 104 members in 1907-^. There is no
charge for tuition in the high school and college de-
partments. The attendance at the university is
about 800, divided among the different departments
as follows: Liberal Arts. 360; Medicine, 178; Law, 51;
Phannacy, 105; Dentistry, 107. The Medical Col-
lege free dispensary treats between 9000 and 4000
annuallv; the Dental College Infirmary, 400 or 500.
Creighton Universitv was the first free Cathc^ic col-
lege founded in the United States. Edward Creig^
ton, after whom it was named, had proposed during
his life to establish a free school for higher education,
but he died intestate, before making provision for
carrying out his project. His wife, Mary Lucietia
Creighton, inheriting his fortune, determined to carry
out his intention. She died 23 Jan., 1876, but fa^
will made a bequest, which in the settlement <^ the
estate amounted to about $200,000, one-fourth of
which was devoted to the groundis and building, the
balance being reserved for foundation. In accord-
ance with the terms of this will, the executors, 1 Juljr*
1878, conveyed the entire property and securities in
trust to the Rt. Rev. James O'Connor, Bishop of
Omaha. On 27 February, 1879. the Le^gislature of
Nebraska passed an act to provide for the inooriwra-
tion of universities under certain circumstances. The
District Court then permitted Bishop OX)onnor to
turn over his trust to a corporation called the Crvadi-
ton University, and he appointed five members of tiie
Society of Jesus as the Board of Trustees, 14 August,
1879. Creighton College as such was not incorporated
and the name merely represented what was 1^ in
trust by Mrs. Creighton. When the Creighton Uni-
versity accepted the trust, the endowment fuzxl
amounted to about $147,500. Mrs. Sarah Ehiily
Creighton, who died 3 Sept., 1888, wife of John A.
Creighton, bequeathed to Creighton University a bua-
ness olock, according to the saine terms and conditions
as were designated m the beouest of her sister, Mrs.
Mary Lucretia Creighton. During 1900 John A.
Creighton, desirous of making the university an insti-
tution fully equipped for its educational work, gener-
ously offered means for the completion of the coU^
buildings. The School of Medicine was founded §0
May, 1892, and the School of Law in October, 1904.
The Edward Creighton Institute, erected in 1905, is
now the home of the Law Department. The Dental
School, opened in 1905, is located with the Law
School. The School of Pharma^v, a distinct depart-
ment of the university since 1 February, 1905, took
possession of its splendidly equipped new addition to
the Medical Building in September. 1908.
Edward Creighton was bom 31 Aug., 1820, in Bel-
mont County, Ohio, near the present town of Banies-
ville; and died 5 Nov., 1874. John A Creighton was
bom 15 Oct., 1831, in Licking County, Ohio, and died
7 Feb., 1907. He was educated at St. Josej^'s Col-
lege, Somerset, Ohio, under the Dominican Fathers,
and for these teachers he always retained a feeling of
gratitude. Thou^ desirous of becoming a civil en-
gineer, he was obl^ed to shorten his course of study by
the necessity of earning a Uvelihood. He married
Sarah Emily Wareham of Dayton; and her sister,
Mary Lucretia, became the wife of Eidward Creighton.
Both these men were remarkable for courage, enter-
prise, and a strong sense of justice. Jonn was one of
the first members of the "Vigilance Committee"
which effectually freed Montana of the desperadoes
who made life and property insecure in that territory.
Both also made their start in life by constructing
roads and tel^raph lines in the West and South ; John
was moreover actively engaged in mining, stock-rais-
ing, and investments in land. He left by will large
bequests to Crei^ton University, the Creighton
Memorial Hospital and other Catholic institutions
in which he was interested during life. Though these
sums were somewhat lessened by litigation and com-
promise with contestants, the university received
nearly a million and a ouarter dollars, the Hospital
nearly a ouarter of a million, and the other institu-
tions smaller amounts. The entire rev^nue-produ^
fttlKtifiit
481
OUMATION
hig property of the univereity approximates two mil-
lions and a quarter, exclusive of its buildings, erounds
and equipment The hospital takes care of about
2400 patients a year, of whom more than half are non-
Catholics, and one-third absolutely free. John
Creighton was honoured by Leo XIII with die order
of St. Gregory and later with the title of Count of
the Papal States. In 1900 he received the Lstare
Medal from the University of Notre Dame.
Reminiaeeneea of Crtiahtan Univenitu; CrtighUm (biographi-
cal sketches of the family) — both published by the Univennty;
Morton, History of Nebraaka: Savaox and j3bll» History cf
Omaha: Sorbnbbn, History of Omaha: the annual Catalogues
and other publications of Creighton University and the annual
niports of the Creighton Memorial Hospital.
M. P. DOWLINO.
OreUer, Hbnri-Josepr, Swiss Catholic priest, He-
brew scholar and Biblical exegete; b. at Bure, 16
October, 1816; d. at Bres-
sancourt, France, 22 April,
1889. From 1845 to 1855
he was professor at the col-
lege of Porrentniy (Swit-
zerland) ; later he became
chaplain of the Religious
of the Sacred Heart at
Besanoon, France, and de-
voted his leisure hours to
the study of Sacred Scrip-
ture. He was subse-
quently appointed pastor
of the church of Rebeuve-
lier, and finally of Bres-
sancourt, where he died.
He left many works on
Sacred Scripture, some of
which have a special value.
Among these we note:
''Lespsaumes traduits tit-
t^ralement sur le texte
L4breu avec un oommen-
taire" (Paris, 1858): "Le
livre de Job veng6 aes in-
terpretations fausses et
impies de M. £. Kenan"
(Paris, 1860); "LeCanti-
Ciue des canticjues veng6
des interpretations fausses
et impies de M. E. Renan"
(Paris, 1861) ;"M. Renan
cmerroyant eontre le sur-
iiaturel" (Paris, 1863);
''M. E. Renan trahissant
le Christ par un roman,'*
etc. (Paris, 1864). To the
Bible"
Cathbdbal of 8. Maria Maooiobe, Cbkma
»». xv^x^/. «w v^^ ''Commentaries on the
aujm , puolished by Lethielleux. he contributed the
Acts of the Apostles (1883), Exodus (1886), Leviticus
(1886), Cenesis (1889).
Lbvcsqub in Vib., DicL de la Bihle, s. v.
R. BUTIN.
Orema, Diocesb of (Cremxnbis), suffragan to i^tt^a^ tivr><.
Mian. Crema is a city of the province of Crmnona, race and the
Lombardy, Northern Italy, situated between the ''^" ^"
Rivers Adda and the Oglio, in a marshy region. It
was built by inhabitants of various cities of the Insu-
bres, who fled thither during the Lombard invasion of
Italy. Crema fell eventually under Lombard rule
and shared the vicissitudes of that monarchy. Crema
wu one of the first cities to organize as a commune.
It joined the Lombard League, and was therefore de-
stroyed, first by Frederick Barbarossa and later bv
the inhabitants of Cremona and Lodi. It afterwards
acknowledged the rule of the Torriani and of the Vis-
conti of Milan, for a while also that of the Bemsoni.
Finally it became subject to the Republic of Venice.
It belonged to the Diocese of Lodi until 1580, when it
IV.— 31
was made a see and a sufifragan of Milan. Among the
most noted of its bishops was the sealous Marcan-
tonio Zolli. The diocese has a population of 58^000>
with 53 parishes, 65 churches ana cnapels, 174 secular
and 4 regular priests, 1 religious house of meki and 7
of women.
Capfkllbtti, Ls t^ieae eT Italia (Venice, 1857), XII. 241-75;
Arm. ecd. (Rome, 1907), 432-33; Bahbiebi, Compendia erono-
logico ddla ttoria ai Crema (Crema, 188S).
U. Benioni.
Oremation. — I. History. — The custom of burning
the bodies of the dead dates back to very eariy times.
The Pre-Canaanites practised it until the introduction
of inhumation among them along with the civilization
of the Semitic people about 2600 b. c. History re-
veids no trace of incmeration among the Jewish people,
except in extraordinary circumstances of war and pes-
tilence. It was likewise unknown, in practice at least,
to the Egvptians, PhoBni-
cians, Carthaginians; or to
the inhabitants of Asia
Minor-— the Carians, Lv-
dians, and Phrygians. Tne
Babylonians, aocordinff to
Herodotus, embalmed their
dead , and the Persians ptm-
ished capitally such as at-
tempted cremation, special
regulations being followed
in the purification of fire so
desecrated. The Greeks
and Romans varied in their
practice according to their
views of the after lite;
those who believed in a
future existence anaiogous
to the present buried uieir
dead, even leaving food in
the tomb for the nourish-
ment and enjoyment of
the departed; such as, on
the other hand, held the
opinion that on the decay
of the body life was con-
tinued in the shade or
image, practised crema-
tion, the more expedi-
tiously to speed the dead to
the land of shadows. But
the practice of cremating
never entirely supensedea
what Cicero 'tells us (De
Leg., II, xxii) was the older
rite among the Roman peo-
ple. Indeed the Cornelian gens, one of the most cul-
tured in Rome, had, with the single exception of
8ulla, hever permitted the burning of their dead.
By the fifth century of the Christian Era, owing in
great part to the rapid progress of Christianity, the
practice pf cremation had entirely ceased.
The Christians never burned their dead, but fol-
lowed from earliest days the practice of the Semitic
de of their Divine Founder.
It is recorded that in times of persecution many risked
their lives to recover the bodies of martyrs for the
holv rites of Christian burial. The pagans, to destroy
faitn in the resurrection of the body, often cast the
corpses of martyred Christians into the flames, fondly
believing thus to render impossible the resurrection of
the body. What Christian faith has ever held in this
regard is deariy put by the third-centuiy writer Minu-
cius Felix, in his dialogue "Octavius' , refuting the
assertion that cremation made this resurrection an
impossibility: "Nor do we fear, as you suppose,
any harm from the [mode of] sepulture, but we aahere
to the old, and better, custom" ("Nee, ut creditis,
ullum damnum sepulturse timemus sed veterem et
OSEMATION
482
OREMATION
meliorem oonsuetiuiineui huiiiauUi f rcqutiiitamiiB " —
P. L., Ill, 362).
II. Church Legislation. — (1) In ike Middle Ages,
— ^In idl the l^islation of the Church the pladBg of
the body in the earth or tomb was a part of Christian
burial. In the acts of the Council of Braga (Har-
douin, III. 352), in the year 563, while we read that
bodies of the dead are by no means to be buried within
the basilicas where rest the renlains of Apostles and
martyrs, we are told that thev may be buried without
the wall; and that if cities nave long forbidden the
interment of the dead within their walls, with much
greater rij^t should the reverence due the holy mar-
tins claim this privilege. The same may be seen in
tne canons of other cotmeils — e. g. of Nantes, between
the seventh and ninth centuries; of Mainz, in the
ninth century; of Tribur, in the ninth centuiy. This
legislation evidently supposes the long-standing cus-
tom of burial such as tne Church practises to-day,
and i^ows that in the sixth century, in other places
than Rome, where even to-day the old law of the
Twelve Tables exerts a moral influence, the Church
h)Eul so far conquered the prejudice of the past as to
have gained the privilege of burying her dead within
the city walls and within the enclosure of the church-
yard. Once in the course of the Middle Ages did
there seem to be on the part of some a retrogression
to the pagan ideals, and ^s a consequence Boniface
VIII, on 21 February, 1300, in the sixth year of his
pontificate, promulgated a law which was in substance
as follows: They were ipso facto excommunicated who
disembowelled bodies of the dead or inhumanly boiled
them to separate the flesh from the bones, with a view
to transportation for burial in their native land.
"Detestandae feritatis abusum'', he calls it, and it
was practised in case of those of noble rank who had
died outside of their own territory and had expressed
a \fHsh to be buried at their place of birth. He speaks
of it as an abomination in tne sight of God and horri-
fying to the minds of the faithful, decreeing that,
thereafter, such bodies are either to be conveyed whole
to the spot chosen or buried at the place of death un-
til, in the course of nature, the bones can be removed
for burial elsewhere. Those who were party to these
enormities either as the cause or a^nt of their occur-
rence were to incur excommunication reserved to the
Holy See, while the body thus inhumanly treated
could not afterward be given ecclesiastical burial
("Extrav. Comm.", Lib. Ill, Tit. vi, c. i.).
(2) Decrees of Roman Congregations. — This rigid ad-
herence to the principles of the early teaching of the
Church may be seen in the later decrees of the Roman
Congregations. The Vicar Apostolic of Vizagapatam,
in the year 1884, proposed the following difficulty to
the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda: The bodies
of two neophytes had been cremated, the parents tes-
tifying that there had been no idolatrous ceremonies.
Should the miasioneis in such cases protest against
what is considered a privilege of caste, or may the
following present practice be tolerated? — If a pagan
seeks baptism at the hour of death, the missioner
^nts it, without questioning what mode of sepulture
IS to be given the body after death, persuaded that
the pagan parents will make no account of his desire
to be buried, not cremated. The answer was: "You
must not approve of cremation, but remain passive in
the matter and confer baptism; be careful also to in-
struct your people according to the principles which
you set forth" (Cremationem approhare non debes,
sed passive te habeas, oollato semper baptismate, et
populos instruendos cures juxta ea qu» a te exponun-
tur). This was given on 27 September, 1884. In
1886 another decree forbade membership in cremation
societies and declared the unlawfulness of demanding
cremation for one's own body or that of another. On
15 December in the. same year a third decree was
issued of more or less the same tenor, and finally on
27 July, 1892, the Archbishop of Froiburc. among
other questions, asked whether it was lawful to oo*
operate in the cremation of bodies either by command
or counsel, or to take part as doctor, ofiScial, or
labourer working in the crematory. It was answered
that formal co-operation', the assent of the will to the
deed, is never allowed, either by command or counsel.
Material co-operation, the mere aiding in the phjrsical
act, may be tolerated on condition (1) that crematicm
be not looked upon as a distinctive mark of a Masonic
sect; (2) that there be nothing in it which of itself,
directly and solely, expresses reprobation of Catholic
doctrine and approbation of a sect; (3) if it be not
clear that the officials and others have been ass^ed
or invited to take part in contempt of the Cawolic
Religion. And whereas, under the above restrictions,
co-operators are to be left in good faith, they must
always be warned not to intend co-operation in the
cremation. (See "Collectanea S. C. P. F. *', nn. 1608,
1609; "Acta S. Sedis'', XXV, 63; "Am. Eccl. Rev/',
XII, 499.)
(3) Motives of this Legidation, — ^The legislation of
the Church in forbidding cremation rests on strong
motives ; for cremation in the majority of cases to-da^
is knit up with circumstances that make of it a public
profession of irreli^on and materialism. It was the
Freemasons who mat obtained official reoomition of
this practice from various governments. Tlie cam-
paifip opened in Italy, the first attempts being made
by Brunetti, at Padua, in 1873. Numerous societies
were founded after this, at Dresden, Zurich, London,
Paris. In the last city a crematory was established
at P^re LAchaise, on the passing of the law of 1889
dealing with freedom of luneral rites. The Church
has opposed from the beginning a practice which has
been used chiefly by the enemies of the Christian
Faith. Reasons based on the spirit of Christian
charity and the plain interests of humanity have but
strengthened her in her opposition. She holds it un-
seem^ that the human body, once the living temple
of God, the instrument of heavenly virtue, sanctined
so often by the sacraments, should nnallv be subjected
to a treatment that filial piety, conjugal and fraternal
love, or even mere friendship seems to revolt against
as inhuman. Another argument against cremation,
and drawn from medico-le^ sources, lies in this: that
cremation destroys all signs of violence or traces of
poison, and makes examination impossible, whereas
a judicial autopsy is alwa3rs possible after inhumation,
even of some months.
Is cremation a sign of culture? — ^The report of the
French Cremation Society for 1905 has the following:
"There exist in Europe 90 crematories . . . and
the number of incinerations is above 125,000." In
France there are 3 crematories, in the United States
29, in Great Britain 12, in Italy 30, in Germany 9, in
Switzerland 4, in Sweden 2, in Denmark, Canada, the
Argentine Republic, Australia, one each. " Let us not
number here the appliances of Tokio, let us not speak
of the pyres raised in the Indies, in China, in Siam, in
Cambogia, at all points of the Asiatic Continent, from
time immemorial Asia has burned her dead." At
first sight 125,000 seems a large number; but a glaaoe
at the Paris statistics will help us to realise its true
value. From 1889 to 1905 there were 73,330 crema-
tions in Pari^ Only 3484 were by request; 37,082
were hospital debris; 32,757 were embryos. Of the
requestea cremations there were 216 in 1894, 354 in
1904 — an increase in ten years of 138 — ^not a large
number, and it> serves to prove that even Paris is
progressing in the use of cremation very slowly indeed.
The arguments in favor of cremation may be re-
duced to a few heads: (1) it wUl prevent the corrup-
tion of the soil ; (2) drinking water will be saf^iuarded
against contamination; (3) corruption of the air will
be avoided in localities bordering on cemeteries, with
a consequent lessening of the danger of infection in
ORIMOHA
483
ORXMONA
times of epidemic. In answer it has been nxved that
cemeteries are not a cause of the infection of the air.
In any well-ordered cemetery putrefaction takes place
six or seven feet below the surface. In the open air,
with abundance of oxygen, corruption proceeds more
quickly, with continuous dischai^ of noxious gases
in large quantities hi^y deleterious to health, but
it is not so in the grave. Mantegazza, a celebrated
bacteriologist, Yiaa shown (''OivilSk Cattolica", Ser.
IX, Vols. X-XII) that, where there is but a small
supply of oxygen, bodies will decompose without the
emanation of any odour whatever. Often, too, the
human bo(^ is so rc^luced before death that in the
earth it suners little or no corruption at all, but is
first mummified and then slowlv reduced to dust.
Again, earth-pressure prevents chemical decomposi-
tion to a great extent, producing in the place of gas a
liquid which enters into various combinations with
the materials in tlw soil, without the slightest danger
to the living. Earth is a powerful agent of disinfec-
tion. Even were noxious gases to escape in any
quantity, t^ey would be absorbed on theu- way up-
wards, so that a very small part would ever reach the
surface, or were the soU not fit for absorption (as was
said to be the case at Pdre-Lachatse, Paris) the process
would be tcdcen up by the vegetable matter on the
surface. It is held, smo, that it is no more true to
say that cemeteries are a menace to water wells.
Chamock, Delacroix, and Dalton have proved that
of three parts of rain water only one penetrates the
soil, the other two either evaporating or flowing into
rivers. Now corpses in cemeteries are not so piaced
as to form continuous strata, but a moderate distance
intervenes between any two bodies or rows of bodies.
Of the third part of rain, then, which penetrates the
soil of a gravevard a very little will touch the bodies
at all, and what does will not all reach the water
streams, but will be absorbed by the earth, so that
the remaining drops that would ultimately trickle into
the stream would have absolutely no effect, were the
stream lai^ or small. Two experiments have proved
this. The doctors above mentioned selected a tank
6i feet high, filled it with sand, and for many months
filtered through it sewer water taken from the drain-
age pipes of Paris. The water received at the bottom
(rf the vessel was always foimd pure, clear and drink-
able. A like experiment was made with a smaller
vessel with like results. To anticipate the difficulty,
that what held for an experiment with small quanti-
ties would prove untrue were the amount of water
very great, a large tract of ground near Genvillers was
inuncmted for many months with the same putrid and
reekine waters of the Seine after they had passed
throu^ the sewers of Paris. The result was the same.
Wells were dug in the inundated portion, and the
water was again found pure and clear, purer, as it
chanced, than that of other wells outside the boundary
of the place of experiments. In like manner, the
waters in the cemeteries of Leipzig, Hanover, Dresden,
and Berlin were examined and foimd purer and freer
from organic matter than the wells of the town.
In conclusion, it must be remembered that there is
nothing directly opposed to any dogma of the Church
in the practice of cremation, and that, if ever the
leaders of this sinister movement so far control the
governments of the world as to make this custom uni-
versal, it would not be a lapse in the faith confided to
her were she obliged to conform.
In addition to the aathoritiefl cited in the body of this article,
ooiunilt Corptu Jurit Canonici; Habdouin, CoU, Cone., VI, 443:
Wbrnz. Ju9 Decretalium, III. 465; Howa. Studiet in the Civd
Law, 2012, WiLUAM Devlin.
Oremoaa, Diocese of (Cremonensis), suffragan
of MUan. Cremona is a city (31,661 in 1901^ in the
Province of Ix)mbardy, Italy, on the left bank of the
Po. It was built by the Cenomanni Gauls, but later
became a lioman colony and a frontier fortress; it
8Ucou'>nbed, however, to Hannibal. After the vie-
toiy of Octavian over Antony, the territory was di-
vided among the veterans of the concjueror. Caius
Vitellius defended it unsuccessfully against Vespasian,
by whom it was pillaged, but it rose again from its
ruins. About a. d. 600 Cremona, until then B;^an-
tine, was captured by the Lombard king, Agilulf.
Under the Emperors Otto (I-III) its bishops ac-
quired temporal sovereignty, but in 990 the people
expelled Bishop Olderico and adopted a republican
form of government. The Emperor Henry IV (1056-
1106), however, confirmed Bisnop Landulf in all im-
perial grants made to his predecessors. On the other
hand Heniy V (1106-25) restored to the people their
1
?
I
1
pkg
4
'
9
P-
>|K^l
v^* ...
^
tn
Cathedral asd Tobbazzo. Cbxmona
communal rights. Thenceforth Cremona became »
citadel of Ghibellinism and was greatly favoured by
Frederic Barbarossa and Frederick II, though for the
same reason frequently at war with the neighbouring
cities. In lat^r medieval times it had many lords or
"tyrants", the Pallavicini, the Bovara, the Caval-
cab6, the Visconti, the Sforza, until it became part
of the Duchy of Milan (1328). In 1702 it was taken
by imperial troops, and in 1796 and 1800 fell into the
hands of the French.
The people of Cremona venerate St. Sabinus as
their first missionary and first bishop; he is said to
have lived in the first century of our era. Among
the better-known early bishops are St. Syiinus (c.
340), a valiant apologist of the Faith against the
Arians, and St. Silvinus (733); the latter is held in
great veneration. Liudprand of Cremona was sent
(946) as ambassador to Constantinople by the Em-
peror Otto II, and is the most famous nistorical writer
of the tenth century. Other important bishops were
Gualtiero (1096), in whose time the cathedral was be-
gun; Sicardo (1185), author of a chronicle; Caccia-
conte da Somma (1261), under whom was erected the *
belfry of the cathedral; Nicol6 Sfondrati (1560), later
Pope Gregory XIV; his nephew Paolo (1607); also
the zealous and charitable Omobono di Offredi (1791).
The cathedral of Cremona is a splendid specimen of
ORBMOHA
484
OBMBOBnm
aue architecture, dates from the beginning
of the twelfth century, and is noted for its facade in
alternate courses of red and white marble. It pos-
sesses many famous paintings and sculptures. Its
two marble pulpits were brought thither from the
suppressed cnurch of the Olivetans. Near the ca-
thearal is the baptisteiy (1167), surrounded by ranges
of narrow Lomblard arches, and bearing aloft an oc-
tagonal cupola. The famous brick campanile, known
as the Torrazso, built in 1283 as a peace monument,
is 396 feet high and is said to be the tallest in Italy.
An ancient saying runs: Unus Petrua in Romd, una
turris in CremanA (One Peter in Rome, one Tower in
Cremona). Other noteworthy churches are those of
Sant' Agata and Sant' A^ostino, the latter externally
Gothic, while its interior is Renaissance. Saji Hetro
and San Michele are believed to date from the time of
the Lombard Queen Theodolinda (c. 690). There are
many industries at Cremona, especially sUk manufac-
tures; in the history of music it is known as the birth-
place of four famous makers of violins: Amati,tluar-
neri, Stradivari, and Malpighi.
The population of the diocese is 350,000; it has 345
parishes, 530 churches and chapels, 536 secular and
38 regular clergy, 9 houses of religious men, and 77
of women. It has also 15 educational institutions.
CAPPBLLvrn, ChieBs d* Italia, XII, 125-239; Annuario
BedenoMtioo (Rome, 1007), 433-30; Apoan, Memarie di storia
ecd, Cremoneae (Rome, 1835-37): Chbtalrb, Tovo4nblioffr.
^ . ^_. -^ - Cities of Northern Italy (Jjoa"
(PariB, 180i-00), 824-26; Baud,
don. 1890). U, 231-4a
U. Benigni.
Oremona, Quido da* See Frbdbbigx L
Oripienl, Fran(x>ib db, Jesuit missionazy in Canada
and Yicar Apostolic for the Montagnais Indians ; b. at
Arras, France, 16 March, 1638; d. at Quebec in 1702.
As a youth he studied in the Jesuit college of his native
town and in that of Douai, becoming a member of the
order at Toumay in 1659. He continued his studies
at LDle and Douai, taught at LiQe and Cambrai, and
in 1670 sailed for CansSa. Upon the completion of
his theolo^cal studies in the college of Quebec, he was
assigned in October, 1671, to the Tadousac region,
where, with untiring devotion and great success he
toiled among the Montagnais and Aleonquin tribes for
twenty-eight years. TVriting to hisl>rethren he tells
them that the life of a Montagnais missionary is a
tedious and prolonged martyrdom, and that his jour-
neys and the cabins of the savages are truly scnools
of patience, penance^ and resic;nation. For the bene-
fit of his fellow missionaries (^pieul wrote a series of
instructions embodying the results of his long service
among the Indians, which are interesting and practi-
cal. These observations are given in the sixty-third
volume of Thwaites' "Relations". In 1696 or 1697
he was appointed vicar Apostolic for the Montagnais
and, on tne discontinuance of the mission a few years
later, repaired to Quebec, where he spent the rest of
his life. Dablon. Superior of all the missions in Can-
ada, styles him ''a veritable apostle*'.
RocHEiiONTEix, Lcs JSauttes el la NouveUe-France au XVTI*
tiitsU (Paris. 1805-00), a moot interostinff account of this devoted
and sacoessful mimoiiary; Tbwaitbs. Relaluma, LVI, 301. 302;
SomiEBvooEi^ Bibl, delae.de J., IL1662, 1; Pilling, Bibliog»
raphy of the Atoonqwan Langwiaea (Waahinfllpn, 1801), 08. 00.
Edward F. Spillanb.
Orescenfl, a companion of St. Paul durine his second
Roman captivity, appears but once in the New Testa-
ment, when he is mentioned as having left the Apostle
to go into Galatia: "Make haste to come to me quick-
ly'^ St. Paul writes to Timothy, "for Demas hath left
me, loving this world, and is gone to Thessalonicay
Crescens into Galatia, Titus into Dalmatia" (II Tim.,
»v, 8-10). All conunentators agree in ranking Oes-
oens with Titus rather than with Demas, and in seeing
here, therefore, a reference to a missionary journey
Into Galatia. This term, in New Testament times,
might mean either Gatil or the Roman provinoe of
Galatia in Asia Minor, where St. Paul had laboured
so much; and here it has been interpreted in either
sense. In the other passages where it ooours in the
New Testament^ however, it denotes Galatia, and
most probably it would be bo understood here by
Timothy, especially as the other regions mentioDcd
are likewise to the east of Rome« Moreover, St. Paul
Qii^ht easily have a reason for aendins a cusciple to
visit his old Churches in Galatia, whOe there is no
proof that he had an active interest in Gaul. Aooord-
uigly» the earliest tradition (Apost. Constit., VIL 46)
represents Crescens as bishop of the Churches in Gala-
tia. Later traditions, on the other hand, locate him
as Bishop of Vienne in Gaul, also at Mains on the
Rhine. But the earliest traditions of Gaul itself know
nothing of this disciple of the Apostle as a founder
of their Churches, and the behef seems to have
arisen later from the desire of an Apostolic <mgin.
The claims of Vienne have been most strong
urged; but they are based upon the mistaken identifi*
cation of its first bishop, Crescens, who lived in the
third century, with the disciple of St. Paul. As little
can be said for Mainz. The readinja; of certain manu-
scripts (Sinaiticus, Ephreemi), which have Gallia in-
stead of Galatia, has also been advanced in favour of
Gaul; but the traditional reading is supported by the
^eat mass of manuscript evidence. Crescens is moH
tioned as one of the Seventy Disciples of Christ by the
I^udo-Dorotheus, which has no authority. His
martyrdom in Galatia, under Trajan, commemorated
on 27 June by the Roman Martyroiojey, lacks the con-
firmation of older Martyrologies. 'xSa Greek Church
honours him on 30 July.
TiLLBMONT. Mhnoirea pour aervir h Fhiaioire eeeUeiaatique
(PkriB, 1701), 1. 312, 684^587: Ducre8NB, Let faetes ipieeopaux
de Vaneierme Cfmde (Fktria. 1804), 1, 151-155.
John F. FBNiiOK.
Oreacentiiifl, the name of several leaders of the
Roman aristocracy in the tenth centuiy, during their
opposition to the imperial government of the tune.
Crescentius the Elder. — ^With the disappearance
of the Carlovingian dynasty the papal government of
Rome lost its most powerful protector, and the Ro-
mans took matters into their own hands. Out of the
local aristocracy there arose a powerful family, which
assumed the practical charge of all governmental af-
fairs in Rome, controlled the nominations to the papal
throne, and held the power for many years. At the
beginning of the tenth century the family was repre-
sented by Theophylactus, vsstorartiM or hi^ dignitaiy
of the papal palace and &e pontifical government, by
his wile Theodora, and their two daij^ters Marozia
and Theodora. Theophylactus had the titles of Consul
and Senator of the Romans. Crescentius the EHder
was a descendant of this family, being a son of Theo-
dora, the daughter of Theophylactus. According to
the records, he took a hand in Roman affains for the
first time in 974. At the death of Pope John XIII
(965-72), who was a brother of Crescentius, the Em-
peror Otto I (936>73) designated as his suooessor the
Cardinal-Deacon Benedict, who took the name Bene-
dict VI (972-74). The Romans bore the constant in-
terference of the emperor in the papal elections with
ill-concealed indignation. About a year ajfter the
death of Otto I, when his successor Otto n (973-^83)
was engaged in wars at home, they rebelled against
the imperial regime under the leadership of Crescen-
tius. The unfortimate Pop)e Benedict VI was de-
throned, thrown into the Castle of Sant' Aneelo, and
strangled there in July, 974. Tlie deaconFtanoo, a
Roman, son of Femicius, was chosen to suooeed, and
took the name of Boniface VII (974). Hie protests
of the imperial envoy Sicco were of no avail against
this maniiestation of national aspirations on the part
of the Romans. SooHi however, the imperial partjy
OBBSOKNTIUS
485
aExsoiMBm
gained the upper hand: Pope Boniface VII was foroed
to flee io OoDstantinople : Benedict VII (Q74-^) was
choeen in his place, and Crescentius disappeared for a
thuB. In all likelihood he took an active part in the
restoration of Boniface VU in 984. After the death
of the Emperor Otto II (December, 983) the anti-
imperial |)artv believed that the time had come for re-
asserting itself. In April. 984, Boniface VII returned
from Constantinople ana took possession of Rome.
Pope John XIV (983-84), who had been appointed by
the £mpei.t>r Otto II, was imprisoned in tne Castle of
8ant' Anselo, where he perished about four months
afterwar£, and Boniface VII (984-85) ruled wun as
pope up to the time of his death in July, 985. His
protector Crescentius towards the end of his life,
whether before or after the restoration of Boniface VII
is imcertain, took the monastic habit in the monasteiy
of St. Alexius on the Aventine, where he died, 7 July,
984, and was buried within the cloister. The epitaph
on his tomb (Annellini, Le Chiese di Roma, 586) is stiU
visible.
CRBSCENTiua THB YouNQER. — ^The sspirations of
the Roman aristocracy did not vanish with the death
of the elder Crescentius. The latter left a son, also
called Crescentius, who after the death of Boniface
VII took the reins of power in his hands. Circum-
stances seemed to be particularly favourable. The
Emperor Otto III (983-1002) was stiU a child, and the
empress mother. Theophano, althous^ an energetic
princess, was aosent from Rome. C^rescentius the
Vounger took the title of Patriciua Rcnnanorum, by
which ne meant to express that he was ruler in Rome,
though not altogether independent of the imperial
authority ; he considered himself as a lieutenant of the
emperor. It is quite likely that the election of Pope
John XV (985-96}, who succeeded Boniface VII, was
accomplished with the participation of Crescentius,
although the particulars of that election are unknown.
In some of the official documents of the time, issued by
the pope, the name of Crescentius and his title of Pc^
truniiB appear together with the name of John XV;
and for a number of years Crescentius exercised his
authority apparently without opposition. When the
Empress Theophano came to Home in 989, she con-
ducted herself as empress and sovereign, while leaving
Crescentius his subordinate position. Meanwhile the
young Emperor Otto III assumed the reins of govern-
ment and in 996 made his first journey to lUtly, in-
duced bv various considerations, especially by the ap-
peals of Pope John XV. However, death overtook
the pope at the beginning of April, 996, before
Otto reisLched Rome; it was at Pavia that the em-
peror was apprised of the fact. As the Romans and
their leader, Crescentius, did not care at this time to
nominate a successor to the dec^used pope, they sent
a delegation to the emperor with the request that he
provide a suitable cancudate for the Roman See . Otto
III was at Ravenna when the dele^tes from Rome
arrived. After a consultation with nis counsellors he
chose his own cousin, Bruno, a young ecclesiastic, only
twenty-three years of age, who seemed to have tlie
necessary qualifications. Early in May he was conse-
crated at Rome as Grqe^ory V (996-99), being the first
pope of German nationality. A few weeks after-
ws^ Otto in himself was crowned in Rome by iiie
new pope (21 May) in the basilica of St. Peter. On the
25th of the same month the pope and the emperor held
in St. Peter's a s^od, which was at the same time a
high court of justice. The rebellious Romans, includ-
ing Crescentius, who had embittered the last years of
the pontificate of Poi>e John XV, were smnmoned to
give an account of their doings. The result was that a
certain numbe^ among them Crescentius, were sen*
tenoed to banishment. Pope Gre^ry V, who wished
to inaugurate his pontificate with acts of merc]^,
pleaded for the guilty, and the emperor withdrew his
Bentence of CTwle. CrescentiMS was deprived of bis
title of Patridus, but was permitted to live in retire
ment at Rome.
The clemency shown to Crescentius by the pope
was repaid with deeds of violence. Only a lew montns
after tne departure of the emperor for Germany a re-
volt broke out in Rome under the leadership of Cres-
centius. The foreign pope and the many foreign offi-
cers installed throughout the Papal States were offen-
sive in the sight of the Romans. The rebellion sue*
ceeded so well that in September, 996, the pope was
foroed to flee with only a few attendants. At Pavia
he held a synod in Februaiy, 997, in which he
pronounced sentence of excommunication against
Crescentius, the usurper and invader of the Church of
Rome. Crescentius, far from being moved by these
proceedings against him, completed nis work of rebel-
lion by appointine an antipope, Philagathus, Bishop
of Piaoenza, who nad just returned from an embasenr
to Constantinople on behalf of Emperor Otto III.
Bom in Calabria, Philagathus was a Crreek, and owed
his elevation to the episcopacy to the Empress The-
ophano and her son, but was willing to betrav his mas-
ter. In April, 997, he assumed the title of Pope John
XVI (997-^8). In Februaiy, 998, Otto III returned
to Rome with Pope Gregory V and tookpossession of
the city without much difficulty. The antipope
sou^t safety in flight, while Crescentius shut himself
up m the Castle of Sant' Angelo. The unfortunate
J(dm XVI was soon captured by the emissaries of the
emperor; his nose and ears were cut off, his eyes and
toi^e were torn out, and in this pitiable condition he
was made to ride backwards on an ass. At the inter-
cession of St. Nilus, one of his countrymen, his life was
spared, and he lived imtil 1013. Towards the end of
April the Castle of -Sant' Angelo was taken: Crescen-
tius was made prisoner and executed and nis corpse
hung on a gibbet erected on Monte Mario. After-
wards his remains were interred in the church of S.
Pancrazio on the Janiculum.
John Cribscentius, son of Crescentius the Youn^r.
— Early in 1001 a revolt broke out in Rome agamst
Otto III, who now permanently resided in the Eternal
City. The emperor and Pope Silvester II (999-1003),
the first pope of French nationality, were compelled to
flee; it is quite likely that John Crescentius was the
prime mover of the rebellion. At any rate, after this
ne assumed supreme authority in Rome, and after the
death of the Emperor Otto III (24 Januaiy, 1002)
took the title of Patridus Rcmanorum, Pope Silvester
II was permitted to return to Rome, but had little to
do with the temporal government. The same is true
of his three immediate successors : John XVII (1003),
John XVIII (1003-09), and Serous IV (1009-12), all
of whom were api)ointed through the influence of John
Crescentius. Tne patriciua himself died in the spring
of the year 1012, and with him the Crescentii msap-
peared from the history of Rome.
DucBESNS, Lea premien tempa de VUat wmtifUal (Paris,
1898): GRBOOBoynTB, Geaeft. der iSlmtt itom. (Stuttsart, 1800).
Ill, rV : GixsBBRBCBT, Oesch. der deiUadien Kaiaeruit (L«ipns.
1881), I; Hefele, ConcUiengeaeh, (Fraburg, 1879), IV; Fbitx
in Kirenenlex,, a, v.
Francis J. Schabfbr.
Oreacentiiui of JesL See Francibcanb.
Oresdmbeni, GiovAifNi Mario, Italian historian
of literature, chronicler, and poet, b. in Macerata, 9
Oct., 1663; d. 8 March, 1728. lie was educated at
Rome for the law, but £^ve most of his time to poetry
and literature. In 1679 he was made doctor of laws,
and in 1705 Gement XI named him canon of Santa
Maria in Coonedin. A few years later (1719) the
same pontiff appointed him archpriest. and in the
eame year he was ordained to the priesthood.
Crescimbeni composed tragedies and rime of various
kinds, and translated into Italian verse two books of
Lucan's ''Pharsalia". His prose is superior to his
verse, and it is especially as a literary cntic tliat ho is
OBXSOONIUS
486
0RB8&T
knowa. His special studies in ItiUiaii literature
helped to pave the way for the general histories <^
that subject. His greatest work, ''Dell' Istoria
deUa volgar poesia" (6 vols., Rome, 1698), was one of
the best productions of its kind and is still of consid*
erable value. In it he treats of the origin and
development of Italian poetry, appreciates the works
of the one hundred chief Italian poets, arranges the
poets in chronological order, and discusses the art and
kmds of poetiv. This hu^ work was followed in
1702 by the ''^Commentaru intomo alia sua Istoria
della volgar poesia", in 5 volumes, which was at first
undertaken to supersede the " Istoria " ; but slnoe this
had met with such favoiu*, the new work became a
8um>lement to it.
Cxescimbeni will also be remembered as one of the
founders of the Academy of ''Arcadia, oonversatione
di beUe lettere", over which he presided from its
foundation in 1690 to the time of his death. "Arca-
dia" ^as a kind of pastoral republic, whose members
included the leading scholars and poets of Italy who
strove to root out the perverted taste of the seven-
teenth centiuy in matters of art and literature, and
to introduce a simpler and more natural style into
Italian prose and poetry. The society grew out of a
somewhat similar society which had been patronized
by Queen Christine of Sweden (d. 1689), who had
taken up her residence in Rome. "Arcadia" grew
in importance and numbers; "Colonies" were estab-
lishea in the principal Italian cities; and its influence
extended even beyond the borders of Italy. The
members assumed shepherds' names, and took as
^ir device a Pan's pipes surrounded by laurels. (See
AcADEMiBs, Roman.)
The Life of Crescimbeni, with a list of his works
edited and inedited, written by a contemporary,
Eranoesco Mancurti, is in the final edition of the
"Istoria" (Venice, 1730-1731), VI, 213 sq. This
biographical article also gives much information on
the history of the "Arcadia". The rime were edited
in Rome in 1695, and more completely in 1723.
Joseph Dunn.
Oresconins (or Cribconius), a Latin canonist of im-
certain date and place, flourished probably in the latter
half of the seventh century, though it may have
been at the end of the sixth or even in the eighth
century. He was probably a bishop of the African
Church. Wa owe to Cresconius a collection of canons,
known as ''Concordia canonum", inclusive of the
Apostolic Canons (see Canons, Apostolic), nearly all
the canons of ihe fourth and fifth century councils, and
many papal decretals from the end of the fourth to the
end of the fifth century. The content is taken from
the collection of Dionysius Exiguus, but the division
into titles (301) is copied from the "Breviatio can-
onum" of Fulgentius Ferrandus, a sixth-century dear-
con of Carthage. In many manuscripts the text of
Cresconius is preceded by an index or table of contents
{breviarium) of the titles, first edited in 1588 by Pithou.
In its entirety the work was first published by Voellus
and Justellus in the appendix (33-1 12) to their " Bibli-
otheca Juris canonici" (Paris, 1661), and is in P. L.,
LXXXVIII, 829 scrq. One of its best manuscripts,
the tenth-century " Vallicellianus" (Rome), has a note
in which Cresconius is declared the author of a metrical
account of the "bella et victorias" of the "Patricius"
Johannes in Africa over the Saracens. ^ This was form-
erly interpreted to mean the African victory of the By-
zantine "Patricius Johannes" in 697, hence the usual
date of Cresconius, Some, however, hold that the
poem in question is the " Johannis" of Flavins Cres-
conius Corippus, a Latin poet of about 550, and on this
basis identify him with our canonist, thus placing the
latter in the sixth century. Others (with Maassen, p.
810) while admitting that the poem in question can be
Done other than the " Johamiia" of the aforesaid Latin
poet (unknown to Fabrioius, and first edited by Ma»-
suchdli, Milan, 1820), maintain that it has been
wrongly attributed to our Cresconius, and that it can-
not therefore aid in fixins his date. The "Concordia
canonum" was much used as a handy manual of eode-
siastioal legislation by the churches of Africa and Gaul
as late as the tenth century. Few of its manuscripta
postdate that period. -
The best account of CreseoiUTu and his work is in ICajuwev.
Oeteh, der Quellen und LiU. de*. can. Reehia m Abendliknde.etc
(Qru. 1870). 800-13. 840-47. corrective of FABBxacs, BM.
Lot., L 400-01; see also VxnableS in Diet, of CkriaL Biogr., I,
71^li>.
John Websteb Mki/>dt.
dressy, Hugh Paulinub Serbnus, Doctor of The-
ology and English Benedictine monk, b. at Thorpe-
Salvin, Yorkshire, about 1605; d. at East Grinstead,
Sussex, 10 August, 1674« He was the son ol Hugh
Cressy by Maijgerv, daupihter of Thomas d'Oylie, a
London physician belongmg to the old Oxford fanuly
of that name. Educated first at Wakefield Grammar
School, when fourteen years old he vrent to Ox-
ford (1619) where he took the degree of B.A. in 1623
and that of M. A. in 1627* He was elected a Fellow of
Merton College and took orden in the Established
Church. Leaving Oxford he became chs^tain, first to
Thomas, Lord Wentworth, and afterwards to Lucius
Cary, Lord Falkland, with whom he went to Ireland
in 1638. Durine his sojourn in Ireland he was ap-
pointed Dean of Leighlin, but returned to England the
following year (1639). A canonry in the collegiate'
church of Windsor, which he received in 1642, he was
never able to enjoy, owing to the disturbed state of
the countiy; the following year (1643) his patron.
Lord Falkland, was killed at Newbury. Cressy then
attached himself to Charles Berkeley, afterwards Lord
Falmouth, and travelled with him through seyeral
Catholic countries of Europe; this experience re->
suited in his conversion to the Catholic Faith at Rome
in 1646. From Rome he went to Paris where he re-
ceived further instruction from Henry Holden, a doc-
tor of the Sorbonne* He then wrote his "Elxomolo-
gesis" (Paris, 1647), a work in which he published to
the world the motives which led him to change his
religion.
After becoming a Catholic Creesy's first inclination
was to be a Carthusian monk; this intention was set
aside and he joined the English Concreeation of the
Order of St. Benedict at St. Gregoiy^s, Douai, but so
poor was he at the time that Queen Henrietta Maria
provided him with money for his journey; he was pro-
fessed at St. Gregoiy's, 22 August, 1649. From 1661
to 1652 he acted as chaplain to the Benedictine nuns
in Paris, returned to Douai (1653-60), and was then
sent to the mission in En^and, residing at Somerset
House as one of the chaplains to C^harles the Second's
queen. In the English Benedictine Congregation he
held the ofiice of dennitor of the province in 1666 and
was appointed the titular cathedral prior of Rochester
in 1669. His last years were spent with the Cairll
family at East Grinstead, Sussex, where he died in his
sixty-eighth year. The moderate party in the Church
of England respected him as a prudent and learned
man, and when Dr. Stillingfleet charged him with
credulity and want of historical judgment, his defence
was taken up by Anthony Wood who commended him
for "his grave and good style, proper for an ecclesias-
tical historian '^ and spoke of him as one who "doth
mostly quote his author and leaves what he says to the
judgment of his readers". Cressy Is "Qiurch History
of Brittany or England, from the B<ynning of Chris-
tianity to the Norman Conauesf' (Rouen, 1668)
brings the narrative down to aoout the middle of the
fourteenth century. A second part, *'From the
Conquest Downwards", was discovered at Douai in
1856, but is yet in MS. (Gillow). His other works
are: Appendix to "Exomologesis" (Paris- 1647);
OftXSWSLL
487
ORSTm
le
''Afbor virtutum, a MS. preserved at Ugbrooke, Dcvoa-
Bhire"; "The Scale (or Ladder) of Perfection" by
Walter Hilton, ed. Cresey (London, 1659); ''Sancta
Sophia" by Ven. Fr. Aug. Baker, ed. CreMV (Douai,
1657); ''Certain Patterns of Devout Ebrercises"
(Douai, 1657) ; " Roman Catholic Doctrines no Novel-
ties" (1633); "A Non Est Inventus" (London, 1662);
''A Letter to an Knglish Gentleman concerning
Bishop Morley" (London, 1662); "Sixteen Revelar
tions of Divine Love", from an ancient copy (1670);
''Fanaticism Fanatically Imputed to the Catholic
Church by Dr. Stillingfleet" (1672); "First Question:
Why Are You a Catholic?" etc (London, 1672); "An
Answer to Part of Dr. Stillingfleet's Book intitul'd
Idolalxv practised in the Church of Rome" (1674):
"An Epistle Apologetical of S. C. to a Person of
Honour" (1674) ; " An Abridgment of the Book called
'Hie Cloud of Unknowing' by Maiuice Chauncey''
(MSO.
Wqoh, Athena Oxon^ ed. Buas (London, 1883). Ill, 1011;
Snow, rftcroloay of the Snglish Benediciinea (lionrion, 1883),
66; AX1.ANBON, Btoqraphiea of English Benedielinee (MS. at
Ainpl«fortb Abbey, York); Dodd, Church Hieimy (Bnisaela,
1736). VII, 307; Weldon. CAnmoJo^uxiZ NoUe of Eng, Cong,
0. 8. B. (Stanbrook Abbey, Worcester, 1881), 209, appen. d. 10;
QuiAW, BihL Diet, Eng, Cath.^ a. v.
G. E. Hind.
Oreswell, Joseph (vere Arthur), controverRlalist,
b, 1557 of Yorkshire stock in London; d. about 1623.
His widowed mother married William Lacey, who.
after her death, was ordained priest and mart3rrea
(22 August, 1582) at York. Creswell joined the
Society of Jesus in Rome 11 Oct., 1583, having
previously studied at Reims and at the Roman Col-
lege. Having been rector (1589-1592) after Father
PezBons of the English College, Rome, he also suc-
ceeded Persons as vice-prefect for English Jesuit
interests in Spain. Creswell's character and conduct
in connexion with his difficulties over the seminaries
of Seville and Valladolid, and his controversy about
Benedictine vocations have been severely criticized
(cf . Camm, Life of Ven. John Roberts, and Pollen,
The Month, London, Sei>t.-Oct., 1899). Father Cres-
well had considerable intercourse with Sir Charles
Comwallis, the English resident at Madrid, till the
Powder Plot, when Creswell was summoned to Rome.
Sent to Belgium in 1614, he was at St^Omer in 1620,
and in 1621 was made rector of Ghent. His chief
worksare: A Latin treatise, ''De Vit&BeatA"; "Ex-
emplar Laterarum ad Cecilium (sive Burlei^)", 1592.
unaer the pseudonym "John Peme", against Eliza-
beth's proclamation of 29 Nov., 1591; "Vkia y
Martyrio del P. Henrique Valpolo/' (Madrid, 1596);
treatise against James Fiist^ (1610) proclamation
(4to» St-Omer, 1611); "Meditations upon the
Rosary" (St-Qmer, 1620); translation into Spanish,
under the name " Peter Manrique", of Father William
Bathe's "Preparation for administering Penance and
the Eudiarist" (Milan, 1614)j translation into Eng-
lish and Spanish, under initials N. T. of Salvian's
"Quis dives salvus?" (S^Omer, 1618); "Relacion
de Inglaterra*', Ms X, 14, National Library, Madrid;
memoir for Plulip III of Spain on affairs of the So-
eiety; "Responsio ad calumnias," Stonyhurst Li-
brary; Letters, Vatican Archives (Lettere di parti-
oolan, I, 1).
FoLBT, Records t VI and VU; OiAYKsUCoaedaneaS, J.; Douay
Diariee, p. xdx: Butler, Memoire, II. 224: Soumkrvooel,
BtbHolhiqiie, II. 1666. Coopbr in DicL Nat. Biog., XIII, 73.
Patrick Ryan.
Orete. SeeCANDiA.
Oretliif Joseph, first Bishop of St. Paul, Minne-
sota, U. S. A., b., at Montluel, department of Ain,
France, 19 December, 1799; d. at St. Paul, Minne*
sota,^ 22 February, 1857. He made his preparatory
studies in the petits sdminaires of Meximieux (Ain)
and L'Argentidre (RhAne), his studies of philosophy
at AUx (Sh6ne), aiid of tneology in the Seminary A
Saint-Sulpice, Paris. He was ordained priest 20
December, 1823, and soon afterwards was appointed
vicar in the parish of Femey, once the home of Vol-
taire, and eventually became its parish priest. He
built there a new and beautiful church with funds
largely gathered by himself on a tour through
France^ lounded a college for boys, and revived the
Catholic Faith among his parishioners, many of
whom had become indfifferent towards it, owing to
the surviving influence of ''the philosopher'* and the
close proximity of the Protestant cantons of Switzer-
land. But Cretin' longed for a larger field of ac-
tivity; at one time he thought earnestly of going aa
a missionary to China. His perplexities in that re-
gard were solved by the advent of Bishop Loras,
first Bishop of Dubuque, Iowa, who arrived in
France in 1838 in quest of priests for his Western
diocese. Cretin was one of the few who volunteered,
and on 16 August, 1838, he secretly left his parish,
embarked at Le Havre with Bianop Loras, ana
landed in New York in October of tne same year.
The winter of 1838-39 was spent in St. Louis, Mis*
souri, and on his arrival at Dubuque, 18 April, 1839,
he was at once appointed vicar-general of the new
diocese. For over eleven years he exercised his
priestly ministry in these new and unopened regions,
dividing his time chiefly between Dubuoue, Iowa,
Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, and the Winnebago
Indians in the neighbourhood of Fort Atkinson,
Winneshiek Co., Iowa. Only once, in 1847, did he
absent himself, when he made a journey to Europe
in the interest of his missions. In 1850, St. Paul,
Minnesota, became the seat of a new diocese. Cretin
was appointed its first bishop, and went to France,
to be consecrated, 26 January, 1851, at Belley by
.Bishop Devie, who had ordained him to the priest-
hood.
After having obtained some donations and several
ecclesiastics for his new diocese, he returned to America
and arrived in St. Paul 2 July, 1851. The same evening
he made his first appearance in the log chapel of St.
Paul, his first cathcKiral, and gave the first episcopal
blessing to his flock. Within less than five months
a large brick building was completed, which served
as a school, a residence, and a second cathedral.
Another structure, b^;un in 1855, was finished after
his death, and serves as the cathedral of St. PauL
In 1853 a hospital was built; during the same year,
and again in 1856, he bought land for cemeterjr pur-
poses. For the ixistruotion of the children he intro-
duced, in 1851, a community of tiie Sisters of St.
Joseph, and in 1855 the Brothers of the Holy Family.
He also planned the erection of a smninary, and
always eagerly fostered vocations for the priest-
hood, keeping at his residence seminarians in their
last period of preparation. He supported likewise
the cause of temperance not only oy personal ex-
ample, but also by organizing in January, 1852, the
Catholic Temperance Society of St. Paul, the first of
its kind in Minnesota. Another work to which he
applied himself was that of Catholic colonisation.
With an eye to the future he endeavoured to pro-
vide for the growth of his diocese by bringing Catholic
immigrants from European countries to tne fertile
plains of Minnesota. Withal he did not neglect his
ministerial and pastoral office. He was oft^ alone
in St. Paul without the help of a priest, and at times
travelled through the vast extent of his diocese be-
stowing on his people the consolations of religion.
Bishop Cr6tin's memory is held in esteem and ven-
eration, especially by the old settlers of St. Paul.
Most of the material for Bishop Cr^tin'a life is stUl unpab-
lished. The above details are from letters written by him and
other doouments in possession of the St. Paul Catholic Histo-
rical Society. A few doouments and references on the subject
are found in Ada et Dicta (St, Paul, 1007), I. No. 1; The JHa-
eeee of 8t. Paul (St. Paul, 1901): Ravoux, Mhnoirea (St. Paul,
1892) ; Db Caillt, Memoirs of Biahop Lonu (New York, 1807) :
O'QoRMAN. Hietorv of the Roman Catholio Chmtk in th$ XMited
OBtTINEAU
488
OBIB
StaUB (New York. 1896); Thbbaud. Forty y«ir« tn tt« ^.5.
grew York. 1904). 274-75; Rkuss, Biop. Cyelo. of th4 Caih.
imtoThy of thM U, 3. (MUwaukee. 1898); Sbxa, Hid, of th9
Ca«*. CA:tntt« i;. 5. (New York, 1904). ^ ^
Francis J. Schabfbr.
Oretineau-Joly, Jacques, journalist and historian;
b. at Fontenav-le-Comte, Vendde, France, 23 Sept.,
1803; d. at Vincennes near Paris, I Jan., 1876. At
first he studied theology at the seminary of Saint-Sul-
pioe, Paris, but, feeling that he had no vocation, he
left after a stay of three years, during which he had
received the tonsure. He was now in his' twentieth
year; he auickly obtained the professorship of philos-
ophy at tne college in his native town, but soon re-
signed the position on account of ill-health, and went
in 1823 to Rome, as companion and private secretaiy
to the fVench ambasi^or, the Duke of Laval-Mont-
morency.
In 1826 he published at Rome "Chants remains '%
which contained poor verses of an irreligious characten
After his return home in 1828 he issued a number of
volumes of poems and dramas, as "Les Trappistes"
(Angoul^e, 1828), "Inspirations po^ti<^ues" (An-
goullme, 1833), and other poems, all of which proved,
owever, that he was no poet. He accomplished
much more as a polemical journalist in the strusg^e
against the liberalism, which, after the revolution of
July, directed the State during the reign of the Duke
of (>rl^ans as Louis-Philippe. Being a Vendean he/
was an enthusiastic adherent of the hereditary royal
house, and with fiery zeal defended its rights in
several Legitimist newspapers of which he was editor.
In 1837 he went to reside in Paris in order to devote
himself to historical research concerning the history of
Vend^, but in 1839 he added for a time to these
labours the editing of "L'Europe monarchique", a .
newspaper devoted to the interests of the Bourbons.
Before this he had published two writings on Vendfe:
"Episodes des guerres de la Vend^ (1834) and "His-
toire des e^n^raux et chefs venddens" (1838). He
now oombmed the two, made use of a larae number of
sources until then unlaiown, and issued nis most im-
portant work: "Histoire de la Vendue militaire"
(Paris, 1840-41), 4 vols. ; the fifth edition appeared in
1865. Althou^ he did not lay sufficient weight on
the religious side of these struggles, the work brou^t
him reputation on account ofthe animated descrip-
tions, the clear arrangement of the great mass of mate-
rial, the correctness and painstaking care in the use of
authorities. It must be acknowled^ that he was by
no means scrupulous how he obtained his materials,
and in the prosecution of the narrative he was con-
stantly influenced by practical considerations, for his-
tory had no value to him except as a storehouse of
weapons against the foe of the moment.
£|js reputation outside of France was gained largely
by his religious-political writings. The most impor-
tant of these is his great history of the Societv of Jesus:
"Histoire religieuse, politique et litt^raire de la Com-
pagnie de J^us ' ' issued at Paris, 1844-1846, in 6 vols. ;
tSorman translation, 1845, 3d ed., 1851. The work
was written imder the auspices of the Society and was
drawn from authentic and unpublished sources; it is
an excellent apology for the much abused Society, al-
thou^ at times it shows a lack of critical judgment
and of moderation in treating the subject. A com-
panion volume was his much discussed work: "Cle-
ment XIV et les J&uites" (Paris, 1847. 3d ed., 1848).
To this Theiner wrote a rejoinder on behalf of Pope
Pius IX, and Ravignon one on behalf of the Society,
whereupon Cr6tineau-Joly, after making careful re-
■earch and in agreement with the pope, published
"L'^ise romaine en face de la Revolution'' (1859, 2
vols.; 2d ed., 1863), a work which testifies to his un-
wavering fidelity to the Catholic Church. His other
writings generaUy treat some burning Question of the
day and possess, therefore* less genml interest.
€t lUtirain (PtSZ 1«75).
PATBIdUS SCBHAGER.
Or^T^eosnr, Hector Br. John db, a French agii'
culturist, b. at Caen, France, 1731 ; d. at Sarcelles, near
Paris, 1813. At the age of sixteen he went to Eng^
land, whence in 1754 he emigrated to America,
and for many years resided on a farm. In 1780 be
was obliged to return to France to settle some of
his affairs, and when he went to New York to take
passage he was arrested by the English on suspidon
of being a spy. After being in confinement for sevnul
months he was released and permitted to fx-oceed oa
his journey unmolested. During his stay in his
native land he succeeded in interesting the farmers
of Normandy in the cultivation of the potato, and
its culture was taken up by them. After a sta^r of
about three years he once more came to America.
It was largely due to his description of the wonderful
groductiveness of the land that several hundred of
is countrymen emimited to America. They es-
tablished a colony in Pennsylvania, which for a time
flourished. It was at last aestroyed by the savages
and its inhabitants massacrecL The Americaa
Revolution having come to a dose, Cr^veooeur was
appointed consul at New York by the Fk^nch Govern-
ment, in which capacity he served for a lon^ term.
It W8S while occupying this post that he assisted in
the founding of St. Peter's, the first Catholic church
in the city, and served as one of its first trustees.
He is the author of the following works: "Lettren
d'un cultivateur am^ricain" (1784); "Voyage dans
la haute Pennsylvanie et dans T^tat de New York"
(1801). These works have been translated inUf
Endish and German, and are admhed for the beauty
of weir style. They were very popular throughout
France.
Dm GouRor and Shba, Biat. of Calh, Ch. in U. 8. <N««
York, 1856); FtNom, Bib. Caih, Am. (New York. lS72);
Cyehp, Am, Biog,, II, 8.
Thoicas Gaffxet Taaffb.
Orib (Heb. r\Y\H; Gr., i^rvfi; Lat. prassepe,
prcBaepium), the crib or manger in T^ch the infant
Saviour was laid after his birth is property that place
in the stable or khan where food for domestic animals
is put, formed probably of the same material out of
which the grotto itself is hewn. A very ancient tradi*
tion avers that an ass and an ox were in the stable
when Christ was bom. The tradition bean an allu-
sion to Isaias (i, 3): ''The ox knoweth his owner and
the ass his msster's crib": and is probably founded on
the words of the Prophet Habacuc (iii, 2) which in the
Septuagint version read : ** In the midst of two animals
thou shalt be known", instead of "In the midst of
years" eta as St. Jerome rightly translated the oiig-
mal Hebrew. Be this as it may, what pertains to the
crib we may consider in thepresent article under three
separate headinfls: (I) The Basilica of the Nativity and
the Grotto of the Nativity at Bethlehem: (II) The
relics of the crib preserv^ at St. Maty Major's in
Rome; (III) Devotion to the crib.
I. Bethl^em is situated on two hills and is 2361
f oet above the level of the sea. The western hill is the
Bethlehem of Scripture; whilst on the eastern deva-
tion is situated the Basilica of the Nativity erected
over the j;rotto. We may imagine, then, that the
Blessed Vii^ and St. Joseph, there being ''no room
for them in the inn", left the town and came to the
cave or stable on the eastern hill which served as a
place of refuge for shepherds and their flocks against
the inclemency of the weather. We are not concerned
here with the controversies both as re^jards the his-
toricity of St. Luke's narrative of the birth of Christ
and as rozards the actual site of the Grotto of the Na-
tivity. Suffice it to say that there appeare to be no
sufficient reason for abandoning the very ancient and
unbipken tradition which attests the authentici^ of
OEIMI
489
the place of the orib now venerated. From the earliest
times, moroover^eoelesiagtical writers bear witness to
this tradition, xhua St. Justin, who died a martyr in
165, savB that '^ Having failed to find anv lodjgjng in the
town, Joseph sou^t shelter in a neigiibouring cavern
of Bethlehem" (DiaL c. Tiyph., 70). About half a
century later, Ongen writes: "If any one desires to
satisfy himself without appealing either to the proph-
ecy Of Micheas, or to the nistory of the Christ as writ-
ten by his didoles, that Jesus was bom in Bethlehem,
let him know that, in accordance with the Gospel nar-
rative, at Bethlehem is shown the grotto where he first
saw the light" (C. Cels. I, 61).
St. Helena first converted the grotto into a chapel
and adorned it with costly marble and other precious
ornaments. The first basilica erected over the crypt
is due most probably to the devotion and munificence
of her son Constantine, of whom Eusebius says that
^The emi)eror himself, eclipsing even the magnifi-
cence of nis mother's des^, adorned the same place
in a truly regal style" (ViU Const., HI, 43). Both
the grotto itself and the basilica have imdergone nu-
noerous restorations and modifications made necessary
ill the course of centuries by the ravages of war and in-
vasion; but, at the present time, little remains of the
splendid mosaics and paintings described in detail by
C^uaresimus and other writers. The Crvpt of the Na-
tivity is reached from the upper church by a double
flight of stairs leading from tne north side of the choir
<<f the basilica to the grotto below, and convermns at
the place where according to tradition the Infapt
Haviour was bom. The exact spot is marked by a
ctar cut out of stone, surrounding which are the
words:
RIC DB VIRQINE MARIA JE8T78 CHRIflTUS NATU8 EST.
A short distance to the southwest is the manger itself
where Christ was laid and where, as tradition asserts,
be was adored by the Magi. In 1873 the grotto was
plundered by the Greeks and everything of value, in-
cluding two paintings by Murillo and MaeUo respec-
lively, was carried off. No restitution of the stolen
treasures has since been made.
II. The relics of the crib that are preserved at St.
Mary Major's in Rome were probably brought there
from the Holy Land during the pontificate of Pope
Theodore (64(>-049), who was himself a native of Pales-
tine, and who was well aware of the dangers of plunder
and pillage to which they were exposed at the hands of
the Musflulmans and other marauders. We find at
all events that the basilica erected by liberius on the
Esquiline first received the name of Sancta Maria ad
Pnesepe under Pope Theodore. During the pontifi-
cate of Hadrian I the first altar was erected in the basil-
ica, and in the course of succeeding centuries the place
where the relics are preserved came to be visited by
the devout faithful from all parts of the Christian
worid. At the present time the remains of the crib
preserved at St. Mary Major's consist of five pieces of
board which, as a result of the investigation conducted
by Father Lais, sub-director of the Vatican Observa-
tory, during the restorations of 1893 were found to be
taken from a sycamore tree of which there are several
varieties in the Holy Land. Two of the pieces, which
like the other three, must have been originally much
longer than they are at present, stood upright in the
f(»rai of an X, upon which throe other pieces rested,
supported by a sixth piece, which, however, is missine,
placed across the base of the upper angle of the X. We
may conclude from this that these pieces of wood were
properly speaking mere supports for the manger itself ,
which was probsLoly made from the soft limestone of
which the cave was formed. The rich relkjuary,
adorned with bas-reliefs and statuettes, which at pres-
ent contains the relics of the crib was presented by the
Duchess of Villa Hermosa in 1830. Fins IV (1569-65)
restored the high altar upon which the relics are
solemnly exposed for the veneration of thd fiaithful
yearly on the eve of Christmas.
Hi. Devotion to the crib is no doubt of very ancient
origin ; but it remained for St. Francis of Assisi to poi>-
ukurise it and to give it the tanmble f orai in which it is
known at the present time. When St. Francis visited
Rome in 1223, he made known to Pope Honorius III
the plans he had conceived of making a scenic represen-
tation of the place of the Nativity. The pope listened
gladly to the details of the project and ^ ve it his sanc-
tion. Leaving Rome, St. Francis arrived at Greccio
on Christmas Eve, when, throueh the aid of his friend
Giovanni Velita, he eonstructea a crib and grouped
around it figures of the Blessed Virgin and St. Joseph,
the ass, the ox, and the shepherds who camo to adore
the new-bom Saviour. He acted as deacon at the
midnight Mass. The legend relates that having siing
the words of the Gospel ^and they laid him in a man-
ger" he knelt down to meditate briefly on the sub-
Rme mystery of the Incarnation, and there appeared in
his arms a child surrounded by a brilliant li^t. A
painting by Giotto representing St. Francis celebrat-
mg Christmas at Greccio is preserved in the Basilica of
St. Francis at Assisi. Devotion to the crib has since
spread thro^zhout the Christian world. Yearly, from
the eve of Christmas untfl the day of the octave of
Epiphany, a crib representine the birthplace of Christ
is shown m all Catholic churches in or^.er to remind the
faithful of the mystery of the Incarnation and to recall
according to tradition and the Gospel narrative the
historical events connected with the birth of the Re-
deemer. The old Franciscan church of Ara Coeli p>os-
sesses perhaps one of the largest and most beautiful
cribs in the worid. In this crib the famous SatUo
Bambino di Ara Codi is exposed from the eve of Christ-
mas to the feast of the Epiphany. The Sanio Bam-
bino is a figure carved out of wood representing the
new-bom Saviour. It is said to have come from the
Holy Land, and in the course of time it has been be-
decked with numerous jewels of great value. It is
carried in procession yearly on the least of the Epiph-
any by the Minister General of the Friars Minor who
solemnly blesses the city with it from the top of the
high fli^t of stairs that lead to the main entrance of
AraCo3i.
MeiSTBiucANN, A New Guide to (^ Hoht Land, tr. (Loodon,
1907), 221-234; Chandi«e»t. POorim Walks in Rome (New
York and London. 1903), 107-108; LesItiub in Did. de la Bi-
ble (Parifi, 1899), All. a. v. Cr^e^; Analeda Jurie PcnHfUii,
January. 1896, II, 74. 76; Mibun, Die HeUioen Orte (Vienna,
1860) U, 666 sq.; Biancbini, De Tranekaione Saerarwn Ctm-
abularum ae Pnuepii Domint,
Stephen M. Donovan.
Orime, Ibipbdiubnt of, nolliCies marriage according
to ecclesiastical law, and arises from adultery ana
homicide separately or together. The Roman civil
law prohibited the marriage of a man with a widow
with whom he had committed adulteiy during the life-
time of her husband. There is serious doubt (Deere-
tum, Gratiani, Pt. II, c. xxxi, q . 4 1) whether the Church
ever accepted this law. Ecclesiastical law since the
twdfth century certainly supposes other circum-
stances in such adultery in order that it may effect a
nullification of the marriage.
According to the actual law (Decretal. Gr^. IX,
Lib. 4 X tit. 7: De eo qui duxit. Cap. i, Propositimi
--Cap.vi, Significasti) there are two cases in which
an aoulterer may not marrv one with whom the crime
was committed: (1) When the adulterer promises to the
partner in guilt marriaoe after the death of the other's
legitimate spouse; (2) When the two attempted mar-
riage and this was consummated during the lifetime of
a legitimate spouse. Hence neither adultery alone
without promise of marriage nor the promise of mar-
riage witnout adultery forms a diriment, or nullifying,
impediment. The promise must be accepted, and if
it precede the adultery, must not have been recalled
ORIMOKT
490
OUSPZNA
before the fiin. Silence alone is not sufficient evidence
of the acceptance of the promise. The adultery to
which the promise ia attached must be formal and
known by both. If Titus should corrupt a woman
who believed him to be free, he could marry her after
his wife's death, even if he attempted marriage with
her during his wife's life, provided she were unaware
of his marriage.
Affected ignorance, certainly, and, most probably,
crass ignorance does not excuse from the sin or its
penalties. The adultery must be consummated, but
it is not required that the promise imited to the sin
should be absolute, nor, most probablv, that it should
be sincere, because the impeoiment does not depend
upon the value of the promise, which is essentially
null, and because a fictitious promise, if apparently
true, is naturallv inductive to the sin; and this the
Church, by establishing such an impediment, strives
to prevent as far as possible. In regard to the im-
pemment, it is indifferent whether the promise precede
or follow the adultery, if both occur during tne mar-
riage. If the promise were made during the life of a
first spouse, and the adultery were committed during
the lite of a second, the impedimejit would be doubt-
ful. It is well to note that a promise of two persons to
marry after the death of a legitimate spouse is recos-
nised as criminal and null, even if confirmed by oatn
and made without any thought of adultery.
One murdering a spouse to marry another cannot
contract marriage witn this other (1) when there was
co-operation in the murder for the purpose of this
marriage, (2) when, without co-operation in the mur-
der, adultery was committed by tnem, and the murder
committed for the sole purpose of their contracting
marriage. Thus, if the homicide is apart from adul-
tery, both must concur in this murder. If the adultery
occurs with the homicide, it suffices that one of the
guflty should take part in the murder. In both cases,
one at least must intend to many the other. That the
adultery and homicide, apart or joined, form a diri-
ment impediment certain conditions are necessary:
(1) the homicide must take place; an attempt to kill
or the inffiction of a woimd cot mortal would not
entail it ; (2) the homicide must be of the spouse of one
of those who wish to be married : so, when the homi-
cide is apart from the adultery, both must be accom-
plices by a physical or moral action which influences
the murder, either by a command or previous ap-
proval. Approval of the event after its occurrence
does not STimce, as also if the former command or ap-
proval had beoi recalled. The intention of marriage
need not have been mentioned, where there was co-
operation in the homicide. ^ In the public ecclesiasti-
cal court credence is not given to uie murderer of a
spouse, who may deny the intention of marrying one
with whom adulterous intercourse was held. This
impediment holds if only one of the parties is a Chris-
tian. The Church claims the ri^t to legislate for her
children in their relations with mfidels. The impedi-
ment is incurred even if not known. The Church may
dispense from it, as the impediment is established by
her authority. In the case of public homicide, how-
ever, whether due to only one or both of the parties,
the pope never dispenses (lAurentius, no. 659).
Crime, from a canonical standpoint, at times carries
with it its own legal punishment, at others it awaits
the decision of a court. Thus we have seen its effect
in causing an impediment to marriage. For certain
crimes determined by ecclesiastical law, the " right
of patronage" may lie lost to the guiltv party or, in
some cases, to his heirs; ecclesiastical benefices may
also be lost to the holder when guilty of a crime deter-
mined in the law. Homicide, fornication, or adul-
teiy, however, would not necessarily deprive a cleric
of his benefice, dignity, or office, though he may be
deposed by his superior in punishment of these or simi-
lar crimes Unleiss the law is explicit in determining
Buch privation as resulting from the fact» a legfd m«
vestigation is required for the punidmieatk (See
Impedimsntb; Adultbrt; Homicios; Mubdbb.)
Bbnedxct XIV, BuUarium, I. 9. eziu (Pmto, 1839-46);
Craxsson. Manuote Jur. Can. (8tb ed.. Poitien, 1892). Ill, U,
art. xiv: Waoneb, Did. de droit eanon. (Paris, 1901), a. ▼.;
FfilJB, Be imped, et diap, matr, (4th ed., Loavain, 1803):
BoflaiST. De McrametUo matrimonii (St. J«an de MaiiiiaDiMi,
1895), III; Heiner. Grundriee dee kathoUuhtn BktrethU
(Mttneter. 1905), 151 sqq.— For the history of this impedimeat
see Freisbiv, OesehiehU dea kanoniechen BhereekU hia turn
Verfall der OloseenlitenUur (Tabincen, 1888). 615 aaa.; Euraiv.
Le mariage en droit oanonique (Paris, 1891), I, ^84 sqq. uul
passim.
R. L. BUBtSBLL*
Orimont, Joseph R. See Alaska.
OriBiumy DiocESB of (Grsoo-SIavonic Rite), in
Croatia. — Crisium is the Latin name of a little town
some miles north-east of Agram (Zagreb), on the
Glagovnitsa. Its Croatian name is KrSetVtA (pio»
nomiced KrizhevaU); Slavic, KriS; Hungarian, K5-
rte ; German, Kreuz. It has 4,000 inhabitants ; trade
of cattle, wood, and wine.
About the year 1600 numerous Serfoa emigrated
from Servia and Bosnia to Croatia, where they found
coreligionists, known to historians since the fouzw
teenth century as Wallachians. The emigrants soon
took the same name. Some of them were converted
to Catholicism through the efforts of Dimitrovidi,
Latin Bishop of Agram, who granted their leader, the
monk Simeon Vratania, the monasteiv of St. Micha^
on Mount Marsha, near Ivanits. In 1611 Snnecm y
appointed bishop of all the Catholic SoiM; he
mained a staunch friend of Rome, as did his succosa
and their flock, in spite of defections caused bv the
schismatic Servian propaganda and conflicts with the
Bishops of Agram. Tney bore the title " Episoopus
Plateecensis ' ' from Plat^ea in Boeotia, while the govern-
ment called their see "Episoopatus Svidnioensis", a
name that has not yet been explained satisfactoi^y.
In 1671 Bishop Paul Zorci6 accepted for himsdf and
his successors the position of vicar-general of the
Bishop of Agram for the Catholics of the Slavonio Rite.
It was not until 16 June, 1777, that Pius VI le-estab-
lished the Uniat diocese with the title "Episoopatua
Crisiensis". Since then its bishops have resided at
KriSevaS : as stated above, they first resided at Mount
Marzha, out after 1690 had no settled abode, on ao-
oount of the persecutions caused by the sdiismatto
Serbs.
The list of the bishops is given by Nilles in his
" Symbol® ", p. liooriii (index), 766-69. The Graeoo-
Slavonic Uniat Diocese of KnsevaS, suffragan of the
Latin Archbishop of Agram, includes to-£iy 20,700
Catholics, in 23 Servian and Ruthenian parisheB sit-
uated in Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, and the county
of Bdcs-Bodrog in Himgary. The languages spoken
are Croatian, Ruthenian, and Htm^arian; we bturgi-
oal language is of course Slavomc There are 2i
secular priests, 30 churches, 22 with a resident priest,
and 2 chapels. The schismatios number 225,0GMD;
there are also in this territoiy 17,000 Calvinista^ 4ff
Lutherans, and 7,(X)0 Jews.
NiLLEB, Symbelm ad iUuetramdam hutorimm ecdnim ofienMiM
(Innsbnicic, 1885). 703-775; Lapaucxi, Kariotae, Povieat i
nijettopia grada i okdice (A^nm, 1879); Mieeionea CaOuiiem
(Rome. 1907). 796.
S. Vailr^
Orispina, Saint, a martyr of Africa who suffered
during the Diocletian persecution; b. at Thagara in
the Province of Africa; d. by beheading at Thebeste
in Numidia, 5 December, 304. Crispina belonged to
a distinguished family and was a wealthy matron with
children At the time of the persecution she was
brought before the proconsul Anulinus; on being
ordered to sacrifice to the gods she declared she hon-
oured only one God. Her head was i^ved at the
command of the judge, and she was exposed to public
mockery, but she reinained steadfast in the Faith and
OBZaFIN
491
fftntttSM
ivaa not moved even by the teais of her children.
When condemned to death, she thanked God and
offered her head with joy for execution. The Acta of
her martvrdom, written not long after the event, form
a valuable historical document of the period of the
persecution. The day of St. Crispina's death waa
observed in the time of 8t. Augustine; in his sermons
Augustine repeatedly mentions her name, as well
known in Africa and worthy to be held in the same
veneration as the names of St. Agnes and St. Theda.
Ruinart in his collection of the Acts oi the martyrs
gives the account of her examination.
BuTLBB, Lives of the SamtSt 5 Dec.: Pxo Fsanchi db' Cata-
UERi, in Siudi e TesH (Rome. 1002), IX, gives a new edition of
th« Acta; Bonann, MHanQee (Farift, 1008). 383 sq.; Auard,
Hiatmn dee FenSeutume, I V, 443 aq.
Gabriil Mbjsr.
Orispin and Oiispfniaii, Saints, martvrs of the
Earhr Uhureh who were beheaded during the reign of
Diocletian; the date of their execution is given as 25
October, 285 or 286. It is stated that they were
brothers, but the fact has not been positively proved.
The lesend relates that they were Romans of distin-
guishea descent who went as missionaries of the Chris-
tian Faith to Gaul and chose Soissons as their field of
li^our. In imitation of St. Paul they worked with
their haiulB, miLlrmg shoes, and earned enough by
thenr trade to suppMt themselves and also to aid the
poor. Durhig ^e Diocletian persecution th^ were
broudbt before Maximianus Herculius whom Diocle-
tian Bad appointed oo-emporor. At first Maximianus
sought to turn them from their faith by alternate
promises and threats. But they replied: ''Thy
threats do not terrify us, for Ghnst is our life, and
death is our gain. Thy rank and possessions are
nous^ to us. tor we have long before this sacrificed
thence for the «ike of Christ and rejoice in what we
have done. If thou shouldst acknowledge and love
Christ tiiou wouldst eive not only all the treasures of
this life, but even the ^ry of thy crown itself in
order throiueh ^e exercise of compassion to win
eternal life. When Maximianus saw that his ef-
forta were of no avafl, he gave Crispin and Crispinian
into the hands of the governor Riotiovams (Kictius
Varus), a most crud persecutor of the Christians.
Under tiie order of Rictiovarus they were stretched
on the rack, thongs were cut from their flesh, and awls
were driven under their finger-nails. A millstone was
then fastened about the neck of each, and they were
thrown hito the Aisne, but they were able to swim to
the opposite bank of the river. In the same manner
they suif md no harm from a mat fire in which Ric-
tiovarus, in despair, sought death himself. After-
wards the two saints were beheaded at the command
ci Maximianus.
This is the story of the legend winch the BoUandista
have incorporated in their great collection; the same
account is found in various Breviaries. The narrative
says that a large church was built over the graves of
the two saints, consequently the legend could not have
arisen until a later age; it contains, moreover, manv
details that have little probability or historical worth
and seems to have been oompOea from various fabu*
loufl sources. In the sixth century a stately basilica
was erected at Soissons over the graves of these saints,
and St. Eligius, a famous goldsmith, made a costly
ihrine for the head of St. Crispinian. Some of the
lelics of Crispin and Crispinian were carried to Rome
and placed m the churcn of San Lorenzo in Pania-
pema. Other relics of the saints were given by
Charlemagne to ^e cathedral, dedicated to Crispin
and Crispinian, which he founded at OsnabrQck.
Crispin and Crispinian are the patron sainta of sho^
makers, saddlers, and tanners. Their feast falls on
25 October.
Ada 33,, Oet., XI, 405-640; BASiNe^OouLD, Lipee 4^ the
3aiinU, XII, 828; Butxjbb. lAvee of the SaitUe, 25 Ootober; BtO"
9«u. «. V, Gabriel Meibr.
Oilapin of Vitarbo, Blbsskd, Friar Minor Cum'
chin; b. at Viterbo in 1668; d. at Home, 19 May,
1750. When he was five years old, his pious mother
took him to a sanctuary of the Blessed Virgin, a short
distance from Viterbo, where she consecrated him to
the Mother of God and placed him under her special
protection. The child grew beyond his yean in virtue
and the science of the saints ; so that the townsiolk of
Viterbo were wont to call him il SantareUOf Ihe Uttle
saint. As Crispin one day saw the Capuchin novices
walking in procession, Ciod inspired him with the de*
aire to embrace the religious life. He was shortly
afterwards received into the Franciscan Carder as a
simple lay brother. Having been employed for some
time as cook in the convent at Viterbo, he was sent to
Tolfa, a town not far distant from Civitii Vecdiia, to
fulfil the same office. Thence he was sent to Rome
and finally to Albano. Here Crispin was visited by
men of the world, by bishops and cardinals, and even
by the pope himself, who always took delight in con-
versing with the humble lay brother. It was Crispin's
constant endeavour to imitate the virtues of his pa-
tron, St. Felix of Cantalice, whom he had chosen as his
model of perfection at the beginning of his religious
life. like St. Felix, he used to call himself the ass or
beast of burden of the Capuchins, and, having on one
occasion been asked by a stranger why he went bare-
headed, Crispin answcaned jocosely, that ''an ass doed
not wear a hat". Enfeebled by old age and by his
numerous austerities, he was sent to Rome by his su-
periors, there to end his holy life. His body, which
even at the present time is still in a remarkable atate
of preservation, rests under one of the side altars in
the church of the Capuchin Fathers in Rome. Blessed
Crispin was solemnly beatified by Pope Pius VII in
1806. His feast is celebrated only by the Capuchins.
Lko, Lives of the Saints and Blessed of the Three Ordenot 8L .
Francis (Taunton. 1886), II, 280-85.
Stephen M. DoNoviJY.
Oriterion of Truth* See Truth.
Oriticism, Biblical, in its fullest comprehension
is the examination of the literaiy origins ana historical
values of the books composing the Bible, with the
state in which these exist at the present day. Since
the sacred Scriptures have come down in a great vari-
ety of copies and ancient vensions^ showing more or
less di veigence of text, it is the provmce of that depart-
ment of Biblical criticism which is called textual, or
lower, to study these documents with a view to arriv-
ing at the purest possible text of the sacred books.
The name higher criticism was first employed by the
German Biblical scholar Eichhom^ in tne second edi-
tion of his "Einleitung", appearing in 1787. It is
not, as supposed by some, an arrogant denomination,
assuming superior wisdom, but it has come into use
because this sort of criticism deals with the laiger
aspects of Bible study: viz., with the authorship, date,
composition, and autnority of whole books or large
sections, as distinguished from the discussion of tex-
tual minutise, which is the sphere of the lower, or
textual, criticism. The subject will, therefore, be
treated in this article under the two heads: L Highsr
Criticism; II. Textual Criticism.
I, Higher Criticism. — ^Taken in this limited sense,
Biblical criticism, in the light of modem philologiGEd,
historical, and archseological science, and oy mewods
which are recent In their development, subjects to
severe tests the previously accepted and traditional
views on the human authorship, the time and manner
of composition, of the sacred writings, and discrimi*
nates as to their objective historical value. In reach-
ing its results it sets more store on evidences internal
to the books than on external traditions or attesta-
tions, and its undeniable effect is to depreciate tradi-
tion m a great measure, so that there exists a shari^y
OlttTIOtSlt
402
dtanoiul
drawn line between the exegetes of the critical and
those of the traditional school. In the process by
whidi the critics arrive at th^ir conclusions there is a
divergence of attitude towards the supernatural ele-
ment in Holy Writ. Those of the rationalistic wing
ignore, and at least tacitly deny, inspiration in the
theological meaning of the term, and without any
doctrinal preoccupations, except some hostile to the
supernatural, prci^eed to apply critical tests to the
Scriptures, in tne same manner as if they were merely
himian productions. Moderate critics of Protestant
persuasion — a school that predominates in Great
Britain — ^hold to inspiration and revelation, though
with a freedom incompatible with Catholic orthodoxy.
Catholic Biblical critics, while taking as postulates the
plenary inspiration and the inerrancy of the sacred
Writings, admit in a laxge measure the literary and
historic conclusions reached by non-Catholic work-
ers in this field, and maintain that these are not ex-
cluded by Catholic faith. With the exception of
Ahh6 Loisy and his followers, no Catholic scholar has
claimed autonomy or complete independence for criti-
cism, all proceedmg on the principle that' it cannot
validly, and may not lawfully, contradict the estab-
liiE^ed dogmatic teaching of the Church. Its Christian
exponents insist that a reverent criticism is quite
within its rights in sifting the elements which enter
mto human aspects of tne Bible, as a means of a
better understanding of the written word, since its
component parts were given their form by men in
certain historical environments and under some of
the limitations of their age and place, and sinpe, more-
over, inspiration does not dispense with ordinary hu-
man industry and methods m literary composition.
(See Inspiration.)
Higher Criticism may be called a science, though
• its processes and results do not admit of nicety of
control and demonstration, as its principles are of the
moral-psychological order. Hence its conclusions,
even in tne most favourable circumstances, attain to
no greater force than what arises from a oonvei^nce
of probabilities, begetting a moral conviction. While
some attempts have been made to elaborate a system
of canons for the higher criticism, it has not, and
probably never will have, a strictly defined and gen-
erally accepted code of principles and rules. Some
broad principles, however, aro universally admitted
by critical scholars. A fundamental one is that a
literary work always betrays the imprint of the age
and environment in which it was produced* another
is that a plurality of authors is proved by weU-marked
differences of diction and style, at least when
these coincide with distinctions m view-point or dis-
crepancies in a double treatment of the same subject.
A tnird received canon holds to a radical dissimilarity
between ancient Semitic and modem Occidental, or
Aryan^ methods of composition.
History. — Before the eighteenth century, — The early
ecclesiastical wnters wero imconscious of nearly all
the problems to which criticism has ^ven rise. Their
attention was concentrated on the Divine content and
authority of sacred Scripture, and, looking almost
exclusively at the Divine side, they deemed as of
trifling account questions of authorship, date, com-
position, accepting unreservedly for these points such
traditions as the Jewish Church had handed down,
all the more readily that Christ Himself seemed to
have given various of these traditions His supreme
confirmation. As for the N. T., tradition was the
deterininiiig factor here too. As exceptions we may
note that Origen concluded partly from internal evi-
dence that St. Paul could scarcely have written the
Epistle to the Hebrews, and his disciple Dionysius
adduced linguistic erounds for rejecting the Apoca-
lypse as a work of St. John. The Fathers saw in
every sentence of the Scripture a pregnant oracle of
Cnrl. Apparent contradictions and other difficulties
were solved without taking possible human imperfec-
tion into view. Only in a few isolated passages does
St. Jerome seem to hint at such in connexion with
history. Except in regard to the preservation of
the sacred text there was nothing to elicit a critical
view of the Bible in the age of the Fathers, and
this applies also to liie Scholastic period. Even
the Humanist movement preceding the Reforma-
tion ^ve no impulse to tne critical spirit beyond
fostering the study of the Scriptures in their original
lauguages. It was not a Humanist, but the erratic
Reformer Carlstadt, who first broke with tradition on
the authorship of an inspired book by declaring that
Moses could not have written the Pentateuch, because
the account of his death is in the same style as the
rest of his book. But though Caristadt adduced a
critical argument he caimot be styled a critic. Hobbea
(1651), Pereyre (1655), Spinosa (1670) attacked the
Mosaic authorship, but merely incidentally, in works
in which anything like a systematic criticism found
no place. A French priest, Richard Simon (163^
1712), was the first who subjected the general ques-
tions concerning the Bible to a treatment whidi was
at once comprehensive in scope and scientific in
method. Simon is the forerunner of modem BiWcal
criticism. The broadening opportunities for the
study of Oriental languages, a keen and methodical
mind, probably, too, a reaction against the rieid view
of the Bible which reigned amongst both (^Um^cs
and Protestants of the age were the factors which
produced Simon's first great work, the "Histoire
critique du Vieux Testament", whicn was published
in 1678. In this he called attention to the douUe
narratives and variation of style in the Pentateuch,
and thence deduced that, aside from the legal portion,
which Moses himself had written down, much of the
remaining matter was the work of several inspired
annalists, a class to whom are due the later historical
books, and who in subsequent generations added
touches to the inspired histories by their predecessors.
This theory did not survive its author, but the use
of internal evidence by which Simon arrived at it
entitles him to be called the father of Biblical criti-
cism. His novel view of the Mosaic books excited
only condemnation, and his critical work, being an
isolated effort which did not win the support of a
school, found appreciation only in recent times.' A
continuously developing higher criticism was not to
begin till the middle of the eighteenth century. But
a capital distinction is to be made between criticism
as applied to the Old and as applied to the New Testa-
ment. The two have followed (ufferent courses. O.-T.
criticism has been developed along the lines of lingu-
istic and historic research. Philosophico-reliaous prej-
udices have been kept in the background. But in re-
spect to the N. T., criticism be^an as the outgrowth of
pnUoBophic speculations of a distinctly anti-Christian
character ana, as exercised by rationuists and liberal
Protestants, has not yet freed itself from the sway of
such a priori principles, though it has tended to prow
more positive — that is, more genuinely critical — m its
methods.
Since the eighteenth century. (1) Old-Testament
Criticism outside the Church. — ^In 1753 Jean Astruc,
a French Catholic physician of considerable note, pub-
lished a little book, "Conjectures sur les m^moires
originaux dont il parait que Molse s'est sari pour
composer le livro de la Gendse'', in which he conjec-
tured, from the alternating use of two names of God
in the Hebrew Genesis, that Moses had inooiporated
therein two me-existins documents, one of which
employed Elohxm and the other Jehovah. The idea
attracted little attention till it was taken up by a
German scholar, who, however, claims to have made
the discovery independently. This was Johaim Gott-
fried Eichhom, the author of an Introduction to the
0. T., issued 1780-83, and distinguished by vigour
OftlTlOtStt
493
OftinOIBM
and scientific acumen. Eichhom was indebted not a
little to his friend Herder, the noted Gennan litUra-
^euTj and the two conjointly originated the critical
habit of looking upon the O. T. as a collection of
Oriental literature whose severaj parts are to be read
and interpreted as the productions of the Semitic
genius. Eichhom greatly developed Astruc's hypotii-
esis by observing that the Elohim and J&ovah
sections of Genesis bear other characteristics, and by
extending the analysis thus derived to the whole Pen-
tateuch. But the Gennan savant was not so orthodox
an adherent of the Mosaic authorship as was Astruc,
since he left to the Hebrew l^islator a very uncertain
part of the work. When Eichhom composed his
''Introduction'' he was somewhat influenced by free-
thinking views which later became very pronounced.
His criticism, therefore, had as its antecedents not
only Astmc's fmitful conjecture and Herder's poetic
insight into Oriental literature, but also eighteenth-
century German rationalism. This was in part native
to the soil, but it drew mudi nurture from the ideas
of the English Deists and Sceptics, who flourished to-
wards the end of the seventeenth century and in the
first part of the eighteenth. Such authors as Blount
(1654-93) and Collins (1676-1729) had impugned
miracles and prophecy and in general the authority
of the O.-T. writings. The standpoint of the German
Orientalist Reimarus was that of ^e En^ish Deists;
the whole drift of his " WolfenbUttel Fragments", first
appearing 1774-78, is one of antagonism to the super-
natural. Lessing (1729-81), his literary executor,
without departing so oflFensivelv from the path of
orthodoxy, defended the fullest freedom of discussion
in theolomcal matters. Ck)ntemporaiy with Lessine
waa J. S. Semler, who rejected inspiration, attributed
a mythical character to episodes in O.-T. historical
books, and, on lines parallel to Lc^ssing's philosophy
of religion, distinguished in Scripture elements of per-
manent and others of transitory and negligible value.
Eichhom is the first typical representative of
modem Biblical criticism, the especial home of which
has been Germany. He ^ave the first impulse to the
literary analysis of the Scriptures, applyins; it not only
to the Pentateuch, but also to la&iQa and other por-
tions of the O. T. Outside of Germany the views of
Eichhom and his school found little currency. Yet
it was a Catholic priest of Scottish origin, Alexander
Geddes (1737-1802), who broached a theory of the
origin of the Five Books (to which he attached Josue)
exceeding in boldness either Simon's or Eichhom's.
This was the well-known "Fragment" hypothesis,
which reduced the Pentateuch to a collection of frag-
mentaipr sections partlv of Mosaic origin, but put to-
other m the reim of Solomon. Geddes' opinion was
mtroduced into Germany in 1805 by Vater. For the
fuller account of this and later stages of the criticism of
the Pentateuch the reader is ref errS to the article under
that heading. With some essays of a young scholar,
De Wette, which were published 1805-07, properly
bc^n the historical criticism of the Bible. De Wette
joined to the evidences supplied by vocabulary and
style (i. e. those of literary cnticism) arguments drawn
from history, as contained in the sacred narratives
themselves^ and the discoveries of antiauarian re-
search. He refused to find anything but legend and
poetry in the Pentateuch, though ne granted it a
unity of plan, and a development in accordance with
his conception of Israel's history, thus laying the
foundation for the leading hypothesis of the present
day. De Wette's ideas also furnished the basis
for the Supplement-theory, ennstematized later by
Bleek and others. He was the first to attack the
historical character of the books of Paralipomenon, or
Chronicles. Bleek (1793-1859), Ewald (1803-75),
and the Catholic Movere (1806-56). while following
critical methods, opposed the purely n^ative criti-
dsm of De Wette and his School, and sought to save
the authenticity of some Mosaic books and Davidio
psalms by sacrificing that of others. Bleek revived,
and brought into prominence, the conclusion of
Geddes^ that the book of Josue is in close literary
connexion with the first five books of the Bible, and
thenceforth the idea of a Hexateuch, or sixfold work,
has been maintained by advanced exegetes. Hup-
feld, in 1853, found four instead of three documents
in the Pentateuch, vis., the first Elohist, comprising
the priestly law, a second Elohist (hiuerto unsus-
pected except by a forgotten investigator, Ilgen), the
Jehovist, and the Deuteronomist. He allowed to
none of these a Mosaic origin. With Hupfeld's view
the idea of one laige source, or Orundschrift, supple-
mented by smaller ones, began to give place to the
'^ Document" hypothesis. Meanwhile these conclu-
sions, so subversive of ancient traditions regxuding the
Five Books, were stoutly contested by a number of
German scnolars. prominent among whom stood
Hanke, H&vemick, Hengstenbem, and Keil, among
Protestants; and Jahn, Hug, Hemst, and Welte, rep-
resenting Catholic learning. These, while refusing to
allow the testimony of Jewish tradition to be mled out
of court as invalid against internal evidence, were
compelled to employ the methods of their adversaries
in defending the time-honoured views. The questions
were a^tated only in countries where Protestantism
predominated, and, among these, in England the eon-
^rvative views were strongly entrench^.
The critical dissection of books was and is accom-
plidhed on the groUnd of diversity of vocabulary and
style, the phenomena of double narratives of the same
event varying from each other, it is jclaimed, to the
extent of discrepancy, and differences of religious con-
ceptions. The critics appeal for confirmation of this
literary analysis to the historical books. For ex-
ample, Moses could not have enacted an elaborate
ritual legislation for a people leading a nomad life in
the desert, especially since we find (say the critics) no
trace of its oDservance in the earliest periods of Is-
rael's settled existence. These and like tests are ap-
plied to nearly every book of the O. T., and result m
conclusions which, if allowed, profoundly modify the
traditional beliefs regarding tne authorship and in-
tegrity of these Scriptures^ and are incompatible with
any strict notion of their merrancy.
The Hegelian principle of evolution has undoubt-
edly influenced German criticism, and indirectly Bibli-
cal criticism in general. Applied to religion, it has
powerfully helped to b^t a tendency to regard the
religion of Israel as evolved by processes not tran-
scending nature, from a polytiheistic worship of the
elements to a spiritual ana etnical monotheism. This
theoiy was finst elaborated by Abram Kuenen, a
Dutch theologian, in his "Religion of Isracr* (1860-
70). Without being essential to. it harmonises with
the current system of Pentateucnal criticism, some-
times called " the Development Hypothesis", but better
known as " the Grafian . This hypothesis is accepted
to-day by the great body of non-Catholic Biblical
scholarship. It makes the Pentateuch a growth formed
by the piecing and interlacing together of documents
representing (Sstinct epochs. Of these the oldest is the
Jenovistic, or J, dating from the ninth century B. c. ; E,
the Elohistic work, was composed a little later. These
elements are prophetic in spirit and narrative in mat-
ter. D, the Deuteronomic Code, was the organ and
instmment of the prophetic reform imder Joeias; it
appeared 621 b. c. P, the great document containing
the Priestly Code, was drawn up after the Babylonian
Exile, and is the outcome of the sacerdotal and ritual
formalism distinjpuishing the restored Jewish com-
munity; it therefore dates from the fifth centuir b. c.
This ingenious and coherent hypothesis was formu-
lated first by E. Reuss of the University of StrasbuiKi
but presented to the public many years later (1866)
by hte disciple H. K Graf. It was skilfully elabomted
OBmoisit
401
O&ITmiSM
by Julius Wellhausen, professor (in 1008) at the Uni-
versity of GOttingen, in workspubllshed in 1883 and
1880 (''Prolegomena to the fi^toiy of Israel" and
^'Compoflition of the Hexateuch and the Historical
Books of tie O. T.'O. and to-day it dominates the
critical treatment of tne Hexateuch. The shifting of
the Priestly Code (formerly called the First Elohist)
from the earliest to the latest in time, a characteristic
of the Grafian system, has had a marked influence on
the drift of O. T. criticism in general, notablv with
regard to the books of Paralipomenon. It has re-
versed the chronological order of the prophetical and
priestly elements running through the greater part of
the 0. T.
Only within the last two decades has hi^er criti-
cism made notable progress in English-speakmg lands,
and this has been rendered possible Irv- the moderation
of its leading si)oke8man there. F'oremost among
these semi-orthodox critics of the O. T. is Professor
Driver of Oxford, whose "Introduction to the Ldtera-
t\ire of the Old Testament" first appeared in 1891.
W. Robertson S^iith m ''The Old Testament and the
Jewish Church" had previously (1880), though lees
systematically, presented the Grafian hypothesis to
the English-speaking world. The results of British
conservative criticism are embodied in Hastingps'
"Dictionary of the Bible", while the radical wing in
y.ng|<»u^ is represented by the "Encycloppdia Sib-
lica" edited by Professors Cheyne and Black. In
America most of the conclusions- of German criticism
have found advocates in Professors 0. H. Br^gs
(" The Bible, the Church and Reason ", 1892 ; " Higher
Criticism of the Hexateuch", 1893), H. P. Smith, and
C. H. Toy.
The higher criticism claims to have discerned 0'eat
inequalities in the value of those portions of the 0. T.
which are historical in form. In the same book we
may find, it asserts, myth, legend, and material of
real historical worth, the last of these elements being
abundant in Judges and the Books of Kings, though
even here a careful sifting must be used. In parts of
the Hexateuch, especially in the priestly document
and the cognate Paralii>omenon writing, history is
freely idealised, and existing institutions are projected
artificially into the remote past. Esther. Tobias,
Judith, Jonas, and portions of XL Machabees belong to
the class of Jewish Ha^idah, or moralizing fictions.
Tlie Psalms have few u any compositions by David;
they are the religious poetry of Israel. Isaias is a
composite, containing messages of prophets widely
separated in time and drcmnstances. The prophets
spoke and wrote primarily in view of definite contem-
porary situatioDB. Job is an epic, and Canticles a
pastoral drama. The book of Daniel is an apocalypse
of the Machabean period, describing history of the
past and present under tne semblance of visions of
the future. To conclude this outline of the critical
results, the human element in Scripture is given
prominence and represented as clothed with the im-
perfections, limitations, and errors of the times of its
origin; many books are exhibited as the products of
successive literary accretions, excluding any unity of
authorship; in fact, for most of the histories, the un-
known wntere retire into the shadow to give place to
the unifying labours of the equally unknown "redac-
tor" or ''redactocs".
(2) The Reaction against Criticism. — This has been
aided by the antithesis between the conclusions of
certain Assyriologists of note (viz., A. H. Sayce and
F. Hommd[) and the prevailing school of criticism.
Recent discoveries in fcypt, Mesopotamia, and Per-
sia prove that a developed civihzation existed in
Western Asia in times contemporary with Abraham,
and eariier. {See Babylonia; Assyria.) The in-
ference drawn oy the above scientists (Sayce, ''Hi^er
Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments", V8Q5;
Hommel, ''Ancient Hebrew Tradition", tr., 1897) is
that the elaborate ritual and legal code of the Lsraeliieft
could well have been framed by Moses. They chaijge
the critics with not taking Onental discoveries sum-
eiently into account, and ai^^e that, since the monu-
ments confirm the substantial trutn of some of the
historical books, a presumption is raised in favour of
the veracity of Hebrew hterature in general. Hie
historical character of the narratives is upheld bj
other considerations of a more minute and technical
nature. In America the old views of the Bible were
defended with zeal and learmns by Dr. William IL
Green, of Princeton, author of a series of Biblical
works extending from 1863 to 1899; also by E. C.
Bissel and W. L. Baxter. In Great Britain tne con-
servatives have been represented in rec^t times by
Alfred Cave, J. J. Lias, and others. In Germany,
J. K. F. Keil, who died in 1888, was the last ex^ete
of international name who stood without compromise
for tradition. But a contemporary group of Protes-
tant German theologians and Orientafists nave cham-
pioned the claims of the O. T. as a Divinely inspired
literature, whose narratives, on the whole, are worthy
of belief. Prominent among these are Dr. F. EL
Kdnig of Bonn (''Neue Prinzipien der alttestament-
lichen Kritik", 1902. ''Bibel-Babel Frage und die
wissenschaftlicne Metnode", 1904); Julius B(ihm, a
pastor; Dr. Samuel Oettli, professor at Greifswald.
llie resistance to the so-called scientific criticism in
Germany has been greatly stimulated by the radical
positions recently taken by some Assynologists, be-
ginning with a lecture delivered in 1902 before the
German court by Friedrich Delitzsch. The still-
continuing discussion it provoked is known as the
Bibel-Babel controversy. Delitzsch. Jensen, and
their followers contend that the Bible stories of the
Creation, the Fall, the Delu^, etc. were borrowed by
the Hebrews from Babylonia, where they existed in
their pure and original form. This school relegates
all the events and personages of Genesis to the region
of myths and attributes a Chaldean origin to the
Jewish conception of Paradise and Sheol, angels and
devils. Of still more recent beginning and extrav-
agant character is the theory of astral myths de*
fended by Stucken, Winckler, and Jeremias, according
to which the narrations not only of the Pentateuch,
but of laige portions of the later books as well, repre-
sent in human guise merely the nature and movements
of the heavenly bodies.
In replying to the critical systems, conservatives,
both Catholic and Protestant, re-enforoe the argument
from Jewish and Christian traditions by methods bor-
rowed from their opponents; linguistic distinctions
are coimtered by lin^iistic aiguments, and the tradi-
tionists also employ tne process of comparing the data
of one book with another, in an endeavour to bring
aU into harmony. Not the methods so much as the
conclusions of criticism are impugned. The difference
is largely one of interpretation. However, the con-
servatives complain tnat the critics arbitrarily rule
out as interpolations or late comments passages whidi
are unfavourable to their hypotheses. The advocates
of tradition also chaige the opposite school with being
swayed by purely subjective lancies, and in the oase^
the more advanced criticism, by philoaophico-reli^pous
prejudices. Moreover, they assert that sudi a piece-
meal formation of a book by successive strata, tis is
alleeed for many parts of the 0. T. is without analogy
in the history ot literature. The Catholic criticism of
the O. T. will be described in a separate section of this
article.
(3) New-Testament Criticism Outside the Church.
/—Before the ei^teenth century N.-T. criticism did
not go beyond uiat of the Latin and Greek texts, if
we except the ancient remarks on the autiioiship of
the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Apooalypse al-
ready noticed. When the German Rationalism of the
eighteenth century, in imitation of the English Deism
0EITI0I8M
495
OBI7Z0ISM
of the seventeenth, had discarded the supernatural,
the N. T. became the first object of a systematic at-
tack. Reimanis (1094-1768) assailed the motives of
its writers and cast aspersions on the honesty of Jesus
Himself. J. S. Semler (1725-91) used the greatest
latitude in discussing the origin and credibility of the
sacred Scriptures, arguing that these subjects should
be dealt with without re^u^ to any Divine content.
Semler was the first to question the authenticity of
N.-T. books from a criti<»il standpoint. His exegeti-
cal principles, if admitted, woulci largely destroy the
autnority of the Gospels. Paulus (1761-1861), pro-
fessor at Jena and Heidelberg, granted the genuineness
of the (jrospels, and their au&ors' honesty of purpose,
but taught that in narratingthe miraculous and super-
natural the Apostles and Evangelists recorded tneir
delusions, and that all the alleged superhumsun occur-
rences are to be explained by merely natural causes*
£ichhom, the pioneer of modem German criticism,
carried his inquiries into the field of the N. T. and,
beginning with 1794, proposed a theory to explain
the similarities and differences of the Synoptic
Gospels, i. e. Matthew, Mark, and Luke. Some
phases of what is now known as "the Synoptic
Problem '^ were examined bv Griesbach as early as
1776, and again, in 1781, by a posthumous essay
of Lessing treating of the Evangelists ''considered
simply as human historians". The problem was
first clearly formulated by Lachmann in 1835.
The dangerous tendencies of the rationalistic writers
were ably combated by J. L. Hug, a Catholic exegete,
whose ''Introduction to the N. T." was completed in
1808. Schleiermacher (1768-1834) was the earliest
of those German theologians who acknowledge the
religious force of the sacred writings, but imperil their
authority by a free and independent treatment of
their origin and historical contents; his view of the
N. T. was influenced by Semler's criticisms. Some-
what akin to Schleiermacher's attitude is that of De
Wette, but his conclusions are often negative and
doubtful. The Evangelistic school of rrotestant
German commentators, represented earliest b^r Gue-
ridce, Olshausen, Neander, and Bleek, were in the
main adherents to the genuineness and truthfulness
of the Gospels, though influenced by the mediaUng or
mystico-rationalistic tendencies of Schleiermacher. As
N.-T. scholars they bebng between 1823 and 1859.
The "Life of Jesus" by David Friedrich Strauss,
which i^peared in 1835, marked a new departure of view
with regard to the N. T., and made a great sensation.
Strauss was an Hegelian and one for whom the " idea ' '
obscured the objective facts, while it rested upon them.
He held that the orthodox conception of Christ was the
creature of the ardent Messianic hopes of the Jewish-
Christians of the primitive Church, who imagined that
Jesus fulfilled the O.-T. prophecies, and who, soon
after His death, investea His personality and the
whole tenor of His life with mythical quaUties, in
which there was nothing but a bare kernel of objective
truth, vis., the existence of a rabbi named Jesus, who
was a man of extraordinary spiritual power and pene-
tration, and who had gathered about him a band of
disciples. Echoes of these Ideas are to be found in
Renan's " Vie de J^sus". Strauss's relatively' refined
philosophy of religion was more in the spint of the
age than the moribund, crude naturalism of Paulus,
though it only substituted one form of rationalism for
another. The " Life of Jesus" soon called forth refu-
tations, but in the advanced circles of German thought
the finishing stroke was not given to it until Ferdinand
Christian Baur, the founder of the Tubingen, or "Ten-
dency'^ school of exegesis and criticism, publie^ed the
mature fruit of his speculation imder the title " Paulus
der Apostel Jesu Christi '', in 1845. Baur, like Strauss^
was a dicMsiple of Hegel, but had taken from that philos-
opher a different key to the si^ificance of the N. T.,
via., the princifrfe of the evolution of all truth Uirough
the conciliation of contradictions. He taufi;ht that
the N. T. is the outcome of an antagonism oetween
Jewish, or Petrine, and Pauline tendencies in the
primitive Church. The Pauline concept of Chris-
tianity— one of a philosophic and universal order — •
is represented by the Epistles to the Romans,
Corinthians, and Galatians, which alone Baur ad-
mitted as the certainly authentic works of St.
Paul. The Apocalypse was composed in direct op-
position to the spirit of the Pauline writings. The
above works were written before a. d. 70. Between
70 and 140 appeared St. Matthew's Gospel, Petrine in
character; St. Luke's Gospel, Pauline, thous^ re-
touched in a conciliatory spirit; Acts, adaptea simi-
larly to St. Luke; and latest the Gospel of St. Mark,
also of an irenic type. This second period is one of
transition between antagonism and complete recon-
ciliation. This latter is the note of the ttiird period,
reachineto about a. d. 170, which produced the Gos-
pel and rjpistles bearing the name oi St. John, and the
pastoral Epistles, which therefore cannot have come
trom St. Paul. The scheme excluded the authenticity
of aU the (xoepels. Baur^ theory has not survived
except in the very mitigated form seen in the works
oi Hil^enfeld and Pfleiderer. Nevertheless, aside
from his philosophic assumptions, the principles and
methods of Baur haVe left a deep impress on later
N.-T, criticism. He first practised on a consistent
and developed plan the habit of scrutinizing the
sacred documents themselves for evidences (h the
times which gave them bidh, and led the way in the
present critical trend towards a division of the N. T.
into Judaistic, Pauline, and Johannlne elements.
The Tubingen ideas evoked a reaction against their
destructive and purely rationalistic conclusions. This
movement has been twofold: on one side it is ortho- •
dox Protestant, though critical in its method; this
section is the natural continuation of the earlier
Evangelistic exegesis, and counts as its ablest repre-
sentatives Zahn, B. Weiss, and Godet ; the other branch
is partly the outgrowth of the Schleiermacher school
and acluiowledges as its founder Albert Ritschl, whose
defection from the TQbingen group (1857) proved a
serious blow to Baur's system. The Ritschlian theol-'
ogy insists on the religious value of the N. T., espe-
cially in the impression its picture of Christ makes on
the mdividual soul, and on the other hand allows a
free rein to the boldest and most searching criticism
of the orifijin and historical worth of the N.-T. books,
in a blinomystio confidence that nothing that criti-
cism can do will impair their religious value. The
indifference of the Ritschlians to the consequences of
criticism is also shown towards the miraculous ele-
ment in our Lord's life and in the N. T. in general.
This tendency is. very manifest among other contem-
poraiy German critics, who, while influenced by
Ritschlianism, belong rather to the "scientific" and
evolutionary school. Holtzmann, Bousset, JQlicher,
Hamack, Schmiedd by critical procedure eliminate
from the Gospels, or at least calf into doubt, all the
miraculous elements, and reduce the Divinity of
Christ to a moral, pre-eminent sonahip to God, and
yet, by a strange inconse(^uence, exalt the savins and
enlightening power of His personality. This latest
school, however, admit dates which approach much
nearer to the traditional ones than to tnose of Baur.
Hamack, besides affirming the genuineness of all the
Pauline Epistles except the pastoral ones, and of
Mark and Luke, places the Synoptic Gospels between
A. D. 65 and 93, and fixes the year 110 as the latest
limit for the Gospel and Epistles of St. John and the
Apocalypse.
In Great Britain, N.-T. criticism with few excep-
tions has been moderate and, on the whole, conserva-
tive. Excellent service has been done in the defence
of contested books by the British divines J. B. Light-
foot, B. F. Westcott, W. H. Sanday, and others.
OBITXOISM
496
ORinozaK
Holland ha^ produced a small group of radical critics.
Van Manen, Pierson, Loman, who, with Steck in Ger-
many, have revived Bruno Bauer's total denial of
authenticity' to St. Paul's Letters In France and
French Switzerland conservatism has been the key-
note of the Protestant scholars Pressens^ and Godet;
a rationalizing evolutionism that of Sabatier. Abb6
Loisy's work will be spoken of below.
A brief summary of the situation of particular books
in contemporary non-Catholic criticism follows:
The Synoptic Gospels. — ^The prevalent critical solu-
tion of the problem they present is the " two-docu-
ment'' hypothesis, which explains what is common to
all of them by supposing that Matthew and Luke drew
from the very early Gospel bearing St. Mark's name
or an anterior Apostolic document on which Mark is
based, and refers the material which is common to
Matthew and Luke only to a primitive Aramaic
source compiled by one or more immediate disciples of
Christ, possibly St. Matthew. St. Luke's Gospel is
recognized as authentic; our canonical Mark as at
least virtually so.
Acts. — The integrity and entire genuineness of the
Acts of the Apostles have been assailed by a few
recent critics: Hilgenfeld, Spitta, Clemen. They
would analyze the work into a number of sections, by
different authors, including 8t.^ Luke, rearranged by
successive editors, and containing materials varying
much in value. No conscious falsification was used,
but legendary narratives ^rept in. These critioB are
by no means unanimous as to particulars.
Epistles of St, Paul. — ^Romans, Corinthians, and
Galatians are acknowledged bv all serious sdiolars to
be authentic writings of the Apostle of ike Gentiles.
^ About Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Thessaloni-
* ans,andPhilemonthereisdiverBity of opinion. I^rst
Thessalonians is generally admitted to be genuine,
but the Pauline authorship of the second letter of that
name is strongly contested. The weight of non-
Catholic critical opinion is against the authenticity of
the pastoral Epistles, viz., the two to Timothy and the
one to Titus. The Epistle to the Hebrews is assigned
to an Alexandrian Jewish convert, oontemporair^ or
almost so, with St. PauL and a disciple of his teaching.
This is also the view of Catholic ex^etes of the new
school First Peter is generally held to bo the work
of that Apostle, but the composition of Second Peter
IB placed m the second century, even some Catholics
inclining to this date. The question whether the
l^istles of St. James and St. Jude are from the pens
of the Anostles of those names is variously answWed
outside the Church.
The Johannim Writings, — ^The authenticity and
authority of St. John's Gospel form the great battle-
field of present N.-T. criticism. They had been at-
tacked as early as 1792 by a certain Evanson. The
majority of contemporary critics incline to Hamack's
view, which is that the Fourth Gospel was composed
by John the Presbyter or the ** elder" referred to in a
fragment by Papias, and asserted by the Hamackians
to be distinct from the Apostle and a disciple of the
latter. He wrote in the beginning of the second cen-
tury. Loisy attributes it to an imlmown writer of the
second century who had no affiliations with St. John.
But the historical value of this Evangel is the more
vital aspect of the question. The German school of
criticism characterizes the Gospel as theology and
rbolism, not history; Lois^ agrees with them. The
stolic authorship and historicity of the Fourth
Gospel have been vindicated by such critical scholars
as Sanday, Stanton, and Drummond in England, and
Zahn and B. Weiss in Germany. Orthodox Catholic
ex^^tes, while always holding to the Catholic tradi-
tion of the Johannine authorship and historical qual-
ity of the Fourth Gospel, admit that St. John's theol
ogy indicates reflection and a development over and
beyond ihat of the Synootists. The first Epistle of
St. John is universally admitted to be t^ the i
hand as the Gospel. The criticism of Apocalypse is
still in an immature stage. There is much diversity
of view as to its author, the Anglican school inclixk-
ing to St. John. It has been recently proposed that
the book is a Jewish apocal3rpse retouched by a Chris-
tian; so Vischer, Hamack. Neariy all critics acknowl-
edge that there is much apocalyptic element in it,
admitting that some of its visions in a veiled manner
depict historical situations imder the guise of events to
come.
(4) The Critical Movement Within the Church.—
Old TestamerU Criticism. — ^France, the oountxv of
Richard Simon and Astruc, has been also that of the
beginning of the present-day Catholic criticismu
Francois Lenormant, a distinguished Catholic Orien-
talist, in the preface to his ''Origines de llustoire
d'apr^ la Bible et les traditions Sos peuples Oiien-
taux" (1880-^), declared no longer tenable the tradi-
tional unity of authorship for the Pentateuch, and
admitted as demonstrated that the fimdaniental
sources of its first four books were a Jehovist and
Elohist document, each inspired and united by a
'^ final redactor". Minor discordances exist between
them. The earlier diapters of Genesis contain myth^
ical and l^ndary elements common to Sonitie
peoples, which in the hands of the inspired writen
became the ''figured vestments of eternal truths".
The same preface bespeaks entire liberty for the critia
in the matter of dates and authors. Lenonna&t's
work was placed on the Index, 19 December, 1887,
The basis of his literaiy analysis was supplied by the
conclusions of higher criticism, up to that time unac-
cepted, at least publicly, by any Catholic savant. R
Reuss, a liberal Protestant professor at the vmvea^tf
of Strasbuxg, had published at Paris, in 1879, "L'Bis-
toire Sainte et la Loi; Pentateuque et Josu6". In
1883 appeared Wellhausen's influential "Prol^omena
to the History of Israel". re>edited in 1889 under the
title, '^ Composition of the Hexateuch and the His-
torical Books of the O. T/'
Alfred Loisy, then professor of Sacred Scripture at
the Institut CJatholique of Paris, in his inaugural le^
ture for the course of 1892-93 made a deaivcut plea
for the exercise of criticism in the study of the human
side of the Bible ("Enseignement Biblique", Nov.-
Dec., 1892; reprinted in ''Les etudes bibuques'^
1894). In an essay which appeared in'1893, Loisy
discussed the '^ Biblical Question"^ reasserted the
right of Catholic science to treat critically the general
aspects of Holy Scripture and also its interpretatiDns,
and rejected its absolute inerrancy, while nolding to
its total inspiration. The historical portions offer
data which have only a ''relative truth", L e. with
reference to the age in which they were written. Tho
author enumerate conclusions of ihe criticism which
he regarded as fixed; these included the non-Mosai^i
authorship of the Pentateuch, the unhistorical char-
acter of the first chapters of Genesis, the development
of Biblical doctrine. Eariy in the same year M^.
d'HuLst, rector of the Institut Catholique of Pans.
had drawn acute attention to the progress of critical
ideas in Catholic scientific circles by an article in the
"Correspondant" of 25 January, 1893, entitled "La
Question Biblique", in which he ei^ressed the opinion
dat the admission of inaccuracies in Scripture Is theo-
logically tenable. The discussion of these questtons
was the occasion of the en<nrclical "Providentissimus
Deus", issued by Leo Xlli, 18 November, 1893, in
which the total inerrancy of the Bible was declared
to be the necessary consequence of its iiuminttion
(q. v.). The unwarranted concessions of Catholic
writers to rationalistic criticism and the exclusive lue
of intemiU alignments against historical authority
were condemned as oontraiy to correct principles of
criticism. Sound Biblical criticism was oonunended.
Similar oommendation was given in the ApostoUo
0&ITI0I8M
497
OBITIOIBM
letter, "Vigilaiitise", establishing the Biblical Com-
mission, 30 October. 1902.
In a paper read before the Catholic Scientific Con-
gress of rribouig. 1897 (Revue Biblique. January,
1898), Father M.-J. Lagrange, superior of toe Domin-
ican school of Biblical studies at Jerusalem, defended
a literary analysis and an evolution of the Pentateuch
which are substantiall^r identical with those of the Graf-
Weilhausen hypothesis. He distinguished between
the tradition that Moses was the historical author or
foimder of the Pentateuch, which he retained, and the
tradition of the Mosaic literary authorship, which he
abandoned. Like Loisy, the learned Dominican
maintained that the literary methods of the ancient
Orient are sharply differentiated from those of our
civilisation. During the last decade a considerable
number of Catholic Biblical scholars have coalesced
into what has been called the "progressive" school.
Naturally disagreeing somewhat in details, they agree
in holding (a) the composite texture and progressive
formation of a number of sacred books, and in aban-
doning therefore their traditional unity of authonship;
(b) in allowing a theological and moral development
in the O. T.; (c) in admitting an extensive tacit in-
sertion of popular traditions and written sources,
which contain unhistoricsl statements. Nevertheless
these excretes hold firmly to the objective truth of
the essential and larger lines of the historyof the Old
Dispensation as embodied in the Bible. They assert
that in general the question of the literary procedure
of Biblical writers is not one of faith. Their position
has met with repeated attacks by Catholic adherents
of the conservative school, who have combated them
with ars^ments drawn chiefly from the irreconcila-
bility of the new views with the Catholic dogmatic
tradition of inspiration and inerrancy as witnessed, it
is alleged, in the N. T., the Fathers, the teachines of
the councils of Trent and the Vatican, and particularly
the encyclical of Leo XIII. (See Inspiration). The
principal adversaries of the advanced conclusions are
the Jesuits Delattre (Autour de la question biblique,
1904), Brucker (contributions to the "Etudes" be-,
tween 1894 and 1905), Fontaine, Fonck, Pesch, (De
Inspiratione Sac. Scrip.. 1906), Murillo, Billot: also
Professor Hoberg and Abb^ Mangenot (L'Autnenti-
cit^ du Pentateuque, 1907).
The Biblical Commission (q. v.), whose decisions
have now the force of acts of the Roman Congrega-
tions, declared, 13 February, 1905, that the fallibihtv
of implicit citations in the Bible might be admitted,
provided solid arguments prove that they are really
citations, and that the sacred writer does not adopt
them as his own. The Commission conceded on 23
Jime, 1905, that some passa^ may be historical in
i^pearance only, always saving the sense and judjg-
ment of the Church. On 27 June, 1906, the commis-
sion declared that the arguments alleged by critics do
not disprove the substantial authorship of the Pen-
tateuch by Moses. This decision has necessarily modi-
fied the attitude of such Catholic writers and teachers
as favoured in a greater or less degree the conclusions
of tiie Graf-Wellnausen hypothesis. The decree of
the Inciuisition "LamentabiJi" (3 July. 1907) and the
encyclical "Pascendi Dominici Gregis*' (8 September,
1907) reasserted against the Modernists the sound,
Catholic principles to be followed in the study of
Sacred Scripture.
New TestamerU Criticism, — Catholic scholars who
were willing to accept some of the critical theories
have drawn a line of distinction between the criticism
of the Old and that of the New Testament, not only
bec»au8e of the greater delicacy of the latter field, but
because th^ recognise that the documents of the Old
and New Dispensations were produced under ^uite
different conditions. In the province of N.* T. higher
criticism Catholics have defended Hie traditional au-
thenticity, integrity, and veracity oi the books in
IV.— 32
Question. Some ex^fl^tes admit In a sUght i
divergencies in the Evangelical narratives, uid the
employment of older documents by at least two of
the Synoptic writers. As to tiie '^ Synoptic problem ",
it is allowed that at least St. Luke utUused St. Marie's
Gospel; so Batiffol, Minocchi, Lagrange, Loisy, Bo-
naocorsi, Gijgot. Unduly influenced by contemporary
German criticism, Abb2 Lois^ has m recent times
broken with the orthodox traditions of N.-T. ezc»esis.
In a reply to Hamack's ''What is Christianit^r' he
defended Catholic dogma as an evolution with its
roots in the Primitive (Jhurch, but made dangerous
concessions regarding Christ's claim to Divinity, His
Messianic vocation, knowledge, miracles, and 'Resur-
rection ("L'Evangile et I'Efelise", 1902; ''Autour
d'un petit livre", 1903). In "Le Quatridme Evan-
gile" (1903) Loic^ reiects the Johannine authorship
and the historicity of tne Fourth Gospel, both of which
were affirmed by the Biblical Commission (29 May,
1907). His system virtually severs the Catholic FaiUi
from its historical credentials as found in the N. T.,
and the above works have been condemned by the
Congregation of the Index. They have drawn out a
nuinber of refutations from Catholic apologists, such
as the Ahh6 Lepin's "J^us Messie etTils de Dieu"
(1904). More recently Loisy published a work on the
Synoptic Gospels (L«9 ^vangiles synoptiques, 1908)
in which he follows the most extravagant rationalistic
criticism. Loisy was excommunicated 7 March, 1908.
As has been remarked, the Church warmly recom-
mends the exercise of criticism according to sound
Erinciples unbiassed by rationalistic presuppositions,
ut it must condemn imdue deference to heterodox
writers and any conclusions at variance with revealed
truth. When doubt arises about the permissibility
of hypotheses, it is for ecclesiastical authority to de-
cide now far they consist with the deposit of faith
or are expedient to the welfare of religion.
i'rom a. ctPTiber\'fltivc Btu.ndT>oint; VlGOTtjtoulC*, Lejs fivrvj
Htii'nfff ri la rritiquc mlionalislc (Pftris^ 1886); LiAft, EterntvUs of
EitA<mt CVi/i'mm (Iioniion, JS&3): Bu)sir?iftn, TU Old Tgata-
mint and ihi' Xeu} Criiit-iwm (Londunr 1303); Beattie, liadiiiSal
Criticism (Cbicaao; 1895)^ Anuehboiv. The Bibltf and Modem
Vriticvtm ajTudon, 1902); HO fix*, Dtc hiihen Bibdkniik (2ad
eii., Padcrbom, 1905); art. Crilicitm m B-A^nmo, DkL ^fCkriti
and (Afl Go^pfh^
From & i^ritical atandpointJ CtrnYWE, Foiindef0 tif 0. T. Criti-
cism {New York. 1893): Zeno*. Elemtnl* of ike H^qK^ Ctitkitm
(New Yprk* ISQS^; Nash, lIuL of tha Hiaha- Criticism of iKe N.
7\ (New York» 1900): Carpenter, The fiilEc m tluf Ninetemih
Cmtiiry (Londgo, 1903); DRlVEfi ant> KtBK Fa THICK, Th« Higher
Criticiam (IjJiidon. lOOo); Omonp*, Higher Criti^um ^ th* Bvbh
in Nop York Rf^viem, Mafrlu 1906- April, 1907.
li«i)ie; Grannan*. Hiehfr Criti^isnt pnd the B<bU, m Am.
CtiUi. Quart. Itev,, Jiily< 1S04; McFatp?:n' O. T. CriH Jiim and
th/t ChriMiian Church INpw York. 1903); PKTEim* Die ffrand*
tat^icke Si^img der katholitc/^^ Kirdie lur BibelforddiUtig (P^-
erbom, 1906). ^
George J. Reid.
Criticism Textual. — ^The object of textual criti-
cism is to restore as nearly as possible the original text
of a work the autograph of which has been lost. In
this textual criticism differs from higher criticism
whose aim is to investi^te the sources of a literaiy
work, study its composition, determine its date and
trace its influence and varioua transformations
throufihout the ages.
A. Necessity and processes of textual crOtcism. —
Textual criticism has no application except in regard
to a work whose original does not exist; for, if extant,
it could easily be reproduced in photogravure, or pub-
lished, once it had been correctly deciphered. But
no autograph of the inspired writmgs has been trans-
mitted to us, any more than have the originals of pro-
fane works of tne same era. The ancients had not
that superstitious veneration for orieinal manuscripts
which we have to-day. In very eany times the Jews
were wont to destroy the sacred books no longer in
use, either by burying them with the remains of holy
personages or by hiding them in what was called a
OfttTIOIBM
498
cntmoisii
ghentzah, Thifi explains why the Hebrew Bibles are,
comparatively speaking, not very ancient, although
the Jews always made a practice of writing the Holy
Books on skin or parchment. In the first centuries of
the Christian era the Greeks and Latins generally used
papyrus, a material that quickly wears out and falls
to pieces. It was not until the fourth century that
parchment was commonly used, and it is also from
that time that our oldest manuscripts of the Septusr
gint and the New Testament date. Nothing short of
a continuous miracle could have brought the text of
the inspired writers down to us without alteration or
corruption, and Divine Providence, who exercises, as
it were, an economy of the supernatural, and never
needlessly multiplies prodigies, did not will such a
miracle. Indeed it is a material impossibility to
transcribe absolutely without error the whole of a
long work; and a priori one may be sure, that no two
copies of the same original will be alike in every de-
tail. A typical example of this is furnished by the
Augsburg Confession, presented to the Emperor
Charles V on the evening of 26 June, 1530, in both
Latin and German. It was printed in September of
the same year and published two months later by its
author, Melanchthon; thirty-five copies of it are
known to have been made in the second half of the
year 1630, nine of them by signers of the Confession.
But, as the two originals are lost, and the copies do
not agree either with one another or with the first
editions, we are not sure of having the authentic text
in its minutest details. From which example it is
easy to appreciate the necessity of textual criticism
in the case of works so ancient and so often tran-
scribed as the books of the Bible.
Corruptions introduced by copyists may be divided
into two classes: involuntary errors, and those which
are either wholly or partly intentional. To these dif-
ferent causes are due the observed variations between
maunscripts.
(a) Involuntary Errors may be distinguished as
those of sight, hearine, and memory, respectively.
Sight readily confounds similar letters and words.
Thus it is that the n and the 1 are easily interchanged
in saUare Hebrew writing, £ and 2 and 6 and 0 in
Greek uncial writing, ana y and v in Greek cursives,
etc. When the exemplar is written stichometrically,
the eye of the copyist is apt to skip one or seveial
lines. To this class of errors belongs the very frequent
phenomenon of homceoteleuion ^fiotoriXevrov), i. e.
omission of a passage which has an ending exactly
like another passage which comes next before or after
it. A similar thing happens when several phrases
beginning with the same words come together. Sec-
ondly, errors of hearina are of common occurrence
when one writes from dictation. But even with the
exemplar before him, a copyist gets into the habit of
pronouncing in a low tone, or to himself, the phrase
ne is transcribing, and thus is likely to mistake one
word for another which sounds like it. This explains
numberless cases of "itacism" met with in Ureek
manuscripts, especially the continual interchange of
itfuit and ij/ietf. Lastly, an error of memory oc-
curs when, instead of writing down the passage just
read to him, the copyist unconsciously substitutes
some other, familiar, text which he knows by heart,
or when he is influenced bv the remembrance of a
parallel passage. Errors of this kind are most fre-
quent in the transcription of the Gospels.
(b) Errors Wholly or Partly Intentional. — Delibei^
ate corruption of the Sacred Text has always been
rather rare, Marcion's case being exceptional, Hort
rintroduction (1896), p. 282] is of the opinion that
"even among the imquestionably spurious readings
of the New Testament there are no signs of deliberate
falsification of the text for dogmatic purposes.'*
Nevortlu'loKs it is true that the soribe often selects
from variolic readings that which favours either his
own individual opinion or the doctrine that Is jtaA
then more generally accepted. It also happens toat,
in perfectly good faith, ne changes passages which
seem to hun corrupt because he lails to understand
them, that he adds a word which he deems neoessary
for the elucidation of the meaning, that he aubstitutes
a more correct grammatical form, or what he con-
siders a more exact expression, and that he harmon-
izes parallel passages. Thus it is that the shorter
form of the Lord's Prayer in Luke, xi, 2-4, is in al-
most all Greek manuscnpts lengthened out in aooord-
ance with Matthew, vi, 9-13. Most errors of this
kind proceed from inserting in the text maiginal notes
which, in the copy to be transcribed, were but irari-
ants, explanations, parallel passages, simple remarks,
or perhaps the conjectures of some stuoious readv.
All critics have observed the predilection of oopjrists
for the most verbofie texts and their tendency to ^om-
plete citations that are too brief; hence it is that an
mterpolation stands a far better chance of being per-
petuated than an omission.
From the foregoing it is easy to understand how
numerous would oe the readings of a text transcribed
as often as the Bible, and, as only one reading of any
given passage can represent the original, it follows
that aU the others are necessarily faulty. MiU esti-
mated the variants of the New Testament at 30,000,
and since the discovery of so many manuscripts un-
known to Mill this number has greatly increased. Of
course by far the greater number of these variants
are in unimportant details, as, for instance, oriho-
Sphic peculiarities, inverted words, and the like,
sun, many othere are totally improbable, or else
have such slight warrant as not to deserve even cur-
sory notice. Hort (Introduction, 2) estimates that a
reasonable doubt does not affect more than the six-
tieth part of the words: '' In this second estimate the
proportion of comparatively trivial variations is be-
yond measure larger than in the former; so that the
amount of what can in any sense be called substantial
variation is but a small fraction of the whole residuary
variation, and can hardly form more than a thou-
sandth part of the entire text." Perfaaixs the same
thing might be said of the Vulgate : but in regard to
the primitive Hebrew text and the Septuagint version
there is a great deal more doubt.
We have said that the object of textual criticism
is to restore a work to what it was upon leaving the
hands of its author. But it is, absolutely speaiking,
possible that the author himself may have issued more
than one edition of his work. This hypothesis was
piade for Jeremias, in order to explain the differences
between the Greek and Hebrew texts; for St. Luke,
so as to account for the variations between the ** Codex
Bezse" and other Greek manuscripte in the third
Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles; and for other
writers. These hypotheses may be insufficiently
founded, but, as they are neither absurd nor impos-
sible, they are not to be rejected a priori.
B. Oeneral principUa of textual enticignu — ^In order
to re-establish a text in all its purity, or at least to
eliminate as far as possible, its sucoesnve falsifioa-
tions, it is necessary to consult and wei^ all the evi-
dence. And this may be divided into: external, or
that furnished by documents reproducing the text in
whole or in part, in the original or in a translation —
diplomatic evidence — ^and tntemalf or that resulting
from the examination of the text itself independently
of its extrinsic attestetion — paradiplomattc evidence.
We shall consider them separately.
1. External (Diplomatic) Evidence. — ^The evidence
for a work of which the original manuscript is lost
is furnished by (a) copies, (b) versions, and (c) quo-
tations. These three do not always exist simultane-
ously, and the order in which they arehere enumerated
do(^ not indicate their relative authority.
(a) Manu8cript8,'-ln regard to the copies of an-
dRmdis&t
400
twmmm
ctent works three thing? are to be considered, namely:
(a) age, (fl) vainer and (7) genealogy; and we shall add
a wofd on (3) erilical nomencUduref or notation.
(a) Age is sometimeB indicated by a note in the
manuscript itself; but the date, when not suspected
of falsifieationy may simply be transcribed from the
exemplar. However, as dated manuscripts are usu-
allv not veiy old, recourse must be had to various
paueographic indications which generallv determine
with sufficient accuracy the age of Greek and Latin
manuscripts. Hebrew paliBO«;aphy, though more un-
certain, presents fewer difficuItieB, inasmuch as He-
brew msmuscripts are not so old. Besides, the exact
age of a copy is, after all, only of nunor importance,
as it is quite possible that an anoi^it manuscript may
be very corrupt while a later one, copied from a better
exemplu*, may come nearer to me primitive text.
However, other things being equal, the presumption
is naturally in favour of the more ancient document,
since it is connected with the original by fewer inter-
vening links and consequently has be^ exposed to
fewer poesiblities of error, (fl) It is more important
to ascertain the relative value than the age of a manu-
script. Some evidences inspire but little confidence,
beeause^tiiey have frequently been found to be defee-
tive, while others are readily accepted because critical
examination has in every instance shown them to be
veracious and exact. But how is the critic to dis-
criminate? Prior to examination, the readings of a
text are divided into three or four classes: the cer-
tainly or probably true, the doubtful, and the ce]>-
tainly or probably false. A manuscript is rated good
or excellent when it presents in general true readings
and contains few or none that are certainly fabe;
under contrary conditions it is considered ix^iocre
or worthless. Needless to add, the intrinsic excellence
of a manuscript is not measured according to the
greater or less care exercised by the scribes; a manu-
script may teem with copyist s errors, though it be
made from a veiy correct exemplar; and one tran-
scribed from a defective exemplar may, considered
merely as a copy, be quite faultless. (7) The geneal-
ogy of documents, from a critical view-point, is most
interesting and important. As soon as it is proved
that a manuscript, no matter what its anti(]|uity, is
simply a copy of another existing manuscnpt, the
former e^oula evidently disappear from the list of
authorities, since its particular testimony is of no
value in establishing the primitive text. This, for
instance, is what happened to the "Codex Sanger-
manensis" (£ of the rauline Epistles) when it was
proved to be a defective copy ca the "Codex Claro-
montanus" (D of the Pauline Epistles). Now, if a
text were preserved in ten manuscripts, nine of which
bad sprung from a common ancestor, we would not
therefore h&ye ten independent testimonies but two,
as the first nine would count for only one, and could
not, therefore, outweight the tenth, imless it were
shown ti^at the common exemplar of the nine was a
better one than that from whicn the tenth was taken «
The consequences of this principle are obvious, and
the advantage and necessity of grouping the testi-
monies for a text into families is readily understood.
It might be supposed that the critic would be mainly
guided in his researches by the birthplace of a manu-
script; but the ancient manuscripts often travelled
a great deal, and their nationality is rarely known
wth certainty. Thus, man^ are of the opinion that
the Vaticanus and tiie Sinaiticus emanated from
Csesarea in Palestine, while others maintain that they
were written in Egypt, and Hort inclines to the belid
that they were copied in the West, probably in Rome
(see CoDBx Vatic anus; Cod&x SiNAincua). Henee
the critics' chief guide in this matter should be the
careful comparison of manuscripts, upon the principle
that identical readings point to a common source,
and when the identity between two or more manu-
scripts is constant— especially in exceptional and eo-
centric variants— the identity of the exemplar is es*
tabhshed. But this investigation encountere two
difficulties. A first, and a very embarrassine, com-
plication arises from the mixture oi texts. There are
out few texts that axe piue; that is to say, that are
taken from a single exemplar. The ancient scribes
were nearly all to a certain extent editors, and made
their choice from among the variants of toe different
exemplars. Moreover, the correctoite or the readers
often introduced, either on the margin or between
the lines, new readings which were subsequently em-
bodied in the text of the manuscript thus corr^ted.
In such a case the genealogy of a manuscript is liable
to become very complicated. It also sometimes
hi^pens that two manuscripts which are closely re-
lated in certain books are totally^ unrelated in others.
As a matter of fact, the separate books of the Bible,
in ancient times, used to be copied each upon its own
roll of papyrus, and when they came to be copied from
these sepamte rolls upon sheets of parchment, and
boimd together in one enormous ''codex", texts be-
longing to quite different families might very possibly
be placed together. All these facts explain why
critics frequently disagree in determining genealogical
groupings. (On this subject consult Hort, "Intro-
duction,^' pp. S9-69: "Genealogical Evidence".)
(9) Critical NamenckUure, or Notation, — When the
copies of a text are not numerous each editor assigns
them whatever conventional symbols he may choose :
this was for a long time the case with the editions 02
the original Greek and Hebrew, of the Septuagint and
the Vulgate, not to mention other versions. But
when, as nowadays, the number of manuscripts be-
comes greatly incr^bsed, it is necessary to adopt a
uniform notation in order to avoid confusion.
Hebrew manuscripts are usually designated hy the
figures assigned them by Kennicott and De ftossi.
But this system has the disadvanta^ of not being
continuous, the series of figures recommencing three
times: Kennicott MSS., De BxNssi MSS.. ana other
MSS. catalogued by De Ilossi, but not belonging to
his collection. Another serious inconvenience arises
from the fact that the manuscripts not included in the
three preceding lists have remained without ^rmbol,
and can only be indicated by mentioning the number
of the catalojgue in which they are described.
The notation of Greek manuscripts of the Septua-
gint is almost the same as that adopted by Holmes
and Parsons in their Oxford edition 1708-1827. These
two scholars designated the uncials by Roman figures
(from I to XIII) and the cursives by Arabic figures
(from 14 to 311). But their list was very defective,
as certain manuscripts were counted twice, while
others which were numbered among the cursives were
uncials either wholly or in part, etc. For cursives
the Holmes-Parsons notation is still retained; the
uncials, including those found since, are designated
by Latin capitals ; but no symbols have been assigned
to recently discovered cursives. (See the complete
list in Swete. ''An Introduction to £he Old Testament
in Greek*', (Cambridge, 1902, p. 120-170.)
The nomenclature of the Greek manuscripts of the
New Testament also leaves much to be, desired.
Wetstein, the author oi the usual notation^ designates
uncials by letters and cursives by Arabic figures. His
list was continued b^ Birch and by Scbols, and after-
wards by Scrivener, independently, by Gr^ory. The
same letters answer for many manuscripts, hence the
necessity of distinguishing indices, thus D'^^'^Oxlex
Bezfls'', D'^^'rjCodex. Claromontanus, etc. More-
over, the aeries of figures recommences four times
(Grospels, Acts and Cawolic Epistles, Epistles of Paul,
Apocalypse), so that a cursive containing all the books
of the New Testament must be designated by four
different numbers accompanied by their index. Thus
tlie MS. of the British Museum "Addit. 17469'' is for
dltiTioi^
600
dBXftCttltIt
Scrivener 684*», 228«^ , 269P«« ,97«J»«' (i.e. the 684th
MS. of the Gospel on his list, the 228th of Acts,
etc.), and for Gregory 498«, WS*** 266>««^ 97*»^.
To remedy this confusion Von Soden lays down
as a principle that uncials should not have a different
notation from the cursives and that each manuscript
should be designated by a single abbreviation. Hence
he assigns to each manuscript an Arabic figure pre-
ceded by one of the three Greek initial letters, e, a, or
d, according as A contains the Gospels only (tdayyi-
Xioi'), or does not contain the Gospels (AriirrdXos),
or contains both the Gospels and some ouier part of
the New Testament (iiaBijini). The number is
chosen so as to indicate the approximate aee of the
manuscript. This notation is unquestionably better
thim the other; the main point is to secure its uni-
versal acceptance, without which endless confusion
^1 arise.
For the Vulgate the most famous manuscripts are
designated either by a conventional name or its ab-
breviation (am=" Amiatinus", /ttW="Fuldensi8");
the other manuscripts have no generally admitted
symbol. (The present nomenclature is altogether
imperfect and deficient. Critics should come to
terms and settle upon special symbols for the geneal-
ogical groupings for manuscripts which are as yet al-
most entirely deprived of them. On this subject see
the present writer's article, ** ManuBcrUs biblimtea*' in
Vigouroux, "Diet, de la Bible", IV. 660-608).
(b) Vernons, — ^The importance of the ancient ver^
sions in the textual criticism of the Sacred Books
arises from the fact ih&t the versions are often far
anterior to the most ancient manuscripts. Thus the
translation of the Septua^t antedated by ten or tvralve
centuries the oldest copies of the Hebrew text that
have come down to us. And for the New Testament
the Italic and the Peshito versions are of the second
century, and the Coptic of the third, while the " Vat-
icanus'' and the "Hinaiticus", which are our oldest
manuscripts, date only from the fourth. These trans-
lations, moreover, made on the initiative and under
the superintendence of the ecclesiastical authorities,
or at least approved and sanctioned by the Churehes
that made puolic use of them, have undoubtedly fol-
lowed the exemplars which were esteemed the best
and most correct; and this is a guarantee in favour
of the purity of the text they represent. Unfortu-
nately, the use of versions in textual criticism offers
numerous and sometimes insurmountable difficulties.
First of all, unless the version be quite literal and
scrupulously faitiiful, one is often at a loss to deter-
mine with certainty which reading it represents. And
besides, we have few or no ancient versions edited
according to ibe exigencies of rigorous criticism; the
manuscnpts of these versions differ from one another
consideraoly, and it is often hard to trace the primi-
tive reading. When there have been several versions
in the same langua^, as is the case, for example, in
Latin, Syriac, and Ck»ptic, it is seldom that one version
has not m the long run reacted on the other. A^ain,
the different copies of a version have frequently been
retouched or corrected according to the original, and
at various epochs some sort of recensions have been
made. The case of the Septuagint is well enough
known by what St. Jerome tells of it, and by the ex-
amination of the manuscripts themselves, which offer
a striking diversit;^. For these various reasons the
use of the versions in textual criticism is rather a deli-
cate matter, and many critics try to evade the diffi-
culty by not taking them into account. But in this
they are decidedly wronjg, and later it will be shown
to what use the Septua^t version may be put in the
reconstruction of the primitive text of the Old Tes-
tament.
(c) QuoiatioM. — ^That the textual criticism of the
Greek New Testament, the Septuagint and the Vul-
gate has profited by quotations from the Fathers is
beyond question; but in using this authority there
is need of caution and reserve. Very often BiUical
texts are quoted from memory, and many wiitecs
have the habit of (quoting inaccurateljr. In hia. Pro-
legomena to the eighth edition of Tischendorf (pp.
1141-1142), Gregory gives three very instructive ex-
amples on tills siiDJect. Charles Hoqge, the author of
highly esteemed commentaries, when informed that
his quotation from Genesis, iii, 15, ''The seed of tlie
woman shall bruise the serpent's head'', was a serious
inaccuracy, refused to phange it on the ground that
this translation had passed mto use. In his histoty
of the Vulgate the learned Kaulen twice quoted tlie
well-known saying of St. Augustine, once accurately:
''verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sentientis'^
and once inaccurately: '' verborum tenacior cum sei^
monis perspicuitate . Finally, out of nine quotai-
tions from John, iii, 3-5, made by Jeremy Tayloiv
the celebrated theologian, only two agree, and not one
of the nine gives the words of the Anglican versioo
which the author meant to follow. Surely we should
not look for greater rigour or accuracy from the
Fathers, many of whom lacked the critical spirit.
Furthermore, it should be noted that ihe text of our
editions is not always to be depended upon. We
know that copyists, when transcribing the works of
the Fathers, whether Greek or Latin, fiequently sub-
stitute for Biblical quotations that form of text with
which they are most familiar, and even the editors of
former times were not very scrupulous in this respect.
Would anyone have suspected that in the edition of
the commentaiy of St. Cyril of Aklxandria on the
fourth Gospel, published by Pusey in 1672, the text
of St. John, instead of being reproduced from Stb
Cyril's manuscript, is borrowed from the New Testa-
ment printed at Oxford? From this standpoint the
edition of the Latin Fathers undertaken in Austria
and that of the ante-Nicene Greek Fathers pubUshecl
at Beriin, are worthy of entire confidence. Quotar
tations have a greater value in the eyes of the critic
when a commentary fully guarantees the text; ami
the authority of a quotation is highest when a writar
whose reputation for critical habits is well established,
such as Origen or St. Jerome, formally attests that a
given reading was to be found in the best or most
ancient manuscripts of his time. It is obvious that
such evidence overrules that furnished by a simpla
manuscript of the same epoch.
(2) Internal or Paradiplomatic Evidence. — ^It fre-
quently happens that the testimony of documents iii
uncertain because it is discordant, but even when it
is unanimous, it may be open to suspicion because it
leads to improbable or impossible results. It is then
that internal evidence must be resorted to, and, al*
though of itself it seldom suffices for a firm decisicm,
it nevertheless corroborates, and sometimes modifies,
the verdict of the documents. The rules of internal
criticism are simply the axioms of good sense, whose
application calls tor larse experience and consummate
jua^ent to ward ofif me danger of arbitrariness and
subjectivism. We shall briefly formulate and ex-
poimd the most important of these rules.
Rule 1. Among several varianta that iatohe preferred
which beet agrees toith the context and moet doady oonr
fopns to the style and menUd habits of the author.-^
This rule is thus «q>lained by Hort ("The New Testa-
ment in the Ori^xud Greek'', Introduction, London,
1896, p. 20): "The decision may be made either by
an immediate and as it were intuitive judgment, or
by wei^iing cautiously various elements which go te
niake up what is called sense, such as conformity to
mumnar and congruity to the purport of the rest oi
uie sentence and of the larger context; to which may
rightly be added congruity to the usual style of the
author and to his matter in other passages. The
process may tekc the form either of simply comparine
two or more rival readings under these headsi ana
dkxTidisM
501
okmoiM
giving the preferenoe to that which appears to have
the advantagei or of rejecting a reading absolutely for
violation of one or more of the congniities, or of
adopting a readlnfi^ absolutely for nenection of con-
gruity.'" The application of this nue rarely produces
certainty; it usually leads only to a presumption,
more or less strong, which the documentaxy evidence
confirms or annuls as the case may be. It would be
sophistical to suppose that the ancient authore aje
always consLstent with themselvesi always correct in
their language and happy in their expressions. The
i^eader is all too liable to imaeine that he penetrates
their thou^t, and to make them talk as ne himself
would have talked on a like occasion. It is but a
step from this to conjectural criticism which has been
BO much abused.
Rule 2. Among several readinge that is preferable
UDhich explaine all others and is explained by none, —
Greeoiy, in his "Prolegomena'* (8th critical ed. of
the New Testament by Tischendoif, p. 63), says apro-
pos of this rule: ''Hoc si latiore vei latissimo senmi
accipietur, onmium re^^la^um principium haberi
poterit; sed est ejusmodi quod alius aliter jure quidem
suo. ut cuic^ue videtur, definiat sequaturque.'' It is,
in fact, subject to arbitrary applications, whibh only
proves that it must be employed with prudence and
circumroection.
Rule 3. The more difpcvU reading is also the more prob"
able, — "Prodivi scriptioni proestat ardua " (Bengel).
— ^Although it may seem entirely paradoxical, this
rule is, in a certain measure, found^ on reason, and
those who have contested it most vi^rously, like
Wetstein, have been obliged to replace it with fK>me-
thing sunilar. But it is true only on condition that
the clause be added, all other things being eauol; else
we should have to prefer the barbarisms and absurdi-
ties of copyists solely because they are more difficult
to understand than the correct expression or the in-
telligently turned phrase. Indeed copyists never
change their text mereljr for the pleasure of rendering
it obscure or of corrupting it; on '^e contrary, thev
rather try to explain or correct it. Hence a harsn
expression, an irregular phrase, and an unlooked-for
thought are possibly primitive, but always, as we have
said, on this condition: ceteris paribus. Nor must it
be forgotten that the difficulty of the reading may
arise from other causes, such as the ignorance of the
scribe or the defects of the exemplar which he copies.
Rule 4. The shortest reading is, in general, the best. —
"Brevier lectio, nisi testium vetustorum et gravium
auctoritate penitus destituatur, prseferenda est ver-
bosiori. Idbrarii enim multo proniores ad addendum
fuerunt, quam ad omittendum (Griesbach)." The
reason siven by Griesbach, author of this rule, is con-
firmed by experience. But it should not be too gen-
erally applied; if certain copyists are inclined to put
in an insufficiently authorized interpolation, othens,
in their haste to finish the task, are either deliberately
or unknowingly guilty of omissions or abbreviations.
We see that the rules of internal criticism, in so far
as they can be of any use, are suggested by common
sense. Other norms formulatedHby certain critics
are based on nothing but their own imaginations.
Such is the following proposed by Griesbach: "Inter
plures unius loci lectiones ea pro suspects merito habe-
tur ciuffi orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste prse
ceteris favet.'' It would then follow that the variants
suspected of heresv have all the probabilities in their
favour, and that neretics were more careful of the
integrity of the sacred text than were the orthodox.
Histoxy and reason combined protest against this
paradox.
C. Conjectural Criticism. — ^As a principle, conjec-
tural criticism is not inadmissible. In fact it is pos-
sible that in all existing documents, manuscripts, ver-
tions, and quotations, there are primitive errors which
can only be corrected by conjecture. The phrase
primitive errors is here used to denote those that were
committed by the scribe himself in dictated works or
that crept into one of the first copies on which de-
pend all the documents that have come down to us.
Scrivener, therefore, seems too positive when he
writes ("Introduction", 1894, Vol. II, p. 244): "It
is now agreed among competent judges that Conjee^
tural Emendation must never be resorted to even in
passages of acknowledged difficultv; the absence of
proof that a reading proposed to be substituted for
the common one is actuallv supported by some trust-
worthy document being of itself a fatal objection to
our receiving it." Many critics would not go thus
far, as there are passages that remain doubtful even
after the efforts of documentary criticism have been
exhausted, and we cannot see wh^ it should be for-
bidden to seek a remedy in conjectural criticism.
Thus Hort justly remarks ("Introduction", 1896, p.
71) : "The evidence for corruption is often irresistible,
imposing on an editor the duty of indicating the pre-
sumed unsoundness of the text, although he may be
wholly unable to propose any endurable way of cor-
recting it, or have to offer only su^estions m which
he caimot place fuU confidence." But he adds that,
in the New Testament, the r61e of conjectural emen-
dation is extremely weak, because of the abundance
and variety of documentary evidence, and he agrees
with Scrivener in admitting that the conjectures pre-
sented are often entirely arbitrary, almost always un-
fortunate, and of such a nature as to satisfy only their
own inventor. To sum up, 'conjectural criticism
should only be applied as a last resort, after every
other means has been exhausted, and then only witn
prudent scepticism.
D. Apjihcation of (he principles and processes of
textual criticism, — It remains briefly to explain the
modifications which the principles of textual criti-
cism undergo in their application to Biblical texts,
to enumerate the chief critical editions,, and to indi-
cate the methods followed by the editors. We shall
here speak only of the Hebrew text of the Old Testa-
ment and of the Greek text of the New.
1. Hebrew text of the Old Testament, (a) The
critical apparatus, — ^The number of Hebrew manu-
scripts is very great. Kennicott ("Dissertatio gene-
ralis in Vet. Test, hebraicum", Oxford, 1780) and De
Rossi ("VarisB lectiones Vet. Testamenti", Parma,
1784-88) have catalogued over 1300. Since their day
this figure has greatly increased, thanks to discoveries
made in Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and above all
in the Crimea. Unfortunately, for the reason eiven
above under A. Necessity and Processes, the Hebrew
manuscripts are comparatively recent; none is an-
terior to the tenth century or at any rate the ninth.
The "0)dex Babylonicus^' of the Prophets, now at
St. Petersburg and bearing the date 916. generally
passes for the oldest. According to Ginsouig, how-
ever, the manuscript numbered "Oriental 4446" of
the British Museum dates back to the middle of the
ninth century. But the dates inscribed on certain
manuscripts are not to be trusted. (See on this sub-
ject, Neubauer, " Earliest MSS. of the Old Testament"
in "Studia Biblica", III, Oxford, 1891, pp. 22-36.)
When the Hebrew manuscripts are compared with
one another, it is amazing to find how strong a re-
semblance exists. Kennicott and De Rossi, wno col-
lected the variants, found hardly any of importance.
This fact produces at first a favourable impression,
and we are inclined to believe that it is very easy to
restore the primitive text of the Hebrew Bible, so
carefully have the copyists performed their task. But
this impression is modified when we consider that the
manuscripts agree even in material imperfections and
in the most conspicuous errors. Thus tney all present,
in the same places, letters that are larger or smaller
than usual, tnat are placed above or below the line,
that are inverted, and sometimes unfinished or broken.
OBITIOISM
502
OUTIOIUI
Again, here and there, and precisely in the same places,
may he noticed spaces indicatixig a hiatus ; finally, on
certain words or letters are points intended to annul
them. (See Comill, "Einleitung in die Kanon.
BQcher des A. T.", 5th ed., Tubingen, 1905, p. 310.)
All these phenomena led Spinoza to suspect, and en-
abled Paul de Lagarde to prove (Anmerkimgen zur
griechischen Uebersetzimg der Proverbien, 1863, pp.
1, 2) that all the Hebrew manuscripts ]piown come
down from a single copy of which they reproduce even
the faults and imperfections. This theory is now
generally accepted, and the opposition it has met has
only served to msike its trutn clearer. It has even
been made more specific and has been proved to the
extent of showing that the actual text of our manu-
scripts was established and, so to speak, canonized
between the first and second century of our era, in
an epoch, that is, when, after the destruction of the
Temple and the downfall of the Jewish nation, all
Judaism was reduced to one school. In fact, this
text does not differ from that which St. Jerome used
for the Vulgate, Origen for his Hexapla, and Aquila,
Svmmachus, and Theodotus for their versions of the
old Testament, although it is far removed from the
text followed in the Septuagint.
As centuries elapsed oetween the composition of the
various books of the Old Testament and the deter-
mining of the Massoretic text, it is but likely that
more or less serious modifications were introduced, the
more so as, in the interval, there had occurred two
events particular^ favourable to textual corruption,
namely a change m writing — ^the old Phoenician hav-
ing given way to the square Hebrew — ^and a change
in spelling, consisting, for example, of the separation
of words formerly united and in the frequent imd
rather irregular use of matres lectionis. The variants
that supervened may be accounted for by comparing
parallel parts of Samuel and Kings with the Paralipo-
mena. ^and above all by collating passages twice repro-
ducea in the Bible, such as Ps. xvii (xviii) with II
Sam., xxii, or Is., xxxvi-xxxix. with II Kings, xviii,
17-xx, 19. [See Touzard, "De la conservation du
texteh^breu'^in "Revue biblique", VI (1897), 31-i7,
185-206; VII (1898), 511-524; VIIJ (1899), 83-108.1
An evident consequence of what has just been said
is that the comparison of extant manuscripts en-
lightens us on the Massoretic, but not on the primitive
text. On l^e latter subject the Mishna and, for still
stronger reasons, the remainder of the Talmud cannot
teach us anything, as they were subsequent to the
constitution of the Massoretic text; nor can the Tar-
gums, for the same reason and because they may have
since been retouched. Therefore, outside of the Mas-
soretic text, our only guides are the Samaritan Pen-
tateudi and the Septuagint version. The Samaritan
Pentateuch offers us an independent recension of the
Hebrew text, dating from the fourth century before
our era, that is, from an epoch in which the Samari-
tans, under their hi^-priest Manasseh, separated
from the Jews; and this recension is not suspected of
any important modifications except the rather inof-
fensive, harmless one of substituting Mount Gerizim
for Mount Hebal in Deut., xxvii, 4. As to the Sep-
tuagint version, we know that it was b^n, if not
completed, about 280 b. c. To Paul de Lagarde es-
pecially belongs the credit of drawing the attention
of scholars to the value of the Septuagint for a critical
edition of the Hebrew Bible.
(b) Critical editions of the Hebrew text. — After the
publication of the Psalms at Bologna in 1477, of the
Pentateuch at Bologna in 1482, of the Prophets at
Soncuio in 1485, anoof the Hagiographa at Naples in
1487, the entire Old Testament appeared at Soncino
(1488), at Naples (1491-93), at Brescia (1494), at
Pesaro (1511-17), and at Alcala (1514-17). Then,
between 1516 and 1568, came the four Rabbinic Bibles
of Venice. It i.s the second, edited by Jacob ben
Chayim and printed by Bombeig in 1524-1525, thai
is generally looked upon as containing the texttu
receptua (received text). The list of the innumerable
editions which followed is ^ven by Pick in his "His-
toiy of the Printed Editions of the Old Testamrat"
in ^ Hebraica" (1892-1893), IX, pp. 47-116. For the
most important editions see Ginabuig, ''Introduction
to the Maseoretic-critical edition of the Hebrew Bible ' *
(London, 1897), 779-976. The editions most fre-
quently reprinted are probablv those of Van der
Hoogt, Hahn, and Theile; but all these older editioDS
are now supplanted by those of Baer and Delitxsch,
Ginsbun', and KitteL which are considered more oor-
rect. Tne Baer and Delitzsch Bible appeared in
fascicles at Leipzig, between 1869 and 1895, and is
not yet complete; the entire Pentateuch except
Genesis is wanting. Ginsburg, author of the ''Intro-
duction'' mentioned above, has published an edition
in two volumes (London, 1894). Finally, Kittd. who
had called attention to the necessity of a new edition
(Ueber die Notwendigkeit und MdgUchkeit einei
neuen Ausgabe der hebralschen Bibel, Leipzig, 1902)
has just published one (Leipzig, 1905-06) with the
assistance of several collaborators, Ryssel, Driver, and
others. • Almost all the editions thus far mentioned
reproduce the textus rece^tis by correcting the typo-
graphical errors and indicating the interesting vari-
ants; all adhere to the Massoretic text, that is, to the
text adopted by the rabbis between the first and sec-
ond centuries of our era, and found in all the Hebrew
manuscripts. A group of German, English, and
American scholars, imder the direction of Haupt, have
undertaken an edition which claims to go back to the
primitive text of the sacred authors. Of the twenty
parts of this Bible, appearing in Leipzie, Baltimore,
and London, and generally known under the name
of the ''Polychrome Bible", sixteen have already been
published: Genesis (Ball, 1896), Leviticus (Driver,
1894), Numbers (Paterson, 1900), Joshua (Bennett,
1895), Judges (Moore, 1900), Samuel (Budde, 1894),
KingB (Stade, 1904), Isaiah ((^heyne, 1899), Jeremish
(Comill, 1895), Ezekiel (Toy, 1899), Pbalins (Well-
hausen, 1895), Proverbs (Kautzsch, 1901), Job (Sieg-
fried, 1893), Daniel (Kamphausen, 1896), Ezra-
Nehemiah (Guthe, 1901), and Chronicles (Kittel,
1895) ; Deuteronomv (Smith) is in press. It is need-
less to state that, lite all who have thus far endeav-
oured to restore the primitive text of certain books,
the editors of the "Polychrome Bible" allow a broaa
margin for subjective and conjectural criticism.
2. Greek text of the New Testament, (a) Uae of
the critical apparatus. — The greatest diflSculty con-
fronting the editor of the New Testament is tfa^ end-
less variety of the documents at his disposal. The
number of manuscripts increases so rapidly that no
list is absolutely complete. The latest. "Die Schriften
des N. T." (Beriin, 1902), by Von Soden, enumerates
2328 distinct manuscripts outside of lectionaries
(Gospels and Epistles), and excliisive of about 30
numoerB added in an appendix, 30 October, 1902. It
must be acknowledged that many of these texts are
but fragments of chapters or even of verses. This
enormous mass of manuscripts is still but imperfectly
studied, and some copies are scarcely known except
as figuring in the catalogues. The great uncials them-
selves are not yet all couated, and many of them have
but lately been rendered accessible to critics. The
genealogical classification, above all, is far from com-
plete, and many fundamental points are still under
discussion.^ The text of the principal versions and
of the patristic quotations is far from being satiafao-
torily edited, and the genealo^cal relationSiip of all
these sources of information is not yet determined.
These varied difficulties explain the lack of agreement
on the part of editors and the want of conformity in
the critical editions published down to the present
day.
OaZTZOZSM
503
GBITZ0I8M
(b) Brief hMfory of the criHoalediiianaawi pnnisij^
followed by editors. — ^The first New Testament pub*
lished in Greek is that which forms the fifth vomme
of the Polydot of Alcala, the printing of which was
finished 10 January, 1514> but which was not delivered
to the public until 1520. Meanwhile, early in 1516»
Craamus had published his rapidly completed edition
at Basle. The edition that issued from the press of
Aldus at Venice in 1518 is simply a reproduction of
that of Erasmus, but Robert Estienne's editions pub-
lished in 1546, 1549, 1550, and 1551, the first three at
Paris aiKl the fourth at Geneva, although founded on
the text of the Poly^ot of Alcala, presented variants
from about fifteen manuscripts, ana into the last, that
of 1561, was introduced the division of verMs now in
use. Tlieodore Beaa's ten editions which appeared
between 1565 and 1611 differ but little from the last
of Robert Estieime's. The Elsevir brothers, Bona-
venture and Abraham, printers at Leyden. followed
Estienne and Besa very doady; their small editions
of 1624 and 1633, so convenient and so highly appre-
ciated by booldoven, furnish what has been agreed
upon as the textus receptue, — ''Textum ergo habes
nunc ab onmibus reoeptum, in quo nihil immutatum
aut comiptum damns" (Edition oi 1633>« It must
suffice to mention here the editions of Couroelles
(Amsterdam, 1658) and of FeU (Oxford, 1675), both
of which adhere pretty closely to the textile recepius
of Elsevir, and those of Walton (London, 1657) and
of Mill (Oxford, 1707), whidi rej^roduce in substance
the text of Estienne. but enrich it by the addition of
variants resulting from the collation of numerous
manuscripts. The principal editors who followed —
Wetstein (Amsterdam, 1751-1752), Matthiei (Moscow,
1782-1788), Birch (Copenhagen, 1788), and the two
Catholics, Alter (Vienna, 1786-1787), and Schols
(Leipsig, 1830-1836) are noted duefly for the abun-
dance m new manuscripts which they discovered and
collated. But we must here limit ourselves to an
appreciation of the latest and best-known editors,
Gnesbach, Tiftchmann, Tregelles, Tischendorf, West-
oott and Hort.
In his second edition (1796-1806) Gnesbach, ap-
plying the theory that had previously been suggested
b^ Ben^ and subsequently developed by Semler,
distinguished three great faxnilies of texte: the Alex-
andrian &mily represented by tiie codices A, B, C, by
the Coptic versions and the quotations of Origen; the
Western familv, represented by D of the Gospels and
the Acte, by tne bilingual codices, the Latin versions,
and the Latin Fathers ; and lastly the Byzantine f am*
ily, represented by the mass of other manuscripte
and by the Greek Fathers from the fourth centiuy
onward. Agreement between two of these families
would have been decisive; but, unfortunately, Gries-
bach's classification is questioned by many, and it has
beea proved that the agreement between Orig^ and
the s(M»lIed Alexandrian family is largely imaginary,
liftchmann (Berlin, 1842-1850) endeavoured to reoon<-
struct his text on too narrow a basis. He took ac-
count of only the great uncials, many of which were
then either entirely unknown or imperfectly known,
and of the ancient Latin versions. In his choice of
readings ihe editor adopted the majority opinion, but
reserv^ to himself the conjectural amendment of the
text thus established — ^a defective method which his
successor Tregelles has not sufficiently avoided. The
Litter's edition (1867-1872), the work of a lifetime,
was completed by his friends. Tischendorf contrib-
uted no less than eic^t editions of tfaeNewTestetm^nt
in Greek, but the differences among them are decid-
edly marked. According to Scrivener (Introduc-
tion, II, 283) the seventh edition differs from the
third in 1296 places, and in 595 it goes back to the
received text. After the disoovenr of the '*8inaiti-
cus", which he had the honour of finding and pub-
lishing, his ei^th edition disagreed with the preceding
one in 3369 places. Such an amount of variation eaii
only inspire distrust. Nor did the edition contributed
by Westcott and Hort (The New Testament in the
Original Greek, Cambridge and London, 1881) win
universal approval, because, after eliminating in turn
each of the great families of documente which they
designate respectively as Syrian, Western, and Alex-
andrian, the editors rely almost exclusivelv on the
''Neutral" text, which is only r^resented by the
''Vaticanus'' and the "Sinaiticus' , and, in case of
disagreement between the two great codices, by the
** Vaticanus" alone. Theexcessi ve preponderance thus
given to a sngle manuaciu>t was criticised in a special
manner by Scrivener (Introduction, II, 284-297).
Finally, the edition announced by Von Soden (Die
Schriften des N. T. in ihrer filtesten erreichbaren
Textgestalt) gave rise to lively oontroversies even
before it appeared. (See "Zeitsdirift fur neutest.
WiBsensch^t^', 1907, VIII, 34-47, 110-124, 234-
237.) All this would seem to indicate that, for some
time to come, we shall not have a definite edition c^
the Greek New Testament.
The encyelopediM and diotionariM of the Bible have no
special article on textual criticism which deals in a partieular
mannec with Biblical texts, but most of the Introductions to
Scripture dedicate one or several chapteTs to this subject; e. g.,
TJbaloz, IfUrodudio (5th ed., Rome. 1901). II. 484-615 (De
crUicd verbali taerantm texhium); Cobmxlt. Introduclio (Paris,
1885). I, 496-500 (Z>s uau critico textuum pritnigeniorum et ver-
tumum antiouarum); Qreoort. Prolegomena to 8th ed. of Txs-
GHKin>OBF (Ldpsie, 1884-1894); ScnvmsutLMtt^duOion (4th
ed.. London, 1894). 11, 175-301; Nsstlb, EinfliJurunQ in daa
ariUh, N. T. (2nd <xL 1899) and Boltzmann, EinleUung in daa
N. T. (Freiburg-im-Breiagau, 1892).
The following may be mentioned as monocra]^: Pobtsb,
Princi^ of Textual Criiioitm (Belfast, 1848); Bavidbom, A
T\reatia« of Biblical CriUeiam (1853); Hammond. OuUinea of
Textual Criticiam (2nd ed.. 1878): Millsr. Textual Ouide (Lon-
don. 1885); Hort. The N,T.intha Original Greek: htirodueHon
(2nd ed.. London, 1896). Although, like several of the preced-
ing, this last work aims chiefly at the criticism of the New Testa-
ment, the entire second part (pp. 19-72. The Metkoda of Textual
Criticiam) discusses general questions. On (b) Veraiana and (c)
Qu^ationa, under B. General Prineiplea, cf . Brbb. The Evidenea
of Early Veraiona and Patriatic Quotationa on the Text of the
Booka of the New Teatament in II « the Oxford Siudia Bibhea et
Bedeaiaatiea.
F. Prat.
Oriticisiii, Historical, is the art of diBtinguiahinj;
ihe true from the false oonceming facte of the past. It
has for ito ooject both the jdocumento which have been
handed down to us and the facte themselves. We
may distinguish three kinds of historical sources:
written documents, unwritten evidence, and tradition.
As further means of reachixig a knowledge of the facts
there are three processes of indirect research, vis.: neg-
ative aiigument, conjecture, and a priori ai%:ument.
It may be said at once that the study of sources and
the use of indirect processes will avail little for proper
criticism if one is not guided chiefly by an ardent love
of truth such as will prevent him from turning aside
from the object in view throus^ any prejudice, relig-
ious, nationfJ, or domestic, that mjoht trouble his
judgment. Tne rdle of the critic diners much from
liiat of an advocate. He must, moreover, conskler
that he has to fulfil at once the duties of an examining
magistrate and an expert juiyman, for whom elemen-
tary probity, to say nothing of their oath, mi^es it a
conscientbus duty to decide only on the fullest possi-
ble knowledge of the details of the matter submitted
to their examination, and in keeping with the conclu-
sion which theyhave drawn from these details; guard*
ing themselves at the same time against all personal
feeling either of affection or of hatred respecting w
litigants. But inexorable impartiality is not enough :
the critic should also possess a fund of that natural
logic known as common sense, which enables us to es-
timate correctly, neither more nor less, the value of a
conclusion in strict keeping with given premise. If >
moreover, the investigator be acute and shrewd, so
that he discerns at a glance the elements of evidenea
offered by the various kinds of information before himii
ORinOISM
504
CaiTIOZSM
which elements often appear quite meaninglefis to the
untrained obierver, we may consider him thorou^y
fitted for the task of critic. He must now proceed to
familiarise himself with the historical method, i. e.
with the rules of the art of historical criticism. In the
remainder of this article we shall present a brief r6-
8um6 ot these rules apropos of the various kinds of
documents and processes which the historian employs
in determining the relative degree of certainty which
attaches 'to the facts that enjrage his attention.
Wrttten Documsnts. — ^There are two kinds of
written documents. Some are drawn up by ecclesi-
astical or civil authority, and are known as public
documents; others, emanating from private individ-
uals and possessing no official guarantee, are known as
private aocuments. Public or private, however, aU
such documents raise at once three preliminary ques*
tions: (1) authenticity and integrity; (2) meaning;
(3) authority.
AtUhenHcUy and Integrity. — ^Does the docimient
which confronts us as a source of information really
belong to the time and the author claimed for it, and
do we possess it in the shape in which it left that au-
thor's hand? There is little or no difficulty in the case
of a document printed during the author's lifetime,
and given at once a wide distribution. It is otherwise
when, as often happens, the dociunent is both ancient
and in manuscript. Tne so-called auxiliary sciences
of history, i. e. palsography, diplomatics, epigraphy,
numismatics, sigiUograpny, or sphragistics, furnish
practical rules that generally suffice to determine ap-
proximately the age of a manuscript. In this orelim-
mary stagp of re^urch we are greatly aided oy the
nature of the material on which the manuscript is
written, e. g. papyrus, parchment, cotton or rag paper;
by the system of abbreviations employed, character of
the hand-writing, ornamentation, and other details
that vary according to countries and epochs. It is
rare that a document claiming to be an original or an
autograph, when submitted to such a series of tests,
leaves room for reasonable doubt regarding its authen-
ticity or non-authenticity. More frequently, how-
ever, ancient documents survive only in the form of
copies, or copies of copies, and their verification thus
becomes more complicated. We must pass judgment
on each manuscript and compare the manuscripts with
one another. This comparison enables us, on the one
hand, to fix their ace (approximately) by the rules of
paleography ; on the other, it reveals a number of
variant readings. In this way it becomes possible to
designate some as belon^g to one "family", i. e. as
transcribed from one original model, and thus eventu-
ally to reconstruct, more or less perfectly, the primi-
tive text as it left the author's hand. Such labour
(merely preliminary, after all, to the question of au-
thenticity), were every one forced to perform it, would
deter most students of historical science at the very
outset. It becomes, however, daily less necessary.
Men specially devoted to this important and arduous
branch of criticism, and of a literary probity beyond
suspicion, havepublished and continue to publish, with
the generous aid of their governments and of learned
societies, more or less extensive editions of ancient
historical sources which place at our disposal, one
mi^ht almost say more sbdvantageously, the manu-
scripts themselves. In the prefaces of these scholarly
puluieations all the known manuscripts of each docu-
ment are carefully described, classified, and often par-
tially represented in fao-simile, thereby enabling us to
verify the pslsc^^phio features of the manuscript in
question. The edition itself is usually made after one
of the principal manuscripts; moreover, on each page
we fina an exact summary (sometimes in apparently
excessive detail) of all tiie variant readings found in
the «ither manujBoipts of the text. With such helps
tiie authenticity of a work or of a text m^ be dis-
1 without searohing all the libraries of Europe or
tirinff one's eyes in deciphering the more or less legible
handwriting of the Middle A^.
The manuscripts once counted and classified* we
must examine whether aU, even the most ancient, bear
the name of the author to whom the work is flenmllT
attributed. If it be lacking in the okiest, and be found
only in those of a later date, especially if the name of-
fered by the eariier manuscripts differ from that ^vien
by later copyists, we may rightly doubt the fiddaty oi
the transcription. Such doubt will often occur apro-
pos of a passage not met in the oldest manuscripts, out
only in tne more recent, or vice versa. Unless we can
otherwise explain this divergency, we are natundly
justified in suspecting an int^polation or a mutilation
m the later manuscripts. While tiie authenticity oi a
work may be proved oy the agreement of all its manu-
scripts, it is possible further to confirm it by the testi-
mony of ancient writers who quote the work under the
same title, andasa work of thesame author; such quota-
tions are especially helpful if they are rather exteodve
and correspond well to the text as found in the manu-
scripts. On the other hand, if one or several of such
3 noted passages are not met with in the manuscript, or
they be not reproduced in identical terms, there is
reason to believe that we have not before us the docu-
ment quoted by ancient writers or at least that our
copy has suffered notably from the negligence or bad
faith of those who transcribed it. To these signs of
authenticity, called extrinsic because they are based
on testimony foreign to the author's own work, may
be added certain intrinsic signs based on an examina-
tion of the work itself. When dealing with official and
public acts care must be taken to see that not only the
handwriting, but also the opening and closing formu-
Ise, the titles of persons, the maimer of notii]« dates,
and other similar corroborative indications conform to
the known customs of the age to which the document is
attributed.* Amid so many means of verification it is
extremely difficult for a forgery to esci^ detection.
Words and phraseology furnish another test Each
century possesses its own peculiar diction, and amid so
many pitfalls of this nature it is scarcely possible for
the forger to cloak successfully his misdeed. This is
also true for the st3de of each particular author. In
general, especially in the case of the great writers, eadi
one has his own peculiar stamp l^ which he is easily
recognised, or which at least prevents us from attribu-
ting to the same pen compositions quite unequal in
style. In the application of this rule, no doubt, care
should be taken not to exaggerate. A writw varies
his tone and his language according to the subject of
which he treats, the nature of his literaiy composition,
and the class of readers whom he addresses. Never*
theless an acute and practised mind will have little dif-
ficulty in recognizing among the various works of a
given author certain qualities which betray at once the
character of the writer and his style or habitual man-
ner of writing. Another and a surer means for the de-
tection of positive for^eiy or the alteration of a dooi-
ment is the commission of anachronisms in facts or
dates, the mention in a work of persons, institutions,
or customs that are certainly of a later date than the
period to which it claims to belong; akin to this are
plagiarism and the servile imitation of more recent
writers.
^ Meaning. — ^The critic must now make the best pos-
sible use of the written sources at his disposal, i. e. he
must understand them well, which is not always an
easy matter. His difficulty may arise from the ob-
scurity of certain words, from their grammatical form,
or from their grouping in the phrase he seeks to inter-
pret. As to the sense of the individual words it is su-
premely important that the critic should be able to
read the documente in the language in which tiiey woe
written rather than in translations. Doubtless there
are excellent translations, and they may be very hdp-
ful; but it is always dangerous to trust them Mindly.
0SITI0I8M
505
(miTioistt
The scholar who enters conscientiously upon the work
of critic wiH alwavs feel it a strict duty to warn his
readers whenever he quotes a text from a translation.
It is well known that to interpret a term correctly it is
not enough to know its meanmg at a particular epoch,
which we are accustomed to r^uxl as classic, in the
language to which it belongs. We need only open any
large I^tin lexicon, e. g. Forcellini's or Freund's (es-
pecially if we keep in view the corresponding page of
the Latin "Glossarium" of Du Cange), to appreciate
at once the veiy remarkable modifications of meaning
undergone by Latin terms in different periods of the
language, either from the substitution of new meanings
for older ones or by the concurrent use of both old and
new. In his efforts to fix the age of a text the critic
wiU, therefore, be occasionally obliged to exclude a
meaning that had not yet arisen, or had ceased to be in
use when the text in question was composed; some-
times he wUl be left in a condition of imcertainty or
suspense, and obl^ed to abstain from conclusions
agreeiUble enough but unsafe. Again, in order to
grasp correctly tae sense of a text it becomes necessary
to understand the political or reli^ous opinions of the
author, the peculiar institutions ofnis age and coimtry,
the general character of his style, the matters which he
treats, and the circumstances under which he speaks.
Hiese things considered a general expression may take
on quite a particular sense which it would be di8a»-
trous for the critic to overlook. Often these details
can only be imderstood from the context of the pas-
sage under discussion. In general, whenever there is
occasion to verify the exactness of a quotation made in
support of a thesis, it is prudent to read the entire
chapter whence it is taken, sometimes even to read the
whole work. An individtial testimony, isolated from
all its surroundings in an author's work, seems often
ouite decisive, yet when we read the work itself our
faith in the value of the alignment based on such par-
tial quotation is either very much shaken or else dis-
appears entirely-
AtUhorUu. — ^What is now the value of a text rightly
understood? Every historical statement or testimony
naturally suggests two questions: Has the witness in
question a proper knowledge of the fact concerning
which he is called to testify? And if so, is he altogether
sincere in his deposition? On an impartial answer to
these questions depends the degree of confidence to be
accoroed to his testimony.
Concerning the knowledge of the witness we may
ask: Did he live at the time when, and in the place
wheie, the fact occurred, and was he so circumstanced
that he could know it? Or, at least, are we sure that he
obtained his information from a good source? The
more guarantees he gives in this respect the more, all
else being equal, does he prove himself trustworthy.
As to the question of sincerity it is not enough to be
satisfied that the witness did not wish to utter a delib-
erate lie ; if it could be reasonably shown that he had a
personal interest in warping the truth, grave suspi-
cions would be raised as to the veracity of all his state-
ments. Cases of formal and wilful mendacity in his-
torical sources may be regarded as rare. Much more
frequently prejudice or passion secretly pervert the
natural smcerity of a man whp really respects himself
and esteems the respect of others. It is possible, and
that with a certain good faith, to deceive both one's
self and others. It is the duty of the critic to enumer-
ate and weigh all the influences which may have altered
more or less the sincerity of a witness — personal likes
or dislikes, social or oratorical proprieties, self-esteem
or vanity, as we0 as the influences which may affect
the clearness of a writer's memory or the uprightness
of his will. It by no means follows that the authority
of a witness is always weakened by the process de-
scribed above; often quite the contrary happens.
'When a witness has overcome influences that usually
powerfully affect a man's mind and dissuade him from
yielding to the natural tove of truth, there is no lon^
any reason to doubt his veracity. Moreover, whenL.
asserts a fact unfavourable to the relieious or political
cause which he otherwise defends with ardour: when
he thus gains no particular advantage, but on tne con-
trary subjects himself to serious disadvantage; in a
word, whenever his statements or avowals are m mani-
fest opposition to his interests, his prejudices, and his
inclinations, it is clear that his evidence is far weis^tier
than that of a perfectly disinterested man. Again,
the preceding considerations apply not only to l^e im-
memate witnesses of the fact m question, but sdso to
all the intermediaries through whom their evidence is
transmitted to us. The trustworthiness of the latter
must be established as well as that of the authorities to
which they appeal.
Given tne necessity of observing so much caution in
the use of historical texts, it may appeat very difficult
to readi complete certainty regarding the facts of his-
tory. How may we be sure, especially in dealing
with ancient times, that our witness presents every de-
sirable guarantee? Often he is scarcely known to us,
or quite anonymous. How many facts, once held to
be established, have been eliminated from the pages of
history. And for how many more must we indefi^
nitely suspend our judgment for lack of sufficiently con-
vincing authority. Historical certitude would indeed
be diflicult to reach if for each fact we had but one iso-
lated piece of evidence. Full certainty would tien be
possible only when it could be shown that the charac-
ter and position of a witness were such as to preclude
any reasonable doubt as to the exactness of his stat^
ments. But if the veracity of the witness is guaran-
teed only by ne^tive data, L e. if we are merely aware
that no known circumstances warrant us in suspecting
carelessness or bad faith, there arises in us a more or
less vague belief, such as we easily accord to any ouite
unknown person who seriously relates an event vmidx
he says he has seen, while on our part we have no rea-
son to suppose either that he himseJf is deceived or
that he is deceiving us. Strictly speaking, our belief in
such a witness cannot be called a halting faith. On
the other hand it differs considerably from a belief that
is based on more solid foundations. We shall not,
therefore, be much surprised if the occurrence be later
described in an entirely different manner, nor shall we
object to abandoning our former belief when better in-
formed by more reliable witnesses. Were it otherwise,
our passions would be to blame for causing us to hold
to a belief, flattering perhaps, but unsupported by suif-
ficient evidence. We frankly admit, therefore, the
possibility of a more or less wavering mental adhesion
to facts that rest on a single testimony and whose
value we are unable properly to appreciate. It is
otherwise in the case off acts confirmed by several wit-
nesses placed in entirely different conditions. It is
very difficult, nay generally speaking morally impossi-
ble, that three, four, or even more persons, not subject
to any common influence, should be deceived in the
same manner, or should be parties to the same decep-
tion. When, therefore, we find a fact established by
several statements or narratives taken from different
sources, yet all concordant, there is scarcely any fur-
ther room for reasonable doubt as to tiie entire truth
of the fact. At this stage, however, we must be very
certain that the historical sources are truly different.
Ten or twenty writera who copy ther narrative of an
ancient author, without any new source of knowledge
at their disposal, in general add nothing to the author-
ity of him from whom they have cleaned their infor-
mation. They are but echoes of an original testi-
mony, already well known. It may happen, however,
and the case is by no means rare, that narratives based
on different sources exhibit more or less disagreement.
How then shall we form our judgment?
Right here an important distinction is necessary.
The various narratives of a fact often exhibit a perfect
oftinoisM
506
oftinciiM
harmony as to substance, their divergence apf)earing
onlv in matters of detail upon which mformation was
had with greater difficulty. In such cases the partial
disagreement of the witnesses, far from lessening their
authority regarding the principal fact serves to con-
firm it; diss^eement of this kind shows on the one
hand an absence of collusion, and on the other a reli-
ance of witnesses on certain sources of information
common to all. There is. however, an exception. It
may happen that several writers, whose veracity we
are otherwise justified in suspecting, agree in narrating
with much precision of detail a fact favourable to their
common likes and dislikes. They either report it as
eye-witnesses or they declare that they reproduce
faithfully the narrative of such witnesses. In dealing
with writers of this character the critic must examine
carefully all their statements, down to the minutest
detidl; often a very insignificant circumstance will re-
veal the deception. We may recall here the ingenious
questioning by which Daniel saved the life and reputar
tion of Susanna (Dan., xiu, 52-60). Similar means are
often employed with success in the law courts to over-
throw clever systems of defence built up by culprits,
or to convict a party who has suborned false witnesses
in the interest of a bad cause. Occasionallv such
measures migiht be advantageously applied in the con-
duct of historical examinations. Let us suppose that
there exists a conflict of opinion about the substance of
a fact, and ti^at it has been found impossible to recour
cile the witnesses. It is clear that they disagree. At
this point, evidently, we must cease to insist on their
absolute value and weigh them one against the other.
Keeping always in view the circumstances of time,
place, and personal position of the different witnesses,
we must seek to ascertain in which of them the condi-
tions of Imowledge and veracity appear to predomi-
nate; this examination will determme the measure of
confidence to be reposed in them, and. consequently,
the degree of certainty or probability tnat attaches to
the fact they narrate. Frequently, though no indis-
pensable preliminary of mental conviction, a careful
comparison of more or less discordant versions of a
fact or an event will reveal in the rejected witnesses
the very sources or causes of their errors,, and thereby
exhibit in much clearer light the complete solution of
problems whose data seemed at first sight confused
and contradictory.
UNWRnTBN Testmony. — To hang a man, a clever
ATftmining majzjstrate does not always need one line of
his writing. SUent witnesses have often convicted a
criminal more efficaciously than positive accusers.
The most insignificant object left by him on the scene
of his crime, another found in his possession, an un-
common de^-ee of prodigality, a hundred other equally
trifling tokens, lay bare very often the most ingen-
iously planned schemes for avoiding detection by the
law. £ven so in the science of history. Here noth-
ing is neglij^ble or unimportant. Monuments of arch-
itecture, objects of plastic art, coins, weapons, imple-
ments of labour, household utensils, material objects
of every kind ma^ in one wa^ or another furnish us
precious information. Certam classes of historical
sources have long since attained the dignity of special
auxiliary sciences. Such are heraldry, or armorial
science; glyptics, which deals with en^ved stones;
ceramics, or the study of pottery in all its epochs. To
these we may add numismatics, sigillography, and es-
pecially linguistics, not so much for a surer interpreta-
tion of the texts as for procuring data from whicn may
be conclusively established the origins of peoples and
their migrations. Archseology, in its broadest sense,
comprises all these sciences; in its most restricted
sense it is confined to objects which are beyond their
scope. Truly it is a vast province that here ^reads
out before the historical pioneer, and he needs much
erudition, acumen, and tact to venture therein. For-
tunately, as with manuscripts and inscriptbns, it is no
longer necessary for the historical student to possess ft
thorough knowled^ of all these auxiliary sciences be-
fore entering on his proper task. For jpaoet of them
there exist excellent special works in which we may
easiljr find any archaeological details needful in the dis-
cussion of an nistorical question. It is to these works
and to the advice of men learned in such matters that
we must have recourse in order to solve the two pre-
liminary questions regarding all evidence, written and
imwritten: that of authenticity or provenance, and
that of meanine, i. e., in arclueological remains, the
use to which the objects discovert were onoe put.
In dealing with imwritten evidence these questions
are more delicatej similarly the rules for our guidance
are much more difficult, both to fonnulate and to ap-
ply. It is here, particularly, that shrewdness and
acumen, and the prophetic insight that comes of long
practice, offer help more important by far than the
most exact rules. It is only by dint of observation
and comparison that we learn eventually to distin-
Ruish with accuracy. These preliminaries once satia-
ned, we enter on the task of historical criticism prop-
erly speaking. Through it these precious relics of tne
past are called to shed tight on certain writings, to con-
firm their evidence, to reveal a fact not committed to
them; more frequently they furnish a sure basis of
conjecture whence eventually follow discoveries of
great importance. Here, however, and it cannot be
repeated too often, the path of the historical student
is perilous indeed. The misadventures of amateur
arcn^eologists, whether in the matter of pretended dis-
coveries or in dissertations based on them, have pro-
voked no little raillery, not only among severely just
professional critics, but also among romancers and
dramatic writers. As already stated, it is especially
by the judicious use of conjecture that we obtam from
these silent witnesses such information as it is in their
power to furnish. For more specific treatment of this
powerful but delicate instrument of historical criti-
cism we refer the reader to a subsequent section of Uds
article: Conjecture in History.
Tradition. — Every student of history must eventu-
ally face a problem very embarrassing for a conscien-
tious scholar. Facts appear which have left no trace
in any writing or contemporary monument. Buried
in obscurity for centuries they suddenly appear in full
publicity and are accepted as incontrovertible. Every
one repeats the story, often with minute detail, thoum
no one is able to offer any credible evidence of the
trustworthiness of the current statement or narrative.
It is then said that such facts rest on the evidence
known as oral or popular tradition. What d^;ree of
confidence is due to this popular tradition? Its orig-
inators are ^uite unknown to us as are also the many
intermediaries who have passed it down to the time
when we are first cognizant of it. How may we ob-
tain a guarantee of the veracity of the original wit-
nesses and then of their successors? Perhaps a rather
natural comparison will help us to a dear solution of
this question. We may note at once a striking anal-
ogy between tradition concerning the past and public
rumour about present events. There are in both
cases numberless intermediary and anonymous wit-
nesses, concordant as to the substance of the facts, but
as to the detaib often -quite contradictory of one an-
other; in both cases also there is an identical ignorance
concerning the original witnesses; in both cases, fi-
naUy, many instances in which the cunent informal
tion was verified and many others in which it was
found to be altogether false. Let us suppose the case
of a prudent man deeply interested in knowing pre-
cisely what is happenmg in a distant country; one
who, moreover, takes much pains to be well imormed.
What does he ao when he learns by public rumour of
an important event said to have occurred in the place
in which he is interested? Does he accept blindly every
detail thus bruited abroad? On the other hand, does
aamoisx
507
cainoisM
he pay no attention whatever to rumour? He does
naithiir. He gatheis e^erly the various narratives
cnne&t and oompares them with one another, notes
their points of agreement, and their elemente of diver-
eeaoe. Nor does he oondude in haste. He suspends
his judgawnty seeks to procure official reports, writes
to his friends who are on the spot to learn from them
reliable news, I. e. confirmation of the facts on which
men agree, solutions of the difficulties which arise from
discordant versions of the event. Possibly he has no
confidence in the persons charged with drawing up
the official reports; possibly, too, he cannot corre-
spond with his friends, owing to the interruption of
communications by reason of war or other causes. In
a word, if sudi a man found himself dependent on pub-
lic rumour alone he would remain mdefinitely in a
state of doubt, content with a more or less probable
knowledge mitfl some more certain source of mforma*
tion offered.
Why should we not deal similarly with popular tra-
ditionT It appeals in just this way to our attention and
we have the same motives for mistrusting it. More
than once it has been helpful to judicious critics and
pointed tiie way to important discoveries which they
would never have made with the sole aid of written
documents or monuments. Let us look at the matter
in another way. Have not all students of historical
documents come freqjuently across tiie same peculiar,
one mi^^ say capricious admixture of true and false
which meets us at every siep in the case of popular tra-
ditions? It would be equally rash on the one hand to
reject all tradition and place faith only in written testi-
mony or contemporary monuments, and on the other
to adecnxl to tradition an implicit confidence merely be-
cause it was not formally contradicted byother histori-
cal data, though it received from them no confirmation.
The historian should collect with care the popular tra-
ditions of the countries and epochs he is treatm^, com-
pare them with one another, and determine their value
m the l^t of oihier information scientifically acquired.
Should ttiis light, too. eventually fail him, he must wait
patiently unw fresh cuscoveries renew it, content in the
meantime with su<di measure of problability as tradi-
tion affords. In this way the already acquired histori-
od wMlih will be retained, yet no danger run of exag-
j;erating its value, or, finally, of casting suspicion on
its trustworthiness by incorporating with it false or
doubtful statements.
The Negativb Argumbnt. — The negative argu-
ment in history is that which is drawn from the silence
of contempcnnary or quasi-contemporary documents
concerning a given fact. The ^at masters of histori-
cal science have often used it with success in their refu-
tation of historical errors, sometimes long intrenched
in popular belief. It is to be noted that on such occa-
sions they have always held firmly to two principles:
firot, that the author whose silence is invoked as a
proof €»f the falsity of a given fact, could not have been
isnorant of it haa it really occurred as related ; second,
that if he were not ignorant of the fact, he would not
have failed to speak of it in the work before us. The
ms^ker the certainty of these two points, the stronger
IS the negative aigument. Whenever all doubt in re-
mrd to tnem is removed, we are quite ri^t in holdinjg
^t a writer^ silence concerning a fact m question is
equivalent to a formal denial of its truth. There is
nothing more rational than this process of reasoning ; it
is daily employed in our courts of justice. How often
is a \egpX line of attack or defence Imkenbypurely neg-
ative evidence. Honourable men are brought before
a judicial tribunal who would certainly, in the h3rpo-
t^esis of their truth, have knowledge of the facts al-
leged by one of the contending parties. If they affirm
that they have no knowledge of them, their depositions
are ridhUy considered positive proofs of the falsity of
the allegations. Now, evidence of this kind does not
differ simtantially from the negative argument in the
above oonditionB. In one case, it is true, the witnesses
formally state that they know nothing, while in tiie
other we leam as much from their silmice. Neverthe-
less this silence, in the given circumstances, is as signifi-
cant as a positive assertion.
There are, nevertheless, some who claim that a nega-
tive argument can never prevail against a formal text.
But this assertion is not even admissible respecting a
contemporary text. If the writer to whom it belongs
does not offer an absolute and incontestable guarantee
of knowledge and veracity, his authority may be very
mudi weakened or even destroyed by tne silence of a
more reliable and more prudent writer. It often hap-
pens in courts of law that the deposition of an eye or
ear-witness is questioned, or even rejected, in view of
the deposition of some other witness, equally well-
placed to see and hear all that occurred, but who yet
declares that he neither saw anything nor heard any-
thing. Mabillon was certainly wrong in maintaining
that the negative argument could never be used unless
one had berore him all the works of all the authors of
the time when the event happened. On the contrary,
a single work of a single author may in certain cases fur-
nish a very soimd neeative argument. lAunoy. on the
other hand, is equally wrons in maintaining that the
universal silence of writers for a period of about two
centuries furnishes a sufficient proof of the falsity of
facts not mentioned by them; it is quite possible that
no author of this period was morally bound by the na-
ture of his subject-matter to state such facts. In this
case the silence of such authors is by no means equivi^
lent to a denial. But, it is objected, in order to raise a
doubt as to a fact related by later writers, have not the
best critics often relied on wis universal silence of his-
torians for some considerable time? lliis is true, but
the epoch in question was one already carefully studied
and conscientiously described by several historians.
Moreover, the disputed fact, if true, would necessarily
have been so public, and such, in kind and importance,
that neither ignorance nor wilful omission could be
posited for all these historians. We have here, there-
fore, the two conditions needed to make inexplicable
the silence of these authors ; conseo uently^ the negative
argument loses none of its strength, and is powerful in
proportion to the number of silent witnesses. Of
course, this line of argument does not apply in the case
of some obscine detau, which may easily nave been uih
known to, or little remarked by some contemporary
authors and quite neglected by othere; nor, more par-
ticularly, does it apply to an epoch of which few monu-
ments are extant, especially few historical writings. In
the latter case, the fact of a imiversal silence on the
part of all writere for a considerable period, may, in-
deed, weaken the certainty of a fact; in reality we do
no more than ascertain thereby the absence of all posi-
tive evidence in its favour, other than a tradition of un-
certain oriffin. However, once the lack of information
is admittea, it is not permissible to advance a step f ui^
ther and present the silence of documents as proof of
the falsity of the fact. Their silence in this case is not
the negative areument as described above.
The rule laia down in the preceding paragraphs
seems to lack no element of precision and practical ad-
vantage. But in applying it to ancient times some
caution is necessary. In an age of widespread public-
ity IDce our own, no important event can occur in any
part of the civilized worid without being immediately
known everywhere and to all. Its principal details,
indeed, are at once so fixed in the memory of all inter*
ested parties that th^ will not easily be effaced with*
in a long period. It is astonishing to see how easily
some modem writera f or^t that the former conditions
of mankind were very different. They seek to estab-
lish an irrefutable neoative argument on the hjrpothesis
that a given public met of importance could not have
been unknown to a certain person of education and re-
finement who lived shortly afterwards. Such writers
oainozsH
508
OEinOXSM
mi^t learoL to be more cautious by recalling a aeries of
ounous historical facts. It is enough to remind our
readers that when St. Augustine was created auxiliary
Bishop of Hippo (391) he did not know, on his own
avowal, that tne sixth canon of the Council of Nice
(325) forbade any consecration of this kind*
CoraBcraRE in History. — Conjecture or hypothe-
sis occurs in history when the stud^rof documents leads
us to suspect, beyond the facts which they directly re-
veal, other facts, so closely related to them that from a
knowledge of the former we may proceed to that of the
latter. Such facts are most frequently related as cause
and efiFect. Let an important event happen. How
shall we explain it? How was it brought about? Evi-
dently by another fact or a group of other facts which
constitute its cause or sufficient reason. These new
facts are revealed in no historical documents, or at
least no one has hitherto perceived them. At once the
investigator sees that here it is possible to discover more
l^ian is Known from the extant documents. With this
hope he begins to read extensively, to set afoot various
researches, to interrogate in every sense a great many
works and all the monuments relating to the fact with
which he has been keenly impressed, to study the per-
sons concerned in it, or the £^ in which it took f>lace;
all this in order to recover the often almost invisible
thread which connects this fact with details that were
orieinally unnoticed or set aside as unimportant. Ab-
soroed in intense meditation, sometimes made needless
throuffh a sudden illuminating insight which reveals at
once uie right path, he seeks with earnestness the truth
that the positive evidence before him still withholds;
he passes from one hypothesis to another; he calls to
his aid all the treasures of his memory; thus reinforced
he turns again to the study of the documents, and col-
lects with minute care every hint or indication that
may avaU to demonstrate their accuracy or falsity.
From such close verification it sometimes appears that
the path first struck out was misleadine and must be
abandoned : often the investigator is led by this hard
toil to modify more or less his original ideas; on the
other hand, he sometimes meets with striking confir-
mation of them. Feeble rays which seemed at first
quite uncertain grow in power and number until thev
seem a torch that pours a flood of lip;ht before which aU
uncertainty must vanish. In this way, also, many
new aspects are revealed to the enraptured eyes of the
investigator and make known to him a vast field of
knowlMge of the hi^est interest.
As alr^y statedconjecture enables us to conclude
from effect to cause, but it may also follow an inverse
method and help us to conclude from cause to effect.
This process, however, is generally less reliable in his-
torical research, and caUs for more caution and reserve
than when it is applied to physical facts. In the latter
case the agents are necessary causes ; once their mode
of operation is known it is possible to predict with
almost absolute certainty their results in given condi-
tions, and conjecture avails us merely to arouse the
idea of an effect certain to follow, but which we have
not yet seen produced. Moreover, generally speak-
ing, in the physical sciences it is easy to ima^e a
variety of metnods by which an hypothesis may be
tried and its accuracy verified. In historical science
the situation is not quite the same. It d^ds largely
with the moral laws that regulate the actions of tree
beings, and these are far from being as invariable in
their application as physical laws. Much caution is
therefore requisite before risking any judgment as to
what a man must have done in given circumstances,
all the more as his acts may have been influenced by
the free acts of others, or by a number of accidental
circumstances now unknown to us, but which may
have notably modified in a given case the ideas and
ordinary sentiments of the person in question. Pru-
dence is not less necessary when ^e hypothesis is
principally based on analogy; i. e. when, to complete
our knowledge concerning a fact, certain details ck
which are not known to us from historical documeota,
we have recourse to another fact strildn^y aimilar to
the one under consideration and conoiuoe thence, in
favour of the first, to a similarity of detaib that mxe
known to us with certainty only m respo:^ of the sec-
ond fact. Nevertheless we must not reject abeolutdy
this method of investigation; skilfully treated it may
render valuable service. A conjecture appeals to toe
mind all the more convincingly when it solves at onoa
a number of problems hitherto obscure and lackiii^
correlation. Frequently enoud^, a given hypotfaeBiB,
taken separately, yields only slight probabihty. On
the other hand, full certitude ouen results from the
moral converg^ce of several plausible solutions, all
of which point in the same direction. Let it be added
that in historical research we sha41 not easily obtain
too many hints nor exceed the limit in vmfication;
also that we must be ever watchful against our own
preconceptions that easily tempt us to exaggemte the
strength of a conclusion favourable to our ^pothesia*
Nor must we refuse to consider the arguments that
tend to weaken or eliminate the latter. On the oon-
tnrVf it is precisely these ar^^uments that we must
study with most care and sift in eveiy sense so that,
given their truth, we may abandon oppoortmu^ our
too seductive conjecture, or at least modify it, again
and again if needful, until eventual^y it acquire su^h
accuracy and precision as to satisfy tne most exacting,
and be admitted by all as a acienufic acquisition bow
new and solid. A final recommendation, meant to
forewarn against the seductions of historical conjeo-
ture certain adventurous and inexperienced writers,
will not be out of place here. Let them not yidd to
an illusion only too common among tiieir kind, namely
that by l^eir imaginative power and their genius they
are destined to aovanoe notably the cause of historictd
science without aoauirinp by hard and painful school-
injg that larse ana varied and accurate knowledge
wmch men call erudition. Not every learned historian
makes brilliant discoveries on the basis of lucky hypaQjt-
eses; but learning is generally requisite for such dis-
coveries. In historical scholarsnip, as in all other waUcs
of life, toil and patience are the usual price of success.
The a Priori Argumbnt. — Histoncal criticism has
at its disposition one other source of truth, tiie a priori
argument, a delicate weapon, indeed, but very useful
when confided to a well-trained hand. As used in his-
tory, this argument is based on the intrinsic nature of
a fact, leaving aside for the time being all evidence for
or a^inst it. In presence of the fact thus bared of all
extrinsic relations the a priori process undertakes to
show that it does or does not conform to the general
laws which regulate the world. These laws ful into
three principal classes. The first comprises funda-
mental or metaphysical laws, e. g. the principle of con-
tradiction, according to which there cannot oo-exist
in the same subject elements absolutely contradictoiv
of one another, also the principle of causality, accorci-
ing to which no being exists without a cause or suffi-
cient reason for its existence. Tlie second class in-
cludes phvsical laws which govern the phenomena of
the world of nature and the activity of the beings
which compose it. To this class also oelong the laws
which govern spiritual natures and faculties that are
independent, or in as far as they are independent, of
the action of free will. The third class, finally, oom-
prises the moral laws that govern the activity of free
beings, considered as such. No one who has acquired,
imder good guidance, a little experioice of the human
heart, will deny the existence of this class of laws, i e.
that in eiven conditions and under certain influences
we can forecast in free beings certain habitual activi-
ties. Thus, one well-ascertained moral law is that no
man will love and follow evil for itself, save oidy ^en
it appears to him in the guise of good; another such
law is tliat a man, qqless he be a monster of perversity,
OBmLU
509
OEOAOH
will natuiall^r tell the truth if he have absolutely no
interest in lying.
In what way, now, can these three classes of laws,
rightly considered, help us to pronounce on the truth of
an historic fact? First, if the fact in question present
absolutely contradictory and irreconcilable details it
must evidently be rejected without fiu-ther examina-
tion. However, it must be clearly proved that there
really is such absolute and irreconcilable contradiction
between details presented for simultaneous acceptance.
It is important, moreover, to ascertain with certainty
whether the contradiction affects the substemoe of the
fact, or only accidental circumstances wrongly con-
nected with it in the imagination of the witness, as
frequently happens with popular traditions. In such
cases it is only details that need to be rejected, pre-
cisely as is done whto dealing with more or less con-
flicting testimonies. Physical impossibility, L e.
manifest opposition between well known laws of nature
and an historical statement, is also a conclusive argu-
ment against the acceptance of such a statement.
Non-behevers to the contrary notwithstanding, the
possibility of miraculous intervention never senously
troubles at this point the judgment of Catholic critics.
They know quite well when to admit, in a particular
case, such a possibility. Nor are these cases very fre-
quent. They are also aware that for the acceptance
of miracles they must require a far greater amount of
evidence than when it is question, of purely natural
facts. We have in the Catholic process of canoniza-
tion (see Beatification and Canonization) an excel-
lent example of the manner in which the proof of
miracles is handled by the tribunal which Catholics
most respect. It may not be superfluous to add that
prudence sus^ests a certain hesitation or reserve when
the phyBicaTimpossibility of a fact is in question.
The laws of nature are not all so thoroughly under-
stood that we run no danger of confoundinga strange
or new fact with one utterly impossible. The treat-
ment of moral laws is something more delicate, since
they are less absolute in application than physical
laws. The mysteries of liberty are even more hidden
than those of material nature. Consequently, before
asserting the moral impossibilitv of a fact it is well to
consider attentively wnether there be not some cir-
cumstance, however trivial, which may have acci-
dentally exercised on a given person an influence
capable of making him act in a manner opposed to
the habitual current of his ideas and sentiments. Such
exceptions to moral laws, very rare in the multitude,
appear more frequently among individuals. Care
must be taken, however, not to admit them without
grave reason. It is in Bup|>ort of, or in opposition to
a conjecture that the a ^rwri arp:ument is mostly used ;
frequently enough conjecture is confounded with it.
Indeed, it is often through the effort to reproduce
mentally what certain persons in given conditions
must, have done, that we finally hit on what they did
do; the next step is the collection of more precise evi-
dence such as may confirm and establish quite satis-
factorily the truth that we first saw with the eye of the
imagination. We should always remember, however,
that mere possibility or non-repu^ance must not be
considered the equivalent of positive probability, any
more than mere ij^orance of the causes of a fact is
equivalent to its improbability, still less its impossi-
bility, when it is sufficiently attested by direct evi-
dence. Superficial or passionate minds are very much
exposed to this kind of confusion.
In formulating, as has been done above, the proper
1 1 lies for the guidance of the mind in its search after
historical truth, it should be repeated that the mind
must bring to this pursuit certain prelimihaiy qualities
and dispositions mdicated at the beginning of this
article, the first and most essential of which is a sin-
cere and constant love of truth. Nothing can take
the place of this sentiment. It is the rule ct rules, th^
vital and efficient principle in all the processes of
criticism. Without it they are quite sterile.
Da Shkdt, PrindpeM d$ la critiqw hiaUrrme (li^ae, Pkuii.
1884); Bbbkbezm. LehHnuh der hittorucken MethodeJLwmK,
1894); Lanolois et Sbionobos, IrUroduction tntx ihtde$ ki9-
toviffuet (Fktris, 1899). Bittlbb, The Modem Critical and HtM-
tortMZ SduHd. %U mdkode and tendenoiee, Dublin Revi^
Ch. De SlOBDT.
OriveUi, Carlo, an Italian painter. Little is known
of his life, and his b. and d. are usually reckoned by his
earliest and latest signed pictures, 146^-03. He may
have been a pupil of Antonio and Bartolommeo
Murano. Crivelli worked entirely in tempora, of
which he was a master. He early attained a style of
his own and his pictures, though sometimes stiff, are
decorative and beautiful in colouring. He could not
compose, in the modem sense, but was lavidi in his
treatment of single figures. Architectural features
were often introduced by him and life-like fruits and
flowers are placed in vivid relief against beautifully
finished maroles. Crivelli, it would seem, worked for
twenty-two years in cities lying within the Marches of
Ancona, especially near Ascou. He signed himself
"Crivellus'' and uter 1490, when he was knighted by
Ferdinand II of Naples, added ''miles" to his signa-
ture. The cathedral of Ascoli has a "Virsin and
Child" dated 1493. Among his earliest work is the
altar-piece of San Silvestro, Massa, signed and dated
1468, while the "Coronation of the Virain" (1493) in
the Oegione Collection, Milan, is probably the latest.
The National Gallery. London, has a number of Cri-
velli's paintings and the galleries of the Continent are
also well supplied. His work is best seen in a half
li^t and at a little distance. His more celebrated
pictures are: ''Madonna and Child", 1476, altar-piece
for San Domenico, Ascoli (National Gallery, Lonaon):
"The Dead Christ" (National Gallenr); "Pietll'*
(Cathedral, Ascoli); "Madonna and Saints", 1401
(Berlin); "St. Francis of Assisi" rBrussels); "PietA"
(Vatican) ; "Virgin and Saints" (Lateran).
RvBHFORTH, Corlo CrivtUi (London, 1900) ; Blanc, HuUrir§
dea peinirea de tone lea 6eolea (Paris, 1877).
Lbioh Hunt.
Oroagh Patrick, a mountain looking out on the
Atlantic ocean from the southern shore of Clew Bay,
in the County Mayo, and called "the Sinai of Ire-
land." In pagan times it was known as Cruachan
Aigli. It rises in a perfect cone to a height of 2510
feet. The accoimt given below is taken from sources
that post-date, the saint's death by three to four
hundred years. There are, however, good reasons
to believe that the traditions thev embody are
genuine. St. Patrick was careworn ana fatigued when
e came to this remote part of the ooimtr^. He
lonsed to retire for a while to refresh his soul m soli-
tuoe, and for that purpose, on the Saturday before
Ash Wednesday in the year 441, he betook himself to
the mountain top. Here he spent the davs of Lent,
chastising his boay with fasts, pouring out his heart to
God, andentreating Him with prolonged importunity
and with tears that the Faith might never tail in the
land of Erin. The " Book of Arm^ ' ' mentions that
God summoned all the saints of Erin, past, present
and f utiure, to appear before their Father in the Faith
to comfort him with a vision of the teeming harvest
his labours would produce, and to join him in blessing
their kinsmen and their coimtry. The "Tripartite
Life" relates that when Patrick was on Cnuichan
Aigli in 441, word was brought to him that a new
gope ruled the Church in Rome. The new pope was
t. Leo the Great, who was consecrated on the 29th of
Sept., 440. Patrick, as soon as he heard it, dispatched
one of his disciples named Mimus to bear his filial
hoxnage to the Vicar of Christ, to render an account
of his labours and his teaching, and to b^ a blessing
for the infant church in Ireland. ThQ "Annal# 91
(mOAtIA
510
OEOATXA
Clonznacnoise'' relate that Munis came back from
Rome bearing sacred relics which the pope had given
him for the altars that Patrick was erecting every-
where thioujgh the country. The same event is briefly
referred to in the '' Annals of Ulster '\ under date of
441: "Leo ordained forty-second Bishop of the
Church of Rome; and Patrick the Bishop was ap-
proved in the Catholic Faith". It adds a special
glory to Croagh Patrick that the first tribute of hom-
age from the Irish Church to the Chair of Peter was
sent from its hoary sununit. From that sacred spot,
on Holy Saturday, Patrick with outstretched hands
solemnly blessed the men of Erin that they niight
cling to the Faith, and the Land of Erin that no poison-
ous reptile might infest it. Then, refreshed with Di-
vine grace and comforted with the assurance that his
labours would fructify forever, he came down from
the mountain to celebrate Easter with the little flock
he had left at Aughagower,
From the days of the saint himself pilgrims began
to do penance on hjus holy mountain. References to
them are found in many pages of the annals of the
country. It is recorded, that in the year 1113, on the
night of the 17th of March, during a thunderstorm,
thirty of the pilgrims perished on the summit. The
"Annals of Boyle" relate that Hugh O'Connor, King
of Connau^t, who came to the tnrone in the year
1225, cut off the hands and feet of an outlaw
who dared to molest a pilgrim on his way to
Croagh Patrick, The following document of Pope
Eugene IV, dated 28 September, 1432, shows how
this ancient pilgrimage was recognized and hon-
oured in Rome. " A relaxation of two years and two
Suarantines of enjoined penance, under the usual con-
itions, to those penitents who visit and give alms for
the repair of the chapel of St. Patrick, on the moun-
tain which IS called Croagh Patrick whither resorts a
ffreeut multitude of persons to venerate St. Patrick the
Sunday before the feast of St. Peter's Chains" (Calen-
dar, etc., of Papal Registers, Vol. IV). From St.
Patrick's own time there had been some sort of a little
chapel on the summit.
Tlie "Tripartite Life" relates that the apostle him-
self celebrated Mass on the moimtain, from which we
infer that he had an altar and a place to shelter it.
For several centuries the Archbishops of Armagh laid
claim to this chapel on the grounds that it was founded
by St. Patrick and that they were his successors; but
the Archbishops of Tuam contended that it belonged
to their jurisdiction. Finally, Pope Honorius III on
the 30th of July, 1216, assigned it to the Archbishop
of Tuam (Calendar Pap. R^., Vol. 1). But in penal
times when Murrisk Abbey at the mountain's base was
dismantled, the venerable relic on the summit was de-
molished. Still the pilgrims never ceased to go there.
It was not, however, tul 1906 that the chapel on the
heights was rebuUt, and then on the 30th of July,
Archbishop Healy dedicated it to St. Patrick in the
presence of many pilgrims. The day of aimual pil-
grimage from time immemorial has been the last Sun-
day in July. On that day about twenty Masses are
celebrated within the little chapel while often there
have been more than 20,000 persons kneeling without.
Hbalt. The Lif^ and Writin^M of SU Patrick (Dublin. 1905);
BimT, Si. Patrick, Uia Place in Ht^ery (Xx>ndon, 1905) : Moa-
1907).
Michael MacDonald.
Croatia, with Slavonia, an autonomous state. It
tt bounded on the north by the Danube and the Drave :
on the east by Servia; on the south by the Save; and
on the west by Styria, the River Kupa, and the Adri-
atic Sea from Fiurae (Ricka) in the north-west to
Obrovac on the Dalmatian frontier.
History. — ^The name (Croatia is dmved from that
of a people called Croats {Hrvatj X/jo/Sdrofj, i. e. "the
nation ready to defend its home and rigfita", y^o&e
migration from South-western Russia and Galicia of
to-day— then known as ''White Croatia" or "Great
Croatia" ( Vetika HroaUka) — ^towards the old Illyrieum
and Dalmatia began in the earl^r part of the fifth cen-
tury. There were several migrationB at different times.
The people settled during the first half of the aiztli cen-
tury m Pannonia Inferior, now Lower Hungary, and on
the eastern banks of the Danube. Here they atnig-
gl^ for their veiy aziBtenoe against the AvazB, a
bloodthirsty people, and then crossed the Drave to
Pannonia Superior and Dalmatia, provinces of the
Roman Empire, to which they ^ve the name of
Croatia. From 610 to 641 the Croats established
their settlements on a firm basis. From that time
forward they suffered various viciasitudes owing to
the constantly changing political lifa The provinces
occupied by the Croats were already peopled by
niyrian and Celtic tribes as Roman domains. Friendly
terms were maintained, however, and together they
made war against the common enemy, the Avan,
conquered them, and finally established their own
state. The executive head of the Croats was the ban,
a title still in use, and he had unlimited power as
leader and governor of the people. Heraclius, the
Byzantine emperor, was compelled to abandon his
provinces in the western part of the Balkan Peninsula.
At that time the Croats occupied the following prov-
inces: Illyncum, libumia^ Pannonia, Dalmatia, and
a part of Histria, now known respectively as Croatia,
Slavonia, Dalmatia, Istria, Bosma, and fieraegovina.
Their kinsmen, the Serbs, aettled in Montenegro,
Northern Albania, Old Servia, and the western part
of the Servian Kingdom. Hie cities Zara (Zadar or
Jadera), Trau (Trogir or Tn^rion), Spalato (Spljet),
and Ragusa (Dubrovnik), on the Dalmatian coaat,
and the islands Veglia (Krk) and Arfoe (Rab or Ab-
sorus), in the Adriatic, remained Latin in character.
Elsewhere, however, ihe assimilative power of the
Croats was stronger and the Latin race disappeared.
Christianity flourished in Illyria, Dalmatia, and the
other provinces before the coming of the Croats. At
the time of migration the Croats were heathens; they
did not accept Christianity until the seventh century,
inHhen they and the Serbs were baptised by priests of
the Roman Church. The Croats promised the pope
to live in peace with other nations and he, in turn, to
help them in case an enemy invaded their territoiy.
Pope John IV (640-42) sent the Abbot Martin to the
Croatians, and St. Martin I commissioned John of
Ravexma to evangelise this vigorous and adventurous
nation. He created John Archbishop of Salona
(Solin), a city of Roman culture, whence, owin^ to
the invaaion of the Croats, many moved to the n«gh-
bouring Spalato. Here John laboured also, and the
iroperiu mausoleum in the palace of Diocletian was
converted by the people into a Christian temple.
CSrril and Methodius came In 863, devised a special
alphabet (the Glagolitic for the translation of the
Gospels and liturgical books into the Old Slavonic
tongue, and spread Christianity through the western
Cart of the Balkan Peninsula. Even before this time
ishops resided at Salona (Solin), Nona (Nin), Narona
(Mostar), Epidaurus (Ragusa Vecchia), Siscia (Sisak),
Mursia (Osiek), and Syrmium (Mitrovica).
During the eighth century Croatia was divided into
several provinces, the principal of which were the
indepenaent territories of White and Red Croatia and
the Banatus Sisciensis et Syrmiensis. The progress of
the people attracted the attention of Charlemi^e,
who occupied Histria in 788 and Northern Ooatia in
792. In the year 800, when he was crowned in Rome,
the Croats sent a representative. The rule <^ Louis
the Pious (814-40), whose government was in the
hands of favourites, was untortunate in its oonse-
quonoes for the C'roats. Their struggle for freedom
lastcii from 879 until 925, when the people elected
CROATIA
511
OBOATIA
their own king, Thomislav^ on the field of Duvno
before the cathedral. He was crowned by the legate
of John X. The boundaries of the kingdom were, on
the north, the Danube and the Drave; on the east,
the Riyer Drina; on the west and south, the Adriatic.
The rei^QS of Zvonimir and peter Kreshimir, succes-
sors of Thomislav, are glorious in the records of Croa-
tian history, and both Church and State became
firmly established. Native rulers reijgned untU 1102,
when the last, Peter Svachioh, died in defence of his
countiy, and Croatia offered the crown to King Colo-
man of Hungaiy. The Croats, represented by twelve
deputies, administered the oath and stipulated that
the new monarch should observe the Constitution and
rights of the Croats, exercise the judicial power only
when on Croatian soil, and allow no Hungarian to
settle upon Croatian territory. This agreement was
only partially kept. Croatia was ruled by the Aipdd
dvnasty from 1102 to 1301, but was not made a part
of Hungary. The mcmarchs never resided permar
nently in Qroatia, but Were represented by bans, who.
as supreme administrators of the kingdom, convened
the legjbslature. exercised the highest judicial power in
the State, and commanded the army. The national
sabor r^ulated the coinage of gold and silver. Ilie
Arpdd rulers introduced the feudal system in opposi-
tion to public opinion, reorganized the nobility, and
gave the lands taken from the peasants {kmet) to the
olders of titles. During the reign of Croatian rulers
the Chiurch flourished. The primaa (primate) held
the oflSoe of chancellor of State and the bishops were
the principal advisers, spiritual and temporal, of the
kings. There were nine bishoprics. Under the Ar-
pdd rulers, a change was maae, and new sees were
erected suffragan to the ecclesiastical province of
Hungary. The following religious orders were repre-
sented in the kingdom: the Benedictines, favoured by
Croatian rulers, Cistercians, Dominicans, Franciscans,
Templars, Hermits of St. Paul, or White Friars. Lit-
erature, both secular and ecclesiastical, made much
progress and the arts were cultivated.
Andrew, the last of the Arp^ds, died while making
preparations for war against the Croats and their ban,
raul Shubich, who had declared for Charles Robert of
Anjou, nephew of the Kin^ of Naples, as King of
Croatia, Bosnia, and Dalmatia. Charles was crowned
in the church of St. Stephen in Agram (Zagreb), the
capital of the state, by Archbishop Gregorjr. The
family of Anjou occupied the throne of Croatia from
1301 to 1386, mainly through the support of Pope
Boniface Vlll. Charles as a ruler was an absolutist
and adopted French methods in conducting the army
and the judiciary, and in raising monev. His son«
Louis the Great (d. 11 Nov., 1382), waged war against
Venice. He became King of Poland 17 November,
1370. Upon the reconmiendation of Urban V, Louis
appointed his relative, Charles Drachki, Ban of Croar
tia, and then set out to capture Naples from Queen
Joanna. At his death he was succeeded on the throne
of Croatia by his daughter Mary, who reigned con*
jointlv with ner consort Sigismund of Brandenburg,
son of Emperor Charles IV, and later emperor. Dur*
ing Mary's reign there was great hostility among the
people both towards her and Elizabeth, her mother.
Foremost in the opposition were John Palizna, prior
of the Knights of St. John, Paul Horvat, the saintly
and patriotic Bishop of Agram (Zagreb), and the
bishop's brother John. Declaring that a woman had
no right to the Croatian throne. Bishop Horvat offered
the crown to Charles III Dratchki, King of Naples.
Charles accepted, was crowned by Bishop Horvat at
Stuhlweiasenourg in the presence of Mary and Elixa-
beth, but was miuxiered at Buda, Hungary, thirty-
seven days later (24 Feb.. 1386), by Elizabeth's hired
assassin. Civil war followed. Sigismund (1387-
1409) was taken captive bv Ivan Horvat, and fresh
difficulties arose witn the Turks in the eastern part of
the Balkan Peninsula. The coronation of Ladislaub,
King of Naples, at Zara, 5 August, 1393, did not re^
suit in peace. Internal discord ejdsted among the
Frankopani, Zrinski, Gorjanski, Biaeaji, Kurjakovici,
etc. Gregory XII or^anissed a crusade m Siena to help
Sigismund, and Ladjslaus, seeing that he coi^ not
hold his ground on the Bastem Adriatic, sold Dal-
matia to Venice for 100,000 ducats, the agre^nent
being signed in the church of S. Silvestro, 9 July, 1409.
In the fourteenth century there were in Croatia
three arohbishoprios and seventeen dioceses, subdi-
vided into archdeaconries and parishes. At the be-
ginning of the centuiy the See of Bosnia was trans-
ferred to Djakovo. Each diocese had an average of
four or five nundred parishes in addition to chapters
and collegiate churches. Blessed Augustine of (^azo-
COLLEOIATB ChUBCH (X C^KTURT) AND BXLL ToW£R
(1377), FlUMB
tich was Bishop of Agram. Marc' Antonio de Donoi-
nis, famed for his learning, was Bishop of Zene^ (Senj.)
Hie religious orders were in a flourishing condition, es-
pecially the Knights of St. John (Crudfen) who ex-
erted great influence upon the people. St. John Cap-
istran, defender of Belgrade, died at the monastery of
nok, Croatia, 23 October, 1456, and was canonizea in
1600. The missal was translated into Croatian, and
copies are preserved to-day in some of the libraries.
In Sigismund's time Croatia was severely tried by
the wars with Venice, and those against the Turks,
who invaded Croatian territory in 1414-15. From
that imtil 1838, when the Turks were finally repulsed
at Cetin, the struggle was continuous The Bans
Nicholas and JohnFrankopani and Matko Talovao
were the first in the field against the Sultan Murad II.
Sigismund was succeeded b^ his son-in-law Archduke
Albert of Austria, who died m 1439 at a critical period.
His wife, though civil war was raging, took control of
the Government in 1439, and her son, Ladislaus Pos-
thumus was nominal ruler until 1457. After the fall
of Constantinople (1453) and the occupation of Bosnia
ten years later by the Turks, the Turks were repulsed
on the Croatian^ frontier and Western culture was
saved to posterity. The following centuries show
bloodv records of constant struggles against the Turks.
YakuD, Pasha of Bosnia, eager to enslave Catholic
OSOATIA
512
CROATIA
Balkan, invaded Croatia in 1 493. He was met by the
Croatian forces under Ban Derenchin on the field of
Krbava. T^e Croats were defeated and l^t the
flower of their nobility on the field. In 1513| how-
ever, the TuikiBh armv was defeated by the Ban
Bishop Peter Berislavicn, and Leo X, upon receiving
the news of victoxy, sent the warrior-bisnop a blessed
saber. Bishop Berisiavich's appeal to Charles V was
unheeded, and the former was killed in the battle of
Korenica (1520). His death was a terrible blow to the
Antemiarcie Christtanitatis, as the pope and emperor
styled the Croats in their letters. Then followed the
conflicts of Jajce (1521, 1525). Klis (1524), Mohacs
(1626), and Vienna (1529), which Solyman II at-
tempted to take. He was badly defeated, however,
and returned to Constantinople with thousands of
Christians^ho became either slaves or soldiers (Jani-
saries). The pashas in Bosnia in retaliation for the
defeat, pillagea the country and slew the Christians.
After ihe defeat at Mohacs where King Louis and so
many of his warriors were slain, the Croatians elected,
at Cetin, New Year's Day, 1527, Ferdinand of Aus-
tria as king. The Hapsburg rule was thus b^un,
Croatia subsequently having the same rulers as Aus-
tria. The king took an oath to defend the ru^ts and
boundaries of his new kingdom, a promise which was
never fully observed, and the hopes of the national
heroes Simeon Bakatch, Bishop of Zagreb and Krsto
Fnmkopan failed of fulfilment. The latter fell at
Varazdm while the former died of grief. Profiting by
tlie indifference of Ferdinand, the Turks took the for-
tress of Jajce and Klis in 1536 as well as a large part of
Eastern Croatia. With ReHquia reliquiarum regni
CroaJtUel for a battle-ciy, the climax of the stru^e
was reached at Siget, where Niklas Zrinski met the
Turks, under Solyman, with 700 picked men. Having
fired tne oity behind them/they made an onslaught in
which they all perished. The Turks left 20,000 on the
field. Solyman died two days later and a shameful
peace was concluded by Maximilian. N^ected and
misruled, the people rose imder Mathias Gubec. They
failed and Gubec was put to death with a red hot
erown of iron. Ever ready to take advantage of in-
ternal strife, Ferhad Pasha defeated General Auers-
perg at the River Radonja, in 1575. Rudolf, who suo-
oeeded Maximilian (1576), had little interest in the wel-
fare of the State. Hassan Pasha Predojevich crossed
the Kupa, took the fortr^ of Bihac, and planned an
attack on Sisak. He was met by Jurak and Fintich,
canons of Agram, and Ban Bakatch, with an army.
The Turks were defeated and lost 18,000 men.
Amons the apostles of the Reformation in Croatia
were the Ungnad family and George Zrinski who estab-
lii^ed a printing plant for the purpose of spreading
their teaching. The Croats, however, were not won
over to Luther's doctrine. Catholicity was too firmly
rooted and Anthony Dalmatin and Stephen Istranin
preached the new creed in vain. When asked, at a
meeting of the Sabers to erant toleration to Protes-
tantism, Ban Bakatch maoe answer: ''I prefer rather
to break off relations with the Hungarian Crown than
allow this pest to spread." Conflicts occurred with
the Turks at Novi Zrinj (1664), and at St. Gothard.
The miseries and oppression of the people led to an
uprising under Peter Zrinski and Krsto Frankopani
against the German military rule. Leopold^ however,
beheaded the leaders, 30 April, 1671, at Wiener Neu-
stadt, imprisoned their children, and confiscated their
possessions. Despite the injustices done the people
the strusgie a^inst the Turks was heroically contin-
ued under Stojan Jankovich and Elias Smiljanich in
Dalmatia, Friar Luke Imbrisimovich in Slavonia, and
Father Mark Mesich in Lika-Krhava. A division of
Turkey and the esroulsion of the Turics from the Bid-
kan Peninsula ana Constantinople was prevented in
1688 by Louis XIV. The council of war in Vienna
established the Militaiy Frontier between Turkey and
Croatia; eveiy male Croat was oblieed to serve in the
army at his own expense and to oe ready at any
moment. This organisation was dissolved in 1873.
In 1712 the Croatian Sabor accepted the Pragmatic
Sanction, by which Charles VI secured the succession
to his daugnter Maria Theresa. In the Tldrty Years
War and the Seven Years War between Maria Theresa
and Frederick the Great the Croats took a promineat
part. During the reign of Leopold I (165^1705)
hundreds of families of the Schismatic Greek Church
had entered Croatia as refugees from Turkish rule.
Jealousy existed between the Catholics of the country
and the newcomers because the rulers did not favour
any but the Catholic religion. In 1777 Maria Theresa
secured the erection of a diocese for the Uniat Greeks,
with the Eastern Bite and the Old Slavonic Litur^.
She hoped in this way to bring about a union with
Rome, but the breach was only widened. Eklucation
reached a high standard in the sixteenth century under
the Hermits of St. Paul. Later on the Jesuits oecame
their co-workers in the field. Hiey established an ex-
cellent institution in Zagreb. Hie Croatian youth also
attended the universities at Rome, Padua, and Bologna.
The absolutist, Joseph II (1780-90), who succeeded
Maria Theresa, f aOed in his reforms, though he stopped
at nothing in -his attempts to carry them out. In
Croatia he suppressed religious orders, confiscated
monasteries anci seminaries, and hampered the pro-
gress of education. To save the mother-tongue a re-
action against Latin began in 1835, and the native
speech was revived in church, university, and street.
In 1809 Napoleon, having conquered Croatia, set up
the Kingdom of Illyria, a union of all the Croatian
provinces, under French control. In tlie first half of
the nineteenth centuiy, as an out^wth of the revival
of the language, a vi^rous nationalizing movement
began under Louis Gai. Representatives of the peo-
ple, 300 in number, demanaed of the king the same
rights for Croatia as those possessed by Hungaiy : inde-
pendence imder the king; the election of uie ban by
the people and his presentation for tiie kinsi's ap-
proval: the ban was to be ex-officio president of Croa-
tian cabinet and responsible to the ^So&or, at its annual
meeting; the Croatian army with its head was to take
an oath of fidelity to the king; the Military Frontier to
be abolished; and Croatian made the official tongue.
The only point gained was the appointment, as ban,
of Joseph Jellachich. In 1848 the revolution broke
out. Jellachich saved the throne for the Hapsbuig
family, but further enslaved his country in domg so.
The Croatian Generals Davidovich and Vukasovich
distinguished themselves in the war against Italy in
1866. In 1878 Generals Francis and Ivan Phuop-
povich occupied Bosnia with Croatian regiments.
On 21 July, 1868, a compromise was effected be-
tween Croatia and Hungaxy. Croatia, Slavonia, the
Military Frontier, and Dalmatia constitute a separate
political body; Fiume (Rieka) and its district were
left coTidcminiumf with two representatives in the
Croatian Saber, The military Frontier had been sup-
pressed and part was annexed to Transylvania in 1851
part to Hungary in 1872; and part to (^oatia-Slavonia
m 1881. Dalmatia remained separate, with eleven
representatives in the Austrian parliament {Reic^
r(Uh), Croatia has autonomy in administrative, edu-
cational, and judicial affairs. Hie national l^jslar
tive body is the Sabor; the executive body, ihe iSoytl
Croatian -Slavonian -Dalmatian Government. The
head of Croatia-SIavonia is the ban, appointed by the
king upon the recommendation of tne Hungarian
prime minister, responsible to the Sabor, All State
business in common with Hungary is regulated in the
Hungarian-Croatian Parliament at Budapest. There
are also executive ministries for the administratioa of
national affairs, with separate departments for Croa*
tian interests. The Croatian Minister stands as a
mediator between the King of Croatia and the QoatUa
GBOOE
513
OBOIA
(Government. He t& a member of the Hungarian
cabinet and is responsible to the Hungarian Parliar
ment. Croatia is represented in the House of Magnates
by three delegates; in the House of Representatives
by for^ delegates. On Delegattions for National
Affairs Croatia-Slavonia is represented by one member
from the Upper House and four from the Lower.
Education anp Religion. — ^There is a university
at Zagreb with three faculties: philosophy, the(4ogy,
and law; an agricultural academy; and an academy
founded and endowed by Bishop Strossmayer. There
are twenty-five high schools and gymnsflia each with
eight grades, and over a thousand public schools of
five grades, all supported by the Government, witii
the exception of some private institutions.
Ecclesiastically Croatia constitutes one province,
erected by the Bull "Auctorem omniiun^' of Pius IX,
11 Dec.. 1852. The archiepiscopal see is at Agram
(Zagreb), and there are tnree suffragan dioceses:
DjaKovo, Senj-Modrus, and Kreus (Knzevci) (Uniat
Greek). Theoretically the relations between Church
and State are regulated by a concordat of 18 Aug.,
1852; but this is practically disregarded. Civil mar-
riage is not recognised and ecclesiastical regulations
are in force. Of the population of 2,186,410, 71
per cent, is Catholic; 26 per cent. Schismatic Greek;
1.6 per cent. Protestant; and 1 per cent. Jewish. Free-
dom of worship is guaranteed by State law. Religious
instruction is given in the schools under Government
supervision, the State paying such teachers and sup-
plying textbooks out of the public revenues. Churches
are incorporated under the name of the parish or com-
munity to which they belong, subject to the require-
ments of canon law. Church property is taxed, but
the clergy are exempt from military and jury ser-
vice. They are also subject to the civil penal law,
have the power to make wills but not witness to them,
and can cuspose of their personal property according to
canon law. Cemeteries are regulated by ecclesiastical
and civil law, each denomination having it^ own. Re-
ligioua orders may be established with the consent of
the Church and state; the Franciscans, Capuchins,
Jesuits, and Ssdvatorians are represented. Bishops
are nominated by the king, on the recommendation of
the Government, and appointed by the pope. Canons
are appointed by the kine on the recommendation of
the Government, and the latter appoints the irremov-
able rectors from the tema, i. e. from three names
proposed, or regardless of the Uma. Each diocese has
Its own seminary, llie Catholic press has a number
(rf weekly, and a few daily, papers.
Causes of Emigration. — ^The people are over-
taxed. Industry and commerce are handicapped by
the oentraliaation of common carriers and by a trans-
portation tariff upon export goods. The import and
export tariffs are imjustly apportioned, and agricul-
ture and stock-raising are unprofitable except for
domestic purposes. State monopolies prevent free
commerce, and bureaucracy hampers the development
of trade and the comfort of the people. The land is
generally cultivated and is rich in forests. Quicksil-
ver, gold, copper, iron, coal, coal oil and sulphur are
found, but tne production is small. The nvers are
navigable, and there are excellent roads, but the rail-
toads have not kept pace with the needs of the people.
In the United States there are over 200,000 Croats
distributed in all sections, working in mines, factories,
and upon farms. Many of these are well-to-do. The
immigration began in tne early part of the nineteenth
eentury and numbers fought in the Civil War. There
are about 260 Croatian societies under the patronage
of various saints. Owing to the scarcity of native
priests the number of parShes is small, only twelve in
number (1908) and four parochial schools. It must
be remembered, however, that the first Croatian priest
came to the United States only ten years ago, while
the people had been coming in large numbera for
thirty years, with no one to look after their spiritual
needs. The Croatian parishes which have been or-
flnnized are: — Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Maiy,
Kankin, Pennsylvania; St. Nicholas, Allegheny, Penn-
slyvania; St. Rock, Johnstown, Pennsylvania; St.
Paul, Cleveland, Ohio; St. Joseph, St. Louis, Missouri;
St. John, Calumet, Michigan; St. John, Kansas City,
Kansafi; Assumption of B. V. M., Chicago, Illinois;
Sts. Peter and Paul (Greek Uniat), Chicago, lib.; Sts.
Peter and Paul, Great Falls, Montana; St. Mary of
Grace, §teelton, Pennsylvania; Church of the Nativ-
ity, San Frandsoo, Cahfomia.
Aeademia acieatiarum el artium: DocumenUi hiHorux croatica,
periodum arUiquatn lUustrontia (A«ram, 1877): Kuxux^evich,
Codex diplomatictu regni Croatia, DalnuUicB et SlawmuB (AKram,
1S74, 1876); Lu6icb, De reono Dalmatxa et CroaH<B, lUm sex (St.
Mark's Libraxy, Venioe): Tmeiner. Vetera numumenta Slavorum
meridumalium (Rome, Agram, 1883, 1875); Tkal6ich. Monu-
merUa hietorioiB (Asram, 1896); FBBiiENDizN, Ada Boenim
(A«ram« 1882); Kbcbucb, De ramie Dalmatia, Croatue et Sla--
voniw (Agram, 1770); Farz.ati. lUyrieum Sacrum (Venice, 1761.
1801); SvEAB. Ogledalo Ittiriuma (Agram, 1839, 1842):Tka-
l6xc!H, Hrvateka povjeelniea (Agram, 1861); Ljubicb, PretM
hrvatake poviesti (Fiume, 1864); Smx^iklas, Hrvanka povieet
(Agram, 1879, 1882); Klaich. Povisl Hrvata (Agzam, 1890.
sq.;; RaSki, u rodovima akademije (Agram); Horn, La Hon-
grie et la Croatie (Pann, 1907); Puverich, Beitr&Qe (Agram,
1886): Macaulat, Edinburgh Review (April, 1842); SUiieaman*e
Year Book il908).
M. D. Krmpohc.
broce, GiovANm, composer, b. at Chioggia near
Venice in 1557; d. 15 May, 1609. Under the tutelage
at Venice of Gioseffo Zarlino, Croce became one of^the
most noted composers of the Venetian School. Alfter
entering the priesthood he was attached to the church
of Santa Mana Formosa. In 1593 he was given charge
of the choir boys at San Marco with the title of vice-
director. On the death of Baltazzaro Donati, 13 July,
1603, Croce became his successor as choirmaster. He
wtote a great deal of secular music in the forms par-
ticularly cultivated in his time, such as the madrigal
and the cantonetta, but his chief productions are those
destined for the Church. Their characteristics are
clarity of form and a devotional spirit. Many of his
compositions form part of Proske's ''Musica Divina"
and Lueck's collection contains three motets; "O
sacrum convivium ' ', " Cantate Domino ' ', and " Exaudi
Deus".
Ambros, Geschtchte der Mr^iik (LeSpsig, 1881); KornuClleb,
Lexihon der kirchliehen Tonkxmat (RatUbon. 1895), Pt. II, p. 66.
Caffi, Staria deUa Mueica Sacra (Venice. 1854-65), L 200, 206.
Joseph Otten.
Oroia, a titular see of Albania. Croia (pronounced
Kruya, Albanian, ''Spring") stands on the site of
Eriba?a, a town mentioned by Ptolemy (III, xiii, 13,
41). Georgius Acropolites (Ixix) mentions it as a
fortress in 1251. A decree of the Venetian senate
gave it in 1343 to Marco Barbarigo and his wife. In
1395 it was held by the Castriots (Mas-Latrie, Tr^sor
de chronologie, 1773), and it was the birthplace of the
Lion of Albania, the national hero, George Castnota
or Scanderbeg (d. 17 Jan., 1468). It was captured
by Mohammed II 14 June, 1478, and the wbole popu-
lation waa slaughtered together with the Venetian
^rrison, except the few who embraced Mohammedsji-
isra. Since the thirteenth century Croia has been a
Latin suffragan of Dyrrachium (Durazzo). Farlati
(lUyricum sacrum, VII, 411-432) mentions fourteen
bishops from 1286 to 1694 (Gams, 404; Lequien, III,
955, incomplete); Eubel (I, 224; II, 156) adds four
namos and corrects some data. Croia is to-day the
chief town of a kaimakamlik in the vilayet of Scutari,
with about 10.000 inhabitants, all Mussulmans. The
Venetian citaael, 1500 feet above the sea, is still pre-
served together with Turkish guns and bells dating
from the days of Skanderbeg. Croia is renownea
amon^ the Bektashi dervishes for the tombs of many
of their saints.
HopF, Chnmiquee grieo^romanee: DsoaAND, Souvenire de la
" iCParia
Uaute-Albanie (Paria, 1901), 215-227.
S. PirraiD^
d&OtSBT
614
OBOttAtt
Croiset, Jean, ascetical writer, b. at Marseilles.
1656: d. at Avignon, 31 January, 1738. He entered
the Societv of Jesus in 1677^ and was for a long time
rector of tne novitiate at Avignon, which he governed
with great wisdom. He became famous as a director
of consciences, and as a writer of many spiritual books
which have been translated into several languages.
His '' Devotion to the Sacred Heart'' appears to have
been the first of his publications. He wrote also:
"Retreats for Each Day of the Month"; "The Lives
of the Saints for Each Day of* the Year", in eighteen
volumes, in the last of which is "The Life of Our
Lord" and "The Life of the Blessed Virgin"; "The
Model of Youth"; "Spiritual Illusions"; "Dialogues
on Worldly Dangers " ; " ParaUel of the Morals of Our
Age, with the Morality of Christ ", etc. He also pub-
lished collections of pra^jers. De Backer accuses
Lamennais of having plagiarized from Croiset in his
little work called "Guide du jeune ^". Feller
attributes a book of meditations also to Croiset. He
is regarded as one of the great masters of the spiritual
life.
Db Backsb, BiU, de la c. de J. (Li^, 1853 and 1861);
FxLLBB, Biog, Univ. (Paris, 1813).
T. J. Campbbix.
Oroke, Thomas William, Archbishop of Caidiel,
Ireland, b. near Mallow, Co. Cork, 24 Ma;y, 1824 ; d. at
ThurleSp 22 Julv, 1902. His early studies were made
at the Irish CoUege, Paris, and his theological course
was completed at Kome. Returning to Ireland he
was made one of the professors at St. Patrick's Col-
lege, Carlow, and then did mission work at CharleviUe
in his native diocese from 1849 to 1858. They were
the years of misery following the great famine, and the
suffering of the people from their economic and politi-
cal mis&rtunes intensified the national leanings that
were a marked characteristic of his whole career and
which made him to his fellow-oountrymen the ideal of
the patriot priest. He was a zealous follower of
O'Connell in uie Repeal Era, and when the prestige of
The Liberator waned, sided with the Young Ireland
party.
Ap^inted president of St. Colman's College, Fer-
moy, m 1858, Dr. Croke administered this office satis-
factorily for seven years, followed by five equally suc-
cessful years as pastor of Doneraile, and was then ap-
pointed Bishop of Auckland, Australia. He was con-
secrated in Rome by Cardinal Cullen and took part in
the concluding sessions of the Vatican Council. Re-
turning to Ireland for a brief visit, he went by way of
the United States to take possession of his See of
Auckland. During the succeeding four years his ^v-
emment of the diocese was marked bv greeA spiritual
and material progress. In 1874 Archbi^op Leahy of
Cashel died, and at the request of the Irish hierarchy
Bishop Croke was appointed to fill the vacancy. His
return to Ireland gave the greatest satisfaction to the
people, who immediately haQed him as the unques-
tioned and safe ecclesiastical leader in national poli-
tics that Archbishop MacHale of Tuam had been for
the previous generation. He at once resumed his
former active interest in political affairs and became a
strong supporter of the Home Rule movement under
the leadersnip of Isaac Butt. In the more advanced
agrarian projects of the Land League days he was side
by side with C^iarles Stewart Pamell in popular lead-
ership, and was the main restraining influence when
the ultra-radical element, infuriated by the new co-
ercion laws of British officialism, broke out with the
"No Rent" and other revolutionary manifestos. He
made several visits to Rome in defence of the popular
cause and to oppose the attempts of British diplomacy
to enlist the du^t intervention of the influence of the
Vatican against the Iridh Nationalists, the justice of
whose efforts he vigorously championed. After the
fall of Pamell and uie oomusion and factional strife
that followed he withdrew in a measure from active
participation in politics, but never lost his enthusiaaoi
for the cause of Irish national regeneration.
Freeman** Journal (Dublin); The TMet (London); Thm
Catholic New$ (New York), oontemporary files: Uoman, His-
tory of the Catholie Church in Atutrakuia (Sydney, a. d.),
917, 918.
Thoicas F. Meehan.
Otolbr, William, Arehbishop of Arma^, b. at
Ballykifbee, near Downpatrick, 8 June, 1780; d. 6
April, 1849. At fourteen he was sent to a clasrical
school in Downpatrick, conducted by Rev. Bfr. Nel-
son, a Unitarian minister, as there were no Catholie
schools in the north of Ireland. In Novemb^, 1801,
he went to Maynooth, and obtained first place in do^
matic theology in 1806. At Pentecost of the aame
year he was ordained priest \yv Dr. Troy, Archbishop
of DubUn, and for six years lectured in logic, metA-
phjrsics, and ethics. In 1812 he took cham cd the
parish of Belfast, which comprised not only toe entire
town but also a district more than" thirty miles in ex-
tent. On being appointed Bishop of Down and Con-
nor in 1825, he induced the Hol^ See to change the
episcopal parish from Downpatrick to Belfast, the
real centre of the diocese. During the ten vears he
spent as bishop of this see he built a large church in
almost every parish, and founded St. Malachy's Semi-
nary. Owing to the dearth of Catholic schools, Dr.
Crolly was obUged to allow Catholic children to attend
Protestant schools, a course of action which ciuised a
fierce controversy after his death. In 1835 he was
appointed to the arehdioeese of Armagh. Up to his
time no primate had been allowed to reside in that
town, but he lived alternately there and in Drogbeda,
where most of the primates had dwelt in penal times.
His first care was to found St. Patrick's Seminary in
Armagh, which was opened in 1838. His great work
however, was the foundation of the cathedSral, which
was not completed till twenty-four years after his
death. Having^ with ereat dimculty acquired a site
on an historic hill by tne side of the town, he laid the
foundation stone on St. Patrick's Day, 1840, amid a
vast assemblage of clergy and laity. The woric of
construction went steadi^ on until the famine years,
and the primate visited several cities in Irehmd, mak-
ing an appeal in person. The famine, however,
stopped the progress of the work. When the question
of the Queen's colleges arose, the primate was one of
those bishops who looked favourably on the project.
It is certain, however, that if he had lived till the
Synod of Thurles, in which these colleges were for-
mally condemned as pernicious to the Faith, he would
have laid aside his own private opinions on this sub-
ject, and submitted to tne decision of the Holv^ See.
He died in Drogheda of the cholera, on Good Friday
(6 April), 1849, and was buried on Easter Sunday in
the centre of the choir of the still unfinished cathedral
of Arma^. A collection of the '^ Select Serrnxms" ol
the primate was published shortly after his death.
Gbollt. Life of Dr. CroUy (Dublin. 1851); Stuast. Hiato-
rical Memoira of Armagh, Ck>LBBiAN ed. (Dundalk, 1900), XX,
299 sqq.
A. COLKICAN.
Oromer, Martin. See Kromer.
Oronan, name of several Irish saints. — ^L Saint
Cronan Mochua, founder of the See of Balla, sub-
sequently meiged into that of Tuam, Ireland, flour-
ished in the period 696-637, d. 30 Mareh, 637, but
his Acts are more or less of a legendary charact«'.
However, it would appear that he was educated
at Bangor, under St. Comgall^ and founded a mon-
astery at Gael, among the Feara Rois of Louth and
Monaghan, whence he migrated to Fore and Te-
hilly. Passing through Hy Many, he journeyed to
Connacht, in 616, and founded the church and Abbey
of Balla, of which he was first abbot-bishop. Num^«-
ous miracles are recorded of St. Cronan Mochua, and
OROSTIR
515
0B08ISE
are minutely described in his Iriah life. His feast is
celebrated on 30 Marchy though, through a miscon-
ception, his Acts are given by the Bollandists under
date of 1 January.
CoiiOAN. Ada SS. Hib. (Louvain, 1645): Butlbb. Liom of
the SairUs; Acta Sanctorum, Jan. I and III: Todd and Reeves,
Martyroloov of Donegal (Dublin. 1864); 0'HANU>if , Livea of the
Irieh Sainta (Dublin, 1875). Ill; Knox. Noiee on the Dioouee <4
Tuam (1904); Whitlbt Stokeb, Anecdota Oxonien, (1890).
II. Saint Cronan, Abbot-Bishop and Patron of
RoBcrea, a see afterwards incorporated in that of Kil-
laloe, Ireland; b. in the territory of Ely O'Carroll;
d. 28 April, &40. After spending lus ^routh in Con-
nacht, he returned to his native district about the
year 610 and founded the Abbey of Roscrea, where he
established a famous school. Previously he settled
at a place known as Sean ros or Loch Cre, a wooded
morass far from the haimts of men; in fact, it was
utterly wild, so much so, that St. Cronan abandoned
it ana moved to the wood of Cre, that is Ros ere.
County Tipperaiy. Like those of so many other
Irish saints tne Acts of St. Cronan abound in miracles.
The most surprising, perhaps, m the legend as to the
transcribing of the Pour Gospels by one of his monks,
named Diinma. It appears that Dimma could only
undertake one day's tasK, from sunrise to sunset. St.
Cronan, however, bade him write, and then Dimma
set to work, never ceasing till he had finished the
Four Gospels, the sun continuing to shine for the
space of forty days and forty nights — the scribe him-
self being unconscious that the work had occupied
more than a day. Whatever may be thou^t of this
legend, it is certain that a ma^ificent Evangelis-
tarium, known as the ''Book of Dmuna'', was for cen-
turies preserved in St. Cronan's Abbey at Roscrea,
and is now in the library of Trinity College, Dublin.
The scribe, Dimma MacNathi, signs his name at the
conclusion of each of the Gospels, and he has been
identified with Dimma, subsequently Bishop of Con-
nor, who is mentioned with St. Cronan in the letter of
Pope John IV in 640, in r^ard to Pelagianism in Ire-
land, but this identification cannot be sustained. The
case containing the ''Book of Dimma'' was richly gilt
by order of O'Uarroll, Lord of Ely, in the twelfth cen-
tur^r. Notwithstanding the conflicting statements
arising from the number of contemporary Irish saints
bearing the name of Cronan, it is more tnan probable
that St. Cronan of Roscrea, as les Petits Bollandistes
say, lived as late as the year 640, and his death oc-
curred on 28 April of that year. His feast is cele-
brated on 28 April and as such is included in all the
Irish calendars, as also in the Kalendar of Drummond.
Ada SS,, III, 28 Jipril; Butleb. Lives of the Saints, IV;
0*Hanu>n, Lives of Oie hish Saints (Dublin. 1876), IV; Gii^
BXBT. National Manuscripts of Ireland (1884); Les Petits Bol-
landistes j^ns, 1880), V: Lanigan, Eedesiastical History of
Ireland (Dublin. 1829), III: Healt, Ireland's Ancient S<^ools
and Scholars (4th ed., Dublin. 1902).
A number of other saints of this name find a place
in Irish calendars. The three most important are
St. Cronan Mochua, of Clashmore (10 February); St.
Cronan, Abbot of Clonmacnoise (18 July); and St.
Cronan, Abbot of Moville (7 Sept.). Another saint
frequently quoted as of this name is really St. Cuaran
(Cuaranus Sapiens), whose feast occurs on 9 February.
There is also a St. Cronan Mochua of Sliabh Eibhlem
(4 May).
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Oroaier (or Pastoral Staff), The, is an ecclesi-
astical ornament which is conferred on bishops at their
consecration and on mitred abbots at their investiture,
and which is used by these prelates in performing cer-
tain solemn functions. It is sometimes stated that
archbishops do not use the crosier. This is not so, the
truth being that in additicm to the pastoral staff they
have also the right to have the archiepiscopal cross
borne before them within the territory of their juris-
diction. According to present-day usase the Roman
p<mtiff does not use the crosier. That wis practice is
a departure from primitive discipline is now thor-
oughly established, for in the early representations of
the popes found on tablets, coins, and other monu-
ments, the crosier is to be seen (Kraus, Geschichte der
christUchen Kunst,
II, 500). But in
the eleventh cen-
tury this cutsom
must have disap-
peared, since Inno-
cent III (d. 1216)
intimates that it no
longer prevailed
(Epistola ad Patr.
Const.). As a rea-
son why the pope
does not use a
crosier symbolists
all^ the giving by
St. Peter of his staff
to one of his dis-
ciples in order to
raise a dead com-
panion to life. The
pastoral staff will
here be treated un-
der: (y the symbo-
lism or the crosier*
(2) its origin ana
antiquity; (3) early
forms and subse-
quent artistic de-
velopment.
(1; Symbolism. —
The erosier is a
symbol of author-
ity and j urisdiction.
Tnis idea is clearly
expressed in the
words of the Roman
Pontifical with
which the staff is
presented to the
pishop elect: *'Ao-
cipe oaculum pas-
Croucr of Giuuo db' Msoia
(AFTEBWARD6 ClXMKNT VII)
(Pitti Palace. Florence)
toralis officii; et sis in corrigendis vitiis pie sffiviens,
judicium sine ird, tenens, in fovendis virtutibus
auditorum animos mulcens, in tranquilUtate sev-
eritatis censuram non deserens'' (Pont. Rom., 77).
It is then, as Durandus (Rationale Divin. Off., Ill,
xv) says, borne by prelates to signifv their authority
to correct vices, stunulate piety, administer punish-
ment, and thus rule anci govern with a gentle-
ness that is tempered with severity. The same
author goes on to sav that, as the rod of Moees
was the seal and emblem of his Divine commis-
sion as well as the instnunent of the miracles he
wrou^t, so is the episcopal staff the s^pabol of that
doctrmal and disciplinary power of bishops in vir-
tue of which Uiey may sustam the weak and faltering,
confirm the waverinff in faith, and lead back the erring
ones into the true fold. Barbosa (Pastoralis Solhcitu-
dinis, etc., Tit. I, ch. v) alluding to the prevalent form
of the staff, says that the end is sharp and pointed
wherewith to prick and goad the slothlul, the middle
is straight to signify righteous rule, while the h^ is
bent or crooked in order to draw in and attract souls
to the ways of God. Bona (Rerum liturgic, I, xxiv)
says the crosier is to bishops what the sceptre is to
kings. In deference to this symbolism bishops alwavB
can^ the crosier with the crook turned outwardsii
while inferior prelates hold it with the head reversed.
Moreover, the crosiers of abbots are not so large aa
episcopal crosiers, and are covered with a voil when the
bishop is present.
0aO8IIE8
516
OBosmui
(2) Origin, — The or^in of the nagtoral staff is at
times associated with tne shepherd's crook. Whether
the usage was borrowed from this source is doubtful.
Some writers trace an affinity with the lituttSy or rod
used by the Roman augurs in their divinations, while
others again see in the crosier an adaptatioii of the
ordinary walking-sticks which were used for support
on journeys and m churches before the introduction of
seats (Catalani, Pont. Rom., Proleg., xx). At all
events, it came at a very early date to be one of the
principsd insignia of the episcopal office. Just how
soon is not easilv determined, since in the early pas-
sages of the Fathers in which the word occurs it can-
not be ascertained whether it is to be taken literally or
metaphorically (see I Cor., iv, 21), or whether it desig-
nates an ecclesiastical ornament at all. In liturgical
usage it probably goes back to the fifth century
(Kirchenlex., s. v. Hirtenstab). Mention of it is made
in a letter of Pope
Celestine I (d. 432)
to the Bishops of
Vienne and Nar-
bonne. Staffs have
indeed been found
in the catacombs
that date from the
fourth century but
their ceremonial
character has not
been established.
The first imequiv-
ocal reference to the
crosier as a liturgical iustrviment
occurs in the twenty-seven th cantjn
of the Ck)uncil of Toledo {VilU),
At present it is employi^d by bish-
ops whenever they perform solemn
pontifical functions, by right in
their own dioceses and by iirivileitc
outside, and by inferior prelato^t
whenever they are privilog^ to ex-
ercise pontifical functiotiH,
(3) Form and Dei^Iopneni.—
The evolution of the htufT is <*f
interest. Ecclesiologist^ < 1 is t i n ^^u i s h
three early forms. The first wiis
a rod of wood bent or orookecl at
the top and pointed at the 1(i>i*ct
end. This is the oldest form a! id
was known as the mdum. Tim
second had, instead of th*:' crook, ti
knob which was often Hiimioimt*Nl
by a cross, and waw trailed the
ferula or carrdnUa. It wils sonie-
times borne by popes. In the
third form the top conj^iRtml nf a
crux decusmta, or Gri'-'. T, r'
arms of the cross being often so
twisted as to represent two ser-
pents opposed. This, known as
the crociaf was borne by abbots
and bishops of the Eastern Rite.
The original material was generally cypress-wood,
often cased or inlaid with gold or silver. Later on
the staffs were made of solid ivory, gold, silver,
and enamelled metal. From the many specimens
preserved in churches as well as from the representa-
tions in old sculptures, paintings, and miniatures,
some idea may be formed of the artistic development
of the staff and of the perfection it attained. In the
cathedra! of Bruges is preserved the crosier of St.
ICalo, a bishop of the sixth century. The staff con-
gists of several pieces of ivory jointed together by
twelve copper strips; but the volute is modem
(Reusens, E16m. d' arch, chr^t., I, 504). The eleventh
and twelfth centuries witness an elaborate display of
most exc|uisite ornamentation bestowod on the head
Cbosikr of an Ab-
bot— Cellini
(Abbey of Monte
Cassino, Italy)
of the staff. The volute often terminated in a dragon
impaled by a cross, or in some other allegorical figure.
whi]at a wealth of fioral decoration filled up the curve.
In the thirteenth century tibe spaces between the
spirals of the c^rocketed volute were filled with reli-
gious subjects, statues of saints, and scenes from the
animal and vegetable kingdoms, while in those of the
Gothic form the knob was set in precious stones and
embellished with a wreath of allegorical ornamenta-
tion. Quite a number of these rich and valuable
efforts of artistic skill have come down to us, and one
or more may be seen in almost every old catJiedral of
England and the Continent. Oxford possesses three
very old and interesting patterns, that preserved at
New College having belonged to William of Wykeham.
St. Peter's staff is said to be preserved in the cathedral
of Trier. The legend may be seen in Barbosa (Pas-
toralis Sollicitudinis, etc.. Tit. I, ch. v). As to the
crosier of an abbess see article Abbess.
Bona, Rerum lUurgicarum K&rt dtw (Turin, 1745), I, xxiv,
Catalani, Ponlifioale Romanum (Borne, 1850), I. I^roUffomata,
xx: Mart^nb, De arUiquis eccUsia ntibua (Antwerp, 1784). I,
viii; Reubens, EUments dearth, chrit. (DubUn, 1885), I, 502;
II, 453; Lerobet, Manud Hturgiqus (Paris, 1800), I. 258;
Macaxjster, BcdeHa»tictd VeatmenU (London, 1806), 56, 124;
PuGiN, GloMory of EccUsiaalical Ornament (Loudon, 1868);
KiiAUS, Oesch. der christl. Kunat (Freiburg im Br., 1807), I, 522.
II, 50O, DB Fledrt, La Meaw (iParis, 1880), VIII, 75-110;
Bock, Qeach. der Itturg. OewOnder (Bonn, 1856-62), II, 218 sq.;
Cahieb. Milangea darchiol. (Paris. 1856), IV, 139.
Patrick Morribrob.
Crosiers (or Canons Regular op the Holt
Cross), The, a religious order, fotmded by Theodore
de CJelles, who, after following the Emperor Frederick
Barbarossa on the Crusade, obtained a canoniy in
the Cathedral of St. Lambert at Li^. On the feast
of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14 Sept., 1211),
Theodore ^ith four of liis fellow-canons pronounced
his religious vows before the Bishop of Li^. Hav-
ing received from him the church of St. Theobald at
Clair-Lieu, near Huy, de Celles founded there the first
convent of the order. Pope Innocent HI verbally
approved the new order in 1215, and Pope Honorius
III Kive his written approbation, which was confirmed
by Innocent IV on tne feast of the Finding of the
Holy Cross (3 May, 1248). The new institution soon
extended to France, the Netherlands, Germany, and
jUso to England. The Canons of the Holy Cross
g reached to the Albigenses with St. Dominic. Albert ,
lishop of Prague, took several Crosiers and other
monks with him to Livonia, where a great many of
them gained the glory of martyrdom (1246). Some
other Fathers accompanied St. Louis on his journey
to the Holy Land in 1248. After returning, he en-
abled them to build the main convent of the order in
Paris. The Canons of the Hohr Cross practise both
interior and exterior self-denial, in order to imitate
the Saviour crucified. Contemplating Christ's Pas-
sion they try to sanctify themselves, and, preaching
the mysteries of the Cross, they endeavour to save
others, inducing them to follow in the footsteps of the
Man of Sorrows.
The order formerly possessed about ninety con-
vents, nineteen of which were in England. These
latter were destroyed during the troublesome times of
the sixteenth century. The Dutch houses were de-
spoiled at the time of the Reformation. Only two of
tnem were spared. Finally, the French Revolution
expelled the Crosiers from France and Bd^um. The
two remaining convents in Holland (at St. Agatha
and Uden in North Brabant) were likewise doomed to
extinction by King William, who ordered tiiem not
to admit novices. His successor, however, retracted
this interdict (14 Sept., 1840), and, from that time,
the order commenced to flounish a^ain. From these
convents three large branches were founded in Bel*
gium, at Diest (1845); at Maese^ek (1854); at Hannut
(1904) ; while the convent of Uden has been totally re-
newed (1905), and the mother-house at St. Agatha
517
0R088
restored (1907). In 1857 the master general of the
order e^it some miasionariee to Bay Settlement, Wie*
coDsin, U. 8. A., but the undertaJdng failed on ac-
count of inmipemble difficulties. Pope Urban VIU
gave to the nuMter general, August Neerius, and his
succesaon, the privileaes of purple, crosier-staff, mitre,
and pontificalia, together with some other exc^>tional
favours (1630). Pope Leo X added the special fac-
ulty of blessing rosaries or chaplets, so that on a
rosary indulgence by CrosienB 500 days of indul-
gence are to be gained each time a Pater or Ave is
said. Tht Indul^oe is iJso apphoable to the souls in
puigatoiy (Gregory XVI, decrees of 15 Sept., 1842:
13 July, 1845: Pius IX, 9 Jan., 1848). Pope Pius X
decreed that both the Crosier and the Dominican In-
dulflenoes may be gained together on condition that
a whole ohaplet is said.
After one vear of probation the Crosier novice
enters into tne order by a ean^le but perpetual.
I»t>feeBion; the solemn profession follows three
yean thereafter. The i)riests and the professed
clerics wear a white tunic, over which is a black
scapular; a short black manUe {moteUa) and a hood of
the same colour complete their costume. Upon the
breast of the scapular a cross is sewed, the upnght bar
of which is red, and the cross-bar white. A prior
presides over each convent and the order is governed
by a master general, elected for life, fifty-two having
ruled from the foundation to 1908. As their particular
patroneas the Crosiere venerate St. Odilia, a compan-
ion of St. Ursula, who is said to have appeared in Paris
to a lay brother of the order, named Jean de Novelian
(1387), after which her reUcs were fotmd at Cologne
and brought to the mother>house at Huv. A great
manv pilgrims visit the churches of the Crosiers dur-
ing the octave of St. Odilia's Feast (18 July), in order
to obtain her protection, and to be cured from oph-
thalmy, and water blessed in honour of St. Odilia is
sent on request by the Crosiers all over the world.
The life of the Crosier Fathers is both contemplative
and active. They give missions, retreats, and assist
the secular cleii^ when asked. They also educate
young men aspiring to the priesthood in their colleges.
jAifBSN in K%rchm&x,,B.y.;YWBi>nc,Vie du Phre TModon
de CdUa (P^rini«ux, 1632); Godefb. a Lit., ExpUmatio constt-
tutionum O. fratrum Cruciferarum (Cologne, 1032); Hbrmanb.
AfinaUt eammieorufnretpdariuma.Aug. Ord. t. entei$ (Hviiogm-
" 1858); Amute el tmulUutionea Fr. Ordinia ea$umici
' (St. Miofiael'8, 1868); Russel, Chronicon Ordini$ 8.
k>)oKne. 1(»35).
H. YZERMANS.
Orosa, Apparition of the. See (^onstantine.
OroMy Sign of the. See Sign of the Cross.
Oross, Way of the. See Way of the Cross.
Gross and Omcifix, The. — For greater clearness
and convenience the article under this general heading
will be divided, to correspond as nearly as possible
with tiiree broad aspects of the subject, into three
principaT sections, each of which will again be divided
mto subsections, as follows: —
I. Archjsology of the Cross: (1) Primitive Crvci-
form Signs; (2) The Cross as an In^rument of Punishr
ment in the Ancient World; (3) The Crucifixitm of Jesus
Christ; (4) Gradtud Devdopmeni of the Cross in Chris-
Han Art; (6) Later Development of the Crucifix.
n. The True Cross and Representations of it as
Objects of Devotion: (1) Growth of the Christian
CvU; (2) Catholic Doctrine on the Veneration of the
Cross; (3) Relics of the True Cross; (4) Principal
Feasts of the Cross.
III. Cross and Crucifix in Liturgy: (1) Material
Objects in IMwrgical Use; (2) LUwrgical Farms Con-
nected wUh Them; (3) Festivals Commemorative of the
IMy Cross; (4) Rite of the ** Adoration") (5) The Cross
as a Manual Sign of Blessing; (6) Dedications of
Churches^ etc, to the Holy Cross; (7) The Cross in Re-
eruda (Cole
liaious Orders and in the Crusades; (8) The Cross out-
side of the Catholic Church,
I. AncHAOiiOOY of the Cross. — (1) Primitive Cru-
ciform Signs. — ^The sign of the cross, represented in its
simplest form by a crossing of two lines at right angles,
^reaUv antedates, in both the East and the West, the
mtroduction of Christianity. It ^oes back to a very
remote period of human civilization. In fact, some
have sought to attach to the widespread use of this
sign, a real ethnographic importance. It is true that
in the sign of the cross the decorative and geometriod
concept, obtained by a juxtaposition of lines pleasing
to the sight, is remarkably prominent; nevertheless,
the cross was originally not a mere means or object of
ornament, and from the earliest times had certsdnly
another — ^i. e. a symboUco-religious — significance.
The primitive form of the cross seems to have been
that of the so-called "gamma" cross (crtix gammata),
better knpwn to Orientalists and students of pre-
historic arehAology by its Sanskrit name, l p
swastika. The commonest form of this sign is jjTl
At successive periods this was modified, becoming
curved at the extremities, or adding to them more
complex lines or ornamental points, which latter also
meet at the central intersection. The swastika is a
sacred sign in India, and is very ancient and wide-
spread throughout the East. It has a solemn mean-
ing among both Brahmins and Buddhists, though the
elder Bumouf ("Le lotus de la bonne loi, traduit du
Sanscrit", p. 625; Joum. Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain,
VI, 454) believes it more common among the latter
than among the former. It seems to have represented
the apparatus used at one time by the fathers of the
human race in kindling fire ; and for this reason it was the
symbol of Uving flame, oi sacred fire, whose mother is
Maia, the personification of productive power (Bur-
nouf , La science des religions) . It is also, accordmg to
Milani, a symbol of the sun (Bertrand, La relision des
Gaulois, p. 159), and seems to denote its dauy rotar
tion. Others have seen in it the mystic r^resentation
of lightning or of the god of the tempest, and even the
emblem of the Aryan pantheon and the primitive.
Ar^an civilisation. Emile Bumouf (op. cit., p. 625),
taking the Sanskrit word literally, divided it mto the
partides stA-astv-ka, equivalents of the Greek «44ar/.
jcif. In this way, especially throu^ the adverbial par-
ticle, it would mean ** sign of benediction ", or '* of good
omen" (svastt), also "of health" or ''life". The pai^
tide ka seems to have been used in a causative sense
(Bumouf, Dictionnaire sanscrit-fran9ais, 1866). The
swastika sign was very widespread throughout the
Orient, the seat of tne oldest civilisations. The
Buddhist inscriptions carved in certain caves of West-
em India are usually preceded or closed by this sacred
s^ (Thomas Edward, "The Indian Swastika", 1880;
PhiUp Greg, " On the Meaning and Origin of the lyif ot
and Swastika"). The cdebrated excavations of
Schliemann at Hissarlik on the site of ancient Troy
brought to light numerous examples of the swastika:
on spindle-racks, on a cube, sometimes attached to an
anixnal, and even cut upon the womb of a female idol,
a detail also noticeable on a small statue of the goddess
Athis. The swastika sign is seen on Hittite monu-
ments, e. g. on a cylinder ("The monuments of the
Hittites" in "Transactions of the Soc. of Bibl. ArebiB*
ology ", VII, 2, p. 260. For its presence on Galatian
anoBithynian monuments, see Uuillaume and Perrot,
"Exploration areh^ologique de la Galatie et de la
Bithynie", Atlas, PI. IX). We find it also on the
coins of Lycia and of Gasa in Palestine. In the Island
of Cyprus it is found on earthenware vessels. It orig-
inally represents, as again at Athens and Myoeiue, a
flying bird. In Greece we have specimens of it on
urns and vases of Bceotia, on an Attic vase represent-
ing a Gorgon, on coins of Corinth (Raoul-Rochette,
"Mto. de Tacad. des inscr.", XVJ, pt. II, 302 fjqn.;
♦*IIerculc as-syrieu", 377-380; Minoivini in ** Bull.
CROSS
518
0B088
arch. Napolit.", Scr. 2, II, 178-179), and in the treaa-
ury of Orchomenus. It seems to have been unknown
in Assyria, in Phosnicia, and in Eg^t. In the West it
is most frequently found in Etruna. It appears on a
cinerary urn of Chiusi, and on the fibula found in the
famous Etruscan tomb at Cere (Grifi, Mon. di Cere,
PL VI, no. 1). There are many such emblems on the
urns found at Capanna di Cometo, Bolsena, and Vetu-
lonia; also in a Samnite tomb at Capua, where it ap-
pears in the centre of the tunic of the person there de-
picted (Minervini, Bull. arch. Napolit., ser. 2, PI.
II, 178-179). This sipn is also found in Pompeian
mosaics, on Italo-Grecian vases, on coins of Syracuse
in Sicily (Raoul-Rochette, ''M^m. de Pacad. des
inscr." PI. XVI, pt. II, 302 sqq.; Minervini, "Bull,
arch. Nap.", ser. 2, PI. II, p. 178-179); finally, among
the ancient Germans, on a rock-carving in Sweden, on
a few Celtic stones in Scotland, and on a Celtic stone
discovered in the County of Norfolk, England, and now
in the British Museum. The swastika appears in an
epitaph on a pagan tombstone of Tebessa in Roman
Africa (Annuaire de la Soci^td de Constantine, 1858-
59, 205, 87), on a mosaic of the tgnispicium (Ennio
Quirino Visoonti, Opere vane, ed. iSiilan, I, 141,
Bq(i.), and in a Greek votive inscription at Porto. In
this last monument the swastika is imperfect in.form,
and resembles a Phoenician letter. We shall explain
below the value and symbolical meaning of this crux
gammata when found on Christian monuments. But
the swastika is not the only sign of this kind known to
antiquity. Cruciform objects have been found in As-
syria. The statues of Kmgs Asumazirpal and San-
su^uman, now in the British Museum, have cruciform
jewels about the neck (Layard, Moniunents of Nine-
veh. II, pi. IV). Cruciform earrixigi were found by
Father Delattre in Punic tombs at Carthage.
Another svmbol which has been connected with
the cross is the ansated cross (cnix ansata) of the an-
cient Egyptians JCL wrongly called the "ansated
key of the Nile". I It often appears as a symbolic
sign in the hands of the goddess Sekhet. From the
earliest times also it appears among the hieroglyphic
signs symbolic of life or of the living, and was trans-
literated into Greek as 'Am^ (Ansa). But the
meaning of this sign is very obscure (De Morgan,
Recherohes sur les origines de TEgypte, 1896-98);
pertiaps it was originally, like the swastika, an astro-
nomical sign. The ansated cross is found on many
and various monuments of Egypt (Prisse d'Avennes,
L'art E^yptien, 404). In later times the Egyptian
Christians (Copts), attracted by its form, and perhaps
by its svmbolism, adopted it as the emblem of tne
cross (Gayet, ''Les monimients coptes du Musde de
Boulaq" m ''M^moires de la mission frangaise du
Caire*^, VIII, fasc. Ill, 1889, p. 18, pi. XXXI-XXXII
and LXX-LXXI) . (For further information regarding
the resemblance between the cross and the oldest sym-
bolic signs see G. de Mortillet, ** Le siene de la croix
avant le christianisme", Paris, 1866; Letronne, "La
croix ans^ 6gyptienne" in " M^moires de I'acad^mie
desinscriptions^ XVI, pt. II, 1846, p. 236^84; L.MGl-
ler, "Ueber Sterne, Kreuze und Kr&nze als religiose
&^bole der alten Kulturv6lker", Copenhagen, 1865;
W. W. Blake, '*The Cross, Ancient and Modem",
New York, 1^; Ansault, "Memoirs sur le culte de
la croix avant J^sus-Christ", Paris, 1891.) We may
add tiiat some have claimed to find the cross on
Grecian monuments in the letter X (chi), which, some-
times in conjunction with P (rAo), represented on
coins the initial letters of the Greek word xP^^^^j
"gjold", or other words indicative of the value of the
com, or the name of the coiner (Madden, " History of
Jewish Coinage", London, 1864, 83>87; Eckhel,
"Doctrina nummorum", VIII, 89; F. X. Kraus,
" Real-Encyklopadiederchristlichen AlterthUmer", II,
224-226). We shall return, later on, to these letters.
In the bronze age we meet in di£fcreat parts of
Europe a more accurate rapresentation of the erosB.
as conceived in Christian art, and in this shape it was
soon widely diffused. This more precise diaracterisap-
tion coincides with a corresponding general dianfle in
customs and beliefs. The cross is now met witF, in
various forms, on many objects: fibulas, cinctures,
earthenware fragments, and on the bottom of drinking
vessels. De Mortillet is of opinion that such use of
the sign was not merely ornamental, but rather a sym"
bol ofconsecration, especially in the case of objects
pertaining to burial. In the proto-Etruscan cemeteiy
of Golase«ca every tomb has a vase with a cross ea-
graved on it. True crosses of more or less artistic
design have been found in Tiiyns, at Mycenie, in
Crete, and on a fibula from Vulci. These pre-Chris-
tian figures of the cross have misled many writers to
see in them tn>cs and symbols of the manner in
which Jesus CJhrist was to expiate our sins. Such
inferences are unwarranted, being contrary to the
just rules of criticism and to the exact interpretation
of ancient monuments.
(2) The Cross as an Instrument of Punishmeni in
the Ancient World, — The crucifixion of living penione
was not practised among the Hebrews; capital pun-
ishment among them consisted in being stoned to
death, e. g. the protomartyr Stephen (Acts, vii, 57,
58). But when Palestine became Roman territory
the cross was introduced as a form of punishmeikt,
more particularlv for those who could not prove their
Roman citizenship; later on it was reserved for
thieves and malefactors (Josephus, Antiq., XX, vi,
2; Bell. Jud., II, xii, 6; XIV, 9; V, xi, 1). Though
not infrequent in the E^ast, it was but rarely that uie
Gre^ made use of it. It is mentioned by Donos-
thenes (c. Mid.) and by Plato (Rep., II, 5; also
Gorgias). The stake and the gibbet were more com-
mon, the criminal being suspended on them or bound
to them, but not nailed. Certain (jreeks who had
befriended the Carthaginians were crucified ^ near
Motya by order of Dionysius of Syracuse (Diodor.
Sic, XIV, 53). Both in Greece and in the East the
cross was a customary punishment of brigands (Her-
mann, Gnmds&tse und Anwendimg des Straf-
rechts, Cidttingen, 1885, 83). It was at Rome, how-
ever, that from early republican times the cross was
most freauently used as an instrument of punishment^
and amid circumstances of sreat severity and evisn
cruelty. It was particular^ the |)uniahment for
slaves found guil^ of any serious crime. Hence in
two places (Pro Cluent., 66; I Philipp., ii), Cicero
calls it simply ''servile supplicitun'' — ^tne punishment
of slaves — ^more explicitly (In Verr., 66), "servi-
tutis extremum summumque suppHcium'' — ^the final
and most terrible punishment of slaves. HOschke,
however (Die Multa), does not admit that it was
originally a servile punishment. It was inflicted also,
as Cicero tells us (XIII Phil., xii: Verr., V, xxvii), on
Erovincials convicted of brigandage. It is certain,
owever, that it was absolutely forbidden to inflict
this degrading and infamous punishment on a Roman
citizen (Cic, Verr. Act., I, 5; II, 3, 5; III, 2, 24. 26:
IV, 10 sqq.; V, 28, 52, 61, 66); moreover, an illegal
application of this punishment would have constituted
a violation of the leges sacrata. Concerning a slavci,
the master might act in one of two ways; ne mi^t
condemn the slave arbitrarily (Horace, Sat. lii;
Juvenal, Sat. vi, 219), or he might turn him over tf»
the triumvir capiUUis, a magistrate whose duty it was
to look after capital punishment.
The legal immunity of the Roman ditixen was scmie-
what modified when the poorer citizens (fwmCUores)
were declared subject to the punishment of the cross
(Paul., " Sent.", V, xxii, 1 ; Sueton., "Qalba", ix; Quin-
til., Vlir, iv). The punishment of the cross was regu-
larlv inflicted for such grave crimes as hi^way robbei]y
ancf piracy (Petron., Ixxii; Flor., Ill, xix), for publio
accusation of his master by a slave {delatio dbnt»m)«
OEOSS
519
CROSS
or for a vow made against his master's prosperity
■ (de salute dominorum. See Capitolin., Pertinax, ix;
Herodian, V, ii: Paul., ''Sent. , V, xxi, 4), forsedi*
tion and tumult (Paul., Fr. xxxviii; Digest. "De
poBnifi", xlviii, 19, and "Sent.", V, 221: Dion., V, 52;
Josephus, " Antiq.", XIII, xxii, and "Bell. Jud.", II,
lii), tor false witness, in which case the guilty par^ was
sometimes condemned to wild beasts (ad beslias, Paul.,
" Sent. ", V. xxiii, 1), and on fugitive slaves, who were
sometimes Dumed alive (Fr. xxxviii, S. 1 ; Digest. "De
poenis ' ', XLVIII, xix) . According to Roman custom,
the penalty of crucifixion was always preceded by
scoui^^ Ivirais ccedere, Prud., "Enchind.", xli, 1);
after this preliminaiy punishment, the condemned
person had to carry the cross, or at least the trans-
verse beam of it. to the place of execution (Plut.,
"Tard. dei vind.'% ix, " Artemid.", II, xli), exposed to
the gibes and insults of the people (Joseph., " Antiq.".
Xl^^iii; Plant., "Most.", I, 1, 62; Dion., VII, 69).
On anival at the place of execution the cross was
uplifted (Cic, Verr., V, Ixvi). Soon the sufferer, en-
tirely naked, was bound to it with cords (Plin., "Hist.
Nat.", XXVIII, iv: Auson.. "Id.", VI, 60; Lucan, VI,
543, 547), indicated in Latin by the expressions agere,
dare, ferre, or toUere in erucem. He was then, as
Plautus tells us, fastened with four nails to the wood
of the cross (" Lact.", IV, 13 ; Senec., " Vita beat.", 19 ;
Tert., "Adv. Jud.", x; Justus Lipsius "De Cruce",
II, vii; xli-ii). Finally, a placard called the titulusy
b^mng the name of the condemned man and his sen-
tence, was placed at the top of the cross (Euseb.,
"Hist. EccL", V, 1; Suet., ^Caligula", xxxviii and
" Domit."^ X ; Matt., xxvii, 37 ; John, xix, 19). Slaves
were crucified outside of Rome in a place called Se9~
9orium, beyond the Esquiline Gate; their execution
was entrusted to the camifex servorum (Tacit., " Ann.",
II, 32; XV. 60; XIV, 33; Plut., "Galba", ix; Plant.,
"Pseudol.'^ 13, V, 98). Eventually this wretched
locality be<»me a forest of crosses (Loiseleur, Des
peines). while the bodies of the victims were the
prey ot vultures and other rapacious birds (Horace,
** Epod. " V, 99, and thescholia of Crusius ; Plin., " Hist.
Nat.", X:XXVI, cvii). It often happened that the
condemned man did not die of hunger or thirst, but
lingered on the cross for several days (Isid., V, 27;
Senec., Epist. ci). To shorten his punishment, there-
fore, and lessen his terrible suffenngs, his legs were
sometimes broken (crurifragiumf crura frangere; Cic,
XIII Philipp., xii). This custom, exceptional among
the Romans, was common with the Jews. In this
way it was possible to take down the corpse on the
yerv evening of the execution (Tert., "Adv. Jud.", x;
Isid., V, xxvii; Lactant., IV, xvi). Among the Ro-
mans, on the contrary, the corpse could not be taken
down, unless such removal had been specialljr author-
ized in the sentence of death. The corpse mieht also
be buried if the sentence permitted (Valer. Max., vi,
2; Senec., "Gontrov.", VIII, iv: Cic, "Tusc", I, 43;
Catull., cvi, 1; Horace, "Epod.", I, 16-48; Prudent.,
"Peristephanon", I, 65; Petron., Ixi sqjj.).
The punishment of the cross remained in force
througihout the Roman Empire imtil the first half of
the fourth oentuiy. In the early part of his reign
(Donstantine continued to inflict the penalty of the
cross (apigere paHbulo) on slaves guiltv of delatio
damini, i. e. of denouncing their masters (Cod. Th. ad
leg. Jul. magist.). Later on he abolished this infa-
mous pumiahment, in memory and in honour of the Pas-
sion of Jesus Christ (Eus., "Hist. EccL", I, viii; Schol.
Juvenal., XIV, 78; Niceph., VII, 46; Cassiod., "Hist.
Trip.", I, 9; Codex Theod., IX, 5, 18). Thereafter,
this punishment was veiy rarely inflicted (Eus., " Hist.
Eccl.", IV, XXXV ; Pacat., "Paneg.", xliv). Towaids
the fifth century the /urea, or gibbet, was substituted
for the cross (Pio Fianohi de'Cavalieri, "Delia forca
sostituita alia croce'' in ''Nuovo bulletino di archeo-
k)gia cri8tiana'^ 1907, nos. 1-3, 63 sqq.).
The penalty of the cross goes back probably to the
arbor infelix, or unhappy tree, spoken of by Cicero
(Pro Rabir., iii sqq.) and by Livy, imropos of the
condemnation of Horatius after the murder of his sister.
According to HOschke (Die Multa^ 190) the ma^iB-
trates known as duoviri perdueUionia pronounced wis
penalty (cf. Liv., I, 266), styled also infdix Ugwam
(Senec, Ep. ci; Plin., XVI, xxvi; XXIV, ix; Macrob.,
II, xvi). This primitive form of crucifixion on trees
was long in use, as Justus Lipsius notes ("De cruce'^
I, ii, 5; cf. Tert., "ApoL", VIII, xvi; and "MartyioL
Paphnut.", 25 Sept.). Such a tree was known as a
cross (crux). On an ancient vase we see F^metheus
bound to a beam which serves the purpose of a cross.
A somewhat different form is seen on an ancient cist
at PrsBneste (Palestrina), upon which Andromeda is
represented nude, and bouna by the feet to an instru*
ment of punishment like a military yoke. i. e. two
parallel, perpendicular stakes, surmounted by a trans-
verse bar. Certain it is, at any rate, that the cross
originally consisted of a simple vertical pole, sharpened
at its upper end. Msecenas (Seneca, Epist. xvii, 1,
10) calls it acvJta crux; it could also be csiled crux aim*
Tplex. To this upright pole a transverse bar was after-
wards added to which the sufferer was fastened with
nails or cords, and thus remained until he died, whence
the expression cruei figere or affigere (Tac, "Ann.",
XV, xliv; Petron., " Satyr.", iii). The cross, especially
in the earlier timas, was generally low. It was ele-
vated only in exceptional cases, particularly when it
was desir^ to make the punishment more exemplary.
or when the crime was exceptionally serious. Sue-
tonius (Galba, ix) tells us that Galba did this in the
case of a certain criminal for whom he caused to be
made a very high cross painted white — " multo pr»ter
cseteras altiorem et dealbatam statui erucem iussit".
Lastly, we may note, in regard to ^e material form
of the cross, that somewhat different ideas prevailed
in Greece and Italy. The cross, mentioned even in
the Old Testament, is called in Hebrew, 'ic, !. e.
"wood", a word often translated crux by St. Jerome
(Gen., xl, 19; Jos., viii, 29; Esther, v, 14; viii, 7; ix.
25). In Greek it is called rravpSs, which Bumouf
would derive from the Sanskrit stdvora. The word
was, however, frequently used in a broad sense.
Speaking of Prometheus nailed to Mount Caucasus,
Lucian uses the substantive cravp6s and the verbs
duaaraup6u and dnur/coXor/jta, the latter bdng derived
from vKb^mffj which also signifies a cross. In the
same way the rock to which Andromeda was fastened
is called crux, or cross. The Latin word crux was
applied to the simple pole, and indicated directly the
nature and purpose or this instrument, bdng derived
from the verb crucio, "to torment", "to torture"
(Isid., Or., V, xvii, 33; Forcellini, s. vv. Crucio, Oux).
It is also to be noted that the word furca must have
been at least partiallv equivalent to crux. In fact
the identification of these two words is constant in
the Ic^l diction of Justinian (Fr. xxviii, 15; Fr.
xxxviii, S. 2; Di^^. "De poenis", xlviii, 19).
(3) The Crucifixion of Jesus Christ, — ^Among the
Romans the cross never had the symbolical meaning
which it had in the ancient Orient; they regarded it
solely as a material instrument of punishment. There
are in the Old Testament clear allusions to ^e Cross
and Crucifixion of Jesus Christ. Thus the Greek letter
T (tau or thau) appears in Ezechiel (ix, 4), according to
St. Jerome and other Fathers, as a solemn symbcM of
the Cross of CJhrist — "Mark lliau upon the foreheads
of the men that sigh". The only other symbol of
crucifixion indicated in the Old Testament is the
brassen serpent in the Book of Numbers (xxi, 8-9).
Christ Himself thus interpreted the passage: "As
Moses lifted up the serpent in the desert, so must
the Son of man be lifted up" TJohn, iii, 14). The
P&almist predicts the piercing ot Hie hands and the
feet (Pb. xxi, 17). This was a true prophecy, inasmuch
o&oss
520
0RO88
as it could not be conceived from any custom then
existing; the practice of nailing the condemned to a
T-shaped cross being, as we have seen, at that time
exclusively Western.
The cross on which Jesus Christ was nailed was of
the kind known as immissaf which means that the ver^
tical trunk extended a certain height above the trans-
verse beam; it was thus higher than the crosses of the
two thieves, his crime being judged a ^ver one, ac-
cording to St. John Chrysostom (Homil. v, c. i., on I
Corinth.). The earliest Christian Fathers who speak
of the Cross describe it as thus constructed. We
gather as much from St. Matthew (xxvii, 37), where he
tells us that the tiivluSf or inscription containing the
cause of His death, was placed ^4w, "over", the
head of Jesus Christ (cf . Luke, xxiii, 38 ; John, xix, 19).
St. Irenffius (Adv. Haer., II, xxiv) says that the Cross
had five extremities: two in its length, two in its
breadth, and the fifth a projection (hainius) in the
middle — "Fines et summitatee habet q[mnque, duas in
longitudine, duas in latitudine, unam m medio". St.
Augustine agrees with him: "Erat latitudo in qua
porrectffi sunt manus ; longitude a terr4 surgens, in qu&
erat corpus infixum; altitudo ab illo divexo ligno sur-
Bum quod imminet" (Enarr. in Ps. dii; Serm. i, 44)
and in other passages quoted by Zdckler (Das Kreuz,
1875, pp. 430, 431).
Nonnus confirms the statement that Jesus Christ
was crucified on a quadrilateral cross (eit iSpv rtrpdr-
rXcvpor). St. Irensus, in the passage cited above
says that the Cross had a fifth extremity, on which
the Crucified One was seated. St. Justin calls it a
horn, and compares it to tlie horn of a rhinoceros
(Dialogus cum Tryphone, xci). Tertullian calls it
»Bd\U9 eocoMsuSy a projecting seat, or shelf (Ad. Nat., I,
xii). This little seat {etrnvleus) prevented the weight
of the bodv from completdy tearing the nail-pierced
hands, and it helped to support the sufferer. It has
never been indicated, however, in representations of
the Crucifixion. On the Cross of Christ was placed the
tihdua, as to the wording of which the Four Evange-
lists do not agree. St. Matthew (xxvii, 37) gives,
"This is Jesus the King of the Jews"; St. Mark (xv,
26), "The King of the Jews''; St. Luke (xxiii, 38),
"This is the Kmg of the Jews"; St. John, an eyewit-
ness (xix, 19), .Tesus of Nazareth, the King of the
Jews". In representations of the Crucifixion there
often appears beneath the feet a wooden support
(^M-Mtoy, 8uppedaneufn)\ that it ever existed is very
doubtful. Tne first express mention of it occurs in
Gregorv of Tours (De GloriA Martyrum, vi). St. Cyp-
rian, Tneodoret, and Rufinus hint at it.
A microscopic examination of the fragments of the.
Cross scattered through the world in the form of relics
reveals the fact that it was made from a pine-tree
(Rohault de Fleury, "Mtooire sur les instruments de
la Passion", Paris, 1870, 63). According to an an-
cient, but somewhat dubious, tradition the Cross of
Jesus Christ measured in length very neariy 189 inches
(4.80 metres), from 90^ to 102^ inches (2.30 to 2.60
metres). As noted by the Evangelists, two thieves
were crucified, one on either side of Christ. Their
d-osses must have resembled the one on which He suf-
fered: in Christian art and tradition they ^nerally ap-
pear lower (St. John Chrysostom, Hom. i, xxvi, on I
Cor.; on Rom., v, 5). A large portion of the cross of
the good thief (traditionally known as Dismas) is pre-
served at Rome in the altar of the Chapel of the Relics
at Santa Croce in Gerusalemme.
The historical narrative of the Passion and Crucifix-
ion of Jesus Christ, as found in the Four Gospels, agrees
exactly with all we have set down above concerning
this form of punishment. Jes\is Christ was con-
demned for the crime of sedition and tumult, as were
also some of the Apostles (MalsJas, "Chronocr.", X, p.
2M). His Crucifixion was preceded by the Scourging.
He then bore His Cross to the place of punishment, fi-
nally tlie legs of Jesus would have been broken, acoord-
ing to the custom of Palestine, in order to permit of
burial that very evening, had not the soldiers, oq s^
preaching Him, seen that He was already dead (John,
xix, 32, 33). Besides, in ancient Christian art and
tradition, the Crucifixion of Christ appears as done
with four nails, not with three, accordmg to the usage
of the more recent Christian art (see below).
(4) Qradwd Develojmerd of the Cross in Christian
Art, — Since by His noly sacrificial death upon the
Cross Christ sanctified this fonuer instrament of
shame and ienominy, it must have very soon become
in the eyes of the faithful a sacred sjrmbol of the Pas-
sion, consequently a sign of protection and defence
(St. Paulinus of Nola,^Carm. in Natal. S. Fdicis'%
XI, 612 ; Prudent.. " Adv. Symm.", 1, 486). It ib not,
therefore, altogether strange or inconceivable that,
from the beginning of the new religion, the cross
should have appeared in Christian homes as an object
of religious veneration, aithoueh no such monument of
the earliest Christian art has been preserved. Early
in the third century Clement of Alexandria (" Strom. ,
VI, in P. G., IX, 306) speaks of the Cross as roOKw/jiajtoS
triftulov r6woWf i. e. signwn Christi, ''the symbol of
the Lord" (St. Augustine, Tract, cxvii, "In Joan.";
De Rossi, "Bull, d'arch. crist.", 1863, 35, and "De
titulis christianis Carthaginiensibus'' in Pitra, "Spici-
legium Solesmense", IV, 503). The cross, therefore,
appears at an eariv date as an element of the liturgi<^
life of the faithful, and to such an extent that in the
first half of the third century Tertullian could publicly
designate the Christian body as "crucis religiosi", i. e.
devotees of the Cross (ApoL, c. xvi, P. G., 1, 365-66).
St. Gregory of Tours tells us (De Miraculis S. Martini,
I, 80) that in his time Christians habitually had re-
course to the sign of the cross. St. Augustine savB
that by the sign of the cross and the invocation of the
Name of Jesus all things are sanctified and conse-
crated to God. IntheeaiiiestC3iristianiife,ascanbe
seen from the metaphorical language of the primitive
faithful, the cross was the symbol of the principal
Christian virtue, i. e. mortification or victoiy over the
passions, and suffering for Christ's sake and in union
with Him (Matt., x, 38; xvi, 24; Mark, viii, 34; Luke,
ix, 23; xiv, 27; Gal., ii, 19; vi, 12, 14; v, 24). In the
Epistles of St. Paul the cross is synonymous with the
Passion <rf Christ (Ephes., ii, 16; Heb., xii, 2) even
with the Gospel, and with religion its^ (I Cor., i, 18;
Phil., iii, 18). Very soon the sign of the cross was the
sign of the Christian. It is, moreover, very probable
that r^erence to this sign is made in the Apocalypee
(vii, 2) : " And I saw another angel ascending from the
rising of the sun, having the si^ of the living God.''
It IS from this original Christian worship of the cross
that arose the custom of making on one's fordiead the
sign of the cross. Tertullian says: "Frontem cnicis
signaculo terimus" (De Cor. mil., iii), i. e. "We Chris-
tians wear out our foreheads with the sign of the
cross.'' The practice was so general about the year
200, according to the same writer, that the Christians
of his time were wont to sign themselves with the cross
before undertaking any action. He says that it is not
commanded in Holy Scripture, but is a matter of
Christian tradition, like certain other practices that
are confirmed bv long usage and the spirit of faith in
which they are kept. A certain Scriptural authority
for the sign of the cross has been sought hj some in a
few texts rather freely interpreted, eepeciBSfy in the
above-mentioned words of Esechiel (ix, 4), "Mark
Thau upon the foreheads of the men that si^, and
mourn for all the abominations that are committed in
the midst thereof", also in several expressions of the
Apocalypse (vii, 3; ix, 4; xiv, 1). It would seem that
in very early Christian times the sign of the cross was
made with the t^umb of the ri^t hand (St. -John
Chiys., Hom. ad pop. Antioch. xi; St. Jerome, Ep. aii
Eustochium; a practice still in use among the faithful
OBOiS
621
0B088
during Mass, e. g. at the reading of the Qospel), and
generally on the forehead; gradually, by reason of ita
symbolism, this den was made on other parts of the
body, with particularized intention (St. Ambrose, De
Iaaacetamm&,Migne, P. L., XIV, 501-34). Afterwards
these different signs of the cross were united in one
large sign such as we now make. In the Western
Church the hand was carried from the left to the right
shoulder; in the Eastern Church, on the contrary, it
'WBS brou^t from the right shoulder to the left, the
si^ ^1^ made with three fingers. This apparently
slight difference was one of the (remote) causes of the
fatal Eastern Schism.
It is probable, though we have no historical evi-
dence for it, that the primitive Christians used the
CTOBS to distinguish one another from the pagans in
ordinary sociiJ intercourse. The latter called the
Christians ''cross-worshippers", andironicallvudded,
''id oolunt quod merentur", i. e. they worship that
which they deserve. The Christian apologists, such
as Tertuman (Apol., xvi; Ad. Nationes, xii) and
Minucius Felix (Octavius, Ix, xii, xxviii), felicitously
replied to the pagan taunt by showing that their
persecutors themselves adorea cruciform objects.
»uch observations throw light on a peculiar fact of
primitive Christian life, i. e. the almost total absence
from Christian monuments of the period of persecu-
tions of the pl&in, unadorned cross (E. Reusens, " Ele-
ments d'arch^logie chr^tienne", 1st ed., 110). The
truculent sarcasms of the heathens prevented the
faithful from openly displaying this sign of salvation.
When t^e eariy Christians did represent the sign of the
cross on tiieir monuments, nearly all sepulchral in
character, they felt obliged to disguise it in some artis-
tic and e^bdical way.
One of the oldest of these symbols of the cross is the
anchor, sometimes carved thus JQ. and sometimes^
thus jQl The latter is found most >v generally on
the M> stone slabs of the oldest sections of the
Roman catacombs, especially in the cemeteries of Cal-
listus, DomitiUa, Priscilla, and others. The anchor,
originally a symbol of hope in general, takes on in this
way a much higher meanms : that of hope based on the
Cross of Christ. The similarity of the anchor to the
cross made the former an admirable Christian s^bol.
Another cruciform symbol of the eariy Christians,
though not very conmion, and of a somewhat later
date, is the trident M-J some examples of which are
seen on sepulchral I slabsinthecemeteiyof Callis-
tus. In one inscription from that cemetery the sym-
bolism of the trident is even more subtle and evident,
the instrument standing erect as the mainmast of a
ship entering port, symbolical of the Christian soul
saved bv the Cross of Christ. We must note, too, the
use of tEdspeculiar symbol in the third century in the
region of Tauric Chersonesus (the Crimea) on coins of
Totorses, King of the Bosporus, dated 270, 296, and
303 (De Hocmie, ''Description du mus^ Kotschon-
bey, II, 348, 360, 416; Cavedoni, "Appendice alle
ricerche critiche intomo alle med. Costantiniane, 18,
19 — an extract from the "Opuscoli litterari e religiosi
di Modena" in "Bull. arch. Napolit.", ser. 2, anno
VII, 32). We shall speak again of this sign ^ropos
of the dolphin. On a picture in the Crypts of Lu-
dna, artistically unique and very ancient, there
seems to be an allusion to the Cross. Turned to-
wards the altar are two doves gazing at a small tree.
The scene appears to represent an image of souls loosed
from the bonds of the body and saved by the power
of the Cross (De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea Cristiana,
I, PI. XII).
Before passing to the study of other, more or less
disguised, forms of the cross, e. g. various monograms
of the name of Christ, it may be well to say a word of
various known forms oi the cross on primitive monu-
ments of Christian art, some of whi(ui we shall meet
with in our early study of the said monograms. — The
crux decuMota V* er decussated cross, so called from
its resemblance Jx to the Roman decusns. or sym-
bol for the numeral 10, is in shape like the Greek
letter chi; it is also known as St. Andrew's Cross,
because that Apostle is said to have suffered martyr-
dom on such a cross, his hands and feet bound to
its four arms (Sandini, Hist. ApostoL, 130). The
cmx comndsM, or gaUows-shi^ped cross, is, according
to some, the one on which Jesus Christ dUed. In order
to explain the traditional longitudinal ^ctension of
the Cross, which makes it resemble the crux immtMa, it
is asserted that this extension is onl^ apparent, and
is really only the titulua crucia, the mscnption men-
tioned in the Gospels. This form of the cross {crux
commissa) is probably represented by the Greek letter
iau (T), and is identical with the "sign" mentioned in
the text of Ezechiel (ix, 4) already quoted. Tertul-
lian comments (Contra Marc., Ill, xxii) as follows on
this text: "The Greek letter T and our Latin letter
T are the true form of the cross, which, according to
the Prophet, will be imprinted on our foreheads in the
true Jerusalem." Specimens of this veiled form of
the cross are met with on the monuments of the Ro-
man catacombs, a very fine one, e. g., in an epitaph of
the third century found in the cemetery of St. Cfallis-
tus, which reads ire T ne (De Rossi, "Bulletino d'
archeologia cristiana", 1863, 35). In the same ceme-
tery a sarcophajgus exhibits clearly the gallows-cross
formed by tne intersection of the letters T and V in
the monogram of a proper name carved in the centre
of the airtella, or label. This second letter (V) was
also figurative of the cross, as is evident from the in-
scriptions scratched on rock-surfaces at Mount Sinai
(Lenormant, "Sur Torimne chr^tienne des inscriptions
sinaltiques", 26, 27; De Rossi, loc. cit.). A mono-
gram of a proper name (perhaps Marturius), discov-
ered by AnneUini on the Via Latina, shows the crux
commissa above the intersection of the letters. Other
monograms show similar forms, such as TT and
nF (De Rossi, "Bulletino d'archeologia I cris-
^ tiana", 1867, page 13, fig. 10, and page 14). It
has been attempt^ to establish a connexion between
this form and tne crux ansata of the E^ptians, men-
tioned above; but we see no reason for this (cf. Le-
tronne, Mat^riaux pour lliistoire du christianisme en
Egypte, en Nubie, et en Abyssinie). It would seem,
that St. Anthony bore a cross in the form of tau on his
cloak, and that it was Egyptian in origin. Such a
cross is still used by the Antonine monks of Vienne in
Dauphiny, and appears on their churches and on the
monuments of art belonging to the order. St. Zeno
of Verona, who in the second half of the fourth cen-
tury was bishop of that city, relates that he caused a
cross in form of a tau to be placed on the highest point
of a basilica. There was also another motive for
choosing the letter T as mnbolical of the cross. As, in
Greek, uiis letter stands for 300, that number in Apos-
tolic times was taken as a symbol of the instrument
of our salvation. The symbolism was carried farther,
and the number 318 became a symbol of Christ and
His Cross: the letter I (iota) being equal to 10, and H
(da) to 8 in Greek (Allard, " Le symbolisme chr^tien
d'apr^ Prudence" in "Revue de I'art chr^tien'*,
1885; Hefele, Ed. Ep. St. Bamab®, ix).
The cross most commonly referred to and most
usually depicted on Christian monuments of all ages
is that called the crux immissa, or crux capUata (i. e.
the vertical trunk extending beyond the transverse
beam). It was on a cross such as this that Christ
actually died, and not, as some would maintain, on a
crux commisaa. And this opinion is largely supported
by the testimony of the writers we have quoted. The
crux immissa is that which is usuallv known as the
Latin cross, in which the transverse beam is usually
set two-thirds of the way up the vertical. The equi-
lateral, or Greek cross, adopted by the East and by
Russia, has the transverse set half-way up the vertical.
CROSS
522
0K0S8
Both the Latin and Greek orosBes play an important
part in the architectural and decorative s^les of
church buildings during the fourth and subsequent
centuries. The church of Santa Croce at Ravenna
is in the form of a Latin cross; and on the pillars of
a (^urch bmlt by Bishop Paulinus at Tyre in the
fourth century the cross is carved in the Latin
way. The f agade of the CaihoUcon at Athens shows
a large Latin cross. And this style of cross was
adopted by West and East until the schism occurred
between the two churches. Indeed, at Constanti-
nople the church of the Apostles, the first church of
S. Sophia, consecrated by Constantine, those of the
monastery of St. John at Studium, of St. Demetrius
at Salonica, of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, as well
as many churches at Athens, are in the form of the
Latin cross; and it appears in the decorations of
capitals, balustrades, and mosaics. In the far-ofif
lands of the Picts, the Bretons, and the Saxons, it
was carved on stones and rocks, with elaborate and
complex Runic decorations. And even in the Cathol-
icon at Athens, crosses no less lavishly ornamented
are to be found. In out-of-the-way places in Scot-
land, too, it has been discovered (cf . Dictionnaire de
I'Acadtoie des Beaux-Arts, V, 38).
The Greek cross appears at intervals and rarely on
monuments during the early Christian centuries. The
Crypts of Lucina, in the Catacomb of St. Callistus,
yield an inscription which had been placed on a
double grave or sepulchre, with the names POT*INA:
EIPHNH. Beneath this is seen the equilateral cross
7 — a disguised image of the gibbet on which the
•+• Redeemer died (De Rossi, Rom. Sott.,I, p. 333,
PI. XVIII). It is to be found also painted into the
mantle of Moses in a fresco from the Catacomb of St.
Satuminus on the Via Salaria Nuova (Perret, Cat.
de Rome, III, PI. VI). In later times it is to be seen
in a mosaic of a church at Paris built in the days of
King Childebert (Lenoir. Statistique monumentale de
Paris) and carved on the pedestals of the columns
in the basilica of Constantine in the Agro Verano;
sdso on the roofs and pillars of churches, to denote
their consecration. More often, as we might expect,
we find it on the facades of the Byzantine basilicas
and in their adornments, such as altars, iconastases,
-sacred curtains for the enclosure, thrones, ambones
and sacerdotal vestments. When the Emperor Jus-
tinian erected the church of Santa Sophia at Constan-
tinople, with the aid of the architects Artemius of
Tnules, and Isidore of Miletus, a new architectural
type' was created which became the model for all
churches subsequently built within the Byzantine
Empire, and the Greek cross inscribed in a square thus
became their typical ground-plan. Perhaps, too. the
church of the Twelve Apostles may have been built
upon this plan, as a famous epigram- of St. Gregory
Nazianzen woi^d seem to indicate. There are other
forms of cross, such as the crux gammcUa, the crux
floridaf or flowering cross, the pectoral cross, and the
patriarchal cross. But these are noteworthy rather
for their various uses in art and liturgy than for any
peculiarity of style.
The complete and characteristic form ^ of (prist's
monogram is obtained by the super <y position of
the two initial Greek letters, cht and rho, of the
name XPI2T02. This is inexactly called the Con-
stantinian monogram, although it was in use before
the days of Constantine. It gained this name, how-
ever, because in his day it came much into fashion,
and derived a triumphal si^iification from the fact
that the emperor placed it on nis new standard, i. e. the
Labarum (Marucchi, "Di una precevole ed inedita
inscrizione cristiana" in ''Studi in Italia", anno VI,
II, 1883). Older, but less complete, forms of this
monogram are made up of the crux decusaata aocom*
panied by a defpotive letter T, differing only slightly
tern the letter I, or encircled by a crown. These
forms, which were used principally in the thiid l„
tuiy, present a striking reeemblaaoe to a cross, but
all of them are manifest allusions or symbols.
Another symbol iaigely employed during the third
and fourth centuries, the swatHka already spoken of
at some length, still more closelv resembles tne croea.
On monuments dating within the Christian Era it m
known as the cnuc gammaUif because it is made by
joining four gammas at their bases. Many fantastic
significations have been attached to the use of this sign
on Christian monuments, and some have even gone ao
far as to conclude from it that Christianity is nothing
but a descendant of the ancient reli^ons and myths en
the people of India, Persia, and Asia generally; then
these theorists go on to point out the close raation*
ship that exists between Christianitv, on the one hand,
ana Buddhism and other Oriental religions, on the
other. At the very least they insist upon seeing some
relation between Uie symbolical concepts of the an-
cient religions and those of Christianitv. Such was the
opinion Held by Emile Bumouf (cf . Kevue des Deux
Mondes, 15 August, 1868, p. 874). De Rossi ably
refuted this opinion, and showed the real value of this
symbol on Christian monuments (Bull, d' arch, crist.,
1868, 8^-91). It is fairly common on the Christian
monuments of Rome, being found on some sepulchral
inscriptions, besides occurring twice, painted, on the
Good Shepherd's tunic in an arcosoUum in the Cata>
comb of St. Generosa in the Via Portuensis, and again
on the tunic of the fosmir Diogenes (the original epi-
taph is no longer extant) in the Catacomb of St. Domi-
tilla in the Via Ardeatina. Outside of Rome it is
less frequent. There is one example in an inscription
found at C^hiusi (see Cavedoni, Ragggui^lio di due
antichi cimiteri di Chiusi). A stone in the museum
at Bemimo bears the monocram joined to the gamma
'cross, but it would seem to oe of Roman origin. An-
other in the Mannheim Museum, with the name of a
certain Hugdulfus, belongiB to the fifth or sixth cen-
tuiy. In a sarcophagus at Milan belonging to the
fourth century it is repeated over and over again, but
evidentlv as a mere ornamental motive (see Alle-
granza, Mon. di Milano, 74).
De Rossi (Rom. Sott. Crist., 11, 318) made re-
searches into the chronology of this symbol, and the
examples of it l be found in the catacombs at Rome,
and he observed that it was seldom or never used until
it took the place of the anchor, i. e. about the firat half
of the third centuiy, whence he inferred that, not be-
ing of ancient tradition, it came into fashion as the re-
smt of studied choice rather than as a primitive sjrm-
bol linking the beginnings of Christianity with Asiatic
traditions. Its genesis is reflex and studied, not primi-
tive and spontaneous. It is well known how anx-
iously the eariy Christians sought out means wh^eby
they could at once portray and conceal the Cross of
(Christ. That in this way they should have discovered
and adopted the crux gammataj is easUv intelligible,
and it is explained not merely by what has alieadv
been said, but also by the similarity between the Greek
character gamma (F) and the Phcenidan character
tan. The latter has been famous since Apostolic
times as a symbol of the Cross of Christ and of the Re-
demption (cf. BamabiB Epist., ix, 9).
On the crux gammaia (swastika) on Christian monumeDta
and its relation to similar signa on pre^Suistlan numumenUi in
the East: MCnter, Sifuibudtr der aUen ChriaUn, 73*85; Ls-
TRONNR, Annali deW htit. di Corr, Arch. (1843), 122; RocEirrns,
MSm. del* acadhnU dm inBcri-plumM, pi. II, 302 sq.; Minertdvi.
Bull, Arch. Nap., 8er. 2, II. 178, 179: Cavibdoni. Ramagtio d%
due aniichi cimtUri di Chtusi, 70: Gabruccx, Vetn (2d ed.).
242. 243; MOnz, ArdUioloffische Bemerkungen liber ctos Kteui,
25.26.
The so-calledConstantinian monogram prevailed diu^
ing the whole of the fourth century, assuming various
forms, and combining with the apocalyptic letters A
and 0 (sec Alpha and Omega), but ever approaching
more and more closely to the form of the cross pure
O 2
CROSS
523
o&oss
aiid simple* In Uie latter part of tbat oentunr what is
known as the ''mono^rammatio croaa" t^ makes
it8 appearance:* 'it elosdy resembles the ^ plain
cross, and foreuiadows its complete triumph in Chris-
tian art. The early years of the fifth oentmy are of
the highest importance in this development, because
it was then that the undiseuised cross first appears.
As we have seen, sudii was the diffidence induoea, and
the habit of caution enforced, by three centuries of
pexBCCution, that the faithful had hesitated all that
time to display the ngn of Redemption openly and
publicly. Ck)nstantine by the Edict of Milan had given
definitive peace to theChurch ; yet, for another century
the faithful did not judge it opportune to abandon the
use of the Constantinian monogram in one or other of
its many forms But the fifth century marks the
period when Christian art broke awav from old fears,
and, secure in its triumph, displaced before the world,
now become Christian also, the sign of its redemption.
To bring about so profound a change in the artistic
traditions of Christianity, besides the altered condition
of the Church in the eyes of the Roman State, two
facts of great importance played a part: the miracu-
lous apparition of the Cross to Constantine and the
finding of the Holy Wood.
Constantine having declared war on Maxentius had
invaded Italy. Dunng the campaign which ensued
he is said to have seen in the heavens one day a lu-
minous cross together with the words EN* TOTTOI*
NIKA (In this conquer.) DurinjB; the night that
followed that day, he saw again, m sleep, tiie same
cross, and Christ, appearing with it, admonished him
to place it on his standards. Thus the Labarum took
its origin, and tmder this glorious banner Constantine
overcame his adversary near the Milvian Bridge, on
28 October, 312 (see Constantine the Great). The
second event was of even greater importance. In the
year 326 the mother of Constantine, Helena, then
about 80 years old, having journeyed to Jerusalem,
undertook to rid the Holy Sepulchre of the mound of
earth heiqped upon and around it, and to destroy the
pagan buildings that profaned its site. Some revela-
tions whidi she had received gave her confidence that
she would discover the Saviour's Tomb and His Cross.
•Rie work was carried on diligently, with the co-opera^
tion of St. Macarius, bishop of the city. The Jews had
ijdden the Cross in a ditdi or well, and covered it over
with stones, so that the faithful might not come and
venerate it. Onhr a chosen few among the Jews knew
the exact spot where it had been hidden, and one of
them, named Judas, totiched by Divine inspiration,
pointed it out to the excavators, for which act he was
highly praised by St. Helena. Judas afterwards be-
came a Christian saint, and is honoured under the
name of Cyriacus. During the excavation three
crosses were found, but beoiuse the titulua was de-
tached from the Cross of Christ, there was no means of
identifying it Following an inspiration from on high,
Macarius caused the three crosses to be carried, one
after the other, to the bedside of a worthy woman who
was at the point of death. The touch of the other
two was of no avail ; but on touching that upon which
Christ had died the woman got suddenly well again.
From a letter of St. Paulinus to Severus inserted in the
Breviary of Paris it would appear that St. Helena her-
self had sou^t by means of a miracle to discover
which was the True Cross; and that she caused a man
already dead and buried to be carried to the spot,
whereupon, by contact with the third cross, he came
to Itfe. From yet another tradition, related by St.
Ambrose, it would seem that the titulua, or inscrip-
tion, had remained fastened to the Cross.
After the happy discovery, St. Helena and Constan-
tine erected a magnificent basilicaover the Holy Sepul-
chre, and that is the reason why the church bore the
name <d St. Constantinus. The precise spot of the
finding was covered by the atrium of the basilica, and
there the Cross was set up in an oratory, as abpears in
the restoration executed by de VogU^. When this noble
basilica had been destroyed by the infidels, Arculfus, in
the seventh century, enumerated four buildings upon
the Holy Places around Golgotha, and one of them was
the "Church of the Invention*' or ''of the Finding*'.
This churchwas attributed by him and by topographers
of later times to Constantine. The Frankisn monks of
Mount Olivet, writing to Leo III, style it St. Constan-
tinus. Perhaps the oratorv built by Constantine suf-
fered less at the hands of the Persians than ^e other
bxiildingB, and so could still retain the name and style
of Mariyrtuin CanstantirUanum, (See De Rossi,
Bull, d' arch, crist., 1865, 88.)
A portion of the True Cross remained at Jerusalem
enclosed in a silver reliquary; the remainder, with the
nails, must have been sent to Constantine, and it must
have been this second portion that he ca\ised to be en-
closed in the statue of himself which was set on a
porphyry column in ihe Forum at Constantinople;
Socrates, the historian, relates that this statue was to
make the city impregnable. One of the ntuls was fast-
ened to the emperoPs helmet, and one to his horse's
bridle, bringing to pass, according to many of the
Fathers, what had been written oy Zacharias the
Prophet: ''In that dav that which is upon Ihe bridle
of the horse shall be holy to the Lord" (Zach., xiv, 20).
Another of the nails was used later in the Iron Crown
of Lombardy, preserved in the treasury of the cathe-
dral of Momsa. Eusebius in his life of Constantine, de-
scribing the work of excavating and building on the
site of the Holy Sepulchre, does not speak of the True
Cross. In the story of a journey to Jerusalem made
in 333 (Itinerarium Burdigalense) the various tombs
and the basilica of Constantine are referred to, but no
mention is made of the Thie Cross. The earliest rder^
ence to it is in the "Catecheses" of St. Cyril of Jerusa-
lem (P. G., XXXIII, 468, 686, 776), written in the
year 348, or at least twenty years after the supposed
discovery.
In this tradition of ihe "Invention", or discovery,
of the True Cross, not a word is said as to the smaller
portions of it scattered up and down the world. The
storv, as it has reached us, has been admitted, since
the beginning of the fifth century, by all ecclesiastical
writers, with, however, many more or less important
variations. By many critics the tradition of tne find-
ing of the Cross through the work of St. Helena in the
vicinity of Calvary has been held to be a mere legend,
without any historical reality, these critics raying
chiefly upon the sOence of Eusebius, who tells of au
else that St. Helena did in Jerusalem, but says nothing
about her finding the Cross. Still, however difficult it
majr be to explain this silence, it would be unsound to
annihilate with a negative argument a universal tradi-
tion dating from the fifth century. The wonders re-
lated in the Syriac book *' Doctrina Addai" (sixth cen-
tury) and in the legend of the Jew Cjrriacus, who is
said to have been inspired to reveal to St. Helena the
{>laoe where the Cross was buried, are responsible at
east in part for the common beliefs of tiie faithful on
this matter. These beliefs are universally held to be
apocryphal. (See Duchesne, Lib. Pont., I, p. cviU.)
However that may be, the testimony of Cyril) Bishop
of Jerusalem from 350 or 351, who was on the spot a
very few years after the event took place, and was a
contemporarv of Eusebius of Csesarea, is explicit and
formal as to the finding of the Cross at Jerusalem during .
the reign of Constantme; this testimony is contained
in a letter to the Emperor Constantius (P. G., XXXIII,
52, 1 167 ; and cf . 686, 687). It is true that the authen-
ticity of this letter is questioned, but without solid
runds. St. Ambrose (De obit. Theod., 45-48 in P.
XVI, 401) and Rufinus (Hist, eccl., I, viii in P. L.,
XJQ, 476) bear witness to the fact of the finduis.
Silvia of Aouitaine (Peregrinatio ad loca sancta, ed.
Gamurrini, Rome 1888, p. 76) asaurea us that in her time
6&0SS
624
OftOM
the feast -of the Finding was commemoratod on Cal*
vary, that event having naturally become the occasion
of a special feast under the name of "The Invention
of the Hoh^ Cross". The feast dates from veiy early
times at .Jerusalem, and it was gradually introduced
into other Churches. Papebroch (Acta SS., 3 May) tells
us that it did not become ^neral until about the year
720. In the Latin Church it is kept on the 3rd of May ;
the Greek Oiurch keeps it on the 14th of September,
the same day as the Exaltation, another feast of very
remote origm, supposed to have been instituted at
Jerusalem to commemorate the dedication of the basil-
ica of the Holy Sepulchre (335) and thence introduced
at Rome.
Constantine's vision of the Cross, and perh{^>s an-
other apparition which took place in Jerusalem in 346,
would seem to have been commemorated in this same
feast. But its chief ^ory is its connexion with the res-
toration of the True Cross to the Church of Jerusalem,
after it had been carried away by the Persian king,
Chosroes (Khusrau) II, the conqueror of Phocas, when
he captured and sacked the Holy Citv. This Chosroes
was afterwards vanquished by the JB^peror Heraclius
U and in 628 was assassinated by his own son Siroes
(Shirva), who restored the Cross to Heraclius. It was
then carried in trimnph to Constantinople and thence,
in the spring of the year 629, to Jerusalem. Herao-
tius, who wi^ed to carry the tloly Cross upon his own
i^oulders on this occasion, found it extremely heavy,
but when, upon the advice of the Patriarch Zachariaa,
he laid aside his crown and imperial robes of state, the
saoied burden became light, and he was able to carry
it to the church. In the following year Heraclius was
conquered by the Mahommedans, and in 647 Jerusar
lem was taken by them.
In reference to this feast the Paris Breviary aasoci-
ates with the memoiy of Heraclius that of St. Louis of
France, who^ on 14 September, 1241. barefoot and
diverted of his royal robes, carried the fragment of the
Holy Cross sent to him by the Templars, who had re-
ceived it as a pledge from Baldwin. This fra^ent
eseaped destruction during the Revolution and is still
preserved at Paris. There, also, is preserved the in-
combustible cross left to the abbey of Saint-Germain-
des-Prte by the Princess Anna Gonsaga, together with
two portions of the Nails. Very soon after the disoov-
erv of the True Cross its wood was cut up into small
vencB and quickly scattered throughout tne Christian
World. We know this from the writing of St. Am-
brose, of St. Paulinus of Nola, of Sulpicius Severus, of
Rufinus, and, among the Greeks, of Socrates, Soxo-
men, and Theodoret (cf. Duchesne, ''Lib. Pont.", I,
p. ovii; Marucchi, ''Basiliques de Rome'', 1902, 348
sq. ; Pennacchi, "De Invents lerosolymis Constantino
magnd Imp. Cruce D. N. I. C.'^ Rome, 1892 ; Baronius,
"Amiales EocL", ad an. 336, Lucca, 1739, IV, 178).
Many portions of it are preserved in Santa Croce in
Gerusalemme at Rome, and in Notre-Dame at Paris
(cf. Rohault de Fleury, "Mtooire", 45-163; Gosselm,
"Notice historique but la Sainte Couronne et les au-
trcs Instruments de la Passion de Notre-Dame de
Paris ", Paris, 1828 ; Sauvage, " Documents sur les reli-
ques de la Vraie Croix", Rouen, 1893). St. Paulmus
in one of his letters refers to the redintegration of the
Cross, i. 6. that it never grew smaller in size, no matter
how many pieces were detached from it. And^ the
same St. Paulinus received from Jerusalem a relic of
the Cross enclosed in a ^iden tube, but so small that
it was almost an atom, ^* in segmento pene atomo has-
tulie brevis munimentum pnescntis et pignus setemse
salutb'' (Epist. xxxi ad {ijverum).
The histoncal detail we have been considering sufSr
ciently accounts for the appearance of the cross <m
monuments dating from the end of the foiuth and the
beginning of the fifth century. In an aroosolium in
the Catacomb of St. Callistus a cross composed of
flowers and foliage with two doves at its base is still
partially disguised, but begins to be more easily reoog-
nisable (cf . De Rossi, Rom. Sott., III. PL XII). Eb-
pedaily in Africa, where Christianity Tiad made more
rapid progress, the cross began to appear openly dur-
ing the course of the fourth century. The most an-
cient text we have relating to a carved oross dates from
later than a.d. 362. The cross was used on ttie coin-
age of Christian princes and poonples with the soper-
scription, Salua Mundi, The ^adoration" of the
Cross, which up to this time had been rastrieted to pri-
vate cult, now began to assume a public and solonn
character. At the end of the fourth century Christiaa
poets were already writing, "Flecte genu lignumque
Crucis venerabile adora . The second Council of
Nicsea, among other precepts that deal with iraay,
lays down that the Croes uiould receive an adoration
of honour, " honorariam adorationem ' '• (See Section
II of this article.) To the pagans who taunted them
with being as much idolaters as they accused the pa-
geans of being towards their gods, th^ rq>lied tnat
•Qxey took their stand on the natiure of the cult they
gave: that it was not latriaj but a relative worship, and
that the material symbol only served to raise thor
minds to the Divine l^pe, Jesus Christ Crucified (cf •
Tert., "Apol.", xvi; Mmucius Feliac, '*Octav.", ix-
xii). Wherefore St. Ambrose, speaking on the vener-
ation of the Cross, thought it opportune to expUin the
idea: " Let us adore Christ, our King, who hung upon
the wood, and not the wood" (Regem Chruhum qui
pepepdit in ligno . . . non lignum, — ''In obit. Theo-
dosii", xlvi). The Western Church obaerves the
solemn public veneration (called the '^ Adoration '0 on
Good Friday. In the Gr^orian Saeramentaiy we
read: ''VenitPontifexetadoratamdeosculatur". In
the Eastern Church the special veneration of the Cross
is performed on the Thurd Sundav in Lent (Kii^inr%
r^f aravpowpoaKvi^«*9f "Sunday of the-Ooss-venen^
tion ' 0 and during the week that follows U. The grad-
ual spread of the devotion to the Cross incidentally
occaaiorsed abuses in the pietv of the faithful. Ii^
deed, we learn from the edicts of Valentinian and Theo-
dosius that the cross was at times set up in very un-
seemly places. The evil-miiKied, the ignorant, and aO
those who practised spells, ehanns, and other audi
superstitions perverted the widespread devotion to
their own corrupt uses. To deceive the faitiiful and
turn their piety mto lucre, these people associated the
sign of the cross with their superstitious and magical
avn^ls, wiiming thereby the confidence and trust of
their dupes. To all this corruption of the reiigiouB
idea the teachers of the Church opposed themsdvesu
exhorting the faithful to true piety, and to beware ot
superstitious talismans (cf. St. John Chiysostom,
Hom. vii in Epist. ad Coloss., vii, and elaewhae;
De Rossi, "BulL d'aicheol. crist.", 1869, 62-64).
The distribution of portions of the wood of the Croas
led to the making of a renuukaUe number of oroases
from the fourth century onwards, many of which have
come down to us. Known under the names of eneol'
pia and pectoral crosses they often served to endose
fragments of the True Cross; they were merely crosses
worn on the breaat out of devotion — ^"To wear upon
the breast a cross, hung from the neck, with the Samred
Wood, or with relics of saints, which is what they call
an encolpium" (Anastasius BibUothecarius on Actb V
of VIII Dec. Counc). Gn the origin and use of peo-
toral crosses see Giovanni ScandeUa, ''Conaiderasioni
sopra un encdpio eneo rinvenuto in Corfu" (Trieste,
1854). St. John Chrysoetom. in hia polemic against
Jews and Gentiles, wherein ne panegyrises the tri-
uihph of the Cross, testifies that whosoever, man or
woman, possessed a relic of it had it enclosed in gold
and wore it around the neck (St. John Chrysostom, ed.
Montfaucon, I, 571). St. Maorina (d. 379X s»ter of
St. Gregorr Naaiaruen, wore an iron aoai on her
breast ; we do not really know its shape; peifaape it wat
the monc^rammatio one taken by her brother ftom
esoas
555
e&osB
her dead b<xh^. Among the beionging? of Maria, the
dau^t^ of Stilidio and wife of MonoriuB, laid away-
together with her body in the Vatiean bajsilioa, and
foxind there in 1544, there were counted no fewer than
ten small croeses in gold adorned with emeralds and
KBXDBf as may be seen in^ the illustrations preserved by
laicio Fauno (Antich. Rom., V, x). In the Kircher-
ian Museum there is a small gold cress, hollowed for
n^cs, and dating from the fifth centurv . It has a rins
attached to it K»r securing it around the neck, and
seems to have had grapevine ornamentation at the
extremities. A very beautiful cross, described by De
Roflsi and by him attributed to the uxth century, was
found in a tomb in the Agro Verano at Rome (Bull,
d'aich. Grist,, 1863, 33-38). The general charao«
teristic of thsse more ancient crosses is their simplicity
and lack of inscription, in contrast to those of tne By-
zantine era and times later than the sixth century.
Among the most noteworthy is the ataurotheca of St.
Gregoiv the Great (590-604), preserved at Monza,
which IS really a pectoral cross («. Bugatti, " Memorie
di S. Celso", 174 sq.; Borma, ''De Cruce VelitemA",
pp. cxxdii sqq.). Scandella (op. cit.) points out that
St. Gregorv is the first to mention the cruciform shape
given to tnese golden reliquaries. But, as we have
seen, they date from much earlier times, as is proved
by the one found in the Agro Verano, amcmg others.
Some writers go too far in wishix^ to push their an-
tiquity back to the beginnii^ of the fourth century*
They base their opinion on documents in the acts of
tiie martyrs imder Diocletian- In those of the martyr-
dom of St. Procopius we read that he caused a gold
pectoral cross to be made, and iiiat there appeared on
it miraculously in Hebrow letters the names Em-
manuel, Michael, Gabriel. The BoUandists, however,
reject these acts, which they demonstrate to be of lit-
tle authority (Acta SS., July. II, p. 554). In the hi».
tory of St. Eustratius and otner martyrs of Lesser Ar-
menia, it is related that a soldier named Orestes was
recognLeed to be a Christian because, during some
military manceuvres, a certain movement of his bod^
displayed the fact that he wore a golden cross on his
breast (cf . Aringhi, Rom. Subt., R, 545) ; but even
this history is far from being entirely accurate.
The recent opening of the famous treasury of the
Sancta Sanctorum near the Lateran has restored to
our possession some objects of the highest value in con-
nexion with iJie wood of the Hol;^ Cross, and bearing
on our knowledge of crosses containing particles of the
Holy Wood, and of churches built in the fifth and sixth
centuries in its honour. Among the objects found in
this treasury was a votive cross of about the fifth cen-
tury, inlaicl with laree gems, a cruciform wooden
box with a sliding Ud bearing the words *0S ZOH
(light, life), and lastly, a gold cross ornamented with
cloisonnes enamels. The first of these is most impor-
tant because it belongs to the same-period (if not to an
even eariier one) as the famous cross of Justin II, of
the sixth century, preserved in the treasury at St.
Peter's, and which contains a relic of the Tnie Cross
aet in jewels. It was held, up to the present, to be the
oldest eross extant in a precious metal (De Waal in
"RftmischeQuartalschrift", VII, 1893, 245 sq.; Moli-
nier, ''Hist, g^n^rale dee arts; L'orf^vrerie religieuse
et civile", Paris, 1901, vol. IV, pt, I, p. 37). This
cross, containing relics of the Holy Cross, was dis-
covered by Pope Sergius I (687-701) in the sacristy of
St. Peter's basilica (cf. Duchesne, Lib. Pont., I, 347,
8. v. Sergius) in a sealed silver case. It contained a
jewelled cross encloeihg a piece of the True Cross,
and dates, periiaps, from the fifth cfentury.
Enamelled crosses of this nature, an inheritance of
Byxantine art, do not date eariier than the sixth cen*
tury. The oldest example which we have of this type
is a fragment of the reliquary adorned with cloisonne
enamel in which a fragment of the Cross was car-
ried to Poitiers between 565 and 575 (cf . Molinier, op.
cit.; Barbier dc Montault, "Le tr^or de la Sainte
Croix de Poitiera", 1883). Of later date are theCross
of Victory at Limburg near Aachen, Charlemagne's
cross, and that of St. Stephen at Vienna. Besides
these we have in Italy the enamelled cross of Coscousa
(elevoath century), uie Gaeta cross, also in enamel,
crosses In the Christian section of the Vatican Museum,
and the celebrated cross of Velletri (ei^th or tenth cen^
tury), adorned with precious gems and enamel, and
discussed by Cardinal Stef ano Soraia in his work, '* De
Cruce VelitemA".
The worid-wide devotion to the Cross and its rehcs
during the fifth and succeeding centuries was so great
that even the iconoclast Emperors of the East in tiieir
suppression of the cult of ima^ had to respect that of
the Cross (cf . Banduri, ** Numism. imp. ", II, p. 702 sq. :
Niceph., ''Hist. Eccl.", XVIII, hv). This cult of tibe
Cross called forth the building of many churches and
oratories wherein to treasure its precious rehcs. The
churoh of S. Crooe at Ravenna was built by Galla
Placidia before the year 450 '^ inhonoremsanctae cruois
Domini, a qu& habet et nomen et formam" (Muratori,
Script, rer. ital., I, PL II, p. 544a). Pope Symmadius
(498-514; cf. Duchesne, '^Lib. Pont.", 261, s. v.^rm-
machus, no. 79) built an oratory of the Holy Cross '
behind the baptistery at St. Peter's, and plaoed in it
a jewelled gold cross containing a relic of. the True
Cross. Pope Hilarius (461-468) did the Uke at the
Lateran, building an oratory communicating with the
baptiste^, and placing in it a similar cross (Duchesne,
op. cit., I, 242: ''ubi lignum posuit dominicum^ oru«*
cem auream cum gemmis quse pens. hb. XX")-
The unvarying characteristic style of cross in the
fifth and sixth centimes is for the most part decked
with flowers, palms, and foliage, sometimes sproutins
from the root of the cross itself, or adorned wi£
gems and precious stones. Sometimee on two small
chains hanging froin the amis of the cross one sees the
apocalyptic letters A, O, and over them were huuK
small lamps or candles. On the mosaics in the chureh
of St. Felix at Nola, St. Paulinuii caused to be written:
''Ceme coronatam domini super atria Christi stare
crucem" (Ep. xxxii, 12, ad Sever.)- A flowered and
jewelled cross is that painted on the baptistery of the
Catacomb of Pomsianus on the Via Portuensis (cf.
Bottari, Rom. Sott., PI. XLIV). The cross is also
displayed on the mosaic in the baptistery built by
Galla Placidia, in the church of San Vitale, and in
Sant' ApolUnare in Classe, at Ravenna, and over a d-
borium from St. Sophia at Constantinople. In 1867,
at Berezov Islands, on the River Sosswa, in Siberia,
there was found a silver plate, or Htuigical paten, of
S3nrian workmanship, which now belongs to Count
Gregory Stroganov. In the cantre of it is a cross
standing on a terrestrial globe studded with stars; on
either side stands an angel with a staff in his l^t hand,
the right being raised in adoration ; four rivers flow
from its base and indicate that the scene is in Paradise.
Some learned Russians attribute the plate to the ninth
centurv, but De Rossi, more correctly, places it in the
seventh century. In these same centuries the cross
was of frequent use in liturgical rites and processions
of great solemnity. It was carried in the churches
where the stations were; the bearer of it was called
draconantis, and the cross itself stationalia. Theee
crosses were often very costly (cf . Bottari, Rom. Sott. .
PI. XLIV), the most famous being the cross of
Ravenna and that of Velletri.
The sign of the cross was made at liturpcal funo*
tions over persons and things, sometimes with five fin-
gers extended, to represent the Five Wounds of Christ
sometimes with three, in sien of the Persons ci the
Trinity, and sometimes witin only one, s3rmbolical of
the unity of God. For the blessing of the chalice and
the oblations Leo IV prescribed that two fingers be ex-
tended, and the thumb placed beneath them, llus is
ihe only true sign of the Trinitarian cross.
oao88
526
6B088
pope wannly recommended his clergy to make this
mm with care, else their blessing would be fruitless,
lue action was accompanied by the solemn formula,
''In nomine Patris, etc." Another use of the cross
was in the solemn dedication of churches (see Alpha-
BBT ; Consecration) . The bishop who performed the
ceremony wrote the alphabet in Latin and Greek on
the floor of the church along two straight lines cro6si|^
in the form of the Roman deeussis. The letter X,
which in the land-plottings of the Roman augurs repre-
sented, with its two component lines, the cardo mtixi'
mus and ^e decutnantAa maxitmis, was the same decu^
M used by the Roman agrimensori^ in their surveys
of farms, to indicate boundaries. This sign was ap-
propriate to Christ bv its cruciform shape and by its
identity in shape with the initial letter of His name,
2>«0T6t, in Greek. For this reason it was one of the
genuine forms of the signum Chrudi.
The use of the cross became so widespread in the
fifth and following centuries that anything like a
complete enumeration of the monuments on which
it appears is wellnigh impossible. Suffice it to say
that there is hardly a remnant of antiquity dating
from this century, whether lowly and mean or noble
'and gr&nd, which does not bear the sign. In proof
of this we shall give here a cursory eniuneration. It
is quite frequent on sepulchral monuments, on the
imperial urns at Constantinople, on the plaster of the
loeiiU (resting-places) in the catacombs, especially of
Rome, in a painting in a Christian cemeteiy at Alez-
andria in ^Q^t, on a mosaic at Boville near Rome, on
an inscription for a tomb made in the form of a cross
and now in the museum at M areeilles, on the interior
walls of sepulchral chambers, on the front of marble
sarcophagi dating from the fifth century. In these
last instances it is common to see the cross sur-
mounted by the monogram and surrounded bv a
laurd wreath (e. g. the sarcophagi at Aries, and in
the Lateran Museum). A very fine spedmen was
found recently in excavations in St. Domitilla's Cata-
comb on the Ostian Way; it is a symbolical picture
of souls freed from the trammels of the body, and
saved by means of the Cross, which has two doves on
its armSj while aimed guards are asleep at its base.
Lastly, m England, crosses have been found on se-
pulchral monuments. So universal was its use by
the faithful that they put it even on household uten-
sils, on medals of devotion, on potteiy lamps, spoons,
cups, plates, glassware, on clasps dating m>m Mero-
vingian times, on inscriptions and votive offerings, on
seab made in the form of a cross, on toys representing
animals, on ivory combs, on the seals of wine-jars, on
reliciuaiy boxes, and even on water-pipes. In objects
of liturgical use we meet it on Biblical codices, on vest-
ments, pallia, on leaden thongs inscribed with exor-
cising f oimulse, and it was signed on the foreheads of
catecnumens and candidates for confirmation. The
architectural details of churches and basiUcas were
ornamented with crosses; the facades, the marble
slabs, the transoms, the pillars, the capitals, the key-
stones of arches, the altar-tables, the bishops' thrones,
the diptychs, and the bells were also ornamented in
the same way. In the artistic monuments the so-
i»l\ed cruciform nimbus around Our Saviour's head
is weU known. The cross appears over His head, and
near that of the orante, as in the oil-stocks of Santo
Menna. It is also to be met with on monuments of a
symbolical nature: on the rocks ^enoe flow the four
celestial rivers the cross finds its place; on the vase
and on the symbolical ship, on the head of the tempt-
ingserpent, and even'on the lion in Daniel's den.
A¥hen Christianity had become the official religion
oi the empire, it was natural that the cross should be
carved on public monuments. In fact it was from the
fiTBt used to purify and sanctify monuments and
temples originally pagan; it was prefixed to signa-
tured and to inscriptions placed on public work; it
was borne by consuls on their sceptres, the first to do
so being Baal the Younger (a.d. 541— -cf. Gori, Tlics.
diptjrch., II. PL XX). It was cut in marble quarrie:^
and in brickyards, and on the gates of cities (cf.de
VogQ^, Syrie Centrale; Architecture du VII sitefe).
At Rome there is still to be seen on the Gate of St.
Sebastian the figure of a Greek cross surrounded by a
circle with the invocations: AFIB • KOKOK • ATIS -
rmPFI* In and around Bologna it was usual to
set the sign of salvation in the public streets. Aiv
oording to tradition, these croases are very andeot,
and four of them date from the time oi St. retitmius.
Some of them were restored in the ninth and tenth
centuries (cf . Gu>vanni Goszadini, Delle croct monu-
mentali che erano nolle vie di Bologna nd seeolo
xiu).
The cross also played an important part in heraldry
and diplomatic science. The former aoes not directiy
come within our scope; of the second we shall give
the briefest outlines. Crosses are to be found on docu-
ments of eariy medieval times and, being placed at
the head of a deed, were equivalent to an invocation
of heaven, miiether they were plain or omam«:itaL
Hiey were at times placed before signatures, and they
have even been equivalent to signatures in themselveB.
Indeed, from the toith oentury we find, imder contracts,
rou^ly-made crosses that have all the appearance of
being intended as signatures. Thus did Hug^ Capet,
Robert Capet, Henry I, and Philip I sign thdr oflicial
documents. This usage declined in the thirteenth
century and appeared again in the fifteenth. In our
own day the cross is reserved as the attestationrmaric
of illiterate people. A cross was characteristic of the
signature of Apostolic notaries, but this was carefully
designed, not rapidly written. In the eariy Middle
Ages crosses were decorated with even greater ma^
nmcence. In the centre were to be seen medallionA
representing the Lamb of God, Christ, or the saintii.
Such is the case in the Velletri cross and that which
Justin II gave to St. Peter's, mentioned above, and
again in the silver cross of Afimello at Ravenna (cf .
^mpini, Vet. mon., II, Pl/XlV). All this kind
of decoration displays the substitution of some morr;
or less complete symbol for the fi^:ure of Chnst on the
cross, of which we are about to «>eak'.
It may be w«U to nve here a list of works beMiii|E on thfl
departments of the subject just treated, and coptsining Uhis-
trations which it has not been opportune to quote in the fore-
soing part of the article: Stocxbausb, KunHaeaekiekie du
Kretaea (Schaflhausen. 1870); GsmouASD db Saiict>La£umt,
Iconoaraphte de la Croix et du Crucifix in Ann. ardUol.^ XXVI«
XXvII; Martiont, DieUonnaire de» antimntia ehrUienneB, s. ▼.
Crucifix; Batbt, Recherehca ^otir aenrir a Vkialoin da la pern-
ture ... en oriani (Pluis, 1879); MOnb, Laa moaafquaa
chritiennea de V Italia {Voratoirt da Jean Vll) m Rav, ercasof^
1877, II; Labartb, Hiatoira dea aria induairitia, 11; Kkaub,
Real^EneyUop&diader<AriaUiek. attsri^amsr (Freibun, 1882)^
(5) Later Development of ths Crucifix. — ^We have
seen the progressive steps, artistic, symbolical, and
allegorical, through which the representation <tf the
Cross passed from the first centuries down to the
Middle Ages; and we have seen some of the reasons
which prevented Christian art from making an earlier
display of the figure of the cross. Now the cross, as
it was seen duriiig all this time was only a symbol of
the Divine Victim and not a direct representation.
We can thus more easily understand, then, how much
more circumspection was necessary in proceeding to
a direct portrayal of the Lord's actufu Crucifizion.
Although in the fifth century the cross b^an to ap-
pear on public monuments, it was not for a century
afterwards that the figure on the cross was shown;
and not until the close of the fifth, or even the middle
of the sixth, century, did it appear without diagiise.
But from the sixth centuiy onward we find many
imaees — not allegorical, but historical and realisUo —
of the crucified Saviour. To proceed in order, we
will first examine the rare allusions, as it were, to the
Crucifixion in Christian art down to the sixth oentuiy^
0BO88
627
OBOSS
and then look at the produetionB of that art in the
later period.
Seeing that the cross was the svmbol of an i^o-
minious death, the repugnance of the early Christians
to anjr representation of Christ's torments and igno-
miny IB easily understood. On a few sarcophagi oxthe
fifth century ^e.g. one in the Lateran, no. 171; scenes
from the Passion are shown, but so treated as to show
none <^ the shame and horror attaching to that instru-
ment oi death which was, as St. Paul says, ''to the
Jews a scandal, and to the Gentiles foolishness". Yet,
from the first ages Christians were loth to deprive
themselves altogether of the image of their crucified
Redeemer, thoii^, for the reasons already stated and
because of the "Discipline of the Secret" (q. v.), they
could not represent the scene openly. The Council of
Elvira, c. 3(X), decreed that wnat was to be adored
ought not to be used in mural decoration. Wherefore
recourse was had to allegorjr and to veiled forms, as
in the case of the cross itself. (Cf. Br^hier, Les
origineB du Crudfiz dans I'art religieux, Paris, 1904.)
One of the most ancient allegories of the Crucifixion
is considered to be that of the lamb lying at the foot
of the anchor — symbols respectively of the Cross and
of Christ. A very ancient inscription in the Crypt of
Ludna, in the Catacombs of St. Callistus, shows this
picture, which is otherwise somewhat rare (cf. De
Rossi, Rom. Sott. Christ., I, PL XX). The same sym-
bol was still in use at the end of the fourth and be-
{onning of the fifth oentuiy. In the description of
the mosaics in the basilica of St. Felix at Nola, St.
Paulinus shows us the same cross in connexion with
the mystical lamb, evidently an allusion to the Cruci-
fixion, and he adds the well-known verse: '' Sub cruoe
sanguined niveus stat Christus in agno".
We saw above that the trident was a veiled image
of the cross. In the Catacomb of St. Callistus we have
a more complicated study: the mystical dolphin is
twined around the trident — a very expressive symbol
of the Crucifixion. The early Christians in their ar-
tistic labours did not disdain to draw upon the sym-
bols and allegories of pagan mythologv, as long as
these were not contrary to Christian f aitn and morals.
In the Catacomb of St. Callistus a sarcophagus, dating
from the third century, was found, the front of which
shows Ulysses tied to iixe mast while he listens to the
song of the Sirens; near him are his companions, who
with eais filled with wax, cannot hear the aUuring
song. All this is symboUcal of the Cross, and of the
Crucified, who has closed affaiDst the seductions of
evil the ears of the faithful auring their voyage over
the treacherous sea oi life in the ship which wm bring
them to the harbour of salvation. Such is the inter-
pretation given by St. Maximus of Turin in the homily
read on Ciood Friday (S. Maximi opera, Rome, 1874,
151. a. De Rossi, Rom. Sott., I, 344-346, PL XXX,
5). A very important monument belonging to the
beginning of the third centuiy shows the Crucifixion
oi^enly. This would seem to contradict what we have
said above, but it should be remembered that this is
the work oif pagan, and not of Christian, hands (cf .
De Rossi, Bull d'arch. crist., 1863, 72, and 1867, 75),
and therefore it has no real value as a proof among
purely Christian works. On a beam in the Pcedc^
gogium on the Palatine there was discovered a graffito
on the plaster, showing a man with an ass's head, and
clad in a perixoma (or short loin-cloth) and fastened
to a crux tmtniaaa (regular Latin cross). Near by
there is another man in an attitude of prayer witib the
legend AX^ftf'ot ffifiercu Mw, i. e., Alexamenos adores
God. Thia graffito is now to be seen in the Kircherian
Museum in Rome, and is but an impious caricature in
mockery of the Christian Alexamenos, drawn by one
of his pagan comrades of the jxgdagogium. (See
Abs.) In fact Tertullian tells us that in his day,
L e. precisely at the time when this caricature wsm
made. Christians were accused of adoring an ass's
head, ''Somniatis caput asininimi esse Deum nos-
trum" (ApoL, xvi; Ad Nat.. I,u). And Minudus
Felix confirms this (Octav., ix). The Palatine araffUo
is also important as showing that the Christians
used the crucifix in their private devotions at least
as eariy as the third centuiy. It would not have
been possible for Alexamenoe' companion to trace that
graffito of a crucified person clad in the perizoma (which
was contrary to Roman usage) if he had not seen some
such figure made use of by the Christians. Professor
Haupt sought to identify it as a caricature of a wor-
shipper of the Egyptian ^ Seth, the IVpho of tiie
Greeks, but his explanation was refutecl oy Kraus.
Recently, a similar opinion has been put forth b^'
Wttnsch, who takes his stand on the letter Y which is
placed near the crucified figure, and which has also
been found on a tablet relating to the worship of
Seth ; he therefore concludes that Alexamenos of the
graffito belon^d to the Sethian sect. (With refer-
ence to the A&xamenos graffito, which certainly has a
bearing on the crucifix and its use by the early Chris-
tians, see Raffaele Gamed, "Un crocifisso graffito da
mano pasana nella casa dei Cesari sul Palatine *\ Rome,
1857; Ferdinand Becker, ''Das Spott-Crucifix dei
rdmischen Kaiserpal&ste", Breslau. 1866; Kraus,
"Das Spott^rucifix vom Palatin , Freibuig im
Breisgau, 1872; Visconti, "Di un nuovo n'affito pala-
tine relativo al cristiano Aleasameno", Rome, 1870;
Visconti and Landani, "Guida del Palatino", 1873, p.
86; De Road, "Rom. Sott. Crist.", 1877, pp. 353-^354;
Wttnsch, ed., "Setianische Verfluchungstafeln aus
Rom", Leipzig, 1898, p. 110 sqq.: Vigouroux, "Les
livres saints et la critique rationaliste , I, 04-102.)
The crucifix and representations of the Crudfixion be-
came general after the sixth century, on manuscripts,
then on private monuments, and finally even on public
monuments. But its appearance on monuments up to
about the eighth centuiy surely indicates such monu-
ments to be works of pnvate zeal and devotion, or, at
least, not clearly and decidedly public. As a matter of
fact, it is noteworthy that, in tne vear 602, i. e. at the
end of the seventh century the Quinisext Council of
Constantinople, called the Trullan, ordered the s^«
bolical and allegorical treatment to be laid aside.
The earliest MS. bearing a representation of Christ
crucified is in a miniature of a Syriac codex of the
Gospels dating from a. d. 586 (Codex Syriacua, 56),
written by the scribe Rabula, and which is in the
lAurentian Library at Florence. Therein the figure
of Christ is robed (Assemani, Biblioth. Laurent.
Medic, catalog., PL XXIII, p. 104). Other images of
the crudfix belong to the sixth century. Gr^iy of
Tours, in his wortc "De GloriA Martynim'*, I, xxv,
speaks of a crucifix robed in a colobium, or tunic,
which in his day was publicly venerated at Narbonne
in the church of St. (jenesius, and which he consid-
ered a profanation — so far was the public cult of the
crucifix from having become general up to that time.
A cross belonging to the sixth centurv is to be found
in the treasury at Monza, on which the image of the
Saviour is wrought in enamel (d. Mozzoni, "Tavole
cronolo^che-critichedella stor. ecd: secolo VH", 70),
and which seems to be identical with that given by
St. Gregory the Great to Theodolinda, Queen of the
Lombanls. We know also that he gave a cross to
Recared, King of the Visigoths, and to others (cf. S.
Gregprii Lib. Ill, Epist. xxxiij Lib. IX, Epist. cxxii;
Lib. XIII, Epist. xUi; Lib. XIV, Epist. xii).
It is certain, then, that the custom of displaying
the Redeemer on the Cross began with the close en
the sixth century, especially on enoolpia, yet such ex-
amples of the crucifix are rare. As an example, we
have a Byzantine encolpion. with a Greek inscrip-
tion, which was erroneously thought to have been dis-
covered in the Roman Catacombs in 1662, and about
which the renowned Leo Allatius has written learn-
edly (cf. "Codice Cliigiano*', VI; Fea, "Miscellanea
OBoas
528
cntoss
fllol. critica'*, 282). The little metal vases pre-
served at Monza, in which was carried to Queen Tneo-
dolinda the oil from the Holy Places, show clearly
how the repugnance to effigies of Christ lasted well
into the sixth century. In the scene of the Cruci-
fiidon thereon depicted, the two thieves alone are
seen with arms extended, in the attitude of cruci-
fixion, but without a cross, while Christ appears as an
orante, with a nimbus, ascending among the clouds,
and in all the majesty of glory, above a cross hidden
under a decoration of flowers. (Cf . Mozzoni, op. cit., 77,
84.) In the same manner, on another monument, we
see the cross between two archangels while the bust of
Christ \b shown above.
Another very impor-
tant monument of this
century, and perhaps
dating even from the
preceding one, is the
Crucifixion carved on
the wooden doors at
S. Sabina on the Aven-
tine Hill, at Rome.
The Crucified Christ,
stripped of His gar-
ments, and on a cross,
but not nailed to the
cross, and between
two thieves, is shown
as an orante, and the
scene of the Crucifix-
ion is, to a certain
extent, artistically
veiled. The carving
is roughly done, but
the work has become
of great importance,
owhig to recent studies
thereon, wherefore we
shall briefly indicate
the various writings
dealing with it: Grisar,
"Analecta Romana",
427 sqq.; Berthier,
" La Porte de Sainte-
Sabine^ Rome: Etude
arch^logique * (Fri-
bourg, Switzerland,
1892);P^rat4, "L*Ar-
chdolo^e chr^tienne"
in *'Bibliothdque de
i'enseignementdes
beaux arts'* (Paris,
1892, pp. 330-36);
Bertram," DieThuren
von Sta. Sabina in
Rom: das Vorbild der
Bemwards Thttren am
Dom zu Hildesheim
(Fribourg, Switzer-
land, 1892) ; Ehrhard, "Die altchristliche Prachtthtlre
der Basilika Sta. Sabina in Rom *' in '* Der Katholik '^
LXXII (1892), 444 sqq., 538 sqq. ; "Civilti Cattolica",
IV (1892), 68-89; "Romische Quartalschrift", VII
(1893), 102; "Analecta BoUandiana", XIII (1894),
53; Forrer and Miiller, "Kreuz und Kreuzigung Christi
in ihrerKunstentwicklung" (Strasburg, 1894), 15, PI.
II and PI. Ill; Strzygowski, "Das Beriiner Mosed-
relief und die ThQren von Sta. Sabina in Rom*' in
" Jahrbudi derkOnigl. preussischen Kunstsammlungen
XVI (1893), 65-81; Ehrhard, "PrachtthQre von 8.
Sabina in Rom und die Dom th Ore von Spalato*' in
"Ephemeris Spalatensis" (1894), 9 sqq.; Grisar,
" Kreuz und Kreuzigung auf der altchristl. Thlire
von S. Sabina in Rom (Rome, 1894); Dobbert, "Zur
Entstchungsgeschichtc des Cnicifixes" in " Jalirb. der
preuss. Kunstsammlungen", I (1880), 41-50.
The Crucifixion — Guido Reni
(Church of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Rome)
To this same period belongs a crucifix at Mount
Athos (see Smith's "Dictionary of Christian Antiq-
uities", London, 1875, 1, 514), as well as an ivorr in
the British Museum. Christ is shown wearing om^ a
loin-cloth: He appears as if alive, and not suflfering
physical pain. To the left, Judas is seen hanged,
and below is the purse of money. In the foUowio^
century the Crucifixion is still sometimes r^resented
with tne restrictions we have noticed, for instance,
in the mosaic made in 642 by Pope Theodore in S.
Stefano Rotondo, Rome. There, between Sts. Pri-
mas and Felician, the cross is to be seen, with the
bust of the Saviour just above it. In the same sev-
enth century, also,
the scene of the Cru-
cifixion is shown in
all its historic reality
in the crypt of St.
Valentine's Catacomb
on the Via Flaminia
(cf. Marucchi, La
cripta sepolcrale di S.
Valentino, Rome,
1878). Bosio saw it
in the sixteenth cen-
tury, and it was then
in a better state of
preservation than it
is to-day (Bosio,
RomaSott., Ill, Ixv).
Christ crucified ap-
pears between Our
Lady and St. John,
and is clad in a long,
flowing tunic (colo-
hhtm), and fastened by
four nails, as was the
ancient tradition, and
as Gregory of Tours
teaches: **CIavorum
ergo dominicorum
gratis quod qratuor
fuerint luec est ratio:
duo sunt afiixi in
palmis, et duo in
Slantis'* C'De Gloria
[artyrum", I, vi, in
P. L., XXI, 710).
The last objections
and obstacles to the
realistic reproduction
of the Crucifixion dis-
app^ured in the be-
ginning of the eighth
century. In the ora-
tory built by Pope
John VII in the Vati-
can, A. D. 705, the cru-
cifix was represented
realistically in mosaic.
But the figure was robed, as we may learn from the
drawings made by Grimaldi in the time of Paul V,
when the oratory was pulled down to make room for
the modem facade. Part of such a mosaic still exists in
the grottoes at the Vatican similar in treatment to
that of John VII. Belonging to the same centuiy,
though dating a little later, is the image of the Cruci-
fied discovered a few years ago in the apse of the old
church of S. Maria Antiqua in the Roman Forxmi.
This remarkable picture, now happily recovered, was
visible for a little while in the month of May, 1702,
and is mentioned in the diary of Valesio. It dates
from the time of Pope St. Paul I (757-768), and stands
in a niche above ihe altar. The figure is draped in a
long tunic of a greyish-blue colour, is very lifelike, and
has wide-open eyes. The soldier Longinus is in the
act of wounding the side of Christ with the lance. On
0B06S
529
CDB088
either hand are Mary and John; between them and
the Cross stands a soldier with a sponge and a vessel
filled with vin^ar; above the Croas the sun and moon
dim their rays.
Another interesting picture is that in the crypt of
SS. Giovanni e Paolo at Rome, in their dwelling-
house on the Cdian Hill. It is Byzantine in style
and shows the crucifix. In the nmth centuiy the
crucifix of Leo IV is of importance (840-847). It is a
stripped fi^re, with a perizoma, and four nails are
used. A sunilar figure is in the paintings of S. Ste-
fano alia Cappella. To the same century belongs
a diptych from the monastery of Rambona of about
tiie year 898, and now in the Vatican Library (Buo-
narroti, ''Osservazioni aopr& alcune frammenti di
vetro", Florence, 1716, 267-283, and P. Germano da
B. Stanislao, ''La casa celimontana dei SS. Giovanni
e Paolo", Rome, 1895). To bring this list to a close
we may mention an eleventh*century diptych in the
cathedral of Toumai, a twelfth-century Roman cross
preserved at the Porte de Halle, at Brussels, and an
enamelled crucifix in the Spitzer collection.
Here we bring our researches to an end, the field of
Christian archseology not extending further. In the
artistic treatment of the crucifix there are two
periods: the first, which dates from the sixth to the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries; and the second,
dating from that time to our own day. We shall
here treat only of the former, touching lightly on the
latter. In the first period the Crucifieid is shown ad-
htsring to the cross, not hanging forward from it; He
is alive and shows no signs of physical suffering; He
is clad in a lonsi flowing, sleeveless tunic (colobium)^
which reaches the knees. The head is erect, and sur-
rounded bv a nimbus, and bears a royal crown. The
figure is mstened to the wood with four nails (cf.
Garrucci, "Storia dell' arte crist.". Ill, fig. 139 and
p. 61 : Marucchi, op. cit., and " II cimitero c la basilica
di S. Valentino", Rome, 1890; Forrer and Miiller, op.
cit., 20, PI. Ill, fig. 6). In a word, it is not Christ
suffering, but Christ triumphing and glorious on the
Cross. Moreover, Christian art for a long time ob-
jected to stripping Christ of his garments, and the
traditional cohbiunif or tunic, remained until the
ninth century. In the East the robed Christ was
preserved to a much later date. Again, in miniatures
from the ninth century the figure is robed, and
stands erect on the cross and on the mppedaneum.
The scene of the Crucifixion, especially after the
eighth centuiy, includes the presence of the two
thieves, the centurion who pierced Christ's side, the
soldier with the sponge, the Blessed Virgin and St.
John. Mary is never shown weeping and afflicted,
as became the custom in later ages, but standii^
erect near the cross, as St. Ambrose says, in his
funeral oration on Valentinian: *' I read of her stand-
ing; I do not read of her weeping*" Moreover, on
either side of the Cross the sun and the moon, oft«i
with human faces, veil their brightness, being placed
there to typify the two natures of Christ; the sun,
the Divine, and the moon, the human (cf . St. Gregory
the Great, Homily ii in Evang.). At the foot of
the Cross the female figures are sjrmbolical of the
Church and the Synagogue, the one receiving the
Saviour's blood in a cup, the other veiled and dis-
crowned, holding in her hand a torn banner. With
the tenth century realism began to play a part in
Christian art, and the colobium becomes a shorter
garment, reaching from the waist to the knees (perv-
Eoma) . In the " fiortus deliciarum ' ' in the " album ' '
belonging to the Abbess Herrada of Landsberg in
the twelfth the oolobium is short, and approaches the
form of the perizoma. From the eleventh century in
the East, and from the Ck)thic period in the West, the
head droops onto the breast (cf. Borgia, De Cbruoe
Velitemi, 191), the crown of thorns is introduced,
the arms are bent back, the body is twisted, the face
T 34
is wrung with agony, and blood flows from the wounds.
In the thirteenth centuiy complete realism is reached
by the substitution of one nail in the feet, instead of
two. as in the old tradition, and tibe resulting crossing
of the legs. All this was done from artistic motives,
to brin^ about a more movL^ and devotional pose.
The living and triumphant Christ gives place to a
Christ dead, in all the humiliation of His Passion, the
agony of His death being even accentuated. Tlxis
manner of treatment was afterwards generalised by
the schools of Cimabue and Giotto. In conclusion it
may be noted that the custom of placing the crucifix
over the altar does not date from earUer than the
eleventh century. (See Section III of this article.)
Works of i«ference on the crucifix and its various forms in
Smeml: Justus Lipudb, De Cntee libri trea (Antwerp, 1505);
RETSER, De Cruce Chnali rebuMue ad earn perttneniUme
(Ingoldstadt, 1595-1605); Bosius, Crux iriumj^uma et glorioaa
(Antwerp. 1617, folio); BAirrHOLi2«U8, De Cruce Ckristihy
Vomnemata (Copenhagen, 1651); Algkb, HieUny of the Croaa
(Boston. 1858); MOnz, ArckAologiacKe Bemerkungen aber doe
KreuB Chriati (Fmnkfort, 1867); SroCKBAUEm KunetQeschichte
dea Kreuaea (Schaffhausen, 1870); ZdcKLEB, Daa Kreua Chriati
(Gttteisloh, 1876).
Obazio Mabucchi.
II. The True Cross and Representations of it
AS Objects of Devotion. — (1) Growth of the Chria-
tian Ctdt. — ^The Cross to which Christ had been nailed,
and on which He had died, became for Christians,
quite naturally and logically, the object of a special
r^pect and worship. St. Paul says, in I Cor., i, 17:
** For Christ sent me not to baptize, but to preach the
eospel: not in wisdom of speech, lest the cross of
Chnst should be made void'^ in Gal., ii, 19: "With
Christ. I am nailed to the cross''; in Eph., ii, 16:
Christ . . . "might reconcile both to God in one
body by the cross*': in Phil., iii, 18: "For msaxy walk
. . . enemies of the cross of Christ"; in Col., ii,
14: "Blotting out the handwriting of the decree that
was against us, which was contraiy to us. And he
hath taken the same out of the way, fastening it to
the cross"; and in Gal., vi, 14: "But God forbid that
I should glorv, save in the cross of our Lord Jesus
Christ; by wnom the world is crucified to me, and I
to the world".
It seems clear, therefore, that for St. Paul the Cross
of Christ was not only a precious remembrance of
Christ's sufferings and aeath, but also a symbol closely
associated with His sacrifice and the mystery of the
Passion. It was, moreover, natural that it should be
venerated and become an object of a cult with the
Christians who had been saved by it. Of such a cult
in the Primitive Church we have definite and suffi-
ciently numerous evidences. Tertullian meets the
objection that Christians adore the cross by answering
with an argumentum ad hominemf not by a denial.
Another apologist, Minucius Felix, replies to the same
objection. Lastly we may recall the famous carica-
ture of Alexamenos, for which see the article Abs.
From all this it appears that the pa{;ans, without
further consideration of the matter, beheved that the
Christians adored the cross; and that ^e apologists
either answered indirectly, or contented themselves
with saying that they do not adore the cross, without
denying that a certain form of veneration was paid
to it.
It is also an accepted belief that in the decorations
of the catacombs uiere have been found, if not the
cross itself, at least more or less veiled allusions to
the holy symbol. A detailed treatment of this and
other historical evidence for the early prevalence of
the cult will be found in Section I of this article.
This cult became more extensive than ever after
the discovery of the Holy Places and of the True
Cross. Since the time when Jerusalem had been laid
waste and ruined in the wars of the Romans, especially
since Hadrian had founded upon the ruins his colony
of iElia Capitolina, the places consecrated by the Paa-
0B0S8
530
0B08B
BioDi Deathi and Burial of Christ had been profaned
uid, it would seem, deserted. Under Constantine,
after peace had been vouchsafed to the Church, Ma-
carius. Bishop of Jerusalem; caused excavations to
be made (about a. d. 327, it is believed) in order to
ascertain the location of these holy sites. That of
Calvarv was identified, as well as that of the Holy
Sepulchre; it was in the course of these excavations
that the wood of the Cross was recovered. It was
recognized as authentic, and for it was built a chapel,
t)r oratory, which is mentioned by Eusebius, also by
St. Cyril of Jerusalem, and Silvia (Etheria). From
A. D. 347, that is to say, twenty years after these ex-
cavations, the same St. Cyril, in his diBCOUrses (or
caUcheaea) delivered in these very places (iv, 10; x,
14; xiii, 4) speaks of this sacred wood. An in-
scription of A. D. 359, found at Tixter, in the neigh-
boiurhood of S^tif in Mauretania, mentions in an
enimieration of relics, a fragment of the True Cross
(Roman Miscellanies, X, 441). For a full discussion
of the legend of St. Helena, see Section I of this
article; see also Helena, Saint. Silvia's recital
(Peregrinatio Etheriae), which is of indisputable au-
thenticity, tells how the sacred wood was venerated
in Jerusalem about a. d. 380. On Good Fridav, at
eight o'clock in Uie morning, the faithful and the
monks assemble in the chapelof the Cross (built on a
site hard by Calvary), and at this spot the ceremony
of the adoration takes place. The bishop is seated
on his chair; before him is a table covered with a cloth ;
the deacons are standing around him. The silver-gilt
reliquary is brought ana opened, and the sacred wood
of tne Cross, with the Title, is placed on the table.
The bishop stretches out his hand over the holy relic,
and the deacons keep watch with him while the faith-
ful and catechumens defile, one by one, before the
table, bow, and kiss the Cross; they touch the Cross
and the Title with forehead and eyes, but it is for-
bidden to touch them with the hands. This minute
watchfulness was not unnecessarv, for it has been
told in fact how one da^ one of the faithful, making
as though to kiss the Cross, was so unscrupulous as
to bite off a piece of it, whidi he carried off as a relic.
It is the duty of the deacons to prevent the repetition
of such a crime. St. Ch^l, who also tells of this cere-
mony, makes his account much more brief, but adds
the important detail, that relics of the True Cross have
been distributed all over the world. He adds some
information as to the silver reliquary which contained
the True Cross. (See Cabrol, La Per^rinatio ad loca
sancta, 105.) In several other passa^ of the same
woric Silvia (also called Egeria, Echeria, Eiheria, and
Etheria) speaks to us of this chapel of the Cross (built
between tne basilicas of the Anastasis and the Mar-
tyrion) which plays so great a part in the paschal
Uturgy of Jerusalem.
A law of Theodosius and of Valentinian HI (Cod.
Justin., I, tit. vii) forbade under the gravest penalties
any painting, carving, or engraving of the cross on
pavements, so that this august sign of our salvation
might not be trodden under foot. This law was re-
vised by the Trullan Council, a. d. 691 (canon Ixxii).
Julian the Apostate, on the other hand, according
to St. CJyril of Alexandria (Contra Julian., vi, in.
0pp., VI), made it a crime for Christians to adore the
wood of the Cross, to trace its form upon their fore-
heads, and to engrave it over the entrances of their
homes. St. John Chrysostom more than once in his
writings makes allusion to the adoration of the cross;
one citation will suffice: "Kings removing their dia-
dems take up the cross, the symbol of their Saviour's
death; on the purple, the cross; in their pravers, the
cross; on their armour, the cross; on the holy table,
the cross; throughout the imiverse, the cross. The
crofw shines brighter than the sun." These quota-
tions from St. Chrysostom may be found in the au-
thorities to be named at the end of this article. At
the same time, pilgrimages to the holy places became
more frequent, and especially for the purpose of f ol-
lowing the example set bv St. Helena in venerating
the True Cross. Saint Jerome, describing the pil-
grimage of St. Paula to the Holy Plaoes, tcfis us tliat
^prostrate before the Cross, she adored it as thouj^
she had seen the Saviour hanging upon it" (Ep. cviii).
It is a remarkable fact that even the Iconoclasts, who
fought with such zeal against images and representa-
tions in relicdf, made an exception in the case of the
cross. Thus we find the image of the cross on the
coins of the Iconoclastic emperors, Leo the Isaurian,
Constantino Copronymus, Leo IV, Nicephonw,
Michael H, and Theophilus (cf. Banduri, Numism.
Imperat. Rom., II). Sometimes this cult involved
abuses. Thus we are told of the Staurolaters, or thane
who adore the cross; the Chazingarii (from chazuMt
cross), a sect of Armenians who adore the cross. Tlie
Second Council of Nic8ea(A.D. 787), held for the purpose
of reforming abuses and putting an end to the dis-
putes of Iconoclasm, fixed, once for all, the Catholic
doctrine and discipline on this point. It defined that
the veneration of the faithful was due to the form "of
the precious and vivifying cross", as well as to images
or representations of Christ, of the Blessed Virgin, and
of the saints. But the coimdl points out that we
must not render to these objects the cult of UUria,
"which, according to the teaching of the faith, betongs
to the Divine nature alone. . . . The honour
paid to the image passes to the prototype; and he
who adores the image, adores the penon whom it
represents. Thus the doctrine of our holy fathers
obtains in all its force: the tradition of the H6Ly
Catholic Church which from one end of the earth to
the other has received the gospel." This decree was
renewed at the Eighth (Ecumenical Council, at Constan-
tinople, in 869 (can. iii). The council cleariy dis-
tinguishes between the '^salutation" {irwd^fiAs) and
"veneration" (xpoaKOtnif^it) due to the cross, and the
"true adoration" (dXiyWni Xarpek), which should
not be paid to it. Theodore the Studite, the great
adversary of the Iconoclasts, also makes a very exact
distinction between the adoratw relativa (wpoffKAwti^t
^X^^) and adoration properly so called.
(2) Catholic Doctrine on the VenercOion of the Crom.
— ^In passing to a detailed examination of the Catho-
lic doctrine on this subject of the cult due to the Cross,
it will be well to notice the theories of Brock, the
Abb^ Ansault, le Mortillet, and others, who pretend
to have discovered that cult among the pag^ms be-
fore the time of Christ. For a demonstration of
the purely Christian origin of the Qiristian de-
votion the reader is referred to Section I of this
article. See also the works of de Harlay, Lafar-
gue, and others cited at the end of this section.
With reference, in particular, to the ansated cross of
Epypt, Letronne, Raoul-Rochette, and Lajard discuss
with much learning the symbolism of that simple
hieroglyphic of life, in 'v^icn the Christians of Egypt
seem to nave recognized an anticipatory revelation o(
the Christian Cross, and which th^ employed in tiieir
monuments. According to the text of the Second
Council of Nicoea cited above, the cult of the Cross
is based upon the same principles as that of relics and
ims^es in general, although, to be sure, the Tme Cross
holds the nighest place in dimity among all relics.
The observation of Petavius (AY, xiii, 1) should be
noted here: that this cult must be considered as not
beloncine to the substance of religion, but as being
one 01 tne iSidipopa, or things not absolutely neoes-
saiy to salvation. Indeed, while it is of faith that
this cult is useful, lawful, even pious and worthy of
praise and of encoura^ment, and while we are not
permitted to speak against it as something pernicious,
still it is one of those devotional practices which the
Church can enoouniM|e, or restrain, or stop, according
to circumstances. This explains bow the veneration
dROSS
631
0BOS8
oi images was forbidden to the Jews by that text of
£Ixodus (XX, 4 sqq.) which has been so grossly abused
by Iconoclasts and Protestants: "Thou snalt not
make to thyself a graven thing, nor the likenesB of
any thing that is in neaven above, or in the earth be-
neath, nor of those things that are in the waters under
the earth. Thou shalt not adore them, nor serve
them: I am the Lord thy God," etc. It also explains
the fact that in the first ages of Christianity, when con-
verts from paganism were so numerous, and the im-
pression of idol-worship was so fresh, theOiurch found
it advisable not to permit the development of this cult
of images ; but later, when tiiat danger had disappeared,
when Christian traditions and Clmstian instmct had
tied strength, the cult developed more freely.
lin, it should be noted that the cult of ima^ and
ilics is not that of lairia, which is the adoration due
to God alone, but is, as the Second Council of Nicsa
teaches, a relative veneration paid to the image or
relic and referring to that whicn it represents. Pre-
dsely this same doctrine is repeated in Sess. XXV of
the Council of Trent: "Imaees are not to bo wor-
shipped because it is believed that some divinity or
power resides in them and that they must be wor-
shipped on that accoimt, or because we ought to ask
anything of them, or because we should put our trust
in them, as was done by the gentiles of old who placed
their hope in idols; but because the honour which is
shown to them is referred to the prototypes which
they represent; so that through the images which we
kiss, and before which we kneel, we may adore Christ,
and venerate the saints, whose semblances they bear.''
(See also Imagbs.)
This clear doc^ine, which cuts short every objec-
tion, is also that taught by Bellarmine, by Bossuet, and
by retavius. It must be said, however, that ^is
view was not always so clearly taught. Following
Bl. Albertus Magnus and Alexander of Hales, St.
Bonaventure. St. Thomas, and a section of the
Schoolmen who appear to have oveiiooked the Second
Council of Nicsa teach that the worship rendered to
the Cross and the imaee of dlhrist is that of latria, but
with a distinction: t£e same worship is due to the
imase and its exemplar, but the exemplar is honoured
for Himself (or for itself), with an absolute worahip;
the imag^ because of its exemplar, with a relative
worship. The object of the adoration is the same,
though it be primaiy in regard to the exemplu* ajoa
secondanr in regard to the image. To the image of
Christ, then, we owe a worship of latria as well as to
His Person. The image, in fact, is morally one with
its prototype, and, thus considered, if a lesser degree
of worship be rendered to the image, that worship
must resell the exemplar lessened in dc^gree. Against
this theory an attack has recently been made in ''The
Tablet", the opinion attributed to the Thomists beine
sharply combated. Its adversaries have endeavoured
to prove that the image of Christ should be venerated
but with a lesser degree of honour than its exemplar.
The cult paid to it, they say, is simply analogous to
the cult of latriaf but in its nature different and in-
ferior. No ima^ of (Uhrist, then, should be honoured
with the worship of latria, and, moreover, the term
" relative latria ", invented by the Thomists, ou^ht to
be banished from theologiciu langu£^e as equivocal
and dangerous.*:— Of these opinions iJie former rests
c^efly upon considerations of pure reason, the latter
upon ecclesiastical tradition^ notabhr upon the Sec-
ond Council of Nicsea and its confirmation by ^e
Fourth Council of Constantinople and upon the decree
of the Council of Trent.
(3) Rdics of the True Crow.— The testimony of
Silvia (Etheria) proves how highly these relics were
prized, while St. Cyril of Jerusalem, her contemporaiy,
testifies as explicitly that "the whole inhabited eartii
is full of relics of the wood of the Cross*'. In 1889
two French arehseologists, Lotaille and AudoUent,
discovered in the district of S^tif an inscription of thd
year 359 in which, among other relics, is mentioned
the sacred wood of the Cross (de li^o cruds et de
terrft promissionis ubi natus est Chnstus). Another
inscription, from Rasgunia (Cape Matifu), somewluit
eariier in date than the preceding, mentions another
relic of the Cross ("sancto ligno salvatoris adlato". —
See Duchesne in Acad, des inscr., Paris, 6 December,
1889; Morel, '^Les missions catholiques", 25 March,
1890, p. 156; Catech. iv in P. G., XXXIII, 469; cf.
also ibid., 800; Prooopius, '^De Bello Persico", II, xi).
St. John CSurysoetom tells us that fragments of the
True Cross are kept in golden reliquaries, which men
reverently wear upon their persons. The passage in
the ''Per^rinatio^' which treats of this devotion has
already been cited. St. Paulinus of Nola, some years
later, sends to Sulpicius Severus a fragment of the
True Cross witii these words: "Receive a great gift
in a little [compass] ; and take, in [this] almost atomic
s^ment of a short dart, an armament [ag^unst the
perils] of the present and a pledge of everlasting
safety" (Epist. xxxi, n. 1. P. L., LXI, 325). Aboi5
455 Juvenal, Patriarch ot Jerusalem, sends to Pope
St. Leo a fragment of the precious wood (S. Leonis
Epist. cxxxix, P. L., LIV, 1108). The ''Liber Ponti-
ficalis", if we are to accept the authentidly of its
statement, tells us that, in the pontificate of St. Syl-
vester. Constantine presented to the Sessorian basi-
lica (Santa Crooe in Gerusalemme) in Rome a portion
of the True Cross (Duchesne, Liber Pontif., I, 80;
cf. 78, 178, 179, 195). Later, under St. Hilary (461-
68) and under Syxnmachus (498-514) we are again
told that fra^ents of the True Cross are enclosed in
altars (op. cit., I, 242 sq. and 261 so.). About the
year 5()0 Avitus, Bishop of Vieime, asks for a portion
of the Cross from the JPatriaroh of Jerusalem (P. L.,
LIX, 236, 239).
It is known that Radegunda^ Queen of the Franks,
having retired to Poitiers, obtamed from the Emperor
Justin II, in 569, a remarkable relic of the True (Jroas.
A solemn feast was celebrated on this occasion, and
the monastery founded W the queen at Poitiers re-
ceived from that moment the name of Holy Cross
It was also upon this occasion that Venantius For-
tunatus, Bishop of Poitiers, and a celebrated poet of
the period, composed the hymn "Vexilla Re^"
which is still sung at feasts of the Cross ?n the Latin
Rite. St. Gr^ry I sent, a little later, i. portion of
the Cross to Ineodolinda, Queen of the ix>mbards
(Ep. xiv, 12), and another to Recared, the first CathoUo
King of Spain (Ep. ix, 122). In 690, under SCTgius I,
a casket was found containing a relic of the True Cross
which had been sent to John III (560-74) by ike
Emperor Justin II (cf. Borgia, "De Cruce YaticanA",
Rome, 1779, p. 63, and Duchesne, "Liber Pontifi-
calis", I, 374, 378). We will not give in detail the
history of other relics of the Cross (see the works of
Gretser and the articles of Kraus and B&umer quoted
in the bibliography). The work of RohauH de Fleury,
"M^moire sur les instruments de la Passion" (Pans,
1870), deserves more prolonged attention; its author
has sought out with great care and learning all the
relics of the True Cross, drawn up a catalogue of
them, and, thanks to this labour, ne has succeeded
in showing that, in spite of what various Protestant
or Rationalistic authors have pretended, the frag-
ments of the Cross brought together again would not
only not "be comparable in bulk to a battleship", but
would not reach one-third that of a cross which has
been supposed to have been three or four metres in
height, with a transverse branch of two metres (see
above, imder I)^roportion8 not at a£ abnormal (op.
cit., 97-179). Here is the calculation of this savant:
Supposing the Cross to have been of pine-wood, as is
beueved by the savants who have made a special study
of the subject, and giving it a weight of about seventy-
five kilograms, we find that the volume of this c
OEOSS
532
O&OSB
178,000,000 cubic millimetres. Now the total known
volume of the IVue Cross, according to the finding of
M. Rohault de Fleuiy, amounts to above 4,000,000
cubic millimetres, allowing the miiwing part to be as
big as we will, the lost parts or the parts the existence
of which has been overlooked, we still find ourselves
far short of 178,000,000 cubicmiUimetres, which should
viake up the True Cross.
(4) Principal Feasts of the Cross.— The feast of the
Gross, like so many other liturgical feasts, had its
origin at Jerusaleni, and is connected with the com-
memoration of the Finding of the Cross and the build-
ing, by Constantine, of churches upon the sites of the
Holy Sepulchre and Calvary. In 335 the dedication
of these churches was celebrated with great solemnity
^ the bishops who had assisted at the Council of
Tyre, and a great numb^ of other bishops. This
dedication took place on the 13th and 14th ot Septem-
ber. This feast of the dedication, which was known
by the name of the Enccenia, was most solemn ; it was
on an equal footing with those of the Epiphany and
Easter. The description of it should be read m the
" Pereerinatio ", which is of g^t value upon this sub-
ject ofHturgical origins. This solemnity attracted
to Jeruenlem a great number of monks, from Meso-
potamia, from Syria, from Egypt, from the Thebald,
and from other provinces, besides laity of both sexes.
Not fewer than forty or fifty bishops would journey
from their dioceses to be present at Jerusalem for the
event. The feast was considered as of obligation. " and
he thinks himself guilty of a grave sin who during this
period does not attend the great solemnity". It lasted
eight days. In Jerusalem, then, this feast bore an
entirely local character. It passed, like so many
other feasts, to Constantinople and thence to Home.
There was also an endeavour to give it a local feeling,
and the church of "The Holy Cross in Jerusalem"
was intended, as its name indicates, to recall the
memory of the church at Jerusalem bearing the same
dedicaoon.
The feast of the Exaltation of the Cross sprang into
existence at Rome at the end of the seventh century.
Allusion is made to it during the pontificate of Ser-
gius I (6S7-701). but, as Dom Bftumer observes, the
very terms of the text (Lib. Pontif ., I, 374, 378)
show that the feast already existed. It is, then,
inexact, as has often been pointed out, to attribute
the introduction of it to this pope. The Gallican
churches, which, at the period here referred to, do not
yet know of this feast of the 14th September, have
another on the 3rd of May, of the same signification.
It seems to have been introduced there in the seventh
century, for ancient Gallican documents, such as the
Lectionary of Luxeuil, do not mention it; Gregory of
Tours also seems to ignore it. According to Mgr.
Duchesne, the date seems to have been borrowed from
the legend of the Finding of the Holy Cross (Lib.
Pontif., I, p. cviii). Later, when the Gallican and
Roman Lituigies were combined, a distinct character
was given to each feast, so as to avoid sacrificing
either. The 3rd of May was called the feast of the
Invention of the Cross, and it commemorated in a
special manner Saint Helena's discovery of the sacred
wood of the Cross; the 14th of September, the feast
of the Exaltation of the Cross, commemorated above
ail the ciroumstances in which Heraclius recovered
from the Persians the True Cross, which they had
carried off. Nevertheless, it appears from the history
of the two feasts, which we have just examined, that
that of the 13th and 14th of September is the older, and
that the commemoration of tne Finding of the Cross
was at first combined with it.
The Good Friday ceremony of the Adoration of the
Cross also had its origin in Jerusalem, as we have seen,
and is a faithful reproduction of the rites of Adoration
of the Cross of the fourth century in Jerusaleni which
have been described above, in accordance with the
description given by the author of the "Peregrinatio".
This worship paid to the Cross in Jerusalem on Good
Friday soon became general. Gr^ory of Tours
speaks of the Wednesday and Friday consecrated to
the Cross — ^probably the Wednesday and Friday of
Holy Week. (Cf. Greg., De Glorii Mart. I. v.) The
most ancient adoration of the Cross in the Romaa
Chureh is described in the "Ordo Romanus'^ generallv
attributed to Saint Gregory. It is p^ormeo, acooro-
ing to this "Ordo", just as it is nowadays, after a
series of responsory prayers. The cross is prepared
before the altar; priests, deacons, subdeacons, denes
of the inferior grades, and lastly the people, each one
comes in his turn; tney salute the cross, during the
singing of the anthem, "Ecce lignum cruds in quo
salus mundi pependit. Venite, adoremus" (Bdiold
the wood of tne cross on which the salvation of the
world did hang. Come, let us adore) and then Ps.
cxviii. (See Mabillon, Mus. lUl., Paris, 1689, II,
23.) The Latin Church has kept until to-day the
same litumcal features in the ceremony of Good Fri-
day, addea to it is the song of the Improperia and the
hymn of the Cross, "Pange, lingua, gloriosi lauream
certaminis*'.
Besides the Adoration of the Cross on Good Friday
and the September feast, the Greeks have still anotiiier
feast of the Adoration of the Cross on the Ist of August
as well as on the third Sunday in Lent. It is probable
that Gre^ry the Great was acquainted with this feast
during lus stay in Constantinople, and that the sta-
tion of Santa Crooe in Gerusalemme, on Letare Sun-
day (the fourth Sunday in Lent), is a souvenir, or a
timid effort at imitation, of the Byzantine solenmity.
On the theoUxnf of the mbjeet. St. Thomas, Summa Theel., II I,
Q. 3DCV, aa. 3 and 4, with which d. Idolairy, the eontroveny in
The Tablet from 22 June to 21 Sept., 1007. Pktavxvs, De
Incamat.t XV, zv-xviii; Beliarmine, De Imaoimbu» Sancto-
rum^ II, xsdv; Tbbodors tkb SrvDira, Adv, loonomachM in
P. G., XCIX. For the oontroveny in the time o£ Cbariemagne.
GoNDX OF Orlbans, De CuUu Imaoinum, P. L., CVt, 306 aq.;
DuNOAl., Libef advenua Claudium Taurinenaem^ P. L., Cv.
457 sg.; AiiAX.ARiVB, De officiU ecciet.. I, zvi, P. L., CV, 102S
aq.; PesuDO-AixniXN, OMcta et OrcM. de Cruee.F. L.. CL 1207
aq.; Rabanus Maurus, De Laudibua S. Crueia, P. L^ CVII. 13S:
SooTUS ERnTGENA, De Ckriata CruciflxOf P. L., CxLI. 345.
On the cult of the Croaa in pre-Chriatum timea: Brck^ The
CroM, Heathen and ChriaUan (Londcm, 1880), oritidaed bjr
DB Harlet in Did. apol. de la foi catholimie(Pnn», 1801), 670-7t^
DE Harlet, Pritmdue origine paUnne de la Croix in La Conin -
verae (1882). IV. 705-32; cf. La Croix et U Cruei^, Urid. (ISST/.
IX, 386-^104. and La croix ehet lea ChinoU, ibid. (1886), VIJ,
589; Brino-Movton, De No(d Christianiami Awihiffud Cnue
(Ixindon, 1745); Saint F£tix-MAUREMONT, Da la croix covl-
8idSr4e comma eigne hiiroolyphioue d* adoration et de aabU ia
BuUetin delaaoc. archSd. du midi de la France (1836-37). Ill,
183; Lajard, Obaervationa aur V origine et la aignificaHon dtf
aymbcle appeU la croix atuie in M^moirea de Vaead. dea inac.
(1846); Rapp, Daa Labarum u. der Sonntneuittia in Jahfi».
(Bonn, 1866), XXXIX, XL; HOller, Ueber Sterna, Krewu,
u. Kr&me ala religidae Synibole der alten Ktdlurv^Hker (Coper t-
hagen. 1865); Mortillet, Le eigne de la croix avanl U ekrio'
tionisme (Paria. 1886)— <;f. Nuova Antologia (1867), 797. 805,
and Revue Celtiaue (1866). 297; VcRTua, Du cuUe da la croir
avant J.-C. in Annuaire de la Soc. Uiat. ArehSoL de CkdteaU"
Thierry (1873. 1874), IX. 135-194; Bunsen. Daa Symbd diw
Kretizea bei alien Naltonen u. die Entat^vng aea KretU'Sinnbala
dea chriatlichen Kirche (Berlin. 1876); Hochart. La aymboia
de la croix in Ann. de la fac. liti. de Bordeaux (1886); Roaxotr,
(^itervationa aur lea aignea hiiroglyvhiquea qui peuvent rappaUr
la figure de la Croix in Science cedh. (1800), IV. 465-471; Ak-
SAULT, Le ouUe de la croix avant J.'C. (Paiia. 1880); Id., Mi-
moire 8itr le cuUc de la croix avant J.-C. (Paria. 1891) : Lafarour.
Le culte de la croix avarU J.-C. in Rev. eath. de Bordeaux (1891),
XIII. 321-330; Pre^hriatian Crou in Bd. Rev. (1870), CXXXI.
222; Meyer, Die Geach. dea Kreuzhaiaea von Chriatua in Ab-
handl. phUoa.-phiM. bauer. Akad. (1882). XVI. 101, 116.
On crosaea m genenJ: Borota, Da Cntce Vaiieand (Rome,
1774); Id., De Cruce VelitemA (Rome. 1780); Orrtbrr. De
Cruce Chriati (2 vola. 4<>, Ingoldatadt, 1600) and 4th ed. of
the aame, enlarged, in Opp. Omnia (1618); Bono, Crux b>
umpJuma et Olonoaa (Antwerp, 1617); Decker, De StauroUatrid
RotnanA (Hanover, 1617); Bariuub, De Vetarum Ckriatiano-
rum Ritibua (Rome, 1647); Schuchteil Da Crueaaipud Judeaoa,
Chriatianoa et GentHea aigno Salutia (Halle. 1732); Zaocaba,
Diaaerl. de Invention^ S. Crueia in (Sort, Symbol. Litt., X. 65
eq.; Paperroch. De Inventione S. Crueia in Acta 8S., 3 liRy, i
aqq; Ljpbius, De Cruce libri III (4», Antwerp, 1503); Zdcx-
LRR, Daa Kreua Chriati (GQteraloh, 1775); Ziboblbauer,
HiMoria didactica de S. Crueia CuUu el Veneratione in Ord. D.
Brrwdieti (Vienna. 1746); Wiseman. Four Ledurra on the
Officea and Ceremoniea a/ Holy Wade CLondoD, 1830> 11-114;
I. CROSS OF CONG (1123), NATIONAL MUSEUM, DUBLIN
a. CROSS OF MONASTERBOICS 4. CROSS OF INNISMACSAINT, LOUGH XRNB
3. CROSS OF CLONMACNOISB 5. CROSS OF GLENDALOUGH
I. SILVER (CAPITULAR) PROCESSIONAL 3. BRONZE CRUCIFIX— GIOVANNI DA
CROSS, XVI CENTURY BOLOGNA
PITTI PALACE, FLORENCE PITTI PALACE, FLORENCE
2 BRONZE ALTAR CRUCIFIX— BENEDETTO 4. IVORY CRUCIFIX— DONATELLO (DONATO
DA MAJANO DI NICOLO DI BETTO BARDI)
CATHEDRAL, FLORENCE PITTI PALACE, FLORENCE
OiMB
533
oitos6
de la Crtnx in Rev, det Qui^tHona Hittoruiuea (1878), XXIU.
472 sq.; The Sign of (he Crou m the Early Church in The Dub. Rev.
(1861), XX. 113: Bbrkabdakis, Le euUe de la Crmx ehet lee
Oreee in ifcAo* iOrterd (1902), 19»-202: Rsviub, De CitUu
Crude Q^eyden, 18fil) ; AixiEB, Hietory cf the Croev (Bofltoa.
1858); Berjsau, History of the Holy Croee (London, 1863);
RoBAtn<T DB FiAsuBT, Mtneoite evr lea inetrumenta de la Paaaiori
( Paris, 1870): Nbvtu:. De Sanetd Cruce (Berlin. 1888).
On the Funding of the Croaa in particular: Papxbbocsi in
Acta SS,, 3 May; Cabbol, Etude aur la Peregrinatio Silvia
(Pteris. 1895). 109-105; Hoiden, fnventio S. Crucia (Leipiix.
18S»); OoMBHi, tr. by hmm Cappadbuta. The Finding of the
Croae (LondoB« 1907); Stalbt, The Lilurgieal Year, an Ex-
vlanaHon cf the Origin^ History and Signifiotance cf the Festival
JJfxye and Fasting Days of the English Church (London, 1907),
101-103: DucHBSNB, tr. MgQzjObe, Chriatian Warship (Lon-
don, 1904), 274 M., and cf. In. Liber Pontificalia, I. 374, 378;
Fr.ABBT, Ancient Engliah Holy Week Cerenumxal (London, 1897),
114 aq.
See alflo BXUMBR in Kireheniex., a. w» Kreug. Kreuaer-
fmdung, Kreuapartikel: Mabttccbi in Diet, de la Bible, a. v.
Crxrix; QcBVVn in KeaieneykjUr proL Theol,, a. w. Kreuz u.
Kreutigungj KreuxattMndung, Kreuaeateidten.
For additional bihliogiaphy aee BXumbr and above all
Ghbyaubb, Topo-BiU., a. v. Croix.
Fernand Cabrol.
m. Thb Cross Aim Cbitcifix in Liturqy. — (1)
Material ObjecU in LUwrgical l^«e.— A. The Altaic
Cross. — Aa a permanent adjunct to the altar, the cross
or crucifix can hardly be traced farther back than the
thirteenth century. Hie third canon of the Second
Coundl of ToiuB (567), "ut corpus Doniini in altario
non in imaginario online sed sub crucis titulo ccmi-
ponatur'^ which has sometimes been appealed to to
prove the early existence of an altar-cross, almost
certainly refers to the arrangement of the particles of
the Host upon the corporal. They were to be arranged
ill the form of a cross and not according to any
fanciful idea of the cdebrant (see Hefele, Concilienr
geschichte). On the other hand, Innocent III at the
beginning of the thirteenth century in his treatise on
the Mass savs plainly, "a cross is set upon the altar,
in the middle oetween two candlesticks", but even
this probably refers only to the actual duration of the
Holy Sacrifice. From the ninth to the eleventh oen>-
tury the rule is several times repeated: ''Let nothing
be placed on the altar except a chest with relics en
saints or periiaps ihe four gospels or a pvx wiHi the
lozd's Bod^ for the viaticinn of the sick" (cf. Thiers,
Sur les principaux autels des ^lises, 129 sqa.).
llkis no ooubt was understood to exclude even the
crucifix &om the altar, and it is certain that in various
iitungical ivory carvings of the eighth, ninth, and
tenth oeniuries no cross is shown. At the same time
it should be noted that the cibonum, or canopy over
the altar, was often surmoimted by a plain cross, and
also that the eorofUBf or ornamental circular frames
which were suspended from the inner side of the
oiborium, frequently had a cross hanging down in their
midst. Some sudi coron» are explicitly referred to
In the ''Liber Fontificalis" during the ninth century.
The best-known existing example is the corona of
Reeesvinthus now at the Mus^ de Cluny, Paris, in
which the pendent cross is set with large gems. The
papal chronicle just ref eired to also mentions a silver
cross which was erected not over, but close beside,
the high altar of St. Peter's in the time of Leo III
(796-^16): "There also he made the cross of purest
silver, gQded, which stands beside the high altar, and
which weifllis 22 pounds" (Lib. Pont., Leo III, c.
Ixxxvii). It is probable that when the cross was first
introduced as an ornament for the altar it was most
oommonly plain and without any figure of Our Sav-
iour. &ich is the cross which a well-known Anglo*
Saxon manuscript represents King Onut as presenting
to Hyde Abbey, Winchester. But the association of
the figure of Christ with the cross was familiar in
En^and as early as 678, when Benedict Biscop
brcnuiht a paintins of the Crucifixion from Rome
(Beds, Hist. Abb., |9), and we can hardly doubt that
a people capable of producing such sculptural work
aa the stone crosses at Ruthwell and Bewcastle. or
the Franks' casket, would soon have attempted the
same subject in the solid. We know at anyrate that a
cold crucifix was found in the tomb of St. Edward the
CoDf essor, and a crucifix is menticmed in one of the
later Lives of St. Dunstan. That such objects were
sometimes used for the altar seems highly probable.
Still, Innocent HI speaks only of a cross, and it is
certain that for several centuries later neither cross
nor crucifix were left upon the altar except at Mass
time. Even so late as the bwnning of the sixteenth
century an engraving in the Giunta " Corpus Juris "
shows the altar-crueifix being carried in at high Mass
by the celebrant, while in many French dioceses this or
some similar custom lasted down to the time of Claude
de Vert (Explication, IV, 31). At present the "Ccere-
moniale Episcoporum " assumes the permanency of the
crucifix on the altar, with its attendant candlesticks
[see Altar-Crucifix, under Altar (in Liturgt)].
(1) B. The Processional Cross.— When Bede telb us
that St. Augustine of England and his tsompanions
came before Ethelbert "carrying a silver cross for a
standard" (veniebarU crucem jrro vexiUo fererUes argenr
team) while they said the litanies, he probably toudies
upon the fundamental idea of the processional cross.
Its use seems to have been general m eariy times and
it is so mentioned in the Roman "Ordines" as to
surest that one belonged to eadi church. An intex^
eating specimen of the twelfth century still survives
in the Cross of Cong, preserved in the museum of the
Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. This is made of oak
covered with copper plates, but much decoiaticA is
added in the form of gold filigree work. It lacks moat
of the shaft, but is two feet six inches hi^^ and one
foot six inches across the arms. In the centre is a
boss of rock crsrstal, which formerly enshrined a relic
of the True (>os8, and an inscription teUs us that
it was made for Turloch O'Cono^ King of Ireland
(1123). It seems never to have nad any figure ol
Christ, but other processional crosses of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries are for the most part true
crucifixes. In a great niunber of cases the shaft was
removable, and the upper portion could be set in a
stand to be used as an alta^Ksross. Indeed it seems
not improbable that this was the actual origin of the
altar-cross employed during Mass (Rohault de Fleury,
La Messe, V, 123-140). Just as the seven candle-
sticks carried before the pope in Rome were deposited
before or bdiind the altar, and probably developed
into the six altar-candlesticks (seven, it will be re-
membered, when a bishop celebrates) with which we
are now fsuniliar, so the processional cross seems also
to have first been left in a stand near the altar and
ultimately to have taken its place upon the altar
itself. Tx) this day the ritual books of the Church
seem to assume that the handle of the processional
cross is detachable, for in the funeral of mfants it is
laid down that the cross is to be carried without its
handle. All C^hristians are supposed to be the fol-
lowers of Christ, hence in procession the crucifix is
carried first, with the figure turned in the direction in
which the procession is moving.
(1) C. Archiepiscopal and Papal Cross. — It is not easy
to determine with certainty at what period the archie-
piscopal cross came into separate use. It was prob-
ably at first only an ordinaiy processional cross. In
the tenth "Ordo Romanua" we read of a subdeaoon
who is set aside to carry the crux T^palis. U this
specially papal cross had been in existence for some
time it IS likely that it was imitated by patriarchs and
metropolitans as a mark of di^ty which went with
the pallium. In the twelfth century the archbishop's
cross was generally recognised, and in the dispute
regarding uie primacy l^tween the ArchbishopB of
Canterbuiy and York the right to cany their cross
before them played a prominent part. In 1125 Pope
Honorius II admonished the Southern bishops of
England that they should allow Archbishop Thurstan
0EOS8
534
0BO88
of York crucem ante ae dejerre juxta anUquam consue-
tudinem. In all ecclesiastical functions an archbiahop
in his own province has a right to be preceded by hlis
crofis-bearer with cross displayed. Hence an arch-
bishop when solemnly giving his blessing gives it with
head uncovered out of reverence for the cross which
is held before him. An ordinarv bishop, who is not
privileged to have such a cross, blesses the people with
nis mitre on. As regards form, both the papal and
the archiepiscopal cross consists in practice of a simple
crucifix mounted upon a staif, the material bemg
silver or silver gilt. The crosses with double and
triple bars, which are sometimes termed distinctively
archiepiscopal, patriarchal, or papal crosses, have for
the most part only a heraldic existence (see Barbier
de Montault, La croix k deux croisillons, 1883). An
archiepiscopal cross is borne with the figure turned
towards the archbishop.
Jl) D. Pectoral Crosses.— r-These objects seem origi-
ly to have been little more than costly ornaments
upon which much artistic skill was lavished and which
usually contained relics. A jewel of this kind which
belonged to Queen Theodelinda at the end of the
sixth century is still preserved in the treasiuy of
Monsa. Another of much later date, but wrought
with wonderful enamels, was foimd in the tomb of
Queen Dagmar and is at Copenhagen. When the
present Queen Alexandra came to England in 1863
to marr^ the then Prince of Wales, she was presented
with a Mussimile of this jewel containing, among other
relics, a fragtnent of the True Cross. Such encolpia
were probably at first worn by bishops not as insidua
of rank, but as objects of devotion. For example, a
famous and beautiful jewel of this kind was found in
^e tomb of St. Cuthbert and is now at Durham.
When they contained relics they often came later on
to be enclosed in processional crosses. This no doubt
was the case with the Cross of Cong, mentioned above,
upon which we read in Irish characters the Latin verse:
Hae cruce crux tegitur qua jpassus conditor orbis.*--
See Joum. Soc. Antiq. Ireland, vol. XXXI (1901). As
a lituigical cross, and part of the ordinaiy episcopal
insignia, the pectoral cross is of quite modem date.
No word is said r^arding it in the first edition of the
''Csremoniale Episcoporum" of 1600, but latereditions
speak of it, and its liturgical character is fully recoe-
nized by all modem rubricians. It is worn by all
bishops at Mass and solemn functions, and also forms
part of their ordinary walking-dress. It is usually a
plain Latin cross of gold suspended round the neck by
a gold chain or a cora of silk and gold. Its use seems
gradually to have been introduced during the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries in imitation of the
pectoral cross whic^ we know to have been r^ularly
worn by the popes from a much earlier date. , Cer-
tain metropohtans (e. g. the Patriarch of Lisbon and
the Archbishop of Ammgh) are accustomed to wear a
cross with two bars or transoms (Anal. Jur. Pont., 1896,
344). The privile^ of wearing a pectoral cross has
also been conceded to certain canons.
(1) E. Consecration Crosses. — ^These are the twelve
crosses, usually merely painted on the wall, which
mark ihe places where the church walls have been
anointed with chrism in a properly consecrated churdi.
A candle-bracket should oe inserted immediately bo-
low. Some of these consecration crosses are even yet
distinguishable on the walls of old churches which go
back to the Romanesque period. The Carlovingian
oratory in Nimeguen preserves, perhaps, the most
ancient known example. In other cases, e. g. at
Ftlrstenfeld, some of the old Romanesque candle-
brackets also remain. Owing to the number of unc-
tions, it was not infrequently the custom to place
these consecration crosses on shields, each borne by
one of the twelve Apostles. In the Sainte Chapelle
at Paris, built by St. Louis in the thirteenth century,
we find twelve statues of the Apostles carrying discs
used for this purpose. In Ehgjand it was the custom
to mark twelve consecration crosses on the outside
walls of the church as well as twelve on the inside.
The Roman Pontifical only prescribes the latter. (See
Consecration.) Salisbuiy cathedral* still preserves
some remarkable examples of consecration croflses.
At Ottery St. Marjr, Devon, the old crosses are carved
in high relief on shields borne by angels within moulded
panels, a ouatrefoil in a square. Those inside have
marks of tne remains of iron brackets for candles or
a lamp. (See, on Endish examples, MiddleUm in
"Archfflologia'^ XLVitt, 1885.)
(1) F. Churdiyard or Monumental Crosses. — ^In the
contemporary life of St. Willibald (bom c. 700) we
have a significant mention of the Anclo-Saxon custom
of erecting a cross instead of a church as a rendezvous
f or praver. Many ancient stone crosses still surviving
in £n^and are probably witnesses to the practice, and
the conjecture of Prof. Baldwin Browne (Arts in
Anglo-Saxon England), that the cross and gjcsiyeysLtd
often preceded the church in date, has much to rec-
ommend it. Certain it is that tJie earliest known
forms for blessing a cemetery (q. v.) contain five bles-
sinas pronounoea at the four points of the compass
and one in the centre, thus fonning a cross, while
crosses were later on planted in the ground at each of
these places. Throughout the Middle Ages, both in
En^and and on the Continent, there seems always
to have been one principal churchyard cross. Tliis
was commonly an object of great importance in tiie
Palm Sunday procession, when it was saluted with
prostrations or genuflexions by the whole assembly.
There was also a scattering <n boughs and flowers,
and the cross was often decorated with garlands ol
yew or box. For this reason it was often called entx
buxata (cf. Gasquet, Parish Life, 1906, pp. 171-4).
Many beautiful churchyard crosses are still preserved
in England. France, and Qermany; the most remark-
able Soiglish examples being perhaps those of Ampney
Cmcis, near Cirencester^ ana Bag Enderfoy, lincolxH
shire. The famous ancient Northumbrian crosses at
Bewcastle and Ruthwell (which English scholars still
assign to the seventh and eighth centuries, despite the
plea for a much later date put forward by Prof. A. S.
Cook of Yale) may possibly have been principal
churchyard crosses. The fact that they were prob-
ably memorial crosses as well does not exclude this.
When St. Aldhehn died in 709, his body had to be
transported fifty miles to Malmesbury, and at eadi
stage of seven miles, where the body rested for the
ni^t, a cross was afterwards erected. These crosses
were still standiiig in the twelfth century (William
of Malmesbury, (%sta Pont., 383). An even mote
famous example of such memorial crosses, but of
mudi later date, is supplied by the removal of the
body of Eleanor, Queen of Edward I, from Lincoln to
London. Several of these crosses in a more or leas
mutilated form exist at the present dav. The most
famous of the series^ however. Charing ( 7 Chire Heine)
Cross in London, is a modem reconstmction. Tlie
route followed by the body of St. Louis oi France on
its way to St.-Denis was similarly honoured, and it
seems probable that a laige number of wayside crosses
originated in this maimer. No stronger testimony
of the early coimexion of the cross with the cemetery
could be desired than the directions given by St.
CuUibert for his own burial : '' Cum autem Deus susoe-
pent animam meam, sepelite me in hit maaaione juxta
oratorium meum ad meridiem, contra orientalem
plagam sanctss cmcis quam ibidem erexi'' (Bode,
Vita S. Cuthberti).
(1) O. Rood, Rood-Screen, and Rood-Loft.— fVom
very early times it seems to have been not unusual to
introduce a plain cross in such a way into the mosaics
of the apse or of the main arch (Triumpkbogen) as to
dominate the church. Notable examples may be found
at S. ApolUnaxe in Classe at Ravenna, at S. Ptidenjaana
0E088
535
cotoss
in Romei and at the Lateran basilica. There are also,
as already noticed, incontestable examples both of
crosees snnnounting the ciborium over the altar, and
of the large crosses suspended, with or without a
coiona, from the under side of the ciboriimi. It must,
ha'weveTf be pronounced very doubtful whether the
rood, which in so many churches of the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries occupied the ^reat
arch, can be regarded as a development of this idea.
Tliis point vnH be more fully treated under Rood-
Screen. It will be sufficient to notice here that in the
thirteenth century a practice grew up of screening oflf
the choir from the nave of the ^;reater churches by a
fl^^ructure broad enough to admit a narrow bridge or
^^alleiy spanning the cnancel arch and most commonly
adorned by a great crucifix with the figures of Our
L«ady and St. John. The rood-loft of the cathedral of
Sens, as described by J. B. Thiers (Traits sur lesjub^)
affoids a valuable hmt of how this process was effected.
It consisted, he tells us, of two stone pulpits quite
separate from each other, supported by oc^umns, and
ijvith a crucifix between them, each havmg an entrance
on ihe choir side and an exit down into the nave, 'on
either side of the principal door of the choir. From
this it seems probable that the two ambos (q. v.)
from which the Gospel and Epistle were sung in earlier
times, became gradually connected by a continuous
gallery upon wmch was erected a great crucifix, and
that in this way we mav trace the development of the
rood-loft, or jvb^, which was so conspicuous a feature
in later medieval architecture. There can at least be
no doubt that this loft was used on certain occasions
of ceremony for reading the Epistle and Gospel and for
makine annoimcements to the people. The great
rood above the rood-screen was saluted by the whole
procession, as they re-entered the church on Palm Sun-
day, with the words: Ave Rex noster.
(1) H. Absolution Crosses. — ^These have already been
spoken of in the article Buhial, Ghribtiak. They
seem for the most part to have been rude crosses of
lead laid upon Uie breast of the corpse. It is only in
Gome few examples, of which the most important is
that of Bishop Godfrey of Chichester (1088), that a
formula of absolution is found inscribed upon them en-
tire. We may infer that the practice in the West was
always in some measure irregular, and it is only the
absolution paper, which is uniformly placed in the nand
or on the breast of the corpse in the Eastern Church,
which explains them and gives them a certain impor-
ance as a liturgical development.
(1) J. Crosses on Vestments, etc. — Rubrical law now
requires that most of the vestments, as well as some
other objects more immediately devoted to the service
of the altar, should be marked with a cross. Speaking
generally, this is a comparatively modem develop-
ment. For example, the great majority of the stoles
and maniples of the Middle Ages do not exhibit this
feature. At the same time Dr. Wickham Legg goes
much too far when he says without qualification that
such crosses were not used in mie-R^ormation times.
For example, the stole of St. Thomas of Canterbury
preserved at Sens has three crosses, one in the middle
and one at eadi extremity, just as a modem stole
would have. Thai the archiepiscopal pallium, like
the Greek amophorion (see Constantinopijb, Rttb of)
was always marked with crosses, is not disputed. Ihe
large cross conspicuous upon most modem chasubles,
which appears behind in the French type and in front
in the Roman, does not seem to have been originally
adopted with any symbolic purpose. It probably
came into existence accidentally for sartorial reasons,
the orphreys having been so arranged in a sort of Y-
croas to conceal the seams. But the idea, once sug-
gested to the eye, was retained, and various symbofi-
cal reasons were found for it. In somewhat of the
same way a cross was marked in the Missal before the
Canon, and this the Driest was directed to kiss when
beginning this portion of the Mass : nrobably this cross
first arose from an illumination of the initial T, in the
words: Te igiiur clementMme Pater, As Irmooent III
writes, "Et forte divinA factum est providentii ut ab
e& liter& T [tau] canon inciperet quie sui form& signum
cmcis ostendit et exprimit in figur&"; and Belethfui^
ther comments, "Unde profecto est, quod istio cmcis
imago adpingi debeaf' (See Ebner, Quellen und
Forschungen, 445 sqq.). The tradition is perpetu-
ated m the picture of tiie Cmdfixion which precedes
the Canon ia every modem Missal. The five crosses
commonly marked on altar-stones depend closely on
the rite of the consecration of an altar.
(1) K. Crosses for Private Devotion. — ^These may all
be held to wear a liturgical aspect in so far as the Church,
in the " Bituale,'' provides a form for their blessing, and
presupposes, that such a cross dtiould be placed m.the
hands of the dying. The crosses whidi surmount the
Stations of the Cross, and to which the Indulgences are
directly attached may also be noticed. In the Greek
Church a little wooden cross is used for the blessing of
holy water, and is dipped into it in the course of the
ceremony.
(2)LUwrgical Forma connected vnth the Material
Objects, — ^A. Blessing of Consecration Crosses. — ^Ilie
" Pontificale Romanum '' directs that towards the close
of the dedication ceremony the twelve consecration
crosses previously marked upon the walls of the
churdi, three upon each wall, are to be each anointed
by the bishop with chrism, the f oUowiiig form of words
beine spoken over eadi: "May t^ Temple be hal-
lowed + and consecrated + in the name of Uie Father
+ and of the Son + and of the Holy Ghost + in
honour of God and the glorious Virgin Mary and of all
the Saints, to the name and memory of Saint N.
Peace be to thee." This is prescribecf in practical^
identical terms in English pontificals of the tentii cen-
tury; and the Pontifical of Egbert (?768) describes the
anointing of the walls, though it does not give the
words of the form. What is more, an analogous cere-
mony must have existed in thb (Celtic Church from a
very early date, for a liturgical fragment in the Leabar
Breac describes how the bishop with two priests is to
go round the outside of the diurch marking crosses
upon the "tel-columns" with his knife, while the
three other priests do the same within (see Olden in
"Trans. St. Paul's Eccles. Soc.", IV, 103). In this
case, however, the use of chrism is not mentioned.
From this Celtic practice the Anglo-Saxon and Sarum
uses seem to have derived the custom of afllxing con-
secration crosses outside the church as well as within.
(2) B. In the consecration of an altar, also, crosses
are to be marked in chrism upon the altaj>«lab with
almost the same form of words as that used for Uie
walls. This practice may equally claim Celtic ana^
logues, whose antiquity is shown by the fact that the
altar to be consecrated must have been of wood. The
Tract in the '' Leabar Breac " says: '^The bishop marks
four crosses with his knife on the four comers of the
altar, and he marks three crosses over the middle of
the i^tar, a cross over the middle on the east to the
edge, and a cross over tiie middle on the west to
the edge, and a cross exactly over the middle. " This
makes seven crosses, but the Roman usage for many
centuries has provided five only.
(2) C. Pontifical BlessingB of Crosses. — ^The conse-
cration crosses on the walls of churches and on altars
are clearly not substantive and independent objects of
cultus; the blessing they receive is only a dettul in a
longer ceremony. But the ''Pontificale Romanum"
supphes a solemn form of episcopal blessing for a cross,
under the title, Benedictio novcB Crucia, which, besides
containing several prayers of considerable length, in-
cludes a conseoratory preface and is accompanied with
the use of incense. At the conclusion of the ceremony
we find the mbric: "Tiun Pontifex, flexis ante cnicem
genibus, ipsam devote adorat et osculatur," This
OBO^S
536
0BO8S
rite IB of great antiquil^, and many of the prayera oc-
cur in identical terms in pontificals of the tenth cen-
tury or eatiier, e. g. in the Benedictional of Archbishop
Robert (Henry Bradshaw Soc.). But in the ancient
ceremony the cross was first washed with holv water
and then anointed with chrism precisely as in the form
for the blessing of bells (see Bells). For cemetery
crosses in this oonnexion, see Oemetert.
(2) D. Blessings of Crosses in the Ritual.— The
" Rituale Romanum" (tit. VIII, cap. xxiv) supplies an
ordinary blessing for a cross which may be used by any
priest. It consists only of a short prayer, with a sec-
ond prayer whose use is optional, and onlv holy water
is used; but the same rubric directing the priest to
kneel and '^ devoutly adore and kiss the cross" is
added) which we havejust noticed in the solemn epis-
copal benediction. Furthermore, the Ritual, in an
appendix, reprints the longer form from the Pontifi-
cal under the headine: ''Benedictiones reservatee, ab
episcopo vel sacerdotmus facultatem habentibiis faci-
endse." It may be noted that St. Louis, King of
France, regarded it as imseemly that crosses and stat-
ues shoula be set up for veneration without being pre-
viously blessed. He accordingly ordered search to be
made for a form of blessing in the ancient episcopal
ceremonials. The form was found and duly used first
of all in St. Louis' own private chapel; but the in-
cident seems to suggest tnat the practice of blessing
such objects had parUy fallen into desuetude. (See
Galfridus, De Bello Loco, cap. xxxvi.)
(2) E. Blessings ofCrosses tor Indulgences, etc. — ^The
indulgences most commonly attachedto crosses, cruci-
fixes, etc., are: first, the so-called ''Apostolic Indul-
gences'', which are the same as those attached to
objects blessed by the Holy Father in person. These
are numerous and, amongst other things, entitle the
possessor who has habitually worn or used such a
cross to a plenary indulgence at the hour of death;
secondly, the indulgences of the Stations of the Cross,
which under certain conditions may be gained by the
sick and others unable to visit a chureh upon the reci-
tation of twenty Paters, Aves, and Glorias before
the indul^nced cross which they must hold in their
hand; thirdly, the so-called "Bona Mors" indulgence
for the use of priests, enabling the priest by the use of
this cross to communicate a plenaiy indulgence to
any dying person who is in the requisite dispositions
to receive it. Special faculties are needed to com-
municate such indulgences to crosses, etc., though in
the case of the ''Apostolic Indulgences'' these Acui-
ties are easily obtained. The only blessing required
is the making of a simple sign of the cross over the
crucifix or other object with the intention of imparting
the indulgence. For further details, the reader must
be referred to the article Indulgences and to such
treatises upon indulgences as those of Beringer,
"Les Indulgences", or of Mocchegiani, "Collectio
Indulgentiarum ' ' (Quaracchi, 1897). (See also Bless-
INQ8.)
(3) Festivals of the Hdy Cross, — ^A. The Invention
of the Holy Cross. — ^This is now kept by the Western
Chureh upon 3 May, but so far as our somewhat un-
certain data allow us to judge, the real date of St.
Helena's discovery was 14 September, 326. Upon
this same day, 14 September, took place the dedica-
tion of Constantine's two churehes, that of the Ana-
stasis and that of Golgotha Ad Crucemj both upon
Calvarv, within the precincts of the present church
of the Holy Sepulchre. The portion of the Holy Cross
preserved in Jerusalem afterwards fell into the hands
of the Persians, but was recovered by the Emperor
Heraclius, and, if we may trust our authorities, was
solemnly brought back to Jerusalem on 3 May, 629.
This day, strangely enough, seems to have attracted
special attention among Celtic liturdsts in the West
and, though disregarded in the East, has passed
through Celtic channels (we meet it first in the Lec-
tionary of Silos and in the Bobbio Missal) into j,
recognition under the mistaken title of '^Invention of
the Cross". Chuiously enough the Greek Church
keeps a feast of the apparition of the Cross to St. Cyril
of Jerusalem on 7 May, though that of 3 May is un-
known in the East.
(3) B. The Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, 14
September, though apparently introduced into the
West somewhat later than the so-called ''Invention",
on 3 May, seems to preserve the true date of the dis-
covery of the Cross bv St. Helena. Tins festival has
always been kept in uie East, and especially at 'Jeru-
salem, on that day, under the name of t^toffu, i. e.
''elevation", which probably meant originally the
'^brinong to light".
(3) C. Other Feasts of the Oosi.— We might in
some sense r^urd such a festival as that of the Holy '
Lance and Nails as a festival of the Cross, but it shoula
periiaps rather be grouped with feasts of the Passion*
In the East, however, we find other celebrations
strictly connected with the Cross. For example, on
1 August the Greeks commemorate the taking of the
relic of the Holy Cross from the palace in Constanti-
nople to the church of St. Sophia, and on 7 May, as
we have seen, they recall an apparition of the Cross
to St. Cyril of Jerusalem. The Armenians, on the
other hand, observe one principal feast of the Cross,
under the name ChaU, which occurs in autumn almost
immediatdy after the feast of the Assumptioiu It is
counted as one of the seven principal feasts oi the
year, is preceded by a week's fast, and followed by an
octave or its Armenian equivalent. See also above
under I.
(4). The "Adoration*', — ^From a theological stand-
point this is treated above under ^^^tion U. (See
also Latria.) As a liturgical function the veneration
of the Cross on Good Friday must no doubt be traced
back, as Amalarius already in the ninth century cor-
rectly divined, to the practice of honouring the relic
of the True Cross at Jerusalem which is described in
detail in the '' Pilgrimage of Etheria", c^ 380 (see Sec-
tion II of this article). The ceremony came to prevail
eveiywhere where relics <rf the True Cross existed,
and by a very natural development, where relics failed
any ordinary cross supi>Ued their place as an object
of cultus. As Amalarius again sensibly remarloi,
"although every church cannot have such a relic, still
the virtue of the Holy True Cross is not wanting in
those crosses which are made in imitation of it."
Neither was this veneration, in the case, at any rate,
of relics of the True Cross, confined to Good Friday.
St. Gregory of Tours uses languiuge which may pos-
sibly imply that in Jerusalem the True Cross was
honoured every Wednesday and Fridajr. It is cer-
tain that at Constantinople a Sunday in Mid-Lent,
the first of Aueust, and the 14th of September were
similarly privi^ged. Even from eariy times there
was no hesitation about usin^ the word adoralio.
Thus, St. Paulinus of Nola, writmg of the great Jeru-
salem relic (c. 410), declares that the bishop offered
it to the people for worshio (cnuxm quotannis ado-
randam populo promit), ana first adored it himself.
(See P, L., LXI, 325.) A curious practice was also
introduced of anointing the cross, or, on occasion,
any image or picture, with balm (balaamo) before
presenting it for the veneration of the faithful. This
custom was transferred to Rome, and we hear much
of it in connexion with the very ancient reliquary of
the True Cross and also the supposed miraculous por-
trait of Our Saviour {achevrojHneta, i. e. not made by
the hand of man) preserved in the Sancta Sanctorum
of the Lateran, both of which recently, together with
a multitude of other objects, have been examined
and reported on by papal permission (see Grisar, Die
rdmiscne Kapelle Ssmcta sanctorum und ihr Scnatz,
Freiburg, 1908, 91, 92). The objects mentioned were
completely covered in part with solidified balm. Pope
CROSS
537
OROSS
Adrian I, in vindicating the veneration of images to
Charlemagne, mentions this use of balm and defends
it (Mansiy Concilia, XIII, 778). The ceremony of
the adoration of the Cross on Good Friday must have
spread through the West in the seventh and eighth
centuries, for it appears in the Gelasian Sacramentary
and is presupposed in the Gregorian Antiphonarium.
Bolii in Anglo-Saxon Endand and in the England of
the later Middle Ages the ''Creeping to the Cross" was
a ceremony which made a deep impression on the
popular mind. St.. Louis of France and other pious
princes dressed themselves in haircloth and or^t to
the cross barefoot. At present, instead of creeping
to the cross on hands and knees, three piofoiuna
double genuflexions are made before kissing the feet
of the crucifix, and tiie sacred ministers remove their
shoes when performing the ceremony. The collection
no^w commonly made on this occasion for the support of
the Holy Places seems also to date from medieval times.
(5) For the Figure of the Cross a« a Manual Sign of
Blessing the reader must be referred to the article
SiaN OF TRB Cross, also subtitles (4) of Section I and
(1) of Section II in this article.
(6) Dedicaiions of Churches^ etc, to the Holy Cross, —
Possibly one of the earliest dedications to the Cross,
if we put aside Constantine's church upon Calvaiy
known in Etheria's time as Ad Crucem and also the
SesBorian basilica which was its Roman counterpart,
was the monastery erected at Poitiers l^ St. Rhade-
gund in the sixth century. In behalf of this founda-
tion the saint bezged and obtained a relic of the True
Cross from the ^perar Justin U at Conslaiitinople.
The bringing of the relic to Poitiers was the occasion
of the coxnposition of the two famous hymns, by
Venantius Fortunatus, "Vexilla r^is" and "Pange.
lin^nia, gloriosi prslium certaminis''. In England
peniape the most famous monastery bearing this dedi-
cation was the Holy Cross Abbey at Waltham, founded
by King Harold. At present about sixtv ancient Eng-
lish churches are deaieated to the Holy Cross, while
twenty more bear the same dedication in the dlistino*
tively Englii^ form of "Holy Rood". The famous
Holyrood Palace in Edinbui|;h, once occupied by
Mary Queen of Scots, derives its name from a monas-
tery of the Holy Rood upon the site of which it was
erected, and its church, now in ruins, was originally
the church of the monks.
(7) The Crossin Religious Orders and in the Crusades.
— ^Although the older oniers were earnest in conforming
to the general usage of the Church as r^ards the ven-
eration of the Cross, no distinctive cultus seems to be
attributable to the monasteries. The practice of
canying a crucifix as part of the ordinary religious
habit seems to be of comparatively modem date. It
is significant that, although in most modem congrega-
tions of nuns the bestowal of the crucifix ib a promi-
nent feature of the ceremony of profession, the service
in the Roman Pontifical, **De £knedictione et Conse-
cratione Viiginum ' ', knows nothing of it. It provides
for the Riving of rings and crosses but not of cmcifixes.
IVobabl^ much of the stimulus given to devotion to
th'e cracifix ma^ be traced ultimately to Franciscan in-
fluences, and it is not mere coincidence that the devel-
opment in art of the agonised and thorn-crowned type
of fi^re upon the Cross coincides more or less exactly
with the great Franciscan revival of the thirteenth cen-
tury. Somewhat eariier than the time of Francis an
Italian Order of crodferi (cross-bearers), distinguished
by carrying as part of their costtmie a plain cross of
wood or metal, was founded in the neighbourhood of
Bologna to tend the sick, and several other orders, par-
ticularly one established shortly afterwards in the Neth-
erlands and still surviving, have since borne the same
or a similar name. In the ease of the Military Orders,
for example, that of St. John of Jerusalem or Knights
Hospitallers, the cross impressed upon their habit nas
^adually become distinctive of tho order. It seems
to have been originally only the badge of the crusa-
ders, who wore a red cross upon their right shouldera
as a token of the obligation they haa taken upon
themselves. The Roman Pontifical still contains the
ceremonial for the blessing and imposition of the
cross upon those who set out for the aid and defence
of the Christian Faith or for the recovery of the Holy
Land. After the cross has been blessed the bishop
imposes it upon the candidate with the words: "Re-
ceive the sign of the cross, in the Name of the Father +
and of the Son + and of the Holy Ghost + in token of
the Cross. Passion, and Death of Christ, for the de-
fence of tny body and thy soul, that by the favour of
the Divine Goodness when thy journey is accomplished
thou mayest return to thy family safe and amended
[salvus et emendatus]. Through Christ Our Lord,
Amen.*' The crosses conferred by sovereigns in con-
nexion with various orders of knighthood may prob-
ably be traced to the same idea.
The various types of cross have rather to do with
heraldry or art than witti the history of Christianity.
The names and Grapes of the more common^vsurieties
can best be gathered from the annexed table. For the
vast majority the form is piuiely conventional and arti-
ficial. Their divergence from the normal type is a
mere freak of fancy and corresponds to no attempt to
reproduce the shape of the gibbet on which Our Say*
iour died, or to convey any symbolical meaning. The
crux ansata, or cross with a handle, and the crux gam"
mataf or "fylfot", are much more ancient than dnris-
tianity. (See in Section I of this article, (1) Primitive
CruciformSigns.) Thecfcrt8fium,orc^i-rAo, haa already
been mentioned as the earliest forms in which the cross
appears in Christian art [Section I (4)]. The forms
which it took varied considerably and it is difficult to
classify them chronologically. With re^rd to the
great Celtic stone crosses, particularly in Ireland, we
may note the tendency conspicuous in so manv
specimens to surround the cross with a circle. U
is just conceivable that there is foundation for r^eard-
ingthis circle as derived from the loop of the J^yp-
tian crux ansata.
(8) The Cross outside of the Catholic Churdi.—ln the
Russian Church the conventional form in which the
cross is usually diown is in fact a three-barred cross,
like this ^^ of which the upper bar represents the title
of the r cross, the second the arms, and the lowest,
which is always inclined at an angle, the suppedaneum
or foot-iest. In England it may be said that in the
eariy yeare of Elisabeth's reign a clean sweep was
made of the crosses so long venerated by the people.
All the roods were ordered to be pulled down, and
the crosses were removed from the altars, or rather the
commimion-tables which replaced the altars. The
only check in this movement was the fact that the
queen herself, for some rather obscure reason, insisted
at first on rietaining the crucifix in her own private
chapel. The presence of a crucifix or even a plain
cross upon the altar was lone held to be illegal in virtue
of the " Ornaments Rubric ''. In recent years, how-
ever, there has been a notable reaction, and crosses, or
even crucifixes, are quite commonly seen upon the
altar of Anglican churches. Again, in the reredos re-
cently erected in St. Paul's Cath^lral in London a
large cmcifix, with the figures of St. Maxy and St.
John, forms the most conspicuous feature. In Luth-
eran churches there has alwayB been much tolerance
for the crucifix either upon or behind the altar.
It would not be eaay to provide an adequate bibliography
for the very wide field covered by thia article. A few woria
may be mentioned of a more general kind. — ^BXumeb in Kir'
cherUex., VII. 1054-1088; Quillistt in Diet, de thiol, cath..
Ill, 2330-2363; Hoppenot, Le crucifix daru I'histoire (Lille,
1900); Sktmoub, The Cross in Tradition, History and Art (New
York, 1898). — ^Both these laet works are very comprehensive
in soope, but unfortunately quite uncritical. — Stsvens, Th9
Cross %n the Life and Literature of the Anclo-Saxona (New York,
1004): RoHAyLT db Flkubt, La Messe (Paris, 1885), specially
valuable for its illustrations of liturgical crosses: Sraub, Oa-
BchichU der christliehen Kunst (Freiburg, 1805-1008); Oox and
+
29
+
CROSS
t
T
538
1
11
T
n w ^
24
X
30 31
1
13
X
3
X
8
4^
c&oss
19
1
27
3
4^
10
T
+
22
la
34
+
35
+
30
*
+
*
40
f
SOME FORMS OF THE CROSS IN CHRISTIAN ART
1. LATIN CROSS
2. CALVARY CROSS
S and 4. ANCHOR CROSS
5. PATRIARCHAL CROSS
ft. PAPAL CROSS
7. CROSS PATEE
8. MALTESE CROSS
9 and 19. CROSS MOLINB
10. 11. 12. TAU CROSS
18 and 28. FYLFOT (28. CRUX OAMMATA
OR SWASTIKA)
14. CROSS QUARTER PIERCED
IS. GREEK CROSS
16 CROSS QUARTERLY PIERCBD
17. CROSS FLEURIB
18. CROSS PATONCE
20. CROSS FLEURETTB
21. CROSS BNQR AILED
22. CROSS RAOULBB
23. CROSS QUADRATE
24. 8ALTIRE (CRUX DBCUSSATA)
2ti, CROSS BOTONNEB
20. CROSS POMMEB
27. CROSS POTENT
38. CRUX OAMMATA OR SWASTIKA
29. CROS.S FOURCHBB
30. CROSS URDBB
SI. CROSS CR06SLBT
32. CROSS FITCHES
33. CROSS RECERCELBE
84. CROSS POINTED
85. CROSS WAVY
30. CROSS OF lONA
37. FROM THE CATACOMBS
88. FROM THB CATACOMBS
89 aad 40. FROM THB CATAOOMB8
(MONOGRAMS OF OB&IBT)
0BO88
539
0B0T98
Hajivct, BngliA Church Fumitun (Ixmdoo, lfN)7); BufTBBEti,
DenhviiniiaknUn, IV. F»rt I, 406 Mjq.; MAirriwB, X>« Antiffuw
BccUaia RUHnu: TmBBs, Duterlo/um tur ^ prineipaux autda
et aurUn ;iiM» (Pfciw. 1688). HERBERT ThursTON.
OroBfl-Bearer, the cleric or miniBter who carries
the processional cross, that is, a crucifix provided with
a long staff or handle. An archbishop's croes is borne
with the figure of the crucifix towards the prelate, but
in all other cases the figure should be turned forward.
The crosa-bearer shoula, whenever possible, be a cleric
(Council of Milan, seventeenth century), but in lay
processions the most worthy of the laity -should m
selected for the office. In the more solemn processions
such as those of the Blessed Sacrament, Palm Simday,
and Candlemas Day, the cross should be borne by a
subdeaoon vested in amice, alb, and tunic; on less
solemn occasions by a clerk in surplice. The staff is
held with both hands so that the ngure is well above
the head. The cross-bearer and the two acolytes by
whom he is accompanied on the more solemn occasions
should walk at the head of the procession, except when
the ihurifer is there, and should not make any rever-
ence whilst engaged in this function.
Cferemoniale EptMeoporum, pasam; De Hkbdt, Prwn» LUur-
ffim 8acrm (Louv«in. 1004). Ill, 318; Lb VAVAasEUB, C*r^
manial Remain (Pans, 1876), I. 680.
Patrick Morrisroe.
Oro88 of Jenu, Brothers of the, a congregation
foimded in 1820 at Lyons, France, by Father G. M..
Bochard, Doctor of the Sorbonne, Vicar-General of
the Diocese of Lyons. Father Bochard was the first
superior general (1820-34). He had as successors
the Rev. Father Coreiain (1834-66) and the Rev.
Father Bernard (1865-74). Until then the direction
of the principal houses was entrusted to Fathers who
were members of the congregation. In 1873 Bishop
Richard of Belley, afterwards Cardinal and Arch-
bishop of Paris, employed the Fathers as parish
priests and the congregation was henceforward com-
posed of Brothers only. The superiors general, from
this epoch, have been the Reverend Bros. Pierre-Joseph
(1873-85), Lucien (1885-98), and Firmin (1898—).
The name of the congregation indicates its dis-
tinctive spirit. It grew during the nineteenth century
in eastern France and in Switzeriand, until the perse-
cution of 1903, which destroyed nearly all its estab-
lishments. Brother Firmin, Superior General, sent
Brother Evariste with 32 religious to establish a prov-
ince in North America, unoer the patronage of the
Right Rev. A. A. Blais, Bishoj) of Rimouski, Canada.
The institution, incorporated in Canada by a bill of
the Legislative Assembly of Quebec (May, 1905),
possesses at Rimouski, a ''house of formation"
(novitiate and scholasticate), where the young mem-
bers of the congrenition are taught all the high-
school branches and the commencal courses both
En^sh and French. At the request of the Most Rev.
L. 1*. A. Lan^vin, Archbishop of St. Boniface,
Manitoba, the institution has opened, since 1904,
the colleges of St-Jean-Baptiste and of St-Pierre,
Joly, Manitoba.
Brother Charles.
Orotoa, JoHANN (property Johannes Jager, hence
often called Venator, " hunter", but more commonly,
in greciaed form, Crotus, "archer"), German Human-
ist, b. at Domheim, in Thuringia, o. 1480; d. probably
at Halle, c. 1539. From the name of his burthplaoe
he received the latinised appellation Rubianus and is
generally known as Crotus Rubianus. At the age of
eighteen he went to the University of Erfurt, then the
chief centre of (Serman Humanism, where he obtained
his baccaUureate degree in 1500. Friendship with
Conrad Mutianus and ulrich von Hutten led him from
being an upholder of Scholasticism to become an en-
thusiastic partisan of Humanism and a violent op-
ponent of the older learning. In 1505 he induced von
Hutten to leave the monaateiy (tf Fulda, but in 1506
came back with the latter from Cologne to Erfurt,
where in 1508 Crotus obtained the degree of Master
of Arts. After this he was absmt from Erfurt for a
short time as tutor to Count von Henneberg, but by
1509 he had again returned to hk studies and in 1510
was the head of the monast€^ school at Fulda. He
now formed close relations wiui Reuchlin and Reuch-
lin's supporters in Cologne; about 1514 he was for a
short tune in Colore out soon returned to Fulda
idiere he was ordamed priest and obtained a small
benefice. About 1515 he wrote ^e larger part of the
''Epistolffi Obsourorum Virarum"; the letters com-
posed by him are the most violent in cfaiuracter, full
of venom and stinging scorn against Scholasticism and
monastidsm. In 1517 he settled in Bologna as tutor
of the Fuchs brothers, and during his stay at this dty ,
up to 1519, he studied suoeessively jurisprudence and
theoloey. Before leaving Italy he went in company
with Eoban Hesse to Rome (1519) in Older to observe
for himself the ''see of corruption". While in Bo-
logna he had become acquainted wiUi Luther's writ-
ing and actions, learned of the violent stand he had
taken and approved it as the be^umins of a sreatly
needed reform of the Churdi ; apparent^ also ne had
a share in the anonsrmous broadsides wludi appeared
in Germany. From 1520 he was again in Erfurt
where he was made rector of the university, and here
in 1521 he gave Luther a wann ^;reeting when the
latter passed through Erfurt on hjs wav to Worms.
Soon itfter this Crotus retiuned to Fulda where Me-
lanchthon visited him in 1524. In the same year
Crotus entered the service of Duke Albredit of Prussia
at KOnigBberg anci endeavoured to justifv the duke's
withdrawal from the old Faith in a pamphlet directed
against the new master of the Teutonic Order entitled
''Christliche Vermahnung" (1526).
Weary of his position at KOnigsberg as eariy as
1529, he went first, in 1530, to Leipzig, and soon after-
wards to Halle; here Crotus accepted service under
Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg as councillor and
received a canonty. As a genuine Humanist Crotus
had for a Icmg time felt disrated with the public dis-
turbance and the bitter polemics that resulted from
the Lutheran movement; he was still more dissatis-
fied with the grave disorder in morals and religion.
Thus in Halle, probably through the influence 3 its
canons, he positively returned to Catholicism, whidi
he seems, however, never to have abandoned con-
sciously. The first clear notice of Ihis change of
views IS the "Apologia, qua respondetur temeritati
caiumniatorum non verentium confictis criminibus in
populare odium protrahere reverendissimum in
Christo patrem et dominum Albertum" (Ldpsig,
1531). 'The ''Apologia" contained a positive denial
of the accusations made by Alexander Crosner or
Luther that Cardinal Albrecnt, in the persecution of
the new doctrine and in his opposition to granting the
cup to the laity, had acted with extreme cruelty and
lack of consideration. Crotus showed that the Ref-
ormation had resulted in the sanctioning of all kinds
of immoralitv and blasphemy, and that where the
''Antipopes" ruled, those of other bdiefswere crudly
oppressed, denounoed by spies, and persecuted. Vari-
ous pamphlets, chiefly anonymous, were issued in
reply to the ''Apologia" and the author was violently
attacked by Justus Jonas and other of his former
friends. After this Luther always gave the name of
Dr. KrOte (toad) to his one-time adherent, the dreaded
opponent in former days of Scholasticism and monas-
ticism. Suspicion was even thrown on the motives
for the inner change in Crotus. His connexion with
the Church was attributed to desire for princely favour
and greed of gain. But there can be no doubt that
his resolution was a deliberate one and that he be-
longed to Luther's party only so long as he hoped in
this way to attain a reform of the Church.
OBOWK
540
OBOWK
Am soon as thete was a fonnal break with the Church,
and the pretended reform movement produced only
anarchy m religion and moraLs, he turned his back on
it without giving a thought to the hatred of his f lienda
of earlier days. In a letter dated 1532 to Duke Al-
brecht he states his religious views clearly: " with the
help of God he intends to remain in commimion with
the Church and allow all innovations to pass over like
a disagreeable smoke ' '. Crotus appears to have spent
the last years of his life entirely at Halle, but nothing
positive is known on the subject. Most probably Geoig
Witzel urged hhn at different times to write again in
defence of the Church, and he seems, indeed, to have
made an effort to do this. But afterwards we hear
that the position, "imworthy of a man", in which he
was placed, did not permit him to take up his pen
on behalf of religion. It is not entirely certain
whether lus canonry or his character of official in
the service of Cardinal Albrecht laid these limi-
tations on him. Yet he apparently had an im-
portant influence on the writmgs of others as, e. g.
on those of Witzel. Crotus himself, as a Hiunanist of
strong intellectual tastes, preferred above all the quiet,
of his study. It may be that the revolutionary tu-'
mult in religious and social life took from him both
Uie desire and the strength to use the pen which had
formerly so unmercifully scouiged the weaknesses ol
his opponents. He seems, however, to have influenced
the reli^ous demeanour of his master, Cardinal Al-
brecht, in the cardinal's later years. The last scanty
information concerning Crotus reaches to the year
1539 ; his death occurred, if not in this year, certainly
not much later.
KAMPscsiULTB.i>ie UnivernUU Erfurt in ihnm VerhoUnis zu dem
Uumaniamm undder Reformation (Trier. 1858-60), 1, 197 sqq.;
II. 43 sqq.; Idem, De Joanna Croto Rubiano (Bonn, 1862): Rlss,
Die Converiiten sett der Reformation (FreibuK, 1866), L 9fi~122;
E^NEBT, Crotua Rubianui: Ein Beitraa zur Gesdk. det aumania-
mua in ThUringen in ZeiUchriftfilr Geaeh. und AUertumakunde
ThUringens, new ser., IV, 1-76: Rsduch, Cardinal Albrecht von
Brandenburg und daa neue Stift tu Halle (M&inz, 1900), 55-69;
WvLTB in KirchenUx,, III. 1206 sqq.; Knod, Deutsche Studenten
m Bologna (Berlin. 1899), 463 sqq. JoSBPH SauE».
Grown, Franciscan (or Seraphic Rosary) , a rosary
consisting of seven decades in commemoration of the
seven joys of the Blessed Virgin (the Annunciation,
Visitation, Birth of Our Lord, Adoration of the Magi,
Finding of the Child Jesus in the Temple, the Resuiv
rection of Our Lord, and the Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin and her Coronation in heaven), in use
among the members of the three orders of St. Francis.
The ftanciscan Crown dates back to the year 1422.
Wadding tells us that a young novice who had that
year been received into the Franciscan Order had,
previous to his reception, been accustomed to adorn a
statue of the Blessed Vii^ with a wreath of fresh and
beautiful flowers as a mark of his piety and devotion.
Not being able to continue this practice in the noviti-
ate, he decided to return to the worid. The Blessed
Virgin appeared to him and prevented him from carry-
ing out*his purpose. She then instructed him how, by
reciting daily a rosary of seven decades in honour of
her seven jo3r8, he might weave a crown that would be
more pleasing to her than the material wreath of
flowers he had been wont to place on her statue.
From that time the practice of reciting the crown of
the seven j oys became general in the ordeT, The man-
ner of reciting the Franciscan Rosary is as follows:
The Apostles' Creed, the Our Father, and three Hail
Marys having been said as usual, the mysteiy to be
meditated upon is introduced after the word Jesus of
the first Hail Mary of each decade, thus: ''Jesus,
whom thou didst joyfully conceive", ** Jesus, whom
thou didst joyfully cany to Elizabeth '^ and so on for
the remaimng five decades, which are given in most
manuals of Franciscan devotion. At the end of the
seventh decade two Hail Mar3r8 are added to complete
the number of years (72) that the Blessed Virgin is
said to have lived on earth. There are othor ways of
reciting the Crown but the one ^ven seems to be in
more general use. The plenary Indulgence attached
to the recitation of the Franciscan Crown, and applica-
ble to the dead, may be ^ined as often as the crown is
recited. It is not reqmred that the beads be bkased,
or in fact that beads be used at all, since the Lidul-
gence is not attached to the material rosary, but to the
recitation of the prayers as such. In 1905 Pope Pius
X, in response to the petition of the Procurator Gen-
eral of the Friars Manor, enriched the Frandscan
Crown with several new Lodulgences that may be
gained by all the faithful. Those who assist at a pub^
Uc recitation of the Franciscan Crown participate m all
the Indulgences attached to the Seraphic Rosanr that
are gained bv the members of the F^dscan Order.
It is reauired, however, that beads be used and that
they be blessed by a priest having the proper faculties.
A translation of the pontifical 0rief is given in ''St.
Anthony's Almanac'' for 1909.
Wadding, AnnaUa Minorum, X, 61: XVI. 02: Hoogbboi-
ANi, CoUectio InduJgentiarum (Quamcchi, 1897). 317-320; and
JurieprudenHa Eedeaiastiea (Quaraochi, 1905), III, 516-619.
Stbphbn M. Donovan.
Orowning of Images. See Images.
Grown of Thorns. — ^Although Our Saviour's Crown
of Thorns is mentioned by three Evangelists and is
often alluded to by the earl;^ Christian Fathers, sudi as
Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and others, there are
comparatively few writers of the first six centuries
who speak of it as a relic known to be still in existence
and venerated by the faithful. It is remarkable that
St. Jerome, who expatiates upon the Cross, the Title,
and the Nails discovered by St. Helen (Tobler, Itinera
Hierosolym., II, 36). says nothins either of the Lance
or of the Crown of Thorns, and the silence of Andreas
of Crete in the eighth centiiry is even more surprising.
Still there are some exceptions. St. Paulinus of Nola,
writing after 409, refers to " the thorns with which Our
Saviour was crowned'' as relics held in honour along
with the Cross to which He was nailed and the pillar at
which He was scourged (£p. ad Macar. in Migne, P. L.,
LXI, 407). Gassiodorus (c. 570), when commenting on
Ps. Ixxxvi, speaks of the Crown of Thorns amonf the
other relics which are the glory of the earthly Jeru-
salem. '* There ' ', he says, '"we mav behold the thorny
crown, which was only set upon the head of Our Re-
deemer in order that all the tnoms of the world miAt
be gathered together and broken " (Migne, P. L., I^X,
621). When Gregory of Tours (" De glori^ mart." in
"Mon. Germ. Hist,: Scrip. Merov.", I, 492) avers that
the thorns in the Crown still looked geeen, a freshnees
which was miraculously renewed each day, he does not
much strengthen the historical testimony for the au-
thenticity of the relic, but the "Breviarius", and the
''Itinerary" of Antoninus of Piacenza, both of the
sixth century, clearly state that ihe Crown of Thorns,
was at that period uiown in the church upon Mount
Sion (Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana. 154 and 174).
From these fragments of evidence ana others of later
date — ^the "Pilgrimage" of the monk Bernard shows
that the relic was still at Mount Sion in 870— it is cer-
tain that what purported to be the Crown of Thorns
was venerated at Jerusalem for several hundred years.
If we may adopt the conclusions of M. de M^y, the
whole Crown was only transferred to Bysantium about
1063, although it seems that smaller portions must
have been presented to the Eastern emperors at an
earlier date. In any case Justinian, who died in 565,
is stated to have given a thorn to St. Germanus, Bishop
of Paris, which was long preserved at 8aint*Germain-
des-Pr^, while the Empress Irene, in 798 or 802, sent
Charlemagne several thorns which were deposited by
him at Aachen. Eight of these are known to have been
there at the Consecration of the basilica of Aachen by
Pope Leo III, and the subsetiuent history of sevmral oi
them can be traced without difficulty. Four were
given to Saint-Comeilleof C-ompi^gne in 877 by Charles
OBOYXiAMD
541
CROYLAITD
the Bald. One was sent bjr Hugh the Great to the
Anglo-Saxon King Athelstan in 027 on the oecasion of
certain marriage negotiations, and eventually found its
way to Malmesbury Abbey. Another was presented
to a Spanish princess about 1160, and again another
was taken to Andedis in Germany in the year 1200.
In 1238 Baldwin II, the Latin fknperor of Constan-
tinople, anxious to obtain support for his tottering em-
pire, offered the Crown of Thorns to St. Louis, Kmg of
France. It was then actually in the hands of the
Venetians as security for a heavy loan, but it was re-
deemed and conveyed to Paris where St. Louis built
the Sainte-Chapelle (completed 1248) for its reception.
There the great relic remained until the Revolution,
when, after finding a home for a while in the Biblioth^
que Nationale, it was eventually restored to theChiux^h
and was deposited in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame in
1806. Ninety years later (in 1896) a magnificent new
reliquary of rock crystal was made for it, covered for
two-thirds of its circumference with a silver case splenr
didly wrougjit and jewelled. The Crown thus pre-
served consists only of a circlet of rushes, without any
trace of Uioms. Authorities are agreed that a sort of
hehnet of thorns must have been platted by the Ro-
man soldiers, this band of rushes being employed to
hold the thorns together. It seems likely according
to M. de M^y, that already at the time when the circlet
was brought to Paris the sixty or seventy thorns, which
seem to mive been afterwards distributed by St. Louis
and his successors, had been separated from the band
of rushes and were kept in a different reliquary. None of
theee now remain at Paris. Some small fragments
of rush are also preserved apart from the sainte Ctm-
ronne at Paris, e. g. at Arras and at Lyons. With re-
sard to the origin and character of the thorns, both tra-
dition and existine remains suggest that they must
have come from the oush botanicalfy known as Zizyphua
spina Christif more popularly, the jujube-tree. This
reaches the height of fifteen or twenty feet and is found
growing in abundance by the wayside around Jerusa-
lem. The crooked branches of this shrub are armed
with thorns growine in pairs, a straight spine and a
curved one commonly occurring together at each point.
The relic preserved in the Capella della Spina at Pisa,
as well as that at Trier, whicn though their eariy his-
tory is doubtful and obscure, are among the lar^9st in
siae, afford a good illustration of this peculiarity.
Tliat all the reputed holy thorns of which notice has
survived cannot by any possibility be authentic will be
disputed by no one. Af . de M61y has been able to enu-
merate more than 700 such relics. The statement in
one medieval obituary that Peter de Averio ^ve to the
cathedral of Angers " unam de spinis quse fuit apposita
coronse spineie nostri Redemptoris" (de M41y, p. 362),
meaning seemingly a thorn which has touched the real
Crown of Thorns, throws a flood of light upon the prob-
able origin of many such relics. Again, even in com-
paratively modem times it is not always easy to trace
the history of these objects of devotion, which were
often divided and thus multiplied. Two "holy
thorns" are at present venerated, the one at St. Mich-
ael's church in Ghent, the other at Stonyhurst College,
both professing, upon what seems quite satisfactory
evidence, to be the thorn given by Mary Queen of Scots
to Tliomas Percy Earl of Northumberland (see "The
Month", April, 1882, 540-556). Finally, it should be
pointed out that the appearance of the Crown of
Thorns in art, notably upon the head of Christ in repre-
sentationa of the Crucifixion, is posterior to the time of
St. Louis and the building of the Samte-Chajpelle.
Some archsologists have professed to discover a ngure
of the Crown of Thorns in the circle which sometimes
surrounds the chi-rho emblem v^ on early Christian
sarcophagi, but it seems to be /|\ quite as probable
that this is only meant for a laurel-wreath.
Th« one recent and authoritative study oi the whole subject
w that of DE MiLT, forming the third volume of Riant. Exuvuw
CinularUinopolUanw (Parw, 1904). See also: dk M^.ly» La
Ccuronne d'ipineM in the Revue ds Vart ehrHien (1800 and
1000); MoRSXs, Bnolith Relica in T?ie MotUh (London, April and
August. 1882): LssItub in Did. de la BibU (Paris. 1807). II,
1088; RoHAUijr dk Flsurt, Mimoin wr lea inHrumenU ae la
Paseion (Paris. 1870), 100-224; Martin, AnhMoaie de la Paa^
eion (Paris. 1807). 388-346; CouBt», De VinverUwn d. VestaUa*
tion de la Croix (Paris. 1003; tr. 1008). 138 sqq.; (jombun.
Notice hietarique aur la aainte Covronne a'ipineeCPaaiM^ 1688).
Herbebt Thubston.
Oroylaad (or Crowland), Abbbt of, a monastery
of the Benedictine Order in Lincolnshire, sixteen miles
from Stamford and thirteen from Peterborougjh. It
was founded in memory of St. Guthlao, early in the
eighth century, by Ethelbald, King of Mercia, but was
entirely destroyed and the community slaughtered
by the Danes in 866. Refounded in the reign of King
Eared, it was again destroyed by fire in 1091, but re-
built about twenty years later by Abbot Joffrid. In
1170 the greater pwrt of the abbey and church was
once more burnt down and once hiore rebuilt, under
Abbot Edward. From this time the history of Croy-
land was one of growing and almost unbroken pros-
perity down to the time of the Dissolution. Richly
endowed by royal and noble visitors to the shrine of
Abbbt of Crotland
St. Guthlao, it became one of the most opulent of East
Anglian abbeys; and owing to its isolated position in
the heart of the fen country, its security and peace
were comparatively undisturoed during the great civil
wars and other national troubles. The first abbot (in
Ethelbald 's reign) is said to have been Kenulph, a
monk of Evesham; and one of the most notable was
Ingulphus, who ruled from 1075 to 1109, and whose
pseuao-chronicle was lone considered the chief au-
thority for the history of tne abbey, though it is now
acknowledged to be a compOation of the fifteenth cen-
tury. At the time of the Dissolution the abbot was
John Welles, or Bridges, who with his twenty-seven
monks subscribed to the Royal Supremacy in 1534,
and five years later surrendered his house to the king.
The revenue of the abbey at this time has been vari-
ously estimated at £1083 and £1217. The site and
buildings were granted in Edward VI's reign to Ed-
ward Lord C^mton, and afterwards came into the pos-
session of the Hunter famUy. The remains of the
abbey were fortified by the Royalists in 1643, and be-
sieged and taken by Cromwell in May of that year.
The abbey church comprised a nave of nine bays with
aisles, 183 feet long by 87 wide, an apsidal choir of
five bays 90 feet long, a central tower and detached
bell-tower at the east end. The existing remams con-
sist of the north aisle, still used (as it was from the
earliest times) as the parish church; the splendid west
front, the lower (twelfth century) and the upper part
(fourteenth century) elaborately decorated with
arcading and statues, it is thought in imitation of
Wells cathedral ; and a few piers and arches of the
nave. Much careful restoration and repair has been
carried out since 1860, under Sir Gilbert Scott, Mr. J.
L. Pearson, and other eminent architects.
OEUaiFIX
542
OBUILTY
Fkux ov Groti^and, Life of St. Guthlae in Acta SS., Apcil,
IL 88: OouoH, HUtory and ArUiquUie% of Croyland Abbey in
Bib. Top, Brit., XI; Victtnia History of Uncolnahire (1906),
lOfr-118; Hiatoria Croylandenaia in Rerum Angl. Scriptaret,
ed. FuLMAN, I, 1-107; Orderxcdb ViTAua, Hiat, EccUaitui.,
II; DuQDALB, Monaat. Anglic.; II. 00-126.
D. O. HuNTER-BlAIR.
Omdfix. See Cross and Crucifix.
Oracifizioii. Seb Cross and Crucifix; Passion.
Omelty to Animals. — Hie firat ethical writers of
pagan antiquity to advocate the duty of kindness
towards the brute creation were Pythagoras and
]^pedocles. Holding the doctrine of metempsy-
chosis, or the transmigration of human souls into the
bodies of lower animals after death, these philosophers
taught t^at animals share in human rights, and that it
is a crime to kill them. These ideas, together with an
appreciation of the services rendered by domestic ani-
mals to man, found some expression in early Roman
lemslation. The error of ascribing human rights to
animals is condemned by Cicero (De Finibus, bk. Ill,
xx). The Old Testament inculcates kindness towards
animals. The Jews were forbidden to muzzle the ox
that tr^eth out the com (Deut., xxv, 4) or to yoke
together an ox and an ass (ibid., xxii, 10). Some
other texts which are frequently quoted as instances
are not so much to recommend kind treatment of ani-
mals as to insist upon duties of neighbourly goodwill,
llie prohibition against seething the kid in its
mother's milk, a process in which there b no crueltv
at all, and the one against taking a mother-bird with
her young, seem to nave a religious rather than a
humanitarian significance.
The New Testament is almost silent on this subject.
Even when St. Paul cites the Mosaic prohibition
against muzzling the ox, he brushes aside the literal
in favour of a symbolic signification (I Cor., ix, 9 so.),
llie Fathers of the Church insist but little on this
point of duty. Nevertheless, Christian teaching and
practice from the beginning reflect in a general way
the Scriptural ideal of ri^teousness which is ex-
f)ressed in the words: "The just regardeth the
ives of his beasts: but the bowels of the wicked are
cruer' (Prov., xii, 10). The hagiological literature
of monastic life in the Middle Ages, which so
largjel^ formed and guided the moral sentiment of the
Christian world, as Lecky sets forth with ample evi-
dence, '* represents one of the most striking efforts
made in Christendom to inculcate a feelins of kind-
ness and pity towards the brute creation'*^ (History
of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne,
II, 161 sqq.). This considerate feeling was a cha -
acteristic of many holy personages, even before St.
Francis of Assisi and some of his followers carried it
to a degree that seems almost incredible.
Hie scholastic theologians condemn the infliction
of needless suffering on animals, chiefly because of the
injurious effects on the character of the perpetrator.
TTius St. Thomas, in his "Summa Contra Gentiles'*
(bk. II, cxii), after refuting the error that it is not
lawful to take the lives of brutes, explains the imjwrt
of the above-mentioned texts of Scripture. He says
that these prohibitions are issued either "lest anyone
by exercising cruelty towards brutes may become
cruel also towards men; or, because an injury to
brutes may result in loss to the owner, or on account
of some symbolic signification". Elsewhere (Summa
Theologica, I-II, Q. cii, a. 6, ad Sum) he states that
God's purpose in recommending kind treatment of
the brute creation is to dispose men to pity and ten-
derness for one another. While the scnofastics rest
their condemnation of cruelty to animals on its de-
moralizing influence, their general teaching concern-
ing the nature of man's rights and duties furnishes
principles which have but to be applied in order to
establisli the direct and essential siniulncss of cruelty
to the animal world, irrespective of the rasults of audi
conduct on ^e character of those who praciiBe it.
CaUiolic ethics has been criticized by some soophil-
ists because it refuses to admit that animals nave
rights. But it is indisputable that, when properly
imderstood and fairly judged. Catholic doctrine,
though it does not oonoede rights to the brute crea-
tion, denounces cruelty to animals as vigorously and
as lo^cally as do those moralists who make our duty
in this respect the correlative of a ri^t in the animals.
In order to establish a binding obli^tion to avoid the
wanton infliction of pain on the brutes, it is not neces-
sary to acknowledge axiy rig^t inherent in them. Our
duty in this respect is part of our duty towajds €rod.
From the juristic standpoint, the visible world with
which man comes in contact is divided into persons
and non-persons. For the latter term the word
''things'' is usually employed. Only a person, that
is, a being possessed of reason and seU-control, can be
the subject of ri^ts and duties; or, to express the
same idea in terms more familiar to adherents of other
schools of thought, only beings who are ends in them-
selves, and may not be treated as mere means to the
perfection of ower bein^, can possess ri^ts. Ri^ts
and duties are moral ties which can exist only in a
moral being, or person. Bein^ that may be treated
simply as means to the perfection of persons can have
no rights, and to this category the brute creation be-
longs. In the Divine plan of the universe the lower
creatures are subordinated to the welfare of man.
But while these animals are, in contradistinction to
persons, classed as things, it is none the less true that
between them and the non-sentient world there exists
a profound difference of nature which we are bound to
consider in our treatment of them. The very essence
of the moral law is that we respect and obey the order
established by the Creator. Now, the animal is a
nobler manifestation of His power and goodness than
the lower forms of material existence. In unpartii^
to the brute creation a sentient nature capable of suf-
fering— a nature which the animal shares in common
with ourselves— ^od placed on our dominion over
them a restriction which does not exist with r^ard to
our dominion over the non-sentient world. We are
bound to act towards them in a manner conformable
to their nature. We mav lawfully use them for our
reasonable wants and welfare, even though such em-
Sloyment of them neceesarilv inflicts pain upon them.
»ut the wanton infliction of pain is not the satisfac-
tion of any reasonable need, and, being an outrage
a^inst the Divinely established order, is therefore
smful. This principle, by which, at least in the ab-
stract, we may solve tne problem of the lawfulness of
vivisection and other cognate questions, is tersely put
by Zigliara: '' The service of man is the end appointed
by the Creator for brute animals. When, therefore,
man, with no reasonable purpose, treats the brute
cruelly he does wrong, not because he violates the
ri^t of the brute, but because his action conflicts
with the order and the design of the Creator" (Phil-
osophia Moralis, 9th ed., Rome, p. 136). With
more feeling, but with no less exactness, the late
Cardinal Manning expressed the same doctrine: ''It
is perfectly true that obligations and duties are be-
tween moral persons, and merefore the lower j^'irmla
are not susceptible of the moral obligations which we
owe to one another; but we owe a seven-fold obliga-
tion to the Creator of those animals. Our obligation
and moral duty is to Him who made them; and if we
wish to know the limit and the broad outline of our
obli^tion, I say at once it is His nature and His per-
fections, and among these perfections one is, most
profoundly, that of Eternal Mercy. And thwefore,
although a poor mule or a poor horse is not, indeed, a
moral person, yet the Lord and Maker of the mule is
the highest Lawgiver, and His nature b a law unto
Himself. And in giving a dominion over His creat-
OftTTBt
643
ORUSABtS
ures to man, He gave it subject to the condition that
it ^ould be used in oonfonnity to His perfections
which is EKs own law, and therefore our law" (The
Zoophilist, London, 1 April, 18S7). While Catholic
ethical doctrine insists upon the merciful treatment
of animals, it does not piace kindness towards them
on the same plane of duty as benevolence towards our
f ellow^men. Nor does it approve of unduly magnify-
ing, to the nc^ect of higher duties, our obligations
conoeming-animsds. Excessive fondness for tnem is
no sure index of moral worth; it ma^r be carried to
un>CSiristian excess; and it can coexist with grave
laxity in far more important matters. There are
many imitators of Schopenhauer, who loved his dog
and hated his kind.
St. Tbouaa, Summa TheoloQiea, I. Q. xovL a. 1, 2; tl-II,
Q. bdv, ». 1; Id.. Contra. Oeni., Ill, cxii; Ziouara, PhUo-
Mophia moralia, I. i; Joseph Rickabt, Moral PhUoeophy, Pt.
II. y; Anon., The Church and Kindnen to AnimaU (London,
1900); Ttbbbll in Contemporary Review, LXVIII, November,
1805.
James J. Fox.
Omet, a small vessel used for oontaininc the wine
and water required for the Holv Sacrifice of the Mass.
Two are fdways employed. The Roman Missal (Ru-
bricsB Gen.^ aX) directs that they should be made of
g^ass. This is the most suitable material because
easily cleaned, and its transparency obviates danger
of oonfoimding the water and wine. Other materials,
however, are used, such as gold, silver, and other
precioi^ metals. In this case it is advisable to have a
V {Vinum) on the wine and an A (aqua) on the water
cruet, so that one may be easily distinguished from the
other. In shape nothing is prescribed, but the ves-
sels should have a eood firm base on which to stand
securely and a fainy wide neck so as to admit of
being easfly cleansed. They should have a cover to
keep away flies and insects. Formerly the wine for
tiie JHoly Sacrifice was brought by the faithful in a jar-
shaped vessel. It was then received by the deacon
and poured into the chalice, a vestige of which custom
is stul observable at the consecration of a bishop.
Van Dbr Stappen, De Mxaea Cdehratione nhlecblin, 1902),
88; Puoin, Olossary of Eodeeiaetical Ornament (London, 1868).
Patrick MoRRiaROE.
Orasade, Bull of the, a Bull granting indulgences
to those who took part in the wars aeainst the infidels.
These indulgences were similar to those which, as far
back as the eleventh century, had been granted to the
faithful of the Spanish Mark who took part in the
work of buildine churches and monasteries, or who
gave alms to be devoted to this purpose. The first of
these Crusade Bulls which concerned Spain was that
of Urban II to the Counts Berenguer Ram6n de Barce-
lona and Armengal de Besalt!i in 1089 at the time of
the reconquest oiTarragona, and that of Gelasius II to
Alfonso I of Aragon, when he undertook to reconquer
Saragossa m 11 18. Qement IV m 1265 issued a gen-
eral Bull for the whole of Spain, when the Kings of
Aragon and Castile joined in the expedition against
Murcia. In the course of time these pontifical con-
cessions became more and more frequent ; in the reign
of the Catholic kings alone they were granted in 1478,
1479, 1481, 1482, 1485, 1494, 1503, and 1505, and
were continued during the following reigns, that
granted by Gregoiy XllI in 1573- being renewed by
his successors.
The alms given by the faithful in response to this
Bull, which were at first used exclusively for carrying
on the war against the infidels, were afterwards used
for the construction and repair of churches and other
pious worln; sometimes they were also used to defray
expenses of the State. The Cortes of Valladolid of
1523 and that of Madrid of 1592 petitioned that this
moncr^ should not be used for any other purpose than
that for which it had orianally been intended by the
donors, but, notwithstaaaing the provisions maae by
Philip III in compliance with this request, the abuse
already mentioned continued. After 1847 the funds
derived from this source were devoted to the endow-
ment of churches and'the clergy, this disposition being
ratified by a law in 1849 and in the Concordat of 1851,
still in force.
In virtue of the concessions granted by this Bull, the
faithful of the Spanish dominions who had fulfilled the
necessary conditions could gain the plenary indul*
gence, c;ranted to those who rought for the reconc^uest
of the Holy Land and to those who went to Rome in the
year of Jubilee, provided they went to confession and
received Holy Communion. They enjoyed also the
privilege of l>einff absolved twice of sins and censures
reserv^ to the Holy See and the ordinary , except open
heresy, and others concerning ecclesiastics; to have
vows which could not be fulfilled without difiiculty
commuted by their confessor, unless failure to fulfil
them would be to the disadvantage of another; also
simple vows of perpetual chastity, of religious profes-
sion, and of pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Those who
visited five churehes or altars, ca the same altar five
times, and prayed for the iiltentions of the Crusade,
could gain the indulgences granted to those who visitea
the stations in Rome. The Bull, moreover, permitted
the faithful of the Spanish dominions to eat meat on all
the days of I^ent and other days of fast and abstinence,
except Ash Wednesday, the Fridays of Lent, the last
four days of Holy Week, and the vigils of the feasts of
the Nativity, Pentecost, the Assumption, and Sts.
Peter and Paul.
Mkndo, BvUm Sacra CruciaUs DUucidatio (Madrid. 1651);
Li.AMA2ARE0, HistoTta de la Bula de la Santa Crmada (Madrid,
I860); Salcbs, ETplioaei6n de la Bxda de la Santa Crutada
(Madrid, 1881); GorriiOB, Kreueablaae und AlmoeenablaM
(Stuttgart, 1906), 195-246. EdUARDO DB HiNOJOSA.
Omaades. — The Crusades were expeditions under-
taken, in fulfilment of a solemn vow, to deliver the
Holv Places from Mohammedan tyranny. The origin
of the word may be traced to the cross made of cloth
and worn as a badge on the outer ^uinent of those
who took part in these enterprises. Medieval writers
use the terms crux (pro cruce transmariruif Charter of
1284, cited hy Du Cange s. v. crux), craisement (Join-
ville), croiserie (Monstrelet), etc. Since the Middle
Ages the meaning of the word crusade has been ex-
tended to include all wars undertaken in |)ursuanoe of
a vow, and directed against infidels, Le. against
Mohammedans, pa^;ans, neretica, or those under the
ban of excommumcation. The wars waged by the
Spaniards against the Moors constituted a continual
crusade from the eleventh to the sixteenth centuiy;
in the north of £uroi>e crusades were organized a^nst
the Prussians and Lithuanians; the extermination of
the Albigensian heresy was due to a crusade, and, in
the thirteenth century, the popes preached crusades
against John Lacklana and Frederick II. But modem
literature has abused the word by applying it to all
wars of a religious character, as^or instance, the expe-
dition of Heraclius against the renaians in tne seventh
' century and the conquest of Saxony by Charlemagne.
Tlie idea of the crusade corresponds to a political con-
ception which was realized in Christendom only from
the eleventh to the fifteenth oentuiy; this supposes a
union of all peoples and sovereigns under the oiiection
of the popes. All crusades were announced by preach-
ing. After pronouncing a solemn vow, each warrior
received a cross from the hands of the pope or his
legates, and was thenceforth considered a soldier of
the Church. Crusaders were also granted Indulgences
and temporal privile^, such as exemption from civil
jurisdiction, inviolability of persons or lands, etc. Of
all these wars undertaken in the name of Christendom,
ti^e most important were the Eastern Crusades, which
are the only ones treated in this article.
PRESBNT KirOWLEDQB OF THB CRUaADBS. — ^A his->
toiy of the Crusades was begun in France in the seven-
O&tTSABtt
544
0EXT8ADES
teeuth century by the Benedictines of the Con
tion of St-Maur. (Bongara had previously publislied
the first collection of texts bearing upon the Latin
Orient, under the title of ''Gesta Dei per Francos",
fiOBnover, 1611, fol.) The publication of ori^al Ori-
ental texts prepared by Berthereau in the eighteenth
oenturjr was prevented by the French Revolution, but
in the nineteenth century the Academy of Inscrip-
tions and Belles-Lettres adopted the Benedictine plaii
and, in 1841, b^an to issue a "Collection de lliis-
toire dcB Croisades" — Western historians, 5 vols.;
Elastem or Arabian historians, 4 vols.; Greek, 2
vols.; Armenian documents, 2 vols.; laws. 2 vols.
The historic revival that followed the Restoration
of 1815, produced works of a romantic character like
those of Michaud (Histoire des Croisades, Ist ed., 3
vols., Paris, 1812-17: and 7 vols. 8vo, 1824-29);
Wilken (Qesch. der Kreuzsiige, Leipzig, 7 vols., 8vo,
1807-32) ; and Mills (History of the Crusades, 2 vols.,
London, 1820}. Between 1839 and 1842 King Louis
Philippe established in the Versailles Museum the
Halls of the Crusades, decorated with the armorial
bearings of families whose ancestors had taken part in
the Holy Wars. At this time was brought to light the
unduly famous Courtois collection, consisting of re-
ceipts for advance-money loaned to French knights
by Italian bankers and which, upon being compared
with authentic texts, was found to contain a laige
number of forgeries. (See L. Delisle, "Biblioth^ue
de I'Eooie des Chartes", 1888, 304; Cartellieri,
"PhiHpp II August", Leipzig, 1906, II, 302 sqq.) It
is only within the last thirty years that the history of the
Crusades has been studiecl in a truly scientific manner,
thanks to the Soci^t^ de I'Orient Latin founded by
Count Riant in 1875 (principal seats at Paris and Ge-
neva). Its publications were at first divided into geo-
graphical and historical series, the former containing
the itineraries of pilgrims ana the latter, chronicles,
letters, and charters. The ''Archives de l^Orient
Latin" were published m 1881 (2 vols., Paris), but
since 1893 the publications have been induded in the
''Revue de I'Orient Latin", a periodical bibliography
of the history of the Crusades. Moreover, in allEuro-
pean countries national collections of documents
C'Monumenta GermaniaB*'; "Soci^t^ de I'histoire de
France"; "Rerum britannicarum medii sevi scrip-
tores"; **Fontes rerum austriacarum", etc.) have
done much toward providing \m with sources of the
history of the Crusades. Owing to these labours the
student of the Crusades may now consult:
(1) Documents in Archives. — R6hricht's "Regeeta
regni hierosolymitani, 1097-1291" (Innsbruck,
1893), and Delaville-Leroulx's "Cartulaire g^n^ral
des Hospitallers de 8. Jean de Jerusalem'*, 4 vols., fol.
(Paris, 1894). The correspondence of the popes, pre-
served in the Vatican archives, is one of the most im-
portant sources for the history of the Crusades. After
these archives were made accessible to scholars by
order of Leo XIII in 1881, the Ecole Fran^aise of
Rome inaugurated the publication of the registers of
the popes of the thirteenth centuiy (Library of the
Ecole Francaise of Rome)— Gregory IX (Auvray, ed.) ;
Innocent IV (E. Bei^ger, ed.); Alexander IV (de la
Rondure, ed.); Urban IV (Guiraud,ed.); Clement IV
(Jordan, ed.); Gregory X and John XXI (Guiraud
and Carxiier, ed.); Nicholas III (Gay, ed.): Martin IV
(Soehn^, ed.); Honorius IV (Prou, ed.); Nicholas IV
(Landois, ed.); Boniface VIII TFaucon, ed.); Bene-
dict XI (Grandjean, ed.). To these must be added
the registers of Honorius III (Pressuti, ed. ; Rome,
1888) and Clement V (Benedictines, ed. : Rome, 1885-
88). For the other popes see Migne's "Patrolo^
Latina" and the "Annates Ecclesiastici" of Baromus
and Raynaldi (Mansi, ed., Lucca, 1738-59). The
archives of the Italian states of Venice. Genoa, and
Naples have aJso been of ereat value for throwing new
light on the history of the Crusades» e. g. Tafel and
Thomas, ''Urkunden suralteren liandels- und Staato*
geschichte der Republik Venedig" (Pontes renun
austriacarum. XII-aIV, Venice, 1856-57); ThoniM,
" Diplomatanum Veneto-Levantinum " (Venice, 1880).
(2) Judicial Documente, — Such are the ''AssiBes de
Jerusalem" (Beugnot, ed., 2 vols., PariB, 1841) and the
"R^gle du Temple" (Curaon, ed., Paris, 1886).
(3) Chronides. — ^Thesehave not vet been withered
into a single collection. Hie reader should consult
chiefly the ^Collection de I'histoire des Croisadefl",
published by the Acad^mie des Inscriptions, and the
^S6rie Historique" of the Sod^t^ de I'Orient Latin.
The most detailed account of the Christian states is
that in the chronicle of William, Archbishop of TVre
(d. 1190). It comprises twenty-three books (1095-
1184) and, from 1143. has the value of an original source
(Historiens Occidentaux, I). This work was translated
into French under the title of "Livre d'Eracles",
the translation being continued until 1229 by Emoul
and until 1231 by Bernard, Treasiuvr of Saint-Pierre
de Corbie.
(4) AccounU of Pilgrimages and Itineraries, EtpeciaUy
in the Latin Orient, — The following are important: a
geographical series from the fourth to the thirteenth
century, issued by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Soci-
ety (London, 18m — ); ''Recueil de voyages et m^
moires ' ', published by the Soci^t^ de G^ograpnie (P&ris,
1824-66); **Recueil de voyages et de documents pour
servir k la geographic " (Pans, 1890 — ).
(5) Oriental Research, — The history of the Crusades
has profited by the progress made in the study of the
Byzantine, Arabian, Airnenian, and Mon^lian Orient
(Collection de I'histoire des Croisades: Greek histo-
rians, 2 vols., 1875; Arabian historians, 4 vols., since
1872; and Armenian documents, 2 vols., since 1869).
(6) ArchcBology, — Finally, archseological exploration
has added new elements to our knowledge of the Latin
Orient. The castles of the crusaders in Palestine and
the churches in French style throt^out Cyprus and
Syria have been discussed by Rey in his " Etudes sur
les monuments de Tarchitecture militaire des crois^"
(Paris, 1871) and by Enlart in "L*art gothique et la
Renaissance en Chypre" (Paris, 1899); for coins and
seals see Schlumbeiier's "Numismatique de I'Orient
Latin" (Paris, 1878). The history of the Crusades
becomes henceforth a special fidd of stud^. How-
ever, manv sources of information still remam unpub-
lished, ana those that have been published are scattered
through numerous collections as yet but little known.
Division. — It has been customary to describe the
Crusades as eight in number: the first, 1095-1101;
the second, headed by Louis VII, 1145-47; the third,
conducted by Philip Augustus and Richard CcBur-de-
Lion, 1188-92; the fourth, during which Constanti-
nople was taken, 1204; the fifth, which included the
conquest of Damietta, 1217; the sixth, in which Fred-
erick II took part (1228-29); also Thibaud de Cham-
pagne and Richard of Cornwall (1239): the seventh,
led by St. Louis, 1249-52; the ei^th, also under
St. Louis, 1270. This division is «mi>itrary and ex-
cludes many important expeditions, amonf; them
those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In
reality the Crusades continued until the end of the
seventeenth century, the crusade of Lepanto occurring
in 1571, that of Hungary in 1064, and the erusade of
the Duke of Burgundy to Candia, in 1609. A more
scientific division is baised on the histoiy of the Chns-
tian settlements in the East; therefore ^e subject
will be considered in the following order: I. Origin of
the Crusades; IL Foundation Of Christian states in
the East ; III. Fint destruction of tiie Christian states
(1144-87)* IV. Attempts to restore the Oiristian
states ana the crusade against Saint-Jean d*Acre
(1192-98); V. The crusade against Constantinople
(1204); VI. The thirteenth-centuiy crusades (1217-
52); VII. Final loss of the Christian colonies of the
East (1254-1)1); VIII. The fourteenth-oentuiy crusade
QftOMBIS
545
OftVtADIS
a&d the Ottoman invasion | IX. H&e cnuadci in the
fifteenth century; X. Modifications and survival of
the idea of the crusade.
1. Origin of thb CRuaADBa. — ^The origin of theCnir
flades is direotik traeeable to the moral and political
oandition of Western Ghristendom in the eleventh
oentuiy. At that time Europe waa divided into nu-
meioiB states whoee sovereigna were absorbed in tedious
and petty territorial disputes while the emperor, in
theoiy the temporal head of Christendom, was wast-
ing his str^ifith in the quarrel over Investitures. Hie
popes alone nad maintained a just estimate* of Chris-
tiaii unity; they realized to what extent the interests
of Europe ^[pre threatened by the Bv^antine Empire
and the Mohammedan tribes, and they alone had a
foreign policy whose traditions were formed under Leo
IX and Qr^ty VII. Tlie reform effected in the
Church and tne papac]^ through the influence of the
monks of Cluny had increased the i>restige of the
Roman pontiff in the eyes of all Christian nations;
hence none but the pope could inau^rate the into
national movement that culminated m the Crusades.
But despite his eminent authority the pope could
never have persuaded the Western peoples to arm
themselves for the conquest of the Holy Land had not
the immemorial relations between Syria and the West
favoured his design. Europeans listened to the voice
oi Urban II because their own inclination and historic
traditions impelled them towards the Holy Sepulchre.
From the end of the fifth century there had been no
break in their intercourse with the Orient. In the early
Christian period colonies of Syrians had introduced
the religious ideas, art, and culture off the East into the
laige cities of Gaul and Italy. The Western Christians
in ttim joumeved inlar^ numbers to Syria, Palestine,
and Egypt, either to visit the Holy Places or to follow
the ascetic life among the monks of t^e Thebaid or
Sinai. There is still extant the itinerary of a pilgrim-
age from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, dated 333; in 385
St. Jerome and St. Paula founded the first Latin mon-
asteries at Bethlehem. Even the Barbarian invasion
did not seem to dampen the ardour for pilmmages
to the East. The Itinerary of St. Silvia (Ethena)
^ows the organisation of these expeditions, which
were directed by clerics and escorted by armed troops.
In Uie year 600, St. Gregory the Great had a hospice
erected in Jerusalem for the accommodation of pil-
Esent alms to the monks of Mount Sinai ('' Vita
rii'' in '' Acta SS.", March II, 132), and, although
plorable condition of Eastern Christendom after
. the Arab invasion rendered this intercourse more diffi-
cult, it did not by any means cease.
As early as the eighth century Anglo-Saxons undei^
went the sreatest hardships to visit Jerusalem. The
journey of St. Willibald, Bishop of Eichst&dt, took
seven years (722-29) and furnishes an idea of the
varied and severe trials to which pilgrims were subject
(lUner. Latina, I, 241-283). After their concjuest of
the West, the Carlovin^ans endeavoured to improve
the condition of the Latins settled in the East; m 762
Pepin the Short entered into negotiations with the
Caliph of Bagdad. In Rome, on 30 November, 800,
the verv day on which Leo III invoked the arbitration
of Charlemagne, ambassadors from Haroun al-Raschid
delivered to the Kin£ of the Franks the keys of the
Holf Sepulchre, the banner of Jersualem, and some
prsoious relics (Einhard, ''Annales", ad on. 800, in
^'Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script", I, 187),- this was an
acknowledgment of the Prankish protectorate over the
Christians of Jerusalenu That churches and monas-
teries were built at Charlemagne^ expense is attested
by a sort of a census of the monasteries of Jerusalem
dated 808 (" Commemoratio de Caais Dei " in " Itiner.
Bieros.", 1, 209). In 870, at the time of the pilgrim-
Me of Bernard the Monk (Itiner. Hierosol, I, 314),
these institutions were still very prosperous, and it has
been abundantly proved that aUns were sent regularly
IV.~36
from the West to the Holy Land. In the tenth cen^
tury, just when the political and social order of Europe
was most troubled, knights, bishops, and abbots,
actuated b^r devotion and a taste for aaventure, were
wont to visit Jerusalem and pray at the Holy Sepul-
chre without beiiig molested by the Mohaixunedans*
Suddenly, in 1009, Hakem, the Fatimite Caliph of
£Jgypt, m a fit of madness ordered the destruction of
the Holy Sepuldire and all the Christian establish-
ments in Jerusalem. For yean thereafter Christians
were cruellv persecuted. (See the recital of an eye-
witness, lanja of Antioch, in Schlumberger's ''Epo-
pde byzantine", II, 442.) In 1027 the Prankish pro-
tectorate was overthrown and replaced by that of the
Bysantine emperors, to whose diplomacywas due the
reconstruction of the Holy Sepulchre. The Christian
Quarter was even surroundea bv a waU, and some
Amalfi merchants, vassals of tne Greek emperors,
built hospices in Jerusalem for pilgrims, e. g. the Hos-
pital of St. John, cradle of the Order of Hospitallers.
Instead ol diminishing, the enthusiasm of Western
Christians for the pilgrimage to Jerusalem seemed
rather to increase during the eleventh century. Not
only princes, bishops, and kni^ts, but even men and
women of the humbler classes undertook the holy
journey (Radulphus Glaber, IV, vi). Whole armies
of pilgrims traversed Europe, and in the valley of the
Danube hospices were established where they could
replenish their provisions. In 1026 Bichard, Abbot
of Saint- Vannes, led 700pilgrinis into Palestine at the
expense of Richard II, Duke of Normandy. In 1065
over 12,000 Germans who had crossed Europe under
the command of Gttnther, Bishop of Bamberg, while
on their way through Palestine had to seek shelter in
a ruined fortress, where they doended themselves
against a troop of Bedouins (Lambert of Hersfeld, in
"Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.*', V, 168). Thus it is
evident that at the close of the eleventii century the
route to Palestine was familiar enough to Western
Christians who looked upon the Holy Sepulchre as the
most venerable of relics and were ready to brave any
peril in order to visit it. The memory of Charle-
magne's protectorate still lived, and a trace of it is to
be found in the medieval legend of this emperor's
journey to Palestine (Gaston Paris in "Romania",
1880, p. 23). The rise of the Seljukian Turks, however,
compromised the safety of pilmrims and even threat-
ened the independence of the Bvzantine Empire and
of all Christendonu In 1070 Jerusalem was taken,
and in 1091 Diogenes, the Greek emperor, was de-
feated and made captive at Mantsikert. Asia Minor
and all of Syria became the prey of the Turks. Anti-
och succumbed in 1084, ana by 1092 not one of the
great metropolitan sees of Asia remained in the pos-
session of the Christians. Although separated from
the communion of Rome since the schism of Michael
Cierulariua (1054), the emperors of Constantinople
impbred the assistance of the popes; in 1073 letters
were exchanged on the subject between Michael VII
and Gregory VII. The pope seriously contemplated
leading a force of 50,000 men to the East in oitler to
re-establish Christian unity, repulse the Tkirks, and
rescue the Hoi V Sepulchre. But the idea of the crusade
constituted ozuy a part ot this magnificent plan. (The
letters of Gregory VII are in P. L., CXLVIII, 300,
325, 329, 386; d. Riant's critical discussion in Ar-
chives de rOrient Latin, I, 56.) The conflict over the
Investitures in 1076 compelled the pope to abandon
his projects; the Emperors Nicephorus Botaniates and
Alexius Comnenus were unfavourable to a religious
union with Rome; finally war broke out between the
Byzantine Empire and the Normans of the Two
Sicilies. It was Pope Urban II who took up the plans
of Gregory VII and gave them inore definite shape.
A letter from Alexius Comnenus to Robert, Count of
Flanders, recorded by the chroniclers, Guibert de
Nogent ("Historiens Occidentaux des Croisades". ed
OfttMADliS
546
OMBA&U
by the Acad^mie des Inscriptions, IV, 131) and Hugues
de Fleuiy (in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", IX,
392), Seems to impl^ that the crusade was insti-
gated by the Byzantine emperor, but this has been
proved false (Chalandon, Easai sur le r^gne d'Alexis
Coran^ne, appendix), Alexius having merely sou^t
to enroll live nundted Flemish kn^hts'in the imperial
army; (Anna Comnena, Alexiad., VII, iv). The honour
of initiating the crusade has also been attributed to
Peter the Hermit, a recluse of Picardy, who. after a
pilgrioiage'to Jerusalem and a vision in tbe cnurcb of
the Holy Sepulchre, went to Urban II and was com-
missioned by him to preach the crusade. However,
thougl; eyewitnesses of the crusade mention his
preaching, they do not ascribe to him the all-important
r61e assigned him later by various chroniclers, e. g.
Albert of Alx and especially William of Tyre, (S^
Hagenmeyer, Peter der Eremite Leipzig, 1^.) The
idea of the crusade is chiefly attributed to Pope Urban
n (1095), and the motives that actuated him are
deariv set forth by his contemporaries: "On behold-
ing tne enormous injury that all, clergy or people,
brought upon the Christian Faith ... at the news
that the Kumanian provinces had been taken from
the Christians by the, Turks, moved with conipassion
and impelled by the love of God,' he crossed the
mountams and descended into Gaul" (Foucher
de Chartres, X, in "Histoire des Crois.", Ill, 321}.
Of course it is possible that in order to swell his
forces, Alexius Comnenus solicited assistance in the
West ; however, it was not he but the pope who agitated
the great movement 'vdiich filled the Greeks with anx-
iety and terror.
II. FbUNDATION OF CHRISTIAN StaTES IN THE
East. — After travelling through Burgundy and the
south of France, Urban II convoked a council at
Clermont-Ferrand, in Auvergne. It was attended by
fourteen archbishops, 250 bishops, and 400 abbots*
moreover a great number of knights and men of all
conditions came and encamped on the plain of Chan-
toin, to the east of Clemiont, 18-28 November, 1095.
On i7 November, the pope himself addressed the
assembled multitudes, exporting them tojgo forth and
rescue the Holy Sepulchre. Amni wonoerful enthu-
siasm and cries of .God wills it!" all rushed towards
the pontiff .to pledge themselves by vow to depart for
the Holy Land and receive the cross of red material
to be worn on the shoulder. At the same time the
pope sent letters to all Christism nations, and the
movement made rapid headway throughout Europe.
Preachers of the crusade appeared everywhere, and
on all sides sprang up disorganized, undisciplined,
penniless hordes, almost destitute of equipment, who,
surging eastward through the valley of the Danube,
plundered as thejr went along and murdered the Jews
m the German cities. One of these bands, headed by
Folkmar, a German cleric, was slaughtered by the
Hungarians. Peter the Hermit, however, and the
German knight, Walter the Pennyless (Gautier Sans
Avoir), finally reached Constantinople with their dis-
organi;jed troops. To save the city from plunder
Alexius Comnenus ordered them to be conveyed
across the Bosporus (August, 1096); in Asia Minor
they turned to pillage andwere nearly all slain by the
Turks. Meanwhile the regular crusade was oeing
organized in the West and^ according ^ a well con-
ceived plan, the four principal anriies were to meet at
Constantinople. {!) Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of
Lower Lorraine, at tne head of the pieople of Lorraine,
the Germans, and the French from the north, followed
the valley or the Danube, crossed Hungary, and ai^
rived at Constantinople, 23 December, 1096. (2)
Hugh of Vormandois, brother of King Philip I of
France, Robert Courte-Heuse, Duke of Normandy,
and Count Stephen of Blois,' led bands of French and
Normans across the Alps and set sail from the ports of
Apulia for Dyrrachium (DurazJBo), whence they took
the ''Via Egnatia'* to Constantinople and aasemUed
there in May, 1097. (3) The French from the south,
under the leadership of Raymond of Saint-Gilles,
Count of Toulouse, and of Adhemar of MontcO, Bishop
of Puy and papal le^te, began to fight their way
throu^ the longitudmai valleys of the Eastern Alpi
and, aiter bloody conflicts with the Slavonians, reached
Constantinople at the end of April, 1097. (4) Lastly,
the Normans of Southern Italy, won over by the en-
thusiasm of the bands of orusaders that riassed
through their country, embarked for Epirus under the
command of Bohemond and Tancred, one being the
eldest son, the other the nephew, of Robert Guiscard.
Crossing the Byzantine Empire, they succeeded in
reaching Constantinople, 26 April, 1097. The appear-
ance of the crusading armies at Constantinople raised
the greatest trouble, and helped to bring about in the
futuro irremediable misunderstandings between the
Greeks and the Latin ChristiMis. Hie unsolicited in-
vasion of the latter alarmed Alexius, who tried to pre-
vent the concentration of all these forces at Constan-
tinople bv transporting to Asia Minor each Western
army in the order of its arrival ; moreover, he endeav^
oured to extort from the* leadera of the erosade a
promise that they would restore to the Greek Eknplre
the lands they were about to conquer. After resisting
the imperial entreaties throughout the winter, God-
frey of Bouillon, hemmed in at Pera. at length con-
sented to take the oath of fealty. Bonemond, Robert
Courte-Heuse, Stephen of B1<ms, and the other crusad-
ing chiefs unhesitatingly assumed the same obligation ;
Raymond of St-Gilles, however, remained obourate.
Transported into Asia Minor, the crusaders laid
siege to the city of Nicaea, but Alexius ne^ol^ated with
the Turks, had the city delivered to hun, and pro-
hibited the crusaders from entering it (1 June, 1097).
After their victory over the Turfci at the battle of
Dorylieum on 1 July, 1097, the Christians entered
upon the high p1ateau:jt of Asia Minor. Constantly
harrassed by a relentless enemy, overcome W the
excessive heat, and sinking under the wei^t c» their
leathern armour covered with iron scales, tneir suffer-
ings were wellnigh intolerable. In September, 1097,
Taiicred and Baldwin, brothers of Godfrey of BouiUoii,
left the bulk of the army and entered Armenian terri-
tory. At Tarsus a feud almost broke out between
them, but fortunately they became reconciled. Tan-
cred took possession of the towns of Cilicia, whilst
Baldwin, summoned by the Armenians, oroffied the
Euphrates in October, 1097, and, after marrying an
Armenian princess, was proclaimed Lord of Edessa. •
Meanwhile the crusaders, revictualled by the Aime-
nians of the Taimis region, made their wa^ into Syria
and on 20 October, 1097, reached the fortified city of
Antioch, which was protected by a wall flanked with
450 towers, stocked by the Ameer Jagi-Sian with
immense quantities of provisions. Thanks to the
assistance of carpenters and en^neere who belonged
to a Genoese fleet that had arrived at the mouth of
the Orontes, the crusaders were enabled to construct
battering-machines and to begin the esege of the city.
Eventually Bohemond negotiated with a Turkish
chief who surrendered one of the towers, and on the
night of 2 June, 1098, the cntadere took Antioch by
storm. 'Hie veiy next day they were in turn besieged
within the dty oy the army of KerbClga, Ameer of
MoeuL Plague and famine cruelly decimated theil*
ranks, and many of ihem, amons others Stephen of
Blois, escaped imder cover of night. The army was
on the veige of giving way to (uscouragement when
its spirits were suddenly revived by the discovery of
the Holy Lance, resulting from the dream of a Prov-
encal priest named Pierre Barth^lemy. On 28 June,
1098, KerbClga's army was effectually repulsed, but,
instead of marchine on Jerusalem without delay, the
chiefs spent several months in a quarrel due to the
rivalry of Raymond of Saint-Gilles and Bohemond,
CORONATION OF BALDWIN I. KING OF JERUSALEM. BY ENRICO DANDOLO,
DOGE OF VENICE
VASSILACCHI (l*ALIENS£), DOGE's PALACE, VENICE
oEuaAon
647
mmuou
bMi of ^vfaom ebdo&d the ridit to Antiodu It waa
not until April, 1099, that the maich tQwavcb Jeru-
salem was begun» Bdhemond xemdimng in pogpcnpiop
of Antioch while Raymond Beiaed on TripolL On 7
June the erasadera began the siege of Jenwilem.
Their predicament would have been aeriou^f indeed,
had not another Genoese fleet arrived at Jaffa and, as
at Antioch, furnished the en^eera necessavy for a
siege. Af ttt* a general procession which the crusaden
mada baref ooted around the «iiy walls amid the in-
Bulteand incantations. of Mohammedan «oreeieri,. the
attack began 14 Juhr, 1009. Next day the Christiaiui
entered Jeiusalem from aU sides and slew its ipLhabi-
tants r^atdlesB of age or set. « Having aecomplished
their i^srimafle to the Holy Sepulbhie, the kni^is
chose aalord of the new conquest Godfr^ of Bouillon,
who called himself ''Defender of Uie Holy Sepuldire V.
Th^ had then to repulse an Egyptian anny, whidi
was defeated at Asoakm, 12. August, 1099. Hieir
position was nevertheless very mseeure. Alexius
GomnemiB threatened the principality of Antioch, vad
in 1100 Bohemond himsen was made prisoner by the
Turks, while moot of the dties on the coast were rtill
under Mohammedan controL Before his death, 29
July, 1099, Urban II once more proclaimed the cru-
sade. In 1101 three expeditions citssed Europe un-
der the leadership of Count Stephen Of Blois, Duke
William IX of Aquitaine, and Welf IV, Duke of
Bavaria. All three managed to reach Asia Minor, but
were manaered by the Turin. On his retease fh>m
prison Bohemond attacked theBysantine E^npire^ but
was surrounded by the imperial army and forced to
acknowledge himself the vassal of Alexius. On Bohe-
mond's death, however, in 1111, Tanored refused to
live up to the treaty and retained Antioch: Ctodfrey
€i Bouillon died at Jerusalem 18 Jidy, llOa H&
brother and successor, Baldwin of Edessa, waserowned
King of Jertisalem in the Basilica of Bethlehem, 25
December, 1100. In 1112, with the aid of Norwe^aas
under Sigurd Jorsalafari and the support of Genoese,
Pisan, and Venetian fleets, Baldwin 1 began the con-
quest of the ports of Syria, which was completed in
1124 bj the capture of Tyre. Ascalon alone kept an
Egyptian geurison until 1153.
At this period the Christian states formed an ex-
tensive ana unbroken territory between the Euphrasies
and the Egyptian frontier, and included four almost
independent prindpalities: the Kingdom of Jerusalem,
the Countship of liipoli, the Principality of Antiodi.
and the Countship of Rohea (Edessa). These small
states were, so to speak, the common property of all
ChristendiKn and, as sudi, were subordinate to the
authority of the pope. Moreover, the French kni^^
and Italian merchants established in the neidy eon-
auered cities soon gained the upper hand. The au-
thority of the sovereigns of these different principali-
ties was restricted by the fief4ioldBie, vassals, and
under-vassals who constituted the Court of Lieges, or
Supreme Court. Hiis assembly had entire oonlrol in
legislative matters; no statute or law ooukl be estab-
lished without its consent; no baron eould be deprived
of his fief without its decision; its jurisdiction ex-
tended over all, even the king, and it controlled also
the succession to the throne. A "Court of the Bur-
gesses" had similar lurisdiotion over the dtiadas.
JUach fief had a like tribunal composed of knights and
dtiaens, and in the ports there were police and merctm-
tiie courts (see Assizes of Jvbubaubm). The author-
ity of the Qiuroh also helped to limit tiie power of llie
Imig; the four metropohtan sees of Tyre, Csesarea,
Bessan, and Petra were subject to the Patriajeh of
Jenunlem, simihiriy seven suffragan sees and a Street
many abbevs, among them Mount Sion, Mount Ouvet,
the Temple. Josapnat, and the Holy Sepulchre,
lluou^ tim and frequent (fenations the clergy be-
came the largest property-holders in the kingdom;
they also received from the crusaders important
estates situated in Europe. In spite of the aforesaid
restrictions, in the twelxth century the Kin^ of Jeru-
salem had a large income. The customs duties estab-
lished in the ports and administered by natives, tiiie
tolls exacted from caravans, and tJbe monopoly, of
certain industries were a fruitful source of revenue.
From a military point of view all vassals owed the
M^f unlimited service as to time, though he was
obliged to compensate them» but to fill the ranks of
the. army it was necessary to enroll natives who re-
peived !a life atmuity (fief de mnMd). In this way
waa reoruited the U^t cavalry of the '^Turcoples'%
armed in Saracenic style. Altogether these foroes
barely exceeded 20,000 men, and yet. the powerful
vassals who commanded them were aimost independ-
ent of the kinfl* So it was that the great need of
r^ular troops for the defence of the Christian domin-
ions brought about the creation o£ a unique institu-
tion, the religious orders of knighthood, vis.: the
Hospitallers, who at first did duty in the Hospital
of St. John founded by the aforraaid merchants of
Amalfi* and were then organised into a militia by
Gerard du Pay that they might fight the Saraoens
(1113); and the Templars, nine pi whom in 1U8
mthered around Hugues de Payens and received the
KuLe of St. Bernard* xhese members, whether kni^ts
drawn from the nobility, bailiffs, clerks, or chi^latns,
pronounced the three monastic vows^ but it was chief-
ly to the war against the Saracens that they pledged
tnemselvea Being favoured with many spiritual and
temporal privileges, they easily ffained recruits from
amon| ^e younger sons of feudal bouses and acquired
both m Palestine and in Europe considerable pro^
erijy. Their oastles, buUt at the principal strategic
points, Margat, Le Crac, and Tortosa, were strcmg
citadels protected by several concentric endo^res.
In the ICingdom of Jerusalein these mUitaiy orders
virtually formed two independent commonwealths.
Finally, in the cities^ the public power was divided
between the native citisens and the Italian colamsts,
Genoese, Venetians, Pisans, and also the Marseillais
who, in exchange for their services, were given su-
preme power in certain districts wherein small self-
govenung communities had their consuls, their
churches, and on the outskirts their fann-land, used
for the cultivation of cotton and sugar-cime. The
Qyrian ports were regulariy visited by Italian fleets
which obtained there the spices and silks brought by
caravans from the Far East. Thus, during the first
half of the twelfth eentury the Christian states of the
East were completely organised, and even eclipsed
in wealth and prosperity most of the Western states.
IIL First Dbstbuction of the CnRis-nAN States
(1144-87). — ^Many dangers, unfortunately, threatened
this prosperity. On the south, were the Caliphs of
Egypt, on the east the Seljuk Ameers of Damascus,
Hamah and Aleppo, and on the nprth the Byzantine
emptors, eager to realize the project of Alexius Com-
nenusand briii^ the Latin states under their power.
Moreover, in the presence of so many enemies the
Christian states lacked cohesion and discipline. The
help they received from the West was too scattered
and intermittent. Nevertheless these Western knights,
isolated amid Mohammedans and forced, because of
the torrid climate, to lead a life far different from
that to which they had been accustomed at home, dis-
played admirable bravery and energy in their efforts
to save the Christian colonies.. In 1137 John Com-
nenus. Emperor of Constantinople, appeared before
Antioch with an army, and compellcKl Prince Ray-
mond to do hun homage. On the death of this poten-
tate (1143), Raymona endeavoured to shake off the
irluome yoke and invaded Byzantine territoiy, but
was hemmed in by the imperial army and compelled
(1144) to humble himself at Constantinople before the
Emperor Manuel. The Princ^;>ality of Edessa^ com-
pletely isolated from the other Christian states oould
(MtVSAlMBS
548
MIMAMS
ttot withstand the attacks of Imad-ed-Din, the prince,
or (Uab^of Mosul, who forced its garrison to capita-
late 25 Decanter, 1144. After the assassination of
Imad-ed-Din, his son Nonived-Din continued kostili-
^es a^unst the Christian states. At news of this,
Louis Vll of France, Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine, and
a great number of knights, moved by the ^xhortatioiks
of St. Bernard, efnlisted under the cross (Asdembly of
V^selay, 31 March, I14d). The Abbot of Ckdrvaux
became the apostle of the crasade and conceived the
idea of uiig^ all Europe to attadt the infidels sSzorul-
taneoushr in Syria, in Spain, and beyond the Elbe.
; At first ne met with strong opposition in Germany.
' Eventually Emperor Ckinrad m acceded to his wirfi
and adopted the standard of the cross at the Diet of
Spires, 26 December. 1146. However, ther^ was no
such enthusiasm as nad prevailed in 1095; Just as
the crusaders started on their march. King Roger of
Sicily attacked the Byzantine Empire, but his expedi-
tion merely checked the progress of Nour^-Din's
invasion. The sufferings endured by the crusaders
while crossing Asia Minor prevented them from ad-
vancing on Edessa. Ihey contented themselves widi
besieging Damascus, but were obliged to retreat at
the end of a few weeks (July, 1148). This defeat
caused great dissatisfaction in the West; moreover,
the conflicts between the Greeks and the crusaders
only confinned the general opinion that the Bysantine
Eknpii^ was the chief obstacle to the success of the
CfMsades. Nevertheless, Manuel Oomnenus endeav-
oured to strengthen l^e bonds that united the Bytfafi-
tine Eknpire to the Italian principalities. In 1161 he
married Mary of Antioch, and in 1167 gave the hand
of one of his nieces to Amalrio, King of Jerusalem.
Tliis alliance resulted in thwarting the progress of
Nou^«d-Din, who, having become master of Damas-
cus in 1154, refrained thenceforth from attacking the
Christian dominions.*
Kmg Amalric profited by this respite to interpoto
in the affairs of Egypt, as the only remaining repre-
sentatives of the Fatmiite dynasty were chikhreni and
two rival viriers were disputing the supreme power
amid conditions of absolute anarchy. One of these
disputants, Shawer, being exiled from E^ypt, took
refuge with Nour-ed-Din, who sent his best general,
Shfrktlh. to reinstate him. After his oonc[ue8t of
Cairo, Smrkt^ endeavoured to bring Shawer mto dis-
favour with the calij^ ; Amalric, taking advantage of
this, allied himself with Shawer. On two occasions,
in 1164 and 1167, he forced ShfrictUi to evacuate
EJgypt; a body of Prankish knights was stationed at
one of th^ gates of Cairo, and Egjrpt paid a tribute of
100,000 dfn^^ to the Kingdom of Jerusaleih. In
1168 Amalric made another attempt tocon<]uer ^Sfpt,
but failed. After ordering the assassination of Sha-
wer, Shfrki^ had himself proclaimed Grand Viner.
At his death on 3 March, 1160, he was succeeded by
his nephew, Salah-ed-Dtn (Saladin). During that
year Amalric, aided by a Bysantine fleet, invaded
&ypt once moTe, but was defeated at Damietta.
Saladin retained full sway in Egjrpt and appointed no
successor to the last Fatimite caBph, who died in 1171.
Moreover, Nour-ed-Din died in 1174, and, while his
sons and nephews disputed the inheritance, Saladin
to<^ poUnesBion of Damascus and conquered all Meso-
fotamia except Mosul. Thus, when Antalric died in
173, leaving the roj^ power to Baldwin IV, **the
Leprous", a child of thirteen, the kingdom of Jeru-
salem was threatened on all sides. At th^ ^ame time
two factions, led respectively by Guy de liusignan,
brother-in-law of the king, and Raymond, 'Count of
tVipoli, contended for the supremacy. Baldwin IV
died In 1134, and Was soon followed to the 'grAve by
his nephew Baldwin V. Despite lively opposition,
Quy de Lusignan was crowned king, 20 Jifly> 11^.
Though the strug^ against Saladin was already
under way, it was unfortunately conducted without
ordeil or diMdpBne. NotwiihstMiding tke tnloe eoo-
dtoded with Saladin^ Rtoaod d^ Ch&tittDii, a powerful
feudatory and lord of tiw tnuohJordanic region, which
•indhded thc^ M of MOntiM, ttie great cBstle of
Kantk,and Allet, e port <m the fied Sea, sought to
divert the enemy's ^atteittioii by attaokihg the holy
cities of the' ' Mokammedans. Oariesa vanseis anere
bfought to Aittet on the backs of cameb in 1182, and
a ^fleet of Rvegadlc^ trav«raed the Red Sea for a
wholer ysar, ravaging the ooaskr a^ far as Aden; a
iKkly or kn%kta crv«a aittepted to'seiae Mediaa. In
^tftie end this fleet waadestitjy^'IbySBladinV and, to
the great joy df the'Mdhawnedaiirf^ the Frankiah
• prisonera w«i» put^ to death at Mteoa. Atlaekad in
his castle at Kiuyc^ Eeoaad t*<oB repulsed Saladin'a
fotoes (11SM6). A truoe w» than aigiied, bat
itenaud brcdte it again and eanied off a eaifavan in
•which was'the acdtaa's own sister* In faia exaspera-
tion Saladin invaded the Kiiigdo^ el Jenaaiem and,
al^io<igh Guy de Lusignan gathered att his faroes to
repel the attadc, on 4 July; 1187, Saladin's amy
annihilated that of the Christiana on the shores of
Lake Tiberias. The king: the gnaid 'master of the
Temple, Renaud de-Ch4tuon, and the moatjpoweifiil
men in the -refedm were made orisoiienL . After day-
lag Renaud with his own hand, Sdladiii tnarched on
Jerusalem. The city eapitnlated 17 Septobber, and
T^, Antioch, and Tripoli were tha only phues in
Syria that remamed to 4to ChiMianiBL
iV. AVTEMPtB to RBBVOtUB inv CiBISRaW StATBB
AUD VBB CRirSADiB JlOAtKffir SAlNislBiKK b'AdKI.—
The news of these ^venta eansed great ecmateniatkyD
in Ghristendora, aftid Pope GrB^sot^ Vin strove to put
a 8t<»> to aU dissensions among the Christian prinoeB.
On 21 January, 118B, Phihp AugtistiB, King of
France, and Heniy II. Pkintaijenet, beeanoe reconciled
at Oiaors and took the ehtes; On 27 Mardi, at the
Difttd Macma, fVederiokBacbarosBa and a great num-
ber of German knifi^ts made alvaw to defend the
Christian cause in PalMiaei In Italy,. Pisa made
peace with Genoa, Venite with the Km^f of Hunguy,
add WiUiam of Sieily with the Bysantine Empire.
Moreover, a Scandinavian fleet «oiiBiBting of 12,000
warriors ssdled around the ^hiores of Europe; when
passing Foitugal^ it helped to'capture Ahmrirom the
Mohammedans, finthuaium lor the crusade was
a^dn wrought up to a hirii pitch; bnt, on the other
hand, diploma^ and royal aiid prinioely aohemes be-
came increasin0yimik>riantinitsOigan]ditioii. Fred-
erick Barbarossa entered into negotiations with haac
Ansehis, Bmperor of €oniAaBtinm>le^ «rith the Sult^
of leoniufift, and even nnrith «flalaain hsmaelf . It was,
moreover, the first tone that .aU the Mohammedan
forcet w«re united under- » single leader; Saladin,
while the holy war was baing preaehed, oiganised
against the Christiaos 'sowetning lika a oounter-
orusade. Frederick Barbarossa, who was first
reai^ for the ente^rise, and to whom ehronJclers
attrflMite an army of 100,000 men, left Batisbon,
11 May, 1180. After mtaiuig Hungaiy he took the
Battoan passes bynaaikuh; ittKl tried to outflank the
hostile movements of Isaac Angelas by attacking Con-
atanttiiople. Finatty, after the sack. of Adriaaople,
laaae Angelus sun^ndered, and between 21 and 30
March, IroO, the Germans sucoeeded ia crossing the
Strait of Gallipoh. As usual, (the march acroBS Aaa
Mhior was most arduomsi With a view to repleniw-
ing provisions, the army took IcoBium bv assault. On
their arrivid in the Taoni$ i^n, Fsederiek Baiba-
rona tried to cross the Seief (Kalykadiios) on born-
bank and was drowned. Thereupon maiqr Oennin
princes retonied to EiBrope- the otham, under the
embeior^i son. Fredarick of iSwafaia^ reached Antioeb
and proceeded thence ^to Salnt^ean d'Acm. It was
before this city that finally all the erusadii« troof»
assembled In June> 1189, Kmp Giqr de Lusignuip
who had been released from captivity, Appeared tbera
ramuwH
549
amsAJOA
with the remoanit of tbe Ctmsimx aioiy, and^ in Sep^
tember d the BiiBie jmrt the ScaQdinavian fleet nis
rivedt i^olWi^ by the £iigUflh puid Flemish fleet«» ocnsk-
ma^ci^d coipeetively by l^he Archbi^hoj) <^ CaQjM>ury
and Jaoaue? ()'Ave«Qe«. Thia heioio skge laated two
yeav. Ip the spring e| eaqh year xeinlodscemeiitBi ar*
rived fixHP the West, and ^ veritable Chjnatiim <HlQn
sprang iip outride the walls of Aci^. . But the wintcira
were oisastKonA to the i(;rMSfKlei»«.whoBe lanks were
decimated by diseaae bn>ufl^t on by the inclemenoy of.
the rainy season apd lack of f podi paladin came to thd
aasistasioe* of, the city, and commrunioated with ; it by^
means of earrier pi^oe.. MMlo^hiudis^ machanes
(ptsm^rsa), wowd by powerful maehinery, wera
used by the erui^ers to demolieh the. wafls of Acore^-
but the ]4oh4mmedan^ also had sti^ongartiUeiyv This,
famous sieKehad already, legated two jream when Philips
Augustw jQbg of Fni^eQ»iB»d Ri<tovi Qosm deli^j
Kiitf el JBnglei»d,.afriyed. on the soena<; After long
dellbcffatiion they, had loft y^lay.tqBfether^ i July;
1100« Hichacd embarked! at Maoieifles, , Philip at
Genoa, and they met atrMessina^i Puling; a soioiim>
in thi9 nhifle, ^sting^ uni)il»Maif0h^Jll91, they aunofit*
qnuarreltedji b^ finiuW concluded a treaty of peaee^
While Philip, wae landizig at Aomj (RuAsMLwas ship^
wnoelo^ on the eoftet of Cmntaf then. independei£t>
under UaaQ Oomneftue, r Wstb the aid (^ Guy de Irusi-
nian» Richard o^icpieied thiB isiandj The amyal ufi
the Kings of Ffanoe and; Bngbnd before Aere bmighV
about tbf&.capiiUilatiQA of thJeei^^ 13 July, U91»
^oon^ however^ the .^uafiol of the FievM^h and English
kings broke out agam, and Philip Augustus left Palea-!
tme, 98 Julyv Richfard was now leader of the cru^e,
and, to punish Saladin Un tho iipn^fulfihnetit of the
treaty oo^diioonti withip th^ time Apeei0ed, had the*
Mohammadaa hoctagco put to death. Keitt^anattaek
on JerMsalpm waaneditaiied/ but, after bMiilii^ the
Cfaristi^i^,i>jy Be^pitia^ionfi^ Bala<^ brou^ ■numer^
ous troops uom £gypt. ,. The .enterpisie failed, and!
Hichard oompe^aatea. hixnself for t&ese> reverees by.
brilliant bu^.uaele^ ^cploita whiehtmade his names
legendanr among the Mebammedaiia^ Before his da*
pfutuie he aold w Island of CSyprus, first to the Tern*,
plai^ who were .tmable to s^tle theieiand then to Qvi^
de l40signa>», who icenkounoed the ISongdomiOf Jerosa^ .
lem in favour of ComM of MoB((fmat (U92): . Alt^
a last exnodition toi defend Jaffa against^ Saladin,
Ridiard cMareda tniee said embarked for Europe,
9 Octoberi UQ2^biit didnotraaoh his English reum
untU. he ha4 undmgqne ahprnlliatiftg capUyity. at
the faaada of the Duke of Austria, ymo avenged in
this .wAy the insults offered hinii before SaintrJean
d'Acm,' 'I
While Oapetiana and Plaixtagenets, oblivious of the
Holy Waiv were, settling at home tiieir territorial dis<^
nutes. Emperor Heniy VI, son of Barbaressa, took in
hand the supreme direction ol Christian poUties in the
East. Crowned Kkg of the Two Sldili€6, 25 Decern*
her, lld4, he took the cross at Bari. 31 May, 1195,aBd
made ready an expedition which, ne thought, would
recover Jerusalem a<nd wrest Constantinople from the
usurper Alexius III. Eager to exercise his imperial
authority be made Amaury do Lusignaa King ofCy*
prua and Leo U, King or Armenia* In September,
1197, the German crusadeps started, for the East.
They landed at Saint-Jean d'Acre and marched on
Jeruaalemi. but were, detained before the little town
of Tibnin from November. 1197, to February, 119a
On.raisiiE^ the m^9^ they learned that Henry YI had
died, 28 SM>temher, at Messina, where he had gaUiered
the fleet* ifcatwna to convey him to 'ConstantinOplew
The Germans signed a truoe with the Safaeens, hut
their future influence in Palestine was assured by the
creation of the Order of tho Teutonic Knights. In
1 143, a Geiman pilgrim had founded a hoepiUl for his
fellow^oountrymen; the religious who served it moved
to Acse and, in 1108, were otganiaed in imitation of
the plaaof the Hospitallers, their rule being approved
by tnnoeent III in 1199.
V. THB C^USAOB AOAJNffT OoNSTAiniNOFLB (1204).
— ^In the many attempts made to establish the Chris-
tian states the efforts of the crusaders had been lii*
reoted solely toward the object for which the Holy
War had beeen instituted; the crusade against Con-
stantinople shows the Qist deviation from the oxigiaal
purpcse^ For those who strove to gain their ends by
takmg the direction, of the crusades out of the popra
hands^ this new movement was, of course, a triumph,
but for Christendom it waa a aource of perplexity.
Scarcely had Innocent III been elected pope, in Janu-
ary, 1198, when he inaugurated a policy in the East
which he was to follow throughout his pontificate.
Se euhordinated all elae to the recapture oi Jerusalem
Und the reoonquest of the Holy Land. In his first
En^cUcals. he smnmoned. all Christians to join the
cruaftda.aiid'even neigotiated with Alexius III, tiia
Bsysantij&e emperor, trying to peivuadehim to reenter
t& Roman oommunion and use bia troops for the lib-
ejration of Palewrtine. Peter of Qapua, the papal legate,
broui^t about a truoe bcltween Philip Augustus and
lUchaRi Coeur de lion,. January, 1199, and popttlar.
pneaohen, among othm the parish priest FouJques
of Neuilly, attracted large crowds. During a tourna-
ment at Ecry-fiur-Alsoe U/i November, 1199, Count
ThifaAud de Champagne and a great man;^ knights*
took the cross; in southern Germany, Martin, Abbot
(^•Pairis, near Cc^mar, won many to the crusade^ It
would seem^ however, that, from the outset, the pope
kiat QO&trol of this enterprise. Without even ooiwult-
mg Innocent III, the French knights, who had elected
Ihibaud de Champag^ a$ their leader, decided to at-
tack the Mohammedans in Egypt and in March, 1201,i
coiaeluded with the Republic of Venice a contract for
the transportation of troops on the Mediten^anean.
On the death of Thibaud the crusaders diose as his
aucoeasof Bonileoe^ Marquis of Montf errat, and cousin
of Philip ol Bwabia, theoi in opea confiict with tha
pope* Juflt at this time the son <^ Isaac An«Belua, the
dethreoed Emperor of Constantinople, soudnt refuge
ia the West and asked InAooent III and his own
brotber-ix»-law. Philip of Swabia, to reinstata him on
the imperial thrqne* The question has been raised
whether it was pre-arranged between Philip and Boni'
face of Montf^rrat to turn the crusade towards Con-v
stanUnople, and a passage in the ** Gesta Innoeentii"
(83, in P. U, CCXrvTcXXXII). indicates that the
ideawasnotnewtoBonifaoeof Montferrat when, in the
spring of 1202, he made it known to the pope. Mean*
while the crusaden assembled at Venice could not pay
the amount called for by their contract, so, by way of
exchange, the Venetians su^seeted that they help re-
cover me dty of SSara in Dumatia. The knights ac*
cepted the proposal, and, after a few da^' sie^, the
city capitulated, November, 1202. But it was m vain
^at InnoGBBl III ursed the crusaders to set out for'
Palestine. Having obtained absolution for the cap-
ture of Zara, and despite the opposition of Simon of
MontfOrt and a part ot the army, on 24 May, 1203, the
leaders ordered a march on Constantinople. They
had concluded with Alexius, the Bysantine pretender,
a treaty whereby he promised to have the Greeks re^
turn to the Roman communion, aive the crusadem
200,000 marks, and participate in me Holy War. On
23 June the crusaders' fleet appeared before Constan-
tinople ; on 7 Jufy they took possession of a suburb of
O^ata and forced theur way into the Golden Horn;,
on 17 July they simultaaeoualy attacked the sea
walls and land waUs of the Blachenue. The troops
of Alexiua III made an unsuccessful sally, and the
usurper fled, whereupon Isaac Angelus was released
from prison and permitted to sharo the imperial dig-
nity with his son, Alexius IV. But even had the hitter
been sincere he would have been powerless to keep the
promisee made to the oruaaders. After some months
fwraADn
550
OMHUDtB
of tediouB waiting, thoee of their number canlxmed at.
Oalata lost patience with the Greeks^ who not only
refused to hve up to their amement, but likewiae
treated them with open hostility. On 5 February,
1204. Alexius IV and Isaac Angdus were depoeed by a
revolution, and Alexius Murzuphla, a usurper, under-
took the defence of Constantinople agaiost the Latin
drusaders who were preparing to besiege Constanti-
nople a second time. By a treatv concluded in Mardi,
1204, between the Venetians and the crusading ohi^s,
it was pre-arranged to share the spoils of ^e Greek
Empire. On 12 April, 1204, Constantinople was car^
riea b^r storm, and the next day the ruthless plunder-
ing of its (lurches and palaces was begun. The mto*
terpieoes of untiquity, piled up in pubHc places and in
the Hippodrome, were utterly destroyed. Clerics and
knights, in their dagemess to acouire famous and
priceless relics, took part in- the sack of the chtuxdies.'
Jhe Venetians received half the booty; the portion ci
each crusader was determined according to his rank
of baron, knight, or bailiff, and most of the churches
of t^ West were enriched with ornaments stripped*
from those of Constantinople. On 9 May, 1204, an
electoral eoUege, formed oi 'prominent ennaklera end^
Venetians, assembled to elect an emperor. Dandolo>'
Doge of Venice, ref ucted ther honour; and Boniface of
Montf erfat was not oonsideted. In the end, Baldwin.
Count of Flanders, was elected and solenmly cmwnea
in St. SopUa. Constantinople and the empire were
divided among the emperor, the Venetians, and the
chief crusaders; the Marquis of Montlerrat received
Thessalonica and Macedonia, with the title c^ long;
Henry of Flanders became Lord of Adramyttaon;
Louis of Blois was made Duke of Nieesa,' and fiefs were
bestowed upon six hundred knights. Meanwhile, the
Venetians reserved to themselves the ports of Thrace,
the Peloponnesus, and the islands. Thomas Moro-'
sini, a Venetian priest, was elected patriarch.
At the news of these most extraoidinaxT events, "in
triiich he had had no hand. Innocent III bowed as in
submiBsion to the designs of Providence and, in the in-
terests of Christendom, detennlned to make the best of
the new conquest. His c^ief aim was to suppress the
Greek schism and to place liie forces of the new Latin
Empire at the service of the crusade. Unfortuiiately,
the Latin £2mpire of Constantinople was in too pre-
carious a condition to furnish any material support to
the papal policy.* The emperor was unable to impose
his authority upon the baronsw At Nicea, not far
from Constantinople, the former Byzantine Govern-
ment gathered the remnant of its authority and its
followers. Theodore Lascaris was proclamied em-
peror. In Europe, Joannitsa, 'Tsar of the Walla<^-
lans and Bulganans, invaded Thrace and destroyed
tiie army (A the crusadere before Adrianople. 14 April,
1205. During the battle the Emperor BaMwin fell.
His brother and successor, Henry of Flanders, devoted
his reign (1206-16) to interminable conflicts with the
Bulgarians, the Lombards of Thessalonica, and the
Greeks of Asia Minor. Nevertheless, he succeeded in
strengthening the Latin conquest, forming an alliance
with the Bulgarians, and establishmg his authority
even over tlie feudatories of Morea (Pariiament of
Ravennika, 1209); however, far from leading a cru-
sade into Palestine, he had to solicit Western help,
and was obliged to sign treaties with Theodore Las-
caris and even with the Bultan of Iconium. Th4
Greeks were not reconciled to the Church of Rome;
most of their bishops abandoned their seeb and tdok
refuge at NiesBa, leaving their churches to the Latin
bishops named to replace them. Greek eonventff
were replaced by Cistercian monasteries, command-
cries of Templars and Hospitallers, and chapters of
canons. With a few exceptions, however, the native
population remained hostile and looked upon the
Latin conquerors as foreigners. Having failed in all
his attempts to induce the barons of the Latin Empire
to Undertake an expeditioh against PaleBtine, and
understanding at last the cause of failure of the cru-
sade in 1204, Innocent III resolved (1207) to oreanize
a new drusade and tb take no furtiier notice m Con-
stantinople. Ciroumstances, however, were unfa-
vourable. Instead of concentrating the forces of
Christendom' agnunst the Mohammedans, the pope him-
setf disbandedlhem by proclaiming (1200) a crusade
against the ^bi^nses m the souSi of fSrance, and
against the Almohades of Spain (1213), the pagans of
Pmssia, and John Lackland of Ei^and. At the same
time there occurred outbursts of mvBtical emotion
similar to those which had preceded the fixst enisade.
In 1212 a young shepherd of Venddme and a youth
from Cologne gathered thousands oi children whom
they proposed to lead to the conquest oi Palestine.
Tlie'movfkient spread through France and Italy.
Tins ^Chfldren*s€rusade'' at length reached Brindisi,
where merchants sold a number of the children as
slaves to the Moors, while neariy all the rest died of
himger and exhaustion. In 1213 Innocent III had a
crtt«de preached throutthout Eurdpe And sent Car-
dhiai Pelagtiis to lihe £b^ to effect, u possible, the re-
turn of the Greeks to ihe fold of Roman unity. Gd
25 Julyj 1/21S, Frederick II, after his vietoi>y over Gtto
of Brunswick/ took the cross at the t(»nb of Charie-
magne at Aauieii. 0n 11 Kovember, 1215, Innocent
m opcmed the Fourth Lateran Council with an ex-
hortatkm to^aH the faitfrful to join the crusade, the
depanure being set for 1217. At the tune of h» death
(1216) Pope Innocent felt that a great movement had
been started.
VI. Tms Tiuim>BNTR<»NTtmT Crusadbs 0217"
52).— In Burope, however, the preadung of the cru-
sade met with great oppositidn. Temporal princes
were strongly averse to Iddhg jurisdiction over their
subjects who took pait in the crusades. Absorbed in
potitical schemes, tiiey ^ere tmwUlkig to send bo far
away the milltaiy mrceli on "whkh they depended.
Ab early as December, 121«, Fk^eridc II wasgranted
a first delay in the fulfihneftt of his vow. The cru-
sade as preached in the thirteenth cerxtuiy was no
longer the great enthusiastic movement of 1095^ but
rather a series of iiresular and desultory entefprises.
Andrew II, King of Hnngar^, and CaAimir, Duke of
Pomerania; set saU from l^nioe and Spalato, while an
army of Scandinavians made a tour of Europe. The
crusaders landed at Saint-Jean d'Aere in 1217, but con-
fined themselves to incurnons on Mussuhnan territoiy,
hereupon Andrew of Himgaiy returned to Buro^
Receiving reinforoements in the spring of 1218, John
of Brienne, King of Jerusalem, resolved to make an
attack on iJie Holy Land by way of Egypt. The cru-
sadens accordingly landed at Damietta m May> 1218,
and, after a siege marked by many deeds of heroism,
took the citv bf storm, 5 November, 1219. Instead
of profiting by this victory, th^ spent over a year in
idle quarrSs> and it wae not untu May, 1221, iH&i they
set out for Cairo. Surrounded by the Saracens at
Mansurah, 24 July, the Christian armv was routed.
John of Brienne was compiled to purenase a retreat
by the surrender of Damietta to the Saracens. Mean-
while Emperor Frederick II, who was to be the leader
of the crusade, had remained in Europe and continiied
to importune the pope for new postponements of his
departure. On 9 November, 1225, he married Isa-
belle of Brienne, heiress to the Kingdom of Jerusalem,
the oersmomr taking place at Brindisi. Completely
iBnoring his father-in-law, he assumed the title of Song
(tt Jerusalem4 In 1227, however, he had not yet W
for Palestine. Gi^iy IX, elected pope $9 Mar^*
1227, summoned Frederick to fulfil his vow. Finally^
8 September, the emperor embarked but soon turned
bock; therefore, on 29 September, the pope excom-
municated him. Nevertheless, Fredenok set sau
again 18 June, 1228, but instead of leading a cnu^e
he played a game of diplomacy. He won over ICalek-
(ftTOAJDSS
551
Q|tUSiJ>VS
el-Khamil, the Sultan of Egypt, who was at war with
the Prince of Damajscus, and concluded a treaty with
him at Jaffa, February, 1220, according to the terms
of which Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth were
restored to the Christians. On 18 March, 1229^ with*
out any religious ceremony, Frederick assumed the
royal crown of Jerusalem m the church of the Holy
Sepulchre. Returning to Europe, he became recon-
ciled to Gregory IX, August, 1230. The pontiff ratified
the Treaty of Jaffa, and Frederick sqnt knights into
Syria to take possession of the cities and compel all
feudatories to do him homage. A struggle occurred
between Richard Filangieri, the emperor's marshal,
and the barons of Palestine, whose leader was Jean
d'IbeUn, Lord of Beirut. Filansieri vainly at-
tempted to obtain possession of the Island of Cyprus,
and, when Conrad, son of f^rederick II and Isabelle of •
Bnenne, came of age in 1243, the High Court, de-
scribed above, named as regent Alix of Champagne,
aueen of Cyprus. In this way German power was
x)lished in Palestine.
In the meantime Count Thibaud IV of Champa^e .
had been leading a fruitless crusade in ^yria a2%).
Similarly the Duke of Burgundy and Richard ot Corn-
wall, brother of the King of England, who had under-
taken to recover Ascalon, concluded a truce with
Egypt (1241). Europe was now threatened with a
most grievous disaster. After conquering Russia, the
Mongols under Jenghis Khan appeared in 1241 on
the frontiers of Poland, routed the army of the Duke
of Silesia at li^nitz, annihilated that of Bela, King
of Hungary, and reached the Adriatic. Palestine felt
the consequences of this invasion. The Mongols had
destroyed the Mussulman Empire of Kharizm in Cen-
tral Asia. Fleeing before tneir conquerors, 10,000
Kharizmians offeied thedr services to the Sultan of
Egypt, meanwhile seizing Jerusalem as they passed by,
in September, 1244. The news of this catastrophe
created a great stir in Europe, and at the Coimcu of
Lyons (June-July, 1245) Pope Innocent IV pro-
claimed a crusade^ but the lack of harmony between
him and the Emjxsror Frederick II foredoomed the
pontiff tp disappointment. Save for Louis IX, King
of France, who took the cross in December, 1244, no
one showed any willingness to lead s^ expedition to
Palestine. On being imormed that the Mongols were
well-disposed towaras Christianity, Innocent IV sent
them Giovanni di Pianocarpini, a Franciscan, and
Nicolas Asoelin^ a Dominican, as ambassadors. Piano-
carpini was in £[arakorum 8 April, 1246, the dav of the
election of the great khan, but nothing came of this first
attempt at an alliance with the Mongols against the
Mohammedans. However, when St. Xouis, who left
Paris 12 Jime, 1248, had reached the Island of Cyprus,
he received there a friendly embassy from the great
khan and^ in r^um, sent mm two Dominicans. En-
couraged, perhaps, by this alliance, the King oi France
decid^ to attack Egypt. On 7 June, 1249, he took
Damietta, but it was ozily six noonths later that he
marched on Cairo. On 19 December, his advance-
i, commajided by his brother, Robert of Artois,
_n imprudently to %ht in the streets of Mansurah
were destroyed. The king himself was cut off.
from communication with Damietta and made prisr-
oner 5 April, 1250. At the same time, the Ajoubite
dvnasty founded by Saladin was overthrown oy the
Mameluke militia, ^hose ameers took possession of
Eg^t. St. Louis negotiated with the latter and was
set at liberty on condition of surreiulering Damietta
and ^yin^ a ransom of a million gold bezants. He
remamed in Palestine until 1254; baiigained with the
Egyptian ameers, for the deliverance of prisoners;
improved the equipment of the strongholds of the
kingdom, Saint-Jean d'Acre, Caesarea, Jaffa, and
Sidon; and sent Friar William of Rubruquis as am-
bassador to tlie ereat khan. Then, at the news of tho
death of his mother, Blanche of Castile, who had been
acting as re^nt, he returned to France. . Since the
crusade against SaintrJean d'Acre, a new Prankish
state, the Kingdom of Cyprus, had been formed in the
Mediterranean opposite Syria and became a valuable,
{Kunt of support for the crusades. By lavish distribu-
tion of lan(& and franchises^ Guy de Lusignan suc-
ceeded in attracting to the islana colonists, knights,
mesn-at-arms, and civilians; his successors estabh^bea
a government modelled after that of the Kingdom of
Jerusalem. The king's power was restricted oy that
of the High Court, composed of all the knights, vas-
sals, or under-vassals, with its seat at Nicosia,
However, the fiefs were less extensive than in Pales-
tine, and the feudatories could inherit only in a direct
line. The Island of Cyprus was soon populated with
French colonists who succeeded in winnmg over the
Greeks, upon whom they even imposed theirlangu^e.
Churches Duilt in the French style and forti^ed castles
appeared on all sides. The Cathedral of St. Sophia
in Nicosia, erected between 1217 and 1251, was almost
a copy of a church in Champagne. Finally, commei:-
ciai activity became a pronounced characteristic of>
the cities of C^rus, and Famagusta developed into
one of the busiest of lilediterranean ports. .
VII. Final Loss of the Christian Colonies of
THB East (1254-91). — ^No longeraided by funds from
the West| and rent by intemaldisorders, the Christian
colonies owed their t^porary salvation to the changes
in Mussulman policy and the intervention of the Mon-
tis. The Venetians drove the Genoese from ,Saint-
Jean d'Acre and treated the city as conquered tend-
toi:3r; in a battle where Christians fought against
Christians, and in which HospitaUers were pitted
Mainst Templars, 20,000 mpn perished. In revenge
the Genoese alUed themselves with Michael Pakeqlo-
gus, Emperor of Nicaoay whose general, Alexius Btra*
tegopulos, had now no trouble in entering Constanti-
nople and overthrowing the Latin Emperor, Baldwin
II, 25 July, 1261. The conquest of tfo Caliphajte of
Bagdad by the Mongols (1258) ^d their invasion o£
Syria, where they seized Aleppo and Damascus, terri*
fied both Christians and Mohammedans; but the
Mameluke ameer, Bibars the Arbelester, defeated th^
Mongols and wrested Syria from them in September,
1260. Proclaimed sultan in . consequence of. a con>
spiracy, in 1260, Bibars began a merciless war on the
remaining Christian states. In 1263 he destroved the,
church at Nazareth : ixx 1265 took Caesarea tma Jaffa,
a,nd finally capturea Antioch (May^ 1268). . The ques-
tion of a crusade* was always being agitated in the
West, but except among men of a religious turn of
mind} like St. Louis, there was no longer any earnest-
ness in the matter among European princes. They.
Ipoked upon a crusade as apolitical instrument, to be
used only when it served their own interests. To pre-,
vent the preaching of a crusade against Constantinople,
Michael Pal»ologus p)X)mised the pope to work for the
union of the Churdies; but Charles of Aniou, brother
of St. Xiouis, whom the conquest of the Two. Sicilies
had rendered one of the m^t powerful princes^ of
Christendom^ undertook to carry out for his own bene-
fit the Eastern designs hitherto cherished by the
Hohenstaufen. White Mary of Antioch, granddaugh-
ter of Amaury II, bequeathed him the ri^ts Sie
claimed to have to thei crown of Jerusalem, he signed
the treaty of Viterbo with Baldwin II (27 May, 1267),
which assured him eventually the inheritance of Con-
stantinople. In no wise troubled by these diplomatic
combinations, St. Louis thought only of the crusade.
In a parliament held at Paris, 24 March, 1267, }ie and
his three sons took the cross, but, despite his. example,
many knights resisted the exhortations of the preach*
er Humb^ de Eomans. On bearing the reports of
the missionaries, Louis resolved to land at Tusiis, whose
prince he hoped to convert to Christianity, Xi haja
been asserted that St. Louis was led to Tunis, b^
Charles of Anjou, but instead of encouraging his
0BU8ADU
552
brother'fl ambition the saint endeavoured to thwart
it. CSiaries had tried to take advantage of the
vacancy of the Holy See between 1268 and 1271 in
order to attaclc Constantinople, the n^tiations of
the popes with Michael Palseologus for religious union
havmg heretofore prevented him. St. Louis received
Uie embassy of the Greek em]3eror very graciously and
ordered Charles of Anjou to join him at Tunis. The
crusaders, among whom was Prince Edward of Eng-
land, landed at Carthage 17 July, 1270, but the plague
broke out in their camp, and on 25 August, St. Louis
himself was carried off by the scourge. Charies of
Anjou then concluded a treaty with the Mohamme-
dans, and the crusaders reimbarked. Prince Edward
alone, determined to fulfil his vow, and set out for
Saint- Jean d'Acre; however, after a few raszias on
Saracenic territory, he concluded a truce with Bibars.
Hie field was now clear for Charies of Anjou, but
the election of Gregory X, who was favourable to 'the
crusade, a^ain frustrated his plans. While the emis-
saries of the King of the Two Sicilies traversed the
Balkan peninsula, the new pope was awaiting the
union of tiie Western and Eastern Churdies, which
event was solemnly proclaimed at the Council of
Lyons, 6 July, 1274; Michael Palfleologus himself
promised to take the cross. On 1 May, 1275, Gregory
A effected a truce between this sovereign and Charles
of Anjou. In the meantime Philip III, King of
France, the King of England, and the IQng of Ar^n
made a vow to go to the Holv Land. Unfortunately
the death of Gregoiy X brought these plans to nought,
and Charies of ^jou resumed his scheming. In 1277
he sent into Syria Roger of San Severino, who suc-
ceeded in planting his banner on the castle of Acre
and in 1278 took possession of the principalitv of
Achaia in the name of his daug^ter-in-iaw Ineibelfe de
Villehardouin. Michael Pal»olofi:us had not be^i
able to effect the union of the Greek clergy with Rome,
and in 1281 Pope Martin IV excommunicated him.
Having signed an alliance with Venice, Charies of
Anjou prepared to attack Constantinople, and his
expedition was set for April. 1283. On 30 March,
1282, however, the revolt known as the Sicilian
Vespers occurred, and once more his projects were
defeated. In order to subdue his own rebellious sub-
jects and to wage war a^unst the King of Ara^n,
Charles was at last compelled to abandon his designs
on the East. Meanwhile Michael PalsBologus re-
mained master of Constantinople, and the Holy Land
was left defenceless. In 1280 the Mongols attempted
once more to invade Syria, but were repulsed by the
E^ptians at the battle of Hims; in 1286 the inhabi-
tants of Saint-Jean d'Acre expelled Charies of Anjou's
seneschal and called to their aid Henry II, King of
Cyprus. Kelaoun, the successor of Bibars, now broke
the truce which he had concluded with the Christians,
and seised Maisat, the stronghold of the Hospitallers.
Tripoli surrendered in 1289, and on 5 Apnl, 1291,
Malek-Aschraf, son and successor of Kelaoim, ap-
peared before Saint-Jean d'Acre with 120,000 men.
The 25,000 Christians who defended the city were
not even under one supreme commander; neverthe-
less thev resisted with heroic valour, filled breaches in
the wall with stakes and bags of cotton and wool, and
communicated by sea with King Henry II, who
brought them help from Cyprus. However, 28 May,
the Mohammedans made a general attack and pene-
trated into the town, and its defenden fled in their
ships. The strongest opposition was offered by the
Templars, the garrison of whose fortress held out ten
davs longer, onlv to be completely annihilated. In
July. 1291, the fast Christian towns in Syria capitu-
Iftted^and the Kingdom of Jerusalem ceased to exist.
VIn. Thb Fourteenth Centurt Crusade ano
THE Ottoman Invasion. — ^The loss of Saint-Jean
d'Acre did not lead the princes of Europe to organize
a new crusade. Men's minds were indeed, as usual,
directed towards the East, but in the first yean of the
fourteenth century the idea of a crusade inspired prin-
cipally the works of theorists who saw in it the best
means of reforming Christendom. The treatise by
Pierre Dubois, law-officer of the crown at Coutaaoes,
"De Recuperatione Terre Sanctcs'' (Langlois, ed.,
Paris, 1891), seems like the work of a dreamer, yet
some of its views are tnil^ modem. Th.e establish-
ment of peace between Christian princes by means of
a tribunal of arbitration, the idea of m^dn^ a French
prince hereditary emperor, the secularization of the
Patrimony of St. Peter, the consolidation d the Orders
of the Hospitallers and Templars, the creation of a
disciplined army the different corps of whidi were to
have a special uniform, the creation of schools for the
study of Oriental lan^asres, and the intermarriage of
Christian maidens with Saracens were the piincipai
ideas it propounded (1307). On the other hand the
writings of men of greater activity and wider expe-
rience suggteted more practical methods for effecting
the conquest of the East. Persuaded that Christian
defeat in the Orient was largely due to the mereantfle
relations which the Italian cities Venice and Genoa
continued to hold with the Mohammedans, these
authors sou^t the establishment of a commercial
blockade which. Within a few years, would prove the
ruin of Es^t and cause it to fall imder Christian
control. For this purpose it was recommended that
a large fleet be fitted out at the expense of Christian
princes and made to do poHoe duty on the Mediter-
ranean so as to prevent smuggling. Theee were the
projects set forth in the memoirs of Fidentius of
Padua, a Franciscan (about 1291, Bibliothdque Na-
tionale, Latin MSS., 7247); in those of King Charies
n of Naples (1293, Bib. Nat., Prankish MSS., 0049);
Jacques de Molay (1307, Baluse, ed., Vite papanim
Avenion., II, 176-185); Henry II, King of CypniB
(Mas-Latrie, ed.. Histoire de Cnypre, II, 118); Guil-
laume d'Adam, Archbishop of SultiBuiieh (1810, Kohler,
ed.f Collect. Hist, of the Crusades. Annenian Docu-
ments, II); and Marino Sanudo, tne Venetian (Bon-
gfOBt ed., Secreta fidelium Ouds, II). The consolida-
tion of the military orders was also ura^ by Charies
II. Many other memoirs, especially that of Hayton,
Kin^ of Armenia (1307, ea. Annenian Documents, I),
considered an alliance between the Christians and the
Mongols of Persia indispensable to success. In fact,
from the end of the thirteenth oentuiy many miflston-
aries had penetrated into the Mongolian Empire; in
Persia, as well as in CJhina, their propagancui flour-
ished. St. Francis of Assisi and Raymond Lully had
hoped to substitute for the wariike crurade a peace-
able conversion of the Mohammedans to Christianity.
Raymund Lully, bom at Palma, on the Island of
Majorca, in 1235, began (1275) his ''Gt«at Art'',
which, by means of a universal method for the study
of Oriental languages, would equip missionaries to
enter into controversies with the Mohammedan doc-
tors. In the same year he prevailed upon the King
of Majorca to found the College of the Bkssed Trinity
at Miramar, where the Friars Minor could learn the
Oriental languages. He himself translated catecheti-
cal treatises into Arabic and, after spendins hu life
travelling in Europe trying to win over toliis ideas
Sopes and kings, simered martyrdom at Bougie, wheie
e had begun his work of evangelization (1314).
Amon^ the Mohammedans this propaganda encoun-
tered insurmountable difficulties, whereas the Mon-
gols, some of whom were still members of the Nestorian
Church, received it willingly. During the pontfficate
of John XXn (13i6-34) permanent Dommican and
Franciscan missions were established in Persia, CtdnAt
Tatarv, and Turkestan, and in 1318 the Ardibtshonric
of Sultanieh was created in Persia. In China Gio-
vanni de Monte Corvino, created Archbishop of C^am-
baluc (Peking), organized the relis;ious hierarchy,
founded monasteries, and converted to Christianity
OBTOADIB
553
cntuaADts
men of note, possibly the great khan himself. The
account of the joumey of Blessed Orderio de Porde-
none (Cordier, ed.) across Asia, between 1304 and
1330, shows us that Christianity had gained a foothold
in Persia, India, Central Asia, and Southern China.
By thus leadjng'up to an alliance between Mongols
and Christians against the Mohammedans, the crusade
had produced the desired effect; early in the four-
teeatn oentuiy the future develomnent of Christianity
in the East seemed assured. Unfortunately, how-
ever, the internal changes which occurred in the West,
the weakening of the political influence of the popes,
the indifference of temporal princes to what did not
directly affect their territorial interests rendered un-
availing all efforts towards the re-establii^ment of
Christian power in the East, The popes endeavoured
to insure the blockade of E^ypt by prohibiting com-
. mercial intercourse with the mndels and by organizing
a squadron for the prevention of smu^lmg, out the
Venetians and Genoese defiantly sent ^eir vessels to
Alexandria and sold slaves and militaiy stores to the
Mamelukes. Moreover, the consolidation of the mili-
tary orders could not be effected. By causing the
suppression of the Templars at the Council of Vienne
in 1311, King Philip the Fair dealt a cruel blow to the
crusade; instead of giving to the Hospitallers the
inmiense wealth of the Templars, he confiscated it.
The Teutonic Order having established itself in Prus-
sia in 1228, there remained in the East only the Hos-
pitallefB. After the capture of Saint-Jean d'Acre,
Menry II, King of Cyprus, had offered them shelter at
Limasol, but there they found th^nselves in very
etraitened cireumstances. In 1310 they seized the
Island of Rhodes, which had become a den of pirates,
and took it as their permanent abode. Finally, the
contemplated alliance with the Mongols was never
fully realized. It was in vain that A^oun, Khan of
Persia, sent the Nestorian monk, Raban Sauma, as
ambassador to the pope and the princes of the W^
(1285-88); his offers elicited but vague replies. On
23 December, 1299, Cazan, successor to Ar^un, in-
flicted a defeat upon the Christians at Hims, and
captured Damascus, but he could not hold his con-
quests, and died in 1304 just as he waspreparing for
a new expedition. The princes of the West assumed
the cross in order to appropriate to their own use the
tithes which, for the defrayal of crusade expenses,
they had levied upon the property of the clergy. For
these sovereigns the crusslde nad no longer any but a
fiscal interest. In 1336 King Philip VI of France,
whom the pope had appointed leader of the crusade,
collected a fleet at Marseilles and was preparing to go
to the East when the news of the projects of Edwa^
III caused him to return to Paris. War then broke
out between France and England, and proved an
insurmo\mtable obstacle to the success of an^ crusade
just when the combined forces of all Christendom
would have been none too powerful to resist the new
storm gathering in the East. From the close of the
thirteenth century a band of Ottoman Turks, driven
out of Central Asia by^ Mongol invasions, had founded
a mUitanr state in Asia Minor and now threatened to
invade EJurope. They captured Ephesus in 1308. and
in 1326 Othman, their sultan, established his residence
at Broussa (Prusa) in Bithynia; under Ourkhan,
moreover, they organized the regular foot-guards of
ianizaries aeamst whom the unaisciplined troops of
Western knights could not hold out. The Turks en-
tered Nicomedia in 1328 and Nicsea in 1330; when
they threatened the Elmperors of Constantinople, the
latter renewed negotiations with the popes with a
view towards the reconciliation of the Greek and
Roman Churches, for Which purpose Barlaam was sent
as ambassador to Avignon, in 1339. At the same time
tbe Egyptian Mamelukes destroved the port of La-
lazzo, commercial centre of the Kii^lom of Armenia
Minor, where the remnants of the Christian colonies
had sought rafuge after the taJdof of Saint-Jean
d'Acre (1337). Hie oommerdai welwe of the Vene-
tians themselves was threatened; with their support
Pope Clement VI in 1344 succeeded in reorganizing
the maritime league whose operations had been pre-
vented by the war between France and Epgland.
Genoa, the Hospitallers, and the King of <>prus all
sent their contingents, and, on 28 October, 1344, the
crusaders seised Smyrna, ^ich was ccmfided to the
oare of the HosmtoDers. In 1345 reinforcemmts
under Humbert, Dauphin of Viennois, appeared in
the Archinelago, but the new leader <x tne crusade
was utteny disqualified for the work assi^ied him;
unable to withstand the piracy of the Turkish ameen,
the Christians oonduded a truce with them in 1348.
In 1356 the Ottomans oi^tured Qallipoli and inter-
ceded the route to Constantinople. ,
The cause of the crusade then found an unexpected
defender in Peter I, King of C^rus, who, billed upon
by the Armenians, succeeded m surprising and storm-
ing the citv of Adalia on the Cilician coast in 1361.
Urged bv nis ^ancdlor, Philippe de M^sidres, and
Pierre Thomas, the papftl legate, Peter I undertook
a voyage to the West (1362-66) in the hope of reviv-
ing the enthusiasm of the CSiristian princes. Pope
Urban V extended him a magnificent welcome, as cud
also John the Good, King of France, who took the
cross at Avignon, 20 March, 1863 : the tatter's example
was followed by King Edward III, the Black Prince,
Emperor Charles IV, and Casimir, King of Poland.
Everywhere King Peter was tendered fair promises,
but when, in June, 1365, he embarked at Venice he
was accompanied by hardly any but his own forces.
After rallying the fleet of the Hospitallers, he appeued
unexpectedly before the Old Port of Alexandria,
landed without resistance, and plundered the city for
two days, but at the approach of an Emtian army
his soldiers forced him to retreat, 9-16 October, 1365.
Again in 1367 he pillaged the ports of Syria, Tripoli,
Tortoea, Laodicea, and Jaffa, thus destroying the
commerce of Egypt. Later, in another voyage to the
West, he made a supreme effort to interest the princes
•in the crusade, but on his return to C^yprus ne was
assassinated, as the result of a oonspiraoy. Mean-
while the Ottomans continued their progress in Eu-
rope, taking Philippopolis in 1363 and, in 1365, cap-
turing Adnanople, wnich became the capital of the
sultans. At tne solicitation of Pope Urban V,
Amadeus VII, Count of Savoy, took the cross and on
15 August, 1366, his fleet seised Gallipoli: then, bUbt
rescuing the Greek emperor, John V, hela captive by
the Bulgarians, he returned to the West. In spite of
the heroism displayed during these expeditions, tke
efforts made by the crusaders were too intermittent
to be productive of enduring results. Philippe de
M^zi^res, a friend and admirer of Pierre de Lusignan,
eager to seek a remedy for the ills of Giristendom,
dreamed of founding a new militia, the Order of the
Passion, an organization whose character was to be at
once clerical and military, and whose members, al-
thou^ married, were to fcAd an almost monastic life
and consecrate themselves to the conquest of the
Holy Land. Being well received by Charies V.
Philippe de M^zi^res established himself at Paris and
?ropagated his ideas among the French nobility. In
390 Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, took the cross, aUd
at the instigation of the Genoese went to besie^
el-Mahadia, an African city on the coast of Tunis.
In 1392 Charles VI, who had signed a treaty of peace
with England, appeared to have been won over to the
crusade project juist before he became deraneed. But
the time for expeditions to the Holy Land was now
passed, and henceforth Christian Europe was foreed
to defend itself against Ottoman invasions. In 1369
John V, Palffiologus, went to Rome and abjured the
schism ; thereafter the popes worked valiantly for the
preservation of the remnants of the Bysantine Empire
OSUSADBS
554
ORUSADES
and the ChHstiah states in the Balkans. Having be-
come master of Servia at the battle of Kosovo in 1389,
the Sultan Bajazet imposed his 80vereignt3^ upon John
V and seeured possession of Philadelphia, the last
Greek city in Asia Minor. Sigismund, King of Hun-
gary, alarmed at the progress of Ihe Turics, sent an
embassy to Charles VI, and a laree number of French
lords, among them the Count of Nevers, son of the
Duke of Burgundy, enlisted under the standard of the
cross and, in July, 1396, were joined at Buda by Eng-
lish and German kni^ts. The crusaders invaded
Servia, but despite their prodiraes of valour Bajazet
completely routed them before Nicopolis, 25 Septem-
ber, 1396. The Count of Nevers and a great many
lords became Bajazet's prisoners and were released
only on condition of enormous ransoms. Notwith-
standing this defeat, due to the misguided ardour of
the crusaders, a new expedition left Aimiesmortes in
June, 1399, under the command of the Marshal Bouci-
cault and succeeded in breaking the blockade which
the Turks had established around Constantinople.
Moreover, between 1400 and 1402, John Palseolo^is
made another voyage to the West in quest of rein-
forcements.
IX. The CnuBiiDE in the Fifteenth Century. —
An unlooked-for event, the invasion by Timur and the
M6ngols, saved Constantinople for the time being.
They annihilated Baiazet's army at Ancyra, 20 July,
1402, and, dividing the Ottoman Empire among sev-
eral princesi redu^ it to a state of vassalage. The
Western rulers, Henry III, King of Castile, and
Charles VI, King of France, sent ambassadors to
Timur (see the account by Ruy Gonzales de Claviio,
Madrid, 1779), but the circumstances were not fa-
vourable, as they had been in the thirteenth century.
The national revolt of the Chinese that overthrew the
Mongol dynasty in 1368 had resulted in the destruc-
tion of the Christian missions in Farther Asia; in Cen-
tral Asia the Mongols had been converted to Moham-
medanism, and limur showed his hostility to the
Christians by taking Smyrna from the Hospitallers.
Mar^al Boucicault took advanta^ of the de-
jection into which the Mongol invasion had thrown
the Mohammedan powers to sack the ports of Syria,
Tripoli, Beirut, ana Sidon in 1403, but he was unable
to retain his conquests; while Timur, on the other
hand, thought only of obtainiog possession of China
and returned to Samarkand, where he died in 1405.
Tlie civil wars that broke out among the Ottoman
princes gave the Byzantine emperors a few years' re-
spite, but Murad II, having re-established the Turkish
power, besieged Constantinople from June to Septem-
ber in 1422, and John VIII, Palseologus, was compelled
to pay; him tribute. In 1430 Murad took Thessalon-
ica from the Venetians, forced the wall of the Hexa-
milion, which had been erected by Manuel to protect
the Peloponnesus, and subdued Servia. The idea of
the crusade was always popular in the West, and, on
his death-bed, Henry V of England r^retted that he
had not taken Jerusalem. In her letters to Bedford,
the regent, and to the Duke of Buigund^r, Joan of Arc
alhided to the union of Christendom against the Sara-
.cens, and the popular belief expressed m the poetry of
Christine de risan was that, after having delivered
Fraooe, the Maid of Orleans would lead Charles VU to
the Holy Land. But this was only a dream, and the
civil ware in France, the crusade against the Hussites,
and the Council of Constance, prevented any action
from being taken against the Turks. However, in
1421 Philip the Good; Duke of Bureundy, sent Gilbert
de Lannoy, and in 1432, Bertrand de la Brocqui^re,
to the East as secret emissaries to gather information
that might be. of value for a future crusade. At the
same time negotiations for jthe religious union which
would facilita^ the crusade were resumed between the
Byaantine emperors and the popes. Emperor John
VIU came in person to attend tne council convoked
by Pope Ettsene IV at Ferrara, in 1438. Thanks to
the good wilfof Bessarion and of Isidore of Kiev, the
two Greek prelates whom the pope had elevated to
the cardinalate, the council, which was transferred lo
Florence, established harmony on all points, and on
6 July, 1439, the reconciliation was solemnly pro-
claimed. The reunion was received in bad part by
the Greeks and did not induce the Western pnnoes to
take the cross. Adventurers of all nationalities en-
rolled themselves under the command of Cardinal
Giuliano Cesarini and went to Hungary to join the
armies of Jdnos Hunyady, Waywode of Trsmsylvania,
who had just repulsed the Turks at Hennanstadt, of
Wladislaus Jagello, King of Poland, and of George
Brankovitch, Prince of Servia. Having defeated the
Turks at Nish, 3 November, 1443, the allies were en-
abled to conquer Servia, owing to the defection
of the Albanians under George Castriota (Scander-
beg)i their national commander. Murad signed a t^n
years' truce and abdicated the throne, 15 July,
1444, but Giuliano Cesarini, the papal legate, did
not favour peace and wished to push forward to
Constantinople. At his instigation the crusadens
broke the truce and invaded Bulgaria, whereupon
Murad again took command, crossed the Bosporus
cm Genoese galleys, and destroyed the Christian
army at Varna, 10 November, 1444. This defeat
left Constantinople defenceless. In 1446 Murad suc-
ceeded in conquering Morea, and when, two years
later, Jdnos Hunyady tried to go to the assistance of
Constantinople he was beaten at Kosovo. Scander-
beg alone managed to maintain his independence in
Epirus and, in 1449, repelled a Turkish invasion.
Mohammed II, who succeeded Murad in 1451, was
preparing to besiege Constantinople when, 12 Decem-
ber, 1452, Emperor Constantine XII decided to pro-
claim the union of the Churdies in the presence of the
papal legates. The expected crusade, however, did
not take place; and when, in March, 1453, the armed
forces of Mohammed II, numbering 160,000, com-
pletely surrounded Constantinople, the Greeks bad
only 5000 soldiers and 2000 Western knights, com-
manded by Giustiniani of Genoa. Notwithstanding
this serious disadvantage, the city held out against the
enemy for two months, but on the night of 28 May,
1453, Mohammed II ordered a general assault, and
after a desperate conflict, in whi(£ Emperor Constan-
tine XII perished, the Turks entered the city from
all sides and perpetrated a frightful slaughter. Mo-
hammed II rode over heaps of corpses to the church of
St. Sophia, entered it onhorsebacK, and turned it into
a mosque.
The capture of "New Rome" was the most appall-
ing calamity sustained by Christendom since the tak-
ing of Saint-Jean d'Acre. However, the agitation
which the news of this event caused in Europe was
more apparent than genuine. Philip the Good, Duke
of Burgundy, gave an all^orical entertainment at
Idlle in which Holy Church solicited the help of
knights who pronounced the most extravagant vows
before God and a pheasant (mr le faiaan), Mneaa Syl-
vius, Bishop of Siena, and St. John Capistran, the
FranciBcan, preached the crusade in Germany and
Hungai-y ; the Diets of Ratisbon and Frankfort prom-
ised assistance, and a league was formed between Ven-
ice, Florence, and the Duke of Milan, but nothing
came of it. Pope Callistus III succeed^ in collecting
a fleet of sixteen gallejnB, which, under the command
of the Patriarch oiAquileia, gusjxledthe Archipelago.
However, the defeat of the Turks before Belgrade in
1457, due to the bravery of J^nos Hunyady, and the
bloody conquest of the Peloponnesus in 1460 seemed
finally to revive Christendom from its torpor. J]neas
Sylvius, now pope under the name of Pius II, multi-
plied his exhortations, declaring that he himself
would conduct the crusiade, and towards the close of
1463 bands of crusaders b^gan to assemble at Anoona*
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(ttUSADIS
555
ORUSADM
The Doge of Venice had jrielded to the pope^ en-
treaties, whereas the Duke of Bux^gundv was satisfied
with sending 2000 men. But when, in Jfune, 1464, the
pope went to Ancona to assume command of the ex-
pedition, he fell sick and died, whereupon most of the
crusaders, being unarmed, destitute of ammunition,
and threatened with starvation, returned to tiieir own
countries. The Venetians were the only ones ^o
invaded the Peloponnesus and sacked Athens, but
they looked upon the crusade merdy as a means of ad-
vancing. then* commercial interests. Under ^xtus
rV they had the presumption to utilize the papal fleet
for the seisure ot merohandise stored at Smyrna and
Adalia; they likewise purchased the daims of Cath-
erine Comaro to the Kmgdom of Cyprus. Finally, in
1480, Mohammed 11 directed a tnple attack against
Euime. In Hungary Matthias Corvinus withstood
the Turkish invasion, and the Knights of Rhodes, con-
ducted by Pierre d'Aubusson, cfefended themsdves
victorioustv, but the Tuiks succeeded in gaining pos-
session of Otranto and threatened Italy with conquest
At an assembly held at Rome and presided over by
Sixtus IV, ambassadors from the Christian princes
again promised help; but the condition of Christendom
would have been critical indeed had not the death of
Mohammed II occasioned the evacuation of Otranto.
while the power of the Turks was impaired for several
years by civil wan among Mohanomeid's sons. At the
time of Charles VIII's expedition into Italy (1492)
there was again talk of a crusade; aocordine to the
plans of the King of France, the conquest of Naples
was to be followed by that of Constantinople and the
East. For this reason Pope Alexander VI aelivered to
him Prince Djem, son of Mahommed II and pretender
to the throne, who had taken refu^ with the Hos-
pitallers. When Alexander VI jomed Venice and
Maximilian in a league against Charles VIII, the offi-
cial object of the affiance was the crusade, but it had
become impossible to take such projects as seriously
meant. Tne leases for the crusade were no longer
anything but pohtacal combinations, and the preadi-
ing of tl^ Hol3r War seemed to the people nothmg but
a means of raising money. Before his death. Emperor
Maximilian took the cross at Metz with due soleomity,
but these demonstrations could lead to no satisfactory
results. The new conditions that now controlled
Christendom rendered a crusade impossible.
X. MonmcAnoMB and Survival of thb Idsa of
THB Cbubadb. — ^From the sixteenth century European
policy was swayed exclusively by- state ii^erests:
hence to statesmen the idea of a crusade seemed
antiquated. Egypt and Jerusalem having been con-
quered by Sultan Selim, in 1517, Pbpe Leo X made a
supreme effort to re-establish the peace essential to
the organisation of a crusade. The King of France
and Emperor Charles V promised their cooperation;
the King of Portugal was to besieee Constantinople
mth 300 ships, and the pope himself was to conduct
the expedition. Just at this time trouble broke out
between Francis I and Charies V; these plans there-
fore failed completely. The leaders of the Reforma-
tion were unfavourable to the crusade, and Luther
declared that it was a sin to make war upon the Turks
because God had made them His instruments in pun-
ishins the sins of His people. Therefore, althou^
the idea of the crusade was not wholly lost sight of, it
took a new form and adapted itself to the new condi-
tions. The Conquidadares, who ever since the fif-
teenth cen^ory had been going forth to discover new
lands, considered themselves the auxiliuies of the
crusade. The Infante Don Henrique, Vasco da Oama,
Chrntopher Columbus, and Albuquerque wore the
cross on their breast and, when seeking the means of
doubling Africa or of reaching Asia by routes from
the East, thou^t of attacking the Mohammedans in
the rear; besioes, they calculated on the allianoe of a
fabulous sovereign said to be a Christian, Prester John.
The popes, moreover, strongly encouraged these expe-
ditions. On the other hand, amcmg the Powers of
Europe the House of Austria, which was mistress of
Hungary, where it was directly threatened by the
Turks, and which had supreme control of the Mediter-
ranean, realized that it would be to its advanta^ to
maintain a certain interest in the crusade. UntO the
end of the seventeenth century, when a diet of the
Qerman princes was held at Ratisbon, the question of
war against the Turks was frequently agiteted, and
Luther himsdf, modifying his first opinion, exhorted
the German nobiUtj to defend Christendom (1528-
29). The war in Hungary always partook of the
chaneter of a crusade and, on different occasions, the
French nobles enlisted under the imperial banner.
Thus the Duke of Merooeur was authorised by Heniy
IV to enter the Hungarian service. In 1664 Louis
XIV, eager to extend his influence in Europe, sent Ihe
emperor a contingent t^ieh, under the command of
the Count of Cdimy, repulsed the Turks in the battle
of St. Qothard. But such demonstrations were of no
importance because, from the time of Francis I, the
kings of France, to maintein the balance of power in
Europe against the House of Austria, had not heoh
teted to enter into treaties of allianoe with the Turks.
When, in 1683, Kara Mustapha advanced on Vienna
with 30,000 Turks or Tatars, Louis XIV made no
move, and it was to John Sobieskfi King of Poland,
that the emperor owed his safety. This ^ was the
supreme effort made by the Turks in the West. Over-
whelmed by the victories of Prince Eugene at tiie
dose of the seventeenth centmy, they became thence-
forth a passive power.
On the Mediterranean. Genoa and Venice beheld
their commereial monopoly destroyed in the sixteenth
century by the discovery of new eontinente and of
new water-routes to the Indies, while their political
power was absorbed by the House of Austria. With^
out allowing the crusaders to deter them ^m their
continental enterprises, the Hapsbur^s dreamed of
«uning control of the Mediterranean by checkiiM; the
Barbaiy piiates and arresting the progress of the
Turks. When, m 1671, the Island oi Cyprus was
threatened by the Ottomans, who cruelly massacred
the jBsarrisons of Famagusta and Nicosia, these towns
havmg surrendered on stipulated terms, Pope Pius V
succeeded in forming a league of maritime powei^
against Sulten Selim, and secured the co*operation dt
Philip II by granting him the rig^t to titties for the
crusade, while he himself equipped some galleys. On
7 October, 1671, a Christian fleet of 200 g^eys, cany-
ing 50,000 men under the command of Don Juan of
Austria, met the Ottoman fleet in the.Straito of
Lepanto, destro^red it completely, and liberated thou-
sands of dnistians. This expedition was in the
nature of a cnisade. The pope, considering that the
victor^r had saved Christenaom. by way of commemo-
rating it instituted the feast of the Holy Rosary, whi<^
is celebrated on the first Sunday of October. But the
allies pushed their advantages no further. When, in
the seventeenth centuiy, France superseded Spain as
the great Mediterranean power, she strove, despite the
treaties that bound her to the Turks, to defend the last
remnanto of Christian power in the East. In 1609
Louis XIV sent the Duke of Beaufort with a fleet of
7000 men to the defence of Candia, a Venetian prov-
ince, but. notwithstanding some brilliant sallies, he
sucoeeded in putting off its capture for a few weeks
only. However, the drolomatic action of the kings of
France in regard to Eastern Christians who were
Turidsh subjects was more efficacious. The regime
of ''Capitulations", established under Francis I in
1636, renewed under Louis XIV in 1073, and Louis
XV in 1740, ensured Catholics religious freedom and
the jurisdiction of the French ambaissador at Constan-
tinople; all Western pilsrims were allowed access to
Jerusalem and to the Holy Sepulchre, which was con-
ORUaADIS
556
ORmADn
fided to the care of the FriaiB Minor. Such was the
ittodus Vivendi finally established between Ghristendom
god the Mohazmneaan world.
Notwithstanding these changes it may be said that,
until the seventeenth centurv, the imagination of
Western Christendom was still haunted bv the idea
of the Cnisades. Even the least chimerical of states-
m»i» such as Pdre Joseph de Tremblav, the oonfideo-
tial friend of Richdieu, at times cherished such hopes,
while the plan set forth in the memorial which Leibnis
addressed (1672) to Louis XIV on the conquest of
£4gypt was that of a regular crusade. Lastly, there
remained as the respectaUe relic of a glorious past
^e Order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusuem;
which was founded in the eleventh centuiy and con-
tinued to exist until the French Revolution. Despite
the valiant efforts of their mxtd master, Villiers de
risle Adam, the Turks had ariven them from Rhodes
bk 1622, and they had taken refuge in Italv. In 1590
Charles V presented them with the Isle of Malta, ad-
mirably situated from a strategic point of view,
whence they mi^t exercise surveillance over the
Mediterranean. They were obliged to promise to give
up Malta on the recovery of Rhodes, and also to make
war upon the Barbary pirates. In 1565 the Knights
of Malta withstood a lurioua attack by the Turks.
They also maintained a squadron able to put to fli^t
the Barbaiy pirates. Recruited from oxaoog the
younger sons of the noblest families of Europe, they
owned immense estates in France as well as m Italy,
and when the French Revolution broke out, the order
quickly lost ground. The propertjr it held in Fraaoe
was confiscated in 1790, ana when, in 1798, the Direc-
tory undertook an expedition to Egypt, Bonaparte,
in passing, seised the Isle of Malta, whose knis^ts had
l^aced themselvea imder the protection of the Csar,
Paul I. The city of Valetta surrendered at the first
summons, and the order disbanded; however, in 1826
it was reorganised in Rome as a charitable association.
The hktory of the Crusades is therefore intimately
connected with tiiat of the popes and the Church*
Iliese Holy Wars were essentially a papal enterprise.
The idea or quelling all dissensions afnong Christians,
of uniting them under the same standard and sending
them forth against the Mohammedans, was conceived
in the eleventh century, that is to say, at a time when
there were as yet oo oiganiced states in Europe, and
when the pope was the only potentate in a position to
know and undentand the common interests of Chris-,
tendom. At this time the Turks threatened to invade
Europe, and the Bysantine Empire seemed unable to
withstand the enemies by whom it was surrounded.
Urban II then took advantage of the veneration in
which the holy places were hekl by the Christians c^
the West and entreated the latter to direct their eom-
bksed forces agiainst the Mohammedans and, by a bold
attack, check their progress. The result of thlB effort
was the establishment of the Christian states in Syria.
While the authority of the popes remained undisputed
in Europe, the^ were in a position to furnish these
Christian colonies, the help they requiied; but when
this authority waa shaken by dissensiona between the
priesthood and the empire, the crusading anny lost
the unity of command so essential to success* The-
maritime powers of Italy, whose assistance was indift-
penaable to the Christian armies, thou^t only of using
the Crusades for political and economic ends. Other
princes, first the Hohenstaufen and atterwards Charies
of Aigou, followed this precedent, the crusade of 1204
being the first open rebellion against the pontifical
will. Finally, when, at the close of the Middle Ages^
all idea of the Christian monarchy had been definitively
cast aside, when state policy was the sole infiuen^Q
that actuated the Powers of Europe^ the ^rusadv
seemed a respectable but troublesome survival* In
the fifteenth centuiy Europe permitted the Turks to
WMB Constantinople! and princes were far leas <^nt
oemed about their departure for the East than about
finding a way out <^ the fulfilment of their vow as
erusadsrs wim>ut loring the good opinion of the pub-
he* Thereafter all attempts at a enisade partook of
the nature of politioal . schemes. Notwithstanding
their final overthrow, liie Crusadea hold a very impor-
tant place in the history of (he worid. Essentially the
woi^ of the popes, these Holy Warn first of all helped
to strengthen pontifical authority; they afferded the
popes an opportunity to idteif ere in the wan b^ween
Chrisitian priUces, while the tempond and ^iritual
privileges wluch they oonfefred upon emaadeim vir-
tually made the latter their Mibjeds. Atthesametime
this was the prinoiiMd reason.why so manv civil nilos
refus^ to' join the Crusades. It imisl be said that
the advantages tibus acquired by the jx^ms were for
I2ie common safety of Christettdflnn. Ftom the outset
the Crusade were defensive wan and checked the
advanoe of the Mohammedans who, for two oenturies,
oonoentrated their foress in a strugsie agamat the
CSiristiaA settlementB in S3Fria; henceEurope is lar^
^ indebted .to the C^nisades for the mainlenanee of its
independence. Besides, the Gruaades buought about
results of which the pQf>ea had never dreamed, and
which were periiaps the most important of alL They
re-established traffic between the East and West,
which, after having been silapended for several centu-
ries, was then resumed with even greater energy; they
were the mebne of foringm^ koia the depths of their
respective provinces and introducing into the most
civiliseid Asiatic countries Western knigbts, to whom
a new worid was thus revealed, and who returned to
their native land filled With novd ideas; they were
infltruaiental in- extending the oommerse of the Indies,
of which the Italian etties long'held the monopoly, and
Ihe products of which transformed the material life of
the West. Moreover, as early as the end of the
twelfth century, the- development of general culture
in the West was the direot reisult of these Holy Wan.
FieaUy, it is with the Crusades that we must oouple
tiie orimn of the inographicaleacploradonB made oy
Maroo ralo and Qrderie of Frndenone, theltaiians
who bcoii^t to Europe tike knowledge of continental
Asia and China. At a ddll later date, it was the ^nrit
of the true crusader that animated CSnistopher Co-
lun^boawhen he undertone his periloue voyage to the
then unknown Amesica^ and Vaseo da Qama when he
set out in quest of India. If, indeed, the Ottistlan
oivilifUKtioti of Europe has become universal culture,
in the highest sense, the gkxiy redoundsy in no amall
measure, to the Crusades*
KdatAR, ^e$eh. der KreussUoe in CoUsa. Oneken {1880);
ROaaiOBTr Geaek:. Af iCrmuvfl^ im Umriu Klmuibmek, 1806)s
Jirnktam, L'SM» tt V.OnttU au iiMyt»v4ge« Xm ammim
(Fw^WQJ); .rRVn, KyUurffeach. derKrntMz^ (Berlin, 1883);
R£Y, Kiaai aur ta donAinatton ftancctU€ en Surie penamU le
movM->4o» (PftriB. 1866): Odtttonii The Laiiti^ Kitt^dom <4 Jtrw
aaUmihoDOxm, 1807): BMrnaar, Qeaph. dtr KMifrmfks Jer^
8^m (Xnnsbnick, 1W8); Mxa-LijviB, Bik. deVUe d»Chvpn
(Plirid, 185i-6I); i)biavillb-L«-roxjx. Le« NomiUaien m
Tern Sirinu c( k Ch^pf^ (Paxis, 1004); ^bM*. £MimdW«M^
tmd Untmim^ ibt /(WpitAMM^tvAnM (B^riia, 1888); RiAirr,
Ezpiditiqm et pSSfinagea dts Stxmdinavm tn Terrx Smnie (Flam,
1885): BiiBt^EiraoM. The Cruandd in iheSadtCBXtibxidtfi, IMT).
L PotJOomviUiB, Mimoif 4ur tea • 4taUimema%U franpaU au
Uv9nl. (kpuia. Vim ^. iy^'9 lu fk^dt^XVU* ^nMe in. Mi-
moirea Acad, aea Mna€npl.f 3« aeries, X: niAUT, ha mf/t^altwf^ de
HuffUMs wtrquis de TokcaMt OK Setini Sipfdete eC lea ikAUne-
maUM Uama de Mmttkm ott X* «M4. ibid, (1884); Jbiaif,
/mwiiloirtf dea Uifrm ki$i$ngk^ ^ irvimdu in JLreMmt da
VOrient Latin, I.
lQ02)r§rWKL,^eiiA, dea araten Kr^tMtkM (Innsbnidc, 1901);
Cumjo^omm AMi>«r ^ r»ffi«. d^AkxiafimmUm (Ftezis, 1900);
Haobkiixtxb, t^ater der BremU (LetjE>siat 187y)s Idem, Bgia^
hdmet tkcaUe dd kiaoriaHiptinfi 6ei<« «pecte«ii«t (lttbibniek» 1901 ).
UL 'SkmvatxHm^B^mo^ 9aih.Glaih9ttSMmdAi$ Anfmga dea
" ■ "• " — « - u^.
1906).
mid de ^SSSSnTvrww^Aii^^o^ (P^rir^^fts Iokm. C
p6qnea du tot Aftitury I de JiruaaUm m SJoifpiB (nris. 190
IV. FMrnaaaL^GeaeLdaaKrautatlfaaKaiaarar ' ' "
JUli 1189 bu Februar 1190 !n Buun^niaeiM Ze*
Xi>ail. Oifi' Ffie&e «u AdfutmoT, ibid. flioS^B
FtotiT., iSrifJm bad tkB PgUi
. (1003);
Iha Kin$dmm o/ Jtrutaiem (New
OBinfOttID
567
Yoik, IM);
Tht Maiitnai Kmadomt ci Ctipnta and
ArwUmm ^Oifoid. Iw7); CUbtbluub. ^UUpnt ilAugua, XI^
Der KnuBBug (Leipnc, IQQO); LAVXsaik i>0 nwrmano SaUenst
ordmu TeuUmiei magxain (PBris, 1878); Abchsb. The Cru9ad4
of Ritkafd i (N««. York. 1888).
V. HqaniB. Hi^.^^ ^ggpa hmocmUjIl (giun, 1867);
^^ , -^ ^ Hano-
TAXJit^ Le» VtnUimia oninto troAi la dtritimti m 190t m Revua
HiU* <1877); Riant, I« tlhamqtmmd dt dinatiom da la ^uaHhHB
arouiaoB in Bevua om quettwi^a kUUniques (1878); tiosN,
Marltgnf Ctmmd von MontftrrtU (Marburs, 1881); Tbbsixb,
la qmattni^im tromuU OP^>i«» 1884); Nobobbt. Der viertt KrtuM*
LuCTAiBB/iSMOoenl *///. Tamisationlr Orient \Paru, 1907)1
WiifXEucAsnf , PMtivpe wm 5eftiMAm (Leipsig, 1873);,
Beeiarian <
1808); NoBOBN. Dm Papdtum und Byzaru (Berlin,
IWlS); ' nABa. 7*^ Fe» of Ccnatmtinople (London, 1885):
-QwmAMB, OeeA. derKmeer Baldam I emd Hemriek, IM^Uie
(OomVutB. 100(): BncHOIv. Meckerche$ hiai, eur la priaeipauU
frtmoaiee d» Morie (Paris, 1846); Rood, The Prineea of Achata
and Oie Ckronidee of Morea (London, 1907); Riant, BsuvUm
eaarm Conatamimopolitaam (Qcnova, 1877); RAbbcbt, Der
Kimier Krmueuo Uk Hietenmshe Zeitechrift (1876).
VI. RftHBiCHT. Btudien zur Qeech. deafUnften KreuizHoee
(InnabrackTlSei); Idem, Die Kretufakri FriedriOi II (Berlin,
i874); Bunotrnt. Let rdaHene diplomatigmet dee Hohenetaufim
oeecieeSidtaHeiBo^mte in Reme HitL, XXXI; Cakdn. hUro-
duction a fkiai. dTTAeie; Turce et MongoU (Pam, 1896):
GoLUBOTTCft, BiUioteea Ine-Mflioorttfica ddla Terra Santa • deU*
Oriente Franeeeeano (Quaimechi, 1906); Tiixbmont, Vie de
8<nrU Louie roideFnmee, ed. Socuri db L'maroxBB db Fbancb
(1847-51); Bbboxb. S. Louie et hmoeeiU IV (FBris, 1803);
DKI.ABOBDB, Jean de JontmBe (Flaria, 1805).
VTI. Lboot db la Mabcrb, Lapridieatum de la aweade au
XIW eiieU in Rev. dee quest, hiat. (1800^ &rBBNFBLD, Ludurige
dee HeUioen Kreutsug naeh Tunie (Benin, 1806); RAhbicbt,
Etude eur lea demxera tempo du nwai>fiM da Jdruealem in Ar^ivea
de r Orient Latin, I. 619: 11, 865; ^em. Die Broberung Akhaa
in Farednmg eur deutaene Oeach., XX.
VIII: DBi4ATTUJfi-LB<BOux, La France en Orient au XIV*
eikde (PBiis, 1885); Bbidbbt, La condition 'juridijue dee
craiaSa et le priviUoe de la croix CParis. 1900); Magnocatallo.
Marino Sanudo (BerGEBmq, 1901); BaubAad. Haimond Lidte
in Hiat. LiU.de la France, XXIX; AnDBM^Lekienheunux Rmt-
mond LuUe (Paris. 1900); Kobubr, Stude eur GuOaume d^Adam
arehevique de Bnltani/ek in Doeuanenta Arminiene^ II; Qat, La
pope CUment VIetteeaffairea <rOrient (1342-18J^(Ftau, 1904);
JoRGA, PkUippe de Miziirea at la ertnaade au XIV* aiide (Paris,
1806); Idbm, LatinaatGrece d^Orient in Byzantin. ZeU., XV; Pab-
RAUD, Vie de S. Pierre Thonuta (Anceis, 1806); Jabbt, Le ratour
de la croieade de Barbarie (BibUoth. Eeole dss Chiirtes» 1803).
IX. DB Sact. Memoira aur tme eorreapondance inidite de
Tamerlan avee Chaiiea VI in Mhnoiree de VAeadhnie dee Inacrip-
tione, VI-VII; Bbrgbb db Xivbbt, La vie et lea ouvragee de
Vempermar Manuel PaUoifgee, Urid.. XJXi Yam^.U cardiauA
(Paris, 1878); .^abs. The Deatruaion of the Oreek
^jca demiera joura de Conatan'
9 diaeottra da voyage d^Outre^
— ^ . --, JoBOA, A^o<»eM et iBEfroito f»our
fcnwr a thiat, dee ^^naadea au XV^ eikde (Paris, 1902).
Lox7is Brehxer. ,
Onitelied Friars (or ORoasEO Fioars), an order o£
mendioiint friars who went to England in the thii^
teenth centmy from Italy, where they had existed for
Bome time, and where they were called '^FrcOres Cm-
eifert" (see Mow). Tlieir first appearance in England
was at a synod of the Diooese oi Rochester in 1244,
when they presented documents from the pope and
asked to be allowed to settle in the country (Matthew
Paris). Each friar carried in his hand a wooden staff
Bormounted by « cross an4 had also a cross of red
doth upon his habit, from which ofrcuinstances or^-
inated the name by which they became common^^
known. Their rule was that of St. Augustine and
their habit, or^jinally brown or black, was later on
changed to blue by Pom Pius 11. They established
ei^t or nfile houses in England, the first being either
at ColcHesttor (according to Di^ale), or at Reigate
(according to Reyber), founded in 1245. They set-
tled in London in 1249, where they gave their name to
the locality, near Ttmet Hill, stilt called "Crutched
Friars". Other houses were a^ Oxford (1348), York,
' Great WelthAm (Suffolk;), Parham (a cell to Qt. Wel-
tham,), Wotton-under-Edge (Gloucestershire), Brack-
ley (Northants), and Kil^de (Yorkshire).
FkutniS OtitJCiFBRi. — ^The ori^ of these friars is
somewhat uncertain. They clauned to have been
founded in the East, in tin first eentmy, by St. Cletus,
and to have been reconstituted by St. Oyriacus, Pa-
triarch of Jerusalem, in thcfourth. It is not known
whttn they came to Italy, but iSiey were certainly there
%i thetwelfth oentory, for in lieo Poi^ Alexander III
Sve them constitutions and a rule of life sunilar to
at of the Augustinians. Pope Pius II prescribed
for them a blue habit and substituted a small sflver
cross for the larger wooden one they had hitherto be^i
accustomed to carry in their hands. It was from this
custom that they obtained their name. Hieir mon-
asteries were at one time numerous in Italy, number-
ing two hundred and eight, divided into five prov-
inces: Bologna, Venice, Rome, Mflan, and Naples.
The priorv of S. Maria di Morula at Bologna was made
the chief nouse of the order by Pope Clement IV, and
it was from this that the En^ish Crutched Friars
came. In later times corruptions were allowed to
crec^ iUj and fh>m that and other causes their num-
bers dwindled down to not more than fifty houses in
1656, when the order was suppressed by Pope Alex-
ander VII. A similar order of friars, Imown by the
same name and like them claiming; to come from the
East, also existed in France and the Low Countries,
having been introduced or organized in 1211 by Th^
dore de Celles. Hflyot sa3rs their houses were num-
erous, but the order suffered extinction in the French
Revolution. These friars wore a black habit with
a red cross upon it. Other Fratres Cruciferi were also
to be found m Bohemia in the thirteenth century and
some are said to have existed in Ireland, but there is
practically no reliable information to be obtained
about them.
Uatthbw Pabis, Hiatoria Anglorum. Rolls ad. (London,
1866). n; Tannbb. Notitia Monaatiea (London, 1744); Dua-
BAi.B» Monaeticon Anglieanun^ (London. 1817-dO), Vr. Rbt-
MBB, Apoatolatua Benedietinorum in AngliA (DoubL 1626);
Gasqubt, Bngliah Monaatie Life (London. 1904); H£ltot,
Hiat. dee ordrea rdigieux (Paris, 1792), II; HBiMBtrcsBB, Orden
und Congregationen (2d ed., 1907), II, 33-37.
G. Cyprian Ai^toiN.
Onu, Ram6n de la, a poet, b. at Madrid, Spain,
28 March, 1731; d. in the same city, 4 November,
1795. He was for a time a clerk in the Ministiy of
Finance, and was a member of the Royal Academy
of Seville and of the Arcadians of Rome. Veiy little
is known of his Ufe. He wrote more than three
hundred pieces for the stage, many of which were
improvised. It was his custom to go to the Prado
in the evening and there, seated on one of the stone
benches, worn out some theme suggested by the
scene before him. This he wrote tne next day.
The theatre anxiously awaited the improvisation,
and it was produced within two or three days. In
this way he wrote "La Casa de T6came Roque",
which won immediate favour, and has continued to
be a favourite almost to the present day. Cruz
at first wrote in the several known styles of dramatic
composition, including tragedies, zarzuelas, and
comedies, but it is as the inventor of a new form of
dramatic writing that he is best remembered. This
is the aainete, a short farcical sketch of city life and
manners, especially of the middle and lower classes.
As a writer of these he has never ^ been equalled.
They abound in exuberant humour, jokes, and puns,
and describe faithfully the customs and manners
of the time. ' His pictures of the middle and lower
classes were produced with such exactness, vivacity,
grace, and colouring, that for these qualities rather
than for any literary merit they might possess his
I>lay8 won public favour, and many of them con-
tinued to be presented with but slight changes,
almost down to our own times. His oest sainetea
are "La Casa de T6came Roque", just mentioned,
" El Prado por h& Noche", " Las TertuHas de Madrid,
6 el Por ou6 de las Tertulias", and "La Comedia
de Maravulas". There are several editions of the
works of Cms, among which may be mentioned
"Ram6n de la Cms, Sametes" (1 vol., Madrid, 1877),
"La Biblioteca Universal" (XXXV), and "Teatro
itelecto de don Bam6n de la Cms" (1 vol., Madrid,
1882>i ViarroRA Pucktib.
OMXfZ
658
OUBA
ChnUf San Juan ds la. See John or tbb Caoas,
Saint.
Orsrpt (or Lower Chubcb). — ^The word originalhr
meant a hidden place, natural or artificial, suitable
for the concealment o! persons or things. When
visits to the burial-places without the walls of Rome
fell into disuse there ensued a curious change. The
Church, no longer able to go out to honour the mar-
tyrs, brought the martyrs within the walls, and in-
stead of building churches above the tombs, dug tombs
under the churches in which the precious relics were
deposited. This was the origin, nrst of the confessio
of the basilicas, and, at a later period, of the crypt,
which answered the same purpose in the churches
of the eariy Middle Ages. In this way the Roman-
esque crypt is the direct descendant of the hjnwgoBwn
or excavation of the early Christian catacomo. The
term ciypt is sometimes used to signify the lower
story of a two-storied building, e. g. tne lower chapel
of the Sainte-Chapelle at Pans, and of the church of
San Francesco at Assisi: and in England the over-
ground crypt of St. Etnelreda's Chapel in London,
which is all that remains of the great episcopal palace
called Ely Place.
The crypt has a long and venerable history. What
was done at Rome set a precedenc for Christendom
in general. There is an early example of a crypt at
Ravenna, at Sant' Apollinare m Classe (534). At first
crypts were sometimes as deep-sunk as the cvbicula of
the catacombs themselves, e. g. in Saint-Crermain, at
A uxerre , and in the Chartres cathedral. Or they were
but partly above ground, and were lighted by small
windows placed in their side walls, e. g. Emulph^s crypt
at Canterbury. Occasionally their floor was but little
below the surface of the ground, as in the eastern
crypt at Canterbury; or it was on a level with the
pavement of the nave, as in San Miniato, Florence.
In these latter cases the crypt practically became
a second or lower church, e. g. St. Faith's, under Old
3t. Paul's, London. Such a ciypt, however, entailed a
raised choir; hence it is that one ascends high flights
of steps to such choirs as those of San Mimato,
Rochester, Canterbury, etc. Almost all the crypts
now found in England were built during the Norman
period, or very eariy, in the pointed style. That at
Ulasgow, however, belongs to the perfected style of the
thirteenth century. Here the crypt extends imder
and beyond the whole choir. Had there been an
opening in the centre of the vault (and it is by no
means clear that one was not orisinally intended), it
would be more like a German double church than
anything found in England. The earliest ciypts in
England are those of Hexham aiid Ripon. In the
eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries crypts
developed into magnificent churchy like those of
Gloucester, Rochester, Worcester, Winchester, St.
Peter's at Oxford, Bayeux, Chartres, Saintes, Bourses,
Hciy, Trinity at Caen, Padua, Florence, Pavia, Paler-
mo, and Modena.
Gailhabaud, AncierU and Modem ArehiUdure (Ixmdon,
1844), Tl; Carteh, Ancient ArehUedure iff En^ikmd (London,
1887); Bond. Qothte Ardiiteetun in Bnaiand (New York. 1000);
Brown, From Schda to Cathedral (Edinbiuieh, 1886); Low^b,
MonumenU of the Early Church (London, 1906); Spencb, The
White Robe of Churdtee CNew York, 1900); BANirtPUB, A Hi^
iory 0/ Afth. (New York. 1905); PAnxB, Ol^emvry o/ ArxK.
(London, 184«). ^ ^ ^
Thomas H. Poole.
OsMiid, Diocese of, includes tlie counties of Temes,
Totontdl, Krass6-Ss6r^n(yj Arad, Csanid, and a part or
Ceongr&d and B^k6s, Hunrnv^an area of 13,7138quare
miles. It is suffragan of ICalocsa, and has a popula-
tion of 2,060,000 souls, of whom 824,000 are Catholics
and 56^000 Uniat Greeks. The diocese has a cathe-
dralohapter, 8 regular and 6 titular canonries, 3 titu-
lar abbeys. 1 proYostship, 3 titular provostships^ 6
arefadeanerks, 24 subordinate deaneries, 236 pimk
churches, 1090 filial churches, 231 {Mu4h priests, 122
chaplains, 28 other eodesiastics, 54 clerics, 8 retired
ecclesiastics, 8 priests outside of the diocese. The male
orders and congr^ations have 11 houses and 01 num-
bers, divided as follows: Piarists (who also oonduct 3
fl^innasia), 3 houses; Franciscans, 2: Minorites, 4;
Brothers of Charity, 1, and priests of the Order ol the
Divine Saviour, 1. The School Sisters of Notre-Dame,
Sisters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul, and Holy
Cross Sisters have 28 convents and 484 members in
the diocese. There is a seminaiy for priests (with a
lyceum), a preparatory one for bovs, and two Gaining-
schools, for male and female teacners. The cathedral
built in barocco style, 1736-54, is dedicated to St.
Geoive. The residence of the bishop is at Temesvar.
Csanad is one of the oldest sees of Hunganr. It was
created by King Stephen in 1035 and its first bialiop
was the Italian Abbot Gerardus, the tutor <A Ste-
phen's son, Emmerich. In the thirteenth centuiy the
diocese suffered greatly from the invasion of the Mon-
gols ; in the fourteenth century, after the Turkish con-
Cathbdral or GbanXd.
tuest of Servia, from the immigration of flchismatle
erbs called Rascians into Huiwaiy ; in the sixteenth
century from the rebellion of the peasants (1514).
By order of D6ssa, the leader of the peasants. Bishop
Nicholas Csiky was impaled. After the brittle A
Mohto (1526) in which Bishop Frans Ctoholy (1514-
26) was killed, aknoet the entire diooese fell into the
hands of Zdpolya, the ally of the Turks. When in
1552 Temesvar also was taken by the Turks the dio-
cese was nearly ruined. The see had henoeforth
merely a nominal existenoe and the residence of the
bishop was jtransferred in 1574 to Ss^jedin. It was
only after the Treaty of Passarowits (1718) freed the
land from the yoke of the Turks that Bishop LadisUus
N^asdy (1710-30) re-entered the diocese; the depop-
ulated territory was laigely settled anew by derman
colonists. During the Revolution of 18w Bishop
Joseph Lonovice von Krivina (1834-48) was driven
into exile : later the. Hux^garian minister of worship,
Michael Horvath, was appointed bishop but was not
consecrated. Duriqg tne episcopate of Ladislaus
Kdssegliy (1800-28) the seminary for priests was
founded; aurii^that of Alexander Csajighy (1851-
60) the School Sisters of Notre-Dame were brought
into the diocese, and during the administration of
Alexander Bonnas (1860^89) the seminary for boys
was erected*
HoHWiaKeii, Qeechxehie dee Temeeer Banaiee (NMQr-Bootkerek.
1861): IiMKninKirchenUx,.\IlMi-Z7: DiehUholie^Kirdie
und Oite ZKetMf tfi WoH wtd BOd (Munich. 1000), n. 029-26;
Schematiemue tieri dimeeeie Ctanadieneie (Muuial).
JoaEPtt I^DIB.
Oubai /* The Pearl of the Antilles ", is the hiiKeet and
westernmost island ci the West Indies. Its extent,
fiphical poeitioiv, the great number of its ports,
ertiUty of its soil, snd Its climate make it one ol
the most iatarestiiig countries in the New Worid. It
01IB4
559
CUMAr
lies at the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, between 10^
&nd 23^ N. latitude, and 74'' and SS'' W. longitude. Its
western extremity. Cape San Antonio, approaches to
within 130 miles of Yucatan, and its easternmost
point. Cape Maisf, is within 50 miles of Haiti, the
Windwara Passage separatme tbe two islands, while
the southern end oi Florida is less than 100 miles from
the northern coast of Cuba. The island thus occupies
a very important strategic position, commanding, aa it
does, the entrances to the Gulf of Mexico. It has a
length of almost 750 miles from east to west, and its
wicfili varies from 100 miles, at the eastern end, to 30
' miles in the western portion* Its area is about 45,000
square miles, including the Isle of Pines, which lies im-
mediately south of its western extremity. It is there-
fore a little less in size than the State of Virginia and
about the siae of Eneland. It is divided politically
into six provinces in the following order from west to
east: Pinar del Rio, Havana, Matanzas, Santa Clara,
Puerto Principe (CamagOey), and Santiago de Cuba.
Natural CThabacteristics. — ^The coast line, espe-
cially along the southern shore, is dotted with numer-
ous small islands, while both the north and south
coasta have many excellent bays and harbours; those of
Bahfa Honda, Havana, Matanzas and Cdrdenas, on
the north coast, and Bataban6, Cienfuegos, Santiago
de Cuba, and Guantanamo, on the south, being accessi-
ble to ships of deep drau^t. The principal feature in
the phvBical geo^i^y of Cuba is a range of moun-
tains wnidb, more or less broken, runs through the cen-
tral portion of the island from one end to the other.
From this backbone the rivers run generally north and
south, in short courses, to the sea. For the most psu^»
low tracts intervene between the central elevation
and the sea. The forests are noted for a great variety
and abundance of hardwoods, some of which are un*
surpassed for their special qualities. Among these
are lignnm-vitse, imcoa-wood, which scxnewhat resem-
bles it, mahogany of superior quality and very abun-
dant, and cedar. Though the forests are extensive
and almost impenetrable, there are no large wild ani-
mals. There are more than two hundred species of
birds, many of them of exceedingly beautiful plumage.
The varieties of fish are even more abundant. In-
sects are extremely numerous and of many trouble-
some kinds, the most to be feared being the tarantula
and scorpion ; the most beautiful, the large fire-flies or
cucuyos, which emit a mild, steady light. Although the
mineral riches of Cuba have not as yet been fufly ex-
plored, it is known not to be deficient in this respect.
The precious metals have been foimd, but not in suf-
ficient qnantities to repav the coot of working There
are abundant deposits of copper, alum, iron, marble,
and manganese.
Lying just within the tropical s9one, Cuba enjoys a
warm climate throughout the year. This is tempered,
during the summer months, by the cool norta-east
trade-winds which blow almost everv day in the year
from early morning until sunset, ancf abo by the rains
which are most frequent during those months. The
year is divided between the hot, wet season^ and the
cool, dry season. From May to October rain and
thunder are of almost daily occurrence; from Novem-
ber to April is the diy season, during which period the
rainfall is comparatively lig^t. The temperature at
Havana during Hie hottest mondi, August, avera^
82^ F. fluctuating between a maximum and a mini-
mum of 88*^ F. aiid 72** F. During January, the cold-
est month, the average temperature is 72** F., the
maximum 78^ F., and the minunum 58^ F. The aver-
age for the year is about 77*^ F. In the interior, and
especially in the higher portions of the island, the Uier-
mometer occteionally drops to the f reestng-point, and
thin ice may be seen on the surface of pooln. Snow,
however, is unknown throuriiout the island. There
are no diseases specially encKvnic to the island. Yel-
low fever was formerly very common and virulent, es-
pecially in Havana and other seacoast towns, though
imknown in the interior. During the American occu-
pation, however, such vigorous and thorough sani-
tarv measures were adopted that Havana, from beins
a plague spot and a menace to the ports of the United
States, became one of the cleanest cities in the world.
History. — Cuba was discovered by Columbua dur-
ing his first voyage, on the 28th of October, 1492. He
took possession in the name of the Catholic monarchs
of Spain, and named it Juana in honour of the Infante
Don Juan. He again visited the island in 1494, tuid in
1602, and on each occasion explored part of the coast.
He then believed that Cuba was part of the mainland,
aiid it was not until 1^8 that Sebastian Ocampo^ by
ofder of the king, circumnavigated it, and proved it to
he an island. In 1511, Captaip Diego VeiiaC^xiez, who
had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, was
sent to Cuba to subjugate and colonize the island. He
landed near Cape Maisf, the eastern extremity, and
there was founded Baracoa, the first colony in Cuba.
In 1514 Veldsquez founded Trinidad and Santiago de
Cuba on the south coast, Sancti Spiritus, Remedios,
and Puerto Principe in the central portion; and, on
the site of the present city of Bataban6, towards the
western extremity^ of the south coast, San Crist6bal de
la Habana; this last name, however, waa ^ven, in 1519,
to a settlement existing on the present site of Havana.
The same year Baracoa was raised to the di^ty of a
city and a bishopric, and was made the capit^, as it
continued to be until 1522, when both the capital and
bishopric were transferred to Santiago de Cuoa. Ha-
vana oecame the capital in 1552, and has remained so
ever since.
Upon the death of Ferdinand, 23 January, 1516,
Veyisquez changed the name of the island to Feman-
dina in honour of that monarch. Later, the name
was changed to Santiago in honour of Spain's patron
saint, and still later, to Ave Maria in honour of the
Blessed Virgin. During all these official changes,
however, the island continued to be known by ita orig-
inal name of Cvba^ given it by the natives, and it has
retained that name to the present day. The aborig-
ines (Siboneys) whom the Spaniards found i^ Cuba,
were a mild, timid, inoffensive people, entirely unable
to resist the invaders of their countrv, or to enduna
the hardships imposed upon them. Thev lived .under
nine independent caciaiies or chiefs, and possfessed a
simple religion deyoia of rites and ceremonies, but
with a belief in a supreme being, and the immortality
of the soul. They were reduced to slavery by the
white settlers, among whom« however, the energetic
and persevering Father Bartolom^deLasCasas, ''The
Protector of tl^ Indians", as he was officially called,
earned a high reputation in history b^ his philajir
thropic efforts. (See Cabas, Bartolome ds las.) In
1524, the first oatgo of negro slaves was landed in C^iba.
Then began the iniquitous traffic ia African slaves upon
which corrupt offioials fattened for many years there-
after. The negroes were subjected to great cruelties
and hardships, their natural increase was checked^
aild their numbers had to be recruited by rep
hnpcwtationB. This traffic constantly increasea, until
at the beginnlDg of the nineteenth century, slaves
were being imported at the rate of over 10,000 per
year.
In 1538, Havaaa was reduced to ashes, by the
French, and was destroyed a second time in 1554. In
1762, the city was taken by the English, but within a
year, under the terms of the Treaty of Paris, which
ended the Seven Years War, it was returned to Spain
in exchange for Florida. Fix>m this time the pfogress
of fhiba was rapid. Luis de Las Cases, who wa^ sent
to Cuba as captain general, was especially energetic in
instituting reforms, and he did much for the proHperit^
and advancement of the islands During the nine^
teenth century, however, Cuba was governed by asuo-
cession of captains general, some of. whom were hooh
CUBA
560
OUBJL
ourable !n their administration, while others seemed to
regard their office solely as the means of aoquirine a
fortune. Various oppressive measures instituted oy
some of these ^vemors, such as depriving the native
Cubans of political and civil liberty, excluding them
from |)ublic office, and burdening them with taxation,
gave rise to the deadly hatred between the Cubans ana
the Spaniards, which manifested itself from time to
time m uprisings for greater privile&es and freedom.
Of this kind were the conspiracy of the " Black Ea^e^'
(1829), the insurrectionof the black population (1844),
and the conspiracy of Narciso L6pe2 (1849-51), all of
which gave occasion to repressive measures of great
cruelty. The rebellion of 1868-78, however, compelled
Spain to promise the Cubans representation in the
Cortes, together with other needed reforms. She failed
to keep many of her promises, and the general discon-
tent continued, with the result that in 1895, a new and
formidable revolt broke out. The insurgents, under
able leaders, were able to keep the field, in spite of the
extremely energetic and even cruel measures that were
adopted to crush them. They were able to maintain
the semblance of a government, and their heroic re-
sistance, as well as the conduct of Spain, aroused great
sympathy for them throtijghout the United States.
From the time that Fbrida became a part of the
United States, this government had taken a deep in-
terest in Cuba, fearing that the island might pass from
Spain to other hands, especially England or France.
In 1848, President Polk had authorized the American
minister at Madrid to offer $100,000,000 for the pur-
chase of Cuba, but Spain rejected the offer. The sub-
ject had been revived in 1854, following the Ostend
Manifesto, but again it came to nothing. During the
last uprising of the Cuban people, alreiuly mentioned,
not only the United States government, but the entire
American people were watching the struggle with in-
tense interest, when, on the night of 15 February, 1898,
a terrific exj^Iosion destroyed the United States battle-
ship Maine m Havana harbour, whither she had gone
on a friendly visit by invitation of ihe Spanish Govern-
ment. Relations between the two governments became
strained^ and they finally went to war in April of the
same year. The war was of only a few months dursr
tion, and as a result of it, under the tenns of the
Treaty of Paris, (10 December, 1898). Spain relin-
auished her hold on Cuba, which she had held for over
400 years. Beginning 1 January, 1899, the United
States oceupieathe iuand and appointed a military
governor, pending the formation of a native govern-
ment. This was eventually installed with the inau-
guration as president of Don Tomds Estrada Palma
(20 May, 1902), and the American occupation formally
and definitely ceased on that day. Cuba now seemed
to be entering upon an era of peace and prosperity, but
it was to be of short duratbn. Differences between
the Moderate and Liberal parties occasioned by the
second presidential election, in 1905, ciilminated, in
July, 1906. in a revolutionary movement started by
the Liberal leaders. The Government soon lost con-
trol of the situation, so that in September, 1906, the
United States was forced to intervene. A provisional
ffovemment was then established under authority
from Washington, with Charles £. Magoon at its head.
During 1907, a new census was undertaken, upon
which to base new elections for president and members
of Congress.
Agricui/turb. — ^For two hundred and fifty years
after the discovery of the island, cattle raising seems to
have been the principal industry, and very little atten*
tion was paid to a^culture. Now, however, Cuba is
essentially an agricultural country. The principal
agricultural products are sugar, tobacco, and fruits.
As for coffee, little more is grown than is needed for do-
mestic consumption, althou^ the soil and climate of
the eastern portion of the island are adapted to the cvS^
tiviitwn of a superior quality of coffee. Oranges,
limes, lemons, olives, pineapples, and many other fruita
are ako grown, as well as all kinds of vegetables, which
grow almost the year around. The Cuban orange is
noted for its exquisite taste, and its cultivation was an
important Cuban industry until Califomlan and Flori-
dan competition impaired its value. Bananas are
grown throu^out the island, but the best oome from
we central and eastern portions. The most important
of all the products, however, are sugar and tobacco.
The former was introduced into Cuba b^ its first gov-
ernor, Vel^ues, and from a small beginning tiie in-
dustrv ^w, with improved methods of cultivation
and tne mtroduction of improved madiinery, until, just
before the last insurrection (1805), the nnniial ou^ut
amounted to over 1,000,000 tons. The product next
in importance to sugar is tobacco. This, unlike'the
former, is indigenous in Cuba, and was in use bv the
natives when the Spaniards firat visited the island.
Cuban tobacco is universally admitted to be the finest
in the world, especiallv that grown in a section of the
Srovinoe of Pinar del Rfo Imown as Vuelta Aba/o.
[any attempts have been made to reproiluee the to-
bacco of this region in other parts of the worid, and
even in other parts of Cuba, but always without suc-
cess, the superiority of the Vuelta Abajo product being
probably due to peculiar conditions of sou and dimate,
and eepecially to the peculiar toponaphy of the coun-
try. In 1894-95, the season in which the best crop was
grown previous to the last census (1899), the produc-
tion for the island amounted to 62,000,000 lbs. valued
at $22,000,000.
Transportation.— Cuba had very few railroads
imtil within recent years, when there has been great
activity in building new lines and esctending old ones.
The completion of the road running throu^ the centre
of the island, and connecting Havana with Santiago de
Cuba, marks the realisation of a long-felt oommerciAl
need and the attainment of a politicu end of great im-
portance.
Population. — ^The official census of 1890 showed a
total population of 1,572,797 divided by provinces aa
follows: —
Havana 424,804
Matanzas 202,444
Pinar del Rfo 173,064
Puerto Principe 88,234
Santa Clara 356,536
Santiago de Cuba 327,715
Of the inhabitants 1,400,262 are natives> and 172,535
foroign-bom. The white population constitutes 68
per cent, of the total, the remaining 32 per cent, being
made up of negroes, mixed elements, and Chinese.
The native white population are nearly all descen-
dants of the Spaniaros. Although since the eyacua-
tion of Cuba by the Spaniards mre has been entiie
freedom of worshro, the population is almost ezdii-
sivriy Catholic. Spanish is the official lanjguage (»f
Cuba, though it is characterized by certain slight IochI
peculiarities of pronundatton.
Rbugion.— In 1518^ Leo X estaWshed the Diocese
of all Cuba, which included also the Spanish posses-
sions of Louisiana and Florida. The see was estab-
lished at Baraooa in Santiago de Cuba, and in 1522, by
a Bull of Adrian VI, it was transferred to the city of
Santiago de Cuba, whera it has remained to the present
day. Prior to the nineteenth century, there appesri
to have been no Question regarding the titles of prop-
erty held by the Church in bpain or in Cuba. But m
the beginning of that century, the property held by t^
Church in Spain was confiscated oy the State. This
confiscation however, related only to the C3iurcb pos-
sessions in Spain and did not affect her insular posses-
sions. In 1837^ Captain General Tac6n sougbt to
make this Spanish confiscation act. applicable to the
holdings of tne monastic orders in Cuba, and in iMt
Vald6B, who was then governor^ actually seised thef<0
LoasitBda
CENTRAL AMERICA— WEST INDIES
(I) ECCLESIASTICAL PROVINCES. (H) VICARIATES APOSTOUC
ADJACENT TO THE CARIBBEAN SEA:
(I) GMtagmm, Goatenala, Yacaten* Santiaco de Coba, Port-an-
Prf nee. Santo Domingo, Porto Rioo, Port of Spain, Voacxaela.
ODD Jamaica, Cuafao, Honduras.
0 ap too ajo ago 4P0 \
Seal* of EuiUth Statuta Milei \
Scale of Kilonict«ri
pvNiOMT, t.,j«, lY ftoaem a^pixion co.
75 from. Gr«en«-ich
T 8Mt of Arebbkthoprio
t
%
t " " Tioftrikto AptMloUc
lodisii irilMi to ITALlCb
70
Vun OF Tin Dioom o» L,„ q, vicam-
YioAUAZB Aronouo l^,, IronmS
I. wccL. now, or saiitiam di ccba
L Arehblahoprlo of BMittago <!•
CabA.
1 DIoceM oC St. Chriitoplier of
H*\
S. DIooeM of Ctanfoegoa..
A. DIocMeofPlnarddRio.
aiagodeCDlM.
HaTwuL
Cfenfoegoa
Plnar del Rio.
IL ROCL. PBOT. or CABTA6UA (COLOIBIA)
S. l>loc«Mof8MitelCutA BanteVarUL
»> DIocicM of Panama. iPanaina.
IIL nCL. PBOT. or OVATBBALA
1. Archbtahoprtoof Ouatemala... C
1 DIooeae of Oomayagiia (Hon-
doras) C
SL DIocaae of Ban Jos« da Oorta
k jont 1.
A. Dlooeae of Nloaniflma
Ah DIoccae of 9ao aalrador. .
& Jot«.
Leon.
Han SalTador.
IT. lOCL. PBAT.. or TUCATAR
L ArohUahoiMio qf TucaUui |M«rlda.
1 DIoceae of Campeohei Campeche.
& DIooeeeofTabaaoo 16. Juan Bautlata.
T. BOCIi. PBOT. or P0BT.AD.PBI1ICB
Arehbiahoprio of Port-ao- I
■" •^- -( Portia-Prince.
of Oayea lAoxCajea.
OapBattiMi.
Porum-PrinoOi
1 DIooew of cap Haltim.
A. IMooeae of OonalTem
admlniaterMl fkom
A. DIooeeaof Port-de-Palx.
TL BCCL. PBOT. OP BABTO DOHOIflO
L ArcbUaboprio of Banto Do- I
mlnga iBanto Domiiwa
TIL TW BiMpI Bfab«frl« ef I
Parte BIm iPortoRlca
Tf IL ECCL. PBOT. OP POBT OP BPAIR
L Arebbidioprlo of Portof BpatniPort of Spain.
1. DIooeM of Roeeao (Cbarlotte-
town) {Roeeao.
IX. BOCU PBOT. or BARTIAOO Dl TIHBCBLA
1. Arebbiabopric of Santiago de
Valencia.
5. Dioceeeof Baraulalmeto....
9L Dioceeeof Santo Tomaade
Guajana. Cindad Rolirar.
A. Diocew of Caiaboao Caiaboao.
A. Dioceee of lUrida M«rtda.
6. Dloceee of ZolU Maraoalba
X. BOCL. PBOT. or BOBDBACX. PBARI'B
1. DIoeeee of Ooadeloupe. (Potaite-a-Pltra.
1. Dioceeeof Martinique iFbrtdePraaoa
XL Tkariate AfetMIe ef Jamka |Kli«aton.
XIL Ttaaf^le ApeMelto ef HMienMlBeliasL
XIIL TInrlale ApertoU* Carafes. IWUIematad.
HoTBi— Tbe Dtowwan nnmben in VeneaoelA and Cartaitena (Panama) on tbla map
1 wltb tboee on map of Hoatb Amerloa« Volnnie III, and witb tboee on tbe
-» of tbeee prorlnoea oppoelte artlola Ooijohbla of ttUa rolnmab q. ▼.
20
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it- ^^\
OUBA
561
CUBA.
properties and diverted them to the uses of the State.
Among these 8ei2ures were the convent of the Francis-
canfl, which has been used since then as the Custom
House ; the convent of the Dominicans, used for a time
by the University of Havana; the convent of the Au-
gustinians, used as the Academy of Sciences; Uie con-
vent of Ssm Ysidro, used by the Spaniards as mUitary
barracks, and later, by the Amencans, as a relief sta-
tion. Up to the time of the American occupation
these ana other valuable properties, formerly held by
the Catholic Church, had t>een held b^r Spain, subject
to the results of a long series of negotiations between
the Crown of Spain and the Holy See. The Spanish
Government also held a large amount of censos, or
mortgages, upon property in different parts of the is-
land which had been given to the Church for religious
piuposes, but which had been taken over by the State
for puiposes of administration. The Crown, however,
annually mid the Church a large sum for its mainte-
nance. With the American occupation these annual
pKayments ceased, and the American Government con-
tinued to use the property for the same governmental '
purposes to which it had been put by the Spaniards.
The Church thereupon claimed ^he right to take back
the property. This cave rise to a long discussion and
investigation, until tne whole matter was finally re-
ferred to a judicial commission in 1902. This commis-
sion decided in favour of the claims of the Church, and
the matter was adjusted to the satisfaction of all. The
Government of Intervention agreed to pav a rental of
5 per cent, upon the appraised value of the property,
which amounted to about $2,000,000, with anve years'
option to the Government of Cuba, when organized, to
buy the property at the appraised value, receiving
credit against the purchase pnoe for 25 per cent, of the
rental paid ; and the matter of the censoa was adjusted
by the Government of Intervention taking them at 50
oents on the dollar and permitting the debtors to take
them up at the same rate.
The island at i»esent is divided ecclesiastically into
one archdiocese and three suffragan dioceses as fol-
lows: the Archdiocese of Santiago de Cuba, created as
such in 1804, comprising ^e civil province of the same
name and tnat of Puerto Principe; the Diocese of Ha-
vana, established in 1788, compnsingthecivilprovinces
of Havana and Matanzas; the Diocese of Cienfu^os,
established in 1903, whidi includes the province of
Santa Clara; the diocese of Pinar del Rio, established
at the same time as the preceding in 1903, and com-
prising the civil TOOvince of the same name and the Isle
of Pines. In 1899 the remains of Christopher Colum-
bus, whidi had been brought from Santo Domingo in
1796 and had since then been preserved in the catheidral
of Havana, were once more removed, this time to Se-
ville in Spain. The Archbishop of Santiago de Cuba is
metropoutan of the island, francisoo Bamaba Agui-
lar, the first native incumbent of this metropolitan see,
was consecrated bv Archbishop CSiapelle, 2 July, 1899.
Under Spanish rufe all the bisbops, as well as most of
the priests of the island were appointed from Madrid.
An Apostolic Del^ate for Cuba and Porto Rico now
resides at Havana. He is not accredited to the Cuban
Government, and Cuba has no official.representative at
the Vatican. The first delegate was Archbishop Cha-
pelle of New Orleans, who was sent by Leo AlII to
took after the interests of the Church in Cuba during
the American occupation. Hiere are in the island 199
secular, and 129 r^[alar priests. Of institutions con-
ducted by religious orders, there are 13 colleges for
boys, 17 schooS and academies for eirls. 5 orphan asy-
lums, 1 reform school, 2 houses of the Good Shepherd,
2 asylums for the af^ed, and 2 hospitals. The clergy
are exempt from military service and jury duty. There
are no chapels in the prisons ; wills and inheritances are
subject only to civil laws ; cemeteries are owned in some
instances by the mtmicipalities, in others, as at Ha-
vana, by the Church. Chur^ property is held in the
IV.— 36
name of ''the Roman Catholic Church". Both civil
and religious nuutiaoes are legal and binding, and per-
sons may be married according to either or both. Di-
vorce is not lega^ recognised.
Education. — During the eariy history of Cuba, the
clergy seemed to have been the principal if not the only
agents of education. B^ the Bull of Adrian VI (2iS
April, 1522), the Scholatna was established at Santii^
de Cuba for giving instruction in Latin. In ld89, tne
College of San Ambrosio was founded in Havana under
control of the Jesuits, for the piurpose of preparing
yoimg men for the priesthood. The foimdation of
another Jesuit coUege in Havana was the next step
that ^ve a fresh impulse to education ; this was opened
in 1724 under the name of the College of San Ignacio.
The old Coll^ of San Ambrosio was then unit^ with
it, although it still retained its character as a founda-
tion-school for the Church. As early as 1088, the city
council of Havana petitioned the royal Ciovemment to
establish a university in that city, in order that voung
men desirous of pursuing the higher studies might not
be compelled to go to Europe to do so. This was not
immediately granted, but nnally, by a letter of Inno-
cent XIII (12 September, 1721), the fathers of the Con-
vent of San Juan de Letran were authorised to open
the institution desired, and, after some years of prepa-
ration, the present University of Havana was founded
in 1728. The rectors, vice-rectors, counselors, and
secretaries were to be Dominicans In 1793, under the
ackninistration of Don Luis de las Casas, "^o is always
gratefully remembered b v the Cubans, was founded La
Sociedad £oon6mioa de la Habana, which has always
been the prime mover in the educational advancement
of the island.
Not untfl the last century was well advanced, was
there a free institution in all Cuba "^ere children could
be taught to read and write. The first opened was
that of the Bethlehemite Fathers in Havana, and that
through the generosity of a private citiaen.
In 1899, the date of the American occupation, pri-
vate schools abounded in Cuba, but the benefits of
these could foe enjoyed only by the diildren of the rich.
The children of the poorer classes who attended the so-
called municipal schools, received only a rudimentary
education. But soon after the American intervention
the wonderful work of reconstruction was begun. Ade-
quate school buildings were provided, the number of
teadiers was rapidly increased, and measures were
adopted to compel children to attend the dasses.
When the Cuban government assumed control, it con-
tinued the ^ood work along the same lines, so that now
it can be said that the public schools are equal, if not
superior to the private ones, at least as to furniture and
teaching apparatus. Primary education, aceordizigto
the Constitution, is gratuitous and compulsory. The
expenses are paid by the municipality or, in any case
of municipal inability to pay, by the Federal Govern-
ment. Seconduj and higher education are controlled
by the State. The child^n of the public schools re-
ceive religious instruction in what are known as doo-
irinaSj of which there is one in every parish, and at the
head of it is the parish priest. These <ioffnmas are like
Sunday schools, except that sessions are held on Sat-
urday instead of Simday. The teachers are all volun-
teers, and are usually ladies who live in the parish.
According to the census of 1899, the proportion of illit-
eracy was about 60 per cent. But with the extraordi-
nary increase in tiie number of schools and facilities for
teaching, this proportion is (in 1908) rapkily decreasing.
Recently the University has been divided into three
faculties: Letters and Sciences; Medicine and Phar-
macy; Law. The faculty of Letters and Sciences
consists of the schools of letters and philosophy, of
pedi^sr, of sciences, of engineering, electricity, of
architecture, and of agriculture. The lacuHy of Medi-
cine and Pharmacy consists of the schools of medicine,
of pharmacy, of dental surgery, and of veterinary sur-
OUJUOULUM
562
OUEBHAVAOA
The faculty of Law consists of the schools of
) law, of public law, and of notarial law. There are
also in Havana a normal school, a school of painting
and sculpture, and a school of arts and trades.
DB LA DAOBA., HtatoTia fUica^ polUica,v natural de la lata de
Cuba (13 vols., Madrid, 1849-61); von Siveks, Cubct, die PeHe
der AntUlen (Lapzig, 1861); Cabrkra, Cuba and the Cubans, tr.
by QniTBRAft (Philadelphia, 1896); Rowan and Ramsat. The
Idand €ff Cuba (New York, 1896); Clabx, Commercial Cuba
(New York. 1898); Pobter, Induetrtal Cuba (New York, 1898);
Canini, Four Centuriee of Spanish Rule in Cuba (Chicago, 1898);
NoA, The Pearl of the AtUiUee (New York, 1898); (h^SRiBB,
Cuba, What shedl we do with itf (Baltimore, 1898); Informe aobre
el Censo de Cuba, 1899 (Waahington, 1900); SenaU Documente
(1903-04). VII. 58th Congress, 2nd Session; Robinson. Cuba
and the Intervention (New York, 1905). Rodrigxtes, The
Church and Church Property in Cuba in Am, Cath. Quar, Rev,
(Philadelphia, 1900), 366 sqq. ; Cunch, Spain and Cuba, ibid.
(1897), 809 sqq.
Ventura Fubntbs.
Oubicnliiin. See Catacombs.
OncuUa. See Cowl.
Ouenca (Conca in Indus) Diocese of, a suffragan
of Quito, in the RepuUic of Ecuador, South America,
created 13 June, 1779. The episcopal city, which has
30,000 inhabitants, is situated 7700 feet above the
sea, in a broad plaui of the province of Ajniav, about
seventy-five miles south-east of Guayaquil. Peruvian
antiquities abound in the vicinity. Cuenca is the
second see in importance of the Ecuadorian provinces.
It includes the civil divisions of Azuay, of which Cu-
enca is the capital, and Canar, the capital of which is
Azogues. The first missions were centred in the east-
em portion of the republic owing to the slow progress
of crvilisation elsewhere* Tlie Jesuits were fiist in the
field followed by the Franciscans, Fathers of Mercy,
Dominicans, and some secular priests. In 1590 the
Jesuit Rafael Ferrer penetratea to Cofanes, and his
associates in the Society of Jesus, Lucas de la Cueva
and Caspar Cujia, later oiganized the work that went
on with so much success tor religion and civilization
during 130 years, until the Society was expelled in
1767. A mission, under the Salesian Fathers, is now
in operation in the Vicariate of Gualaquiza, east of
Cuenca. To this diocese belonged the Franciscan
Vicente Solano (1790-1865), famous as a Catholic
controversialist.
The first bishop of the see was Jos6 Canidn y Marfil,
consecrated in 1/86, and he has had nine suocenoxs,
during whose administrations the faith of the people
has been loyaUy preserved in spite of all difficulties.
The organization of the diocese is mainly due to that
excellent administrator, Bishop Toral (1861-1883),
who also assisted at the Vatican Council. Devotion
to the Blessed Sacrament has been so notable a char-
acteristic of the diocese that Cuenca has won the title
of the "Euoharistic Cit^". A special Eucharistie
feast known as "The Cuenca Septenary" is kept
with mat fervour. Owing to the domination of
radicansm in national politics the Church is not now
able to make very special progress in the republic, and
the secular spoliation of ecclesiastical property has
given rise to scandalous usurpations olf her rights.
The effects bf continual civil strife have been as dis-
astrous to religious progress as they have been debili-
tating and de^ruotive to commercial and industrial
prosperity. The appointment by the Holy See, after a
vacancy of seven ytiuns, on 11 January, 1907, of
Bishop Manud Maria Polit has had beneficial results.
Statistics* — Parishes, 60; priests, secular 130,
seminarians 18, regular 60; lav brothers 25; Congre-
gations of women, contemplative 70, active 140,
novices 60; 1 college, 120 students; 2 literary acadei-
mies, 40 pupils; 2 schools. Christian Brothers, 1300
pupils; 55 parish schools (boys), 1500 pupils; 48
(gu4s), 785 pupils; 2 hospitals; 1 home for aged, 20
inmates, 1 orphan as3rlum, 15 inmates; 1 House of
Good Shepherd, 14 penitents; 1 asylum, 50 children.
Catholic population 200.000.
BArrkxtDimm, Afm. poni, caih. (1906); Ukmdzb, Kanmrn-
tipf^J^^t >• v.; Webnsb, Orbie terrarum Cath, (Freibttrg in
Br., 1800).
TomXb Alvarado.
Oaenca (Conca), Diocese of, in Spain, suffragan
of Toledo. The episcopal city^ (10,756) is also the
capital of the civil province of the same name, and the
diocese includes, in addition, a portion of the prov-
inces of Guadalajara and Albaoete. Cuenca was made
a diocese in 1183 by Lucius III, shortly after its re-
conquest from the Moors by Alfonso IX (1177).
The first bishop was Juan Yanez. Among its famous
prelates were (1577) the ereat jurisconsiut Diego de
Covarruvias y Leyva (g. v!), Isidore deCarvajaly Lan-
caster C1760), and (1858) Cardinal Miguel Payd, Arch-
bishop of Santiago, one of the most distinguished
prelates of the \^tican Council. The cath^ral of
Cuenca is a magnificent Crothic edifice begun at the
end of the twelfth and finished in the thirteenth cen-
tunr. One of its chapels bears the name and was
buut at the expense of the Albomoz family to which
belonged the great cardinal Gil de Albomoz (q. v.).
The church of Santa Maria de Gracia, once a synsr
goeue, is remarkable for its fine sculptures.
DXviLA, Teatro ecd. de las Igleaias de Bspafia (Madrid, 1515),
I. 428HM)2; La Fubntb, Hitt, Ecd. de EapaAa, V. 526^ Vt
286.
EiDUAaDO DE HiNOJOSA.
Ouernavaea, DiocasB of (Cx]fERNAVACBNB]B),
erected 23 June, 1891, comprises all the State of Mor&-
los in the Bepublic of Mexico, and is bounded on the
north and the west by the An^diocese of Mexico, on
the east bv the Archdiocese of PueUa, and on the
south by the Bishopric of Chilapa. It has an area of
7184 square kilometeis, with a population of 161,097.
The Gospel was first preached m the territory of the
present diocese by the Franciscans who founded the
convent of Cuemavaca in 1526. In 1529 the Domini-
cans established tiiemselves at Oaxtepec, and the
Augustinians in 1534 at Ocuituco. MotoUnfa, the
Franciscan historian, asserts that in 1536 all the in-
habitants of this region had been converted (o the
Faith. In the ei^teenth centunr the churches
founded by the religious of these three orders were
secularized, that of Cuautla alone remaining to the
Dominioans, but this also finally passed into the hands
of the secular deigy. The diocese is now enjoying a
period of peace. Agriculture, the manufacture of
alcohol, and the sugar industrv, form thej^cip&l
means of livelihood for the inhabitants. The non-
Catholics, who are about 500 in number, ficmn small
communities and are permitted absolute freedom.
The first bishop, Fortino Hip61ito Vera was conse-
crated 20 July, 1894. He died 23 September, 1898,
and was succeeded by Francisco Plancarte y Navar-
rete, consecrated first Bishop* of Campeche, 16 Sep-
tember, 1896, and translated to the vacant see of
Cuemavaca, 28 November, 1898. He took possesBion
16 February, 1899.
The diocese is divided into 34 parishes and has 42
secular and 6 regular priests, who have ofaaige of the
serainaiy . £}ight Marist Brothers have charge of the
schools for boys, and 20 sisters (Hijas de Maria lomar
culada de Guadalupe) those for the girls. There are
12 paiochial sdiOols with an att^idanoe of more than
one thousand, boys and girls. Besides these there ve
in the episcopal city a seminarv with about 36 board-
ers, a college for boys attended by 262 students, both
boarders and day scholars, an orphan asylam with w
r^ular imnates- and 274 girls who attend classes wre,
and a Catholic hospital supported by the Society of St
VmoentdePaul. The"BoletfnOficialyRevista£^I«-
iiistica del Obispado de Cuemavaca "» publiahed fort-
nightly, is the only Catholic publication in the diocese.
The episcopal residence is in the city of Cuemavaca
whose foundatioQ antedates the tiiirteaith eentuor
cinnrA
563
0UIiD|BE8
it has a population of 9564. Conquered by the Aa*
teoi about the middle of the fifteenth century, it waa
taken by the Spaniards in April, 1521. It was the
favourite leaidenoe of HenUUi Cortes and of the unfor-
tunate Emperor MitTimiluin Sinoe 1870 it has been
the capital of the new State of Moreloe.
Gerurckia CaUolica (Uorae, 1008) ; Hattamdieb, Ann, Pmd*
Caih. (Paris. 1908).
FbaNCIBCO PLANCARTB T KAVARRlTrB.
OueTa* Juan de la, poet and dramatist, b. of a
noble family at Seville, Spain, in 1550; d. in 1607.
Little is known of his life save that in his later years
he visited the West Indies and Uved for some time
in Portugal. It is as a dramatic writer that Cueva
merits notice. He was a prolific writer for the stage,
yet but few of his plays have been preserved. They
were represented m 1570 and the vears following,
and are important because most of them are w*
torical. He must be given credit also for his dramatic
initiative, for he ignored Greek and Latin traditions
and develo{)ed his plots, characters, incidents, and
situations with little regard for "the unities" of the
classical model. He was thus one of the first to for-
sake the classical for the romantic drama. In addition
he reduced the number of jomacUu, or acts, from five
to four, and introduced a number of metrical forms
hitherto unknown upon the stage. Several of th6
Slays are on national subjects, such as "La Libertad
e Espafta por Bernardo del Carpio" and " Los Siete
Infantes de Lara ". Among those dealing with ancient
history may be mentioned "La Muerte.de Ajax",
"Tehun6n Sobre las Armas de Aquiles'', and "La
Muerte de Virginia y Apio Qaiidio*'. One of them,
"£1 Saco de Roma v Muerte de Borb6n", deals with
a great event which was then recent, and describes
the Italian triumphs of Charles V. Another, " El In-
famador'^ foreshadows in one of its characters, Leu-
cino, the type of libertine which Tirso de Molina
afterwards immortalized with his Don Juan.
These plays are somewhat crude in structure, and
a noticeable fault is that the author makes all the
characters, whether of high or low degree, talk in
the same lofty vein. Again, he involves his char-
acters in difficulties and situations whence escape
seems impossible, and then, without regard to
plausibility, grasps the first solution that presents
itself, such as a murder or some supernatural inter-
vention. Among his non-dramatic works are: a
collection of lyric poems and sonnet8M)ublished under
the title "Obras de Juan de la Cueva*' (Seville,
1582); "Coro Febeo de Romances historiales", a
collection of one hundred romances (1587), of wluch
A. Duran has reproduced sixty-three in his "Ro-
manoero"; and an epic poem in twenty-four icantos,
"La Conquista de la B^tica" (Seville^ 1603), describ-
ing the conquest of Seville by the Kmg Saint Ferdi-
nand.
TiCKivoR, HiHory of SpanUh lAUratttm (New York, \^S!)\
FkmcAUBiCB-KBtLT, HUtoiy of Spaniih LiUrahm (Iidtidoii»
VBNTtJRA FUBNTBS,
Oiijaa, jACQUxe. See Law.
Onldees, a word so frequently met with in histories
of ihsi medieval Churches of Ireland and Scotland,
and so variously understood and applied, that a well*
informed writer (Reeves) describes it as the best-
abused word in Scotie church-history. The etymol-
Offf of the term, the persons designated by it, their
origin^ their doctrines, the rule or rules under which
they hved, the limits of their authority and privileges
have all neen matters of controversv; and on these
questions much learning and ability nas been shown,
and not a litUe partisan. zeal. In the Irish language
the word was written CeUe-DCy meaning companion,
or even spouse, of God, with the Latin equivalent in
tibe plural, Colidei, anglicized into Ctddtts; in Soot-
hud it was often written KclideL All admit that, in
the beKinning at all events, the Culdees were separated
from the mass of the faithful, that their lives were de-
voted to reHgion, and that they lived in community.
But the Scotch writers, imwilling to trace the name
to an Irish source, prefer to dmve it from "cultores
Dei'', worshippers of God, or from cut/, a shelter, or
from kil, a church. The Irish derivation, however,
is the easiest and the most natural, and the one now
generally accepted. From CeUe-De the transition is
easy to Colideua and Cvldee; and in the Irish annals
the epithet CeH^De is appropriately ^ven to St.
John, one of the twelve Apostles, to a missioner from
abroad whose coming to Ireland is recorded in the
Four Masters at the year 806, and to Aengus (q.v.),
the well-known monk and author of Talladfit, whose
penances and mortifications, whose humility, piety,
and religious zeal, would specially mark him out as
the companion of God.
Taking him as an example of the class to which he
belonged, probably the highest example which could
be given, when we remember the character of his life,
we find that the Culdees were holy men who loved
solitude and lived by the labour of their hands.
Gradually they came together in community, still
occupying separate oells, still much alone and in com-
mumon with God, but meeting in the refectory and
in the church, and giving obedience to a common
superior. St. Maelruan, under whom Aengus lived,
an^ who. died as early as 792, drew up a rule for the
Culdees of Tallaght which prescribed the time and
manner of their (prayers, fasts, and devotions, the
frequency with which they ought to go to confession,
the penances to be imposed for faults committed.
But we have no evidence that this rule was widely
accepted even in the other Culdean establishments.
Nor Gould the Culdees at any time be said to have
attained to the position of a religious order, composed
of many houses, scattered over many lands, bound
by a common rule, revering the memory ana imita-
ting the virtues of their founder, and looking to the
parent house from which they sprang, as the children
of Columbanus looked to Luxeuil or Bobbio, or the
Columban monks looked to lona. After the death
of Maelruan •Talla^t is forgotten, and the name
CeUe-De disappeaxs from the Irish annals until 919,
when the Four Masters record that Armagh was plun-
dered by the Danes, but that the houses of prayer,
"with the people of God>. that is CeUe-De*^, were
spared. Subsequent entries in the annals show that
tnere were CXildees at Clonmacnoise, Clondalken, and
Clones, at Monahincha in Tipperary, and at Scattery
Island.
To those of the eighth century, such as were repre-
sented by Aetiffus, were soon added secular priests
who assumed the name of Culdees, lived in commu-
nity, subjected themselves to monastic discipline, but
were not bound by monastic vows. Such an order of
priests had, in the middle of the eighth century, been
founded at Metz. As they hved according to rules
and canons of councils, they came to be called secular
canons and were usually attached to collegiate or
cathedral churches. They became popular and quick-
ly extended even tz) Ireland, and it is significant that
in the accounts siven of the Culdee estaolishments at
(jlones, Devenif^ and Scattery Island, Ciddee and
canon are taken as convertible terms. . The Danish
wars, which brought ruin on so manv proud monastic
establishments, easily effected the destruction of the
Culdee houses with their feebler resisting powers.
Some, such as Clondalken and Clones, disappeared
altogether! or dragged out.a miserable existence which
differed little from death. At Clonmacnoise, as early
as the eleventh century, the Culdees were laymen and
married, whi}e those at Monahincha and Scattery
IslsJid, being utterly corrupt and unable, or unwilling,
to reform, gave way to the regular canons, with their
ODLLJEir
564
purer morals and stricter discipline. (See Canons
AND CaNONBSSES RbQULAR.)
Those at Armagh were more tenacious of existence.
Like their brethren throu^out Ireland, they had felt
the corrupting influence of the Danish wars; aiKl
while lay abbots ruled at Armaj^ the Culdees had so
far departed from their primitive piety that in the
twelf tn oentiuy regular canons were introduced into
the cathedral church and henceforth took precedence
of the Culdees. But the latter, six in numoer, a prior
and five vicars, still continued a corporate existence
at Armagh. They were specially charged with the
celebration of the Divine offices and the care of the
church building, had separate lands, and sometimes
had charge of parishes. When a chapter was formed,
about 1160, the prior usually filled the ofiice of pre-
centor, his brethren being vicars choral, and himself
ranking in the chapter next to the chancellor. He
was elected by his brother Culdees and confirmed by
the primate, and had a voice in the election of the
archoishop by virtue of his position in the chapter.
As Ulster was the last of the Irish provinces to be
brought effectually under English nue, the Armagh
Culdees long outlived their brethren throughout Ire-
land. By tne end of Elizabeth's reign, however, they
had died out, and in 162S a new bodv was incorpo-
rated by Charles I — the "Prior and Vicars Choral"
of the cathedral church of Armagh — ^to which were
transferred the lands formerly held by the Culdees.
Five years later, the Catholic primate, O'Reilly, an-
nounced to Rome that he had been elected "Prior of
the College of the Culdees", and he wanted to know
if in assuming the title he had acted in accordance
with canon law. We do not know what was the
nature of the answer he received, but this is the last
mention made of the Irish Culdees.
At York was their only English establishment,
where they performed in the tenth century the
double duty of officiating in the cathedral church and
of relieving the sick and poor. When a new cathedral
arose under a Norman archbishop, the^r ceased their
connexion with the cathedral, out, with resources
augmented by many donations, the^ continued to
reheve the destitute. The date at which they finally
d^ppeared is unknown. Nor do we know the fate
of the mxi^e Culdean house in Wales, which existed
at Bardsey in the days of Giraldus Cambrensis. In
Scotland they were more numerous even than in Ire-
land. No less than thirteen monastic establishments
were peopled by them, eight of which were in con-
nexion with catnedral churches. National pride in-
duced some of the Scotch writers to assert that the
Culdees were Scotch and not Irish. But the influ-
ence of Ireland on the primitive Christian Church of
Scotland was so overwhelming, and facts to show this
are so many, that the ablest among the Scotch histo-
rians, such as Pinkerton, Innes, and Hill-Burton, are
compelled to admit that the first Culdees were Irish,
and that from Ireland they spread to Scotland, They
were not, however. Columban monks, for there is no
mention of any Culdees at any Columban monastery,
either in Ireland or in Scotland, until long after Co-
lumba was in his grave; nor was it till 1164 that
Culdees are mentioned as being in lona, and then
only in a subordinate position. Appearing, then,
first in Ireland, they subsequently appeared in Scot-
land, and in both countries their history and fate are
almost identical. Attached to cathedral or collegiate
churches, living in monastic fashion, though not tak-
ing monastic vows, the Scotch, like the Irish Culdees,
were oririnally men of piety and seal. The turbu-
lence of %e times and the acquisition of wealth sowed
the seeds of decay, zeal gave way to indolence and
neglect, a celibate community to married men. church
property was squandered or alienated, even the altar
offerings, grasped by avarice, were diverted to per-
sonal uses, and by the end of the thirteenth oetitury
the Scotch Culdee houses had in almost every caw
disappeared. Some, like Dunkekl and Abemthy,
were superseded by regular canons; othefs, like
Brechin and Dunblane, were extinguiahed with the
introduction of cathedral chapten; and one at least,
Monifieth, had passed into the hands of laymen. At
St. Andrews they lived on, side by side with the regu-
lar canons, and still clung to their ancient i»ivilep
of electing the archbishop. But their claim was dis-
allowed at Rome, and in 1273 ihey were debarred
even from voting. Before the Reformation they bad
finally disappeared, and in 1616 the lands they once
held were annexed to the See of St. Andrews.
RfiEvBd, The Culdees in Rqutd Irith Aoademv TranaaetiiM*
(Dublin* 1864); Lanioan, AacMtutieol HiUory of IniUmd
(Dublin, 1822); fivoKSa (ed.), The Fdin of Amtau* m B^yvl
Irish Aeademif Transadions (Dublin, 1880): Stuabt, mL
GoLEiCAK, Historical Memoirs of Armanh (Dublin, 1900);
PlNKKRTON, An Enquiry into the History of Sestfoiitf (Edhi-
burgh, 1814), II; Hill-Bubion, His/Uny of SvoHmnd (Londan,
1870), I; Cosmo iNirKa. Scotland in the MiddU Ams (Edia-
burgh. 1860) : Thomas Inneb. A CriHoal Beeay on the Andent
Mudntanis of the Northern Parts of Briiain €md ScoOand (Loo-
don, 1729).
£. A. D'Alton.
Oii]Ien» Paul, Cardinal, Archbishop of Dublin, K
at Prospect, Co. Kildare, Ireland, 29 April, 1803; d. at
Dublin, 24 October, 1878. His nrst school davs were
passed at the Shackleton School in the nei^bouiing
village of BaUvtore. He entered Carlow College tm
alumnus in 1816, and proceeded, in 1820, to the Col-
lege of Propaganda in Kome where his name is regis-
tered on the roll of students under date of 29 Novem-
ber, 1820. At the close of a distinguished course of
studies he was selected to hold a public disputation in
the haUs of Propaganda on the 11th of September.
1828, in 224 theses from all theology and ecdesiasticsl
history. This theological tournament was privileged
in many ways, for I^ XII, attended by nis court,
presided on the occasion, while no fewer than ten car-
dinals assiBted at it, together with all the ^te of eccle-
siastical Rome. Tne youthful Abbate Peoci, the fu-
ture Leo Xltl, was present at the disputation, and
referring to it at a later period declared that it made
an indeuble impression upon him, and that he wan
filled with admiration for the brilliant talent and sin-
gular modesty of the Irish student. During his course
of studies, Paul CuUen had acquired a profound loaowl-
edge of the classical and Oriental languages, and it was
a novel thing to see a ^roung Irish priest immediately
on his ordination appointed to the chaiia of Hebrew
and Sacred Scripture in the schoob of Propaganda,
and receiving at the same time the chaige of tne f tuned
printing establishment of the Sacred Congregatios.
This latter charge he resigned in 1832, when appointed
rector of the Irish College in Rome, but dunng the
short term of his administration he published a stand*
ard edition of the Greek and Latin Lexicon of Hederi-
cus, which still holds its place in the Italian ooUeges;
he also edited the Acta of the Congregation of Propa-
ganda in seven quarto volumes, and other important
works.
While rector of the Irish Coll^ (1882-1850) he
was admitted to the intimate friendship of Gregory
XVI and Pius IX. He profited by tibe influence
which he thus enjoyed to safeguard the intm^ests of the
Irish Church, and to unmask the intrigues of the Brit-
ish agents who at this period were untiring in their
attempts to force their political views upon the Vati-
can, and to forge fetters for Catiiolib Ireland. During
the troubled period of the Roman BevoIatKm, Da
Cullen, at the request of the Sacred Congregation, aiv
cepted the responsible position of rector of ttie College
of Propaganda, retaining, however, the chaige of B&t-
tor of the Irish College. Soon after his appointment
the Revolutionaiy Triumvirate in the frenry of thrir
triumph issued orders that within a few hours tbe
College of Propaganda was to be dissolved and tw
OXJLXJDI
565
OUUIiBN
buOclingB to be appnmriated for govenunent purposes.
Without a moment's delay the rector wpeafed to
l^wis Cass^ the United States minister, for the protec-
tion of the citixens of the United States who were
students of the coUe^. Within an hour the American
flag was floating oyer the Propa^nda College. The
mandate of the Triumvirs was withdrawn, and a de-
cree was issued to the effect that the Propaganda
aliould be maintained as an institution of worlcf wide
fame of which Rome was justly proud. Thus through
t)ie Irish rector and the American flag the venerame
ooll^d was saved from confiscation.
Dr. CuUen was promoted to the prunatlal See of
Armagh on 19 December, 1840, and was consecrated
by the Cardinal Prefect of Propasanda at the diureh
Of the Irish CoUe^, Rome, 24 Februaiy, 18fi0. A
wider field was assigned to his seal and piety when he
was transferred to the See of Dublin 1 May, 1862. He
was elevated to the cardinalate as Carduial Priest of
San Pietro in Montorio in 1867, beii^ the first Irish
bidhop on whom that high digni^ was ever conferred.
Hie fiiHt great duty which as Delep^te of ihe Apos-
tolic See devolved on the newly appomted Archbishop
of Armagh was to convene the Synod of Thurles
(1850), toe fint national synod heki with due public
solenmity in Ireland since die beginning of the Kefor-
roation period. The main purpose of the erynod was
to restore the vigour of ecclesiastical discipluie in Ire-
land, and this was in the fullest measure attained.
Twenty-five years later, Cardinal Cullen, once more as
Apostoiic Delegate, presided at the national synod
held at Maynooth in 1876. This second synod added
a crowning* grace to the manifold blessings that had
ancrued to w Irish Church from the First Plenary
Synod. Throughout his episcc^te it was lus most
anxious care to cheek proselytism, to promote the
beauty of the House ^of God^ and to multiply institu-
tions of enlig}itenment, chanty^ and benevolence. In
all this his eff<Mrttf were admirably seconded by the
clergy and the various sisterhoods whose devotion to
the sacred cause of religion was beyond all pnuse.
He was partioulariy intent on bringing the blessings
of rd<ip;ious education within reach en the poorest
Cathohcs in the land. The system of national educa-
tion adopted by the Government for Ireland in 1832
was a great improvement on the proselytising systems
hitherto earned on bv anti-Catholic agencies receiving
govemment aid. Ine working of the system, how-
ever, was for many yean practically left m the hands
of the Protestant Aixhbishop of Dublin (Dr. Whately)
and his Pre^yterian lUly, Rev. James Carlile, both of
whom were unceasing in unscrupulous efforts to make
it an engine of attack on the Catnolic faith of the Irish
people. Dr. Cullen from the beginning of his episco-
pate till its closing hour never relaxed his endeavours,
on the (me hand to counteract those proselytising
agencies and to remove all danfters to the faith of the
Catholic chikfren, and on the other to bring gradually
the literature and methods of the system into harmony
with the national traditions and social requirements of
Ireland* His evidence on the national system of edu-
cation in Irdand, given before the Earl Powis' Eoyal
Comnussioa in 1869, has been pronounced by experts
to be a most joomplete statement of the Catholic claims
in the matter of primary education. The national
system of to-day is no longer what it was in 1849, and
almost all the improvements that have been made are
on the lines su^ested in the evidence of Cardinal
CuUen.
From the first days of his episcopate Archbishop
Cullen had set his heart on the erection of a Catholic
univenity for Ireland. The project was hailed with
enthusiasm by the Irish race at home and abroad, and
the beginnings of the institution in Dublin gave prom-
ise of success. Countless difl&culties, however, arose
over which the Archbishop had no coatrol, and hence
the Catholic University ot Ireland was attended with
only partial success (see Ireland). Throughout his
whole episcopate he continued to extend his patronage
to it. lie used often to repeat: ''No one can question
the justice of Ireland's claim to a Catholic Univer-
sitv". Even when its fortunes were at the lowest
ebb, he would say; ''We must keep the fla^ flying '\
being assured of nnal triumph. Another project most
dear to him was a diocesan seminaiv for Dubun. The
great ecclesiastical College of Holy Cross which he
erected at Clonliffe in the immediate suburbs of the
city will long remain a conspicuous monument to his
munificence and a crown of immortal glory to the holy
prelate who raised it.
In political matters Cardinal Cullen was quite heed-
less of popularity, and he made it a rule to support
every measure from whatever political party it came
that he considered conducive to the interests of Ire-
land. He condonned the Young Irelanders as sowers
of dissension, and a source of ruin to the Irish cause.
He hi^y esteemed the literary merit of many of the
writers for "The Nation '\ but he felt so convinced
that some of those connected with that newspaper
were in the secret pay of the British Government tnat
he would have ho communication with them, and he
regarded them as the worst enemies of Ireland. For
the same reasons he rdentlessly opposed the Fenian
movement. It was his constant endeavour to bring
toother all the friends of Ireland so as to form a
umted phalanx in order to redress by constitutional
means toe wrongs ol centuries and thus lift up Ireland
from her oppressed and prostrate condition. His pol-
icy was attended with success. The Protestant Church
in Ireland was disestablished, the condition of the poor
in the workhouses was am!eliorated, the Industrial
Schools' Act was passed, the laws affecting land tenure
were amended, and in many other matters victory
after victorjr crowned the constitutional campaign of
Ireland's fnends.
One of the accusations most frequently repeated to
stir up popular prejudice against the csjrdinal was to
the effect that he was a frequent visitor at the vice-
regal castle in search of favours for himself or friends.
As a matter of fact the onlv suc^ visit he paid was
toward the close of 1867. The Fenian leader. General
Thomas F. Burke, had been s^itenced to death and
every effort to obtain a reprieve had been made in
vain. He had fought with <hstinction in the Civil
War of the United States, and the British Government
was determined to deter other skilled military leaders
from enlisting their services in aid of the Irish causa
The orders for execution from London were peremp-
toiy. The scaffold was already erected and the
next morning General Burke was to be hanged.
Throwdi information received from the Archbi^op of
New York and other American friends the cardmal
was convinced of the uprigfit character of the accused
who had been betrayed by false reports to engage in
the Fenian enterprise, impelled by the sole motive of
love of his native land. At noon on the vigil of the
day fixed for the execution, the cardinal accompanied
by his private secretary and Mgnsignor Forde, his
vicar-general, set out for the viceregal castle on the
forlorn errand to obtain a reprieve for the brave man.
The interview with the viceroy lasted for more than an
hour. The cardinal on personal grounds justified his
ri^t to be heard in the case, since none had in public
or private more strenuously opposed Fenianism thsjti
himself. He insisted that the execution of such a
brave nian would only add fuel to the flame, ¥^ile the
exercise of clemeiu^ would serve to open men's eyes to
the recklessness of the whole Fenian enterprise. The
viceroy listened to the cardinal's reasoning with due
respect, but at the same time was quite mexorable.
He telegraphed, however, the whole matter to head-
quarters in London . Late at night the response came.
The reprieve waa granted and the life of the brave man
was spaced, inua was the first and last visit of Cardie
ouut
566
OtJLM
nal Cullen to the viceregal castle to petition for per-
sonal favours.
He paid frequent visits to Rome. He took part in
the solemn oelebrations connected with the definition
of the do^ma of the Immaculate Ck)noeption of the
Blessed Virgin Mary in 1854, and with the centenary
of the martyrdom of Sts. Peter and Paul in 1867. On
these and smiUar occasions he took up his residence at
the Irish College. From the opening of the Vatican
Council, Cardinal CuUai took an active part hi its de-
liberations. His first discourse in defence of the pre-
rogatives of the Holy See, mainly on historical grotmds,
in reply to the Bishop of Rottenburg, was regarded as
one of the ablest discourses delivered in the council.
At its close the hall resoimded with applause, and dur-
ing the afternoon about eighty bishops called at the
Irish College to present their congratulations^ Pius
IX in token of appreciation of the singular ability of
the discourse forwarded to the cardinal a gift of a veiy
fine Carrara marble rilievo representing St. Paul aa-
dressing the Areopagus. This work of art now adorns
a side Siapfel in the church attached to the diocesan
seminary of Dublin. 'Towards the close of the sessions
of the council at the express wish of the Central Com-
mission, conveyed in person through its secretary,
Archbishop Franchi, Cardinal Cullen proposed the pre-
cise and accurate formula for the definition of Papal
Infallibility. It was a matter of ^reat delicacy, as
promoters of the definition were split up into various
lections, some anxious to assign a wider range to the
pope's decisions, while others would set forth in a
somewhat indefinite way the papal prerogative. All
accepted the form of definition proposed by Cardinal
Cullen, and thus it became the privilege of the Irish
Church to have formulated for all time the solemn defi-
nition of this great article of Faith.
The condition of the Catholic Church in Ireland, m
1878, in contrast with what it was in 1850, affords
abundant proof of the fruitfulness of Cardinal Cullen 's
seal and ot the beneficent results achieved during his
episcopate. Those twenty-eight years marked a con-
tinuous period of triumphant progress in all matters
connected with religion, discipline, education and
charity. The eloquent Dominican Father Thomas N.
Burke (q. v.) wrote in 1878* "The guiding spirit ani-
mating, encouraging and directing the wonderful work
of the Irish Catholic Church for the last twenty-eigjit
years was Paul, Cardinal Cullen, and history will re-
cord the events of his administration as, peraaps, the
most wonderful and glorious epoch in the whole eccle-
siastical history of Ireland, llie result of his labotuv
was tbd wonderful revival of Ca^olic devotion and
piety which in our day has restored so much of our
ancient glory of sanctity to the land once called the
' Island of Saints ' . " No other Church in Christendom
during the same period achieved grander religious re-
sults or yielded in richer abundance the choicest fruit
of genuine Catholic piety. His remains rest beneath
the apse of the Church attached to the diocesan sem-
inary at Clonliffe.
Patrick Francib Cardinal Moran.
Onlm, Diocese of, a bishopric in the north-eastern
part of Prussia, founded in 1234, suffragan to Qneeen.
The territory on the Vistula and Baltic, which the
Teutonic Order had obtained partly by gift and partly
by conqiiest, was divided in this year by the papal
legate, William Bishop of Modena, into the four dio-
ceses of Culm, Ermland, Pomesanien, and Samland;
in 1255 the Archbishop of Riga became the metropoli-
tan of these dioceses. The Bishopric of Culm em-
braced the province of Culm, that is, the land between
the Vistula, Drewenz, and Ossa rivers, and in additwni
the city of L6bau and its surrounding district. Pope
Innocent IV consecrated as first bishop the Domini-
can, Heidenreich (1245; d. 1203). Ori^nally the seat
of the diocese was Culmsee, where Heidenreich began
in 1254 the oonslruction of a cathedraL The bishop
possessed the bluest authority, botli apiritual and
secular, in his diocese; he was we ruler of the laod,
but was in some measure dq)eDdent on the Teutonic
Order. During the episcopate of the first bubc^, the
cathedral chapter, founded in 1251, fdUowed the lUile
of St. Augustme, but the aeoood bishop, Ftiedrich of
Hausen (1264-74), allowed the chapter to enter the
Teutonic Order, taking its endowment witli it Not
only was Friedrich a member of the Teutonic Order
but most of his successors in the episoopal office untQ
1466 also belonged to it. Under the powerful protec-
tion of the Knights rapid progress was made in culti-
vating the soil and in Christianlnng the inhabitants.
Many flourishing commtmities and numerous schools
and churches were f oimded, an excellent system of
courts was provided, and the Dominican, Franckcsn,
and Cistercian orders were introduced. As early at
the reign of the seventh bishop, Otto (1324-49), who
was a secular priest, there were 113 parishes and 538
priests. The most celebrated schools of the diooese
were the "Johannes" school at Thorn and the cathe-
dral school at Culm; l^e latter was changed in 1473
into a s^ium particulare and had celebrated pny
fessbrs, among whom were Johannes Dantiscus,
Eobanus Hessus, etc.
On account of its close connexion with the Teutonic
Knights, the diocese was involved in the disputes of
the order with Poland. By the second Treaty of
Thorn, 1466, the order was oblig^ to cede the prov-
ince of Culm, with other territories, to Poland. The
bishopric was now reconstructed as a secular diocese,
the bishops were named by the kings of Poland, and
nobles oiuy were appointed as memoers of the cath-
edral chapter. The neresies of Hus and Wydif found
many adherents in the Diocese of Qdm in the fifte»ith
century, and thus the Kroimd was prepared for the
religious revolution of me sixteenth, in the larger
towns especially, such at Dansig, Elbing^ and Thorn,
the doctrines of Luther won numerous siqiportere,
against whom the lushop, Johannes IV Konopocki
(1508-30), showed himselt lacking m moral force. It
was only through the exertions of the Dominicans, who
had remained loyal, that Kin^ Sigismund I took more
severe measures against the innovations. The Jeal-
ous and spiritual-minded Johann V von HOfen, gen-
erally caUed Dantiscus (1530-38), laboured to main-
tain the Catholic Faith, as did also Tiedemann Giese
(1538-49), the friend of Copernicus, and Stanidaus
Hoshis (1549-51), who, after an episcopate of two
years, was transferred to the See of Ermland. Nevi-
ertheless Protestantism took firm root in Ihoni.
Graudens, Marienburg, and other towns. Peter 1
Kostka (1574-^) was the reformer of the diooeee;
throu^ Ws efforts a provincial counefl was hdd at
Gnesen at which the Diocese of Cuhn was placed
under the metropolitan control of Gnesen, the A^
bishopric of Riga having been suppressed in 1^«
Kostka also held a diocesan synod at Culm in 1583,
promulgated the decrees of the Council of T**"*** ^j
termed the monasteries of the diocese, and intmduoed
the Jesuits in 1693. The preservation of Oatholicwm
in the diocese, as well as the reconquest of "Wy •J'^
that had gone astray, was due to the effective labourt
of the Jesuits and of the orders which wers socoe*-
fullv re-established. ,,
Tlie fall of the Kmgdom of Poland brou^t the dio-
oese into new relations. In 1772, in oonscqueiwe ot
the first Partition of Poland, it came imder the con-
trol of Prussia, to which, with a short intenuption
(1807-15), it has ever since belonged. Under fw
sian auspices Protestantism again mcreased I'^'K^i^
the diocese; in 1772 the possessions of the bidioPf w
cathedral chapter, and many monasteries were coons*
cated, and Protestant colonists were settled througn*
out the province. In this way, and also on »f^^
of the confusion of the Napoleonio era, the diooese
CULT
667
0UMMIKO8
fell into decay. For lack of a proper residence, the
fortv-ninth bishop, Frans Xaver Count Wrbnar-
Ryosynaki, was only once in his diocese. After his
€ieath the see was vacant for toi years, and the diooeae
^ras administered by the coadjutor bishop, Nal^cs
Wilkxycki. The Bull "De salute animarum'', 1821,
^whieh provided for the reorganization of the Prussian
dioceses, gave Culm new boundaries; to the old dio-
cese were added parts of the Dioceses of Leslau,
Oneeen, Plock, and of the former Diocese of Pom&-
sanien. In 1824 the seat of the bishop and the chap-
ter was fixed at Pelplin, where it still remains. The
n^w diocese suffered above all from the lack of priests,
the suppression of the monasteries, and the ooverty
of the Catholic population. Bishop Ignatius Matthy
(1824-32) bent alt his energies to the foundinjg of a
seminary for priests. Anastasius Sedlag (18^-^56)
made it his aim to give the diocese a unifonn adminis-
tration, to safeguard the property still remaining to
the Church after its great losses, to promote the de-
velopment of a capable clergy, and to increase the
number of priests. In the same way Johannes
Nepomuk von der Marwitz (1857-86) devoted his
entire attention to the founding of new cures and the
reorganization of the old parishes. Unfortunately
the diocese suffered greatly during the ecclesiastical
struggle (Ktdturkampf) with the Prussian Govern-
ment. After peace had been restored the bishopric
prospered a^tin under Leo Redner (1886-08) and
Augustinus Rosentreter (consecrated 9 July, 1899).
In this period the diocese in some measure recov-
ered from its losses; the suppressed monasteries have
bei^ partly refilled with religious, and new institu-
tions of learning under the supervision of the Church
have been founded. However, it still suffers from
the effects of its earlier losses, and from the lack of
labourers in the vineyard of the Lord.
Statistics. — ^The present Diocese of Culm includes
the Prussian province of West Prussia with the ex-
ception of five Government districts; it also includes
two districts of £ast Prussia, two of Pomerania, and
that of Bromberg belonging to Posen. llie see em-
braces altogether 409 square miles. In 1900 it had
a Catholic population of 769,166 souls; in 1907,
780,000. The cathedral chapter is composed of two
dignitaries, the cathedral provost and the cathedral
dean, and eight prebends. In 1907 there were 4
episcopal commissariats, 27 deaneries, 275 parishes,
476 priests, 275 parish churches, 77 dependent
churenes, 9 other churches, and 37 chapels. Insti-
tutions of learning under religious control are: the
episcopal seminary for priests at Pelplin with 5 pro-
fessoia; the episcopal seminary for boys at Pelplin
with 12 ecclesiastical teachers; the episcopal houses
of studies at Culm, Konitz, and Neustadt. In the
three towns just mentioned the gjonnasia are Catholic
in character. The diocese alao possesses 4 Catholic
seminaries for teachers, and 2 hi^er schools for
girls. Orders for men have not existed in the dio-
cese since the religious struggle (Ktdturkampf) with
the Government. The orders and congregations for
women devote their attention almost exclusively to
the care of the sick, the poor, and the children;
but they are not permitted to give elementary in-
struction. In 1906 the orders and congregations of
female religious were: Sisters of Mercy of St. Vin-
cent de Paul, 6 houses with 102 religious; Sisters of
Mercy of St. Charies Borromeo, 2 nouses with 39
religious; Sisters of St. Elizabeth, 12 houses with
103 religious; Sisters of St, Francis, 2 houses with 22
religious. These religious have under their care 11
hospitals and asylums, 8 day-nurseries, 1 housekeeping
school, I needle-work school, 1 institution for sick
and old religious, 1 home for servants, 1 reform in-
stitution for girls, 4 orphanages, and 12 stations for
visiting nurses.
The cathedral, formerly a Cistercian abbey church.
is the most important church building of the diocese;
it is a brick Ciothic structure with tnree naves, was
erected in the fourteenth century, and completely
restored, 1894-99, Other churches of note are: the
parish church of Cubnsee, built 1254-94 and used as
the cathedral until 1824; the parish church of Culm«
built in 1223; the churdies of St. John, St. James,
and St. Mary, all three erected in the thirteenth or
fourteenth century. The most freouented places
of pilgrimage are Maria-Lonk near Neumark (the
miraculous picture of the Mother of God is now in
the parish church of Neumark), and Mount Calvary
near Neustadt with twenty-four chapels.
Schematiamua dea Bistufiu Culm mii dgtn Bi86
Pdplin (Pelplinp 1904) gives exhaustive statistics a( the dio-
cese and asts of t^e bishops of Culm. Pomesanien, and Oujavien
(Leslau); WdLsr, Kahtog der BitMU fon Cvlm (Braunsber^.
1878); Idem, Urkundisnbwih des Biatunu Culm (Danxie, 188l-
87), 11; Fankidejbki, Die unterQegangenen Kirchen tmaKa^-
ten der Didceae Culm (in Polish 1880); Frtdrycbowicz, X>^
Culmer Weihbieehofe (Danaig. 1005); Conaignatio toUue Cleri
aaadaria. Sororumpiarum Conaregationum, etc. (Gedani, 1907);
ZeiUchrift dea toeatpreuMsieenen Geaehichtevereina (uaaing.
1880 — ); Pawuiwbki, Karte der DUieeaen Cvlm und BrtiOond
(Graudent, 1890); for an account of the cathedral ohttioh sep
Frydrycbowzcx. GeaekidUe der Ciaterdenaerabtei Pdplm und
ihra Bau-und KunatdenhnOler (DQsseldorf, 1907): for the
churches in general see Bau- una KunaidenkmAler der Provina
Weaipreuaaen (Dansig, 1884—).
Joseph Lins.
Chilt, See Worship.
Oulturkampf . See Ktn;rtrRKAMPF.
Onmrninga, Jeremiah Williams, publicist, b. in
Washington, U. S. A., April, 1814; d. at New York,
4 January, 1866. His father's death caused his
mother to move to New York in his boyhood, and
he was there accepted as an ecclesiastical student by
Bishop Dubois, who sent him to the College of the
Propaganda at Home to make his theological studies.
He displayed much ability, and after winning his
doctor's degree returned to New York, where he was
assigned as one of the assistants at St. Patrick's
Cathedral. He there proved himself an accomplished
linfuist, writer, and musician, and an interesting
and popular preacher and lecturer. In 1848 Bishop
Hugnes selected him to found St. Stephen's parish,
New York, and to erect a church. Dr. Cummings
was then, and had been for several years previously,
the intimate friend and disciple of Orestes A. Brown-
son, the philosopher and reviewer. He was instru-
mental in having Brownson change his residence
from Boston to New York, took charge of his lecture
arrangements, and wrote frequent contributions
for the ''Review". "It was often complained of in
Brownson", says his son (Middle Life, Detroit, 1899,
E. 132), "that he was lacking in policy, and no doubt
e was in the habit of plain speaking; but Cummings
was more so, and some of the most violent attacks
on the editor and his 'Review' were occasioned by
unpalatable truths plainly stated by Cummings".
Cummin^ was one of the leading spirits in a little
club of pnests and laymen, who were opposed to
what they called the " Europeanizing " of the Church
in the United States by the foreign-bom teadiers,
to the system of teaching in vogue in the Catholic
colleges and seminaries, and wno were in favour
of conciliating those outside the Church by the use
of milder polemics. In an article on "Vocations to
the Priestnood" that Dr. Cumminejs contributed
to " Brownson's Review" of Ootober,1860, he severely
criticized the management and mode of instruction
in Catholic colleges and seminaries which he styled
"cheap priest-faotories". This aroused a bitter
controversy, and brought out one of the noted essays
by Archbishop Hughes, his "Rieflections on tne
Catholic Press".
Under the administration of Dr. Cuinmings St.
Stephen's, which he had completed in March, 1854,
became the most fashionable and most frequented
church in New York, its sermons and music making
OUNOOLQC
568
OUHOOLIM
it a local attiaction. He continued iU pastor till
liis death, which followed a long illness that in-
capacitated him for active service. Besides his
articles in "Brownson's Review" he was also a con-
tributor to "Appleton's Encyclopedia" and pub-
lished in New Yoric: ''Italian Legends" (1859):
"Songs for Catholic Schools" (1862); "Spiritual
Ph>gress" (1865); "The SUver Stole".
H. F. Brown80!y, OreMiM A. BrtfwnBon: Middle Lile (Detroit,
1899): Idbm. Later Life (Ibid., 1900); Shea, The Catholte
CAwtXm q/ New York CUy (New York, 1878): ooDtemooraiy
ilea The Freenum'e JoumaL The American CeU, The Metro*
poHtan Record (Kew York), The CatkoUc Herald (PhiladelphU).
Thouas F. Mjbehan.
OnncoIim» Mabttbs of. — On Monday, 25 July,
1583 (N. S.)» the village of Cunocdim in the district
of Salcete, territory of Goa, India, was the scene of the
martyrdom of five religious of the Society of Jesus:
Fathers Rudolph Acquaviva, Alphonsus Pacheco,
Beter Bemo. and Anthony Francis, also Francis
Aranha, lay brother. Rudolph Aoquaviva was bom
2 October, 1550, at Atri in tne Kingdom of Naples.
He was the fifth child of the Duke of Atri, and nephew
of Claudius Aoquaviva, the fifth General of the Society
of Jesus, while on his mother's side he was a cousin of
St. Aloysius Gonzaga. Admitted into the Society 2
April, 1568, he landed in Goa 13 Septeml^er, 1578.
Shortiy after his arrival he was selected for a very
important mission to the court of the Great Mogul
Akoar, who had sent an embassy to Goa with a
request that two learned missionaries mi^t be sent
to Fatehpir-Sikri, his favourite residence near Agja.
After spending three years at the Mogul court, he
returned to Goa, much to the regret of the whole
Court and especially of the emperor. On his return
to Goa, he was appointed superior of the Salcete
mission, which post he held imtil his martyrdom.
Alphonsus Pacheoo was bom about 1551, of a noble
family of New Castile, and entered the Societjr on
8 September, 1567. In September, 1574, he arrived
in Goa, where he so distinpuished himself by his rare
prudence and virtue that m 1578 he was sent to Eu-
rope on important business. Returning to India in
1581, he was made rector of Rachol. He accompanied
two punitive expeditions of the Portuguese to the
villa^ of Cuncohm. and was instrumental in destroy-
ing the pagodas tnere. Peter Bemo was bom of
humble parents in 1550 at Ascona, a Swiss village at
the foot of the Alps. After being ordained priest in
Rome, he entered the Society of Jesus in 1577, arrived
in Goa in 1579, and was soon appointed to Salcete.
He accompanied the expeditions to Cuncolim, and
assisted in destroying the pagan temples, destroved
an ant-hill which was deemed very sacred, and killed
a cow which was also an object of pagan worship. He
used to sav constantly that no fruit would be gath-
ered from Cuncolim and the hamlets around it tiU they
were bathed in blood shed for the Faith. His supe-
riors declared that he had converted more pagans than
all the other fathers put together.
Anthony Francis, bom in 1553, was a poor student
of Coimbra in Portugal. He joined the Society in
1571, accompanied Father Pacheco to India in 1581,
and was shortly afterwards ordained priest in Goa.
It )m said that whenever he said Mass, he prayed, at
the Elevation, for the grace of martyrdom; and that
on the day before his death^ when he was saying Mass
at the diurch of Orlim, a miracle prefigured the grant-
ins of this prayer.
Brother Francis Aranha was bom of a wealthy and
noble family of Braga in Portugal, about 1551, and
went to India with his uncle, the first Archbishop of
Goa, Dom Gaspar. There he joined the Society of
Jesus, 1 November, 1571. Being a skilled draiightA-
man and architect, he built several fine chapels in
Goa.
These five religious met in the church of Orlim on
the 15th of July, 1583, and thenoe proceeded to Cun-
colim, accompanied by some Christians, with the ob-
ject of erecting a cross and selecting ground for build-
ing a church. Seeing an opportunity of doing amv
with these enemies St their paoodas, the pagan yil-
lagers, after holding a council, advanoed in laigB num-
bers, armed with swords, lances, and other weapons,
towards the spot ¥diere the Christians were. Gon^
Rodrigues, one of the party, levelled his gun, but
Father Pacheco stopped him, saying: ''Come, eome,
Senhor Gon^o, we are not here to fi^t." Then,
Q>eaking to the crowd, he saki in Konkani, their nati ve
langui^, ''DonotbeafrakL'' The pagans then fell
ui)on thorn ; Fath^ Rudolph received five euts from a
sdmitar and a spear and died prajdng God to fomve
them, and pronouncing the Holy Name. FaUier
Bemo was next horribly mutilated, and Father IV
checo^ wounded with a spear, fell on his knees extend-
ing his arms in the form of a cross, and praying God
to forgive his murderers and send other missionaries to
them. Father Anthony Francis was pieroed with
arrows, and his head was split open with a swori
Brother Aranha, wounded at the outset by a scimitar
and a lance, fell down a deep dedivi^ into the thick
crop of a rice-field, where he lay until he was diaoov-
ered. He was then carried to the idol, to which he
was bidden to bow his head. Upon his refusal to do
this, he was tied to a tree and, like St. Sebastian,
was shot to death with arrows. The spot where this
tree stood is marked with an octagonal monument
surmounted by a cross, which was r^iaired by the
Patriarch of Goa in 1885.
Thebodiesof the five martyrs were thrown intoa well,
the water of which was afterwards aou^^t by people
from all parts of Goa for its miraculouB n^diiw prop*
erties. The bodies themselves, when found, afttf
two and a half days, showed no signs of decomDon-
tion. They were solemnly buried in the chunai of
Our Lady of the Snows at Rachol, and remained there
until 1597, when th^ were removed to the college of
St. Paul m Goa, and in 1862 to the cathedral ofOid
Goa. Some of these relics have been sent to Eur^
at various times. All the bones of the entire ri^t
arm of Blessed Rudolph were taken to Rome in 1^,
and his left arm was sent from Goa as a present to the
Jesuit college at Naples. In accordance with there-
ouest of the Pacheco family, an arm and l^of Blessed
Alphonsus were sent to Europe in 1609. The procen
of canonisation bqom in 1600, but it was only m 1741
that Benedict XIv declared the martyrdom proved.
On the 16th of April, 1893. the solenm beatification of
the five martyrs was celebrated at St. Peter's m
Rome. It was celebrated in Goa in 1894, and the
feast has ever since then beoi kept with great soleift-
nity at Cuncolim, even by the descendants of the mur-
derers. The Calendar of the An!hdk>oese of Goa has
fixed 26 July as their feast-day.
Along with the five religious were also killed Gon-
^o Rodrigues, a Portuguese, and fourteen native
Oiristians. Of the latter, one was Dominic, a boy of
Cuncolim, who was a student at Rachdl, and h^^^
companied the fathers on their expeditions to Cun-
colim and pointed out to them the pagan temples.
His own heathen uncle dispatched him. Alphonsus
an altai^boy of Father Pacheoo, had followed hun
closely, canning his breviary, which he wouW not
part with. The pasgns therefore cut off his hands
and cut throu^ his knee-joints to prevent his escape.
In this condition he lived till the next day, when he
was found and killed. This bov, a native oi ^tner
Margao or Venuiy was buried in the church of the Holy
Ghost at Margao. Francis Rodrigues, who ^7?^
murdered, used to say. when he was reproached by tfae
fathers for slighf faults, that he hoped to atone for
them by shedding his blood as a martyr. P^^.rJ|
Costa, another of those who died at the Iwaids oftM
pagans, was an inhabitant of Rachol^ and bad oeen
ouraoomu
d69
omuifAo
distinguiflhed bv his desire of dying for the Faith.
Speakuig of these fifteen courageous Ghristi^ns,
Father uoldie says: ** For reasons wnich we have now
no means of judging, the Cause of these companions
of the 6ve Martyrs was not brou^t forward before the
Archbishop of the time; nor since then has any spe-
cial cultus, or the interposition of God t^y mu^e,
called the attention of the Church to them. But we
may hope that their blood was in the odour of swee1>-
ness before God".
D*SouxA, Orimte Canoutalado; Goldie. Firai Chrittiian Mi§*
non to the Onat M^gid; The Biemed Martyrs of CuneoUm:
QKACLkB, Uma Doima P&rtuguega na C&rU do GiUo-MoqU
(1907). A. X. D'SOCZA.
OnnegiindMt Blbsbed. Poor dare and patroness
of Poland and Lithuania; b. in 1224; d. 24 July, 1202,
at Sandeck, Poland. She was the daughter of King
Bela IV and niece of St. Elisabeth of Hungary, and
from her infancy it pleased God to give tokens of the
eminent sanctity to which she was later to attain.
With extreme reluctance she consented to her mar-
riage with Boleslaus II, Duke of C^raoow and Sando-
mir, who afterwards became King of Poland. Not
long after their marriage, the {hous couple made a
vow of perpetual chastity in the presence of the Bishop
of Cracow; and Cunegundes, amidst the splendour and
pomp of the royal household, ^ve herself up to the
practice of the severest austerities. She often visited
the poor and the sick in the hospitals, and cared ev&a.
for the lepers with a charity scaroelv less than haroic.
In 1279, King Boleslaus died, and Cunegundes, d^
spite the entreaties of her people that she should take
in hand the government of the kingdom, sold all her
earthly powoosione for the relief dff.the poor and en-
tered the monastery of the Poor Clares at Sandeck.
The remaining thirteen years of her life she spent in
prayer and penanoe, edifying her fellow relijgious bv
ner numerous virtues, especially by her heroic humil-
ity. She never permitted any<me to refer to the fact
that d&e had onee been a queen and was foundress of
the ocMnmunity at Sandeck.
The cultus of Blessed Cunegundes was approved by
Pope Alexander VIII in 1600; m 1695 she was nuuto
chief patroness of Poland and Lithuania by a decree
fA the Congregation of Rites, confinned by Clement
X I . Her feast is kept in the Order of Friars Biinor on
the 27th of July.
Ada S8., Johr, V. 661-783 : L»o. Lives ef tho SainU and
BUmed 0/ M« Tkrm Ordtn of SL Francis CTaunton, 18S6). 11,
523-520. Stephen M. Donovan.
Onneo, Diocese of (CnNESN8iB){8uffrBgan to Turin.
Cuneo is tihe capital of the provmce of that name
in Piedmont, Northern Italy, agreeably situated on
a hill between the Rivers Stum and the Gesso. Orig«
inally the city belonged to the Diocese of Mondovi.
In 1817 Pius VII made it an episcopal see. The
cathedral is very ancient and beautiful^ remodelled,
however, in the sixteenth century. The painting
over the main altar representing St. John the Baptist
and St. Michad is the work of the Jesuit Father Poszi,
who painted also at Rome the ceiling of the great
Church of St. Ignatius. The first bishop of Cuneo
was Amadeo Bruno di Samone. The diocese has a
popidation of 111,200, with 61 parishes, 190 churches
and chapels, 220 secular and 20 regular priests, 3
religious houses of mm, 27 of women, and 13 educa-
tional institutions.
CAPPBLurm, L# chists d^ItcXia (Venice, 1844), XIV, 346^66;
Ann, eed. CRome, 1007), 440-42; Vinkw. Stona d% Cuneo
(Cuneo, 1858). ^^ ^
U. Bbnioni.
Coiiiiiaglumit J. B. See Concordia, Diocese of.
Oaoq, Akdb£-Jean, philologist, b. at LePuy,
Fmnce» 1821; d. at Oka near Montreal, 1898. Jean
Cttoq eoteied tbe Company of Saint-Sulpice in 1844»
and two years later was sent to Canada. In 1847 h»
was put in charge of the mission at the Lac des Deuz-
Montagnes. So ambitious was he to fulfil well the
duties of his ministry that in a short time he ao-
auired a perfect knowledge of the Iroquois and the
Algonquin dialects. His numerous worin, all pub-
lished at Montreal, gidned him admission to niany
scientific societies of Europe and America. We
have from his pen: "Le Livre des s^t nations"
(1861); "Jugement erron^ de M. Ernest Renan sur
les lazigues sau vages " (1864) ; " Etudes philosophiques
sur q^elques limgues sau vages" (1866); "Quels
^tiuent les sauvages que renoontra Jacques Gartier
sur les rives du S -Laurent?" in "Annales de philoso-
phie chr6tienne'* 0860); ''Lesdque de la langue iro-
E'se" (1882); ^'Lezique de bk langue algonguine"
3); "Grammatre de la hingue algonquine, msdrfo
les m^moires [IX-X] de la soci6t4 royale du
Canada" (1891-^): "Anoct Kekon" (ibid., 1893);
" Nouveau manud algonquin " ( 1 893). He wrote abo
many other works destined to further the chiistianisa*
tion of the Indians.
BuOelin trimest. des one. SUves de S.-Svlpiee (October, 1808);
BBirrRAin>, BM. eidpie, (Phrie, 1000). fll; Netiee biog, mt
TflAM CiMV (Royal flooia^ of QuiadA. 1890).
A« FOUBNET.
Oitpola.-^A spherical ceiling, or a bowl-sbaped
vault, rising like aa inverted cup over a circular,
sQuare, or multangular building or any part of it.
Toe term, properly sneaking, is oonfined to the under
side, or ceuinc, of a oome, and is frequently on a dif-
ferent plane from the dome which surrounds it out-*
side. It is also sometimes applied to the dome (but
for this there is no authority), and to a small room,
either droubu' or polygonal, standing on the top of a
dome, which is callea by some a lantern. A cupola
does not necessarily presuppose a dome, and the latter
is often found siiimoimtini| flat surfaces. The signifi*
cance of the term is in its form and has nothinsr to do
either with the material used or with its method of
construction. According to Lindsay, the cupola of
San Vitale, at Ravenna, became the model of all those
executed in Europe for several centuries. This cupola
is of remarkable construction, being built wholly of
hollow earthen pots, laid spiially in cement) a light
oonstraotion common in the East from ear^ times.
The cupolas of the Pantheon at Rome, the cathedral
at Florence, the churches of St. Peter at Home, and
Santa 'Sophia at Constantinople are of solid oonflibruo-
tkm, and the support of the cup-ehaped vault is either
by pendentives or Inr a drum. In some oases, how-
ever, the cupola is of masonry, and the outer ^leli of
the- cupola is of wood covered with lead, as at St,
Paul's, London, and at St. Mark's, Venice, the five
masomy cupolas have the outer shell of wood and
m^Al. The dome of the Invalides, in Paris, has a
wood and metal covering above two inner structures
of stone. In the later Byzantine buildings of Greece
and other parts of the Levant, many of the cupolas
have angularly lofty drums, which are pierced with
windows, uid the cupola proper becomes a mere roof
to a tall cylindrical shaft. Cupolas in modem con*
structton are generally of wrought iron, and the space
filled in with some tile formation. The term is some-
times applied to a small roof structure, used for a
look out or to give access to the roof.
FuarrcHnB, A HisUny of Arehiteelure (London and New York*
1806); GwiLT. Bncyd. o/ Arch. (London, 1881): Parkeb, Otos-
saryofArch. (Oxford, 1850): Wbai<k, Zhef. of T«rm«.' Lindsay.
Hutaty of Christian Art, I; Brussis, DteL of Areh. (Londoo ukI
N«wYoA,1004). ^ ^ ^
Thomas H. Poolb.
Oilimcao» VicukRiATE Arosoouc or, includes the
islands of the Dutch West Indies: Curasao, Bonaire,
and Aruba; Saba, St. Eustatius, and the Dutch part
of St. Martin (Leeward Islands). These islands are
OTOAn
570
0TOAT8
Bitiucted in the CAribbean Sea, the former off the
VeDesuelan coast, 12'' N. lat. and 60'' W. long,^ the
latter about 621 miles north-east of the former, in 18"
N. lat. and 63** W. long. The former were disieovered
by Alonzo de 0)eda m 1499. The first missionaries
were Spanish Hieronymites (Order of St. Jerome)
fxom Santo Domingo, whose names have been for-
gotten. Until 1634 Curasao remained subject to
Spain, and Spanish priests attended the mission,
l^^o churches, on^ at Santa Barbara the other at
Qroot-Kwartier, bore witness to their zeal
In 1634 Curacao came into the^ possession of the
Dutch Weat-Indian (Company, whlcn forbade, under
severe penalties, the practice of the Catholic religion.
A few Jesuits, among them Father Michael Alexius
Schnabel, continued to work with success from 1701
to 1742. In 1772 Cura^o received its first prefect
Apostolic, Arnold de Bruin, a secular priest. In
1776 Fathers Pirovani and Sohenok, Dutch Fran-
ciscans, took up the work, but were obliged to leave
it on account of the small number oi priests in
Holland. The last of these priests died in 1$21.
In 1824 M. J. Nieuwindt (d. 1860), in every respect
a great man, was appointed prefect Apostplic. In
1842 Cura^o was made a vicariate Apostolic, the
6rst vicar Apostolic bein^ Monsignor Nieuwindt.
In the same year a Cathohc sisterhood came to the
mission. In 1868 the vicariate was confided to
the care of the Dutch Dominieansi Nine-tenths of the
people, especially the lower daases, are Catholics, prin-
dpsuly because m the past the slaves were not allowed
to have the same rehgion as their masters (Dutch
Protestants); as they nad to profess some religion,
they were allowed to become Catholics. The re*
latfonJs between Catholics and Protestants are most
peaceful. Monsignor Nieuwindt (consecrated 1843)
Was scKMseeded as vicar Apostolic oy J. F. A. Kiste-
maker (1860); P. H. J. A. van Ewyk (1869); C. H. J:
Reynen (1886); H. A. M. Joosten (1887). and J. J. A.
van Baan (1897). The Catholic population of the
vicariate is about 46,000: the Protestants number
7000 and the Jews 860. There are in the vicariate
36 priests, 3 seculars and' 82 regulars, principally
Dominicans; 27 brothers; 191 sisters. The parochial
schools number 29, with 2626 boys and 2625 gjrls.
There are 17 churches and 11 chapds.
The institutions under rdigions direction are: a
college for young ladies with 70 pupils; a hospital for
the insane, 114 patients; a leper hospital, 19 patients;
2 orphan asylums, 87 orphans; a hospital, 166 patients.
The theological seminary for Venezuela (Merida)
is at present closed. There are 2 Catholic news*
papers^ the ''Amigoe di Curagao", a Dutch weeldy,
founded in 1883, and *'La Cms", a weekly in the
Papiatnento dialect of the island, founded m 1900.
Misnonea CathnliocB (Rome, 1007), 640-60; Battandibr,
ilfMi. pone. eolA. (Pari^ 1007). 846; Th9 Statesman's Year-
Book (XxmdoQ. 1007), 1201-02.
J. J. A. VAN Baars.
Onrate (Lat. euratuSf from curaf care), literally, one
who has the cure (care) or charge of souls, in which
sense it is yet used bv the Church of England, ''All
Bishops and Curates''. In France, also, tne cogriate
cur4 (Spanish, cura) ia used to denote the chief priest
of a parish. In Englishnspeaking countries, however,
the word curate has gradually become the title of those
prie^ who are assistants to the rector, or parish
priest, in the general parochial work of the pansh or
mission to which they are sent b^ the bisho|) of the
diocese or his delegate. Technically speaking the
curate is the one who exercises the cure of souls, and
his assistants are vicars and coadjutors; but in this
article the word curate is used in its accepted English
sense, viz. assistant priest, and corresponds, in a gen*
eral way, to the vicariu9 temporaliSf auxiliaris prea-^
byter, coadjxUor jparochi.
In the first three centuries of the Cburdi there wag
but one dhurch in each diocese, located generally in
the brincipal city, i. e, in the city where the bishop
resiaed. To this church the faithful of the city and
the surrounding villages went on Sundays and feasts
to assist at Mass and receive the sacraments. When
the faithful became more numerous as the Chun-h
developed, the number of churches was Increased not
only in the city but also in the surrounding country,
and services were performed in these churches by
priests, who, however, were not permanently ap-
pointed; i. e. the bishop remained the only parish
priest, but had a certain number of priests to assist
nim in the administration of the sacraments in hU
parochiay or diocese (Les^tre, La Paroisse, Paris, 190<);
Duchesne, The Origin of Christian Worship, London,
1906, 11-13). After the fourth centurv parishes be-
gan to be formed in the rural districts, but it was not
until after the year 1000 that they were formed in
episcopal cities (Lupi, De parochiis ante aimum mil-
lesimum, Bergamo, 1788; Vering, Kirchenrecht, M
ed., 1898, p. 508). From this it will be seen that ivsi
as the bishop found his diocese too large for indiyidual
ministrations and care, so the parish priest, in the
oouree of time, found it necessary to secure the aid of
other priests in attending to the spiritual needs of his
people.
In English-«ipeakii^ ooimtries, also in aoiumber of
European states, at the present-day, the curate holds
his faculties directly from the biaiop, but exercises
them according to the wish and direction c^ the parish
priest or rector. This applies not only in the case of
a true parii^ priest or a missionary rector (both irz^
movable), but also in the case of a simple rector, who
by the authority of the bishop governs a given area
st3rled a mission. Curates are, in general, removable
at the will o^ the bishop. Nevertheless, this power of
the bishop ought to be exercised with prudence and
charity, and in such a way that the curate shall suffer
no loss of reputation, a g. by being sent without just
and reasonaole cause from one mission to another,
such arbitrary change being legitimat^y interpreU«
by common consent as tantamount to a punishment.
In such a case; if the curate feels that ne has been
unfairly treated, he has (in England) the right of
appeal to the Commission of Investigation, which
exists in eadidiocese. Meanwhile he must obey the
order of the bishop. The form of investigation and
trial is the same for curate^ as for rectors and parish
priests (see Wemz, op. cit. below, IT, 1052). It w
to be noted that the Conmiission of Investiffltion
provided for the United States by a degree of Propa-
ganda (20 July, 1878; cf. Acta et Deer. Cone. Bait.
Ill, 292-96) was abrogated by the Propaganda In-
struction of "Cum Magnopere*^' of 1884, which pro-
vides in each diocese for a summary, but subetantiflliy
just, process in all criminal and disciplinarv causes of
ecclesiastics (Cone. plen. Bait. III. cap. Ill, 308-w.
cf. Acta et Decreta, 287-92). This Instruction ob-
tains in Scotland, and has lately been extended to
Etidarid for the larger dioceses (Taunton, p. 220).
Tha general law of the Church with regard Vi
curates is mainly concerned with their appomtrocnt
and their right to proper support. By common ec-
clesiastical tow the appointment of curates beJonfis
to the parish priest and not to the bishop (c. 30, a,
3, 5; Cfouncil of Trent, Sess. XXI, cap. iv, de R« )•
But the bishop can oblige the parish priest to aocopt
a curate when the former cannot do his work, eitber
on account of physical or mental weakness or on
account of ignorance; and it belongs to the bishop,
and not to the parish priest, to judge whether one or
more curates are necessary, also to provide for their
examination, approbation, and the issuing of faculties
to them. In English-ejieaking countries, also w
France, Spain, Germany, and Austria, curates are
appointed by the bishop (or vicar-general)f ^'"^
OVXATOE
571
OUEUPOE
deiemdnes their salary and may remove them from^
one mifliioik to another. By a particular r^y of the
Congresaticm of the Gouncu> 14 Augyat, 1863, it is
exprenty provided that this custom, derogatmy to
the oommon law, shall be observed until the Apoistolio
See makes other provinoii.^
The bishop can assign to the curate a salary from
the income of the church, if the ineome of the
church is not sufficiMit the parish priest is not to
suffer; but aceording to the common opinioni the
bishop, as far as. he can, must provide irom other
aources for the curate. By common law the stole fees
(q. v.) belong to the pariah priest, therefore the bishop
cannot make them part ct the salaiy of the curate.
Still, the Council of IVent says Uiat the bishop can
assigii a salary from the fruits of the benefice, or other^
wise provide; hence it seems to some that he mighjb
use tne stole fees as part of the salary of the curate^
Tlie custom of ea«^ diocese is a sure guide on this
point; in any ease, there is always the opportunity of
appeal to Rome in a case of more than orainary diffi-
cultv. Hie authority of the curate is gathered from
his letter of appointment, the diocesan statutes, and
legitimate custom. Its actual limitations .may also
be gathered from the manuals of canon law most used
in we various Catholic countries. As a general rule^
curates are not moved without good reason from the
churches wfaidi they serve; 6Ut»> a reason should be
the promotion of the curate, the good of a particular
parish, or the general good of the mocese. this latter
IS faixiy com^ehensivB^and i^ves the hie^op a wide
discretxm. Bishops are advised to act as ftr as pos*
sU>le,.in a manner agreeable to the parish priest or
rector.
In Eni^and the synods of Westminster provide
that in each mission one priest is appointed to be the
first (pnmtiff), with the duty of attending to the cure
of souls and the administration of the church or con^
gregatiicm* Afans given for Masses are the property
of each individual priest. Stole fees are not alwa^rs
dealt with in thq same way in each mission. It is
recommended that a course oe followed which is most
conducive to listening the burdens of the mhsion.
Curates ought to inform the head priest as often as
they are absent from the presbytenr, even for a day;
they should not be absent for a Sunday or a Holy
Day of obligation without the leave of the bishop or
vicar-genersJ, except in case of urgency, in which case
the curate, on leavmg home, ought as soon as possible
to iiiorm the bjshop of said ui^ncy, and should leave
a suitable, priest' to supply his place. Curates mUst
not consider that they are treed from work merely
because ti^ey are not charged with the administration
of a mission. ' It is their duty, under the rector, to
help him by preaching, by hearing confessions, by
teaching children the catechism, by visiting the sick
and administeiing to them the sacraments, and by
fulfilling all the oUier duties of a missionary. Rarely
should curates take meals elsewhere than m the pres-
bytery at the oommon table; much less should this
become habituaL In Ireland the synods of May-
nooth forbid any curate to incur a debt of over £20;
should he do so. he is liable to censure. If disputes
arise between toe parish priest and the curate, the
matter is to be raen^ed to the bishop, and in the
meantime the curate h to abide by the decision of the
parish priest. Every week the curate is to meet the
parish priest in order to receive from him instructions
as to the arran^;ement8 for the coming week (it is to
be noted that m some parts of Ireland the curate
resides apart from the parish priest). Absence from
the parisn, even for one nidit is to be notified to the
parish priest; absence for three days is to be notified
to the bishop. Abs^ce for five days requires the
written permission of the bishop, as does alo) absence
on Sunday or a Holy Day of obligation. Certain
other statutes are incorporated in the synods of
Mayoooth ^ddoh apply equally to curates and parish
priests. Thus, no person is to be deotared excom-
municated imiesB tne bishop has given his written
authority for such pioceedkigB. Priests are on no
aeoount to make personal remarks about their parish*
ionere in diflrch. All parochial' moneys received are
to be entered in a book which is kept by the parish
priest. Side priests^ before they receive the sacra-
ment of Ebctreme Unction, are to hand over to the
vicar loranecr other reaponsible priest, the pyx, holy
oil vessel, rcfijsten^ and all other thin^ which pertam
to the dmrch; should the priest die, his coUeagues are
to take the utmost care that all papers^ letters, eta
are looked up.and so safeguarded from the danger of
falling into tne hands of unauthorized lay peoptek
The Second Council of Quebec deals in aetatl with
the eoclesiaiitioal status (rights and duties) of curates
in Fileneh Canada (see Discipline du Dioc^ (te Que-
bec, Quebec, 1895, pp. 211, 252, and Qiflnac, Com-
6md. jur. eccl. ad usum Cleri Canad., ibid., 1001^
e persbois, 908 saq.). In the United States also,
and in other EngUsn-speaking countries, the statutes
of various dioceses and the legic^tion of some prov^
incial synods (& g; Fifth New York, 1886)' regulate in
similardetail the duties of a oumte, e g. the continu*
Qus residence that his office calls for (see Rbsidbncb,
OsuaATioN of) and other statutory priestly obli^
tioDS. Apropos of the relations between pansh
priests and tneir curates, many modem diocesan and
provincial synods repeat with maistence the immemo-
i^ prinoiples that govern the exercise of ecclesiastical
authority in all that pertains to the cure of souls: (cvra
aniancxfum)^ viz.: on the part of the . parish priest,
pa.tenial beoevolenoe and mildnese of direction, due
recognition of the priestly character of his assistants^
equitable distribution of the parochial duties and bur-
dens, good example in reliffious seed and works, wise
counsel of the young and inexperienced, practical
guidance in all that pertains to the spirituai and even
the. temporal welfare of the parish ; on the part of the
curate, willing obedience to nis superior, due consultar
tion in all matters of importance, filial co-operation,
respect for the parish priest's office and priestly ref u-
tatiOB, a peaceful and even patient attitude when the
curate seems wronged, and recourse to tte diocesaa
authority only when charity has exhskusted her sug*
geetiofis (Syi^ of Monster, 1897, 147 sqq., in Lauren-
tbis, op. cit* below, pp. 170-71). Similar advice and
suggestions are found in many modem writings on the
pnesthpod (e. g. the work^ of Cardinals Manning,
Gibbons, Yaughan, and those of Mach, Ideating, etc.).
(See Ck>MP]eTBNCT; Conorua; Parish; Parish
JhcfxaT; Vicar; Chaplaipt; Prisst.)
Smitb. Elem«nU of BaMwmLicaL Laip (New York, 1887):
Laubbntius, Institi4t, juris eccl. (Freiburg, 1903), nn. 21(^^1 IJ
Wbrwi, Jua Decretal. (Rome, 1809), 11, nn. 837-^ BAftoii/-
UAT, Pfidtet, funs can. (24th ed., P&rio, 1908): Booxx, De
JkolA. itmAei»m*< (1878), XXXIX, 3; (1879). XljI. 410.^
Kor l«be office and condition of curales in the Church of Eng-
land, nee Phiujmore, The EcdesiastuxU Laws of the Church <ff
England (London, 1873. 1876): Makowbb, ConsiHutian «f
The Church of Bnt^lani (London, 1896); fuid Cbipps. A
Pnctical Treatise on the Lav Relating to the Church and Clergy
(eth ed., London, 1886). ^ ^
David Dunford.
Oorator (Lat. curare), a person legally appointed
to administer the property of another, who is unable to
undertake its management himself, owing to age or
physical incompetence, bodily or mental. Curators
are often confounded with tutors, but they differ in
many rospects. Tutors are appointed principally for
the guarcuan^p of persons, and only seconcfarily for
the care of property; while curators are deputed
mainly and sometimes solely for temporal concerns
and only incidentally as guardians of persons. Be-
sides, a tutor is appointed fop minora, wnile a curator
cobM
672
anBnnc
may have dbaxgo of inoompetent penoDB of any age.
Finally, a tutor cannot be commissioned for a particu-
lar or determined duty, though a curator may receiTe
such an appointment. When the ward of a tutor has
reached his majority, the tutor may become curator
until the ward is twenty-five years of ag^ but he can*>
not be compelled to undertake such a diarge. Curar
tors, according to law, are to be constituted for those
who are mentally weak, for prodigils, and those ad*
dieted inordinately to gambling: The administration
of property cannot, however, be taken from a person
meorely because ho lives luxuriously. ' Curators may
also be appointed for captives, for the absent, and tlie
deaf and aumb. A husband may not be constituted
curator for his wife.
Before the curator enters upon the administration
of property, he is obliged to give proper bond for his
fidelitv. Whatever ssuaiy he receives must be deter*
minea by a judse* If he did not demand a salary at
the beginning of his administration, but later requests
one, the judge is to fix the amount of such salary only
for the future, not for the past. The obli^tion of a
curator to .render an account of his admmistration
after the time of wardship has past constitutes an
ecdesiastieal impediment to entrance into the retigiouB
state until such obli^tion has been duly dischi^ed.
As regards the administration of property, curators
are obliged to take sudi care of it as would a diligent
parent. Tbey are therefore to see that the rents are
collected, that the yearly income be not lessened, Ihat
less useful goods be sold, and that money be not' al«-
lowed to lie idle. In case the property of the ward
suffer by the administration of uie curator, Ihe latter
is obliged in conscience to make restitution, if the de-
terioration was caused by culpable n^^Ugence on his
part.
PsBBABis. Bibl. Canon^ 0.t. Tuida (Rome. 1801)» VIU Av-
OaIhWaoneb, Did. 4u droit can, (Paris. lOOl).
WiLLUM H.,W. Fanning.
Otai d'Ars.
Blessed.
See Jean - Baptibte Viannet,
fhire of Souls (Lat. cura antmarum\ technically,
the exercise of a clerical office involvii!^ the instruo-
tion, by sermons and admonitions, and the sanctifica^
tion, throu^ the sacraments, of the faithful in a de-
termined district, bv a person legitimately appointed
for the purpose. Those specially having cure of souls
are the pope for the entire Church, the bishops in their
diooeeee, and the parish priests in their respective part-
ishes. Others may likewise have part in the cure of
souls in subordination to these. Thus in missionary
countries where episcopal sees have not yet been
erected, those who labour for the salvation of souls
are in a special manner sharers of the particular re-
sponsibility of the Vicar of Christ for those regions.
In like manner, a parish priest may have curates who
attend to the wants of a particular portion of the par-
ish, subordinate to himself. The object of the cure oi
aoiUs is the salvation of men, and hence it is a continua-
tion of Christ's mission on earth. As the Redeemer e»-
tablished a church which was to govern, teach, and
sanctify the world, it necessarily follows that those
who are to assist in the work of the Church must ob-
tain their mission from her alone. ''How shall they
preach, unless the3r be sent?" (Rom., x, 15).
The canonical mission of a priest is derived from the
Apostolic succession in the uhurch. This succession
is twofold: Holy orders and authority. The first is
perpetuated by means of bishops; the latter by the
living magistracy of the Church, of which the head is
the pope, who is the source of jurisdiction. Both ele-
ments enter into the mission of him who has cure of
souls: Holy orders, that he may offer sacrifice and
administer the sacraments, which are the ordinary
channels of sanctification employed by the Holy
Qbost; aixl jurisdiction« that he may teach correct
. doctrine, free his aubjeeta from atna and omsorec; and
govern them in aoooidanoe with the eaaoDs of the
Church. The power of Holy orden » radically ooiD'
mon to all {nriests b^ virtue of their valid ordinstioa
but the power of jurisdiction le ordtnaiy ouly in pope,
bishops, and parish priests, and extcaofdinary ordde-
gated in others. It is plain, &en, that mile valid
orders may eodst outs&de the CathoHc CSmrch, jum-
dictaon cannot, as its source is the Vicar o£ Chrvt and
it IB possessed onl^ so far as he oonfen it or does not
timit it. The duties of Hiose who have cure of squIb
are all oaxefully defined in &e sacred canons. (See
Pope; Bishop; Paribh PHfBavO
We have here touched oiiy mpon what is common to
the idea of. a pastor of the faithful. ' It m plain that the
closer the bond eziBting between, the subon&iste
members of the hierardhy and their supenors, and be-
tween pastors and their people, the mcnne eSeetiTe win
be the work done for the mvation of soidK If the
pastor be eamest in preaching and admonishiTH^ im*
remitting in the tribunal of penance and vtsitatioD d
the side, charitable to the poor^ kind yet firm in hii
dealings with all the menAxm cl hia flock« obsenrant
of the regulations of the Churdh aa to his office and
particulariy that of dwelling among his neopie (aee
Rbsidsmcb, BccLESiAsnCAL), tiiat he atiay imow than
and bring tiiem succour at all times; and if, on the
other haml, the people be truly desirous for thetr own
salvation, obedient towards ttieir ptetor, aeaJous to
obtain and employ the means of aanotifioation, and
mindful of their obligations as members of a paiuh to
enable thdr pastor to institute and improve the
parochial institutions necessary for the proper farther*
ance of the object of the Church, we diall have the
true idea of the cure of souls as intended by Christ and
as legislated for in the canons of His Church.
SmvH, Bkmenia of ScdmimUeul L^ (New YoriL 1896). t;
Ifutrudio PuaUmdu Eifut^Oenm (Fmbuis. 1900); Bomz, Df
Parocho (Paria, 1880. 3rd ed.). ^
WlLLUM H. W. Famnino.
Ouri, DiocEBid ov. See Sabika.
Curia Boman^ See Roman Cubia.
Ooiityba do Parana, Djogsse of (Cubttubensis
DE Parana), suffragan of SSo Sebasti&o (Bio de Ja-
neiro), Brazil. The city of Curityba, on the Igustfii
River, was settled in 1654 and became the capital of the
State of Paranil in 1831. It lies in a fertile plain 320)
feet above sea-level, and has gold mines in the vicinitj.
Erected by Bull of Leo XIII, "Ad Univenias" (27
April, 1392), the Bioqese of Curityba embraces the
states of Parang and Santa Catarioa> an area of
114,087 sq. m., and contains a Catholic population of
600,900, with 69 parishes, 68 secular and 21 regular
priests, 2 religious orders of men and 3 of women, 1
seminary, 2 colleges, and 1 Catholic sdiool with an at-
tendance of 350.
Battandibb, Atw, ponL oatK (Paris, 1906); Ann. eta.
(Rome, IMS). „ ^, «
Corilim, a titular see of Cjrprus, suppressed in 1222
by the papal legate, Pelagius. Koureus, son of Kin|-
ras, is said to have founded Kourion on the sootn-
weet coast of Cyprus, west of Cape Kouriss (now
Gata), and to have settled a colony of Argives there
in 1596 B. c. The city became the capital of one of
the kingdoms in the island. On the site of the Tuiaii
is the modem village of E^xdcopi ("Kin#x»»^» '*®*'
the sea, on the ri^t bank of the Lykos; it was here
that Cesnola discovered the many pr^ious antiqi^**
now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (5ty.
In the Middle Ages Episkopi belonged fint to the
Ibelin family, counts of Jaffa, and later to the Vene-
tian family of Comaro, who owned vahiable suga^
cane plantations there. It is still the centre of ft v^
fertile district Thet(Mnbof8t.liermo|^e»anditti
OOKLtt
673
onuntft
nfios tti« proBwed in the diiuoh. Onlj two faubops
of Oirium an reeordad: Zetio, present at the Coundl
ot Ephemis (431), and Michael, in 1061. Bioaut (The
Present State at the Oredc and Annenian Chunshes,
London, 1679, p. 94) mentiona a Bishop Cosmas who
resided there, who was^ however, probably a titular
or a superanmiated Ushopl
LaqoxBM. Or, Chrim^ II, 1067: Hacutt. A History cf tks
OHkodox CkixA ol Cyprus, 312, 456: Maa-Latrib, Hidalre de
Chyprt, paaam; Iobm, L'fte de Chypn, 22; Dt Cmbsoul,
CppruM, Tw_
Oniley, Jaihb, astnnomer, b. at Athleagoe, Ooimty
Roeconnaoo, Ireland, 26 Ootober, 1796: d. at GeomH
town, Distfiot of Ck>himbia, U. S., 24 July, 1889. H^
eariv education was limited, though his talmi: for
matnematioB was ^discovered, and to aome elctent
developed, by a teacher in hia native town. He left
Irolana in hia yoath, anivkig in Philadftiphia» 10 Octo-
ber, 1817: Here he workea for two yeata as a book-
keeper and then langfat matibematica at Fredeiiok.
Marvhand. In 1896 he beeame a atudent at the old
semmaty in Waahington, intandfing to prepare him-
self for the priesthood, and at the aame time taufht
one of its duaes. The aeminaiy, however, which
had bcten estobliahed in 1820, was doaed in the fo^
lowing vear and he entered the Society of Jeaua, 29
^ptmber, 1887. After completing hia novitiate he
again taught in Fredteidc and waa aent (1831) to
teach natural philosophy at Georgetown College. He
also studied tneology and was ordained priest on 1
June, 1833. His first Mass was said at the Visitation
Convent, Geoigetown, where he afterwards acted as
chaplain for mty years. He spent the remainde]^ of
bis life at Geoigetown, where he taught natural phil-
oaophy and mathematics for forty-eight years. He
planned and superintended the building of the George-
town Observatory in 1844 and was its first director,
filling this position for many years. One of his
earli^ achievements was the determination of the
lonsitude of Washington. His results did not agree
with those obtained at the Naval Observatoiy, and
it was not until after the laying of the first transat-
lantic cable in 1858 that his determination was found
to be near the truth. The coincidence, however, was
partly accidental, as the method which he employed
was not susceptible of very great precision. Fattier
Curley was also much interested m botany. He is
best remembered, however, as a teacher. He wrote
"Annals of the Observatoiy of Georgetown College,
D. C. containinf^ the descnption of the Observatory
and tne description and use of the transit instrument
and meridian circle" (New York, 1852).
Wooddock LdUn, XVITI. 3: Sbsa. Histcry of Otoro9U>wn
CaUeffe (WMhinctoD. 1891): MoLauobuh. ColUffe Damt «l
Omrydamm (Phyitdilphia, laie).
H. M. Brock.
Oazr, Joseph, priest, controversialist, and martyr
of (Parity, b. at Sneflield, ikigland, in the last quarter
of the ei^teenth century; d. at Leeds, 29 June, 1847.
He was educated at Orook Hall, County Durham, and
Ushaw CoUese, was ordained a priest and served for
some years the missions in Rook Street and Granby
Row, Manchester, where he enga^^ed in controversy
with the Protestant Bible Association. Later, after a
retirem^t to La Trappe in France, he returned to
UshaW, going thence to Callaly, Northumberiand.
About 1840 he was at St. Albans, BUiekbum, with Dr.
Shari^es, nntil the latter was consecrated Bishop of
^BmiiiaLin parlihuB. Father Cuir then went to Whit-
by, remaining there until about 1846, when he was ap-
pointed to Sh^Bekl. During the typhus feverepidemic
of 184^, liceds was ahnost bmft of priests ; Father Cuir
volnnteered ftfr service there, and fdl a viotim to the
disease. His principal worics are: ^The Instructor's
Assistant", long used in Manchester Sunday Schools :
* Vlaita lo the Blessed Sacrament and to the Blemed
Vixipn", from the Italian of liguori (ICaaohester);
"^Spiritual Retreat", adapted from Bourdaloue;
''Familiar Instructions in Catholic Faith and Moral-
ity'^ (Mandtesler, 1827). There remain two sermons,
abo seveval pamphlets and newspaper letters of a con-
troversial character.
CMMw/ovrnoi (1835). 36, 40: Qihuow, BM. DicL «(f Bng.
Caih^f I, 006.
Patrick Rtan.
Onzryt John, doctor of medicine and Irish his-
torian; b. in Dublin in ,the first quarter of the
ei^biteenth century; d. there, 1780. He studied
medicine at Paris and Reims and returned to Dub-
lin to practise his precession. He was an ardent
Catholic and, to refute the calumnies leveU^l against
his coreligionists, published in London^ in 1747, a
"Brief Account from the most authentic Protestant
Writers of the Irish Rebellu>n, 1641". This was
bitteri^ attacked by Walter Harris in a volume pul>-
lished in Dublin, 1752, and in reply Cuny published
hia "Historical Memoirs", afterwards enlarged and
published (1775) under the title "An Histoncal and
Critioal Review of the Civil Wars in Ireland". Tliis
is hia best work; a new edition of it, enlarged from
Curry's manuscript, was published by Charles O'Con-
nor of Belnagaro, in 2 vols. (Dublin, 1786), and in
one vol. (Dublin, 1810). In this work, after a brief
{glance over the developments in Ireland after the
mvasion of Henry II. he takes up the real history at
the reign of EHisabetn and carries it down to the
Settlement under William III. (Xiny took a prom-
inent part in the struggle of the Irish Catholics for
the repeal of the Penai Laws, and was one of the
founders of the (Irish) Catholic Committee which
met in Essex Street, 1760. Besides the works al-
ready mentioned, he published "An Essay on Ordi-
naiy Fevers'' (London, 1743) and "Some Thoughts
on the Nature of Fevers" (London, 1774).
Metnoir by Charlbs 0'Ck>NNOs in the editions of HUtorietd
keview pubfished at Dobliii, 1786, 1810; Wtsb, Sketch of the
Caihaiie Aaaoeiation (London. 1880); Wbbb. Compendium of
Jrieh Bioynphv (Dublin. 1878).
James MacCaffret.
Onriinff . — ^In its popular acceptation cursing is
often comounded, especially in the phrase ''cursing
ana swearing", with the use of profane and insulting
language; in canon law it sometimes signifies the ban
of excommunication pronounced by the Church. In
its more common Biblical sense it means the opposite
of blessing (of. Num., xxiii, 27), and is generally
either a threat of the Divine wrath, or its actual visi-
tation, or its prophetic announcement, though occa-
sionally it is a mere petition that calamity mav be
visited by God on persons or things in requital for
wrongdoing. Thus among many other Instances we
find Ood cursing the seipent (Gen., iii, 14), the earth
(Gen., iii, 17), and Cain (Gen., iv, 11). Similarlv Noe
curses Chanaan (Cien., ix, 25); Josue, him who should
build the city of Jericho (Jos., vi, 26-27) ; and in various
books of the Old Testament there are long lists of
curses against transgressors of the Law (cf. Lev.,
xxvi, 44-25; Deut., zxvii, 15, etc.). So, too, in the
New Testament, Christ curses the barren fierce
(Mark, xi, 14), pronounces his denunciation of woe
r'nst the incredulous cities TMatt., xi. 21). a^nst
rich, the worldline, the scrioes and the Pharisees,
and foretells the awnu malediction that is to come
upon the damned (Matt., xxv, 41). The word curse
is also applied to the victim of expiation for sin (Gal.,
iii, 13), to sins temporal and eternal (Gen., ii, 17;
Matt., xxv, 41).
In moral theologgr, to curse is to call down evil upon
God or creatures, rational or irrational, living or dead.
St. niomas treats of it under the name maUdidio,
and says that imprecation may be made either efll-
caciousiy and by way of command, as when made by
OmUMttK
574
orasos
God, or inefficadoufily and bb a mere exprcjaioa of
desire. From the faet that we find many instances
of cuFses made by God and his representatives, the
Church and the Prophets, it is seen that the act of
cursing is not necessarily sinful in itself;- Hke other
moral acts it takes its sinful character from the object,
the ^id, and the circumstances. Thus it is alwavs a
sin, and the greatest of sins, to curse God, for to do so
involves both the irreverence of blasphemy and the
malice of hatred of the Divinity. Jt is likewise blas-
phemy, and consequently a grievous sin Bfiainst the
Second Commandment, to curse creatures of any kind
precisely because they are the work of God. If, how-
ever, the imprecation be directed towards irrational
creatures not on accoi^nt of their relation to God, but
simply afi they are in themselves, the guilt is no
greater than that which attaches to vain and idle
words, except where ^ve scandal is given, or the
evil wished to the irrational creature cannot oe sepa-
rated from serious loss to a rational creature, as would
be the case were one to wish the death of another's
horse, or the destruction of his house by fire, for such
wishes involved serious violation of charity.
Curses which imply rebellion against Divine Ph)vi-
dence, or denial of His goodness or oth^ attributes,
such as curses of the weather, the winds, the world,
the Christian Faith, are not generally grievous sins, b^
caus^ the full content and implication of such expres-
sions is seldom realized by those who use them: The
common imprecations against animate or inanimate
objects which cause vexation or pain, those against
enterprises which fail of success, so, too, the impreca*
tions that spring from impatience, little outbreaks of
anger over petty annoyances, and tnose spoken lightly,
inconsiderately, under sudden impulse or in ioke, are,
as a rule, only venial jsins, — the evil being slight and
not seriously desired. To call down moral e'wl upon
a rational creature is always illicit, and the same holds
eood of physical evil, unless it be desired not as evil,
but only in so far as it is goody for example, as a
punishment for misdeeds, or a means to amendment^
or an obstacle to commission of sin; for in such cases
the principal intention, as St. Thomas says, is directed
per se towards what is good. When, however, evil is
wished another precisely because It is evil and with
malice prepense, there is always sin, the gravity of
which varies with the seriousness of the evil; if it be
of considerable magnitude, the sin will be grievous, if
of trifling character, the sin will be venial. It is to
be noted that merely verbal curses, even without any
desire of fulfilment, become grievous sins when ut-
tered against and in the presence of those who are
invested with special claims to reverence. A child,
therefore, would sin erievously who should curse
father, mother, or goandfather, or those who hold the
place of parents in nis regard, provided he does so to
their very face, even though he does this merely with
the lips and not with the heart. Such an act is a
serious violation of the virtue of piety. Between
other degrees of kindred verbal curses are forbidden
only under pain of venial sin. To curse the devil fa
not of itself a sin; to curse the dead is not ordinarily
a grievous sin, because no serious injury is done
them, but to curse the saints or holy tnings, as the
sacraments, is generally blasphemy, as their relation
to God is generally perceived.
LesAtre In ViG.. Dtct. de la Bible, s. V. MatMieUon; UevijA
in Jetviah Eneydopedia, a. v.; St. Thomas, Sum, Thtol,, O-II,
zxvi; Bt. Alphonbus, TheoL Moral., IV, tract, ii; Ballebini-
Palioeju, Tract, vu, aect. ii; Lbhmkuhl. Theol. Moral., I,
183; Reutkr, Neo-CfonfeMorius (1905), 104; Noldik, "
Moral., I. 231.
J. H. Fisher.
sixteenth century onwaid they formed part of ^
Roman Curia in its broader sense, and are at present
reckoned members of the pontifical family. Their
niunber is fixed at nineteen, and th^ are subject to
the major-domo. The prineipal duties of the oiusores
are to invite those who are to take part inoonsistoneB
and functions in the papal chapel ; to act as servitorB
in the pontifical palace and as doorkeepers of tiie coo-
clave; to affix na]3al rescript to the doors of tbe
greater Roman Dasilicas; to issue the summons foe
attendance at canonizations, the funerals of cardinals,
etc. As the cursores are representatives of the pope,
th^ must be received with tbe leopeet becooodng the
personage in whose name they spei^, and their invita-
tion has the force of a jucuoial summons. In tbe
early ages of the Church, an institution somewhat
similar to that of the cursorBs is f oiuid in meoMmgerB,
chosen from among the clergy, to carry impoitant ti-
dings from one bishop to another or from the bishop to
his flock. They were much used in times of peneoi-
tion and they are frequently referred to in the writing;
<A the Fathers as prwisonMy tniemuniiif etc As gua^
dians of the assemblieB of the faithful, they were caUed
WffiHm. Despite these resemUaiMKe to the modem
cursores, however, it seems evident that the latter took
their rise fiom tne employment of heralds by civO
states, rather than from the prweonM of the early
CSiurch. Episcopal courts have likewise cuieores oe
apparitors among their officials.
CRAiaaoN. Afoi».7u«v con. (IVkris. 1S09). IV; AndvI-Waa-
NKB, Did, du droit can, (Paris, 1901).
William H. W. FAiwiNa
OuTBOr Mnndi (The Runner of tbe World), a
Middle-English poem of nearly 30,000 Imes containing
a sort of summary of imiversal history. From the
large munber of manuscripts in which it is preserved,
it must have been exceptionally popular. It was
originally written, as certain peculiarities of construc-
tion and vocabulary clearly show, somewhere in the
north of England, out of tne author nothing can be
learnt except the fact, which he himself telh us,
that he was a cleric. He must have lived at the
close of the thirteenth and at the beginning of the
fourteenth century, and his poem is conjectiurally m-
signed to about the year 1300. In form it is wntten
in ei^t-syllabled couplets, but in his accoxmt of the
Passion of Christ the author adopts a new metre of
lines of eight and six syllables rhyming alternately.
Although the poem deals with universal histoiy, the
author contrives to give some sort of unity to his work
by grouping it around the theme u( man's redemption.
He explains in an elaborate prologue how folk desire
to read old romances relating to Alexander, J^^
Csesar, Troy, Brutus, Arthur, Charlemagne, etc., and
how only those men are esteemed that love "P***"
mours*'. But earthly lovfe is vain and full of disap-
pointm^its.
Therefore bless I that paramour [i. e. Our Lady]
That in my need does me socoour
That saves me on earth from sin
And heaven bliss me helps to win.
Mother and mayden never-the-lese
TTierefore of her took Jesu flesh.
He goes on to say that his book is written in hbooiff of
Mary and purposes to tell about the Old and the New
Law and ^i the worid, of the Trinity, the fall of tbe
Angels, of Adam, Abraham, and the patriarcbSt P^
of Christ's C(Mning, of His birth, and of the three mgff
etc., of His public life aikd of His Fassian aM Cruci-
Oorsorea Apostolici, Latin title of the ecdesiasti- fixion, and of the ''Harrowing of Hell". ^ '™?^i
cal heralds or pursuivants pertaining to the papal will go on to the Resurreetion and Asflensioo, the Ai|j
court. Their origin is placea in the twelfth century,
azid they fulBllecl for iho. pontifical government the
duties entrusted t-o heralds by civil states. From the
sumption of Our Lady, the Findhig of the Cross, ana
then to Antichrist and to the Day of Doom. As »
Day <
«ort of devotional appendix he also proposes
to deal
OQEtmS
576
008»INUH
^ith Blajry^ lopurnbig beneath the Croes and of her
Conception. This work he haa undertaken* .
In to Englifih Tongue to rede
For the love of English lede [people]
English lede of England
For the common [folk] to understand.
rhis ambitious programme Is faithfully carried out
with oooaiderable literary skill and a devotional feel-
ing quite out of the common * The author shows him-
seu to have been a man of wide readins. Althou£^
his main authority is the ''Historia Scholastica^' of
Peter Gomestor he has made himself acquainted with a
number of other books in Engtliah, Frenchi and Latin,
and his work may be regarded, as a storehouse of leg-
ends not all of wmch have been traced to their original
sources. Special prominence is given throughout the
work to the nistory of the Cross which for some reason
(possibly because St. Helena, the mother of Constan-
tine, was reputed to have been of British birth) was
always exceptionally popular in Ensland,
After conunending the author's ''keen eye for the
pteturesaue'', a recent critic, in the ''Cambridge His-
tory of Enfi;lish Literature'', remarks, "The strong
humanity which runs through the whole work is one of
it3 most attractive features and shows that the writer
was full of sympathy for his fellow-men."
The main authority upon the Curtor Mundi i« the elaborate
edition of the poem edited by Da. Richard Morrib for the
Eariy En^^ish Text Society (1874-1893, Z voto.). with nppen-
dixee and eritical appreeiationa by fleveral other aoholan. The
Cursor Mundi also receives full attention in all modem histories
of English literature, of which the best is the Cambridoe Hi»toru,
editedby A. W. Ward, (Cambridge, 1907). See also especial^
Kalusa in BngUuke Studim, VoH XI.
Herbert Thurston.
Chinibia, a titular see of Africa Proconaularis. The
town was fortified about 46 b. c. by P. Attius Varus
and C. Considius Longus, generals of Pompey, and
proclaimed by Caesar a Roman colony under the name
of Colonia Julia Curubis. It is mentioned in Pliny,
Ptolemy, "The Itinerary of Antoninus", etc. In 257
St. Qrprian was exiled to Curubis for refusing to
sacrifice to the gods (Vita Pontii, c. xii, ed. Hartel,
III, and the year following he was called thence to
Carthage to be put to death. Four bishops are
known (one Donatist), from 411 to 646 (Morcelli,
Africa Christiana, I, 149). Curubis is to-day Kourba,
1 little village on the coast, east of Tunis, between
Cape Mustapha and Ras Mamoura. The region is
hilly and woody; it has always been inhabited by
more or less savage people, for which reason the
Christians were often exiled there. S. Vailh£.
Oosaek, Thomas F.
CE8B OF.
See New York, Archdio-
Oasa, a titular see of Egypt. The Coptic name of
this town was Kdsko; in Greek it becomes Kouscns,
Akouasa, Akoussa, Kousis, Kousai, Khousai; in Latin
we find Cussa, Cus®, Chusae, etc. It is now the fellah-
town,El-Kou8lyet(Alquous8iah,Al-Ku99!Je,El-Kustye,
Qossieh), on the western bank of the Nile, inland be-
tween the railway stations D^r At esh-Sherlf and Mont-
faiat Near it stands Deir-el-Moharag, the largest,
richest, and most peopled of the seven great Coptic
monasteries; the Holy Family is said to have so-
journed there and it is the centre of an important
pilgrimage. The city figures in the "Synecaemus"
ofHierocles (730, 9), Georgius Cyprius (764), and
Parthey's "Notitia Prima" (about 840). It was a
saffrsigan of Antinoe in Thebais Prima. Lequien (II,
597) mentions two bishops, Achilles, a Mefetian, in
326, and Theonas, present at Constantinople in 553.
Cus» IS to be distinginshed from Kyms in the southern
part of tlie Great (Tafiis, now TXish el-Kal'a.
Brugbcii, Geogr. den altm Aegyptens, T, 222; BAVDBKBit,
Ae&ypten (1991). part II, 45; fxTLUmn, L'BgypU, Souiomin
bMvium H €hrMien» (LUle. 1890), 249. _
S. PiTRIDia«
Oush (son of Cham; D. V. Chua). like the other
nances of the ethnological table of- Genesis, x, is the
name of a race, but it has generally been understood
to designate also an indivioual, the pro^^enitor of the
nations and tribes known in the ancient world as
Cushit^. The list of those descendants of Cusb is
S'ven in Qen., x, 7-8. The country known to the
reeks as Ethiopia is called Gush (Reh, KaX) in the
Bible. In its broadest extension the terp[i designated
the region south of Assuan, on the Upper N^, now
known as Nubiai Senaar^ Kardofan, and Northern
Abyssinia. This region is referred to in Egyptian
inscriptions as KeS or KdL More often, however, the
name Cusk was given to a part of the territory just
mentioned, called by the Greeks the Kingdom of
Mero€, at the confluence of the Nile and the Astaboraa
.(now Tacassi). It is from this king^dom that came
the eunuch of Candace, (^ueen of Ethiopia (Acts, viii,
26-40). Cush was long a powerful nation. In iiie
course of the eighth century, b. c, its Kings became
rulers of Egypt. Shabitku, one of them, was the prin-
cipal opponent of the great Sennacherib, King of
Assyria.' It was in vain that Isaias warned his people
not to place their trust in such princes (Is., xviii, 1 ;
XX, 3, 5).
The African Cush is best known; but there were
Cushites in Asia. The ''land of Cush'' of Gen., IL 13
(Heb. text), watered by the Gehon, one of the /our
riven of Paradise, was doubtless in Asia. Be^ODQa,
Saba, and Dadan (Gen., x, 7) were in Arabia. The
Madianite wife of Moses, Sephora, is called a Cushite
(Ex., ii, 16, 21; Num., xii, I— Heb. text). Nemrod,
son of Cuflh, rules over cities in the valleys of the
Euphrates and Tigris (Gen. , x, 8-12). This text points
to the foundation of the fiist empire in this re^on by
Cushites. It is chiefly the relics of a Semitic civilisa-
tion that have been brought to lidit by archaeological
discoveries. But traces are not lacking, according to
competent scholars, of an older civilization.
Rawunson, Fwe Oreat Mimareh%e9 (London, 1879), I, iii;
Maspero. Hialoireanciennede$ peupUa deVOrierU (rarin. 1905).
W. S. Reillt.
Ooapinian (properly Spieshaym or Spiesham). Jo-
hannes, distinguished humanist and statesman^ b. at
Schweinfurt, Lower Franconia, in 1473; d. at Vienna,
19 April, 1529, In 1490 he matriculated at the Uni-
versity of Leipzig, went to the University of Vienna
(1493) to oontmue his humanistic studies, and in 1494
entered there on a course of medicine. At this early
age he edited the '* Liber Hjrmnorum" of Prudentius,
and made a reputation by his lectures on Virgil, Hor-
ace, Sallust, and Cicero. He was acquainted with
Emperor Frederick III. In 1493, in reward for a
panegyric on the life of St. Leopold of Austria, he was
crowned as poet laureate and received the title of Mas-
ter of Arts from Maximilian. Soon after this he was
made a doctor of medicine, and in 1500 rector of the
university. Maximilian made him his confidential
councillor and appointed him curator of the univer-
sity for life. Cuspinian also received the position of
chief librarian of the Imperial Library, and superin-
tendent of the archives of the impenal family. As
curator of the university he exercised great influence
on its development, although he was not able to pre-
vent the decUno caused by the political and religious
disturbances of the second decade of the sixteenth
century. He was on terms of friendship with the
most noted humanists and scholars; the calling of his
friend Celtes (q. v.) to Vienna is especially due to him.
Celtes and he were the leading spirits of the literary
association called the "Sodalitas Litterarum Danu-
biana". In 1515 Cuspinian was prefect of the city of
Vienna. Emperor Maximilian, also Cliarles V at a
later date, sent him on numerous diplomatic missions
to Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland. He brou^t
about a settlement of the disputed succession between
OOSTOlt
576
omvoH
the Hapsburg line and the King of Hungary and Bohe-
mia; another of his missions was to aeoommkny Bona
Sforza, the bride of Kin^ Sigismmid of Poland, to
Cracow. His literary activity covered the most va-
ried domains. Although his poetical writinfis are of
little importance, and his manuscript "CoUectanea
medicin. ' of no great value, nevertheless he attained a
high reputation as a collector and, to some d^ree, as
an editor of ancient and medieval manuscripts.
Among other publications, he edited in 1511 L. Florus.
in 1515 the ** Libellus de lapidibus''of Marboduus, and
ttie medieval chronicler Otto of Freising. Important
as a contribution to the study of ancient histoiy is the
?ublication which first appeared, after his death in
553, namely, the "Fasti consuiares", with which
were united tne ''Chronicle" of Cassiodorus and the
"Breviarium" of Sextus Rufus. Another valuable
work of Cuspinian is the '' History of the Roman Em-
perors", prepared during the years 1512-22 (in Latin,
1540, ana in German, 1541). For a long time, espe-
cially after the battle of Mohics, he busied himself
with the Turkish c^uestton and printed both political
and historical writings on the subject, the most im-
portant of which is hk "De Turcarum origine, reli-
Sone et tyrannide". His best work is "Austria, sive
^mmentarius de rebus Austrice" etc., edited by
Brusch in 1553 with critical notes. A kind of diary
(1502-27), which throws much light on his political
activity, was published in "Fontes rerum austriaca-
rum ' ' (1885), 1, 1 sqq . A life of Cuspinian, not alwavs
reliable, is found in the complete eaition of his works
by Gerbelius (Commentationes Cusp., Strasburg.
1540) ; a more complete edition of his works appears
at Frankfort in 1601.
AUo. deut9che Biogr., IV, 062 sqq.;' Habblbacv, Cu9piman
aU StaaUmatm tmd Cfdekrter (Ylenna, 1S87): Abchbach, Qeach.
dtr Univenim Wim (1877), II, 284-300; Bauch. Die Recep-
tion dea Humaniamue in Wien (1903), 48 sqq.
Joseph Satter.
Oastom (in Canon Law) is an unwritten law in-
troduced by ^e continuous acts of the faithful with
the consent of the Intimate l^islator. (Xistom ina^
be considered as a fact and as a law. As a fact, it is
simply the frequent and free repetition of acts con-
cerning the same thing; as a law, it is the result and
consequence of that fact. Hence its name, which is
deriv^ from cansuesco or caruuejacio and denotes the
frequency of tibe action. (Cap. (yonsuetudo v, Dist. i.)
I. Division. — (a) 0>nsider&d according to extent, a
custom is universal, if received by the whole Church ;
or general (Uiough under another aspect, particular),
if ODserved in an entire country or province; or spe-
ciflJ, if it obtains among smaller but perfect societies;
or most special (9pecialia^ma) if among private in-
dividuals and imperfect societies. It is obvious that
the last-named cannot elevate a custom into a legiti-
mate law. (b) Considered according to duration,
custom is prescriptive or non-prescriptive. The
fonner is subdividea, according to the amount of time
requisite for a custom of fact to become a custom of
law, into ordinary (i. e. ten or forty years) and im-
memorial, (c) (Considered according to method of in-
troduction, a custom is judicial or extrajudicial. The
first is that derived from forensic usage or precedent,
lliis is of great importance in ecclesiastical circles, as
the same prelates are generally both Ic^slators and
judges, i. e. the pope and bishops. Extrajudicial
custom is introduced by the people, but its sanction
becomes the more easy the laiger the number of
learned or prominent men who embrace it. (d^ Ckm-
sidered in its relation to law, a custom is according to
law (juxia legem) when it interprets or confirms an ex-
isting statute; or beside the law {proeter legem) when
no written l^islation on the subject exists; or con-
tary to law {contra legem) when it derogates from or
abrogates a statute already in force.
II. CoNDmoNB. — ^The true efficient cause of an ec-
clesiastical custom, in as far as it oonatitutes law, h
solely the consent oif the oom^tent liyslating authof-
ity. All church laws imply spiritual jurisdiction, whidi
resides in the hierarchy alone, and, consequently, the
faithful have no legislative power, either by Divine rigjit
or canonical statute. Therefore, the express or tadt
consent of the church authority is necessary to gjve
a custom the force of an ecolflBiaBticai law. Ihia con-
sent is denominated tegal when, by general statute
and antecedently, reasonable customs receive appro-
bation. Ecclesiastical custom diffen, therefore, radi-
cally from civil custom. For, diough both arise from
a certain conspiration and aoooid iietween the people
and the lawgivers, yet in the Church the entire juridi-
cal force of we custom is to be obtained from the con-
sent of the hierarchy while in the civil state, the peo-
ple themselves are one of ihe real eouroes of the legal
force of custom. Custom, as a fact, must proceed
from the oonmiunity , or at least from Uie action of the
greater number constituting the community. Thean
actions must be free, uniform, freauent^ and public,
and performed with ttke intention of imposing an obli-
gation. The usage, of whidi there is question, must
also be of a reasonable nature. Custom dther intro-
duces a new law or abrogates an old one. But a law,
by its very concept, is an ordination of reason, and so
no law can be constituted by an unreasonable custom.
Moreover, as an existing statute cannot be revoked
except for just cause, it follows that the custom which
is to abrogate the old law must be reasonable, for
otherwise uie requisite justice would be wanting. A
custom, considered as a fact, is unreasonable when it
is contrary to Divine law, positive or natural; or
when it is prohibited by proper ecclesiastical autho^
ity; or when it is the occasion of sin and opposed to
the common good.
A custom must also have a legitimate prescription.
Such prescription is obtained by a continuance of the
act in question during a certain length of time. No
canonical statute has positively defined what this
length of time is, and so its determination is left to the
wisdom of canonists. Authors generally hold that for
the legalizing of a custom in accordance with or beside
the law (jtixta or prceUr legem) a space of ten years is
sufficient; while for a custom contrary (contra) to law
many demand a lapse of forty years. The reason
given for the necessity of so long a space as for^ years
IS that the commimi^ will only slowly persuade itself
of the opportuneness of abrogating the old and em-
bracing the new law. The opinion, however, which
holds that ten years suffices to establish a custom even
contrary to the law may be safely followed. It is to
be noted, however, that in practice the Roman Oon-
gr^ations scarcely tolerate or permit anv custom,
even an immemorial one, oontrarv to the sacred
canons. (Cf. Gasparri, De Sacr. Ormn., n. 53, 69 sq.)
In the introduction of a law by prescrii>tion, it is as-
sumed that the custom was introduced in good faith,
or at least through ignorance of the opposite law. If*
however, a custom be introduced through connivance
(vid conmventiai)t good faith is not required, for, as a
matter of fact, bsS faith must, at least in the begin-
lung, be presupposed. As, however, when there is
question of connivance, the proper IcRislator must
know of the formation of the custom ana yet does not
oppose it when he could easily do so, ihe contrary law
is then supposed to be abrogated directly hj tlus tacit
revocation of the legislator. A custom which is con-
trary to ^ood morals or to the natural or Divine posi-
tive law IS always to be rejected as an abuse, and it can
never be legalized.
III. FoRCB OF Custom.— The efifects of a custom
vary with the nature of the act which has caused its
introduction, i. e. according as the act is in accord
with (juxta), or beside (pneier), or contrary (contra) to,
the written law. (a) Tlie first (juxta legem) does not
constitute a new law in the strict sense of the word;
OVSTOS
677
OtJSTOS
't« effect is rather to confirm and strengthen an already
existing statute or to interpret it. Hence the axiom
of jurists: Custom is the best interpreter of laws.
Oastom, indeed, considered as a fact, is a witness to
the true sense of a law and to the intention of the legis-
lator. If, then, it bring about that a determinate
sense be obligatorily attached to an indetenninate
legal phrase, it takes rank as an authentic interpreta-
tion of the law and as such acquires true binding-force.
Wem« (Jus Decretalium, n. 191) refers to this same
principle as explaining why the oft-tecurring phrase in
ecclesiastical aocuments, "the existing discipline of
the Church, approved by the Holy See", indicates a
true norm and an obligatory law. (b) The second
species of custom (praster legem) has the force of a new
law, binding upon the entire community both in the
internal and external forum. Unless a special excep-
tion can be proved, the force of such a custom extends
to the introduction of prohibitive, permissive, and
preceptive statutes, as well as to penal and nullifying
enactments, (c) Thirdly, a custom contrary (contra)
to law has the effect of abrogating, entirely or in part,
an already existing ordinance, for it has the force of a
new and later law. As r^ards penal ecclesiaistical
legislation, such a custom may airectly remove an
obligation in conscience, while the duty of submission
to tne punishment for transgressing the old precept
may remain, provided the punishment in question be
not a censure nor so severe a chastisement as neces-
sarily presupposes a grave fault. On the other hand,
this species of custom may also remove the punish-
ment attached to a particular law, while the law itself
remains obligatory as to its observance. Immemorial
custom, provided it be shown that circumstances have
BO changed as to make the custom reasonable, has
power to abrogate or change any human law, even
though a clause had been originally added to it for-
biddmg any custom to the contrary. To immemorial
ciistom is also attached the unusual force of inducing a
presumption of the existence of an Apostolic privilege,
providwi the said privilege be not reckoned among
abuses, and the holder of the presumed privily be a
pjerson legally capable of acquiring the thine in ques-
tion without first obtaining a special and express
Apostolic permission for it (cf. Wemz, op. cit., who
has been followed particularly in this paragraph).
Ferraris notes that no immemorial custom, if it be not
confirzxLed by Apostolic privilege, express or presump-
tive, can have any force for the abrogation of ecclesi-
astical liberties or immunities, inasmuch as both canon
and civil law declare such custom to be unreasonable
by its very nature. In general, it may be said that a
valid custom, in both the constitution and the abroga-
tion of laws, produces the same effects as a legislative
act.
IV. Concerning Tridentine Dbcrbbs.-^A special
question has been raised by some canonists as to
whether the laws of the Council of Trent may be
changed or abrogated by custom, even if immemorial,
or whether all such contrary customs should not be
rejected as abuses. Some of these writers restrict
their denial of the value of contrary customs to ordi-
nary, some also to immemorial ones (cf . Lucidi, De Vis.
Sac. Lim., I, ch. iii, n. 111). It is unquestionably a
general principle in canon law, that custom can change
the disciplinary statutes even of oeciraienical councils.
The main reason for rejecting this principle in favour
of the Tridentine enactments in particular is that any
contrary custom would certainly be unreasonable and
therefore unjustifiable. It is by no means evident,
however, that all such contrary customs must neces-
sarily be unreasonable, as is plain from the fact that
some authors allow and others deny the value of im-
memori^ customs in the premises, even when they
agree in reprobating the force of ordinary customs.
As a matter of fact, there is no decree of the Sacred
Congregation of the Council which declares, abso-
IV.-37
hitely and generally, that all customs contrary to the
laws of the Council of Trent are invalid. Moreover,
the Tribunal of the Rota has allowed the force of im-
memorial customs contranr to the disciplinary decrees
of Trent, and the Sacred Congregation of the Council
has at least tolerated them in secondary rnatters. A
salient instance of the Roman official view is the state-
ment of the Holy Office (11 March, 1868) that the
Tridentine decree on clandestine marriages, even after
promulgation, was abrogated in some regions by con-
trary custom (Collect. 8. C. de Prop. Fid., n. 1408).
The confirmation of the Council of Trent by Pope
Pius IV (26 Jan., 1664; 17 Feb., 1666) abolishes, it is
true, all contrary existing customs, but the papal let-
ters contain nothing to invalidate future customs.
Owing to the comparatively recent date of the Council
of Trent and the urgency of the Holy See that its de-
crees be observed, it is not easy for a contrary custom
to arise, but whenever the conditions of a legitimate
custom are fulfilled, there is no reason why the Tri-
dentine decrees should be more immune than those of
any other oecumenical council (cfr. Laurentius, op.
cit., below, n. 307).
V. Cessation op Customs. — Any custom is to be
rejected whose existence as such cannot be proved
legally. A custom is a matter of fact, and therefore
its existence must be tested in the same way as the
existence of other alleged facts is tested. In this par-
ticular, the decrees of synods, the testimony of the
diocesan ordinary and of other persons worthy of
credence are of great value. Proofs are considered
the stronger the more closely they approximate public
and official monuments. If there be a question of
proving an immemorial custom, the witnesses must be
able to affirm that they themselves have been cogniz-
ant of the matter at issue for a space of at least forty
years, that they have heard it referred to by their
progenitors as something always observed,' and that
neither they nor their fathers have ever been aware of
any fact to the contrary. If the fact of the existence
of an allied custom is not sufficiently proved, it is to
be rejected as constituting a source of law. Customs
may be revoked by a competent ecclesiastical legisla-
tor, in the same way and for the same reasons as other
ordinances are abrogated. A later general law con-
trary to a general custom will nullify the latter, but a
particular custom will not be abrogated by a general
law, unless a clause to that effect he inserted. Even
such a nullifying clause will not be sufficient for the
abrogation of immemorial customs. The latter must
be mentioned explicitly, for they are held not to be in-
cluded in any general legal phrase, however sweeping
its terms may be. Customs may likewise be abro-
gated by contrary customs, or tney may lose their
legal force by the mere fact that they fall into desue-
tude. FinaUy, an authentic declaration that a cus-
tom is absolutely contrary to good morals (rumpens
nervum disciplincB) and detrimental to the interests of
the hierarchy or of the faithful deprives it of its sup-
posed legal value.
BAtTDVXN, De Cofuuetudifu in Jure Canon. (Lou vain, 1S88);
Werne, /la Deertialium (Rome, 1898), I: Laurentius, Insti-
iutwnea Juris Bed. (Freiburg, 1903); Pebrabis, Bibliotheo^
Canon. (Rome, 1886), II.
William H. W. Fanning.
Oiistos(l), an under-sacristan. (See Sacristan.)
(2) A superior or an official in the Franciscan Order.
The woM has various acceptations in ancient as well
as in modem Franciscan legislation. Nor do the
three great existing branches of the order — ^the Friars
Minor, Conventuab, and Capuchins — attach the same
meaning to the term at the present day. Saint Fran-
cis sometimes applies the word to any superior in the
order — guardians, provincials, and even to the general
(see Rule, IV and VIII, and Testament). Some-
times he restricts it to officials presiding over a certain
number of convents in t^e laiger piovinces of the
OUTUBEBT
578
OTJTBBSBT
order with restricted powers and subject to their re-
spective provincials. It is in this latter sense that he
refers (Rule, VIII) to the custodes as having power,
conjointly with the provincials, to elect.and to depose
the minister general.
The convents over which a custos (in this l&it&c
sense) presided were collectively called a custodia.
The number of custodise in a province varied accord-
ing to its extent. Already at an early period it was
deemed expedient that only one of the several cus-
todes of a province should proceed to th-3 general chap-
ter with his respective provincial for the election of tne
minister general, although the rule accorded the
right of vote to each custos. This custom was sanc-
tioned by Gregory IX in 1230 (" Quo elongati ", Bull.
Rom., Ill, 450, Turin edition) and by other popes,
evidently with the view to prevent unnecessary ex-
pense. The custos thus chosen was called Cuatos
cusiodum, or, among the Observantines until the time
of Leo X ("Ite et vos ", Bull. Rom., V, 694), diacretua
diacretorum. This ancient l^islation, which has long
since ceased in the Order of Friars Minor, still obtains
in the Order of Friars Minor CJonventuals, as may be
seen from their constitutions confirmed by Urban
VIII (see below). The present-day legislation on the
point among the Capuchms and Friars Minor may be
oriefly summed up as follows: In the Capuchin Order
there are two kinds of custodes — custodes general and
custodes provincial. Two custodes general are
elected every three years at the provincial chapters.
The first of these has a right to vote at the election of
the minister general should a ^neral chapter be held
during his term of office. Besides, he has the obliga-
tion of presenting to the ^neral chapter an official
report on the stete of his province. The provin-
cial custodes, on the contrary, have no voice in the
general diapters, and their rights and duties are
much restricted and unimportant. In the constitu-
tions of the Order of Friars Minor there is also men-
tion of two kinds of custodes — one called custos pro-
vincicB, the other custos regiminis. The former is
elected at the provincial chapter and holds office for
three years. Besides having a voice in all capitular
acts of his province he takes part in the general chap-
ter, should his provincial b« impeded. The custos
regiminis is a prelate who rules over a custody, or
small province. He possesses ordina^ jurisdiction
and has all the rights and privileges of a provindaL
The number of convents in a casiodia regiminis ranges
from four to eight.
Kbrchovs, CommerUaruB in Oencralia SUUuta OrdiwU S,
Franeisci FnUr. Minorum (Ghent, 1770), VIII. 11: Piatus,
Pnd. Juf. Reaularia, I, 644 aqq,; Olbmsnt IV. Virtule con-
apieuoa (1265) in Bullar. Rom, (Turin edition). III, 737;
Innocent IV, Ordinem Vestrum in BuJlar, Frandsc., I, 401;
Lko X^ Ite et vos in Bullar. Rom., V, 694 ; RegtUcB et Const.
Oenendes FF. Minorum (Rome, 1897), VIII. passim: ConstiL
Urbana FF. Minorum Convenlualium (Mechlin), VIIl. tit. De
Cuttode Custodum: Conelit. Ordinia Min. Cap. anni 16US
CTouraai, 1876), VHI; OrdinaHonea et Deciatonea CapituL
Oeneralium Ord. Cap, (Rome, 1851).
Gregort Cleart.
Onthbert, Saint, Bishop of lindisfame, patron of
Durham, b. about 635 ; d. 20 March, 687. His emblem
is the head of St. Oswald, king and martyr, which he
is ref^resented as bearing in his hands. His feast is
kept in Great Britain and Ireland on the 20th of March,
and he is patron of the Diocese of Hexham and New-
castle, where his commemoration is inserted among
the Suffrages of the Sainte. His early biographers
give no particulars of his birth, and the accounts in
the ''Libellus de ortu'^ which represent him as the
son of an Irish king named Muriadach, thoug^ re-
cently supported by Cardinal Moran and Archbishop
Healy, are rejected by later English writers as legen-
dary. Moreover St. Bede's phrase, Britannia . . .
Snuit (Vita Metrica, c. i)., points te his English birth,
e was probablv bom in tne neighbourhood of Mail-
COS (Melrose) of lowly parentage, for as a boy he used
to tend sheep on the mountain-sides near that mo&>
.astery. While still a child living with his foster-
mother Kenswith his future lot as bishop had bc*en
f oreteld hv a little play-fellow, whose prophecy had a
lasting effect on his diaracter. He was influenced,
too, by the holiness of the community at Mailros,
where St. Eata was abbot and St. Boisil prior. In
the year 651, while watehing his sheep, he saw in a
vision the soul of St. Aidan carried to heaven bv
angels, and inspired by this became a monk at Mail-
ros. Yet it would seem that the troubled state of
the country hindered him from carrying out his
resolution at once. Certain it is that at one part of
his life he was a soldier, and the years which succeed
the death of St. Aidan and Oswin of Deira seem to
have been such as would call for the military service
of most of the able-bodied men of Northumbria,
which was constantly threatened at this time by the
ambition of ite southern neighbour. King Penda of
Mercia. Peace was not restored to the land until
some four years later, as the consequence of a ^at
battle which was fou^t between the Northumbrians
and the Mercians at Winwidfield. It was probably
after this battle that Cuthbert found himself free to
turn once more to the life he desired. He arrived at
Mailros on horse-back and armed with a spear.
Here he soon became eminent for holiness and learn-
ing, while from the first his life was distinguished
by supernatural occurrences and miracles. When
the monastery at Ripon was founded he went there
as guest-master, but m 661 he, with other monks who
adhered to the customs of Celtic Christianity, re-
turned to Mailros owing to the adoption at Ripon of
the Roman Usage in celebrating Easter and in other
matters. Shortiv after his return he was struck by
a pestilence whicn then attacked the community, but
he recovered, and became prior in place of St. Boisil,
who died of the disease in 664. In this year the Synod
of Whitby decided in favour of the Roman Usage, and
St. Cuthbert, who accepted the decision, was sent by
St. Eata to be prior at Lindisfame, in order that he
mi^t introduce the Roman customs into that house.
This was a difficult matter which needed all his gentle
tact and patience \x> carry out successfully, but the
fact that one so renowned for sanctity, who had him-
self been brought up in the Celtic tradition, was loy-
ally conforming to the Roman use, did much to sup-
port the cause of St. Wilfrid. In this matter St. Cuth-
bert's influence on his time was very marked. At
Lindisfame he spent much time in evangelizing the
people. He was noted for his devotion to the Mass,
which he could not celebrate without tears, and for
the success with which his sealous charity drew sin-
nezB to God.
At length, in 676, moved by a desire to attain
greater perfection bv means of the contemplative
ufe, he retired, with the abbot's leave, to a spot which
Archbishop Eyre identifies with St. Cuthbert's Island
near Lindisfame, but which Raine thinks was near
Howbum, where "St. Cuthbert 's Cave" is still shown
Shortly afterwards he removed to Fame Island, oppo-
site Bamborough in Northumberland, where he gave
himself up to a life of great austerity. After some
years he was called from this retirement by a synod
of bishops held at Twyford in Northumberland, under
St. Theiodore, Archbishop of Canterbury. At this
meeting he was elected Bishop of Lindisfame, as St.
Eata was now translated to Hexham. For a long
time he withstood all pressure and only yielded after
a lone stmggle. He was consecrated at York by St.
Theodore in the presence of six bishops, at Easter,
685. For two years he acted as bishop, preaching and
labouring without intermission, witn wonderful re-
sults. At Christmas, 686, foreseeing the near ap-
proach of death, he resigned his see and returned to
nis cell on Fame Island, where two months later he
was seized with a fatal illness In his last days, in
OUTBBIBT
579
OUTHBBRT
Mmrch, 687, he was tended by monks of LindiafarDe,
and received the last sacraments from Abbot Here-
frid, to whom he spoke his farewell words, exhorting
the monks to be faithful to Catholic unity and the
traditions of the Fathers, fie died shortly after mid-
night, and at exactly the same hour that night his
friend St. Herbert, the hermit, also died, as St. Guth-
bert had predicted.
St. Cuthbert was buried in his monastery at Lindis-
fame, and his tomb immediately became celebrated
for remarkable miracles. Tliese were so numerous
and extraordinary that he was called the "Wonder-
worker of England". In 698 the first transfer of the
relics took place, and the body was found incorrupt.
During the Danish invasion of 875, Bishop Eardulf
and the monks fled for safety, carrying the body of
the saint with them. For seven years they wandered,
bearing it first into Cumberland, then into Galloway
and back into Northumberland. In 883 it was placed
in a church at Chester-le-Street, near Durham, given
to the monks by the converted Danish kine, who had
a great devotion to the saint, like King ^red, who
also honoured St. Cuthbert as his patron and was a
benefactor to this church. Towards the end of the
t^ith century, the shrine was removed to Ripon, ow-
ing to fears of fresh invasion. After a few months it
was being carried back to be restored to Chester-le-
Street, when, on arriving at Durham a new miracle,
tradition says, indicated that this was to be the rest
ing-place of the saint's bodv. Here it remained, first
in a chapel formed of boughs, then in a wooden and
finally in a stone church, built on the present site of
Durham cathedral, and finished in 998 or 999. While
William the Conqueror was ravaging the North in
1009, the body was once more removed, this time to
Lindisfame, but it was soon restored. In 1104, the
shrine was transferred to the present cathedral, when
the body was again found incorrupt, with it being the
head of St. Oswald, which had been placed with St.
Cuthbert's body for safety — a fact which accounts for
the well-known symbol of the saint.
From this time to the Reformation the shrine re-
mained the great centre of devotion throughout the
North of England. In 1542- it was plundered of all
its treasures, but the monks had already hidden the
saint's body in a secret place. There is a well-known
tradition, alluded to in Scott's "Marmion", to the
affect that the secret of the hiding-place is known to
certain Benedictines who hand it down from one gen-
eration to another. In 1827 the Anglican clergy of
the cathedral found a tomb alleged to be that of the
saint, but the discovery was challenged b^ Dr. Lin-
nrd. who showed cause for doubting the identity of
tne body found with that of St. Cuthbert. Arch-
budbop Eyre, writins in 1849, considered that the
coffin found was undoubtedly that of the saint,, but
that the body had been removed and other remains
substituted, while a later writer, Monsignor Consitt,
though not expressing a definite view, seems inclined
to aUow that the remains found in 1827 were truly
the bones of St. Cuthbert. Manv traces of the former
widespread devotion to St. Cuthbert still survive in
the numerous churches, monuments, and crosses
raised in his honour, and in such terms as "St. Cuth-
bert's patrimony", "St. Cuthbert's Cross", "Cuth-
bert ducks" and "Cuthbert down "• The centre of
modem devotion to him is found at St. Cuthbert's
College, Ushawy near Durham, where the episcopal
ring of gold, enclosing a sapphire, taken from his fin-
ger in 1537, is preserved, ana where under his patron-
age most of tne priests for the northern counties of
Kngla-nd are trained. Hia name is connected with
two famous early copies of the Gospel text. The
first, known as the Lindisfame or Cuthbert Gospels
(now in the British Museum, Cotton MSS. Nero D
4), was written in the eighth century by Ead-
fnoi Bishop of Lindisfame. It contains the four
gospels and between the lines a number of valuable
Anglo-Saxon (Northumbrian) glosses; though written
by an Anglo-Saxon hand it is considered by' the
best judges (Westwood) a noble work of olc^Irish
calligraphy and illumination, Lindisfame as is
well known being an Irish foundation. The manur
script, one of the most splendid in Europe, was origin-
ally placed by its scribe as an offering on the shrine of
Cuthbert, and was soon richly decorated by monastic
artists (Ethelwold, Bilfrid) and provided by another
(Aldred) with the aforesaid interlinear gloss (Kari
Bouterwek, Die vier Evangelien in altnixxihum-
brischer Sprache, 1857). It has also a history
scarcely less romantic than the body of Cu^bert.
When m the ninth century the monks fled before the
Danes with the latter treasure, they took with them
this manuscript, but on one occasion lost it in the Irish
Channel. After three days it was found on the sea-
shore at Whithem, unhurt save for some stains of
brine. Henceforth in the inventories of Durham and
Lindisfame it was known as " Liber S. Cuthberti qui
demersus est in mare" (the book of St. Cuthbert that
fell into the sea). Its text was edited by Stevenson
and Warning (London, 1854-65) and since then by
Kemble and Hardwick, and by Skeat (see Lindis-
faknb). The second early Gospel text connected
with his name is the seventh-century Gospel oi St.
John (now in possession of the Jesuit College at Stony-
hurst, England) found in 1105 in the grave of St.
Cuthbert.
Bbdb. Da>€r d€ Vitd ft MinadiB 3, CuthbvH; Viki S. Cuth-
6«rt», Meinca,---Bpth these lives are printed in P. L.. XCIV.
also in Ada S3, 0, 3. B. (Paris, 1660); Opera Hist. Minora, od.
Stbvxnbon (Enff. Hist. 8oo., 1838, and in the various oolleoted
editions of Bbd^s works) . The prose life is printed wi^ notes
mAda SS„ IX. Mar. 20. Bkdk. Htrt. Eccl, Gentia Anglorum,
ly, xxvu-xxni; Arrow., Vita S. Cuthberti (by a monk Of
Uadisfame, written between 698-706. This was the founda-
tion of BaoB'a life and contains details omitted by him. It is
printed in Acta 33., IX, Mar. 20, and by Stevenson, op. cit.),
tr. by Foiwxa-LaiTH (Edinburgh, 1888): Stmeon or Durham,
HtMtorta (U 3antio CtUhberlo; lo., Hidoria Tran»UUioni»
Sanelv Cuthbert^ (included amonc Symeon's works, though not
written by him. Surtees Soc.TLI, London, 1868), See also
Brena Rdatto de 3, CtUhberto, ibid., 223-233. The Historia
TroMlationia was printed by the Bollandiotb (toe. cd.) and
^ ^ — .. Symecnia
MonacM Opera Omnia (London, 1882), I; Rboinai.d or CoLr
oiNOHAif , Liber de B. Cuthberti viriutibue (Surtees Soo., I. Lon-
don, 1835); Spalding Qub (London, 1849). XIX. 329>330:
Anon.. Liber de Ortu 3. Cuthberti (an account of Irish origin,
Surtees Soo.. VIII. London, 1838); Anon., Life of St. Cuthbert,
in English verse, a. d. 1450 (Surtees Soc.. LX3cXVII. Lwidon.
1891); John op Tynbmouth. in CApaRA>'s. Nova Legenda
AnglU (London. 1516; latest ed. Oxford, 1901). I. 216. (This
life is edited in Coloan. Acta 33. Scot, aeu Hib., I, 679. It is
a compilation from Bbdb, preceded by an extract from the
LibtUue de Ortu and followed by passages from Stmeon and
Rboinau>.) HxoaB. The Legend of St. CtUhbeH (1626; 4th ed.,
London, 1816); (Thalloneb, Britannia Sonata (London, 1745),
I. 185-197; BuTLBR. Livee of the Saints (London, 1756), March
20; Rainb, St. Cuthbert; with account of the opening of hie tomb
in 1897 (Durham. 1828). In connexion with this seeLxNOARD,
Remarke on the *' Saint Cuthbert'* of Rev. Jamea Raine (New*
castle. 1828); Etrb, History of St. Ctdhbert (London. 1849; 3d
ed. 1887); Montalbmbbrt, Moines d'Occident (1867). IV, 391-
449; Fbtbr. Cuthbert of Lindisfame (London, 1880); Cokwtt,
Life of St. Cuthbert (London. 1887); Hunt, Diet. Nat. Biog.
(London, 1888). XIII. 359; Bollandists. Bibl. Hag. LoHna
(1889). 304-306; Lbssmann. Studien tu dem MiUdengiischen:
life of St. CuthbeH, in Englische Stud. (1897). XXIII. 345-365;
XXIV, 176-195; Phillips. Uahaw Magazine, II, 176-201. in
reply to Moban. Irish Saints in Oreat Britain, and Hbalt. in
Irish Ecclesiastical Record (1888). Sec also articles in Dublin
Review (1849). XXVII. 512; Quarterly Rev. (1872). CXXXIII,
1-42; Vahaw Magarins,\l and VIL
Edwin Burton.
Oathbert, Abbot of Wsabim>uth, a pupil of the
Venerable Bede (d. 735). He was a native of Dur-
ham, but the dates of his birth and death are un-
known. Becoming a monk at Jarrow, he studied
under St. Bede and acted aa his secretary, writing
various works from his dictation. Bede dedicated to
him his work "De Arte MetricA". He was present
when Bede died, and wrote to Cuthwin, one of his
fellow-pupils, a detailed account of all that happened.
OUTUBEBT
580
OTBXST&A
except one was buried at Christ Church. A letter of
his to LuUus, Archbishop of Mainz, is still extant and
also two short poems preserved by William of MalmoK
bury. Leland speaks of a volume of his epigrams in
the libraiy of Malmesbury Abbey. This volume is
now lost.
Ano.'Sax. Chrtmide, mih ann. 741, 742, 768; Haddoiv ajcb
Stdbbb, Councils, III, 340-96: Gervabe. Actua Poni, CanL
(Twysden, 1640); Simeon op Durham. Mon. Hist. BrU..959,
661; WiLUAM or Malmesburt. Gesta Regum (Eng. Hist. Soc.).
1. 115. 116; Idem. iSest. PotUiff, 8. 0. 15,
290; Hook, Lives of the Archbishops, L
217-34; MiGNE. P. L., LXXXI^763.
767: Anglia Saera, 11. Metrical Life of
Cuthberi.
G. E. Hind.
College op Saint.
After the death of Huitbert, who succeeded Ceolfrid
«8 Abbot of Wearmouth, Cuthbert was elected in his
place. His correspondence with Lullus, the disciple
and successor of St. Boniface, Archbishop of Mainz,
is still preserved. He is also supposed to have written
many other letters now lost. Priscus mentions a
manuscript bearing his name which contains an addi>
tion to Bede's Ecclesiastical History. His letter de-
scribing Bede's death is also worthy of note because
of the ihention therein of the Ro-
gation procession with the relics of
the saints.
Mabillon, Annales O. S. B. (Paris,
1703-39), II. 99b, 101a; Idem. Acta SS.
(Venice. 1733. etc.), III. 603. 604. 610
m; Cbillibr, Histoire ginSrale des au^
teurs sQtr4s et ecdisiastiques (Paris, 1729-
69). a. V. Cuthbert, Abbi de Jarrow; P.
L., XCVI. 838. 846.
G. E. Hind.
Onthbert, Archbishop of Can
terbury, date of birth not known;
d. 25 October, 758. He is first
heard of as Abbot of Liminge,
Kent. Consecrated bishop by
Archbishop Nothelm, he succeeded.
Wahlstod in the See of Hereford
in 736 and was translated to
Canterbury about 740. Journey-
ing to Rome he received the pal-
lium, and on his return assisted
at the Council of Cloveshoe in 742. c^-c- x >. .
At this councU Ethelbald, King of Churchof Santo Domingo Cdzco Peru cese embraces the province of Matto
Mercia, confirmed many privileges (On Inca Foundauon^of the Temple of ^^^^^ mi area of 5^,705 sq.
Onthbert,
See UsHAW.
Ouyabiy Diocese of (Cutaben-
sis), suffrage of SSo Sebasti3o
(Rio de Janeiro), Brazil. The dty,
founded by miners about 1720, be-
came the capital of the province of
Matto Grosso in 1840. The present
population is somewhat over 18,000.
The prelature of Cuyab^, erected
by Bull of Benedict XIV, *' Candor
lucis aetemfiB*' (6 Dec., 1745), was
raised to the rank of a bishopric
(Senhor Bom Jesus de Cuyabd) by
Bull of Leo XII. '* Sollicita catholici
(15 July, 1826). The dio-
to churches and monastenes. His
friendship with St. Boniface, Archbishop of Mainz,
accounts for the intimate knowledge that St. Boniface
had of the evil life of Ethelbald, which prompted the
saint to correspond with the king in the hope of induc-
inghim to reform. Cuthbert, in obedience to the wish
of rope Zachary, called a second Council of CJloveshoe,
in 747, which formulated many canons for the guidance
of monastic life and the duties of bishops and priests. 1 1
especially insisted on
catechetical instruction
being given in the Eng-
lish tongue. The pro-
ceedings of this council
were sent to St. Boniface
and prompted him to
act similarly in Cler-
many. Some have
thought that St. Boni-
face took the initiative
and not Cuthbert, but
most now admit that
the proceedings in Ger-
many for promoting a
greater union with Rome
took place after this
"coimcil of CHoveshoe and
in imitation of it.
Cuthbert brought
about a great change
Cloister of La Merced, CTuzco
with regard to theprecedence of the Cathedral Church
of Canterbury. Christ Church, Canterbury, was con-
sidered inferior in dignity to the Church of Sts. Peter and
Paul where all the archbishops were interred The
pope granted his request for the interment of the arch-
bisnops at Clirist Church and King Eadbert con-
firmed this. A chapel was then built at the east end
of the cathedral deaicated to St. John the Baptist to
serve as the baptistery, the court of the archbishops
and their place of burial. Fearing opposition from tne
monks of Sts. Peter and Paul's church Cuthbert was
stealthily buried in the new chapel several days before
his death was generally known. From that time until
^e Conquest at least, eveiy Archbishop of Canterbury
miles, and has a Catholic popu-
lation of 100,700, with 17 parishes, 20 churches, 12
secular priests and 10 regular.
Battandier, Ann. pant. cath. (1906); Hbroeb. Konve^tt-
tions'Lex., a. v.; Werner, Orbis tcrrarumCath. (Freiburg im Br.,
1890), 213.
F. M. RUDGE.
Cuyo. See San Juan de Cuyo.
Ouico, Diocese of (Cuzcensis), suffra^n of Lima,
Peru. The city of Cuzco,
capital of the cfepartment
of the same name, is lo-
cated on the eastern end
of the Knot of Cuzco, 11,-
000 feet above sea-leveL
The original Inca city,
said to have been foimded
in the eleventh century,
was destroyed by Pizarro
in 1535. There are still
remains, however, of the
palace of the Incas, the
Tenaple of the Sim, and
the Temple of the Virgins
of the Sun. Among the
most noteworthy build-
ings of the city is the
cathedral of Santo Do-
mingo. The diocese,
erected by Paul III (5
Sept., 1536), comprises the departments of Cuzco and
Apurimac, an area of 21,677 sq. m., containing a Cath-
olic population of 480,000, wit^ 106 parishes, 650
churches and chapels, 150 priests, a seminary, and
schools.
Battandibr, Ann. poni. eath. (Paris, 1906); Ann. eed.
(Rome. 1908).
F. M. RuPGE.
Oybistra, a titular see of Cappadocia in Asia Minor.
Ptolemy (5, 7, 7) places this city in Lycaonia; Strabo
(12, 535) in aiicia; acero (Epist. tiA fam., 15, 2, 4)
m Cappadocia extrema, near the boundary of Cilicia
and not far from Taurus. It is mentioned as a suf-
fragan of Tyana, metropolis of Cappadocia Secundai
CTOLAOES
581
OTNKWXJLF
In tbid "Synecdemus" of Hierocles (TOO), and in some
^arly ''Notitise episcopatuum". It was captured by
Hanin in 805, and by Almamun in 832. Afterwards,
probably in the eleventh century, it was made an in-
dependent archbishopib (Parthey's Notitis, 10 and
ll3 ; it still remainea a Byzantine possession after a
Srest part of Cappadocia had passed into Turkish
hskiids. From the eighth to the. eleventh centuries
'we hear often of a fortress Heracleia, now known to
have been near Cybistra and united with it in one
bishopric (Notitia, 10). The name of this fortress has
been preserved in the modem form, Eregli, a poor
village and the centre of a cam in the vilayet of
Konia. Five-bishops are quoted by Lequien (I, 403) ;
the first was present at Nicsea in 325, the last at Con-
stantinople at the end of the twelfth century.
Ramsay. Hiat. Geogr, of* Ana Minor, 341.
S. PiTBIDiB.
CydadeB, a group of islands in the ^gean Sea.
The ancients called by this name only Delos and eleven
nei^bouring islands, Andros, Tenos, Myknos, Siphnos,
Senphos, Naxos, Syros, Paros, Kythmos, Keos, and
Gyaros. According to mythology they were nymphs
metamorphosed into rocks for having refused to sacri-
fice to Poseidon. They are in fact remains of an
ancient continent that disappeared in the tertiarv
epoch. Successively Cretan, Dorian, and Ionian col-
onies, they were made subject to Athens by Miltiades.
Under Byzantine rule the Dodekanesoi (twelve in-
lands) were included in the fifth European theme.
Plundered by the Saracens in the seventh and eight
centuries, they became, after the Fourth Crusade, a
duchv belonging to the Venetian families of Sanudo
and Crispo. The Tiu'ks conquered them in the six-
teenth century. The Cyclades are now a nomoa, or
department, of Greece, but imder this name are com-
prised also Melos, Kimolos, Sikinos, Amorgos (birth-
place of Simonides), Thera or Santorin, los, Anaphe,
and other islands between them. The population is
about 130,000. SOk, wine, cotton, fruit, sponges,
marble (Paros), and emery (Naxos), are the chief
products. There is also a coasting trade; Hermou-
polis in Syros is an important port.
There were in the Cyclades many Greek sees suffra-
gan to Rhodes. Under the Prankish rule, Latin sees
were also established at Naxos, Andros, Keos, Syros,
Tenos, Mykonos, los, Melos, and Thera, as suffragans
of Rhodes and Athens, later only of Naxos. The
Arehdiocese of Naxos includes also Paros and Anti-
paros. It has 500 Catholics, some 10 churches or
chapels, and 10 priests. Amon^ the latter are Capu-
chins, and Oblates of St. Francis de Sales; Ursuline
jxuna conduct th^ schools. Naxos and Paros were
Greek bishoprics early united under the name of Paro-
naxia. It was a metropolitan see in 1088, and its
episcopal list is in Leqmen (I, 937). Several of its
metropolitans united with Rome from the fourteenth
to the eighteenth centunr. The list of the Latin areh-
bishons is in Lequien (III, 1001), Gams (448), and
Eubel (1, 375, II, 221). The See of Naxos la now con-
fided to the Archbishop of Athens as administrator
Apostolic. Andros was likewise a Greek see; its epis-
copal list is in Lequien (I, s. v.). The Latin list is
found -there sJso (III, 859), in Gams (449), and more
complete m Eubel (I, 89, II, 99). From 1702 the see
was administered by a vicar-Apostolic dependent di-
rectly on Propaganda; and in 1824 it was confided to
the Bishop of Tenos.
Melos (Milo) is famous for the statue of Venus
found there ; it has thermal springs and solfataras, and
there are ruins of the ancient city. The Greek epis-
copal list 18 in Lequien (I, 945). The Latin list is also
in LMjuien (III, 1055), and Gams (449); see also Eu-
bel (I, 355. II, 211). In 1700 the see was united with
Naxos and in 1830 with Thera. The list of the Latin
bishops of Keos (Cea, Zea) is in Lequien (III, 867),
Gams (440), Eubel (I, 194, II, 143). los (Nk>, N«a),
according to tradition the site of Homer's death, had a
series of Latin bishops (see Leauien, III, 1135, and
Grams, 448). As to Mykonos (Micone) we know only
that the see was united with Tenos as early as 1400.
(See Strob, Tenob, and Thera.)
Bbnt, TAe Cydad§8. Life among the huular Oreeke (London.
1885); ToEBB, The idanOe of the JBgean (Oxford, 1800); PuL-
LEN, Murray*8 Handbook for Cfreeoe and the Ionian lelanda
.(London. 1895).
S. PimtlD^.
Oyde. See Calendar.
Oyde (Diontsian). See Chronoloqt.
Oydonia, a titular see of Crete. According to old
legends Cydonia (or Kydonia) was founded by King
Kydon, on the northwest shore of Oete. It was
afterwards occupied by the AchsBans and iEolians,
hut remained one of the chief cities of the island till
it was taken by Q. C. Metellus (a. d. 69). The Vene-
tians rebuilt and fortified it in 1252; it was tdcen by
the Turks in 1645. The Arabs called it Rabdh el-
Djebn, the modem Greeks and Turks Khania, the
Western peoples Canea. Lequien (II, 272) Imows of
only two Greek bishops: Sebon, in 458, and Nicetaa,
in 692. Gams (404) adds Meliton, in 787. After the
Frank occupation there was in Crete a Latin see,
Agriensis, or Agiensis, which must have been the same
as that of Cydonia, or Canea. Lequien (III, 923-928)
knows of sixteen Latin bishops, trom 1310 to 1645.
Eubel (I, 76; II, 93) numbers seventeen for the period
from about 1300 to 1481 (see also ibid., II, 312). Tke
last occupant retired to Italy when the city had been
taken by the Turks. The population of Canea is now
about 20,000, mostly Greeks, with 200 Latins. It
was the residence of the Latin Bishop of Candia, after
the see had been re-established by Pius IX. The
Catholic parish is held by Capuchins. There are some
Christian Brothers and Sisters of St. Joseph de TAp-
parition, with two schools and an orphanage. Canea
still remains a Greek see. (See Canea; Candia.)
S. PiTRinia.
Csnne, a titular see of Asia Minor. Kyme (Doric,
Kyma) was a port on the Kymaios Kolpos TTchan-
darli Bay^, the most important city of .£olis, and
was founded by the .^ouans about the eleventh or
the thirteenth century b. c.,' according to old tradi-
tions, by Pelops on his return from Greece. After
defeating Oenonmnos and expelling the native inhabi-
tants, he gave to the city tne name of the Amazon
Kyme. Another uncommon name was Phrykonis.
CJyme is mentioned in the "Synecdemus" of Hierocles
and in the ''Notitis episcopatuum" as late as the
thirteenth or fourteenth century. Five bishops are
mentioned in Lequien (I, 729), from 431 to 787.
There was another, John, in 1216. C^rm^^ is identi-
fied with the small village of Lamourt, in the vilayet
of Smyrna. The name is sometimes transcribed
Chime, or even Cumse, possibly a source of confusion
with Chimae in Italy. There was also a Cyme in
.£gyptus Secunda, a suffragan of Cabasa.
S. P^TRID&S.
Ojrnewulf . — That certain Anglo-Saxon poems still
extant were written by one Cyx^wulf is beyond dis-
pute, for the author has signed his name in them by
spelling it out in runic letters which may be so read as
to make sense in the context of the poem. It is, how-
ever, quite uncertain who this Cynewulf was. Despite
strong expressions of opinion to the contrary, there
seems good reason for identifving him with Cynewulf,
Bishop of Lindisf ame, though Professor A. 8. Cook of
Yale advocates the claims of a certain Cynulf, an
ecclesiastic whose signature is attached to the Decrees
of the Council of Clovesho in 803, and who may have
been a priest of the Diocese of Dunwich. In any case
it has been conclusively shown of late that Professor
OTNIO
582
OTPBIAM
Otx>k's chief reason for rejecting the bishop'iB claiin, vu.
the fluppoeed dependence of some of Cynewulf 's poems
on Alcuin's ** De Trinitate ", written about 802, is base-
less. (See C. F. Brown in Pub's, of Mod. Lang. Ass'n.
of N. Am., XVIII, 308.) Apart from conjecture our
only certain knowledge about Cynewulf is derived
from what he tells us of himself in the four runic pas-
sages. He had received gifts in a hall amid scenes of
revelry, which may mean that he had been in youth a
sort of gleeman or minstrel. He was converted, and '
had since then devoted himself to sacred song but now
in old age he still dreaded the punishment of past sins.
Four poems, the "Christ", the *'Elene", the 'VTuliana"
and the "Fates of the Apostles" may be attributed to
Cynewulf with certainty in virtue of their nmic signa-
tures. The "Christ", as it is preserved in "The Exe-
ter Book", the only manuscript containing it, is a
glorification of three themes, the Advent of Cnricrt, the
Ascension, and His second coming upon Doomsday.
As in all the other poems the wnter shows literary
gifts of a very high order and he must evidently, from
his knowledge of earlier writers, especially St. Gregory,
have been a man of considerable learning. In the
"Christ" he paraphrases several of the anthems,
known as the great O's, in the Advent liturgy and in
doing BO introduces passages of much beauty breath-
ing tne most intense devotion to Our Blessed Lady
(cf. U. 33-49, 71-103, etc.), and differing little in feel-
ing from the tone of such verses as those of Lydgate,
six hundred years later. The poem also contains a re-
markable testimony (11. 1307-1326) to the practice of
confession. "Juliana", also preserved to us in "The
Exeter Book", is a poetical version of the Acts of the
martyrdom of St. Juliana. The "Elene", with those
next mentioned, became known only in 1836 upon the
discovery of the Vercelli codex, an Anglo-Saxon manu-
script in prose and verse, which for some unknown
reason had found its way to Vercelli in Italy. The
"Elene" is generally reputed Cynewulf 's masterpiece.
It contains a narrative based on earlier Latin legends
of the discovery of the true Cross by St. Helen. The
"Fates of the Apostles" is a fragment chiefly impor-
tant as forming a connecting link between Cynewulf
who signs it, and the kindred poem "Andreas^* in the
same manuscript. This also is consequently by most
authorities assigned to Cynewulf, though Knapp, its
latest editor (Boston, 1906), regards it as the work of
an imitator and possibly disciple of Cynewulf. Of the
remaining works conjecturally attributed to this poet
the beautiful "Dream of the Rood" is the most im-
portant. Some verses apparently derived from this
allegory and engraved upon the famous Ruthwell
Cross have led to much controversy regarding both
the date of the monument and the authorship of the
poem. Other doubtful works sometimes attributed
to Cynewulf are the "Guthlac", the "Phoenix" and
certain riddles in "The Exeter Book. " It is safe to
say that unless fresh evidence comes to light the au-
thorship canjiever be settled.
It 18 impossible to indicate more than a few of the immenae
number oi essays and editions which of late yean have been
oonnecrated to Cynewulf's poems, and to the controvereiee
centering round his name. A food account and a full bibliog-
laphy is supplie<l hv the Cambrtdae History of English Literature
(Cambridge, 1007). I, 49-64 and 430-432; cf. also Cook. The
Christ of Cynrwulf (Bo«»ron, 1900); Idem, The Dream of the
Rood (Oxford. 1905); Gollancx, Cj/n«irtiif « Christ (London,
1892); Knapp, Andreas and the Fates of the Apostles (Boston,
1906); HoLTHAUHEV. Cynewulf s Elene (Heidelberg, 1905);
Thautmamn, Kunf^culf drr Bischof und Dichtrr (Bonn, 1898);
Brooke. Early Eridish JAieraiure (London, 1892); Stubbs, The
Christ of Enoiieh Poetry (London, 1906).
Herbert Thurston.
Cynic School of Philosophy. — The Cynic School,
founded at Athens about 400 D. c, continued in ex-
iBtence imtil about 200 b. c. It sprang from the eth-
ical doctrine of Socrat<»s regarding the necessity of
moderation and self-denial. Witli this ethical ele-
ment i*. combined the dialectical and rhetorical meth-
ods of the Eleatics and the Sophists. Both' these
influences, however, it perverted from their primitive
uses; the Socratio etiucs was interpreted by the
CyniQs into a coarse and even vulgar depreciation of
knowledge, refinement, and the common decencies,
while the methods of the Eleatics and the Sophists
became in the hands of the Cynics an instrument of
contention (Elristic Method) rather than a means of
attaining truth. The Cynic contem])t for the refine-
ments and conventions of polite society is generally
^ven as the reason for toe name dogs (x^yct) by
which the first representatives of the school were
known. According to some authorities, however, the
name Cynic arose from the fact that the first repre-
sentatives of the school were accustomed to meet in
the gsrmnasium of Cynosarges.
The founder of the schooLwas Antisthenes, an
Athenian who was bom about 436 b. c, and was a
pupQ of Socrates. The best known among his fol-
lowers are Diogenes of Sinope, Crates, Menedemus,
and Menippus. Antisthenes himself seems to have
been a serious thinker and a writer of ability. In his
theory of knowledge he advocated individualistic
sensism as opposed to Plato's intellectualistic theory
of ideas; that is to say, he taugjit that the sense-
perceived individual alone exists and that there are
no universal objects of knowledge. In ethics he
maintained that virtue is the only good and that
pleasure is always and under all conditions an evil.
Self-control, he said, is the essence of virtue, and a
wise man will learn above all things to despise mate-
rial needs and the artificial comforts in which worldly
men find happiness.
Diogenes, generally referred to as "Diogenes the
Cynic , is one of the most striking figures in Greek
history ; at least, his personality with its eccentricities,
its coarse humour, its originality, and its defiance of the
commonplace, has app^ed with extraordinaiy force
to the popular imagination. His interview with Alex-
ander, of which the simplest version is to be found in
Plutarch, was greatly exacserated by subsequent
tradition. The followers of Diogenes, namely, Crates,
Menedemus, and Menippus, imitated all his eccentrici-
ties and so exaggerated the anti-social elements in the
Cynic system that the school finally fell into disrepute.
Nevertheless, there were in the C3mic philosophy
elements, especially the ethical dement, which later
became a source of genuine inspiration in the Stoic
School. This element, combined with the broader
Stoic idea of the usefulness of intellectual culture
and the more enlightened Stoic concept of the scope
of logical discussion, reappeared in the philosophy of
Zeno and Cleanthes, ana was the central ethical aoo>
trine of the last great system of philosophy in Greece.
Zelleb, Socrates and the Socratic Schools (London, 1885),
285 fr.; Uebebweo-Heinze, History ef Philosophy, tr. HosBia
(New York, 1882). I, 92 iiqq.; Windbiaa2«d, ffiatory of PAOot-
• , tr. TuFTB (New York, 1901), 82 sqq.; Tubkbb, Hisihirw
hUosaphy CBoston, 1903), 87 aqq.
WlLUAM TURNKB.
JfAJ
Oyprian, Saint, Bishop of Toulon, b. at Marseillea
in 476; d. 3 Oct., 546. He was the favourite pupil of
St. Csesarius of Aries by whom he was trained, and
who, in 506, ordained him to the diaconate, and, in
516, consecrated him Bishop of Toulon. St. Cyp-
rian appears to have been present in 524 at the Svnod
of Aries and in the following years to have attended a
number of councils. At all these assemblies he
showed himself a vigorous opponent of Semipelagian-
ism. Soon after the death of Csesarius (d. 643) Qy-
prian wrote a life of his great teacher in two boou.
Being moved to the undertaking by the entreaty of the
Abbess Caesaria the Younger, who had been the head
of the convent at Aries since 529. The life is one of
the most valuable biographical remains of the sixUi
century. Cyprian was aided in his task by the two
bishops, Firminus and Viventius, friends of Csesarius,
0TFBIA9
583
omoAH
•8 'wdl 9B hv the priest Messianus and the deacon
Stephen. Ine main part of the work up to the for-
Hettx chapter of the first book was most probably writ*
ten by Cyprian himself. Within the last few years
another writing of his has become known, a letter to
B]sho|> Maadmus of Geneva, which discusses some of
the disputed theological questions of that age. The
feast ot St. Cyprian falls on 3 October.
Aeia S8., Oct.. 11, 164-178; HiH. liU. de la France, lU, 237-
241; Wawba gives tha letter to Maximua in Theolog, Quartal'
BchriU nrObingen. 1903). LXXXV, 576-604; Man. Oerm, HuZ:
Ejnsi,, III. 434-436, also gives the letter; the life of St. Onarius
can be found in the following oolleetions: Acta jSiS., Aug.,VI,
6^76; P. L., LXVII, 1001-1042; and M&n. Gem. HmI.;
Kbusch, Scriptorea Meroving., Ill, 457-601.
Gabriel Meier.
Cyprian, Saint, and JusimA, Saint, Christians of
Antioch who suffered martyrdom during the persecu-
tion of Diocletian at Nicomedia, 26 September, 304,
the date in September being afterwards made the day
of their feast. Cyprian was a heathen macdcian of
Antioch who had dealings with demons. By their
aid he sought to bring St. Justina, a Christian virgin,
to ruin; but she foiled the threefold attacks of the
devils by the sign of the cross. Brought to despair
Cyprian made the sign of the cross himself and in this
way was freed from the toils of Satan. He was re-
ceived into the Church, was made pre-eminent by
miraculous gifts, and became in succession deacon,
priest, and finally bishop, while Justina became the
head of a convent. During the Diocletian persecu-
tion both were seized and ^ken to Damascus where
they were shockingly tortured. As their faith never
WAvered they were brought before Diocletian at Nico-
media, where at his command they were beheaded on
the bank of the river Gallus. The same fate befell a
Christian, Theoctistus, who had come to Cyprian and
had embraced him. After the bodies of the saints had
lain unburied for six days they were taken by Chris-
tian sailors to Rome where they were interrea on the
estate of a noble lady named Itufina and later were
entombed in Constantine's basilica. This is the out-
line of the legend or allegory which is found, adorned
with diffuse descriptions and dialogues, in tne unreli-
able " Symeon Metaphrastes'', and was made the sub-
ject of a poem by the Empress Eudocia II. The
story, however, must have arisen as early as the
fourtn century, for it is mentioned both by St. Greg-
ory Naziamsen and Prudentius; both, nevertheless,
have confounded oiu* Cyprian with St. Cyprian ot
Carthage: a mistake often repeated. It is certain
that no Bishop of Antioch bore the name of Cyprian.
The attempt has been made to find in Cyprian a mys-
tical prototype of the Faust legend; Calderon took
the story as the basis of a drama: "El magico prodi-
gioso". The legend is given in Greek and Latin in
Acta SS. September, VII. Ancient Syriac and Ethi-
opic versions of it have been published within the last
few years.
KArLRN in KxrehenUx., s. v.; Zark. Cyprian vcn AnHoAien
vnd die deuUehe Faustsaae (Erlangen, 1882); Rybsel, Urtext d.
Cj/prianachen lA-gcrule In Arehiv f. neuere Spraehen u. LiU.
a903), ex. 273-311; Btbl hagion. lot.. 308; see abo Butleb,
lAves of the Saints, 25 September; and Gbid.) BARiNO-OotTLD,
Iamb of the SainU,
Gabribl Meibr.
Oyprian of Oarthage (Thabcius C/bcilius Ctpri-
ANUs), Saint, bishop and martyr. Of the date of the
saint's birth and ot his early life nothing is known.
At the time of his conversion to Christianity he had,
perhaps, passed middle life. He was famous as an
orator and pleader, had oonsickrable wealth, and
held, no douot, a great position in the metropolis of
Africa. We learn from his deacon, St. Pontius, whose
life of the saint is preserved, that his mien was di^-
fied without severity, and cheerful without effusive-
ness. His gift of eloquence is evident in his writings,
tie was not a thinker, a philosopher, a theologian, but
eminently a man of the worid and an administrator,
of vast ener^es, and of forcible and striking character.
His conversion was due to an aged priest named Cffici-
lianus, with whom he seems to have gone to live.
Csecilianus in dying commended to Cyprian the care
of his wife and family. While yet a catechumen the
saint decided to observe chastiw, and he gave most
of his revenues to the poor. He sold his property,
including liis gardens at Carthage. These were re-
stored to him (Dei indulgentid restUiUif says Pon-
tius), being apparently bought back for him by his
friends; but he would have sold them again, had not
the persecution made this imprudent. His baptism
probably took place c. 246, presumably on Easter
eve, 18 April.
C^rian's first Christian writing is ** Ad Donatum",
a monologue spoken to a friend, sitting under a vine-
dad fergola. He tells how, until the grace of God
illummated and strengthened the convert, it had
seemed impossible to conquer vice; the decay of
Roman society is pictured, the gladiatorial shows, the
theatre, the imjust law-courts, the hollowness of polit-
ical success; the only refuge is the temperate, studi-
ous, and prayerful life of the Christian. At the begin-
ning should probably be placed the few words of
Donatus to Cyprian which are printed by Hartel as a
spurious letter. The style of this pamphlet is affected
and reminds us of the bombastic unintelligibility of
Pontius. It is not like Tertullian, brilliant, barbar-
ous, uncouth, but it reflects the preciosity which
Apuleius made fashbnable in Africa. In his other
works Cyprian addresses a Christian audience; his
own fervour is allowed full play, his style becomes
simpler, though forcible, and sometimes poetical, not
to say flowery. Without being classical, it is correct
for its date, and the cadences of the sentences are in
strict rhythm in all his more careful writings. On the
whole his beauty of style has rarely been equalled
among the Latin Fathers, and never surpassed except
by the matchless energy and wit of St. Jerome.
Another work of his early days was the " Testimonia
ad Quirinum", in two books. It consists of passages
of Scripture arranged imder headings to illustrate the
missing away of the Old Law and its fulfilment in
Christ. A third book, added later, contains texts
dealing with Christian ethics. This work is of the
greatest value for the history of the Old Latin version
of the Bible. It gives us an African text closely re-
lated to that of the Bobbio MS. known as k (Turin).
Hartel's edition has taken the text from a MS. which
exhibits a revised version, but what Cyprian wrote
can be fairly well restored from the MS. cited in Har-
tel's notes as L. Another book of excerpts on mar-
tyrdom is entitled "Ad Fortunatum"; its text can-
not be judged in any printed edition. Cyprian was
certainly only a recent convert when he became
Bishop of Carthage c. 248 or the beginning of 249, but
he pa^ed through all the grades of the ministry. He
haa declined the charge, but was constrained by the
people. A minority opposed his election, including
five priests, who remained his enemies; but he tells
us that he was validly elected "after the Divine judg-
ment, the vote of the people and the consent of the
bishops'*.
Thk Dbcian Persecution. — ^The prosperity of the
Church during a peace of thirty-eight years had pro-
duced great disorders. Many even of the bishops
were given up to worldliness and gain, and we hear of
worse scandals. In October, 249, Decius became
emperor with the ambition of restoring the ancient
virtue of Rome. In January, 260, he published an
edict against Christians. Bishops were to be put to
death, other persons to be punished and tortured till
they recantea. On 20 January Pope Fabian was mar-
tyred, and about the same' time St. Cyprian retired to
a safe place of hiding. His enemies continually re-
proached him with this. But to remain at Carthage
OYPBIAN
584
OYPBIAH
^as to court death, to cause greater danger to others,
ind to leave the Church without government: for to
elect a new bishop would have been as impossible as it
was at Rome. Me made over much property to a
confessor priest, Rogatian, for the needy. Some df
the clergy lapsed, others fled; Cyprian suspended
their pay, for their ministrations were needed and
they were in less danger than the bishop. From his
retreat he encouraged; the confessors and wrote elo-
(juent pane^ics on the martyrs. Fifteen soon died
in prison and one in the mines. On the arrival of the
proconsul in April the severity of the persecution in-
creased. St. Mappalicus died gloriously on the 17th.
Children were tortured, women dishonoured. Numi-
dicus, who had encouraged many, saw his wife burnt
alive, and was himself half burnt, then stoned and left
for dead: his daughter found him yet living; he
recovered and Cyprian made him a priest. Some, after
, being twice tortured, were dismissed or banished,
' often beggared.
But there was another side to the picture. At
Rome terrified Christians rushed to the temples to
sacrifice. At Carthage the majority apostatized.
Some would not sacrifice, but purchased libeUij or cer-
tificates, that they had done so. Some bought the
exemption of their family at the price of their own sin.
Of these Itbellatici there were several thousands in
Carthage. Of the fallen some did not repent, others
joined the heretics, but most of them clsunoured for
forgiveness and restoration. Some, who had sacri-
ficed imder torture, returned to be tortured afresh.
Castus and iEmilius were burnt for recanting, others
were exiled; but such cases were necessarily rare. A
few began to perform canonical penance. The first
to suffer at Rome had been a young Carthaginian,
Celerinus. He recovered, and Qrprian made him a
lector. His grandmother and two imcles had been
martyrs, but his two sisters apostatized under fear of
torture, and in their repentance ^ve themselves to
the service of those in prison. Their brother was very
urgent for their restoration. His letter from Rome to
Lucian, a confessor at Carthage, is extant, with the
reply of the latter. Lucian obtained from a martyr
named Paul before his passion a commission to grant
peace to any who asked for it, and he distributed
these "indulgences" with a vague formiila: "Let such
a one with his family commtuiicate". Tertullian
speaks in 197 of the " custom " for those who were not
at peace with the Church to beg this peace from the
martyrs. Much later, in his Montanist days (c. 220),
he urges that the adulterers whom Pope Callistus was
ready to forgive after due penance would now get
restored by merely imploring the confessors and those
in the mines. Correspondingly we find Lucian issu-
ing pardons in the name of confessors who were still
alive, a manifest abuse. The heroic Mappalicus had
only interceded for his own sister and mother. It
seemed now as if no penance was to be enforced upon
the lapsed, and Cyprian wrote to remonstrate.
MeanwhQe official news had arrived fr.>m Rome of
the death of Pope Fabian, together with An unsimed
and ungrammatical letter to the deray of Carthage
from some of the Roman clergy, implying blame to
Cyprian for the desertion of his flock, and giving ad-
vice as to the treatment of the lapsed. Cyprian ex-
plained his conduct (Ep. xx), and sent to Rome copies
of thirteen of the letters he had written from his
hiding-place to Carthage. The five priests who op-
posed him were now admitting at once to communion
all who had recommendations from the confessors, and
the confessors themselves issued a general indulgence,
in accordance with which the bishops were to restore
to communion all whom they had examined. This
was an outrage on discipline, yet Cyprian was ready to
give some value to the indulgences thus improperly
granted, but all must be done in submission to the
bishop. He proposed that libellaiici should be re-
stored, when in danger of death, bv a priest or eivoi by
a deacon, but that the rest shoula await the ceasatkm
of persecution, when councils could be held at Borne
ana at Carthage, and a common decision be agreed
upon. Some re^Eurd must be had for the pren^ative
of the confessors, yet the lapsed must surely not be
placed in a better position than those who had stood
last, and had been tortured, or beggared, or exilecL
The guilty were terrified by marvels that occurred.
A man was struck dumb on the very Capitol wheze be
had denied Christ. Another went maa in the public
baths, and gnawed the tongue which had tasted the
pagan victim. In Cyprian's own presence an infant
who had been taken by its nurse to partake at the
heathen altar, and then to the Holy Sacrifice offered
by the bishop, was as though in torture, and vomited
the Sacred Species it had received in the holy chalice.
A lapsed woman of advanced age had fallen in a fit^
on venturing to communicate unworthily. Anoth^*,
on opening tne receptacle in which, according to cus-
tom, she had taken home the Blessed Sacrament for
private Communion, was deterred from sacrilegiously
touching it by fire which came forth. Yet anoth^
found nought within her pvx save cinders. About
September, Cyprian received promise of support from
the Roman priests in t^o letters written by tne famous
Novatian in the name of his colleagues. In the b^jn-
ning of 251 the persecution waned, owing to the suc-
cessive appearance of two rival emperors. The con-
fessors were released, and a council was convened at
Carthage. By the perfidy of some priests Cyprian was
unable to leave his retreat till after Laster (23
March). But he wrote a letter to his flock denotm-
cing the most infamous of the five priests, Novatus, and
his deacon Felicissimus (£p. xliiQ. To the bishop's
order to delay the reconciliation of the lapsed until
the council, Felicissimus had replied by a manifesto,
declaring that none should conamunicate with himself
who accepted the large alms distributed by Cyprian's
order. The subject of the letter is more fully devel-
oped in the treatise "De Ecclesise Catholicse Unitate"
which Cyprian wrote about this time (Benson wron^y
thought it was written against Novatian some weeks
later).
This celebrated pamphlet was read by its author to
the coimcil which met m April, that he might get the
support of the bishops against the schism started by
Felicissimus and Novatus, who had a large following.
The unity with which St. Cyprian deals is not so mudi
the unity of the whole Church, the necessity, of which
he rather postulates, as the unity to be kept in each
dioceseby imion with the bishop; the umty of the
whole Church is maintained by the close union of the
bishops who are "glued to one another", hence who-
soever is not w^ith his bishop is cut of! from the unity
of the Church and cannot be united to Christ; the type
of the bishop is St. Peter, the first bishop. Protestant
controversialists have attributed to St. Cyprian the
absurd argument that Christ said to Peter what He
really meant for all, in order to give a type or picture
of unity. What St. Cyprian really says is simpy this,
that Christ, using the metaphor of an edifice, foimds
His Church on a single foundation which shall mani*
f est and ensure its unity. And as Peter is the founda-
tion, binding the whole Church together, so in each
diocese is the bishop. With this one argument Cy-
prian claims to cut at the root of all heresies and
schisms. It has been a mistake to find any reference
to Rome in this passage (I>e Unit., 4).
Church UNrry. — About the time of ihe opening of
the council (251), two letters arrived from Rome.
One of these, announcing the election of a pope, St.
Cornelius, was read by (^nBut to the assembly; the
other contained such violent and improbable accusa-
tions against the new pope that he thought it better to
pass it over. But two bishops, Caldonius and Foi«-
tunatus, were dispatched to Rome for further i^^fo^
(nrpBXAN
585
OnBXAN
maiion, and the whole council waa to await their re-
turn— such was the importance of a papal election.
Meantime another message arrived with the news that
N'ovatian, the most eminent amoxic the Roman
dergy, had been made pope. Happily two African
prelates, Pompeius and Stephanus, who had been
present at the election of Cornelius, arrived also, and
Twere able to testify that he had been validly set '^in
Hie place of Peter , when as yet there was no other
daimant. It was thus possible to reply to the re-
f^rimination of Novatian's envoys, and a short letter
was sent to Rome, explaining the discussion which
had taken place in the council. Soon afterwards
csune the report of Caldonius and Fortunatus together
'with a letter from Cornelius, in which the latter com-
plained somewhat of the delay in recomizing him.
Pyprian wrote to Cornelius explaining nis prudent
conduct. He added a letter to the confessors who
'were the main support of the antipope, leaving it to
Cornelius whether it should be delivered or no. He
sent also copies of his two treatises, " Be Unitate " and
*'De Lapsis" (this had been composed bv him imme-
diately after the other), and he wishes the confessors
to reaa these in order that they may understand what
a fearful thine is schism. It is in this copy of the
**De Unitate that Cyprian appears most probably
to have added in the margin an alternative version of
the fourth chapter. The original passage^ as foimd
in most MSS. wad as printed in Hartel's ^ition, rims
thus:
" If any will consider this, there is no need of a long
treatise and of arguments. The Lord saith to Peter:
'I say imto thee that thou art Peter, and upon this
rock I will build M^ Church, and the ^tes of hell
shall not prevail agamst it; to thee I will give the keys
of the kingdom of heaven, and what thou shalt have
boimd on earth shall be bound in heaven, and what
thou shalt have loosed shall be loosed in heaven.'
Upon one He builds His Church, and though to all His
Apostles after His resurrection He gives an equal
power and says: 'As My Father hath sent Me, even so
send I you: Receive the Holy Ghost, whosesoever sins
you shall have remitted they shall be remitted unto
them, and whosesoever sins you shall have retained
they shall be retained', yet that He might make unity
manifest, He disposed the origin of that unity begin-
ning from one. The other Apostles were indeed what
Peter was, endowed with a like fellowship both of
honour and of power, but the commencement pro-
ceeds from one, that the Church may be shown to be
one. This one Church the Holy Ghost in the person
of the Lord designates in the Canticle of Canticles, and
says. One is My Dove, My perfect one, one is she to
her Mother, one to her that bare her. He that holds
not this unity of the Church, does he believe that he
holds the Faith? He who strives against and resists
the Church, is he confident that he is in the Church?"
The substituted passage is as follows: "... bound
in heaven. Upon one He builds His Church, and to
Oie same He says after His resurreciionf *feed My
sheep*. And thoueh to all His Apostles He s^ve an
equal power yet dm He set up one chair, and disposed
the origin and manner of unity by his authority. The
other Apostles were indeed what Peter was, hut the
primacy is given ta Peter, and the Church and the
chair is shown to be one. And all are jnistors, hut
the flock is shown to he one, which is fed hy all the
Apostles with one mind and heart. He who holds
not this unity of the Church, does he think that he
holds the faith? He who deserts the chair of Peter,
upon whom the Church is founded, is he confident
that he is in the Church?"
These alternative versions are siven Qne after the
other in the chief famOy of MSS. which contains them,
while in some other families the two have been par-
tially' or wholly combined into one. The combined
version is the one which has been printed in many ed^
tions, and has played a large part in controversy with
Protestants. It is of course spurious in this conflated
form, but the alternative form given above is not only
found in eidith- and ninth-centuiy MSS., but it is
quoted by Bede, by Gregory the Great (in a letter
written for his preaecessor Pelagius II), and by St.
Gelasius; indeed, it was almost certainly known to St.
Jerome and St. Optatus in the fourth century. The
evidence of the MsS. would indicate an equally early
date. Every expression and thought in the passage
can be paralleled from St. Cyprian's habitual languac^
and it seems to be now generally admitted that this
alternative passage is an alteration made by the au-
thor himself when forwarding his work to the Roman
confessors. The "one chair is always in Cyprian
the episcopal chair, but in Rome that chair was the
chair of Peter, and Cyprian has been careful to em-
phasize this point, and to add a reference to the other
great Petrine text, the Charge in John, xxi. The as-
sertion of the equality of the Apostles as Apostles re-
mains, and the omissions are onljr for the sake of brev-
ity. The old contention that it is a Roman forgery is
at all events quite out of the question. Another pas-
sage is also altered in all the same MSS. which contain
the "interpolation"; it is a paragraph in which the
humble and pious conduct of the lapsed "on this
hand" {hie) is contrasted in alongisuccession of paral-
lels with the pride and wickedness of the schismatics
"on that hand" {Ulic), but in the delicate manner of
the treatise.the latter are only referred to in a general
way. In the "interpolated MSS. we find that the
lapsed, whose cause had now been settled by the coun-
cil, are "on that hand" {iUic), whereas the references
to the schismatics — meaning the Roman confessors
who were supporting Novatian, and to whom the book
was being sent— are made as pointed as possible,
being brou^t into the foreground by the repeated
hie, ''on this hand".
NovATiANisM. — ^The saint's remonstrance had its
effect, and the confessors ra^Ued to Cornelius. But
for two or three months the confusion throughout the
Catholic Church had been terrible. No other event
in these early times shows \is so clearly the enormous
importance of the papacy in East and West. St.
Dionysius of Alexandria joined his great influence to
that of the Carthaginian primate, and he was very
soon able to write that Antioch, Csesarea, and Jerusa-
lem, Tyre and Laodicea, all Cilicia and Cappadocia,
Syria and Arabia, Mesopotamia, Pontus, ana Bithy-
ma, had returned to imion and that their bishops were
all in concord (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., VIL v). From
this we gaupe the area of disturbance. Cyprian says
that Novatian "assumed the primacy" (Ep. Ixix, 8)
and sent out his new apostles to very many cities; and
where in all provinces and cities there were long estab-
lished, orthodox bishops, tried in persecution, he dared
to create new ones to supplant them, as though he
could range through the whole world (Ep. Iv, 24).
Such was uie power assumed by a third-century anti-
pope. Let it oe remembered that in the first days of
the schism no question of heresy was raised and that
Novatian only enunciated his refusal of forgiveness
to the lapsed after he had made himself pope. Cy-
prian's reasons for holding Cornelius to be the true
DLshop are fully detailed m Ep. Iv to a bishop, who
had at first yielded to Cyprian's arguments and had
commissioned him to inform Cornelius that "he now
communicated with him, that is with the Catholic
Church", but had aiterwards wavered. It is evi-
dently implied that if he did not communicate with
Cornelius he would be outside the Catholic Church.
Writing to the pope, Cyprian apologizes for his delay
in acknowledging him; he had at least urged all those
who sailed to Rome to make sure that they acknowl-
edged and held the womb and root of the Catholic
Church (Ep. xlviii, 3). By this is probably meant
"the wopib and root which is the Catholic Church",
CTPRXAN
586
cnktA3K
but Hamack and many Protestants, as well as many
Catholics, find here a statement that the Roman
Church is the womb and root. Cyprian continues
that he had waited for a formal report from the bish-
ops who had been sent to Rome, before conmiittingall
the bishops of Africa, Numidia, and Mauretania to a
decision, m order that, when no doubt could remain,
all his oollea^es "mi^t firmly approve and hold
your communion, that is the unity and charity of the
Catholic Church "• It is certain that St. Cyprian
held that one who was in communion with an anti-
pope held not the root of the Catholic Church, was not
nourished at her breast, drank not at her fountain.
So little was the rigorism of Novatian the origin of
his schism, that his chief partisan was no other than
Novatus, who at Carthage had been reconciling all
the lapsed indiscriminately without penance. He
seems to hare arrived at Rome just after the election
of Cornelius, and his adhesion to the party of ri^rism
had the curious result of destroying the opposition to
Q^rian at Carthage. It is true that Felicissimus
fought manfully for a time; he even procured five
bishops, all excommunicated and deposed, who conse-
cratea for the party a certain Fortunatus in opposi-
tion to St. Cyprian, in order not to be outdone by the
Novatian party, who had already a rival bishop at
Carthage. The faction even appealed to St. Cornelius,
and Cyprian had to write to the pope a long account
of the circumstances, ridiculing tneir presumption in
"sailing to Rome, the primatiaT Church (ecclesia prin-
cipalis\ the Chair of reter, whence the unity or the
Episcopate had its origin, not recoUectiz^ that these
are the Romans whose faith was praisea by St.Paul
(Rom., i, 8), to whom unfaith could have no access''.
But tins embassy was naturally unsuccessful, and the
party of Fortunatus and Felicissimus seems to have
melted away.
The Lapsed. — With r^ard to the lapsed the coun-
cil had decided that each case must be judged on its
merits, and that libellatici should be restored after
varying, but lengthy, terms of penance, whereas those
who had actually sacrificed might after life-long pen-
ance receive Communion in the hour of death. But
any one who put off sorrow and penance until the
hour of sickness must be refused all Communion.
The decision was a severe one. A recrudescence of
persecution, announced, Cypriaii tells us, by numer-
ous visions, caused the assembling of another council
in the summer of 252 (so Benson and Nelke, but
Ritschl and Hamack prefer 253), in which it was
decided to restore at once all those who were doing
penance, in order that they might be fortified by the
Holy Eucharist against trial. In this persecution of
Galfus and Volusianus, the Church of Rome was again
tried, but this time Cyprian waa able to congratulate
the pope on the firmness shown; the whole Cnurch of
Rome, he says, had confessed unanimously, and once
again its faith, praised by the Apostle, was celebrated
throughout the whole world (Ep. Ix). About June
253, ComeHus was exiled to Centumcellie (Civitavec-
chia), and died there, being counted aa a martyr by
CJyprian and the rest of the Church. His successor
Lucius was at once sent to the same place on his
election, but soon was allowed to return, and CJyprian
wrote to congratulate him. He died 5 March, 254,
and was succeeded by Stephen, 12 May, 254.
Rebaptism op Heretics: — Tertullian had charac-
teristically argued long before, that heretics have not
the same God, the same Christ with Catholics, there-
fore their baptism is null. The African Church had
adopted this view in a coimcil held imder a predeces-
sor of Cyprian, Agrippinus, at Carthage. In the East
it was also the custom of Cilicia, Cappadocia, and
Galatia to rebaptize Montanists who returned to the
Church. Cyprian's opinion of baptism by heretics
was strongly expressed: **Non abluuntur iUic hom-
ines, sed potius sordidantur, nee puigantur delicta
sed immo cumulantur. Non Deo nativitas ilia sed
diabolo filios generat" (**De Unit,", xi). A cer-
tain bishop, Magnus, wrote to ask if the baptism
of the Novatians was to be respected (Ep. Ixix).
Cyprian's answer may be of the year 255; he denies
that they are to be distinguished from any other
heretics. Later we find a letter in the same sense,
probably of the spring of 255 (autumn, according to
d'Al^s), from a i»uncil under Cyprian of thirty-one
bishops (Ep. Ixx), addressed to ei^teen Numidian
bishops; this was apparently the Bi^inning of the
controversy. It appears that the bisnops of Maure-
tania did not in this follow the custom of^Prooonsular
Africa and Numidia, and that Pope Stephen sent them
a letter appro%'ing their adherence to Roman custom.
Cjrprian, being consulted by a Numidian bishop,
^intus, sent him Ep. Ixx, and replied to his difficul-
ties (Ep. hcxi). The spring council at Carthage in the
following year, 256, was more numerous than usual,
and sixty-one bishops signed the conciliar letter to
the pope explaining their reasons for rebaptizin^, and
claiming that it was a c[ue8tion upon which bishops
were free to differ. This was not Stephen's view, and
he immediately issued a decree, coucned evidently in
very peremptory terms, that no "innovation" was to
be made (this is taken by some modems to mean " no
new baptism"), but the Roman tradition of merely^
laying hands on converted heretics in sign of absolu-
tion must be everywhere observed, under pain of ex-
communication. The letter was evidently addressed
to the African bishops, and contained some severe
censures on Cyprian himself. CJyprian writes to
Jubaianus that he is defending the one Church, the
Church founded on Peter — Why then is he caJled a
prevaricator of the truth, a traitor to the truth? (Ep.
Ixxiii, 11). To the same correspondent he sends Epp.
Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxii; he makes no laws for others, but
retains his own liberty. He sends also a copy of his
newly written treatise "De Bono Patientiae". To
Pompeius, who had asked to see a copy of Stephen's
rescnpt, he writes with great violence: ** As you read
it, you will note his error more and more clearly; in
approving the baptism of all the heresies, he has
heaped into his own breast the sins of all of them; a
fine tradition indeed! What blindness of mind, what
depravity !" — " ineptitude ' ', " hard obstinacy * ', — such
are the expressions which run from the pen of one who
declared tnat opinion on the subject was free, and who
in this very letter explains that a bishop must never be
quarrelsome, but meek and teachable. In Septem-
ber, 256, a 3ret larger council assembled at Carthage.
All agreed with Cyprian; Stephen was not mentioned ;
and some writers have even supposed that the council
met before Stephen's letter was received (so Ritschl,
Grisar, Ernst, Bardenhewer). Cyprian did not wish
the responsibility to be all his own. He declared that
no one made himself a bishop of bishops, and that all
must give their true opinion. The vote of each was
therefore given in a snort speech, and the minutes
have come down to us in the Cypriamc correspondence
under the title of "Sententiae Episcoporum". But
the messengers sent to Rome with this aocument were
refused an audience and even denied all hospitality by
the pope. They returned incontinently to Carthage,
and Cyprian tried for support from the East. He
wrote to the famous Bishop of Cssarea in Cappadocia,
Firmilian, sending him the treatise ''De Unitate" and
the correspondence on the baptismal question. By
the middle of November Firmilian's reply had arrived,
and it has come down to us in a translation made at
the time in Africa. Its tone is, if possible, more
violent than that of Cyprian. (See Firmilian.) Af-
ter this we know no more of the controversy.
Stephen died on 27 August, 257, and was succeeded
by Sixtus II, who certainly communicated with
Cyprian, and is called by Pontius "a good and peace-
loving bishop". Probably when it was seen at Rome
OTPRIAH
587
OT^BUJI
that the East was lai^gely cx)inmitted to the same
wrong praotioe, the question was tacitly dropped. It
ihould be rememberod that, though Stephen had de-
manded unquestioning obedience, ne had apparently,
like C3rprian, considered the matter as a point of dis-
cipline. St. Cyprian supports his view by a wrong
ijajference from tne unity of the Church, and no one
thou^t of the principle afterwards taught by St.
Augi^ine, that, since Christ is always the principal
agent, the validity of the saerament is independent of
the unworthiness of the minister: Ipse est atd hap-
tizaL Yet thii is what is implied in Stephen s insist-
ing upon nothing more than the correct form, ''be-
cause baptism is given in the name of Christ'', and
** the effect is due to the majesty of the Name". The
laying on of hands enjoined by Stephen is repeatedly
said to be in pawUerUiam, yet Cyprian goes on to
aime that the gift of the Holy Ghost by the la3dng on
of hands is not the new birth, but must be subsequent
to it and implies it. This has led some moderns into
the notion that Stephen meant oonfinnation to be
given (so Duchesne), or at least that he has been so
misunderstood by Cyprian (d'Alds). But the passage
(Ep. Izxiv, 7) need not mean this, and it is most im-
probable that confirmation was even thought of in
this connexion. Cyprian seems to consider tne laying
on of hands in penance to be a giving of the Holy
Ghost. In the East the custom of rebaptizing heretics
had periiaps arisen from the fact that so many heretics
disbelievea in the Holy Trinity, and possibly did not
even use the right form and matter. For centuries
the practice persisted, at least in the case of some of
the neresies. But in the West to reba^tise was re-
garded as heretical, and Africa came into line soon
after St. Cyprian. St. Augustine, St. Jerome, and St.
Vincent of L^rins are fuU of praise for the firmness of
Stephen as befitting his place. But Cyprian's Xm-
fortunate letters became the chief support of the
Puritanism of the Donatists. St. Aiigustine in his
^De Baptismo" goes through than one by one. He
will not dwell on the violent words quainSiepkanum
'irriUUus effudit, and expresses his confidence that
C^rian's glorious martyrdom will, have atoned for
his excess.
Afpsaia to Rome. — ^£p. Ixviii was written to
Stephen before the breach. Cyprian has heard twice
from Faustinus, Bishop of Lvons, that Marcianus,
Bishop of Aries, has joined the party of Novatian.
The pope will certainly have been alreadv informed
of this oy Faustinus and by the other bishops of the
province. Cyprian urges: " You ought to send veiy
mil letters to our fellow-bishops in Gaul, not to allow
the obstinate and proud Marcianus any mora to insult
our fellowship. . . . Therefore send letters to the
province and to the people of Aries, by which, Marci-
anus having been excommunicated, another shall be
substituted in his place ... for the whole copious body
of bishops is joined together b^ the glue of mututu
ooncord and the bond of unity, m order that if any of
our fellowship should attempt to make a heresy and
to lacerate and devastate the flock of Christ, the rest
may give their aid. . . . For though we are many
shepherds, yet we feed one flock." It seems incon-
tesUtble that Cypriaii is here explainiiiff to the pope
why he ventures to interfere, and that he attributes
to the pope the power of deposing Marcianus and
ordexing a fresh election. We should compare his
witness that Novatian usurped a similar ix>wer as
antipope.
Another letter dates periiaps somewhat later. It
emanates from a council of thirty-seven bishops, and
was obviously composed by Cyprian. It is addressed
to the priest Felix and the people of Legio and Astu-
rica, and to the deacon ^lius and tne people of
Emerita, in Spain. It relates that the bishops Felix
and Sabinus had come to Carthage to complain.
They had been legitimately ordained by the Sishops
of the province in the place of the former bishops,
Basilides and Martialis, who had both accepted IxbeUi
in the pexBecution. Baisilides had further blasphemed
God in sickness, had confessed his blasphemy, had
voluntarily resigned his bishopric, ana had been
thankful to be allowed lay communion. Martialis
had indulged in pagan banquets and had buried his
sons in a pagan cemeteiy. He had publicly attested
before the procurator ducenarius that he had denied
Christ. Wnerefore, says the letter, such men are
unfit to be bishops, the whole Church and the late
Pope Cornelius having decided that such men may be
admitted to penance but never to ordination • it does
not profit them that they have deceived Pope Stephen,
who was afar off and unaware of the facts, so that they
obtained to be unjustly restored to their sees; nay, by
this deceit they have only increased their guilt. The
letter is thus a declaration that Stephen was wickedly
deceived. No fault is imputed to him, nor is there
any claim to reverse his decision or to deny his right
to give it; it is simply pointed out that it was founded
on false information, and was therefore null. But it
is obvious that the African council had heard only one
side, whereas Felix and Sabinus must have pleaded
their cause at Rome before they come to Africa. On
this ground the Africans seem to have made too
hasty a judgment. But nothing more is known <^
the matter.
Martyrdom. — ^The empire was surrounded bv bar-
barian hordes who pourea in onidl sides. The danger
was the signal for a renewal of persecution on the part
of the Emperor Valerian. At Alexandria St. Diony-
sius was exiled. On 30 Aug., 257, C^rian was
brought before the Proconsul Patemus m his aecn-
tarium. His interrogatory is extant and forms the
first part of the ''Acta proconsularia'' of his martyr-
dom. Cyprian declares himself a Christian and a
bishop. He serves one God to Whom he prays day
and xueht for all men and for the safety of tne emper^
ors. "Do you persevere in this?" asks Patemus.
"A good will which knows God cannot be altered."
"Can you, then, go into exile at Curubis?" "I go."
He is asked for the names of the priests also, but re-
Elies that delation is forbidden by the laws; they will
e found easily enough in their respective cities. On
September he went to Curubis, accompanied by Pon-
tius. The town was lonely, but Pontius tells us it was
sunny and pleasant, and that there were plenty of
visitors, while the citizens were full of kindness. He
relates at length C^rian's dream on his first night
there, that he was in the proconsul's court and con-
demned to death, but was reprieved at his own request
until the morrow. He awoke in terror, but once
awake he awaited that morrow with calmness. It
came to him on the very anniversary of the dream.
In Numidia the measures were more severe. Cyprian
writes to nine bishops who were working in the mines,
with half their hair shorn, and with insufficient fooa
and clothing. He was still rich and able to help them.
Their replies are preserved, and we have also the au-
thentic Acts of several African martyrs who suffered
soon after Cyprian.
In August, 258, Cyprian learned that Pope Sixtus
had been put to death in the catacombs on the 6th of
that montn. together with four of his deacons, in con*
sequence ot a new edict that bishops, priests, and
deacons should be at once put to aeath; senators,
knights, and others of rank are to lose their goods,
and, if they still persist, to die; matrons to be exiled;
CsBsarians (officers of the fiscua) to become slaves.
Galerius Maximus, the successor of Patemus, sent for
Cjrprian back to Carthage, and in his own gardens the
bisnop awaited the final sentence. Many great per-
sonages urged him to fly, but he had now no vision to
recommend this course, and he desired above all to
remain to exhort others. Yet he hid himself rather
than obey the proconsul's summons to Utica, for he
CnOPBXAH
588
07»HXAM
cXecIared it was right for a bishop to die in hit; own
city. On the retiim of Galeriiis to Cartha^, Cyprian
was brought from his gardens by two pnndpes in a
chariot, but the proconsul was ill, and Cyprian passed
the night in the house of the first jrrinceps in the com-
pany of his friends. Of the rest we have a vague de-
scription by Pontius and a detailed report in the pro-
consular Acts. On the morning of the 14th a crowd
gathered " at the villa of Sextus"', by order of the au-
thorities. Cvprian was tried there. He refused to
sacrifice, and added that in such a matter there was
no room for thought of the consec^uences to himself.
The proconsul read his condemnation and the multi-
tude cried, " Let us be beheaded with him! " He was
taken into the grounds, to a hollow surrounded by
trees, into whicn many of the people climbed. Cy-
^ prian took off his cloak, and knelt aown and prayed.
Then he took off his dalmatic and gave it to his dea-
cons, and stood in his linen tunic in silence awaiting
the executioner, to whom he ordered twenty-five gold
pieces to be given. The brethren cast cloths and
nandkerchi^s before him to catch his blood. He
bandaged his own eyes with the help of a priest and a
deacon, both called Julius. So he suffered. For the
rest of the day his body was exposed to satisfy the
curiosity of the paeans. But at night the brethren
bore him with candles and torches, with prayer and
great triimiph, to the cemetery of Macrobius Candi-
Sanus in the suburb of Mapuia. He was the first
Bishop of Carthaee to obtain the crown of martyrdom.
WRiTiNGa. — ^Tne correspondence of Cyprian con-
sists of eighty-one letters. Sixty-two of them are his
own, three more are in the name of councils. From
this large collection we get a vivid picture of his time.
The first collection of his writing must have been
made just before or Just after his death, as it was
known to Pontius. It consisted of ten treatises and
0even letters on martyrdom. To these were added in
Africa a set of letters on the baptismal question, and
at Rome, it seems, the correspondence with Corne-
lius, except Ep. xlviii. Other letters were successively
aggregated to these ^ups, including letters to Cy-
pnan or connected with him, his collections of Testi-
monies, and many spurious wortcs. To the treatises
already mentioned we have to add a well-known ex-
position of the Lord's Prayer ; a work on the simplicitv
of dress proper to consecrated vireins (these are both
founded on Tertullian); "On the Mortality", a beau-
tiful pamphlet, composed on the occasion of the pla^;ue
whicn reached Cartnage in 252, when Cyprian, with
wonderful energy, raiem a staff of workers and a great
fimd of money for the nursing of the sick and the
burial of the dead. Another work, "On Almsgiv-
ing", its Christian character, necessity, and satisfac-
tory value, was perhaps written, as Watson has
pointed out, in reply to the calumny that Cyprian's
own lavish gifts were bribes to attach men to his side.
Only one of his writings is couched in a pungent strain,
tiiie "ad Demetrianum", in which he replies in a spir-
it^ manner to the accusation of a heathen that Chm-
tianity had brought the plague upon the world. Two
short works, "On Patience^' and "On Rivahy and
Envy", apparently written during the baptismal con-
troversy, were much read in ancient times. St. Cy-
prian was the first great Latin writer amon^ the Chris-
tians, for Tertullian fell into heresy, and his style was
harsh and unintelligible. Until the days of Jerome
and Augustine, C^rian's writing had no rivals in the
West. Their praise is sung hy Prudentius, who joins
with Pacian, Jerome, Augustine, and many others in
attesting their extraordinary popularity.
DocmiNS. — ^The little that can be extracted from
St. (^rian on the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation
m correct, judged by later standards. On baptismal
^generation, on the Real Presence, on the Sacrifice of
the Mass, his faith is dearly and repeatedly expressed,
•specially in Ep. Ixiv on mfant baptism, ana in Ep.
Ixiii on the mixed chalice, written against the i
legious custom of using water without wine for Mass.
On penance he is clear, like all the ancients, that for
those who have been s^>arated from the Church by
sin there is no return except by an humble confession
{examologesis apud sacerdotea). followed by remiasia
facta per sacerdotes. The ordinary minister of this
sacrament is the Kuxrdos par excellence, tiie bishop;
but priests can administer it subject to him, and m
case of necessity the lapsed might be restcMred by a
deacon. He does not add, as we should at the pres-
ent day, that in this case there is no sacrament; such
theological distinctions were not in his line. There
was not even a b^inning of canon law in the Western
Chtirch of the third century. In Cyprian's view each
bishop is answerable to God alone for his actioii,
though he ought to take counsel of the clergy and of
the laity also in all important matters. The Bishop
of Carthage had a great position as honorary diief of
all the biimops in the provinces of Proconsular Africa,
Numidia, and Mauretania, who were about a hundred
in number; but he had no actual jurisdiction over
them. They seem to have met in some numbers at
Carthage every spring, but their conciliar decisions
had no real binding force. If a bishop should apoetar-
tize or become a heretic or fall into scandalous sin, he
might be deposed by his comprovincials or by the
Eope. Cyprian prol>ably thought that questions of
eresy would always be too obvious to need much dis-
cussion. It is certain that where internal discipline
was concerned he considered that Rome should not
interfere, and that uniformity was not desirable — a
most unpractical notion. We have always to remem-
ber that his experience as a Christian was of short
duration, that he became a bishop soon after he was
converted, and that he had no Christian writings be-
sides Holy Scripture to study but those of Tertullian.
He evidently knew no Greek, and probably was not
aoauainted with the translation of Iren»us. Rome is
to nim the centre of the Church's unity; it was inac-
cessible to heresy, which had been Imocklng at its
doors for a century in vain. It was the See m Peter, •
who was the tjrpe of the bishop, the first of the Apos-
tles. Difference of opinion between bishops as to the
right occupant of the Sees of Aries or Emerita would
not involve breach of oonmiunion, but rival biahofMs
at Rome would divide the Chiirch, and to conununi-
cate with the wrong one would be schism. It is con-
troverted whether chastity was obligatoiy or only
strongly urged upon priests in his day. The conse-
crated virgins were to him the flower of his flock, the
jewels of the Church, amid the profligacy of pa^mism.
Spuria. — ^A short treatise, "Quad Idola dii noa
sint", is printed in all editions as Cj^prian's. It is
made up out of Tertullian and Minucius Felix. Its
gmuineness is accepted by Benson, Monoeaux, and
ardenhewer, as it was anciently by Jerome aad
Augustine. It has been attributed by Haussleiter to
Novatian, and is rejected by Hamack, Watson, and
von Soden. "De Spectaculis" and "De bono pudi-
citise" are, with some probability, ascribed to Nova-
tian. They are well-written letters of an absent
bishop to his flock. "De Laude martyrii" is again
attributed by Hamack to Novatian; but this is not
generally accepted. "Adversus Jud»os" is perha^
by a Novatianist, and Hamack ascribes it to Nova-
tian himself. " Ad Novatianum * ' is ascribed by Har-
nack to Pope Sixtus II. Ehrhard^ Benson, Nelke,
and Weyman agree with him that it was written in
Rome. This is denied by Jtllidier, Bardenhewer,
Monceaux. Rombold thinks it is by Cyprian. "De
Rebaptismate" is apparently ihe work attributed by
Gennadius to a Roman named Ursinus, c 400. He
was followed by some earlier critics, Routh, Oudin,
and lately by Zahn. But it was almost certainly
written during the baptismal controversy under
Stephen. It comes from Rome (so Harnack and
OTPBUS
589
OTPBUS
others) or from Mauretania (so Enist, Monoeauz,
d'Alw), and is directed against the view of Cyprian.
The little homily " De Aleatoribus" has had quite a
literature of its own within the last few years, since it
was attributed by Hamack to Pope Victor, and there-
fore accounted the earliest Latin ecclesiastical writing.
The controversy has at least made it clear that the
author was either very early or not orthodox. It has
been shown to be improbable that he was very early,
and Hamack now admits that the work is by an anti-
pope, either Novatianist or Donatist. References to
all the brochures and articles on the subject will be
found in Ehrhard, in Bardenhewer, and especially in
Hamack (Chronol., II, 370 sqq.)-
''De Montibus Sina et Sion" is possibly older than
Cyprian's time (see Hamack, and also Turner in
Journal of Theol. Studies, July, 1906). " Ad Vigilium
Episcopum de Judaic^ incredulitate" is by a certain
Celsus, and was once supposed by Hamack and Zahn
to be addressed to the well-known Vigilius of Thapsus,
but Macholz has now convinced Hamack that it dates
Ax>m either the persecution of Valerian or that of Max-
entius. The two ** Orationes" are of imoertain date and
authorship. The tract ** De Sin^ularitate clerioorum ' '
has been attributed by Dom Morin and by Hamack to
the Donatist Bisho]) Macrobius in the fourth century.
" De duplici Martyr io ad Fortunatum" is found in no
MS., and was apparently written by Erasmus in 1530.
"De PaschA computus" was written in the year pre-
. ceding Easter 243. All the above spuria are printed
in Hartel's edition of Cyprian. The " Exhortatio de
penitentiA" (first printed by Trombelli in 1761) is
placed in the fourth or fifth century by Wimderer,
but in Cyprian's time by Monceaux. . Four letters are
also given by Hartel; the first is the original com-
mencement of the "Ad Donatum". The others arc
forgeries; the third, according to Mercati, is by a
foiuth-century Donatist. The six poems are by one
author, of quite uncertain date. The amusing 'H)ena
Cypriani" is found in a large number of (>prianic
MSS. Its date is uncertain; it was re-edited by
Blessed Rhabanus Maurus. Cin the use of it at pag-
eants in the early Middle AgsA itee Mann, " History of
the Popes", II, 289.
The principal editions of the works of St. Cyprian
are: lUJDe, 1471 (the ed, princepa), dedicated to Paul
II;rept%lt3dt Venice, 1471, and 1483; Memmingcn, c.
1477; DeveWir, c. 1477; Paris, 1500; ed. by Rembolt
(Paris, 1512); by Erasmus (Basle, 1520 and frequently;
the ed. of 1544 was printed at Cologne). A careful
critical edition was prepared by Latino Latini, and
published by Manutius (Rome, 1563) ; Morel also wf it
to the MSS. (Paris, 1564); so did Pamdle (Antwerp,
1568), but with less success: Rigault did somewhat
better (Paris, 1648, etc.). John Fell, Bishop of Ox-
ford and Dean of Christ Church, published a well-
known edition from MSS. in England (Oxford, 1682).
The dissertations by Dodwell and the "Annales Cy-
prianici ' ' by Pearson, who arranged the letters in chron-
ological order, make this edition important, though
the text is poor. The edition prepared by Etienne
Baluze was Brought out after his death by Dom Pru-
dence Maran (Paris, 1726), and has been several times
reprinted, especially by Migne (P. L., IV and V). The
btMt edition is that of the Vienna Academy (C. S. E.
L., vol. Ill, in 3 parte, Vienna, 1868-71), edited from
the MSS. by Hartel. Since then much work has been
done upon the history of the text, and especially on
the or^r of the letters and treatises as witnessing to
the genealogy of the codices.
A fitichometrical fist, probably made in 354, of the Books of
the Bible, and of many works of St. Cyprian, was iMiblished in
1886 from a MS. then at Cbeltenhiun by Mouubbn, Zur lot.
Stiehometrie; Hermes, XXL 142; ibid. (180^, XXV, 636. on a
second MS. at St. GaD. See Sandat and Turner in Studia
Bxbliea (Oxford. 1891). HI; Turner In CUusioal Review (1892,
etc.), VI, 206. On Oxford MSS., see Wordbwobxu in Old Lot.
BMtoal Texts (Oxford. 1886). II, 123; on Madrid MSS.. Sohuls.
3%. JUt Zeituna (1897), p. 179. On other MSS., Turnrr in
Journal of Th. St.. Ill, 282, 586. 579; Raiisat. ibid.. III. 685.
IV, 86. On the ttgnifieanoe of the order, Oraphan, ibid., IV,
103; VON SoDKN, Die cyprianische Brvefeamndung (Leipsig.
1904). There are many interesting points m Mbrcau, Jyalcuni
nuooi aueeidi per la anUca del testo d* S. Cipriano (Rome, 1899).
On the life of St. Cyprian: Pbabson. Annalet Cyprianid, ed.
Fbll: Ada SS.^ 14 Sept.; RsrrBBRO, Th. Cae. Cyprianue
((36ttingon. 1831); Freppel, SaitU Cyprum et VEgli$e fAirique
(Paris, 1866, etc.); PETBBa. Der hi. Cypr. v. Karlh. (Rattsbon.
1877); Freppel and Peters occasionally exasperate in the
Catholic interest. Fechtbup, Der hi. Cyprian (Milnsten 1878);
RmcRL, Cyprian v. K. und die Verfaaeung der Kirche (GOttin-
sen, 1885); Benson, Cyprian, hie life, his Hmee, hia ioork (Lon-
don, 1897). (This is the fullest and best English life; it is full
of enthusiasm, but marred by odium theolooicum, and qiute
untrustworthy where controversial points arise, whether
against Nonconfonnists or against Catholics.) Monceaux,
Hiat. m. de VAfrique chrit. (Paris. 1902), II, a valuable work.
Ol the accounts in nistories. encyclopedias, and patroloipes. the
best is that of BaroenbeweRj Qeach. der aUkirdU. Lit. (Frei-
burg, 1903)^1. PBARaoN*8 chronological order of the letters
is given in Hartbl^b edition. Rectifications are proposed by
RrrscaXi, De Epiatulie Cyvrianicie (Halle. 1885), and Cyprian
V. Karthago (Gdttingen, ISS5); bv Nelxe, Die CkronbLoqte der
Korreep. Cypr. (Thorn, 1902); by von Sodbn, op. cU.; by
Benson and Monceaux. These views are discussed by Babi>-
knhewbb, loc. dt., and Harnack, Chronol.^ II. Bonaccorsx,
Le lettere di S. Cipriano in Riv. atorico-crUica deUe acienze teoL
(Rome. 1905), I. 377: Stufler, Die BehandLungder OefaUenen
zwr Zeit der deciachen Verfolgtmo in ZeiUchriJtjUr Kaihol. Theol.,
1907. XXXI. 577; Dwiqht. St. Cyprian and the libeUi tnartyrum
in Amer. Cath. Qu. Rev. (1907) . XXXII. 478. On the chronology
of the baptismal controveray, d'Aleb. La queation baptiamale au
tetrvpa de aairU-Cyprien in Rev. dee Queationa Hiat. (19()7), p. 353.
On ^prian's Biblical text: Cobssen, Znr Orientierunp Hber
die biaherige Erforachung dea Bibellexlea Cypriana in Jahretbe-
rxeht aber die FortachriUe der klaaa. Altertumawiaa. (1899);
Sandat in Old Latin Bibl. Texta (1886), II; Turnbr in Joum.
Theol. St., II. 600. 610; Heidbnreich, Der nil. Text bei Cyprian
(Bamberg. 19()0); Monceaux, op. cU.: Corbsbn, Der cypr.
Text der Ada Ap. (Berlin, 1892); Zahn, Forathungen (Erlangen,
1891). IV. 79 (on C^yprian's text of the Apoc). A new edition
(Oxford Univ. Press) is expected of the Teatimonia by Sandat
and Turner. Tentative prolegomena to it by Turner in
Journal TheHoaioal Studiea (1905), VI. 246, and (1907), IX. 62.
The work has been interpolated; see Rambat, On early wiser-
iiona in the third book of St. Cyprian*a Text in Journal of Theol.
St. (1901). II, 276. Testimomes of the ancients to Cyprian in
KASSACK.,Oeach.deraUehriaU. Lit., I; Gdrz, Oeaeh. der cypriq^
niadien Literatur biaeuder Zeit der eraten erhaltenen Handachriften
CBasle. 1891).
On the Latin of St. Cyprian an excellent essay by Watbon,
The Style and Language of St. Cyprian in Stud. Bibl. (Oxford,
1896), IV; Batard, Le Latin de Saint Cyprien (Paris, 1902).
The letters of (^orneUus are in Vulgar Latin (see Mercati, op. eit.),
and so are Epp. viii (anonymous) and xxi-xxiv (Celerinus, Luoi-
an. Confessors, C^ldonius); they have been edited by Mxodonbxi,
Aaveraiu Aleatorea (Erlangen and Leipzig, 1889). On the inter-
polations in De Unitate Ecd., see Habtel, Preface; Benson,
pp. 200-21, 547-552; Crapuan, Lea interpolationa done le
iraiti de Saint Cyprien aur Vuniti de VEgliae in Remis BinSdic
tine (1902), XIX, 246. 357, and (1903), XX, 26: Harnack in
Theol. Litt. Zeitung (1903). no. 9. and in Chronol., II; Watson
in Journal Theol. St. (1904)j?. 432; (Chapman, ibid., p. 634, etc.
On particular points see Harnack in Texte und Vnteraudi.,
IV, 3, VIII. 2; on the letters of the Ronum clergy. Harnack
in Theol. Abhandl. Carl v. Weita&cker aewidmet (Freiburg, 1896).
On Cyprian's theolonr much has been written. RrrscmL is
fanciful and unsympathetio. Benson untrustworthy. Gfin,
Daa Chriatentum Cypriana (Giessen, 1896). On his trust in
visions, Harnack, Cyprian ala Enthuaiaat in Zeitaehr. tUr ntl.
Wiaa. (1902). lll,ibid. On the baptismal controversy and Cypri-
an's excommunication, see Grxbar in Zeitadir. fUr kath. Theol.
(1881), V: HoENBBROECH.t^Mi. (1891), XV: Ernbt, ibid.. XVII,
XVIIL XIX. PoacHMANN. Die SiMbarkeU der Kirche naeh
der Lekre dea h. Cypr. (Breslau. 1907) 'J[liou, Lageniaedel'unitS
ratholique d la penaSe da Cyprien (Paris, Iwl). To merely
oontroversial works it is uimeceesary to refer.
The above is only a selection from an immense literature on
CTyprian and the pseudo-Cyprianie writings, for which see
Chevalier, Bio-Bibl., and BiCBAXOBOVjBibiiographical Synop'
aia. Good lists in voN Sodbn, and in Harnack, ChroncL, 11;
the very full references in Bardbnhewer are conveniently
classified. JoKN CHAPMAN.
(hrprus, aa island in the Eastern Mediterranean,
at the entrance of the Gulf of Alexandretta. It was
originally inhabited by Phoenicians and Greeks, and
was famous for its temples of Aphrodite. Though
long autonomous, in the sixth century b. c. do-
minion over it was disputed bf the Egyptians and
the Persians, the latter ruling it till the mvasion of
Alexander the Great. From the Ptolemies of Efflrpt
it passed to the Romans (59 b. c). Despite Moslem
invasions from the seventh to the tenth century, it re-
mained a part of the Eastern Empire untfl the end of
the twelfth. In 1 191 it waa conquered by Richard the
Lion-rHearted, who gave it to Guy de Lusignan, King of
OYPBUS
590
07FBVS
Jerusalem: in 1373 it fell to the Genoese, in 1489 to
the Venetians. Finally, in 1571, it became Moslem
territory imder Sultan Selim II. In 1878 it was oc-
cupied oy En^and and is now administered by an
En^ish high commissioner, assisted by a board of four
English members (Statesman's Year Book, London,
1908). I^e island is hillv, with few rivers, and the
climate is hot. Its once famous cities have perished;
the chief towns are now Lamaca (the best port), Ni-
cosia, and Limaflol. Its area is 153,584 square miles.
The population m 1901 was 237,000 (51,000 Mussul-
mans, 1100 Maronites, 850 Latins, 300 Armenians, a
few Protestants and Jews, and the rest Greeks). It
produces dates, carobs, oranges and other fruits, oil,
wine, and com. It has also sponge fisheries. Gypsum
18 mined there and copper mines were worked in an-
cient times. Christianity was successfully preached
in Qyiprus by St. Paul, St. Barnabas (a native of the
island), and St. John Mark. At Paphos the m^cian
Elymas was blinded and the Proconsul Sergius Faulus
was converted (Acts, xi, xiii, xv). The Byzantine
''Synaxaria'' mention many saints, bishops, and mar-
tyrs of this early period, e.g. St. Lazarus, St. Hera-
dides, St. Nicanor (one of the first seven deacons), and
others. In the fourth century we find two illustrious
names, that of St. Spiridion, the shepherd Bishop of
IVimithus, present at the Council of Nicsea in 325 with
two other Cypriot bishops, whose relics were removed
to Corfil in 1460, and that of St. Epiphanius (d. 403),
Bishop of Salamis, the zealous adversary of all here-
sies and author of many valuable theolo^cal works.
The Bishop of Salamis (later Constantia) was then
metropolitan of the whole island, but was himself sub-
ject to tile Patriarch of Antioch. During the Ai^an
Quarrels and the Eustathian schism, the C3rpriote
Church began to claim its independence. Pope Inno-
cent I stood out for the rights of the Antiochene patri-
arch, Alexander I. However, it was not long before
the Council of Ephesus (431) in its seventh session
acknowledged the ecclesiastical independence of Cy-
prus: the cause was gained by the metropolitan,
Kheginus, who was present at Ephesus with three of
his suffragans. In 488 Peter the Dyer (Petrus Fullo),
the famous Monoph3rsite patriarch, made an effort to
recover the ancient Antiochene jurisdiction over the
island. During the conflict, however, the Cypriote
metropolitan, Anthimus, claimed to have learned by a
revelation that the site of the sepulchre of St. Barna-
bas was quite near his own city of Salamis; he found
there the body of the Apostle with a copy of St. Mat-
thew's Gospel, brought the relics to donstantinopie,
and presented them to the Emperor Zeno. Acacius
of Constantinople decided in favour of Cyprus against
Antioch, since which time the ecclesiastical indepen-
dence (atUocephalia) of the island hss no more been
called in question, the archbishop, known as exarch,
ranking immediately after the five great patriarchs.
From the fifth to the twelfth century the following
Archbishops of Constantia (Salamis) are worthy of
note: Acadiiis, biographer of St. Symeon Stylites the
Younger, and an uncompromisiDg opponent of the
Ecthesisof Heraclius(q.v.); Sergius, who condemned
this document in a council and sent the pertinent de-
cree to Pope Theodore I, but became afterwards in-
fected with the very error he had formerly condemned ;
Geor^, a defender of the holy images (icons); Con-
stantme, who played a conspicuous part in their de-
fence at the Second Nicene Council (787); Nicholas
Muzalon, appointed Patriarch of Constantinople in
1147. Another remarkable prelate is St. Demetri-
anus, Bishop of Chytrasa (ninth and tenth century).
After the conquest of Cyprus by the Arabs, 632-647,
the Christian population with its bishops emigrated to
the mainland. Justiniem II buflt for them, near the
Hellespont, a city which he called Nea Justinianop-
oUs; tneir archbishop enjoyed there the rights he had
in Qyprus, besides exercising jurisdiction over the mir-
rounding oountiy (Quinisezt Council, oao. zxziz, 602).
After the death of Justinian II the Cypriotes returned
to their island with their hierarchy. Under Nice-
phorus Phocas (963-969^ Cyprus was freed com-
pletely from the Arabs, who had sometimes treated it
more kindly than the Byzantine emperors. Chris-
tianity, however, g^uned by the restoration. To this
period belongs the foundation of three great monas-
teries. Our Lady of Pity (Eleusa) of Kykkos, Mach-
seras. and the Encleistra, the last founded in Uie
twelfth century by the i«cluse Neophytus, author of .
several ascetical works. The Frankiah rule, though
at first accepted rather willingly, was finally the souroe
of profound disturbance. In 1196 ICing Amauiy ob-
tained from Celeetine III a Latin hienirchy for his
kingdom: a resident archbishop was placed at Nico-
sia (Leuoosia), with three suffragans at Paphos, li-
masol (TemesBOs), and Famaeusta (Ammochostos,
formerly Arsinoe). Knights Templars, CarmeUtes,
Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, Benedic-
tines, Cistercians, Carthusians, H^^ular Canons, Pre-
monstratensian nuns soon had many flourishing mon-
asteries. Splendid churches were built in the Gothic
or ogival style, and many Greek churches were
changed into Latin ones. Ecclesiastical revenues
were assigned (in part) to the Latin cleigy ; the Greek
clergy and the faithful were subordinated to Latin
jurisdiction. In the execution of the decrees of the
Fourth Lateran Council (1215) Cardinal Pelagius»
l^te of Innocent III, showed himself utterly intran-
sigent. Thirteen refnctorv Greek monks were cruelly
put to death. The Greek archbishop, Neophytus,
was deposed and exiled, the Greek sees reduced to
four, the bishops order^ to reside in small villages
and obey the Latin archbishop (1220-1222). Inno-
cent IV and Alexander IV were more favourable to
the Greeks (HereenrdtheivKirBch, Kirchengesch., 4th
ed., 1904, II, 726), and the Government often defended
them against the Latins. The ecclesiastical history
of C^rus during this sad period is one of conflict be-
tween the two rival communions, the Gjeeks being
always looked on as more or less schismatic both by
the Latins and by the Ckeek Patriareh of Constanti-
nople. An attempted union of the two Churches in
1405 did not succeed, nor was the Union of Florence
(1439) more lastmg. In 1489, through the abdication
of Queen Caterina Cofnaro, the island became sub-
ject to Venice, whose rule was even more intolerable
to the Greeks, so that, as stated, in 1571 they wel-
comed the Turkish conquerors as true deliverers.
Among the more conspicuous Latin Arohbishope of
Nicosia may be mentioned Eustorge de Montaigu
(1217-1250) who died at the si^ of Damietta, a
stem defender of the rights of his Church and a skilful
administrator; he increased the splendour of the
church services, established schoob, built the arehi-
episcopal palace and the magnificent cathedral of St.
Sophia; Ugo di Fagiano (1251-1261), distinguished
for his seal and piety, but a sealous adTersaiy of the
Greeks: Gerard de Lazigres (1274). deposed by Boni-
face VlII for siding with Philip the Fair; Giovanni
del Conte (1312), renowned for his charity; Cardinal
Elie de Nabinals (1332), a great reformer; Andreas of
Rhodes (1447), present at the Council of Florence;
Filippo Mocenigo (1559), who assisted at the closing
sessions of the Council of Trent, helped the Venetians
against the Turks, and, after the loss of Cyprus, re-
tired to Italy. The Latin bishops of Cyprus showed
themselves generally worthy of their mission, by re-
sisting the encroachments of the kings, sometimes also
of the Latin Patriarchs of Jerusalem, and even of the
pontifical legates. The only reproach they deserve
IB a want of tact in their behaviour towards the
Greeks, and also that their clergy at certain times
were ^lilty of moral laxity. Few saints i^pear in
Latin Cj^rus ; we hear only of the saintly Franciscan,
Ugo di Fagiano, and the Dominican, Pierre de La
otrhtaio
691
OTESNS
Palu, Patriarch of Jerusalem and administrator of the
See of limasol. Blessed Pierre Thomas, a Carmelite
and papal le^te, who strove hard to convert the
Greeks, died at the siege of Famaeusta in 1366.
After frightful massacres, the Turks allowed the
Greeks to reorjganize their Church as thev liked: vis,
with an archbishop styled "Most Bleaaed Archbishop
of Nea Justiniana [a blunder for Justinianopolis] and
all Cyprus", and three bishops at Paphos, CiUum, and
Karpasia. In the seventeenth century the last-named
eee was suppressed, and its territory given to the arch-
diocese; on the other hand the ancient See of Kyrenia
was re-established. Cyprus, like the other auto-
oephalous orthodox Churches, has its "Holy Synod",
which consists of four bishops and four priests. In
the last three centuries there are few events to men-
tion, apart from simoniacal elections and perpetiial
domestic quarrels. In 1668 Archbishop Nicephorus
held a council against the Protestants. In 1821 the
four Greek bishops, with many priestfi, monks, and
laymen, were murdered by the Turks. After 1900
strife arose in the ancient Church of St. Barnabas,
and it was found impossible to name a successor
to the archbishop who died in that year. The
Turkish conquest caused the ruin of the Latin
Church: two bishops were then killed with many
priests and monks, the churches were profaned, and
the Latin Catholics left the island. However, as
eariy as 1572, Franciscans could again reside at
Lamaca: after a century they had gathered about
2000 Catholics of various rites. Since 1848 Cyprus has
been ecclesiastically dependent on the new Latm Patri-
archate of Jerusalem. The Franciscans have stations
at Larnaca, Limasol, and Nicosia, with schools and
five churches; Sisters of St. Joseph of the Apparition
conduct schools in these three towns, and have a hos-
pital and an orphanage at Lamaca.
The Maronites were very numerous during the
period of Latin rule, but owing to persecutions of
Greeks or Turks have mostlv all departed or aposta^
tized. The latter are called Linobambaci; some of
them returned to Catholicism. Cyprus, with a part
of JLebanon, still forms a Maronite diocese, with
30,000 faithful. They have in the island a few
churches and four monasteries, but lack good schools
(see MARONrrBB). Among the resident Armenians
there is only an insisiificant number (12) of Catholics;
the rest obey the Gregorian Patriarch of Jerusalem
and have two priests and a monastery. Other Chris-
tians of Eastern Rites, who lived in Cyprus during the
Middle Ages, subject to their own bishops, have now
completely disappeared.
CoBHAic, An Attempt at a BihKooraphv of Cynrua (4th ed.,
Niooma, 1000), about 700 titles; Idem, A Handbook of Cyjmu
(London, 1901); Mas-Latsie, Hiatoirt de Vile do Chyjpre sout
le rhgne des princes do la maison de Luoignan (Paris, 1861-65);
Idem, Hialoire deo anhooiguoo }aiine_ do VUo do Chunro in
AlSialt
Archxveo do V Orient laHn, II, 207-328; Hackbut, A Uialory
upruo (London. 1901); Pizha.nkudb8,
FOBTascuE, Tho Orthodox Baatom
S. PiinuDis.
of iho Orthodox Church of Syprua (London. 1901); PoRANicuDEi
Kvirp«V (Athens, 1800); ^ ^^ ^ ' ' - ^
Church cLondon, 1007).
Oyreoaic Sehool of Pfailoioi^.— Th^ Cyrenaic
School of Philosophy, so called mm the city of
C]Srrene, in which it was founded, flourished from
about 400 to about 300 b. c, and had for its most
distinctive tenet Hedonism, or the doctrine that
pleasure is the chief good. The school is generally
said to derive its doctrines from Socrates on the one
hand and from the sophist, Protagoras, on the other.
From Socrates, by a perversion of the doctrine that
happiness is the chiet good, it derived the doctrine
of the supremacy of pleasure, while from Protagoras
it derived its relativistic theory of knowledge. Aris-
tippus (flourished c. 400 b. c.) was the founder of
the school, and counted among his followers his
daughter Arete and his grandsisn Aristippus the
Younger. The (^yrenaics started their philosophical
inquify by agreeing with Protagoras that all knowl-
edge is relative. That is true, they said, whiUh
seems to be true: of things in themselves we can
know nothing. From this they were 1^ to main-
tain that we can know only our feelings, or the im-
pression which thinsB produce upon us. Transfer-
ring this theoiy of knowledge to the discussion of
the problem of conduct, and assuming, as has been
said, the Socratio doctrine that the chief aim of
conduct is happiness, they concluded that happiness
is to be attained by the production of pleasurable
feeUngB and the avoidance of painful ones. Pleasure,
theretore, is the chief aim in life. The good man is
he who obtains or strives to obtain the maximum of
pleasure and the minimum of pain. Virtue is not
good in itself; it is good only as a means to obtain
pleasure. This last point raises the question: What
did the Cyrenaics re^y mean by pleasure? They
were certainly sensists, yet it is not entirely certain
that by pleasure they meant mere sensuous pleasure.
They speak of a hierarchy of pleasures, in which the
pleasures ol the body are subordinated to virtue,
cultilre, knowledge, artistic enjoyment, which belong
to the higher nature of man. Again, some of the
later Cyrenaics reduced pleasure to a mere ne^tive
state, painlessness; and others, later still, substituted
for pleasure ''cheerfulness and indifference". The
truth seems to be that in this, as in many other in-
stances, sensism was satisfied with a superficial and
loosely-jointed system. Thero was no consistency in
the Cyrenaic theory of conduct; probably none was
looked for. Indeed, in spile of the example of the
founders of the school, the later (Cyrenaics fell far
below the level of what was expected from philoso-
phers, even in Greece, and their doctrine came to be
merely a set of maxims to justify the careless man-
ner of living of men whose chief aim in life was a
pleasant time. But, taken at its best, the Cyrenaic
philosophy can hardly justify its claim to be con-
sidered an ethical system at all. For good and evil
it substituted the pleasant and the painful, without
reference, direct or indirect, to obligation or duty.
In some points of doctrine the school descends to
the commonplace, as when it justifies obedience to
law by remarking that the observance of the law oi
the land leads to the avoidance of punishment, and
that one should act honestly because one thereby
increases the sum of pleasure. The later Cyrenaics
made common cause with the Epicureans. Indeed,
the difference between the two schools was one of
details, not of fundamental principles.
ZvuLtaLt Soeratea and tho Socmtic Schoola^ tr. Reicbbl (Len-
don, 1885), 338 Mq.; Ueberweo-Hbinsb, Hietory of PhUor'
qphy, tr. MORRia (New York, 1892). I. 95 sqq.; Windelband,
Biatory of PhOooophy. tr. Turn (New York. 1901), 85 sqq.;
Tdbnbb, Hiaiory of PhOoaophy (Boston, 1903). 89 sqq.
William Turnsb.
Oyrone. a titular see of Northern Africa. The city
was founded early in the seventh century b. c. by a
Dorian colony from Thera and named after a spring,
Kyre, which the Greeks consecrated to Apollo; it
stood on the boundary of the Green Mountains
(Djebel Akhaar), ten miles from its port, Apollonia
(Marsa Sousa). It was the chief town of the Lydian
region between Egypt and Carthage (Cyienaica, now
vi&ysA of Benghazi), kept up commercial relations
with all the Greek cities, and reached the height of
its prosperity under its own kings in the fifth century
B. c. ^)on after 460 it became a republic: after the
death of Alexander it passed to the Ptolemies and
fell into decay. Apion bequeathed it to the Bomans,
but it kept its self-government. In 74 b. c. Cyrene be-
came a Roman colony. There were many Jews in the
region, with their own synagogue at Jerusalem (Mat.,
xxvii, 32; Acts, ii, 10; vi, 9, xi, 20, sq.), who rebelledi
A. D. 73, against Vespasian and in 116 against Trajan.
Cyrene is the Inrthplaoe of the philosophers Aris-
tippus, CallimachuB, Cameades, KratostheneSv and
OTEIL
692
OTBIL
Synesius; the latter, a convert to Christianity, died
Bishop of Ptolemais. Lequien (II, 621) mentions six
bishops of Cyrene, and according to Byzantine legend
the first was St. Lucius (Acts, xiii, 1); St. Theodonis
suffered martyrdom under Diocletian; about 370
Philo dared to consecrate by himself a bishoto for
Hydra, and was succeeded by his own nephew, Philo;
Rufus sided with Dioscorus at the Robber Synod
(Latrocinivun) of Ephesus in 449; Leontius lived
about 600. Lequien (III, 1151) mentions also six
Latin bishops, from 1477 to 1557. The Latin titular
see was suppressed by a papal decree of 1894. The
old city, ruined by the Arab invasion in the seventh
century, is not inhabited, but its site is still called
Qrennah (Cyrene). Its necropolis is one of the largest
and best preserved in the world, and the tombs, most*
ly rock-hewn, are of Dorian style.
Smith ani> Porchibr, Diacoveries at Cyrene (London, 1864);
Thriqb, Res Curenensium (Copenhagen, 1828); Robsbbrq,
Qutestumea de rebus Cyrenarum prov. torn.; Studnicxka, Kyrene
(Leipzig, 1890); BoRaARi, Geoorafia. . . della Trtpolitana, Cire-
naica ef'ezxan (Turin, 1888); Smith, Diet, of Greek and $oman
Geog, (London, 1878), I, 734-36.
S. P^TRIDfcs.
Oyril and Methodius (or Constantine and Meth-
odius), Saints, the Apostles of the Slavs, were
brothers, bom in Thessalonica, in 827 and 826 re-
spectively. Though belonging to a senatorial family
they renounced secular honours and became priests.
They were living in a monastery on the Bosphorus,
when the Khazana sent to Constantinople for a Chris-
tian teacher. Cyril was selected and was accom-
panied by his brother. They learned the Khazar
language and converted many of the people. Soon
after the Khazar mission there was a request from
the Moravians for a preacher of the Gospel. German
missionaries had already laboured among them, but
without success. The Moravians wished a teacher
who could instruct them and conduct Divine service
in the Slavonic tongue. On account of their acquaint-
ance with the language, Cyril and Methodius were
chosen for the work. In preparation for it Cyril
invented an alphabet and, with the help of Meth-
odius, translated the Gospels and the necessary litiu*-
gical books into Slavonic. They went to Moravia
m 863, and laboured for four and a half years. De-
spite their success, they were regarded by the Ger-
mans with distrust, first because mey had come from
Constantinople where schism was rife, and again
because they held the Church services in the Slavonic
language. On this accoimt the brothers were sum-
moned to Rome by Nicholas I, who died, however,
before their arrival. His successor, Adrian II, re-
ceived them kindly. Convinced of their orthodoxy,
he commended their missionary activity, sanctioned
the Slavonic Liturgy, and ordained Cyril and Meth-
odius bishops. Cynl, however, was not to return to
Moravia. He died in Rome, 4 Feb., 869.
At the request of the Moravian princes. Rastislav
and Svatopluk, and the Slav Prince Kocel ot Pannonia,
Adrian II formed an Archdiocese of Moravia and
Pannonia, made it independent of the German
Church, and appointed Methodius archbishop. In
870 King Louis and the German bishops summoned
Methodius to a synod at Ratisbon. Here he was
deposed and condemned to prison. After three years
he was liberated at the command of Pope John VIII
and reinstated as Archbishop of Moravia. He zeal-
ously endeavoured to spread the Faith among the
Bohemians, and also among the Poles in Northern
Moravia. Soon, however, he was summoned to Rome
again in consequence of the allegations of the German
priest Wiching, who impugned his orthodoxy, and
objected to the use of Slavonic in the liturgy. But
John VI IF, after an intpiiry, sanctioned the Slavonic
Liturg}', decreeing, however, that in the Mass the
Gospel should be read first in Latin and then in SI&-
vbnic. Wiching, in the meantime, had been nomi-
nated one of the suffragan bishops of Methodius. He
continued to oppose his metropoiitan^^going so far as
to produce spurious papal letters. The pope, how-
ever, assured Methodms that they were false. Meth-
odius went to Constantinople about this time, and,
with the assistance of several priests, he completed
the translation of the Holy Scripture, with the exoc^
tionoftheBooksofMachabees. He translated also tBe
"Nomocanon*', i. e. the Greek ecclesiastico-civil law.
The enemies of Methodius did not ceaae to antagonize
him. His health was worn out from the long struggle,
and he died 6 April, 885, recommending as his suc-
cessor Gorazd, a M9ravian Slav who &d been hia
disciple.
Formerly the feast of Saints QjrX and Methodius
was celebrated in Bohemia and li^ravia on 9 March ;
but Pius IX changed the date to 5 July. Leo XJII,
by his Encyclical "Grande Munus'* of 30 September,
1 880, extended the feast to the universal Chumi. (See
Moravia: Slavonic Liturgy: Bohemia; Pcx^and;
John VIII.)
Ada SS., March, II, 13-20; Ginzkl. GesdiidUe der SHaren-
apostel Cj/nU und Method und der alavisdten Liturffie (Vienna,
1861); Lkger. CyHUe et Mithode^ itude hiatoriqtie sur la eon-
version des Slaves au Christiantsme (Poitiers-Paris, 1868 >;
Jagic, Die neueslen Forsdiungen Hber die slarisdi^n Ap^A
drill und Methodiiis in Archiv f. sUivische Philoloffie (1S79">,
IV; Babtolini, Memorie storico-eritiche areheologiche dex Santi
CiriUo e Metodw (Rome, 1881); Gostz, OeschichU der Slavena-
postel Konstaniinus (KyrHlits) und Methodius (Gotha« 1^7);
Pastrnek. D^iny sUmmskych apostolu CyriUa a Methoda
(Prague, ig02); BBtycKMER, Cyryl i Melody (Craoow. 1903),
Potkanski, Konstantyn i Metodyusz (Cracow, 1905); Chbva-
UER, Bio-Bibl., a. v.
L. Abraham.
Oyril of Alexandria, Saint, Doctor of the
Church, has his feast in the Western Church on the
28th of January ; in the Grofok Mensa it is found on the
0th of June, and (together with St. Athanasius) on
the 18th of Januaiy.
He seems to have been of an Alexandrian family,
and waa the son of the brother of Theophilus, Patri-
arch of Alexandria; if he is the Cyril addressed by
Isidore of Pelusium in Ep. xxv of Bk. I, he was for a
time a monk. He accompanied Theophilus to Con-
stantinople when that bishop held the Synod of the
Oak" in 403 and deposed St. John Chiysostom.
Theophilus died 15 Oct.. 412, and on the 18th CvttI
was consecrated his uncle's successor, but only after
a. riot between his supporters and those of his rival,
Timotheus. Socrates complains bitterly that one of
his first acta was to plunder and shut the churches of
the Novatians. He also drove out of Alexandria all
the Jews, who had formed a flourishing community
there since Alexander the Great. But they had
caused tumults and had massacred the Christians, to
defend whom Cyril himself assembled a mob. This
may have been the only possible defence, since the
Prefect of Egypt, Orestes,- who was very angry at the
expulsion of the Jews, was also jealous of the power of
C^il, which certainly rivalled his own. Five hun-
dred monks came down from Nitria to defend the
patriarch. In a disturbance which arose, Orestes
was wounded in the head by a stone thrown by a
monk named Ammonius. The prefect had Am-
monius tortured to death, and the young and fiery
patriarch honoured his remains for a time as those of
a martyr. The Alexandrians were always riotous, as
we learn from Socrates (VII, vii) and from St. Cyril
himself (Horn, for Easter, 419). In one of these riots,
in 422, the prefect Callistus wais killed, and in another
was committed the murder of the female philosopher
Hypatia, a highly-reepected teacher of neo-Platonism,
of advanced age and (it is said) of many virtues. She
was a friend of Orestes, and many believed that she
prevented a reconciliation between prefect and patri-
arch. A mob led by a lector, named Pet^, dragged
her to a church and tore her flesh with potsherds
OY&ZL
593
OYRIL
till ahe died*. This brought great disgrace, savs
Socrates, on the Church of A^xandria and on its
bishop; but a lector at Alexandria was not a cleric
(8ocr., V, xxii), and Socrates does not suggest that
Cyril was himself to blame. Damascius, indeed,
accuses him, but he is a late authority and a hater
of Christians.
Theophilus, the persecutor of Chrysostom, had not
the privilege of communion with Rome from that
saint's death, in 406, until his own. For some years
Cyril also refused to insert the name of St. Chrysostom
in the diptychs of his Church, in spite of the requests
of Chrysostom's supplanter, Atticus. Later he seems
to have yielded to the representations of his spiritual
father, Isidore of Pelusium (Isid., Ep. I, 370). Yet
even after the Coimcil of Ephesus that saint still found
something to rebuke in lum on this matter (Ed. I,
310). But at that date Cyril seems to have been long
since trusted by Rome.
It was in the winter of 427-28 that the Antiochene
Nestorius became Patriarch of Constantinople. His
heretical teaching soon became known to Cyril.
Against him Cvril taught the use of the term Thsotokos
in his Paschsd letter for 429 and in a letter to the
monks of Egypt. A correspondence with Nestorius
followed, in a more moderate tone than might have
been expected. Nestorius sent his sermons to Pope
Celestine, but he received no reply, for the latter
wrote to St. Cyril for further information. Rome had
taken the side of St. John Chrysostom against Theo-
philus, but had neither censured the orthodoxy of the
latter, nor consented to the patriarchal powers exer-
cised by the bishops of Constantinople. To St.
Celestine Cyril was not only the first prelate of the
East, he was also the inheritor of the traditions of
Athanasius and Peter. The pope's confidence was
not misplaced. Cyril had learnt prudence. Peter
had attempted unsuccessfully to apooint a Bishop of
Constantinople; Theophilus had oeposed another.
Cyril, thougn in this case Alexandria was in the ri^t,
does not act in his own name, but denounces Nestorius
to St. Celestine, since ancient custom, he says, per-
suaded him to bring the matter before the pope. He
relates aU that had occurred, and begs Celestine to
decree what he thinks fit (rwrO^turb doxovw — ^aphrajse
which Dr. W. Bright chooses to weaken into "formu-
late his opinion '7,^ and communicate it also to the
bishops ofMacedonia and of the East (i. e. the Antio-
chene Patriarchate).
The pope'iB reply was of astonishing severity^. He
had already commissioned Cassian to write his well^
known treatise on the Incarnation. He now sum-
moned a council (such Roman councils had somewhat
the office of the modem Roman Congregations), and
despatched a letter to Alexandria with enclosures to
Constantinople, Philippi, Jerusalem, and Antioch.
Cyril is to take to himself the authority of the Roman
See, and to admonish Nestorius that unless he recants
within ten days from the receipt of this ultimatum, he
is separated from ''our body" (the popes of the day
have the habit of speaking of other churches as the
members, of which thev are the head; the body is, of
course, the Catholic Church). If Nestorius does not
submit, Cyril is to "provide for" the Church of Con-
stantinople. Such a sentence of excommunication
and deposition is not to be confounded with the mere
withdrawal of actual communion by the popes from
Cyril himself at an earlier date, from Theophilus, or,
at Antioch, from Flavian or Meletius. It was the
decree Qrril had asked for. As Cyril had twice writ-
ten to Nestorius. his citation in the name of the pope
is to be countea as a third warning, after whicn no
grace is to be given.
St. Cyril summoned a council of his stiffragans, and
composed a letter to which were appended twelve
propositions for Nestorius to anatnematiBe. The
epistle was not conciliatory, and Nestorius may well
IV.— 38
have been taken ab£u;k. The twelve propositions did
not emanate from Rome, and were not at all equally
clear; one or two of them were later among the au-
thorities invoked bv the Monophysite heretics in their
own favour. Cyril was the head of the riyal theologi-
cal school to tnat of Antioch, where Nestorius had
studied, and was the hereditary rival of the Constanti-
nopolitan would-be patriarch. (?yril wrote also to
Jonn, Patriarch of Antioch, informing him of the facts,
and insinuating that if John should support his old
frigid Nestorius, he would find himself isolated over
against Ronie, Macedonia, and Egypt. John took the
hint, and urged Nestorius to yield. Meanwhile, in
Constantinople itself large numbers of the people held
aloof from Nestorius, and the Emperor Theodosius II
had been persuaded to smnmon a general council to
meet at Ephesus. The imperial letters were dis-
E*ied 19 November, whereas the bishops sent by
arrived at Constantinople ^nly on 7 December.
»rius, somewhat naturally, refused to accept the
message sent by his rival, and on the 13th or 14th of
December preached publicly against Cyril as a calum-
niator, and as having used bribes (which was probably
as true as it was usual) ; but he declared himself will-
ing to use the word TheotoJcos, These sermons he sent
to John of Antioch, who preferred them to the
anathematisations of Cyril. Nestorius, however, is-
sued twelve propositions with appended anathemas.
If Cyril's propositions might be taken to deny the two
natures in Christ, those of Nestorius hardly veiled his
belief in two distinct persons. Theodoret ureed John
yet further, suid wrote a treatise against Cyril, to
which the latter replied with some warmth. He also
wrote an "Answer" in five books to the sermons of
Nestorius.
As the fifteenth-century idea of an oecumenical
council superior to the pope had yet to be invented,
and there was but one precedent for such an assembly,
we need not be surprised that St. Celestine welcomed
the initiative of tne emperor, and hoped for peace
throu^ the assembly. (See Ephbsus, Council op.)
Nestorius found the churches of Ephesus closed to
him, when he arrived with the imperial commissioner,
Count Candidian, and his own friend. Count Irenseus.
CJyril came with fifty of his bishops. Palestine, Crete,
Asia Minor, and Greece added their quotient. But
John of Antioch and his suffragans were delayed.
Cyril may have believed, rightly or wrongly, that John
did not wish to be present at the trial of his friend
Nestorius, or that he wished to gain time for him, and
he opened the council without John, on 22 June, in
spite of the request of sixty-eight bishops for a de-
lay. This was an initial error, which had disastrous
results.
The legates from Rome had not arrived, so that
Cyril had no answer to the letter he had written to
Celestine asking "whether the holy synod should
receive a man who condemned what it preached, or,
because the time of delay had elapsed, whether the
sentence was still in force". Cyril might have pre-
jsumed that the pope, in agreeing to send legates to
the council, intended Nestorius to have a complete
trial, but it was more convenient to assume that the
Roman ultimatum had not been suspended, and that
the council was bound by it. He therefore took the
pl£u^ of president, not only as the highest in rank, but
also as stai holding the place of Celestine, though he
cannot have received any fresh commission from the
pope. Nestorius was summoned, in order that he
might explain his neglect of Cyril's former monition
in the name of the pope. He refused to receive the
four bishops whom the council sent to him. Conse-
auently nothing remained but formal procedure. For
le council was boimd by the canons to depose Nesto-
rius for contumacy, as he would not appear, and by
the letter of Celestine to condemn him for heresy, as he
had not recanted. The correspondence between
OYBJOL
594
OTRIL
Rome, Alexandria, and Constantinople was read, and
some testimonies were read from earlier writers to
show the errors of Nestorius. The second letter of
Cjrril to Nestorius was approved by all the bishops.
The reply of Nestorius was condemned. No discus-
sion took place. The letter of Cyril and the ten
anathematizations raised no comment. All was con-
cluded at one sitting. The council declared that it
was *' of necessity impelled " by the canons and by
the letter of Celestine to declare Nestorius deposed
and excommunicated. The papal legates, who had
been detained by bad weather, arrived on the 10th of
July, and they solemnly confirmed the sentence by
the authority of St. Peter, for the refusal of Nestorius
to appear had made useless the permission which they
brought from the pope to grant him forgiveness if he
should repent. But meanwhile John of Antioch and
his party had arrived on the 26th or 27th of June.
They formed themselves into a rival council of forty-
three bishops, and deposed Memnon, Bishop of
Ephesus, and St. Cyril, accusing the latter of ApoUi-
narianism and even of Eunomianism. Both parties
now appealed to the emperor, who took the amasing
decision of sending a count to treat Nestorius, Cyril,
and Menmon as being all three lawfully deposed.
They were kept in close custody; but eventually the
emperor took the orthodox view, though be dissolved
the council; Cyril was allowed to return to his diocese,
and Nestorius went into retirement at Antioch. Later
he was banished to the Great Oasis of Egypt.
Meanwhile Pope Celestine was dead. His successor,
St. Sixtus III, confirmed the council and attempted to
get John of Antioch to anathematise Nestorius. For
some time the strongest opponent of Cyril was Theo-
doret, but eventually he approved a letter of Cyril to
Acacius of Berrhcna. John sent Paul, Bishop of Emesa,
as his plenipotentiary to Alexandria, and he patched
up a reconciliation with Cyril. Though Theodoret
still refused to renounce the defence of Nestorius, John
did so, and Cyril declared his joy in a letter to John.
Isidore of Pelusium was now afraid that the impulsive
Cyril might have yielded too much (Ep. i, 334). The
great patriarch composed many further treatises,
dogmatic letters, and sermons. He died on the 0th
or the 27th of June, 444, after an episcopate of nearly
thirty-two years.
St. Ctril as a Theoloozan. — The principal fame
of St. Cyril rests upon his defence of Catholic doctrine
against Nestorius. That heretic was undoubtedly
confused and uncertain. He wished, against Apol-
linarius, to teach that Christ was periect man, and he
took the denial of a human personality in Our Lord
to imply an Apollinariaa incompleteness in His
Human Nature. The union of the human and Divine
natures was therefore to Nestorius an unspeakably
close junction, but not a union in one hypostasis. St.
Cyril taught the personal, or hypostatiCf union in the
plainest terms; and when his writings are surveyed
as a whole, it becomes certain that he always held the
true view, that the one Christ has two periect and
distinct natures, Divine and human. But he would
not admit two ^i>ae<c in Christ, because he took ^^oi(
to imply not merely a nature but a subsistent (i. e.
personal) nature. His opponents misrepresented him
as teaching that the Divine nature suffered, because
he rightly taught that the Divine person suffered, in
His human nature; and he was constantly aocused of
Apollinarianism. On the other hand, after his death
Monophysitism was founded upon a misinterpretation
of his teaching. Especially unfortunate was the
formula " one nature incarnate of God the Word '*
(jiia ^oig Tov Oeov Adyov oeaapiMfikvjf)^ which he
took from a treatise on the Incarnation which he
believed to be by his great predecessor St. Athanasius.
By this phrase he intended simply to emphasize
against Nestorius the unity of Christ's Person; but
the words in fact expressed equally the single Nature
taught by Eutyches and by his own successor Dkm-
ourus. He brings out admirably the necessity of the
full doctrine of the union of our humanity to God, to
explain the scheme of the redemption of man. He
argues that the flesh of Christ is truly the flesh of God,
in that it is life-giving in the Holy Eucharist. In the
richness and depth of his philosophical and deTotional
treatment of the Incarnation we recognise the diseiple
of Athanasius. But the precision of his language, and
perhaps of hia thought also, is very far behind that
which St. Leo developed afewjrearsafter Cyril's death.
C3rril was a man of great courage and f oree of ehar-
acter. We can often discern that his natural vehem-
ence was repressed and sehooled, and he listened with
humility to the severe admonitions of his master and
adviser, St. Isidore. As a theologian, he is one of
the great writers and thinkers of early times. Yet
the troubles which arose out of the Council of Ephestts
were due to his impulsive action: more patience and
diplomacy might possibly even have prevented tlie
vast Nestorian sect from arising at alL In spite of
his own firm grasp of the truth, the whole of his
patriarchate feU away, a few years after his time, into
a heresy based on his writings, and could never be
regained to the Catholic Faith. But he has always
been greatly venerated in the Church. His letters,
especially the second letter to Nestorius, were not
oxdy approved by the Council of Ephesus, but by
many subsequent councils, and have frequently been
appealed to as tests of orthodoxy. In the East he
was alw&ya honoured as one of the greatest of the
Doctors. His Mass and Office fM a Doctor of the
Church were approved by Leo XIII in 1883.
His Wbitinos.— The exegeUcal works of St. CyrO
are very numerous. The seventeen books ''On Adora-
tion in Spirit and in Truth" are an exposition of the
typical and spiritual nature of the Old Law. The
T^oifrvpd or "brilliant*', Commentaries on the Penta-
teuch are of the same nature. Long explanations of
Isaias and of the minor Prophets give a mystical in-
terpretation after the Alexandrine manner. Only
fragmentir are extant of other works on the Old Testa-
ment, as well as of expositions of Matthew, Luke, Sknd
some of the Epistles, but of that of St. Luke much is
preserved in a Syriac version. Of St. Cyril's sermons
and letters the most interesting are those which con-
cern the Nestorian controversy. Of a great apolo-
getic work in twenty books against Julian the Apostate
ten books remain. Among his theological treatises
we have two large works and one small one on the
Holy Trinity, and a number of treatises and tracts be-
longing to the Nestorian controversy.
The first collected edition of St. Cyril's works was
by J. Aubert, 7 vob., Paris, 1638; several earlier edi-
tions of some portions in Latin only aro enumerated
by Fabricius. Cardinal Mai added more material in
the second and third volumes of his "Bibliotheca nova
Patrum", II-III, 1852; this is incorporated, together
with much matter from the Catense published by
Ghislerius (1633), Gorderius, Possinus, and Cramer
(1838), in Migne's reprint of Aubert's edition (P. G.,
LXVIII-LXXVII, Paris, 1864). Better editions of
single works include P. E. Pusey, "Cyrilli Alex. Epis-
toke tres OBCumenicee, libri V c. Nestorium, XII capi-
tumexplanatio, XII capitum defensio utraque, scholia
de Incamatione Unigeniti'' (Oxford, 1875); ''De roct&
fide ad Imp., de Incarnatione Unig. dialogus, de reetA
fide ad principissas, de rect& fide ad Augustas, quod
unus Christ us dialogus, apologeticus ad Imp." (Ox-
ford, 1877); "CyrilU Alex, in XII Prophetas" (Ox-
ford, 1868, 2 vols.); "la divi Joannis Evangelium"
(Oxford, 1872, 3 vols., including the fragments on the
Epistles). "Three Epistles, with revised text and
English translation" (Oxford, 1872); translations in
the Oxford ''Library of the Fathers"; "Commentary
on St. John", I (1874), II (1885); "Five tomes against
Nestorius" (1881); R. Payne Smith, "S. Cyrilli Alex.
CYRII«
595
CYRIL
Conanu in Luc« evang. quas supersunt Syriaoe e MSS.
apud IkdCuB. Brit." (Oxford, 1858) ; the sanM translated
into S^nglish (Oxford, 1859, 2 vols.); W. Wri^t,
''Frasmente of the Homilies of Cyril of Alex, on St.
Luke, edited from a Nitrian MS." (London, 1874); J.
H. Bernard, ''On Some Fragments of an Uncial MS. of
St. Cyril of Alex. Written on Papyrus" (Trans, of R.
IHsh Acsad., XXIX, 18, Dublin, 1892); ''Cyrilli Alex.
librorum e. JuHanum fragmenta syriaca", ed. £.
Nestle ete. in ^'Scriptorum grscorum, qui Chris*
tianam impugnaveruntreligionem", fase. Ill (Leipsig,
1880). Fragments of the "Liber Thesaurorum" in
Pitra, ''Analecta saora et class.'S I (Paris. 1888).
The b«8t biosnphy of St. Cyril is. perh*pa. am that by Tii/-
xjBUOirr in MinwirM pour ««rtir, etc., XIV. See also Kopallik.
CyriUttm ton AUxandrien (Mains, 1881), an apology for St.
C^yril's taaohing and oharaeter. A moderate view is taken by
Brxobt in Waymarka of Church HitUmt (London. 1884) and
The Age of the Fathert (London, 1903). Il, but he is recosniied
aa prejudiced wherever the papacy is in question. Ehbhard,
Die CurHlw. AJex, gugetchriebene Schrifl, vrepl r^C roD K.
ivavSpt^aea^t ein Werkdet Thtodorei (TQbingen. 1888); Loom,
.Vesforiima (Halle. 1906): WxioL, Die BeOaUKf de% Cyria v.
iilex. (Mains, 1906). Of review articles may be mentioned:
Laroxstt. Btudes d^kiat. oed.: 8. CyrHU d^At. et le cone. d'SpMee
in Rev. dee Queet. Hiet. (1882). and Idbu. Eludee d'hitl. eed.,
(Paris, 1892): ScHirnt. Die ChneUUooie dee Cyril t. Al. in
Theoiog. QuarUOeekrifl (TQbingen. 1895). 421; MabC. Lee
anaihSmaiieimee de S. CyriOe in Rev. d^hiei. ecd. (Oct., 1906);
Betbitkb-Baxsb. Neetoriue and hie Teachinff (Cambridge.
1908): Mabb. VBueharietU d* aprie S. CyriUe g Al, in TUn,
<r HiaH. Bed. (Oct., 1907); L. J. Siozufo defends Gsril in the
affair of Hypatia in Dtr KoJthoLik, cxzix (1906). 44 and 127;
on his acoeasion, ibid., CXXXII (1907), 31 and 121; Cont-
BBAAB. The Arfikmian Vereion of Reeelation and CyrH of Alex-
andr^'e echoUa on the InoamaHon edited from the oldeet MSa,
and Sngltehed (London. 1907).
John Chapman.
Oyill of Baieeloiuk See Subni, Ctril.
OyrU of Constantinople. Saint, General of the
Carmelites, d. about 1235. All that is known is that
he was prior of Mount Carmel, some say for twenty*-
seven, others, more correctly, for thiee yeara, and
that he had the reputation of being a prophet. One
of the pseudo-prophecies, given out towards the end
of the thirteehth century by the Franciscan Spirituals,
and attributed to St. Cyril of Jerusalem, became
known to Gutdo de Perpignan and other .Carmelites at
Paris, who ascribed it to their former general, now
considered a saint and a doctor of the Church, his
feast being introduced in 1399. In the Breviary les-
sons he was also confounded with Cyril of Alexandria.
When the mistake was discovered (14^, but the eon«
fusion was maintained in the Venice Breviary, 1542),
hia title of doctor was justified by attributing to him
a work, of which no trace exists, on the procession of
the Holy Ghost. The prophecy or angeUo oracle
''Divinum oraculumS. Cfyrillo Carmelitas Constanti-
nopolitano solemni legatione angeli missum" (ed.
PhUippua a SS. Trinitate, Lvons, 1663), so called be-
cause it is supposed to have been brought by an angel
while Cyril was saying Mass, is a lengthy document of
eleven chapters in incomprehensible language, with a
commentary falsely ascribed to Abbot Joachim. It is
first mentioned by Arnold of ViUanova, o. 1295;
Teles^horus of Coaensa applied it to the Western
Schism and treated it as an utterance of the Holy
Ghost. Another writing erroneously attributed to
Cyril is ''De processu sui Ordinis'', by a contempo-
rary, probably a French author; edited by Daniel
a Virgine Mari4 in ''Speculum Carmelitarum"
(Antwerp, 1680), I, 75.
Ebbib, Ueber CyrUU Oraadwm anodieum in Archiv f
LUeratur u. Kirchengeech. d. M. A. (Berlin, 1886), II. 327;
ZzuMBRitAN, Monumenta hietor. CanmL (L4rins, 1907). I. 295.
B. ZlHMXBUAN.
Cyxll of Jemsalem, Saint, Bishop of Jerusalem and
Doctor of the Church, b. about 315; d. probably 18
March, 386. In the East his feast is observed on the
18th of March, in the West on the 1 8th or 20th. Little
is known of his life. We gather information concern-
ing him from his younger contemporaries, Epiphanius,
Jerome, and Rufinus, as well as from the fifth-century
historians, Socrates, Sosomen, and Theodoret. Cyril
himself gives us the date of his "Catecheses" as fully
seventy years after the Emperor Probus, that is about
347, if he is exact. Constans (d. 350) was then still
alive. Mader thinks Cyril was already bishop, but it
is usually held that he was at this date only a priest.
St. Jerome relates (Chron. ad ann. 352) that St. Cyril
had been ordained priest by St. Maximus, his prede-
cessor, after whose death the episcopate was promised
to Cyril by the metropolitan, Acacius of Cassarea, and
the other Arian bishops, on condition that he should
repudiate the ordination he had received from Maxi-
mus. He consented to minister as deacon only, and
was rewarded for this impiety with the see. Maximus
had consecrated Heraclius to succeed himself, but
Cyril, by various frauds, degraded Heraclius to the
priesthood. So says St. Jerome; but Socrates relates
that Acacius drove out St. Maximus and substituted
St. Cyril. A quarrel soon broke out between Cyril
and Acacius, apparently on a question of precedence
or jurisdiction. At Nicaea the metropolitan rights of
Caesarea had been guarded, while a special dignity had
been granted to Jerusalem. Yet St. Maximus had
held a synod and had ordained bishops. This may
have been as much the cause of Acacius' enmity to
him as his attachment to the Nicene formula. On the
other hand, Cyril's correct Christology may have been
the real though veiled ground of the hostility of
Acacius to him. At all events, in 357 Acacius caused
Cyril to be exiled on the charge of selling church
furniture during a famine. Cynl took refuge with
Silvanus, Bishop of Tarsus. He appeared at the
Council of Seleucia in 359, in which the Semi-Arian
party was triumphant. Acacius was deposed and St.
Cyril seems to nave returned to his see. But the
emperor was displeased at the turn of events, and, in
360, Cyril and other moderates were again driven out,
and only returned at the accession of Julian in 361.
In 367 a decree of Valens banished all the bishops who
had been restored by Julian, and CyrU remained in
exile until the death of the persecutor in 378. In 380,
St. Gregory of Nyssa came to Jerusalem on the recom-
mendation of a council held at Antioch in the preced-
ing year. He found the Faith In accord with the
truth, but the city a prey to parties and corrupt in
morals. St. Cyril attended the great Council of Con-
stantinople in 381, at which Theodosius had ordered
the Nicene faith, now a law of the empire, to be pro-
mulgated. St. Cyril then formally accepted the homo-
ouaion; Socrates and Sozomen call this an act of
repentance. Socrates gives 385 for St. Cyril's death,
but St. Jerome tells us that St. Cyril lived eight years
under Theodosius, that is, from January, 379.
WwTiNGS.— The extant works of St. Cyril of Jeru-
salem include a sermon on the Pool of Bethesda, a
letter to the Emperor Constantius, three small frag-
ments, and the famous "Catecheses". The letter
describes a wonderful cross of light, extending from
Calvary to the Mount of Olives, which appeared in
the air on the nones of May, after Pentecost, towards
the beginning of the saint's episcopate. The catechet-
ical lectures are among the most precious remains of
Christian antiquity. They include an introductory
address, eighteen instructions delivered in Lent to
those who were preparing for baptism, and five "mys-
tagogical" instructions given during Easter week to
the same persons after their baptism. They contain
interesting local references as to the finding of the
Cross, the position of Calvary in relation to the walls,
to other holy places, and to the great basilica built by
Constantino in which these conferences were delivered.
They seem to have been spoken extempore, and writ-
ten down afterwards. The style is admirably clear,
dignified, and logical; the tone is serious and full of
piety. The subject is thus divided: 1. Hortatory.
2. On sin, and confidence in God's pardon. 3. On
OYRILLIO
596
OYRILLIO
baptism, how the water receives the power of sancti-
fying: as it cleanses the body, so the Spirit seals the
soul. 4. An abridged account of the Faith. 5. On
the nature of faith. 6-18. On the Creed: 6. On the
monarchy of God, and the various heresies which deny
it. 7. On the Father. 8. His omnipotence. 9. The
Creator. 10. On the Lord Jesus Christ. 11. His
Eternal Sonship. 12. His virgin birth. 13. His Pas-
sion. 14. His Resurrection and Ascension. 15. His
second coming. 16-17. On the Holy Ghost. 18. On
the resurrection of the body and the Catholic Church.
The first mystagogical catechesia explains the renuncia-
tions of Satan, etc. which preceded baptism ; the sec-
ond is on the effects of baptism, the third on confirma-
tion, the fourth on Holy Communion, and the fifth on
holy Mass for the living and the dead. The hearers
are told to observe the disciplina arcani; Rom. they must
repeat nothing to heathens and catechumens; the
book also has a note to the same effect.
A few points may be noted. The mythical ori^
of the Septuagint is told, and the story of the phoenix,
so popular from Clement onwards. The description
of Mass speaks of the mystical washing of the priest's
hands, the kiss of peace, the "Sursum Corda^', etc.,
and the Preface with its mention of the angels, the
Sanctus, the Epiclesis, the transmutation of the ele-
ments by the Holy Ghost, the prayer for the whole
Church and for the spirits of the departed, followed
by the Paternoster, wnich is briefly explained. Then
come the "Sancta Sanctis" and the Communion.
"Approaching, do not come with thy palms stretched
flat nor with fingers separated. But making thy left
hand a seat for thy right, and hollowing- thy palm,
receive the Body of Cm-ist, responding Amen. Ana
having with care hallowed thine eyes by the touch of
the Holy Body, take it, vigilant lest thou drop any
of it. For shouldst thou lose any of it, it is as though
thou wast deprived of a member of thy own body."
"Then sStcr Communion of the Body of Christ, ap-
proach the Chalice of His Blood, not extending thy
hands, but bending low, and with adoration and
reverence saying Amen, sanctify thyself by receiving
also the Blood of Christ. And while thy lips are yet
wet, t^uch them with thy hands, and sanctify thy eyes'
and thy forehead and thy other senses" (Cat. Slyst.,
V, 22, 21-22). We are to make the sign of the cross
when we eat and drink, sit^ go to bed, get up, talk,
walk, in short, in every action (Cat. iv, 14). Again:
" if thou should be in foreign cities, do not simply ask
where is the church (kvpmkSv), for the heresies of the
impious try to call their caves icvptaKd, nor simply
where is the Church (^if»:Xi7<r(a), but where is the
Catholic Church, for this is the proper name of this
holy Mother of all" (Cat. xviii, 26).
Doctrine. — St. Cyril's doctrine is expressed in his
creed, which seems to have run thus: "I believe in
one Grod, the Father Almighty, Creator of Heaven and
earth and of all things visible and invisible. And in
one Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God,
begotten by the Father true Clod before all ages, God
of God, Life of Life, Light of Light, by Whom aU
things were made. Who for its men and for our salva-
tion came down, and was incarnate hy the Holy Ghost
and the Virgin Mary^ and was made man. He was
crucified . . . and buried. He rose again on the third
day according to the Scriptures, and sat at the right
hand of the Father. And He cometh in glory to
judge the living and the dead, whose kingdom shall
have no end. And in one Holy Ghost, the Paraclete,
Who spake by the prophets; and in one baptism of
repentance for the remission of sins, and in one holy
Catholic Church, and in the resurrection of the body,
and in life everlasting." The italicized words are un-
certain. St. Cyril teaches the Divinity of the Son
with perfect plainness, but avoids the word "consub-
Btantial", which he probably thought liable to misun
derstandmg. He never mentions Arianisra, though
he denounces the Arian formula, "There was a time
when the Son was not". He belonged to the Soni-
Arian, or Homoean party, and is content to declare
that the Son is "in all things like the Father". He
communicated freely with bishops such as Basil of
Ancyra and Eustathius of Sebaste. He not only does
not explain that the Holy Trinity has one Godhead,
but he does not even say the Tliree Persons are od<*
God. The one God is for him always the Father.
" There is one God, the Fath^ of Christ, and one Lord
Jesus Christ, liie only-begotten Son of the only God,
and one Holy Ghost, Who sanctifies and deifies all
things" (Cat. iv, 16).- But he rightly says: "We do
not divide the Holy Trinity as some do, neither do wf^
make a melting into one like Sabellius" (Cat. xvi, 4^
Cyril never actually calls the Holy Ghost God, but H<e
is to be honoured together with the Father and the
Son (Cat. iv, 16). "fiiere is therefore nothing incor-
rect in his doctrine, only the explicit use of the Niceoe
formulse is wanting, and these, like St. Meletius and
others of his party, he fully accepted at a later date.
St. Cyril's teaching about the Blessed Sacrament is
of the first importance, for he was speaking freely,
untrammelled by the "aiscipline of the secret". On
the Real Presence he is unambiguous: " Since He Him-
self has declared and said of tne bread: This is My
Body, who shall dare to doubt any mo^e? And when
He asserts and says: This is Afy Blood, who shall ever
hesitate and say it is not His Blood?" Of the Trans-
formation, he argues, if Christ could change water
into wine, can He not change wine into His own
Blood? The bread and wine are symbols: "In the
type of bread is given thee the Body, in the type of
wine the Blood is given thee" ; but they do not remain
in their original condition, they have been changjpd.
though the senses cannot tell us this: "Do not think
it mere bread and wine, for it is the Body and Blood
of Christ, according to the Lord's declaration".
"Having learned this and being assured of it, that
what appears to be bread is not bread, though per-
ceived oy the taste, but the Body of Christ, and wiat
appears to be wine is not wine, though the taste says
so, but the Blood of Christ. . . . strengthen thy heart,
partaking of it as spiritual (food), anarejoioe the face
of thy soul". It is difficult not to see the whole doe-
trine of Transubstantiation in these explicit words.
Confirmation is with blessed chrism: "As the bread
of the Eucharist after the invocation of the Holy
Ghost is not bread, but the Body of Christ, so this
holy myrrh is no longer simple, as one might say,
after the invocation, but a gift of Christ and capable
by the presence of the Holy Ghost of giving His
divinity'^' (ii, 4). St. Peter and St. Paul went to
Rome, the heads (ir^Mwrdirtti) of the Church. Peter
is 6 Kopv^drrarw icaX irptaro^rdTfis tQp droffrSkmp. Tbe
Faith is to be proved out of Holy Scripture. St. Cyril,
as the Greek Fathers generally, gives the Hebrew canon
of the Old Testament omittmg the deutepo-canonicai
books. But yet he often auotes them as Scripture.
In the New Testament he does not acknowledgi the
Apocalypse.
There have been many editions of St. Cyrils
works:— (Vienna, 1660); G. Morel (Paris, 1564); J.
Pr^vot (Paris, 1608); T. Milles (London, 1703); the
Benedictine edition of Dom Toutt^ (Paris, 1720; re-
Erinted at Venice, 1763) ; a new edition from MSS.,
y G. C. Reischl, 8vo (Munich, 1848; 2nd vol. by J.
Rupp, 1860); Migne gives the Bened. cd. in P. G.,
XXXIII; Photius Alexandrides (2 vols., Jerusalem,
1867-8); Eng. tr. in Library of the Fathers (Oxford).
TiLLEMONT, Mhnoires pour servir, etc., VIII; TourriE in
his edition, and Rewchl; Ada SS., March, II; Delactsoix,
SairU-CyriUe de J£ni9cdem (Paris, 1865); MiiDEH. Der W. Cyri'
lua, Biachof von Jcnualem (Einsiedehi, 1901).
JoHx Chapman.
Cyrillic Alphabet. See Russian Cbitbch.
Oyrillic Prophecy. See Cvril of Constavtinopia
6TB£fitJS
597
07BV8
Oyrrhus, a titular see of Syria. The city of the
same name was the capital of the extensive district
of Cyrrheatica, between the plain of Antioch and
Commagene. The orie^i of the city is unknown; ac-
cording to a false tramtion, it was said in the sixth
century to have been founded by Cyrus, King of
Persia; this, however, was only a play upon the name.
It became at an early date a suffra^n of Hierapolis
in Provincia Euphratensis. Eight bishops are known
before 636 (Lequien, II, 929; E. W. Brooks, The Sixth
Book of the Select Letters of Severus, II, 341). The
first was present at Nicsea in 325; The most celebrated
is Theodoret (423-58), a prolific writer, well known
for his r61e in the history of Nestorianism and Eutych-
ianism. (His works are in Migne, P. G., LXaX-
LiXXXIV.) He tells us that his small diocese (about
forty miles square) contained 800 churches, which
supposes a very dense population.
At Cyrrhus a magnincent basilica held the relics of
SS. Cosmas and Damian, who had suffered martyr-
dom in the vicinity about 283, and whose bodies had
been transported to the city, whence it was also called
Hagioupolis. Many holy personages, moreover, chief-
ly hermits, had been or were then living in this terri-
toiy, among them SS. Acepsimas, Zeumatius, Zebinas,
Pofychronius, Maron (the famous patron of the Maron-
ite Church), Eusebius, Thalassius, Maris, James the
Wonder-worker, and others. Theodoret devoted an
entire work to the illustration of their virtues and
miracles. The city was embellished and fortified by
Justinian. At the same time it became an indepen-
dent metropolis, subject directly to Antioch. The
Eatriarch, Michael the Syrian, names thirteen Jacobite
ishops of Cyrrhus from the ninth to the eleventh
centmy (Revue de TOrient chr6tien, 1901, p. 194).
Only two Latin titulars are quoted by Lequien (III,
1195). The site of the city is marked by the ruins
at Khoros, nine miles northwest of Kills, in the vil-
ayet of Aleppo; these ruins stand near the river Afrin
Marsyas, a tributary of the Orontes), which had been
banked up by the aforesaid Theodoret.
TiUAKONT, Minwiree, XV, 217-280.
S. VAILHt.
OypxB and John» Saints, celebrated martyrs of the
Coptic Church, sumamed fiavftarovpyoi dpdfyyvpoi be-
cause they healed the sick gratis (Nilles, Kalendarium
utriusque EoclesisB, Innsbruck, 1896, I, 89). Their
feast day is celebrated by the Copts on the sixth day of
Emsir, corresponding to 31 January, the day also ob-
served by the Greeks; on the same day they are com-
memorated in the Roman Martyrology, regarding
which see the observation of Cardinal Baronio (Maiv
tyrologium Romanum, Venice, 1586). The Greeks
celebrate also the finding and translation of the relics
on 28 June (see "Menologium Basil." and "Menaia").
TTie principal source of information regarding the life,
passion, and miracles of Sts. John and Cyrus is the
encomium written by Sophronius, Patriarch of Jeru-
salem (d. 638). Of the birth, parents, and first years
of the saints we know nothing. According to the
Arabic "Synaxarium" (Forget, Synax. Alexan-
drinum, Beirut, 1906, II, 252), compiled by Michael,
Bishop of Athrib and Malig, Cyrus and John were
both Alexandrians; this, however, is contradicted by
other documents in which it is said that Cyrus was a
native of Alexandria and John of Edessa. Cyrus
practised the art of medicine and had a work-sliop
{ergagterium) which was afterwards transformed into
a temple dedicated to the three boy-saints, Ananias,
Misael, and Azarias. He ministered to the sick gratis
and at the same time laboured with all the ardour of
an apostle of the Faith, and won many from pagan
superstition. This took place under the Emperor
Diocletian. Denounced to the prefect of the city he
fled to Arabia of Egypt where he took refuge in a
town near the sea called Tz6ten. There, having
shaved his head and assumed the monastic habit, he
abandoned medicine and began a life of asceticism.
John belonged to the army, in which he held a high
rank; the "Synaxarium" cited above adds that he
was one of the familiars of the emperor. Hearing of
the virtues and wonders of Cyrus, he betook himself
to Jerusalem in f^ilfiUnent of a vow, and thence passed
into Egypt where he became the companion of St.
Cyrus m the ascetic life. During the persecution of
Diocletian three holy virgins, Theoctista (Theopista),
fifteen years old, Theodota (Theodora), thirteen yearft
old, and Theodossia (Theodoxia), eleven years old, to-
gether with their mother Athanasia, were arrested at
Canopus and brought to Alexandria. Cyrus and John,
fearing lest these girls, on account of their tender age,
might, in the midst of torments, deny the Faith, re-
Bolvea to go into the city to comfort them and encour-
age them in undergoing martyrdom. This fact be-
coming known they also were arrested and after dire
torments they were all beheaded on the 31st of Janu-
ary. The bodies of the two martyrs were placed in
the church of St. Mark the Evangelist where they
remained up to the time of St. Cyril, Patriarch of
Alexandria (412-444). At Menuthis (McroiJ^j or
Mevov^is) near Canopus there existed at that time a
pagan temple reputed for its oracles and cures which
attracted even some simple Christians of the vicinity.
StMI)yril thought to extirpate this idolatrous cult
by establishing in that town the cultus of Sts.
CJyrus and John. For this purpose he transferred
thither their relics (28 June, 414) and ^aced them in
the chiuxjh built by his predecessor, Theophilus, in
honour of the Evangelists. Before the finding and
transfer of the relics by St. Cyril it seems that the
names of the two saints were unknown ; certain It is
that no written records of them existed (Migne, P. G.,
LXXXVII, 3508 sq.). In the fifth century, during
the pontificate of Innocent I, their relics were brought
to Rome by two monks, Grimaldus and Amulfus —
this accordmg to a manuscript in the archives of the
deaconry of Santa Maria in the Via Lata, cited by
Antonio Bosio (Roma Sotterranea, Rome, 1634, p. 123).
Mai, however, for historical reasons, justly assigns a
later date, namely 634, imder Pope Honorms and the
Emperor Heraclius (Spicilegium Rom., Ill, V). The
relics were placed in tne suburban church of St. Pas-
sera (Abbas Cyrus) on the Via Portuense. In the
time of Bosio the pictures of the two saints were still
visible in this church (Bosio, op. cit., ib.) Upon the
door of the hypogeum, which still remains, is the fol-
lowing inscription in marble: —
Corpora sancta Cyri renitent hie atque Joannis
Quae quondam Romse dedit Alexandria magna
(Bosio, ib.; Mai, Spic. Rom., loc. cit.). At Rome
three churches were dedicated to these martyrs.
Abbas Cyrus de Militiis, Abbas Cyrus de Valeriis, ana
Abbas Cyrus ad Elephantum — aU of which were
transformed afterwards by the vulgar pronimciation
into S. Passera, a corruption of Abbas Cyrus; in the
Coptic Difnar, Apakiri, Apakyri, Apakyr; in Arabic,
'Abaqir, 'Abuqir (see Armellini, Le Chiese di Roma,
Rome, 1891, 179 sq., 563 sq., 681, 945 sq.).
vSoraRONius. Laudes in SS. Cyrum et Joannem in Mione,
P. (?., LXXXVII. 3379-3676 (the other two Uvea, 3677-^3606.
are not of Sophronius): see also Bardenhewer, Patrol. (It. tr.,
Rome, 1908). Ill, 41; Ada SS., Jan., II, 1081 sq.; Petrub Par-
TRENOPBN8I8, SS. CyH et Joannia patsio in Spicilegium Romanum
(Rome, 1840), IV. 268-280: Analecta BoUandiana (BruwelB,
1889). VIII, 95-96: Detjbner, Dt incubatione capita queUtucr
(Leipzig. 1900); cf. Analecta BoUandiana (1901). XX, 324 sq.;
(1906) XXV, 233, 40 ; Heme de POrimi ekrit, (Pam. 1902J
376 sqq. ,> , ^
P. J. Balgotri.
Cynu of Alexandria, a Melohite patriarch of that
see in the seventh centuxy, and one of the authors
of Monothelism: d. about 641 He had been since
620 Bishop of Pnasis, in Colchis, .when the Emperoi
OTZICUl
698
OZEOR
Heraclius, in the course of his Persian campaign
(626), consulted him about a plan for bringing the
Monophysites of Egypt back to the Church and to
the support of the empire. The plan, suggested by
Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople, consisted of
confessing the faith of Chalcedon on the two natures
of Christ, while practically nullifying it by the
admission of one theandrio will and operation,
h) BkT^rifia ml /lia kvkpytia, Cyrus hesitated at first,
but being assured by Sergius that this formula
was opposed to neither the Fathers nor Chalcedon
and was destined to achieve great results, he became
a stanch supporter of it, and was, in return, raised by
Heraclius to the then vacant See of Alexandria (630).
Once a patriarch, he set himself vigorously to effect
the desired union. In a synod held at Alexandria
he proposed what is known as the irXrfpo<j>opla^ or
"Satisf actio", an agreement in nine articles, the
seventh of which is a bold assertion of the Monothe-
lite heresy. The Monophysites (Theodosians or Sever-
ians) welcomed the agreement with, however, the
remark that Chalcedon was coming to them, not
they to Chalcedon. The union thus effected was
adroitly exploited, with a view to win over Pope
HonoriuB to Monothelism; otherwise it proved in-
effective, and soon fell into discredit under the name
of evLXTtg- vSpopa^^y contemptuously called the
"washy union". Cyrus persevered none the less in
his adhesion to the compromise, and even accepted
the Ecthesis, a new imperial formulary of the same
error (637). When Omar's general, Amru, threatened
the Prefecture of Egypt, Cyrus was made prefect
and entrusted with the conduct of the war. Certain
humiliating stipulations, to which he subscribed
for the sake of peace, angered his imperial inaster.
He was recalled and harshly accused of conniyance
with the Saracens; however, he was soon restored
to his former authority, owing to the impending
siege of Alexandria, but could not avert the fall
of the great city (640) and died shortly after.
From Cyrus we have three letters to Sergius and
the ''Satisfaction, all preserved in the acts of the
Roman Synod of the Lateran and of the Sixth
(Ecumenical Council (Mansi, X, 1004; XI, 660, 662,
064). The first letter is an acceptation of the
Ecthesis; in the second Cyrus describes his perplexity
between Pope Leo and Sergius; the conversion of the
Theodosians is narrated in the third. The seventh
article of the ''Satisf actio" — the others are irrelevant
— reads thus: "The one and same Christ, the Son,
performs the works proper to God and tp man by
one theandric operation [^nf BeavSpiK^ ivEpyela]
according to St. Dionysius". Cyrua' chief opponents,
St. Sophronius, d. in 637 (Epistola synodica, Manai.
XI, 480), and St. Maximus, d. in 662 (Epistola ad
Nicandrum; disputatio cum Pyrrho, P. G., XCI,
101, 345), reproached him for falsifying the then
much-respected text of Dionysius and substituting
fit^ for Kaiv^ (new). They showed, moreover, the
inanity of his claim to the support of the Fathers,
and explained how the Divine and human natures
of Christ, sometimes styled one, because they be-
long to the same person and work in perfect harmony,
can no more be physically identified than the natures
from which they proceed. Historians are not agreed
as to how Cyrus came by this error. Some think
that he was, from the outset, a Monophysite at heart.
Others, with more reason, hold that he was led into
error by Sergius and Heraclius. Cyrus was con-
demned as a heretic in the Lateran Council of 649
(Denzinger, Enchiridion, 217, 219) and in 680 at the
Third Oecumenical Council of Constantinople (Den-
linger, 238; Mansi. XI, 554). (See Monothdutbs.)
Neali, History of the Holy EaaUrn Church (London. 1847),
II; HcFELE, Conciliengesch. (Freiburg, 1877). Ill; Pbtaviub,
Dogmata Caiholica (Paris. 1866). V. i. 19; Burt. History of thB
Later Raman Empire (London. 1880): Mann, Lives of the
Popea (London, 1902), Vol. I, Pt. I, 330; Schwanb-Deoert,
Hi9t. da dogmes (Paris, 190.3), II; Turmzl. ffial. d» la IA4»1
pontite (Pari». 1904).
J. F. SOLUEB.
Cysicus, a titular see of Asia Minor, metropolitan
of the ancient ecclesiastical province of HeUespontus.
The city was probably founded by PelasgiaQs from
Thessaly; later it leoeived many oolonies from Mile-
tus, but its importance began only after the Pelopoa-
nesian war, when the decay of Athena and Miletus Mt
in. Alcibiades defeated the Laoedsemonians there
(410 B. c). Alexander captured it from the Persians
in 334 B. c; and Mithridates besieged It with 300,000
men in 74 b. o., but it withstood him stoutly, and the
year following was delivered by LucuUub. The Rom-
ans favoured it and recognised its municipal inde-
pendence. Cyaious was the leading city of Northers
Mysia as far as Troas. Under Tiberius it was incor-
porated with the empire, but remained the capital of
Mysia, afterwards of HeUespontus, and became one of
the greatest dties in the world. The era of its Olym-
piads was reckoned from a. d. 135 or 139. Its peculiar
coin, the Cysicenus, was worth 28 drachmae, i. e.
nearly five dollars and a half in American money.
Cyaicus was captured by the Arabs in 675, and ruined
by earthquakes iu 443 and 1043; it began to be de-
serted as early as the eleventh century. Its site is to-
day marked by a huge heap of ruins amid the marshes
of Balkiz Serai, in the caza of Erdek, vilayet of Bnua.
The walls, dating from the fourth century, are partly
preserved; there are also the ruins of a Koman aque-
duct and a theatre. The amphitheatre, built in the
third century b. c, was one of the largest in the world ;
its diameter was nearly 500 feet. Colossal founda-
tions of a temple dedicated to Hadrian are still visi-
ble: the columns were 21.35 metres high (about 70
feet), while the highest known elsewhere, those si
Baalbek in Syria, are only 10.35 metres (about 63
feet). The monuments of Cysicus were used by Jus-
tinian as a quarry for the building of Saint Sophia,
and are still exploited by the natives.
As ecclesiastical metropolis of HeUespontus, Cyii-
cus had a catalogue of bishops beginning with the
first century; Lequien (I, 747) mentions fifty-nine.
A more complete list is found in Nicodemos, in the
Greek "Office of St. Enulian" (Constantinople, 1876),
34-36, which has eighty-five names. We may men-
tion the famous Arian Eunomius; St. Dalmatius; St.
Proolus and St. Germanus, who became PatriarchB of
Constantinople; and St. Emilian, a martyr in the
eighth century. Gelasius, an historian of Arianism.
who wrote about 475, was born at Cysicus. Lequien
(III, 041) mentions a Latin bishop in 1477. Cyzicus
is still a metropolitan title for the Greeks, the metro-
politan residing at Artake (Erdek), a little port on the
western shore of the peninsula. Opposite to Artake
is another port, Peramos (Perama), where an Assump-
tionist Father has founded a Greek parish. At Panor-
mos (Pander ma), another more important port nine
miles south-east of the ruins of Cyaicus (10,000 inhab-
itants), there is a Catholic Armenian parish. At the
Dardanelles, also, there is a Latin parish.
Mabouardt, Cyticua und win O^but (Berlin, 1886): Psriot.
Exploration archiolog. de la Oalatie st de la Bithynie, &h90:
WisQAND, Reiaen in Mytisn in Athsn. MittsHungm (1904);
8mitr, Did. of Greek and Roman Oeogr. (London, 1878). L
739-42.
S. VAILHi.
Ozeth Lfterataie. — The Csech or Bohemian lan-
guage is spoken by that branch of the Indo-European
Slavs who settled in Moravia and Bohemia about the
fifth century after Christ. It is closely allied to the
Russian, Polish, Bulgarian, and other Slav langua^
having a common origin. The evolution of Ciech
literature dates back to 863, when Moravia and Bo-
hemia, through the efforts of Sts. Cyril and Methodius,
the apostles of these two countries, were converted
to Christianity and thus became participants in the
CZECH
599
CZECH
great work of civilization. Of all Slav literature, with
the exception of the Bulgarian, the Caech is the oldest
and, until the seventeenth century, was also the
richest. It may be divided into four periods.
First Period. — This era extended from the Christian*
isatlon of Bohemia to the appearance in public of John
Hub, in the year 1404. It may be called the childhood
of Csech literature and is characterised by fruitf ujbiees
in poetry. From pagan times we have no literary
relics, though it is certain that the Bohemians used
certain crude characters or letters commonly called
th6 runic. St. Cyril, using the Greek characters as a
basis, devised a special Slav alphabet with new marks
indicating soft sounds. At the same time he intro-
duced a Slavonic Liturgy and translated part of the
Bible. The liturgy, however, was soon superseded by
the lAtin, written in the Latin language with Roman
letters. This was brought about chiefly by the Ger-
man bishops, who, it is said, feared that this Slavonic
Liturgy might finally lead to schism. The Slavonic
Liturgy survived longest (until 10^) in the Abbey
of Saxava. To re-establish it Emperor Charles I
founded an abbey at Prague commonly called ''Na
Slovanech", or at the present time Emmaus, inducing
Slay Benedictine monks from Croatia to settle there.
The monks, however, were scattered during the Hus-
site wars in 1419 and did not return. The older part
of the famous "Reims Gospel", it is claimed, dates
from the eleventh or twelfth century. The newer
part was written at Emmaus in 1395, and is the only
relic of Old Slavonic extant. This Gospel was carried
away by the Hussites, was taken as far as Turkey, and
thence to Reims, where it was used by the French
kings when pronouncing the coronation oath. Of the
oldest period, that is from the tenth to the twelfth
century, only a few manuscripts have been preserved,
among them two fragments of liturgical translations
written in the Glagolitic or Old Slavonic alphabet.
The most precious relic of this period is the hymn
''Hospodine, pomiluj ny'', a paraphrase of the Kyrie
Eleison, which, with its deep choral melody, is very
impressive. It is surpassed only by the beautiful
song in honour of St. Wenceslaus.
A marked improvement in Czech literature began
in the year 1250. The Western lands gave birth to
new watchwords, new ideas, and new life. The
splendour of tournaments, the pomp of feasts, and the
grandeur of knighthood took the fancy of the age,
while the Crusades widened the people's knowledge
of other countries and customs. The troubadours of
France and the minnesingers of Germany went from
castle to castle, glorifying heroic deeds of knighthood.
Tendencies of this kind found favour also in Bohemia,
and because of their origin in Latin or Roman lands,
literature of this period is commonly called romance.
The deeds and adventures of the knights were ex-
tolled in song and poem after foreign models; the best
of these was "Alexandreis", written by an unknown
author. This piece of literature is remarkable for its
almost faultless form and elegant diction. Another
effect of the Crusades was the extraordinary revival
of religious faith among the people, which gave rise tc
a new class of literature, to legends and to mystery oi
spiritual plays. In prose were written spiritual ro-
mances, legends, and passionals depicting the passion
of Our Lord and of the martyrs. The Crusades fur-
ther enkindled in the hearts of many a desire to see
and know new lands and new peoples. This led to
works on travel, geography, etc. in great numbers.
The veneration of the Blessed Mother developed
rapidly and fostered a deeper respect for women and
children. The founding of the University of Prague, in
1348, by Emperor Charles I was a mighty factor in the
improvement of Bohemian literature in all branches.
The moral condition of the Church at that time
cannot be called exemplary. There existed certain dis-
orders which called forth reformers, who honestly and
sincerely worked for their elimination. Numbers of
devotional and moral tracts were written, the best of
which were by Tomdd Stltny, who fearlessly assailed
the abuses wherever he found them. Stftnj^'s literary
activity also made its influence felt in another line.
Up to this time the Czech language had been regarded
as unfit for scientific writing, the Latin being almost
exclusively used here, as in many other countries, for
^atises on theological and philosophical subjects.
oUtnf, however, dispelled this illusion, by using the
Czech language even in his scientific writings, and
thus created a rich scientific vocabulary. The last
of these literary reformers was John Hus. He, how-
ever, allowed himself to be led astray by the heresies
of John Wyclif and thus become the cause of unhappy
dissension and bloody war in his native country.
Second Period, — The appearance of John Hus in
1404 marks the second period of Czech literature.
During this the Czech language passed from its old
form to the medieval sta^e, and this epoch may be
called the golden age of Bohemian literature. Devo-
tional prose was in preponderance. The literary
merit of John Hus consists in his establishing a dia-
critical orthography, making the written language
more simple and stable; but, on the other hand, iSs
activity caused dissensions in the Church, which
brought on bloody wars and the ruin of literature.
These sad conditions improved only during the reign
of George of Podiebrad (1458-71). The sect known as
the Bohemian Brethren, founded in 1457, imparted a
new character to Czech literature and produced many
eminent writers. In religious meetings held in the
fashion of the early Christians, spiritual reading, medi-
tation, and religious songs formed the greater part of
the services. The practice led to the publishing of a
great number of devotional songs and hymn-boo ks,
\nd to the founding of printing establishments. Eight
.eading members of the Brethren translated from the
original Hebrew and Greek the whole of the Bible,
which is generally known as the Kralickd Bible, from
the town of Kralice in which it was printed. This
translation is excellent and from a literary standpoint
it must be called classical. The greatest writer of the
Brethren was their last bishop, Jan Amos Komensk^
(Johann Amos, called Comenius), a pedagogue of re-
nown, who, in his masterpiece, ''The Labjrrinth of the
World and the Heart's Paradise" — the best devo-
tional and philosophical work in medieval Bohemian
hterature — proves that all worldly glory, riches, and
pleasures are vanities and that true happiness con-
sists only in the possession of God and the fulfilling of
His Commandments.
Another important factor in Czech literature was
Humanism. As early as the reign of George of Podie-
brad (1458-71) many writers turned their attention
to the old Roman and Greek literatures They studied
the classics, copied the elegancies of form, and drew
upon the verbal riches, many even going so far as to
write their works in Latin. But two poweriul ob-
stacles stood in the way from the beginning. An ar-
ticle of Hussite dogma condemned the fostering of
worldly sciences, and the members of the Bohemiaa
Brethren subscribed to this opinion. For this reason
Humanism was cultivated at first only by Catholics.
Foremost in this movement must be mentioned the
talented poet Bohuslav z Lobkovic and John HodS-
jovskf from HodSjov, who, though not a writer, was
a generous patron of literature. When Protestantism
superseded Hussitism, John Blafaoslav, a member of
the Bohemian Brethren, wrote an elaborate defence
of Humanism, and three religious bodies then began
to emulate one another in fostering Humanism: the
Catholics, who had suffered greatly during the
Hussite wars, the Bohemian Brethren, who at tlus
time were at the zenith of their literary development,
and the Protestants, who were growing in force. New
schools were founded, of which those conducted by the
OZXOH
600
OZXOH
Brethren were foremost. These, however, were grad-
ually superseded by the Jesuit schools. Humanism
indeed revived classic models of poetry, but it was
destnictiVe of home, that is Czech, literature, in that
Humanistic poetry was exclusively Latin. At the
same time it must be acknowledged that through the
influence of Humanism Bohemian prose vastly im-
proved, culminating in the works of Daniel Adam of
Veleslavfn, who rightly wrote: "The Bohemian lan-
guage, in its present high development, is elegant, rich,
graceful, ana sublime, and perfectly adapted to the
setting forth of any topic, whether in theology or
philosophy." This splendid development terminated
suddenly in 1620, at the beginning of the era of decline.
Third Period. — The Prot^tant nobility, refusing to
recognize Emperor Ferdinand II, chose the Calvinist
Elector Frederick V as their king (1619). This rebellion
was overthrown at the battle of the White Mountain,
8 Nov., 1620, and the Bohemian nation by the fool-
hardiness and stubbornness of its nobles was shorn of
its independence. The victorious Ferdinand began to
enforce the existing motto of the Reformation: Cuius
regio iUius religio. Some of the leaders of rebellion
were executed and their property confiscated, and
others were warned either to adopt the Catholic relig-
ion or to leave the land. Many left Bohemia and
their property was sold or given to German, Spanish,
Frencn, or Italian nobles. After the battle of the White
Mountain we meet but few writers. Most prominent
amongst the Catholic writers of this day was Vilem
Slavata of Chlum, wlfo wrote a lai^e history in refu-
tation of that of Skala of Zhof which unduly favoured
Protestantism. After the Thirty Yeare War, how-
ever, all literary activity ceased. During the whole
of the seventeenth century there was not published a
single original work of merit. In the eighteenth cen-
tury works were written in Latin and Carman. The
German language gradually took the place of the
Bohemian, and when, in 1774, Emperor Joseph II
excluded it from the schools and from all public offices,
it looked as if the Bohemian language was condemned
to a gradual but sure death. But just here came a
sudden change for the better, and 1780 marks the bc^-
ginning of the modem period of Bohemian literature.
Fourth Period, — A handful of patriotic priests and
teachers took up the heroic task of awakenmg the na-
tion and succeeded. During the couipe of one cen-
tury Bohemian literature grew to such proportions in
all its branches that to-day it may well compare with
the literature of other nations. Foretiiost among the
pioneers of this era of resurrection must be mentioned
Josef Dobrovsk^, a Jesuit, and Prof. Josef Jungman.
Bohemian Writers in Various Fields. — Poetry:
— Fr. Lad. Celakovskjr (1799-1852): Boleslav Jablon-
sk^, CathoHc priest (1813-1881); Jan Kollar (1793-
1852); Vft^zslav mfek (1835-1874); Adolf Heyduk
(1835); Svatopluk Cech (1846-1908); Josef SWdek
(1854), translated nearly all of the plajrs of Shake-
speare and the principal works of Longfellow, Byron,
Bums, Bret Harte, etc. Jaroslav Vrchlick^ (1853)
is the most prolific Bohemian poet. He wrote sixty-
seven volumes of original poems. Besides this he
wrot« a number of dramas and translated from nearly
all the languages of Europe. He translated "Divina
Commedia" of Dante, Ariosto's ''Orlando Furioso",
and a great part of Gioethe, Carducci, Andersen, De
Amicis, Byron, Hugo, de Lisle, Camoens, Ihsen,
Moliere, Hamerling, Shelley, etc. Julius Zeyer (1841-
1901). Cech, Vrchlick^, and Zeyer are the greatest
Bohemian poets. The most prominent of the younger
generation are: — Otakar Brezina, Jaroslav Kvapil,
Jan Machar, Fr. Svoboda; and the following Catholic
priests: — Sigismund Boudka, O.S.B.; Xaver DvoMk;
Adam Chlumeck^ and the Bohemian-American poet,
Jan Vrdnek of Omaha, Nebraska.
Navels and Romances: — Josef Ehrenberger, Cath-
olic priest (1815-1882); Prokop Chocholoufek
(1819-1864); FrantiSek Pravda, Catholic priest
(1817-1904); Fr. RubeS (1814-1852); KaroUna
SvStU (1830-1899); Jan Neruda (1834-1801); Boiena
N«moov4 (1820-1862); Viclav V15ek (1839); Jakub
Arbes (1840); V^lav BeneS Tfeblask;^, Catholic
priest (1849-1884); Servdc Heller (1846); Ignat Her-
man (1854); Alois Jir^sek (1851); Karel Kloster-
mann (1848); Viclay Kosmik, Catholic priest
(1843-1898); Vdclav Reznf «ek, Ph.D. (1861); Antal
Stafek (1843); Alois Smilovsk;^ (1837-1883). Tfc-
bfzsk^ and tfirdsek are the most famous noTeliata.
The most prominent of the rising generation are: —
Bohiunil Brodsk;^, Catholic priest (1862); Jan Hav-
lasa (1883); Karel Rais (1859); Mat^j Simidek
(1860); Alois Dost^, Catholic priest (1858).
Drama:-^VAclav Klicpera (1792-1859); Josef Tyl
(1808-1856); Fr. Jeftlbek (1836-1893); Josef KoUr
(1812-1896) ; Emanuel BoKl|ch (1841-1889) ; Fr. Stiou-
pe4nick5r (1850-1892); Jos. Stolba, LL.D, (1846). The
best dramatists are Bozd^h and Stroupeinick^.
Of all the branches of scientific Bohemian literature
the theological is the richest. The leading writers are : —
Exegesis:'-FT. Sulil, Ph.D. (1804-1868), tnuuH
lated and wrote a very extensive commentery to the
New Testament. This is the only work of its kind in
all Slav literature. Innocenc Frencl, S.T.D. (1818-
1862); Jaroslav SedliWSek, S.T.D.
Pastoral Theology: — ^Antonin SkoSdopole, Ph.D.
(1828); Xaver Blanda, S.T.D. (1838).
Apologetics: — ^Bishops Jan Valerian Jirsfk (1798—
1883), Eduard Brynych (1846^1902), and Antonin
Lenz, S.T.D. (1829-1901), a master of dogmatic the-
oloey, apologetics, Mariology, sociology, and CathoHc
anthropology. He pointedout with imusual clearness
the errors of Wydif , Hus, Cheliick;^, and Comeniua.
Gaelic Phih9ophy:—JB.n Kadefibek, S.T.D.
(1840); VAclav Simdnio, S.T.D. (1844-1897); Pavel
Vychodil, O.S.B., Ph.D. (1862); Frantifek Konedn^;
Vdclav Hlavat^, S.T.D., and Joaef PospfSil, S.T.D.
Canon 2>iti^:— Klement Borov^, S.T.D. (1838-
1897); Alois JirAk, S.T.D. (1848-1906).
Moral Theolpgy.^-'M&tiii Prochfoka, S.T.D. (1811-
1889); Karel RehAk, S.T.D. (1843).
Christian Sociology: — ^Rudolf Horsk^, S.T.D,, and
Rudolf Vrba.
Oriental Languages: — ^Fr. Ryzlink, S.T.D.
Biblical Archeology:— UeMchar M16och, S.T.D.
(1833), and Alois Musil, S.T.D., of wide repute.
Radiography: — ^Frantidek Eckert; Hugo iCarlik.
Chwn^ History:— Ft, KrAsl, S.T.D. (1844); Fr.
K^Stufek, S.T.D.; Josef Svoboda, S.J. (1826-1896).
— ^The leading theological writers (1908) are: —
Jan S^kora, S.T.D.; Josef Tumpach, S.T.D.; An-
tonin Podlaha, S.T.D.
Law:— Albfn Brdf, LL.D.; Antonfn Randa, LL.D.
Philoso'phy and Msthetics^—^osei Durdfk, Ph.D.;
Ottokar Hostinsk;^, Ph.D.; Tom« Masaffk, Ph.D.
Higher MaihemaHcs: — Dr. Fr. StudniSka; Vfidav
Simerka; Brothers Emil and Eduard Weyr.
3/ediciW— Jan Purkyn«, M.D. (1784-1869); Bob.
Eiselt, M.D.; Emerich Maixner, M.D.; Josef Tho-
mayer, M.D.
Natural Science: — Karel Amerling, M.D. (1807-
1884); Jan Pressl,^M.D. (1791-1849); Jan Krej«,
M.D.; Vladislav §fr, M.D.
Astronomy: — Karel Zenger (1830-1908).
Travel:— EmU Holub, M.D. (1807-1884); Stan-
islav Vrfe (1859).
//wforv.-— FrantiSek Palack^ (1798-1876), who
wrote a history of the Bohemian people in eleven vol-
umes from the earliest times down to the year 1526;
Viclav Vladivoj Tomek (1818-1905); Antontn Rezek
Ph.D. (1853).
„ Arch(Bology:—J&a Erazim Vocel (1802-1871); Pavd
Safarfk (1795-1861).
BiaoR^rv, Nauinif StovnOc; Ottuy. NauStiH Slovnik; Via
STAiribu StnUnS dijiny literatury Se$ki, FraKCIS VAi^OTTB.
D
D'Abbadie, Antoine. See Abbadie, Antoinb d\
Dablon, Claude, Jesuit missionaiy, b. at Dieppe,
Prance, in February, 16 J8; d. at Quebec, 3 May,
1697. At the age of twenty-one he entered the Sori-
ety of Jesus, ana after his course of studies and teach-
ing in France, arrived in Canada in 1655. He was at
once deputed with Chaumonot to begin a central mis-
sion among the Iroquois at Onondaga. The diary he
kept of this journey and of hia return to Quebec in the
year following gives a ffraphlc account of the terrify-
ing conditions under wnicn these joumevs were made.
In 1661 ^e accompanied Druillettes, tne Apostle of
Maine, on an expedition overland to Hudson Bay, the
purpose of which was to establish missions among the
Indians in that region and perchance to ctiscover an
outlet through Hudson Bav to the China Sea. llie
' expedition was unsuccessful and is only chronicled as
another abortive attempt to find the famous North-
west Passage. In 1668 Dablon was on Lake Supe-
rior with Allouez and Marauette, formine with them
what Bancroft calls the ''illustrious tnum\arate",
and he was the first to inform the world of the rich
copper mines of that region, so valuable to the com-
merce of to-day. It was Dablon who appointed Mar-
auette to undertake the expedition whicn resulted in
the discovery of the Upper Mississippi ; he also gave
Marc|uette'8 letters ancl charts to the world. In con-
nexion with this discovery he called attention to the
feasibility of passing from Lake Erie to Florida "by
cutting a canal through only half a league of prairie to
paas from the end of the Lake of the IlfinoisJJfichigan]
to the River of St. Louis" (the Illinois). This canal,
projected by Dablon 233 years ago, was the subject of
a special message from the Governor of Illinois to the
State Legislature in March, 1907. After founding
Sault Ste. Marie, Dablon became, in 1670, Superior
General of all the Canadian Missions, retaining that
office until 1680. He was reappointed in 1686 and
remained superior until 1693. His contributions to
the "Relations" possess the highest value, his de-
scriptions of places and people and his narration of
events being singularly clear and comprehensive.
ThwaitE8« Jesuit Relations (Cleveland, 1896-1801), Index
LXXII, 180; SoMMERVOGBL, Bibl. delaC.de J., II, 1773-1775;
De Backer, I, 1504; Campbell, Pioneer Priests of N. Amer.,
(New York, 1908), 101: . Rochemonteix, Les JSsuites et La
NouvelU France au X V//*«»« siMe (Paria, 1896-1896), II, III.
passim; Charlbyoix, ed. Shea, Htstoru and General P "-
tion of New France (New York, 1872), II. Ill; Shea. H\
passim; Charlevoix, ed. Shea, Htstory and General Descrijh-
tion of New France (New York, 1872), II. Ill; Shea. History of
the Catholic Missions in the U. S., 16t9-mU (New York, 1865),
241; Donohob, The Iroquois and the Jesuits (Buffaio. 1895),
XI, 71; Harris, History of the Early Missions in Western
Canada (Toronto. 1893), XXVII; Bancroft. History of the
U. 3. (Boston, 1879), II, 32, 33.
E. P. Spillane.
Dacca, Diocese of (Dacchensis), in Bengal, India.
By the Constitution ''iGquam reputamus " Paul III
established in 1534 the See of Goa, conferring upon it
spiritual jurisdiction over all the Portuguesepossessions
from the Cape of Good Hope to China. Early in the
sixteenth century the Portuguese found their way
into Eastern Ben^, and the Eurasian and native
Christian commumties that grew up around the sev-
eral settlements were, in virtue of the aforesaid Con-
stitution, subject to the ecclesiastical authority of
Goa, and later (1606) to the See of Mylapore, suffra-
gan to Goa. When the political power of Portugal
was replaced by British rule in India, the Bishop of
Afylapore still retained jurisdiction over the Church
In Bengal, and seven thousand out of the twenty-two
001
thousand Catholics within the territory of the Diocese
of Dacca are still subject to him. In the interest of
more effective missionary work, Propaganda, 18 April,
1834, appointed Robert of St. Ledger, a priest of the
Society of Jesus, Vicar Apostolic of Calcutta and the
territory under its political jurisdiction, which at the
time included the entire province of Bengal. In 1850,
at the instance of Archbishop Carew, Vicar Apostolic
of Bengal, Pius IX divided the province into two
vicariates Apostolic, one of Eastern; the other of
Western Bengal. .A subsequent subdivision (1870)
resulted in tne establishment of a third allot-
ment, the Vicariate of Central Bengal. The territory
of the third vicar Apostolic was taken in part from the
Eastern and in part from the Western vicariates.
On the creation of the hierarchy in India, Sept.,
1886, the Eastern vicariate became the Diocese of
Dacca, the district of Arakan (Burma) being substi-
tuted lor that of Assam, which in 1889 became a pre-
fecture Apostolic. With Dacca City as centre, the
diocese is bounded on the north by the Prefecture
Apostolic of Assam, on the east by the Vicariates of
Northern and Southern Burma, on the south by the
Bav of Ben^l, and on the west by the Bay of Bengal
and the Diocese of Krishnagar. According to tne
latest Government survey the area thus enclosed
measured fifty-nine thousand square miles, the popu-
lation in the census of 1902 re^tered slightly above
seventeen millions. The first occupant of the new see
was Augustine Louage, a priest of the Congregation of
the Holv Cross, who on nis death in 1894 was suc-
ceeded by Bishop Hurth. Except for an interim of
twelve years (1^6-1888) when the mission was in
care of members of the Benedictine Order, religious of
the Conurbation of the Holy Cross have laboured in
Eastern Beneal since 1853. Since 1888 the Institute
of the Holy Cross has had from Rome exclusive chai^
of the mission. The nine * ' centres ' ' into which the Dio-
cese of Dacca is divided give opportunity to the twenty
missionaries at work in it to carry on an active prop-
aganda in outlying districts. In each centre there
is a school, and in many of the dependent stations
there is a catechumenate under the immediate super-
vision of local catechists and the elders of the respec-
tive communities. In Dacca, Chittagong, and Akjrab
the mission conducts schools in which indents, irre-
spective of religious piofession, are prepared for ** en-
trance" or colligate work. The academy for girls in
each of these cities is directed b^ a staff of 35 nuns,
Daughters of Our Lady of the Missions (23), and the
Sisters Catechists (12). The diocesan school attend-
ance for 1907 numbered 1768 pupils.
The Church in the Diocese of Dacca experiences all
the obstacles common, to foreign missionary work the
world over. Dacca City is three-fifths Mohammedan,
and among the Hindus of Eastern Bengal the tradi-
tional caste will oppose, for some time at least, an
effective barrier to the rapid spread of the Catholic
Faith. As Dacca, however, is the college town of India,
the percentage of students being relatively greater
here than in any other city of the empire, Catholicism
has continually brightening prospects opening before
it, in and around the capital of Bengal-Assam. The
influential Somaj of Dacca is one of the many present-
day manifestations of the increasingly accurate appre-
ciation of the part or function of reason in life. The
widespread awakening of a critical rationalistic spirit,
which has already questioned the feasibility of many
caste observances, will eventually work harm to the
DACIER
602
DAOOH
claims of Hinduism itself. All this augurs well for the
cause of truth.
Tavsbnxkr, Travels in India (1676); Bbrnxer, Travds in
Hindustan (16S4): Wzlks, Some AceourU of the CUy of Dacca
(1820); RiORDAN, Directory for the Apostolic Vicariate of West-
em Bengal (1855): Hunter, Statistical Account of Bengal
(1874), V. VI. IX; Bradley Bzrt. Romance of an Eastern
Capital (1906): numerous references in Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Calcutta Resiew, etc.
P. J. Htjrth.
DaeieK; Andb£, a French philologist, b. at Castres,
6 April, 1661; d. 18 Sept., 1722. He was a Huguenot
and studied under Tanneguy Lef^vre at Saumur.
While visiting Paris he was presented to the Due
de Montausier who engaged him to edit Pomponius
Festus in the collection of Latin authors Ad u%um Del-
phini (Paris, 1681; Amsterdam, 1699). In 1683 he
married Anne Lef ^vre, the daughter of his former pre-
ceptor and, two years later he and his wife abjured
Protestantism. At this time Dacier published a trans*
lation of the works of Horace and a commentary on
them (Paris, 1681-89), the text being that of Tanne-
guy Lef^vre published at Saumur in 1671. The trans-
lation is quite accurate for the period, but the commen-
tary is far too diffuse and is distinctly illustrative of
the taste for allegory that persisted far into the seven-
teenth century. According to Dacier, Horace knew
everything, and the commentator even discovered
that the poet had read the books of Moses and followed
the method of Solomon in the Book of Proverbs to in-
spire a horror of adultery. In Dacier, however, are
also found good explanations and judicious observa-
tions. He was mainly a translator, and his work in
this line included ^'Marcus Antoninus" (Paris, 1690);
Aristotle's "Poetics" (Paris, 1692); the "CEdipus"
and "Electra" of Sophocles (Paris, 1692); Plutarch's
"Lives" (five lives, Pans, 1694; complete, Paris,
1721; Amsterdam, 1723); Hippocrates (4 works,
Paris, 1697); Plato (selections; Paris, 1699); Pytha-
goras and Hierocles (Paris, 1706) and Epictetus and
Simplicius (Paris, 1715). He was appointed keeper of
books in the king's study and, in 1695 entered the
Academy of Inscriptions and the French Academy of
which he became the secretary.
Anne Dacier {nh Lefevrb), the wife of Andr^ Da-
cier, b. at Saumur in 1651; d. 17 April, 1720. She re-
ceived the same instruction as her brother and at the
age of twenty-three published an edition of fragments
from the Alexandrian poet Callimachus (Paris, 1674).
She divided her time between translations (Anacreon
and Sappho, 1681; several plays by Plautus and
Aristophanes, 1683-1684; Terence, 1688; Plutarch's
"Lives" in her husband's translation; "The Iliad",
1699; "The Odyssey", 1708) and the editions of the
collection Ad uaum Delphini (Florus, 1674; Dictys
and Dares, 1684, and Aurelius Victor, 1681). She
had a certain vigour that her husband lacked; ''In
intellectual productions common to both," cays an
epigram used by Boileau, "she is the father." In
the notice on Dacier in the "Si^cle de Louis XIV"
Voltaire declares: "Madame Dacier is one of the prod-
igies of the century of Louis XIV." However, she
was no bluestocking and refjused to give her opinion
in scholarly debates, agreeing with Sophocles that
"silence is the ornament of women." She reared her
three children admirably.
But Madame* Dacier belongs to* the history of
French literature and, in a measure; to the history of
ideas because of her participation in the dispute about
the ancients and moderns. In 1699 Madame Dacier
published a translation of "The Iliad" with a preface
which was a reply to Homer's critics. It was only in
1713 that Houdart de la Motte, a wit and unpoetic
versifier, published a translation of "The Iliad" Ita
verse. The poecn was reduced to twelve cantos, all
its so-called prolixity was eliminated and it was re-
vised in accordance with eighteenth century taste and
made "reasonable and elegant". Madame Dacier re-
futed this attack in ''Les causes de la corrupiion du
goiit" (Paris, 1714). The dogmatic part of this work
consists of an analysis of the " Dialogue on Orators"
by Tacitus and Madame Dacier added clever remarks
fin the influence of climates. La Motte replied hu-
mourously and courteously in his "R^flexioiis sur la
critique" (Paris, 1714). In the course of the same
year F^nelon, in his letter on the doings of the French
Academy, ably and solidly defended the anciente,
thus rendering their supporters a signal service. But
the quarrel was prolonged, and in 1716 the Jesuit
Hardouin published an apology for Homer. It was a
new system of interpreting "The Iliad" and Madame
Dacier attacked it in "Homdre d6fendu centre Tapol-
ogie du P. Hardouin on suite des causes de la corrup-
tion du gotit" (Paris, 1716).
BozB. Histoire de VAoadhnie des Inseriptione (Pana, 1740>,
II, 276; NiciRON, M&moires pour servir A Vhistoire des hommes
iUuatres, III; Saint-Suion. Mimoires, III, 248; Mmk. db
StaaIt-Dblaunat, Mimoirea (Paria, 1854). XXXIV. 752:
Saints-Bbxtvb, Causeries du Jjundi, IX« 388; EooBS. L'ffd'
Unisme en Prance (Paris, 1869), II. 131; RxGAnL,T, Hiaairt de
la guereUe des andens et dee modemes (Paris. 1866); raprinted in
(Sumnes oompliUs (Paris. 1859); Jal, Dietionnaire eriUgue ds
bioffraphie et d*histoire (Paria, 1872), 465; Aaaa in La Grande
Eneyc., XIII, 742 sqq.
Paxil Lsjat.
Dagon, a Philistine deity. It is commonly ad-
mitted that the name Dagon is a diminutive form,
hence a term of endearment, derived from the Semitic
root dag, and means, accordingly, ''little fish". The
name, therefore, indicates a isb-shaped god. This
the Bible also suggests when speaking of the Dagon
worshipped in the temple of Axotus (I K., v, 1-7): he
had face and hands and a portion of his body resem-
bled that of a fish, in accordance with the most prob-
able'interpretation of "the stump of Dagon" (verse 5).
From the received text of the Septuagint it would
seem tl\at he possessed even feet, although Swete's
edition gives here a different reading; at any rate,
this sentence, in the Greek translation, shows all tbe
appearances of a gloss. With the description found
in the Bible coincides that which may be seen on the
coins of various Philistine or Phcenician cities, on
most of which Dagon is represented as a composite
figure, human as to the upper part of the body, fish-
like as to the lower. From this it may well be inferred
that Dagon was a fish-god, a fact not in the least sur-
prising, as he seems to have been the foremost deity of
such maritime cities as Asotus, Gasa (the early sites of
which are supposed to be buried under the sand-
mounds that run along the sea-shore), Ascalon, and
Arvad. In the monuments — also most probably in
the popular worship — Dagon is sometimes associated
with a female half-fish deity, Derceto or Atargatis,
often identified with Astarte.
A few scholars, however, waving aside these evi-
dences, consider Dagon as the god of agriculture.
This opinion they rest on the following statement of
Philo Byblius: "Dagon, that, is corn" [the Hebrew
word for corn is dag an], "Dagon, after he had dis-
covered corn and the plough, was called Zeus of the
plough" (ii, 16). The same- writor t«lls us (in Euse-
bius, Pr£ep. Evang., i, 6) that, according to an old
Phoenician legend, Dagon was one of the four bods
bom of the marriage of Anu, the lord of heaven, with
his sister, the earth. Moreover, on a seal bearing cer-
tain symbolic signs, among which is an ear of com,
but not, however, the image of a fish, may be read the
name of Baal-Dagon, written in Phoenician characters.
It is open to question whether these arguments out-
weigh those in favour of the other opinion; so much so
that the etymology adopted by Philo Byblius might
possibly be due to a misapprehension of the name. It
should, perhaps, be admitted that, along the Mediter-
ranean shore, a twofold conception and repreflenta-
tion of Dagon were developed in the course of time as
a result of the presumed twofold derivation of the
DAOmSSSEAU
603
DAHOBCinr
aame. At any rate, all scholars agree that the name
and worship of Dagon were imported from Babylonia.
\ The Tell-el-Amarna letters (about 1480-1460 b. c).
which have yielded the names of Yamlr-Dagan and
I^agan-takala, rulers of Ascalon, witness to the an-
tiquity of the Dagon-worship among the inhabitants
of Palestine. We learn from the Bible that the deity
had temples at Gaza (Judges, xvi, 21, 23) and Asotus
(I K., V, 1-7); we may presume that shrines existed
Ukewise in other Philistine cities. The Dagon- wor-
ship seems even to have extended beyond the confines
of their confederacy. The testimony of the monu-
ments is positive for the Phoenician city of Arv^d;
moreover, the Book of Josue mentions two towns
called Bethdagon, one in the territory of Juda (Jos.,
XV, 41), and the other on the border of Aser (Jos., xix,
27); Josephus also speaks of a Dagon "beyond Jeri-
cho" (Antiq. Jud., XIII, viii, 1; De beU. Jud., I, ii,
3) ; all these names are earlier than the Israelite con-
quest, and, unless we derive them from dagdn, witness
to a wide dissemination of the worship of Dagon
throughout Palestine. This worship was kept up, at
least in certain Philistine cities, until the last centuries
B. c. Such was the case at Azotus; the temple of
Dagon that stood there was burned by Jonathan
^Cachabeus (I Mach., x, 84; xi, 4).
Unlike the Baals, who, among the Chanaanites, were
essentially local deities, Dagon seems to have been
considered by the Philistines as a national god (I Par.,
X, 10). To him they attributed their success in war;
him they thanketi by great sacrifices, before him they
rejoiced over the capture of Samson (Judges, xvi, 23) ;
into his temple they brought the trophies of their vic-
tories, the Ark (I K., v, 1, 2), the armour, and the head
of Saul (I K., xxxi, 9, 10; I Par., x, 10). A bronze
demi-rilievo of Assyro-Phcenician workmanship would
also suggest that Dagon played a prominent part in
tha doctrines concerning death and future life. As to
the ritual of his worship, little can be gathered either
from the documents or from Scripture. The elaborate
arrangements for returning the Ark (I K., v, vi) may
have been inspired more by the circumstances than by
any ceremonies of the Dagon-worship. We only
know from ancient writers that, for religious reasons,
most of the Syrian peoples abstained from eating fish,
a practice that one is naturally inclined to connect
with the worship of a fish-god.
MooRB, Judge* in International Crit. Comment. (Edinburgh
and New York, 1895); Smith. Hitt. Geog. of the Holy Land (6th
ed.. London. 1899); Satcs, Historical Criticism and the Monu-
ments (London. 1894); Scloen, De diis Spris (London, 1637);
LAaRANOa. Etudes sur Us religions sSmitiques (Paris, 1903);
Lajabo. Rscherehes sur le cuUe de Vinus (Parie. 1837-1847);
BABBLOif, Catologue des monnaies de la Bibliothique nattonaU;
Les Aehimfyiides (Paris, 1893). ChablbS L. SouVAT.
Daguessean (or d'Aguesseau), HENM-FBANgois,
chancellor of France, b. at Limoges, 27 November,
1668; d. at Paris, 5 February, 1751. He belonged to
a distinguished family which had produced many able
magistrates, an4 was educated by his father, who was
intendant of Languedoc and afterwards a counciUor of
state. Having been appointed advocate-general of
the Parle ment of Paris* at the age of twenty-two, Da-
guesseau performed the duties of his office in the most
satisfactory manner for ten years, his speeches being
models of elegant diction and clear reasoning. In
1700 he was promoted to the office of attorney-general.
In this position he re-established order in the courts,
reformed the management of the hospitals, prevented
and corrected abuses. In 1709 war, famine, and pub-
lic distress gave him an opportunity to display all his
energy, judgment and goodness of heart. He was con-
sulted on the most difficult points of administration
and drew up many memorials for the king. Towards
the end of the reign of Louis XIV, however, he was
threatened with disgrace for refusing to register the
Bull "Unigenitus", of which, as he was a strong Gal-
lican, he was a pronounced opponent.
In 1717 the regent, the Due d'Orl^ans, appointed
Daguesseau chancellor, but before a year had eUpsed,
the seals were taken from him because he opposed the
projects of the notorious John Law. In 1720, after
the failure of Law's schemes, he was recalled to his
former office. He repaired the mischief done during
his retirement and by his firmness and sagacity pre-
vented total bankruptcy. With a view to concilia-
tion he finally consented to the registration of the
Bull ''Unigenitus". He was again disgraced in 1722,
through the influence of Cardinal Dubois, and retired
to his estate at Fresnes, where he passed five years.
Here the Scliptures, which he read and compared in
various languages, and the jurisprudence of his own
and other countries were the principal objects of his
study; the rest of his time he devoted to philosophy,
literature, and gardening. Daguesseau was recalled
to office in 1727. Chancellor now for the third time,
he revived public respect for law, introduced several
important enactments regarding donations, testa-
ments, and succession^ and effected a greater uniform-
ity in the execution of the laws throughout the several
provinces. In 1750 he resigned his position, the king
bestowing upon him a pension of 100,000 francs, which
he enjoyed until his death.
During his long career Daguesseau was a man of
spotless honesty and absolute devotion to the public
interest. He was an upright magistrate, a fine orator
and jurist, and a remarkable linguist. He used his ex-
tensive knowledge and intellectual acquirements in
the cause of religion and morals. Saint-Simon speaks
of him thus: "Talent, industry, penetration, universal
knowledge, dignity, purity, equity, piety and inno-
cence of life are the foundation of M. d'Aguesseau's
character.'' The greater part of Daguesseau's writ-
ings and letters were edited l^y Pardessus, "(Euvres
completes" (Paris, 1818-1820), 16 vols. 8 vo; other
letters were edited by M. Rives, "Lettres in^dites"
(Paris, 1823).
Box7U:<BK, Histoire de la vie et des ceuvres du cKancdier d'AguM^
seau (Paria, 1835); Monnixr, Le chancdier d'Aguesseaut sa
conduite ei ses idSes politiques (Paris, 1860).
Jean Lb Babs.
Dabomey, Vicabiate Apostolic of, in West Africa,
is territorially identical with the French colony of the
same name. This colony has a coastline of about 75
miles on the Slave Coast of the Gulf of Guinea, whence
it stretches northwards to the French Sudan; it is
bounded on the east by the British territory of Lagos
and the River Ocpara, and on the west by the German
territory of Togo and the River Mono. Its area is es-
timated at about 59,000 square miles, and its total
population in 1902 was probably a little less than half
a million. The chief exports of the colony are palm
kernels and palm-oil. Its indigenous population is of
the pure Negro stock, chiefly of the Fon subdivision of
the Ewe family. About the year 1728 the territory
now known as Dahomey was subject to three native
dynasties, one of which at that date conquered the
other two and set up its own despotism under the
present territorial designation. This despotism, tem-
pered only by the fear inspired by Fetishism (q. v.),
of which Dahomey was said to be the last extant
stronghold at the end of the nineteenth century, ended
with the capture and exile of King Behansim by a
French military expedition in 1892.
The Faith was first preached in Dahomey in the
year 1660, when certain French residents introduced
Franciscan missionaries. Against this Catholic enter-
prise the English adventurers successfully combined
with native priests of Fetishism. In 1674 Father
Gonsalvez, a Dominican, with two companions, was
poisoned; an Augustinian, who visited the coast in
1699, escaped death by flight. No further attempt to
plant the Faith in Dahomey is recorded until 1860,
when Fathers Borghero and Fernandez, of the then
newly founded Lyons Society of African Missions, ar-
DALALLS
604
DALOAIBHS
rived. Their institute has carried on the work ever
since. The French Government, in 1864, obtained in
behalf of the missionaries a lai^e territorial concesaion
at Porto Novo, where a flourishing station was soon
established. The mission of Agwe, now one of the
most flourishing in the vicariate, oegan its existence in
1874.
The first erection of a Vicariate Apostolic of Daho-
mev waa in 1860, when its jurisdiction was defined to
include all the country between the Rivers Niger and
Volta. In 1870, however, the title of this vicariate
was changed to "The Benin Coasts"; and in 1882 it
w^as divided, the region west of the River Ocpara being
then erected into the Prefecture Apostolic of Daho-
mey, from which, again, the Gennan territory of Togo
-was ecclesiastically separated in 1892, and the adja-
cent British possessions in 1894. By decree dated
22 April, 1901, this Prefecture of Dahomey was erected
into the present Vicariate Apostolic of that name,
which is thus seen to differ territorially from that
erected in 1860.
The residence of the vicar Apostolic is at the coast
town of Whydah, formerly the native capital and a
notorioiis centre of Dahomeyan Fetishism. "Mis-
siones Catholicfe" (1907), the official triennial hand-
book of the Propaganda, gives the following statistics
of Dahomey: Total Catholic population, S900; mis-
sionary statiotis, 6; churches with resident pastor, 4;
chapels, 11; total number of priests, 32; catechists,
15 ; houses of religious women (Sisters of the Queen of
the Apostles), 4, with an aggregate of 20 religious;
schools for boys, 13, with 1330' pupils; schools for
girls, 4, with 480 pupils.
Plan QUE in Piolet. Lea Missions catholiquesfrancaises (Paris,
1902), V, vi; The Statesman's Year-Book. 1908 (London, annual);
Bdbton, Mission to Gelele, King of Dafwme (London, 1864);
Chandothn, Trots mois de ctiptiviti au Dahomey (Paris); Poi-
RiER, Campagne du Dahomey ^ 1892-9U (Paris, 1895).
E. Macpherson.
Dalalle, Henry. See Natal.
Dalberg, Adolphtts von, Prince-Abbot of Fulda
and founder of the university in the same city, b. 29
May, 1678; d. 3 November, 1737, at Hammelburg on
the river Saale in Lower Franconia. After holding the
^office of provost at Zelle in Hanover for some years he
w^as elected Prince-Abbot of the Benedictine monas-
tery of Fulda in 1724. Though he was not a bishop,
Dalberg had quasi-episcopal jurisdiction over the tci^
ritory belonging to the abbey and held a diocesan synod
in 1729. This privilege of quasi-episcopal jurisdiction
was granted to the abbots of Fulda by Pope Zachary
in 751 . Dalberg spared no pains to improve the Cath-
olic educational facilities of Fulda. Its once famous
school, which had suffered severely during the relig-
ious upheaval of the sixteenth century, had regained
some of its ancient prestige by the united efforts of the
Jesuits and Benedictines. Dalberg hoped to restore
in all its splendour the ancient seat of learning which
had made Fulda world-renowned during the Middle
Ages. With this end in view he founded a university
at Fulda which came to be known after his own name
as the Ahna Adolphina. The faculties of philosophy
and iheologv he formed by uniting the two existing
schools of the Jesuits and the Benedictines; for the
new faculties of jurisprudence and medicine he en-
gaged other professors. Pope Clement XII granted
the charter of foundation on 1 July, 1732, and Em-
peror Charles VI, the charter of confirmation on 12
March, 1733. The solemn inauguration of the uni-
versity took place on 19 September, 1733. Tlie
Adolphina was, however, not destined to be of long
duration. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order
by Pope Clement XIV in 1773 the university came
entirely into the hands of the Benedictines, w^ho were
finally obliged to discontinue it in 1805, in conse-
qucMiop of tiie srcularization of the Benedictine monas-
tery iu 1802.
RxcHT£R, QueUen und Al>handlungen txar Geachichte der Abtei
und Didtese Ftdda (Fulda, 1904). I. For a bittory of tb» Cm-
verdty, Gboknbauk, Bin Jahrhunderi aus der OtaehiekU der
hdheren GeUhrtenSchulen FvUas, IISL-ISSS (Fulda. 1885); for
its early history, Komp, Die rweite Sckule Fuldas una das
pdpsUidie Seminar, 1571-1775 (Fulda, 1877). 70 sqq.
MiCHAXL OtT.
D'Albomoz. See Gil d'Albornoz.
D' Alembert, Jean Lb Rond. See ENcrcLOPEDisra.
Dalgaima, John Dobree (in religion Father
Bernard), b. in the island of Guernsey, 21 Oct.,
1818; d. 6 April, 1876, at St. George's Retreat,
Burgess Hill, near Brighton, England. He matric-
ulated at Exeter college, Oxford, 1836, and took a
second class in Uteris humanxorihus^ 1839. Already
an ardent follower of Newman, he had written (183S)
to the Paris "Univers" a letter signed *' jeune membrr
de llJniversit^", on the Catholic movement then
spreading in the English Church, which elicited a cor-
respondence with Father Dominic the Passionist. In
1842 he ioined Newman at Littlemore; while there
he contributed several articles to the "British Critic''
and wrote the Lives of St. Stephen Harding, St. Gil-
bert, St. Helier, St. Aelred, and others for the series
of early English saints then being edited by Newman.
The grasp of medieval history displayed in these
lives, and their picturesque setting evoked higib
S raise even from such a strbng Protestant as Dean
[ilman. Dalgaims's life, work, and studies had
drawn him ever closer to the Church, and in Septem-
ber, 1845, he was received into it by his former corre-
spondent, Father Dominic. He then repaired to the
Abb4 Jovain, canon of Langres, whose acquaintance
he had made in 1841 when the abb^ was on a visit to
Oxford; in December, 1846, he was ordained priest
at Langres. A worthless French translation of New-
man's "Essay on Development'' was described by
Dalgairns in the "Univers", 10 Jan., 1847, as "un
amas inintelligible de paroles sans id^es, et dahs
lequel en plusieurs endroits le traducteur avait
donn^ une apparence d'h^r&ie aux phrases de Tau-
teur", words strangely prophetic of tne use made by
certain "Modernist writers of the same work.
At Easter, 1847, he joined Newman in Rome and
entered the new English Oratorian novitiate at Santa
Croce. As an Oratorian he was successively at Mary-
vale, St. Wilfrid's, Staffordshire, King William Street,
London (1849), Birmingham (1853), and South Ken-
sington, London (1856), where he was elected superior
on Father Faber's death, September, 1863. As a
preacher he was second only to Faber and as a con-
fessor his knowledge of languages attracted a large
circle of penitents, among whom was Queen Marie-
Am^lie, wife of Louis Philippe. In 1869 he became a
member of the Metaphysical Society which was then
being formed. With Manning and Ward, Dalgairns
had to defend Catholicism against scientific agnostics
like Huxley and Tyndall, literary agnostics such as
Morley and Leslie Stephen, Thompson the Ang;lican
Archbishop of York, the Unitarian James Martmeau,
and others of every shade of creed or of no creed.
Speaking of these debates Thompson says, "he was
more struck by the metaphysical ability of Father
Dalgairns and Mr. James Martineau than any of the
other debaters". Hutton, then editor of "The Spec-
tator," says of Dalgairns and his coreligionists, "tnere
was in their countenance a blending of genuine humil-
ity and genuine thankfulness for the authority on
wnich they had anchored themselves and a sense of
the redunaance of their provisions for the spiritual
life, of which almost all the other members seemed to
feel they had but a bare and scanty pasturage ". His
knowledge of Christian philosohpy, and his acquaint-
ance witn the writings of German scientists enabled
him to meet Huxley successfully on his own grounds.
But the attendance at the meetings of the Societv
broke down Dalgaims's health. lie was struck with
DALILA
605
DALLAS
paralysis^and he died after a year's lingeriDg mental
illness. Hutton describes him as ''a man of singular
sweetnte and oi>enne88 of character with something
of a French type of plavfuhiess of expression". His
best known works are ''The Devotion to the Sacred
Heart of Jesus*' (London, 1853); "The Holy Com-
munion" (Dublin, 1861): "The German Myotics of
the Fourteenth Century" (London, 1858).
Gif^Low. B%bl, Did. Eng. Cath., Ill, 3; The TabUt and The
WteJdit Regieter (London. 16 April. 1876). files; Ward, WHliam
George Ward ana the Oxford Movement (London, 1889); Vie
de VAhhi Jovain. SEBASTIAN BoWDBN.
Dalila(Heb. DfliMA). Samson, sometime afterhis ex-
ploit at Gaza (Judges, xvi, 1-3), "loved a woman, who
dwelt in the valley of Sorec, and she was called Dalila "
(verse 4). The village of Sorec was known to Euse-
bius and to St. Jerome (Onomast.), and rightly placed
north of Eleutheropolis near Saraa, the home of Sam-
son. It is now called Khan S(lr^. The valley of that
name, mentioned in the text, was probably a little lat-
eral vdley of the great Wadi Serar, or the Wadi Serar
itself (Lagrange, "Le livre des Juges", 247). The
railway from Jaffa to Jerusalem passes through this
region a little to the west of the station of Deir Aban.
The district was on the borderland between the pos-
sessions of the Israelites and those of their principal ene-
mies and oppressors at this period, the Philistines. Sorec
may have been inhabited by the latter; and although
it is not stated to which people Dalila belonged, the
story told in this sixteenm cnapter of Judges of her
relations with the princes of the Philistines, makes it
very unlikely that she was an Israelite. It is not prob-
able either that she became the wife of Samson. The
expression above quoted with which Scripture intro-
duces the narrative of her relations with him, and the
facility with which the Philistines were brought into her
house, not to speak of her readiness to betray the Israel-
ite hero, suggest rather that she was a harlot, an opin-
ion that is now more common among commentators.
The Philistines, thinking that the strength which
had made Samson familiar to them must oe due to >
some ma^cal charm, seek to find out what it is.
Tlieir prmces, probably the five mentioned in
Judges, iii, 3, and elsewhere, coming to Dalila, to
whose house Samson often resorted — ifhe did not live
there — say: " Deceive him, and learn of him wherein
his great strength lieth, and how we may be able to
overcome him, to bind and afflict him: which if thou
shalt do, we will give thee every one of us eleven
hundred pieces of silver * '(verse 5) . This sum must have
appearea enormous to Dalila. She undertakes to dis-
cover the secret of Samson's strength and the means to
overcome it. Four different times she asks him to tell
her his secret, having each time a number of Philistkies
on hand to seize him if she can cajole him into betray-
ing it. Samson at first indulges his humour in an-
swers which allow him to laugh at her attempts to bind
him ; but finally her importunity prevails, and he tells
her of his consecration as a Nazarite and of the neces-
sity of keepins his long hair, the mark of that conse-
cration. Dalua then causes this hair to be cut off
while Samson sleeps, and hands him over to his ene-
mies who bring him a prisoner to Gaza.
Laqranob. Le livre des Juges (Paris, 1003); Von Humiicx/-
AUER, Comm. in librae Judieum et Ruth (PariB, 1888) ; Paus,
Dalila in \iQ., Diet, de la Bible. W. S. ReILLT.
Dallas, Diocese of (Dallascensis), created 1890,
comprises 108 counties in the northern and north-
western portion of the State of Texas, U. S. A., and
El Paso County in the western section, an area of 118,-
000 square miles. The citv of Dallas has a population
of 95,000 and stands in the centre of a circle within
whose radius of fifty miles is included nearly one-half
of the population of Texas. It was settled chieflv by
people from Kentucky, Illinois, Indiana, with a
sprinkling of foreigners and a considerable number of
negroes. It is an important distributing centre, rich
in mineral resources and products of the soil (chiefly
cotton). As late as 1868 there was only one CathoUc
family resident there whose members, with several
scattering settlers, were attended as a mission station
from StTPaul's, PoUin County, by Father Joseph Mar-
tin^re, later a domestic prelate and vicar-general of the
diocese. His visits often necessitated journeys over
hundreds of miles through swamp and forest. In
1802 the Catholic population of the diocese had grown
to 15,000 with 30 priests ministering to them.
The first bishop, Thomas Francis Brennan, was
bom October, 1863, in the County Tipperary, Ireland,
and ordained priest at Brixen in the Tyrol, 4 July,
1880. He was consecrated at Erie, Pennsylvania,
6 April, 1891. Two vears later (1 February, 1893) he
was transferred to the titular See of Utilla and made
coadjutor of the Bishop of St. John's, Newfoundland .
He was removed December, 1904, and called to Rome,
UasuuNa Academy, Dallas, Ttxas
where he resides (1908), having been transferred, 7 Oc-
tober, 1905, to the titular See of Csesarea in Mauretania.
As his successor the Rev. Edward Joseph Dunne,
rector of the church of All Saints, Chicago, was
chosen. He was bom in the County Tipperary,
Ireland, 23 April, 1848, emigrated to the United
States with his parents when a child, and was
ordained priest 29 June, 1871, in Baltimore. His
consecration took place in Chicago, 30 November,
1893. He foresaw from the first the religious possi-
bilities assured by the location and resources of Dallas,
also by the enterprise of the people and by the climate.
To his energy, administrative abilities, and zeal is ow-
ing the new cathedral, admittedly the finest in the
South-Westem States. The Vincentian College, St.
Paul's Sanitarium, the Ursuline Academy, novitiate
and provinciad house (1907), the cathedral parochial
school, St. Patrick's church, the industrial school for
coloured children are other monuments of religion
erected within a short space of time. Fort Worth,
Sherman, El Paso, Denison, Munster, Weatherford,
Mar^all, and several other cities have substantial
and even beautiful churches and religious institutions,
educational and charitable.
Religious communities represented in the diocese
are: Men, — Benedictine Fathers, five charges: Jes-
uits, six; Oblates; and Vincentians. Wcnnen. — School
Sisters of Notre Dame; Sisters of Charity (Emmits-
burg); Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word; Sis-
ters of the Holy Cross; Sisters of Loretto; Sistera of
St. Mary; Sisters of Divine Providence; White Bene-
dictine Sisters of the Congregation of Mt. Olive ; Sisters
of St. Rose of Lima; Ursulme Nuns; Sisters of Mercy.
Statistics of the diocese (1908) give 83 priests (50
diocesan and 33 regulars); 52 churches with resident
pastors, 51 with missions, 75 stations, 12 chapels;
12 academies for girls, 24 parochial schools with 3180
DAIXBY
606
DALMATIA
pupils, 14 ecclesiastical students, 1 industrial school
(50 pupils); 1 orphan asylum (83 inmates); 6 hospi-
tals; total Catholic population (estimated) 60.000.
Catholic Directory (1908); Heuss. BioQ. Cyd. of the Catk.
Hierarchy of (he V. &. (Milwaukee, 1898).
SiSTEB M. AUOUBTINB EnRIOHT.
Dalley, William Beds, lawyer and statesman, b.
in Sydney, New South Wales, 1831; d. there 28 Octo-
ber, 1888. He was educated in part at St. Mary's
College, Sydney, and was called to the Bar in 1856. In
1857 he became a representative of Sydney in the first
parliament elected under responsible government in
New South Wales; was solicitor-general (1858-9), and
attorney-general (1875-7, 1883-5). After the fall of
Khartoum (1885) Dalley (then acting-premier) dis-
patched a contingent of nine hundred men to the Su-
dan to aid the imperial troops. Dalley, who had
declined a knighthood and the office of Chief Justice of
New South Wales, was in 1887 appointed a member of
the Privy Council — the first Australian on whom that
honour was conferred. He was regarded as the fore-
most lay representative and champion of the Catholic
body, was noted for his parliamentary and forensic
eloquence, and was endowed with considerable liter-
ary ability. Many of his newspaper articles and
sketches were reprinted in 1866 in Barton's "Poets and
Prose Writers of New South Wales."
Hbaton, Australian Dictionary of Dates (Sydney, 1879);
Mbnnbll, Dictionary of Attatrcdanan Biography (London,
1802); Pabksa, Fifty Years in the Making of Australian His-
tory (London. 1892) ; Mohan, History of the Catholic Church in
Australasia (Sydney, ft. d.); Carltlb in Diet. Nat. Biog., Suppl.
n,B.v. Hbnbt W. Clbakt.
Dalmasio. See Scannadecchi.
Dalmatian a part of the Kingdom of Croatia accord-
ing to a convention entered into between Croatia
and Hungary. It stretches along the eastern shore
of the Adriatic Sea from Croatia on the north to
Montenegro in the south and is bounded by Bosnia
and Herzegovina on the east. The Velebic moun-
tains separate it from Croatia, the highest peaks of
which are Sveto brdo (5774 ft.) or Holy M!ountain,
the dwelling of fairies according to popular legend,
ViSeruna (5350 ft.) and Vaganski vrh (6563 ft.).
The eastern frontier lines are formed by the Dinaric
Alps, running parallel to the sea, highest elevation
being 5940 ft. The highest peak in Dalmatia is
Mount Orjen (6225 ft.). The coast is steep and rocky
and lined by many islands: Pago, Rab, and Krk on the
northern Croatian coast; the first rises to a height of
885 ft., the last to 1338 ft. Islands of lesser import-
ance are Cres, LoSinj, Osor, Uljan. On the south lies
Bra« with the mountain of St. Vid (2574 ft.), Hvar
with St. Nicholas (2078 ft.), and Korcula (1879 ft.);
lastly Lastovo, Mljeti and Vis. The principal natural
harbours are: Zadar, Trogir, Sibenik, Grul, PeljeSac,
Kator, Hvar, Vis, and Mljet. Dalmatia is poor in
water, though the rainfalls make temporary lakes.
The only rivers of importance are: Krka (Titius) and
Cetina (Tilurus) flowing from the Dinara mountains;
the former has interesting falls and wild scenery.
Neretva (Naro) belongs chiefly to Herzegovina. The
climate is warm and healthy. The temperature
varies between 57° F. at Zadar, 62° at Hvar, and 63°
at Dubrovnik. The prevailing wind is the sirocco or
south-east, but the terrible Boora or north-east, may
blow at any season of the year. The land is fit chiefly
for pasture. Barley, wheat, maize, oats, rye, millet,
beeroot, hemp, and potatoes are raised in small quan-
tities. Asses and mules are used as beasts of burden.
Mines of coal, asphalt, lignite, salt are under develop-
ment. Among the industries are the distillation of
liquors, the manufacture of oil, tile-burning, the rais-
ing of timber, wine-growing, and ship-building. Other
products of the country are cheese, honey, silk, and
sardines. Railroads are nearly unknown in Dalmatia,
although there is urgent need of them. Commerce is
further hampered by & bureaucratic administration.
Coast navigation is i^adually taking on greater pro-
portions and extending through the Adriatic a&d
Mediterranean Seas. The capital of Dalmatia is Za-
dar, where the Diet meets when convoked by the
king. It is composed of forty-three members, and is
represented in Vienna by eleven delegates elected by
direct vote. The archbishop is a member of the Diet
The head of the Royal Dalmatian Government is a
governor appointed by the king. Dalmatia is the
most neglected country under Austrian rule. The
population consists of Croats, who are in the majority,
Serbs, Italians, and Albanians (about 10 per cent..
Croatian is now the official language.
Religion and Schools, — The general educational in-
stitutions are public schools (with 5 claasee), while in
every village or hamlet there is an elementiuy school.
There are also middle schools or gynmasia (with 8
classes), colleges and private institutiona, a central
seminary for priests at Zadar, and a petit shninaire at
Dubrovnik. There are also a naval and an agricul-
tural school. The majority of the inhabitans are
Catholics. There are also (hthodox Greeks and a few
Jews. There are many magnificent churches and ec-
clesiastical buildings which date back many centuries
to the flourishing times of the Church. The archao-
logical museums at Bihac and Knin contain much
historical material illustrating early Chriatianity and
the period of the oldest Croatian rulers. There is a
literary society, "Matica Dalmatinska", which pub-
lishes valuable books every year. The "Matica
Hrvatska", at Zagreb, and the St. Jerome Society do
the same for popular books. The Catholic press is
represented by weeklies and periodicals such as "Aca-
demia Paleoslovenica'', at Krk (Veglia). Throngh-
out Dalmatia, including the adjoining islands, as well
as on the Croatian coast, the Old Croatian language
called Glagolitic is stiU in use at church services. This
comes down from the times of Sts. Cyril and Methodius
also. The right to use the Glagolitic language at Mas
with the Roman Rite has prevailed for many cen-
turies in all the south-western Balkan countries, and
has been sanctioned by long practice and by many
popes. The religious orders are well represented in
Dalmatia by the Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits, and
others, as well as by many oommimitiea of religioua
women. In the administration of church affairs the
civil authorities accept the principles of canon law.
The Concordat was abolished by the laws of 1874, and
a civil marriage law was introduced in 1867. The ir-
removable rectors must contribute to the expenses of
worship according to the provisions of the law. The
State administers the church property and layrdown
the conditions for establishing new parishes. The
archbishops, bishops, and canons are nominated hy
the king, and invested by the pope. The ecclesiasti-
cal province of Dalmatia was erected by Leo Xll in
1828, by the Bull *' Locum beati Petri," when the two
Archbishoprics of Spljet and Dubrovnik were sup-
pressed, and Zadar was made the see of the arch-
bishop. The province comprises five bishoprics:
Sibenik, Spljet, Hvar, Dubrovnik, and Kotor. The
Bishopric of Krk was joined by Pope Pius VIII to the
province of Goricza. There are 527,500 Catholics m
Dalmatia and 80,900 Greek schismatics with two
bishoprics at Zadar and in Kotor.
History.— The meaning of the name Dalmatia or
Delmatia, which is of Arnautic origin, is *'^^ J'^
shepherds" (delminium — pasture for sheep). The
earliest mention of the name occurs at the time of the
fall of the southern Illyric kingdom, 167 a. c. The
people who dwelt near the rivers Neretva and Krka
formed a league against the advancing Romans.
Their principal town was Delminium, on the prefi^nt
plain of Sinj, or possibly Duvno in Hersegovina, *nd
after that city the tribes called themselves J^^°?*J[*'
or Dalmati, 170 b. c. The islands were peopledj^
the Greeks; but the mainland by the Hlyriani. ^
DALMATIA
607
DALMATIA
Dalmatian league soon came into conflict with the
Romans. In 153 b. c. the Roman Senate sent envoys
to negotiate with the Dalmatians, but they returned
complaining that they were received in an unfriendly
manner, and that they would have been killed if they
had not secretly escaped. During the next year war
broke out. Finally Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica
conquered the land and demolished the city of
Delminium. The Romans' success was incomplete;
they must subdue the neighbouring IIlyrianB and
Celts if they wished to retain the whole of Dalmatia.
The two new consuls had to march from Gaul to
lUyrium and occupy the city of Segestica, now Sisak,
thence to invade Dalmatia and capture the city of
Salona. The consul Metellus carried out this plan,
defeated the enemy in 118 b. c, and celebrated a
triumph at Rome, receiving the title Dalmaticus
(1 17). The Roman Senate now created the large prov-
ince of Illyricum, extending southward to the River
Drim, northward as far as the Julian Alps and the
River Sava. The principal strategic point and fortress
in this new province was the city of Salona (Solin).
But the Dalmatians did not patiently bear the Roman
yoke and tribute. Many uprisings broke out until
the time of Octavian, who came to Illyricum in 40
B. c, and subjugated all the tribes; he made the
rivers Drava and Danube the northern boundaries
of the Roman possessions and sailed on them in his
triremes. Later, when emperor, he broke the power
of the Dalmatian and Pannonian tribes who tried
again to throw off the Roman rule. The insurrection
started in the year 6 b. c. and ended in a. d. 9. The
power of the rebels was crushed and their country
devasted. Since the Punic wars Rome had not
been in as critical a situation aa during this insurrec-
tion suppressed by Tiberius.
From this date beings the Romanising of Illyricum.
This province now received the name of Dalmatia and
comprised all the land south of the River Sava, within
which were many famous watering places, such as
Aquae Jasss (the Yarazdinske tophce of to-day).
Aquae Balissae (Lipik in Croatia), and much mineral
wealth exploited by them, as appears from their re-
mains to-day. The Roman rule in Dalmatia ended
with the entry of Christianity and the invasion of the
northern nations. The Romans persecuted the Chris-
tians in Dalmatia and Pannonia, but they flourished
nevertheless. St. Paul sent bis disciple Titus to Dal-
matia, who founded the first Christian see in the city
of Salona and consecrated it with his blood A. p. 65.
St. Peter sent St. Domnius. Salona became the
centre from which Christianity spread. In Pannonia
St. Andronicus founded the See of Syrmium (Mitro-
vica) and later those of Siscia and Mursia. The cruel
persecution under Diocletian, who was a Dalmatian
by birth, left numerous traces in Old Dalmatia and
Pannonia. St. Quirinus, Bishop of Siscia, died a
martyr a. d. 303. St. Jerome was borne in Strido, a
city on the border of Pannonia and Dalmatia. After
the fall of the Western Empire in 476, peace never
came to Dalmatia. She successively fell into the
power of Odoacer, Theodoric, and Justinian. The
Goths were Arians, but they did not persecute the
Catholics. Two provincial church councils were held
at Salona— -530 and 532. The Western Empire was
succeeded by the Ostro-Goths, after whose fall in
555 Dalmatia came under Byzantine power. In A. d.
598 the khan of the Avars -advanced from Syrmium
through Bosnia, devastated Dalmatia, and demolished
forty cities. In a. d. 600 appeared the Slavs,
who entered Dalmatia. Pope Gregory the Great
wrote to Maxim, Archbishop of Salona: "Et de
Slavorum gente, quae vobis valde imminet, affligor
vehementer et conturbor. Affligor in his, quae jam
in vobis patior; conturbor quia per Istriae aditum iam
Italiam intrare cceperunf.
In the seventh century Dalmatia received the
dominant element of its present population, the
Croats. In the ninth century we find the Croatian
influence at its height, and the Croatian princes
recognized as Kings of Dalmatia. At the time of
Thomislav there were held two councils at Spljet for
the whole of Dalmatia and Croatia. The legates of
the Holy See, John, Bishop of Ancona and Leo, Bishop
of Praeneste, were present. Pope John X wrote a
letter to Thomislav, King of the Croats, and all the
people of Dalmatia. In this he reminded the king of
the Anglo-Saxons, to whom Gregory I sent not only
Christianity, but also culture and education. The
council met in 925 to decide the question of the pri-
macy of the Sees of Nin and Spljet; to re-establish rules
of discipline, to settle administrative questions arising
from disputes about the boundaries of dioceses, and
finally to show the reason for using the Old Croatian
Cathbdral. Trau, Dalmatia, (XIII Century)
language at Mass. On this occasion Bishop Grgur
Ninski energetically defended the right of the Croa-
tians to use that language. Pope Leo VI decreed by
his Bull that the primate of Dalmatia and Croatia
should be the Archbishop of Spljet. All the decisions
of the councils were sent to Rome for confirmation.
The See of Nin was suppressed in 928, when the See of
Spljet renounced the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of
Constantinople and submitted to the Holy See. At
the ne.xt council, held 1059-60 at Spljet, permission
was given to use the Greek and Latin languages at
Mass. The use of the old Croatian language was
often forbidden, but never abolished. During the
following centuries the history of Dalmatia is closely
connected with that of Croatia. In the course of
time, however, Venice extended her authority over
Dalmatia. Venice never gained the affection of the
Dalmatian people. By the treaty of Campo Formio
in 1797 she lost Dalmatia, which came under Austrian
rule, under which it has continued to the present time
with the exception of Napoleonic times (1805-1814).
The feeling towards Austria was not friendly, as the
outbreak in 1869 shows. This was put down by force
of arms in February of the next year. Influential
patriots, the members of the home Diet, and the dele-
DALMATIO
608
DALBIATIO
gates in the ReichBtag at Vienna are working to carry
out the provisions of the fundamental law requiring
the union of Dalmatia with the mother-country,
Croatia, which the king promised in a solenm oath at
his coronation.
The literature of Dalmatia from its beginnings in
the eleventh century was inspired by the Ca^olic
Church and remained so until the rise of Humanism.
Numerous private and public libraries existed, con-
taining thousands of volumes (1520). The art of
printing found its way to Dalmatia as early as the end
of the fif'ccenth century. The first Humanists such
as Men6eti6, Bobali, Puci6, Gu6eti6, Marulii wrote in
Latin and Croatian and produced many varieties of
literature: the drama, lyrics, epics, bucolics, come-
dies, religious, and gipsy poetry. Dalmatia has in
fact been called the cradle of Croatian literature.
The city of Dubrovnik was spoken of sb another
Athens. Architecture fiourishea greatly, as is proved
by the existing monuments.
FoRns, Travels in Dalmatia (1778); Paton, Highlands and
hlands of the Adrialic (1840); Lodvich, Det coatumi dei Mot'
laki (1776): Kataunicii. Memorie degli awenimenti auccessi in
Dalmazia; Mitis, Iax Dalmazia ai tempi di Lodovico il Grande;
(Zara, 1887): Schmidl, Das Kimiareieh Dalmazien (1843);
Masciiek, Mamutle del regno di Dalmazia per Vanno (1875);
Kohl, Reisen in htrien etc. (1850); Scmpy, CuUurbHaer aua
Dalmazien (Vienna, 1875); don Frank Buu6, Hrvalahi apo-
menici (Zagreb, 1888); Academia Slavorum Meridianalium,
Documenta pars t, rescripta et sj/fiodalia (Zajn^b, 1877); Ljubic,
Listine (ZaRreb, 1870-1885); GELacH. Monumenia Rtu/usina
'^agreb, 1879-1897); ^ Gruber, Osvajanje Zadra, Vienac,
Zagreb (1882); Klaic, Hrvataki knezovi od plemena Subic
(Zagreb, 1897); Sdrmin, Hrvatski spomenici (Zagreb): HoR-
VAT, Hrvatska povjest (Zagreb, 1908); Medini, Povjest hrvaUke
Imjutevnosti (Zagreb, 1902); Valla, Povjest novoga vieka
'Zagreb. 1899, 1900); Valla, Povjest srednjega vieka (Zacr«b,
891, 1893). M. D. Krmpoti6.
Dalmatic. — Present Usage. — ^The dalmatic is the
outer liturgical vestment of the deacon. It is worn at
Mass and at solemn processions and benedictions, ex-
cept whe^ these processions and benedictions have a
penitential character, as in Advent, during the pe-
riod from Septuagesima Sunday to Easter, at the
blessing of candles and the procession on Candlemas
Day, etc. ; this is because the dalmatic has been re-
garded from the earliest times as a festal earment.
The dalmatic is also worn by bishops under me chas-
uble at solemn pontifical Mass, but not at private
Masses. Priests are not permitted to wear tne dal-
matic under the chasuble unless a special papal privi-
lege to this effect has been granted, and then omy on
those days and occasions for which the permission has
been given. At Rome, and throughout Italy, the
dalmatic is a robe with wide sleeves ; it reaches to the
knees, is closed in front, and is open on the sides as far
as the shoulder. Outside of Italy it is customary to
slit the under side of the sleeves so that the dalmatic
becomes a mantle like a scapular with an openine for
the head and two square pieces of the materid falling
from the shoulder over the upper arm. The distinc-
tive ornamentation of the vestment consists of two
vertical stripes running from the shoulder to the hem;
accordij^ to Roman usage these stripes are narrow
and united at the bottom by two narrow cross-stripes.
Outside of Rome thfi. vertical stripes are quite broad
and the cross-piece is on the upper part of the gar-
ment. There are no regulations as to the materi^ of
the dalmatic ; it is generally made of silk correspond-
ing to that of the chasuble of the priest, with which it
must agree in colour, as the ordinances concerning lit-
urgical colours include the dalmatic. As tJlie dal-
matic is the distinguishing outer vestment of the dea-
con, he is clothed with it at his ordination by the
bishop, who at the same time says: "May the Lord
clothe thee with the garment of salvation and with the
vesture of praise, and may he cover thee with the dal-
matic of nghteousness forever".
History. — According to the "Liber Pontificalis*'
the dalmatic was introduced by Pope Sylvester I
(314-36). It IS certain that as eariy as the first half of
the fourth century its use was customary at Rome;
then, as to-day, the deacons wore it as an outer vest-
ment, and the pope put it on under the chasuble. In
early Roman practice bishops other than the pope and
deacons other than Roman were not permitted to
wear the vestment without the express or tacit permis-
sion of the pope — such permission, for instance, u
Pope Symmadius (498-514) gave to the deacons of St.
Csssarius of Aries. The Biidiops of Milan most proba-
bly wore the dalmatic as early as the fifth century:
this is shown by a mosaic of Sts. AmbrosiuB and
Matemus in the chapel of San Satiro near the church
of San Ambrogio; mosaics in the church of San Vitale
at Ravenna show that it was worn by the archbi^op
of Ravenna and their deacons at least as early as the
sixth century. About the ninth century the dalmatic
was adopted almost universally for bishops and
deacons m Western Europe, even including Spain
and Gaul, where instead of a dalmatic deacons had
worn a tunic called an alb (see Alb), About the
tenth century the Roman cardinal-priests were granted
the privilege of wearing the dalmatic, at which time
also priests outside of Rome, especially abbots,
received the same as a mark of distinction. Thus,
John XIII in 970 granted the Abbot of St. Vin-
centius at Metz the nght to wear the daknatic Ben-
edict VII in 975 granted this privilege to the car-
dinal-priests of the cathedral of Trier, but limited it to
occasions when they assisted the archbishop at a pontif-
ical Mass or celebrated the solemn high Mass in the
cathedral as his representatives. According to Ro-
man usa^ the dalmatic was only worn by prelates at
the pontifical Mass, and never under the cope on other
occasions, as was often the case in Ge^any in the
later Middle Ages.
The custom of leaving off the dalmatic on peniten-
tial days originated, like the vestment itself, in Rome,
whence it eradually spread over the rest of Western
Europe. In ihe twelfth century this usage was um'-
versal. On such days the deacons either wore no
vestment over the alb or put on, instead of the dal-
matic, the so-called pUinda pUcixia, a dark-coloured
chasuble folded in a particular manner. An excep-
tion was made in the penitential season for Maundy
Thiusday on which it nad been the custom from an-
cient times, principally on account of the consecration
of the holy oils, to use the vestments appropriate to
feast days. In early times the dalmatic was seldom
used by deacons at Masses for the dead, but in the lat-
ter part of the Middle Aces it was universally worn
dunng solenm requiem Masses. At an early date it
was customary at Rome to confer the dalmatic on a
deacon at onunation; Hie usage is recognized in the
" Eighth Ordo ' ' (ei^th century ) and the '^Ninth Ordo"
(ninth century) of Mabillon. In the rest of Western
Europe the custom took root very slowly, and it did
not become universal tmtil towards the end ef the
Middle Ages. TTie first medieval liturgist to mention
it was Sicard of Cremona (c. 1200), from whose lan-
guage it is evident that the ceremony was not every-
where prevalent. A prayer at the bestowal of the
dcdmatic was not customary imtil a later period.
Shape and Material in Eablier Ages. — ^The orig-
inal form of the vestment is well shown by the remains
of the pre-Carlovingian period, especially bjr the mo-
saics in San Satiro at Milan (fifth century), m San Vi-
tale at Raveima (sixth century), and in San Venanzo
and Sant' Agnese at Rome (seventh century); also in
various frescoes, such as the picture of the four holy
bishops in the church of San Callisto at Rome. Ac-
cording to these representations it was a long, wide
tunic with very large sleeves and reached to the feet.
In the above-mentioned pictorial remains the width of
the sleeves equalled the half or at least the third of the
lengtii of the vestment. Up to the twelfth century
the Italiac representations show no change in i^
DALTON
609
DALTOK
fonu. After this, in the Italian remains, the vestment
is shorter and the sleeves narrower although the
traces of the change are at first only here and there
noticeable. As eariy as the ninth century the short-
ening of the vestment and the narrowing of the sleeves
had begun in Northern countries, but up to the
twelfth century no important modification had taken
place. In the thirteenth century the length of the
dalmatic was still about 51-55 inches. In Italy this
measurement was maintained during the fourteenth
century; in the sixteenth century the dalmatic, even
in Italy, was usually only about 47} inches long. In
the seventeenth century its length eveiywhere was
only a little more than 43} inches; in the eighteenth
century it was only 39} inches, and at times about
35} inches. The shortening of the vestment could
hardly go further; and, as its length decreased, the
sleeves became correspondingly narrower. To facili-
tate the putting on of the dalmatic slits were made in
the sides of the vestment in the pre-Carlovingian era,
and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries regularly
shaped openings were often substituted for the slits.
In the latter part of the Middle Ages, especially in the
fifteenth century, the sides were very commonly
opened as far as the sleeves, unless the dalmatic was
widened below by the insertion of a gore. Now and
then, in the fifteenth century, the sleeves appear to
have been opened for the sake of convenience, but
this custom was not general imtil the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries and then it was not observed in
Italy, where, in accordance with the Roman usage^
the sleeves were always closed.
Orieinally the dalmatic was made of linen or wool,
but when silk became more common and less esroen-
sive, the dalmatic was also made of silk. From about
the twelfth centuiy, judeing from the inventories, the
vestment seems to have oeen made almost altogether
of silk, although up to modem times there were also
dalmatics made of fine woollen material. Until aft^r
the tenth century the dalmatic was always white.
From this time on coloured dalmatics are more often
found, especially outside of Italy, in countries where
old traditions were not so firmly rooted. Coloured
dalmatics were the rule when, about 1200, it was deter-
mined what colours should be recognized as liturgical
and in consequence their use was definitely regulated.
As soon as certain colours were prescribed for the chas-
uble it must have seemed only proper to employ the
same for the outer vestment of the deacon. The orna-
mentation of the dalmatic at first consisted of two
narrow stripes, called clam, which went in a straight
line down the front and back, and of a narrow band on
the hem of the sleeves. In the beginning the stripes
were more purple than red in shade. In the old repre-
sentations fringe is found on the dalmatic as early as the
seventh centuiy ; at times it was placed on the sleeves,
at other times along the openings on the sides. About
the ninth century the curious custom arose of setting
tufts of red fringe on the cUwi and on the bands of the
sleeves; this usage was kept up until the thirteenth
century, but it was more common in Northern coun-
tries than in Italy. In the later medieval period there
was great diversity in the ornamentation of the dal-
matic, and very often it received no ornamentation at
all. In Italy it was customary to set a costly, and
often richly embroidered, band (aunfrisiuniy parura,
fimbria) above the lower hem on the back and front of
the vestment and also above the sleeves; at times
narrow vertical bands were added to this adornment.
In France and Germany the preference was to orna-
ment the two sides of the vestment with broad and
elegantly embroidered bands which were united on
the breast and back by croBs-bands. Occasionally
the dalmatic was entirely covered with embroidered
figures. A fine specimen of such decoration is pre-
served in the imperial treasury at Vienna. This dal-
matic 18 completely covered with a costly omamentar
IV,— 39
tion consisting of human figures very artistically i
cuted in fifteenth-century Burgundi^ embroidery
and was one of the rich Mass-vestments of the Order ot
the Golden Fleece.
OaiGiN AND Symbolism. — ^The dalmatic was taken
from a garment of the same name, which originated, to
judge from the designation, in Dalmatia, and which
came into common 'use at Home probably in the
course of the second century. But it was only the
garment as such, and not the ornamental bands, that
Kome imported, for the davi were an old Roman
adornment of the tunic. The secular dalmatic is often
mentioned by writers and is frequently seen in the pic-
torial reoiains of the later imperial epoch, e. g. in the
so-called consular diptychs. It was part of the cloth-
ing of the higher classes; consequently it is not sur-
prising that it was taken into ecclesiastical use and
afterwards became a liturgical vestment. The earliest
symbolical interpretations of the dalmatic occur at the
beginning of the ninth century, in the writings of
Rabanus (Hrabanus) Maurus and Amalarius of Metz.
On account of the cruciform shape and the red orna-
mental stripes, Rabanus Maurus regarded it as sym-
bolical of tne sufferings of Christ and said that the
vestment admonished the servant of the altar to offer
himself as an acceptable sacrifice to God. Amalarius
saw in the white colour a symbol of purity of soul, and
in the red stripes the emblem of love for one's neigh-
bour. WHat in later times was said of the symbolism
of the dalmatic is hardly more than a repetition of the
words of Rabanus and Amalarius.
In the Oriental rites deacons do not wear a dal-
matic; while instead of the chasuble the bishops wear
an outer vestment called the sacc^, which is similar to
the dalmatic. The aaccds came into use in the elev-
enth century.
Dalmatic in England. — ^The English inventories f re-
Suently give the dalmatic the same name as that of
ae wearer: thus (1539. Ludlow Priory. Salv^.): "A
chasabuU and ij decons of whyte nedell work for
lent." According to the old English Consuetudinary
of Sarum (Salisbury) (ch. xcvi) the acolytes, thun-
fers, etc. of the preat cathedrals and minsters wore
dalmatics in their ministrations. At York Minster
they had sets of four tunicles pro ihunbitlariis et char-
istis (for the thurifers and chanters) in each of the
four colours, white, red, blue, and green (York Fabric
Rolls, pp. 228, 233-4). The dahnatic is still worn by
the sovereigns of England at their oorcmation as a
supertunic, surcoat, or caLodium, (For the use of the
dalmatic in England consult Rock, "Ages of Faith".)
Bock, GeachtdUe der liturgiachen Gew&nder (Bonn. 1860), II,
83-100; Mabkiott, Ve9tiarium Ckrittianum (London, 1868),
Introduction, Iv-lx; Rohault de Fledry, La Messe (Paris,
1888, richly illustrated). VII. 71-10»; Db Linab. Anciens vHe-
menu Mcerdotata in Revus de Vart dwMien (Ist series, Paris,
1860), 561-77. 627->50; Wilpbrt. Die Oewandimg der enten
Christen (Colojme, 1898). 20, 36-40; Krieo in Kraub. Reed-
Encyk., s. v. Kleiaung; Braun, Die liiuraiaehe Gewandung im
Occident tind Orient (Proibarg im Br., 1907). 247-802; Lowrib.
Chriatiem Ari and Archacloffu (London, 1901); Macaustkb,
Ecclesiastical Vestments (London, 1896).
Joseph Braun.
Dalton, John, Irish author and translator from
Spanish and German, b. in 1814; d. at Maddermarket,
Norwich, 15 February, 1874. He spent his early years
at Coventry, England, and was educated at Sedgley
Park School. He then proceeded to Oscott College,
whece he was ordained priest in 1837. After serving
some time on the mission at Northampton (where he
established large schools), he laboured at Norwich for
three years, and subsequently built a handsome
church at Ljmn. During his residence in Lynn ho
published his best-known book, an English transla-
tion of "The Life of St. Teresa, written by herself",
showinga perfect mastery of the Spanish language.
Father Dalton made an exhaustive study of the life
and works of St. Teresa, and caused her writings to
damIo
610
DAMARALAMD
heoome generally known to English readers. On the
erection of the Diooese of Noiinampton, in 1854, he
was nmde a member of the chapter, and lived many
years at Bishop's House in that city. In order to ac-
quire a first-hand acquaintance with the Spanish lit-
erature pertaining to the life of the foundress of the
Discalced Carmelites, he spent nine months diuing the
vears 1868-59 at the Engli^ (College, Vailadolid. On
nis return to England he settled at St. John's, Madder-
market, Norwich, where he ended his days. Canon
Dalton is described by contemporary writers as most
amiable, zealous, and charitable, and a favourite with
all creeds and classes. Among his numerous works
translated from the Spanish are the following: ''Life
of St. Teresa" (London, 1861); "The Interior Castle,
or the Mansions" (London, 1852-53); "The Way of
Perfection" (London, 1852): "The Letters of St.
Teresa" (London, 1853); "The Book of the Founda-
tions" (London, 1853), etc. He also published trans-
lations from Latin and German, including "The Life
of Cardinal Ximenes" from the German of Bishop Von
Hefele (London, 1860).
QiLLOW, BM. Diet. Em, Cath. (London. 1887) s. v.; Weekly
Beffialer, 28 Feb., 1874; Contemponiry newspapers.
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
DamSo (Damau, Damaun), Diocese of, suffragan
to Goa, and situated in Portuguese India and the
British €k)vemment of Bombay, was erected by the
Bull ''Humans Salutis" of Leo XIII, 1 September,
1886, which confirmed the concordat then entered
into between the Holy See and Dom Luis I, King of
Portugal. This concordat effected a settlement of
the opposing claims to jurisdiction in India of the
Metropolitan of Goa, on the one part, and the Sacred
Congregation of Propaganda, on the other (see Pai>-
ROADo). A pontifical decree, dated 14 March, 1887,
confirmed the nomination by the King of Portugal of
Dom Antonio Pedro da Costa to be first Bishop of
DamSo with the titular Archbishopric of Cranganor,
and that prelate took possession of his see 19 June,
1887. The church of Bom Jesus, at Damfto, then be-
came the cathedral of the new diocese.
The city of DamSo, on the Arabian Sea, at the
mouth of the Damfto River, about 100 miles north of
Bombay, formerly belonged to the Mohammedan
State of Guzerat. It first came to the notice of the
Portuguese in 1523, when Diogo de Mello, overtaken
by a storm on his way to Ormuz, took refuge in the
harbour. In 1529 an expedition sent by Dom Nuno
da Cunha, the Portuguese viceroy, sacked and burned
the city, and in 1541 da Cunha himself, on his way to
the conquest of Diu, disembarked his whole army at
DamAo and caused Mass to be celebrated there for the
first time. But it was not until the feast of the Puri-
fication in the year 1568 that another viceroy, Dom
Constantino de Braganza, imdertook to acquire finallv
the place for his sovereign; the native garrison, al-
though much more nimierous than the attacking force
of 3(X)0, fled at their approach, and the capture was
effected without bloooshed. The victorious com-
mander at once caused a mosque to be prepared for
Christian worship; Father Gonsalo da Silveira, Pro-
vincial of the Jesuits, celebrated Mass there, and the
mosque became the Jesuit church of S9o Paulo.
From that time until its erection as a suffrajgan dio-
oese, in 1886, DamSo belonged to the Archdiocese of
Goa.
The territory of the diocese extends along the
shores of the Arabian Sea from the Narbada River, on
the north, to Ratn^ri, on the south^nd is bounded
on the east by the Western Ghats. There are 71,000
Catholics in the diooese, 51 churches, 21 affiliated
chapels, and about 85 priests. The stipends of the
clei^ are for the most part paid by the Portuguese
Government. The territory is divided into districts
as follows: DamSo, 4 churches, 5 affiliated chapels;
Diu, 2 churches, 3 chapels; Thana (vicariate) « 25
churches, 6 chapels; Konkan. 2 churches, 1 chapel;
Bassein. 12 churches, 1 chapel; Bombay, 6 churches,
5 chapels. To each of the churches of this diocese a
parish school is attached, where instruction is given in
Catholic doctrine, music, English, and Portuguese, as
well as, in some instances, Guzerati and Mahratti.
Some of these schools receive subsidies from both the
Portuguese and the British-Indian Governments.
The spiritual work of the diocese is very largely
helped by means of confraternities, of which there are
at least 42 in the Vicariate of Thana alone.
Among the churches in the dty of DamSo the cathe-
dral of Bom Jesus is worthy of note as having been
built, in 1559, on the site of an old mosque. At
Dam9o Pequeno (Little Dam9o> the churdi of Nosaa
Senhora dollar, founded in 1701, in the old fortreas, is
still used by local Catholics. Another fortress diurch
is that of tne Conceive at Diu, which was originally
built in 1610 as part of the now extinct convent of S2o
Paulo. The vicariate of Thana includes the island of
Salsette, of which Thana itself was formerly the capi-
tal. Here, before the Mogul invasion of 1318, a com-
munity of Nestorians existed. The conquering Mo-
hanmiedans converted both the Nestorian churches
and the Hindu temples into mosques for their own
worship. It was also at Thana that the Franciscan
missionaries Thomas of Tolentino and Giaoomo of
Padua, with the lay brothers Demetrius and Peter,
were martyred early in the fourteenth century. Fra
Jordanus, a Dominican, who buried the bodies of
these martyrs, was himself also martyred by the Mo-
hammedans, but the Hindus of the vicinity so hif^ly
venerated his memory as to set up a bronze statue of
him amons the gods in one of their temples ; this tem-
ple was afterwards destroyed, and in the sixteenth
century some workmen who were dimng on the spot
found among the ruins this pagan tmute to a Oiris-
tian martyr. Thana was also the field of the fruitful
labours^of Father Gonsalo Rodrigues, one of the com-
panions of St. Francis Xavier, who founded in the
neighbourhood a Christian villa«^. This village was
destroyed by the Mahrattas, but the ruins of its
church, coll^, and orphanage are still distinguiflh-
able. The cntuxsh of Nossa Senhora do Cbrmo at
Chaul, in the Konkan district, dates from the year
1580. Bassein, first acquired by Portugal in 1534, is
memorable for the martyrdom of five refieious burned
alive in the orphanage by the Mahommeoui invaders
in 1540, as well as for the apostolic visits of St. Francis
Xavier. Lastly, in the Mazagon suburb of Bombay is
the church of Nossa Senhora da Gloria, long regarded
locally as the Portuguese cathedral* here alao is the
Bombay residence of the Bishop of DamSo, Titular
Archbi&op of Cran^mor.
Db Brxtto, EaboooHitiorieo de DamSo; Gobska, Lendat
da India, II; Webnbr, China Tenarum Cath, (Fraboxc im Br..
1890).
J. GODINHO.
Damaralandi the middle part of the German col-
ony, German Southwest Africa, between 19^ and 23^
S. lat., 14** and 20*> E. long. Moving from the Atlan-
tic coast towards the interior the traveller meets first
a sand-belt of forty-two miles, stripped of all vegeta-
tion and covered with gigantic sand-dimes; then a
strip of desert land about ninety miles broad, with
rugged, bare mountains and wide, barren sand-plains.
Then follows Hereroland proper, which rises to a
height of 7000 feet, and in which mountain ranges and
solitary peaks succeed long-drawn valleys, deep rav-
ines and nigh plateaux. Towards the nortn and east,
this mountainous district passes over into the undu-
lating plain of the Omaheke and the Kalahari Des^i
which IS crossed by dry river-beds and is spandh^ in-
habited. In peneral, the country suffers from want of
rain; it is and, and fit for cattle-raising only; ^-
culture is hardly possible except where the land »
DAMAftCSNE
611
DABCASOUS
artificially irrigated, llie population is comiHwed of
tlie Hill Damara and the Herero; besides these there
are also some 4000 Kaffirs, Bastards, and Nama, and
1500 Christian Ovambo. The Hill Daniara, or Klip
KaffiiSy about 20,000 in number, were the original pos*
ocooors of the country, but were robbed of Uieir pas-
tures and flocks by the invading Herero. Down to our
tixnefi they lived among the Herero as slaves, without
rii^ts and protection, ix)or and despised; at the up-
risiog of the Herero they naturally sided with the Gor-
man Grovemment and thereby improved their lot con*
siderably.
The Herero, or Ovaherero, are a tribe of the Bantu,
and immigrated, during the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries, from the north-east into Damaraland.
Their bodies are well built, their skin is chocolate-
coloured, their hair wavy and jet black. The cloth-
ing of the men consists of an apron, made of the skin of
sheep or goats, and wound around the hipsj that of
the women comprises a leather cap with a veil, a long
apron, and a hide thrown over tne back; numerous
rings of iron and pearls adorn their arms and legs, and
a number of pearl strings encircle their necks. The
Herero are boastful, vain, avaricious, beggarly, given
to lying and cheating, dishonest, and cruel and fero-
cious in their hatred; on the other hand, they are also
hospitable, possess a high sense of honour, and great
love for their parents. Their religion consists in an
ancestral cult, especially of the deceased chiefs of each
tribe, and a gruesome beUef in ghosts and specters, to
whom they frequently offer sacrifices. True they
recognize a God of ^eaven and earth, but they do ncrt^
worship him; the:^ think of him, but they do not
thank nim. Previous to the iusurrection of 1904-
1906, which almost destroyed them, they were divided
into tribes; these were nued by chiefs, who were at
the same time the tribal priests. In the fights with
the Nama, all the Herero had acknowledged one com-
mander-in-chief, Maherero Kajamuaha. After his
death, in 1890, the German Grovemment chose his
yoimger son, Samuel Maherero, as supreme chief, pass-
ing by the rightful heir. Generally speaking, monog-
amv prevails among the Herero, though the chiefs
and the wealthier tribesmen often have several wives.
The acquisition of the present German Southwest
Africa by Germany was begun in the vear 1883. The
Bremen merchant Luderitz acquired the bay of An^
Pe<)uena and a few strips of land from the native
chiefs; in 1884 this territory was placed under the-
protection of the German Empire. The heir to the
rights of Luderitz, the German Colonial Company for
Southwest Africa, obtained more land. As Maherero.
the supreme chief of the Herero, had formerly sidea
with the English against the Germans, he was forced,
on 21 October^ 1885, to conclude a treaty of protection
and amity with Germany, and to acknowledge the
German supremacy. As this treaty was in many re-
girds obscure, many quarrels arose between the
German Government and the Herero chiefs; small
uprisings were, however, easily quelled. The love of
freedom, predominant in the Herero, numerous injus-
tices committed by the whites, extortions on the part
of the white traders, and other causes finally led to the
great insurrection of the Herero in the beginning of
1904, which soon spread throughout the colony. It
took almost three years to subdue the sedition and
0eat sacrifices of men and money had to be made.
For the nation of the Herero, who before had num-
bered between 80,000 and 100^000, the revolt re-
sulted in almost complete annihilation. The Herero
who had been taken prisoners were accommodated in
camps, where hundreds of them were carried ofif by
virulent diseases. After peace was made, the ren^
nant was handed over to officials, farmers, business
and private houses, as servants.
Missions in Damaraland were first begun by Protest-
anta. Since 1844 the Rheinisch-evangelische Mis-
sionLgcsellscIiaft laboured in llereroland without in*
terruption. Before the insurrection it numbered 15
stations with 23 missionaries, 46 schools with 875 boys
and 1182 girls, and counted 8300 coloured Christians.
The Fathers of the Holy Ghost were the first Catholic
missionaries who, at the end of the seventies, made the
attempt to found a mission among tJie Herero; owing
to £he intolerance of the Protestants, however, they
were compelled to abandon the work in 1881 (cf.
Katholische Missionen, Freibuiv, 1882, pp. 107-111).
It was only when Gennan rule had been aefinitely es-
tablished, that the Catholic mission was at liberty to
work in this field. On 1 Au^t, 1892, the Prefecture
Apostolic of Cimbebasia Inferior was erected, and imder
it was placed the whole of Damaraland and Ovam-
boland; in 1896 the territoiy was given in charge of
the German Oblates of Mary Immaculate. But by
the Colonial Government they were forbidden to work
among the Ovambo, Hereros, and ICaffirs, and even
after tney had been put on the same legal footing with
the Protestants they still had to fight against odds.
All obstacles were finally removed in S^tember,
1905. The Prefecture Apostolic in 1908 numbered 9
stations with 22 fathers and 18 brothers (all Oblates),
10 sisters (Franciscan Sisters from Nonnenwerth);
there are 850 white, 210 black Catholics ; 9 churches or
chapels, 10 schools with 236 pupils, 1 trade school
with 14 pupils, 1 high school for boys, 1 academy for
girls, 1 orphan asylum, and 2 hospitals.
ScHiNz, Deuiach-SHdweatafrika (Oldenlmis, 1801); Fban*
S[>iB, Nama and Damara (Magdeburg, 1806); Dove, DetUoch'
adweatafrika (Gotha. 1896; Berlin, 1003); Scrwabe. Mtt
Schvoeri und Fflug m Deutach-Sudwestafrika (Berlin, 1004);
Paui«, Die Miaaion in unseren Kolonien (Dresden. 1905);
Meter, WirUchaft und Recht der Herero (Berlin. 1906); Ibub.
Die Herero (GOtersloh, 1906); Leutwkin, Elf Jahrt Oouvemeur
in Deutseh'SUdweatafrika (Berlin. 1906); Die Kaiholitchen Mia^
eionen (Freibunt. 190&-07), XXXV. 176-183; JahreeberiehU
iiber die EntwicQung der deiUaehen SchiUzgehieie (Berlin).
Joseph Lins.
Damaseenei John, Saint. See John Damasctbnb,
Saint.
Damaseus, in Syria, one of the oldest cities in the
world. According to Flavins Josephus it was founded
by Us, ^ndson S. Sem; it is mentioned in the Bible
at the tune of Abraham (Gen., xiv, 15; xv, 2)j also on
the pylons of Kamak, among the Syrian cities cap-
tured by the Pharaoh Touthmes III.
Kingdom of Damascus. — ^Damascus allied itself
with Soba against David, was conquered and obliged
to receive a Jewish garrison (II E[., viii, 5; I Paral.,
xviii, 6); but imder Solomon it became the capital of
an independent kingdom, established by Raion or
Rasin (III K., xi, 24). From this time Damascus
was freauentlv at war with the kings of Israel, while
it leaned on those of Juda, who sou^t with its aid to
weaken their rivals of Samaria. The most famous of
these enemies of Israel was Hazael, who had ascended
the throne of Damascus with the help of Elijah and
Elisha (III K., xix, 17; IV K., viii, 28; x, 32: xiii,
3). His sucoessors were less fortunate. Jeroboam
II, King of Samaria, captured Damascus (IV K.,
xiv, 28). When not engaged in mutual conflict
the kings of Damascus and Samaria entered into
alliances with the neighbouring princes against the
powerful kings of Assyria; hence Damascus, usually
at the head of the confederation, is often mentioned
in cuneiform inscriptions. In 734 b. g. Damascus and
Samaria nearly nuned Jerusalem. But Achaz, King
of Juda, invoked the help of the Assyrian King,
'Hglath-jPileser III (Theglathphalaflar), who defeated
the alhes, ci4>tured Damascus after a siege of two
years, and put an end to the Kingdom of Syria (IV
K., xvi, 9-12). For the list of the kings of Damas-
cus see Smith, ''The Assyrian Eponym. Canon" 191.
Thk Greek City. — Thenceforth Damascus seems
to have lost its autonomy. Jeremias (xlix, 27)
threatens it with new chastisements, a proof that it
DAMASOtTS
612
]>AKA8<m8
had risen from its decay; however, it appears only
occasionally in the history of the Jews, Greeks, and
Romans. After the battle of Issus (333 b. c.) the
city, which held the wives and treasures of Darius,
was betrayed to Parmenion. It soon became, next
to Antioch, the most important city of Syria. From
112 to 85 B. c. it was tne capital of a little Gneco-
Roman kingdom, but fell suooessivdjr into the power
of Aretas III, King of Petra, of Tigranes, King of
Armenia, and finally of the Roman general Meteuus.
In 64 B. c. Pompey received there the ambassadors
and gifts of the neighbouring kings; in the following
year Syria became a Roman province. Herod the
Great buUt a theatre and a gjrmnasium at Damascus,
though the town was outside nis dominion. Its popu-
lation, though Syrian by race and language, was deep-
ly affected by Grseco-Roman culture, and made rapid
progress in trade and industry; then, as now, Damas-
cus was the chief commercial emporium for the nomad
Arabs. In the time of St. Paul there were in Damas-
cus about 50,000 Jews; most of the women in the
upper classes of society had embraced this creed. It
was on the road to and near the city that Saul, the
severe persecutor of the Christians, recoenised and
worshipped the Jesus whom he had hated so much.
Saul was brought to Damascus, lodged at Juda's in
the Via Recta (to-day Souk el-Taoull), was baptized
by Ananias (who is thought to have been the first
Bishop of Damascus), preached Christ, and was
obliged to flee by ni^t to Arabia (Acts, ix, 3 sqq.,
xxii, 6 sqa., xxvi, 12 sqq.; Gal. i, 17; II Cor., xi, 32);
The city tnen belonged to Aretas, King of the Arabs.
Under Nero the heathen slaughtered by treachery
10,000 Jews in the gvmnasium of Herod. After the
destruction of the Nabatean Kingdom of Petra by
Trajan, Damascus became a Roman city. Under
Arcadius the great temple of the local god, Rimmon,
was transformed into the magnificent church of St.
John the Baptist. In 610 tne city was used by
Chosroes as his head-quarters during the long war he
then b^an against Heraclius.
The Ske of Damascus. — ^Damascus was then the
metropolis of Phoenicia Secunda, or. Libanensis, with
eleven suffragan sees; it was subject to the Patri-
archate of Antioch and held the sixth rank in the
hierarchy (see Vailh^, in Echos d'Orient, X, 95, 140).
Lequien (Oriens christ., II, 833) was acquainted (from
the first to the sixteenth century) with the names of
only fourteen Greek bishops, among them St. Peter,
who suffered martyrdom at the hands of the Arabs in
the eighth century. Numerous Jacobite bishops are
also known (Lequien, II, 1423; Revue de TOrient
Chretien, VI, 194; Brooks, The Sixth Book of the
Select Letters of Severus, London, 1903, II, 20, 57).
Among the many illustrious men bom at Damascus,
we must mention Nicholas, a Greek writer under
Augustus, Damascius, a heathen philosopher of the
sixQi century, John Moschus, the author of the charmr
ing **Pratum spirituale", St. Sophronius, Patriarch
of Jerusalem (634-638), St. Andrew, Metropolitan of
Crete, orator and hymnographer, finally, the cele-
brated Greek theologian, St. John Damascene.
Early in 635 Damascus was captured by the Arabs
under Khalid and Abou Obeidah. Free public wor-
ship was allowed to the Christians in several churches,
also in the western aisle of St. John's, the eastern
aisle being reserved to the Mussulmans. It was only
at the beginning of the eighth century that Abd el-
Melek obtained from the Cluistians the use of the
whole building, in return for which he allowed them
four churches. From 660 to 753, under the Ommayad
caliphs, Damascus was the capital of the Arabian
empire; at that date Abou Abbas removed the seat of
government to Bagdad. In the following centuries,
amid broils and revolutions, Damascus fell into the
hands of the Toulounides of Egypt, later into those of
the Ikshidites and of the Fatimit<«. In H)75-1076
it was taken by the Seljuk Turk Azix. In 1126 the
crusaders, commanded by Baldwin of Jerusalem, de-
feated Pnnoe Toghtekin near and south of the city,
but were obliged to retreat. Nor were ihe allwi
princes, Conrad III of Germany, Louis VII of France,
and Baldwin III of Jerusalem, more sucoessf ul in their
siege of Damascus (1148), owing to the treason of the
barons of Syria. Nour-ed-Din, Sultan of Aleppo,
captured Damascus in 1158. In 1177 Saladin re-
pulsed a new attack of the Christian army. Damas-
cus then became the commercial, industrial, and
scientific centre of Syria; it had a school of medicine
and an observatory on the Djebd Kaaioim. Under
Saladin 's successors it had to sustain several sieges;
in 1260 it opened its gates to the Mongols of Houla-
gpu. It then fell into the hands of Kotouz, Prince of
the Mamelukes of Egypt, whose successor, Bibars, re-
built its citadel. In 1300 it was plundered and paxtlr
burnt by the Tatars commanded by Ghaszen Khan.
In 1399 Timur-Leng put to death almost all the in-
habitants, except the swordrcutlers. These he
brought to Samarkand and Khorassan where they
continued to make the beautiful damascened blades,
the secret of which has long been lost at Damascus.
In 1516 Selim I conquered Syria from the Mamelukes;
since that time Damascus has belonged to the Ottoman
Empire. Mention should be made of the Egyptian
occupation by Ibrahim Pasha (1832-1840), and the
frightful slaughter of the Christians (July, 1860),
which caused the flight of many thousands and
brought about the occupation of Syria by a French
army.
The Turkish City. — Damascus (Arab. Dimidc es-
Sham, or simply e^-Sham), the eye or the peari of the
East for the Arabs, is the chief town of the vilayet of
Syria and the second city in the Ottoman Empire.
Three railways start thence to Beirut, Mzerib, and
Mecca; there is also a tramway to Hama. Trade
flourishes throughout the province. The city stands
2267 feet above sea level and enjoys a very miJd
climate, owing to the Barada, which runs through it,
and to its numerous fountains or sprixu^. It is sur-
rounded by the groves and gardens of the Ghouta,
which stretch about ten miles south and east and in-
clude twenty-nine villages, the inhabitants of which
are devoted to fruit culture (oranges, lemons, etc,
especiallv plums and apricots). Within the city are
the tomos of Noured-Din, Saladin, and Bibars, 850
fountains, 64 hammams (baths), 25 bazaars, a stock
exchange for the local trade, a half-ruined citadel, 248
mosQues, etc. The mosque of the Ommayads (an-
ciently St. John's church) was burned in 1893, on which
occasion many manuscripts and works of art were
lost.
Reugious Conditions. — Damascus is a Latin
archiepisoopal titular see; three bishops of ihe six-
teenth century are mentioned in the Revue b^n^
dictine" 1907, (82-85). It is moreover a metropoli-
tan see for the Catholic (also for the non-Catholic)
Melchite Greeks, and for the Catholic Syrians, and
finally an episcopal see for the Maronites. The popu-
lation, including the rich Eiuxipeanised suburb of Es-
Salayieh, is about 300,000. Of this number 256,000
are Mussulmans, 20,000 non-Catholic Melchite Greeks,
500 Protestants, 10,000 Jews, 1000 Armenian and
Syrian Jacobites, and 20,200 Catholics (15,000 of
whom are Melchite Greeks, 2500 Syrians, 1500 Maron-
ites, 400 Latins, 700 Armenians, and 100 Chaldeans).
Since the sixteenth century the non-(}atholie Greek
Patriarchs of Antioch have lived at Damascus. The
Catholic Greek Patriarch of Antioch also resides at
Damascus and governs his diocese through a titular
bishop. The Syrian Catholic patriarch has recentiy
transferred his residence to Damascus. Hie Gatbouc
Greek archdiocese has about 15,000 faithful, ^
priests, and 12 churches* The CatJiolic Syrian arch-
diocese has 3000 faithful, 9 priests, 4 parishes, o
DAICA8U8
613
DAMA8US
churehes. The Bfaronite diocese has 23,000 faithful,
65 priests, 61 churches, 80 Baladite monies in 5 mon-
asteries, and 150 Aleppine monks in 6 monasteries.
There are in Damascus 14 churches, of' which 9 belong
to the different Catholic rites. There are also 14
synagogues and 1 Protestant church. The Lazarists,
who replaced the Jesuits at the time of their suppres-
sion, conduct a college with about 200 pupils. The
Jesuits have occupiedsince 1872 a house said to have
been that of St. John Damascene. The Franciscans
have the Latin parish church and a school for boys.
The Sisters of Charity (1854) have several schools, an
orphanage, a dispensary, etc. The Mariamet native
8istQi:s conduct another school. The Catholic Greeks
have their schools for boys and girls. As to the Prot-
estants, the Anglo-
Syrians possess a lios-
pital and a school, the
American mission
and the Irish mission
each one school. The
Mussulmans have a
large municipal hos-
Eital and a leper's
ospital.
Von Schubert, Reise
m daa Morgenland (Er-
Unsen. 1840). UI, 276-
304; WiLBON, The Lands
of the Bible (Edinburgh,
1647). II. 325-369; PoR-
TBB, Five Yean in Da-
nuucua (London, 1871);
Robinson. Biblioal Re-
geardkee in Paleetine (Lon-
don. 1856), III. 443-472;
Sbstzen, Rtisen durch
Syria (Berlin, 1854). I,
264-285; Thomaon. The
Land and the Book (Lon-
don. 1886). IIL 361-417;
LoBTET, La Syrie d'au-
■ jourd'hui in Le tour du
numde, XLIV, 358-384;
GutRiN, La Terre-Sainte
(PariB, 1882). I, 383-420;
Sauvaire, Description de
Damas in Journal asia-
tigue, yeara 1894, 1895.
1896; Meibtermann,
iVVrnveau ffuide de Terre
SainU (Pane, 1907), 443-
463; Lbobndre, s. v. in
Did. de la BibU Jl. 121^
1231; CuiNET, Syrie,
Liban et PaJUetine (Paris,
1898), 800-407; Julubn,
La nouveile mission de la
c. de J. en Syrie (Paris,
1899), II. 135-144; Mis-
siones caiholica (Rome,
1907). 780, 804. 817.
S. VailhI:.
• Damasus I, Saint,
Pope, b. about 304 ;d.
11 December, 384.
His father, Antonius, was probably a Spaniard;
the name of his mother, Laurentia, was not known
until quite recently. Damasus seems to have been
bom at Rome; it is certain that he grew up there in
the service of the church of the martyr St. Lau-
rence. He was elected pope in October, 366, by a
large majority, but a number of over-zeaJous adher-
ents of the deceased Liberius rejected him, chose the
deacon Ursinus (or Ursicinus), had the latter irregu-
larly consecrated, and resorted to much violence and
bloodshed in order to seat him in the Chair of Peter.
Many details of this scandalous conflict are related in
the nighly prejudiced **Libellus Precum" (P. L.,
XIII, 83-107), a petition to the civil authority on the
part of Faustinus and Marcellinus, two anti-Damasan
presbyters (cf. also Ammianus Marcellinus, Rer.
Gest., XXVII, c. iii). Valentinian recognized Damar
Rus and banished (367) Ursinus to Cologne, whence he
was later allowed to return to Milan, but was forbidden
Pope St. Damabub I
(Loggie dl Raffaelle, Vatican. Designed by Raphael)
to come to Rome or its vicinity. The party of Hie
antipope (later at Milan an adherent of the Anans and
to the end a contentious pretender) did not cease to
persecute Damasus. An accusation of adultery was
laid against him (378) in the imperial court, but he
was exonerated by Emperor Gratian himself (Mansi,
Coll. Cone, III, 62i8) and soon after by a Roman synod
of forty-four bishops (Liber Pontificalis, ed. Du-
chesne, s. v.; Mansi, op. cit., Ill, 419) which also ex-
communicated his accusers.
Damasus defended, with vigour the Catholic Faith
in a time of dire and varied perils. In two Roman
synods (368 and 369) he condemned Apollinarianism
and Macedonianism ; he also sent his legates to the
Council of Constantinople (381), convoked against the
aforesaid heresies. In
the Rpman synod of
369 (or 370) Auxen-
tius, the Arian Bishop
of Milan, was excom-
municated; he held
the see, however,
until his death, in 374,
made wayfor St. Am-
brose. The heretic
Priscillian, con-
demned by the Coun-
cil of Saragossa (380)
appealed to Damasus,
but in vain. It was
Damasus who induced
Saint Jerome to un-
dertake his famous
revision of the earlier
Latin versions of the
Bible (see Vulgate).
St. Jerome was also
his confidential secre-
taiy for some time
(Ep. cxxiii, n. 10).
An important Canon
of the New Testar
ment was proclaimed
by him in the Roman
synod of 374. The
Eastern Church, in
thepereon of St. Basil
ofCiBsareaj besou^t
earnestly the aid and
encouragement of Da-
masus against trium-
phant Arianism ; the
pope, however, cher-
ished some degree of
suspicion against the
great Cappadocian
Doctor. In the matter
of the Meletian
Schism at Antioch, Damasus, with Athanasius and
Peter of Alexandria, sympathized witii the party of
Paulinus as more sincerely representative oi Nioene
orthodoxy; on the death of Meletius he sought to
secure the succession for Paulinus and to exclude
Flavian (Socrates, Hist. EccL, V, xv). He sustained
the appeal of the Christian senators to Emperor Grar
tian for the removal of the altar of Victory from tiie
Senate House (Ambrose, Ep. xvii, n. 10), and lived
to welcome the famous edict of Theodosius I, '^De
fide Catholica" (27 Feb., 380), which proclaimed as
the religion of the Roman State that doctrine which
St. Peter had preached to the Romans and of which
Damasus was supreme head (Cod. Theod., XVI,
1,2).
When, in 379, Illyricum was detached from the
Western Empire, Damasus hastened to safeguard the
authority of the Roman Church by the appointment of
a vicar Apostolic in the person of Aschofius, Bishop of
DAMASUS
614
DABCBIBOBR
Theasakmica; this was the origin of the important
papal vicariate lone attached to that see. The pri-
macy of the Apostolic See, variously favoured in the
time of Damasus by imperial acts" and edicts, was
strenuously maintained by this pope; among his not-
able utterances on this subject is the assertion (Mansi,
Coll. Cone, VIII, 158) that the ecclesiastical suprem-
acy of the Roman Church was based, not on the de-
crees of councils, but on the very words of Jesus Christ
(Matt., xvi, 18). The increased prestige of the early
papal decretals, habitually attributed to the reign of
Siricius (384-99), not improbably belongs to the reign
of Damasus ("Canones Romanonmi ad Gallos^;
Babut, "La plus ancienne d^r6tale", Paris, 1904).
This development of the papal office, especially in the
West, brought with it a great increase of external
grandeur. This secular splendour, however, affected
disadvantageously many members of the Roman
clergy, whose worldly aims and life, bitterly reproved
brjr St. Jerome, provoked (29 July, 370) an edict of
Eknperor Valentmian addressed to the pope, forbid-
ding ecclesiastics and monks (later also bishops and
nuns) to pursue widgws and orphans in the hope of
obtaining from them gifts and legacies. The pope
caused the law to be observed strictly.
Damasus restored his own church (now San Lorenzo
in Damaso) and provided for the proper housing of the
archives of the Roman Church (see Vatican Ar-
chives). He built in the basilica of St. Sebastian on
the Appian Way the (yet visible) marble monument
known as the "Platonia" (PlaUma, marble pave-
ment) in honour of the temporary transfer to that
place (258) of the bodies of Sts. Peter and Paul, and
decorated it with an important historical inscription
(see Northcote and Brownlow, Roma Sotterranea).
He also built on the Via Ardeatma, between the ceme-
teries of Callistus and Domitilla. a hasUicvla^ or small
church, the ruins of which were discovered in 1902 and
1903. and in which, according to the "Liber Pontifi-
calis", the pope was buried with his mother and sister.
On this occasion the discoverer, Monsignor Wilpert,
found also -the epitaph of the pope's mother, from
which it was learned not only that her name was
Laurentia. but also that she had lived the sixty years
of her widowhood in the special service of God, and
died in her eighty-ninth year, having seen the fourth
generation of her descendants. Damasus built at the
Vati(»ui a baptistery in honour of St. Peter and set up
therein one of his artistic inscriptions (Carmen xxxvi),
still preserved in the Vatican crypts. This subterra-
nean region he drained in order that the bodies buried
there (ruxto aepulcrum heati Petri) might not be af-
fected by sta^ant or overflowing water. His ex-
traordinary devotion to the Roman martyrs is now
well known, owing particularly to the labours of Gio-
vanni Battista De Rossi. For a good account of bis
architectural restoration of the catacombs and the
unique artistic characters (Damasan Letters) in
which his friend Furius Dionysius Filocalus executed
the epitaphs composed by Damasus, see Northcote and
Brownlow, ^'Roma Sotterranea" (2nd ed., London,
187^79). The dogmatic content of the Damasan
epitaphs (tituU) is important (Northcote, Epitaphs of
the Catacombs, London, 1878). He composed also a
number of brief evigramnuUa on various martyrs and
saints and some hymns, or Carminay likewise brief.
St. Jerome says (Ep. xxii, 22) that Dainasus wrote on
virginity, both in prose and in verse, but no such work
has been preserved. For the few letters of Damasus
(some of them spurious) that have survived, see P. L.,
XIII, 347-76, and Jaflf^^ ^'Reg. Rom. Pontif." (U^p-
zig, 1885), nn. 232-254.
Th© worka of Damasus (cd. Merenda, Romp, 1754) are in
P. L., XIII, lOd flqq. The best eclition of tiis epifframmata is
that of Ihm (licipzig, 1«9.'>); cf. Weymak in Rente d' ki»t. et de
hU. reliif. (Paris, 1895). I. 58-73. Over 100 ar»» n».ril>««<i to
him, niofp than onc-lmlf of whirh are arcountM g«'nuino. S<»e
also lAUr rotUiMilits, i\\. Duihehnk, I, 212, ami pn-faiv, cfl;
Mabucchi, // papa Damaao (Rome. 1907); IUdb (aoiKOit^
oUc), Danuuue, Biachof von Bom (FreitMirg, 1882); KAvmiAXJi.
ManuaU d» archeologia criHiana (Rome, 1008); Babdkmhkwes,
Patrologxe (Freiburg, 1901), 370-71.
Thomas J. Shaban.
DamasuB n. Pope (previously called Poppo). a
native of Bavaria and the third German to be elevated
to the See of Peter. On the death of Clement II, Julv,
1047, the Tusculan faction reasserted its power m
Rome, andy with the secret aid of Boniface, Margrave
of Tuscany, restored its wretched creature Benedict
IX, who continued in his wonted manner to disgrace
the papacy for a further period of eight months before
disappearmg entirely from history. On Chrifftnias
Day, 1047, an embassy sent by the Roman people
brought the tidings of Clement's death to Henr>' HI,
at Polthe in Saxony, and besought the emperor as
Patridua of the Romans to appoint a worthy successor.
The envoys, according to tteu- instructions, aume&ted
as a suitable candidate, Halinard, Archbishop ofXyon.-*,
who had a perfect command of the Italian tongue
and was popular in Rome. Henry, however, in Janu-
ary, 1048, appointed Poppo, Bishop of Brixen, in
Tyrol, and at once directed the Margrave Bonijface to
conduct the pope^esignate to Rome. Boniface at
first refused, alleging tl^e installation of Benedict, but
Henry's decisive threat soon reduced him to obe-
dience. After Benedict's removal, the Bishop of
Brixen at length entered the city and was enthroned
at the Lateran as Damasus II. 17 July, 1048. His
pontificate, however, was of short duration. After
the brief space of twenty-three days, he died — a vic-
tim of malaria — at Palestrina, wHither he had gone
shortly after his installation to escape the summer
heat of Rome. The pope was buried in S. Lcnenxo
fuori le mura.
^^Liber Pontif., ed. DucHBeNE, 11, 274; Jaft*. Reoeata RR. PP.,
^J^'*,^* ^^^ "^-i H6FLKR. Die deutachen PdptU (B^Mi^burv.
1839), I. 269 >qq ThoMAS OkotS^I^
Damberger, Joseph Ferdinand, church historian,
b. 1 March, 1795, at Passau, Bavaria; d. 1 April, 1859,
at Schaftlam. After completing his earlier studies in
the public schools of his native town, he pursued the
stuchr of law at Landshut, then studied theology at
Salzburg, Landshut, and Mimich, and was ordamed
priest in 1818. While at the Munich Lyceum he had
also devoted himself very assiduously to historical
studies. Until 1837 he was particularly active as a
preacher at Landshut and at St. Cajetan's, Munich.
His first historical works appeared at Ratisbon in
1831, three closely related narratives: "Furstentafel
der Staatengeschichte"- "Pttrstenbuch Bur Fdrsten-
tafel der europaischen Staatengeschichte"; "Sechzig
eenealogische, chronolonsche und statistische Tabel-
len «ur Fursten tafel und Fiirstenbuch'*.
In 1837 he joined the Society of Jesus, completed
his novitiate at Brieg, canton of Valais, Switzerland,
where he spent about ten years, partly as a mission-
preacher and partly as professor of ecclesiastical his-
tory at Lucerne. A collection of his mission sermons
was printed (Lucerne, 1842; 2nd ed., 1862), but was
violently attacked (Missionsunfug der Jesuiten; Bern,
1842). The defeat of the Sonderbund (1847) brought
with it the expulsion of the Jesuits from Switzerland.
Damberger then passed several years at Innstniick
and Ratisbon, and in 1853 became confessor at the
Convent of Schfiftlam in Bavaria, where he died. In
these years he published liis principal work in fifteen
volumes, ' ' Synchronistische Cfeschichte der Kirche und
der Welt im Mittelalter" (Ratisbon, 1850-63). The
last volume was finished and published after his death
by Father Daniel Rattinger. The narrative reaches
the year 1378. For its day it was an important piece
of work, though lacking a sufficient degree of the criti-
cal quality. It reveab, nevertheless, close applica-
tion and cxiensive learning.
DAlfilAK
615
DAV
1*het« ifl a btbHoKraphics* notice by RATnNOER in the fif-
teentli volume of the Synchro, . Oeschichte; see Weqle:. I>am-
berger in AUgemeine deutache Biograpf^ (Leipzig, 1806); Som-
MBRVOOEX. Bibl. dela c. de J. (2nd ed.. Paria and Bruaseb.
ISOD.II. 1786 SQ4.
J. P. KiRSCH.
Damian, Saint. See CoaMAs and Damian, Saints.
I>aiiiian, Patriarch of Albxandria. See Mono-
DamianisteB or Damianissinefl. See Poor
Damien, Father (Joseph de Veusi^r), missionary
Sriefit, b. at Tremeloo, Belgium, 3 January, 1840; d. at
Eolokai, Hawaii, 15 April, 1888. His father, a small
fanner, sent him to a college at Braine-le-Comte, to pre-
pare for a commercial profession ; but as the result of a
xniasion given by the Bedemptorists in 1858, Joseph de-
cided to Decome a religious. He entered the novitiate
of the Fathers of
the Sacred Heart of
Jesus and Mary at
Louvain, and took
in religion the name
ofDamien. He was
admitted to the re-
li^ous profession,
7 Oct., 1860. Three
years later, thou^
still in minor orders,
he was sent to the
mission of the Ha-
waiian Islands,
where he arrived,
19 March, 1864.
Ordained priest at
Honolulu 24 May,
of the same ^rear,
he was later given
char^ of various
distnets on the
island of Hawaii,
and, animated with
a burning seal, his
robust constitution
allowed him to g^ve
full play to the im-
pulses of his heart. He was not only the missionarv
of the natives, but also constructed several chapels
with his own hands, both in Hawaii and in Molokai.
On the latter island there had grown up a leper set-
tlement where the Government kept 8e^;regated all
persons afflicted with the loathsome disease. The
Doard of health supplied the unfortunates with food
and clothing, but was unable in the beginning to pro-
vide them witii either resident physicians or nurses.
On 10 May, 1873, Father Damien, at his own re-
quest and with the sanction of his bishop, arrived at
tne settlement as its resident priest. There were then
600 lepers. '' As long as the lepers can care ior them-
selves , wrote the superintendent of the board of
health to Bishop Maigret, ''they are comparatively
comfortable, but as soon as the dreadful disease ren-
ders them helpless, it would seem that even demons
themselves would pity their condition and hasten to
their relief." For a long time, however. Father
Damien was the only one to bring them the succour
they so greatly needed. He not only administered
the consolations of religion, but also rendered them
such little medical service and bodily comforts as were
within his power. He dressed their ulcers, helped
them to erect their cottages, and went so far as to dig
their graves and make their coffins. After twelve
years of this heroic service he discovered in himself
'the first symptoms of the disetise. This was in 1885.
He neverthe!(»K8 n^ntiniied his charitable ministra-
tions, being as.sisU'(| at this period by two other priests
QRAvm OF FiwTHBR Damibn, Island
OF Molokai
and two lay brothers. On 28 March, 1888» Father
Damien became helpless and passed away shortly after,
closing his fif teentn year in the service of the lepers.
Certain utterances conoeming his morality called
forth Robert Louis Stevenson's well-known philippic
against the Rev. Dr. Hyde, wherein the memory of
the Apostle of the Lepers is brilliantly vindicated. In
addition a correspondence in the ** Pacific Commercial
Advertiser", 20 June, 1905, completely removes from
the character of Father Damien every vestige of sus^
picion, proving beyond a doubt that Dr. Hyde's in-
sinuations rested merely on misunderstandii^is.
Tauvel, Faiher Damien (London, 1904); Cuffobd, Faltker
Damien (London, 1800); Stoddard, Faiher Damien^ Tht
Martyr of Molokai (San Pranciaco, 1901); Hatwb in **ThM
ffawmian** (Honolulu, Deo.-Jan., 1895-96); Bacifi4S Commer-
eial AdverHaer (Honolulu, 20 June, 1905). *
Libert H. Boeynaemb.
Damietta (Gr. Tamiathie, Arab. DoumdAt). an
tian titular see for the Latins and the Catnolic
Melchite Greeks, in Augustamnica Prima. Damietta.
first mentioned by Stephanus Byzantius, was situated
at the mouth of the Phatnitic branch of the Nile, on
the r^t bank ; its prosperity seems to have coincided
with the decline of its religious metropolis Pelusium.
Only four bishops are known, from 431 to 879. Under
Caliph Omar the Arabs took it by treachery and suo-
cesslully defended it against the Greeks who tried to
recover it, particularly m 739, 821:, 921 and 968. The
Arabs also repulsed several attacks of Amaury I, King
of Jerusalem. It was finally captured bv Jeitx de
Brienne, 1219, after a siege of 15 months; of its 70,000
mhabitants only 3000 survived. St. Fnmcis of iissisi
visited the camp of the crusaders and went then » to
that of Sultan Malek Kemel to preach the Chrirtian
Faith. In 1221 the Franks were defeated and oblic^
to abandon the town. In Jime, 1249, it was again « cap-
tured by St. Louis, who transformed into a church Ihe
magnificent moscfue El-Fatah and established tl ere
a LAtin bishop, GiUes; but having been taken prisoner
with his army, April, 1250, he was obiirasd to surren ler
Damietta as ransom. In 1251 the Sultan, hearing
that the pious king was preparing a new crusade,
ordered the town and its citadel to be destroyed, ec-
cept the mosque £1-Fatah. Later on fishermen built
their shelters among the ruins; in this way the mod-
em town has gradually arisen The site of ancient
Damietta is erroneously placed by some historiaai
at Esbeh el*Bordj, six miles from the modem town.
Damietta is no longer at the mouth of the Nile, but
ten miles from the sea; it has about 53,000 inhab-
itants, of whom 75 are Catholic M'»*chite Greeks, 60
Latins, and 250 non-Catholic Christians, the rest Mus«
sulmans. Franciscans have resided there since the
time of St. Francis, and Franciscan nuns conduct a
school for ^iiis. Wealthy inhabitants of Cairo are
wont to retire to Damietta during the heated season.
The harbour is of little importance. Damietta is also,
probably since the fifth century, a see for the Mono-
physite Copts; moreover, one of the non-Catholic
Greek metropolitans subject to the Patriarch of Alex-
andria bears the title of Pelusium and Damietta. In
the neighbouring Mansourah, famous for the victory
of St. D^uis, there are about 1000 Catholics and sev-
eral institutions.
Lequirn. Oriens Christianua, II, 589; HI, 1147; Vanblcb,
HiBtoirt de Vegliae d'AUxandrie (Paria, 1677), 26 oq.: Golubo-
\1CH, Serie cronologica dei auperiori dx Terra Santa (Jerunalem,
1898). 244 BO.; Julubn. VEftyp^ (UUe, 1891). 161-182;
Miasione* Caiholiea (Rome, 1907), 351.
S. Vailh6.
Dan (Heb. p, Sept. Adp),^(l) The fifth son of Jacob,
being the elder of the two sons bom to him by Bala,
the handmaid of Rachel, and the eponymous ancestor
of the tribe bearing the same name. Etymologically,
the word is referred to the Hebrew root fn sig-
nifying "to rule" pr "judge", and in the passage,
DANABA
616
DANABA
Qen-j idixy 17, it is interpreted "judge", but in Gen.
XXX, 6, the explanation of the name rests rather on the
passive sense of the word — the child Dan being repre-
sented as the result of God's judgment in favour of
Rachel. In accordance with the meaning expressed
in the latter passage, Josephus (Antiq., I, xix, 7) gives
as the equivalent of the name Dan the Greek MxpiTos.
A cognate feminine form of the same word, likewise
in the passive sense, is recognized in Dina (nj^),
name of the daughter of Jacob by Lia, doubtless
with reference to tne judgment or vindication she re-
ceived at the hands of her two brothers Simeon and
Levi (Gen., xxxiv). Apart from the accoimt con-
nected with his birth in Gen., xxx, the Bible gives
very little information concerning Dan the son of
Jacob. In Gen., xxxv. 25, his name is mentioned
together with those of tne other sons of Israel, and in
Gen., xlvi, which contains a genealogical list of their
immediate descendants, we read (23), "The sons of
Dan : Husim ' '. This last, bein^ a Hebrew plural form,
refers most likely not to an individual, but to a clan or
tribe. In Numbers, xxvi, 42, we find "Suham" in-
stead of "Husim". In Jacob's blessing (Gen., xlix),
as well as in Deut., xxxiii, 22, and various other pas-
sages, the name Dan refers not to the son of the patri-
arch, but to the tribe of which he was the acknowl-
edged father.
(2) One of the twelve tribes of Israel. According
to the census related' in the first chapter of Numbers
(a section ascribed to the priestly writer), there were
reckoned among the " sons of Dan" in the second year
after the Exodus, 62,700 men "able to go forth to
war", being the largest nmnber given to any of the
tribes except that of Juda. Confining ourselves to
the Biblical data, and prescinding from all criticism
of sources, it would appear from these figures that the
tribe must have suffered a considerable diminution
ere its establishment in Canaan, where, from various
indications, it appears as one of the smallest of the
twelve. The territory occupied by the tribe lay to
the south-west of Ephraim; it was boubded on the
south by Juda and on the west by the Shephela.
Whether the Danites occupied also the latter or were
confined to the mountainous inland district is uncer-
tain. A passage of the Canticle of Debbora (Judges,
V, 17) would seem to indicate that the territory ex-
tended down to the sea, and moreover, among the
towns enumerated in Josue, xix, 40-48 (P.) mention
is made of Acron and Joppe. Be that as it may, it
was doubtless because of their narrow territorial lim-
its that later the Danites undertook an expedition
northward and created a new settlement at LaIs. For,
notwithstanding the narrative contained in Josue, xix,
40-48, indicating with detail the district and the cities
allotted to Dan in the distribution after the conquest,
we find later in the Book of Judges (xviii, 1) that " the
tribe of Dan sought them an inheritance to dwell in:
for unto that day they had not received their lot
among the other tribes". This was perhaps another
way of conveying the idea already set forth in the first
chapter, \iz, that "the Amorrhite straitened the chil-
dren of Dan in the mountain, and gave them not place
to go down to the plain". Being thus crampea and
restricted in their territory, they resolved to seek a
home elsewhere. The interesting story of this expe-
dition is told, with many traits characteristic of that
period of Hebrew civilization, in the eighteenth chap-
ter of Judges. Having previously sent spies to re-
connoitre the groimd, tne Danites sent a detachment
of six hundred men who plundered and burnt the city
of Lais, and butchered its inhabitants, after which
they " rebuilt the city and dwelt therein . At least a
remnant of the tribe must have remained in the south,
as is evidenced in the story of Samson, who was a
Danite. Several references to the activities of the
tribe of Dan in the early period of the monarchy are
found in the Books of Chronicles. Thus, 28,600
armed men of the tribe are represented as taking part
in the election of David in Hebron (I Par., xii,
35), and among the skilled artists sent by Hinun of
T3nre to Solomon was the metal-worker Hiram» whoee
mother was of the tribe of Dan (II Par., ii, 13 aa.).
(3) A city of Palestine, originally Lais, or llesem,
and called Dan after it had been destroyed and rebuilt
by the six hundred emissaries from the tribe of that
name (Judges, xviii). Its location marked the north-
ern boundary of Palestine as did Bersabee the south-
em extremity, whence the popular expression ** from
Dan to Bersabee" used to designate the entire extent
of the country. Althou^ nothing now lemains of
the city of Dan, its situation on the confines of N^b-
thali has been pretty accurately determined by means
of various Scnptund and other ancient indications.
That Lais was a Sidonian settlement at a distance
from the parent city is clear from Judges, xviii, 7, 28,
and the great fertility of the spot is affirmed in the
same chapter (9, 12). Josephus, who calls the town
Adra, and elsewhere Adpop, places it " in the neighbour-
hood of Mt. Libanus, near the fountains of the Liesser
Jordan, in the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey
from the city'' (Antiq., V, iii. 1). According to Eluae-
bins and St. Jerome, the village of Dan was situated
within four miles of Paneas (Banias, or Cssarea-
Philippi), on the road to Tyre, at the rise of the Jor-
dan. Its proximity to Paneas has led to a confusion
of the two towns in certain ancient works, as, for in-
stance, in the Babylonian Talmud; and a few modem
scholars, amon^ whom is G. A. Smithy still identify
Dan with Banias, but the generally received opinion
places it at Tell el-Qadi, ana this identification nas in
its favour, amongother refiaona, the practical identity
of the name, as ''Tell el-Qadi " signifies the " hill of the
Judge ' '. Tliis quadrangular mound is situated about
a mue and a half south-west of Mt. Hermon, and to the
west of Banias. Hie site and surroundings are re-
markably picturesque, and close to the mound on the
west is a spring from which clear, cold water flows in
abundai\ce, ' forming a nahrf or torrent, which the
Arabs call Nahr LeddAn — probably a corruption of
ed-Ddn, This torrent is the main source of the Jor-
dan, and it is doubtless the "Lesser Jordan" men-^
tioned by Josephus.
Dan IS mentioned in the fourteenth chapter of
Genesis in connexion with the expedition of Abraham
against Chodorlahomor, but it is doubtful if the nlaoe '
there inferred to is the same as the andcsit Lais.
Though the identification is affirmed by both Eusebius
and .^rome, many modem scholars plaoe the Dan of
Genesis, xiv, in the vidnily of Galaad, and idraiti^it
with Dan-Yaan mentioned in II Kings, zziv, 6. The
conquest of Lais by the Danites, referred to above
under (2), is related in Judges, xviii. Ihe portion of
the tribe which took up its abode there was addicted
to certain forms of idolatry from the beginning (cf.
Judges, xviii, 30, 31), and it was in this frontier town
that Jeroboam set up one of the ^Iden calves whidi
were intended to draw the Israehtes of the Northern
Kingdom away from the Sanctuaiy in Jerusalem (III
Kings, xii, 29, 30; IV Kings, x. 29).
For (1) VioouRoux. for (2) and (3) Lboknorb. both in Diet
de la BibU, 0. v.; abo for (1 ) and (2) Peaxe, for (3) M ackzs, both
in Hastinob, Diet, of the BxMe, s. v.
James F. Dhibooll.
Danaba, a titular see of Phcenicia Secunda. Dan-
aba is mentioned by Ptolemy (V, xv, 24) as a town in
the territory of Palmyra. According to Peutingpr's
table (where it is called Danova) it was a Roman mili-
tary station between Damascus and Palmyra, twenty
mifes from Nesala. Danaba figures in an Anti-
ocbene "Notitia episcopatuum" of the sixth century
as a suffragan of Damascus, and remained so till per-
haps the tenth century. (See Vailh6 in " Echos d 'Ori-
ent", X, 90 sqq. and 139 sqq.) Only two bishops are
known: Theodore, who attended the Councfl of Chalce-
DANCE
617
DANOX
Death and trb Sailor
don in 451, and subscribed the letter of the bishops of
the province to Emperor Leo I in 458, and Eulogius,
present at the Second Coimcil of Cbnstantinople in 553
(Lequien, Or. Christ,, III, 847). To-day Danaba is
probably represented by Hafer, a villaee five miles
south-east of Sadad, in the vilayet oi Damascus.
About 300 Jacobite Syrians live there, most <^ whom
ha ve recently beoi
converted to Cath-
olicism (Jullien,
Sinai et Syrie,
Lille, 1893, 199).
-S. FirrasDtR.
Dance of
Death (French,
Dance Macabre^
Germ. Todtentonz).
—The "Dance of
Death'' was origi-
nally a species of
spectacular plav
axin to the English
moralities. It has
been traced back
to the middle of
the fourteenth
century. The
epidemics so fre-
quent and so de-
structive at the
time, such as the Black Death, brought before pop«
ular imagination the subject of death and its uni-
versal sway. The dramatic movement then develop-
ing led to its treatment in the dramatic form, in
these plays Death appeared not as the destroyer,
but as the messenger of God summoning men to the
world beyond the grave, a conception ^miliar both
to Holy writ and to the ancient poets. The danc-
ing movement of the characters was a somewhat lar
ter development,
as at first Death
and his victims
moved at a slow
and dignified gait.
But Death, acting
the part of a mes-
senger, naturally
took the attitude
and movement of
the traditional
messengers of the
day. namely the
fiddlers and other
musicians, and the
dance of death
was the result.
The purpose of
these plays was to
teach the truth
that all men must
die and should
therefore prepare
themselves to ap-
pear before their
Judge. The scene
of the play was usually the cemetery or churchyard,
though sometimes it may have been the church itself.
The spectacle was opened by a sermon on the cer-
tainty of death delivered by a monk. At the close of
the sermon there came forth from the charnel-house,
usually found in the churchyard, a series of figures
decked out in the traditional mask of death, a close-
fitting, yellowi^ linen suit painted so as to resemble a
skeleton. One of them addresses the intended victim,
who is invited to accompany him beyond the grave.
The first victim was usually the pope or the emperor.
Death and the Kniqht
Dance of Death-
(From the woodcut series,
The invitation is not regarded with favour and vari-
ous reasons are given for declining it, but these are
found insufiSicient and finally death leads away his
victim. A second messenger then seizes the hand of a
new victim, a prince or a cardinal, who is followed by
others representing the various classes of society, the
usual number being twenty-four. The play was fol-
lowed by a second
sermon reinforc-
ing the lesson of
the representa-
{tion.
The oldest
traces of these
plays are found in
Germany, but we
have the Spanish
text for a similar
dramatic perform-
ance dating bade
to the year 1360,
''La Danza Gen-
eral de la Muerte'\
We read of similar
dramatic repre-
sentations else-
where: in Bruges
beforeDuke PhiKp
the Good of Bur-
Dbath and the Married Cocpui gundyin 1449; in
1453 at Besangon,
and in France in the Cimetidre des Innocents near
Paris in 1424. That similar spectacles were kno¥ni
in England we infer from John Lydgate's " Dance of
Death" written in the first half of the fifteenth
century. In Italy besides the traditional dance
of death we find spectacular representations of death
as the all-conqueror in the so-called ''Trionfo del-
la Morte". The eariiest traces of this conception
may be found in Dante and Petrarch. In Florence
(1559) the "tri-
ir^^^S " ' ^^^^^^^'^^J^^Si/^p i umph of death"
formed a part of
the carnival cele-
bration. We may
describe it as fol-
lows: After dark a -
huge waffon,
draped in black
and white and
drawn by oxen,
drove through the
streets of the city.
At the end of the
shaft was seen the
Angel of Death
blowing the
trumpet On the
top of the wagon
stood a great figure
^'^~^^^'^^^'W?i4j!^^^CTyNj^ of Death carrying
^ - ' ^ 'I '■ n scythe and sur-
rounded bycoffina.
Around the wag-
ons were covert
graves which
opened whenever the procession halted. Men dressed
in black garmenta on which were painted skulls
and bones came forth and, seated on the edge of
the graves, sang dirces on the shortness of human
life. Before and behind the wagon appeared men
in black and white bearing torches and death masks,
followed by banners displaying skulls and bones and
skeletons riding on scrawny nags. While they marched
the entire company sang the Miserere with trem-
bling voices.
Specimens of the dramatic dance of death have been
Death and the Plouohmam
Hans Holbein
i, the Dance of Death)
DANOIHO
618
DANCOMO
pTOBcrvcd ID the Alisfeld Passion Plays, in the French
AoraUty entitled ''Charity", and in the Neumarkt
Passion Play which opens with the triumph of Death.
As the painter's art developed, the dance of death was
in a way made permanent by being painted on the en-
closing walls of cemeteries, on charnel-houses, in mor-
tuary chapels, and even in churches. These repre-
sentations are found in most of the countries of Eu-
rope. One of the most famous is the ''Triumph of
Death" in the cemetery of Pisa, painted between 1450
and 1500. One of the oldest pictures of the dance of
death proper is that in the Cimeti^re des Innocente at
Paris (1425). B&umker, in Herder's " Kirchenlexi-
kon", enumerates seven French dances of death dating
back to the fifteenth centuiy, three of the sixteenth
century, three of the seventeenth century, seven of
uncertain date^ five in England, and four in Itaty.
Within the linuts of the old German Empire there still
exist some thirty painted dances of death scattered
throughout Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. In
manv representations underneath the several couples
are found a rhymed dialo^e between Death andfhis
victims, bein^ the invitation of the former and the
reply of his victim.
Charles G. Herbbrmann.
With the development of his art the dance of death
naturally became a popular theme for the engraver.
Many such printo were produced by various German
artists, but the most famous version is that of the
younger Holbein, issued in 1538 by the brothers
Trechsel at Lyons. It appears to be clear from the
researches of Womum and Woltmann, of Paul Mantz,
of W. J. Linton, the Rev. G. Davies, C. Dodgson, and
others, that the drawings were undoubtedly the work
of Hans Holbein the younger, who was resident in
Basle up to the autumn of 1526, before which tinfe the
drawings must have been produced. They are dis-
tinctly in his manner ana of extraordinarily high
merit. There is no evidence that Holbein ever cut a
wood block himself, and when these were issued it
was expressly stated that the artist or engraver, who
is now generally accepted as Hans LOtszelberger, one of
the greatest of German engravers, was dead. But
little is known of his career. He was certainly dead
before 1526. The designs appear to have been cut on
- the wood eleven years before the book was published,
and their issue was probably held back ^ reason of
the unsettled state ot religious opinion in Basle. The
series comprises forty-two engravings, the subjects
expressed with masterly dramatic power, marvellous
clearness, and marked reticence of line. Technically
they are as perfect as woodcuts can be. There are
five sets of proof impressions in existence, and the lit-
tle book passed through nine editions at Lyons and
was printed also in Venice, Augsburg, and Basle.
There have been many reissues and reproductions of
it^ and a facsimile of the first edition was published in
Munich in 1884.
Besides the " Dance of Death " Holbein designed a
series of initials consisting of an alphabet in which it
is the motif. Of Holbein^ larger " Dance of Death "
more than one hundred editions have appeared. Since
Holbein this subject has been treated again and again,
especially by German engravers. The most noted of
recent dances of death is that by Alfred Rethel, 1848,
in which Death is represented as the hero of the Red
Republic. Both the conception and the execution of
Rethel's encravinos are highly artistic and impressive.
BAuMKKB in Kirdienlex., s. v. TodtcnUifu; K&axtb, Oesdi.
der chruaichen Kunst (Freiburg im Br.. 189d-97). II.
George Charles Williamson.
Bandnff . — ^The origm of dancing is to be sought in
the natunu tendency to employ gesture either to sup-
plement or to replace speech. Strong emotions, m
particular, key up the oigans to a pitch of exaltation
winch, spontaneously manifests itself through more or
less rhythmical movements that constitute ifvhat iiia>
be considered as elementary and natural dances. Bui
in the same manner as speech soon developed into
poetry and song, so also did these bodily movemenu
gradually develop into the art of dancing Both
spontaneous and artistic dancing may be described ad
''an expression of the feeling by movencieiite of the
bodv more or less controlleaby a sense of xiiythm"
(J. Millar), and are to some degree practised by al]
peoples. The Hebrews were no exception ; their tan-
kage contains no less than eight veros to express the
idea of dancing. However, many of the allusions
found in the Bible point to mere spontaneous expres-
sions of merriment by leaping, circling, or otberwi^.
Of this description were very likely the dances of Mary
and the women of Israel after the croasiiie of the Red
Sea (Exod., xv, 20). of the people aroimd the golden
calf (Exod., xxii, 19), of Jephte^s daughter cx>iiiing to
meet her father after the latter's viotorv (Judges, xi,
34), of the inhabitants of the cities on the way of the
army commanded by Holophemes (Judil^, iii, lO), even
of David before the Ark (II K., vi, 5, 22). From th&e
various places it might be inferred l^at dancing was a
manifestation of joy ordinarilv exhibited by -women,
and we know how David, in the occurrence above re-
ferred to, excited MichoPs wonder. In later ttxnes
dancing was positively looked upon as unbeooming
men; such also was the opinion m Rome, where the
saying ran that a man, to .indulge in dancing, must be
either intoxicated or mad.
Dancing as an art was made subservient to various
purposes. Its use as an aid to heighten the splendour
of religious celebrations should be first considered.
Religious dances consisted mostly of slow and stately
processions through the streets of the dty or aiound
the altar. Usually they were performed by colleges
of priests; but occasionally citizens of both sexes and
all ranks, without any disparagement to the gravity <^
their characters or dignity of position, took a part in
these exhibitions (Liv., I, xx; Quintil., I, ii, 18; Mac-
rob., Sat. ii, 10). All religious dances, howevo*, were
not performed with the gravity above referred to. In
Rome, the so/u, carrying the sacred shields thrcnigh
the streets, leapt and jumped clumsily ''like stamping
fullers ' ' (Senec. Ep. xv) . The Bible describes likewise
the priests of Baal limping (so Heb. ; D. V. : '' leaping ")
around the altar (III K., xviii, 26). Throu^out the
East sacred dances were a prominent featuie in relig-
ious worship. In Egypt even colleges of feoude sing-
ers and dancers were annexed to certain shrinea.
That dancine was also an accompaniment of the
Jahweh worship is probable from Judges, xxi, 21, for
early times, and clearly evidenced by Pfis. cxlix, 3, and
cl, 4, for the epoch following the captivity. Tlie texts
seem further to indicate that, in tne second Temple,
persons engaged in dancing and singing in God's hon-
our formed cnoirs similar to those of uie pagan rites
(Cic, Phil., V, 6; Vii^., Mn., VIII, 718; Hor., Od.,
I, i, 31).
War dances, so conunon among many peoples, and
which were frequently introduced to enhance the
pageants of public festivities among the Grreeks and
Romans, have left no trace among the Hebrews and
their nei^bours, althoufili the^ are not unknown to
modem inhabitants of JPalestme and Arabia. Mi-
metic dances were as little known in the East as those
of a military character. T^ey consisted of expressive
movements of the features, body, arms, and hands,
executed to a musical accompaniment and meant
vividly to represent historical or fabulous events and
the actions and passions of well-known characters.
How much such performances were relished by the
Romans, we learn from many passages of Latin
writers, such, e. g., as Macrob., Sat. ii, 7 ; Suet., " CaKg.",
67, "Nero", 54, "Tit.", 7; Ovid, "An Am.", I, 595,
etc. Still more was scenic dancing in favourin Rome
and Greece. It consisted of harmonious movements
DANDOLO
619
DANOOIiO
principallv of the armi>, body, antl feci, intciidod to
Blkoiw' forth all the flexibility, agility, ana grace of the
Huxnan body. Such exhibitions were usually given
for the pleasure of the guests, at great banquets, and
performed bv professional dancers hired for the occa-
sion. Female dancers — there were also male dancers
iwere preferred. They were generally persons of
<K>nsiderable beauty and indifferent morals, and their
performances were calculated to set f orth^ even at the
coat of modesty for which they cared httle, all the
charms and attractiveness of their ^ceful figures.
Xhis class of persons, common in ancient Greece and
Italy, were not altogether unknown in Palestine, at
least in later times, if we believe the indication of
£lcclus., ix, 4. The author of Eccles., impersonating
Solomon, relates he had procured for his own enjoy-
ment ''singing men and singing women '^ (ii, 8), that
is to say, very likely, dancers, for singing ana dancing
Tvere scarcely distinct. At any rate, the performance
of Herodias' daughter, recorded in Matt., xiv, 6, and
the pleasure it afforded to Herod and his guests, show
how Greek and Roman corruption had, about the
time of Christ, made headway among the higher
elates of Palestine.
Although perhaps less common, and certainly less
elaborate than with us, social dancing appears never-
theless to have been a pleasurable diversion in ancient
times, at least among the Jews. For, understood in
the light of Judges, xxi, 21, such statements as those of
Is., xvi, 10, and Jer.. xxv, 30, indicate that the vintage
season was one oi public merriment exhibited m
dances. Dancing was likewise indulged in, even by
most grave persons (Bab. Talm., Ketuboth, 16b), at
weddings and the Feast of Tabernacles. Men and
women danced apart, as is still the custom in the East.
Social dancing has undergone considerable develop-
ment in the l^t few centuries, both as to prevalence
and elaborateness. The introduction into modem
fashion of the so-called round dances has quickened
the interest of the old question anent the morality of
dancing. As an exercise of physical culture, aside
from the generally linhealthf ul conditions of dancing-
halls, dancing may have advantages; we should not
wonaer, therefore, that from this viewpoint Plato
recommended it. From the moral standpoint, relig-
ious and military dancing has never met with any
criticism. Mimetic shows, on the contrary, mostly
representing love-stories and mythological subjects,
were at times so offensive to modesty that even the
pagan emperors deemed it their duty to banish them
repeatedly from. Italy. In no wise better, as has been
shown above, were scenic dances; and male and female
dancers were in Home considered, as are nowadays in
Egypt, India, and Japan, the almehs, the bayaderes,
and the geishas, as a lower and degraded class. Ac-
cording to Roman law, such persons were injames.
Against their performances the Fathers of the Church
raised a strong^ voice. The Decretals went farther,
forbidding clerics to attend any mimic or histrionic
exhibitions and enacting that any cleric taking active
part in them should forfeit all his privil^cs, and that
aU persons engaged in professional dancing, mimic or
histrionic performances, should incur irregularity and
be thereby forever debarred from the clerical state and
rendered incapable of receiving orders. As to social
dancing, now so much in vogue, whilst in itself it is an
indifferent act, moralists are inclined to place it under
the ban, on account of the various dangers associated
with it. Undoubtedly old national dances in which
the performers stand apart, hardly, if at all, holding
the partner's hand, fall under ethical censure scarcely
more than any other kind of social intercourse. But,
aside from the concomitants — place, late hours, d^U
leUf escorting, etc. — common to all such entertain-
ments, round dances, although they may possibly be
carried on with decorum and modesty, are regarded
by moralists as fraught, by their very nature, with
the great^t danger to moraU. To Iheui perhaiw, but
unquestionably still more obviounly to masked balls,
should be applied the warning of the oecond Council of
Baltimore against *' those fashionable dances, which,
as at present carried on, are revolting to every feeling
of delicacy and propriety '\ Needless to add that
decency as well as the oft-repeated decrees of particu-
lar and general councils forbid clerics to appear, in any
capacity whatever, on public dancing floors.
Head, Characteristic National Dance* (London, 1853); Tan-
TBAM, Battem ctutoma; Rich, Dictionary of Oreefc and Roman
AntiquUiea (London, 1884), 8. v. Saltatio, etc.; Darsnbsbo
AND SaouO, Diclionnaire d^a anttquitU grtcquee et TvnuUne%
(P»ria): Mabpxbo, Hittoire ancienne dea pewpUa de VOrient
(Paris, 1806), I, 126; II. 220; Dkimas, Palaeatiniaehcr Diunn
(Leipsig, 1901); Fbrrabia, Bibtiotkeca canonica (Rome, 1886),
ft. V. Choraa, Clerieua^ Irrtffularitaa: Acta et Decreta Cone, BaUir
mor, II, Pastoral Letter; Deer. n. 472.
Charles L. Souvay.
Daadolo, Enrico, Doge of Venice from 1192 to
1205; d., aged about a himdred years, in 1205. He be-
lon^d tc one of the electoral families who claimed
descent from the twelve tribunes by whom the first
doge had been elected in 697. In the course of the
twelfth century one of his relations was Patriarch of
Grado for fifty years (Mon. Germ. Hist. : Script., XIV,
71). Of his life, we only know the r61e he played in
history, but he appears to have been a man of uncom-
mon pnysical ana mental strength. At the age of
almost a hundred he took the cross, and led the expe-
dition against Constantinople; a fearless knight and
the first to scale the walls of a city, he was also a dia*
tinguished diplomat, and his influence seems lo have
been predonunant in the Fourth Crusade. He is first
mentioned as taking part in the war between Venice
and the Emperor Manuel Comnenus in 1171. The
Venetians, decimated by the plague, were at ChioSi
and Dandolo was sent to Constantinople to make a
treaty of peace. According to a tradition quoted by
the "Chronicle of Novgorod", the einperor burnt out
his eyes. Andrea Dandolo (1307-1354), a descendant
of the same f amilv, makes the statement that he was
partly deprived of his sight in the service of his coun-
try (pro salute patrise constanter resistens, visu ali-
qualiterobtenebratusest, * * Chronic", ed. Muratori, idi,
298). It would seem that in spite of all the torture
he underwent Dandolo was not completely deprived
of sight (see Luchaire in "Journal des Savants",
1907, p. 110). In 1172 he went on a mission to Wil-
liam II of Sicily, then once more to CcMistantinople.
In 1178 Dandolo was one of the forty electors com-
missioned, for the first time, to elect the doge. He
himself was elected doge in his turn (1 June, 1192).
In spite of his advanced age he displaved great activ-
ity, put an end to the commercial quarrels with
Verona, declared war against the inhabitants of Zara
for imiting their city to Hungary, and against the
Pisans, who had attempted to establish themselves in
Istria. In 1198 he concluded a treaty of alliance
with the Emperor Alexis III of Constantmople, but as
early as 1201 Venice had disagreementa with Alexis,
who broke all his promises and g'anted numerous
privileges to the Genoese and the Pisans.
At this time (March, 1201) the leaders of the
Fourth Crusade came to negotiate with Venice for the
transport of the troops to the Orient; Dandolo him-
self took the cross as well as several other Venetian
nobles. In consequence of circumstances not yet
clearly explained, the crusade, originally directed
against Egypt, was turned first against Zara aiid
then against Constantinople. Streit ( Venedi^ und die
Wendung des vierten Kreuzzuges. 1877) attnbutes to
Enrico fiandolo the principal r61e in the intrigues
which preceded these events. Riant (Revue des ques-
tions historiques, XXIII, 109) has pointed out very
truly that the initiative of the doge was strictly Um-
ited by the Constitution of Venice. If Dandolo di-
rected the negotiations he did it in agreement with the
DANIEL
620
DANIEL
crjuncils of Veiiicc!. With this; resorvatiou it may Ix^
admitted that Daudolo t.ook the leading part in the
negotiations which ended in the capture of Constan-
tinople. In fact it was to the interest of Venice to
re-establish order and security in the Byzantine Em-
pire. Dandolo proposed the expedition against Zara
(October, 1212) to the crusaders, as a way to pay off
their debt to Venice. In the council of war held after
the capture of Zara, according to the testimony of
Robert de Clare, Dandolo was the first to suggest that
the preliminary occupation of Greece would greatly
facilitate the conquest of the Hol^ Land. Thereafter,
during the entire expedition, his influence over the
leaders of the Crusade grew from day to day. He
g resided at the council of war held at the Abbey of
an Stefano, 23 June, 1203, and gave the wisest ad-
vice to the barons. In spite of nis age he took an
active part in the operations of the siege of Constan-
tinople. While the barons attacked the walls in the
Blachemse quarter, Dandolo directed the assault of
the Venetians against the sea walls and hoisted the
gonfalon of St. Mark on his galley. The city cap-
tured, he wished to force Alexis IV to keep the prom-
ises nriade to the crusaders. Upon his refuscU, Dan-
dolo boldly defied him and aavised the barons to
tmdertake a second siege of the city. In the council
of war, 1 March, 1204, Dandolo signed with them the
treaty partitioning the empire between Venice and
the crusaders.
After the capture of the city he had Boniface of
Montferrat driven out of the empire; the barons
offered liim the imperial crown, but ne loyally refused
it, so as not to violate the Constitution of Vemce. The
new emperor Baldwin gave him the title of "Despot",
and he settled in Constantinople. In 1205 he took
part in the disastrous expedition against the Bul-
garians; he died shortly afterwards and was buried in
St. Sophia. Dandolo by his skill and energy estab-
lished the political and commercial power of Venice in
the Orient.
For bibliography see Crusades.
Louis Br£hier.
Daniel, the hero and traditional author of the book
which bears his name. This name (Heb. i> J<^:^ or ^t^ri ;
Sept. Aai^i^X), which is also that of two other persons
in the Old Testament [cf. I Paral., iii, 1 ; I Esq., viii,
2, and II Esd. (Nehem.), x, 6], means "God is my
judge ", and is thus a fitting appellation for the writer
of the Book of Daniel, wherein God's judgments are
repeatedly pronounced upon the Gentile powers.
Nearly all that is known concerning the Prophet
Daniel is derived from the book ascribed to him. He
belonged to the tribe of Juda (i, 6), and was of noble,
or perhaps of royal, descent (i, 3; cf. Joseph us. An-
tiquities of the Jews, Bk. X, ch. x, § 1). When still a
youth, probably about fourteen years of age, he was
carried captive to Babylon by Nabuchodonosor in the
fourth year of the reign of Joakim (605 B. c). There,
with thiee other youtns of equal rank named Ananias,
Misael, and Azarias, he was entrusted to the care of
Asphenez, the master of the king's eunuchs, and was
educated in the language and learning of the " Chal-
deans", whereby are meant the professors of divina-
tion, magic, and astrology in Babylon (i, 3, 4). From
this passage Jewish tradition has inferred that Daniel
and his companions were made eimuchs; but this
does not necessarily follow; t)ie master of the eunuchs
simply trained these Jewish youths, amon^ others,
with a view to their entering tne king's service (i, 5).
Daniel now received the new name of Baltassar
(Babyl. Bal&^su-u^ur, "Bel protect his life"), and, in
agreement with Ananias, Misael, and Azarias^ who
received similarly the new names of Sidrach, Misach,
and Abdenago, respectively, asked and obtained per-
mission not to use the special food from the royal
table provided for those under training, and to be
liujiled U» vegetable diet. At the end of throe years
Daniel and his three companions appeared before the
king, who found that they excelled all the others who
had been educated with them, and thereupon oro-
moted them to a place in his court. Henceforth, wnen-
ever the prince tested them, they proved superior to
"all the diviners, and wise men, that were in ail his
kingdom" (i, 7-20). Soon afterwards — either m the
second or in the twelfth year of Nabuchodonosor's
reign — Daniel gave a signal proof of his marv^ous
wi^om. On the failure of all the other wise men, he
repeated and interpreted, to the monarch's satisfac-
tion, the king's dream of a colossal statue which was
made up of various materials, and which, on being
struck by a stone, was broken into pieces, while the
stone ^w into a mountain and filled the whole earth.
On this account, Daniel in Babylon, as Joseph of old
in Egypt, rose into high favour with the pnnce, who
not only bestowed on him numerous gifts, but also
made him ruler of "the whole province of Babylon*'
and chief gover-
nor of "all the
wise men". At
Daniel's request,
too, his three
friends received
important pro-
motions (ii).
TTie next oppor-
tunity afforded
Daniel to give
proof of his wis-
dom was an-
other dream of
Nabuchodono-
sor which, once
more, he alone
was able to inter-
pret. The dream
was of a mighty
tree concerning
which the king
heard the com-
mand given that
it shomd be cut
down, and that "seven times" should "pass over"
its stump, which had been left standing. Tins, ex-
glained Daniel, portended that in punishment of
is pride the monarch would for a while lose his
throne, be bereft of his reason, ima^ning himself an
ox, and live in the open fields, but be again restored
to his power, finally convinced of the supreme mi^t
and goodness of the Most High. With holy freedom,
although in vain, the Prophet exhorted the king to
forestall such punishment dv atoning for his sins by
deeds of mercy; and Daniel s prediction was fulfilled
to the letter (iv). For a parallel to this, see Abyde-
nas' account (second century b. c.) quoted in Efuse-
bius (Prffip. Evang., IX, xli).
Nothing is expressly said as to what became of
Daniel upon the aeath of Nabuchodonosor (561 b. c);
it is simply intimated in Daniel, v. 11 sqq., that he
lost his high office at the court ana lived long in re-
tirement. The incident which brou^t him to public
notice again was the scene of revelry in Baltasar's
palace, on the eve of Cyrus's conquest of Babylon
(538 B. c). While Baltasar (Heb. Belsh'a^car, cor-
responding to the Babyl. Bal&tsu-u^ur, "Bel protect
the king'^ and his lords feasted, impiously drinking
their wine from precious vessels which had been taken
from the Temple at Jerusalem, there appeared the
fingers of a man writing on the wall: "Mane, Thecel,
Phares". These mysterious words, which none of the
king's wise men was able to interpret, were explained
by Daniel, who at length had been summoned, and
wno for his reward became one of the three chief min-
isters in the kingdom. The prophet, now at least
Daniel — Mxcbslangbix) BuoNAaBori
(Sistine Chapel, Rome)
DARISL
621
DARDBL
ei^ty years of age. remained in that exalted position
under Darius the Mede, a prince possibly to be identi-
fied with Darius Hvstaspes (485 B. c.)- Darius,
moreover, thought of settme him over all the king-
dom (vi, 4), when Daniel's feUow-^fficers, fearing sucn
an elevation, sought to compass his ruin by convicting
him of disloyalty to the Grown. They secured from
the king a decree forbidding any one. under penalty of
being cast into the lions' den, to ask any netition of
either god or man, except the monarch, for tnirty dajrs.
As they had anticipated, Daniel nevertheless prayed,
three times a day, at his open window, towards Jeru-
salem. This they reported to the king, and they
forced him to apply the threatened punishment to the
violator of the decree. Upon Daniel's miraculous
preservation in the lions' den, Darius published a
decree that all in his realm should honour and revere
the God of Daniel, proclaiming that He is ''the living
and eternal God'\ And so Daniel continued to
prosper through the rest of the reign of Darius, and in
that of his successor, Cyrus the Persian (vi).
Such, in substance, are the facts which may be
gathered for a bio^phy of the Prophet Daniel from
the narrative portion of his book (i-vi). Hardly any
other facts are contributed to this biography from the
second, and inore distinctly apocalyptic, portion of the
same work (vii-xii). The visions therein described
represent him chiefly as a seer favoured with Divine
communications respecting the future punishment of
the Gentile powers and the ultimate setting up of the
Messianic Kingdom. These mysterious revelations
are referred to the reigns of Darius, Baltasar, and
Cyrus, and as they are explained to him by the Angel
Gabriel from an ever clearer disclosure of what is to
happen in '*the time of the end". In the deutero-
canonical appendix to his book (xiii-xiv), Daniel re-
appears in the same general character as in the first
part of his work (i-vi) . Chapter xiii sets him forth as
an inspired youth whose superior wisdom puts to
shame and secures the punisnment of the false ac-
cusers of the chaste Susanna. The concluding chap-
ter (xiv), which tells the history of the destruction of
Bel and the dragon, represents Daniel as a fearless
and most successful champion of the true and living
God. Outside of the Book of Daniel, Holy Writ has
but few references to the prophet of that name.
Ezechiel (xiv, 14) speaks of Daniel, together with Noe
and Job, as a pattern of righteousness and, in chapter
xxviii, 3, as the representative of perfect wisclom.
The writer of the First Book of the Machabees (ii, 60)
refers to his deliverance out of the mouth of the lions,
and St. Matthew (xxiv, 15) to "the abomination of
desolation, which was spoken of by Daniel the
prophet". As might well be expected, Jewish tradi-
tion had been busy with completing the meagre
account of Daniel's life as supplied by the Sacred
Scriptures. Allusion has already been made to the
tradition of the Jews, accepted by many Fathers of
the Church, which states that he was made a eimuch
in Babylon. Other Jewish traditions represent him as
refusing divine honours proffered to him by Nabucho-
donosor; they explain the reason why he was not
forced with his three friends to worship that prince's
statue in the plain of Dura (Dan., iii), he had been
sent away by the king, who wanted to spare Daniel's
life, for he knew full well that the prophet would never
agree to commit such an act of idolatiy; they give
many fanciful details, as for instance concerning what
happened to Daniel in the lions' den. Others en-
deavour to account for what they assume to be a fact,
viz. that Yahweh's devout prophet did not return to
God's land and city after the decree of restoration
issued by Cyrus; while others again affirm that he
actually went back to Judea and died there. Hardly
less incredible and conflicting legends concerning
Daniel's life and place of burial are met with in Arabic
litoniliirt^ although his name is not mentioned in the
Koran. During the Middle Axes there wae a wid^
spread and persistent tradition that Daniel was buried
at Susa, the modem Shuster, in the Persian province of
Khuzistan. In the account of his visit to Susa in
A. D. 1165, Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela narrates that
Daniel's tomb was shown him in the fagade of one of
the synagogues of that city; and it is shown there to
the present day. The Roman martyrology assigns
Daniel's feast as a holy prophet to 21 July, and ai>-
parently treats Babylon as his burial-place.
ViGOUROUx, La BMe et lea tUo§uverte9 modemet (Paris. 1880),
IV. Bk. Ill; DBASE, Danid, HU Life and Timea (Londoo.
18^). See also the commentaries and mtroductionB in bibtios-
raphy of Dakxkl, Book of.
Francis £. Gigot.
Daaiel, Anthony, Huron missionaiy, b. at Dieppe,
in Normandy, 27 May, 1601, slain by the Iroquois at
Teanaosts, near Hillsdale, Simcoe Co., Ontario,
Canada, 4 Julv, 1648. After two years' study of
philosophy anci one of law, he entered the Society of
Jesus in Rome, 1 Oct., 1621. Sent to Canada in 1633,
he was first stationed at Cape Breton, where his
brother Captain Daniel had established a French fort
in 1629. For two years he had charge at Quebec c^ a
school for Indian boys, but with this exception he was
connected with the Mission at Ihonatiria, m the Huron
country, from July, 1634, until his death fourteen years
later. In the summer of 1648. the Iroquois made a
sudden attack on the mission wnile most of the Huron
braves were absent. Father Daniel did all in his
power to aid his people. Before the palisades had
been scaled he hurried to the chapel where the women,
children, and old men were gathered, gave them gen-
eral absolution and baptized the catechumens. Daniel
himself made no attempt to escape, but calmly ad-
vanced to meet the enemy. Seized with amazement
the savages halted for a moment, then recovering
themselves they discharged at him a shower of ar-
rows. "The victim to the heroism of charity", says
Bancroft, 'Mied, the name of Jesus on his lips; tne
wilderness gave him a grave; the Huron nation were
his mourners" (vol. II, ch. xxxii). Here Bancroft is
in error. The lifeless body was flung into the bumlns
chapel and both were consumed together. Daniel
was the second to receive the martyr's crown among
the Jesuits sent to New France, and the first of the
missionaries to the Hurons. Father Ragueneau, his
superior, speaks of him in a letter to the general of the
order as "a truly remarkable man, humble, obedient,
united with God, of never failing patience and in-
domitable courage in adversity" (Thwaites, tr. Re-
lations, XXXIII, 253-269).
PARKMA.N, The Jesuita in North America (Boeton, 1901),
XXVI; Bancroft, Hiatorjf of The United Statee (Boston, 1853),
III. 138. 139: Thwaites. ecL The JeauU Rdationa (aevolancU
1901), XXXIX, 239; index vol., s. v.; Tanmer, SoeieUu Jeau
tuque militana (Piseue, 1675); Charucvoix, Shba tr., Hiatory
of New France (New York. 1866), II; Cabsani, Varenea ttuatrea
aUidiid, 1734), I. 643; Varonee Iluatrea de la C. de J, {2 ed.
Bilbao, 1889), III, 491; Rocheuontxix, Lea Jiauitea et la
NaaveUe Prance au XV tU aOcU (Paris. 1896), II. 74; Drkwb.
Faati Soe. Jeau (Prague, 1750), III, 18: Campbell. Pioneer
Prieata of North AmeruM (New York, 1908), 150. 151; BREBSAm,
De€Uh of Father ArUoine Danid in Brkbsani, Breve Relatione
(Maoemta, 1653), III, Chap. iv.
Edward P. Spiu^anis.
Daniel, Book of. — In the Hebrew Bible, and in
most recent Protestant versions, the Book of Danid
is limited to its proto-canonical portions. ^ In the
Septuagint, the Vulgate, and many other ancient and
modem translations of Holy Writ, it comprises both
its proto- and its deutero-canonical parts, which two
sets of parts have an eaual right to oe considered as
inspirea, and to be included in a treatment of the
Book of Daniel. As in the Vulgate neariy all the
deutero-canonical portions of that prophetical writing
form a kind of appendix to its proto-canonical con-
tents in the Hebrew text, the present article will deal
first with the Book of Daniel as it is found in the
DANIEL
622
DANIEL
Hebrew Bible, and next, with its deutero-canonical
portions.
Pboto-Canonical Portions. — (1) Contents. — ^The
Book of Daniel, as it now stands in the ordinary
Hebrew Bibles, is generally divided into two main
parts. The first includes a series of narratives which
are told in the third person (chaps, i-vi), and the sec-
ond, a series of visions which are described in th*^ first
person (chaps, vii-xii). The opening chapter of the
first series may be considered as a preface to the whole
work. It introduces to the reader the Hebrew heroes
of the book, Daniel and his three fellow-captives,
Ananias, Misael, and Azarias, and records the manner
in which these noble youths obtained a high rank in
Nabuchodonosor's service, although they had refused
to be defiled by eating of the royal food. The second
chapiter relates a disquieting dream of the king which
Daniel alone was able accurately to set forth and in-
terpret. Nabuchodonosor's dream was that of a great
statue made up of various materials and broken in
pieces by a small stone which became a mountain and
nlled the whole earth. Daniel's interpretation was to
ihe effect that the several parts of the statue with their
various materials symbolized as many monarchies
with their respective power, while the stone which
destroved them and grew into a great mountain pre-
figiu«d a universal and everlastmg kingdom which
would break in 'pieces all the other kingdoms, and
which, of course, is no other than that of the Messias.
The next section (iii, 1-30; Vulgate, iii, 1-23, 91-
97) narrates how Daniel's three companions, having
refused to worship a colossal statue set up by Nabu-
chodonosor, were cast into a highly-heated furnace in
which they were preserved unharmed, whereupon the
king issud a decree in favour of their God and pro-
moted them to places of dignity. The folio wing section
(iii, 31-iv; Vulgate, iii, 98-iv) contains Nabuchodo-
nosor's letter to all peoples and nations, recounting
his dream of a mighty tree hewed down at God's
bidding, and its interpretation by Daniel, together
with its fulfilment in the form of a seven years^mad-
ness which befell the king, and the recovery from
which was the occasion ofhis thankful letter. The
fifth chapter (Heb. Bible, v-vi, 1) describes Baltasar's
profane banquet, the mysterious handwriting on the
wall, Daniel's interpretation of that writing, and the
overthrow, on that same night, of Baltasar's Idngdom.
In the sixth chapter Daniel is represented as the ob-
ject of the special favour of Darius the Mede, and also
of the persistent jealousy of the other officers of the
Crown, who finally succeed in havine him thrown into
the lions' den, because of his faithfulness in praying to
God three times a day ; upon Daniel's miraculous pres-
ervation, Darius decrees that all in his kin^om
should "dread and fear the God of Daniel".
The second main part of the book in the Hebrew
Bible (vii-xii) is taken up with four visions which
Daniel describes in the first person. The first of these
visions (ch. vii) is referred to the first year of Baltasar's
reign, and offers a close parallel to the dream set forth
and explained in the second chapter of the book. The
nightly vision was of four several beasts coming out
of the sea, and symbolical of the Gentile powers judged
in due time by "the Ancient of days", and finallv re-
placed by the universal and everlasting Messianic
Idngdom. Like the first, the second vision (ch. viii)
is ascribed to the reign of Baltasar, and represents
worldly powers under the figure of animals. Daniel
sees a ram with two horns (the Medes and the Per-
sians) pushing victoriouslv towards the west, north,
and south, until it is struck by a he-goat (the Greeks)
with a great bom (Alexander) between its eyes. This
great horn is soon broken in its turn, and gives place
to four others (the Greek kingdoms of Ecypt, Syria,
Macedonia, and Thraee), from one of which grows out
a ''little hom"^ namely Antiochus Epiphanes. This
prince is not, mdeed. named by the Angol Gabriel,
who explains the vision to Daniel, but is clearly de^
ignated by the description of the doings of the "littie
horn" against the host of heaven and its phnoe (God),
desecratmg "the sanctuary", interrupting the daily
sacrifice for about tturee years and a half, and finally
"broken without hand".
The next chapter contains the prophecy of the sev-
ent^r wed^, which is referred to the nrst year of
Darius, the son of Assuerus. As Daniel was suppli-
cating God for the fulfilment of His promises of mercy
in Jeremias, xxix, 10 sq., or xxv, 11, he was favoured
with the vision of the Angel Gabriel. The heavenly
messen^ explained to him how the seventy years U
desolation foretold by Jeremias should be understood.
They are seventy weeks of years, falling into three
periods of seven: sixty-two, and one wedcs of years,
respectively. Tne firot period, one of seven weeks,
or forty-nine vears, will extend from the going forth
of "the worcl" for the rebuilding of Jerusalem to
"an anointed one, a prince". During the second, of
sixty-two weeks or four hundred and thirty-four years,
the Holy Cjty will be built, though "in straitness of
times". At the end of this period "an anointed one"
will be cut off, and the people of a prince who shall
come will "destroy" the city and the sanctuary; he
will make a firm covenant with many fbr one week
(or seven years), and during a half of this week he
will cause sacrifice and oblation to cease and the abom-
ination of desolation to be set up, imtil he meet^s
with his fate. The last vision, ascribed to the third
year of Cyrus, is recorded in chapters x-xii. Its opening
part (x-xi, 1) gives a description of the vision with a
reference to Media, Persia, and Greece. The second
part (xi, 2-45) announces many events connected with
four Persian kings, with Alexander and his successors;,
and more particularly with the deeds of a king of the
north, i. e. Antiochus Epiphanes, against Egypt, the
Jews, the Temple, etc., imtil he should come to an end.
The conclusion of the vision (xii) declares how Michael
(the guardian angel of Israel) will deliver the people.
Mention is made of a resurrection of the dead, followed
bv rewards and punishments. For 1290 days, or
about three and one half years, the daily sacrifice will
cease and the abomination of desolation will be set up.
Blessed is he who continues steadfast till 1335 da>'s.
(2) Object and Unity. — ^From these contents it
readily appears that the Book of Daniel has not for
its object to give a summary historical account of the
period of the Babylonian Exile, or of the life of Daniel
himself, since both its parts profess to give only a few
isolated facts connect^ with either the Exile or the
Prophet's life. From the same contents it can also
be readily seen that the object of that sacred writing
is not to record in substance prophetical addresses
similar to those which make up the works ascribed to
distinct prophets in the Old-Testament literature. In
res])eet to both matter and form, the contents of the
Prophecy of Daniel are of a peculiar kind which has
no exact parallel in Hohr Writ, except in the Apoca-
lypse of St. John. In Daniel. aS in this last book of
the Bible, one is in presence of contents whose general
purpose is undoubtedly to comfort Gkxl's people under
the ordeal of a cruel persecution, chiefly dv meaos of
symbolical visions bearing on "the time of the end".
This is the obvious purpose of the four viaions re-
corded in the second part of the Book of Daniel (chapf^.
vii-xii), and also of Nabuchodonosor's dream as given
and explained in the second chapter of the first part
of that inspired writing: the persecution therein in
view is that of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the Jews
are to be comforted by the assured prospect both of
the fate that awaits their oppressor and of the setting
up of God's universal and eternal kingdonu Nor have
the narratives in chapters iii-vi a different general
purpose: in each and m all of them the generous and
constant servants of the true God — Daniel and his
fellow captives — triumph in the end, while their oj>-
DANIKL
623
DANIEL
presBors, however mighty or numerous, are ultimately
punished or made to acknowledge and promote the
glory of the God of Israel. This apocalyptic object of
uie Book of Daniel is admitted by most scholars of the
present day^ and is in harmony with the place assigned
to that sacred writing in the Hebrew Bible, where it
ap|>ear8 not among 'Hhe Prophets", or second great
division of the oripinal text, but among "the Writ-
ing", or third mam division of that text.
As apocalyptic writings usually bear the impress of
compilation, one might not imnaturally be tempted
to. regard the Book of Daniel — whose apocalyptic
character has just been described — as a compilatory
VfTork. In fact, many scholars of the last century —
some of whom were Uatholic — have set forth positive
grotmds to prove that the author of the book has ao
tually put together such dociunents as could make for
his general purpose. At the present day, however,
the opposite view, which maintains the literary unity
of the Prophecy of Daniel, is practically universal. It
is felt that the uniform plan of the book, the studied
arrangement of its subject-matter, the strong simi-
larity in language of its two main parts, etc. are ar-
guments which tell very powerfully in favour of the
hitter position.
(3) AiUhonhip and Date of Comjwsitum. — Once it
is admitted that the Book of Daniel is the work of one
single author, there naturally arises the important
question: Is this sole writer the Prophet Daniel who
composed the work during the Exile (586-536 b. c),
or, on the contrary, some author, now unknown, who
wrote this inspired book at a later date, which can
still be made out? The traditional view, in vigour
chiefly among Catholics, is to the effect that the whole
work, asfoumi in the Hebrew Bible, should be directly
referred to Daniel, whose name it bears. It admits,
indeed, that numerous alterations have been intro-
duced into the primitive text of the book in the course
of ages. It maintains, nevertheless, that both the
narratives (chaps, i-vi) wherein Daniel seems to be
described by some one else as acting as recorded, and
the symbolic visions (chaps, vii-xu) wherein he de-
scribe himself as favoured with heavenly revelations,
were written, not simply by an author who was con-
temporary wit^ that prophet and livM in Babylon in
the sixth century b. c, but by Daniel himself. Such
difference in the use of persons is regarded as arising
naturally from the respective contents of the two
parts of the book: Daniel employed the third person
m recording events, for the event is its own witness;
and the fiiit person in relating prophetical visions,
for such communications from above need the per-
sonal attestation of those to whom they are imparted.
Over against this time-honoured position which
ascribes to Daniel the authorship of the book which
bears his name, and admits 570-636 b. c. hb its date
of composition, stands a comparatively recent theory
which nas been widely accepted by contemporary
scholars. Chiefly on tne basis of historical and lin-
guistic mounds, this rival theory refers the origin of
the Book of Daniel, in its present form, to a later
writer and period. It regaras that apocalyptic writ-
ing as the work of an unlmown author who composed
it during the period of the Machabees, and more pre-
cisely in the time of Antiochus IV, Epiphanes (175-
164 B. c).
The following are the extrinsic testimonies which
conservative scholars usually and confidently set
forth as proving that the Book of Daniel must be re-
ferred to the well-known Prophet of that name and
consequently to a much eariier date than that advo-
cate by their opponents. Christian tradition, both
in the Kast and in the West, has been practically
unanimous from (Sirist's time to the present day in
admitting the genuineness of the Book of Daniel. Its
testimony is chiefly based on Matthew, xxiv, 15:
" When uieref ore you shall see the abomination of des-
olation, which was spoken of by Daniel the propheli
standing in the holy place: he that readeth let him
understand", in which passage- Christ treats Daniel's
visions as true oracles, and expressly names that
Prophet as their writer. In so doing, it is argued^
Christ endorsed and confirmed by His authority the
view which was then received among the Jews, and
which regarded Daniel as the author of the book
which bears his name. Jewish tradition, both during
and before Christ's time, bears also distinct witness to
the genuineness of the Prophecy of Daniel. In his
"Antiquities of the Jews" (Bk. XI, ch. viii, §5), the
learned Jewish priest and Pharisee, Josephus (about
A. D. 40-^100), writes: "When the Book of Daniel was
shown to Alexander the Great (d. b. c. 323), wherein
Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy
the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself
was the person intended ' '. Before the Christian Era,
the First Book of the Machabees (written very eariy in
the first century b. c.) shows acquaintance with the
Septuagint version of the Prophecy of Daniel (cf.
I Mach., i, 54, with Dan., ix, 27; I Mach., ii, 59, 60,
with Dan., iii, vi), whence it is inferred (1) that at that
date the Book of Daniel must have been for some con-
siderable time rendered into Greek; and (2) that its
composition must have preceded this translation by
some considerable time more, so that its origin imder
Antiochus Epiphanes is hardly probable. Again, the
Sibylline 'Oracles (Bk. Ill, verses 388 sqq.), supposed
to have been written about 170 b. c, contain an allu-
sion to Antiochus IV, and to the ten horns of Dan.,
vii, 7, 24, and therefore point to an earlier date than
that which is proposed by the advocates of the recent
theory. More particularly still, the Septuagint trans-
lation of the Pentateuch, made about 285 b. c, ex-
hibits in Deut., xxxii, 8, a doctrine of guardian angels
which it has apparently borrowed from the Book of
Daniel, and thus tends to prove the existence of that
inspired writing long before the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes. Finally, according to Josephus (Ck>ntra
Apion, VIII), the Old Testament Canon of the Jews of
Palestine, which has always included Daniel among
"the Writings", was closed by Esdras (middle of the
fifth century b. c.)f that is to say, at a date so near the
composition of the book that its genuineness could
then be easily ascertained, and would naturally be the
reason for the insertion of the work into the Pales-
tinian Canon.
To strengthen the inference drawn from these ex-
ternal testimonies, conservative scholars appeal to the
following direct and indirect intrinsio grounds.
Throughout the second part of his book Daniel speaks
in the nrst person and thereby gives himself impucitly
as the writer cf chapters vii-xii. Nay more, in the
words: "Then he [Daniel] wrote the dream and told
the sum of the matters", we have a statement which
ascribes expressly to him the writing of the first vision
(chap, vii) and, implicitly, that of the subtsequent
visions, which are indissolubly bound up with the
opening one. Now, if the visions descnoed in the
second part of the book were recorded by Daniel him-
self, the same thing must be admitted in regard to
narratives which make up the first part of the book
(chaps, i-vi), because of the acknowledged unity of
the work. And in this way direct intrinsic evidence
is considered as making for the Danielle authorship.
The indirect intrinsic grounds point in the same direc-
tion, inasmuch as they tend to show that the author
of the Book of Daniel was (1) a resident in Babylon;
(2) one who wrote in the period to which the Prophet
Daniel belonged; and (3) one who is best identified
with that Prophet himself. The first of these posi-
tions, it is said, is borne out by the close acquaintance
which the author evinces in the historical portion of
the work (chaps, i-vi) with the manners, customs, his-
tory, religion, etc. of the Babylonians! the minute
details he refers to, the local colouring of his descrip-
danul
624
dabthl
tions, hiB exact references to facts, are such as only a
resident in Babylon could be fairly supposed to pos-
sess. It is likewise borne out by a comparison of the
form of Daniel's prophecies in chapters vii-xii with the
general surroundings of one livm^ in Babylon and
with the Babylonian monuments m particular: the
imagery of Daniel's vision in the seventh chapter, for
instance, is nearly the same as that found on monu-
ments in the ruins of Ninive; and in chapters viii, 2
(Ileb. text), and x, 4, the river-banks are most appropri-
ately given as the scenes of Daniel's visions. While
thus very familiar with Babylonia, the author of the
Book of Daniel betrays no such special knowledge of
Persia and Greece as would be natural to expect if,
instead of living in the sixth century b. c, he had been
a contemporary of Antiochus Epiphanes.
This absence of distinct knowledge of the times
subsequent to the Babylonian period has sometimes
been urged to prove the second position, viz. that the
writer belonged to that period, and to no other.
Oftener, however, and more strongly, the linguistic
features of the Book of Daniel have been brought
forth to establish that second position. It has been
affirmed, on the one hand, that the Hebrew of Daniel,
with its numerous Aramaisms, bears a close affinity to
that of Ezechiel, and is therefore that of the period of
the Exile ; and, on the other hand, that the Aramaic
portions of Daniel (ii, 4~vii) are in wonderful agree-
ment with those of Esdras, while they are distin-
guished by many Hebrew idioms from the language
of the earliest Aramaic paraphrases of the Old Testa-
ment. In particular, the easy transition from the
Hebrew to the Aramaic (ii, 4), and the reverse (viii,
1 sqq.), is explicable, we are told, only on the supposi-
tion that the writer and the readers of the book were
equally familiar with both ; this free handling of both
languages suits not the Machabean age but that of
Daniel, or of the Exile, in which both toneues were
naturally in equal use. The intrinsic groun«lB making
for the last position, viz. that the author of the Book
of Daniel is best identified with the Prophet of that
name, may be summed up in this simple statement:
while no other seer during the Babylonian Exile has
been, and indeed can be, named as the probable
recorder of the visions described in that inspired
writing, Daniel, owing to his position at the court of
Babvlon, to his initiation into the wisdom of the
Chaldees, and to the problem of his calling as God had
shown it to him, was eminentlv fitted at that time for
writing the prophecies which had been imparted to
him for the comfort of the Jews of his time and of
subsequent ages.
Scholars who have examined closely and without
bias the details of the foregoing external and internal
evidence have come to the conclusion that this evi-
dence shows that rationalistic critics are decidedly
wrong in denying totally the historical character of
the Book of Daniel. At the same time, manj'- among
them still question the absolute cogency of the ex-
trinsic and intrinsic grounds set forth to prove the
Danielic authorship. These latter scholars rightly
reject as untrue the statement of Josephus, which re-
fers the close of the Old Testament Canon to the time
of Esdras; and in the well-known bias of the same
Jewish historian for magnifying whatever concerns his
nation they have a valid reason for doubting his as-
sertion that the prophecies of Daniel were shown to
Alexander the Great when this prince passed through
Palestine. The alleged reference to Daniel's expres-
sions in the Septuagint version of Deuteronomy they
easily explain as a later gloss, and the actual acquaint-
ance of the First Book of the Machabees with the
Prophecv of Daniel they not unnaturally regard as
compatible with the non-Danielic authorship, and in-
deed with the composition of the Book of Daniel in the
time of Antioohiis IV. As regards the last external
testimony in favour of the genuineness of that sacred
writing, vis. Christ's words oonoeming Daniel aod
his prophecy, these same scholars think that, without
0oing against the reverence due to Christ's Person, and
tne credence due His words, they have a ri^t not to
consider the passa^ appealed to m Matt., xdv, 15, as
absolutely conclusive: Jesus does not say explicitly
that Daniel wrote the prophecies that hesr his name;
to infer this from His words is to assume something
which may well be questioned, vis. that in referring
to the contents of a book of Holy Writ, He neceasarily
confirmed the traditional view of His day concerning
authorship; in point of fact, many scnolarB whose
behef in Christ's truthfulness and Divinity is beyond
ouestion — such Catholics, for instance, as Father
Souciet, S. J., Bishop Hannebeiig, Francois Lenormant,
and others — have thought that Christ's reference to
Daniel in Matt., xxiv, 15, does not bear out the DanieUc
authorship as it is claimed by conservative schol&rs
chiefly on the basis of His words.
Having thus shown, to their own satisfactioD, the
inconclusive character of the external evidence, or
mainstfi^ in favour of the traditional view, the oppo-
nents of the Danielic authorship endeavour to prove
that internal evidence points decisively to Uie late
origin which they ascribe to the Book of Daniel.
Briefly stated, the following are their princ^al argu-
ments. As it is now foimd in the Hebrew fiible, the
Book of Daniel contains historical references which
tend to prove that its author is not an eyewitness of
the events alluded to, as would be the case if he were
the Prophet Daniel. Had this author lived during
the Exile, it is argued, he would not have stated that
*' in the third year of the reign of Joakim, king of Juda.
Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, came to Jerusalem,
and besieged it" (Dan., i, 1), since this conflicts with
Jeremias, xxxvi, 9, 29; he would not have repeatedly
used the word ''Chaldeans" as the name of a learned
caste, this sense being foreign to the Assyro-Babylonian
language, and of an oriran later than the Exile; he
would not have spoken of Baltasar as ''king" (y, 1, 2,
3, 5, etc., viii, 1), asHhe "son of Nabuchodonosor"
(v, 2, 18, etc.), since it is ascertained that Baltasar
was never king, and that neither he nor lus father had
any blood-relationship to Nabuchodonosor; he would
have avoided trfb statement that '^Darius the Mede
succeeded to the kingdom" of Baltasar (v. 31), since
there is no room for such a ruler between Nabonahid,
Baltasar's father, and Cyrus, the conqueror of Baby-
lon; he could not have spoken of "the Books" (Dan.,
ix, 2 — Heb. text), an expression which implies that
the prophecies of Jeremias formed part of a well-
known collection of sacred books, which assuredly
was not the case in the time of Nabuchodonosor and
Cyrus, etc. The linguistic features of the book, as it
exists in the Hebrew Bible, point also, it is said, to a
date later than that of Darnel: its Hebrew is of the
distinctly late type which followed Ndiemias' time;
in both its Hebrew and its Aramaic portions there are
Persian words, and at least three Greek words, which
of course should be referred to a period later than the
Babylonian Exile.
Not satisfied with the merely negative inference
that the Book of Daniel was not composed during the
Captivity, the opponents of the Danielic authorship
strive to reach a positive conclusion as to the date of
its origin. For this purpose, they examine the con-
tents of that inspired writing, and they think that by
viewing both its parts in the Hght of history, they are
led to refer definitely its composition to the time of
Antiochus Epiphanes. It can oe readilv seen, we are
told, that the interest of the visions which make up
the second part of Daniel culminates in the relations
subsisting between the Jews and Antiochus. It is
this prince who manifestly is the subject of Dan.,
viii, 9-13, 23-25, and who is very probably "the little
horn " spoken of in Dan., vii, 8, 20, 21 , 26, while events
of his reign are apparently described in Dan., ix, 2^-
danul
625
DAHXU.
jST. and undoubtedly so in xi, 21-45; zii, 6, 7. 10>12.
Wnoever bears this in mind, it is an^ued, is lea by the
analogy of Scripture to admit that the book belongs to
the period of Antiochus. The rule is that " even when
the prophets of the Old Testament deliver a Divine
message for far distant days, they have in view the
needs of the people of their own day. They rebuke
their sins, they comfort their sorrows, they strengthen
their hopes, they banish their fears. But of all this
there is no trace in Daniel, if the book was written in
the time of C3rru8. Its message is avowedly for the
time of the end, for the period of Antiochus and the
M&chabees''. And this inference is confirmed by the
fact that the narratives told in the first part, when
studied in reference to the events of Antiocnus's reign,
are found to impart lessons especially suited to the
Jews of that period. The question of eating meat
(Dan., i. 8 sqq.) was at that time a test of faith (cf.
I Mach., i, 65 sq.; II Mach., vi, 18 sqq.; vii). The
lessons of the fiery furnace and the lions' den
(Dan., iii, vi) were most appropriate in the time of
the Machabees when the Jews were ordered on the
pain of death to worship foreign deities (cf. I Mach.,
i, 43-54). The accounts of the humbling of Nabu-
chodonosor (Dan., iv) and the fate of Baltasar (Dan.,
v) were also particularly calculated to comfort the
Jews so cruelly oppressed by Antiochus and his offi-
cere. Such a view of the date of the Book of Daniel
is in harmony with the apocalyptic character of the
whole work, and can be confirmea, it is said, by certain
facts in the external history of the book, such for in-
stance as its place among "the Writings" in the Pales-
tinian Canon, the absence of all traces of Daniel's
influence upon the post-exilic literature before the
Machabean period, etc. Despite the fact that some
of these arguments against tne Danielic authorship
have not yet been fully disproved, Catholic scholars
generally abide by the traditional view, although they
are not bound to it by any decision of the Church.
(4) Prophecy ojthe Seventy Weeks. — Several sections
of the Book of Daniel contain Messianic predictions
the general import of w^hich has been sufficiently
pointed out in setting forth the contents and object
of that inspired writmg. One of these predictions,
however, claims a further notice, owing to the special
interest connected with its contents. It is known as
the prophecy of the seventy weeks, and is found in
an obscure passage (ix, 24-27), of which the following
is a literal rendering: "24. Seventy weeks [literally,
heptads] have been decreed upon thv people and thy
holy city, to close transgression and to naake an end
of sins, and to expiate iniquity, and to bring in ever-
lasting righteousness, and to seal vision and prophet,
and to anoint a most holy [literally: holineaa of holi-
nessef]. 25. Know then and discern: from the going
forth of the word to build again Jerusalera until an
anointed one, a prince, [there are] seven weeks, and
for sixty-two weeks it shall be built again [with] broad
place and moat, and that in straitness of times. 26.
And after the sixty-two weeks an anointed one will
be cut off and he will have no . . . [Heb. yp |K1; Sept.
kqX odK #rrat]; and the people of a prince who shall
come will destroy the city and the sanctuary, and the
end thereof [will be] in a flood, and until the end [shall
he] war, a sentence of desolations. 27. He will make
a nrm covenant with many for a week, and for half a
week he shall cause sacrifice and oblation to cease,
and instead thereof [1^3 f)j;, a more probable reading
than the present one: 5|i3 f)j; 'upon the wing'] the
abomination that makes desolate, and that until the
consummation and that w^hich is determined be
poured upon the desolator."
The difficulty of rendering this passage of the He-
brew text is only surpassed by that of interpreting its
contente. Most commentators admit, indeed, that
the seventy weeks are weeks of years, which fall into
three periods of 7, 62, and 1, weeks of years, respec-
IV.-
tively, but they are still at variance with regard to
botii the exact starting point and the precise terminus
of the seventy weeks. Most of them, too, regard the
prophecy of me seventy weeks as having a Messianic
reference, but even all Catholic interpreters do not
agree as to the precise nature of this reference, some
among them, after Hardouin, S. J., Calmet, O. S. B.,
ete. , seeing in the contents of the prophecy a typical ref«
erenoe to Christ, in preference to the literal one which
has been, and is stul, more prevalent in the Church.
Briefly stated, the following are the three principal
interpretations which have been piven by Dan., ix,
24-27. The first is the ancient view, which may be
called traditional, and which maintains that the
prophecy of the seventy weeks refers directly to the
appearance of Christ in the flesh. His death, His es-
tablishment of the New Covenant, and the destruction
of Jerusalem by the Romans. The second is that oi
most recent scholars, chiefly non-Catholic, who refer
the whole passage directly to the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, with (Cliristians generally) or without
(Rationsdists at large) a typical reference to Christ.
The third is that of some Fathers of the Church and
some recent theologians who imderstand the prophecy
in an eschatologicaT sense, as a prediction of tne devel-
opment of the Kingdom of God from the end of the
£jdle to the fulfilment of that kingdom at Christ's
second Advent.
(5) Text and PrincCpal Ancient Versuma. — One of
the chief reasons of the obscurity which smroirnds the
interpretation of Dan., ix, 24-27, is foimd in the im-
g^ife^Tt condition in which the original text of the
ook of Daniel has come to us. Not only in the
Qhecy of the seventy weeks, but also throughout
its Hebrew (Dan., i-ii. 4; viii-xii) and its Arar
maic (ii, 4-vii) sections, tnat text betrays various
defects which it is easier to notice and to point out
than to correct. Linguistics, the context, and the
ancient translations of Daniel are most of the time
insufficient guides towards the sure restoration of the
primitive r^ing. The oldest of these translations
18 the Greek version known as the Septuagint, whose*
text has come down to us, not in its original form, but
in that given to it by Origen (died about a. d. 254) for
the composition of his Hexapla. Before this revision
by Origen, the text of the Septuagint was regarded as so
unreliable, because of its freedom in rendering, and
of the alterations which had been introduced into it
etc., that, during the second century of our era, it
was discarded by the Church, which adopted in its
stead the Greek version of Daniel made in that same
century by the Jewish proselyte, Theodotion. This
version of Theodotion was apparently a skilful revi-
sion of the Septuagint by means of the original text,
and is the one embodied in the authentic edition of
the Septuagint published by Sixtus V in 1587. In
Dr. H. B. Swete^s edition of the Septuagint, Origen's
revision and Theodotion's version are conveniently
printed side by side on opposite pages (vol. Ill, pp.
498 sqq.). The version of the proto-canonical por-
tions of the Book of Daniel in the Latin Vulgate is
St. Jerome's rendering from practically the same He-
brew and Aramaic text as is found in the current
Hebrew Bibles.
Deutero-Canonical Portions. — ^The Hebrew and
Aramaic sections of the Book of Daniel, thus far dealt
\iith, are the only ones found in the Hebrew Bible and
recognized by Protestants as sacred and canonical.
But besides those sections, the Vulgate, the Greek
translations of Daniel (Septuagint and Theodotion),
together with other ancient and modem versions, eon-
tain three important portions, which are deutero-
canonical. These are: (1) the Prayer of Azarias and
the Song of the Three Children, usually inserted in the
third chapter between the twenty-third and the
twenty-fourth verses; (2) the history of Susanna,
foimd as ch. xiii, at the end of the book; (3) the his-
DAKin.
626
DAHIXL
tory of the destruction of Bel and the dragon, termi-
nating the book as ch. xiv. The first of these frag-
ments (Dan., iii, 24-00) consists of a prayer in which
Azarias, standing in the midst of the furnace, asks
that God may deliver him and his companions, Ana^
nias and Misael, and put their enemies to shame
(verses 24-45); a brief notice of the fact that the
Angel of the Lord saved the Three Children from all
harm, whereas the flame consumed the Chaldeans
above the furnace (46-50); and a doxology (52-56)
leading on to the hymn familiarly known as the ** Bene-
dicite'^ (57-90). The second fragment (ch. xiii) tells
the history of Susanna. She was the faithful wife of
a wealthy Jew named Joakim, and resident in Baby-
lon. Accused falsely of adultery by two unworthy
elders w^hose criminal advances she had repelled, she
was sentenced to death by the tribunal before which
she had been arraigned. As Susanna waa led forth
to execution, Daniel, moved by God, remonstrated
with the people upon permitting without sufficient
inquiry the condemnation of a daughter of Israel.
He examined himself the two pretended witnesses
separately, and proved their testimony to be self-
contradictory. In fulfilment of the I^w of Moses
(Deut., xix, 18, 19), the two elders were put to death,
"and Daniel became great in the sight of the people
from that day, and thenceforward." The last deutero-
canonical part of Daniel (ch. xiv) contains the narra-
tive of the destruction of Bel and the dragon. It re-
countfi first the clever manner in which Daniel unde-
ceived the kine, Cyrus, who regarded a Babylonian
idol, called Bel, as "a living god" that actually ate
ample offerings, whereas these were really consumed
at night by the pa^an priests and their families: in
consequenoe, these impostors were put to death, and
Bel arid its temple destroyed. It records, in the sec-
ond place, how Daniel caused to die a great dragon
that the Babylonians worshipped, and that the king
wished him to adore as "a living god". Enraged at
this, the people forced the king^ to deliver Daniel to
them, and cast the Prophet into a lions' den. Daniel
'remained there unharmed for six days, and fed by the
prophet Habacuc who was miraculously transported
from Judea to Babylon. On the seventh day, the
king having found Daniel alive in the midst of the
lions, praised aloud the God of Daniel and delivered
the Prophet's accusers to the fate which Daniel had
miraculouslv escaped.
The Greek is, indeed, the oldest form under which
these deutero-canonical parts of the Book of Daniel
have come down to us; out this is no decisive proof
that they were composed in that language. In fact,
the greater probability is in favour of a Hebrew or^-
nal no longer extant. It is plain that the view which
regards these three fragments as not oricinallv written
in Greek makes it easier to suppose that they were
from the beginning integrant parts of the book. Yet,
it does not settle the question of their date and author-
ship. It is readily granted by conservative scholars
(Vigoiux)Ux, Gilly, etc.) that the last two are probably
from a different and later author than the rest of the
book; while it is maintained, on the contrary, by
nearly all Catholic writers, that the Prayer of Azarias
and the Song of the Three Children caimot be dis-
sociated from the preceding and the following context
in Dan., iii, and that therefore they should be referred
to the time of Daniel, if not to that Prophet himself.
In reality, there are wellnigh insuperable difficulties to
such an early date for Dan., iii, 24-90, so that this
fragment also, like the other two, should most likely
be ascribed to some unknown Jewish author who lived
long after the Exile. Lastly, although the deutero-
canonical portions of Daniel seem to contain anachro-
nisms, they should not be treated — as was done by
St. Jerome — as mere fables. More sober scholarship
will readily admit that they embody oral or written
traditions not altogether devoid of historical value.
But, whatever may be thou^t oonoeming those lit-
erary or historical questions, there cannot oe the least
doubt that in decreeing the sacred and canonical char-
acter of these fragments the Council of Trent pro-
claimed the ancient and morally unanimoua belief of
the Church of God.
Commentariea: — Catholie: Rohlino (Mains, 1876); Tko-
CBON (Paris. 1882) : Fabrb d'Envosu (Paris. 1889) ; Kmabck-
BAUER (Paris, 1801). Protestant: Meixhold. (NdrdUngeD.
1889); Bevan (Cambridge, 1892): Behrmakn (CS^^ftinfren.
1894) ; Prince (New York, 1899) ; Driteb (Cambridge, 19001 ;
Marti (Freiburs im Br.» 1901); Wrxobt (London, 1906).
Introductions to the Old rMtamm/:— Catholic : Rault (4th e<i..
Parifi, 1882): Vigouroux (5th ed., Paris. 1888); Corxelt
(Paris. 1886); Trocbomt-LesAtrb (Paris, 1890); Kavuk
(4th ed., FreibuTg im Br.. 1899); Gioot (New York, 1906).
Protestant: Kf.il (tr. E<UnbiiziKh. 1882) ; Bleek-Wkixbacskjc
(6th ed., Berlin. 1893); DnrvxR (9th ed., New Yoric, 1899>;
CoRNiLL (tr. New York, 1906).
Francis E. Gioot.
Daniel, Charles, b. 31 Dec., 1818, at Beauvais,
France; d. 1 Jan., 1893, at Paris. He joined the Soci-
ety of Jesus in 1841, was professor of rhetoric in the
novitiate at Samt Acheiii, and in 1867, with the
assistance of Father Gagarin, founded the "Ktudes
de th^ologie et d' histoire", a maeazine that soon
became a monthly publication. Father Daniel edited
it with ability until 1870. He was a man of extensive
and accurate learning, of unquestionable taste, and he
had an unusually receptive and assimilative mind. He
contributed to the "Etudes" many articles on |>hflo-
sophical subjects: "Optimism" (1859), "Positivism"
(1860), "Leibniz and Saisset" (1861), "The Vatican
Council" (1869-1870); "Protestantism: the Crisis of
Protestantism in France" (1862), "The Organisation
of Protestants in France" (1863); biographies of
P^re Beauregard (1868), Mme. Swetchine (1864), Ch.
Lenormand (1860), and P. L4on Duooudray, mart3rT
of the Paris Commune (1892).
Other more important works are: " Des Etudes elas-
siques dans la soci^t^ Chr^tienne" (1853); "Histoire
de la bienheureuse Marguerite Marie et des origines
de la devotion au Sacr^Coeur" (1865), translated into
Italian, Polish, and Chinese; "La vie du P. Alexis
CierCf marin et J^sxiite" (1876, En^ish tr., New
York, 1880), and "Les J^suites instituteurs de la
jeunesse au XVIP et au XVIIP si^le" (1880). His
"Questions actuelles: religion, philosophic, lustoire,
art et litt^rature '* is preceded by a sketch of the
author by Fathers Mercier and Fontaine, S. J.
(Poitiers, 1895).
pE ScoRRAiLLB in Eludes (1883), I; SoifMKBvooei.. BtbLdela
c. de «/., IX, supplement and a notice by Mkrcier.
J. LlONNST.
Daniel, Gabriel, historian and controversialist, b.
at Rouen, France, 8 Feb., 1649; d. at Paris, 23 June,
1728. He entered the Society of Jesus at Paris in
1667, and after making his last vows at Rennes, 1683,
was assigned to the professed house of Paris ^ere his
extraorainary talents resulted in his being appointed
historiographer of France by Louis XIV. Of the pub-
lished writmgs of Father Daniel, consisting of philo-
sophical, theological, and historical treatises, many
have been translatea into German, English, Spanish,
Italian, and Latin. In the first class perhaps the
most famous was the oft-reprinted "Voyi^ du
monde de Descartes", a refutation of the vortex the>
ory of that philosopher. His refutation of Pascal's
"Provincial Xetters", which imderwent several re-
visions and reprints, and his published correspondence
with Natalis Alexander respecting the Dominican and
Jesuit doctrines of Probabilism, Grace, Predestin-
ation, etc., stand out conspicuously among his the-
ological works. He published also many shorter
works, principally against the Jansenists, and one
volume of a projected course of theology for seminaries.
But it is as the author of the celebrated "Histoire
de France" that Father Daniel has achieved his most
DANIEL
627
DAVSARA
lasting fame. This work in seventeen volumes was
tlie fruit of his ripest years and was the most complete
and accurate history of France that had then appeared
(1713). It is still valtiable, though overshadowed by
more recent works. It went through many editions,
and an abridgment of it in eight volumes made by
tbe author was translated into German, English, and
Italian. Besides this, a valuable work from original
sources, the "Histoire de la milice fran^atse'', con-
tributed much to Daniel's reputation as a scholar!;^
historian. The best edition of his great history la
that of Paris (1766-60>, in seventeen quarto volumes.
SomaxTOonH BibL de la c. de J., II. 170^1816; IX, 170;
I>B Backeb, BUd. dM teritains de la c. de J., I, 241-^9; VII,
225; HuBTBB, Nomenclator, II, 1042. and passim.
John F. X. Murphy.
Daniel, John, b. 1745; d. in Paris, 3 October, 1823;
son of Edward Daniel of Durton, Lancashire, and great-
nephew of the RjK. Hugh Tootell. better known as t)odd
the historian. He was educated first at Dame Alice's
School, Fem^halgh, and then at Douai, where he was
ordained pnest and made professor of philosophy
(1778) ana afterwards of theology. When the presi-
dent, Edward Kitchen, alarmed by the French Revo-
lution, resigned his office in 1702, Daniel was appointed
president, and was soon after, with his professors and
students, taken prisoner and confined first at Arras and
then at Dourlens. They were taken back, 27 Nov.,
1794, to the Irish College at Douai and in February,
1795, were allowed to return to England. It is usu-
ally stated that Mr. Daniel was then appointed presi-
dent of the college at Crook Hall (since removed to
Ushaw), but this is difficult to reconcile with contem-
poriury docmnents in the Westminster diocesan
archives; he did not in fact take up residence at (>ook
Hall, but retired to Lancashire till 1802, when he went
to Paris in order to recover the property of Douai Col-
lege and other British establishments. After 1815
compensation amounting to half a million pounds was
paid by the French Government, but the English
Government confiscated this money, neither returning
it to France nor allowing the Engush Catholics to re-
ceive it. Mr. Daniel was the last de facto president of
Douai, thoiigh the Rev. Francis Tuite was appointed
titular president, to succeed him in prosecutmg the
claims. Mr. Daniel wrote an "Ecclesiastical History
of the Britons and Saxons" (London, 1815, 1824).
Narrative of the Seizure of Douay College in Catholic Magtunne
(1834). I: GxLLOW. Bibl. Diet, Bng. Cath. (London. 1885). II;
Cooper in Did. Nat. Bioq. (london, 188«), XIV, merely abbre-
viating Gillow; Kirk, Btographiea of EiohteeiUh Century Cath'
olice (London. 1908); MacmiUan^a Maganne, XLI. 245; also
seveml unpublished manuscript sources in Westminster Dio-
cesan Arcmves and Ushaw College Archives.
Edwin Burton.
Daniel and CompanionB, Satnt, Friars Minor and
martyrs; dates of birth imknown; d. 10 October,
1227. The martvrdom of St. Berard and his com-
panions in 1219 had inflamed many of the religions
of the Order of Friars Minor with the desire of
preaching the Gospel in heathen lands; and in 1227,
the year following St. Francis's death, six religious of
Tuscany, Agnellus, Samuel, DonuKis, I^eo, Hugolinus,
and Nicholas, petitioned Brother Elias of (Jortona,
then vicar-general of the order, for permission to
preach the Gospel to the infidels of Morocco. The six
missionaries went first to Spain, where they were joined
by Daniel, Minister Provincial of Calabria, who be-
came their superior. They set sail from Spain and
on 20 September reached the coast of Africa, where
they remained for a few days in a small village inhab-
ited mostly by Christian merchants just beyond the
walls of the Saracen city of Ceuta. Finally, very early
on Sunday morning, they entered the city, and imme-
diately began to preach the Gospel and to denounce
the religion of Mahomet. They were socm appre-
hended and brought before the ault.'iii who, thinking
that they were marl, ordered them to be cast into
prison. Here they remained until the following Sun-
day when iheiy were again brou^t before the sultan,
who, by promises and threats, endeavoured in vain to
make them deny the Christian religion. They were
all condemned to death. Each one approached
Daniel, the superior, to ask his blessing and permit-
sk>n to die for Christ. Hiey were all beheaded. St.
Daniel and his companions were canonized by Leo X
in 1516. Their feast is kept in the order on the
thirteenth of October.
Wadding, Annalee Aftnorum (Rome, 1732), II, 2&-30; Acta
SS., October, VI. 384-392; Paeeio eanctorum fratrum Danielie,
etc. m Anaiecta Franciecana (Ouaracchi. 1897), III, 613-616;
Leo, Livte of the SaivUa and Btesaed of the Three Orders of St.
Frttncu (Taunton. 1886), III, 29^-299.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Daniel of Winchester (Danihel), Bishop of the
West Saxons ; and ruler of the See of Winchester from
705 to 744 ; died in 745. The prominent position which
he held amonp the English clergy 9f his time can
best be appreciated from the fact ffiat he was the inti-
mate friend of St. Aldhelm at Sherborne, of the Ven-
erable Bede at Jarrow and of St. Boniface in Germany.
Daniel was consecrated to succeed Bishop Hedda of
Wessex whose vast diocese was then oroken up.
Dorsetshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, and Berkshire be-
came the see of Sherborne under St. Aldhelm, while
Daniel retained only Hampshire, Surrey, and Sussex,
and of these Sussex soon after was constituted a sep-
arate diocese. Daniel like Aldhelm (q. v.) had been
educated under the Irish scholar Maildubhat Malmes-
bury and it was to Malmesbury that he retired in his
old age when loss of sight compelled him to resign the
bishopric. There, no doubt, he had also leamt the
scholarship for which he was famous among his con-
temporaries and which made Bede turn to him as the
man best able to supply information regarding the
church history of the south and west of Britain.
Daniel, however, is best remembered for his intimate
connexion with St. Boniface. It was from Daniel
that the latter received commendatory letters when
he started for Rome, and to Daniel he continually
turned for counsel during his missionanr labours in
Germany. Two letters of the Bishop of Winchester
to Boniface are preserved (see Hadoan and Stubbs,
''Councils", III, 304 and 343) and give an admirable
impression of his piety and good sense. In the second
of these epistles, which was written after his loss of
sight, Daniel takes a touching farewell of his corre-
spondent: ''Farewell, farewdl, thou hundredfold
dearest one. ' ' Daniel had made a pilgrimage to Rome
in 721 and in 731 assisted at the consecration of Arch-
bishop Tatwine. Ke seems never to have been hon-
oured as a saint. A vision recorded in " Monumenta
Moguntina", No. 112, perhaps implies that he was
considered to be lacking in energy; none the less it
would follow from William of Malmesbury 's reference
(Gest. Pont., I, 357) to a certain stream in which
Daniel used to stand the whole night long to cool
his passions, that he was a man of remarkable
austerity.
Stubbs in Diet. Chriet. Biog, s. v.; Venableb in Diet. Nat.
Biog., fl. v.; Plummeb ed., Bede, Opera Hietorica, especially Vol.
II. 307-308; Bright. Chaptere of Early Entj. Ch. HmL, 424. 426.
The materials of any biography must be drawn mainly from
Bede, William of Malmesbury, and Florence of Worcester. Tbe
correspondence with Boniface has been most recently edited w
the first volume of Epistola in the Monumenta Germania Hie*
torioa. See also Chevauer, Bio-btbUographie.
Herbert Thurston.
Daniel the Stylite. See Stylites.
Dansara, a titular see inOsrhoene. Stephauus By*
zantius mentions Dansara as a town near Edessa
(Orfa). Procopius (De cedif., II, 6) says it was one of
the castles around Theodoeiopolis (Rhaesina), which
were fortified by Justinian. Dansara, probably at
the same tim(», Iwcnrae an epiffcopal see suffragan to
Edessa, for it fignros in the "Notitiaepisoopatuum^of
DANTS
628
DAN7B
the Patriarch of Antioch, AnaBtasius (Vailhd in Echos
d'Orient, X, 90 sqq. and 139 8Qq.)i and its bishop
Nonnus was present at the Fifth (Ecumenical Coimcit,
held at Constantinople in 553 (Lequien, Or. christ.,
II, 983). The see must have disappesu^ on account
of the Arabian invasions, as no other bishop is known.
It is not certain that it was still in existence in the
tenth century (Vailhd in Echos d'Orient, X, 90 sqq.)-
The site of the city has not been identified. Its name
is often written Dausara; such forms as Lansara, etc.
are incorrect. The Latin titular see has recently been
suppressed. S. PferaiDiis.
Dante AHghieri, Italian poet, b. at Florence, 1265;
d. at Ravenna, Itaty, 14 September, 1321. His own
statement in the "Paradise^' (xxii, 112-117) that he
was bom when the sun was in Gemini, fixes his birth-
day between 18 May and 17 June. He was the son
of Alighiero di Bellincione Alighieri, a notarv belong-
ing to an ancient but decadent Guelph family, by his
first wife, Bella, who was possibly a daughter of
Durante di Scolaio Abati, a Ghibelline noble. A few
months after the poet's birth, the victory of Charles
of Anjou over King Manfred at Benevento (26 Feb.,
1266) ended the power of the empire in Italy, placed
a French dynasty upon the throne of Names, and
secured the predominance of the Guelphs in Tuscany.
Dante thus grew up amidst the triumphs of the
Florentine democracy, in which he ttx)k some share,
fighting in the front rank of the Guelph cavalry at the
battle of Campaldino (11 June, 1289), when the
Tuscan Ghibellmes were defeated by the forces of the
Guelph league, of which Florence was the head. This
victory was followed by a reformation of the Floren-
tine constitution, associated with the name of Giano
della Bella, a great-hearted noble who had joined the
people. By tne Ordinances of Justice (1293) all
nobles and magnates were more strictly excluded
from the government, and subjected to severe penal-
ties for offences against plebeians. To take any part
in public life, it was necessary to be enrolled in one or
other of the "Arts" (the guilds in which the burghers
and artisans were banded together), and accordmgly
Dante matriciilated in the guild of physicians and
apothecaries. On 6 July, 1295, he spoke in the (Jen-
eral Council of the Commune in favour of some modi-
fication in the Ordinances of Justice, after which his
name is frequently found recorded as speaking or
voting in the various councils of the republic.
Already Dante had written his first book, the " Vita
Nuova", or *'New Life", an exquisite medley of
lyrical verse and poetic prose, telling the story of his
love for Beatrice, whom he had first seen at the end
of his ninth year. Beatrice, who was probably the
daughter of Folco Portinari, and wife of Simone de'
Bardi, died in June, 1290, and the "Vita Nuova"
was completed about the year 1294. Dante's love
for her was purely spiritual and mystical, tJie amor
amiciticB denned by St. Thomas Aquinas: "That
which is loved in love of friendship is loved simply
and for its own sake". Its resemblance to the chiv-
alrous worship that the troubadours offered to mar-
ried women is merely superficial. The book is dedi-
cated to the Florentine poet. Guide Cavalcanti, whom
Dante calls "the first of my friends", and ends with
the promise of writing concerning Beatrice " what has
never before been written of any woman ".
At the beginning of 1300 the papal jubilee was
S reclaimed by Boniface VIII. It is doubtful whether
>ante was among the pilgrims who flocked to Rome.
Florence was in a disastrous condition, the ruling
Guelph party having split into two factions, known
as Btanchi and Neri, "Whites" and "Blacks", which
were led by Vieri de' Cerchi and Corso Donati, re-
spectively. Roughly speaking, the Bianchi were the
constitutional party, ^pporting the burgher govern-
ment and the (>rdiuanccfl of Justice; the Nen\ at once
more turbulent and more aristocratic, relied on the
support of the popuh&oe, and were strengthened by
the favour of the pope, who disliked and mistnisted
the recent developments of the democratic policy of
the republic. The discovery of a plot on the part of
certain Florentines in the papal service (18 April)
and a ooUision between the two factions, in wnich
blood was shed (1 May), brou^t things to a Crisis.
On 7 May Dante was sent on an unimportant em-
bassy to San Gemignano. Shortly after his return
he was elected one of the six priors who for two
months, together with the gonfaUmierey formed the
Signariay the chief magistracy of the repubhc His
term of office was from 16 June to 15 August. To-
gether with his colleagues, he confirmed the anti-
papal measures of his predecessors, banished the
leaiders of both factions, and offered such opposition
to the papal legate, Cardinal Matteo d'Aociuasparta,
that the latter returned to Rome a^ lata Florenee
under an interdict. Guide Cavalcanti had been
among the exiled Bianchi; having contracted a fatal
illness at Sarzana, he was allowed, together with the
rest of his faction, to return to Florence, where ho
died at the end of August. This, however, was after
Dante's term of office had ended. Enraeed at this
partial treatment, Corso Donati, in understandiDg
with his adherents in Florence, appealed to the pope,
who decided to send a French prince, Charles of
Valois, with an armed force, as peacemaker. We find
Dante, in 1301, prominent among the ruling Biandii
in Florence. On 19 June, in the Council of the Hun-
dred, he returned his famous answer, Nihil fiat, to
the proposed grant of soldiers to the pope, which the
Carviinal of Acauasparta had demanded by letter.
After 28 September he is lost sight of. He is said to
have been sent on a mission to tne pope at the begin-
ning of October, but this is disputed. On 1 November,
Charles of Valois entered Florence with his troops, and
restored the Neri to power. Corao Donati and his
friends retiuned in triumph, and were fully revenged
on their opponents. Dante was one of the first
victims. On a trumped-up charge of hostility to the
Church and corrupt practices, he was sentenced (27
January, 1302), together with four others, to a heavy
fine and perpetual exclusion from office. On 10 March,
together with fifteen others, he was further con-
demned, as contumacious, to be burned to death,
should he ever come into the power of the Commune.
At the beginning of April the whole of the White
faction were driven out of Florence.
A few years before his exile Dante had married
Gemma di Manetto Donati, a distant kinswoman of
Corso, by whom he had four children. He never saw
his wife again ; but his sons, Pietro and Jacopo, and
one of his daughters, Beatrice, joined him m later
years. At first, he made common cause with his
fellow-exiles at Siena, Arezzo, and Forli, in attempt-
ing to win his way back to Florence with the aid of
Ghibelline arms. Dante's name occurs in a document
of 8 June, 1302, among the exiled Bianchi who at San
Godenso in the Apennines were forming an alliance
with the Ubaldini to make war upon the Florentine
Republic; but, in a similar agreement signed at
Bologna on 18 June, 1303, he no longer appears
among them. Between these two dates he had made
his resolution to form a party by himself (Par., x^-ii,
61-68), and had sought refuge in the hospitality of
Bartolommeo della Scala, the lord of Verona, where
he first saw Can Grande della ScaJa, Bartolommeo's
younger brother, then a boy of fourteen years, who
became the hero of his later days.
Dante now withdrew from aU active participation
in politics. In one of his odes written at this time,
the "Canzone of the Three Ladies" fCanz. xx), he
finds himself visited in his banishment by Justice and
her spiritual children, outcasts even as he, and de-
clares that, since such are his companions in misfor-
DAKTE
629
DAKTE
tune, ho coimi« his exile an honour. His literary
work at this epoch centres round his rime, or lyrical
poems, more particularly round a series of fourteen
canxoni or odes, amatory in form, but partly allegori-
cal and didactic in meaning, a splendid group of poems
which connect the "Vita Nuova" with the "Divina
Commedia*'. E^rly in 1304 he seems to have gone
to Bologna. Here he began, but left unfinish^, a
Latin treatise, "De Vulgari Eloquentift", in which he
attempts to discover the ideal Italian language, the
noblest form of the vernacular, and then to show how
it should be employed in the composition of lyrical
poetry. Even in its unfinished state, it is a most
illummating book to all who wish to understand the
metrical form of the Italian canzone. On 10 Mareh,
1306, the Florentine exiles were expelled from Bo-
logna. In August we find Dante at Padua, and
some weeks later in Limigiana, where, on 6 October,
he acted as the representative of the Marquess Fran-
oeschino Malaspina in making peace between his
family and the Bishop of Luni. About this time
(130&-08) he began the "Convivio", or "Banquet",
in Italian prose, a kind of popularization of Scholastic
philosophy in the form of a commentary upon his
fourteen odes already mentioned. Only four of the
fifteen projected treatises were actually written, an
introduction and three commentaries. In allegorical
fashion they tell us how Dante became the lover of
Philosophy, that mystical lady whose soul is love
and whose body is wisdom, she "whose true abode is
in the most secret place of the Divine Mind".
All certain traces of Dante are now lost for some
vears. He is said to have gone to Paris some time
between 1307 and 1309, but this is open to question.
In November, 1308, Heniy of Luxemourg was elected
emperor as Henry VII. In him Dante saw apossible
healer of the wounds of Italy, a renovator of Cnristen-
dom, a new "Lamb of God" (the expression is the
poet's) who would take away the sins of the world.
This drew him back again into the tempestuous sea
of politics and the life of action. It was probably
in 1309, in anticipation of the emperor's coming to
Italy, that Dante wrote his famous work on the
monarchy, "De Monarchic", in three books. Fear-
ing lest ne "should one day be convicted of the
charge of the buried talent", and desirous of "keej>-
ing vigil for the good of the world", he proceeds
successively to show that such a single supreme
temporal monarchy as the empire is necessary for
the well-being of the world, that the Roman peo-
ple acquired universal sovereign sway by Divine
ri^t, and that the authoritv of the emperor is not
dep^ident upon the pope, but descends upon him
directly from the fountain of universal authority,
which IS God. Man is ordained for two ends: blessed-
ness of this life, which consists in the exercise of his
natural powers^ and is figured in the terrestrial para-
dise; blessedness of life eternal, which consists in the
fruition of the Divine aspect in the celestial paradise,
to which man's natural powers cannot ascend without
the aid of the Divine light. To these two ends man
must come by diverse means: "For to the first we
attain by the teachings of philosophy, following them
by acting in accordance with the moral and intellec-
tual virtues. To the second by spiritual teachings,
which transcend human reason, as we follow them by
acting according to the theological virtues." But,
although these ends and means are made plain to us
by human reason and by revelation, men in their
cupidity would reject them, were not they restrained
by bit and rein. " Wherefore man had need of a two-
fold directive power according to his twofold end,
to wit, the Supreme Pontiff, to lead the human race
in accordance with things revealed, to eternal life;
and the Emperor, to direct the human race to temporal
felicity in accordance with the teachings of pnilos-
ophy.'' It is therefore the special duty of the
emperor to establish freedom and peace ''on this
threshing floor of mortality". Mr. Wicksteed (whose
translation is quoted) aptly notes that in the "De
Monarchic" "we first find in its full maturity the
general conception of the nature of man, of govern-
ment, and of human destiny, which was afterwards
transfigured, without being transformed, into the
framework of the Sacred Poem".
The emperor arrived in Italy in September, 1310.
Dante had already announced this new sunrise for
the nations in an enthusiastic letter to the princes^
and peoples of Italy (Epist. v). He paid homage to
Henry in Milan, eany in 1311, and was much gratified
by his reception. He then passed into the Casentino,
Srobably on some imperial mission. Thence, on 31
[arch, he wrote to the Florentine Government (Epist.
vi), "the most wicked Florentines within", denounc-
ing them in unmeasured language for their opposition
to the emperor, and, on 16 April, to Henry (Epist.
vii), rebukmg him for his delay, urging him to proceed
at once against the rebellious city, 'Hhis dire plague
which is named Florence ". By a decree of 2 Septem-
Tomb of Dantb
(Church of Santa Croce, Florence)
ber (the reform of Baldo d'Aguglione), Dante is in-
cluded in the list of those who are permanently
excepted from all amnesty and grace oy the com-
mune of Florence. In the spring of 1312 he seems
to have gone with the other exiles to join the emperor
at Pisa, and it was there that Petrarch, then a child
in his eighth year, saw his great predecessor for the
only time. Reverence for his fatherland, Leonardo
Bruni tells us, kept Dante from accompanying the
imperial armv that vainly besieged Florence in Sep-
tember and October; nor do we know what became
of him in the disintegration of his party on the em-
peror's death in the following August, 1313. A vague
tradition makes him take refuge in the convent of
Santa Croce di Fonte Avellana near Gubbio. It was
possibly from thence that, after the death of Clement
V, in 1314, he wrote his noble letter to the Italian
cardinals (Epist. viii), cr3ang aloud with the voice of
Jeremias, urgingthem to restore the papacy to Rome.
A little later, Dante was at Lucca under the protec-
tion of Uguccione della Faggiuola, a Ghibelline soldier
who had temporarily made himself lord of that city.
Probably in consequence of his association with
Uguccione the Florentines renewed the sentence of
death against the poet (6 Nov., 1315), his two sons
being included in the condemnation. In 1316 several
decrees of anmesty were passed, and (although Dante
was undoubtedly excluded imder a provision of 2
June) some attempt was made to get it extended to
him. The poet's answer was his famous letter to an
unnamed Florentine friend (Epist. ix), absolutely
refusiAg to return to his country under shameful
conditions. He now went again to Verona, where he
DAKTE
630
DANTE
found his ideal of knightly manhood realizcxl in Can
Grande delia Scala, who was ruling a large portion of
Eastern Lombardy as imperial vicar, and in whom he
doubtless saw a possible future deliverer of Italy. It
is a plausible theory, dating from the fifteenth' century,
that identifies Can Grande with the ''Veltro", or
greyhound, the hero whose advent is prophesied at
the beginning of the "Inferno", who is to effectuate
the imperial ideals of the "De Monarchia", and
succeed where Henry of Luxemburg had failed.
In 1317 (according to the more probable chronol-
ogy) Dante settled at Ravenna, at the invitation of
Guido Novello da Polenta. Here he completed the
"Divina Commedia". From Ravenna he wrote the
striking letter to Can Grande (Epist. x), dedicating
the ''Faradiso" to him, commenting upon its first
canto, and explaining the intention and allegorical
meaning of the whole poem. A letter in verse (1319)
from Giovanni del Vingilio, a lecturer in Latin at the
University of Boloena, remonstrating with him for
treating such lofty themes in the vernacular, inviting
him to come and receive the laurd crown in that city,
by his son Jacopo and forwarded by him to Can
Grande.
The "Divina Commedia" is an allegory of human
life, in the form of a vision of the world beyond the
grave, written avowwUy with the object of convertinf^
a corrupt society to righteousness: "to remove thoee
living in this life from the state of misery, and lead
them to the state of felicity '\ It is composed of a
hundred cantos, written in the measure Known as
ilersa riina, with its normallv hendecasyllabic lines
and closely finked rhymes, which Dante so modified
/from the popular poetry of his day that it may be
regarded as his own invention. He is relating^ nearly
twenty years after the event, a vision which was
gnuited to him (for his own salvation when leading
a sinful fife) during the year of jubilee, 1300, in which
for seven days (beginning on the morning of Good
Friday) he passed throu^ heU, purgatory, and para-
dise, spoke with the souls in each realm, and heard
what the Providence of God had in store for himself
and the world. The framework of the poem presents
the dual scheme of the "De Monarchic transfigured.
Bronze op the XV Century
(made from the mask)
(NationiU Muneum, Naples)
Detail from the Disputation
(Ii>eal)
(Raphael, Vatican)
Dante Auguieri
PoRTRArr BY Giotto di Boni>oxb
(National Museum, Florence)
led Dante to compose his first ''Eclogue", a delightful
poem in pastonu Latin hexameters, full of human
kindness and gentle humour. In it Dante expresses
his unalterable resolution to receive the laur S from
Florence alone, and proposes to win his correspondent
to an appreciation of vernacular poetry by the gift of
ten cantos of the "Paradiso". A second ** Eclogue'*
was sent to Giovanni after Dante's death; but it is
doubtful whether it was really composed by the poet.
This correspondence shovra that in 1319 the *' Inferno"
and ''Purgatorio" were already generally known;
while the ''Paradiso" was still unfinished. This was
now sent in instalments to Can Grande, as completed,
between 1319 and 1321. If the ''Qusestio de AquA et
Terrd'' is authentic, Dante was at Verona on 20 Jan-
uary, 1320, where he delivered a discourse on the
relative position of earth and water on the surface of
the globe; but, although the authenticity of this
treatise has recently found strenuous defenders, it
must still be regarded as doubtful. In July, 1321,
Dante went on an embassy from Guido da Polenta to
Venice. Two months later he died, at Ravenna, on
the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, and was
buried in the church of San Francesco in that city.
Tlie whole of the "Divina Commedia" had been pub-
lished, with the exception of the last thirteen cantos
of the *' Paradiso", wnich were afterwards discovered
Virgil, representing human philosophy acting in ac-
cordance with the moral and intellectual virtues,
guides Dante by the light of natural reason from the
dark wood of alienation from God (where the beasts
of lust, pride, and avarice drive man back from
ascending the Mountain of the Lord), through hell
and purgatory to the earthly paradi^, the state of
temporal felicity, when spiritual liberty has been
regained by the purgatorial pains. Beatrice, repre-
senting Divine philosophy illuminated by revelation,
leads him thence, up through the nine moving heavens
of intellectual preparation, into the true paradise, the
spaceless and timeless empyrean, in which the blessed-
ness of eternal life is found in the fruition of the sight
of God. There her place is taken by St. Bernard, type
of the loving contemplation in which the eternal lue
of the soul consists, who commends him to the
Blessed Virgin, at whose intercession he obtains a
foretaste of the Beatific Vision, the poem closing with
all powers of knowing and loving fulfilled ana con-
sumed in the union. of the understanding with the
Divine Essence, the will made one with the Divine
Will, "the Love that moves the sun and the other
stars".
The sacred poem, the last book of the Middle Ages,
sums up the knowledge and intellectual attainment
of the centuries that passed between the fall of the
BANTS
631
DAKTE
lioman Empire and the beginniug of the KeuaiHsaiice;
it gives a complete picture of Catholicism in the thir-
teenth century in Italy. In the "Inferno'', Dante's
style is chiefly influenced by Virgil, and, in a lesser
ci^ree, by Lucan. The heir in poetry of the great
achievement of Bl. Albertus Magnus and St. Thomas
Aquinas in christianizing Aristotie, his ethical scheme
and metaphysics are mainly Aristotelean, while his
machinery is still that of popular medieval tradition.
It is doubtful whether he had direct acquaintance
"with any other account of a visit to the spirit world,
save that in the sixth book of the '* iEneid ' . But over
all-this vast fleld his dramatic sense played at will, pic-
turing human nature in its essentials, laying bare the
secrets of the heart with a hand as sure as that of
Shakespeare. Himself the victim of persecution and
injustice, burning with zeal for the reformation and
renovation of the world, Dante's impartiahty is, in
the main, sublime. He is the man (to adopt his own
phrase) to whom Truth appeals from her unmutable
throne; as such, he relentlessly condemns the ''dear
and kind paternal image" of Brunetto Latini to belli
though from him he had learned "how man makes
himself eternal"; while he places Constantine, to
whose donation he ascril^es the corruption of the
Church and the ruin of the world, in paradise. The
pity and terror of certain episodes in the "Inferno" —
the fruitless magnanimity of Farinata degli Uberti,
the fatal love of Francesca da Rimini, the fsdl of Guido
daMontefeltro, the doom of Count Ugolino — reach the
utmost heights of tragedy.
The "Purgatorio", perhaps the most artistically
perfect of the three canticles, owes less to the beauty
of the separate episodes. Dante's conception of
purgatory as a lofty mountain, rising out of tne ocean
m tne southern hemisphere, and leading up to the
Garden of Eden, the necessary preparation for win-
ning back the earthly paradise, and with it all the
prerogatives lost by man at the fall of Adam, seems
peculiar to him ; nor do we find elsewhere the purify-
mg process carried on beneath the sun and stars, with
the beauty of transfigured nature only eclipsed by the
splendour of the angelic custodians of the seven ter-
races. The meeting with Beatrice on the banks of
Lethe, with Dante^ personal confession of an un-
worthy past, completes the story of the ** Vita Nuova "
after the bitter experiences and disillusions of a hfe-
time.
The essence of Dante's philosophyis that all virtues
and all vices proceed from love. The "Purgatorio"
shows how love is to be set in order; the " Paradiso"
shows how it is rendered perfect in successive stages
of illumination, until it attains to union with me
Divine Love. . The whole structure and spiritual aiv
rangement of Dante's paradise, in which groups of
saints make a temporary appearance in uxe lower
spheres in token of the "many mansions", is closely
dependent upon the teachings of the Pseudo-Diony-
sius and St. Bernard concerning the different offices
of the nine orders of angels. It is doubtful whether
he knew the "Celestial Hierarchy" of Dionysius at
first hand, in the translation of Sootus Erigena; but
^t. Bernard's "De Consideratione" certainly influ-
(«iced him profound^. Dante's debt to the Fathers
md Doctors of the Church has not yet been investi-
§ated with the fullness of research that has been
evoted to elucidating his knowledge of the classical
writers. His theology is mainly that of St, Thomas
Aquinas, though he occasionally (as when treating of
prmial matter and of the nature of the celestial intelli-
genoes) departs from the teaching of the Angelical
Doctor, (in particular points, the influence of St,
Gregory, St. Isidore, St. Anselm, and St. Bonaventure
may be traced ; that of Boethius is marked and deep
throughout. His mysticism is professedly based upon
St. Augustine, St. Bernard, and Richard of St. Victor.
ii^We m many places it curiously anticipates that of
St. Joliii of the CroHB. Mr. Wicksteed speaks of
"many instances in which Dante gives a spiritual
turn to the physical speculations of the Greeks".
Even in the "Paradiso'' the authority of Aristotle is,
next to that of the Scriptures, supreme; and it is
noteworthy that, when questioned by St. John upon
charity, Dante appeals first of all to the Stagirite (in
the "Metaphysics") as showing us the cause for lovinp
God for Himself and above all things (Par., xxvi,
37-39). The harmonious fusion of the loftiest mysh
ticism with direct transcripts from nature and the
homely circumstance of daily life, all handled with
poetic passion and the most consummate art, gives
the "Divina Ommedia" its unique character. The
closing canto is the crown of the whole work; sense
and music are wedded in perfect harmony; the most
profound mystery of faith is there set forth in supreme
song with a vivid clearness and illuminating precision
that can never be surpassed.
House or Dante, Florence
Dante's vehement denunciation of the ecclesiastical
corruption of his times, and his condemnation of most
of the contemporary* popes (including the canonined
Celestine V) to hell have led to some questioning as to
the poet's attitude towards the Church. Even in the
fourteenth century attempts were made to find heresy
in the " Divina Commedia", and the " De Monarchic
was burned at Bologna by order of a papal legate.
In more recent times Dante has been hail^ as a pre-
cursor of the Reformation. His theological position
as an orthodox Catholic has been amply and repeat-
edly vindicated, recently and most notably by Dr.
Moore, who declares that "there is no trace in his
writings of doubt or dissatisfaction respecting any
part of the teaching of the Church in matters e^ doc-
trine authoritatively laid down". A strenuous op-
ponent of the political aims of the popes of his own
day, the beautiful episodes of Caselia and Manfred
in the "Purgatorio", no less than the closing chapter
of the "De Monarchic" itself, bear witness to Dante's
reverence for the spiritual power of the papacy, which
he accepts as of Divine origin. Not the least striking
testimony to his orthodoxy is the part played by the
Blessed Virgin in the sacred poem from the beginning
to the end. It is, as it were, the working out in in-
DANTE
632
DAKTS
s|)iced poetry of ilie sent-encc of Richard of St. Victor:
*• TTirough Mary not only in the light of grace given to
man on earth, but even the vision of God vouchsafed
to souls in Heaven. *'
Our earliest account of the life and works of Dante
is contained in a chapter in the "Croniche Fiorentine"
of Giovanni Villani (d. 1348), who speaks of the poet
as "our neighbour". There are six commentaries
extant on the **Divina Conmiedia", in whole or in
part, composed within ten years of the poet's death.
Throe of these — by Graziolo de' Bambaglioli, then
chancellor of the commune of Bologna; an uniden-
tified Florentine known as Selmi's Anonimo, and Fra
Guido da Pisa, a Carmelite — extend to the "Inferno"
alone: those by Jacopo Alighieri, the poet's second
son, Jacopo della Lana of Bologna, and the author
of the "Ottimo Commento" deal with the entire poem.
Graziolo appears as the first defender of Dante's
orthodoxy (then fiercely assailed in Bologna); the
author of^the "Ottimo'' (plausibly identified with a
Florentine notary and poet, Andrea Lancia) professes
to have actually spoken with Dante, and gives us
various interesting aetaUs concerning his life. About
1340 Dante's elder son, Pietro Alighieri, set himself
to elucidate his father's work; two versions of his
Latin commentary have been preserved, jthe later
containing additions which (if reaUy his) are of con-
siderable importance. Some time after 1348, Gio-
vanni Boccaccio (q. v.) wrote the first formal life of
Dante, the "Trattatello in laude di Dante", the
authority of which, once much derided, has been
largely rehabilitated by more recent research. His
commentary on the "Inferno" is the substance of
lectures delivered at Florence in 1373. A few years
later came the commentaries of Benvenuto da Imola
and Francesco Buti, which were originally delivered
as lectures at Bologna and Pisa respectively. Ben-
venuto's is a living book, full of humour and actuality
as well as leaminc. The little "Life" by Leonardo
Bruni (d. 1444), the famous chancellor of the Floren-
tine Republic, which supplements Boccaccio's work
with fr^ information and quotes letters of the poet
other than those which are now known, and the
slighter notice by Filippo Villani (c. 1404), who is the
first commentator who refera in explicit terms to the
"Letter to Can Grande", bring the first a^ of Dante
interpretation to an appropriate close. The title of
father of modem Dante scholarship unquestionably
belong to Karl Witte (1800-83), whose labours set
students of the nineteenth century on the right path
both in interpretation and in textual research. More
recently, mainly through the influence of G. A. Scar-
tazzini (d. 1901), a wave of excessive scepticism swept
over the field, by which the traditional events of
Dante's life were rejs^rded as little better than fables,
and the majority of his letters and even some of his
minor works were declared to be spurious. This has
now happilv abated. The most pressing needs of
Dante scnolarship to-day are more textual study of
the "Divina Commedia , a closer and more thorough
acquaintance with every aspect of the minor worba,
and a fuller investigation of Dante's position with
regard to the great philosophies of the Middle Ages —
such as will justify or restate the pregnant opening of
the epitaph that Giovanni del VirgiUo composed for
his tomb: "Theologus Dantes, nuUius domiatis
expers quod foveat daro philosophia sinu" (Dante
the theologian, skilled in every branch of knowledge
that philosophy may cherish in her illustrious bosom).
Dante may be said to have made Italian poetry,
and to have stamped the mark of his lofty and com-
manding personality upon all modem literature. It
can even oe claimed that his works have had a direct
share in shaping the aspirations and destinies of his
native country. His influence upon English letters
b^ns with the poetry of Chaucer, who hails him
worthily in the "Monkes Tale", and refers his readers
to him as " thegrete poete of Itailie thai highie Dant".
Eclipsed for a while in Tudor times by the greater
popularity of Petrarch, he was afterwards ignored or
contemned from the Restoration until the end of the
eighteenth century. The first complete translation of
the "Divina Conmiedia" into English, the work of
an Irishman, Henry Boyd, was published in 1802
(that of the "Inferno" having been issued in 1785).
Dante came again into his heritage among us with the
great flood of noble poetry that the beginning of the
nineteenth century witnessed. The eloquent tributes
rendered to him by Shelley (in " Epip^chidion ", the
"Triumph of Life", and "A Defence of Poetry") and
by Byron (especially in the "Prophecy of Dante"),
as after them by Browningand Tennyson, need not be
repeated here. Through Dante Gabriel Rossetti and
the Pre-Raphaelites, he has been a fruitful influence
in art no less than in letters. In the interpretation
and criticism of Dante, English-speakii^ sdiolars at
present stand second only to the Italians.
Never, perhaps, has Dante's fame stood so high as
at the present dfay — ^when he is universally reoo^oized
as ranking with Homer, iEschyius, Sophocles, and
Shakespeare, among the few supreme poets o( the
world. It has been well observed that his inspiration
resembles that of the Hebrew prophet more than that
of the poet as ordinarily understood. His influence,
moreover, is by no means confined to mere literature.
A distinffuished Unitarian divine has pointed out that
the modfem cult of Dante is "a sign of enlarging and
deepening spiritual perception as well as hteraiy ap-
preciation", and that it is one of the chief indications
of "the renewed hold which the later Middle Ages
have gained upon modem Europe" (Wicksteed, "tne
Religion of Time and of Eternity "). The poet's own
son, Pietro Alighieri, declared that, if the Faith were
extinguished, Dante would restore it, and it is note-
wortliy to-day that many serious non-Catholic stu-
dents of life and letters owe a totally diflFerent con-
ception of the Catholic religion to the study of the
" Divina Commedia ' '. The power of the sacred poem
in popularizing Catholic theology and Catholic pmlos-
opny, and rendering it acceptable, or at .least intel-
ligible to non-Catholics, is at the present day almost
incalculable.
The place of honour among Dante societies belongs
unquestionably and in eveiy sense to the "Society
Dantesca Italiana", an admirably conducted associa-
tion with its headquarters at Florence, which wel-
comes foreign students among its members, and is dis-
tinguished for its high and liberal scholarshiD. In
addition to courses of lectures delivered under its
auspices in various Italian cities, it publishes a quar-
terly "BuUetino", a survey of contemporary Dante
literature, and has b^un a series of critical editions
of the minor works. Of these latter, volumes dealing
with the "De Vuljgari Eloquenti4" and the "Vita
Nuova", by Pio Rajna and Michele Barbi respectively,
have already appeared, and may be truly said to mark
an epoch in the critical and textual study of Dante's
Latin and Italian writings alike. The afflociation
known as the "Dante Alighieri", on the other hand,
is essentially a national and political society, and is
only indirectly concerned with the poet whose name
it bears. Of Dante societies other than Italian, the
"American Dante Society" of Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts, stands first in importance. The small but
distinguished "Oxford Dante Society" does work of
a high order of scholarship. The " Dante Society of
London" is noteworthy for its large number of mem-
bers, and publishes its sessional lectures in volume
form; but its aims appear to be social rather than
scholarly. A summary of some of the woria on
Dante will be found below.
The bibliography of Dante \a so vast and voluminoas thjj
it is only po$i8ible here to make a brief selection of recent snj
general workn. Complete editions: Moork. TuUe U Open at
DANTI
633
DANTINE
i>cwae Clast ed., Oxford, 100a): Wicxstbed. Oeunbr, Oebt.
and HLowELL in The Temple CUutsica, Dante, tr. of all the works,
witii Italian texts of Divtna Commedia, Vita Nuova, Canzoniere
or R-iwne, and fuU oommentariea (London, 1890-1906). £di-
tiona off the Divina Commedia: Scabtazzxni, La D. C. riveduta
nei teato e commerUala, and Prolegomeni (4 vols., Leipsis. 1874-
1890>; Idem, Edizione minore (2nd ed., Milan, 1800); CAaiNi,
ixx £>. C. eon commerUo (5th ed., Florence. 1805); Butlbr, The
Hell, PuTffatory, Paradise, edited with translations and notes
CLondon, 1885); Vernok. Readings on the Inferno, Purga-
torio, Paradiio (London, 1894); (Lord) Vernon and
Pamizzi. Le prime quaitro edizioni della D. C. letterabnenU
rimUunpate (London, 1858). Critical editions of minor works:
WixxE, De Monarchid (Leipzig, 1874): Rajna. De Vulgari
EtoituentiA (Florence. 180d); Barbi, Vita Nuova (Florence,
1007): WicKSTKBD. Eclogues in Dante and Giovanni del
Vim'iio (London, 1001); Albxni, Dantia Edagas (Florence,
IHctionaries and Concordances: Totnbeb, A Dictionary of
Proper Names and Notable Matters in the Works of DanU (Ox-
ford. 1808); PoLETTO. Dizionario Danlesco (Siena, 1885-^7);
Fay, Concordance of the Divina Commedia (C^mbridse. Bfassa-
chusetts, 1888, and London. 1804); Sheldon and White,
Concorda$ua delle Overs Italiane m prosa e del Canzoniere di
I>€tnte Aliqhieri (Oxford, 1005). Introductory: Gardner, A
I>€*TUe Pnmer (London, 10<X)). General: Benvbnuto da
Imol^. Comentum super Dantis Aldigherii Comadiam, ed.
Vernon and Lacaita (Florence, 1887); Bbrthikr. La D. C.
con commenii secondo la Soolastica (Freiburg, 1802); Gardner,
Oante's Ten Heavens (2nd ed., London and New York. 1000);
HfBTTiNQER, DonU^s D. C. Its Scops and Value, ed. Bowden
(Lrondon. 1887); Kraus. Dante, sein L^ben vnd sein Werk
(Berlin, 1807); Del Lungo, DelV Esilio di Dante (Florence,
1881); Idem. Dal Seedo e dal Poema di Dante (Bologna. 1808);
Moore. Textual Criticism of the D. C. (Cambridge, 1880);
Idem. Studies in Dante (3 vols.. Oxford. 1806^1003); Rica.
L'vUimo rifugio di Dante Alighieri (Milan, 1801); Soibrillo.
Alcuni oapitoli della biografia di Dante (Turin. 1806): Wick-
8TRED. The Early Lives of Dante (London and New York, 1004);
WiTTB, Essays on Dante, tr. and ed. Lawrence and Wick-
STEED (London. 1808), a selection from Dante-Forschungen
(Halle and Heilbronn. 1867-70); Zinqarelli, Dante (Milan.
1903). History of Dante's Times: W. F. Butler. The Lom-
bard Communes (London. 1006); Del Lunoo, Dino Compagni
e la sua Cronica (Florence, 1870-87); Villari, / primi due
secali delta Storia di Firerne (new ed.. Florence, 1005), tr. of
earlier edition (London, 1001): Wicksteed and Selfb, Vil-
lani's Chronicle, selections (2nd ed., London, 1006).
Oontemporary Literature: Kosbetti, Early Italian Poets (or
Dante and His Circle) (1861); Ga8pari, Italian Literature to
the Death of Dante, tr. and ed. Oelsner (London, 1001). The
translations of Cary and Lonopellow have been instru-
mental in familiarizing English and American readers with
the Divina Commedia; the oest recent versions are those of
Norton and Haselpoot; Carlyle'b prose-rendering of the
htfemo is particularly meritorious. Amon^ translations of the
minor works, other than those included m the above lists,
Church's of the De Monarchid and Latham's of the Letters
call for special notice. EdmUND G. GARDNER.
Daati, Ionazio, mathematician and cosmographer,
b. at Penicia, Italy, 1537; d. at Alatri, 19 Oct., 1586.
As a boy he learned the rudiments of painting and
architecture from his father and aunt, but mathemat-
ics and scielnce were his favorite studies. He received
the Dominican habit 7 March, 1555, changing his bap-
tismal name Pellegrino to Ignazio. After completing
his philosophy and theology he gave some time to
preaching, out soon devoted himself zealously to
mathematics, astronomy, and geography. Aoout
1567 he was invited to Florence by Cosmo I, Duke of
Tuscany, who wished to avail himself of his services in
reviving mathematical and astronomical studies in his
newly acquired dominion. About the same time Pope
Sixtus V, who belonged to the Order of Preachers, is
said to have commissioned him to furnish plans for the
construction of a Dominican church and convent at
Bosco. During his stay in Florence Danti taught
mathematics with much success and may be said to
have prepared the way for Galileo and his contem-
poraries. He resided at the convent of Sta Maria
Novella, and desired the first gnomon on the
facade of its church in 1572. He was chosen to direct
the building of a canal which was to place Florence in
communication with both the Mediterranean and the
Adriatic. Cosmo did not live to carry out his project
and shortly after his death (1574) Danti became pro-
fessor of mathematics at the University of Bologna.
While occupying this chair he spent some time in his
native city, at the invitation of the governor, where
he prepared niiifw of tho Perugiaii republic.
On account of his mathematical attainments Greg
ory XIII invited him to Home, appointed him pou-
tincal mathematician and made him a member of the
commission for the reform of Uie calendar. He also
placed him in charoe of the painters whom he had
summoned to the Vatican to continue the work so
brilliantly begun by Raphael during the reign of Leo
X and at the same time desired him to make a number
of maps of ancient and modem Italy. When the
pontiff commissioned the architect Fontana to repair
the Claudian harbour it was Danti who furnished the
necessary plans. While at Rome Danti published a
traiftlation of a portion of Euclid with annotations
and wrote a life of the architect Vignola, preparing also
notes for the latter's work on perspective. In recog-
nition of his labours Gregory, in 1583, made him Bishop
of Alatri in the Campagna. Danti showed himself a
zealous pastor in his new office. He convoked a dio-
cesan synod, corrected many abuses, and showed
great solicitude for the poor. Shortly before his death
Sixtus V smnmoned him to Rome to assist in the erec-
tion of the grand obelisk in the piazza of the Vatican.
Besides the works already mentioned, Danti was the
author of "Trattato del' uso e della fabbrica dell' as-
trolabo con la giunta del planifero del Raja"; "Le
Scienze matematiche ridotte in tavole", also a revised
and annotated edition of '' La Sfera di Messer G. Sacro-
bosco tradotta da Pier Vincenzio Danti".
Vermiquou. Elogio di Ignazio Danti in Opuscoli Letterari
(Bologna. 1820), III; Inxii in Btografia degli Scrittori Perugini
(Perugia. 1828) I, 366; Marchess. Memone dei piii insigni Pit-
tori Scultori e Architetti Domenieani (Bologna, 1870), II, 351,
tr. Mekuan (Dublin, 1852.)
H. M. Brock*.
ViNCENZo Danti, sculptor, brother of Ignazio, b. at
Perugia, 1530 ; d. 24 May, 1576. He also enjoyed some
reputation as a goldsmith, a militanr architect, and a
poet. The statue of Pope Julius III on the cathedral
square at Perugia is one of his early works. Later he
modelled the ''Decapitation of St. John the Baptist"
over the south portal of the baptistery at Florence, and
finished Andrea Sansovino's noble group of the "Bap-
tism of Christ' ' over the east ^te of the same baptisteiy .
He competed against Gellim and Gian Bologna for the
statue of Neptune in the fountain of Piazza della
Signoria, which was ultimately given to an inferior
artist, and he executed a marble group at the entrance
to the Boboli Gardens in Florence, a youth raising
and attempting to carry an old man bound hand and
foot. This is supposed to be an allegory of the victory
of honesty over deceit.
LObkk. History of Sculpture (tr. London, 1872); Perkinbi
Handbook of Italvan Sculpture (New York. 1883).
M. L. Handley.
Dantine, Maurus, Benedictine of the Congregar-
tion c^ Saint-Maur, and chronologist, b. at Gourieux
near Namur, Belgium, 1 April, 1688: d. in the mon-
astery of the " Blancs-Manteaux", Paris, 3 November,
1746. Like many of the members of his congregation
he was one of the so-called Appelanta who in 1713 did
not accept the Bull ''Unigenitus", but appealed to a
general council. Dantine s chief merit is tne work he
did in chronology; he can, in reality, be called one of
the founders of this important branch of history, on
account of the carefully elaborated plan he drew up
for the great publication: *' L'Art de verifier les dates
historiques, des chartes, des chroniques et autres
monuments, depuis la naissance de J.-C.". He did
most of the preparatory work for this publication,
constructing more exact chronological tables and in-
troducing a better method for calculating historical
dates. On account of illness, however, he was not
able to continue his labours and was obliged to leave
their completion to other members of his order, his
chief successor being Clemencet. Besides this, he de-
voted hims<'lf to thorough linguistic studies and as a
DANTISOUS
634
DABDANUS
result of these published a translation with commen-
tary of the P&alms under the title : " Les psaumes tra-
duits BUT I'h^breu avec des notes" (Paris, 1739).
This work attracted so much attention that in the
same year a second, and in the following year a third,
edition became necessary. In collaboration with
Dom Carpentier he prepared a new edition of the great
lexicon originally pubhshed in 1678 by Du Cange, and
afterwards contmued by the Maurists, its first Bene-
dictine editor being Dom Guesni^, who was followed
by Nicolas Toustain and Louis Le Pelletier. The edi-
tion of Dantine and Carpentier, half as large again as
that of Du Cange, appeared in six volumes at P^ris,
1733-36, under the title: **Gloasarium ad scriptores
medise et infimse latinitatis, editio locupletior oper& et
studio monachorum O. S. B." Dantine's labours
greatly increased the value of this admirable work,
which is not only of the utmost imoortance for the
knowledge of Latin, but is also a ricn source for the
study of law and morals in the Middle Ages.
Tabbxn, Histoire litUraire de la eongrSffotion de Saint- Maur,
II, 865 sqa.; Lama, BMiotMque de* icrivains de la congregation
n^lda
de Saint-Maur, 481.
Patricius Schlager.
DantiscuB, John von Hofen. See Ermland,
Diocese of.
Da Ponte, Lorenzo, poet, b. at Ceneda, Italy,
1749; d. in New York, 17 Aug., 1838. He was the
son of a Jew and was at first named Enunanuel Cone-
gliano. When he was fourteen years old his father and
the other members of the family embraced Chris*
tianity and were baptized, 20 Aug., 1763, in the cath-
edral of Ceneda. The bishop of the see, Lorenzo Da
Ponte, seeing the talents of the lad, gave him his own
name and sent him to the local seminary to be edu-
cated. Here Da Ponte remained for five years, and
then went to teach in the University of Treviso.
Political complications sent him to Vienna, where he
met Mozart and composed for him the librettos of the
operas "Le Nozze di Fiffliro", "Don Giovanni", and
" Cosl fan tutte ' '. He did not remain long in Vienna,
but went to London, whence, after a somewhat
chequered career, he emigrated to New York. Un-
successful commercial ventures and unprofitable ef-
forts to establish opera in that city followed, and he
then settled down as a teacher of Italian with a nomi-
nal connexion with Columbia CoUege. Da Ponte en-
joys the distinction of bein^ the first teacher in Ameiv
ica to lecture on Dante 's " Divina Commedia ". He was
buried in the old Catholic cemetery in East Eleventh
Street, and as the grave was never marked it cannot
now be located. His daughter married Dr. Henry
James Anderson, for many years professor of mathe-
matics and astronomy in Columbia College, and a
prominent Catholic phUanthropist.
Marcitesan, DeUa vita e delle opere di Lorenzo da Ponte (Tn^
viBO, 1900); Gbovih, Dictionary of Music and Mueicians (Ion-
don. 1904). Ill; U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc. Hist., Records and Studies
(New York. Nov., 1907). V, Part I.
Thomas F. Mbehan.
Darboy, Georges, Archbishop of Paris and eccle-
siastical writer, b. at Fayl-Billot, near Langres, 1813;
killed by Communists at Paris, 24 May, 1871. Or-
dained priest in 1836, he served for a time as curate
of Notre- Dame at Saint-Dizier and as professor at the
Grand S^minaire of Langres, then joined Mgr. Affre
at Paris, 1846, where from "pr^tre auxiliaire k la
maison des Cannes*' and chaplain of the Lyc6e Henri-
IV, he soon rose to the position of canon of Notre-
Dame, vicar-general and archdeacon of Saint-Denis,
having previously l)ecn made prothonotary Apostolic.
In 18^ he was appointed to the See of Nancy. Dur-
ing his three years as incumbent of that see, he took
a special interest in educational matters, established
the I*><)le Saints L<k)pold, enlargcni the Grand S^minaire,
and wrote (isn2) his famous letter, "8ur la ndcessit^
de r^tude". Promoted by an imperial decree of 10
January, 1863, to the Archbishopric of Paris, made
vacant by the death of Mgr. Moriot, he ocmsecrated
within a year the basilica of Notre-Dame, then com-
pletely restored, and was honoured with Uie titles of
Grand Almoner, Senator, and Imperial Councillor.
Though lacking the independence of Mgr. Affre, the
administrative skill of Mgr. Sibour, and the affability
of Cardinal Moriot, Darboy was a learned, conseien-
tious, and respected prelate. With the help of such
men as Buquet, Isoard, Lang^nieux, Meignan, and
Foulon, he ^ve a new impetus to the somewhat remias
administration of his aged predecessor. The Gaili-
canism of Darboy made him unduly subservient to
imperial wbhes and caused him to assume a^inst the
exemptions of the religious an attitude which Rome
(1869) compelled him to abandon. It was his chief
motive for siding, during the Vatican Council, with
the minority which deemed inopportune the definition
of papal infallibility, his reasons being more of a politic
caf than of a theological nature. Darboy was one of
those who suggested diplomatic intervention as a
means of ending difficulties. He left Rome before the
final vote of 18 July, 1870, and expressed sentiments
which, however, he generously retracted when, several
months after the definition, he subscribed to it. Dur-
ing the siege of Paris Darboy^ showed himself a true
pastor ana won the admiration of all. Arrested 4
April, 1871, by order of the Commime, and confined
to Mazas Prison, the best efforts of his friends failed
to save him; he was shot at Roquette, 24 May, and
died blessing his executioners. As soon as order could
be restored a national funeral was celebrated for him
and the other victims of the Commune. The Abb6
Perraud delivered his eulogy at Paris, and P^re Didon
at Nancy. Darboy was the author of the following
works: "(Euvres de saint Denys TArtopagite, tradui-
tes du grec" (Paris, 1845) ; " Les fenunes de la Bible "
(Paris, 1846-9); ''Lessaintes femmes'' (Paris, ISoO);
"Lettres k Combalot'' (Paris, 1851); "Jerusalem et
la terre sainte'' (Paris, 1852); '' L'imitation de Jdsus-
Christ, traduction nouvelle" (Paris, 1852); ''Statis-
tique religieuse du dioc^ de Paris" (Paris, 1856);
"Saint Thomas Becket" (Paris, 1858). He also con-
tributed to the "Correspondant" (1847-1855) and
was for a year (1850) director of the " Moniteur Gatho-
lique". His pastoral works (2 vols., Paris, 1876)
were edited by his biographer, Foulon.
Foulon, Histoire de la vie et des etwerea de Mgr Darboy
(Paris, 1889); J&rome in UepiscowU franpais, Wje-JUOS
(Paris, 1907), 390; Pisani (ibid., 463) givos an exhaustive bibli-
ography; Darboy et le l^atnt-Sikge, documents inidits in Rre.
d:hist. et de lit. retig. (May-June. 1907).
J. F. SOLUEB.
Darbyists. See Plymouth Brethren.
Dardanofl, a titular see in the province of Helles-
pont, suffragan of Cyzicus. Four or five bishops are
known, from 431 or 451 to 879 (Lequien^ Or. Christ.,
I, 775). Dardanus figures in ^'Notititue episeopa-
tuum ' ' as late as the twelfth or thirteenth century. The
town seems to have been situated some seven miles
south-west of the Dardanelles, near Kelea Boumou.
However, the town called Dardanelles (Gr. Darda^
ndlia; Turk. Kaleh-i-Sultanieh, ''imperial fortress'*;
and commonly Tchanak Kaleh, ''the fortress of pot-
tery*') is the modem representative of the ancient
Dardanus. It is an important port on the straits which
unite the Marmora with the Mediterranean (Straits of
Dardanelles, the ancient Hellespont). The popular
tion is about 8000 (Turks, Greeks, Jews, a few Arme-
nians, and Europeans). The little Catholic pari^ is
conducted by a secular pr^t and the school is under
Georgian Sisters, Servants of Mary. There is also
an American Protestant mission. Dardanelles is the
chief town of a saniak, which depends direcUy on the
Sublime Porto, and Ls st-rongly fortified. Every ship
entering or quitting the straiU must stop at Darda-
DARDBL
635
DARHIS
nelles and show the imperial firman, or permit, to enter
or* leave. Trade is rather active. Industry is repre-
sented by curious earthenware. Not far from the
town is the hill of Hissaalik, the scene of some of
Schllemann's important excavations. The entire
region is covered with interesting ruins.
CxjiNBT, La Turquie (VAtie (Paris. 18W), III, 080 sqq.
S. P^TRID^S.
Iterdel. Jean, Friar Minor of the French province
of the order, chronicler of Armenia in the fourteenth
century, adviser and confessor to King Leo V (or VI)
of Armenia. Nothing is known regarding him except
w^hat he himself tells us in his "Chronique d'Arm6nie ,
a work unknown until recent times. Dardel was bom
at Estampes, and became a Franciscan about the mid-
dle of the fourteenth century. Not earlier than 1375
he 'went with other pil^imsto Jerusalem and Mount
Sinai. Arriving at Cairo he found the unhappy Leo,
last King of Armenia (Cilicia), who after a nine-months
siege in the fortress of Gaban was made prisoner by
the Emir of Aleppo and brought to Jerusalem: and
from there sent, together with his family, to Cairo
(July, 1375). In Cairo Dardel accepted the invitation
of tne imprisoned monarch to act as his adviser, con-
fessor, and secretary. With Dardel was a companion
named Brother Anthony da Monopoli. Dardel saw
the kin^ frequently and said Mass before him, a privi-
lege easily obtained from the sultan. He remained at
Cairo till 1379, and, as he tells us, wrote soine of the let-
ters which the king sent to Europe seeking to procure
his freedom. Eventually King Leo entrusted him with
his royal seal and letters of credence, and sent him as
ambassador to King Peter IV of Aragon, and, failing
success with him, to all the other kings of Christendom
to obtain his freedom. Dardel ana his companion,
Brother Anthony, set out from Cairo 11 Sept.,
1379, and reached Barcelona, 1 March, 1380. After
traveling over half of Europe he barely succeeded
in inducing the King of Aragon to send an embassy
with gifts to the sultan. Under the leadership of the
pilgrim Gian-Alfonso di Loric, with some support
from John I, King of Castile, the release of King Leo
was thus secured, and he arrived at Venice, 12 Decem-
ber, 1382. He set out for France, paid homage there
to Clement VII (the antipope), and then went on to
Spain where the Kinp of Castile received him royaJly.
Clement VII appointed Dardel Bishop of Tortiboli
in the Kingdom of Naples, 11 April, 1383, as a reward
lor his labours on behalf of the Armenian king. He
has left us an important "Chronique d*Arm6iile",
hitherto unknown to Orientalists. It was discovered
by Canon Ulysse Robert, who came across the MS. in
the Library of D61e in France, and it has recently been
published by the Institut des belles lettres of France
m the second tome of the *' Recueil des Historiens des
(>oi8ades*'.
Oripnal text in Recant des Histariena dee Croiaades: Docur
menu AmUniena (PlariB. 1006), II, 274-1038: Armenian veraion
by G. Erqeamtz, Jowhannu Dardeli Zhamanakagruthiun
Hajoz (St. Petersburg, 1891); Robert. La Chronique d'Armhtie
dm Jean Dardel, evlque de Tortcholi in Archivea de l'Orie9U Latin
(188i). II. 1-15; Teza, Leone VI e frate Giovanni in AUi del A.
Jnstituto Venetodiecieme, LXVI, ser. VIII. vol. IX, pt. II, 322-
328; Mater in Romania (July, 1907), 450-455.
GiROI-AMO GOLITBOVICH.
Darerea, Saint, of Ireland, a sister of St. Patrick.
Much obscurity attaches to her history, and it is not
easy to disentangle the actual facts of her history from
the network of legend which medieval writers inter-
wove with her acte. However, her fame, apart from
her relationship to Ireland's national apoiitle, stands
secure as not only a great saint but as the mother of
many saints, mien St. Patrick visited Bredach, as
we read in the "Tripartite Life", he ortlained Aen^
mac Ailill, the local chieftain of Moville, now a seaside
resort for tho citizens of Derry. Whilst there he found
"the three deacon.^", his sistvor's Koti8, namely, St.
Reat, St. Nenn, and St. Aedh, who are commemorated
respectively on 3 March, 25 April, and 31 August.
St. Darerca was twice married, her second husband,
Ghonas, founded the church of Bothrchonms, now
Binnion, Parish of Clonmany, in the barony of Inish-
owen, Cbunty Donegal. She had families by both
husbands, some say seventeen sons, all of whom,
according to Colgan, became bishops. FVom the
"Tripartite Life ofSt. Patrick" it is evident that there
Were four sons of Darerca by Chonaa, namely four
bishops, St. Mel of Ardagh, St. Rioc of Inisboffin, St.
Muinis of Forgney, County Longford, and St. Maelchu.
It is well to note that another St. Muinis, son of Goltit,
is described as of Tedel in Ararcliath.
St. Darerca had two daughters, St. Eiche of Kil-
dass and St. Lalloc of Senlis. Her first husband was
Restitutus the Lombard, after whose death she mar-
ried Chonas the Briton. By Restitutus she was
mother of St. Sechnall of Dunshai^hlin; St. Nectan
of Killunche, and of Fennor (near Slane); of St.
Auxilius of Killossey (near Naas, County Kildare);
of St. Diarmaid of Druim-corcortri (near Navan) ; of
Dabonna, Mogomon, Drioc, Luguat, and Coemed
Maccu Baird (the Lombard) of Cloonshaneville, near
Frenchpark, County Roseommon. Four other sons
are assigned her by old Irish writers, namely St.
Crummin of Lecua, St. Miduu, St. Carantoc, and St.
Maceaith. She is identical with Liamania, according
to Colgan, but must not be confounded with St.
Monennia, <»* Darerca, whose feaat is on 6 July. St.
Darerca is honoured on 22 March, and is the patroness
of Valencia Island.
&rOKE8. The Tripartite Life ef St, Poltrick (Rolls Series, Lon-
don, 1887); CouQ/Lti, Trias Thaumaturjja (Lou vain, 1647);
Archdall, Monaeticon Hibemieum, ed. Moran (Dublin.
1873-76); Coloan. Ada Sanctorum Hibemia (Louvsin, 1646);
Martyroiooy of Donegal (Dublin, 1864); O'Hanion, Lives of
the Irish SainU (Dublin, 1879), III; Hkalt, Life and Writinaa
of St, Patrick (Dublin, 1905).
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Dar-efl-Salaam. See Zanzibar.
Dareate de la Ohavanne, Antoine-Elisabeth,
historian and professor, b. in Paris, 25 October, 1820;
d. at Lucenay-l^s-Aix. 6 August, 1882. Having com*
pleted his studies in tne Ecole Normaie and taken his
degree of Doctor of Literature, he taught history at
the lyceums of Versailles and Rennes and at the
College Stanislas^ the largest Catholic school in Paris.
In 1^7 he was given a professorship at the University
of Grenoble, and two vears after was appointed to the
chair of history at tne University of Lyons. This
latter position he retained for twenty years, being
dected dean of the faculty of literature in 1865.
While dischar^ng with the greatest zeal and ability
the duties of his position, he wrote a number of worlffl,
several of which received an award from the French
Academy. Among them are: "Eloge de Tui^t"
(Paris, 1847); "Histoire de radministration en
France depuis Philippe-Auguste" (Paris, 1848, 2
vols, in 8vo); "Histoire des classes a^coles en
France depuis saint Louis jusqu' k Louis XVI"
(Paris, 1853) ; ** Histoire de France depuis ses origines
jusqu' linos jours" (Paris, 1865-1873, 8vols.;2nded.,
1879, 9 vols.). All his writings are clear, accurate, and
complete without being diffuse. Although somewhat
imbued with Gallican ideas, he invariably £es justice to
the Roman CSiurch and the popes, in 1873 he was
appointed rector of the academy at Lyons, but was
placed on the unattached list in 1878, because of his
devotion to Catholic interests, and the active part he
took in the establishment of the Catholic University
of Lyons.
Hkinkich, Notice bioaraphique sur M. Dareate de la Chavanns
(Lyons, 1883).
Louis N. Dela.marre
Dark AgeA, See Middle Ages.
DamiB, a metropoHtan titular see of Libya, in
Egypt. Pt/)lomy (IV, 4, 2; 5; 6) and Ammian. Mar-
DABEAS
636
DATX8
oe)L, (XXII. 16. 4) locate it in Pentapolis. It became
the civil ana later the religious metropoliB of Libya Se-
cunda, or Inferior, i.e. Marmarica (Hierocles, '* syneo-
demua", 734, 3; Lequien, "Oriens. chriat.", II, 631;
Qelzer, "Geoi]gu Cyprii descriptio orbLs Romani'^
142). Dame is anotner form ot the name; Dardanis
is due to an error. Only three, perhaps four, bishops
are known, from the fourth or sixth century to about
600. The city is now known as Demeh or Demah,
Temeh or Temah, and is a little port at the end of a
bay formed by the Mediterranean, where the French
admiral Gantbeaume landed in 1799. It is situated
east of Benghasi in the vilayet of that name (Tripoli-
tana), and has 20(X) inhabitants, who live by fishing
and the coasting trade.
S. P6TRIDE8.
Darras, Joseph-Epiphane, church historian, b. at
Troyes, France, 1825; d. at Paris, Nov. 8, 1878. He
completed his classical training and his theological
studies in the Petit S^minaire and the Grand S6mi-
naire of Troyes, in the former of which he became a
teacher after his ordination to the priesthood, but had
to resign apropos of a paneg^ic on the Bishop of
Troyes, Etienne-Antoine de Boulogne (1809-1825),
dis^-aced by Napoleon I, for his firm attitude on the
occasion of the assembly of the French bishops in
1811. He then became tutor of Prince Eugene de
Baufifremont, devoted himself to historical studies,
and after the education of his pupil continued to live
with the de BaufTremont familv. He was a zealous
antagonist of Gallicanism and devoted to the honour
and the rights of the Holv See. He was at Rome
during the Vatican CJouncii as secretary to the meet-
ings of the French bishops. His first literary work
was the translation of Pallavicino's " Storia del Con-
cilio Tridentino" for the Migne collection. To the
same period belongs the "L^cende de Notre-Dame"
(Paris, 1848), written under the influence of Montal-
embert. The early theological studies of Darrar did
not include a good foundation in ecclesiastical history;
this defect he sought to make good by private studies.
His ''Histoire g^n^rale de I'Eglise" in four volumes
appeared at Paris in 1854 (14th ed., 1890). It follows
toe reigns of the popes, but betra^rs in the author a
lack of methodical training and critical skill, defects
noticeable also in his other works. In the following
years Darras published a ''Histoire de St. D6nis
TArfepagite, premier 6v^ue de Paris" (Paris, 1863);
a "Histoire ae Notre Seigneur J^us-CJhrist" (Paris,
1864), two volumes, and a '' Notice biographique de
Mer. Jager" (Paris, 1868). He collaborated with
Collin in the ** Grande Vie des Saints '' (Paris, 1873-75)
twenty-five volumes. In the meantime he had pre-
pared the material for his chief work; "Histoire de
I'Eglise depuis la creation", the first twenty-five vol-
umes of which appeared before his death (Paris, 1875-
77). They brought the narrative down to the twelfth
century. After nis death, J. Bareille continued the
work to the pontificate of Clement VII (volumes
XXVI-XXXII, Paris, 1879-84). It was completed
by J. Fdvre to the pontificate of Leo XIII, inclusive
(volumes XXXIII-XLIV, Paris, 1884-1907, with two
volumes of Index). This work discloses the defects
mentioned above. For a sharp criticism of it by the
Bollandist Charles de Smedt, S. J., see the latter's
"Principes de la critique historique" (Li^ge, 1885),
137 sqq., 285.
PoiMlian (Paris, 1879), XXV, 80; Hurter, JVbm«icto/or,
III, 1325, 1396: DARRA8-BAREiLL.E-Fi:vRB, Hiatoire de I'Eglute
(Paris. 1888). XLII. 376 sqq.
J. P. KiRflCH.
Darrell, William, theologian, b. 1651, in Bucking-
hamshire, England; d. 28 Feb., 1721, at St. Omer^,
Frano<\ He was a member of the ancient Catholic
family of I)arn*ll of Scotney Castle, Sussex, being the
only Mim of 'n^onuus Darrell ami his wife, ThomoKsin©
Marcham. He joined the Society of Jesus on 7 Sept.,
1671, was professed 25 March, 1689. He wrote: *iA
Vindication of St. Ignatius from Phanatidsm and of
the Jesuits from the calumnies laid to Uieir charge in
a late book (by Heniy Wharton) entitled The Enthu-
siasm of theChurch of Rome" (London, 1688) ; ''Moral
Reflections on the Epistles and Gospels of every Sun-
day throughout the Year" (London, 1711, and fre-
auently reprinted); "The Gentleman Instructed in
le conduct of a virtuous and happy life" (lOUi ed..
London, 1732; frequently reprinted and translated
into Italian and Hungarian); "Theses Theologies^''
(Litee, 1702); "The Case Reviewed" in answer to
Leslie's "Case Stated" (2nd ed., London, 1717); "A
Treatise of the Real Presence" (London, 1721). He
translated " Discourses of Cleander and Eudoxus upon
the Provincial Letters from the French" (1701).
Jones in his edition of Peck's "Popery Tracts "(1850).
also attributes to Father Darrell: "A Letter on King
James the Second's most gracious Letter of Indul-
gence" (1687); "The Layman's Opinion sent ... to
a considerable Divine ui the Church of England"
(1687); "A Letter to a Lady" (1688); "TTie Vanity
of Human Respects" (1688),
FoLBY. Records Eng. Prov. S. J. (London. 1878). Ill, 477.
VII. i, 196; Pkck. Catalooue of Popery TratU (1735). od. Jonm
(Chetham Society, 1859); Gillow. Bibl^ Diet. Eng. Catk.
(Ixindon. 1886), II; Coopek in Diet, Nat, Bioa. (London.
1888), XIV.
Edwin Burton.
Darwinism. See Evolution.
Dates and Dating. — ^In classical Latin even before
the time of Christ it was usual for correspondents to
indicate when and where their letters were written.
This was commonly done by such words as dabam
Romce ante diem qwartum Kalendaa Janwrrias^ i. e. I
five or delivered this at Rome on December 29th.
or this the later formula was daia Rama (eiven at
Rome). Hence data, the first word of the lonnula.
came to be used for the time and place therein roeci-
fied. The principle that imperial decrees and diar-
terp must be "dated" as a condition of validity, i. e.
that they must bear upon them the indication of the
day and year when they were delivered, may be traced
back to tne time of Constantine. In the course of the
Middle A^s this principle was genardly admitted,
and we find, for example, that at Colore in tbe
twelfth centurv the vaUdity of a certain mstrtunent
was contested Because it lacked a date. "Those who
have seen it say that the document which John
brought does not bear the dav or the indiction . . .
now the Roman decrees lay down that letters which
lack the day and the indiction have no binding force."
(Westdeutsche Zeitschrift fur GeschichteTl, 377.)
But althouffh this principle was recognized in theory
it was not always carried out in practice. Even down
to the beginning of the twelfth century not only royal
and imperial letters but even charters (Urkunden),
properly so called, were occasionally through the care-
lessness of officials sent out without a date. (Bress-
lau,' Handbuch, I, 891.) In this matter the Italian
chancery officials seem to have been much more care-
ful than those of the rest of Europe. The same is
true with regard to the correctness of the dates which
do apnear in official documents,jespecially those of the
early Middle Ag^. As a rule the charters emanating
from the chancery of the Western Emperors are mu£
more liable to this form of error than tnose of Uie Holy
See (Bresslau, ib., 844). But even the bulls of such a
pontiff as Innocent III are not unfrequently at fault,
and as Leopold Delisle has shown, an erroneous calcu-
lation of the indiction may be perpetuated throu^ a
whole series of authentic documents (Bib. de I'^ole
des chartes, 18i>8, p. 55). In an^r case it remains
certain and is admitted by all serious writers upon
diplomatics that the mere fact tliat an erroneous
date occurs in a document, es|)ecially when we are
DATES
637
DATBS
dealing with the earlier Middle Agc8, cannot by it«elf
be accepted as a proof, or even a presumption; of the
spuriousness of the document.
The Christian Era. — ^The point of main interest in
this connexion is to determine the source and period of
the introduction of our present system of dating by
the Christian Era. Altnough, as explained in the
article CHRONOLoar, General (q. v.), the monk
known as Dionysius Exiguus, when resident in Rome,
c. 527, seems to have b^n the first to initiate the
practice of calculating years from the birth of Christ.
and althoufi^ it was undoubtedly he who identified
the year of Christ's birth with the year 763 of the
foundation of Rome, as is still done in our current
ehronolo^, nevertheless it was not until long after the
age of Dionysius Exiguus that the system can^e into
common use. For example no trace of it will be
found in that great historian of the Gallic Chmrch, St.
^ of Tours, the contemporary of our St. Augus-
tine of England ; and in the writing of Pope St. Greg-
ory the Great the Dionysian Era is not adopted. It
was the pope's habit to date his letters by tne regnal
yetirs of the emperor and letters so dated mav be seen
m Bede's "Ecclesiastical History", just as thejr were
copied from the Roman archives. Apparently it was
the Englishman Bede himself who was the first to
bring the Dionysian system into general use, for it was
through him that it was adopted in literature, having
been employed systematically not only in his "I)e
Temporum Ratione" but especially in his "Ecclesi-
astical History". What is more, we may notice the
striking fact that the regular employment of the
Christian Era in English oiarters began just at the
period of Bede's pre-eminent influence. It is only
from about the year 679 that we are able to appeal to
English charters of indisputable authenticity. Tak-
ing eight such documents, the eight earliest which we
can quote with confidence and dated respectively 679,
692, 697, 732, 734, 736, 740, 759, we may notice says
Professor Earle (Land Charters, Introduc, p. xxxiii)
that " of this series the first five thou^ all more or
less dated, whether by the month or the regnal year,
or by the Indiction, or by all these at once, have not
the Anno Domini. On tne other hand, the last three
agree in usin^ the Christian Era and from this time
the practice is continuous. In the intervening year
whicn breaks this series into two parts falls the death
of Bede a. d. 735." Very noteworthy is the decree of
an Ei^Iish synod held in 816, wherein it is prescribed
that the bishop shall put the acts of the ssmod into
writing and date them by the Era of the Incarnation.
This points no doubt to a time "when ecclesiastics
knew the era well enough but had not yet acquired the
punctual habit of using itj'. It is in any case certain
that neither in the papal chancery nor m that of the
Western Empire was tne system introduced until con-
siderably later. In the empire it only became general
in the latter part of the ninth century, while although
it occurs occasionally in papal documents of the time
of John XIII (965-972), it was not the rule before the
twelfth century. But for the dating of papal docu-
ments and for the so-called "double date ' see the
article Bxtlls and Briefs.
Rbckonino of Years. — Before the Christian Era
was generally adopted in the dating of documents
various other systems were employed at different
periods and in different countries. The best known of
these WM the counting by "indicUons". The indic-
tion was a cycle of fifteen years, the first of these cycles
being conceived to have started at apoint three years
before the be^nning of the present Christian Era. It
was usual to mdicate only the position of the year in
the current indiction, and no notice was taken of the
number of cycles already completed. Thus, for ex-
ample, indidio quarta meant the fourth year of
some particular indiction and not the fourth cycle of
fifteen years aft^r b. c. 3 ; from which it follows that
merely to know tlie year of the indiction is useless for
determining the absolute date of any document unless
we know owerwise approximately the period to which
the document belongs. In reckoning the beginning
and consequently the changing-point of the indiction-
cydes four different systems were adopted : the in-
didio GroBca according to which the indiction be^an on
September 1st; the tndictio Casmrea (or indiction of
Bede) b^^ing September 24th ; the indidio Romana
beginning December 25th or January 1st; and the in-
didio Senensis beginning September 8th. The indie-
iio Grmca was the oldest of these and it remained in
use in papal buUs until 1087 and in imperial docu-
ments until 832. It was partly supplanted, especially,
in the Carlovingian sphere of influence, by Uie indidio
CcBsarea.
Conciurently with the year of the indiction it was
customary both in papal and imperial documents to
mention the regnal year of the pope or emperor. So
far as regards the emperors this was prescribed by
Justinian (Novella xlvii). In the case of thepopes we
do not know any instance earlier than 787. Uenerally
speaking (though the rule admitted of many excep-
tions» especially later) the regnal year was calculated
from the day of coronation or consecration. In the
official acts of most of the countries of Christendom,
and notably in England, the regnal year of the sov-
ereign was always given and sometimes this was the
only indication of ue year. As a continuous system
of year enumeration the oldest era in practical use
appears to have been that known as the ''Era of the
Martyrs" or "of Diocletian" (anni Dioddiani). Its
startmg-point was the accession of the Emperor Dio-
cletian, 29 Aug., 284. The Spanish Era (aera Hispan-
ica) was in familiar use in Spain from the fifth cen-
tury down to late in the Middle Ages. It adds about
thirty-eight years to the ordinaiy numbering of the
Christian Era. Where Byzantme influences pre-
vailed the years were generally numbered from the
beginning of the world (ab origine mundi). This era
was calculated from 1 September, and the birth of
Christ, which is the point of departure of our present
chronology, took place in the year 5509 of the Byzan-
tine system. Several other methods of reckoning, of
which the best known is the Era of the Hegira followed
in Mahommedan countries, have also prevailed in
various localities, but they cannot be discussed in
detail here. After the Christian Era had been uni-
versally adopted an important source of confusion as
regaitls the dating of documents stiU remained in the
diversity of practice about the beginning of the year.
For the details of this the reader must be referred to
the article CHRONOLoaT, General, and to the works
^ mentioned in the bibliography, but we may notice
here that among the Anglo-Saxons, as also at many
different periods in the papal chancery, the new year
was calculated to begin on December 25th. On the
other hand, in England from the twelfth century on-
wards, largely under Norman influences, the years
were numbered from the 25th of March. This ar-
rangement was often called the mos Anglicanus or
computatio AngUcana, though it also prevailed in
Florence, Siena, Pisa, and at least occasionally in .
other parts of the Continent as well as in many pa^Md
documents. In England it lasted on down to the
eighteenth century, though after Elizabethan times
it became increasingly common in the dating of letters
to indicate the system of dating adopted, N. 8. often
standing for the New or Continental Style in which the
year began on January 1st, and O. S. for the Old Style
m which the year was counted from March 25th. Fur-
ther N. S. was still more frequently iised for dates
which followed the reformed calendar of Gregory XIII,
as explained in the article CHRONOLoaT, Gensrau
The Reckoning of Days. — ^The eariy converts to
Christianity in the West not unnaturally retained the
method of indicating the days of the month wbicfa
DAtTBRfo
638
DAmJA
was current among their pagan contemporaries. Ac-
cording to this, three fixed points were taken in each
month, the kalends on the first day, the ides on the
tMrteenth (or in some months on the fifteenth), and
the nones on the ninth day before the ides, and conse-
quently on the fifth or seventh. The dates which fell
between these fixed points were designated by the
number of days by wnich they fell short of the next
fixed point. Thus the twenty-fourth of May was
called ante diem nonum kalendiu Jimias (i. e. the ninth
day before the kalends of June). During the early
Middle Ages this system was retained practically un-
altered except that the long Roman form was some-
'what contraicted, for example decimo kalendas JuUi
was written instead of the ante diem dedmum kalendae
Jtdiae.
A curious arrangement prevailed at Bologna (it was
called from its place of origin the con9uetudo BononC-
ensis) and extended over a large part of the north
of Italy. According to this the first half of the month
was numbered forwards and called mensis intrans^ but
the last half of the month was called mensis exiens and
numbered backwards, as in the Roman system; thus
the seventeenth of May was called die quinto decimo
exeuntis mensis Maii. Our present system of num-
bering the days straight on from the first of each
month besan to appear in the sixth century and
graduallv oecame more prevalent throughout the
Middle Ages, but it never came into general use on
account m tiie custom of indicating the day by the
feasts of the local calendar. Not only did the com-
mon festivals serve for this purpose, but the Sundays
were also often used, and were designated by the first
words of their Introit in the Mass. For instance in
Dominica kHare means on the Sunday whose Introit
begins with Latare in DominOf i. e. the fourth Sun-
day of LfCnt. Moreover the vigil of a feast, or the
previous day, or the octave, or a specified day within
the octave, were all familiarly designated by their re-
lation to the feast, e. g. in pervigilio Nativitatis Bealai
Maria; postridie Sancti Laurentii; in octava SH, Laa~
rentii. etc. In this method of dating, which was con-
stantly employed both in Latin and in the vernacular,
the use of the English word tUas for octave should
be noticed. This method of dating by saints' days,
as will be readily understood, depended much upon
local conditions and was always apt to become both
complicated and inexact.
Bresblau, Handbueh der Urkundenlehre (Leipzig, 1889); I,
818-874; Giry. Manuei de d%plomati9ue (Paris. 1804), 83-^5
and 677'-588; Grotefkno, TiucherUmch der Zeitrechnuriif, 2nd
ed. (Leiprxig, 1005). This is a convenient abridgement oi the
same writer's larger work, Zeilrechnuno deg deuUchen Miltd-
alien und der Newteil (Leipeig, 1891-1898); SroKvia, Manud
d^histoire, etc. (Leyden. 1888-1803), 3 vols., see especially the
introduction to Vol. II. This is a work of most prodigious re-
search containing elaborate tabular statements of dates and
chronological facts connected with e\'ery country of the world.
Oriental and American as well as European. Bond. Handy
Book for Verifying Dates (Ix>ndon, 1875); Earle, ^4 Handbook
to the Land Charters and other Saxonic Documents (Oxford, 1888),
28^36. The older manmds of chronology, such as the Bene-
dictine Art de verifier lee dates and Ideler'b Handbueh, need not
be more fully specified here.
Herbert Thurston.
Daubree, Gabribl-Augustb, French geologist, b.
at Metz, 25 June, 1814 ; d. at Paris, 29 May, 1896. He
studied mining ensineering at the Ecole Polytech-
nique in Paris and in 1834 entered the Government
service. After being sent on commissions to Eng-
land, Sweden, and Norway, he was attached to the
department of the Lower Khine. He was a close ob-
server of geological phenomena and during this time
published a paper on the ore deposits of Scandinavia
which attracted the attention of Berzelius, and also
issued his ^' Description K^logique et min^ralogique
du d^part«ment du Bas-Rhin . His appointment as
professor of geology and mineralogy at Strasburg fur-
nished him with a laboratory suitable for his experi«-
meatal work in synthetic geology, begun in 1849.
ftiis brilliant experimental researches at Straaburg,
and later at Pans, extended over a number of years
and have served to make him famous in the annals of
geology. They comprised the artificial production of
minerals, the geological action of superheated aqueous
vapour, the effect of mutual abrasion^ the influence of
pressure and strain in mountain-makmg, etc. During
the years 1857-^)1 he made a detailed study of the hot
spring of Plombi^res, observing at the same time the
onemioal action of thermal waters. In 1861 he was
aamitted to the Academic des Sciences and succeeded
Cordier as professor of geology at the Museum of
Natural History in Paris and curator of the collec-
tions; to the latter he made extensive additions, par-
ticularty of meteorites. It may be mentioned in this
connexion that daubr^Iite (CrS), a grayish granular
mineral found in meteoric iron, was named after him.
From 1862 he also lectured on mineralogy at the
Ecole des Mines of which he became director in 1872.
Daubr^'s career was a long and active one. He was
one of the foremost of Catholic geologists, and was
much esteemed for his amiability and nobility of
character. One of his friends and admirers was Doro
Pedro, Emperor of Braiil. Besides the worics already
mentioned, he was the author of: ''Observations mu-
le m^tamorphisme^' (Paris, 1858); ''Etudes synth^
tiques de g^H)logie exp^rimentale" (Paris, 1879);
"Les eaux souterraines^' (Paris, 1887); "La cbssifi-
cation des m^t^rites du Museum'', and many articles
in the "Journal des savants" and the "Revue des
deux mondes".
Lappabxmt in Revue des quett, seientii
•ierUiAques^
'ontotoov (
XL. 89:
ZiTTEL. History of Geology and Palctontdlobv (London, 1901);
Knsllbr, Das Christenthum u. die Vertret0t der neueren AV
turwissensehaft (FreibtttB, 1904), 264.
Hbnry M. Brock.
Daughters of Calvary. See Calvabt, Congre-
gation OF Our Lady op.
Daughter! of Charity. See Chariit, Sisters of.
Daughters of the Passion. See Capughinesses.
Daughters of the Queen of Aaven. See
Queen's Daughters, The.
Daulia, a titular see of Greece. Daulis, later Dau
lia, Dauleion, often Diauleia, even Davalia, was a
town of Phocis. on the Cephissus, fifteen Roman mike
north*east of Delphi. It is mentioned by Hierocles
(Synecd., 643, 10), and at the end of the sevenUi cen-
tury had become a suffragan of Athens. In 13d3 Talan-
tion was cut off from Daulia and made a distinct see:
this was a town at the foot of Mount Knemis, tl^ an-
cient name of which was Atalante. The bishops of
Daulia long protested aga^ifit this division; at last,
about the end of the fifteenth centur]^ the two sees
were reimited as "Daulia and Talantion"; they re-
mained so, except for a brief period about 1567. In
1653 the double see was made an archbishopric, owing
to the influence of a Turkish pasha, but after two
years was reduced to its former status. Talanti<m
was then commonly named in tlie first, plaoe, and fi-
nally was the only name in use. The bishop resided
there, as Daulia was almost in ruins. The See of
Dauha was suppressed in 1833, when the Church of
the Kingdom of Greece was organised on an independ-
ent basis. We know about fifteen Greek bishops of
Dauha, the first of whom, Germanos, died in 919; the
last, Neophytos Metaxas, died as Metropolitan of
Athens. As early as 1205 Daulia became a I^itin see;
many of the bishops are known from the thirteenth to
the fifteenth century, among them one William, bearer,
in 1384, of a letter from Urban VI to the Patriarch
Nilus, concerning the reunion of the Churches. Since
1441, at least, tne see has been titular.
BOU0QUKT, L'itichi de Doviia-TalanUon in gelM d'Orie^
(1907). X, 295-290.
S. Pfrrainks,
DAtlMSR
639
OAVCirPOftT
I>ftiimer, Georo Friedrich, German poet and phi-
losopher, b. at Nuremberg, 5 March, 1800; d. at WOrz-
burg, 14 December, 1&75. He was educated at the
RymnaBium of his native city, at that time directed by
the famous philosopher H^eL In 1817 he entered
the University of Erlangen as a student of theology,
but abandoiied that study for philosophy. For a
number of years Daumer was professor at the gym-
nasium of Nuremberg; owing to ill-health he was
pensioned in 1832 and henceforth devoted himself
entirely to literary work. While at Erlangen he
came strongly under the influence of Pietism. Soon,
however, he became sceptical and exhibited decided
leanings towards pantheism. From an orthodox Prot-
estant he gradually became a bitter enemy of Christi-
anity, ^ich he attacked in a number of writings and
for wnich he strove to substitute a new religion "of
love and peace", formulated in his work "Heligion
des neuwi Weltalters" (Hamburg, 1850\ Previous to
this he had published a number of works, all of a dis-
tinctly anti-theolo0cal tendency, of which the more
important are: "Philosophie, Religion, imd Alter*
tum" (Nurembeig, 1833); "Ziige zu einer neuen
Philosophie der Helicon und Keligionsgeschichte"
(Nuremberg, 1835) ; " Der Feuer- und Molodidienst der
HebrSer" (Brunswick, 1842); "Die Gieheinmisse des
christlichen Altertums" (Hamburg, 1847). Shortly
after 1850 Daumer left Nurembeig and settled at
Frankfort, where a great change soon came over him.
In 1858 at Mainz he publicly embraced the Catholic
Faith and thencefortn became its zealous defender.
Among the works written after his conversion are:
"Meine Konversion" (Mainz, 1859); ''Aus der Man-
sarde*' (1860-62); "Das Christentum imd sein Ur-
heber" (Mainz, 1864); "Das Wunder, seine Bedeu-
tung, Wahrheit und Notwendigkeit" (Ratisbon,
1874). The last mentioned work is directed ex-
pressly against the opinions of David Strauss.
Undoubtedly the best part of Daumer 'a work is his
poetry. His "Hafis" (Hamburg, 1846; a second col-
lection, 1852) contains graceful but very free imitar
tions of the songs of the famous Persian poet. In
fact, these poems are really ori^al productions, and
some of them have become widely known through
the musical settings of Brahms. This collection, as
well as "Mahomed und sein Werk" (Hamburg, 1848),
is distinctly directed against the hypocrisy and as-
ceticism which at that time Daumer believed to be
inseparable from orthodox Christianity. Among
other poems may be mentioned: "Olorie der heiligen
Jungfrau Maria" (Nurembeig, 1841); "Frauenbilder
und Huldigungen" (Leipzig, 1853); "Marianische
Legenden imd Gedichte" (MUnster, 1859) and
"SchOne Seelen" (Mainz, 1862).
The autobiographical works cited above; Bibkenbibi.,
Georg Fritdrich Daumer (Aschaffenburg, 1905).
Akthur F. J. Eemt.
Daaversiteei Jerome de la. See Montreal.
D'Avenant, Sir Willlua, poet and dramatist, b.
Feb., 1605-6, at Oxford, England; d. in London, 7
April, 1668. He was the second son of John D'Aven-
ant, a prosperous vintner and owner of an inn after-
wards Known as the Crown Tavern, where Shakes-
peare frecjuently stayed. The story which would
make William D'Avenant the natural son of Shakes-
peare seems to have no real foundation, thou^ he
may have been the poet's godson. D'Avenant was
educated at the grammar school of All Saints, Oxford,
and went for a short time to Lincoln CoU^. Then
he became page to Frances, Duchess of Richmond,
and was afterwards taken into the service of Fulke
Greville, Lord Brooke. In 1628 he began writing
plays and ten years later succeeded Ben Jonson as
Poet Laureate. He took up warmlv the side of the
king in the Civil War, and was knighted by Charles I
in 1643. After the king's defeat, in 1644, he took
refuge in France where he became a Catholic. He
was employed by Queen Henrietta Maria in her cor-
respondence with the king in England, and was faith-
ful to the royal cause to the end. More than once he
was imprisoned and in danger of losing his life, but was
finally released in 1651. In 1656 he was instrumental
in reviving theatrical performances in England which
had ceased since 1641. After the Restoration he was
patronized by Charles II and continued, to the end of
nis life, to write and superintend the production of
plays. His poetical work consists ot the epic of
'' Gondibert " with other shorter poems (Chalmer, Eng-
lish Poets, Iiondon, 1810, vi), together with nearly
thirty plays (Edinbuigh, 1872-4, 5 vols., edited by
Maidment and Logan). " Gondibert " is an unfimshed
poem in fifteen hundred heroic stanzas. Modem
critics find it dull, but it has its place in English litera-
ture as marking a stage in the movement towards the
so-called classical school of poetry which culminated
in Dryden and Pope. D'Avenant's dramas do not
rise much above mediocrity, but they are considered
''exceptionally decorous and moral" for their time.
LsB in Did. Nat. Biog., a. v.; Prefatory Memoir to above
edition of plays; Downes. Roscius Atudicanua, ed. Kniqrt
(London, 1$86); Gillow, Bt&I. Diet, of Sng. Cath., e. v.
K. M. Wabbbn.
Davenport, Christophbr, also known as Frax-
cificuB X Sancta Clara and sometimes by the alias
of Francis Hunt and Francis Coventrt, theologian,
b. 1598, at Coventry, England; d. 31 May, 1680. He
was the son of Alderman John Davenport and Eliza-
beth Wolley, and from the grammar school at Cov-
entry went to Dublin where he spent fifteen months,
leavmg it 22 Nov., 1611. In 1613 he and his brother
John proceeded to Merton College, Oxford, entering
as "battelers" and taking Cook's commons; but the
warden required them to enter as commoners or to
leave the college; whereon in 1614 they migrated to
Magdalen Hall Here Christopher became B. A- on
28 May, his Dublin residence being allowed to count.
(Oxford University Register.) John subsequently
became a noted Puritan mvine and emigrated to New
England, where with a band of colonists he founded
the city of New Haven, Connecticut (1638). Christo-
pher was converted to Catholicism by a priest livine
near Oxford and in 1616 went to Douay. Attracted
by the efforts to restore the English Franciscan Prov-
ince, he joined the Flemish Franciscans at Ypres, 7
Oct., 1617. When he was professed (under the name
of Franciscus k Sancta Clara) he joined the English
Recollects at the newlv-established convent of St.
Bonaventure at Douay (18 Oct., 1618). He was sent
to the University of Salamanca in Spain, where he
took his degree m divinity and won reputation aa a
theologian. Returning to Doiiay, he became first
professor of theology at St. Bonaventure 's and filled
the office of guardian. At length he was sent to Eng-
land and was appointed chaplain to Queen Henrietta
Maria, in which capacity he attended the Court and
became acquainted with King Charles I, Archbishop
lAud, Montague, Bishop of Norwich, and Goodman,
Bishop of Gloucester, inspired with the idea of con-
verting England by means of corporate reunion, he
wrote a treatise to show that the Thirty-nine Articles
were susceptible of an interpretation more in accord-
ance with Catholic teaching than was usually sup-
posed. This was the *' Paraphrastica Expositio Artio-
ulorum Confessionis AngUcanse", published as an
appendix to his book, ''Deus, Natura, Gratia", in
1634. It offended many Catholics and was put on
the Index in Spain, though a condemnation at Rome
was averted by Panzani, the pope's nimcio in London.
On 19 June, 1637, Davenport waa elected provincial
of the order» an office to wnich he was suDeequently
r»^Iected, 10 July, 1650, and 4 June, 1665. Alter the
Restoration he was appointed chaplain to Queen
Catharine of Braganza, and returned to Londoiif
DAVSHPOftT
640
DAVm
irbere he spent most of his mnaiiiinK years, with
occaaional visits to Planders. His intellectual ability
and attractive manner won for him the friendship of
many, and aided in reconciling numerous converts,
among whom was Anne, Duchess of York. He lived
to celebrate three jubilees — of religious profession, of
the priesthood, and of the mission. His works are:
"EpistoUimi, continens oonfutationem duarum prop-
Ofiitionum astrologicarum" (Douay, 1626); "Deus,
Natura, Gratia", with the important appendix de-
scribed above (Lyons, 1634); "Apologia Episco-
porum" (Cologne, 1640); "The Practice of the Pres-
ence of God'^ (Douay, 1642); "Systema Fidei"
(Li^, 1648); "De Definibilitate ControversisB Im-
maculatffi Conceptionis Dei Genitricis Opusculum''
(Douay, 1651); "Paralipomena Philosophica de
Mundo Peripatetic©" (Antwerp, 1652); "An Enchiri-
dion of Faith" (Douay, 1665); "Explanation of the
Catholic Belief" (1656); "Manuale Missionariorum
Regularium prsecipue Aiiglorum Ordinis Sancti Fran-
cisci" (Douay, 1658, 1661); "Fragmenta: seu His-
toria Minor. Pro vine. Angl. Fratrum Minonun";
"Tractatus de Sch'ismate praesertim Anglicano";
"Vmdication of Roman Catholics" (1659); "Liber
Dialogorum" (Douay, 1661); "Problemata Scholas-
tica et controvereialia speculativa"; "Corollarium
Dialogi de Medio Animarum Statu"; "Religio Philo-
sophia Peripati discutienda" (Douay, .1662, 1667);
"Opera omnia Francisci k S. Clara" (Douay, 1665-
1667); "Disputatio de antiqua Provinci» Pr«ce-
dentia" (1670); " Supplementum Historite Provinci®
Angliffi" (Douay, 1671).
Anthony A Wood Athena Oxonienaea, ed. Buss (London,
1817), III, 1221; GiLLOw, JBtW. Diet. Em. Cath., a. v.; Oxford
HiBTORiCAZi SociisTT, Oxfcrd University Reffiater (Oxford, 1887),
X, 374; Perry in Diet. Nat. Bioa. (London, 1888), XIV;
Foster, Alumni Oxonienaea (Oxford, 1891). I, 376; Shahan,
Chriatopher Davenport in U. 8. Cath. Hiat. Magazine (Pbiladel-
phU, April, 1888). II, 153.
Edwin Burton.
Davenport, Diocese of (Davenportensis), erected
8 May, 1881, embraces the four southern tiers of coun-
ties of the State of Iowa, U. S. A., an area of about
22,873 square miles. From the time of the Louisiana
Purchase down to 1827 the present Diocese of Daven-
port was included in the Diocese of New Orleans;
from 1827 to 1837 it formed part of the Diocese of St-
Louis; and from 1837 to 1881 it belonged to the Dio-
cese of Dubuque. When Bishop Loraa arrived in
Dubuque in April, 1839, his diocese contained two
churches, St. Raphael's in Dubuque, built in 1836,
and St. Anthony^s in Davenport, built in 1838. In
all the vast territory subject to him there was but one
priest, the Rev. Sainuel Maczuchelli, O. P., who had
Deen labouring in the territorv since 1835 and under
whose direction the two churches referred to had been
built. Bishop Loras brought with him two priests,
the Rev. Joseph Cretin, afterwards first Bishop of St.
Paul, emd the Rev. J. A. M. Pelamourgues, whom the
people of St. Anthony's parish, Davenport, and indeed
of tne whole Diocese of*^ Davenport, venerate as their
first resident pastor. Father Pelamour^es, the first
citizen of Davenport in his day, a leader m every good
work, was pastor of St. Anthony's from 1839 to 1868.
Of the generous, zealous laity associated with him in
his work in those early days, Mr. and Mrs. Antoine Le
Claire deserve special mention. Notable among their
benefactions was the donation to the church of the
block of eroimd in the heart of the city on which St.
Anthony^ church was built.
Growth of Catholicism. — ^Bishop Loras and his
successors in the See of Dubuque did much to pro-
mote the immigration to Iowa of German and Irish
Catholics, with the result that Iowa has a large Cath-
olic rural population. Between the years 1840 and
1850 the number of resident nastors in the present
Diocese of Davenport increasea from one to five. By
the year 1860 the number had increased to thirteen,
and by 1870 to twenty. During the decade foUowiofi
1870 the tide of Catholic inmiigration was heavy, ana
at the time of its formation, in 1881, the diocese con-
tained seventy priests and a Catholic population esti-
mated at 45,000. Since its formation the diocese has
had a continuous, healthy growth.
Bishops. — (1) John MIcMullen, wasbominBaily-
nahinich, Co. Down, Ireland, 8 January, 1832, and
ordained priest in Rome, 20 June, 1858. He was con-
secrated, 25 July, 1881, at Chicago, where at the time
of his appointment to Davenport, he was vicar-gen-
eral. He entered with zeal and vigour into the work
of orgsmizing the new diocese. The cause of Catholic
education was his especial concern. St. Ambrose
College was founded by him in September, 1^2. His
health soon faUed, and he died 4 July, 1^.
(2) Henry Cosorovb, second bishop, was Ixhh at
WUliamsport, Pennsvlvania, U. S. A., 19 December,
1834. He emigrated to Dubuque in 1845 and was or-
dained priest 7 August, 1857. He was assigned at
once to St. Marguerite's, Davenport, with which
church he* was ever afterwards connected. When
Bishop McMullen went to Davenport, he chose St.
Marguerite's for his cathedral church and made Father
Co^grove his vicar-general. Father Cosg^ve was
consecrated Bishop of Davenport, 14 Septeznber,
1884, and for more than twenty-two years gave hifi
best efforts to the cause of religion m his diocese.
Under his guidance many new churches were erected;
schools and other institutions established or en-
larged. Worthy of special mention are the Sacred
Heart cathedral, St. Vincent's home for orphans, and
St. Ambrose College.
(3) Two years before his death. Bishop Cosgrove,
enfeebled in health, was siven a coadjutor in the per-
son of his vicar-general, tne Very Rev. James Davis.
Bishop Davis was bom in Ireland in 1852, ordained
priest in 1878, was consecrated coadjutor to Bishop
Cosgrove, 30 Nov., 1904, and on the death of the latter
became Bishop of Davenport.
Statistics. — ^The religious conmiunities repre-
sented in the diocese include the Benedkstines, who
have charge of four parishes, and the Redemptor-
ists who hsLYe one; the Sisters of St. Benedict,
Sisters of Charity B. V. M., Sisters of Charity of St.
V. de Paul, Hospital Sisters of St. Frands, School
Sisters of St. Francis, Franciscan Sisters of Pernetual
Adoration, Sisters ck the Holy Humflity of Mary,
Sisters of Mary, School Sisters of Notre Dame, Ststm
of St. Francis of Assisi, Sisters of the Holy CroM. The
number of priests in 1908 was 138, and the nimiber
of Catholics 75,518. The diocese then contained 154
chinches, 105 of which had resident pastors, 43 par-
ochial schools, 9 hospitals, 7 academies for young
ladies, 1 college for boys, and 1 orphan asylum.
Church Directory (1840-1908); Kempkeb, History of the
Catholic Church in Iowa (1884); Ds Cailly, Lifeaf Biahop Loraa
(New York. 1897); McGovkrn, Life of Bishop MeMtUUn
(MUwaukee. 1888). ^ « «
Wm. P. Shannahan.
David (Dbgui, Dewi), Saint, Bishop and Con-
fessor, patron of Wales. He is usually represented
standing on a little hill, with a dove on his shoulder.
From time immemorial the Welsh have worn a leek on
St. David's day, in memoiy of a battle against the
Saxons, at which it is said they wore leeks in their
hats, by St. David's advice, to distinguish them from
their enemies. He is commemorated on 1 March.
The earliest mention of St. David is found in a tenth-
century MS. of the " Annales Cambriie", which assigns
his death to a. d. 601. Many other writera. from
Geoffrey of Monmouth dowii to Father Richaixl Stan-
ton, hold that he died about 544, but their opinion is
based solely on data given in various late ''lives" of
St. David, and there seems no good reason for setting
aside the definite stateraect of the "Annaks Cam-
DAVID
641
DAVID
briw", which is now generally accepted. Little else
that can claim to be historical is known about St.
David. The tradition that he was bom at Henvynyw
(Vetu&-M«ievia) in Cardiganshire is not improbable.
He wafi prominent at the Svnod of Brevi (Llandewi
Brefi in Cardiganshire), whicn has been identified with
the important Roman nulitaiy station, Loventium.
Shortly afterwards, in 569, he presided over another
s^rnod neld at a place called Luctis Victoria. He was
Bishop (probably not Archbishop) of Menevia, the
Roman port Menapia in Pembrokeshire, later known
aa St. David's, then the chief point of departure for
Ireland. St. David was canonized by Pope Callistus
II in the year 1120.
This is all that is known to histoty about the patron •
of Wales. His legend, however, is much more elab-
orate, and entirely tmreliable. The first biography
that has come down to us was written near the end of
the eleventh century, about 500 years after the saint's
death, bv Rhyg^arch (Ricemarchus), a son of the
then Bishop of St. David's, and is chiefly a tissue of
mventions mtended to support the claim of the Welsh
episcopate to be independent of Canterbury. Giraldus
Cambrensis, William of Malmesbury, Geoffrey of
Monmouth, John de Tinmouth, and John Capgrave
all simply copy and enlarge upon the work of Khygy-
f arch, whilst the anonvmous author of the late Welsh
life printed in Rees, ''Cambro-British Saints" (Cott.
MS. Titus, D. XXII) adds nothing of any value. Ac-
cording to these writers St. David was the son of Sant
or Sandde ab Ceredig ab Cunedda, Prince of Keretica
(Cardiganshire) and said by some to be King Arthur's
nephew, though Geoffrey of Monmouth calls St. David
Kine Arthur's uncle. The saint's mother was Nonna,
or Nonnita (sometimes called Melaria), a daughter of
Gynyr of Caefgawch. She was a nun who had been
violated by Sant. St. David's birth had been foretold
thirty years before by an angel to St. Patrick. It
took place at ''Old Menevia" somewhere about a. d.
454. I^rodigies preceded and accompanied the event,
and at his baptism at Forth dais by St. Ellvis of Muns-
ter, ''whom Divine Providence brought over from
Ireland at that conjuncture", a blind man was cured
by the baptismal water. St. David's early education
was recdved'from St. lUtyd at Caerworftom (Lan-
wit major) in Glamorganshire. Afterwards he spent
ten years studjjring the Holy Scriptures at Witland in
Carmarthenshire, under St. Paulinus (Pawl H£n),
whom he cured of blindness bv the sign of the cross.
At the end of t^is period St. Paulinus, warned by an
an^el, sent out the young saint to evangelize the
British. St. David journeyed throughout the West,
founding or restoring twelve monasteries (among
which occur the great names of Glastonbury, Bath,
and Leominster), and finallv settled in the Vale of
Ross, where he and his monks lived a life of extreme
austerity. Here occurred the temptation of his
monks by the obscene antics of the maid-servants of
the wife of Boia, a local diieftain. Here also his
monks tried to poison him, but St. David, warned by
St. Scuthyn, who crossed from Ireland in one night on
the back of a sea-monster, blessed th^ poisoned oread
and ate it without harm. From hence, with St. Teilo
and St. Padam, he set out for Jerusalem, where he
was made bishop bv the patriarch. Here too St.
Dubric and St. Daniel found him, when they came to
call him to the Synod of Brevi "against the Pela-
gians". St. David was with difficulty persuaded to
accompany them ; on his way he raised a widow's son
to life, and at the synod preached so loudly, from the
hill that miracidously rose under him, that all could
hear him, and so eloquently that all the heretics were
confounded. St, Dubric resigned the "Archbish-
opric of Caerleon", and St. David was appointed in his
stead. One of his first acts was to hola, in the year
569, 3ret another svnod called "Victory", against the
Pelagians, of whicn the decrees were oonfiirmed by the
IV.-41
pope. With the permission of King Arthur he re-
moved his see from Caerleon to Menevia, whence he
fovemed the British Church for many years with ereat
oliness and wisldom. He died at the great a^ of 147,
on the day predicted by himself a week earher. His
bodv is said to have been translated to Glastonbury
in the year 066.
It is impossible to discover in this story how much,
if any, is true. Some of it has obviously been invented
for controversial purposes. The twelve monasteries,
the temptation by the women, the attempt on his life,
all suggest an imitation of the life of St. Benedict.
Wilder legends, such as the Journey on the Sea-
Monster, are commonplaces of Celtic hagiology.
Doubtless Ehysprfarch and his imitators collected
many floating local traditions, but how much of
these had any historical foimdation and how much
was sheer imagination it is no longer possible to decide.
Annalee Carwria, ed. ab Itbel in RcXU Seriea (London,
I860), Z-Hi Acta SS., March. I, 3SH17; Buhez Santez Nonn, ed.
SiONNBT (JPaiu, 1837); Chaux>neb, Britannia Sanda (Lon-
don, 1745), I, 140-^; Hole in Diet. Chriat, Biog. JLondon,
1877), I, 791-93; Bradlet in Diet. Nat. Biog., b. v.: Giraldus
Caiibbenss, Opera, ed. Brbwbb in RolU Seriea (London,
1863), III. 375-404; Haddan and Stubbs. CmtndU and Ecde-
aiaeliceU docutnenta reUxtituj to Great Britain and Ireland (Oxford.
1869), I. 121, 143, 148; Livea of the Cambro-Britiah Saint*, ed.
Rbes (LUuidovery, Wales. 1853), la^-44. 402-48: Montalem-
BERT, Lea mmnea d'OcdderU (Paris, 1866), III. 48-56: Nede>
LEC, Cambria Saera (London, 1879), 446-479: Rbes, Eaaay on
the Welah Sainta (London, 1836), 43, 162. 191, 193; Stanton,
Menology of BngUmd and WaUa (London. 1887), 9:^-93, 203;
Wkabton, Anglia Sacra (London. 1691), II. 628-53.
Leslie A. Sr.L. Toke.
David, Armand, miasionary priest and zoologist, b.
1826; d. 1900. He entered the Congregation of the
Mission in 1848, having already displayed ^at fond-
ness for the natural sciences. Ordained m 1862, he
was shortly afterwards sent to Peking, and b^an there
a collection of material for a museum of natural his-
tory, mainly zoological, but in which botany and geol-
ogy and pal»ontology were also well represented.
At the request of the French Government unportant
specimens from his collection were sent to Paris and
aroused the greatest interest. The Jardin des Plantes
commission^ him to undertake scientific journeys
through China to make further collections. He suc-
c^edin obtaining many specimens of hitherto un-
known animals and plantis, and the value of his com-
prehensive collections for the advance of systematic
zoology and espjecially for the advancement of animal
geography received universal recognition from the
scientific world. He himself summed up his labours
in an address delivered before the International Scien-
tific Congress of Ca^olics at Paris in April, 1888. He
had found in China altc^ether 200 species of wild ani-
mals, of which 63 were hitherto unknown to zoologists ;
8(^7 species of birds, 65 of which had not been de-
scribed before. Besides, a large collection of reptiles,
batrachians, and fishes was made and handed over to
specialists for further study, also a large number of
moths and insects, many of them hitherto unknown,
were brou^t to the museum of the Jardin des
Plantes. What Father David's scientific journeys
meant for botany may be inferred from the fact that
among the rhododenarons which he collected no lesu
than mty-two new species were found and among the
pritmda about forty, while the Western Mountains
of China furnished an even greater number of hitherto
unknown species of gentian. The most remarkable of
hitherto mJoiown animals found by David was a spe-
cies of bear (urmts melanoleucuSf the black-white bear)
which is a connecting link between the oats and
bears. Another remarkable animal found by him
received the scientific name of elapkuna davidi-
anus. Of this animal the Chinese say that it has the
horns of the stag, the neck of the camel, the foot of the
cow, and the tail of the ass. It had disappeared with
the exception of a few preserved in the ^irdens of the
Emperor of China, but David succeeded in securing a
DAVID
642
DAVID
specimen and sent it to Europe. In the midst of his
work as a naturalist Father David did not nc^ect his
missionarjr labours, and was noted for his careml devo-
tion to his relieious duties and for his obedience to,
every detail of his rules.
Bbbthold, KcUholiache Studietit Die Fonchungareiaen des
frarudnachen Miasiondn und Naturfanchen Armand Damd
(WQnburs. 187S); Revue dee Deux Mondea (1861): Annalea de
la Congrigatum de la Miaaion (Paris, 1901). XLVI: Canard
SderUifique Jntematumal dea Catholiquea (Paris, 1888).
James J. Waush.
David, Gheeraert (or Gerard) , son of John David,
painter and illuminator, b. at Oudewater, South Hol-
land, c. 1450, d. 13 August, 1523, at Bruges, where he
had been admitted, 14 January, 1484, as master-painter
into the Guild of St. Luke, of which, after filling minor
offices, he was elected dean in 1501. It is not known
where he learned his art, probably at Haarlem. On the
completion of his apprenticeship, he no doubt, as was
the custom, travelled to improve himself, working as
an assistant under various masters wherever he found
employment. He probably travelled to Italy, as his
works show traces of Florentine and Venetian influ-
ence. Their landscape backgrounds prove that he
knew the valley of the Meuse. On his way to Flan-
ders he would not have failed to visit Louvain and
study the works of his fello w-coimtr3rman, Dirk Bouts,
nor to halt a while at Ghent to admire the polyptych
of the Van Eycks. At Bruges he found the churcnes
full of paintings by all the ereat masters, and one of
these, Hans Memling, still living, ne probably
worked imder him until he himself received commis-
sions, for which he had not long to wait. In 1496 he
married Cornelia Cnoop, daughter of the dean of
the guild of eoldsmiths, by whom he had one daughter,
Barbara. Gheeraert was buried in the church of Our
Lady, at the foot of the tower. He was not one of
the greatest masters, nor did he strike out any new
line uke Van der Goes, but he gathered up all the best
traditions of his predecessors, to which ne faithfully
adhered all through his life. His saints and angefs
compared with those of Memling are more sedate.
One new type he created, the charming figure of the
Child Jesus, which made a lasting iinpression on the
succeeding generation of painters. His portraits are
very good, his brocaded stuffs, embroidery, and jew-
ellery have never been surpassed, and his landscapes
are remarkably fine. His works show that he was a
great religious painter; he was also a pious and chari-
table man. One of his finest painting, the *' Virgo in-
ter Virgines", now in the museum at Rouen, was pre-
sented by him in 1609 to the Carmelite nuns of Sion at
Bruges, to whom he lent a large sum of money free of
interest. Gheeraert excelled in miniature-paintins
and illumination, which arts his wife also practised
with success. David's principal works are in the
National Gallery, London (2), National Gallery,
Dublin (1), Town Gallery, Bruges (5), Town Gallery,
Rouen (1), Museum, Sigmaringen (2), Imperial Gal-
lery, Vienna (1).
We ALE, Gerard David, Painter and lUuminator (London,
1805); BoDE>mAUBEN, Eberkard von, Gerard David ttnd aeine
Sehule (Munich. 1905).
W. H. Jambs Wbale.
David Cni or n^l, beloved), Kino.— In the Bible
the name David is borne only by the second king of
Israel, the great-grandson of Boaz and Ruth (Ruth,
iv, 18 sqq.). He was the youngest of the e^t sons
of Isai, or Jesse (I Kings, xvi, 8; cf. I Par., ii, 13), a
small proprietor, of the tribe of Juda, dwelling at
Bethlehem, where David was bom. Our knowledge
of David's life and character is derived exclusively^
from the pages of Sacred Scripture, viz., I K., zvi;
III K., ii; I Par., ii, iii, x-xxix; Ruth, iv, 18-22,
and the titles of many Pbahns. According to the
usual chronology, David was bom in 1085 and reigned
Vom 1055 to 1015 b. c. Recent writers have been
induced by the Assyrian inscriptions to date his retgn
from 30 to 50 years later. Within the limits imposed
it is impossible to give more than a bare ouUine of the
events of his life and a brief estimate of his character
and his significance in the histoiy of the chosen people.
as king, psalmist, prophet, and type of the Measias
The history of David faUs naturally into three
periods: (1) before his elevation to the tlurone; (2) his
reign, at Hebron over Juda, and at Jerusalem over ail
Israel, until his sin; (3) his sin and last yeacs. He
first app^jB in sacred history as a shepherd lad,
tending his father's flocks in the fields near Betble^
hem, ''ruddy and beautiful to behold and of a comely
face''. Samuel, the Prophet and last of the judges,
had been sent to anoint nim in place of Saul, whom
God had rejected for disobedience. The relations of
David do not seem to have reco^i^ted the significance
of this unction, which marked him as the successor to
the throne after the death of Saul.
During a period of iUness, when the evil spirit
troubled Saul, David was brought to court to soothe
the king by plaving on the harp. He earned the
gratitude of oam and was made an armour-bearer,
but his stay at court was brief. Not long afterwards,
whilst his three elder brothers were in the field, fitt-
ing under Saul against the Philistines, David was sent
to the camp with some provisions and presents; there
he heard the words in which the giant, Goliath of
Geth, defied all Israel to single combat, and he volun-
teered with God's help to slay the Philistine. His
victory over Goliath brought about the Fout of the
enemy. Saul's Questions to Abner at this time seem
to imply that he nad never seen David before, though,
as we have seen, David had already been at court
Various conjectures have been made to explain this
difficulty. As the passage which suggests a contra-
diction m the Hebrew text is omittedby Septuagint
codices, some authors have accepted the Greek text
in preference to the Hebrew. Others suppose that
the order of the narratives has become confused in
our present Hebrew text. A simpler and more likely
solution maintains that on the second occasion Saul
asked Abner only about the family of David and about
his eariier life. Previously he had given the matter
no attention.
David's victory over Goliath won for hifa the tender
friendship of Jonathan, the son of SauL He obtained
a permanent position at court, but his great popularity
and the imprudent songs of the women excited the
jealousy of the king, who on two occasions attempted
to kill nim. As captain of a thousand men, he en-
countered new dangers to win the hand of Merob,
Saul's eldest daughter, but, in spite of the king's
promise, she was given to Hadriel. Michol, SauPs
other daughter, loved David, and, in the hope that
the latter might be killed by the Philistines, her father
promised to give her in marriage, provided David
should slay one hundred Philistines. David succeeded
and mamed Michol. This success, however, made
Saul fear the more and finally induced him to order
that David should be killed. Through the interven-
tion of Jonathan he was spared for a time, but Saul's
hatred finally obliged him to flee from the court.
First he went to Ramatha and thence, with Sam-
uel, to Naioth. Saul's further attempts to murder
him were frustrated by God's direct interpositioa
An interview with Jonathan convinced him that rec-
onciliation with Saul was impossible, and for the
rest of the reign he was an exile and an outlaw. At
Nobe, whither he proceeded, David and his com-
panions were harboured bv the priest Achimelech,
who was afterwards accused of conspiracy and put to
death with his fellow-priests. FitHn Nobe David
went to the court of Achis, king of Geth, where he
escaped death by feigning madness. On his return
he became the head of a band of about four hundred
men, some of them his relations, others distressed
DAVID
643
DAVID
debtors and malcontents, who saUiered at the cave,
or stronghold, of Odollam (AdulTam). Not longafter
their number was reckoned at six hundred. David
delivered liie dty of Ceila from the Philistines, but
'was a^ain obliged to flee from Saul. His neict abode
was the wilderness of Ziph, made memorable bv the
visit of Jonathan and by the treachery of the Ziphites,
'vrho sent word to the King. David was savea from
capture by the recall of Saul to repel an attack of the
Philistines. In the deserts of Engaddi he was again
in great danger, but when Saul was at his mercy, he
generously spared his life. The adventure with
Nabal. David's marriage with Abigail, and a second
refusal to slay Saul were followed by David's decision
to offer his services to Achis of Geth and thus put an
end to Saul's persecution. As a vassal of the Philis-
tine king, he was set over the city of Sice!^, whence
he made raids on the neighbouring tribes, wasting
their lands and sparing neither man nor woman.
By pretending that these expeditions were against his
own people of Israel, he secured the favour of Actus.
When, however, the Philistines prepared at Aphec to
wage war against Saul, the other princes were un-
wimng to trust David, and he returned to Siceleg.
Dxiring his absence it had been attacked by the
Amalecites. David pursued them, destroyed their
forces, and recovered ail their booty. Meanwhile the
fatal battle on Mount Gelboe (Qilboa) had taken
place, m which Saul and Jonatiian were slain. The
touching elegy, preserved for us in II KiogB, i, is
David's outburst of grief at their death.
By God's command, David, who was now thirty
years old, went up to Hebron to claim the kingly
Eower. The men of Juda accepted him as king, uid
e was again anointed, solemnly and publicly.
Through the influence of Abner, the rest of Israel re-
mained faithful to Isboseth, the son of SauL Abner
attacked the forces of David, but was ddfeated at
Gabaon. Civil war continued for some time, but
David's power was ever on the increase. At Hebron
six sons were bom to him: Amnon, Cheleab, Absalom,
Adonias, Saphathia, and Jethraam. As the result of a
quarrel with Isboseth, Abner made overtures to bring
all Israel under the rule of David; he was, however,
treacherously murdered by Joab without the king's
consent. Isboseth was murdered by two Benjamites,
and David was accepted by all Israel and anointed
king. His reign at Hebron over Juda alone had
lasted seven years and a half.
By his successful wars David succeeded in making
Israel an independent state and causing his own name
to be respected by all the surrounding nations. A
notable exploit at the beginning of his reign was the
conquest of the Jebusite city of Jerusalem, which he
made the capital of his kingdom, " the city of David",
the political centre of the nation. He built a palace,
took more wives and concubines, and begat other sons
and daughters. Having cast off the yoke of the
Philistines, he resolved to make Jerusalem the religious
centre of his people by transporting the Ark of the
Covenant (q. v.) from Cariathiarim. It was brought
to Jerusalem and placed in the new tent constructed
by the kin^. Later on, when he proposed to build a
'(^mple for it, he was told by the prophet Nathan, that
God had reserved this task for his successor. In re-
ward for his piety, the promise was made that God
would build hmi up a house and establish his kingdom
forever.
No detailed account has been preserved of the vari-
ous wars undertaken by Davicf ; only some isolated
facts are given. The war with the Ammonites is
recorded more fully because, whilst his army was in
the field during this campaign, David fell into the sins
of adulteiy ana murder, bringing thereby great calam-
ities on himself and his people. He was then at the
height of his power, a ruler respected by all the nations
from the Euphrates to ibe Nile. After his sin with
Bethsabee and the indirect assassination of Unas, her
husbandj David made her his wife. A year elapsed
before his repentance for the sin, but his contntion
was so sincere that God pardoned him, though at the
same time announcing the severe penalties tnat were
to follow. The spirit in which David accepted these
penalties has made him for all time the mooel of peni-
tents. The incest of Amnon and the fratricide of
Absalom (q. v.) brought shame and sorrow to David.
For three years Absalom remained in exile. When he
was recalled, David kept him in disfavour for two
years more and then restored him to his former dig-
nity, without any sien of repentance. Vexed by his
father's treatment, Absalom devoted himself for the
next four years to seducing the people and finally had
himself proclaimed kins at liebron. David was taken
by surprise and was forced to flee from Jerusalem.
Tne circumstances of his flight are narrated in Scrip-
ture with great simplicity and pathos. Absalom's
disregard of the counsel of Achitophel and his con-
sequent delay in the pursuit of the king made it
possible for the latter to gather his forces and win a
victoiy at Manahaim, where Absalom was killed.
Davicf returned in triumph to Jerusalem. A further
reb^on under Seba at the Jordan was quickly sup-
At this point in the narrative of II Kings we read
that "there was a famine in the days of David for
three years successively", in punishment for Saul's
sin against the Gabaonites. At their request seven of
Saul% race were delivered up to be crucified. It is
not possible to fix the exact oate of this famine. On
other occasions David showed great conipassion for
the descendants of Saul, especially for Miphiboseth,
the son of his friend Jonathan. After a brief mention
of four expeditions against the Philistines, the sacred
writer records a sin of pride on David's part in his reso-
lution to take a census of the people. As a penance
for this sin, he was allowed to choose either a famine,
an unsuccessful war. or pestilence. David chose the
third and in three days 70,000 died. When the an^l
was about to strike Jerusalem, God was moved to pity
and stayed the pestilence. David was commanded to
offer sacrifice at the threshing-floor of Areuna, the site
of the future temple.
The last days of David were disturbed by the ambi-
tion of Adonias, whose plans for the succession were
frustrated by Nathan, the prophet, and Bethsabee,
the mother of Solomon. The son who was bom after
David's repentance was chosen in preference to his
older brotners. To make sure that Solomon would
succeed to the throne, David had him publicly
anointed. The last recorded words of the aged kins
are an exhortation to Solomon to be faithful to God,
to reward loyal servants, and to punish the wicked.
David died at the age of seventy, having reined in
Jerusalem thirty-three years. He was buried on
Mount Sion. St. Peter spoke of his tomb as still in
existence on the day of Pentecost, when the Holy
Ghost descended on tne Apostles (Acts, ii, 29). David
is honoured by the Church as a saint. He is men-
tioned in the Roman Martyrology on 29 December.
The historical character of the narratives of David's
life has been attacked chiefly by writers who have dis-
regarded the purpose of the narrator in I Par. He
passes over those events that are not connected with
the history of the Ark. In the Books of Kings all the
chief events, good and bad, are narrated. Tne Bible
records David's sins and weaknesses without excuse
or palliation, but it also records his repentance, his
acts of virtue, his generosity towards Saul, his great
faith, and his piety. Critics who have harshly crit-
icized his character have not considered the difficult
circumstances in which he lived or the manners of his
a^. It is uncritical and unscientific to exaggerate
his faults or to imagine that the whole history is a
series of myths. The life of David was an important
DAVID
644
DATID
epoeh in the history of Israel. He was the real found-
er td the monarchy, the head of the dynasty. Chosen
by Qod "as a man according to Hjs own heart",
Dttvid was tried in the school of suffering during the
days of exile and developed into a military lea&r of
renown. To him was due the complete organization
of the army. He ^ve Israel a rapital, a court, a
flreat centre of religious worship. Tne little band at
Odollam became tne nucleus of an efficient force.
When he became King of all Israel there were 339,600
men under his command. At the census 1,300,000
were eniunerated capable of bearing arms. A stand-
ing army, consisting of twelve corps, each of 24,000
men, took turns in serving for a month at a time as the
garrison of Jerusalem. The administration of his
palace and his kingdom demanded a large retinue of
servants and officials. Their various offices are set
down in I Par., xxvii. The king himself exercised the
office of judge, though Levites were later appointed
for this purpose, as well as other minor officiaJs.
When the Ark had been brought to Jerusalem,
David undertook the organization of religious wor^
ship. The sacred functions were entrusted to 24,000
Levites; 6000 of these were scribes and judges, 4000
were porters, and 4000 singers. He arranged the
various parts of the ritual, allotting to each section its
tasks. The priests were divided into twenty-four
families; the musicians into twenty-four choirs. To
Solomon had been reserved the privil^e of building
God's house, but David made ample preparations for
the work by amassing treasures and materials, as well
as by transmitting to his son a plan for the building
and all its details. We are told m I Par. how he ex-
horted his son Solomon to carry out this great work
and made known to the assembled princes the extent
of his preparations.
The prominent part played by song and music in
the worship of the temple, as arranged by David, is
readily explained by his poetic and musical abilities.
His skill in music is recorded in I Kings, xvi, 18 and
Amos, vi, 5. Poems of his composition are found in
II Kinas, i, iii, xxii, xxiii. His connexion with the
Book of Psalms, many of which are expressly attri-
buted to various incidents of his career, was so taken
for eranted in later days that many ascribed the whole
Psalter to him. The authorship of these hymns and
the question how far they can oe considered as sup-
plying illustrative material for David's life will be
treated in the article Psalms.
David was not merely king and ruler, he was also a
prophet. " The spirit of the Lord hath spoken by me
and his word by my tongue" (II Kmgs, xxiii, 2) is a
direct statement of prophetic inspiration in the poem
there recorded. St. Peter tells us that he was a
prophet (Acts, ii, 30). His prophecies are embodied
m the Psalms he composea that are literally Mes-
sianic and in "Davids last words" (II K., xxiii).
The literal character of these Messianic Psalms is in-
dicated in the New Testament. They refer to the
suffering, the persecution, and the triumphant d^
li verance of Christ, or to the prerogatives conferred on
Him by the Father. In addition to these his direct
prophecies, David himself has always been regarded
as a type of the Messias. In this the Church has but
followed the teaching of the Old Testament Prophets.
The Messias was to be the ^reat theocratic king;
David, the ancestor of the Messias, was a king aooorS-
ing to God's own heart. His qualities and nis veiy
name are attributed to the Messias. Incidents in the
life of David are regarded by the Fathers as fore-
shadowing the life of Christ; Bethlehem is the birth-
plaoe of both; the shepherd life of David points out
Christ, the Good Shepherd ; the five stones chosen to
slay G^oliath are typical of the five wounds; the be-
trayal by his trusted counsellor, Achitophel, and the
passage over the Cedron remind us of Christ's Sacred
Fusion. Many of the Davtdio Pkalros, as we learn
from the New Testament, are clearly typical of the
future Messias.
TON HniiMBL^VBB, CuTwuB SeHphurm Saam: In iArm Sam-
uelu (Pkui5, 1886); Id., /n IPOral, (Puia, ig05); HvRSN^rcx.
Thealoqia Bibliea: Vehu Teatamentum (FreiburBt 1008). 17&-
214; MAKroBNOT in Vioouroux, Dielumnaire de la BtbU, s. v.:
WinnfANN in Lnieon Biblieum (Paris, 1907); Schemz and
Kaulsn in Kirch€nUx, The subkct, with the bibUocniphy. b
treated in all the recent Biblical dictiooaries. See also Gigot.
Outlines of Jewish History (New York, 1897) ; Mkionak. Dari^.
ro»\ psaltnisU, vrophHs (Faxis. 1889); Wkms, David ttnd sftn*'
Zeit (MOnater. 1880).
John Go&bett.
David of AogBbnrg (db Augusta), medieval Ger-
man mystic, b. probably at Augsburg, Bavaria, eariy
in the thirteenth century; d. at Augsbui^g, 19 No\'*,
1272. He entered the Franciscan Onler probably at
Ratisbon, where a monastery of this order was in ex-
istence as early as 1226; the Franciscan monastery at
Augsburg was not erected until 1243. At Ratisbon
David mled the position of master of novices and
wrote for the spiritual benefit of the latter his cele-
brated " Formula Novitiorum ". Whether the distin-
r* hed Franciscan preacher Berthold of Ratisbon
\r.) was one of his pupils is at least very doubtful
In 1246 Berthold and David were appointed inspec-
tors of the convent of Niedermtlnster at Ratisbon.
From about 1250 David accompanied Berthold on his
missionary tours and most probably took part in the
preaching himself; he also had a share in the proceed-
ings of tne In(juisition a^^nst the Wsddenses. On
the day of David's death it is said that Berthold, who
was preaching in a distant place, stopped in the midst
of his sermon and ouoted, in reference to his friend
who had Just passea away, the following lines of the
hymn, "Iste Confessor": —
Qui plus, prudens, humilis, pudicus,
Sobnam auxit sine labe vitam
— etc. David wrote both in Latin and German. For
a long period his Latin works were attributed to others,
at times to St. Bernard of Clcurvaux and St. Bona ven-
ture, & proof of the high esteem in which they were
held. The most striking case of this mistaken ascrip-
tion is that of the "Formula Novitiorum" which m
addition to two letters of David form three books: (1 )
''De Compositione hominis exterioris" (treats of the
external life of the member of an order)- (2) "I>e
Reformatione hominis interioris"; (3) **Ue septem
processibus religioeorum''. This work, of whidb the
different parts often appeared separately, is a rational
and progressive introduction to monastic and mysti-
cal life. It was first published under the name of St
Bonaventure (Brescia, 1486; Venice, 1487; Antwerp,
1501; Colore, 1618); it appeared also in the editio
VaUeana of the works of St. Bonaventure (Rome,
1588^6), and consequently in all of the reprints of
this edition. It also appeared in the "Magna Biblio-
theca veterum Patrum" (Oologne, 1618), vol. XIII, in
the "Maxima Bibliotheca vet. Patr," (Lyons, 1675),
vol. XXV, and, in part, among the doub^ul works of
St. Bernard of Clairvaux in Migne, P. L., CLXXXIII,
col. 1189. The Latin edition published at Augsbuiifi;
in 1696 was issued in German at the same place in
1597. The latest and by far the best edition is that
which appeared at Quaraochi (1889), in the introduc-
tion to which the woriE is positively ascribed to
Brother David of Augsburg; a list of 370 manuscripts
is also given. David's treatise " De hsered paupenim
de Lugduno" was erroneously issued, in an incom-
plete form, by Martdne and Durand (Thesaurus
novus anecdot., V, 1777 st^q.) under the name of the
Dominican Yvonnet; but it has been proved by Pfeif-
fer and Preger to be one of David's writing and the
full text was edited by Preger for the first tune. Ex-
tracts from David's " Expositio Regulse", an explana-
tion of the monastic rules of St. Francis of Assisi, have
been edited by E. Lerapp.
Attention was first called to David's German writ-
ings by Pfeiffer, who in 1845 published the foUowiog
DAVID
645
DAVID
ei^t treatifles and afichbed them to ^avid: (1) ''Die
Bieben Vorreceln der Tu&end''; (2) ''Der Spiegel der
Tugend"; (3) ''Christi Leben unser Vorbild'' (to this
treatise HeifFer found later a continuation five times
lajqger tiian the part published); (4) "Die vier Fit-
tiche geistlicher Betrachtung"; (5) ''Von der An-
Bchauung Gottes"; (6) ''Von der Erkenntnis der
Wahriieit; (7) "Von der unergrOndlichen FOlle
Gottes; (8) "Betrachtungen und Gebete". Preger
raised doubts as to the correctness of ascribing these
tractates, with exception of the first three, to David,
but his attack proved a failure and PfeiJffer's views
have been successfully defended by Hecker and TeU
linegg. It must, however, be acknowledged that the
eignm contains much that was common property in
the Bliddle Ages. David's German treatises are fine ex-
amples of German prose and assure him a permanent
place in the history of German literature. Like the
radiance of a gently burning flame they attract the
heart and spirit of the reader to the beautiful and the
Divine. Tney turn the mind from vice and error with
most convincing eIoc[uence and kindle in it the love of
God. In these writm^, as in the treatises for nov-
ices, David is at all times the circumspect mystic,
averse to fantastic ecstasy and exaggeration. A sober
go<>d sense pervades his profounayet animated ex-
positions, wnich have nothing in common with the
vagaries of the German nwstics of the fourteenth cen-
tury, although David's influence on the latter is not to
be denied. His writings exerted some influence also
on the "Schwabenspiegel" (Swabian Mirror), the
well-known compilation of civil law used in Southern
Germany, which appeared about 1268. Personally
David belonged to the earlier school of mystics.
pFEifTEH, Deulaehe Mysttker des XIV, Jakrhunderts (Leiprig,
1845-57), I; Idkm in Haupt, Zeiltchrift fUr dtuUehea AUertum
(l^psig, 1853), IX, 1 aqq.; Prcobb, Chsch. der deutacken
Mystik %m M. A. (Leipzig, 1874-93). I. 268 aqq.; Denifle in
Historisch-jaoliliache BliUter, LXXV. 679 sqq.; Lempp in ZeU-
gchriftfiirKirchenifeseh. (1898), XIX. 345 sqq.; David of Acos-
BURQ, De exteriona et inlerioria /lominia eompottiione lUm III
(Quaracchi, 1899). Introduct.. 4 sqq.; Qer. tr. by Thomas Villa-
nova, Wegipeiser zur chriat. VoUkammenheit von D. von 4.. with
supplemsntary matter: Preger, Der Tractat dea D. von A, aber
die Waldenaer in Abhandlungen der k. Akademie der Wiaa.
(Munich, 1878), cl. III. vol. XIV, Pt. II, 183-235. also pub-
lished separately; Rieder, Dtia Leben Berihalda vcn Regen^rg
(Freiburg. 1901), 10-16; Michael, Qeach. dea deiUscken Volkea
vam Xlii. Jahrhundert bis zum Ausgang dea M. A. (Freiburg
im Br., 1897-), II, III, passim; Tblunboo, David von Aug Aura,
deaaen deiUache Sehriften auf thre Bchtheit unteraudU (St. Paul,
1904, 1905), not completed; Hsckbb, Kritiache BeiirOge »u />.
wm A. Pera(fnliehkeit und Schriften (Hamburg. 1905).
Michael Bihi*
David of Dinant, a pantheistic philosopher who
lived in the first decades of the thirteenth century.
Very little is known about his life. It is not certain
whether he was bom at Dinant in Belgium, or at
Dinan in Brittany. He is believed to have lived fcM*
some time at the Roman Court under Innocent III.
He was a magislery or teacher, perhaps at Paris; at
any rate, it was at Paris that his work, entitled "Qua-
temuli" (little note-books), was condemned by a pro-
vincial coimcil in 1210, a condemnation which was
confirmed in 1215 by a letter of Cardinal Robert Cour-
Qon, papal legate. From a work ascribed to Albert
the Great, *'Compilatio de Novo Spiritu*', in the
Munich Library (MS. lat. 311, fol. 92 b), we learn fur-
ther that in consequence of the condemnation, David
fled from France, and so escaped punishment. When
and where he died is unknown; all we are warranted
in saying is that he died after the year 1215. Besides
the **Quatemuli'', condemned in the council of 1216,
and oraered to be burned "before Christmas", another
work entitled ''De Tomis, seu Divisionibus" is men-
tioned. It is not improbable, however, that this was
merely another title for the " Quatemuli ' '. The effect
of the order issued by the council was to cause all the
writing of David to disappear. Whatever Is known,
therefore- about his dortHnes is derived from the
assertions of his contemporaries and opponents, chiefly
Albert the Great and St. Thomaa From these sources
we learn that David was a Pantheist. He identified
God with the material substratum of all thin^, ma-
teria prima (St. Thomas, Summa Theol., I, Q. iii, a. 8).
He reduced all reality to three categories, namely
bodies, minds, and eternal separate substances. The
indivisible substrate or constituent of bodies is matter
(yle) ; of minds, or souls, intellect (turns) ; and of eter^
nal separate substances, €rod (Deu8). These three,
matter, intellect, and God, are one and the same.
Consequently all things, material, intellectual, and
spiritual, have one and the same essence — God (St.
Thomas, In II Sent., dist. xvii, Q. i; Albert the
Great, Sum. TheoL, II. Tract, jrii, Q. Ixxii, a. 2).
The phraseoloKsr, wnich must be David's own, as
well as the title Soore mentioned, " De Tomis *', sug-
fSBta at once the influence of John Scotus Eriugena, an
influence which cannot be denied. Eriusena's work
must have been widely known and reaain the first
decades of the thirteenth century, as is evident from
many undeniable facts. Whether David was influ-
enced also by Amalric of Chartres (see Amalricianb)
is a matter of debate. Albert, who was a contempo-
rary of David, sa3rB that David merely renewed the her-
esy of Alexander, ''who taught that God and intellect
and matter are one substance". It is impossible to
determine whom Albert here means by Alexander, "a
disciple of Xenophanes"; probably the reference is to
some Arabian work that went imder the name of a
Greek philosopher. There were several works of that
kind current m the early part of the thirteenth cen-
tury. Some critics, however, put forward the sur-
mise that David's immediate source was Avicebron's
"Fons Vitffi", or the woric "De Unitate", written by
Archdeacon Gundisalvi of Segovia, who was' weU
vereed in Arabian philosophical literature. What-
ever the source, the doctrines were, as all our authori-
ties concur in describing them, the expression of the
most thoroughgoing pantheism. This of itself would
justify the drastic measures to which the Council of
Paris had recourse. There were, moreover, ciroum-
stances which rendered summary condemnation neces-
sary. On the one hand the University of Paris was
bdng made the scene of an organized attempt to foist
the Arabian pantheistic interpretation of Greek philos-
ophy on the schools of Latm CThristendom. Texts,
translations, and commentaries were introduced every
day from Spain, in which doctrines incompatible with
GSuistian dogma were openly taught. On the other
handy there was the popular movement in the South
ci France which found its principal expression in the
Aibi^naian heresv, while in learned and ascetic com-
mumties in the North, the anti-hierarohical mysti-
cism of the Calabrian Joachim of Floris was being
combined with the more speculative pantheistic
mysticism of John Scotus Eriugena. In view of these
conditions the condemnation of the errors of David
of Dinant, the complete extirpation of the sect of
Amalricians to which he apparently belonged, and
the unwonted harshness of St. Thomas's reference to
him cannot be judged untimely or intemperate.
St. Thomas and Albxrt tbb Gbbat, loo. dt.; Chartular,
Univ. Paria., ed. Dbniplb, I, 70, 71; Baroenhbwbb, Die
paeudoariatoteliache Schrift Hher daa reine Oute (Freiburg. 1882),
214 sqq.; UKBERWi!:a-HEiNZS,(?e«cA. drrPAt/..9th ed^ II. 226:
BXtjukeb, Jahfh. f. Phil. u. apek. Theol. (1893); UaurBau,
Hiai, da la j^H. acol. (Paris, 1880), II, i, 73 Bqq.; de WuLr,
Hiat. da la phU. midihfale, 225 sqq.; Turneb. Hxatory of PhUoa-
Ofhy (BoBtOD, 1903), 807 sqq.
William Turnbb.
David 8eotas,a medieval Irish chronicler, date of
birth unknown; d. 1139. Early in the twelfth cen-
tury there was at Wtlrzburg an ecclesiastic and
teacher known as David. His surname Scotus shows
that he very probably came from Ireland; perhaps
from Wales, if he is identical with the homonymous
DAVIX8
646
DAWSON
Bishop of Bangor (see bdow). Accordiiuz to Ekke-
hard (Chronioon, ed., Mon. Genn. Hist.: Script., VI,
243), Emperor Henry V received him, was charmed
with his virtue and knowledge, and made him one of
the imperial chaplains. With other scholars David
accompanied the kin^ on his expedition to Italy in
1100, and was appomted royal historiographer for
the occasion. His work in three books is now known
only from excerpts of it in later historians, especially
in Ekkehard (op. cit. above) and William of Malme»-
bunr. The latter (Gesta r^um Anglorum, in P. L.,
CLXXIX, 1375) says that David described the expe-
dition with partialitv for the king. A certain David
was consecrated Bishop of Bangor in Wales, 4 April,
1120; according to Maimesburv (loc. cit.) he was none
other than the chaplain, David Scotus. As bishop he
took part in several English synods, and probablv
died in 1 139, since his successor was then consecrated.
But it is not easv to reconcile with the foregoing, the
statement of a later historian (Trithemius, Annales
Hirsaugienses, I, 349), that David became a monk
under St. Macharius in the monastery of St. James
in WUrzburg, as this abbey was not founded until
1140.
Tout Id Diet. Nat. Biog.jj. v. ; Fabbiciub, BMiatheca Latvna
(Flobxnce. 1858), 1. 433; Bubtbb, Namendatar, (3rd ed. Inna-
bniok. 1906), II. 63.
J. P. KiRSCH.
Davies, William, Venerable, martyr^ one of the
most illustrious of the priests who suffered under
Queen Elizabeth, b. in North Wales, i>robably at Crois
in Yris, Denbighshire, date uncertain; d. at Beau-
maris, 27 July, 1593. He studied at Reims, where he
arrived 6 April, 1582 just in time to assist at the first
Mass^ of the venerable martyr Nicholas Garlick. He
receiVed tonsure and minor orders 23 Sept., 1583, to-
gether with seventy-three other English students.
Ordained priest in April, 1585, belaboured with won-
derful zeal and success in Wales till March, 1591-2,
when he was arrested at Holyhead with four students
whom he was sending via Ireland to the English Col-
lege at Vdladolid. He was thrown into a loathsome
dungeon in Beaumaris Castle and separated from his
companions, having frankly confessed that he was a
priest. After a month his sanctity and patience
gained him some relaxation of his close confinement
and he was able to join the students for an hour in the
dav, and even to celebrate Mass. By degrees the
jiulor became so indulgent that they mieht have es-
caped had they so willed. The fame of the priest's
sanctity and wisdom brought Catholics from all parts to
consult him and Protestant ministers came to dispute
with him. At the assizes he and his companions were
condemned to death, on which the martyr intoned the
" Te Deum ' ', which the others took up. The injustice
of the sentence was so apparent that to still the peo-
ple's murmurs the judge reprieved the condemned till
the queen's pleasure shoula be known. Sent to Lud-
low, to be examined by the Council of the Marches,
Father Davies had to submit to fresh assaults by the
ministers. Here too he foiled the artifices of his ene-
mies who took him to the church under pretext of a
disputation, and then be^an the Protestant service.
He at once began to recite the Latin Vespers in a
louder voice than the ministers', and afterwards pub-
licly exposed the trick of which he had been a victim.
From Ludlow he was sent to Bcwdley, where he had to
share a foul dungeon with felons, and from thence to
other prisons, until at last he was sent back to Beau-
maris, where, to their mutual consolation, he rejoined
his young companions. For some six montlis he lived
with them the life of a religious community, dividing
the time between prayer and study, " witli so much
comfort to themselves that they seemed to be rather
in heaven than in prison''. At the summer assizes it
was decided that the priest must die as a traitor, though
be was offered his life if he would go but once to
church. In spite of the open oppodtioii of the people,
who honoured him as a saint, tne cruel sentence was
carried out and he was hanged, drawn, and Quartered
at Beamnaris. As he put the rope round nis neck,
the martyr said: ''Thy yoke, O Lord, is sweet and
Thy burden is light." His cassock stained with his
blood was bought by his companions and preserved as
a relic. They, thou^ condemned to imprisonment
for life, manag^ in tmae to escape, and the jroungest
found his way at last to VaUadolid, where he re-
ootmted the whole story to Bishop Yepes, who wrote it
in his "Historia particular de la Persecucion en In-
glaterra ' '. There is now a chapel in Anglesey built as
a memorial to the martyr.
Challonsb, Mianonary Prieata (London, 1741): Oxijlow,
Bibl, DieL Bng. Cath.,ll, a. v.; Douoy Diartm (London, 1878);
YKPKB,Hiat. de la Peraeeueion en tngUtterra; Camm. /n tkt
Brave Daya of Old (London, 1890).
Bedk Camm.
DiKvila Padilla (AauariN), a native of the City of
Mexico, b. 1562; d. 1604. At the a^ of sixteen he
graduated at the University of Mexico as master of
arts and soon after entered the Dominican Order.
He held tiie chairs of philosophy and theology at
Puebla and Mexico. He was successively defini tor and
procurator of the Mexican province of his order and
was sent to Rome and Maorid as its representative.
In 1601 he was made Bishop of Santo Domingo, whae
he died. Ddvila Padilla was not a prolific writer.
He left, however, one veiy important, though unfor-
tunately rare, work, the "Historia de la Fundacion y
Diacurso de la Provincia de Santiago de Mexico''
(Madrid, 1596; Brussels, 1625). Benstain mentions
a third edition of 1634. While not free from mis-
take^ it still stands as the foremost chronicle of the
Dominican Order and its missions in America up to
the end of the sixteenth century.
NioolXs Antonio, Bibliotheca hiapana ntraa ^ «d., Madrid.
1733-1738); LsdN t FInbui, Bptiome de la Bthlioteea oriental
y occidental (2d 6d., Madrid. 1737); EkiniARA, Biblioteea mexi-
oana (Mexico. 1756): Beristain de Souea., BiUxoUoa htapamy
amerieana (2d ed., Mexico, 1883); Ycazbai/CKTA. BiUiografia
.mexicana (Mexico. 1886); Diccionario univeraal de Hialona y
Cfaoffrafia (Mexico); Gil Goneales DXvxla, Teatro eeieaidatieo
de la primt/iiw Jgleaia de laa Indiaa oceidentaUa (Madrid, 1654 X
Ad. F. Bandelieb.
Da Vinci, Leonardo. See VmcL
Davis, Jambs. See Davenport.
Davy, Jacques. See Duperron, Cardinal^.
Dawson, ^neas McDonnell, author, b. in Soot-
land, 30 July, 1810; d. in Ottawa, Canada. 29 Dec,,
1894. He studied at the seminary of Paris and was
ordained priest in 1835. Until 1840 he laboured on
the mission of Dumfries, Scotland, and subeecjuently
in Edinbuigh. Before emigrating to Canada m 18J>5
he had charge successively of the Counties of Fife,
Kinross, and Clackmannan, during all this time ren-
dering valuable service to the cause of the Church.
On his arrival in Canada he was given the parish of
St. Andrew's, Ottawa, and later became preacher at
the cathedral. Father Dawson was a lecturer c^ re-
pute and a frequent contributor to the provincial
press. He is the author of "The Temporal Sover-
eignty of the Pope" (Ottawa and London, 1860), the
first book printed and published in Ottawa; "St. Vin-
cent de Paul: A Biography" (London, 1865); ''Seven
Letters together with a Lecture on the Colonies of Great
Britain" (Ottawa, 1870); "The. Late Hon. Thomas
D'Arcy McGee. A Funeral Oration " (Ottawa, 1870) ;
"Our Strength and Their Strength: The Northwest
Territory and Other Papers, Chiefly Relating to the Do-
minion of Canada" (Ottawa, 1870)— the fiist title
heads a refutation of Qoldwin Smith's anti-elerical
views; under the last comes a series of poems, dts-
courses, lectures, critical reviews; "Pius IX and his
Time" (London, 1880). He translated from the
French: (1) " Maftre Pierre. Conversations on Moral-
.DAX
647
DXAOONS
ity, by M. Delcasott" (Paris, 1836); (2) "The Parish
Prieet and His Parishioners, or Answer to Popular
Prejudices against Religion, by M. B. D'Ezauvulez"
(Glasgow, 1842), reviewed in "The Tablet", Lon-
don, 12 Feb., 1842; (3) Letters of same author on
the Spanish Inquisition (London, 1848); (4) "Count
Josepn de Maistre's celebrated work on the Pope"
(London, 1850), and his "Soirees de 8. P^tersbourg'*
(London, 1851), "an excellent and careful transuir
tion. . . . Another instance of enlightened z^
from one of the small band of Scottish Catholics"
("The Tablet", London, 23 Nov., 1850). A list of
his poems and other works is given in the "Proceed-
ing and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada"
(1894, XII, 23), of which he was a member.
MoBOAJf, Bibliotheca Canadenaie, or Manual of Canadian
Literature (Ottawa, 1867}; Jamks, Bil>lu>ffraphy of Canadian
Poetry (Toronto. 1899); Public TeUimonial to the Rev. M. MeD,
Dawaon (Ottawa, 1890); Tanouat. lUpertoire OHUral du
CUrgi Canadien ((Juebec. 1868). In thia Tanffuay inaccurately
gives the date of Father Dawson's birth as 18130.
Edward P. Spillanb.
Daz. See Aire.
Day, Georqb, Bishop of Chichester; b. m Shrop-
shire, Eneland, c. 1501 ; d. 2 August, 1556. He was
graduated at Cambridge in 1520-1 and admitted Fel-
low of St. John's, 19 September, 1522. Though ap-
parently always a Catholic in belief, Day submitted
like too many others to the assumption by Henry
VI II of ecclesiastical supremacy. He was made Mas-
ter of St. John's in 1537, Vic6-C)hancellor of the Uni-
versity, and Provost of King's College (though not a
fellow of it) by special exercise of the royal authority,
in 1538. Consecrated Bishop of Chichester in 1543
by Cranmer, he firmly opposed the spread of the Ref-
ormation under Edward VI. He answered in a Cath-
olic sense Cranmer 's written questions on the ''Sacra-
ment of the Altar", defended the Catholic doctrine in
the House of Lords, and voted against the bills for
Communion under both kinds, and for the introduc-
tion of the new Prayer Book. In his own diocese his
g reaching was so effective that, in October, 1550, the
buncil felt it necessary to send " Dr. Cox, the king's
almoner, to appease the people by his good doctrine,
which are troubled through the seditious preaching
of the Bishop of Chichester and others", and, in the
following December, Day was brought before the
Council to answer for his disregard of an injunction to
have ** all the altars in every church taken down, and
in the lieu of them a table set up", — ^himself preaching
on the occasion, if possible in his cathedral. After re-
peated interrogations, his final answer was that ''he
would never obey to do this thing, thinking it a less
evil to suffer the body to perish tnan to corrupt the
soul with that thing that his conscience would not
bear". For this "contempt" he was imprisoned in
the Fleet, and after further questionings was deprived
of his bishopric in October, 1551. From the Fleet he
was transferred in June of 1552 into the keeping of
Bishop Goodrich of Ely, then Lord Chancellor, in
whose custody he remained until the death of Edward
VI. Queen Mary restored him at once to his dimity,
besides naming him her almoner. In re-establishing
the ancient worship she had, however, to proceed cau-
tiously. Thus oontemporarv chroniclers record that
Cranmer conducted Edward's funeral ''without any
cross or light", and*" with a communion in Engliidi' ,
though "the Bishop of Chichester preached a good
sermon ' '. Day again preached at Mfary's coronation.
His previous sufferings prove the sincerity of his con-
version from the schism, and his reconciliation to the
Church had doubtless already been privately effected.
His formal absolution and confirmation in his bishop*
ric by Cardinal Pole, as Papal Legate, is dated 31
January, 1555. His death occurred only a year and a
half later and he was buried in Chichester cathedral.
Privy Council Ads, III, IV (London, 1801); Gabqubt and
Bishop, Edward Viand the Common Prayer fi'\ok (TiOndon, 1890);
Camdbn Societt, Grey Friar** and Wriotheiley'a Chroniclea
(London, 1852-1877): ^wk, Annals (London. 1615), 11; £st>
oouST. Anoiuxm Ordinations (London, 1873); Qxllow, Bibi.
Diet Bng. Cath., s. v.; Oaibdmer, Bny. Church in the Six-
teenth Century (London, 1902).
G. E. Phillips.
Day, Sir John Charles, jurist, b. near Bath, Eng-
land, 1826; d. 13 June, 1908, at Newbury. He was
educated at Rome and at PVibourg, finally with the
Benedictines at Downside, who prepared him to
graduate with honours at the London UniverBity and
attain subsequent distinction at the Bar. He was
called to the Middle Temple, 1849; took silk, 1872;
Bencher of tiie Middle Temple, 1873; raised to the
Bench as Judge of the Queen's Bench Division of
High Court of Justice ana knighted, 1882; resigned,
1901; created Privy Councillor, 1902. His first ten
vears at the Bar were a constant struggle, and then
his book, "Common Law Procedure Acts", brought
him fame and fortune. As a judge his severe sen-
tences, especially for crimes of violence, made him
the terror of evudoers, among whom he was in con-
sequence nicknamed "Day of Reckoning" and " Judjg-
ment Day". He was also eminent as an art connois-
seur and his collection of pictures by painters of the
Harbison School was one of the best in England. In
1888-90 he served as a judge on the famous Pamell
Special Commission. Two of his sons, Henry and
Arthur, joined the Society of Jesus and a third,
Samuel, selected the law. Judge Day sdso edited
Roecoe's "Evidence at Nisi Prius" (1870).
The Tdklet (London, 20 June, 1908); Th» Catholic Timss
(London, 19 June. 1908); The Cathclie Who*s Who (London,
1908).
Thomas F. Meehak.
Day of Judgment. See Juboment, Day of.
Deacon8. — The name deacon (SuCicomu) means
only minister or servant, and is employed in this
sense both in the Septuagint (thoueh only in the Book
of Esther, e. g. ii, 2; vi, 3) and in the New Testament
(e.g. Matt., XX, 28; Romans xv, 25: Eph., iii, 7; etc.).
But in Apostolic times the word began to acquire a
more definite and technical meaning. Writing about
A. D. 63, St. Paul addresses "all the saints, who are
at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons" (Phil., i,
1). A lew years later (I Tim., iii, 8 sq.) he impresses
upon Timothy that "deacons must be chaste, not
double tongued. not given to much wine, not greedy
of filthy lucre, nolding the mystery of the faith in a
pure conscience ' '. He directs, further, that they must
"first be proved: and so let them minister, havine no
crime", and he adds that they should be "the hus-
bands of one wife: who rule well their children, and
their own houses. For they that have ministered well,
shall purchase to themselves a good degree, and much
confidence in the faith which is in Christ Jesus ' '. This
passage is worthy of note, not only because it describes
the qualities desirable in candidates for the diaconate,
but also because it suggests that external administrar
tion and the handling of money were likely to form
part of their functions.
Origin and Early History op the Diaconate. —
According to the constant tradition of the Catholic
Church, the narrative of Acts, vi, 1-6, which serves to
introduce the account of the martyrdom of St.
Stephen, describes the first institution of the office
of deacon. The Apostles, in order to meet the com-
plaints of the Hellenistic Jews that "their widows
were neglected in the daily ministrations [^uiJcoWo]".
called together "the multitude of the disciples anci
said: It is not reason that we should leave the
word of God and serve [Jiaicowr] tables. Wherefore,
brethren, look ye out among you seven men of sood
reputation, full of the Holy Ghost and wisdom, whom
we may appoint over this business. But we will give
ourselves continually to prayer, and to the ministry
of tho word [rj Siaxovi^L rov \670w]. And the saying
DXA00H8
648
DXAOONS
was liked by all the multitude. And they chbee
Stephen, a man full of faith, and of the Holy Ghost''
(with six others who are named). These they placed
*' before the apostles; and they, praying, imposed
hands upon them." Now. on the ground that the
Seven are not expressly called deacons and that some
of them re. g. St. Stephen, and later Philip (Acts, xxi,
8)] preacned and ranked next to the Apostles, Protes-
tant commentators have constantlv nused objections
a^nst the identification of this choice of the Seven
with the institution of the diaconate. But apart from
the fact that the tradition among the Fathers is both
unanimous and early — e. g., St. IrensBUS (Adv. Hser.,
Ill, xii, 10 and IV, xv, 1) speaks of St. Stephen as the
first deacon — the similarity between the functions of
the Seven who ''served the tables*' and those of the
early deacons is most striking. Compare, for example,
both with the passage from the Acts and with I Tmfi.,
iii, 8 sq., quoted above, the following sentence from
Hennas (Sun., IX, 26): "They that have spots are
the deacons that exercised their office ill and plundered
the livelihood of widows and orphans and made gains
for themselves from the ministrations which they had
received to perform. *' Or, again, St. Ignatius (Ep.
ii to the Trallians): ''Those who are deacons of the
mysteries of Jesus (Christ must please all men in all
ways. For they are not deacons of meats and drinks
romy] but servants jf the church of God"; while St.
Clement of Rome (about a. d. 95) clearly describes the
institution of deacons along with that of bishops as
being the work of the Apostles themselves (£p. Clem.,
xlii). Further, it should be noted that ancient tradi-
tion limited the number of deacons at Rome to seven
(Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., VI, xliii), and that a canon of
the Council of Neo-Csesarea (325) prescribed the same
restriction for all cities, however large, appealing di-
rectly to the Acts of the Apostles as a precedent. We
seem, therefore, thoroughly justified in identifying the
functions of the Seven with those of the deacons of
whom we hear so much in the Apostolic Fathers and
the early councils. Established primarUy to relieve
the bishops and presbyters of their more secular and
invidious duties, notaoly in distributing the alms of
the faithful, we need not do more than recall the larse
place occupied by the agapse, or love-feasts, in the early
worship 01 the Cnurch, to understand how readily the
duty of serving at tables may have passed into the
privilege of serving at the altar. They became the
natural intermediaries between the celebrant and the
people. Inside the Church they made public an-
nouncements, marshalled the congregation, preserved
order, and tiie like. Outside of it they were the
bishop's deputies in secular matters, and especially in
the relief oi the poor. Their subordination and gen-
eral duties of service seem to have been indicated by
their standing during the public assemblies of the
Church, while the bishops and priests were seated. It
should be noticed that along with these functions
probably went a large share in the instruction of cate-
chumens and the preparation of the altar services.
Even in the Acts of the Apostles (viii, 38) the Sacra-
ment of Baptism is administered by the deacon Philip.
An attempt has recently been made, though re-
garded by many as somewhat fanciful, to trace the
origin of the diaconate to the organization of those
primitive Hellenistic Christian communities, which in
the earliest age of the Church had all things in com-
mon, being supported by the alms of the faiuifvil. For
these it is contended tnat some steward (ceconomus)
must have been appointed to administer their
temporal affairs. (See Leder, Die Diakonen der
Biscnftfe und Presbyter, 1905.) The full presentment
of the subject is somewhat too intricate and confused
to find place here. We may content ourselves with
noting that less difficulty attends the same writer's
theory of the derivation of the judicial and atlminia-
Untive functions of the archdeacon from the duties
Imposed upon one selected member of the diaconal
college, who was called the bishop's deacon {diaamus
episcopi) because to him was committed the temporal
administration of funds, and charities for which the
bishop was primarily responsible. This led in time to
a certain judicial and legal position and to a surveil-
lance of tne subordinate clergy. But for all this see
Archdeacon.
Duties op Deacons. — 1. That some, if not all,
members of the diaconal college were everywhere
stewards of the church funds and of the alms collected
for widows and orphans is beyond dispute. W^e find
St. Cyprian speaking of Nicostratus as having de-
frauded widows and orphans as well as robbed the
Church (Cypr., Ep. xlix, ad Comelium). Such pecu-
lation was all the easier because the offerings passed
through their hands, at any rate te a laree a^ree.
Those gifts which the people brought and whidi were
not made directly te the bishop were presented to him
through them (Apost. Const., II, xxvii), and on the
other hand they were to distribute the oblations
{tUSoytat) which remained over after the Liturgy had
been celebrated among the different orders of the
clergy according to certain fixed proportions. It was
no doubt from such functions as these that St. Jerome
calls the deacon meMorum et vidmiTum minitter
(Hieron. Ep. ad. Evang.). They sought out the sick
and the poor, reporting to the bishop upon their needs
and foUowine his direction in all things (Apost. Const.,
Ill, xix, and xxxi, xxxii). They were also to invite
aged women, and probably others as well, to the
agapee. Then with regard to the bishop they were
to relieve him of his more laborious and less import-
ant functions, and in this way they came to exercise
a certain measure of jurisdiction in the simpler cases
which were submittecl to his decision. Similariy they
sought out and reproved offenders as his deputies. In
fine, as the Apostolic Constitutions declare (II, xliv).
they were to oe his ''ears and eyes and mouth ana
heart", or, as it is laid down elsewhere, "his soul and
his senses'' (fvx^ xal aX&07fais) (Apost., Const., Ill,
xix).
2. Again, as the Apostolic Constitutions further ex-
plain in some detail, the deacons were the guardians of
order in the church. They saw that the faithful oc-
cupied their proper places, that none gossiped or slept.
They were to welcome the poor and aged and to take
care that they were not at a disadvantage as regards
their position in church. They were to stand at the
men's gate as janitors to see that during the Liturgy
none came in or went out, and St. Chrysostom says in
general terms: ''if anyone misbehave let the deacon
be summoned'' (Horn, xtiv, in Act. Apost.)- Besides
this they were largely employed in the direct ministry
of the altar, preparing the sacred vessels and bringing
water for the ablutions, ete., though in later time<;
many of these duties devolved upon clerics of an in-
ferior grade. Most especially were they conspicuous
by their marshalling and directing the congregation
during the service. Even to the present day, as will
be remembered, such announcements as Ite missa eM,
Fledamua gentuif Procedamus in pace^ are always made
by the deacon; though this function was more pro-
nounced in the early ages. The following from the
newly discovered "Testament of Our Lonr', a docu-
ment of the end of the fourth century, may be quoted
as an interesting example of a proclamation sudi as
was made by the deacon just before the Anaphora:
" Let us arise ; let each know his own place. Let the
catechumens depart. See that no unclean, no care-
less person is here. Lift up the eyes of your hearts.
Angels look upon us. See, let hma who is without
faith depart. Let no adulterer, no angry man be here.
If anyone be a slave of sin let him depart. See, let us
supplicate as children of the light. Let us supplicate
our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ."
3. The special duty of the deacon to read the Gospel
bxAOoiis
64^
biAObits
seems to have been recognized from an early period,
but it does not at first appear to have been so diBtinc-
tive as it has since become in the Western Church*
Sozomen says of the church of Alexandria that the
Gospel might only be read by the archdeacon, but else-
where ordmary deacons performed that office, while
in other churches again it devolved upon the priests.
It may be this relation to the Gospel which lecl to the
direction in the Apostolic Constitutions (VIII, iv),
that the deacons should hold the book of the Gospels
open over the head of a bishop-elect during the cere-
mony of his consecration. W ith the reading of the
Gospel should also probably be connected the occa-
sional, though rare, appearance of the deacon in the
office of preacher. The Second Council of Vaison
(529) declared that a priest might preach in his own
parish, but that when ne was ill a deacon should read
a homily by one of the Fathers of the Church, urging
that deacons, being held worthy to read the Gospel,
were a fortiori worthy of readirg a work of human
authorship. Actual preaching by a deacon, however,
despite the precedent of the deacon Philip^ was at all
periods rare, and the Arian Bishop of Antioch, Leon-
tius, was censured for letting his deacon Aetius preach
(Philostorgius, III, xvii). On the other hand, the
greatest preacher of the East Syrian Church, Ephraem
Syrus. is said by nearly all the original authorities to
have oeen only a deacon, though a phrase in his own
writings (0pp. Syr., Ill, 467, d) throws some doubt
upon 3ie fact, fiut the statement attributed to Hi-
larius Diaconus, nunc neque diaconi in jtovulo prcedi-
cant (nor do the deacons now preach to the people),
undoubtedly represents the orainary rule both in the
fourth century and later.
4. With regard to the great action of the Liturgy it
Bcems clear that the deacon held at all times, both in
East and West, a very special relation to the sacred
vessels and to the host and chalice both before and
after consecration. The Council of Laodicea (can. xxi)
forbade the inferior orders of the clergy to enter the
diaconicum or touch the sacred vessels, and a canon of
the First Council of Toledo pronounces that deacons
who have been subjected to public penance must in
future remain with the subdeacons and thus be with-
drawn from the handling of these vessels. On the
other hand, though the suodeacon afterwards invaded
their functions, it was originally the deacons alone
who (a) presented the offerings of the faithful at the
altar and especially the bread and wine for the sacri-
fice, (b) proclaimed the names of those who had con-
tributed (Jerome, Com. in Ezech., xviii), (c) carried
away the remnants of the consecrated elements to be
reserved in the sacristy, and (d) administered the
Chalice, and on occasion also the Sacred Host, to com-
mimicants. A question arose whether deacons might
■give Communion to priests but the practice was for-
bidden as unseemly by the First Council of Nicaea
(Hefele-Leclercq, I, 610-614). In these functions,
which we may trace back to the time of Justin Martyr
<Apol., I, Lsv, Ixvii; cf. Tertullian, De Spectac., xxv,
and Cyprian, De Lapsis, xxv), it was repeatedly in-
sisted, in restraint of certain pretentions, that the dea-
con's office was entirely subordinate to that of the
celebrant, whether bishop or priest (Apost. Const.,
VIII, xxviii, xlvi; and Hefele-Leclercq, I, 291 and
612). Althou^ certain deacons seem locally to have
usurped the power of offering the Holy Sacrifice
(offerre), this abuse was severely repressed in the
Council of Aries (314), and there is nothing to support
the idea that the deacon in any proper sense was held
to consecrate the chalice, as even Onslow (in Diet.
Christ. Ant., I, 530) fully allows, though a rather rhe-
torical phrase of St. Ambrose (De Offic. Min , I, xli)
has suggested the contrary. Still the care of the
chalice has remained the deacon's special province
down to modem times. Even now in a high Mass the
rubrics direct that when the chalice is offered, the
deacon is to support the foot of the chalice or the ami
of the priest and to repeat with him the words: Of-
ferimua tibiy Dominef ccUicem satularist etc. As a care^
ful study of the firat ''Ordo Romanus*' shows, the
archdeacon in the papal Mass seems in a sense to pre-
side over the chalice, and it is he and his fellow-deacons
who, after the people have Communicated under the
form of bread, present to them the cdlicem mininterid'-
lem with the Precious Blood.
5. The deacons were also intimately associated with
the administration of the Sacrament of Baptism.
They were not, indeed, as a mle allowed themselves to
baptize apart from ^ve necessity (Apost. Const.,
Vn, xlvi expressly rejects any inference that might
be drawn from Philip's baptism of the eunuch), but
inquiries about the candidates, their instruction and
preparation, the custody of the chrism — ^which the
deacons were to fetch when consecrated — and occa-
sionally the actual administration of the sacrament as
the bishop's deputies, seem to have formed part of
their recognized functions. Thus, Saint Jerome writes ;
"sine chrismate et episcopi jussione neaue presbyteri
ne(^ue diaconi jus habeant baptizanai" (Without
chrism and the command of the oishop neither pres-
byters nor deacons have the right of baptizing. — " Dial,
c. Luciferum* ', i v) . Analogous to this chai^ge was their
position in the penitential system. As a rule their
action was only intermediary and preparative, and it
is interesting to note how prominent is the part played
by the archdeacon as intercessor in the form for the
reconciliation of penitents on Maimdy Thursday still
printed in the Roman Pontifical. But certain phrases
m early documents suggest that in cases of necessity
the deacons sometimes absolved. Thus, St. Cyprian
writes (Ep. xviii, 1) that if "no priest can be found
and death seems imminent, sufferers can also make the
confession of their sins to a deacon, that by laying his
hand upon them in penance they may come to the
Lord in peace" (ut manu eis in pcenitentiam impositA
veniant ad dominum cum pace). Whether in this
and similar cases there can have been question of
sacramental absolution is much debated, but certain
Catholic theologians have not hesitated about return-
ing an affirmative answer. (See, e. g., Rauschen,
Eucharistie und Buss-Sakrament, 1^8, p. 132.)
There can be no doubt that in the Middle Ages con-
fession in case of necessity was often made to the
deacon; but then it was ec^ually made to a lay-
man, and, in the impossibility of Holy Viaticum,
even grass was devoutly eaten as a sort of spiritual
communion.
To sum up, the various fimctions discharged by the
deacons are thus concisely stated by St. Isidore of Se-
ville, in the seventh century, in his epistle to Leude-
fredus: "To the deacon it belongs to assist the priests
and to serve [ministrare^ in all that is done in the sacra-
ments of Christ, in baptism, to wit, in the holy chrism,
in the paten and chalice, to bring the oblation to the
altar and to arrange them, to lay the table of the Lord
and to drape it, to carry the cross, to declaim {prcedi-
care] the Gospel and Epistle, for as the charge is given
to lectors to declaim the Old Testament, so it is given
to deacons to declaim the New. To him also pertains
the office of prayers [oflicium precum] and the recital
of the names. It is he who gives warning to open our
ears to the Lord, it is he who exhorts with his cry, it is
he also who announces peace" (Migne, P. L., LXjCXH
895). In the earlv period, as many extant Christian
epitaphs testify, the possession of a good voice was a
qualification expected in candidates for the diaconate.
Uulda nectareo promebat meUa canore was written of
the deacon Redemptus in the time of Pope Damasus,
and the same epitaphs make it clear that the deacon
had then much to do with the chanting, not only of
the Epistle and Gospel, but also of the Psalms as a
solo. Thus of the archdeacon Deusdedit in the fifth
century it was written: —
DXAOONS
650
DK400NS
Hie levitarum primus in ordine vivens
Davidici cantor carminis iste fuit.
But Pope Gregory the Great in the council of 695
abolished the privileges of the deacons in regard to the
chanting of Psalms (Duchesne, Christian Worshipj vi),
and regular cantors succeeded to their functions.
However, even as it is, some of the most beautiful
chants in the Church's liturgy &re confided to the
deacon, notably the prcBcanium paachale, better known
as the Exsultet, the consecratoiy prayer by which the
paschal candle is blessed on Holy Saturday. This haa
been often praised as the most perfect specimen of
Gregorian music, and it is sung throughout by the
deacon.
Dress and Number op Deacons. — ^The early de-
velopments of ecclesiastical costume are very ob-
scure and are complicated by the difficulty of identi-
fying securely the objects indicated merely by a name.
It is certain, however, that both in East and West a
stole, or orarium (dfpdptop). which seems to have been
in substance identical with what we now understand
by the term, has been from an early period the dis-
tinctive attire of the deacon. Both m East and West,
also, it has been worn by the deacon over the left
shoulder, and not round the neck, like that of a priest.
Deacons, according to the Fourth Council of Toledo
(633), were to wear a plain stole (orarium — orarium
quia oral, id est, jpnxdicai) on the left shoulder, the
right being left free to typify the expedition with
which they were to dischai^ their sacred functions.
It is interesting to note as a curious survival of an
ancient tradition that the deacon during a Lenten
high Mass in the Middle Ages took off his chasuble,
rolled it up, and placed it over his left shoulder to
leave his nj^t arm free. At the present day he still
takes off his chasuble during the central part of the
Mass and replaces it with a broad stole, in the East
the Council of Laodicea, in the fourth century, forbids
subdeacons to wear the stole (dfpdpiop), and a passage
in St. John Chrysostom (Hom. in Fil. Prod.) refers to
the light fluttering draperies over the left shoulder of
those ministering at the altar, evidently describing the
stoles of the deacons. The deacon still wears his stole
over the left shoulder only, although, except in the
Ambrosian Rite at Milan, he now wears it under his
dalmatic. The dalmatic itself, which is now regarded
as distinctive of the deacon, was originally confined to
the deacons of Rome, and to wear such a vestment out-
side of Rome was conceded by early popes as a special
privilege. Such a grant was apparently made, for ex-
ample, by Pope Stephen II (752-757) to Abbot Fulrad
of St-Denis, allowing six deacons to array themselves
in the stole dalmaticce decoris (sic) when dbcharging
their sacred functions (Braun, Die liturgische Gewan-
dung, p. 251 ) . According to the " Liber Pontificalis ' ',
Pope St. Sylvester (314-335) constituit. ut diaconi
datmaiicis in ecclesia uterentur (ordained that dea-
cons should use dalmatics in church), but this state-
ment is quite unreliable. On the other hand it is
practically certain that dalmatics were worn in Rome
both by the pope and by his deacons in the latter half
of the fourth centuiy (Braun, op. cit.. p. 249). As to
the manner of weanng, after the tentn century it was
only in Milan and Southern Italy that deacons carried
the stole over the dalmatic, but at an earlier date, this
had been common in many parts of the West.
As regards the number of deacons, much variation
existed. In more considerable xities there were nor-
mally seven, according to the type of the Church of
Jerusalem in Acts, vi, 1-6. At Rome there were
seven in the time of Pope Cornelius, and this remained
the rule until the eleventh century, when the number
of deacons was increased from seven to fourteen.
This was in accord with Canon xv of the Council of
Neo-Cjpsarea incorporated in the "Corpus Juris".
The "Testament of Our Lord" (I, 34) speaks of
twelve priests, seven deacons, four subdeacons, and
three widows with precedence. Still this rule did not
remain constant. In Alexandria, for example, even
as early as the fourth centuxy, there must apparently
have been more than seven deacons, for we are told
that nine took the part of Arius. Other regtilations
seem to suggest three as a common number. In the
Middle Ages nearly every local use had its own cus-
toms as to the number of deacons and subdeacons Uiat
might assist at a pontifical Mass. The number of
seven deacons and seven subdeacons was not infre^
quent in many dioceses on days of great solemnity.
But the great distinction between the diaconate in the
early ages and that of the present day lay probably in
this, that in primitive times the diaconate was com-
monly regarded, possibly on account of the knowledge
of music which it demanded, as a state that was per-
manent and final. A man remained a simple deacon
all his life. Nowadays, except in the rarest cases (the
cardinal-deacons sometimes continue permanently as
mere deacons), the diaconate is simply a stage on the
road to the priesthood.
Sacramental Character op the Diaconate. —
Although certain theologians, such as Cajetan and
Durandus, have venturedto doubt whether the Sacra-
ment of Order is received by deacons, it may be said
that the decrees of the Council of Trent are now gen-
erally held to have decided the point against them.
The council not only lays down that order is truly and
properly a sacrament, but it forbids under anathema
(Sess. aXIII. can. ii) that anyone should deny " that
there are in the Church other orders both greater and
minor by which as by certain steps advance is made
to the priesthood'', and it insists that tJ^e ordaining
b^op does not vainly say, "receive ye the Holy
Ghost", but that a character is imprinted by the rite
of ordination. Now, not only do we find in the Acts
of the Apostles, as noticed above, both prayer and the
laying on of hands in the institution of the Seven, but
the same sacramental character suggestive of the im-
parting of the Holy Spirit is conspicuous in the ordina-
tion rite as practised in the Early Church and at the
present day. In the Apostolical Constitutions we
read: "A deacon thou shalt appoint, O Bishop, laying
thy hands upon him, with all the presbytery and the
deacons standing b^ thee* and praying over him,
thou shalt say: Almidity God . . . let our sup-
plication come unto Thy ears and make Tliy face to
shine upon this Thy servant who is appointed unto
the office of a deacon [e^t iioKoviap] ana fill him with
the Spirit and with power, as thou didst fill Stephen, the
martyr and follower of tne sufferings of Thy Christ."
The ritual of the ordination of deacons at the present
day is as follows: The bishop first asks the archdea-
con if those who are to be promoted to the cfiaconatc
are worthy of the office and then he invites the clergy
and people to propose any objection which they may
have. After a short pause the bishop explains to the
ordinandi the duties and the privileges of a deacon,
they remaining the while upon their knees. When he
has finished his discourse, they prostrate themselves,
and the bishop and cler^ recite the litanies of the
Saints, in the course of which the bishop thrice imparts
his benediction. After certain other prayers in which
the bishop continues to invoke the giace of God upon
the candidates, he sings a short preface which ex-
presses the joy of the Church to see the multiplication
of her ministers. Then comes the more essential part
of the ceremony. The bishop puts out his right hand
and lays it upon the head oif each of the ordinandi,
saying: " Receive the Holy Ghost for strength, and to
resist the devil and his temptations, in the name of the
Lord". Then stretching out his hand over all the
candidates together, he savs : " Send down upon them,
we beseech Thee, O Lorcf, the Holy Ghost by which
they may be strengthened in the faithful discnarge of
the work of Thy ministry, through the bestowal of
Thy sevenfold grace ". After this the bishop delivers
DBAOOtfESSia
661
DEACON88B13
to the deacuns the iiuignia of the order which thoy
h&ve received, to wit, the stole and the dalmatic, ao-
conapanying tiiem with the formuls which express
their special significance. Finally he makes all itxe
candidates toudi the book of the Gospebi saying to
them: '^ Receive the power of reading the Gospd in
the Church of God, both for the livine and for the dead
in the name of the Lord". Althoum the actiial form
of words which accompanies the laying on of the
bishop's hands, Accipe SpirUum Sanctum ad robuTf
etc., cannot be traced further back than the twelfth
oentuiy^ the whole spirit of the ritual is ancient, and
some of the elements, notablv the conferring of the
stole and the prayer which follows the delivery of the
book of the Gospels, are of much older date. It is
noteworthy that in the "Decretum pro Aimenis'' of
Pope Eugene IV the delivery of the Gospels is spoken
of as the ^'matter" of the ouaconate, Diaconatus vero
per libri evanqdiarum daiionem (jtraditur).
In the Russian Church the candidate, after having
been led three times around the altar and kissed each
corner, kneels before the bishop. The bishc^ lays the
end of his omophorion upon his neck and marks the
sign of the cross three times upon his head. Then he
lays his hand upon the candidate's head and savs two
prayers of some length which speak of the conferring
of tine Holy Ghost and of strength bestowed upon the
ministers of the altar and recall the words ot Christ
that he "who would be first among you become as a
servant'' (duiicoi>of): then there are delivered to the
deacon the insignia of his office, which, besides the
stole, include the liturgical fan, and as each of these
IS given the bishop calls aloud, A^cof, "worthy",
in a tone increasing in strength with each repetition
(see Maltzew, Die Sacramente der orthodox-katholi-
Bchen Kirche, 318-333).
In modem times the diaconate has been so entirely
regarded as a stage of preparation for the priesthood
that interest no longer attaches to its precise duties
and privileges. A deacon's functions are now prac-
tically reduced to the ministration at high Mass and to
exposing the Blessed Sacrament at Benediction. But
he may, as the deputy of the parish priest, distribute
the Communion in case of need. Of the condition of
celibacy see the article Cblibacy of the Cuergt.
Deacons otttbidb the Cathouo Church. — It is
only in the Church of England and in the Episcopal
communions of Scotland and North America that a
deacon receives ordination by the imposition of hands
of a bishop. In conseouence of such ordination, how-
ever, he IS considerea empowered to perform any
sacred office except that of consecrating the elements
and pronouncing absolution, and he habitually
preaches and assists in the communion-service.
Among the Lutherans, however, in Gennanv the
word deacon is generally applied to assistant, though
fully ordained, mimsters who aid the minister in
charge of a particular cure or parish. However, it is
also used in certain localities for lay helpera who take
part in the work of instruction, finance, district-
visiting, and relieving distress. This last is also the
use of the word which is common in many Nonoon-
formist communions of England and America.
8xn>L in KirtAenlex.t b, v. Dtacon; Idem, Dwr Diaamai in
der kath. Kirt^ (Ratwbon, 1884): Okbxx>w in Did. of Christ,
ArUig.f s. v. Deacon: Zoeckler, Diakonen und Evanoeliaten in
Bibhaehe und Kirehenhiatoriseke Studien (Munich. 1803), II;
Bkudxr, Verfaaaunff der KircKe (Fraibure. 1004), 348 sgq.;
Lamothb-Tsnbt, Le Diaconat (Pazis, 1900); Leder, Die Dxa-
konen der Biuhdfe und Prttibyter (Stuttgart. 1005); AcHeus
in ReaJUneyk. f. prot. Theoi., s. v. Diakonen; Tromassin, VetiM
et Nova Bed. Dteipl.. Part I. Bk. II; Hspblb-Lrclsroq, Lee
ConeHee, I, 610-^14: BCOnz in Kraus, Real-Bncyk.^ a. v.
Diakon; Gaspabri, TraeUituM Canonicue de Saerd Ordinaticne;
Wrbns, Jua DeertUdivm^ II.
Herbert Thttrston.
Doaconessei. — ^We csvoot be sure that any formal
recognition of deaoonessji as an institution of conse-
crated women aiding the clergy is to be found in the
New Testament. There ,1b indeed the mention of
Phebe (Rom., xvi, 1), who is called MKowot, but
this may simply mean, as the Vul^te renders it, that
she was "in the ministiy[i. e. service] of the Church'',
without implving any omdal status. Again it is not
improbable that the ''widows" who are spoken of at
large in I Tim., v, 3-rlO, may really have been deacon-
esses, but here again we have nothing conclusive.
That some such functionaries were appointed at an
earl^ date seems probable from Pliny's letter to
Trajan concerning t-ne Christians of Bithynia (Ep. x,
97, A. D. 112). l^ere he speaks of obtaining informa-
tion by torture from two anciUcB quas ministry dice*
hantur, where a technical use of word» seems to be im-
t»lied. In anv case there can be no question that be-
fore the middle of the fourth century womea were per-
mitted to exercise certain definite functions in the
church and were known by the special name of juIjcdmk
or duuAptrvtti,
History and Consbcration.— Most Catholic schol-
ars incline to the view that it is not always possible to
draw a clear distinction in the early Church between
deaconesses and widows (x^o^)* The Didascalia,
Apostolic Constitutions, and kindred documents tm-
doubtedly recognize them as separate classes and they
prefer the deaconess to the widow in the duty of
assisting the derg^. Indeed the Apostolic Constitu-
tions (III, 6) enjom the widows to be obedient to the
deaconesses. It is probable also, as Funk maintains,
that in the earlier period it was only a widow who
could become a deaconess, but undoubtedly the strict
limits of age, sixty years, which were at first pre-
scribed for widows, were relaxed, at least at certain
periods and in certain localities, in the case of those ap-
pointed to be deaconess; for examine, the Council of
TruUo in 602 fixed the age at forty. Tertulliaa
speaks with reprobation of a girl of twenty in ffiduaiu
ab epiKopo couocatam, by which he seems to mean or-
dained as a deaconess. There can again be no ques-
tion that the deaconesses in the fourth and fifth cen-
turies had a distinct ecclesiastical standing, thou^
there are traces of much variety of custom. Accord-
ing to the newly discovered *' Testament of Our Lord "
(o. 400), widows had a place in the sanctuaiy during
the celebration of the litui^, they stood at the ana-
phora behind the presbyters, they communicated after
the deacons, and before the readers and subdeacons,
and strange to say they had a charge of, or superin-
tendence over, the deaconesses. Further it is certain
that a ritual was in use for the ordination of deacon-
esses by the laying on of hands which was closely
modelled on the ritual for the ordination of a deacon.
For example the Apostolic Constitutions say: ''Con-
oeming a deaconess, I Bartholomew enjoin, O
Bishop, thou shalt lay thy hands upon her with all the
Presbytery and the Deacons and the Deaconesses and
thou shalt say: Eternal God, the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, the Creator of man and woman, that
didst fill with the Spirit Maiy and Deborah, and Anna
and Huldah, that didst not disdain that thine only be-
gotten Son should be bom of a woman; Thou that in
uie tabernacle of witness and in the temple didst
appoint women guardians of thy hol}r gates: Do Thou
now look on this thy handmaid, who is appointed unto
the office of a Deaconess and grant unto her the holv
Spirit, and cleanse her from w pollution of the flesh
and of the spirit, that she may worthily accomcdish
the work committed unto her, to thy glory and the
praise of thy Christ." Comparing this form with that
given in the same work for the ordination of deacons
we may notice that the reference to the outpouring of
Holy Ghost in the latter case is much more strongly
woided: "fill him with the spirit and with power as
thou didst fill Stephen the martyr and follower of the
sufferings of thy Christ''. Moreover, in the case <^
the deacon, praver is made that he ''may be counted
worthy of a ni^er standing", a clause which not im-
DIBAOOKXSSXS
652
DCAdONtSSn
probably has reference to the possibility of advance to
a higher eoolesiastical dignity as priest or bbhop, no
such praise being used in the case of the deaconess.
The subject of the precise status of deaconesses is
confessedly obscure and confused, but two or three
points at any rate seem worth insisting on. In the
nrst place there were no doubt influences at work at
one time or other which tended to exaggerate the
position of these women-helpers. This tendency has
found expression in certain docimients which have
come down to us and of which it is difficult to gauge
the value. Still there is no more reason to attach
importance to these pretensions than there is to re-
gard seriously the spasmodic attempts of certain dea-
cons (a. v.) to exceed their powers and to claim, for
example, authority to consecrate. Both in the one
and the other case the voice of the Church made itself
heard in conciliar decrees and the abuse in the end
was repressed without difficulty. Such restrictive
measures seem to be found in the rather obscure 11th
canon of Laodicea, and in the more explicit 19th canon
of the Council of Nicsea, which last distinctly lays
down that deaconesses are to be accoimted as lay per-
sons and that they receive no ordination properly so
called (Hefele-Lecleroq, Conciles, I, 618). In the
West there seems always to have been considerable
reluctance to accept the deaconesses, at uiy rate under
that name, as a recognized institution of the Church.
The CouncU of Nismes in 394 reproved in general the
assiunption of the levitical ministry by women, and
other decrees, notably that of Orange in 441 (can. 26),
forbid the ordaining of deaconesses altogether. It
follows from what has been said that-the Qiurch as a
whole repudiated the idea that women could in any
S roper sense be recipients of the Sacrament of Order.
Tone the less in the East, and among the Syrians and
Nestorians much more than among the Greeks
(Hefele-Lecleroq, Conciles, II, 448), the ecclesiastical
status of deaconesses was greatly exaggerated.
Another source of confusion has also been introduced
by those who have interpreted the word diaconisoBj on
the analogy of pre^byterce and prefbytideaj emscopoB and
episcopiasoB^ as the wives of deacons who, living apart
from their husbands, acquired ipso fado an ecclesias-
tical character. No doubt such matrons who generous-
ly accepted this separation from their husbands were
treated with special distinction and were supported by
the Church, but if they became deaconesses, as in
some cases they did, they had, like other women^ to
fulfil certain conditions and to receive a spedal con-
secration. With regard to the duration of the order
of deaconesses we note that when adult baptism be-
came unconmion, this institution, which seems pri-
marilv to have been devised for tne needs of women
catechumens, gradually waned and in the end died out
altogether. In the time of Justinian (d. 666) the dea-
conesses still held a position of importance. At the
church of St. Sophia in Constantinople the staff con-
sisted of sixty priests, one hundred deacons, forty
deaconesses and ninety subdeacons; but Balsamon,
Patriarch of Antioch about 1070 a. d., states that
deaconesses in anv proper sense had ceased to exist in
the Church though the title was borne by certain nims
(Robinson, Ministry of Deaconesses, p. 93), while
Matthew Blastares declared of the tenth century that
the civil legislation concerning deaconesses, which
ranked them rather among the clergy than the laity,
had then been abandoned or forgotten (Mime, P. G.,
CXrX, 1272). In the West in spite of the hostile
decrees of several councils of Gaul in the fifth and sixth
centuries, we still find mention of deaconesses con-
siderably after that date, though it is difficult to say
whether the title was more than an honorific name
attributed to consecrated virgins and widows. Thus
we read in Fortunatus that St. Radegund was ''or-
dained deaconess'' by St. Medard (about a. d. 640 —
Migne, P. L., LXXXVIII. 602). So also the ninth
Ordo Romanus mentions, as forming part of the papal
procession, the "femin» diaoonissse et presbyteriaBC
quse eodem die benedicantur", and d%€uxm%»9a are
mentioned in the procession of Leo HI in the ninth
century (Duchesne, Lib. Pont., II, 6), Further, the
An^o-Saxon Leofric missal in the eleventh centiuy still
retained a praver ad diaconiBsam faciendam, which ap-
pears in the K)rm Exavdi Domine, common to both
deacons and deaconesses. The only surviving relic o(
the ordination of deaconesses in the West seems to be
the delivery by the bishop of a stole and maniple to
Carthusian nuns in the ceremony of their profession.
Functions of Deaconesses. — ^There can be no
doubt that in their first institution the deaconesses
were intended to dischar^ those same diaritabie
offices, connected mainly with the temporal well-being
of their poorer fellow-Christians, which were per-
formed for the men by the deacons. But in one par-
ticular, viz. the instruction and baptism of catechu-
mens, their duties involved service of a oioie spiiituai
kind. The universal prevalence of baptism by im-
mersion and the anointing of the whole body which
preceded it, rendered it a matter of proprietv that in
this ceremony the functions of the deacons should be
discharged by women. The Didascalia Apostolorum
(III, 12; see Funk, Didascalia, etc., i, 208^ explidtJy
direct that the deaconesses are to perform this func-
tion. It is probable that this was the starling-point
for the intervention of women in naany other ritual
observances even in the sanctuary. The Apostolic
Constitutions expressly attribute to them the duty of
guarding the doors and maintaining order amongst
tnose of their own sex in the church, and they alw
(II, c. 26) assign to them the office of acting as inter-
mediaries between the dergv and the women of the
congregation; but on the other hand, it is laid down
(Const. Apost., Vin, 27) that '^ the deaconess gives no
blessing, she fulfils no function of priest or deacon",
and there can be no dotibt that the extravagances pei^
mitted in some places, especially in the (lurches of
Syria and Asia, were in contravention of the canons
generally accepted. We hear of them presiding over
assemblies of women, reading the epistle and Uospel,
distributing the Blessed Eucnarist to nuns, lighting
the candles, burning incense in the thuribles, adorning
the sanctuary, and anointing the sick (see Hefele-
Lecleroq, 11, 448). All these thinoB must be regarded
as abuses which ecclesiastical l^islation was not long
in repressing.
Deaconesses in Pbotbstant Cobcuitnionb.—
Outside the Catholic Church the name of deaconesses
has been adopted for a modem revival which has had
great vogue in Germany and to some extent in the
United States. It was b^:un in 1833 by the Lutheran
■Pastor Fliedner at Kaiserswerth near Dtisseldorf.
His first inspiration is said to have been derived from
the Quakeress Elizabeth Fry, and through the cele-
brated Miss Florence Nightingale, who organized a
staff of nurses in the Crinoean war and who had pre-
viously been trained at Kaiserswerth, the revival at a
later date attracted a good deal of attention in Eng-
land. The main work of deaconesses is the tending of
the sick and poor, instruction and district visiting, but
with more subordination to parish needs than is usu-
ally compatible with the life of an Anglican sisterhood.
In the United States more particularly, community
life is usually not insisted upon, but a good deal of
attention is given to traiiiing and intellectual develop-
ment. Both in the Anglican Church, and in the Prot-
estant Episcopal Church and Methodist Episcopal
Church of America, deaconesses are *' admitted" in
solemn form by the bishop with benediction and the
laying«on of hands. In Germany the movement haa
taken such hold that the Kaiserswerth organization
alone claims to number over 16,000 sisters, but it is
curious that relatively to the population the institu-
tion is most p(^>ular in Catholic districts, where pn)b-
DSAD
653
DSAD
ably the familiar spectacle of Catholic nuns has accus-
tomed the people to the idea of a community life for
women.
PcRMANKDEK aod HuNOHAUBEN in Kirt^tcntex., III. 1675-
1602; Kbaits. B. Bneye. d, Christ. AUertkwn., %. v. Diakoni^
•m, I, 358-361: and Vidua, II, 947-051; Hefblb-Lbclxbc.
CancOet (Paris, 1907). I, 615 sq., and especially II. 447-452,
where the subject is treated very fully, but not without inac-
cumdes; Onblow in Diet. Christ, AiUiq,, a. v. DtaconeBtX
WoHoswoRTB, The Ministry of Orace (London. 1001), 264-282;
RoBiMsoN, The Ministry of Deaconesses CLondon, 1808);
SchXfer, Die Weib. Diak&nie (Hamburg, 1887-1804): Zbcrar-
SKCK, Dtenst der Frau in d. erst, Christ. Jahrh. (QAttingen,
1002); Goun, Dienst der Frau in d. Christ. Kirche (LetpsiK.
1905); AcHEUs in R. B. f. Prot. Theol., IV, 616-62(): RAvillk, Le
KSle des Veuves etc. Bihliothhftue des Hautes Etudes et Sciences
Heliffieuses, V, 231-251; Church Quarterty lUview (1800).
Herbi»t Thurston.
Dead, Baptism for the. See Baptism.
Beadt Praters for the. — ^This subject will be
Ti^ated under the following three heads: I. General
Statement and Proof of Catholic Doctrine; II. Ques-
tions of Detail; III. Practice in the British and Irish
Churches.
I. General Statement and Proof. — Catholic
teaching regarding prayers for the dead is bound up
inseparably with the doctrine of purgatoiy (q. v.) and
the more general doctrine of the communion of saints
(q. v.), which is an article of the Apostles' Creed. The
definition of the Council of Trent (Sess. XXV), ''that
purgatory exists, and that the souls detained therein
are helped by the suffrages of the faithful, but espec-
ially by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar", is merely
a restatement \n brief of the traditional teaching
which had already been embodied in more than one
authoritative formula — as in the creed prescribed for
converted Waldenses by Innocent III in 1210 (Den-
zineer, Enchiridion, n. 373) and more fully in the
profession of faith accepted for the Greeks by Michael
Palaeologus at the Second (Ecumenical Council of
Lyons in 1274 (ibid., n. 387). The words of this
profession are reproduced in the decree of union sub-
scribed by the Greeks and Latins at the Council of
Florence in 1439: "[We define] likewise, that if the
truly penitent die in the love of God, before they have
made satisfaction by worthy fruits of penance for
their sins of commission and omission, their souls are
purified by pureatorial pains after death; and that
for relief from t^ose pains they are benefited by the
suffrages of the faithful in this life, that is, by Masses,
prayers and almsgiving, and by the other offices of
piety usually performed by the faithful for one another
according to the practice [instxtuta] of the Church"
(ibid., n. 588). Hence, under "suffrages" for the
dejid, which are defined to be legitimate and effica-
cious, are included not only formal supplications, but
every kind of pious work that may be offered for the
spiritual benefit of others, and it is in this comprehen-
sive sense that we speak of prayers in the present arti-
cle. As is clear from this general statement, the Church
does not recognize the limitation upon which even
modem Protestants often insist, that prayers for the
dead, while legitimate and commendable as a private
practice, are to be excluded from her public offices,
llie most efficacious of all prayers, in Catholic teach-
ing, is the essentially public office, the Sacrifice of the
Mass.
Coming to the proof of this doctrine, we find, in the
first place, that it is an integral part of the great gen-
eral truth which we name the communion of saints,
lliis truth is the counterpart in the supernatural order
of the natural law of human solidarity. Men are not
isolated imits in the life of grace, any more than in
domestic and civil life. As children in Christ's King-
dom they are as one family under the loving Father-
hood of God ; as members of Christ's mystical body
they are incorporated not only with Him, their com-
mon Head, but with one another, and this not merely
by visible social bonds and externa! co-operation, but
by the invisible bonds of mutual love and sympathy,
and by effective co-operation in the inner life of grace.
Each IS in some degree the beneficiary of the spiritual
activities of the others, of their prayers and good
works, their merits and satisfactions; nor is this de-
gree to be wholly measured by those indirect ways in
which the law of solidarity works out in other cases,
nor by the conscious and explicit altruistic intentions of
individual agents. It is wider than this, and extends
to the bounds of the mysterious. Now, as between
the living, no Christian can deny the reality of this
far-reachmg spiritual communion; and since death,
for those wno die in faith and grace, does not sever
the bonds of this communion, why should it interrupt
its efficacy in the case of the dead, and shut them
out from benefits of which they are capable and may
be in need? Of very few can it be hoped that they
have attained p^ect holiness at death ; and none but
the perfectly holy are admitted to the vision of God.
Of few, on the other hand, will they at least who love
them admit the despairing thought that they are be-
yond the pale of grace and mercy, and condemned to
eternal separation from God and from all who hope to
be with God. On this ground alone it has been truly
said that purgatoiy is a postulate of the Christian
reason; and, granting the existence of the purgatorial
state, it is eoually a postulate of the Christian reason
that the souls in purgatory should continue to share
in the communion of saints, or, in other words, be
helped by the prayers of their brethren on earth and in
heaven. Christ is King in purgatory as well as in
heaven and on earth, and He cannot be deaf to our
prayers for our loved ones in that part of His Kingdom,
whom He also loves while He chastises them. For
" our own consolation as well as for theirs we want to
believe in this living intercourse of charity with our
dead. We would believe it without explicit warrant
of Revelation, on the strength of what is otherwise re-
vealed and in obedience to the promptings of reason
and natural affection. Indeed, it is largely for this
reason that Protestants in growing numbers are giving
up to-day the joy-killing doctrine of the Reformers,
and reviving Catholic teaching and practice. As we
shall presently see, there is no clear and explicit war-
rant tor prayers for the dead in the Scriptures recog-
nized by Protestants as canonical, while they do not
admit the Divine authority of extra^Scriptural tradi-
tion. Catholics are in a better position.
Arguments from /Scn'pfwre.— -Omitting some pas-
sages in the Old Testament which are sometimes in-
voked, but which are too vague and uncertain in their
reference to be urged in proof (v. g. Tobias, iv, 18;
Ecclus., vii, 37; etc.), it is enough to notice nere the
classical passage in II Machabees, xii, 40-46. When
Judas and his men came to take away for burial the
bodies of their brethren who had fallen in the battle
agsunst Gorgias, "they foimd under the coats of the
slain some of the donaries of the idols of Jamnia,
which the law forbiddeth to the Jews: so that all
plainly saw, that for this cause they were slain. Then
they all blessed the just judgment of the Lord, who
had. discovered the things that were hidden. And
so betaking themselves to prayers, they besought
him, that the sin which had been committed might
be foreotten . . . And making a gathering, he
[Judas] sent twelve [al. two] thousand drachms of
silver to Jerusalem for sacrifice to be offered for the
sins of the dead, thinking well and religiously concern-
ing the resurrection (for if he had not hoped that they
that were slain should rise again, it woulcl have seemed
superfluous and vain to pray for the dead), and be-
cause he considered that they who hsui fallen asleep
in godliness, had great grace laid up for them. It is
therefore a holy and wnolesome thought to pray for
the dead, that they may be loosed from sins." For
Catholics who accept this book as canonical, this pas-
sage leaves nothing to be desired. The inspired au-
DEAD
654
DXAD
Uxor expressly approves Judas's action in this particu-
lar casCi and recommends in j^neral terms the practice
of prayers for the dead. There is no contradiction
in the particular case between the conviction that a
sin had been committed, calling down the penalty of
death, and the hope that the sinners had nevertheless
died in godliness — an opportunity for penance had
intervened.
But even for those who deny the inspired authority
of this book, unequivocal evidence is here furnished of
the faith and practice of the Jewish Church in the
second century b. c. — that is to say, of the orthodox
Church, for the sect of the Sadducees denied the res-
urrection (and, by implication at least, the general
doctrine of immortality), and it would seem from the
argument which the author introduces in his narrative
that he had Sadducean adversaries in mind. The act
of Judafi and his men in praying for their deceased
comrades is represented as if it were a matter of course :
nor is there anything to suggest that the procuring ot
sacrifices for the dead was a novel or exceptional thing;
from which it is fair to conclude that tne practice —
both private and lituigical — goes back beyond the time
of Judas, but how far we cannot say. It is reasonable
also to assume, in the absence of positive proof to ^e
contrary, that this practice was maintained in later
times, and that Christ and the Apostles were familiar
with it; and whatever other evidence is available from
Talmudic and other 6oiu*ces strongly confirms this as-
sumption, if it does not absolutely prove it as a fact
(see, V. g., Luckock, "After Death", v, pp. 50 sq.).
This is worth noting because it helps us to under-
stand the true significance of Christ's silence on the
subject — if it be neld on the incomplete evidence of
the Gospels that He was indeed alto^ther silent— •
and justifies us in regarding the Christian practice as
an inheritance from orthodox Judaism.
We have said that there is no clear and explicit
Scriptural text in favour of prayers for the dead, ex-
cept the above text of II Machabees. Yet there are
one or two sayings of Christ recorded by the Evan^-
ists, which are most naturally interpreted aa contain-
ing an implicit reference to a purgatorial state after
death; and in St. Paul's Epistles a passage of similar
import occurs, and one or two other passs^es that
bear directly on the question of pravers for the dead.
When Christ promises forgiveness for all sins that a
man may commit except the sin against the Holy
Ghost, which "shall not be forgiven him, neither in
this world, nor in the world to come" (Matt., xii, 31-
32), is the concluding phrase nothing more than a
periphrastic equivalent for "never"? Or, if Christ
meant to emphasize the distinction of worlds, is "the
world to come" to be understood, not of the life after
death, but of the Messianic age on earth as imagined
and expected by the Jews? Both interpretations
have been proposed; but the second is far-fetched and
decidedly improbable (cf. Mark, iii, 29); while the
first, though admissible, is less obvious and less natural
than that which allows the implied question at least
to remain: May sins be forgiven in the world to come?
Christ's hearers believed in this possibility, and, had
He Himself wished to deny it, He would hardly have
used a form of expression which they would naturally
take to be a tacit admission of their belief. Precisely
the same argument applies to the words of Christ re-
farding the debtor who is cast into prison, from which
e shall not go out till he has paia the last farthing
(Luke, xii, 59).
Passing over the well-known passage, I Cor., iii, 14
sq., on which an areument for purgatory may be
baaed, attention may be called to another curious text
in the same Epistle (xv, 29), where St. Paul arsjues thus
in favour of the resurrection: "Otherwise what shall
they do that are baptized for the dead, if the dead rise
not again at all? Why are they then baptized for
tliem?" Even assuming that the practice here re-
ferred to was superstitious, and that St. Paul menfy
uses it as the basis of an argumenhLtn ad hominBrn, the
passage at least furnishes historical evidence of the
prevalence at the time of belief in the efficacy ci
works for the dead; and the Apostle's reserve in do4
reprobating this particular practice is more readily
intelligible if we suppose him to have recognised the
truth of the principle of which it was merely an abuse.
But it is probable that the practice in question was
something in itself legitimate, and to which the Apostle
raves his tacit approbation. In his Second E^stle to
Timothy (i, 1^18 : iv, 19) St. Paul speaks of Oneai-
phorus m a way tnat seems obviously to imply that
the latter was ah-eady dead: "The Lozd ^ve laa^
to the house of Onesiphorus" — as to a family in need
of consolation. Then, after mention of loyal servieeB
rendered by him to the imprisoned Apostle at Rozne,
comes the prayer for Onesiphorus himself, "The Lord
grant unto nim to find mercy of the Lord in that day"
(the day of ju(k;ment) ; finally, in the salutation, "uie
household of Onesiphorus" is mentioned onoe more,
without mention ot the man himself. Hie question
is, what had become of him? Was he dead, as one
would naturally infer from what St. Paul writes? Or
had he for any other cause become separated perma-
nently from his family, so that prayer for them should
take account of present needs wmle prayers for him
looked forward to the day of judgment? Or could it
be that he was still at Rome when the Apostle wrote,
or gone elsewhere for a prolonged absence from hcMne?
The first is by far the easiest and most natural hypoth-
esis; and if it be admitted, we have here an instance
of prayer by the Apostle xor the soul of a deceased
benefactor.
Arguments from Traditum, — ^The traditional evi-
dence in favour of prayers for the dead, which has
been preserved (a) in monumental inscriptions (es-
pecially those of the catacombs), (b) in tne ancient
utumes, and (c) in Christian literature generally, is
so abundant that we cannot do more in this article
than touch very briefly on a few of the more important
testimonies.
(a) The inscriptions in the Roman Catacombs ran^
in date from the first century (the earliest dated u
from A. D. 71) to the early part of the fifth ; and though
the majority are imdated, archaeologists have been
able to fix approximately the dates of a great many by
comparison with those that are dated. The greater
numoer of the several thoysand extant belong to tJie
ante-Nicene period — the first three centuries and the
early part of the fourth. Christian sepulchral inscrip-
tions from other parts of the Church are few in number
compared with those in the catacombs, but the. wit-
ness of such as have come down to us agrees with that
of the catacombs. Many inscriptions are exceedinMy
brief and simple (pax, in pace, etc.), and mi^t be
taken for statemeints rather than prayers, were it not
that in other cases they are so frequently and so nat-
urally amplified into prayers (pax tibi, etc.). Hiere
are prayers, called acdamatcryy which are considered
to be the most ancient, and in which there is the simple
expression of a wish for some benefit to the deceased,
without any formal address to God. The benefits
most frequently prayed for are: peace, the good (i. e.
eternal salvation), light, refreshment, life, eternal life,
union with God, witn Christ, and with the angels and
saints — e. g. pax (tibi, vobis, bpiritui tuo, in jbter-
NTJM, TIBI CUM ANGELIS, CUM SANCTIS); SPIRITU8 TDI78
IN BONO (srr, VI VAT, QUIESCAT); iETEBNA LUX TIBI; IN
REFRIGERIO ESTO; SPIRITUM IN REFRIGERIUH 8U8CIPIAT
DOMINUS; DEUS.r^TIBI REFRIGERET; VIVAS, VIVA-
TIS (in DEO, IN yt^ IN flPIRFrO SANCTO, IN PACE, IN
JBTSRNO, INTER ^"^aANCTOS, CUM MARTTRIBUS).— For
detailed references see Eorsch, ''Die Acclamationen*'
DBAD
665
DXAD
vivors address their petitions directly to God the
Father, or to Christ, or even to the angels, or to the
saints and martyrs collectively, or to some one of
them in particukur. The benefits prayed for are those
alread]^ mentioned, with the addition sometimes of
liberation from sin. Some of these prayers read like
excerpts from the liturgy: e. g. set pater omnipotens,
ORO, MISSRERE LABORUM TANTORUM, MISBRB(r6)
ANiMiB NON j>iQ(na) FBRENTis (Dc Rossl, Inscript.
Christ., II a, p. ix). Sometimes Uie writers of the
epitaphs request visitors to pray for the deceased:
e. g. QUI LEOJS, ORA PRO BO (CorDus Inscript. Lat.,
X, n. 3312), and sometimes again tne dead themselves
ask for prayers, as in the w^-known Greek epitaph
of Abercius (see Abercius, Inscriptign of), m two
Burnlar Roman epitaphs dating from the middle of the
second century (De Rossi, op. cit., II a, p. xxx,
Kirsch, op. cit., p. 51), and in many later inscriptions.
That pious people often visited the tombs to pray for
the dead, and sometimes even inscribed a pra^r on
the monument, ia also clear from a variety of indica-
tions (see examples in De Rossi, ''Roma Sotteranea",
II, p. 15). In a word, so overwhelming is the wit-
ness of the early Christian monuments in favour of
prayer for the dead that no historian any longer denies
that the practice and the belief whicn the practice
implies were imiversal in the primitive Church.
There was no break of continuity m this respect be-
tween Judaism and Christianity.
(b) The testimony of the early liturgies is in har-
mony with that of the monuments. Without touch-
ing the subject of the origin, development, and rela-
tionships of the various liturgies we possess, without
even enumerating and citing them siiqgly, it is enough
to say here that all without exception — X^estorian and
Monophysite as well as Catholic, those in Syriao, Ar-
menian, and Coptic as well as those in Ckeek and
Latin — contain the commemoration of the faithful
departed in the Mass, with a prayer for peace, light,
retreshment, and the like, and m many cases expressly
for the remission of sins and the eff acement of sinful
stains. The following, from the Syriac Liturgy of St.
James, may be quoted as a typical example: "We
commemorate all the faithful dead who have died in
the true faith . . . We ask, we entreat, we pray
Christ our God, who took their souls and spirits to
Himself, that by His many compassions He will make
them worthy of the pardon of their faults and the remia-
sion of their sins" (Syr. Lit. S. Jacobi, ed. Hammond,
p. 75).
(c) Turning finally to early literary sources, we find
evidence in the apocryphal "Acta Joannis", composed
about A. D. 160-170, that at that time anniversaries of
the dead were commemorated by the application of
the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass (Lipsius and Bonnet,
" Acta Apost. Apocr.", 1, 186). The same fact is wit-
nessed by the "Canons of Hippolytus" (ed. Achelis,
p. 106), by Tertuilian (De Cor. Mil., iii, P. L., II,
79), and by many later writers. Tertiillian also testi-
fies to the regularity of the practice of praying pri-
vately for the dead (De Monogam., x, P. L., II, 942);
and of the host of later authorities that may be cited,
both for public and private prayers, we must be con-
tent to refer to but a few. St. Cyprian writes to Coiv
nelius that their mutual prayers and good offices ought
to be continued after either should be called away by
death (Ep. Ivii, P. L., III. 830 sq.), and he tells us
that before his time (d. 258) the African bishops had
forbidden testators to nominate a priest as executor
and guardian in their wills, and. had decreed, as the
penalty for violating this law, deprivation after death
of the Holy Sacrifice and the other oflices of the
Church, which were regularly celebrated for the re-
pose of each of the faitJiful; hence, in the case of one
Victor who had broken the law, "no offering might be
made for his repose, nor any prayer offered in the
Church in his name'' (Ep. Ixvi, P. L., IV, 399). Ap-
nobius speaks of the Christian churches as "con-
venticles in which . . . peace and pardon is asked
for aU men ... for those still living and for those
already freed fr(»n the bondage of the body'' (Adv.
Gent., IV, xxxvi, P. L., V, 1076). In his funeral
oration for his brother Satyrus St. Ambrose beseeches
God to accept propitiously his "brotherly service of
priestly sacrifice" (fratemum munus, sacrificium
sacerdotis) for the deceased ('' De Excessu Satyri fr.",
I, 80, P. L., XVI, 1316); and, addressing Valen-
tinian and Tlieodosius, he assures them of happiness
if his prayers shall be of any avail : he will let no day
or night go past without remembering them in his
pravers and at the altar C'De Obitu Valent.", 78,
ibid., 1381). Ab a further testimony from the West-
em Church we may quote one of the many passages
in which St. Augustine speaks of prayers for tne dead:
''The uniyenud Church observes this law, handed
down from the Fathers, that prayers should be offered
for those who have died in the communion of the Body
and Blood of Christ, when they are commemorated in
their proper place at the Sacrifice" (Serm. dxxii, 2,
P. L., XXXVIII, 936). As evidence of the faith of
the Eastern Church we may refer to what Eusebius
tells us, that at the tomb of Constantine ''a vast
crowd of people together with the priests of God
offered their prayers to God for the Emperor's soul
with tears and great lamentation" (Vita Const., IV,
bad, P. G., XX; 1226). Aerius, a priest of Pontus,
who flourished in the third quarter of the fourth cen-
tuiy, was branded as a heretic for denying the ledti-
macy and efficacy of prayers for the cfead. St. £pi-
phanius, who records and refutes his views, represents
the custom of praying for the dead as a duty imposed
by tradition (Adv. Haer., Ill, bucx, P. G., XLII,
504 sq.), and St. Chrysostom does not heoltate to
speak of it as a "law laid down by the Apostles"
(Hom., iii, in Phiiipp., i, 4, P. G., LXII, 203).
Objectiona alleged. — ^No rational difficulty can be
urged against the Catholic doctrine of prayers for the
dead; on the contrary, as we. have seen, the rational
g resumption in its favour is strong enough to induce
elief in it on the part of manv whose rule of faith does
not allow them to prove with entire certainty that it
is a doctrine of Divine revelation. Old-time Protes-
tant objections, based on certain texts of the Old
Testament and on the parable of Dives and Lazarus
in the New, are admitted by modem commentators
to be either irrelevant or devoid of force. The saving
of Ecclesiastes (xi, 3) for instance, "if the tree faJl to
the south, or to the north, in what place soever it shall
fall, ^ere shall it be", is probably intended merely to
illustrate the general theme with which the writer is
dealing in the context, vis. the inevitableness of nat-
ural law in the present visible world. But even if
it be imderstood oi the fate of the soul after death, it
can mean nothing more than what Catholic teaching
affirms, that the final issue — salvation or danmation
— is determined irrevocably at death ; which is not in-
compatible with a temporary state of purgatorial puri-
fication for the saved. The imagery of the parable of
Lazarus is too uncertain to be made the basis of dog-
matic inference, except as r^ards the general truth of
rewards aod punishments after death ; out in any case
it teaches merely that one individual may be admitted
to happiness immediately after death while another
may be cast into hell, without hinting anything as to
the proximate fate of the man who is neither a Lazarus
nor a Dives.
II. QuBSTiONS OP Detail. — Admitting the general
teaching ih&t prayers for the dead are efficacious, we
are naturally led on to inquire more particularly: (1)
What prayers are efficacious? (2) For whom and how
far are they efficacious? (3) How are we, theoreti-
cally, to conceive and explain their efficacy? (4)
What disciplinary laws has tne Church imposed regard-
ing her public offices for the dead?— We shall state
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briefly what is needful to be said in answer to these
questions, mindful of the admonition of the Council
of Trent, to avoid in this matter those ''more difficult
and subtle questions that do not make for edification"
(Sess. XXV).
(1) The Sacrifice of the Mass has always occupied
the foremost place among prayers for the dead, as will
be seen from the testimonies quoted above; but in
addition to the Mass and to private prayers, we have
mention in the earliest times of almsgiving, especially
in connexion with funeral agapoSf and of fasting for
the dead (Kirsch, Die Lehre von der Gemeinsdiaft
der Heiligen, etc., p. 171 : Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'ar-
ch^ologie, I, 80S-830). Believing in the communion
of saints in which the departed faithful shared, Chris-
tians saw no reason for excluding them from any of
the offices of piety which the living were in the habit
of performing for one another. The only development
to DC noted in this connexion is the application of In-
dulgences (q. V.) for the dead. Indulgences for the
living were a development from the ancient peniten-
tial discipline, and were in use for a consideraole time
before we have any evidence of their being formally
applied for the dead. The eariiest instance comes
from the year 1457. Without entering into the sub-
i'ect here, we would remark that the appUcation of
ndulgences for the dead, when properly imderstood
and explained, introduces no new principle, but is
merely an extension of the general principle under-
lying the ordinajv practice of prayers and good works
for the dead. The Church claims no power of abwln-
ing the souls in purgatory from their pains, aa on earth
she absolves men from sins. It is only per modum
suffragiif i. e. by way of prayer, that Indulgences avail
for the dead, the Church adding her official or corpor-
ate intercession to that of the person who performs
and offers the indulgenced work, and beseeching Qod
to apply, for the relief of those souls whom the offerer
intends, some portion of the superabundant satisfao-
tions ot Christ and His saints, or, in view of those same
satisfactions, to remit some portion of their pains, in
what measure may seem good to His own infinite
mercy and love.
(2) To those who die in wilful, unrepented mortal
sin, which implies a deliberate turning away from God
as the last end and ultimate good of man, Catholic
teaching holds out no hope of eventual salvation by a
course of probation after death. Eternal exile from
the face of God is, by their own choice, the fate of such
unhappy souls, and prayers are unavailing to reverse
that awul doom. This was the explicit teaching of
Christ, the meek and merciful Saviour, and the Church
can but repeat the Master's teaching (see Hell). But
the Church does not presume to judge individuals,
even those for whom, on other grounds, she refuses to
offer her Sacrifice and her prayers [see below, (4)],
while it may happen, on the contrary, that some of
those for whom ner oblations are made are amon^ the
number of the damned. Wliat of such prayers? If
they cannot avail to the ultimate salvation of the
damned, may it at least be held that they are not
entirely unavailing to procure some alleviation of
their sufferings, some temporary rejrigeria, or moments
of mitigation, as a few Fathers and theologians have
suggested? All that can be said in favour of this
speculation is, that the Church has never formally
reprobated it. But the great majority of theologians,
following St. Thomas (In Sent. IV, xlv, g. ii, a. 2),
consider it rash and unfounded. If certain words in
the Offertory of the Mass for the Dead, "Lord Jesus
Christ, deliver the souls of all the faithful departed
from the pains of hell, and the deep abyss", seem
originally to have suggested an idea of deliverance
from the hell of the damned, this is to be understood
not of rescue, but of preservation from that calamity.
The whole requiem Office is intensely dramatic, and
in this particular prayer the Church suppliant is figured
as accompanying the departed soul into the presenoe
of its Judge, and pra^g, ere yet sentence is pro-
nounced, lor its deliverance from t^e sinner's doom.
On the other hand, prayers are needless for the blesed
who already enjoy the vision of God face to face.
Hence in the Eariy Church, as St. Augustine expressly
assures us (Serm. ccbcxv, 5, P. L., XXXVIII, 129,V',
and as is otherwise abundantly clear, prajrers were not
offered for martyrs, but to them, to obtain the benefit
of their intercession, martyrdom being considered as
act of perfect charity and winning as such an imme-
diate entrance into glory. And the same is true of
saints whom the Church has canonized; they no
longer need the aid of our prayers on earth. It is only,
then, for the souls in purgatory that our prayers are
really beneficial. But we do not and cannot know
the exact degree in which benefits actually accrue to
them, collectively or individually. The distributioo
of the fruits of tne communion of saints among the
dead, as among the Uviug, rests ultimately in the
hands of God — ^is one of the secrets of His economv.
We cannot doubt that it is His will that we should
Eray not only for the souls in puipitory collectively,
ut individually for those with whom we have been
bound on earth by special personal ties. Nor can we
doubt the general efficacy of our rightly disposed
prayers for our specially chosen ones as well as for
those whom we leave it to Him to choose. This is
sufficient to inspire and to guide us in our offices of
charitv and piety towards the dead; we may con-
fidently commit the application of their fruits to the
wisdom and justice of (Jod.
(3) For a theoretical statement of the manner in
which prayers for the dead are efficacious we must
refer to the articles Merit and Satisfaction, in which
the distinction between these terms and their techni-
cal meanings will be explained. Since merit, in the
strict sense, and satisfaction, as inseparable from
merit, are confined to this life, it cannot be said in the
strict sense that the souls in purgatory merit or satisfy
by their own personal acts. But the purifying and
expiatory value of their discipline of suffering, techni-
cally called aatis^assiOf is often spoken of ia a loose
sense as satisfaction. Speaking of satisfaction in the
rigorous sense, the living can offer to God, and by
impetration move Him graciously to accept, the satis-
factory value of their own good works on oehalf of the
souls in purg^atory, or in view of it to remit some part
of their discipline; in this sense we may be said to
satisfy for the dead. But in order that the personal
works of the living may have any satisfactoxy value,
the agents must be in the state of grace. The prayers
of the just are on this account more efficacious in as-
sisting the dead than the prayers of those in sin,
though it does not follow that the general impetratoiy
efficacy of prayer is altogether destroyed by sin. God
may hear the prayers of a sinner for others as wdl as
for the supplicant himself. The Sacrifice of the Mass,
however, retains its essential efficacy in spite of the
sinfulness of the minister; and the same is true, in
lesser degree, of the other prayers and offices offered
by the Chureh's ministers in her name.
(4) There is no restriction by Divine or ecdeeias-
tical law as to those of the dead for whom private
prayers may be offered — except that ihev may not be
offered formally either for the blessed in heaven or for
the damned. Not only for the faithful who have
died in external communion with the Chureh, hutfor
deceased non-Catholics, even the imbaptiaed, wbo
may have died in the state of grace, one is free w
offer his personal prayers and good works; nor does
the Chureh's prohibition of her public offices for those
who have died out of external communion with her
affect the strictly personal element in her ministers
acts. For all such she prohibits the pMic offering o|
the Sacrifice of the Maas (and of other litur^
offices) ; but theologians commonly teach that a pn^w
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Is not forbidden to offer the Mass in private for the
repose of the soul of any one who, jud^ng by probable
evidence, may be presumed to have diea in faith and
gr&ce, provided, at least, he does not say the special
requiem Mass with the special prayer m whicn the
deceased is named, since this would give the ofifering
£t public and official character. This prohibition does
Aot extend to catechumens who have died without
l>eing able to receive baptism (see, v. g., Lehmkuhl,
**Theol. Moralis". II, n. 175 sq.). For other cases in
^vrhich the Cliurcn refuses her public offices for the
dead, the reader is referred to the article Burial,
Orribtian. (See also Mass; Indulgence; Pub-
OATORT.)
III. PRACTTCB IN THE BRITISH AND IrISH (IIhURCHES.
— ^The belief of our forefathers in the efficacy of prayers
for the dead is most strikingly shown by the liturgy
and ritual, in particular by the collects at Mass and
by the burial service. See, for instance, the praters
in the Bobbio Missal, the Durham Ritual, Leofric's
MiBsal, the Salisbury Kite, the Stowe Missal, etc. But
it should also be noted that this belief was clearly
formulated, and that it was expressed by the peopfe
at large in numerous practices and customs. Thus,
Venerable Bede declares that '*8ome who for their
good works have been preordained to the lot of the
elect, but who, because of some bad deeds stained with
which they went forth out of the body, are after death
^ seized upon bjr the flames of the pur^torial fire, to be
" severely chastised, and either are bemg cleansed until
the day of judgment from the filth of their vices by
this long trial, or, being set free from punishment by
the prayers, the alms-deeds, the fasts, the tears of
faithful friends, they enter, undoubtedly before that
time, into the rest of the blessed" (Homily xlix, ed.
Mart^e, Thes. Anecd., p. 326).
Tlie Coimcil of Calcuth (816) ordained that at a
bishop's death the bell of every parish church should
call tne people together to sii^ thirty Psalms for the
soul of the depart^ (Wilkins, Cx>ncilia, 1, 171). In the
Missal of Leofric (d. 1072) are found special prayers
varying according to the condition and sex of the de-
parted. Archbishop Theodore (d. 690), in the peni-
tential ascribed to him, and St. Dunstan (d. 988), in
his *' Concordia", explsun at length the commemora-
tion of the departed on the third, seventh, and thir-
tieth day after death. The month's mina (mo-neth's
mynde) m that age signified constant prayer for the
' dead person diuring the whole month following his
decease. In every church was kept a " Book of Life",
or register of those to be prayed for, and it was read
at the Offertoiv of the Mass. This catalogue was also
known as the ** bead-roll" and the prayers as "bidding
the beads". The "death-bill" was a list of the dead
which was sent around at stated times from one
monastery to another as a reminder of the agreement
to pray for the departed fellow-members. Inese rolls
were sometimes richly illustrated, and in passing from
one religious house to another they were nlled in with
verses in honour of the deceased. The laity also were
united in the fellowship of prayer for the dead through
the guilds, which were organized in every parish, lliese
associations enjoined upon their members various du-
ties in behalf of the departed, such as taking part in
the burial services, offenng the Mass-penny, and giving
assistance to the alms-folks, who were summoned at
least twice a day to bid their beads at church for the
departed fellows of the guild. Among other good
works for the dead may oe mentioned: the "soul-
shot", a donation of money to the church at which
the funeral service took place, the "doles", i. e. alms
distributed to the poor, the sick, and the aged for the
benefit of a friend's soul; the founding of chantries
(q. V.) for the support of one or more priests who were
to offer Mass daily for the founder's soul; and the
"certain", a smaller endowment which secured for the
donor's special benefit the recitation of the prayers
IV.— 42
usually said by the priest for all the faithful departed.
The universities were often the recipients of benefac*
tions, e. g. to their libraries, the terms of which in-
cluded prayers for the donor's soul; and these obliga-
tions are set down in the university statutes. These
various forms of charity were practised not only by
the common people but also, and on a very generous
scale, by the nobUity and royalty. Besicies the be-
quests they made, they often provided in their will
for granting freedom to a certain number of bondmen,
and left lands to the Church on condition that the
anniversary of their death should be kept by fasting,
prayer, and the celebration of Masses. For a more
complete account see Lingard, "History and Antiq-
uities of the Anglo-Saxon (^urch", ch. ix; and
Rock, "The Church of Our Fathers" (London, 1852),
II, III.
Strange as it must seem to any one acquainted with
the history of Ireland, various attempts have been
made to prove that in the early Irish Church the prac-
tice of praying for the dead was unknown. Notable
among these is Ussher's "Discourse of the Religion
anciently professed by the Irish and British" (1631;
Vol. IV of "Complete Works", Dublin, 1864). Cf.
Killen, "The Ecclesiastical Histoiy of Ireland" (Lon-
don, 1875), I; and Cathcart, "The Ancient British
and Irish Churches "(London, 1894). The weakness
of Ussher's argument has been shown by several
Catholic writers, e. g. Lanigan, "Ecclesiastical His-
tory of Ireland" (Dublin, 1829), II, 330 sq.; and
Brennan, "Ecclesiastical History of Ireland" (Dublin,
1864), appendix. More careful study has convinced
competent non-Catiiolic writers also that "to pray for
the d^kd was a recognized custom in the ancient
Celtic as in every other portion of the primitive
Church" (Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual of the
Celtic Church, Oxford, 1881). This statement is
borne out by various documents. The Synod of St,
Patrick ("Synodus alia S. Patricii" in Wilkins, "Con-
cilia") declares, ch. vii: "Hear the Apostle saying:
'there is a sin unto death; I do not say that for it
any one do pray'. And the Lord: 'Do not give the
holy to dogs . For he who did not deserve to receive
the Sacrifice during his life, how can it help him after
his death?" The reference to the custom of offering
Mass for the departed is obvious; the synod discrimi-
nates between tnose who had observed, and those who
had neglected, the laws of the Church concerning the
reception of the Eucharist.
Still more explicit is the declaration found in the
ancient collection of canons known as the " Hibemen-
sis" (seventh or eighth century): "Now the Church
offers to the Lord in many ways; firstly, for herself,
secondly for the Commemoration of Jesus Christ who
says, 'Do this for a commemoration of me', and
thirdly, for the souls of the departed" (Bk. II, ch.ix;
Wasserschleben, "Die irische Kanonensammlung",
2nd f^d., Leipzig, 1885). In the fifteenth book of the
"Hibemensis", entitled "On Care for the Dead",
there is a first chapter "On the four ways in which the
living assist the aead". Quoting from Origen, it is
saiduiat " the souls of the departed are released in four
ways: by the oblations of priests or bishops to God,
by the prayers of Saints, by the alms of Christians, by
the fasting of friends". There follow eight chapters
entitled: (2) On those for whom we should offer; (3)
On sacrificing for the dead; (4) On prayer for the
dead ; (5) On fasting for the dead ; (6) On almsgiving
for the dead; (7) On the value of a redeemed soul;
(8) On not seeking remission after death when it has
not been sou^t for in life; (9) On the care of those
who have been snatched away by sudden death
(Wasserschleben, op. cit.). Each of these chapters
cites passages from the Fathers — ^Augustine, Gr^ory,
Jerome — ^thus showing that the Irish maintainea the
belief and practice of the Early Ch u rch . That prayers
were to be offered only for those wlio dv\\ in the Faith
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is evident from certain prescriptions in St. Cummian's
PenitentiEil according to whicn a bishop or abbot was
not to be obeyed if he commanded a monk to sing
Mass for deceased heretics ; likewise, if it befell a priest
singing Mass that another, in reciting the names of the
dead, included heretics with the Catholic departed,
the priest, on becoming aware of this was to perform a
week's penance. In the Leabhar Breac, various prac-
tices in behalf of the faithful departed are commended.
** Hiere is nothing which one does on behalf of the soul
of him who hajs died that doth not help it, both prayer
on knees, and abstinence and singing requiems and
fre()uent blessings. Sons are bound to do penance for
theu- deceased parents." (Whitley Stokes, Introd. to
"Vita Tripartita'')* ^t is not, then, surprising that
the Irish Culdees of the eighth century had as part of
their duty to offer "intercessions, in the shape of
litanies, on behalf of the living and the dead'' (Rule
of the Culdees, ed. Reeves, Dublin, 1864, p. 242). The
old Irish civil law (Senchus Mor, a. d. 438-441) pro-
vided that the Church should offer requiem for all
tenants of ecclesiastical lands. But no such enact-
ments were needed to stir up individual piety.
Devotion to the souls departed is a cnaracteristic
that one meets continually in the lives of the Irish
saints. In the life of St. Ita, written about the middle
of the seventh century, it is related that the soul of
her uncle was released from purgatory through her
earnest prayers and the charity which, at her instance,
his eight sons bestowed (Colgan, Acta SS. Hibemise,
pp. 65-70). St. Pulcherius (Mochoemog), in the sev-
enth century, prayed for the repose of the soul of Ro-
nan, a chieftain of Ele, and recommended the faithful
to do likewise. In the life of St. Brendan, quoted,
singularlv enough, by Ussher, we read, "that the
prayer of the living doth profit much the dead". In
the "Acta S. Brendani", edited by Cardinal Moran,
the following prayer is given (p. 39) : " Vouchsafe to
the souls of my father and mother, my brothers, sis-
ters, and relations, and of my friends, enemies and
benefactors, living and dead, remission of all their
sins, and particularly those persons for whom I have
undertaken to pray.
At the death of St. Coliunbanus (615), his disciple.
St. Gall, said: "After this night's watch, I understood
by a vision that my master and father, Columbanus,
to-day departed out of the miseries of this life into the
joys of paradise. For his repose, therefore, the sacri-
fice of salvation oueht to be offered ": and "at a
mgnal from the bell [the brethren] entered the oratory,
prostrated themselves in prayer and began to say
masses and to offer earnest petitions in commemora-
tion of tibe blessed Colimibanus" (Walafrid Strabo,
Vita B Galli, I, Cap. xxvi). Cathcart (op. cit., 332)
cites only the words narrating the vision, and says:
"they show conclusively that neaven was the imme-
diate home after death of all the early Christians of
Great Britain and Ireland." But the truth is that
prayins for the dead was a traditional part of the relig-
ious li^. Thus, when St. Gall himself died, a bishop
who was his intimate friend offered the Holy Sacrifice
for him — "pro carissimo salutares hostias immolavit
amico" (ibid., ch. xxx). The same is recorded of St.
Columba when he learned of the death of Coliunbanus
of Leinster (Adaranan, Vita S. Col., Ill, 12). These
facts are the more significant because they show that
prayers were offered even for those who had been
models of holy living. Other evidences are furnished
in donations to monasteries, ancient inscriptions on
mivestones, and the requests for prayers with which
ihe writers of manuscripts closed their volumes.
These and the like pious practices were after all but
other means of expressing what the faithful heard
day by day at the memento for the de^din the Mass,
when prayer was ofored for those "wB\have gone
before us wilL the sign of faith and rest u^N^e sleep
of peace" (Stowe Missal). (See Salmon. "
cient Irish Church", Dublin. 1897; BcUerikdm,
"G«sch. d. katholischen Kirche in Iiiand", Midns,
1890, 1, and bibliography there given.)
In sdoition to works mentioned in the text see, among tbeo*
logians: Bellarmine, De Purgatorio, Bk. II; Pkbboxe, Pn*-
lectionea Theol., De Deo Creatore, n. 683 sq.; Jongmann, Dt
NoviMimia, n. 104 so.; Chr. Pcsch, Prae<eoeum«» DogwuA^
IX. n. 607 aq.; also Bernard and Bodb, Commuiaoti dn
SaxnU in Diet, de OUoloaie caih.\ Gibbons, The Faith of Oit
Fathera (Baltimore, 1871), xvi. To the htstorical aathon-
ties mentioned should be. added Ateberoks, Oesekicku 6^
chrisUichen Eaehatolooie innerhidb der vomietiniadun Zeit (Fm-
bun im Br., 1806). Cf. also Oxenham, Catholic Etchaiolouy
(2nd ed., London, 1878). ii: and among An^cans, Luckock
After Death (new ed., London, "ISOS). P^rt I; and Fujunu,
An<
The Spirita in Prison and other Studiea on the Life after Ikatk
(popular ed., London, 1905), ix.
P. J. Toner.
Dead, Resukrsction of the. See Resvrret-
TION.
Deadi Service for the. See Burial; Reqttiem.
Dead Sea, the name given to the lake that lies on
the south-eastern border of Palestine. The Old Testa-
ment makes frequent reference to it under a variety of
titles; once only, however, by its present one. The
Vulgate's rendering of Josue (iii, 16} reads, mart
solUitdinia (quod nunc vocaiur Martuwn) translated
in the D. V. '*the sea of the wilderness (which now
is called the Dead Sea)". In the Hebrew Bible the
verse reads rhorm nT\pn DN and in the Septua-
gint T^f $d\aaffav 'Apa^, Bdharvav dX6f, which the
A. V. gives thus: "towards the sea of the plain, even '
the salt sea"; and the R. V., ''the sea of tne Arabah.
even the salt sea". In Joel (u, 20) the prophet
speaks of "the east sea"; and the apocrsrpbal Fourth
Book of Esdras (v, 7) speaks of the mare Sodotniii'
cum — the Sodomitish Sea. Josephus, Pliny, and other
profane writers, among other names, called it the
Lake of Asphalt; 'A<r^aXr?r» M/4iny and Locus Asphal-
iites. The present-day inhabitants of its vicinity calJ
it Bahr Lwi— the Sea of Lot.
The Dead Sea is the final link of the chain of rivers
and lakes that lies in the valley of the Jordan. Tak-
ing its rise on the southern slopes of Mt. Hennon, the
Jordan in its southern course first spreads out into
Lake Merom, emerging from which it flows into the
Lake of Tiberias, whence it descends into the Dead
Sea. To convey a proper idea of the size and shape of
the Dead Sea travellers often compare it to the Lake
of Geneva. The resemblance between Uie two is
striking in almost every particular. The great lake of
the Holy Land is fortjr-seven miles long and about ten
miles across at its widest part. Its area is approxi-
mately 360 square miles. The surface of the water is
1292 feet below the level of the Mediterranean, which
is only a few miles to the west. This extraordinary
feature alone singles out the Dead Sea from all other
bodies of water. A low-lying peninsula about ten
miles wide, called el-Lisan, "the tongue", which runs
out from the south-eastern shore to within three miles
of the opposite shore, divides the sea into two unequal
parts. The northern and larger part is very deep,
reaching at one point a depui of 1310 feet, lli^
southern bay is, on the contrary, very shallow, aver-
agpg hardly a depth of thirteen feet. In two places
it \b Dossible to cross from the peninsula to the oppo-
site snore by means of two fords which are known
to the Arabs.
The water in the Dead Sea is salt. Every day the
Jordan and other affluents oour into it over six and
one half million tons of fresn water. There is, how-
ever, no outlet to the ocean, and the sole agent where-
by this increase is dis{)06ed of is evaporation. The
power of the sun's rays in this great pit is, however, so
mtense that save for a small nuctuation between the
wet and dry seasons, the level of t^e sea does not
change, despite the great volume that is added to it.
In the water that remains after evaporation solid mat-
ters make up 26 per cent of the whole; 7 per cent be-
DEAF
659
D£AN
in^ chloride of sodium (common salt), the rest being
cliiefly chlorides of magnesium, calcium, and deriva-
tives of bromium. The chloride of magnesium eives
tlie water a very loathsome taste; the chloride of cal*
cium an oily appearance. The specific gravity of the
\ea.ter is 1. 166. The presence of so much salt explains
iTvell the weird name of the sea, since save for a few
microbes, no organic life can exist in it. Even fish
from the ocean perish when put into it. The human
body will not sink below the surface. Bathing, how-
ever, in the Dead Sea can hardly be styled a pleasure,
as the water is very irritating to the skin and eyes.
Ttere is, it need hardly be said, no foundation for the
statement sometimes made, that birds cannot fly
across the water, as occasionally sea-birds can be seen
resting on its surface. From time to time large quan-
tities of bitumen rise to the surface from the bottom.
Hitumen is also found along the shores and is referred
to in Genesis (xiv, 10) where it speaks of the puteos
tnvUos bituminia — "many pits of slime". This fea-
ture caused the ancients to speak of the sea as the
''Lake of Asphalt''.
The Dead Sea is mentioned in the Old Testament
mostly as a boundary. Its formation comes into dis-
cussion in the Book of Genesis (xiv, 3) where, speak-
ing of the kings against whom Chodorlahomor fought,
the text says: All these came together into the
woodland vale, which is now the salt sea". Accord-
ing to the geologists who have explored the region, the
formation of this depression ot the earth's surface
does not date from any historical period, but from the
later tertiary or early quaternary period. Their the-
oiy is that at some remote time the western part of
this region, owing to some profound disturbance of the
strata, sank far oelow the eastern part, thus causing
the great dissimilarity of the strata of the two sides (»
the sea. Besides this, the beds of gypsum, marl, flint,
and alluvium found at different heights all along the
Jordan vallev indicate at that one time the entire valley,
from the Lake o( Tiberias to the Dead Sea, was a lake.
Just what were the conditions at the time of the de-
struction of Sodom and Gomorrha is only a matter of
conjecture. But the words of the text, taken as they
stand, prove that in the great catastrophe there was an
inundation from the sea. The mooted question as to
the sites of Sodom and Gomorrha does not properly
enter into this article.
It is a very strange sight that this region presents to
the eye, especially when seen from some height. On
the eastern and western sides great mountains rise up
in some places sheer from the water. To the north,
the silvery line of the Jordan can be traced as far as
the eve can reach. To the south, the hills of soUd salt,
callea Jebel Usdum — ^Mt. Sodom — and, on a clear day,
mountains close to the Red Sea may be seen. Now
all is deserted and dead. No vegetation or sign of
human occupation greets the traveller. In other days
the scene was different. Vessels plied the surface of
the sea and many people lived near its shores. The
grophecies of Esecniel (xlvii) and of Zacharies (xiv,
) give one subject of thought on the scene here
when the life-giving streams pouring forth from the
Temple will have transformed it anew.
SsiXTB. Hist. Oeoq. of the Holy Land (London, 1895); Bux.X4,
Memoir on the Phyncal Geology and Geography of Arabia Petraa^
PaUatxne, etc. (London, 1886, Mount Seir, 1889); Lynch, Nar-
rative of the U. 8. Expedition to ... the Dead Sea (Washington,
1849); OH^cial Report of the U, 8. Expedition, etc. (Waahinffton,
1852): DR LuYNES, Voyaoe <f ExplorcUion h la Mer Morte
(1875); Lartet, Geolooie, in Vol. Ill of the collection of Due de
Luyneo; de Saulct, Voyaoe autour de la Mer Morte (1853);
Tribtbam, The Land of hrael (London, 1882); Viooroux,
Manuel Biblique (Paris. 1901), I, 678; Lee Livree SainU et la
critique ratiorudiete, 5th ed., IV, 311; Gautier in Ency, Bib-
lica, I, col. 1042.
Joseph V. Mollot.
Deaf, Education of the.
TU£ Deaf.
See Education of
Deunbolatory. See Ambulatory.
Dean (Gk. B^xa, ten ; Lat. cfecanua), one of the prin-
cipal administrative officials of a diooese. The term
was first used to denote a militaiy officer having au-
thority over ten soldiers; in the fourth century it came
to be used as a title for certain minor officials in the
imperial household. A completely civil aspect was
given to the office in An^o-Saxon times in England,
ihe dean having jurisdiction within his distnct or
tithing for trials of first instance.
In me monastic life we find the term used by St.
Benedict (Rule, c. zxi) to denote a monk who was
I^aced over ten other monks, his dutv being to see that
their work was property done and that they observed
the rules of the house in which they were living. The
custom which the monks thus introduced soon found
its counterpart in diocesan pastoral work. The early
Christian communities wei^ always desirous of uniting
themselves to the urban bishop, but for people who
lived far away from the city communication with the
bishop was not always easy; hence they were provided
for by the appointment of a priest or deacon whose
position was sometimes permanent, sometimes tem-
porary. These ecclesiastics were merely assistants to
the bishop and in the early fourth centuiy became
known as chorspiscam* Special decrees were made
concerning them at uie Councils of Ancyra (314) and
Antioch (341). The churefiKopiy though frequently
having the char^ of several parishes, were neverthe-
less always subject to the bishop of the city from
whom they received their jurisdiction. They could
only confer minor orders. Most of them were simple
priests, but they had extensive faculties. (See Gill-
mann, "Die Chorbischafe im Orient", Munich, 1903.)
For the Eas)) the office of chorepiscopus was abolished
at the Council of Laodioea (between 343 and 381) be-
cause episcopal rights had been usurped by many who
held the office; in their place (can. Ivii) were substi-
tute cireut^ores, visUatores, But it was only in and
after the eighth century that it finally disappeared in
the East, though yet customarv among the Jacobites.
In the West, during and after the tenth century, there
appeared another representative officer, the arch-
deacon, who took the chief burden in administering
the temporal affairs of the diocese and enjoyed, after
the bishop, the greatest consideration. He was pres-
ent at coimcils as the representative of the bishop, and
on the death of the bishop he became the administrar
tor of the diocese, to which he usually succeeded.
The immlediate administrative necessities of the
numerous rural parishes were provided for by the ap-
pointment of several archpnests, who represented
either the bishop or the archdeacon, and were origi-
nally the priests having charge of baptismal churches.
In the West, after the restoration of the vita carumica
in the latter half of the eighth century, their number
and influence grew. They were charged with the su-
pervision of ecclesiastical life and conduct, with the
execution of episcopal commands, and were wont to
convoke more or less frequently the clerey of their
district (capUula ruralia, cancdiay calendcB), They
made a yearly report to the bishop. It is to these
ancient offices that the modem dean has succeeded
(see S&gmUller, Entwickelung des Archipresbyterats,
1898). There are at present two classes of deans:
deans of chapters (cathedral or collegiate) and
deans of parocnial districts. The latter act as repre-
sentatives of the bishop in certain matters, as heads
of a^regations of parishes, either urban or rural.
The oSan is also known by the name of vicar forane
{mcarius foraneua).
Rural Denna. — ^In the Catholic Church it is to be
noted that the dean has only delegated jurisdiction,
restricted to a particular area and to certain matters
specified by the bishop. His powers are generally
oetermined by the diocesan statutes, by custom, or by
special mandate of the bishop. In countries where
canon law is in full forc^ deans have power to dis*
DEAN
660
DBATH
pense and absolve in certain cases. They can also in-
stitute an inquiry or informative process to be after-
wards transmitted to the bishop. Furthermore, they
are to see that the churches in their district are wdl-
ordered both in spiritual and in temporal affairs^ and
they can gxoni leave of absence to priests for short
periods. They also have charge of the solemn instal-
lation of parish priests, care for them in^^ve illness,
and provide for their decent burial. 'Riey possess
also, m some places, certain honorary rights, e. g. pre-
cedence, and occasionally some distinction in dr^.
In countries where canon law is not in full vigour the
powers and rights of rural deans vary greatly ; in fact,
each diocese may be said to have its own peculiar cus-
toms and regulations. In some English dioceses the
deans merely preside at the monthly conference; in
otherjs the bishop gives them faculties to. dispense in
certain cases, and they have care of the temporalities
of the churches in their districts when there is a change
of rector. In Ireland the deans can grant certain dis-
pensations, and absolve from reserved sins; they also
nave to guard against the growth of abuses amons
the clergy. They transmit to the clergy the orders of
the bishop and render to him an annual account as to
the state of the parishes in their care. Quite similar
are the provisions of the Third Plenary Council of
Baltimore (cap. iv, nos. 27-30) for the office of dean in
the United States.
Deans of CAaoter«.-— The first dignitary of a chapter
is variously styled. Sometimes he is called archdea-
con, or archpriest; in other places he is called the pro-
vost or dean. The office is m the appointment otthe
pope. The dean takes precedence of all the other
members of the chapter in choir and processions and
other similar functions, and also during the capitular
deliberations. His rights or prerogatives are to cele-
brate Mass when the bishop is prevented from so
doing. He also administers the last sacraments to the
ordinary and celebrates the funeral Mass. During
Divine Office he gives the signal to commence etc.,
and he also corrects mistakes and remedies abuses at
variance with the diocesan decrees and local approved
custom. He is bound to be present in choir and to
give a good example to the cnapter, both in his be-
haviour and in the manner in which he recites or sin^s
the various portions of the Divine liturgy.
In modem Catholic universities the dean is an officer
chosen by the professors of his faculty to represent
them as a body, to preside over their meetings, and
to supervise the regularity of the ordinaxy academic
exercises. His authority is based partly on the papal
documents of foundation, partly on the enactments of
the university authorities, and partly on custom.
The following are the decanal offices now existing in
the Church of England; honorary deans, e. g. the dean
of the Chapels Royal; dean of peculiars, i. e. having
jurisdiction but no cure of souls; provincial dean, an
office always held by the (Protestant) Bishop of Lon-
don; deans of chapters, who rule over the canons of
cathedral or collegiate churches, and are bound to be
in residence for eight months in the year; rural deans
who act as deputies for the bishop or archdeacon. In
the English universities (Cambri^, Oxford), the dean
has the care of the discipline of the college and the ar-
ranging of the chapel services.
(See also Archdeacon; Archpriest; Deacon;
Vicar-General. For the office of Dean of the Sacred
College, see Cardinal.)
Baroiluat, PraUct. Jut, ecd. (24th ed.. Paris, 1907);
Deahates, Memento Juris eccl. (Paris, 1897); TnOMAaaiN,
Vetiis ac nova ecc. discipl., Ill, lib. II; Benedict XIV, De
nmodo duBceaand, III, 3; Bouw, De oapitulia (Paris, 1862);
WSBNZ. Jtu decretalium, II, 1013 sqq.; von Schereb, Hand-
bueh d. Ktrchcnrechts ((Jras, 1886). I, 618-22; Rev. cath. de
Louvain, 1863. Ill; Phillimore, Eccl. Laws of the Church of
Endand (liondon, 1873). See the Acta et Decreta of the Synods
of VVeetminster, Maynooth (1900). the Third Plenary Council
of Baltimore (1884), and the important Acts of the Roman
Council of 1725; Canon Law, Rural Deans in Am. Eccl. Rev,
(Philadelphia, 1890). 90-^7. David DunfoRD.
Dean, Rubal. See Dban.
Dean, William, Venerable, b. in Yorkshire, Eng-
land, date uncertain, martyred 28 August, 1588. lie
studied at Reims and was ordained priest at Soissona, 21
December, 1581, together with me martyrB Georp.-
Haydock and Robert Nutter. Their ordination coin-
cided with the time that the news of Campion's martjn"-
dom reached the college. Dean said his first Mass 9 Jan-
uary and left for En^and 25 January, 1581. He U
called by Champney "a man distinguished by the 8o»iini-
ness of his morals and learning . He was banished
with a number of other priests in 1585, put ashore on thi
coast of Normandy, and threatened with death if Le
dared to go back to England. Nevertheless he quickiv
returned to his labours there and was acain arrest(vl.
tried, and condemned for his priesthood, 22 August,
1588. The failure of the Spanish Armada, in spite of the
loyaltv manifested by English Catholics at that crisi>.
brought about a fierce persecution and some twcDty-
seven mar^rs suffered that year. Six new gibbets vrf'r*-
erected in London, it is said at Leicester's instigation,
and Dean, who had been condemned with five other
priests and four laymen, was the first to suffer on the gal-
lows erected at Mile End. With him suffered a layman,
the Venerable Henry Webley, for relieving and assist-
ing him. At the martyrdom Dean tried to speak to
the people, ''but his mouth was stopped by some that
were in the cart, in such a violent manner that they
were like to have prevented the hangman of hk
wages". Seven martyrs suffered on the same day.
Leicester died on 5 September, within a week of their
execution.
Challonbr, Mienonary Priests (1741), I, 209; 8row, An-
nales (1615). 749; Douay Diaries: MoBBis. Troubles of Our
Catholic Forefathers, II. 72. 166. 157.
Bede Camm.
Deanery. See Dean.
Dease, Thomas, b. in Ireland^ 1668; d. at Galway,
1651. He sprang from an ancient Irish family atone
time possessing considerable landed property in Cavan
and Westmeatn. In youth he acquired some profi-
ciency in the Irish language, in which lan£;uage he
wrote some poems. Having determined to Become a
Eriest, he proceeded to Pans, where sHer ordination
e spent the first years of his priesthood. During tbw
time he became rector of the Irish Seminary, the pre-
cursor of the present Irish College. In 1622 he was
consecrated Bishop of Meath, returning to Ireland the
same year. In spite of persecution and penal laws he
continued loyal to England and preached loyalty to
his fiock. He regarded with disfavour the CJonfedera-
tion of Kilkenny, and resisted all the aiguments and
entreaties of the primate to join it. This conduct
brought him toleration, if not favour, from the Gov-
ernment, though it made him unpopular with his
Catholic fellow-countrymen. And it specially an-
noyed the nuncio, Rinuccini, who charged him with
having sown the seeds of enmity between the Con-
federate generals Preston and O'Neill. The news of
Dease's death was therefore received, in 1648, bv the
nuncio with little regret. But the news turned out
false, and the nuncio writing to Rome reported that
the bishop still lived "to try the patience of the
good".
Brady, Episcopal Succession (Rome. 1876); Meghan, IriJih
Hierarchy in the Seventemth Century (Dublin, 1872'); Gilslkt,
History of Irish Affairs (Dublin, 1880); Botlb, The Irish Col-
lege in Paris (Dublin, 1901); Hutton, The Embassy to Irdand
E. A. D'Alton.
Death, Preparation for. — Spiritual writers are
as one in declaring that ordinarily the only adequate
preparation for death is a righteous life. It is a com-
monplace with them that the tendency to think of this
preparation as a set exercise without much, if any,
reference to one's previous career represents a miser-
able error. There Is no way, of cournej to combat the
DXATH
661
DBAtfi
obvioufiness of this position. Nevertheless, in what
foUows here we are contemplating that array of ac-
tions, mental and moral attitudes, ministrations, etc.
mrhid^ aie commonly rated as the proximate making
ready for the coming of the supreme moment. No
matter how carefully conformed to the law of God and
the precepts of the Church one's life may have been,
no Christian will want to enter eternity without some
immediate forearming against the terrors of that last
passage. We shall deal first with the case of those
to whom the dread summons comes after an illness
wliich has not bereft them of consciousness. The
Roman Ritual is explicit in its injunction to the pastor
to hasten to the beaside of the sick person at the first
intimation that one of his flock is ill. This he is to do
without even waiting for an invitation: "Cum pri-
mum noverit quempiam ex fidelibus curse suae com-
■oissis s^rotare, non exspectabit ut ad eum vbcetur,
sed ultro ad eum accedaf (I, cap. iv). Indeed, it is
impossible to unduly accentuate the importance of
this timely coming of the priest to offer opportune
spiritual succours to the one who is iU. Practically,
in the actual conditions of modem life, it must often
happen that the priest can only know of this need for
his services through information furnished by the rela-
tives or friends of the sick person. They, therefore,
have a very definite obligation in this matter. Too
often there is a mistaken interpretation of the claims
of affection or, even worse, a weakly surrender to a
lamentable human respect, and so the minister of
God is sent for, if at all, only when the patient is un-
conscious, and death is imminent. For the Catholic
Christian, getting ready for death is not simply the
being submitted passively to the administration of
certain religious rites. It is, as far as may be, the
conscious, deliberate employment of prayer; the form-
ing or deepening of a special temper of soul and ac-
ceptance of such sacramental help as will fit the
human spirit to appear with some confidence before
its Judge. Hence tne failure to call the clergyman in
time may, far from being an exhibition of tenderness
or consideration, be the most irreparable of cruelties.
To be sure it is not always necessary that the patient
should be told that his case is past remedy ; even when
the approach of death is fairly discernible, and even
when such distressing information must for any reason
be conveyed, there is room for the exercise of a great
deal of prudence and tact. It may be that the sick
person will have important affairs to set in order, and
that a hint of the probability of a fatal issue of his
illness will be the only adequate stimulus to quicken
him into a discharge of his obligations. In such
instances it may be not only a kindness but a duty
to impart such knowledge straightforwardly, but
gently. It is plain that a special measure of delicacy
IS necessary when this office falls to the attending
priest to perform. Beyond question il is of para-
mount importance that all such matters as the dis-
position or temporalities, payment of debts, satisfac-
tion of burdens of restitution, etc. should have been
settled so as to leave an undivided attention for the
momentous considerations which are to engage the
mind of the one who is presently to pass through the
portals of death into eternity.
So far as priestly assistance goes the first step in the
process of preparation for death is the receiving of the
patient's confession and the conferring of sacramental
absolution. Indeed , inasmuch as it oners the ordinary
means of reconciliation with God, it is the most indis-
pensable factor in helping the soul to qualify for its
departure from the body. The Roman Ritual (I, cap.
iv, 8) indicates that the priest is to draw upon all the
resources of his prudence and charity in order to ob-
tain a confession from -the sick person, even though
the danger apprehended be as yet remote. The con-
fession need not necessarily be of the sort that is
described as general, unless, of course, the reasons
exist that would make it obligatory at any other time
of life as well. It will often be useful where, with due
regard to the remaining strength of the stricken peni-
tent, it is possible to make, at least in some sense, this
general avowal of the sins of one's life. Whether there
be question of a general confession or merely the ordi-
nary one, the clergyman has often to remember that
in this trying juncture the Divine precept exacting
entirety in the recital of offenses admits of more than
usually benignant interpretation. Where the person
is incapable of sustained mental effort without serious
prejudice to his failing powers, the priest need give
himself no scruple about being satisfied with incom-
plete, or less s^cific, forms of accusation. The law
of integrity is not to be rigorously urged under such
circumstances. Even when nothing but the most
general acknowledgment of one's sLnSil condition can
be obtained, it is incontrovertible that in the premises
this is a valid substitute for a more detailed confes-
sion. After the confession comes the reception of the
Holy Eucharist as viaticum (per modum viatici).
"Sacred writers", according to the Catechism of the
Council of Trent, "called it 'the Viaticum', as well
because it is the spiritual bread by which we are sup-
X)orted in our mortal pilgrimage, as also because it
prepares for us a passage to eternal glory and happi-
ness." The concordant teaching of theologians, as
well as the inference from the uniform discipline of the
Churoh, is that there is a Divine precept binding one
to rec€}ive the Holy Eucharist when in danger of death.
At this time the communicant is exempt^ from the
traditional natural fast. The Council of Constance
witnesses to the custom of the Chureh in this matter,
and the Roman Ritual (I, cap. iv, 4) says: "potest
quldem Viaticum brevi morituris dari non jejunis".
This privilege may be enjoyed repeatedly by the dying
person during the Ulness. Strictly speaking, it is not
extended to persons whose danger of death comes
from a cause other than sickness, such as soldiers
about to engage in battle or criminals about to be
executed, otill, even they, as appears from a declara-
tion of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda, 21
July, 1841, may receive the Viaticum even though
they are not fasting, if they find any considerable
difficulty in observing the law. So far as is possible,
nothing should be omitted which can help to confer
upon the administration of the Viaticum becoming
solemnity. This is jUI the more desirable in that
sometimes the demeanor of those who are present on
such occasions, and even of the sick person, is not
such as to betray any very alert sense of the Presence
that has come to hallow this last stage of life's journey.
It is needless to add that whatever the enlightened
zeal of the priest or the careful piety of the bystanders
can suggest ought to be done to awaken in the com-
municcmt a special degree of fervour, a more than
ordinarily penetrating faith and ardent love on the
occasion of what may be his final eating of the Bread
of Life.
There follows the Sacrament of Extreme Unction,
or anointing, as it is popularly designated. Here the
clergyman may find himself confronted with prej-
udices which in spite of reiterated explanations seem
to have an extraordinary vitality. His announce-
ment that he purposes to anoint the sick person is
often accepted by the patient and his friends as the
reading of the death-warrant. It is necessary to point
out that the Sacrament of Extreme Unction gives
health not only to the soul, but also sometimes to the
body. The basis for the teaching is of course to be
found in the well-known utterance of St. James (v, 14,
15): "Is any man sick among you? Let him bring
in the priests of the church, and let them pray over
him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord.
And the prayer of faith shall save the sick man; and
the Lord shall raise him up; and if he be in sins, they
shall be forgiven him." Anciently it was the custom
DEATH
662
DEATH
to conter thk sacrament before the Viaticum; the
maintenance of the existing usage has been prescribed
by the Roman Ritual (V, cap. i, 2). Although the
existence of a precept to receive this sacrament cannot
be establisheci, still the failure to avail oneself of its
efficacy out of sheer sloth would be a venial sin. It
cannot be administered more than once during the
same illness, unless, after some notable betterment
which has either certainly or probably taken place, a
new danger should supervene. In chronic diseases,
therefore, such as tuberculosis, it will often happen
that the sacrament may and ought to be repeated be-
cause of the recurrence of what is, morally speaking,
a new dan^r. According to the discipline in vogue
in the Latin Church, the unctions essential to the
validity of the sacrament are those of the organs of
the five senses — the eyes, ears, nostrils, moutn, and
hands. There is a diversity in the custom as to the
unctions to be added to those already enumerated;
in the United States, besides the parts mentioned,
only the feet are anointed. The sick-room ought to
be made ready for the visit of the priest on the occa-
sion of his giving the last sacrament ; it can at least be
cleaned and aired. On a table covered with a white
cloth there ought to be a lighted blessed candle, a
crucifix, a glass of water, a spoon, a vessel containinfi|
holy water, and a towel. According to the rubric en
the Roman Ritual the priest is to remind those who
are present to pray for the sick person during the
anointing, and it suggests that the Seven Penitential
Psalms with the litanies might be employed for this
purpose. Extreme imction, like other sacraments,
produces sanctifying grace in the soul. It has, how-
ever, certain results proper to itself. Of these the
principal one seems to be the getting rid of that Bpir-
itual torpor and weakness whicn are the baneful output
of actual sin, and which would be such a serious handi-
cap in this supreme moment. From the viewpoint
of the Christian, the struggle to be maintained with
the devil is now more formidable than ever, and a
special endowment of heavennsent strength is neoes-
saiy for the soul's final victory. Tlie anointing is
orclinarily succeeded by the conferring of ^e Apos-
tolic benediction, or ''last blessing'', as it is com-
monly called. To this blessing a pTenaty indulgence
is attached, to be gained, however, only at the nour
of death, i. e. it is given nunc pro tunc. It is con-
ferred in virtue of a special faculty granted to the
bishops and by them delegated ^uite generally to
their priests. The conditions requisite for gaining it,
are the invocation of the Holy Name of Jesus at least
mentally, acts of resignation by which the dying per-
son professes his willingness to accept all his suffenngs
in reparation for his sins and submits himself entire^
to the will of God.
The cardinal disposition of soul at the approach of
death are: a frequent eliciting of the acts of faith,
hope, love, and contrition; a striving towards a more
and more perfect conformity with the will of God;
and the constant maintaining of a penitential spirit.
The words of St. Augustine are in point: "However
innocent your life may have been, no Christian ought
to venture to die in any other state than that of the
penitent." As the hour of the agony approaches, the
clergyman, according to the Roman Ritual, is to be
called tor pronounce the pathetically beautiful "Re-
commendation of a departing soul". Where ihe
presence of the priest cannot for any reason be had,
these prayers ought not to be omitted; they are now-
adays easily obtainable in the vernacular and ought
to be recited by those who watch beside the death-
bed. The dying person should be invited to join in
these petitions, without, however, harassing or fati-
guing nim. As the person is about to expire, the
Ritual directs those wno are by to pray more earnestly
than ever; the Holy Name of Jesus is to be invoked,
and such cjsiculations as the following whispered in his
ear: "Into thy hands. Lord, 1 commend my spirit";
"O Lord, Jesus Christ, receive my spirit"; *'Holy
Mary, pray for me " ; " Mary Mother of grace. Mother
of mercy, do thou protect me from the enemy and
receive me at the hour of my death".
When death is apprehended as imminent after a
sudden seizure even in the act of sin, an accident,
attempted suicide, and the like, and the person is
meanwhile deprived of consciousness, the method of
proceeding is as follows: Conditional absolution is
imparted. Viaticum of ooutse is omitted, as it is like-
wise when the person, though in possession of his
senses, is subject to an almost unintermittent vomit-
ing. Extr^ne unction and the last blessing are given
as usuaL In such an extremity, when the person is
unable to make a confession, extreme unction may
prove to be the most effective and necessary means oif
salvation.
It is interesting to note that recent investigations
have made it plain that it is no longer possible to de-
termine even within a considerable mai^in the precise
moment of death. Father Ferreres, S. J., in his work,
gathers as the conclusion of his researches that the
only absolutely certain sigp of death is decomposition.
The practical value of this statement is that absolu-
tion and extreme unction may be given conditionally
for some time after the person would have hithertx)
been reputed to be dead. In what has been said, it
is taken for eranted that the person to be gotten ready
for death is baptized. If this is not so, or if there be
a doubt about it, either as to fact or validity, then of
course baptism must first be administered, either ab-
solutely or conditionally, as the case warrants, after
some instruction on the principal truths of religion.
Baptism may be conferred conditionally on those who
are unconscious in as far as they can be presumed to
have the desire of receiving it. It is perhaps worth
while to add here that, when there is question of the
dying, it is the mind of the Church that her minister
should avail himself of any sort of probability, no
matter how slight, in order to be able to give absolu-
tion, at least conditionally. He then applies with
great amplitude the principle, Sacramenta propter
Mmdnes. Practically, therefore, the only case in
which the priest in these circumstances may not ab-
solve is when the person refuses the sacraments, or is
manifestly discerned to have a perverse disposition of
soul.
Lingard, in his "Antic[uities of the Anglo-Saxon
Church", gives a description of the discipline in force
among the Anglo-Saxons of the medieval period with
regard to the preparation of the dying for the end.
He says: "At the first appearance of danger, recourse
was had to the ministry of the parish priest or of some
distinguished clergyman in the neighbourhood. He
was bound to obey the summons and no plea but that
of inability could justify his negligence. Attended
by his inferior clergy, arrayed in the habits of their
respective orders, he repaired to the chamber of the
sick man, offered him the sacred rites of religion and
exhorted him to prepare his soul to appear bSore the
tribunal of his Creator. The first duty which he was
bound to require from his dying disciple was the ar-
rangement of his temporal concerns. Till provision
had been made for the payment of his debts and the
indemnification of those wnom he had injured, it was
in vain to solicit the succours of religion; but as soon
as these obligations had been fulfilled the priest was
ordered to receive his confession, to teacn him to
form sentiments of compunction and resignation, to
exact from him a declaration that he died in peace
with all mankind, and to pronounce over him the
prayer of reconciliation. Thus prepared he might
with confidence demand the .Sacrament of Extreme
Unction. With consecrated oil the principal parts of
the body were successively anointed in the form of a
cross; each unction was accompam'ed with an ap*
DXBBORA
663
DEBT
propiiate prayer and the promiae of St. James was
renewed, 'that the prayer of faith should save the sick
m an. ana if he be in sins they should be forgiven * . The
administration of the Eucharist concluded these relig-
ious rites at the termination of which the friends of
the sick man ranged themselves around his bed. re-
ceived the presents which he distributed among tnem
as memorisua of his affection, and gave him the kiss
of peace and bade him a last and melancholy farewelL"
Dr. Lingard mentions a curious attitude with regard
to extreme unction as prevalent among the illiterate
Anglo-Saxons of this tmie. He says, "It [extreme
unctionj appears to have been sometimes received
with reluctance by the illiterate from an idea that it
was a kind of ordination which induced the obligation
of continency and abstinence from flesh on those who
afterwards recovered. The clergy were ordered to
preach against the erroneous notion." (See Viati-
cum; Extreme Unction.)
O'Kanb, Notes on the Rvhrica of the Roman Riiwd (New York.
1883); MoRiARTT, Aao<n<^um« (DuUin, 1884): Faber, jiptriiua/
Confenneea (Baltimore, 1804); Catechtrnt of Me Council of Trent,
tr. by Donovan (New York, 1905); Noldin, Sumtna TheologuB
Moralit Unnsbnick, 1904); O'Mallet and Walsh, Essays in
Paatoral Medicine (New York, 1907); Stano. Pastoral Theology
(3rd ed.. New York, 1903); Lbhmkuhl, ThetAoqia Moraits
(I*>eibuncimBr., 1887): Rituals Rotnanum (Ratiebon, 1888);
Lf noard. Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church (Baltimore,
1^51); FERRERBS. Death, Real and Apparent (St. Louia, 1906).
Joseph F. Dblant.
Debbora, prophetess and judge; she was the wife
of Lapidoth and was endowed by (jod with prophetic
gifts which secured for her the veneration of the di-
vided Israelitic tribes and gave her great authority
over them. Her wisdom was first displayed in set-
tling litigious matters submitted to her: "She sat
under a pidm-tree. which was called by her name, be-
tween Rama and iBethel, in Mount Ephraim, and the
children of Israel came up to her for all judgment"
( Judgesi iv, 5). Debbora was thus a j udge in tne ordi-
nary sense of the word. In the case of tine other per-
sons whose history is recorded in the book of Judges,
the title seems to be given them as ''deliverers and
leaders" of the chosen people, no mention bein^ made
of ordinary judicial functions; but it was rather the
confidence inspired by Debbora in the discharge of such
functions which enabled her to bring about Qie deliv-
erance of the nation, which was then suffering under
the oppression of the Ohanaanitee.
The main army of the enemy was rendered partic-
ularly formidable by the fact that it possessed nine
himdred iron chariots. It was commanded by Sisara,
whose headquarters were at Haroseth, probably iden-
tical with the actual el Haritiyeh, between Haifa and
Nazareth, on the banks of the Nahr Muquatt'a
(Ciaon) in the plain of Esdraelon. Occupying this
position in the centre of the coimtry, the Chanaanites
could harass the tribes to the north and south, and
render it very difficult for them to unite in a common
effort. For "twenty years" the enemy had "griev-
ously oppressed" the children of Israel, when Deb-
bora declared it was God's will that His people should
be freed. This will of God she first made known to
Barac, who dwelt in C^edes of NephthaU, to-day
Qedeis, one of the principal ruins of Northern Galilee,
^e chained him to gather and lead to Thabor, a
mountain to the east of the plain of Esdraelon, an
army of ten thousand men, promising him that God
would deliver into his hand Sisara and the Chanaanite
army. Barac undertook to carry out those instruc-
tions only on the condition that the prophetess herself
should accompany him. She agreed to do so, fore-
telling, however, that the glory of ridding the land of
Sisara would belong to a woman. This prophecy re-
fers not to Debbora herself, but to Jahel whose story
is told in the last part of the fourth chapter. Deb-
bora, however, did certamly share in the glory of
Barac The call to battle was not merely issued to
the northern tribes of Nephthali and Zabulon; the
"Canticle of Debbora", given in chapter fifth, praises
the tribes of Ephraim and Benjamin, in the midst of
which the propnetess had Uved, as well as the tribes of
West Manasses and Issachar, for furnishing their con-
tingents, while it reproves Ruben, Gad, and Aser for
their refusal to take part in the contest. Juda and
Simeon were apparently not called upon.
In the battle of Thalx>r, which marked an era in the
history of Israel, Debbora had an important part.
She indicated the time to attack the enemy, ana en-
couraged Barac to go down boldly from the mountain
to fight in the plain notwithstanding the advantages
which the chariot troops gave the (]^anaanites on level
ground. God justified this assurance which He had
inspired by the prophetess. A violent rain storm
swelled the torrent ot Ciaon and rendered the ground
unfit for the movements of the dreaded chariots. A
panic seized upon Sisara's army, and its rout was com-
plete. The general himself died at the hands of Jahel.
The "Canticle of Debbora" is in the sacred text at-
tributed to Barac and Debbora. This very early
poem is one of the most precious documents for the
history of the period of the Judges. The faith in the
God of Sinai of the still loosely connected tribes finds
vivid expression in the song. It strikingly describes
the distress of the land " untu Debbora arose, a mother
arose in Israel", and the heroic fight for freedom
to which she aroused her countrymen. After the
deliverance "the land rested for forty years". We
are not told what part was taken by Debbora in the
affairs of her country during this period of peace;
but it is likely tiiat her influence was increased oy the
glorious event to which her name ever remained
attached.
LAOBANOE.Z^Ztvre des Juges (Paris, 1903); db Hummelaukb,
Commentarius in libros Judicum ei Ruth (Paris, 1888); Palis in
Vio. Diet, de la Bible, b. v.; von Orelu in Reakncyk.fUrprot,
TheoL,B,v. ,„ « ^
W. S. Rbillt.
De Bollandt. See Bollandists.
Debt (debiium), that which is owed or due to an-
other; in ^neral, anything which one person is under
an obligation to pay or render to another. In a wide
sense ^ the word this obligation may arise from a
variety of sources. Thus we say that one who has
received a favour from another lies under a debt of
gratitude to make him some return for it. The super-
fluous wealth of the rich is due to the poor; it is a debt
to the payment of which, according to the expression
of many Fathers and theologians, the poor have a
right, not of justice but of charity. W^e here take the
word in the ordinary and strict sense, according to
which it signifies something which is due to another in
justice. We treat the matter, too, from the ethical
rather than from the legal point of view, and so we con-
sider debts of honour as true debts though they cannot
be enforced in the civil court.
A debt arises not merely from a contract of borrow-
ing; something may be due to another in justice for
many different reasons, but all these may be reduced
to two. When one has wilfully caused unjust dam-
Xto another, he is bound to make good the loss
ch he has inflicted, and when he finds himself in
possession of what belongs to another, he must restore
the property to its owner. Justice requires this, that
each one should have his own, and one who has suf-
fered loss imjustly at the hands of another has not his
own, as long as ihe loss is not made good, any more
than one whose property is unjustly detained by an-
other. A state of indebtedness, then, of one to an-
other arises from either of these two roots, as theo-
logians call them. A debt must be paid to the owner
of the property or to one who has the right to receive
payment for him. Sometimes, however, the true
owner is imknown, and then payment must be made
to the poor or to charitable purposes. At any rate^
DBCALOGUE
664
DtOAPOLIS
one who is the unjust cause of wrong to another can-
not be allowed to become a gainer By injustice, and
inasmuch as society is injured by injustice, if repara-
tion cannot be made to the individual who has been
wronged, it must be made to society, and this cannot
be done better than by paying the debt to charitable
purposes or to the poor. In general, debts must be
paid as they become due, or at tne time and in the man-
ner agreed upon. If the debtor is unable to meet his
obligations at the proi)er time he will be made a bank-
rupt, his property will vest in the official receiver or
trustee, and will be distributed among the creditors in
proportion to their claims. Certain debts, however,
nave priority over others by law. In England the
order among these is as follows: rates and taxes; the
wages or salary of any clerk or servant not exceeding
fifty pounds in respect of services rendered during four
months prior to the receiving order; wages of any
labourer or workman not exceeding twenty-five
pounds for services, whether time- or piece-work, ren-
dered during two months prior to the date of the re-
ceiving order. If the assets are sufficient for the pur-
pose these debts must be paid in full before all others,
otherwise they will abate equally among themselves.
In the United States the National Bankruptcy Act of
1898, as amended in 1903, gives priority to certain debts
in the following order: all taxes legally due and owing
by the bankrupt to the United States, State, County,
District, or Municipality; costs of preserving the es-
tate subsequent to filing the petition; the fihng fees;
the costs of administration: wages due to workmen,
clerks, or servants which nave been earned within
three months before the date of the commencement of
proceedings, not exceeding three hundred dollars to
each claimant; and finally debts owing to any person
who by the laws of the States or of the United States
is entitled to priority. Similarly, the debts of a per-
son lately deceased must be paid by the executor or
administrator in the order prescribed by law. Ac-
cording to English law funeral expenses and the ex-
penses of probate or taking out administration come
first. Then the debts of the deceased in the following
order: Crown debts; debts having priority by statute;
debts of record; debts by specialty and simple con-
tract. Similarly also in the United States, after costs
of administration and funeral expenses the debts due
to the general government come next. Then follow
other debts similar to those mentioned above as hav-
ing prioritv in English law, but the order is not identi-
cal in all the States.
In certain circumstances the obligation of paying a
debt ceases. This will be the case when a creditor
freely condones the debt, as of course he may do if he
chooses. Moreover, physical or moral impossibility
excuses the debtor from paying the debt as long as the
impossibility lasts. If a man has no money and no
nieans of getting any, he is excused on the ground of
impossibility from paying his debts. Even if he
could not pay without reducing himself and his family
to beggary, it will be held morally impossible for him,
as long as those conditions last, to satisfy his obliga-
tions. Even justice must take account of other vir-
tues and obligations. (How far a discharge in bank-
ruptcy excuses from payment of debts in full out
of subseauently acquired property is laid down in
the article Bankruptcy.) The popes have some-
times for just cause iLseii their authority as the
supreme heads of Christian society to grant partial
remissions or compositions for debts due to unknown
creditors. One of the clauses of the Bulla Cruciatce
granted to the Spanish dominions confers such a privi-
lege on the recipient on certain conditions. Wnen a
debt is barred by lapse of time, the civil authority re-
fuses its help to enable the creditor to recover what is
due to him, but the debtor is not freed in conscience;
he is still under a moral obligation to pay his debt.
Finally, it may be mentioned that by ecclesiafitical
law those who have incurretl heavy debts which they
are unable to pay are prohibited from entering a relig-
ious order, at feast if they have been reduced to that
state through grave fault of their own.
Ballerini. Opus MoraU (Prato. 1892). Ill; LEHifKrHL.
ThetOogia Moralta (Freibuts, 1898), I; Slatbb, A Mamtd. o/
Moral Theolon (New York. 1008). I.
T. Slater.
Decaloffue (Greek hUa, ten, and X^ot, word;, thf
term employed to designate the collection of precepts
written on two tables of stone and given by God to
Moses on Mount Sinai. The injunctions and prohi-
bitions of which it is composed are set forth in Exodus
(xx, 1-17) and in Deuteronomy (v, 6-21). The dif-
ferences discemible in the style of enumerating them
in Exodus as contrasted with Deuteronomy arc not
essential and pertain rather to the reasons alleged
for the precepts in either instance than to the pre-
cepts themselves. The division and ordering of the
commandments in use in the Catholic Church is that
adopted by St. Aiieustine (Qupstionea in Exodum, q.
71). That which is commonly in vogue amongst
Protestants seems to have Origen for its sponsor. He
regarded Exodus, xx, 3-6, as containing two distinct
commandments and in this hypothesis in order to
keep the nimiber ten, verse xvii would have but one.
The practice now universally adhered to among Catho-
lics is just the reverse. See Commandmlentb of God.
ViaovROUX, Manuel bMique (Paris, 1901): Gigot, Sp^i.
hUrodud. to the Old Testament (New York, 1001).
Joseph F. Delant.
DecaaoB LoyaniensiB. See Tapper, Ruarp.
DecapoHs (from Gr. A^jcb, ten, and ir6\is, dty), tfje
name ^ven in the Bible and by ancient writers to a
region m Palestine lying to tiie east and south of the
Sea of Galilee. It took its name from the confedera-
tion of the ten cities that dominated its extent. The
Decapolis is referred to in the New Testament three
times: Matt., iv, 25; Mark, v, 20; vii, 31. Joaephus.
Ptolemy, Strabo, Pliny, and other ancient geographers
and historians make frequent reference to it.
At the disruption of the army of Alexander the
Great, after his burial at Sidon, great numbers of his
veterans, their occupation gone, settled down to a life
of peace. The coast towiis being already peopled,
many of the Greeks sought homes farther inland.
There they either laid out new cities or rebuilt and
transformed older ones. In 218 b. c, according to
Polybius, several of these towns were looked upon as
strong fortresses. As long as the Seleucidee niled in
the North and the Ptolemies in the South, the influ-
ence of the Greeks remained paramount in S3Tia; but
when, with the rise of the Romans, the power of the
descendants of Alexander's soldiers weakened, the
Greek cities were in sore straits. Especially peril-
otis was the plight of these towns in Palestine after the
successful rise of the Machabees. In the years 64-(».'i
B. c, however, Pompey overran Syria and made it a
Roman province. The Grecian cities, being regarded
as bulwarks of Roman rule agsunst any native upris-
ings, were granted many favours. They enjoyed the
ri^t of comage, preserved their municipal freedom,
and were allowed a certain sway over the near-by
country.
It was after Pompey's conquest that the league of
the Decapolis was formed. There is no record of the
year, ana although most likely it was soon after the
coming of Pompey, yet it may not have been until
Henxrs time. The earliest list of the ten cities of
the Decapolis is Pliny's, which mentions Scythopoli*,
Pella, Hippo, Dion, Gerasa, Philadelphia, Kaphana,
Canatha, and Damascus. Later, Ptolemy enumerates
eighteen cities, thus showing that the term Decapolis
was applied to a region. The importance of this
lea^e was greatly strengthened by the advantageous
positions of the principal towns. Scythopolis, the
Of cAsuom
665
DECHAMP8
eapiiAl of the D^capolis, lav at the head of the plain of
£]sdraelon, to the W^t of the Johl^, ^UAf dldg the
natural portal from the sea to the great interior plat^
eau of Basan and GalaiLd. The other cities wete situ-
ated to the eafit of the Jordan on the great routes along
'which passed the commeroe of the whole country.
To-day the cities of the Decapolis, with the exception
of DamascuSi are deserted and in ruins. Yet even in
their ruined state they offer a strildng contrast to the
near-by cities of the Semites. Their temples, theatres
and forums buUt on a lavish scale, give even to this
day clear indication of the genius of the people who
bxult them.
Among the cities of the Decapolis of special interest
are: Damaacus, so often referred to in the Old and
New Testament ; Gadara, on the Sea of Galilee, whose
inhabitants were the Gerasens of the Evangelists —
the TaSapripQp of one reivding of Matt., viii, 2S^whose
swine were driven by the devil into the sea: and Pella,
the city in the vallev of the Jordan to which the Chris-
tians withdrew at the first siege of Jerusalem.
Smith in Encue. Biblica (New York. 1809), 1, and HiaUnicai
Geoaraphy of Holy Land (1806). c. 28; Conder, Hat%dbook to the
Btole; JcMKPBUS, Autobiography, 66, 74; Idem, History of the
Jewiak War, ix, 7.
Joseph V. Mollot.
De Oawnont, Armaih) Nompar. See La Forcb.
Deceit. See Fraud.
Dechampfly Adolphb, Belgian statesman and pub-
licist, brother of Cardinal Dechamps, b. at Melle near
Ghent, 17 June, 1807, d. at Manage, 19 July, 1875.
He entered public life about 1830 and soon became
popular through his brilliant contributions to several
CathoUc newspapers. Having founded with his friend
de Decker "La Revue de Bruxelles", he advocated in
that paper a system of parliamentary government
which was termed " government of the centres * '. The
ministries were to be composed of Catholics and Lib-
erals and to be supported by the moderate elements of
the two parties. The scheme was not without merit
under the circumstances, and it worked suoessfully for
some vears, but no great political shrewdness was
needed to foresee that, unless the Catholics were will-
ing to surrender their principles, thev must sooner or
later part company with the Liberals. In 1834 De-
champs was elected to the Chamber of Representa-
tives, where lus talent as an orator and his practical
sagacity soon secured him a prominent position. In
1^6 he participated very actively in the discussion of
the bill on the organization of the communes, and in
1839 he opposed the treaty with Holland. The weat
Powers had imposed that treaty on Belgium and Hol-
land in 1834, but the latter had delaved accepting it
in the hope that she might eventually obtain better
conditions. Dechamns. with many others, held that
by this dday Hollana had forfeited her right to the
advantages granted her by the Powers and they urged
the Government to appeal to arms rather than to sur-
render any part of Belgian territory. This warlike
policy, however, would nave been unwise in view of
the opposition of the Powers, and peace was finally
signea with Holland.
The most remarkable event of Dechamps's political
career is perhaps the leading part he played in the pass-
ing of the bill on elementary instruction. Up to 1842
there had been no elementary pubHc schools in Bel-
gium, although there were numerous schools organized
under the direction of the clergy. One of the pro-
visions of the new bill enacted that religious instruc-
tion was to form an essential part of public education
and to be under the control of the cleigy. The bill
was passed almost unanimously by the votes of both
Catholics and Liberals. From 1843 to 1848 Dechamps
was a member of several ministries and showed him-
self a competent admimstrator. After the defeat of
his party in 1848 he became the l*^adcr of the Catholic
minority in the Chamber of Representatives and to>
tained that position for several years. In 1864 he
retired ffom politics and engaged in financial enter-
prises, but his ventures prov^ unfortunate. The fol-
lowing are his most important works: "Le second
Empire" (Brusseb, 18o9); "Le second Empire et
I'Angleterre" (Brussels, 1865); "Jules Cdsar; I'em-
pire jug6 par I'empereur" (Brussels, 1865); "La
France et rAllemame" (Brussels, 1865); "La Con-
vention de Gastein^ (Brussels, 1865); "Les partis en
Belgique et le nouveau r^gne" (Brussels, 1866);
"L^^ole dans ses rapports avec I'Eglise, I'Etat et la
liberty" (Brussels^ 1869); "Le prince de Bismarck et
I'entrevue des trois empereurs" (Brussels, 1873).
Htmans, Hisioire Parlementaire de la Belffique (Brusselfl,
1878-82); Q0BI.ET d'Alviella, CinguarUe aju de liberti. La
vie poliitQue (Bnuseb, 1880); Thonibscn, La Bdgiqxie aoua
Liapold ler (Lou vain, 1861); Ktmjlss, La Belgique CorUempo-
raine (BnuseU, 1884). •
PlERRB MaRIQUE.
Dechampa. Victor Auoustin Isidore, Cardinal,
Archbishop of Mechlin, and Primate of Belgium ; b.
at Melle near Ghent 6 Dec, 1810; d. 29 Sept, 1883, at
Mechlin. He and his brothers made rapid progress in
science under their father's direction. One, Adolphe,
entered on a political career. Victor pursued his
ecclesiastical studies first at the seminary of Toumai
and then in the Catholic University be^un at Mechlin
and afterwards transferred to Liouvain. Ordained
£riest 20 Dec., 1834, he entered the Congregation of the
[ost Holy Redeemer in 1835, and made nis vows 13
June, 1836. The next four years he spent at Wittem
as prefect of students and lector in dogmatic theolc^y.
In 1840 he began his missionary life and in 1842 was
nominated rector at Lidge. He took an active part
in the founding of the Confraternity pf the Holy fam-
ily, which he considered his most salutaiy work. In
and saw the wondemil effects of the Tractarian move-
ment. In 1849 he was nominated oonsultor general
of his congregation, and took up his residence at
Pagani near Naples just when Pius IX was in exile
at Gaeta. He had several audiences with the pope
and was instrumental in arranging the transfer of the
superior general from Pagani to Rome. This was not
effected tOl 1855^ when Pius IX invited Father De-
champs to the first general chapter held in Rome.
The question of his appointment to the See of Li^ge
was considered in 1852, but the pope, touched by his
personal appeal, did not insist. In 1865 Dechamps
oecame Bishop of Namur, whence he was transferred
in 1875 to the Archdiocese of Mechlin and made
primate. At all times devoted to the Church and the
pope, he took an active part in the formation of the
pontifical zouaves, and persuaded General Lamori-
ci§re to offer his services to Pius IX. But his promi-
nence in the history of his country and of the Church
is due to his battle tor Catholic schools and his defence
of papal infallibility before and during the Vatican
Council. Manning and Dechamps were indefatigable ;
and they became cardinals in the same consistory, 15
March, 1875. Dechamps worked to the very end.
He said Mass on 28 Sept., 1883, and died the day fol-
lowing in the arms of a Redemptorist who happened
to be present. He was buried, as he had desired, by
the side of Venerable Passerat at Rumilliers.
The complete works of Dechamps, revised by him-
self, were i>ublished in seventeen volumes at Mechlin.
In presenting fourteen of the seventeen volumes to
Leo XIII on 7 Feb., 1879, the author writes: '* There is
one thing that consoles me, Holv Father, in sending
you my poor works: they are all consecrated to the
truths of our holy Faith. . . . Volume I is consecrated
to the tniths of faith; II to Our Lord Jesiw Christ;
V to the Blessed Virgin Mary; III and IV to the
DECIT7S
666
DEOKEB
Church and St. Peter: VI to the pope and his infalli-
bility; VII^VIIL ana IX to the refutation of modem
errors : X, Xl, XII, XIII, and XIV to my preaching
as bishop and to acts by which I govemea my dio-
cese." Of the remaining volumes, XV^ ''Melanges",
deals with many important questions ; XVI and X VII
contain letters on questions in philosophy, theology,
and other subjects. Cardinal Dechampe*s brother,
Adolphe, was made Prime Minister of Belgium, 4 April,
1843. He was also minister of public works, and
minister of foreign affairs from 30 July, 1845, to 12
June, 1847.
Saintrain, Vie du Cardinal Deckampa, C, SS. R. An^tevique
de Malines et Primat de Belgique (Toumai. 1884); Lejeune,
U Archieonfririe de la Sainte FamUle, eon hiatoire et «e« fruits
CBrages, 1894): Bibliagraphie catholique, XVII, 110; XX. 282;
XXVI. 151: XXVII, 272; Van Weddinobn. Revue ghthtde
(1881). XXklV. 793.
• J. Magnier.
Dedus (Caius Messius Quintus Trajanus Db-
cius), Roman Emperor 249-251. He was bom,
date uncertain, near Sirmium in Pannonia of a Roman
or a Romanized family. Practically nothing is known
about his career, but
the greater part of his
life seems to have been
passed in the army.
He was the first of the
great soldier-emperors
from the Danubian
provinces under whom
the senatorial regime
ended and the govern-
ment became an ab-
solute monarchy. No
sooner was his position
as emperor made cer-
tain by the defeat of
Philip at Verona, than
Decius commenced to
put into effect exten-
sive plans for the re-
organization of the
empire. Problems of
administration, inter-
nal as well as external,
at once claimed his at-
tention. To the latter
he principally devoted
his own enei^es and
EmpEBOR DEdXTS
(CapitoUne Museum. Rome)
consequently the greater part of his reign was
spent at the head of the legions attempting to repel
the Gothic invaders from the Balkan lands. After
several campaigns during which he gave no evi-
dence of military genius he met with a signal defeat
in the marshes of the Dobrudscha in which he lost his
life. This overthrow, attributed by some writers to
the treachery of some of the Roman generals, was so
complete that the emperor's body was never recov-
ered. In the administration of the internal affairs of
the empire, Decius showed himself to be an unstates-
manlike theorist. He conceived the unpractical pol-
icy of reforming the morals of his time oy a forcible
r^toration of the old religion. He revived the obso-
lete office of censor as a sop to the senatorial party,
permitted them to name its first incumbent, whom ne
mvested with the most autocratic powers in matters
of civil service and over the private lives of the citi-
zens. Oblivious of the changes wrought by time and
the march of ideas, he pinned his faith to the almost
abandoned paganism of old Rome as the solution of
the problems of his time. Such sweeping reforms
necessarily brought into prominence the growing
power of the Christian Church, and made it clear that
any attempt to realize or enforce the absolutism of
earlier Roman politics must necessarily be futile as
long as any considerable body of citizens professing
the Christian creed was allowed the free exercise of
their religion. Belief in the freedom of conscieiu»
and the higher estimate of religion found amon^ the
Christians could find no part in such schemes as tho^
of Decius and would necessarily prove an insupenl !e
obstacle to the complete realization of his pb:L<.
Various reasons have been assigned for the emperor s
hatred of Christianity, some seeing in it an evidence
of innate cruelty, others a desire to be avenged on
the friends of his predecessor; but there can be little
doubt that the main motives lor his hostility were
political, conceived not in the form of fanaticism but
m purposes of political expediency. The scope of the
anti-Cnristian legislation of EKecius was broader thiin
that of his predecessors and much more far-reachine
in its effects. The text of his edicts has not sur\'ivei
but their general tenor can be judged from the maimer
in which they were executed, llae object of the em-
peror was not the extermination of the Christians, bm
the complete extinction of Christianity itself. Bishops
and priests were imconditionally punished with death.
To all others was given an opportunity tc recant and,
to ensure the abandonment of Christiajiity, all were
compelled to submit to some test of their loyalty to
Paganism, such as the offering of sacrifice, the pouring
of libations, or the burning of incense to the iJol>\
The unexpectedness of the attack, coupled with the
fact that an appalling amount of laxity and corruption
had manifest^ themselves during the lon£ peace
which the Church had iust enjoyed, produced the most
deplorable effect in the Christian fold. Multitudes
presentCKl themselves to the magistrates to express
their compliance with the imperial edict and to these
apostates tickets were issued attesting the fact that
they had offered sacrifice (sacrtficcUt) or burned in-
cense {thurificati), while others, without actually per-
forming these rites, availed themselves of the venality
of the magistrates to purchase certificates attesting
their renimciation (fibdUUict), These defection^,
though numerous, were more than counterbalanced
by the multitudes who suffered death, exile, confisca-
tion, or tortm^ in all parts of the empire. The Decian
persecution was the severest trial to which the Church
up to that time had been subjected and the loss suf-
fered by the Church in consequence of apostasy was
almost as damaging as the losses by martyrdom. The
problem of deciding on what conditions the hj^^^
should be admitted to the church and what weight
was to be attached to the pardon of confessors, pro-
duced the bitterest dissensions and led directly to two
dangerous schisms.
Duchesne, Histoire aneienne de VSgUee (Paris, 1906), I.
367-368; Allard, Hiatoire dea peraSetaiona pendant la prmiirt
nwUii du UI* sitde (Paris, 18a5-90: 2Dd ed. 1892); Gbegg.
The Decian Peraecution (Edinburgh, 1897).
P. J. Healt.
Decker, Hans, a German sculptor of the middle of
the fifteenth century. Very little is recorded conccm-
ing Decker, but that his home was in Nuremberg. His
name is mentioned in a register for the year 14-19, and
certain early productions m the years 1432 and H37
are attributed to him. Though nis carving in stone
is rather rough, he stands alone among his contem-
poraries for his energy and realism. The few works
known to us appear to inaugurate a new style. ,Hi5
principal sculptures are the colossal statue of bl
Christopher with the Child Christ on his shoulder, at
the south-west portal of the church of St. Sebald, a
memorial of the Schlftsselfeld family, and the gi«Jt
" Entombment ' ', dated 1446, in the chapd of St. Wolf-
gang, in the church of St. Egidius. Hie group is com-
posai of eight figures of heroic proportions powerfuJ/v
disposed. In the body of CJhrist the handling is h^f^*
but there is a distinct attempt at correct anatomy.
The head is noble and manly; Ikfary is full of gnet;
John raises his Master's arm to kiss it. The draper*
ies are simple and finely arranged. This work is not
DSOORATIONB
667
DK0O&4TION8
only a masterpiece in itflelf , but is so full of the new
na^turalistic tendency, that it may be said to open the
second epoch of sculpture in Nuremberg.
I^Obkb, History of Sculphtre {London, 1872); BonM.Oe9eh.
€Ur tUtiUchen PUuHk (Berlin. 1887); Naox.ex, KHmsOer-Letieim
C$€uziid&. 1836): MOlixr, KUnsOer-Lexicon (Stuttgart. 1857);
O^tAtMche Bioffrnphie (Leipsig, 1877).
M. L. Handlbt.
X>6Coratioii8, Papal. See Deoorationb, Fohto^
SecorationB, Pontifical, the titles of nobility,
orders of Christian knighthood and other marks of
lioxiour and distinction which the papal court confers
upon men of unblemished character who have in any
"way promoted the interests of society, the Qiurch,
axio tne Holy See. The titles range aU the wav from
prince to baron inclusive, and are bestowed by the
pope as temporal sovereign. The title ordinarily con-
feired is that of count prefixed to the family name,
Mrhich title is either merely personal or transferable by
right of primogeniture in the male line. Bishops
assistant at the throne are de jvre Roman counts.
There is another title which is usually called Count
Palatine, but the true designation is Count of the
Sacred Palace of Lateran, which is attached to many
offices in the papal court. The papal orders of
knighthood, ranking according to their importance
and dignity, are: (1) Supreme Order of Christ; (2)
Order of Pius IX; (3) Order of St. Gregory the
Great; (4)^ Order of St. Sylvester: (5) Order of the
Golden Militia, also called of tne Golden Spur;
(6) Order of The Holy Sepulchre (semi-official note
of the Cardinal Chancellor of Equestrian Orders, "Os-
aervatore Romano", 12 Feb., 1905).
Pius X decreed that the Orders of Christ and the
Golden Militia should have only one, the other four
orders, three grades or classes ("Multum ad excitan-
doB *' ; 7 Feb., 1905) ; that occasional! v, but very rarely,
in matters of special importance and by special papal
permission, a commander eminently distinguished
might be allowed to wear the badge (smaller size than
that of the first class) on the left breast. According
to critical lustoriaDS, these orders do not antedate the
Crusades. Aft^r the CrusEides, the kings of Europe
founded and placed under the protection of tne
Blessed Virgin Mary, or the Saints, orders of chivalry.
Of these, some were intended to protect their king-
doms from the incursions of the infidel, and were m
reality religious military orders; others were designed
as a aesirable and honourable recompense for eminent
services to Idn^ and country. The lavish and indis-
criminate creation of knights of the latter orders led
in course of time to a loss of prestige and desire on the
part of men of eminent merits to be knighted. The
Koman pontiffs, in their dual capacity of spiritual and
temporal rulers, either founded or approved, or re-
modelled and restored to their pristine glory, the six
papal orders afore-mentioned.
Supreme Order of Christ — ^The Supreme Order of
Christ is of Portuguese origin (see Christ, Order of
THE Knights of). The papal and Portuguese order
are one and the same, for a two-fold reason ; the pope
is the head of every religious order and can admit to
solemn profession in any order without the permission
of its superior general, and, further, in the bull of ap-
provals he reserved to himself and his successors the
right to create knights of the order, a right which was
exercised by the popes and recognized by the kings of
Portugal. The decoration is a long red cross, bor-
dered with a narrow gold band, whose extremities are
of a trapezoidal form, surmounted by a royal crown,
which, m turn, is surmounted by a military trophy
attached to the ribbon. Upon the centre or the long
red cross is superimposed a small, simple, white en-
amelled Latin cross. The white upon the red ^rmbol-
izes the triumph of the Immaculate Lamb of God, by
His blood, over the world of sin. Until within a few
yean ago, this decoration was worn suspended by a
red ribbon which endreled the wearer's neck. Pope
Pius X, in memoiy of the ancient collar composed cd
alternate swords and tiaras which the knights of old
wore, decreed that the decoration should henceforth
be worn suspended from a collar composed of shidds
bearing alternately the cross of tlie order and the
papal emblems connected with golden knots. The
** plaque *', or badge, worn on the breast, is a silver
eightnrayed star ornamented with jewels, bearine on
its centre the cross of the order, which is encireled by
a crown of gold oak leaves wound with a green fillet.
The uniform is of a bri^t scarlet with facincs of white
cloth and rich gold embroideries on the collar, breast
and cufTs (Moroni, Diz., XVIII, 216). Knee breedies
of white smooth silk with gold side stripes, shoes of
white silk with eold buckles, hat with white plumes
and ornamented with a knot of twisted ^Id cord
terminating in tassels of gold, and a sword with a gold
ornamented mother-of-pearl hilt and pendant tassels
of twisted eold cord complete this ofiicial costume
(Pius X, 3 May. 1905). The official dress of a pro-
fessed knigjit of this order when it was a reUgious
military body was white.
Order of Piue /X.— This had for its founder (17
June, 1847) the pope whose name it bears. Its object
is to fittingly reward noble and conspicuous deeds
which merit well of Church and society, and to stim-
ulate others to follow the illustrious example set them.
At first it comprised only two classes, knights of the
first class, who, upon receiving the decoration, were
made nobles with hereditary succession, and knights
of the second class, whose title of nobUi^ was per-
sonal. Shortly after (17 June, 1849, "(3um homi*
num mentes") the order was divided into four classes,
viz.: (1) Knights of the Great Ribbon; (2) Command-
ers with the Badge; (3) Commanders, and (4)
Knights. Knights of the Great Ribbon wear a wide
ribbon extending from the left shoulder saltier-wise to
the right side wnere from a rosette attached to tlie
ribbon the star of the order is suspended. They also
wear on the breast the large badge set with dia-
monds. Commanders wear the decoration at the nedk.
Commanders with the Badge, besides the star at tihe
neck, wear a badge of smaller design than the laige
plaque on the breast, and simple knights wear the
star on the left breast. The decoration is an ei^t-
pointed blue enamelled star. The spaces between the
rays are filled in with undulating golden flames. On
the centre ia ^ white enamelled medallion on whidi
is engraved the words piub ix and aroimd it, in a
golden circle, are stamped in characters of blue, the
motto, virtuti bt merito. The reverse is identical
with the obverse side except that the inscription
ANNO 1847 is used instead of pius ix. There are two
forms of badges. One is a large silver medal similar
to the star, and the other is of the same design but
larger and adorned with brilliant gems. The ribbon
of the decoration b dark blue silk bordered with red.
The official costume (rarely worn) is a dark blue even-
ing dress coat closed in front bv one row of gold but-
tons. The collar and cuffs and breast of the coat are
covered with golden embroideries more or less elab-
orate, according to the grade or class of the wearer.
Golden epaulettes, white trousers with gold side
stripes, a bicomered hat with white plumes, complete
the ofiicial dress. This order may be conferred also
upon non-Catholics.
Order of St. Gregory the ^reflrf.— Gregory XVI
founded this order to reward the civil and militaiy
virtues of subjects of the Papal States by brief **Quod
Summis", 1 Sept., 1831, and placed it under the par
tronage of the great ^ope whose name it bears. It
has two divisions, civil and military, and each division
is divided into four classes, viz.: (1) Grand Cross
Knights of the First Class; (2) Grand Cross Knigjits
of the Second Class; (3) Commanders, and (4) simple
DSOORATIOVS
668
DS0ORATIOV8
Knights. The decoration is a bifiircated or eight-
pointed red enamelled gold cross, in the centre of
which is a blue medallion on which is impressed in
fold the image of St. Gregoty, and at the side of his
ead near the right ear is a dove; in a circle around the
uoiage appears in ^Iden letters '' S. Gr^gorius Magnus ".
On the reverse side is the device, "Pro Deo et Prin-
cipe'', and in the centre around it, greoorius xvi.
p. M. ANNO. 1. The badge is the cross of the order
surrounded with silver rays. The ribbon of the order
is red with orange borcfers. The cross worn by a
knipht of the military division is surmounted by a
military trophy; the cross of a knight of the civil
division is surmounted by a crown of gold oak leaves.
The costume of ceremony is a dress coat of dark green
open in front, and covered on breast and back with
embroideries in the form of oak leaves. White
trousers with silver side stripes, a bicomered omar
mented hat, and the usual knightly sword, complete
the costume, which is rarelv worn.
Order of at. Sylvester, before the Regvlations of Pius
X. — This was the Order ot the Golden Militia under a
new name. Prior to the year 1841 it was known as
the Militia of the Golden Spur or Golden Militia, and
though it is not historically established who among
the many supposed founders is the true one, yet it
imdoubtedly is the oldest and, at one time, was one of
the most prized of the papal orders. Faculties
granted to tne Sforza f amilv (Paul III ** Hinc est quod
nos*', 14 Apr., 1539), to the College of Abbreviators
(Leo X Const. 14 ''Summi'O and to bishops assistant
at the ttirone (Julius III, 6 Apr., 1557) to create
Knights of the Golden MUitia resulted in lavish be-
stowed and diminished prestige of the decoration.
Pope Gregory XVI (''Quod hominum mentes", 31
Oct., 1841), retaining the ancient name, placed the
order under the patronage of St. Sylvester (one of
its alleged founders), withdrew all faculties to whom
and by whomsoever given, and forbade the use of the
title or the decoration to all knights created by other
than by papal Brief. The better to restore it to its
ancient glory and splendour, he limited the number of
commanders to one hundred and fiftv and knights to
three hundred (for Papal States only), and appointed
the Cardinal of Apostolic Briefs as Chancellor of the
Order, with the duty of preserving the name, grade,
number and date of admission of each knight. He
divided it into two classes, commanders and knights.
The former wore the laree sized decoration suspended
at the neck, the latter tne small sized one on the left
side of the breast. The decoration, according to the
Gre^rian Brief, was an eight-pointed gold cross with
an image of St. Sylvester wearing the tiara on its
white enamelled centre, and around this centre a blue
enamelled circle bearing in letters of gold the inscrip-
tion SANC. SYLVESTER P. M. On the reverse side, in
golden characters, was stamped mdcccxli oregorius
XVI REfflTTTUiT. A goldcn spur hun£ suspended from
the sides of the bifurcated foot of the cross of the
order to mark the unity of the Sylvestrine order with
that of the Golden Militia. The ribbon of the decora-
tion was of silk composed of five strands, three of
which were red, and two black. Commanders wore
the decoration at the neck, tlie knights on the breast.
The ribbon of the former was larger than that of the
latter, the cross of the former was also more elegant
than that of the latter. The official costume was a
red evening dross coat with two rows of gold buttons
with green collar and facing. The gold embroideries
of the coat were of a more ornate design for command-
ers than for knights. White trousers, with cold side
bands, hat with white plumes and a sword with a silver
hilt and also ^It spurs, completed this rarely used
costume. Knights of both classes wore around the
neck a gold chain from which was suspended a tiny
^r^ldenspur commeniorat iveof the ancient order of that
denomination. Pius X (Motu Proprio, ''Multum ad
ezdtandas'', 7 Feb., 1905) divided the Syivestrine min
two orders of knighthood, one retaining the name of St.
Sylvester and the other taking the ancient name of the
order, i. e. Order of the Golden Militia, or Golden Spur.
Order of St, Sylvester, since the ReguUUions of Piui
X. — The order now has three classes of kni^ts: (\)
Knights Grand Cross, (2) Commanders, and (3)iCnigfat^.
The present decoration is a gold cross of white enam-
elled surface, in the centre of which is impveased the
image of St. Sylvester P. M., surrounded by a blue
enamelled circle bearing the inscription in letters of
pold 8ANC. SYLVESTER P. M. On the opposite side.
m the centre, are the pontifical emblems with the date
of the Gregorian restoration, mocccxxxxi, and that
of the Pius X renovation, mdccgcv, impressed in
characters of gold upon a blue circle. The badge is
the cross of the order attached to a silver star. The
new costume consists of a black (formerly red) CfKit
with one row (formerly two) of gilt buttons, and
cuffs and collar of black velvet embroidered in gold:
black trousers, with gold stripes, a bicomered hat of
rough silk adorned with papal-coloured cockade, and
finally a sword with a hilt of mother-of-pearl orna-
mented with gold and worn suspended from a gilt belt.
The ribbon of the decoration is black silk hoidered
with red. Simple knights wear the cross on the left
breast of the tunic. Commanders wear a larger cro<s>
suspended by the ribbon of the order encircling the
necK, and the Knights of the Grand Cross wear a crov^
of largest form pendant from the right shoulder and
the badge on the left side of the breast. The hat of
the commander is adorned with a black, that of the
grand cross knight with a white, plume.
The Order of the Golden Militta, or the Golden Spur.—
Pius X, in commemoration of the high prestige to
which this order had attained long years before it was
absorbed into the Gregorian Order of St. Sylvester,
and as a souvenir of the golden jubilee of the dogmatic
definition of the Immaculate Conception of the B. V.
M., cave back to it the separate existence, name and
grade of ancient days, and rendered it still more illus-
trious by placing it under the patronage of the Imma-
culate Conception. To this order are to be admitted
only those who have distinguished themselves in an
eminent degree, and either by feat of arms, or by their
writings, or by any other conspicuous work, have
spreaa tne CatnoUc Faith, and by their bravery have
safeguarded, or by their learning made illustrious, the
Church of God. To insure its continued hi^ grade
of excellence and desirability, its founder limited it to
one class and one hundred Imights for the entire world
C'Multum ad excitandos", 7 Feb., 1905). It can be
conferred on those already knighted in the highest
orders, even that of Christ, as well as on those who
have never received any order of knighthood. The
honour is bestowed by a ''Motu Proprio" (Pope's
own motion) and as such is expedited through the
secretariat of State, and free from all chancery fees.
The decoration is an eight-pointed or bifurcated yel-
low enamelled gold cross, with a gold trophy on top
and pendent from the inner sides of its bifurcated foot
a gold spur. On a small white medal in the centre of
the cross the word maria surrounded b^ a golden
circle, and on the reverse side in the centre is stamped
the year mdccccv and in the surrounding circle the
inscription Pius x RESTrrun'. The badge is the
cross upon the rays of a silver star. TTie ribbon used
for botn decoration and badge is red bordered with
white. Tlie knights of to-day do not wear the ancient
collar. The cross is worn suspended by the ribbon of
the order which encircles the neck. The badge is at-
tached by the ribbon to the left breast of the tuiuc.
The present officii dress consists of a red tunic vm
two rows of gilt buttons, the collar and cuffs of which
are black velvet embroidered with threads of gold, Ion?.
black cloth trousers with gold side stripes; epaulettes
ornamented with gold fringes and surmounted on top
r
L »f:^K^.j
mi
i
w
1
PONTIFICAL DECORATIONS
1. SUPREME ORDER OF CHRIST
2. ORDER OF ST. GREGORY THE GREAT (CIVIL DIVISION)
3. ORDER OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE
4. ORDER OF PIUS IX
5. ORDER OF ST. SYLVESTER
6. PRO ECCLESIA ET PONTIPICE
DECORATIONS
669
DE0ORATIOK8
with emblems of the order, gold bduib, oblong two-
peaked hat fringed with gold ana adorned with a
gold knob displaying papal colours, a sword whose
hilt is a gilt cross and scabbard black, and finally a
gilt sword belt with red fringe. All former conces-
sions of noble titles, even that of comit palatine to
Knights of the Golden Spm*, were reyoked b}r Pope
Pius X, who desired to have the personal merit and
worth of the knights their sole and only title to
honour and respect among men.
Order of The Holy Sejndchre. — St. James, first Bishop
of Jerusalem, the Empress St. Helena, Charlemagne,
Grodf rey of Bouillon and Baldwin I, are among the re-
puted u)U nders of this order. According to the opinion
of critical historians, the order is a branch of the
Knights of S. John of Jerusalem which was approved
(1113) by Pope Pascal II. Whoever may have been
its real founder, it is certain that in the twelfth cen-
tury there was another order following the Rule of
St. Basil that proceeded on a line of action parallel
with that of Knights of Jerusalem. XJpon the fall of
the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the ICnights of the
Holy Sepulchre were driven out of Palestine, and
some of them settled at Peruaa. Gradually the
order lost its prestige, and was by Pope Innocent VHI
(1489) united to the Knights Hospitallers. Pope
Alexander VI (1496) restored (H^lyot says, insti-
tuted) this Older that by offering a most desirable and
honourable distinction as a reward for the great la-
bour, fatigue and expense of a journey to the Holy
Land, he might incite wealthy and noble Europeans
to visit and aid the holy places. He reserved to him-
self and his successors the title and office of supreme
head; but empowered the Franciscan Custodian of
Mount Sion, the Commissary Apostolic of the Holy
Land — as lone, and no longer than, the Jerusalem
Latin Patriarchate remained vacant — to confer in the
name of the pope the Knighthood of the Holy Sep-
ulchre upon worthy persons. Popes Alexander VII
(1665) and Benedict XIII (1727) confirmed the privi-
lege. Benedict XIV (''In Supremo Militantis Ec-
clesiip ", 17 Jan., 1746) remodelled the rules of the order,
fixed the forms by which the Franciscan Custodian
should he guided in bestowing the decoration, renewed
its ancient privilcjges (similar in part to those granted
to the Golden Mihtia), and granted to the Kni^ts the
right to use the title of C!ount of the Sacred Palace of
Lateran. Pius IX, upon the restoration of the Latin
Jerusalem Patriarchate (1847), withdrew the Alexan-
drine faculty, and gave it to the new patriarch and
his successors. The patriarchs alone can in future
create Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, and this they
do not of their own right, but in the name and by
virtue of the pope's authority. It was required that
a knight should, except in an exceptional case, give
an alms of 100 sequins in gold (equal to $2(X)) towards
the Holy Places. This money was by decree (S. C. P.
F., 1847) ordered to be turned over to the patriarch
for the needs of the Holy Land. Pope Pius IX (*' Cum
multa", Jan. 24, 1868) remodelled and approved the
ancient statutes, and divided the order into three
(practically four) classes: (1) Grand Cross Knights,
(2) Commanders, and (3) Knights.
Commanders of conspicuous ability and eminent
virtue were, in rare cases, and by special papal faculty,
permitted to wear the badge on the breast, and so
constituted a grade between the grand cross knight
and the commander. Pius X (''Quam multa te
Ordinemque", 3 May, 1907) fixed the number of
grades at three, granted the privilege of affixing a
military trophy to the cross, approved the creation of
patriarchal representatives in other lands, as the good
of the order may demand, prescribed the uniform for
them, reserved to himself and successors the title of
grand master, and appointed the Latin Patriarch of
Jerusalem his lieutenant and fidministrator in the be-
stowing of this papal decoration. He also arranged
that in the event of the death of the patriarch and
the vacancy of the see, the powers of the patriarch
as papal lieutenant and administrator of tne Order
of Holy Sepulchre should by law devolve upon the
cardinal secretanr of state. The decoration is a large
red enamelled gold cross, with a narrow border of gold,
and surmount^ by a royal crown. Prior to the last
century the cross was simply gold without the red
enamel. The form of the cross is what is called "poten-
tiate", that is, crutched or gibbet-shaped. The four
extremities are shaped as the laige cross and four small
red enamelled crosses of simple form are attached. The
ribbon is of black watered silk. A mulberry trophy
connects the cross with the ribbon. The plaque or
badge is an eight-pointed or rayed silver star, on
whose centre is the red cross encircled by the two
green enamelled branches, one oak and the other
laurel. The collar, worn only on solemn occasions,
is composed of little Jerusalem crosses, and rings of
burnished gold. Knights of the first class wear the
^and cross suspended from the wide black watered
silk ribbon running saltier-wise from the right shoul-
der to the left side, and the bad^ on the breast.
Commanders carry the cross and ribbon fastened at
the neck. Knights wear the bad^e on the left breast.
. Patriarchal representatives, besides the usual deco-
rations, are permitted to wear the grand cross promi-
nently placed on the breast of the uniform, but on the
right side of the breast of the civil dress. The cos-
tume is a white evening dress coat witJi collar, cuffs
and breast facings of black velvet with gold embroid-
eries, epaulet of twisted gold cord, wtn\j& trousers
with gold side stripes, a sword and plumed hat. Pius
X added to the costume a large white woolen mantle
with a red Jerusalem cross on the left breast. The
knights rarely don this official robe; ^ey content
themselves with wearing the decorations on the civil
dress. This decoration may be conferred upon ladies
who are then styled Dames or Matrons of the Holy
Sepulchre. The dames wear the insignia of their
grade, no matter what firade it may be, always on the
left side of the breast (Leo XIII, 3 Aug., 1888).
In addition to these principal, there are other minor
papal distinctions, of which some are temporary and
others permanent. Permanent minor decorations are
the medals: (1) The Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice, (2)
Benemerenti, (3) The Holy Land. The medal Pro
Ecclesia et Pontifice was instituted by Pope Leo XIII
(17 July, 1888, "Quod Singulari") in memory of his
golden sacerdotal jubilee, and bestowed on those
women and men who had merited well by aiding and
promoting, and by other excellent ways and means
assisted in making the jubilee and the Vatican Expo-
sition successful. This decoration was made a per-
manent distinction only in October, 1898 (Giobbio,
see below). Its object is to reward those who iu a
general way deserve well of the pope on account of
services done for the Cliurch and its head. The
medal is of gold, silver or bronze. Tlie decoration is
not subject to chancery fees. The menial is a cross
made octangular in form by fieurs-<ie-lis fixed in the
angles of the cross in a special manner. The extrem*
ities of the cross are of a slightly patonce form.
In the centre of the cross is a small medal with an
image of its founder, and encircling the image are
the words leg xiu p. m. anno x (tenth year of hia
Pontificate). On the obverse side are the papal em*
lems in the centre, and in the circle surrounding
the emblems the motto pro deo et pontifice is
stamped. On the obverse surface of the branches of
the cross are comets — which with the fleurs-de-lis form
the coat of arms of the Pecci family. On the reverse
side are stamped the words, pridis (left branch) ; kau
(top branch) ; januar. (right branch) ; 1888 (at the
foot). The ribbon is purple, with delicate lines of
white and yellow on each border. The decoration is
worn on the right side of breast.
DSOBEE
670
DKO&STiliS
BenemerenU Medals,— Pope Gregory XVI (1832) in-
stituted two medalB which ne called merit-medals to
reward dvil and militaty daring and courage. Tlie
military medal bean on one side the ima«e of the
founder^ and on the other side an angel holding a
scroll with the word bbnismerenti, surmounted bv the
papal emblems (sometimes this medal is found en-
circled by a crown of laurels). It is worn on the
breast suspended by a white and yellow ribbon. The
civil merit-medal has engraved on its face surface only
the word bbnemerenti, surrounded by a crown of
oak leaves. The ribbon is of the papal colours.
Medal of the Holy Land. — ^This was designed by Leo
Xni (Dec. S.C.P.F. 2 May, 1901), who empowered the
Custodian of the Holy Land to bestow it upon pilgrims
who presented a certificate of good, moral Cnnstian
life from their parish priest and a genuinely religious
intention in making the journey to tne Holy Land. It
serves as a testimonial and souvenir of the pilgrimage.
The decoration is a cross similar to that of tne Knights
of the Holy Sepulchre, save that the four small crosses
are crutched instead of being simple of form. A
medallion with the inscription led xiu crbavit. anno
M.C.M. occupies the centre of the large cross. On each
branch of the lar^ cross are graven figures of the
Annunciation, Nativity, Baptism of Christ, and Last
Supper respectively. On the crutched-snaped ex-
tremities are the words, christi amor crucifixi
TRAXiT NOB. On the reverse side of the cross, the
figure of Christ appears in the centre of the medallion.
(m the branches are representations of the Agony in
tiie Garden, Flagellation, Crowning with Thorns and
Crucifixion, and on the extremities of the branches the
words SIGNUM SACRI ITINERIS HIERSOLIMITANI. It is
worn on the left breast suspended from a red ribbon
with four small blue transverse bars bordered with
white, which in turn are edged with dark yellow. There
are Uiree classes of medab: gold, silver, and bronze,
adapted to the condition of pilgrims and the services
they have rendered to the Holy Land. The recipient
must pay the cost of the medal and bestow an alms of
at least two dollars towards the maintenance of the
Holy Places. Each year the custodian must inform
the "Propaganda how many decorations have been be-
stowed and the amoimt of the alms given (Dec. S. C.
P.F., 10 June, 1901).
Popes Pius VII and Pius IX conferred special dec-
orations which were temporary and not permanent.
The former bestowed a medal for military bravery,
and another for zeal and courage in stamping out the
brigandage, which had taken such hold m the Papal
States during the seven years of the French occupa-
tion. The latter conferred the Mentana and Castel-
fidardo medals upon the papal and French soldiers
who came to his help at those places.
Pontifical decorations are bestowed either by motu
propriOf and then forwarded by the secretary of state,
or upon petition, when they are expedited through the
chancery. The most certain and expeditious mode of
procuring the coveted decoration is by a petition
from the bishop of the diocese of the person to be hon-
oured. The petition must state the name, age, coun-
try, in short, a brief history of the life of the applicant,
bringing out in relief the eminent labours or work in
science, literature, arts, controversial or other religious
writings, or generous and selfHsacrificingeifts or en-
dowments made or done for society, the Church or its
head, which are deemed worthy of papal recognition
and reward. Hiis petition must be endorsed by the
ordinary of the applicant. The endorsement of
another than the diocesan bbhop will not suffice. The
petition is sent to an agent at Rome, who presents it to
the cardinal chancellor of the orders, who not only
registers the petition and the endorsement of it by the
bisnop. but also seeks information from other sources
as to tne character of the party and his eminent good
works.
MoKONi. hu., XI. G Hq(
LXIV, ''" '"
RONi. biz., XI. G Hqq.; XVIIl. 210 sqq. : XLIX 81 •iqo.:
, 01 oqq. ; LXVIII. 238 aqq. Qiobbio. Lesumi di dtjdo-
ecdenaatioa (Rome, 1899), Part I. lib. I, cmi>. x, art, iv,
514 saq.; ANDRt-WAONER^ Diet, de^ ^^H ^^'""^TiiiS***, U^* ^
qq.; 1908, 646 sq. F« ,
omtiqna Me iifm. for 1905. 1907, and 1908; Pii IX P. M. Ada,
501 ; IV; 361; Battandieb, Ann. Pant. Cath., 1901. 483 «qq.;
1902. 468 sqq.; 1908, 646 aq. For list of toufi^U of all the dee-
Part I. 43 flq,, 195 sq. ; I V. 391 aq. ; Bernabcomi. Acta Gregtmi
papm XV'/.I.48; III. 170 aq.; AnaUda BedetiaMiea {Komt.
1906). 90 eq.; 1007. 180: Leonu XIIL Poni. Max, Ada (Rotae),
VIU,2«).282; Xil. 7i. P. M. J. RoCK.
Decree (Lat. decretumf from decemo, I judge), in a
general sense, an order or law made by a superior au-
thoritv for the direction of others, in ecd^iastic&l
use it has various meanings. Any papal Bull, Brief, or
Motu Proprio is a decree inasmuch as these docu-
ments are legislative acts of the Holy Father. In this
sense the term is quite ancient. Pope 8iricius speaks
(£p. i, ad Himer^ c. ii) of the decrtta generalia of
Pope Liberius. Tne Roman Congregations are em-
powered to issue decrees in matters which come under
their particular jurisdiction. Each ecdesiastind
province, and also each diocese may issue decrees in
their periodical synods within their sphere of author-
ity. The word is also used to denote certain roecified
collections of church law, e. g. The Decree of uratian
(Decretum Gratiani). In respect of the general legis-
lative acts of the pope there is never doubt as to the
universal extent of tne obligation; the same may be
said of the decrees of a General Council, e. g. those of
the Vatican Council. The Council of Trent was the
first to apply the term indiscriminately to rulings con-
cerning faith and discipline (decreia de fide, de reforma-
tione). The decrees of the Roman Congregations
(q. V.) are certainly binding in each case submitted for
judgment. But there are varying opinions as to
whether such judgment is to be taken as a rule or gen-
eral law applying to all similar cases. The common
opinion is tnat when the decisions are enlaz]gements of
the law {dedaratio extensiva leffia) the decisions do not
bind except in the particular case for which the decree
is made. If, however, the decision is not an enlarge^
ment, but merely an explanation of the law {dedaratio
compreheneiva legie), such decree binds in similar
cases. The decrees of a national council may not be
promulgated until they have received the i^mroval of
the pope. The decrees of a provincial synod have no
force until they have been approved by Home. This
approval is twofold: ordinary {inJormA commumj,
and specific (in formd apecifioA), Tne former means
that tnere is nothing which needs correction in tbe de-
crees of the svnod, and they thereby have force in the
province. Tliis is the approval generally given to
such decrees. If approval is given in formd specified
the decrees have the same force as if the^ emanated
from the Apostolic See, though they are binding only
in the provmce for which they are niade. The (focrees
of a diocesan bishop deal witn the administration and
good order of his diocese. If they are made during a
lynod, they are diocesan laws, are usually known as
'^diocesan statutes", or "synodal statutes", and bind
until revoked by the bishop or his successor. If the
decrees are extrarsynodal, tney have force only during
the lifetime of the bishop or until he revokeB them
himself. For the so-called "Deeretum Gelasiaiium
see Gblasiub I, For the use of judicial decreia ip
canonical procedure see Permaneder in Kirchenlexi-
kon, III, 1442-44. (See CoNffrrrunoNS, Ecclesi-
astical; Eescrifts.)
Taunton, The Law of the Churth (London, 1906): Smh^;
ElemeiUa of Bcdesiastical Law (New York. 1886); Benwic»
XIV. De Synodo ditecewnd; Bouix, De Principiia Jvris Caftoif
id; Fbbbabib, Theoria et pracit regtminit duMeaom.
David Dunfobd.
Becreasi EoouysiASTicAL. See CoNsrmrnoNS,
EcCUaBIASTICAI*
Decretals, Papal. — I. DEFiNmoN and Eariti
Hmtort. — (1) In the wide sense of the term de^f-
taJUs (i. e. ejndola decretalis) signifies a pontifical Ifitw
DE0BSTAL8
671
DEOBSTALS
containing a decretum, or pontifical decision. (2) In a
narrower sense it denotes a decision on a matter of dis-
cipline. (3) In the strictest sense of the word, it
means a rescript (rescriptum), i.e. an answer of the
pope when he nas been appealed to or his advice has
been sought on a matter of discipline. Papal decre-
tals, therefore, are not necessarily general laws of the
Church. But frequently the pope ordered the recipi-
ent of his letter to oonmiunlcate the papal answer to
the ecclesiastical authorities of the district to which he
belonged; and it was their duty then to act in con-
formity with that decree when analogous cases arose.
It is generally stated that the most ancient decretal is
the letter of Pope Saint Siricius (384-398) to Hime-
rius. Bishop of Tarragona in Spain, datii^ from 385;
but it would seem theit the document of the fourth
century known as "Canones Romanorum ad Qallos
episcopos " is nothineelse than an epuiola decretalU of
his predecessor, PopeDamasus (366-384), addressed to
the bishops of Gaul (Babut, La plus andenne d^cr^tale,
Paris, 1904). The decretals ought to be carefully dl»-
tinjguished from the canons of tne councOs; from the
•pistoladogmaticcR, i. e. the pontifical documents touch-
ing on Catholic doctrine; from the eov^ituHoneSf or
pontifical documents given matu proprioj that is, docu-
ments issued by the pope without his being asked to
do so or consulted upon a subject. (4) Finally, under
the name decretals are known certain collections, con-
taining especially, but not exclusively, pontifical de-
cretals. These are the canonical collections' of a later
date than the "Decretum" of Gratian (about 1160).
The commentators on these collections are named de-
cretalists, in contradistinction to the decretists, or
those who commented upon the "Decretum" of (rra-
tian. Eventually some of these collections received
official recognition; they form what is now known as
the "Corpus Juris Canonici". An account will be
g^iven here of the collections of decretals, but par-
ticularlv of those of Gregory IX.
II. l^m ''QUINQUE COMPILATIONES ANTIQUiB De-
crbtaiium". — ^The "Decretum" of Gratian was con-
sidered in the middle of the twelfth century as a corpus
juris canondd, i. e. a code of the ecclesiastical laws tnen
lu force. As such, however, it was incomplete; more-
over, many new laws were made by succeeding popes ;
whence the necessi^ of new collections (see Corpus
Juris Canonici). Five of these collections exhibited
pontifical l^slation from the "Decretum" of Grar
tian to the pontificate of Gregory IX (1160-1227).
These are known as the ''Quinc^ue compilationes an-
tique''. On account of their importance they were
made the text of canonical instruction at the Univer-
sity of Bologna, and, like the '' Decretum" of Gratian,
were glossed, i. e. notes bearing on the explanation
and interpretation of the text were added to tne manu-
scripts. The first collection, the "Breviariumextrar
vagantium ' ', or summary of the decretals not contained
in the "Decretum" of Gratian {vaganUs extra Deere-
ium)f was the work of Bernard of Pavia (q. v.) and
was compiled 1 187-1 191. It contains papal decretals
to the pontificate of Clement III inclusive (1187-
1191). The compilation known as the third ((Jompi-
latio tertia), written however prior to the second col-
lection (Compilatio secunda), contains the documents
of the first twelve years of the pontificate of Innocent
III (8 Januaiy, 1198 — 7 Januaty, 1210) Tdiich are of a
later date than those of the second compilation, the
latter containing especially the decretals (^ Clement
m and Cdestine III (1191-1198). The ''CompUatio
tertia" is the oldest official collection of the legislation
of the Roman Church; for it was composed by Cardi-
nal Petrus ColUvacinus of Benevento by order of Inno-
cent III (1198-1216), by whom it was approved in the
Bull "Devotioni vestrae" of 28 December, 1210.
The second compilation, also called ''Decretales
medifD •' or "Decretales intermedics'', was the work of
a private individual, the Englishman John of Wales
(de Walesio, Walensis, or Galensis). About 1216 aa
tmknown writer formed the "Compilatio quarta", the
fourth collection, containing the decretals of the pon-
tificate of Innocent III which are of a later date than
7 Januaiy, 1210, and the canons of the Fourth Lateran
Council held in 1215. Finally, the fifth compilation
is, like the third, cm official code, compiled by order of
Honorius III (1216-1227) and approved by this pope
in the Bull "Novsb causarum'' (1226 or 1227). It
must also be noted that several of these collections
contain decretals anterior to the time of Gratian, but
not inserted by him in the ** Decretum". Bernard of
Pavia divided his collection into five books arranged
in titles and chapters. The first book treats of per-
sons possessing jurisdiction {judex) y the second of the
civil legal processes (/u<fi«tum), the third of clerics and
regulars {cieTus)^ the fourth of marriage (connvbiurn)^
the fifth of delinquencies and of criminal procedure
(crimen). In the four other collections the same logi-
cal division of the subject-matter was adopted. (For
the text see Friedberg, Quinque compilationes an-
tious, Leipzig, 1882.)
III. The Dbcretai^ of Greoort IX. — Gregoiy
IX, in 1230, ordered his chaplain and confessor, St.
Rajonond of Pefiaforte (Pennafort), a Dominican, to
fonn a new canonical collection destined to replace all
former collections. It has been isaid that the pope by
this measure wished especiallyto emphasize his power
over the Universal Church. The papacy had, indeed,
arrived at the zenith of its power. Moreover, a pope
less favotu*ably circimistanced would, perhaps, not
have thought of so important a measure. Neverthe-
less, the utility of a new collection was so evident that
it is needless to seek other motives than ^ose which
the pope himself gives in the Bull "Rex pacificus" of
6 September. 1234, viz., the inconvenience of recurring
to several collections containing decisions most diverse
and sometimes contradictory, exhibiting in some
cases faps and in others tedious length; moreover, on
several matters the l^islation was uncertain.
St. Raymond executed the work in about four
vears, and followed in it the method of the aforesaid
"Quinque compilationes antiquae". He borrowed
from them the order of the subject-matter, the division
into five books, of the books into titles, and of the
titles into chapters. Of the 1971 chapters which the
Decretals of Gfregory IX contain, 1771 are taken from
the "Quinnue compilationes antiquse", 191 are due to
Gr^ory Ix himself, 7 are taken from decretals of In-
nocent III not inserted in the former collections, and 2
are of unknown origin. They are arranged, as a gen-
eral rule, according to the order of the ancient collec-
tions, i. e. each title opens with the chapters of the
first collection, followed by those of the second, and so
on in regular order : then come those of Innocent III,
and finally those of Gregory IX. Almost all the ru-
brics, or headings of the titles, have also been bor-
rowed from these collections, but several have been
modified as regards detail. Tliis method considerably
lightened St. Raymond's task. However, he did more
than simply compile the documents of former collec-
tions. He left out 383 decisions, modified several
others, omitted parts when ho considered it prudent to
do so, filled up the gape, and, to render his collection
complete and ooncoraant, cleared up doubtful points
of the ancient ecclesiastical law by adding some new
decretals. He indicated by the words et infra thepas-
sages excised by him in the former collections. They
are called partes decisce. The new compilation bore no
special title, but was called "Decretales Gregorii IX"
or sometimes "Compilatio sexta", i. e. the sixth collec-
tion with reference to the " Quinque compilationes an-
tiqu»". It was also called "Collectio seu liber ex-
tra'*, i. e. the collection of the laws not contained
{vaqarUes extra) in the "Decretum" of Gratian.
Hence the custom of denoting this collection by the
letter X (i. e. extra).
DECRETALS
672
DEORETALS
Quotations from this collection are made by indi-
cating tiiie number of the chapter, the name the work
gqea by (X), the number of tne book, and that of the
title. Usually the heading of the title and sometimes
the first words of the chapter are quoted; for instance,
"c. 3, X, III, 23'*, or "c. Odoardus, X, De solutioni-
bus. Ill, 23", refers to the third chapter, commencing
with the word Odoardus, in the Decretals of Gre^iy
IX, book III, title 23, which is entitled "De solutiom-
bus". If the number of the chapter or of the title is
not indicated it will easily be learned on consulting
the alphabetical indexes of the rubrics and of the
introductory words of the chapters, which are to be
found in all editions of the "Corpus Juris Canonici''.
Gregory IX sent this new collection to the Univeraities
of Boloma and Paris, and, as already stated, decliured,
by thelBull "Rex pa^ificus" of 5 September, 1234,
that this compilation was the official code of the canon
law. All its decisions have the force of law, whether
they be authentic or not, whatever the juridical value
of the texts considered in themselves, and whatsoever
the original text. It is a unique {umca) collection:
all its decisions were simultaneously promulgated, ana
are e(][ually obligatory, even if they appear to contain,
or if m f^t they do contain, antinomies, i. e. contra-
dictions. In this peculiar case it is not possible to
overcome the difficulty by recourse to the principie
that a law of later date abrogates that of an earlier
period. Finally, it is an exclusive collection, that is
to say, it abrogates all the collections, even the official
ones, of a later date than the *' Decretum " of Gratian.
Some authors (Schulte, Laurin) maintain that Greg-
ory IX abrogated even those laws prior to Gratiairs
time which tne latter had not included in his " Decre-
tum", but this opinion is contested by several others
(von Scherer, Schneider, Wemz, etc.). The oontro-
versy is no longer of practical interest.
The Decretals of Gregory IX differ widely from our
modem codes. Instead of containing in one concise
statement a legislative decision, they generally con-
tain, in the beginning, an account of a controversy,
the allegations of the parties in dispute, and a demand
for the solution of the question. This is the species
facti or the pars historica and has no juridical value
whatever. The enacting part of the chapter {pars
disposUiva) alone has the force of law. It is this part
which contains the solution of the case or the state-
ment of the rule of conduct. The rubrics of the titles
have the force of law when their sense is complete, as
for instance, Ne sede vacarUe aliquid innovetur (Let
there be no innovation while the see is vacant). This
is because the headings form an integral part of the
official code of the laws. However, the^r ought always
to be interpreted according to the decisions contained
in the chapters. The historical indications concern-
ing each chapter are often far from being exact, even
since they were corrected in the Roman edition of
1582. It may be regretted that St. Raymond did not
have recourse to the original documents themselves,
of which a large number must have been at his dis-
posal. Tlie summaries (summaria) which precede the
chapters are the work of the canonists andi^may assist
in tne elucidation of the text. The partes deciscB are
sometimes of like use, but never when these parts were
designedly omitted from a desire to extinguish their
legal force or because they contain decisions irrecon-
cilable with the actual text of the law.
As in the case of the former canonical collections,
the Decretals of Gregory IX were soon glossed. It
was customary to add to the manuscript copies tex-
tual explanations written between the lines (glossa
inierlinearis) and on the margin of the page (glossa
marginalis). Explanations of the subject-matter
were also added. The most ancient glossarist of the
Decretals of Gregory IX is Vincent of Spain; then
follow Godcfridus de Trano (d. 1245), Bonaguida
Aretinus (thirteenth century), and Bernard of Botone
or Parmensis (d. 120^i), the author of the ''GlustA
ordinaria", i. e. of that ^oss to which authoritative
credence was generally given. At a later date some
extracts were added to the "Glossa ordinaria" from
the " Novella sive oommentarius in decretales epistol&s
Qregorii IX" by Giovanni d'Andrea (Johannes
Anoree). After uie invention of printing, the Decre-
tals of Gregory IX were first published at Strasburg
from the press of Heinrich Eggssteyn. Among the
numerous editions which followed special mention
must be made of that published in 1582, in (BdOms
populi romani, by order of Gregory XIII. The text
of this edition, revised by the Corredores Romani, a
pontifical commission established for the revision of
the text of the "Corpus Juris", has the force of law,
even when it differs from that of St. Raymond. It is
forbidden to introduce any change into that text
(Brief "Gum pro munere", 1 July, 1580). Among
the other editions, mention may be made of that by
Le Conte (Antwerp,' 1570), of pnor date to the Roman
edition and containing the partes deciscs; that of the
brothers Pithou (Paris, 1687) ; that of BOhmer (Halle,
1747), which did not reproduce the text of the Roman
edition and was in its textual criticism more audacious
than happy; the edition of Richter (Leipzig, 1839);
and that of Friedberg (Leipasig, 1879-1881). AH these
authors added critical notes and the partes deeisa.
To indicate the principal commentators on the
Decretals would necessitate the writing of a history
of canon law in th^ Middle Ages. Mere mention will
be made of Innocent IV (d. 1254), Enrico de Segusio
or Hostiensis (d. 1271), the "Abbas antiquus" (thir-
teenth century), Johannes Andreae, already men-
tioned, Baldus de Ubaldis (d. 1400), Petrus de Ancha-
rano (d. 1416), Franciscus de Zabarellis (d. 1417),
Dominicus a Sancto Geminiano (fifteenth century).
Joannes de Imola (d. 1436), Nicol6 Tudesco, al^
called the "Abbas Sicuius", or "Modemus", or
" Panormitanus ' ' (d. 1453). Among the modem com-
mentators, Manuel Gonzalez Tellez and Fagnanus
may be oonsulted advuitageously for the inter-
pretation of the text of the Decretals. The Decretals
of Gregory IX still form the basis of canon law so far
as it has not been modified by subsequent collections
and by the general laws of the Church (see Corfus
JuBis Canonici).
IV. Later Collections of Decretals. — ^The
decretals of the successors of Gregory IX were also
arranged in collections, of which several were official,
notabiv those of Innocent IV. Gregory X. and Nich-
olas III, who ordered their aecretals to be inserted
among those of Gregory IX. In addition to these,
sever^ unofficial collections were drawn up. The
inconveniences which Gregory IX had wished to
remedy presented themselves again. For this reason
Boniface VIII made a new collection of decretals
which he promulgated by the Bull "Sacrosancts" of
3 March, 1298. This is the "Sextus Liber Decre-
talium"; it has a value similar to that of the Decre-
tals of Gregory IX. Boniface VIII abrogated all the
decretals of the popes subsequent to the appearance
of the Decretals of Gregory IX which were not in-
cluded or maintained in force by the new collection ;
but as this collection is of later date than that of
Gre^ry IX, it modifies those decisions of the latter col-
lection which are irreconcilable with its own. Clement
V, also, undertook to make an official oolloction, but
death prevented him from perfecting this work. His
collection was published b^ John XXII on 25 October,
1317, under the title of " Liber Septimus Decretalium ",
but it is better known imder the name of "Constitu-
tiones Clementis V" or "Clementinae". This is the
last official collection of decretals. The two following
collections, the last in the "Corpus Juris Canonici ,
are the work of private individuals. They are called
"Extravagantes^^ because they are not mduded in
the official collections. The first contains twenty
DiaBBHTM
673
raDIOATION
Goiistitutiom of John XXII, and is named '' Extrava-
g&ntes Joannis XXir'* the second is colled "Ex-
travagantes communes' and cotitains the decretals of
different popes commonly met with in the manuscripts
and editions. They were brought to their present
form by Jean Chappuis in 1500 and 1503. (See
Corpus Juris Oakonici; Extra vagamtes; Dkcre-
TALa.)
LiwuBiiff. hUmdwtio in corpus ptHs eofymid (Frnbun, 1889);
ScBNBioER, Die l^dvrt van den Kinhen'nehUquMen {2nd ed.,
Ratiabon. 1802); Schulte, OeschxdiU der Quellen und der Litera-
tur des kanoniaehen Reehts (Btuttmrt, 187&-1880): Taunton.
The Law cf the Church ILondoa, 1906) ; the manualB of ouion
>aw cijjfos ScuBBER, Wernz, SaomCllkr, Smith.
A. Van Hove.
Decretmn 0«la8uuiiim. See Qblasius.
Decretnm Gratiani, Sec Corpus Juris Can-
ONici; Dbcrbtals, Papal.
Decretnm of Oratian. See Corpus Juris Can-
oNici; Decrbtam, Papal.
D6dication« a term which, though sometimes used
of persons who are consecrated to God's service, is
more property applied to the ''setting aside" of places
for a special and sacred purpose (cf . Hastings, Diet, of
the Bible). The Christian, indeed, believes that God
is everywhere and that the Divine Imnaensity fills all
space; but this faith does not exclude the idea of re-
serving a special spot in which the creature may hold
communion with his Creator and worship Him. That
the setting saide of tiiis ha^owed place was ever done
with a certain show and ceremony is evident from the
examples of Jacob (Gen., xxviii, 18), of Moees (Lev.,
viii, 10), and above all, of Solomon (III Kings, viii).
This precedent of the CHd Law was too obvious to be
overlooked in the New, and we may be sure that the
modem custom was consecrated b}r Apostolic usage.
Ill a fragment of a martyrolo^ ascribea to St. Jerome
(cf. D'Ach^iy, Spicilegium IV) this passage occurs:
" Romse dedicatio primie Eoclesite a beato Petro con-
structe et consecrat»". It is not strange, however,
that owing to the persecutions of the finit three cen-
turies, references to the dedication of churches are ex-
tremely rare. The first authentic accounts of this
kind are furnished by Eusebius (Hist. EccL, X, iii, iv;
De VitA Const., IV, xliii, in P. G., XX), and Sosomen
(Hist. EccL, II, xxvi in P. G., XLVII) in regard to the
cathedral of Tyre (314) and Constantino's church at
Jerusalem. The well-known historical document en-
titled "Peregrinatio Silvia;" (Etheria) has a full de-
scription of the celebration of the dedicatorv festival of
the church of Jerusalem as it was witnessed by our pil-
E rim-authoress in the fourth century (cf. Cabrol,
ivre de la pridre antique, p. 311). Here it will
suffice to emphasise, in connexion with the dedication
of churches, (1) the ritual employed, (2) the minister,
(.3) necessity and effects, and (4) festival and its days.
1. In the beginning the dedication ceremony was
very simple. A letter of Pope Vigilius to the Bishop of
Bracara (538) states: "Consecrationem cujuslibet ec-
desiie, in qu& non ponuntur sanctuaria (reliquisB)
celebritatem tantum sciraus esse missarum" (We
know that the consecration of any church in which
brines (relics) are not pj^oed consists merely in the
celebration of Masses). That the primitive ceremonial
consisted mainly in the celebration of Mass, where
there were no relics, is also shown from the old "Ordines
Romani" (cf. Mabillon, *' Museum Italicum*', II, in P.
L. , LXXVIII, 857). Where relics were used the cere-
mony of translating and depositing them under the
altar formed a notable feature of the dedication rite
(cf. "Ordo of St. Amand" in Duchesne, "Christian
WoTBhlp", London, 1903, Appendbc; ''Ordo of Ver-
ona'* in Bianchini, ed., "Lib. Pont.", III). The first
complete formulary is found in the Gelasian Sacrament-
ary (in P. L., LXXIV), which embodies the Roman
liturgical usages of the seventh century. Here the
lV,-43
rite consists of prayers, sprinklings with hol^r water,
and Uessings. 8o uuickly, however, was this ritual
elaborated that in tne ninth century it attained the
completeness which it enjcmi at the present time (cf.
the eighth-Ksentury ''Liber Sacramentorum'' in P. L.,
LXXVIII; ''Ordines Romani", ed. Mart^ <'De Ant.
Eccl. Rit.'*, Ill ; Daniel, "Cod. lit.", I). The modem
dedioatorjr ceremonial aasimies two forms according as
a church ia simply blessed or solemnly ocmsecrated.
In the former case tiie function consists of prayers,
m>rinklines of holy water, and Mass (cf . Roman Ritual ;
Sohuhe, ^'Benedioenda", p. 155, etc). The solemn
rite of coBsecratioti is described in the article Conse-
cration.
2. The solemn ceremony of dedication, or consecra-
tion is fioond in the Roman Pontifical and isperformed
de jure by a bishop (see Consecration). Tiie simpler
rite, which is siven in the Roman Ritual, is generally
reserved to bimops, but may be also undertaken by a
priest with episcopal del^^ation.
3. All chuivhes, public oratories and semi-public, if
destined for Divine worship in ferpetuum, must be at
least blessed heiote the Sacred Mysteries can be regu-
larly cdebrated in them (Cong, of Rites, Sept., 1871).
Purely private or domestic oratories mav not be thus
dedicated, but simply blessed with the Benedictio loci
(cf . Roman Ritual or Missal) on each occasion Mass is
said in them. As a rule the principal churches in every
district should be consecrated in the solemn manner,
but as certain conditions are reauired for licit conse-
cration that are not alwi^ feasible (cf. Irish Eodesi-
astical Record, April; 1908, p. 430) the ordinary simple
dedication rite is regavdea aa practically adequate.
Both forms render the pboe sacred, and contribute, as
sacramentals, to the sanctifioation of the faithful, but
they differ in this t^at while a church that is conse-
crated must, if polluted, be reconciled by a bishop, a
church that is simply blessed may be recondlea in
similar circumstances by a priest (ci. Roman Ritual).
4. Another difference in the effects of the two forms
of dedication is that a consecrated church is entitled
to celebrate eaoh year the anniversary feast of its con-
secration, which IS to be held as a double of the first
dasB with an octave, by all the priests attached to the
church. A church that is only blessed has no right to
this anniversary feast unless per aeddenSf that is, when
it is included in the special indult granted for the simul-
taneous celebration of the anmversaries of all the
churches in a district or diocese. In this case tiiie
Office and Mass must be celebrated in every church,
within the limits of the indult independently of their
consecration (Cong, of Rites, n. 3863). Though any
• day may be selected for the dedication of a church, yet
the Roman Pontifical sug^ts those '^ Sundays and
Bolenm festive days" which admit the dedicatory
Office and Mass, as well as the anniversary celebration.
In addition to the aUthoritieB cited the foUowinc may be
usefully consulted*. Catalani, C^mmenlarium in Fontificale
Romanum (Paris, 1S50); Ferbaris, Bibliotheca, s. v. Eoaeeia
(Pktris, 1865); Da Hbrdt, Praxia Pontifloalie (Louvain. 1905);
BEiufAJU>, Le PontifiaU (Paris, 1902). II; Mamt. De Lode
Sacrie (Paris. 1904): Schulte. Benedicenda; Coneecronda (New
York, 1906). very full on ceremonial.
Patrick Morrisroe.
DeAcfttion, Feast of the (Scriptural), also called
the Feast of the Machabees and Feast of Lights (Jo-
scphus and'Talmudic writLDgs), mentioned in the Old
Testament (I Mach., iv, 56), and in the New (John, x,
22). It was instituted by Judas Machabeus (64 b. c.) t >
be celebrated yearly on the 2dth day of the month
Kislew and during its octave, in commemoration of
the purification of the temple of Jerusalem which had
been polluted b^ Antiochus Epiphanes on that day
three years previously (I Mach., iv, 41-64: II Mach.,
vi, 2). Unlike the great Hebrew annual feasts, it
could be celebrated not only in the temple at Jerusa-
lem, but also in the synagogues of all places. It was
observed with manifestations of joy siidi as i
DSDUOnOV
674
panied the Feast of Tabemacles, during the celebra-
tion of which the dedication of the first temple had
taken pUce. During the celebration of the feast
mourning and fasting were not allowed to begin. The
Jews assembled in the temple and synagogues bearing
branches of trees and palms and singing psalms; the
Hallel (Pss. cxiii-cxviii) being sung every day. The
joyful character of the feast was also miaQifested by
illuminations, whidi may have been suggested by the
'lighting of the lamps of the candlestick" when the
temple service was nnst restored (I Mach., iv, 50-61),
or, according to very early Midrashim, by liie miracu-
lous biuning throu^out the first celebration of the
feast of a vial of oil found in the temple. Since the
first century a general illumination of Hebrew houses
has been customary, every house having at least one
light, and some, according to the school of the rabbis,
having one light for each person in ihe house on the
first night and twice the number on each succeeding
night; others again, having eidit lights the first nig)it
and a lesser number each ni^t thereafter. Modem
Hebrews keep the feast on 12 Dec., with strictness, but
do not forbid servile work. At the daily moniing
prayer a different portion of Numbers vii is read in
the Synagogue.
LxoHTitxyr, Mora Hthraiem (Oxford. ISM)), 8. v.; The JemUh
Encuchpedia, a. v. Hanukkak, the Hebrew niune of the feast;
SchCher, a Hist of the Jewtah Pwp^, etc., 2nd ed. of Ens. tr.,
I, 217, for oomplete bibliogmphy.
Arthur L. McMahon.
Dedaction (Lat. de dwcere^ to lead, draw out, de-
rive from; especially, the function of deriving truth
from truth). I. As an aigument or reasoning process:
that kind of mediate inference by which from truths
already known we advaiioe to a knowledge of other
truths necessarily implied in the former; the mental
product or result of that process. II. As a method:
the deductive method, by which we increase our
knowledge through a series of such inferences.
I. The typical expression of deductive inference is
the syllogism. The essential feature of deduction is
the necessary character of the connexion between the
antecedent or premises and the consequent or oonclu-
non. Granted the truth of the antecedent judg-
ments, the consequent must follow; and the firmness
of our assent to the latter is conditioned by that of
our assent to the foimer. The antecedent contains
the ground or reason which is the motive of our assent
to the consequent; the latter, therefore, cannot have
greater firmness or certainty than the former. This
relation of necessary sequence constitutes the formal
aspect of deductkm. It can be realised most cleariy
when the argument is expressed s^rmbolieally, either
in the hypothetical form '* If anything (S) is M it is F ;
but this S is M ; therefore this S is F, or in the cate-
gorial form, '' Whatever (S) is M is P; but this S is M ;
therefore this S is P''. The material aq)ect of the de-
ductive argument is the truth or falsity of the judg-
ments which constitute it. If these be certain and
evident the deduction is called dem(mtltraii4m^ the
Aristotelian dir6dci^tt. Since the conclusion is neces-
sarily implied in the premises, these must contain
some abstract, general principle, of which the con-
clusion is a special application; otherwise the con-
clusion could not be necessarily derived from them;
and all mediate inferences must be deductive, at
least in this sense, that they involve the recognition of
some universal truth and cb not proceed directly from
particular to particular without the intervention of
the universal.
II. When, starting from general principles, we ad-
vance by a series of deductive steps to the discovery
and proof of new truths, we employ the deductive or
Snthetic method. But how do we become certain of
ose principles which form our starting-points? (1)
We may accept them on authoritv — as, for example.
Christians accept the deposit of Christian revelation
on Divine authority — and proceed to draw out their
implications by the deductive reasoning which las
shaped and moulded the science of theolo^. Or (2)
we ma^ apprehend them by intellectual mtuition as
self-evident, abstract truths concerning the nature of
thought, of being, of matter, of quantity, number,
etc., and .thence proceed to build up the deductive
sciences of logic, metaphysics, mathematics, etc.
D6wn throu^ the Middle Ages enlightened thought
was fixed almost exclusively on those two groups of
data, both sacred and profane; and that accounts for
the fulness of the scholastic development of deduction.
But (3) besides beinp and quantity, the universe pre-
sents change, evolution, regular recurrences or repeti-
tion of particular facts, from the careful observation
and analvsis of which we may ascend to the discovery
of a thira great class of general truths or laws. This
ascent from the particular to the general is called in-
ductbn, or the inductive or analytic method. Goni-
paratively little attention was paid to this method
during the Middle Ages. Apparatus for the accurate
observation and exact measurement of natural phe-
nomena was needed to sive the first real impetus to
the cultivation of the phjrsical, natural, or inductive
sciences. In these departments of research the mind
approaches reality from the side of the concrete and
piarticidar and ascends to the abstract and general,
while in deduction it descends from the general to the
particular. But althou^ the mind moves in oppo-
site directions in both methods, neverUieless the
reasoning or inference prpper, employed in induction,
is in no sense different from deductive reasoning, for
it too implies and is based on abstract, necessary
truths.
MxRCiKH, Lqgiaue (Louvaia, 1006); Dk Wvlv. SckcUuHeitm
(Hd and New (DubUn, London. New York, 1907).
P. CJorFEY.
Deeii Abbbt op, a once famous Scotch monasten-.
According to the Celtic legend St. Columcille, his dis-
ciple Drostan, and others, went from Hy (lona) into
Budian and established an important missionaiy
centre at Deer on the banks of the Uae on lands given
him by the mormaer or chief of the district whose son
he had by his prayers freed of a dangerous ilbess.
This happened probably in the last quarter of the
sixth centu^. Columcille soon after cantinued his
missionary journeys and left Drostan as abbot at
Deer. Drostan died here about 606. The legend re-
ceives confirmation from the fact that the parish d
Aberdour v^ierated St. Drostan as patron. In later
years the Normans had little sympathv with the
Celtic institutions, so we find the Earl of Buchan in
1219 founding the Cistercian abbev of New Deer about
two miles westward of Columcille's foundation, grant-
ing to the new abbey a portion of the lands of Old
D^r, the rest going to the maintenance of a parochial
church. In 1551 the son of the Earl Marischal suc-
ceeded his uncle Robert Keith as titular Abbot of Deer
holding the abbey lands in commendam. The flour-
ishing monastery soon fell a prey to the Scottish Re-
formers. Among its treasures is the venerable docu-
ment known as the "Book of Deer*'. This is one of
the oldest monuments of Scottish literature, and was
ably edited in 1869 for the Spalding dub by its secre-
tary, Dr. John Stuart. It had become known to
scholars in 1858 when it was found in the University
of Cambridge. It was then also discovered that the
university had come into its possession in 1715 among
the boolcs of Dr. John Moore, Bishop of Norwich,
which had been purchased by George I and presented
by him to the university; how Bishop Moore had ob-
tained it is not known. The manuscript is a small,
nearly square octavo numbering eighty-six folios of
piurchment, written on both sides of the leaf in a dark
brown ink, in a hand wonderfully dear and legible.
Tlie pages had been ruled with a sharp pointed instru-
DXr AMATION
675
DBFINinON
lueot and the letters had been placed under the lines,
not on them. It contains the nist six diapten of the
Gospel ci St. Matthew, a part of the fifth chapter of
St^ bark, the entire Gospd of St. John, a part of the
office for visiting the sick and the Apostles' Creed.
The text is from the Latin Vulgate with some pecul-
iarities oommon to Irish Bible editions, and is written
in the weU>known minuscule lettering of the Irish
scribes; the initial letters wem greatly enlarged and
ornamented with patches of oofour in dragonesque
forms, and the pages have ornamental borders.
There are also full portraits of the Evangelists. The
Book then contains entries in the Gaelic tongue, the
moat important being that giving an account of the
foundation of the Abbey o£ Deer. The author was
probably a member of that community and liv^ per-
ha;ps in. the ei^th oentuiy . He gives no clue to his
identity, but simis himself a poor wretch and asks for a
blessing. The last document in the Book is a Latin
charter from the great and good King David.
MoHTAUumsBar, Mcnksofthe Weat (N«w York, 1806), U. 63;
The hiah Bedeaitutieal Record (1892). 865; O'Hanjlon, Uvea
of the Irish Saints (Dublin, 1875). VI, 389; BsixasHEnf , Oest^.
der kaik. Kirehg m SchotOMd (MaiDB. 1888), 1. 193 and jMMim
(tr. HvMTSii'BLAiR); Janadschsk, Orig, Cisi. (1877). I, 223;
Skenb, Ceilie ScoUand, It,
Francis Mershman.
Daf amtftioii. See Rbputation.
Defect. See Ibrsgularity.
Dtf ender of the Faith. See Henrt VIII.
Defender of the Mettimoniel Tie (Defetuor main-
mofm), an o&mA whose duty is to defend the mar-
riage-bond m the prooedure prescribed for the hearing
of matriaionial eauses whien involve the validity or
nullity of a marriage already oontraeted. Benedict
XIV, by his Bull ^Dei Miaeiatione'', 3 November,
1741, introduoed this official into the marriage pro-
cedure to guard against abuses occurring from the
ordinary procedure. An annulment of a marriage
might lesult from the appearance of only one of the
mairied eouple who desued freedom to enter upon a
new marriage, while the other was apathetic and con-
niving at the annulmoity or at times unable or indis-
posed to incur expense to uphold the marriage-tie, es-
pecially if it implied an app«d to a hi^er court. Per-
haps, too, the judicial decision mi^t mduce change of
opinion without sufficient warrant. Scandal arose
from the frequency of dissolution of marriages with
the freedom to enter new contracts. The Bull ''Dei
Miseratione" recjuires that in each diocese the ordi-
nary shall appoint a defender of marriage, upright in
character, and learned in the law, an ecclesiastic if
possible, a layman if necessary. The bishop may sus-
pend him or remove him for cause, and, if he is pre-
vented from taking part in the prooeduie, substitute
one with th6 requisite qualifications. He must be
summoned to any trial in which there is question, be-
fore a competent judge,- of the validity or nullity of a
marriage, and any prooeedinc; will be null if he is not
dxily cited. He must have the opportunity to exam-
ine the witnesses, and, orally or in writing, to brin^ for-
ward whatever arguments may favour the validity of
the marriage. He must be cited even though the
party interested in the defence of the marriage be
present, and all the acts of the court are always to be
accessible to him, and at any time he has a right to
bring forward new documents or witnesses favourable
to tTO marriage. On assuming his office he must take
an oath to f mfil its duties and he is expected to renew
the oath in each ease. If the judge decides in favour
of the marriage the defender takes no further action
unless its opponent appeals to a higher court. Here a
defender undertakes ane^ the defence of its validity.
If the^ judge of first instance decides against the validity
of the marriage and no one else appeals, the defender
of marriage is requirsd by the Bull ''Dei Miseratione"
in all cases to appeal to the higlier court. If the first
two courts agree upon the uuTltty of a marriage the
defender need not appeal, unless his eonscienoe tsUs
him that a serious mistaks was made. If he feels it
his duty to appeal a new marriage may not be con-
tracted till his plea is heard. The decision in matri-
monial cases is never absolutely final ; so that if new,
serious reason appears for the validity of a marriage,
it must be judicially investigated.
This legislation was extended and enforced in the
United States by an Instruction of Propaganda in 1883,
?ublished with the "Acts and Decrees of the Third
lenary OouncO of Baltimore''. Thou^ the Bull
"Dei Miseratione'' does not require it, the practice of
the Roman Congregations extends the intervention of
the defender .to cases of true marriages not consimi-
n^ated where the Holy See is reouested to grant a dis-
pensation for a new marriage. The obluatioti of the
defender to appeal from the decision of nrst instance,
adverse to the validity of a marriage, has been modi-
fied by the Holy See in several cases, where the inva-
lidity depends lipon facts indisputably proven, throu^
the Congregation of the Holy Office (5 June, 1889)
whose decree was declared (16 June, 1894) to extend
to the whole Church. Where the decree "Tametsi"
of the 0>uncil of Trent was binding,. requiring the
presence of the parish priest for the validity, if only a
civil ceremonv was used, the bishop may declare the
marriage null without the participation of the de-
fender. In view of the new matrimonial legislation
contained in the decree "Ne Temere" of Pius X this
also holds anywhere if a marriage is attempted only
before a civil authoritv or non-Catholic minister of
religk)n. Yet if an ecdesiastical form had beeci used,
and the nullity from dandesttnity waa questioned, his
presence is jeauired; but if the impediment of dan-
destinity clearly appears he need not appeal. This is
true also if, through absence of ecdesiaatieal dispensa-
tion, there is an impediment of disparity of worship,
or of consanguinity, or of affinity from lawful inter-
oourse, or of spiritual relation^ip, or of certain pre-
vious legitimate marriage still existing. In these
cases the ordinary may, with the participation of the
defender, declare the marriage null, and the defender
is not required to appeal. This, however, was de-
clared bv the Holy Office (27 May, 1901) to be imder-
stood only of cases in which certainly and cleariy the
impediment is proven; otherwise the defender must
Eroceed to the higher court. The defender is ex-
orted to exercise his office gratuitously, but he may
be compensated from fees imposed by the oourt or
from other diocesan rssources.
Bbnewct XIV, BuU *'JMi Mvufratume** <8 Nov., 17411).
in BuUar. Mam.. XVI, 48 aq.; Cpfledanea S. Cong, de Prop.
Fide. noB. 1572, 1573, .1576; Gabpajuu, Ve Matrimonio (Fsltib,
1004), ch. viii.; Laurbnttus, Ms/. Jur. Etd. (Freiburgi 1908),
V. no. 150; Smith, Elammta of Eed>.Lauf (New York. 1886). II:
Taunton, The Law of the Church (Londcvi. 1006): Babbibky,
Le D^enseur du lien matr. m Revue dee Sciences Ecdes. (May-
June, 1899); BouDtNHON, Le MariaQe Rdigieux (Paris, lOCX^.
R. L. BUBTSELU '
Defensor Ecclesia. See ADvocATtrs.EccLESLfi.
Definitioii, TtiEOLoaiCAL. — The Vatican Council
(Sess. iv, cap. iv) solemnlv taught the doctrine of
papal infallibility in the following terms: "The Ro-
man Pontiff, when he speaks ex camedrA, that is to say,
when m the exercise of his office of pastor and teacher
of all Christians he, in virtue of his supreme Apostolic
authoritv. defines that a doctrine on faith or morals is
to be held by the whole Church, by i^e assistance of
Qod promise to him in the person of Blessed Peter,
has that infallibilitv with which it was the wiU of Our
Divine Redeemer that His Church should be furnished
in defining a doctrine on faith or morals. ' ' From tiiis
teaching we detain an authoritative notion of the
meaning of definition in its theological, as distinct
from its philosophical, or canonical, sense. It is an
irrevocable decision, by which the supreme teaching
DSFIMITOE
676
DsramoB
authority in the Church decides a question appertain-
ing to faith or morals, and which binds ttie whole
Cburch. From this explanation it will be seen that
four conditions are required for a theological defini-
tion.
(1) It must he a decisum by the aupreme teaching aur
tharity in the Church. — ^There are two organs of su-
preme doctrinal authority, viz.: Ihe pope, speaking in
his official capacity of jiastor and teacher ot all Chris-
tians, and the bishops of the Catholic Church dis-
persed throughout the world or assembled in a general
ooimcil. The pope, as successor of St. Peter, has de-
finitive authonty, in the exercise of which he speaks
neither as a private individual, nor as a mere theolo-
gian, nor as Bishop of the Diocese of Rome, nor as
Metropolitan of the Roman Province, nor as Primate
of Italy, nor as Patriarch of the Western Church, nor
as head of any Roman Congregation, but as supreme
pastor of the whole Church. The bishops of the Cath-
olic Church assembled wiUi the pope in a general coun-
cil have the same doctrinal authoritv with which the
pope is endowed ; and so have the bishops dispersed
throu^out the Catholic world when, in conjunction
with &e pope, they teach a doctrine of faith or morals
to be irrevocably held by all Christians. These two
supreme teaching authonties are the or^ns of active
infallibility from which alone a theological definition
can proceed.
(2) The deeinon muet concern a doctrine of faith or
morale. — ^Faith means the speculative doctrines of
revelation; morals, the practical doctrines of revela-
tion. Faith is what we have to believe, morals what
WQ have to do, in order to obtain eternal life. Both
faith imd morals are parts of the deposit whidi Christ
left for iSbe guidance of His Church ; so far as the obli-
gation of assent is concerned, there is no difference be-
tween them; the distinction is made for the sake of
convenience rather than for the sake of any substan-
tial difference between them so far as they are the ob-
jects of active infallibility. Doctrines of faith or
morab which are formally revealed are called the di-
rect object of infallibility, whfle doctrines which are
only virtually revealed, or are only intimately con-
nected with revelation, such as d(^;matic or moral
facts, aro called the indirect object of infallibility.
The Church has authority to issue definitions in con-
nexion with both the direct and the indirect objects of
active infallibility. It is not, however, de fide that the
Church has infallible authority over the indirect doc-
trines of faith and morals, thou^ it cannot be denied
without theological censure.
(3) The decmon muM bind the Univereal ChurA. —
Decrees which bind only a part of the Church aro not
definitions; but only those which command the assent
of all the faithful. It is not. however, abeolutelv
necessary that the decree should be directly sent or ad-
dressed to the whole Church ; it is quite sufficient if it
is made clear that the supreme teaching authority
means to bind the Universal Church. Thus, St. Leo
addressed his famous dogmatic definition to Flavian,
yet it was rightly considered as binding the Universal
Chim^; and Pope Innocent sent his decree to the
African Chureh alone, yet St. Augustine exclaimed:
Cauea finita eet, uHnam aliquando fimaiur error!
(Serm. li, de Verb. Ap., c. vii).
(4) The decitAon muti he irrevocable or,aeitie called,
definitive. — ^Arguments contained in conciliar defini-
tions are proposed by the supreme teaching authority
in the Churdi, they concern faith and morals, and th^
bind the Universal Church; yet they are not defini-
tione, because thev lack this fourth condition — ^they
are not definitively proposed for the assent of the
whole Churdi. Two things are implied by the state-
ment that a decree, to be a definition, must be final and
irrevocable. The decree must be the last word of su-
preme teaching authority; there must be no possibil-
ity of re-opening the question in a spirit of doubt; the
decree must settle the matter for ever. Hie decree
must also, and in consequence of its final nature, bmd
the whole Chureh to an irrevocable internal emeoi.
This assent is at least an assent of ecdesiastieal faith;
and in doctrines which are formally revealed it is alio
an assent of Divine faith. When the definitioa com-
mands an irrevocable assent of Divine faith as well aa
of ecclesiastical faith, the defined dooma ia said to be
de fide in the technical sense of this pnraae. It k well
to note that the definitive nature of a decree does not
prevent the defined doctrine from being examined
anew and defined again by the pope or a genoal coun-
cil ; what it excludes is a re-openii» of the question in 9
spirit of doubt about the truth or the doctrine which
has been already definitivel^r settled.
It has been sometimes said that it ia impossible to
know whether or not a theological definition has been
issued; but very few words are needed to show that
the assertion is without foundation. At times, doubt
will remain about the definitive nature of a decree, but
as a rule no possibility of doubt is consistent with the
terminolog}r of a definitive decree. Thus in the doc-
trinal teaiSinff of a general council, anathema attached
to condemned errors is a certain si^ of an infallible
definition. Words also like those m which Pius IX
solemnly defined the doctrine of the Immaculate Con-
ception of the Blessed Virgin give irrefutable proof of
the definitive nature of the decree: " By the authonty
of Our Lord Jesus Christ and of the Blessed Apostles
Peter and Paul, and by Our own authority, We oeclare,
pronoimce and define the doctrine . . . to be revealed
by God and as such to befirmly and immutahiy held by
all the faithful. " No set form of worda is necessary ;
any form which deariy indicates that thefourreauisite
conditions are present suffices to show that ihe decree
is a definitk>n m the strict sense. It should be noted
that not everything contained in a definition is infal-
libly defined. Thus, aigua?ents from Scripture, tradi-
tion, or theologjical reason, do not come under the ex-
eroise of definitive authority. Incidental statements,
called obiter dictOf are also examples of non-definitive
utterances. Only the doctrine itself, to which those
arguments lead and ^diich these obiter dicta illustrate,
is to be considered as infallibly defined. (See Infal-
UBiUTT ; CBNauRss, THBOiiOGiCAi. ; DooMATic Facts ;
BSATinCATION AND CANONISATION ; FaITH.)
HuNTKB, OuUinei of DagmoHe TheUom (New Yofk, 18B6), I;
WiLBBLU AND ScANNBix. A Monuol 0f CoihoUc T^WoMf (Ne«
York. 1808). I; Dbnunoeii, Bwhindion (Freiburs. 1890).
J. H. Harxt.
Deliiiitor (in Canon Law), an official in secular
deaneries and in certam retimous otders. Among
regulars, a definitor is appointed as a counsellor c^ the
provincial or general superior with certain determinate
TOwere. (See Dbpinitobs in Rkuqxoub OsnEBS.)
Dioceses are usually divided into deaneries, and these
deaneries are again sub-divided into districts which
are sometimes «dled definiUanee. Over each district
is placed an official styled definitor, who oversees the
administration of ecclesiastical prc^rty and also
gives aid to the dean in the more unportant duties of
his office. Such definitors are elected by the rural
chapters with the bishop's approval, or in some cases
are directly appointed by the ordinary. AncientlT,
their principal duty was to care for and divide the
revenues of a prebend between the heirs of the de-
ceased and the new occupant, and likewise to deter
mine what proportion of income belonged to outo)ing
and incoming beneficiaries of a church. The definitor
acts as the representative of the dean when thebtter
is absent or incapacitated by illness or inBgulari^-
It is his duty to announce to the bishop, likewise, the
death of the dean and conduct preparations for ue
election <rf a successor. It is to be observed that
definitora are in no sense necessary offieiais of a dio-
cese, and that the duties here assigned to them are
MsmnxoES
677
DEQRADATIOV
sometimeB ful£Ued by othere. .In some decanal or
rural chs^tets the title given to the d^nitor is cham-
berlain or treasuret.
1.AUIUBNTXU8. Insiitulumes Jur, Ecd. (Freiburij^ 1003). Cor-
tnts Juris Canonici, o. 4, X.X 24 (c. xiii. Cone. Ticin., an. 850).
William H. W. Fanning.
Definitonf (in Hsltoious Orders), generally
speaking, Uie governing council of an order. Bergier
describe them aa those chosen to represent the oraer
in eeneral or provincial chapters, but this is not alto-
gether correct, for the usage varies in different
orders. With the Dominicans all who are sent to
represent the provinces in a general chapter are defini-
tors ; amongst the Chmiac monks there existed a simi-
lar regulation (though normally in the Benedictine
Order definitors have no place). . On the other hand,
in the Frandscan Order, definitors are elected by the
general and provincial cnapters to assist the general or
provihctal superiors in the government of the order
and a similar rule exists amongst the Carmelites and
the Henpits of 9t. Augustine. But in this case it
would seem that the dennitors form a sort of execu-
tive committee of the chapter, since they are subject to
the legislative enactments of the chapter. Definitors,
strictly so called, have a decisive vote in congregation
equally with the general or provincial superior; in
this they differ from mere consultors such as exist in
some orders and in the Society of Jesus. Nor may the
general or provincial superior act in matters of greater
nnoment without taking the vote of the definitors. A
definitor, however, has the ri^t to vote only when
present in congregation. When called to ^ve his
opinion in congregation he is bound in conscience to
speak candidly according to his own judgment, even if
he knows his opinion to be contrary to that of the
other definitors, and if he fails to do so in matters of
gravity, he is held to sin gravely. Yet when the vote
is taken, he is bound to sign the declaration of the
majority, though he has the right to insist upon a
minori^ report. In some orders, e. g. the Capuchin,
the junior definitor gives his opinion first, that he
may not be influenced bv the seniors; but in other
ordiers the senior speaks first. Again, in some orders
the local superiors are appointed by the definiton; in
others they are dected by the local commimity.
Thus, amongst the Franciscans, the provincial supe-
ricMT is selected by the provincial chapter, subject to
confirmation by the minister general and hi^ defini-
tors, whereas the superiors of houses are appointed
directly by the provincial definitors: whilst amongst
the Dominicans aU local superiors are elected by the
local community.
Bebgikb, Dietumnain ds iMologis (Touknuse. 1819), II;
FlATUB, PrigUctionca Juris Regularia (Tuumai, 1890).
Father Cuthbert.
Defonnity. See Irreoularitt.
Deger, Ernst, historical painter, b. in Bockenem,
Hanover, 15 Apnl, 1809; d. in Dtisseldorf, 27 Jan.,
1885. Idttle is known concerning his cariy life. In
1828 he went to the Berlin Academy of Fine Arts to
begin the study of art under Professor Wach, and was
there so impressed by pictures of the DOsseldorf
School that he placed himself under Schadow, the di-
rector' <rf the Dtisseldorf Academy. Deger, says Dr.
Bams, ''lived in religion, had a profound conviction of
the nobility of his art, and painted what he felt, be-
lieved and hoped." He was only twenty-one when
his " Piet^" brought him fame, and thenceforth he de-
voted himself to religious painting. In 1837 he went
to Italv with Ittenbach and the Mdller brothers to
study ue frescoes by the old masters in Florence and
Rome. Overbeck, leader of the German pre-Raphael-
ites and head of the "Kazarene School", gave advice
and enooura^ment to these young zealots, and Deger
especially gamed much from contact with this master.
Deger was intrusted with the most important frescoes
in the church of St. Apollinaris (Bemagen), and, fully
equipped after his four years' study, he returned from
Rome in 1843 and b^^ the work. In eight yeans he
finished a noble series of paintinjgs, representing
the events in the life of Christ; these Apollinaris
frescoes, the most remarkable productions of the
*' Nazarites", mark the zenith of the German school of
religious painting, called by Cardiaal Wiseman "the
restorer of Christian taste throi^out all Europe."
In 1851 Frederick William iV, King of Prussia,
commissioned Deger to paint twelve scenes in the
chapel of the castte of Stolzenfels (Coblenz), and for
tliis D^r chose subjects illustrating the redemption
of mankind. When this monumental work was fin-
ished, Deger settled permanently in DOsseldorf, com-
menced again to paint in oil, and spent the rest of his
life on easel pictures, chieflv Madonnas. Of these the
most beautiful are the iclyllic "Madonna 'mid the
Green" and the inspiring "R^ina Cceli". He fre-
quently visited Munich where he painted a "Vii«in
and Child" and an "Ascension" for the Maximiua-
neum of that city. In 1857 and 1859 two of his nota-
ble canvases, both religious subjects, were hun^ in the
Paris Salon. Deger was made professor in the Munich
Acaden^ of Fine Arts, a member of the Berlin Acad-
emy of Fine Arts, and, in 1869, professor in the DOssel-
don Academy of Fine Arts. His style was vigorous,
direct, and smiple; his handling careful and precise;
his drawing ana power of characterization masterful;
and his colour rich and harmonious. D^ger exerted a
powerful influence in ridding German art of its 6cp-
roque element and in stimulating its votaries to poetry,
loftiness, and profoimd conviction. Two of his nota-
ble works are "Adam and Eve", in the Raczynski
Gallery, Berlin, and the "Virgin and Child", in St.
Andrew's Chapel, DOsseldorf.
Atkinson, School of Modem Art in O^rmany (liondon);
Bans, Ernst Deger^ the Religious Painter in Bennger*s Magazine
(New York. Sept., 1907); yon KdmoBwiNTBii, DUsseUorfer
KUnstler (Leipsic, 1854): Wisgman, Die Kunstakademie su
DUsseldorf (DOneldorf. 1866).
Leigh Hunt.
Degradation (Lat. depradatio), a canonical penalty
by which an ecclesiastic is entirely and perpetually de-
prived of all office, benefice, dignity, and power con-
ferred on him by ordination; and by a special oere-
monv is reduced to the state of a layman, losing the
privileges of the clerical state and bemg given over to
the semar arm. Degradation, however, cannot de-
prive an ecclesiastic of the character conferred in or-
dination, nor does it dispense him from the law of celi-
bacy and the recitation of the Breviary. Degradation
is twofold: verbal, i. e. the mere sentence ofdegrada-
tion ; and real or actual, 1. e. the execution of that sen-
tence. They are not two distinct penalties, but parts
of the same canonical punishment. Degradation is a
perpetual punishment, and the cler^^yman so punished
has never any right to release from it. It diners from
deposition in so far as it deprives, and always totally,
of all power of orders and jurisdiction and also of the
privile^ of the ecclesiastical state, thus in all things
subjecting the delinquent to civil authority. While a
bishop, even before his consecration, can inflict deposi-
tion or pronounce a sentence of verbal degradation
and can reinstate those so punished, it is only a conse-
crated bishop who can inflict actual degradation, and
only the Holy See which can reinstate ecdesiastics
actually defi;raded.
Solemn degradation owes its origin to the military
practice of thus expelling soldiers from the army; the
Church adopted this institution in order to remove
grievouedy delinquent clerics from the ecclesiastical
order. The first mention of clerical degradation ia
found in the eighty-third Novel of Justinian; sub-
sequently it was adopted with its external solemnities
by early medieval councils a.s a repressive measure
against heretics. It did not originally differ from de«
678
ABOOLUB
poeition, and degraded eoclesiafitics were Btill privi-
1^^ and remained exclusively subject to ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction. The laity, however, complained
that churchmen, even when degraded, securea in this
way impunity for their crimes. Hence Innocent III
(c. viii, Decrim. falsi, X, v, 20) made it a permanent
rule that clerical offenders, after degradation, should
be handed over to the secular power, to be punished
according to the law of the land. Degradation cannot
be inflicted except for crimes clearly designated in the
law, or for any other enormous crime when deposition
and excommimication have been applied in vain, and
the culprit has proved incorrigible. According to the
Council of Trent (Sess. XIII, c. iv, De ref.) a bishop,
when inflicting degradation on a priest, must have with
him six mitred abbots as associate judges, and three
such prelates for the degradation of a deacon or sub-
deacon. If abbots cannot be had, a like number of
church dignitaries of mature age, and skilled in canon
law; may take their place. AH these must give their
vote, which is decisive, and must be unanimous for the
imposition of so grave a penalty.
The ceremony of actual de^adation consists chieflv
in bringing before the ecclesiastical superior the cul-
prit vested in the robes corresponding to his order; in
gradually di vestmg him of his sacred vestments, be^n-
ning With the last he received at his ordination;
fimuly, in surrendering him to the lay judge (who must
always be present) with a plea for lenient treatment
and avoidance of bloodshed. The words pronounced
by the ecclesiastical superior during the ceremony,
also other rubrical details, are laid down by Boniface
VIII (c. Degradatio, ii, de pcenis, in VI) and by the
Roman Pontifical (pt. lit, c. vii). Degradation is now
rarely, if ever, inflicted; dismissal, with perpetual de-
privation, takes its place.
For bibliography see DEPoainoN.
S. Luzio.
Degrees, Academic. See Arts; University.
Deharbe, Joseph, theologian, catechist, b. at
Strasburg, Alsace, 11 April, 1S%; d. at MariarLaach, 8
November, 1871. He entered the Society of Jesus in
1817 and after teaching for eleven years at the Jesuit
College at Brieg, Switzerland, he became in 1840 a mis-
sionary and catechist in Cothen. With Father Roh,
8. J., he established at Lucerne in 1845 the Academy
of St. Charles Borromeo. When in 1847 a persecution
broke out against the Jesuits in Switzerland, Deharbe
barely esca^ni with his life. After that he was chiefly
engaged in giving missions in Germany. As a cate-
chist in Cothen he felt very keenly the lack of a good
catechism and was encouraged by his superior. Father
Devis, to compose a serviceable textbooK, but always
hesitated, feeling himself incompetent. His superior,
knowing Deharbe's spirit of obedience, simply com-
manded him to undertake the task. As a model he
took the Mainz catechism of 1843 and made use also
of other good textbooks, notably of Bossuet's cate-
chism. He completed his first catechism, called
" Katholischer Katechismus oder Lehrbegnflf ", in
1847- In 1848 it appeared anonymously at Katisbon
and immediately won universal approval. Bishop
Blum of Limbuiig introduced it officially into his dio-
cese in the same year; the following year the Bishops
of Trier and Hildesheim did likewise for their sees.
In 1850 the Bavarian bishops resolved to introduce a
common catechism for the whole kingdom, and ac-
cepted Deharbe's catechism, which was then introduced
in 1853. Other German dioceses adopted it as follows :
Cologne, 1854; Mainz and Paderbom, 1855; Fulda,
1868; Ermland, 1861; Cukn, 1863; Gnesen-Poeen,
1868. At the same time it spread outside of Ger-
many, in Switzerland, Austriarllungary, and the
United States. It was translated in 1851 into Mc^^
yar, then into Bohemian, Italian, and French; into
Swedish and Marathi, 1801; into Polish and Lithu-
anian, 1862; into Engiiah, 1863; into Sovenian. I8S8;
into Danish, 1869; and later repeatedly Into Spanish
and Portuguese. It was reintroduced into BavarL»
in 1908; and it is still in use in most German dtooeses,
in Denmark and Sweden, in Brazil, Chile, East India,
and in many schools of the United States. In a re-
vised form, Austria adopted it in 1897. Deharbe him-
self prepared and published at Batisbon tour eztrafts
of his first work, entitled: (1) ''JECathoIischer Kate-
chismus" (1847); (2) ''Kleiner katholischer Kate-
chismus" (1^7); (3) "AnfangBsrande der katho-
lischen Lehre fur die kleinen SdiUler" (1847); (4)
"Kleiner katholischer Katechismus" (1849-^50). Ac-
cording to Father Linden, S. J., Deharbe'a catechism
possesses theological correctness, brevity of sentences,
preciseness of expression, deamess, and good order;
according to the saiiie authority its defects consist in
redundance of memoiy-matteri abetractness of ex-
pression, incomplete sentences. It is to Dehflffbe's
credit that in his catechism he preserved catechetical
tradition, but abandoned the Canisian division, ar-
ranging the text-matter under chapters on Faith,
Commandments, and Means of .Grace. Deharbe's
catechisms have been freouently edited and revised.
His other works, all publianed at Ratisbon, are: "Die
vollkommene Liebe Gottes" (1855); "Erid&nuiK des
katholischen Katechismus" (4 vols., 1857-^, fifth ed.,
1880 — ); " Kurzeres Handbuch sum Religionsunter-
richte" (1865-68, sixth ed., Linden ed., 1^).
Spiiuao-MBMMBa, Method of Chrittiaa Doctruu (CJariniwri.
1901); LiNDRN. Der mittien Dekarheaehe KaUchiamua (lUtia-
bon, 1900); Thalhofkb, BfUwieklttngdee katholiachen Kate-
ehiemtu in Deuteehlmtd (SVflihurK. 1809); Rourns and Pn»-
TBR, ReaUneuklopOdU dm Eniehtmife und UiUernchUwmau
i Mains, 1874). passim; Kbibo, Katechetik (Freiburs, 1907);
Ierder, KonvenatumeUxikcn, t. v.; Baxbb, Meihodtk (Wlkn-
bui«. 1897).
Framcis L. Kkhmb.
De Hondt, See Peter Canusius, Blessed.
Deicohia (Dichuil), Saint, elder brother of St. Gall,
b. in Leinster, Ireland, c. 590; d. at Lure, France, 18
January, 625. Having studied at Bangor he was se-
lected as one of the twelve disciples to accompany St.
Columbanus in his missionaiy enterprise. After a
short stay in England he journeyed to Qaul, in 576,
and laboured witn St. Columbanus in Austrasia and
Burgundy. At Luxeuil he was unwearied in his min-
istrations, and yet was always serene and even joyous.
When St. Columbanus was expelled by Thieny, in
610, St. Deicolus, then ei^ty years of age, deter-
mined to follow his master, but was fbroea, after a
short time, to give up the journey, and settled in a
deserted place called Lutre, or Lure (French Jura), in
the Diocese of Besan^on, to which he had been directed
by a swineherd. Till his dea^, he was thenceforth
the apostle of this district, where he was given a little
churcn and a tract of land by Berthelde, widow of
Weifar, the lord of Liur. Soon a noble abbey was
erected for his manv disciples^ and the Rule of St.
Columbanus was ad.opted. Numerous miracles are
recorded of St. Deicolus, including the sus|)ension of
his cloak on a sunbeam and the taming of wild beasts.
Clothaire II, King of Bummdy, recognized the vir-
tues of the saint and considerably enriched the Abbey
of Lure, also granting St. Deicolus the manor, woods,
fisheries, etc. of the town which had grown around
the monastery. Feeling his end approaching, St.
Deicolus gave over the government of his abbey to
Columbanus, one of his young monks, and spent his
remaining days in prayer and meditation. His feast is
celebrated on 18 Januarv. So revered was his menK>ry
that his name (Dichuil), under the slightly disguised
form of Deel and Deela, is still borne by most of the
children of the Lure district. His Acts were writ-
ten by a monk of his own monaateiy in the tenth cen-
tury.
Co 1X3 AN, Ada Sandortim Htbemia (Lou\*ain, 1<M5): HabiI/-
ix>N, Annal, Bmedid; 0'Hanix>n, lAvea cf <A« hiah iSomIs, I;
DBVEftVS
679
O'l^Ainuonr, Down and Connor (Dublin. 1880), 11; &iokeb,
Barift ChriaUan Art in Ireland (London* 1887).
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
DetfcffUB. See Disk.
I>el gratia; Dei et ApoatoUca Sedia mtia (By
the graee of God; By the grace of God and the Afios-
tolie See), fonnube added to the titles of eodesiastical
dignitaries. The first (AT. Dei gratiA Epiacojaus N,)
has been used in that form or in certain equivalents
sinoe the fifth century. Among the signatures of the
Councfls of Ephesus (431) and Chaloedon (451) we ,
find names to which are added: Dei aratiAj per graHam '
I>ei, Dei mieeratione Epiacopua Jv. (Mansi, Sacr.
Cone. Coll.,IV,1213; VII, 137, 139, 429KiqO. Though
afterwards employed oocasionally, it dia not become
prevalent imtu tne eleventh oentnij. The second
form (N. Dei et Apoatoluxe Sedis gratiA Epiacopus N,)
is ourrent sinoe the deventh centuiy; but came
into general use by archbishops and bishops only
since the twdfth and thirteenth centuries. The first
f ommla expresses the Divine origin of the episcopal
office* the second exhibits the imion of the bishops
and tneir submissbn to the See of Rome. Temporal
rulers rinoe King Pepin the Short, in the eighth cen-
tury, also made use of the first formula : from the fif-
teenth it was employed to signify complete and inde-
pendent sovereignly, in contradistinction to tiie sov-
ereignty conferred by the choice of the people. For
this reason the bishops in some parts of Soutnem Ger-
many (Baden^ Bavaria, WOrtembere) are not al-
lowed to use it, but must say instead: Dei Miaerc^
tione et ApoatoUeoB Sedia gratiA.
BiNTBBDt in Kathotik (1823). VII. 129 sqq.; Idem. Dmh-
wQnUgktiiten (Maim, 1838). I; TBoUAamx, Ditcipline da
VigliM (Bar-le-Duo. 1864). I; Permansdbb in KirchenUx,, 8. v.
Dei armd; Hefblb In Kvrchenlex^ a, v. ApoataHcm Sedia
FbANCXS J. SCHAKFER.
Delim (Lat. Deua, God), the term used to denote
certain doctrines apparent in a tenden<^ of thought
and criticism that manifested itself principally in Eng-
land towards the latter end of the seventeenth century.
Ilie doctrines and tendency of deism were, however,
by no means entirely confined to England, nor to the
seventy jrears or so during which most of tiie deistical
productions were ^ven to the world; for a similar
spirit of criticism aimed at the nature and content of
traditional religious beliefs, and the substitution for
them of a rationalistic naturalism has frequently ap-
peared in the course of religious thought. Thus there
nave been French and German deists as well as Eng-
lish: while Pagan, Jewish, or Mohammedan deistis
mimt be found as weU as Christian. Because of the
inoividuaiistic standpoint of independent criticism
which they adopt, it is difficult, if not impossible, to
class togeihor the representative writers wno contrib-
uted to the literature of English deism as forming
any one definite school, or to group toother the posi-
tive teachings contained in their writings as any one
^^stematic expression of a concordant philosophy.
'Die deists were what nowadays would be called
f reethink^iB, a name, indeed, by which tiiey were not
infrequently known; and they can only be classed to-
getl^ whoUy in the main attitude that they adopted,
vi2. in agreeing to cast off the trammels of authorita-
tive relipious teaching in favour of a free and purely
rationalistic speculation. Many of them were frankly
materialistic in their doctrines; while the French
thinkers who subsequently built upon the foimdations
laid by the En^ish deists were almost exclusively so.
Othera rested content witii a criticism of ecclesiastical
authority in teaching the inspiration of the Sacred
Scriptures, or the fact of an external revelation of su-
pernatural truth given by God to man. In this last
point, while there is a considerable divergence of
method and procedure observable in the wntingn of
the various deists, all^ at least to a very lai^ extent,
seem to concur. Deism, in its evcury manifestation,
was opposed to the current and traditional teaching of
revealed religion.
In En^and the deistical movement seems to be an
almost necessary outcome of the political and religious
conditions of the time and country. The Renaissance
had fairiy swept away the later scholasticism and with
it^ very largely, the constructive philosophy of the
Middle Am. The Protestant Reformation, in its
open revolt against the authority of the Catholic
Cnurch, had inaugurated a slow revolution, in which
all rdigious pretensions were to be involved. The
M>le as a substitute for the living^ voice of the Church
and the State rdigion as a substitute for Catholicism
mi^t stand for a time; but the very mentality that
brou^t them into beine as substitutes could not logi-
cally rest content with tnem. The principle ai private
judgment in matters of religion had not run its full
course in accepting the Bible as the Word of God. A
favourable oppoHunity would spur it forward once
more; and from such grudging acceptance as it ^ave
to the Scriptures it would proceed to a new examina-
tion and a final rejection of tlieir claims. The new
life of the empiri(»u sciences, the enormous enlarge-
ment of the physical horizon in such discoveries as
those of astronomy and geography, the philosophical
doubt and rationalistic method of Descartes, the ad-
vocated empiricism of Bacon, the political changes of
the times — all these things were factors in the prepara-
tion and arrangement of a stage upon which a criti-
cism levelled at revelational religion mi^t come for-
ward and play its part with some chance of success.
And ^ougn ihe fiist essays of deism were somewhat
vefled and intentionally indirect in their attack upon
revelation, with the revolution and the civil and relig-
ious liberty ccmsequent upon it, with the spread of
the critical and empirical spirit as exemplified in the
plulosopfay of Locke, the time was ripe for the full re-
nearsal of the case against Christianity as expounded
by the Establii^ment and the sects. The wedge of
private judgment had been driven into authority. It
had ah^idy split Protestantism into a great number of
conflicting sects. It was now to attempt the wreck of
revealed raligion in any shape or form.
The deisti^ tendency passed throu^ several more
or less clearly defined phases. All the forces possible
were mustered against its advance. Parliaments took
cognisance of it. Some of the productions of the de-
ists were publicly burnt. The oishops and dergyof
the Establishment were strenuous in resisting it. For
every pamf^et or book that a deist wrote, several
''answers" were at once put before the public as anti-
dotes. Bishops addressed pastoral letters to their
dioceses warmng t^e faithful of the danger. Wool-
ston's "Moderator" provoked no less than five such
pastorals from the Bishop of London. All that was
ecclesiastically official and respectable was ranged in
opposition to the movement, and the deists were held
up to seneral detestation in the strongest terms.
When the critical principles and f reethougbt spirit fil-
tered down to the middle classes and the masses, when
such men as Woolston and Chubb put pen to paper, a
perfect storm of counter-criticism arose. As a matter
of fact, not a few educated and cultured men were
really upon the side of a broad toleration in matten of
relu^on. The "wit and ridicule" by which the Eari
of Shaftesbury would have all tested meant, as Brown
rightly notes, no more than urbanity and good nature.
But Shaftesbury himself would by no means allow that
he was a deist, except in the sense in which the term is
interchangeable with theist ; and Herbert of Cherbury,
by far the most cultured representative of the move-
ment, is noted as having been the most moderate and
the least opposed of them aXL to the teachings of Chris-
tianity. One phase through which deism may be said
to have passea was that of a critical examination of
nnsif
680
DBSM
the first principles of religion. It asserted its rigbt to
perfect tolerance on the part of aQ men. Freethought
was the right of the individual; it was, indeed, but
one step in advance of the received prineii^ of private
judgment. Such representatives of deion as Toland
andCollins may be taken as typical of this stage. So
far, while critical and insisting on its rights to com*
plete toleration, it need not be, though as a mfl;tter of
fact it undoubtedly was, hostile to religion. A seoond
phase was that in which it criticised the moral or ethi-
cal part of religious teaching. The Eari ci Shaftes-
bury, for example, has muc^ to iirge against the doc-
trine of future rewards and punishments as the sanc-
tion of the moral law. Such an attitude is obviously
incompatible with the accepted teaching of the
Churches. Upon this follows a critical examination
of the writings of the Old and New Testaments, with a
particular regard to the verification of prophecy and
to the miraomous incidents therein recorded. Antony
Collins performed the first part of this task, while
Woolston gave his attention principally to the latter,
applving to Scriptural records the principles i>ut for-
ward bv Blount in his notes to ^le '' ApoUonius Ty-
ansBus''. Lastly, there was the stage in which nat-
ural religion as such was directly opposed to revealed
religion. Tindai, in his "Christianity as old as the
Creation", reduces, or attempts to reduce, revelation
to reason, making the Christian statement of revebir
tional truths either superfluous, in that it b contained
m reason itself, or positively harmful, in that it goes
beyond or contradicts reason.
It is thus clear that, in the main, deism is no more
than an application of critical principles to religion.
But in its positive aspect it is something more, tor it
offers as a substitute for revealed truth that body of
truths which can be built up by the unaided efforts of
natural reason. The term deism, however, has come
in the coimse of time to have a more specific meaning.
It is taken to signify a peculiar metapnysical doctrine
supposed to have been maintained bv all the deists.
They are thus grouped together roughly as members
of a c^uasi-philosophical scnool, the chief and distin-
guishms tenet of which is the relationship asserted to
obtain oetween the universe and God. God, in this
somewhat inferential and constructive thesis, is held
to be the first cause of the world, and to be a personal
God. So far the teaching is that of the theists, ba con-
trasted with that of atneists and pantheists. But,
further, deism not only distmguishes the worid and
God as effect and cause ; it emphasizes the transoendr
ence of the Deity at the sacrifice of His indwelling and
His providence. He is apart from the creation which
He brought into being, and unconcerned as to the de-
tails of its working. Having made Natiu^, He allows
it to run its own course without interference on His
part. In this point the doctrine of deism differs
clearly from that of theism. The verbal distinction
between the two, which are originally convertible
terms— deism, of Latin origin, being a translation of
the Greek theism — seems to have been introduced into
Eh^ish literature by the deists themselves, in order to
avoid the denomination of naturalists by which they
were commonly known. As naturalism was the epi-
thet generally given to the teaching of the followers of
the Spinozistic philosophy, as well as to the so-called,
atheists, deism seemed to its professors at once to fur-
nish a disavowal of principles and doctrines which
tiiey repudiated, and to mark off their own position
clearly from that of the theists. The word seems,
however, to have been first employed in France and
Italy about the middle of the sixteenth century, for it
occurs in the epistle dedicatory prefixed to the secoml
volume of Viret's "Instruction Chr^tienne'* (1563),
where the reforming divine speaks of some persons
who had calle<l themselves by a new name — deists. It
was principally upon account of their methods of in-
vestigation and their criticism of the traditional Prot-
estant religious teaching that they had also come tc
to be called rationalists, opposing, as has been noioted
out, the findings of unaided reason to the tnitos held
on faith as having come from God through external
revelation. Whether it was by ignoring this alto-
gether, or by attempting actively to imite it and
prove its worthleasness, rationalism was the obvious
term of their procedure. And it was also, in v^y
much the same manner, bv their claiming the freedom
to discuss on these lines the doctrines aet forth in the
Bible and tau^t by the Chivches, that they earned
for themselves the no less commonly given title of
Treethinkers.
There are notable distinctions and diveri^Dces
among the English d^sts as to the whole content of
truth given by reason. The most important of these
distinctions is undoubtedly that by which they are
classed as "mortal" and ''immortal" deists; for,
while many conceded t^ philosophical doctrine of a
future life, the rejection of future rewards and punish-
ments OfUried with it for some the detiial of the im-
mortality of the human soul. The five articles laid
down by Lord Herbert of CSierbui^, however, with
their expansion into six (and the addi^n of a seventh )
by Giarles Blount, may be taken— and eflpectallythe
former — as the formal professions of deism. They
contain the following doctrines: (I) that iheste existe
one supreme God, (2) who is chiefly to be worshipped;
(3) that the principal part of such worship consists m
piety and virtue; (4) that we must repent of our sins
and that, if we do so, God will pardon us; (5) that
there are rewards for good men and punishments for
evil men both here and hereafter. Blount, while he
enlarged dightly upon each of these doctrines, broke
one up into two and added a seventh^ in which he
teaches that God governs the world by His providence.
Tliis can hardly be accepted as a doctrine conunon to
the deists; while, as has been said, future rewards and
pimishments were not allowed by them all. In gen-
eral they rejected the miraculous dement in Scripture
and ecclesiastical tradition. They would not admit
that there was any one " peculiar people", audi as the
Jews or the Christians, singjled out for the reception of
a truth^measage, or chosen to be the reeipients of any
special grace or supernatural gift of God. They de-
nied the doctrine ot the Trinity and altogether refused
to admit any mediatorial character in the person of
Jesus Christ. The atonement, the doctrine of the
'^ imputed righteousness" of Christ — especially popu-
lar with orthodoxy at the time — shared the fate of all
Christological doctrines at their hands. And above
all things and upon every occasion — but with at least
one notable exception — they raised their voices against
ecclesiastical autnority. Tney never tired of inveigh-
ing against priestcraft in every shape or form, and
they went so far as to assert that revealed religion was
an imposture, an invention of the priestly caste to sub-
due, and so the more easily govern and exploit, the ig-
norant.
As deism took its rise, in the lomcal sequence of
events, from the principles asserted at the Protest-
ant Kef ormation, so it ran its short and violent course
in a development of those principles and ended in a
philosophical scepticism. For a time it caused an
extraordinary conomotion in all circles of thou^t in
England, provoked a very large and, in a sense, inter-
esting pd^emical literature, and penetrated from the
highest to the lowest strata of society. Then it fdl
flat, whether because the controversy had lost the
keen interest of its acuter stage or because people in
general were drifting with the current of criticism
towards the new views, it would be difficult io say.
With most of the arguments of the deists we are now-
adays quite familiar, thanks to the efforts of modern
freethought and rationalism to keep them before uw
public. Though caustic, often clever, and sometimes
extraordinarily blasphemous, we open the shabby little
DIMM
681
wiian
books to find ihein for the most part out-of-date, cqibt
tzionplaoe, aad dull. And while several of the ''ror
plies" they evoked may still be reckoned aa standard
Tvorka of apologetios, the majority of them belong, in
moie senses than one, to the writmgs of a bygone age*
'Wlien Viscount BoHngbroke's works were published
posthumousl^r in 1754, and even when» six years pre-
viously, David Hume's *' Essay on the Human Under;-
Bt&ndmg" was given to the public, little stir was
ca.UBed. Bolingbroke's attacks upon revealed reli^-
ion^ aimed from the standpoint oi a sensationalistic
Hieory of knowledge, were, as a recent writer puts it,
"insufferably wearisome"; nor could all his cynicism
ajid satire, any more than the scepticism of the Scot-
tiah philosopher, renew general interest in a contro-
versy that was practicaUy dead. The deistieal con-
troversy traceable to the ^ilosophy of Hobbes and
Locke is pre-eminently an English one, and it is to the
JSngiish deists that reference is usually made when
there is question of deism. But the same or a similar
movement took place in France also. '^ In the eight^
eenth century", says Ueberweg, "the prevailing char-
acter of French philosophy . . . was that of opposi-
tion to the received dogpnas and the actual conoitions
in Church and State> and the efforts of its representa-
tives were chiefly directed to the establishment of a
new theoretical and practical philosophy resting on
naturalistic principles" (Gesch. d. Philosophie, Ber-
Uq, 1901, III, 237). Men like Voltaire, and even the
nutterialistic Encydopaodists, exemplify a tendency of
philosophic thought which has verv much in common
with wnat in England ended in deism. It had the
same basis, the theory of knowledge propounded by
Xjocke and subseouently pushed to an extreme point
by Condillac, and the general advance of scientific
thoui^t. From Voltaire's criticisms of ecdesiasttcal
organization and theology, his unwearying attacks
upon Christianity, the BiQe, the Church, and revela-
tion, the tendency turned towards pantheism and
materisdism. Rousseau would have a religion of na-
ture substituted for the traditional forms of revela^
tion, and bring it, as he would bring philosophy and
politics, to the point of view of individualism. Helve-
tius would have the moral system based upon the
principle of present self-interest. And thus, as in
England the loacal development of deism ended in
the scepticism of Hume, so in France it came to rest
in the materialism of La Mettrie and Holbach.
Beference has been made above to several of the
more important representatives of English deism.
Ten or twelve writers are usually enumerated as note-
worthy contributors to the literature and thought of
the movement, of whom the following brief sketches
may be given. — Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1581-
1648), a contemporary of the pnilosopher Hobbes,
was the most learned of the deists ana at the same
time the least disposed to submit Christian revelation
to a destructive criticism. He was the founder of a
rationalistic form of religion — the religion of nature —
which consisted of no more than tne residuum of
truth common to all forms of positive religion when
their distinctive characteristics were left aside. The
profession of faith of Herbert's rationalism is summed
up in the five articles given above. His principal con-
tnbutions to deistical literature are the '^Tractatus de
Veritate prout distinguitur a Revelatione, a Verisimili,
a Poesibui et a Falso" (1624); ''De Religione Genti-
lium Errorumque apud eos Causis" (1645, 1663);
"De Religione Laici^'.
S\arles Blount (1654-93) was noted as a critic of
the Old and New Testaments. His methods of
attack upon the Christian position were characterized
by an indireetneas and a certain duplicity that has
ever since come to be in some <%Rp'^ associated with
the whde deistical movement. The notes that he ap-
pended to his translation of ApoUonius are calculated
to weaken or destroy credence in the miracles oi
Clurist, for some of which he actually suggests explanar
tioivs upon natural grounds, thus argumg against the
trustworthiness of the New Testament. In a similar
Eianner, by cspployin^ the argument of Hobbes against
the Mosaic authorship, of the Pentateuch, and by at-
tacking the miraculous events therein recorded, he had
impeached tiie accuracy and veracity of the Old Testa-
ment. He rejects utterly the doctrine of a media-
torial Christ and contends that such a doctrine is sub-
versive of true religion ; while the many falsehoods he
perceives in tjie traditional and positive forms of
Christianity he puts down to the political invention
(for purposes of power and of easy government) of
priests and religious teachers. The seven articles into
which Blount es^anded the five articles of Lord Her-
bert have been noticed above. His notes to the trans-
lation of Philostratus' ''Life of ApoUonius lyanceus"
were published in 1680. He wrote also the ''Anima
Mun(fi" (1678-9); "Religio Laici". practically a
translation of Lord Herbert's book ot the same title
(1683); and "The Oracles of Reason" (1893).
John Toland (1670^1722), while originally a be-
liever in Divine revelation and not opposed to the doc-
trines of Christianity, advanced to the rationalistic
position with strong pantheistic tendencies by taking
away the supernatural element from religion. His
principal thesis consisted in the argument that "there
IS nothing in the Gospels contrary to reason, nor above
it: and that no Christian doctrine can properly be
caiUed a mysterv. " This statement he made on the
assumption that whatever is contrary to reason is uq-
true, and whatever is above reason is inconceivable.
He contended, therefore, that reason is the safe and
only guide to truth, and that the Christian reli^on
lays no claim to being mysterious. Toland also raised
questions as to the Canon of Scripture and the origins
of the Church. He adopted the view that in the Eariy
Church there were two opposing factions, the liberal
and the Judaizing; and ne compared come eighty
spurious writings with the New Testament Scriptures,
in order to cast doubt upon the authenticity and relia-
bility of the canon. His "Amyntor" evoked a reply
from the .celebrated Dr. Clarke, and a consideraole
number of books and tracts were published in refuta-
tion of his doctrine. The chief works for which he
was responsible are: — "Christianity not Mysterious"
(1696); "Letters to Serena" (1704); "Pantheisti-
con" (1720); "Amyntor" (1699); "Nazarenus"
(1718).
Antony AMey Cooper, third Earl of Shaftesbury
(1671-1713), one of the most popular, elegant, and
ornate of these writers, is «;nerally classed among the
deists on account of his "Characteristics". He him-
self would not adroit that he was such, except in the
sense in which deist is contrasted with atheist; of him
Bishop Butler said that, had he lived in a later age,
when Christianity was better understood, he womd
have been a good Christian. Thus, in a preface that
Shaftesbury contributed to a volume of the sermons
of Dr. Whichcot (1698), he "finds fault with those in
this. profane a^e, that represent not only the institu-
tion of preaching, but even the Gcwpel itself, and our
holy religion, to be a fraud ' \ There are also passages
in "Several Letters Written by a Noble Lord to a
Young Man in the University" (1716) in which he
shows a very real regard for the doctrines and practice
of the Christian religion. But the " Characteristics of
Men, Matters, Opmions, and Tknes" (1711-1723)
gives dear evidence of Shaftesbury's deistical tenden-
cies. It contains frequent criticisms of Christian doc-
trines, the Scriptures, and revelation. He contends
that this last is not only useless but positively mi»-
chievous, on account of its doctrine of rewards and
puoishments. The virtue of morality he makes to
<sonsist in a oonformity of our affections to our nat-
ural sense of the sublime and beautiful, to our natural
estimate of the worth of men and things. The Goe-
DXI8BI
682
DXIBM
pd| he asserts with Blount, was only the fruit of a
sdheme on the part of the clergy to secure their own
aggrandizement and enhance their power. With such
professions it is difficult to reconcile his statem^it
that he adheres to. the doctrines and rnvsteries of re-
ligion; but this becomes clear in the light of the fact
that he shared the peculiar politioo-reugious view of
Hobbes. Whatever the absolute power of the State
sanctions Ib good; the opposite is bad. To oppose
one's private religious convictions to the religion sanc-
tioned by the State is of the nature of a revolutionary
act. To accept the established state religion is the
duty of the citizen. Shaftesbury's more important
contributions to this literature are the '^Chanurteris-
tics" and the "Several Letters", mentioned above.
Antony CoUins (1676-1729) caused a considerable
stir by the publication (1713) of his ''Discourse of
Freethinking, occasioned by the Rise and Growth of a
Sect call'd Freethinkers". He had previously con-
ducted an argimient against the inunateriality and
inunortality of the soul and against hiunan liberty.
In this he had been answered by Dr. Samuel ClariLe.
Tlie ''Discourse" advocated unprejudiced and unfet-
tered enquirv, asserted the right of human reason to
examine ana interpret revelation, and attempted to
show the uncertamty of prophecy and of the New
Testament record. In anotner work Collins puts
forth an argument to prove the Christian religion
false, though he does not expressly draw the conclu-
sion indicated. He asserts that Christianity is de-
pendent upon Judaism, and that its proof is the ful-
fihnent of the prophetic utterances contained in tiie
Old Testament. He then proceeds to point out that
all such prophetic utterance is allegoricat in nature and
cannot be considered to furnish a real proof of the
truth of its event. He further points out that tiie
idea of the Messiah among the Jews was of recent
growth before the time of Christ, and that the He-
brews may have derived many of their theological
ideas from their contact with other peoples, sucn as
the Ep^tians and Clialdeans. In particular, when
his wntings on prophecy were attacked, he did his ut-
most to discredit the book of Daniel. The ''Dis-
course on the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian
Religion" (1724) called forth a great number of an-
swers, principal among which were those of the Bishop
of Licnfield, Dr. Chandler ("Defence of Christianity
from the Prophecies of the Old Testament"), and Dr.
Sherlock ("The Use and Intent of Prophecy"). It
was in Clollins' " Scheme of Literal Prophecy" that the
antiquity and authority of the Book of Daniel were
discussed. TTie "prophecies" were made to be a
record of past and contemporary events rather than a
prevision of the future. But the "Scheme" was
weak, and thou^ it was answered bv more than one
critic, it cannot be said to have addea much weight to
the ''Discourse". Altogether Collins' attacks upon
prophecy were considered to be of so serious a nature
that they called forth no less than thirty-five replies.
Of his works, the following may be noticed, as bearing
especially upon the subject of deism: "Essay Con-
cerning the Use of Reason in Theolo^" (1707);
"Discourse of Freethinking" (1713); "Discourse on
the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion"
(1724) ; " The Scheme of Literal Prophecy Considered"
(1727).
Thomas WooUUm (1669-1733) appeared as a mod-
erator in the acrimonious controversy that was being
waged between Collins and his critics with his "MocP
erator between an Infidel and an Apostate". As Col-
lins had succeeded in allegorizing the prophecies of the
Old Testament until nothing remained of them, so
Woolston tried to allegorize away the miracles of
Christ. During the years 1728-9, six discourses on
the miracles of Our Lord came out in three parts, in
which Woolston asserted, with an extraordinary vio-
lence of language and blasphemy that could only be
attributed to a madman, that the mirades of Christ,
when taken in a literal and historicat sense, are false,
absurd, and fictitious. Tliey must therefore, he uiges,
be received in a mystical and allegorical sense. In
particular, he aigued at great length against the mira-
cles of resurrection from the dead wrou^t by Christ,
and against Ihe resurrection of Oirist Himadf . The
Bishop of London issued five pastoral letters against
him, and many eodesiBstics wrote in refutation of hia
work. The most noteworthy rM>ly to his doetrines
was " Tlie Tnral of the Witnesses ** (1729) by Dr. Sheiv
lock. In 172&-30, Woc^ston published " A Defense of
his Discourse agamst the Bidiops of London and St
David's", an extremely weak production.
Matthew Ttndal (1657-1733) gave to the contro-
vert the work that soon became known as the " De-
ists' Bible". His "Christianity as Old as the Crea-
ticm" was published in his extreme old age in 1730.
As ita sub-title indicates, its aim was to show that the
Gospel is no more than a republication of the Law of
Nature. This it undertakes to wank^ plain by eviscer-
ating the Christian religion of all that is not a mere
statement of natural reugion. External revdation is
declared to be needless and useless, indeed impossible,
and both the Old and New Testaments to be full of
oppositions and contradictions. The work was taken
as a serious attack upon the traditional position of
Christianity in England, as is evinced by the hostile
criticism it at once provoked. The Bishop of London
issued a pastoral; Waterland, Law, Conybeare, and
others replied to it, Conybeare's " Defence " creating a
considerable stir at the time. More than any other
work, "Christianitv as Old as the Creation" was the
occasion of the writing of Butler's well known "An-
alc^".
Thomas Morgan (d. 1743) makes professions of
Christianity, the usefulness of revelation, etc., but
criticizes and at the same time rejects as revda^onal
the Old Testament history, both as to its pereonages
and its narratives of fact. He advances the theoiy
that the Jews "accomodated" the truth, and even
goes so far as to extend this ^accomodation" to the
Apostles and to Christ as wdl. His account of the
origin of the Church is similar to that of Toland, in
that he holds the two elements, Judainng and libend,
to have resulted in a fusion. His principal work is
"The Moral Philosopher, a Dialogue between Fhilft-
lethes, a Christian Deist, and Theophanes, a Christian
Jew" (1737, 1739, 1740). This was answered by Dr.
CThapman, whose reply called forth a defence on the
part of Morgan in " The Moral Philosopher, or a farther
Vindication of Moral Truth and Reason".
Thomas Chubb (167&-1746), a man of humble origin
and of poor and elementary education, by trade a
glove-maker and tallow-chandler, is the most plebeian
representative of deism. In 1731 he publisned "A
Discourse Concerning Reason" in which he disavows
his intention of opposing revelation or servine the
cause of infidelity. But ^ The True Gospel of Jesus
Christ", in which Lechler sees "an essential moment
in the historical development of Deism", announces
Christianity as a life rather thai) as a collection of doc-
trinal truths. The true gospel is tiiat of natural rdif -
ion, and as such Chubb treats it in his woric In hu
posthumous works -a sceptical advance is made. Ihese
were published in 1748, and after the "Remaiks on
the Scriptures" contain the author's "Fazewel to His
Readers". This "Farewel" embraces a number of
tracts on various religious subjects. A marked ten-
dency to scepticism r^arding a particular providopce
pervades them. The efficacy of prayer as wdl as the
future .state, is called in Question. Areuments are
urged against prophecy ana miracle. T^ere are fifty
fages devoted to those agunst the Resurrection alone,
'inally, Christ is presented as a mere man, who
founded a religious sect among the Jews. Chubb pul^
hshed also '^ The Supremacy of the Father" X1715) voA
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683
^ Tracts ' ' (1730). He is also responsible for the senti-
txieats of " Hie Case of Deisin Fsariy Stated '', an anon--
yxnous tract which he revised.
Henry St. John, ViseowU Bdin^xroke (1678-1751),
belong? to the deists chiefly by reason of his posthu-
mous works. They are ponderously cynical m style
and generally dull and uninteres^g, containing ar^-
ments against the truth and value of Scriptuml his*
tory, atid asserting that Christianity is a system
foisted upon the unlettered by the cunning of the
clergy to further their own ends.
Pefen AnfiH (1093-1769) was the author, among
d4;her works, of ''Judging for Ouiselves, or Freethink-
ing the great Duty of Religion" (1739), "The Resur-
rection of Jesus Oonsidered" (1744), '' Supematurals
Ehcamlned*" (1747), and nine numbers of the ''Free
Bnquirer" (1761). In the second of these worics he
demes the Resurrection of Christ and accuses Holy
Writ of fraud and imposture.
Henry Dodwetl (d. 1748), who wrote "Christianity
not Founded on Argument", is also generally reck-
oned, with Annet, as among the representative deists.
(See God; PROvroBNCB; Rahonalibic; ScBPnciSM;
Thbihm.)
Leland, a View of. A« Principal DeittictU Wriien (London,
1754). 0; &r9BSN, Hiakny of En^h Thouchi in the BifJOeenth
Cenhny (London, 1S76); Skbiaxw* Ophicmaeku, or Demn Re-
veaUd CUmdon, 1749): Fakbab, A Critieal Hiatory of Fne
ThouffiU ttondon. 18d3); Hunt, A Hiatory of RtOgioua TKougfU
in Bngland (London, 1870), I; Lbchubr, OMchitikte dea engfia-
ehen Mamma (Stuttgftrt, 1841); OwAooiMB, Hiatoire dea Sectea
religieuaea qui ae aont niea (Paru» 1828). 45; Lanos, QeachichU
dea Materialiamua (Leipzig, I860): Hobbes. Leviathan (Lon-
don, 1661): Locks, Worka (London, 1853): Cz<arkb, Worka
(London, 1738); BaRXU«BT, Alcivhnm, or the Minute PhUoo-
ophar (London, 1732). See abo Diet. Nat. Biog. s. vv.
Berkeley, 348 sqq.; Clarke, 443; HM>ea,B7i Leland, 17; Locke,
27;Skaion,da3.
Francis Avblinq.
Ddtr (Fr. d^iU; L. L. deitaa; Lat. deus, divus,
"the divine nature", "godhead", "god").— The
original meaning of the word is shown in the San-
skrit dyaus, gen. divc^Sy root dtv, which root ap-
pears in an adjective formation as efetxx, "bright'',
"heavenly" — ^attributes of God — Whence devan, "the
bright bemgs", or, as a noun substantive, dyau9. In
its substantive form, dyaus is either mascuHne — e. ^.
"heaven", "sky" — or feminine, as Heaven (personi-
fied). Hence, in the Avesta da^m, "evil spirit";
Lith. dffoa, "a god"; Gael and Irish dw, "god"; O.
Teut. tiu; A. S. Tiw (e. g. Tuesday, i. e. Tvwesday) ;
Gr. Z«^ (gen. At4t) ; Lat. Juniter (i. e. Jotypater). From
the same root we have the Lat. names of deities:
Diana, Janus, Juno, Dis, the genitive Jovis {Dioms),
and the word dies.
The present article is confined to the non-Christian
notion of the Deity. Tlie (Christian idea is set forth
under tie title God. The data, therefore, are drawn
from the new science of the history of religions. They
embrace written records, customs, laws, life, language.
The earliest documents of history show that religion
had long existed at the time of their composition.
For a long time some deity had been adored, had re-
ceived sacrifices, and no one could recall the beginning
of these ancient rites. Many histories of religion
published in recent years are made up of hypotheses
pure and simple; often far removed from tne facts
on which they are based ; often absolutely arbitrary.
The scientific spirit demands statements of facts
verified beyond dispute or inductions in accord with
facts. Thus viewed, the history of religions shows on
the subject of the Deity: (1) as an actual fact, the
mingling of polytheistic and monotheistic elements ; (2)
that the farther back we go in the history of religious
thought, the purer becomes the notion, so that traces
of a primitive monotheism are forced upon us; (3)
that the ghofit-theory, advanced by Spencer and other
writers, to account for the origin of the Deity is
narrow, partial, and unscientific.
Religion, in its most general sense, is a univeraai
phenomenon of mankind. The assertion of Lubbock,
that tribes exist who have no notion of the Deity, is
refuted by lyior and Roskoff . At times this concep-
tion appears lofty and pure, again it is comparativeff
crude and involved in a mass of superstitious fancy.
Yet, however imperfect and chiidish the expressioa
may seem, it represents the highest idea of the Deity
which the mind, for the time and under the cir*
cumstances, grasped.
I. — Religious life amons savage peoples of to-day,
as among pagan nations before Christianity, resem-
bles the entan^ed confusion of a forest where trees,
brambles, and creepers, of all ages and sizes, are to be
seen interlacing, supporting and crushing each other
with their earthy growths, while, above the topmost
branches, is caught a glimpse of the blue sky of
heaven, llie religion of paganism in general is Poly-
theism, which has been accounted for by theo-
ries of Animism, Fetishism, Naturism, and the con-
crete forms of Anthropomorphism and Idolatnr.
The advocates of these various theories i^ould be
classed as theorists rather than historians. Taking
the theory of evolution as a common starting-point,
they hold that man arose from the brute and that
.he is a brute gradually transformed. They differ
only in the cause and nature of the religious develop-
ment which resulted in the notion of the Deity. Here
we re|ect all presuppositions and deal only with the
histoncal aspect of the problem. In the words of
Waitz, the primitive man of modem anthropology is " a
pure fiction, however convenient a fiction he may be".
Paganism presents not a doctrine, but a grouping of
customs and teachings different and often opposed,
an incoherent mass of beliefs with various origins.
Close analysis enables the student to separate the
doctrinal streams and trace them to their proper
sources. The luminous truth presented by this study
is the corruption of religious ideas on the nature of
the Deity by the tangled confusion of human growth.
Sir A. C. Lyall (Asiatic Studies, Ser. II, p. 234),
while rejecting the theory of a primitive revelation,
admits that "beyond doubt we find many beliefs and
traditions running downward, spreading at a level
much below their source". The causes which con-
tributed to produce this tangled profusion in the
pagan conception of the Deity are: —
(1) DeifiaOian of nature and her powers and of sen-
sible objects. Gf necessity the result was an inex-
haustible variety of deities. As time went on, the
divine assumed thousands of fanciful and fortuitous
images and forms. Deification of the powers of nature
led nrst to the worship of the elements. One divinity
of the heavens stood in contrast with one of the earth.
Fire, as the warming, nourishing, consuming, and des-
troying power, was early worsh^ied as a separatedeity.
Hence the Vestal Virgins in Rome, the Vedio Agnif
the Fire-worshippers of Mazdeism, and the saored fire
of Shintoism. So also moisture or water, not only in
general, but in its concrete forms, e. g. sea. lake, river,
Spring, cloud; and thus was had a fourtn elemental
eity. In the East, Astrolatry, or Sabeeism, i. e. the
worship of the stars that illumine the earth, developed,
above all the worship of the sun. Where soil and
vegetation was rich, the earth was regarded as a nurs-
ing mother, and Geolatry in many forms arose. In
the Vedic hymns we can trace the transition from
natural phenomena into natural deities — e. g. Agni,
i. e. fire, Varuna, i. e. heaven, Indra, i. e. the rain-clouds
— but even then doubts spring up, and the poetic
writers ask themselves whether, after all, there are
such things as the Devas. In Homer and Hesiod the
forces of nature are conceived as persons, e. g.
tJranos, i. e. heaven; Nyx, i. e. night; Hypnos, i. e.
^eep; Oneiros, i. e. dream; Oceanos, i. e. ocean; the
answer of Achilles to the river Scamander "in human
form, confessed before his eyes" (Iliad, XXI), and his
DMITT
684
bKTT
prayer to the winds Boreas and Zephyrus, that they
kindle the flames on the funeral pyre of Patroclus
(Iliad, XXIII). Observation of the fact that in nar
ture two energies — one active and generative, the
other passive and feminine — combine, led men to as-
sociate heaven and earth, sun and moon, day and
night, as common primal and motherly deities co-op-
erating in the production of being. Hence the dis-
tinction of male divinities — e. g. heaven, ether, sun —
and of female divinities — e. g. earth, air, moon.
From this only a step to the deification of the genera-
tive principle and the worship of the phcdlua.
(2) Anthropomorphosia, — The powers of nature were
at first worshipped without form or namo, afterwards
humanised and r^arded as persons. Thus Gaia, of
ancient Pelasgic worship, appears as Rhea in Cretan
traditions, as the Cybele of Asia Anterior, as Hera in
Arcadia and Samoa, as the goddess of nature Aphro-
dite, as Demeter. In Rome the Bona Dea of mvstic
rite, whose proper name was not to be spoken, was later
akin to, or identified with, a number of Greek or Italian
deities. De la Saussaye' writes of ancient Babylono-
AaBjnaxi religion: ''Among the influential words
which could avert or expel evil, the most prominent
were the names of the gpneat gods; but these names
were considered to be secret, and therefore people ap-
pealed to the god himself to pronoimce them." In
Samothraoe the Cabiri, i. e. great and mi^ty dei-
ties, the supreme powers of nature, were adored at
first without specinc names. In old Latium the pon-
tifices concealed the names of the gods. Herodotus
says the Pelasgian deities were nameless. In the Vedic
hymns the sacrificial tree, to which the sacrifices were
attached, is thus addressed : '* Where thou knowest, O
T^, the sacred names of the gods, to that place make
the oflferingB eo." According to de la Ssuissaye the
deities of the Kig-Veda are but slightly individualized.
To the fonnless gods of nature succeeded the deities of
Homeric imagination, in human shape and with hu-
man feedings. In the judgment of Herodotus it was
Homer and Hesiod who settled the theogony of the
Greeks — ^in fact laid the basis of the later Hellenic
religion. The Greeks lavished the rich stores of their
intellectual life upon their deities, humanized and
severed them from natural phenomena. Hence the
whole of nature was pervaded by a family of deities
descending from the elements as primal gods, the in-
dividual members of which family were of kin to one
another and in mutual relations of higher and lower,
older and younger, male and female, stronger and
weaker; so that man, feeling himself surrounded on
all sides by deities, discovered in the course of nature,
and in her various phenomena, their actions, histories,
and manifestations of their will. The conception of
these deities was anthropopathic, in their motives and
passions they were more powerful and more perfect
men, they had a human bodv and a human counte-
nance, human thoughts and feelings; they resided in
the clouds or on a hish mountain; they dwelt in a
heavenly pidace. Sucn an idea is incoherent and con-
tradictory. In reality the Deit^ was nature. If its
inanimate forms were personified and worshipped,
whv not animals and plants — e. g. tree-worship?
(S) Human Apotheoais is another cause and eoually
prolific in later pagan times. Plutareh (in his " Rom-
ulus") enters at length into the question, how the
soul, when separated from the body, advances into
the state of heroism, and from a hero develops into a
demon and from a demon becomes a god. To Cicero
the doctrine of Euhemerism is the core and fundar
mental principle of the mysteries (de Nat. Deor., Ill,
zzi). With the Greeks it had been a custom to hon-
our renowned or well-deserving men as heroes after
death, e. g. Herakles, Theseus; but to pay divine
hmiours to the living never entered into their minds in
early times. Heroes or saintly men were regarded
(a) as sons of the gods, e. g. in Hesiod; (b) as incarna-
tions of the great gods. The growth of popular Polv-
theism in modem India is due to the fact that tAe
Brahmins, by their doctrine <A divine embodiments
(avatara), create holy men into deities actually wor-
shipped. Thus the older gods of India, L e. nature-
personifications, are in turn obscured by the swarm of
earth-bom deifications. Cdebrooke saye that the
worship of deified heroes is a later phase DOi to be
found m the Vedas, thou^ the heroes themaelveB not
yet deified are therein mentionad oecaeioiiaUy. (c)
The hero was identified with one of the great gods.
Thus hero-worship was strange to the early Romans.
Romulus, according to Plutansh, was not worshipped
as a hero property speaking, but as a gpd, and that after
he had been identified with the Sabine god Quirinus.
(d) Hero-worship property speaking, e. g. in the
Odyss^. (e) Apotheosis. — ^Plutarch tells us that
Lysander (d. 394 B. c.) was the first man to wiiom the
Greeks erected altars and offered sacrifices as to a god.
FameU states that one of the most fruitful ofishoots of
the older Hellenic system was hen>-worahi|>. And
Pliny writes, '* Of all ways of paying due thanks to men
of great desert, the most time-honoured is to enrol them
as eoda ' '. The Jaina faith, an offshoot of Buddhism, is
noUiing but the worship of deified men. In Egjrpt di-
vine honours were paid to kings even during their life-
time. Cicero makes a formal profession of Euhemer
ism. " Knowest that thou art a god?" he represents the
elorified Scipio addressing himself in a dream (de Rep.
VI, xxiv). Men and women after death had been
raised to be gods: therefore he would have bis daugh-
ter Tullia eiuiltea to the same honour, as having best
deserved it, and he would dedicate a temi>le to her
(ep. ad Att., xii). The Christian apologmts, who
stood face to face with Heathendom, positively
declared that aU the deities of Paganism were dei-
fied men. Among the Romans the worship of the
genius was to men the deification of znannood, as
that of Juno was to women the deification of woman-
hood. Pliny saw in this belief a formal sdf-deifica-
tion, proceeding upon the theory that the genius, or
Juno, was nothing else than the spiritual element of
man, or woman. Not only the individual, but every
place and, above all, the Roman people and Rome
itself had its genius. The time-honoured worshq> of
the latter was naturally associated with, and passed
into, a worship of the emperor. Thus pre-Christian
heathenism culminated in the worship of Augustus.
In the Book of Wisdom the various stages in thepro-
cess of human deification are clearly described (Wis-
dom, xiv).
(4) St. Augustine (Civ. Dei, IV, ii) discusses the
opinion of Roman writers that all the manifold sods
and goddesses of the Romans were in the final analyBis
but one Jupiter, for these deities melt away into €»ch
other on closer inspection. Thus we have a single
god, who by the dissection of his nature into various
aspects of his poweos, and by the personifying of hu
individual powers, has been resolved into a multipli-
city of deities. The Romans thus broke up the idea
of deity by hypostasisin^ particular powers, modes of
operation, physical functions, and properties. By this
process not only events in nature and in human life,
out their various phases, qualities, and cireumstanoes
were considered apart as endowed with proper per-
sonalities, and worshipped as deities. Thus in the life
of a child, Vaticanus opens his mouth, Cunina guards
the cradle, Educa and Potina teach mm to eat and
drink, Fabulinus to speak, Statalinus helps him to
stand up, Adeona and Abeona watch over his first
footsteps. Since every act required a god, there was
scarcely any limit to the inventive work of the ima-
gination. And St. Augustine tells us (Civ. Dei, IV.
viii) that the Roman farmer was in the hands of a host
of deities who assisted him at each stage of plouf^ungi
hoeing, sowing, and reaping. Under such conditions
we can understand how easily the cultured Roman
DUVT
685
dutt
eouM embrace the {uuitheism of Stoic philosophy,
teaching the one oreatiYe all-ruling power of Nature —
itself a peraoniiioation — and at the same time pennit
the ignorant to personify and wonhip as oistinct
deities the various acts and phases by which this
power was manifested.
(5) A poUHeal element enters into the muHiplication
of deities in the Pagan world. To make a nation,
several tribes must unite. Each has its god, and the
nation is apt to receive them all equally in its Pan-'
theon. Or in time of war the victorious nation was
not content to impose laws and tribute upon the con-
quered; it must displace the conquered deities by its
own. A^un, where ancient nations, each having its
own religion and m3rthologv, were brought by com-
merce into close contact, tne deities who showed a
certain similarity were identified, and even their
names were adopted bv one language from another.
According to Max MUUer, Dui^ and Siva are not
natural devek^mients, nor mere corruptions of Vedic
deities, but importatons or adaptations from without.
A striking illustration is furnished in the history of
Rome. In the earlier times the chief deities were
general nature-powers or mere abstractions of the State
or family. They had no real nersonality. Thus the
Lares came from Etmria, the enief of them being the
LarFamiliaris, the divine head of the family, the per-
sonification of tile creative power assuring the duration
oi the family; Vesta, the fire of the domestic heartii,
the protectress of the family, became identified later
with the Greek Hestia. Afterwards, when Rome
spread out into a world-power, it received into its
Pantheon the deities of the nations conquered by its
armies. Again, the political element becomes a more
potent factor when deities are created by human enact-
ment. Thus, in ancient Rome the pontifices had the
ri^t and care of making new deities. And in China
to-day the Qovemment orders posthumous honours
and titles and deifications of men, gives tides and re-
wards to deities for supposed public service, and exer-
cises a control over JBuddhist incarnations. The
Emperor of China uses the monopoly of deification as
a constitutional prerogative, like the right of creating
peers.
(6) A final explanation can be found in language.
The words employed by the mind to designate spirit-
ual facts are all drawn from conscious individual ex-
perience. In the beginning man naturally expressed
the power and attributes of the deity m different
words drawn from nature and from life. According to
de la Saussaye the opinion is even expressed in the
Rig- Veda that the many names of the gods are only
different ways of denoting a single being. Now the
tendency of language is to become civstalllEed.
Words praduidly lose their etymolodcal force, and
their original meaning is forgotten. They stand out
as cfistinct and independent facts in our mental life.
What was at first a sign becomes itself an object.
Thus in the Vedic religion the Sun has many names —
Suiya, Savitri, Mitra, Pushan, Aditya. Each of these
names grew by itself into some kind of active person-
ality after its original meaning had been foigotten.
Originally all were meant to express one and the same
object viewed from different points; e. g. Sur^
meant the Sun as offspring of the sky; Samtri the Sun
as quickener or enlivener : Mitra the bright Sun of the
mom; Pu»Aantiie Sun ot the shepherds; Faruna was
tiie sl^ as all-embracing; Aditya the sky as boundless.
In this sense the Hindu gods have no more right to
substantive existence than E6b or Nyx; they are
fwmina, not numina; i. e. words, not deities. So also
in Eevpt the Sun is Horua in the morning, Ra at mid-
day, Turn in the evening, Osiris during the night. In
another manner language may lead into error, as when
Bancroft remarks that m many of the American lan-
guages the same word is used for storm and god.
firittton writes, ''The descent is almost imperceptible
which leads to the peraonification of wind as god**.
Goldieher states that the Ba^iiiami in Central Amea
use the same term for storm and deity. The Akra
people on the Qold Coast of Africa say, ''Will God
cameV for ** Will it rain?" Here we have the same
word with two meanings. Thus the Odjis, or AAaxk-
tis, call the deity by the same word as the sky, but
mean a personal god who created all things and is the
giver of all good things.
All pama religions have soomoiphic, or partially
eoomor^c, idols, deities in tiie shape of lower anir
mals. £}specially is this true of the Egyptian deities.
But it is the sphere of totem-lore or mytnology to ex-
plain these strange metamoiphoees, wluch scandalised
philosophers, and which Ovid set in verse for the cul-
tured <n his time.
n. — The human race has at all times and in divers
ways sou^t to express the notion of the deity. The
history of religions, however, lays bare another trutii,
vis., that the farther back we go in the histoiy of re-
ligious thou^t, the purer becomes the notion of the
deity. In uie Rig- Veda, tiie most ancient of the
Hindu sacred books, traces of a primitive monotheism
are cleariy shown. The Deity is called ** the only ex-
isting bein^" who breathed, calmly self-contained, in
the beginning before there was sky or atmosphere,
day or nig^t, lidit or darkness. This being is not the
barren philoeophical entity found in the later Upanis-
hads, for he is called "our Father '^ ''our Creator'',
omniscient, who listens to prayers. Father Calmette
maintAJns that the true God is taught in the Vedas.
Again, ''That which is and is one, tiie poets call in
various ways'', and it is declared to exist ^in the form
of the unborn being ". Traces of a nature-religion are
found in the Vedas. To a later date, however, must be
ascribed the mjrthology of the Vedic hymns in which
the " bright ones " (the heavens and earth, the sun and
moon, with various elemental powers of storm and
wind) are the only distinctly recognised deities. D'Har-
lez, F. C. Cook, and Phillips hold that the moral and
spiritual basis is older. Fictet, A. B. Smith, Baner-
gia, E3iingwood, Wilson, Muir do not hesitate to de-
clare that the loftier conceptions of the Vedas are
unquestionably the earlier, and tiiat th^ show dear
traces of a primitive monotheism. The use d differ-
ent divine names in the Vedas does not warrant us in
concluding without other evidence that different
deities are desienated. On this basis we could con-
dude, with Tide, that the Jews at different times
worshipped three different gods, e. g. Elohim, Yah-
weh, Adonai. The use of the different names may be
due to personification of natural forces or to crystal-
lisation of language, but such a use marks a later stags
in religious thoumt. Why could not these names
originally be employed to express the many perf eo-
tions and attributes of the great God? Thus tite
Vedic poet writes, "Agni, many are the names of
Thee, the Immortal One"; and, "The father adoring
gives many names to Thee, O Agni, if thou shouldst
take pleasure therein". Of the Egrptian deity Ra it is
written, " His names are manifold and unknown, even
the gods know them not". Famell states that
"many deities, some of whom were scarody known
outside a narrow area, were invoked as iroXw^nr/M, all
possible titles of power beins summed up in one
word". Thus, the farther back we go in the history
of the Indian people, the purer becomes the form oif
religious belief. Idolatiy is shown to be a degenerar
tion. " It is true", says Sir A. C. Lyall, " that in India,
as elsewhere, the idea of one Supreme Being, va^udy
imagined, stands behind all the phantawmagoria of
supernatural personages". A luminous prooTof this
inference is f umished l>y an analysis of the word Jupi-
ter, Jupiter in Latin is Zeus pater in Greek and is
^aiM pitar in Sanskrit. The Teutonic form is Tiu,
The meaning is " Heaven-Father". The designation of
the Deity in all these branches of the Aiy an family
DEZTT
DBmr
points to a time, 5000 years ago or earlier, when the
Aiyan£|,.before their dispersion, before they spoke Sai>-
sknt, Greek, Latin, or German, muted in caliing on
the Deitv as Hie Heaven-Father. In the Vedas Dyau*-
pUar is found, but even in these documents Dyaus is
already a fading star; he is crowded out by Indra,
Rudra, Agni, and other purely Indian deities. In the
Vedas Dyaus has two forms; a masculine and a femi-
nine. But the Vedic Dyu or Dyaus-pUar is fiist of all
a masculine, while in later Sanskrit only it becomes
exclusively a feminine. Hence it is not true to say
that the name originally was a feminine to designate
heaven, and that the nation afterwards changed it
into a proper name to express the Deity.
The Gatnas, the most ancient hymns of the Avesta,
form the kernel about which the sacred literature of
the Iranians clustered in an aftergrowth. They in-
culcate belief in Ahura Maada, the self-existent omni-
potent being. He is the all-powerful Lord who made
neaven and earth, and all that is therein, and who
governs everything with wisdom. Tiele says that the
sole really personal being is Ahura, and that the two
spirits in antagonism are below him (Elem. of the
Science of Rel., Ser. I, p. 47). The opposition of
Ahriman is of a later date. Pfleiderer ndds that
oriranally he was a good spirit created by Ahura (Phil,
of Rel., Ill, p. 84). llie Amesha-Spentos of the
Gat^tas have tne nature of abstract ideas or quali-
ties, i. e. attributes of Ahura; afterwards they formed
a kind of celestial council. L. H. Mills (New Worid,
March, 1895) holds that the spiritual, unique nature of
Ahura is attested beyond question, and he unites wi^
d'Hariez, Darmesteter, and Tiele in teaching that the
primitive form of Iranian belief was monotheistie.
The Pa^nism of Greece and Rome, with its family of
deities m human shapes and with human passions,
bears upon its face evident marks of degradation and
corruption. Thus a critical study of the Aryan be-
Kefs convinces the student that in them we find no il-
lustration of an evolution from a primitive, low, to a
later, and higher, form. *The religion of the Indo-
European race", writes Darmesteter (Contemp. Rev.,
Oct., 1879), *' while still united, reoogniaed a supreme
God, an organising God, ahnighty, omniscient, moral.
The conception was a heritage of the past.'^
The same truth is evident from a study of the relig-
ions of Egypt and of China. In the most ancient
monuments of Egjrpt the simplest and most precise
conception of one God is expressed; He is one and
alone; no other beings are with Him; He is the only
being living in truth ; He is the self-existing one who
made all tnings, and He alone has not been made.
Brugsch accepts this view, but calls it Pantheism.
The ethical element in the Deity, however, is adverse
to this. Renouf finds a similar Pantheism, but pre-
fers the word Henotheism. De la Saussaye admits
that '^one can maintain that Egyptian Monotheism
and Pantheism have never been denied bv any serious
enquirer, though the majority do not look on them as
general and original". The sublime portions of the
Egyptian religion are not the comparatively late re-
sult of a process of purification from earlier and
grosser forms. In the outlines of History of Religion
Tiele so taught; but in a later work, Egyptian Religion,
he expresses the contrary opinion. Lieblein, Ed.
Meyer, and Renouf admit degeneration in Egyptian
religion. Thus de Roug6, Tiele, Pierret, Ellingwood,
Rawlinson, Wilkinson hold that belief in one Supreme
Deity, the Creator and Lawgiver of men, is a truth
oleany expressed in that ancient civilisation, and
Polytheism is an aftergrowth and corruption. The
popular religion of China rests on the worship of nat-
ural powers and of ancestral spirits. Underneath,
however, is the conviction of the existence of a hi^er
creative power, which, according to Edkins (Religions
in China, p. 95), is a tradition 'handed down from the
earliest period of their history. D'Harles (New
Worid, Dec., 1893) and F. M. James (New World,
June, 1899) teach that the primitive Chinese wor-
shipped Shaog-Ti, tihe Supreme Lord, one, invisible,
spixitual, the only true god. Dr. Ijoggfi (Religion of
Ghina, p. 18) aaserta that Ti was the one supreme ob-
ject of homage as far back as we can go, and unites
with d'Haiiei, Faber, H^>pel in deciaiug that 5000
veara aeo the Chinese were monotikeists. Lenwrnsnt
oases tne Babylono-Asoyrian r^mcMi on aa origmsl
^ monotheism. He claims to have disoovered a reliable
trace of this in the word llu (el in Babd) which isaaid
originally to mean '^the only god". De la Saussaye
advances as an objection that ''this word is nothing
else than the name for the conception of God, just like
the Indian Deva and other epithets of the same sort",
yet he holds that "the goddesses of Babylono-Asey-
lian relinon are really only one and the same thing
under different names, and these agpiin must be looked
on partly as titles".
Kven among the lowest and most barbarous tribes
illustrations en the same truth are found. ^Nothing
in savage religion", writes A. Lang, ''is better vouched
for than the beUef in a Being whom narrators of eveiy
sort call a Creator, who holds all things in His power,
and who makes for ri^teousness." The aborigines
of Canada call Him Andouagne, according to Father
Le Jeune. This Being is seldom or never addfessed in
prayer. The fact of aa otiose or unworsfaipped Su-
preme Being is fatal to some modem theories on the
origin and evolution of the deity. Tyior admits that
a Supreme Being is known to African natives, but
ascribes it to Islam, or to Christian influence. If this
were so. we should expect to find prayer and sacrifice.
Fraser nolds that the deity was inv^ited in despair of
magic as a power out of whicn something could be got.
But how could the savage expect anything from a
deity he did not address in prayer? Speaoer teaches
that the deity was a development out of ancestraJ
spirits. But the Maker of things, not approached in
pra]^er as a rule, is said to exist where ancestor
spirits are not leporMi to be woishinped. William
Strachey, writii>g from Virginia in loll, says that
Okeus was only ' 'a magisterial deputy of the great God
who governs all the world and makes the sun to shino
. . . Turn they call Ahone. Tlie good and peaceable
god requires no such duties [as are paid to Okeus] nor
needs to be sacrificed to, for He mtendeth all gpod
unto them; He has no image." Winslow writes from
New EngUnd in 1622 that the ^ Eiehtan is a being
of ancient credit among the natives. He made all the
other gods. Canadians, Algonaulns, Viisinians, and
the natives of Massachusetts had a Great Spirit before
the advent of the Christian missionaries.
The Australian mystery-rites reveal a moral creative
being whose home is in or above tiie heavens, and his
name is Maker (Baiame), Master (Biamban), and Father
(Papang). The Benedictine monks, of Australia say
that the natives believe in an omnipotent Being, the
creator of heaven and earth, whom they call Motopon.
llie Australian will say, ''No, not seen him [i. e.
Baiame], but I have felt lum". Waitz tdls us that the
religious ideas of the African tribes are so high that if
we do not like to call them monotheistic, we mav say
at least that they have come very near the boundaries
of true monotheism. ^ However d^;raded these peo-
ple maybe," writes Livingstone (Missionarv Travels,
p. 168), "there is no need teUing iliem of the exis-
tence of God or of a future life. These two truths
are universally admitted in Africa. If we speak to
them of a dead man, thev reply: He is gone to
God." Among savage tribes, where the suprcm^'
Being is regaraed as too remote and impassive, he is
naturally supplied wiUi a deputy. Thus, e. g., Ahone
has Okeus, Kiehtan has Hobancok, Boyma has Grog-
oragally, Baiame has Tundun, or in phiCOB Daramulun,
Nypukupon in West Africa has Bobowissi. Some-
times, as in Australia^ Uiese active deputies are sods ot
raiTT
687
tl&e supreme Being. In other caaes — e. g. Finniili
N^um, Zulu Unkulunkului and Algonquin Atahocan —
^iis being is quite ne^ected in favour of spirits who
receive sacrifices of meat and grease. In north-west
central Queensland Roth desccibes Mulkari as ''a
benevolent omnipresent supernatural being, whose
h<Mne is in the skies". In Australia the supreme Be-
ing cannot have been evolved out of ghost-wofshipy
for the natives do not worship ancestral spirits. Sir
A. B. Ellis has repudiated his theory of bonowin^j^ a
god in the case of the Tshi-speaking races. Waits
also denies that the higher religious beliefe of the
Australians were borrowed from Christianitv. His
position is sustained by Howitt, Palmer, Dawson,
Hidley, GUnther, and Greenway, who studied the na-
tives on the spot. The esoteric and hidden nature of
the beliefs, the usual though not universal absence of
prayer^ow their indigenous and ancient source.
In ''The Golden Bough" (2d ed.), Fraserhas raised
the question, whether magic has not everywhere pre-
ceded reliffjk>n. Yet amoi^ the blacksof Australia, the
most backward race known, we find abundant testi-
mony of a belief speculative, moral, emotional, but
not practical. These deities are not propitiated by
aacrifice and v^y seldom by prayer, yet thef are
makefs, friends, and judges. In tne conception of them
the ethical element predominates. An all-knowing Be-
ing observes and rewards the conduct of men; Me is
named with reverence if named at all ; His abode is in
the heavens; He is Maker and Lord of all tlun^ ; His
lessons soften the heart. Mariner save concerning the
Tongan deity Ta-li-y-Tooboo: ''Of his origin they
had no idea, rather supposinghim to be eternal", m
Guinea the natives worship *^The Ancient One", ''The
Ancient One in Skyland", "Our Maker", '*Our
Father", "Our Great Father". Wilson writes that
their belief in one supreme Being who made and upholds
all things is univeisal. In America the same truth
obtains. To the Indians God is " The Great Spirit ".
With some the idea of the Deity is very lofty; again it
is found in cruder and lower expression. Darwin's
description of the Patagonians as having veiy low
religious beliefs is refuted by Giacomo Bove. The
Pawnees worship A-tC-ua ta-kaw-a, i. e. our Father in
all places, or Ti-ra-wa, i. e. the Spirit-Father, with whom
they expect to five after deatn. The Zunis speak of
the deity as AwonawUona. i. e. the All-Father. The
Indians of Missouri worship "Old Man Immortal",
" the Great Spirit", " the Great Mystery". The Tinne
of British America have the term Nayeweri^ i. e. " He-
who-creates-by-thought". The Algonquin speaks of
KiUhe-Mando who created the world "by an act of
his wUl". If the supreme Being in barbarous tribes is
r^arded qs otiose and inactive, so as to become a
mere name and a by-word, it is due to the fact that
He has been thrust mto the backgroimd by the com-
petition either of ancestral spirits — e. g. Unkulunkulu
of the Zulus— or of friendly and helpful spirits — ^as,
e. g., the Australian Baiame and Mungau-ngaur.
Thus in West Africa the natives believe in Motown,
who created by breathing; he is long since dead and
they pay him no worship. From a study of savage
tribes Mr. Lang holds that first in older of evolution
came belief in a supreme Being by some way only to
be gueraed at (to nim St. Paul's e]q>lanation is the
most probable); that this beUef was subsequently
obscured and overlaid by belief in ghosts and in a pan-
theon €i lesser deities; that in many cases the savi«e
creative Being has a deputy, often a demiuige, who
exercises authority; that wnen tins is the case, where
ancestor-worship is the worldng religion, the deputy
easily comes to be envisaged as the nnt man. if to
this we add the tradition, universal both among civ-
ilised— e. g. Hindus, Greeks, Romans — and savage
nations, tlutt fonnerly heaven was nearer to man than
it now is, that the Creator Himself gave lessons of
wisdom to human beings, but afterwaids withdrew
from ihiem to heaven, where He now dwells, the line of
reasoning will be even more cogent.
Therefore we can consider as conclusions well estab-
lished: (I) That the farther back we go in the lustozy
of any rdlgion, the purer becomes the conception of
the deity, hence the fact of primitive purity; (2) That
everywhere evident traces are found of the corruption
of the primitive betief, hence the fact of degeneracy;
(3) That all nations point in tradition to the time
when the Deity was nearer to man, hence traces of
primitive revelation. lyior concedes that "the de-
aeneration-theory, no doubt in some instances with
uumess, may claim these beliefs as mutilated and per*
verted remains of a higher religion" (Primitive Cul*
ture, ed. 1871, p. 305).
III. The moaem science of anthropology proposes
an explanation of its own for the origm and existence
of the Deity. It is called the anthropological theoiv.
Its principal advocates are lyior and Spencer. In
purpose they agree, i. e. to show that the Deity has no
real existence outside the mind of men; in method
only thejr differ. With Tylor the method is bioloacal,
and we have Animism; with Spencer it is psychologi-
cal, and we have what is termed the ^ost-theoiy.
According to S{)encer, primitive man derived the con-
ception of spirit from refiections on phenomena of
sle^, dreams, shadow, trance, and hallucination. In
these experiences the ghosts of the departed came to
him, he jgrew to dread them, and so worshipped them.
From the departed souls of his kindred, first wor-
shipped, the idea was gradualhr extended; they then
became gods; finally, one of these deities in imagina-
tion became supreme and was regarded as the one only
God.
It is a fact that ancestor- worship is found in various
nations; in Ghina, Indisk ancient Greece and Rome it
is, or was, an organisea system. Here it formed the
basis of family reugian and of civil law. The Ilomans
had their dii manes, i. e. divine aneestral spirits ("Eos
leto dates divos habento" — Laws of the Twelve
Tables as cited by Ocero in " De Leg.", II, ii, 22). As
lor famUiaria, the first ancestor was considered the
protector and genius of the house. In Greece the an-
oesljal spirits of families became $eol xarp^, u e.
paternal gods. How the ancestor watches over the
race is ^own in the "Antigone". In India we find the
pitris, the companions of the devas, and later above
the aevas. In ancient Persia the fravashU helped
Ahura Mazda in all his works. The son^ of the <SAtA^
iTifijvdescribe the ancestral festivals of China. With
the Slavs was deeply rooted the belief in vampires, the
souls of dead people, who suck the blood from the
living. Amonfl some savage nations the malignfuit
cdiaracter of ghosts prevails and gives rise to magic.
On these facts Spencer constructs a theory to ex-
plain the origin and development of the deity among
all nations. The theoiy is purely materialistic and
unscientific
(1) Superior or supreme beings are found amonjg
races who do not worship anoestral spirits. It is
not shown, it is denied by Waitz, it is not even al-
leged by Spencer, that the Australians steadily propi*
ttate or sacrifice at all to any ghosts of dead men. The
Dieri of Gentral Australia pray for rain to the Mura
Mura, a jbkxxI spirit, not a set of remote ancestral
spirits. Thus the Australians and Andamanese wor-
ship a relatively supreme Being and Maker, and do
not worship ghosts.
(2) The Zulus are anoestor-worshippens: yet the
recent dead parent, L e. the father of the family
actually worsmppin^ is far above all others. Thus
the supreme anoestru-spirit changes with each ^genera-
tion. If, therefore, ancestors are forgotten m pro-
portion as they recJBde from their U\ang descendants,
now can we on Spencer's h3rpothe8is maintain that,
as they gradually r^^ede into the past, they develop
into the conception of a supreme Deity and Creator?
Dsirt
HAO
Dsm
And how can we explain that savages can forget the
very names of their great grandfathers and yet re-
member traditional^rsons from ^neration to generar
tion? Tlie Blacks of Australia will often, by peculiar
devices, avoid mentioning the names of Uie dead, a
practice hostile to the development of ancestor-wor-
ship; yet these same people have a belief in a deity
and in a future state of some kind. The Wathi-Wathi
call this being Tha-tha-pali; the Tarta-thi call him
Tulong.
(3) The otiose, raiworshipped supreme Being, often
credited with the charge of future rewards arid punish-
ments among ancestor-worshipping people, cannot be
explained in Spencer's theory. On the contraiy, it
shows the corruption of Theism by Animism. '* Among
the negroes of Central Africa'', writes de la Saussaye,
'*we find belief in a Highest God, the Creator of &e
world ; but of course this God is not worshipped, since
as a general rule negroes worship cruel dreaded gods
much more than friendly gods. Worship of ancestors
is also general. In Dahomey and Ashantee huge human
hecatombs are offered to deceased rulers". The Kaf-
firs acknowledge a deity, Molunga, but neither adore
nor pray to him. The Zulu religion, now almost ex-
clusively ancestor-worship, seems to contain a broken
and almost obliterated element of belief in a high, un-
worshipped Deity presiding over a future life. "Die
Zulu Unkulunkulu made things, as the Australian
Baiame. Unlike them, he is subject to. the competi-
tion of ancestral ghosts, the more recent the more pow-
erful, in receipt of prayer and sacrifice. Hence ne is
neglected, by many beKeved to be dead or the mere
shadow of a children's tale. Or this being exists in
repose, remote from men with whom he acts throu^ a
deputy or deputies.
(4) Spencer, to support his theojy, appeals to
the crude lac^aees of savages; he says they are
unable to say, **! dreamed that I saw", instead
of "I saw". Now, In many savage speculations are
found ideas as metaphysical as in Hegel. Again,
the Australian languages have the noun sleep ana
the verb to see. They make an essential distinc-
tion between waking hallucinations and the hallucina*
tions of sleep; anyone can have the latter, only a
wizard the former. Furthermore, Spencer contra-
dicts himself: he ci-edits these low savages with great
ingenuity and strong powers of abstract reasoriine — an
admission fatal to ms premises. Afiain Spencer nolds
that the idea of the Deity was formed after the analogy
of human rulers. But whence comes the great God in
tribes which have neither chief nor king nor distinction
of rank, e. g. the Fuegians, Bushmen, Australians?
The Deity cannot be a reflection from human kings
where there are no kings. Furthermore, Spencer's aA-
sumption is false, viz. that deities improve morally and
otherwise according to the rising grades in the evolu-
tion of culture and civilization. Usually, the reverse
is the case. "In its highest aspect", writes A. Lang,
"that simplest theology of Australia is free from the
faults of the popular theology in Greece. The God
discourses sin, He does not set the example of sin-
ning. He is almost too sacred to be named (except in
my5iology) and far too sacred to be represented by
idols. It would scarcely be a paradox to say that the
popular Zeus or Ares is degenerate from Darumulum
or the Fuegian being who forbids the slaying of an
enemy".
(5) The real difficulty in Spencer's theoiy is to
account for the evolution from ghosts of the eternal
creative moral Deitv found in the belief of the lowest
savages. The Bushmen, Fuepians, Australians be-
lieve in moral, practically omniscient, deities, makers
of things, fathers in heaven, friends, guaraians of
morality, seeing what is good or bad in the hearts of
men. So widely is this belief diffused that it cannot
be i^ored. The only recourae is to account for these
deities as "loan-gods". This explanation Is refuted
by A. Lane. Waltz writes, "Among branches where
foreign inmience is least to be mispecied we dscover
behind their more conspicuous fetishjsms and super-
stitions something which we cannot strictly call mono-
theism, but which tends in that direction." In the
belief of the sava^ morality and religion are united.
The savage, who hves in terror of the souls of the dead,
might worshipa devil, not a deity who is mora! and
benevolent. The Andamanese have Puhtdia, "Like-
fire", but invisible, never bom, and so inunoital, who
knows the thoughts of the heart, is angered bjr wrong-
doing, pitiful to the distressed, sometimes deigning to
grant relief, the judge of souls. Huxley's contrition,
m "Scie;nce and Hebrew Tradition", that the Austra-
lians had merely a non-moral belief in ghost-like enti-
ties, usually malignant, and that in this state theology
is wholly independent of ethics, is refuted by an exact
study at these very beliefis. He claims tlikt the re-
ligion of Israel arose from ghost-worship. But how
does he explain the silence of the prophets or the
Hebrew apparent indifference to the departed soul?
Elohim differa from a ghost; in Hebrew belief He is
ethical, immortal, and without beginnings. "In all
ancient primitive peoples", writes Wellfaausen, "re-
ligion furnished a motive for law and morals; in case of
none did it become so with such purity and Dower as
in that of the Israelites ' '. The problem which Spencer's
theory cannot solve is, how the Australians could bridge
the gulf between the ghost of a soon-forgotten fitting
man and that conception of a Father in Heaven, omni-
scient, moral, which under various names is found all
over a continent. The distinction between the creative
supreme Deity of the sava^, unpropitiated by sacrifice,
and the waning, easily-foi|ptten, cheaply propitiated
ghost of a tribesman is vital and essential.
(6) Finally, the two conceptions (i. e. ghost and god)
have different sources. According to de la Saussaye,
''The sentiments which men entertain towards spirits
and gods are different. Fear aiid ^oistic calculation,
which prevail in Animism, have been replaced by
more exalted sentiments and a less selfiah interest.
This bv itself would speak against a derivation of the
whole belief in gods from Animfem.*^ Spencer speaks
of medicine men adored as gods after death; but this
supposes the idea of the Deity. In Kome, Greece,
and India cmcestor- worship supposes the worship of
the great gods. The departed, the fathers, the an-
cestors, the heroes are admitted to the societv of the
gods; thev are often called "half-gods"; but the
gods are always there before them. Again the Deity
of savage faith as a rule never died at all; yet the very
idea of ghost implies the previous death; a ghost is a
phantom of a dead man. Now anthropologists tell
us that the idea of death as a universal ordinance is
unnatural to the savage (A. Lang; de la Saussaye).
Diseases and deatii once did not exist and normally
ou^ht not to exist, the savage thinks. Hie Supreme
Deity of the savaee is minus death ; he was active be-
fore death entered the worid, and was not affected by
the entfv of death. The essential characteristic of
Darumulum, of Baiame, of Cogn, of Bunjil is tiiat they
never died at all. They belong to the period before
death entered the world. Hence between the high
deities of savages and the apotheosized first ancestors
exists a great gulf, i. e. deatn.
It is interesting to compare this savage belief with
the dit tminortales of the Romans, the tfwi iMpom of
the Greeks, the Amartya of the Hindus, the deathless
gods of Babylonia, and the Egyptian deities, kings
over death and the dead. The Banks Islanders have
two orders of intelligent beings different from
living men: ghosts of the dead and beings who are
not, nor ever have been, human. The beings who
never were human and who never died are called vui;
the ghosts are named inmaie, A tui is not a spmi
who has been a ghost. Th]B is the usualsavagedoctrine.
The distinction, therefore, between eternal being and
DB LA OBOIIX
ghost is radical and common. The fault of some
anthropologiflta is in neglecting the diatinction, in
confusing both under the name of spiritB. and in de-
riving both from the ghosts of the deiul. In Polynesia
the gods are called atua; the spirits and souls of the
depajrted Hhi, Their conceptions of the heavenly
dwellings of the gods and the undeiground kingdom of
the dead (P6, Fwotu) are greatly developed and not
clearly defined. The Fijians have the term kcUau,
which signifies beinn other than men. All gods are
kalau, but not all beings that are kabm' are gods.
Gods are kaku vu; deified ghosts are kahu'yalo; the
former are eternal, the latter subject to infirmity and
even death. Their supreme deity, Udengeiy is ne-
glected. But so would Jehova have been neglected,
and become a mere name, if not for the Prophels.
A. Lang says, ''The Old Testament is the story of the
prolonged effort to keep Jehova in the supreme place.
To make and succeed in this was the aiffererUia of
Israel/' The Zulus believe their first ancestor Un-
kulunkulu was the Creator and prior to death. R^
ville does not understand, in Spencer's system, ''why,
in so many places, the first ancestor is the Maker, if
not the Creator of the world. Master of life and death,
and possessor of divine powers not held by anv of his
descendants. This proves that it was not the first
ancestor who became God, in the belief of his descend-
ants, but rather the Divine Maker and Beginner of all
who, in the creed €)i his adorers, became the first an«
cestor." Miss IGngsley maintains that a clear line of
demarcation exists between ghosts who are wor-
shipped and gods; that the former never developed
into the latter; warns us against confusing the offer-
ings to the dead with sacrifices made to the gods; ^e
says West Africa has never deified ancestors.
Finally, as de La Saussaye states, in Greece other
names are applied to the altars, sacrifices, and offering
connected with the dead than those used in the worship
of the O^mpian gods. The altar of the ancestors is
4ffx^P^y 01 the gods ^ti6s ; the offering of sacrifice to the
ancestors is ivayl^p or irrdfiptu^^ to the gods ^tr; the
libations to the ancestors xoai, to the gods airorial.
Again, the temples of the ^ods in Greece were so con-
structed that the statue m the main shrine should
face the rising sun; the temple of the hero opened to
the west and looked toward f^rebus and the region of
gloom. With iEschvlus the homage of the highest
^ds is kept apart from that of the powers below.
The Qreekis sacrificed to the gods by day, to the
heroes in the evening or bv night; not on high
altars, but on a low sacrificial hearth; black-colored
animals of the male sex were killed for them, and
the heads of the victims were not, as in the case of
those intended for the gods, turned toward the sky, but
pressed down to the ground. M. MUller tells us that
m the Vedas the exclamation used in sacrificing to
the gods is svOhii, to the departed sradha. Rightly,
therefore, Jevons holds that the ghost never became a
god and rejects the theoiy that all the deities of Uie
earlier races, without exception, were the spirits of
dead men divinized. "If Mr. Spencer", writes M.
M filler, ''can find a single scholar to accept this view
of the origin of Zeus in Greek or Dyaus in Sanscrit, I
shall never write another word on mythology or re-
ligion." Thus the Ghost-theory is needed only for
the rise of ghost-propitiation and genuine ancestor-
worship. It reveals something in man apart and dis-
tinct from the material elements of the Lody. Thus
viewed, its a^;uments are so many reasons for the be-
lief in the future life of the soul after dissolution of the
body.
Thus the history of religion reveals (1) the belief in a
powerful, moral, eternal, omniscient Father and Judge
of men ; (2) the belief in somewhat of man which ex-
ists beyond the grave. These truths are found in
every nation historically known to us. The latter
belief, developed into an animistic ghost-wonhip, ob-
IV.-
acures, but does not obliterate, the lonner. ''Cte»
tianitjr"» writes A. Lang, "eombined what was good in
Anmusm, the care for the individual soul as an im-
mortal spirit under eternal responsibilities, with thsi
One Rignteous Eternal of pioiMietio IsraeL"
RosxofV. Da* Rdi&iautweten NaturodlUr (htip^ IBBOK
Eduns, Migwnt c{ CMna (London, 1803); Tiblb, BUmmU of
the Science of Religion (1883}; Darmeststeb, Zend-Aveaia in
MeLUEK, Sacred Booke of the Bait (OxfonL 1880-83), I, II:
LsGOS, Chbtme Rdigicma (London, 1880); Ellinowoop, Or»-
eMoiieelyjom (New York/1892): BiuiaOM. Reliaion of iV^i»^
tive PeovU (New York, 1807); Quatrep ages, Lee hommea foe-'
eHee H lee hommea aattvagea (Fans, 1884); de Harlkz, Aveata;
Id., La nlioion cMnoiae (Leipa|r, 1801); Muib, Sanacrit TexU
(London, 1872-74): Bsown, The ReHgion and Thoughl cf the
Anana (4 Northern Europe: dk Broolie, Prdblhnea et eonduaiona
de Thiataire dea rdiguma (Paris, 1806); Lyaix, Aaiatic StudieB
(1st aer. London, 1884: 2d tor. London, 1890); Rbnouv, Hib'
hert Letiurea (New York, 1870): MOu<eb, Origin and Growth of
Rdigion (2d ed. London, 1878); Id., AnthropoUHfioal lielipion
(London, 1892): Lang, Magtc and Religion (London. Mew
York, and Bombay, 1001): Ii>., Tfte Makvng of Religion (Lon*
don. New York, and Bombay. 1808); WAm. AnthropUogie
(§ vols., Leipais, 1860-77): Tarnells Bvolutum cf Rdimon
(London and New York, 1005); Kinqsley, Travda in Weai
Africa (London, 1807); Spbnobb, Prineiplea of SoeMogy (New
York. 1874); Dbwooll, Chriatian FhOoaophy; Ood (2d ed. New
„ , — ^^
John T. Driscoll.
York, 1005).
De La Oroix, Charles, missionary, b. at Hoorbeke*
St-Comeille, Belgium, 28 Oct., 1792; d. at Ghent, 20
Aug., 1869. He was educated at the seminary in
Ghent. With his fellow-students he resisted the
bishop forced upon the diocese by Napoleon I and
was imprisoned with his brother Joseph m the fortress
of WeseL where the latter died. After the fall of the
empire, De La Croix resumed his studies, was ordained
in Ghent by Bishop Dubourg of Louisiana and, with
several other seminarians and some Flemish workmen,
followed the bishop to the United States. In May,
1818, he was sent to Barrens, Perry County, Missouri,
where, beside his missionary duties, he was to superin-
tend the building of a seminary for the Louisiana dio-
cese. After the arrival of Fatner Rosati, president of
the new seminaiy, Father De La Croix went to Floris-
sant, also called St. Ferdinand, near St. Louis (3 Dec.,
1818). Here, with the help of the newly arrived col-
ony of Reli^ous of the Sacred Heart, he laboured
zealously and successfully, not only among the Cath-
olic families of the district, but also among the Osage
Indians of the Missomi plains. He prepared the way
for De Smet and the other Jesuit missionaries, who
came to Florissant in 1823. When Father Van
Quickenbome, S. J., arrived with his ei^t compan-
ions, all Belgians like himself, De La Croix had almost
completed and paid for the brick churcj^, stfurted a
farm, and opened a missionary field for the work of the
young Jesuits. Having been appointed to St. Mi-
chael^ parish in Lower Louisiana, Father De La Croix
prepared for the Religious of the Sacred Heart the
convent in which they opened a boarding-school in
1 828 . The following year he went to Belgium , broken
in health, but returned to his mission with funds col-
lected in Belgium to build a substantial church whidi
was complete in 1832. In 1833 he went back to Bel-
gium, wnere he became a canon of the cathedral of
Ghent, a position which he held until his death.
De RiEVAKCXER, Joseph et Charie* De La Croix: notice 6i6-
graphique (Qbent. ISHY, Catholic Dvrceloru (1822, 1833); ^^
ian CathMo UiOmieal Btacimhm (PhilwlelDULjiu.. 1007).
P. P. LiBEBT*
DelMioIXt FBiu>iNAND-VicTO&-£uol;NE, Frendi
painter, b. at Charenton-St-Maurice, near Paris, 26
April, 1798: d. 13 August, 1863. He was the son of
Charles DeUicroiZi minister of foreign relations under
the Convention from 1795 to 1797, and a srandson, by
his mother, of Aben, the famous pupu of Boulle.
Fh>m his earliest diildhood his love for music was in-
tense and exercised throughout his life a decided influ- '
ence on his work. He always attributed his success
in his repreoentation of the Magdalen (Saint-Denis ol
DBJLOBOIX
690
. Ilie Holy Sacrament), fainting from grief for her cnid<-
fied Master, to an impression made upon him by the
canticles of the month of Biay ; while it was imder the
emotion produced by the music of the Dies Ine that he
brought forth the terrible angel of the fresco of Heiio-
dorus (Saint-Sulpice). After his studies at the Lycee
Loui»-le-Grand^ ne entered the school of Fine Arts in
Paris and studied there under Gu^rin.
The extreme poverty which fell to the lot of Dela-
croix after the death of his parents in 1819 drove
him to the production of litnographs, caricatures,
etc. In the mean time, however (1818), a distinct
promise of his future eminence had been manifested
m the first of his recorded canvases, ''Roman
Matrons Sacrificing Their Jewelry to Their Country".
Against the advice of his master, Gu^rin, he ex-
hibited at the Salon of 1822 the "Dante and Virgil",
which immediately had the effect of bringing to
its creator notorietv, if not fame, for it aroused a
whirlwind 9f critical controversy. In the then exist-
ing state of French public opinion in matters of
art, it is not wonderml that Delacroix should have
failed to win the much-coveted Prix de Romej for
which he was a competitor; but two years later (1824)
his "Massacre of Scio" renewed uie strife of the
critics which his eariier Salon picture had first kindled,
and brought him a little nearer to the goal of success.
The conservative classicists condemn^ his work, as
they condemned that of all the new romanticists, for
its contempt of established traditions; the subse-
quent triumph of romanticism brought with it in eood
tune his personal triumph, to be eventually si^iaTized
and connnned by the acquisition of the two bitterly
criticized early canvases, the " Roman Matrons ** and
the " Massacre of Scio ", for the national collection of
the Louvre. But only after the Revolution of 1830
did official recognition and approval visit him. In
the year next following that event he travelled
through Spain and Morocco, whence he brought back
an inspiration df Southern light, colour, and vital
force which was to make itself effectively felt in all
his later and more widely known work. The new
Stvemment made him a chevalier of the Legion of
onour; the day of nineteenth-centurv romanticism
had begun in France, and Delacroix, always a leader
of this new school, was fairly arrivi. From the ex-
hibition of his "Murder of the Bishop of Li^" in the
Salon (1831) his progress was never seriously inter-
rupted, in spite of incessant criticism, until, in 1857, it
brought him into the fold of the Institute of France.
It was during this quarter of a oentuiy of his career
that he prb&uced those great compositions on medie-
val and Arabian themes with which his name is nowa-
days most commonly associated.
The bitter opposition which Delacroix had all his
life to endure drew him into discussions in which he
displayed a real literary talent. No .one who would
amve at a true idea of the man should omit the peru-
sal of his essays on art and his correspondence. The
number of his pictorial works is immense, aggregating
about 9140 subjects, classified bv Ernest Chesneau as
follows: 853 canvases, 1525 pastels, wateivcolours, etc^
6629 drawings, 24 en^vings. 109 lithographs, and 60
albums. The following may oe mentioned as marking
important moments in the development of his genius:
'"The 28th of July, 1830" (1830); "Charge of Arab
Cavalry" (Montpellier Museum — 1832)- "Algerian
Women" (Louvre— 1834); "Jewish Wedding in
Morocco*' (Louvre— 1841); "Taking of Constanti-
nople by the Crusaders" (Versailles Museum — 1841);
"Muley-abd-el-Rahman leaving his palace at Me-
quinez" (Toulouse Museum— 1845) ; ''The Two Fos-
cari" (Collection of the Due d'Aumale at Chantillv^—
1855). To his eariy period belong the famous litho-
graphs of Faust which brought him warm praise from
Goethe himKelf. "Sardanapalus" (Salon, 1828), an-
other eariy chef-ij^ceuvre, drew from Vitet the remark
that " Delacroix etait de venu la pietre de scandale obb
Expositions", while Del^luze called it "une eirearde
peintre". "Richelieu Saying Mass", was ordered bj
the Duke Louis Philim d'Orkaiis, while ''The Death
of Charies the Boki" was ordered by the Minister of
the Interior. "The Murder of liie Bishop of Li^",
the canvas which actually assured his contetiiporuy
fame, was probaUy the best of all his pictuiea. From
this on, masterpieces follow one another iintQ adverse
criticism could no longer smoualy affect his position
in the worid of art.
Appreciation of His Work, — ^Tlie real founder of the
nineteenth«<3entui7 French School (rf art, Ddacroa
stands alone and unsurpassed. The difficuJtieB he had
to contend with came from his forcing upon an igncwant
public a new school wholly opposed to that of David,
which was insincere in its coldness and artificiali^, con-
ventional, and absolutely unsympathetic. Inioiigii
one can find in Delacroix almost all the beet points
of men like Rem-
brandt, Rubens,
and Correggio,
from the moment
he shook off the
influence of G6*
ricault— so man-
ifest in "Dante
and Viigil"— he
threw himself en-
tirely on the re-
sources of his own
genius. On the
eve of finishing
the "Massacre of
Scio" he had oc-
casion to notice
some works of
Constable, and
there discovered
and made his own
a principle of art
EuafeNE Delac&oiz
which so many masters have failed to appreciate,
viz. that in nature, what seems to be of one colour
is in reality made up of many shades, discovered
only by the eye which knows how to see. Hicre-
after colouring had no secret for him. Delacroix
was an artist in a supreme degree. Poflseased oi a
deep knowled^ of history, he studied eadi group
and each individual in series of sketches, whidi were
retouched again and again; then only did they take
place in the ensemble. With the instinct of a poet he
saw vividly the scene he was painting. His artistic
sense kept him from falling into the melodramatic,
but he remains tragic, and it is for this tragic note,
which finds expression in so many bloody themes, that
he is ^nerally criticized. Delacroix worked with an
unerring instinct of composition, avoiding the monot-
ony of regular line by tne varied attitudes of his fig-
ures. He excelled in the various branches of his art,
and his decorative pictures in the Gallery of ApoUo at
the Louvre, the drawing-room of the king, the cham-
ber of deputies, and St-Sulpice are as excellent as his
canvases. There is hardly a tragedy of the human
soul which is not reproduced in his work. He is not
popular because the multitude wants pleasure, and
Ddacroix, like Pascal, does not make one lau^; lie
terrifies. In the " Murder of the Bishop of li^ ", be-
fore admiration comes one has shivered at the vivid
portrayal of human ferocity; in the "dirist in the
Garden of Gethsemani" there is no human sorrow
equal to that. Delacroix is the highest manifestation
of French genius in art; he not omy honours Fkance,
but mankind, and is one of those who Emerson said
were "representative of humanity".
GocTHK, ConveraaHona, tr. Dbubsot; £«» Bmiix-ArU em
Europe (Paris, 1856); Eughie Ddacroix in Fm^ ArU Quarterfii
Review* III: Atrriitotv. S&me Maaten of Lttkography 0897);
k.
dhjitcbbs
Hm York Cattloom of CtlebnUed PfavfUinm; L*(Xuvn Comptet
d'Sughu Ddacroix, od. Aobbbt (1886); Toubnbuz, Detor-
eroix devarU aea corUemporaiiu (Paria, 1886); Vachon, Etude 8ur
(Pkiris, 1885); VtnoK, B, JMaenrix in Le« Arti9le9
Ddaenix .
cSljtbirtB (Paris).
Henry Anobb.
Dehuroehe, Hippoltte (known also as Paul),
painter, b. at Paris, 17 July, 1797; d. 4 November,
185a A pupil of Watelet, a iandsGape painter of
mediocre ability, and afterwards of uros, a great
painter but a very poor teacher and ineapable of har-
moniaing his doctrines with his ^nius, Delaroche was
consequently badlr trained. Without any deep con-
ception of mankind or of Itfe, without style, and lacking
even a novel idea aloi^ t^e lines of art or beauty>
Delaroche was nevertheless gifted with a certain com-
monplace skill and aptitude whidh satisfied the public,
and, whilst fully
realizing his nai^
row limitations, he
was astute enou^
to suppl;^ the want
of artistic ability
b^ an ingenious
choice of subjects.
Herein lay his
^nius, if indeed
it ma^ so be called.
In this he appealed
to the taste of the
bourpeoisie which,
devoid of artistic
culture, had in the
r61e of Mecenas
succeeded the aris-
tocracy of the old
regime and defin-
itively come into
power during the
Kestoration and
the July Mon-
Wy^v
^
J
Paui< Delaroche
archy. The artist's debut in ihesaUm of 1819 with
" Naphtali in the Desert " passed by unnoticed. An-
other Biblical subject appeared in the wtJUm of 1822,
and in 1824 he won the gold medal. Delaroche dis-
covered his vein and thenceforth, except for the occa-
sional treatment of some current event (The Capture of
the Trocadero, 1827), he worked upon that series of his-
torical incidents, that vast repertonr of anecdotes een-
eraliy taken from the civil wars of France and England
and which, when multiplied by the engravings of
Goupil, the publisher, who thereby made a fortime,
became equally valuable to the author in Paris and
London. We must admit that Delaroche was admir-
ably served by his engravers, of whom Henriquel Du-
pont was the best known. His inartistic painting
gsuined much by being translated into engraving as, in
this way, only the subject had to be reproduced. It
must be admitted that, in all these works, Delaroche
shows himself an incomparable soen^setter. In his
masterpiece, ''The Assassination of the Duke of
QuiBe'' (1835, Oond^ Museum), he is most realistic and
furnishes, as it were, the retrospective photograph of a
sixteenth-century drama. Therein accuracy of detail ,
naturalness of composition, and the extremely careful
treatment of the decoration copied from the ChAteau
of Blois replaced, if indeed they do not equal, the im-
pression made bv real art. And yet the unique suc-
cess of this small picture does not attend the larger
ones, which do not so fully reflect the painter's fancy.
In 1833 there was question of entrusting him with
the decoration of the church of the Madeleine, but the
large order was divided and the artist refused to ac-
cept half of the task that was to have been his in its
entirety. By way of compensation he was commis-
sioned' to decorate the hemicyde of the Eoole des
Beaux- Arts. This work, completed in 184 1 and which
was for some time regarded as a masterpieoe oC 4s(h'
orative painting, is an ideal assemblage, or Goeumeni-
cal council, of sul the great artists from Ictinua to Br^
mante, from Cimabue to Velaaques, and from Phidias
to E^win von Steinhaoh, a composition in which the
disconnectedness of the whole rivals the absence of
chiuracter in each perK>nage taken individually. Few
great '' machines'' convey a more cruel impression of
the utter lack of ideas and the incurable debility of the
poetic or plastic conception. This frieze, omcially
preised, marked the decline of the artist in the eyes of
competent judges and gave unmistakable evidence of
his mdiffenoe. Delaroche endeavoured to reinstate
himself by working up different familiar and pious
subjects. He also followed the vogue of the imperial
cult and produced several scenes from the life of Napo-
leon. But even this ingenious idea did not restore the
artist to his pristine glory. Then, as a last resource,
he returned to his first subjects: " The Last Prayer of
the Children of Edward IV" (1852) ; ''The Last Com-
munion of Mary Stuart" (1854), etc. His declining
years were veiv sad. In 1835 he married the only
daughter of Horace Vemet, but she died in 1848.
At this time, althou^ retaining popular favour, he
was keenly sensible of the contempt of his f dlow art-
ists and realised not only that they would never regard
him as one of their number but that, despite his gloiy ,
his fortimes, and his titles, he must ever remain in tiieir
eyes a Hiitistine painter. He exhibited nothing in the
mUm subsequently to 1837 and had not the courage to
participate in the great manifestation of 1856, which
was Uie dazzling triumph of the French School. His
''Christian Mar^" (Louvre, 1855), so feebly deline-
ated and poorly painted, nevertheless exhales 6xqui»«
ite sentiment ana is, as it were, the last sigh of a Chris-
tian Ophelia. But the shortcomings of the artist
should not blind us to the puri^ of ms charact^ and
the uprightness of his life. Besides, faulty as his
style may be, he nevertheless has the merit of being an
inventor. He created anecdotal painting and the spe-
cial order of illustrations to whicn we owe, amon^ so
many inferior works, the most creditable productions
of J. P. Laurens. Delaroche had an ^ idea^ ', whatever
its value, and this fact alone is unusual enough to be
taken into account.
lAmMvm*P, DdoarocKt
\BOBDE, Dtl
Blanc. Hittaire dea peintrea;
par tm homme de rien (1844); '. ._, _
Beatix-ArtSjll; de Lalaino, Les Vemet, OtricavU et Delaroche:
Qautibr, PoriraiU conieniporains; (Euvre de P. Ddaroche re^
produit et phatogruphiA par Bingham el aecompairnf d'uae
notice par H. Detaborde et d'tm catalomie raisonni par J. Goddi
(Paris, 1858); Rosenthal, La Petnture romantique (Paris,
1903).
Louis Qillbt.
Delatores (Lat. for Dbnouncebs), a term used by
the Synod of Elvira (c. 306) to stigmatise those Chris-
tians who appeared as aoeusers of their brethren.
This synod decided (can. bodii, H^ele, Concilien-
geschichte, 2d ed., I, 188) that if anv Christian was
proscribed or put to death through the denuneiatioQ
Idelatio) of another Christian, such a delator was to suf-
fer perpetual excommunication. No distinction is
made between true and false accusation, but the synod
probably meant only the accusation of Christianity
before the heathen jud^, or at most a false accusa-
tion. Any false accusation against a bishop, priest, or
deacon was visited with a similar punishment by the
samesynod (can. Ixxv, op. cit., 189). Thepunishment
for false witness in general was proportioned by can.
Ixxiv to the gravitv of the accusation. The 0>uncil of
Aries of 314 issuea a similar decree (can. xiv, op. &t^
p. 213), when it decided that Christians who accused
falsely their brethren were to be forever excluded from
communion with the faithful. During the perasou-
{ions of the eariy Christians it sometimes happened
that apostates denounced their fellow-Chnstians^
The younger PlLiy relates in a letter to Trajan
(Apostolic Fathers ed. Lightfoot, 2d ed., I i,50sqqO«
DS LA TlttA
602
D1I.4WJJU
thAi an anonymous bill of indictment was presented
to him on which were many names of Christians; we
do not know, however, that the author of this libels
lu8 was a Chnstian. According to can. xiii of the
Coundi of Aries (op. cit., 211 sqq.), during the persecu-
tion of Diocletian Christians were denounced oy their
own brethren to the heathen jud^. If it appeared
from the public acts that an ecclesiastic had done this,
he was punished by the synod with perpetual deposi-
tion; however, his ordinations were considered valid.
In general, false accusation is visited with severe pun-
ishments in later synods, e. g. Second Council of Aries
(443 or 463, can. xxiv), the Council of Agde (506, can.
viii) and others. These decrees appear in the later
medieval collections of canons (q. v.). New punitive
decrees against calumnv were issued bv Gre^iy IX
in his Deranetals (de calumniatoribus, V, 3 m Corp.
Jur. Can).
KaOix in Kbaus. Real-Eng/k, (Freibun im Br., 1882), 1« 361:
HiNSCHiUB, Kirt^ienrechl, IV (BerUn, 1888), 609. 770; IV
(Berlin, 1893), 20 sqq.
J. P. KiRSCH.
Da U Vega. See Garcilaso de la. Veoa.
Delaware, one of the original thirteen of the
United States of America. It has between 38° 28' and
39*» 47' of N. lat. and between 74° 56' and 76° 46' of
long. West of Greenwich, and is bounded on the N. by
the State of Pennsylvania, on the E. bv the Delaware
River and Bay, and on the S. and W. by the State of
liaiyland. Its area is 2370 square miles, of which
1966 square miles are of land area, and 406 square
miles of water area. Dielaware is an agricultural
state, its soil is fertile and a large portion of it in a high
state of cultivation.
History. — ^In 1609 Henry Hudson, in the employ
of the Dutch East India Company, on his third voyage
of discovery, sailed into Delaware Bay. This was the
first visit of a European, so far as known, to the territoiy
now called Delaware. The b&j was so named about
the 3rear 1610 by the Virginians in honour of their first
Governor, Thomas West, Lord Delawarr. The Dutch,
basing their claims on rights acquired by Hudson's
discovery, made the first attempt at settlement. In
1629, imder the authority of the Dutch West India
Company, and with the countenance of the Governor
and Council of New Netheriands, a tract of land from
Cape Henlopen to the mouth of the Delaware River
was purchased from the natives, and a company
formed in Holland to colonize it. In the spring of
1631 a ship carrying emigrants reached the Delaware,
and a colony was planted near Cape Henlopen, on
Lewes Creek, the colonists giving the country the
name Swaanendael. The life of this colony was ended
after a few months. Trouble with the Indians arose,
and a fort which had been erected was destroyed, ana
all the colonists murdered. In 1638 an expeaition
consisting of two ships oarrving some fifty Swedish
emigrants, and commanded by Peter Minuit, the de*
posed Governor of the New Netherlands colony, com-
missioned by the Swedish Queen Christina, entered
Delaware Bay, and the present site of Wilmington
was chosen as the place for the first settlement. The
colon>[ was known as New Sweden. A fort called
Christina was built. After about two years of pros-
perity sickness besan to prevail, and the colony was
on the eve of breaicing up when another Dutch expe-
dition, though under the patronage of the Swedish
Company, appeared, and the new colonists located
their settlement several miles from Fort Christina.
The new arrivals revived the spirits of the Swedes,
who decided to remain. Additional colonists from
Sweden arrived in 1640, and the colony became well
established and prosperous. In 1666, on the appear-
ance of a Dutch fleet, all the forts and settlements
were surrendered, and such Swedes as would not take
the oath of allegiance were sent t/ the home country.
In 1666 the West India Company lold its interests on
the South River (called South as HMtit^gitMl^^ ^qoi
the North River, as the Hudson was then called) to
the City of Amsterdam, and the colony was called
"New Amstel" and the authority of New Netho^
lands over it was ended. In 1664, after the suneoder
of New Amsterdam to the English, the Delaware set-
tlements were also taken. Ilie name of New Amstel
was changed to New Castle, and the settlements were
annexed as an M>pendage to New Yoric, then also
imder English rule.
Acoordmg to the charter to William Peon in 1681,
the territory of Pennsylvania was bounded on
the south by a circle drawn twelve mlleB distant
from the town of New Castle northwaid and woit-
ward, the territory on the Delaware as far down
as what was then called Cape Henlopen remaining to
the Duke of York. In the same year Penn's au^or-
itjr, with the consent of York, was extended to include
this territory also. As eariy as 1686 a oontroversy
began between Penn and Lord Baltimore as to the as-
certainment of the southern and western boundaries
of the country along the bay as transferred bv York to
Penn. Numerous agreements were entoed into be-
tween the respective proprietors for determining the
boundaries, but none save promise of ever being car-
ried out. This quarrel retarded the settl^nent of the
country and oftentimes caused bloodshed. In 1750
the mesent boundaries between Delaware, Maryland
and Pennsylvania, as mentioned in an agreement be-
tween the heirs of Penn and Baltimore m 1732, were
decreed by the English Court of Qiancery, and in
1763, Charles Mason and Jeremiah EHxon, two sur-
veyors, were engM^ed and sent over ^m En^and to
mark the lines. In 1764 the work was started. The
present south and west lines of Delaware are the resuit
of a part of this work. The east and west line (be-
tween the present States of Pennsylvania and Mary-
land), which they ran and marked, is the historical
Mason and Dixon's Line, the boundary between the
former free and slaves States. In 1691, with Penn'e
consent, the lower counties, now the State of Dela-
ware, became a separate Government, only to be again
united to Pemupavania in 1693. In 1702 Pennsyl-
vania convened its legislature apart, and the two col-
onies were never again united. The " Counties of New
Castle, Kent ana Sussex upon Delaware" as they
were called, began to be* governed by a separate as-
sembly, and though the authority of the G^ovemor of
Pennsylvania was still acknowledeed, the l^^ture
and tribunals were not appreciaUy afifected by any
external authority. This was the fonn of govern-
ment until a separate constitution was adopted in
1776. The representatives of the three lower counties
upon the Delaware were members of the Continental
Congresses of 1774 and 1776, and voted for the adop-
tion of the Declaration of Independence in 1776.
Among the most noteworthy Articles of the Constitu-
tion of 1776 was the followm^: " There shall be no es-
tablishment of any one religious sect in this State, in
preference to another, and no clergyman or preacher
of the gospel of any denomination shall be capable of
holding a civil office in the State, or of being a member
of either of the branches of the legislature, while they
continue in the exercise of the pastoral function." In
1779 the State's delegates were instructed to ratif:jrthe
''Articles of Confeoeration and Perpetual Union"
adopted by Congress.
During the Revolutionary War Delaware enlisted,
including Continental soldiers and militia, a total of
3763 men. On 7 Dec., 1787, the Delaware legislature
ratified the Federal Constitution, being the firat State
to give its approval. The population of the State in
1790 was 69,094, of whom 8887 were slaves. Consti-
tutional conventions were held in 1791 and 1831, and
the present Constitution was adopted at a convention
in 1897. The common law procedure is foflowed in
the courts^ and the judges are appointed for iawM «
DELAWARE
693
DBLAWABB
t^velve yean. In the war of 1812 Delaware was well
vepresented m both the land and naval forces, her best-
known representative in the latter being Commodore
Thomas Maodonough, the hero of Lake Champlain.
Prior to the Civil War, Delaware was classed witn the
Southern, or slave-holding, States. In the election of
N'ovember, 1860, the State's electoral vote was given
to John C. Breckinridgei who stood for the constitu-
tional r^ts of the Southern States, while at the same
time all the political parties within the State pledged
their loyalty to the Union. In January. 1861, a com-
miasioner from Mississippi appeared before the Dela-
ware legislature and invited the State to join the
Southern Confederacy. The House unanimously,
and the Senate by a majority vote, expressed their
<lisapproval of such a remedy for existing difficulties.
Wliue there was considerable respect and some S3nsi-
pathy for the rights of the seoedii^ States, there was at
all times constant adherence to the National Qovem-
ment. Delaware being a border State, there was
some distrust on the pa^ of the Government, particu-
larly as to the southern portion, and at times martial
law prevailed. Out of a total white population in the
State in 1860 of 90,589, the aggregate number of
troops furnished to the Union army during the War by
I>elawaYe was 13,651. Admiral Samuel F. Dupont
vras one of the ranking officers in the Union service
credited to Delaware. On 5 Feb., 1867, the State leg-
islature in accordance with the Governor's recom-
mendation rejected the Fourteenth Amendment to the
Federal Constitution. At the l^jslative session of
1869 the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution
was also rejected.
PoPXTiATioK. — ^The estimated population of the
State in 1906 was 194,479. Wilmin^n, with an esti-
mated population in 1906 of 85,140, is the largest city.
In 1900, m a population of 184,735 there were 94,158
males and 90,577 females. Classified by race, there
were 153,977 whites, 30,697 negroes and 61 persons of
other races; 170,925 of the population were natives,
and 13,810 were foreign bom. There were 40,029
males (^ military i^e, and 54,018 males of voting age,
of whom 45,592 were whites, and 8,374 were negroes.
The total number of families was 39,446 and the aver-
age number of persons to a familv was 4.7.
EnucATiON.^The first school in the State was
opened before 1700, tmder the direction of the pastor
of Old Swedes' Church. During the last half of the
eighteenth century, the leading educational institu-
tion in the State was the Wilmington Academy, which
was built in 1765. Prior to the constitution of 1791,
no provision was had for free schools in the State. In
that instrument provision was made ''for establishing
B^iools and promoting the arts and sciences'', and in
1796 an act was i>a8sed by the legislature applying^ all
the moneys received from marriage and tavern li-
censes to a school fund. This was the beginning of
the pubUe school svstem in the State. In 18^ a
''FVee School Law'' was passed, which divided the
counties into many self-governing school districts,
each district being the judge of the tax requisite for its
own needs. The present school law was passed in
1875, and provided for a fixed tax to be raised annu-
ally in each district for the support of the schools
therein. Each coimty has a superintendent of
schools, who as such is a member of the State Board
of Education. In addition to the tax raised in each
school district, there is the income of a large perma-
nent school fund, and regular legislative appropria-
tions. Tlie Constitution ordains that not less than
$100,000 annually isdiall be provided by the legisla-
ture, which, with the income of the permanent school
funa, shall be used exclusively for payment of teach-
ers' salaries, and for furnishing free text-books. Sep-
arate schools are provided for coloured children, in
1900 the total attendance in the free schools of the
State was 28,753, neariy equally divided as to sex, of
which number 24,868 were whites, and 3883 were ne-
groes. The total amount expended on the free
schools of the State for the school year 1905-1906, in-
cluding amoimts derived from school tax, legislative
appropriations, and income from school fund, was
$501,745.80.
In 1907 a compulsory education law was passed
providing for the continuous attendance for at least
five months in each year, at either public or private
school in which the common English branches are
taught, of all children between the ages of seven and
fourteen years, tmless excused for certain reasons
specified. Delaware College, the chiel institution of
learning in the State, is located at Newaric. Chartered
in 1833, it was opened in 1834, and has had a very suc-
cessful career. It is governed by a board of trustees,
one-half of whom are named bv the State. In 1869
the legislature adopted this college as the institution
to be provided as an Agricultural College in accord-
ance with the Congressional Enabling Act of 1862.
Technological and agricultural, as well as classif»d,
eoimses of instruction are provided. The number of
professors and teachers is twenty-two, and the num-
ber of students in attendance is 158. ' Women are ex-
cluded from attendance at the college. Wilmington
Conference Academy (Methodist), located at Dover,
was founded in 1873. St. Mary's CoU^e, founded in
Wilmington in 1841, b;^ the Rev. Patrick Reilly, be-
came a well-known institution, and numbered some of
the best^known Catholics in the countiy among its
graduates. In 1857 there were 120 resident students.
It prospered till the opening of the Civil War, and in
1866 closed its doors. There are a number of excd-
lent private schools and academies scattered through
the State. A State College for coloured students,
fotmded in 1892, is located at Dover. Manual ana
a^cultural, as well as classical and technical, instruo-
tion is there furnished. Reform schools for both
boys and girls are supported in part by the State.
There is also a State Hospital and Insane Asylum.
DelAware having no institution for the instruction of
the deaf and dumb or the blind, the State bean the
expense of having a certain number of ihem cared
for and instructed in proper institutions in other
States.
Catholic Prooricss. — Prior to 1772 no definite rec-
ords are obtainable Te|:arding any r^ulaurly estab-
lished Catholic church m the present State of Dela-
ware. The Catholics in the State prior to the latter
part of the eighteenth eentunr were very few in
number. In 1730 Cornelius Hallahan, an Irish Cath-
olic, settled in Mill Creek Hundred, in New Castle
Coimty, on an estate called by him Cuba Rock, near
the present location of Mount Cuba. The first Cath-
olic services in the State were ]?robably held at his
house. The Apoquiniminck Mission, in the loww part
of New Castle County, was established before 1750 by
Jesuits from St. Xavier's Mission in Cecil County,
Maryland. The latter mission, founded in 1706 by
Father Thomas Mansell, S.J., near the junction of the
Great and Little Bohemia Rivers, is still in existence,
and known as Bohemia Manor. In a report from the
Episcopal Mission at Dover (Kent County) to the
clergymen of the Pennsylvania province, made in 1748,
it is stated that the ''Quakers and Roman Catholics
were long accustomed to bury their dead at their own
plantations.'' Again in 1761 a like report from the
Dover Mission states: '< There are about five or six
families of Papists, who are attended once a month
from Maryland with a priest." In January, 1772,
Father Matthew Sittenspereer, a Jesuit known at the
Bohemian Mission under the name of Manners, pur-
chased a farm in Mill Creek Hundred, which was known
as Coffee Run, and here a log chapel called St. Mary's
and a residence were erected. Father Sittensper^
was succeeded by the Rev. Stephen Faure, who, with
other Frenchmen, driven from St. Domingo by negro
DVL4WASE
DBUlWAEB
uprising, settled at Wilmington. He was assisted bv
the Rev. John Kossetcr, an officer in Rochambeau s
army during the Revolutionary War, and then an Au-
gustinian. In 1798 ho was succeeded by the Rev. Mr.
Cibot, who had been Vice-Prefect Apostolic in St. Do-
mingo. In 1800 the Rev. Charles Whelan became
pastor, to be succeeded in 1805 by the Rev. Patrick
Kenny. From this church the Catholics of the fiU]>-
rounding country as far a3 at West Chester, Pennsyl-
vania, and Wilmington, were attended. Father
Kenny was assisted for a time by the Rev. George A.
CarreU, who afterwards became Bishop of Covii^ton,
KentucW. The arduous labours and personality of
Father Kenn^ have made him probably the best-
known priest m the early Catholic history of the State.
Some portions of Coffee Run Church are still standing.
The site of the church is about six miles from Wil-
mington on the Lancaster Pike. In 1785 Delaware
was one of the four States (the others being Pennsyl-
vania, Maryland, and Virginia) where Catholics were
not virtually under civil disabilities.
F;ix>m its earliest settlement, at no time did rdigious
intolerance ever appear in the government of the
Swedish colony which grew into the State of Dela-
ware. In 1816 St. Peter's, the second church in the
State, was built by Father Kenny. This church, often
enlarged and beautified since, is now the cathedral of
the diocese. Father Kenny was first assisted in 1834,
and later succeeded, by the Rev. Patrick Reilly, who,
as priest and educator, was one of the most respected
clergjonen in the country. In 1830 the first Catholic
Orphan Asylum in the state was opened in Wilming-
ton. In 1839 the first parochial school in the State
was built adjoining St. Peter's. Until 1868 the State
formed a portion of the Diocese of Philadelphia, but
in that year the present Diocese of Wilmington was
created. It comprises the State of Delaware and the
Eastern Shore counties of Maryland and Virginia.
The Ri^t Rev. Thomas A. Becker was the first bish-
op. Bishop Becker, on beins transferred to Geoigia
in 1886, was succeeded by &e Right Rev. Alfred A.
Curtis, who, afters service of ten years, resiened, and
was succeeded by the Right Rev. John J. Monaghan,
26 January, 1897. The Delaware diocese from its
creation has been distinguished by the excellences in
abOity and temperament of its bishops. The years
1825 to 1860 marked the first important period of
Catholic immigration, and the chief nationality found
among the Catholic population has been the Irish.
The Catholic population of the diocese (1908) is 31,-
000, of whom 500 are negroes. The Catholic popula-
tion of the State is 25,000. There are 46 churches in
the diocese, of which 20 are in Delaware. The one
Catholic church for negroes is situated in Wilmington.
The number of priests in the diocese is 43, ana the
number in the State 34. Of the whole number in the
diocese 30 are seculars and 13 belong to various orders.
There are twelve parochial schools in the State, with
an attendance of 3100. Orphan asylums for white
boys and rarls, the former near Delaware City and the
latter at Wilmington, are imder the care, respectively,
of the Sisters of St. Francis and the Sisters of Charity.
A coloured orphan asylum in Wilmington is con-
ducted by the Josephite Fathers. A coloured Indus-
trial and Agricultural School is also maintained by the
Josephite fathers at Clayton. A Home for the Aged,
at Wilmington, is under the care of the Little Sisters
of the Poor. All these institutions are well housed,
admirably managed, and Bjpeak well for Catholic
benevolence in the state. A Summer Home for the
teaching orders of the Sist^n in the State and for poor
girls has been opened at Rehobeth, a seaside town.
Salesianum, a preparatory school, located at Wilming-
ton, under the care of the OUates of St. Francis de
Sales, and the Urauline Academy, a boardinff and day
school for girls, are the present chief Catholic educa-
tional institutions in the State. Within the du)oeee ia a
novitiate of the order of Oblates of St. Francis de Sales
and a convent of Visitation nuns.
Othsr Reugions. — The first religion in the State
was that brought by the Swedish settlen^ namely, the
Lutheran. The first church erected was in 1638 with-
in Fort Christina, and the second in 1643 near New
Castle. Dutch and Swedes worshipped these. Old
Swedes' Church, built in 1698, under Uie direction of
the celebrated Swedish minister Bjork, is stiU in use
and in a splendid state of preservation. After the
arrival of the En^ish, the Swedish and En^ish
churches were, for the greater part of 1^ time, at-
tended by the same minister. About 1791 the Swed-
ish Lutheran Church merged into the Protestant
Episcopal. The Society of Friends erected their first
meeting house in Delaware about 1687, and for the
greater part of the State's history, they woe probably
the most influential and respected class in tne State,
particularlv in the northern portion. The first I^es-
byterian church in the State is known to have been
established with elders and trustees as early as 1705,
but the precise year of its institution is not known.
The Baptist Church in the State was founded in 1703
by emigrants from South Wales, who settled upon the
''Welsh Tract", a portion of the Penn grant m Pen-
cader Hundred, New Csatle County, ssid erected a
meeting house. This was the third Baptist meeting
house erected in America. Meeting of the M ethociist
denomination were held at Wilmington as eady as
1766, and in 1780 "Barratt's Chapel '^in Kent County
(still in use), was erected. This was one of the cradles
of the Methodist Church in America, and here the first
General Conference of American Methodian was ap-
pointed. The active church membership and the
SundayHBchool membership of the leading Protestant
denominations are (1908): Methodist Episcopal, 40,-
000; Protestant Episcopal, 6280; Baptist, €000;
Presbyterian, 12,700. There are man^ churches for
coloured people in the State, among whidi the Baptist
and Methodist, particularly the latter, predominate.
Among other deeds and denominations repreeented
in the State, are the Lutheran, Unitarian, Sweden-
borgian, Christian Science, Methodist Protestant, vai^
ious divisions of the Baptist Churoh, Seventh Day
Adventist, and Hebrew.
Legislation. — ^The first article of the State Oonsti-
tution, adopted in 1897, states, "No man shall or
ought to be compelled to attend any religiouB wordiip,
to contribute to the erection or supf)ort of any place of
worship, or to the maintenance of any ministiy,
against his own free will and consent"; and also states
that ** No religious test shall be required as a <|ua]jfica-
tion to any oflice or public trust under this State".
This same language is fotmd in the Constitution
adopted in 1831. Blasphemy is punishable as a mis-
demeanour. By statute any worldly emplo^pient,
labour or business (works of necessitjr or cnanty ex-
cepted), peddling goods, droving, fishing, fowling,
gaming, horseracing, cock fitting or hunting game,
and playing and dancing, on the Sabbath day, aie all
prohibited and made punishable as misdoneanoun.
The usual form of oath is bv swearing upon the Holy
Evangels of AlmighW God. A person believing in
any other than the Christian relip^on may be sworn
according to the peculiar ceremonies of his religbn, if
there be any sucn. A person conscientiously scrupvh
Ious of takins an oath may be permitted to aflSnn to
the truth of the matters to be testified. A chaplain is
appointed by either branch of the legislature, and the
daily sessions (by force of custom only) are opened
with praver. Christmas and Sunday are the only
religious holidajrs recognised as le^ holidays. There
is neither statute nor court decision in the State,
regarding the seal of oonf essnn.
Prior to 1893 the provisions of one statute ooveied
the incorporation of congr^ations or societies of
whatsoever denomination. At that time, a statute
MBIiAWAtC
DBUkWABI
_ _ passed providing exolunvely for the inooipora-
tion of Catnolic congregations. It gives a simple
method for incorporating a church congregation.
Under a statute, all real and personal property beloog-
ing to any church or religious society is not liable to
assessment and taxation for public purposes, imless
tlie i>ropertv is in the form of a school where the tui*
lion is not free. The constitution provides: '* No por-
tion of any fund now existing, or which may hereafter
be appropriated or raised oy taxation, for eduoa-
tionaJ purposes, shall be appropriated to, or used for.
or in aid of any sectarian chureh or denominational
school, provided, that all real or personal property
used for school purposes where tuition is free, shall be
exempt from taxation and assessment for public pur-
poses''. The right of an^r charitable or educational
corporation to take by devise or bequest is undoubted.
While the language of the statute under which Cath-
olic congregations are formed into church corpora-
tions is not bevond cavil in this r^ard, the assump-
tion is that such a corporation may take by devise or
bequest, without qualification or condition. In this
respect, the rights of Oalholic church corporations are
clearer and more liberal than those enjoyed br chureh
corporations of any other denomination. Ordatned
ministers of the Gospel are not liable to serve as jurors.
Military service is voluntary. By the constitution,
no divorce may be granted except by the judgment of
a court. Annulment of marriage tor certain causes,
existing at the time of marriage, is provided for. For
divorce, the reasons are adultery, oigamy, imprison-
ment, cruelty, desertion, habitual drunkenneai, and
hopeless insanity. Hearings and trials in divovee
matters must in all cases be had before the^ourt and
in public. Marriage within the degrees of the estab-
lished table of consanguinity, or between whites and
blacks, is unlawful ana void, and the parties thereto
are guUty of a misdemeanour. A regularly issued
license is a condition precedent to marriage, unless the
banns are published at some ]riace of staged religious
worship, within the Hundred of the woman's resiofenoe
on two Sabbaths, and no objection made to such mar-
be sale of liquor is licensed by the State, but with
many restrictions. The State is divided into four
local option districts, in two of which prohibition laws
are now in force.
Legacies for religious, charitable and educational
purposes are not subject to taxation. The right to
dispose oLproperty by will may be exercised by any
person of the age of twentv-one years or upwards,
who is of sound mind. Such will must be in writing,
except a nuncupative will, by which an estate not ex-
oe^lmg $200 may be disposed of. Cemetery corpor-
ations are now formed under the provisions of a
general incorporation law. No taxes are paid on
lands used for cemetery purposes.
The constitution places no limit to direct taxation,
but no State tax on assessed property is levied.
Countv and municipal assessment and taxation is em-
ployed. There is no tax on income. A collateral in-
nentanoe tax is collected, where the recipient is a
stranger in blood, and the estate exceeds $500.
Fxnaia. Hiatory •/ the Orioinal SatUm4nt» on the Ddaware
(Wilmington, 1846): Bancroft, History of tk$ VnUmd StaUs
(New York, 1882); Scharf, History of Dekupare (Philadelphia,
1888); OoNRAD, History of Delaware (Wilmington. 1908);
Perbt, Hiatorieal CoUeetions (HaHford, 1886); Shba. Catholic
Church in Colonial Days (New York. 1886); Perm. HiaUnioal
Society Memoirs (Philadelphia. 1864); U. S. Twelfth Census
(Waahington, 1901); Bulletin 71, Bstimaies of Popwatum^ ibid.
(Washington, 1907); Bulletin 31, Census of Manufaetutss, iltid.
(Washington, 1906); DeL Loms^ Revised Code.
Charles F. Curubt,
Delaware Indiana, an important tribal confed-
eracy of Alg^nquian stock origmally holding the basin
of toe Delaware River, in Eastern Pennsylvama, U.
S. A., together with most of New Jera^ and Dela-
waie. They call themselves I^^nap^ or Lem^Utlittpi,
about equivalent to ''real omzi". The English lomw
them as Delawares, from the name of the river; the
Fiench oailed them Loupa (wolves), tmder which
term they included also tne cognate Mohican; while
to most of their Al^nquian net^ibours they were
known as Wapanaki (Eastemens). By reason of
being the parent body of a nmnb^ of cognate tribes,
and nolding the ancestral territory, they wen ac-
corded precedence in intortribal assemblies, under the
respecttul title of ''grandfather''.
The Lenap6 proper consisted of three tribes — ^Mun-
aee, Unami, and Unalaotgo— ^mboliaed respectively
under the totems of the Wolf, Turtle, and Tuncey. Of
these the Munsee held the Upper Delaware and were
considered the defenders of the frontier against the
incursions of the hostile Iroquois. Their (ualect dif-
fered considerably from that of the other two. The
Unami held the middle course of the river, together
with the hereditary chieftaincy, while the third tribe
occupied the lower country, flach tribe was organ-
ised mto dans or gentes, numbering about thirty-five
in all, with descent in the female line, as usual among
the Eastern Indians. In habit they were sedentary,
depending chiefly upon agriculture rather than upon
hunting, cultivating large quantities of com, beans,
squadbea, and tobacco. Their houses, consisting of a
framework of poles covered with bark or mats woven
of rushes, were of wagon-top shape and accommo-
dated several families each.
The most ancient traditions of the Lenap^ are con-
tained in the sacred Dictograph record known as the
Wahm Olum or "Red Score , first brought to notice
by Rafinesque in 1836 and published wim translation
and notes uy Brinton in 18&5. They made their first
treaty, with Penn, in 1682, at Shackamaxon within
the present limits of Philadelphia. To this period be-
longs their noted chief Tamenend, from whom the
Tammany Society derives its name. As the whites
pressed upon them the Delawares gradually retired
westward, first to the Susquehanna and thence to the
Alleghany, until in 1751 they began to make settle-
ments in Ohio, where the greater ^urt of the tribe was
estahlished at the outbreak of the French and Indian
war in 1754. In common with all the other tribes of
the Ohio re^on, they sided with the French against
the English m this war and continued the struggle in-
dependently for some time after the French garrisons
had been withdrawn. Throughout the Revolution
and tile war of 1812 they were allies of the English
against the Americans. As early as 1746 seuous
Moravian nussionaries had begun woric in the tribe
in Easteri Pennsylvania, and succeeded in winning a
considerable number to Christianity, despite persecu-
tions and removals forced upon them by the whites,
culminating in the massacre of an entire community
of Christian Delawares at Gnadenhutton, in Ohio, in
1782.
The war of 1812 was followed by treaty cessions
and other removals, most of the Christian Delawares
emigrating to Canada, while the others, after various
halt% by different bands in Indiana, Missouri, Arkan-
sas, and Kansas, were finally collected chiefly in the
pr^nt Oklahoma, the main body incorporatmg with
the Cherokee in 1867. They have greatly decreased,
but number (1908) altogether about 1900 souls, in-
cluding about 870 with the Cherokee and 95 more
with the Wichita, in Oklahoma; about 250 Munsee in
Wisconsin and some 50 more in Kansas; and the rest,
under the names of Munsees and Moravians, on reser-
vations in Ontario, Canada.
Brimton, The Lenapi and their Legenda fPhHadelphia, 1885) ;
Ihukxs. Aborioinal Races of North America (Book of the Indians).
Q6thed.. Now York. 1882) ; Ubgkbwklpbb. Jndum Nations of
Pennsylvania (Philaoelphia, 1876) ; RimvNBER, Indian Tribes
of Bwascn's Rxver (Albany, 1872); Thompson, Moravian Mie»
nont (New York, 1800).
Jaiceb Moonbt.
DILOOS
DKUOATMH
Delciis, a titular see of Thrace, suffragan of Philip-
popolifi. The Greek name of the place waa Delkos or
Ddkoi, later Derkos or Derkoi; the latter forms haVe
prevailed. The Turkish and common name is Der-
kos. It is now a little village south-west of Kara
fioumouy a promontory on the Black Sea, and on the
southern baixk of Lake Derkos, the waters of whidi
are brought to Constantinople brv an aqueduct. There
are about 300 inhabitants. The see, though some
have connected its origin with the preaching of St.
Andrew, is not mentioned before the eighth century;
however a rather obscure record of Balsamon (P. G.,
CXXXVII, 548) permits the supposition that it was
established shortly after the Trutlan Council of 092.
The first known bishop is Gregory, who attaided
the Second Council of Niosea in 787. In the records
of the councils under Photius are found the signatures
of his partisan Neophytus and of Macarius, the par-
tisan of St. Ignatius. About 840 the see stood twen-
tieth among the autocephalous archbishoprics. Its
archbishop, John, subscribed a s^oiodal sentence in 997.
Balsamon (P. G., CXXXVIII, 273) 8i)eaks of another
prelate who sought permission to reside in the larger
and richer city of Pnileas. Another was reproached
in the Holy Synod by the Patriarch Michael with hav-
ing ordained a bishop native of Constantinople and
before the canonical age (ibid., 213); he was perhaps
the John who was present in 1106 at the council of
Constantinople, known as ''Pater major me est".
One Gregory subscribed another council in 1193. In
1316 the see was given to the Archbishop of Nym-
phffium, who had bN^en deprived of his own (Miklosich
and MiUler, "Acta et dipfomatagrseca", 1 ,50). Luke
was archbishop in 1329 (ibid., 98). In 1356 the see
was per adjunctumem in the hands of the Metropolitan
of Busye (ibid., 355). In 1365 it had again an occu-
pant, and its bishop in 1379 and 1381 was Paul ; in
1389 Joseph was bishop (op. cit., II, 6, 39, and 120).
In 1466 it was and probably had long been ruled di-
rectly by the Patriarch of Constantinople [Kam-
bouroglous, Monuments for History of Atnens (Gr.),
II, 354]. It was not re-established until the b^gin-
mng of the seventeenth century, when the titular re^
sided at Therapia on the Bosphcniis. Delcus was
made a metropolis in 1655. In October, 1746, it was
raised to theei£^th rank of the Greek hierarchy (Manai,
Col. concil., XXXVIII, 527). The diocese now in-
cludes 41 villages in the vicinity of Constantinople and
along the shores of the Black Sea and the Sea of Mar-
mora, among them San Stefano, Makri-Keui, and
Beuyuk-D^r6, with Catholic parishes conducted by
Capuchins, Dominicans, and Minor Conventuals.
Lbquisn, Oriene ArUtianiu, I. 1163; Gedkon, Engraved
Stones and Bricks (Conatanttnople, 1803), iefH176; BAKiUUO-
P0UL08. Eastern Calendar for 1896 (Constantinople, 1805), 103-
84; Idbk, Calendar of the National Philanthroptc Establishments
for 1906 (Constantinople. 1005), 145-58.
Jj* Pbtit.
Delegates, Apostolic. See Lboatb.
Delegation (Lat. delegare) f the commission to an-
other of jurisdiction, which is to be exercised in ihe
name of the person delegating. Jurisdiction is de-
fined as the power of anyone who has public authority
and pre-eminence over others for their rule and gov-
ernment.
I. In ancient Roman law, delegation was the sub-
stitution of one debtor for another; the second debtor
making payment in the name of the first. In modem
civil law, the term delegations is used for committees
of representatives or judges, who in the name of the
parliament of the judiciary consider and determine
the special matters confided to them. In canon law,
delegation is the spiritual jurisdiction or power which
a person exercises in virtue of a commission from one
having ordinary jurisdiction (see JtmisDicrtoN), with
the underetancfing that such delegate must act in the
name of the one delegating. The canons distinguish
between delegation ab homine, and delegation a jure.
The former is that which comes from a pereon in the
strict sense of the word ; while the latter niav have its
source in a juridical or moral person. Tiius, it ia
through delegation a jure, that is in virtue of jurisdie^
tion granted by the Council of Trent, that bi^<^
have certain powers in r^;ard to exempted regulars.
Whenever the commcm law designates a person as
having powers which belong to another by ordinaiy
right, the one upon whom tiiey are conferred is said
to be a delegate a jure. If bish(^ exercise sudi pow-
ers "as delegates of the Apostolic See'^ an appeal
against their actions would have to be made to the
pope, for it is really his jurisdiction thev are employ-
ing; while if the common law refers to lliem ss acting
'*&o as delates of the Hc^y See", an appeal eould
be taken to we metropolitan, as in such a case the
bishop acts in virtue of both ordinaiy and ddegated
jurisdiction. Historically, the origin of canonical
delegation is to be sought most probably in the fifth
(in the Latin version, the seventh) canon of the Coun-
cil of Sardica (a. d. 347), whjch speaks of judges dele-
gated for Roman appeals. From the fifth century
onwards, instances ca i^pointraent of delegates by the
popes are distinctly recorded, and such ddegation be-
came more frequent as time went on, particularly
since the pontificate of Gregory I (590-604).
II. Anyone having ordinary jurisdiction ma^ dele-
gate another, unless such po^ver be expressly witiiheld
from him. It is necessary to mention this restriction,
for although parish priests have ordinaiy jurisdiction
for the tribunal of penance, yet they caimot strictly
delegate another for that task, because the hearing of
oonfessionB belongjs to the external forum and all con-
fessions need episcopal approbation. The person
delegated by the lawful superiot must be a dene wefl
versed in the matter for wnich he receives delegation,
and he must not be excommunicate. While uie age
of twenty years is prescribed by law for the dele-
gate, it is also provided that the age of eighteen will
suffice, if those concerned are satisfied. S^eral dele-
gates may be appointed for the same matter. In this
case each may receive such a commission that if be
undertake the matter alone the other del^ates may
no lon^pr interfere, unless the first be hindered from
determining it (delegatus in solidum): or the power in
a cause may be delegated to several persons so that
they must act together to ma)ce the effect of their
delegation valid (deleaaius simplicUer). If the dele-
gate be commissioned by the pope, he should ordi-
narily be an ecclesiastical dignitary or a cathedral
canon, and the case should be neard in a city or place
of some religious or civic distinction. It is evident,
however, that the sovereign pontiff may, if he choose,
derogate from these laws in all their aspects. Gen-
eral defects disqualifying a person to receive delega-
tion are infamy, deafness, insanity, dumbness, slavery,
and the like. It was stated that tiie person delegated
should be a cleric; for neither bishops nor those in-
ferior to them can delegate a layman for spiritual
matters or for criminal causes of ecclesiastics. It is
disputed whether a delegation made by them to lay
judges to determine even civil causes of clerics would
be vahd. The pope, however, may delegate laymen
for such cases when there is auestion of an individual
instance. Reiffenstuel says tnat to commit in general
all causes of ecclesiastics to laymen, would be to do
away with the forensic privilege of clerics (privQegium
fori) and therefore is outside the sphere of papal prerog-
atives, as the exemption of clerics is probably ci
Divine right. The granting of a delegation may be
verbal, except in cases where the law expressly pre-
scribes that it be in writing. The delation must
also be the free act of the superior, for delegated
faculties obtained absolutely against the wUl <x the
donor would be invalid. If, however, they be ex-
torted by fear, they will not be voui, for then they
DB LEOH
697
DBLTAir
^XMild not be absolutely against the will of the su-
perior.
IIX. Delefi^ted powers are necessary, either for the
liceity or vaKdity of an act performed by the delegate.
If tliere be question only of the liceity of an act, per-
miBBion reasonably presumed is sufficient. This
^v^ould be the case, for example, in the administration
of the sacraments, except penance and possibly matri-
mony. If, however, it be a question of the validity
of an act, the delegation must be express, or at least
rest upon a presumption of outward signs indicating
actual consent. Such, for example, would be the
delegation requisite for valid absolution in the tribunal
of penance, in general, a dele^te may not proceed
to the exercise of his power until it be formally noti-
fied to him, for, according to an axiom of law, juris-
diction is aquired only by one knowing and accepting.
In certain cases, this knowledge and acceptance may
be only implicitly implied, but it is then considered
sufficient. The fact of delegation must be proved to
those concerned in the matter at stake, either by
showing them the written instrument or exhibiting
unexceptionable testimony that the power has been
received. The delegate must also carefully observe
the form of procedure specified by the superior ^o
has empowered him to act. In case of grievance, an
appeal may be made aeainst the delegate to the trib-
unal of the person who delegated him. This fact
shows that the power of the vicar-general of a diocese
is not delegated power, for there is no appeal from his
tribunal to l^at of the bishop, because tneir tribunal
is declared to he one and the same. The power of a
vicar-general is most correctly characteriaed as quasi-
ordinary, for on the one hand, he holds an office to
which certain faculties are annexed, and on the other,
he exercises his powers in the name of another. Some
canonists, however, maintain that a vicar-general has
del^ated, and others that he has ordinary jurisdio-
tion. Finally, no inferior ordinaries can delegate
their entire authority to others in perpetuity without
the license of the Romian pontiff, because such delega-
tion would be equivalent to abdication, which is not
permissible without the consent of the supreme au-
thority. What has been said in this respect of in-
ferior ordinaries, holds good also for those delegated
to certain classes of cases in general (ad universitatem
caumrum). As the powers delegated by the Holy
See are generally for very important matters, the
Council of Trent (Sess. XaV, c. 10, de ref.) made an
effort to provide by law for a certain number of quali-
fied persons whom the pope could appoint as his dele-
gates. The council oraered that several such ecclesi-
astics should be elected in provincial synods and that
their names should be forwarded to Rome by the
bishops. The decree, however, was seldom acted on
and gradually became entirely obsolete.
IV. Delegated jurisdiction can sometimes be sub-
delesated to others. If the delegate was appointed
l^ me pope, even for a particular case, he has the
power of subdelegation. The latter is prohibited only
when the matter has been committed to his personal
care in an especial manner, or when it is of unusual im-
portance or of a merely executive nature. Hence,
when a confessor has received by Apostolic privile^
the faculty of absolving all the faithful from certain
sins and censures, or of aispensing in certain irregular-
ities and vows, he can not subdelegate this ministry.
In like manner, one who has been charged with the
execution of matrimonial dispensations may not sub-
delegate the ministry itself, yet he may employ others
to assist him in matters connected with his delegated
jurisdiction, provided their work be only supplemen-
taiy, not principal. If the delegate was appointed by
an ordinary otner than the pope, he can not sulv
delegate, unless he has been commissioned od universi-
tatem causarum, or when the person delegating has
given him the special authority to subddegate. The
subdelegate cannot make a new delegation, but he
can call in the assi^tanoe of others for the details of
his work. When a delegate has confided all his au-
thoritv in a particular matter to a subdelegate an
appeal from the decision of the latter does not lie to
the delegate, but to the superior who had originally
commissioned the delegate.
y. Delegation ceases if the work assigned to ihe
del^ate has been completed ; if the delegate abdicates
his power or declares the rescript of his appointment
invalid ; if the term fixed for the conduct of the matter
has expired, unless in a contentious case both parties
have agreed to a prorogation; if the delegation be
revoked; if the delegate die, unless he was one of a
number of del^ates simpliciter and their commission
had provided tor its continuance in such an emer-
gency; if the person delegating die, and the case had
not yet beg^n; if the person die on whose account
the delegation was constituted, unless some matter
concemiiig the Church or a prelacy be at stake.
Smitb, itementa cf Bedenaahad Law (New York. 1895);
JjJ^ximxtrnvB, huHtutiotua Jur. ElecL (Frdbucg, 1903); Fbbp
BAJOB. BilMotkeca Canonus (Rome, 1886), III.
William H. W. Fanning,
De Leon, Ponc£. See Leon.
Dell Ml, FiiAN{»is. theologian, b. 1637 at Montel in
Auvergne, France; d. 13 Oct., 1676, at Luidevenec in
Nonnandy. He joined the Order of St. Benedict
when he was seventeen yea» of afl», and made his
solemn profession at the Abbey of St. Allire, 2 May,
1656. He was a profound student of the Fathers of
the Chureh and the history of the councils. Constant
application to study speedily matured the powers of
his exceptionally keen and brilliant mind, and he soon
came to be looked upon as a foremost authority on all
questions connectea with patristic theology. When
the Congregation of St. Maur in 1670 determined to
undertake a critical edition of the works of St. Augu»-
tine, Delf au was commissioned by his superiors to pre-
pare it. The task was a difficult one, but together
with six other members of the order; among them his
intimate friend Dom Robert Gu^raixl, he began with
energy and courage this great labour of love, and
prosecuted it with an ardour truly Benedictine. In
1671 he prepared an elaborate prospectus, setting
forth the ceneral soope and character of the new edi-
tion and tne principles by which the editors were to be
euided. Manuscripts came to the learned Maurists
from various countries, and Pope Clement X even sent
them priceless codices of the Vatican Library tc»gether
with all the materials that had been gathered there
under Clement VIII for a projected edition of the
Opera Augustini. When the first two volumes were
about to be printed, the work was suddenly arrested,
18 Sept., 1675, by two Mres de cachet from Louis XIV,
decreeing the banishment of both Delfau and Gu^rard
from Paris. The occasion for this drastic measure
seems to have been Delfau's book ^ L'abb^ commenda-
taire", published at Cologne, 1673, in which the young
monk had severely commented on the abuses con*
nected with the system of commendam as it was then
^amelessly carried on in France to the great detri-
ment of the Church. The fearless work greatly
aroused the king's anger, of which the enemies of the
Maurists did not fail to take advantage. Delfau was
obliged to withdraw to the monastery of Landevenec;
he Uved there but little more than a year when, at the
early age of thirty-eight, he was drowned as he was
crossing to the Carmelite convent at Brest, where he
was to deliver a eulogy on the feast-day of St. Teresa.
Delfau's works are: "Apologia Cardmalis FOrsten-
bergii''; a masterly epitaph on Casunii; King of
Poland, who died as Aboot of St. Germain des Ft6b;
and a dissertation on the authorship of the "Imitatio
Christi", in his edition of that book (Paris, 1673).
Baumer, Johannaa MabUUm (Augsburg. 1892), 97 sq.rTAS-
BIN. Hiat. lUUraiTc da la Ctmgr^igatum de SairU-Maur CPmne.
DBunvo
6^
DB U8UB
ZuQBLBAUKB, HkL Tci liL O. S. B. (Auffibttig, 176i),
Thomas Obstreich.
Delfino, PiBTRO, theologian, b. at Venice in 1444;
d. 16 Jan., 1525. He entered the Camaldolese Mon-
ajBteiy of San Michele at Murano, and in 1479 was
dected abbot of the same community. The following
year he was made general of the order and held that
office until the year 1513 when he resided in favour of
his fellow-countiyman Blessed Paul Giustiniani, whom
he had invested with the Camaldolese habit in 1510.
Delfino was the forty-sixth general from St. Romuald,
the foimder of the damaldolese, and the last elected for
life, the office after him being held for three years onl^.
In 1488 he received the votes of his countrymen m
Venice for the cardinalate, but refused to accept this
dimity from Innocent VIII. The letters of Delfino,
which number more than four thousand, addressed to
different religious of his own and other orders and to
various secular dignitaries, are valuable not only on
account of the trustworthiness of their author, but
more especially because of the accounts they contain
of contemporary events in his own order and the
Church in general A collection of his Latin lettars
was published at Venice in 1524. Several others that
had been omitted in the Venetian editions were in-
cluded later in Mart^e's ''Veterum Scriptonim am^
plissima collectio". The *'Apothegmata Patrum"
and the " Dialogues'' on Savonarola are still unedited.
Mast&nb, Vetenun Seriptorum ^ numumentarum eedttiuti-
cmrum et doffmatioorum ampliMima coUedio, III, 015.
Stephen M. Donovan.
Delille, Jacques, French abb^ and litUraieur, b. at
Aigueperse, 22 June, 1738; d. at Paris, 1 May, 1813.
He received his education at the Coll^ de Lisieux in
Paris and became an instructor at the College de la
Marche in the same city. His translation into verse
of Virgil's "Georgics", which appeared in 1770, had
very great success and eventually won for him a seat
in the French Academy. He was afterwards ap-
pointed to the chair of poetry in the College de France
and through the patronage of the Count d' Artois he
reoeived as a benefice the Abbey of Saint-Severin, but
took onlv minor orders. In 1786 he aooompanied the
Coimt de Cboiseul to Constantinople and visited
Greece; his stay in the East does not seem, however,
to have mudti influenced his literary career. The
I^nch Revolution deprived him of his position and
benefice, and in 1794 he had to leave France ; his exile
was spent in Switzerland, Germany, and Emdand. He
returned to France in 1802 and again took his seat in
the French Academy. For some years Delille was con-
sidered a great poet, Voltaire at one time even going so
far as to call him the French Virgil ; but he did not en-
joy very long this unwarranted reputation. All agree
to-day that he was a wonderful versifier, having at his
oonmiand all the secrets of his art, but it is also recog-
nized that his long descriptive poems betray a com-
plete lack of poetic feeling and inspiration. They are
a striking illustration of the difference between versi-
fication and poetry. His best known works are:
"Traduction des g^Sorgiques de Virgile" (Paris, 1770) ;
"Dithyrambe sur rimmortalit^ de TAme" (Paris,
1793); "L'Imagination" (Paris, 1806); "Les TroU
R^es de la nature" (Paris, 1806); "La (Conversa-
tion" (Paris, 1812).
Saintc-Bkuvk. Portraits LUUraires (Paiis, 1846); Linoat.
Eloge de Delille (Paris. 1814); Lxan^on, HiaUnredela liUiratvre
fnnQai$e (Paxis, 1896).
Pdbrre Mariqub.
De Ltsla, Ambrose Lisle March Phillifps, b. 17
\farch, 1809; d. 5 March, 1878. He was the son of
Charles March Phillipps of Garendon Park, Leicester-
iihire, and Harriet Ducarel, a lady of Huguenot de-
scent. He assumed the name of de Lisle in 1862,
wken on the death of his father he inherited tlie ettatai
of the ancient family of de Lisle.
He spent his earliest yean at his birthplace and
was brought up as a member of the Church of Eo^
land, receiving his first religious instruction from his
uncle, William March Phillipps, a hif^-church dergy-
man. In 1818 Ajoabzose was sent to a private school
at South Cioxton, whence he was removed in 1820 to
Maiaemore Court School, near Gloucester, k^ by the
Rev. George Hodson. The Bishop of Gloucester,
having married Sophia March Phillipps, was his unde
by marriage, and so the boy had the advantage of
spending Sundays and holidays at the bishop's palaoe.
At school he met for the fijrst time a Catholic, the
AJtM Giraud, a French indgri priest, whose holy life
struck the bov as inconsistent with what he had al-
wi^ heard of Catholics. On one of his journeys to
Gloucester he took the opportunity of questioning the
priest as to the real belief of Catholics. The ans^'ers
ne reoeived so excited his interest that he began to
read all the books on the subject he oould find in his
father's libraxy. A visit to Paris in 1823 gave him his
fint acquaintance with Catholic liturev* Tlie effect
on his mind was shown on his retum^ome when he
penuaded the Anglican rector to place a cross on the
communion table, but this first effort to restore the
cross to £nglish churches was promptly suppressed by
the Bishc^ of Peterborough as savourine df Popery.
At this tune an incident occurred whidi left an in-
delible impression on his mind, and which he thus
rdated to nis subsequent biographer: ''One dav in
the year 1823, as I was rambling along the foot of the
lulls in the nei^bouriiood of the school, and medi-
tating, as was my wont in those boyish days, over the
strange Protestant theory that the Pope of Rome is
the Anti-Christ of Prophecy, all of a sudden I saw a
bright light in the heavens, and I heard a voice which
said: * Mahomet is the Anti-Christ, for he denieth the
Father and the Son.' On my return home in the next
holidays I looked for a Koran and there I found those
remarkable words, 'God neither begetteth nor is be-
gotten.'"
About this time Mr. Hodson's school was removed
to Edgbaston, near Birmingham, and here it was that
the boy. now sixteen years old,, had a remariLable
dream ''in which Our Lord seemed to reproach him
with not having f ullv complied with the light he had
reoeived." Moved by this, he wrote to a Catholic
priest, the Rev. Thomas Macdonnell, asking him to
meet him at Loughborough and receive him into the
Catholic Church. Mr. Macdonnell met him and was
surprised to find him so thoroughly instructed in
Catnolio doctrine, and after a few days he considered
him sufficiently prepared to be received into the
Church. Ambrose informed both his father and his
schoohnaster, with the result that he was immediately
removed from Mr. Hodson's school, at that gentle-
man's desire, and returned home with his father, ^o
arranged for him to continue his preparation for the
university under the private tuition of the Rev. Wil-
liam Wilkinson. He was obliged every Sunday to at-
tend the Protestant church, but did not join in the
service. His own account of his oonveision wfll be
found in Appendix I, in the^first chapter of his biog-
raphy below.
Ambrose Phillipps went into residence at Trinity
College, Cambridge, 16 October, 1826. He found at
the university a congenial friend in Kenelm Digbv
(q. v.), author of "Mores Catholici" and "The Broad,
stone of Honour", and, like himself, a recent convert
There was no Catholic chapel then at Cambridge, and
every Sunday for two years these two young Catho-
lics used to ride over, fasting, to St. Edmimd's Colleg^
Old Hall, a distance of twenty-five miles, for Mass and
Communion. It was on one of these visits to St. Ed-
mund's, in April, 1828, that Phillipps was seised with
a serious illness, having broken a btood- vessel on the
DS LI8LS
DS uaiii
lungs. The doctors recommended his father to take
him to Italy for the winter, and this necefisarily cut
short his Cambridge career, so that he had to leave
the UBiveroity without taking his degree. On his re^
turn to England in 1829, he became acquainted with
the Hon. and Rev. George Spencer, then an Anglican
clergyman, and his conveieation was largely instru-
mental in leading to Spencer's conversion, as the lat-
ter ftdmits in his ''Account of my Conversion '^ — ''I
passed many hours daily in conversation with Phil-
lipps and was satisfied beyond all expectations with
the answers he gave me to the different questions I
proposed about the principal tenets and practices of
Catholics." The following winter (1530-1831) he
again spent in Italy, on which occasion he met Ros-
mini, wno made a great impression on him.
« On 25 July, 1833, Ambrose Phillipps married Laura
Mary, eldest daughter of the Hon. Thomas Clifford,
son of Hug^, fourth Lord Clifford of Chadleigh. The
marria^ proved a most happy union, and on this oc-
casion Mr. Charles March Phulipps gave his aon pos-
session of the second family estate, the manor of
Graoe-Dieu in Leicestershirei which before the Ref-
ormation had been a prior^r of Augustinian nuns.
Here Ambrose Phillipps built a new manor-house
dnrin^ the years 1833-^, and in the mean time he
and his wife resided at Leamington, or at Garendon
Park. Marriage made no difference to the ardour
with which he devoted himself to the interests of the
Church and the spread of Catholicism, and this at a
time when the great influences of later days had not
made themselves felt. Writing a few years before his
death (Letter to the Rev. W. R. Brownlow, 10 Dec.,
1869, Life, I, 349) he thus sununed up the chief aims
of his own life: ''There were three great objects to
which I felt after my own conversion as a boy of fif-
teen specially drawn by internal feeling for the whole
space of forty-five yeara which have since elajssed.
The first was to restore to England the primitive
monastic contemplative observance, which God en-
abled me to do in the foundation of the Trappist mon-
astery of Mount St. Bernard. The second was the
restoration of the primitive ecclesiastical chant, my
edition of which is now recommended by the Arch-
Dii^op of Westmicster for the use of churches and
chapos. The third was the restoration of the Angli-
can Church to Catholic Unity." In the foundation of
the Cistercian Abbey he received generous support
from his friend John, Earl of Shrewsbury, but it was
he himself who conceived the idea, believing it neces-
sary that the ascetic aspect of Catholic life should be
presented to the English people. He gave both land
and money, even crippling his own resources in pro-
viding the necessary buildmgs. This work was b^;un
in 1835 and completed in 1844, while, dining the same
period, he founded missions at Graoe-Dieu and Whit*
wick. His disappointment was great when he found
that the Trappists were prevented by their rule from
undertaking active missionary work, because he at-
tached the greatest importance to a supply of zealous
missionaiy priests who would labour in English vil-
lages. ''I would have them go about aim preach
everywhere on the foreign plan, in the fields or in the
high roads even" (Letter to Lord Shrewsbuiy, 1839;
iSe, 1, 105).
Besides the material assistance thus given to the
spread of Catholicism, he devoted himsdf with per-
sistent energy and faith to spiritual means in which
he believed even more strongly. In 1838 he joined
his friend Rev. George Spencer in establishing and
propagating the Association of Universal Praver for
the Conversion of En^and. This remarkable cru-
sade, the results of which cannot be estimated, met
with deserved success due to the untiring efforts
which Spencer and Phillipps put forth. The sanguine
hopes wiiich both entertained of a speedy, if not im-
mmliate. return of England to the Catholic Faith lent
force to the vehemence with which they unged their
point, and accounts for the co-operation they every-
where met with. In a continental tour they made
together, accompanied by Mrs. Phillipps and two of
her children, in 1844. they passed through Belgium,
Germany, and North Italy, meeting many olstin-
guished Catholics and everywhere enlisting the sym-
pathy of prelates and dei^ in the cause. Wiseman
was bo-operating in Rome, and soon the movement
spread widely through the Catholic world. In diis
work Mr. Phillipps laboured without ceasing; by
interviews and by letters he aroused the interest and
awakened the enthusiasm of others, so that he became
the lay aposlie of prayer for the conversion of Eng-
land It is natural to see the first-fruits of this
prayer in the numerous conversions that resulted
from the Oxford Movement, and in that movement
Mr. Phillipps played a unique part. He was for some
time the only Catholic who was in confidential corre-
Sondence with the leaders of the party at Oxford,
is ideal of the conversion of Englana had always
been corporate reunion; the reconciliation of the
Anglican Church as a body, rather than individual
conversions however numerous; and in the Oxford
Movement his sanguine spirit saw the beginning of
this process. Accordingly, he set himself to remove
obstacles on both sides and to act as a mediator, the
more useful as he was unofficial. This he looked upon
as his vocation, as his son has stated (Life and Letters,
I, 254, note) : " National Conversion by means of Cor-
porate Reimion he likened unto the Apostolic practice
of fishing with a net 'gathering in multitudes of all
kinds of fishes.' And this he considered to be his
own special call from on Hi^, to prepare the way and
hasten the time when the Divine Word should again
be spoken to Peter, 'Cast your nets into the deep'."
With this end in view Mr. Phillipps did much to
obviate nusunderstandiogs by promoting at Oxford
fuller knowledge of Catholic life. This he did by
personal intercourse and correspondence with New-
man and others, and by reoeivine several Oxford men
as his guests at Grace-Dieu. His efforts were re-
warded by the numerous conversions that took place
and the impetus given to the Catholic cause.
The restoration of the hierarchy in 1850 was an
event after his own heart, and he exerted himself to
reconcile to it some of the Catholic laymen who
thou^t it inexpedient. Durine the excitement that
^osu^ throughout the country ne wrote two pamph-
lets which met with much success: " A Letter to Lord
Shrewsbury on the Re-establishmeat of the Hierarchy
and the Rnesent Position of Catholic Affairs", and
''A few words on Lord John Russell's Letter to the
Bishop of Durham". The progress of events raised
his hopes so high that he r^arded the reconcfliation
of the An^ican Church to the Holy See as imminent,
and to hasten its fulfilment entered on a new crusade
of prayer, in which the co-operation of non-Catholics
was desired. ''The Association for promoting the
Unity of Christendom", known as A. P. U. C, was
founded on 8 September, 1857, by fourteen persons
including Father Lockhart, Fr. Collins, O. Cist., and
Mr. de Lisle; the rest were Anjdicans, with one excep-
tion, a Russo-Greek priest. The only obli^tion in-
cumbent on members, who might be either Catholics,
Anglicans, or Greeks, was to pray to God for the unity
of the baptized body. At first the association pro-
gressed rapidly. Mr. de Lisle writing to Lord John
Manners (Life, 1, 415) said: ** We soon counted among
our ranks many Catholic Bishops and Archbishops
and Dignitaries of all descriptions from Cardinals
downwfurds; the Patriarch of Constantinople and
otherereat Eastern prelates, the Primate of the Rus-
sian Church. ... I do not think any Anglican Bishops
joined us, but a large number of clergy of the second
order". Hegave the number of members as nihe
thousand. Tne formation of this association was,
DXLI8LE
700
DS L'O&ME
bowever, regarded with distrust by Dr. Manning
(afterwards Cardinal and Archbishop of Westminster)
and other Catholics, who also took exception to Mr.
de Lisle's treatise "On the Future Unity of Christen-
dom". The matter was referred to Rome and was
finally settled by & papal rescript addressed "Ad
omnes episcopos Aimisd*', dated 16 September, 1864,
which condenmed the association and directed the
bishops to take steps to prevent Catholics from join-
ing it. This was a great blow to Mr. de Lisle, who
considered that "the authorities had been deceived
by a false relation of facts" (Letter to Editor of
Union Review, 20 Dec., 1864; Life, I, 400). He- how-
ever withdrew his name from the A. P. U. C. "under
protest, as an act of submission to the Holy See".
The ground on which the association was condemned
was that it subverted the Divine constitution of the
Church, inasmuch as its aim rested on the supposition
that the true Church consists partly of the Catholic
Church in communion with Rome, "partly also of
the Fhotian Schism and the Anglican heresy, to which
equaUy with the Roman Church belong the one Lord,
the one faith and one baptism" (Rescript, in Life, I,
388). Mr. de Lisle's own pamphlet was not censured,
but the condemnation of the A. P. U. C. was regarded
by him as the death-blow of his hopes for the reunion
of Christendom during his own lifetime. But his own
belief in it persevered and influenced his views in other
Catholic anairs. Thus he warmly supported the at-
tendance of Catholics at the English universities, and
he even approved of the abortive project of a Uniat
Enj^ish Church.
Ine rest of his life passed without anv v«y special
incident^ thou^ he continued ever to tsJce an interest
in public afifairs as affecting the fortunes of the
Church, and in the same connexion he carried on
intimate and cordial correspondence with men so
different as Newman, Gladstone, and Montalembert.
He counted amonff his friends John, Eaii of Shrews-
bury, Cardinal Wiseman, Pugin, Faber, and many
other well-known Catholics, and though he differed
on many points from Cardinal Manning and Dr. W.
G. Ward ne remained on friendly terms with both.
He died a holy death at Garendon, leaving his saintly
wife and eleven of his sixteen children surviving him.
Besides the pamphlets mentioned above he wrote a
remarkable work, "Mahometanism in its relation to
Prophecy • or an Inquiry into the prophecies concern-
ing Anti-Christ, with some reference to their bearii^
on the events of the present day " (1855). He also
translated Father Dominic's "Lamentations of Eng-
land" (lasi); Manzoni's "Vindication of Catholic
Morality" (1836); Montalembert's "St. Elizabeth of
Hungary" (1839); Rio's "La petite Chouannerie"
(1842) ; " Maxims and Examples of the Saints " (1844) ;
and he compiled: "Manual of Devotion for the Con-
fraternity of the Living Rosary" (1843); "Catho-
lic Christian's Complete Manual" (1847); "The
Little Gradual" (1847); "Thesaurus anim® Chris-
tiana" (1847); "Sequentiie de Festis per Annum"
(1862). He also wrote many articles for the press,
of which many were issued in pamphlet form, but
a complete bibliography has not hitherto been com-
pfled.
Pdrcbll, Life and Letters of Ambroae PhiUippB de Liele,
edited and finished by Edwin i>b Lisub (2 voIb., London, 1900);
Anon., 7W Sermons Preached on the Death of Ambrose LisU
March PhiUipps de LisU, Esq., preceded by a short sketch of his
We (privately printed. 1878); Anon., Life of Blessed Paul of the
Cross (London, 1853). oontaining some letters; Life of Fr.
Ignatius of St. Paul (DubUn, ISeS); Gxllow. BiW. Diet. Eng.
Cath., II, 38 (London, 1885); Ck>OPEB in Diet. Nat. Biog., XIV
(London, 1888); Wabd, Life of Cardinal Wiseman, II. 479 (Lon-
don. 1897); Cbuixbbanx, Ijaura de Lisle, her Life and Chameter
(1897).
Edwin Burton.
PeUsle, GuiLLAUME, reformer of cartography,
bom 28 February; 1675, in Paris; died there 25 Janu-
ary, 1726. His father, Claude Delisle (1644-1720),
having completed his biw studies, settled in Paris as
private teacner in geography and history, and after-
wards filled the office of royal censor. He was also a
cartographer, and in 1696 drew up a map in manu-
script and also took part in his son's first woiio,
'"The Map of the Worid" and "The Map of the
Continents ' ', both pubii^ed in 1700. These and tbe
terrestrial maps produced subsequently, which sur-
passed all similar publications, established the son's
fame. In 1702 he became dhx, in 1716 adjoiiUt
and in 1718 aasfKii of the Aoaddmie des Sciences;
and, as the young kinjB;'8 instructor in geography,
received the title of First Royal Geogra^icT with a
fixed salary, an office which was then created for the
first time.
Guillaume Delisle adopted entirely new principles
in cartography and set SLOOut making a thorouj^ i^^
form in that subject. The mi^publishers of the time
did not know how to utilize the material supplied
mainly by the Frendi astronomers of the latter half of
the seventeenth oentuiy, and Delisle recognised Uist
the new methods of measuring by scale and of markixi£
the places were very valuable for cartography; wit£
this help he thereforeproduced a new and perfect pic-
ture of the world. When his astronomical informa-
tion fell short he carefully examined axui sifted all the
books of travel and all the maps he could find, and the
products of this readins were dovetailed neaUv into
the facts which he had already at hand. According to
a fixed method he worked up the several continents
and countries one by one. France in particular. In
diluted points he named his source on the map or
wrote adoitional notes, the majority of which weie
published in the writings of the Acaademy. Oat par-
ticular reconunendation of his charts is that he em-
ployed a fixed scale of messurement for r^ons closely
connected with one another. No less famous than
his astronomical corrections are the completeness of
his topography and the care displayed in tiie oiihog-
raphy of the names.
Aa aocorate munmaiy of his charta and treatiaflB with Um
his^est commendation la given by Ohbistiak Sardlbb, Die
Reformation der Kartograpkie urn 1700 (Munich, 190S).
Otto HAsno.
De L'Onne, Phiubert, celebrated ardiitect of the
French Renaissance, b. at Lyons, o. 1515 or a little later;
d. at Paris, 8 January. 1570. Of the exact date of his
birth there exists no documentary evidence. He was
the son of Jehan de L'Onne, a master builder of
Lyons, from whom he received his trsining. At an
age when he speaks of himself as beins ^'of great
youth" Philibert was at Rome, where his curiously
careful and scientific study of classic antiquities at-
tracted the attention of the learned GardinsJ of Santa
Croce, then a bishop, later Pope Marcellus II, through
whose influence he was employed by ]^ul III. From
this service he was recalled to Lyons two years later,
in 1536, by Guillaume du Bdlay and ms brother.
Cardinal Jean du Bellay. Socm after his return de
L'Orme was made military controller, an office he
held until 1545, when he was named by the king
'' master architect and general conductor of buildino,
works and fortifications." In this capacttv he
ingeniously averted a threatened attacx (H the
English upon the dismantled ch&teau of Brest by
means of mock cannon and an improvised soldiery.
At various subsequent periods, he was endowed by
royal favour with the title of counsellor and almoner
ordinarv of the kins, and was made Abb6 of G^veton,
of Barth^lemy, of Saint-£loy4es-Noyon, besides re-
ceiving other such sinecures; he was also appointed
a canon of Notre-Dame at Paris. Ihou^ it was the
usage of the time for the king to bestow upon laymen
the title and benefices of an abb^ as rewara or salary,
it has been conjectiured from the double title of king'«
almoner and canon of Notre-Dame, that de L'Orme
had received minor orders. Between the yean IMl
701
DKLTA
and 1560, during which he held the position of roysil
architect under Francis I and Henry II, de L'Onne
altered, enlarged, and restored numerous chAteaux^
notably those of Villers-Gotterets, Saint-Qermain-en-
lAye, Fontainebleau, and Vinoennes. His first in-
dividual achievement of importance, however, was
the chAtMiu of Saint-Maur-les-Fosste, originally de-
signed for Cardinal du Bellay. Bishop of Paris, but
afterwards taken over by Gatnerine de' Medici. Of
this notable work almost nothing remains. In 1552
the chAteau d'Anet, regarded as the best example of
de Li'Orme's genius, was begun for Diana of Poitiers,
niistrefis of Henry II. Benvenuto Cellini's famous
bronse Diana, now in the Louvre, was executed for
this buHding and other eminent artists assisted in its
decoration.
The death of Henry II (1559) marked the turnings
point of de L'Orme's prosperity. His large revenues,
as well as his rugged mdependence had made for him
envious and contentious enemies, not the least formid-
able of whom was the poet Konsard. During the
period of unpopularity which succeeded he issued, in
1561, the work "Nouvelles inventions pour bien
bastir et a petite frais" (How to Build WtAi and at
Small Expense). This was subseouently a part of his
notable treatise on architecture which contains much
lively autobiography; the first volume of this work
ai>peared at Paris in 1567 imder the title: "Le pre-
mier tome de I'architecture de Philibert de L'Onne".
In 1564 he laid the foundations of the historic chAteau
' of the Tuileries for Catherine de' Medici. The initial
part of the structure, however, suffered a complete
chance under other hands. The Tuileries was the
last important undertaking of the architect, who was
buried with the honours of a canon of Notro-Dame.
The claim has been made by some biographen tiiat de
L'Onne designed for Saint-Denis the Valois Chapel,
now destroyed; there is much doubt as to his exact
share in various other works with which he is known
to have been associated. The only ^reat work of de
L'Orme now actually remaining is the tomb of
Fkvmcis I in Saint-Denis at Paris.
Dnjcs, Renaisaanee of Art in France (London, 1879); Bextt,
Lea grand* artAttectet iraneaig de la Renaiammee (Pane, 1800);
Paosbbon. PAtiA«r( de VOrme in B^yagravhie dee arUatee
iyonnaie (Lyons, 1835); Callbt, Noiiee hietorique aur ta vie .
artiatUrue et lee ouvmgea de quetquee architectee francaie du XVie
uitde (PariB, 1842); Dbbtaillbuh, Nolioe eur qudquea ofHeieK
franffoie (Paria, 1863): Du Cbbckau, Lee ]due exeeUmU haeti-
mente de France (Pana. 1870); Vachon, FhUibert de UOrme
fai Lee artietea ciUbrea (Paris, 1887); Roubsbl, Le chateau de
Diana de PoiUara h And (Pazis, 1883): Charvbt, Pkitiberi de
UOrme ik Sami-Denia in Biotpraphiea (farchiteclea.
Charles D. Maginnis.
lMlfhhk% BLB88BD, of the Third Order of St. Fran-
ds, b. m Provence, France, in 1284; d. 26 November.
1368. Left an orphan in her infancy, she was plaoed
under the guardiuiship of her uncles, and under the
direction of hei* aunt, the Abbess of St. Catherine of
Sorbo. She grew up in the practice of every virtue,
and took a vow of virginity which she kept faithfully
to the end of her life. In her twentieth vear she was
married to Els^ar, Count of Sarban, and the couple,
having received the habit of the Third Order of St.
Francis, hved together in the edifvinff practice of
prayer, penance, and charity towards me poor until
the death of St. Elz^ar in 1323. After the death of
her husband. Blessed Delphine sold all her vast posses-
sions for the benefit of the poor and retired first to
Naples and then to Cabri^res. She finally returned
to Ai>t where her husband had been buried. During
the lut yean of her life she endured ihe greatest
sufferings without the slightest complaint or sign of
impatience. The cult that had long been paid to
Blened IMk>hine was oonfhmed by Pope UHban V,
godson of St. Els^ar. Her feast is kept in the Fran-
ciscan Order on the twenty-seventh or November.
WaDDOia. Ammatea Umonm (Bonie* 1782), VI* 248, 266.
337.Vin,U7: Jm>. LSvea of ike Sainla and BUaaed 9f the Thrm
Ordare of St, Fnmcia (Taunton. 1887), IV. 112. 122.
Stephen M. Donovak.
Delrio, Martin Anton, scholar, statesman, Jesuit
theologian, b. at Antwerp, 17 May*, 1661 ; d. at Lou-
vain, 19 October, 1608. He studied at Paris, Douai,
Louvain, and Salamanca where he received the decree
of Doctor of Law in 1574. Returning to the Low
Countries with the reputation of being 'Hhe miracle of
his a^") a title given him by Justus Lipsius, he held
the omces of senator, auditor of the army, vicenchan-
cellor, aild procurator general. In 1 580 he entered tJie
Society of Jesus, made nis novitiate at Valladolid, and
returned to Louvain for further studies. He after-
wards held the chairs of |)hilo60phy, moral theology,
and Scripture at the Universities of Douai, Li^ge,
Louvain, Graz, and Salamanca. He i>06sessed a
speaking-knowledge of at least nine langua£;es, wrote
in a pure though somewhat diffuse style, ancTwafl care-
ful to the extreme in the preparation of his books, as
may be seen from the fact that his second work, pub-
lished at the age of twenty-three, contains citations
from nearly eleven hundred authors. His principal
works comprise: Commentaries on Claudius, Eimius,
Florus, ana Seneca; on the ancient geographer and
historian, C. J. Silvius Polyhistor: no& on tne Chris-
tian poets, St. Orientius and St. Aldhelm ; an exhaus-
tive treatise on civil law; a "Historia Belgica*', on
the contemporaiy disorders in the Low (>)untries;
some controversial pamphlets written aeainst Joseph
Scaliger; commentaries on Cenesis, on tne Canticle of
Canticles, and on the Lamentations of Jeremias; an
explanation of various proverbial expressions in the
Old Testament called ''Adagialia sacra Veteris Teslr-
amenti"; pane^rics and other worics on the virtues
of the Blessed Virgin; and a treatise on mamc, called
"Disquisitionum majg^carum libri sex". This last
work, the one by which Delrio is best known, was
much praised in its day and went through many edi-
tions, out can no longer be accepted in f idl.
DcLAULNATE in Bioo. tmtp., 8. v.; Hustbs. NomencUttor, L
191; DUX in Kirehenlex., III. 1408; SomcBBvOGBL, BibL de la
c de. /., 8. v.; 8oiafBBvoaBi«in Via., DicL de la BMe^ a. v.
J. H. Fisher.
Delta of the Kile, Prefecture Apoarrouc of the,
is situated in the north of Egypt and comprises four
of the six provinces forminflfLower E^Eprpt, namely:
Gharbieh, Charkieh, Menufien, and Kalyiubieh. Prior
to the establishment of the prefecture, the four
provinces contained 1000 Catnolics belonging to
different rites. The prefecture was erected by P^pa-
sanda, 17 March, 1887. In 1888 the Rev. Augustin
Duret of the Lyons Society for African Missions was
appointed first prefect Apostdic and the prefecture
confided to the care of this society. It had at first
only two missionary posts, one at Tantah and the
other at Zagazig, but a new post was founded at
Zifteh in 1887 and another at Mahallanel-Kebir in
1891. About this time the city of Cairo, which had
already outgrown its former limits, developed con-
siderably on the north, and populous quarters grew up
within the Prefecture of the Delta. For the conve-
nience of resident Catholics a Latin parish was formed
in the Choubra quarter in 1894 and given to the
Fathers of the Society for African Missions; in 1896
another Latin parish under the same direction was
established at Zeltoun for the outlying districts of
Koubbeh, Zeltoun, and Matarieh.
Statistics. — ^The last official census (1897) gave for
the four provinces of the Delta a total population of
3,282,457; 73,365beingschLBmatic8of different rites;
3091 Catholics of various rites: and 241 Protestants.
These figures do not distinguish the [wpulation of the
quarters or outskirts from that of Cairo; on the basis
of other returns, the total population of the prefecture
may be estimated at about 3.500.000; 100,000 of this
I»LU€UB
702
number being schismatics and 15,000 Catholios of
various rites; over 5000, perhaps, belonging to the
Latin Rite. Clergy and Religious. — Priests of the
African Missions, 49; Jesuits, 47; Brothers of the
Christian Schools, 17; Petite Fr^res de Marie, 8;
Sisters of Notre-Dame des Ap^tres, 92; Sisters of the
Good Shepherd of Angers, 77; Ladies of the Sacred
Heart, 34; Religious of Marie Riparatrice, 14; Filles
de la Charity, 14; Filles de Notre-Dame des Douleurs,
9; Pieuses Mdres de la Nigritie, 16. Parishes. — ^There
are 4 Latin parishes: at Choubra (Cairo quarter),
Ze'itoun (suburb of Cairo), Tantah, and Zagazk; 2
succursal parishes (mission churches) : at ManallL-el-
Kebir, and Zifteh. Educational InstHutions. — 1
Jesuit college with 450 pupils; 3 schools conducted
by the Priests of the African Missions; at Tantah
(231),.Zeitoun (75), and Zifteh (50); 2 Christian
Brothers' schools at Choubra (250), and Zagazig
(50); the Sisters of Notre-Dame des Ap6tres
have 6 institutions: at Tantah (249), Zagazig (150),
Zeitoun (110), Zifteh (100), Mahalla (80), and
Matarieh (38); 1 boarding-school conducted by
the Ladies of the Sacred Heart (60); and 1 institution
of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd of Angers (220),
making a total of 2113 pupils. CharitaUe Institti^
tione.S hospitals: 1 conducted by the Filles de la
Charity, and 2 by the Pieuses M^res de la Nigritie
(150 to 200 sick); 2 orphanages: 1 for boys, con-
ducted by the Filles de la Charity (60 orphans), and 1
for girls by the Sisters of the Good Shepherd of Angers
(78 orphans) ; 5 dispensaries in charge of the Sisters
of Notre-Dame des Ap6tres, where several hundreds
of sick daily receive gratuitous treatment ; 1 home for
the aged conducted by the Filles de Notre-Dame des
Douleurs where from 50 to 60 inmates, both men and
women, are cared for gratuitously ; 1 house of refuge
in charge of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd of An-
gers.
The Prefecture of the Delta owes its development
chiefly to the prodij^ous ^wth of the city of Cairo
which, in extending its limits, had to stretch out upon
prefectorial territory. Here, as in all cosmopolitan
and growing centres, the missionaries have found their
chief obstacle in religious indifference.
Qenrchia CaUolifa (Rome, 1908); Miaaumea CathaliaB
(Rome, 1907), 352-64: La.nic, Modem Boj/ptians (London,
1871); Baki^ Cairo of To-day (London. 1902); Dicbt, The
Egypt of the Future (London, 1906).
AUGUSTIN DURET.
Deluge, the name of a catastrophe fully described
in Gen., vi, 1-ix, 19, and referred to in the following
passages of Sacred Scripture: Wisd., x, 4; xiv, 6-7;
Ecclus., xvi, 8, xliv, 17-19- Is., liv, 9; Matt., xxiv,
37-39; Luke, xvii, 26-27; Hebr., xi, 7; I Peter, iii,
20-21 ; II Peter, ii, 5. In the present article we shall
consider: I. The Biblical Account; II. Its Historicity;
III. The Universality of the Flood; IV. Collateral
.Questions.
I. Biblical Account of the Deluob. — ^The Book
of Genesis gives the following brief account of the Del-
uge: God sees the wickedness of men, and determines
to destrov them excepting Noe and his family (vi, 1-8).
He reveals his decree to Noe and instructs mm how he
may save himself and the seed of all animal life br
means of an ark to be built according to certain di-
mensions (vi, 9-22). Seven days before the Flood,
God commands the patriarch to enter the ark (vii,
1-5). Noe completes his entrance into the ark on
the very day on which the Flood begins; the rain
falls for forty days and nights ; all Irving things outside
the ark are destroyed; the watere prevail upon the
earth a hundred and fifty days (vii, 6-24). The
waters decrease, the earth dries up; Noe ascertains
its condition by means of a raven and a dove sent out
from the ark (viii, 1-14). Noe obeys the Divine com-
mand to leave the ark, builds an altar, oflFera sacrifice,
makes a covenant with God, and begins to be a hu»>
bandman (ix, 1-27).
Simple aa this account seems to be, the Biblical
critics maintain that it is a mosaic made up of two
Flood stories, differing in authon^ij) and in contents.
They assign one to the Yahwistic writer usually ded^
nated by the letter J* the other, to the post^zfljc
priestly writer generally known aa P. According to
Kautssch, the sections vi, 1-8; vii, 1-5, 7-10, 12,
16b-17, 22-23; viii, 2b-3a. 6-12, 13b, 20-22; ix,
18-27, belong to J, while P claims vi, 9-22; vii, 6, 11,
ia-16a, 18-21; vii, 24-viii, 2a; viu^ 3b-5, 13a, 14-19;
ix, 1-17. This division of the text is baaed on the fol-
lowing groimds: (1) J uses the divine name Yahweh,
P employs Elohim; (2) J and P narrate the same
series of events j (3) J and P differ in language; (4) J
and P disa$^«e m their statements.
The composite character of the Flood story does not
conflict with its Mosaic authorship. The meet con-
servative Bible student will srant that Moses was not
an eye-witness of the Deluge. Prescinding from
Divine revelation, he must have derived his infcNrma-
tion about the event either from tradition or from
written documents. If Biblical criticism has suc-
ceeded in restoring the main sources utilised by Moses
in his history of the Flood, it has rendered a most si^
nal service to exegesis. Happily we are in the posi-
tion to be able to control the value of the critical
conclusions by means of the Babvlonian or Akkadlian
account of the Deluge. Without delaying over its form
as contained in the iraemenis of Berosus whidi are of.
comparatively recent date, we find that the version
^ven in a cuneiform inscription on tablets preserved
m the British Museum, and first deciphered by George
Smith in 1872, contains a combinatk)n of the P and J
elements of the Flood story. This version is said bv
experts to date back at leaet to about 3000 b. c. It »
certain, therefore, that the so-called P and J docu>
ments reconstructed by the critics were combined long
before the Biblical text was put in writing. This fact
is confinned by a Deluge story contains in Scheil's
recently discovered fragment, which cannot be doted
much later than 2 140 b . c. Chritics can no longer deny
the existence of a Flood tradition similar to tbe history
contained in the Book of Genesis, antedating our
Biblical account. In order to uphold their division of
the inspired text into the so-called J and P documents,
they maintain that the Akkadian stoiy was copied
partially in the J and partially in the r documents,
and that the Biblical '' Redactor" reunited these two
partial accounts into one. This series of assumptions,
however, is at best- an awkward attempt to explain
away a tact which stands in the way of their theory.
But we are -prepared to admit the critical diviaiQii of
the Flood accoimt in spite of its disag^reement with the
results of recent discoveries, if the critical aigume&ts
are really cogent.
(1) We are told the J uses the Divine name Yahweh,
while P emplovs Elohim. But the fbUowmg ooniBid-
erations must be kept in mind: First, we aie haitUy
sufficientl^r sure of the use of the Divine names in the
primitive inspired text to build a soUd aiigument on
their occurrence in the present text-fiorm. Secondly,
in the present text-form Elohim occurs twice in the
Yahwistic document, vi, 2, and vii, 0. Thirdly, six
passages in the section vii, 16-viii, 20, axe asaig^ied to
the Yahwistic writer, though the name Yahwdbi does
not occur once. Fourthly, the variation of the Divine
names in the Deluge story can be explained satikac-
torily without resorting to the violent measure of
dividing up the text between two distmot writens.
(2) It is alleged that J and P report the aame events.
If we examine the two documents as reeonstmcted
by the critics, in the light of this contention, we find
that they are fragmentaiy and. that tiiey do not con-
tain two series of events. J passes from God's deter-
'minaiion to destroy the worid (vi, 1-8) to the Divine
l>B.DrOE
703
OBLtTCn
oommand that Noe ghould enter the ark without telling
him where to find or how to procure an ark (vii, 1-6).
Noe builds an altar and offers burnt offering^ without
leaving the ark (viii, 20). P does not inform us of the
real nature of the corruption of all flesh (vi, 9-12) ; he
knows of God's order to save the animals, but knows
nothing of God's command concerning Noe and his
family (vi, 17-22; vii, 13); even eleven months after
the beginning of the Flood and two months after the
appearance of the tops of the mountains, he knows of
no attempt on the part of Noe to ascertain the condi-
tion of the earth ( viii, 13 sq.) ; finally, he gives no ethical
motive for the Divine blessing bestowed on Noe (i^,
^f 8<1Q>)> I'he critics are aware of these gaps in the
two documents, and explain them by supposing that
the " Redactor "y who had the original Flood stories
before him, did not insert their complete text into the
Biblical account. But if the '' Redactor'' omitted eer-
tain parts of the original documents in order to avoid
lepetitions, why did he not omit the repetitions dis-
covered by the critics? Or are we to assume that he
introduced certain repetitions, while he carefuUy
avoided others? Is it not more likely that he con-
sidered the repetitions alleged by the critics as mere
rhetorical devices, as recapitulary transitions, e. g.
(vi, ^12), or gradations (vii, 17-20; vii, 21-23), or
amplifications (vii, 7, 13-16a)?
(3) J and P are said to differ in language; but the
critical division beine what it is, it would be strange if
the two documents did not differ in language. The
sections which contain chronological, systematic, and
scientific material are attributed to P, the rest is
left to J. Is it surprising that J does not describe the
measurements of the ark, seeing that the critics do not
g^ve him any ark to describe? Or is it remarkable
that P lacks the poetic style foimd in J's description of
the raven and tne dove, seeine that no section is as-
signed to him, which would aamit such a treatment?
The care with which only set subjects and determined
expressions are assigned to J and P respectively is well
illustrated by the fact that in spite of their minute dis-
section of the Flood story, the critics must remove
part of vi, 7: vii, 3, 7, 17, 22, 23; ix, 18, 22, 23, 26:
and the whole of vii, 8, 9, from the J document, and
part of vi, 17; vii, 6; ix, 4, from the P document, in
order not to allow* inconsistencies in their sources.
(4) Finally, J and P are said to disagree with regard
to the animals to be taken into the ark, as to the dura-
tion of the Flood, and as to God's behaviour towards
man after the Flood. In vi, 19, indeed, P records
God's command, ''thou shalt bring two of a sort
into the ark"; but is it inconsistent with this, if 120
years later, when Noe is about to enter the ark, J re-
lates the more accurate Divine specification, " of all
clean beasts take seven and seven . . . but of the beasts
that are not clean two and two ' ' (vii, 2, 3) ? It cannot
be said that the fulfilment shows that only two of
every kind were taken into the ark ; both vii, 9. and vii,
1 5, 16, read " two and two . . . male and female ' , so that
they express couples fit for generation rather than any
absolute number. The discrepancv as to chronology
between J and P is more artificial than true; there is
no inconsistency in the chronology of the Biblical ac-
count of the Flood, so that the discrepancy between
the dociunents, if there be one, is of cnticaf manufac-
ture. Besides, a simple reading of the J document
taken separately will show that its chronology is not
satisfactory. Finally, if in ix, 15, P knows of a Divine
covenant which according to J is the result of the self-
deliberation of Yahweh m consequence of the patri-
arch's sacrifice (viii, 21-22), the two documents are
rather supplementary than contradictory; J supplies
the ethicsd motive for God's action as described by P.
II. Historicity of the Biblical Deluob Ac-
count.— It has been contended that the Flood story
of the Bible and the Flood legends of other peoples,
k)oked at from a merely historical point of view,
stand on a similar footing, the Biblical account being
a mere late Variant of one of them. And on inquiring
into their origin, we find that four theories have been
advanced: (1) The Flood story is a mere product
oi fancv. This theory contradicts the analogy of
similar legends amon^ all peoples. (2) The Deluge
story is by others considered as a nature-myth, repre-
senting the phenomena of winter, which in Babylonia
especially is the time of rain. This nature-myth
asain is by some writers believed to have nown out
Of an archaic ether-myth, according to which the sim
was imagined as a man voyaging on a boat in the
heavenfy^ ocean. The fact that the sea was to be
found on the earth, not in heaven, and the damage
wrought by the incessant winter-rain and the inun-
dation of great rivers, transferred the myth from
heaven to earth, chatigingthe ether-myth into a nature-
myth. But this theory, too, neglects the numerous
Ffood stories existing among many nations, which do
not lend themselves to a similar explanation. (3)
Connected with the preceding theory is the explana-
tion which makes the Deluge story a cosmogonic fable.
It has been seen that the hero rescued i^ the ship
must have been the sun-god (cf. the ether-myth).
Thus the Deluge becomes ultimately a variant of the
Babylonian creation-myth. It is for this reason that
the mytholoncal text published by Peiser calls the
time of the Deluge "the year of the great serpent".
For this "great serpent ' is the pjersonified ocean
which on old Babylonian maps encircles Babylonia,
just as leviathan is the worid-encircling ocean per-
sonified as a serpent: it is the same monster which
is a central figure in tne Creation story. We need not
add that this theory, too, leaves the great bulk of the
existing Flood tr^tions tmexplained. (4) It has
been iirferred from the improbability of the preceding
theories, that the Flood story must be a poetical or
legendary presentation of some natural occurrence.
Furthermore, it is maintained that the immediate
basis of the legend is a local disturbance. It may
have been a great inundation caused by an overflow
of the Tigris and Euphrates, or the incursion of a
tidal wave resulting from an earthquake south of the
mouth of the two rivers. But however terrible the
ruin wrought by such inundations may be, this theory
does not account for the universality of the Flood
tradition, unless we suppose that the ruin affected
the ancestors of all human races.
Thus far we have considered the Biblical Flood
story from a merely historical point of view. But the
Bible student who believes in the inspiration of the
Sacred Scriptures and admits the value of tradition
in their exegesis can hardly rest satisfied with the
results thus tar obtained. It will not even be enough
to grant that the ancient Flood legend became the
vehicle of religious and spiritual truth by means of a
divinely guideid religious feeling and insight of the
inspired writer. The Deluge is referred to in several
passages of Scripture as a historical fact; the
writing of the Fathers consider the event in the
same light, and this view of the subject is confirmed
by the numerous variants under which the Flood
tradition lives in the most distant nations of the earth.
(a) The following are some of the New Testament
passages which im^ that the Deluge was a real his-
torical event : " And as in the days of Noe, so shall also
the coming of the Son of man be. For as in the days
before the flood, they were eating and drinking, mar-
ryine and giving in marriage, even till that day in
which Noe entered into the ark, and they knew not
till the flood came, and took them aU away; so also
shall the coming of the Son of man be" (Matt., xxiv,
37-39). In these worcfe Christ regards the Flood
with its circumstances as being not less real than the
last days will be of which He speaks in the passage.
The same view concerning the Flood, Christ implis
m Luke, xvii, 26-27. In the Epistle to the Hebrewb
UKUO^A
704
DBLUOE
fc
(xi, 7) the inspired writer is not less dear about the
historicity of the Flood: "By faith, Noe having re-
ceived an answer concerning those things whim as
yet were not seen, moved with fear, framed the ark
or the saving of his house, by the which he condeomed
the world ; and was instituted heir of the justice which
is by faith." St. Peter (I Peter, iii, 20) too refers to
the ark and the Flood as historical facts: "When
they waited for the patience of God in the days
of Noe, when the ark was a building: wherein a few,
that is, eisht souls, were saved by water". He re-
turns to tne same teaching in II Peter, ii, 5. We
might appeal to Is., liv, 9; Nah., i, 8; Ezech., xiv,
14; Ecclus., xliv, 18 so.; Ps. xxviii, 10; xxxi, 6; but
what has been said sumciently shows that the BiUe
urges the historicity of the Deluge story.
(6) As to the view of Christian tradition) it suffices
to appeal here to the words of Father Zorell who main-
tains that the Bible story concerning the Flood has
never been explained or undenstood in any but a truly
historical sense by any Catholic writer (cf. Hagen.
Lexicon Biblicum). It would be useless labour aiMi
would exceed the scope of the present article to
enumerate the long list of Fathers and Scholaatic
theologians who have touched upon the question.
The few stray discordant voices belonging to the last
fifteen or twenty years are simply drowned in this
unanimous chorus of Christian tradition.
(c) The historicity of the Biblical Flood account is
confirmed by the traidition existing in all places and at
all times as to the occurrence of a similar catastrophe.
F. von Schwans (Sintfluth und VOlkerwanderungen,
pp. 8-18) enumerates sixty*three such Flood stories
which are in his opinion independent of the Biblical
account. R. Andree (Die Flutsagen ethnographisch
betrachtet) discusses eighty-eight different Flood
stories, and considers sixty-two of them as indepen-
dent of the Chaldee and Hebrew tradition. More-
over, these stories extend through all the races of the
earth excepting the African; these are excepted, not
because it is certain that they do not possess any
Flood traditions, but because their traditions have
not as yet been sufficiently investigated. Lenormant
pronounces the Flood story as the most universal
tradition in the history of primitive man, and Franz
Delitzsch was of opinion that we might as well consider
the history of Alexander the Great a mvth, as to call
the Flood tradition a fable. It would, ixideed, be a
greater mimde than that of the Deluge itself, if the
various and different conditions surrounding the
several nations of the earth had produced among
them a tradition substantiallv identical. Opposite
causes would have produced tne same effect.
III. Univebsautt of the Delugs. — The Biblical
account aacribes some kind of a universality to the
Flood. But it may have been geographically univer-
sal, or it may have been only ant£ropol(>gically uni-
versal. In other words, the Flood may have covered
the whole earth, or it may have destroyed all men, .
covering only a certain part of the earth. Till about
the seventeenth century, it was generally believed
that the Deluge had been geographically universal,
and this opinion is defended even in our days by some
conservative scholars (cf. Kaulen in Kirchenlexikon).
But two hundred years of theological and scientific
study devoted to the question have thrown so much
light on it that we may now defend the following con-
clusions:
(1) The geographical universality of the Deluge
may be safelv abandoned. Neither Sacred Scripture
nor universal ecclesiastical tradition, nor again scien-
tific considerations, render it advisable to adnere to the
opinion that the Flood covered the whole surface of
the earth, (a) The words of the original text, ren-
dered "earth*' in our version, signify "land*' as well
as ''earth''; in fact, ''land'' {q;>pearB to have been
theh* primal^ meaning, and this meaning fits in admir-
ably with Gen., iv, v, and Gen., z; wfar not adhere to
this meaning also in Gen. , vi-ix, or me Flood stoiy. Why
not read, the waters "filled all on the face of the land",
" all flesh was desUxiyed that moved in the land", " aD
things wherein there is the breath oi life in the land
died''» "all the hi^ mountains under the whole
heaven (correspondmg to the land) were covered*'?
The priinajy meaning ci the inspired text uines there-
fore a imiversality of the Flood covering the whole
land or region in which Noe Uved. but not the whole
earth.
(6) Aa to the cogency of the proof from tradition for
the geographical universality of the Flood, it must be
rememlMred that very few of the Fathers toudied
upon this question ex profesao. Among those who do
80 there are some who restrict the D^uge to certain
parts of the earth's surface without incurring the
Dlame of offending against tradition. Tlie earthly
paradise, e. g., waa exempted bjr many, irrespective of
its location on the top of a hig^ mountain or else-
where; the same must be said of the place in which
liathusala must have lived during the fiood according
to the Septuagint reading; St. Augustine knows of
writers who exempted the mountain Olympus from
the Flood, though he himself does not agree with
them ; Pseudo-Justin hesitatin^y lejects the opinion
of those who restrict the FIocm to the parts of the
earth actually inhabited by men; Cajetan revived the
opinion that the Flood did not cover Olympus and
other hi^ mountains, believing that Genesis spoke
only of the mountains under the aerial heaven; Toc-
tatus sees a figure of speech in the expression of the
Bible which implies the universality of the Flood; at
any rate, he exempts the earthly Paradise from the
Deluge, since Henoch had to be saved. If the Fathers
had considered the universality of the Flood as part of
the body of epclesiaatical tradition, or of the deposit of
faith, they would have defended it more vigorously.
It is true that the Congregation of the Index con-
demned Vossius's treatise "ue Septuaginta Interpre-
tibus" in. which he defended, among other docUines.
the view that the Flood covered only the inhabited
part of the earth; but theologians of ereat wei^t
maintained that the work was condemned on account
of its Protestant author, and not on account of its
doctrine.
(c) Hi^fe are also certain scientific considerations
which oppose the view that the Flood was geograph-
ically universal. Not that science opposes any diffi-
culty insuperable to the power of Gcki ; but it draws
attention to a number of most extraordinaiy, if not
miraculous phenomena involved in the admission of a
aeographically universal Deluge. First, no sudi geo-
u>gical traces can be found as ou^t to have been left
by a universal Deluge; for the catastrophe connected
with the beginning of the ice-aoe, or the geological
deluge, must not be connectea with the Biblical.
Secondly, the amount of water required by a universal
Deluge, as described in the Bible, cannot be accounted
for by the data furnished in the Biblical account. If
the surface of the earth, in round numbers, amounts
to 510,000,000 square kilometres, and if the elevation
of the highest moimtains reaches about 9000 metres,
the water required by the Biblical Flood, if it be uni-
versal, amoimts to about 4,600,000,000 cubic kilo-
metres. Now, a forty days' rain, ten times more
copious than the most violent rainfall known to us,
will raise the levri of the sea only about 800 metres;
since the height to be attained is about 9000 metres,
there is still a mp to be filled by unknown souroer
amounting to a neight of more than 8000 metres, in
order to raise the water to Uie level of the greatest
mountains. Thirdly, if the Biblical Deluge was geo-
graphically universSu, the sea water and the nesh
water would mix to such an extent that neither the
marine animals nor the f resh-¥rater animals could
have lived in the mixture without a miracle. Fourth-
DBLtraB
705
VKLVOm
\y, there are aerious difficulties connected with the ani^
izials in the ark, if the Flood was geographically uni-
'versal: How were they brought to Noe from uie re-
mote re^ons of the earth in which they lived? How
eoxild ei^t persons take care of such an array of
l>east8? Where did they obtain the food necessary
for all the animals? How could the arctic animals
live with those of the torrid zone for a whole year and
under the same roof? No Catholic commentator wiH
repudiate an explanation merely for fear of havins to
axlmit a miracle; but no Catholic has a right to admit
"Biblical miracles which are not well attested either by
^ripture or tradition. What is more, there are traces
«n the Biblical Flood story which favour a limited ex-
tent of the catastrophe: Noe could have known the
g^graphical universality of the Deluge only by
revelation; still the Biblical account appears to nave
been written by an eye-witness. If the Flood had
been universal, the water would have had to fall from
tbe height of the mountains in India to the level of
those in Armenia on which the ark rested, i. e. about
11,500 feet, within the space of a few days. The fact
that the dove is said to nave found 'Hhe waters . . .
upon the whole earth", and that Noe "saw that the
face of the earth was dried**, leaves the impression
that the inspired writer uses the word "earth'' in the
restricted sense of "land". Attention has been
drawn also to the "bough of an olive tree, with ^^een
leaves" carried by the dove in her mouth on her sec-
ond return to the ark.
(2) The Deluge must have been anthropologically
universal, i. e. it must have destroyed the whole ho-
man race. After limiting the extent of the Flood to a
part of the earth, we naturally ask whether any men
lived outside the region covered by its waters. It haa
been maintained that not all men can have perished in
the Flood for the following reasons: Tribes which cer-
tainly sprang from Noe were preceded in their earliest
settlements by other tribes whose origin is unknown
to us: the Dravidic trib^ preceded the Aryans in In-
dia; the proto-Medians preceded the Medians; the
Akkadians preceded the Cushites and Semites in
C^aldea; the C^anaanites were preceded in Palestine
by other races. Besides, the oldest Egyptian monu-
ments present the Negro race just as wennd it to-day,
so that even at that remote age, it was wholly different
from the Caucasian race. Again, the lan^ages of the
rAces springing from Noe are said to be in a state of
development different from that in which we find the
languages of the peoples of unknown origin. Finally,
the Biblical account of the Flood is said to admit a
restriction of its anthropological universality as read-
ily as a limitation of its geographical completeness;
for if "land" be substituted in our translation for
earth, the Book of Genesis speaks only of the men in-
habiting a certain district, and not of the men of the
whole earth, as being the victims of the waters. Con-
siderations like these have induced several Catholic
writers to regard as quite tenable the opinion that the
Deluge did not destroy all men outside the ark.
But if the reason advanced for luniting the Flood to
a certain part of the human race be duly examined,
they are round to be more specious than true. The
above scientific arguments ao not favour a partial
destruction of the human race absolutely, but only in
so far as the uninterrupted existence of the various
races in question gives them more time for the racial
development and the historical data that have to be
harmonized with the text of Genesis. Those who
VLTgfi these arguments grant, therefore, implicitly that
the allowance of a proper length of time will explain
tlie facts on which their arguments are based. As
tliere is nothing in the teaching of the Bible preventing
us from assi^mff the Flood to a much earlier date
than has \jsuallyDecn done, the difficulties urged on
the part of science against the anthropological uni-
versality of the Flood may be easily evaded. Nor can
IV.— 46
tlie distnbution of the nations bb described in Ite
tenth chapter of Genesis be appealed to, seeing that
this section does not enumerate all races of the earth,
but confines itself probably to the Caucasian.
Science, therefore, may demand an eariy date for
the Delu0S, but it does not necessitate a limitation of
the Flood to certain parts of the human race. The
question, whether all men perished in the Delxige,
must be decided by the teaching of the Bible, and of
its authoritative interpreter. As to the teachings of
the Bible, the passage which deals ex profe8$o with the
Flood (Gen., vi-ix), if taken by itself, may be inter-
preted of a partial destruction of man; it insists on
the fact that aU inhabitants of the "land", not of the
"earth", died in the waters of the Deluge, and it does
not explicitly tell us whether ail men lived, in the
"land'*. It may also be granted, that of the pas-
sages which refer incidentally to the Flood, Wis., x, 4;
xiv, 6; Ecclus., xliv, 17 sqa., and Matt., xxiv, 37 sqq.,
may be explained, more or less satisfactorily, of a par-
tial destruction ot the human race by the mundatton
of the Deluge; but no one can deny that the prima^
facie meaning of I Peter, iii, 20 sq., II Peter, ii, 4t-9,'
and II Peter, ni, 6 saq . , refers to the death of all men not
contained in the ark. The explanations of these pas*
sa^, offered by the opponents of the anthropblogioai
universality of the Deluge, are hardly sufficient to re-
move all reasonable dom)t. We turn, therefore, to
authority in order to arrive at a final settlement of the
question. Here we are confronted, in brief, with the
following facts: Up to the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries the belief in the anthropological universality
of the Deluge was general. Moreover, the Fatiiers
regarded the ark and the Flood as types of baptism
and of the Church ; this view they entertained not as a
private opinion, but as a development of the doctrine
contained in I Peter, iii, 20 sq. Hence, the typical
character of both ark and Flood belong to the "mat-
tera of faith and morals'' in which the Tridentine and
the Vatican Councils oblige all Catholics to follow the
interpretation of the Church.
IV. Collateral Questions. — These may be re-
duced to the time of the Deluge, its place, and its
natural causes.
(1) Time of the Deluge. — Genesis places the Deluge
in the six-hundredth year of Noet theMasoretie texi
assigns it to the year 1656 after the creation, tiie Sa»,
maritan to 1307, the Septuagint to 2242, Flaviua
Jo6q>hus to 2256. Again, the Masoiciic text places
it in B. c. 2350 (Klaproth) or 2253 (Lttken), the San
maritan in 2903, the Septuagint in 3184. Aooording
to the ancient traditions (Loken), the Aasyriana
placed the Deluge in 2234 B. c. or 2316, the Greeks in
2300, the Egyptians in 2600, thePhceniciana in 2700,
the Mexicans in 2900, the Indians in 3100, the Chinese
in 2297, while the Armenians assigned the buikiing of
the Tower of Babel to about 2200 b. c. But as we
have seen, we must be prepared to assign earlier dates
to these events.
(2) Ptoeeo/«A«l^l(M>d.--The Bible teaches only thai
the ark restea on a mountain in Armenia. Hence the
Flood must have occunred in a place whence ttie ark
could be carried towards this mountain. The Babj^^
Ionian tradition places the Deluge in the lower vaU^
of the Tigris and Ehiphrates.
(3) Natural Caueee of the Floods — Scripture assipoe
as the causes of the Deluge the heavy forty days' rains^-
the breaking up of the fotmtains of the great deep,
and the opening of the flood-gates of heaven. Thu
does not exdude the opinion that certain natural
forces were at play in the catastrophe. It has been
suggested that the axis of the earth was shifted on
account of the earth's collision with a comet, or that
powerful volcanic eruptions raised new mountains in
the sea, or that an earthquake caused a tidal wave to
overrun certain portions of the diy land. Thus, &0m
speaks of the frequency of earthquakes and of stenBe
DEMABOATION
706
DBMBTBIUS
Ib th^ Gulf ci Persia; but this would enclose the Flood
within too narrow limits both of space and (rf time.
Another conjecture has been proposed by von
Schwarti. He supposes that an inland Mongolian
aea, in sise about equal to the Mediterranean, situated
at a height of about 6000 feet above the level of the
ocean imd 6000 feet above the surrounding Aralo-
Oaapian plain, at the tame of an earthquake broke
through one of its walls, and sent its 3,000,000 cubic
kilometres of water into the region north of Persia,
Annenia, and the Caucasus, covering the whole plain,
until the waters were drained by wav of the Black
Sea and the Mediterranean into the Atlantic Ocean.
Here we have the breaking of the bonds of the great
deep, we have an outflow of water lasting for several
months, and we find that the ark must have been
carried westward by the general drift of the waters
till it rested on the mountains of Armenia. But not
to mention the improbability of the supposition urged
by several scientists, we do not understand why the
tops of the mountains shouki not have been visible
even after the mooring of the ark. A number of other
hypotheses have been proposed in order to explain by
natural causes the phenomena implied in the Biblicfu
account of the Deluge, but thus far they have not
satisfied the various details given in the Book of
Qenesis.
Completo bibliomphiM may be found in von Hummbi«a.ukb,
Commentariua in (Tenanm (Pans, 1805); MANOBNTn* in Vio.JHd.
de la SMe XPiaiiB. 1899). Ii; Coknklt, hUroduetio (2Bd ed. PkriB,
.1, 161; Haobn, Lexieam Btblieum (Pada, 1907).
I fMigite et le* raeea anUdUuviennea;
T. (3rd ed. Brixen, 1902); Woods,
He was consecrated bishop on 30 Nov., 1S47, and ^>-
pointea to the spiritual care of Vanoouvex i^i^w^^
making the incioient town of Victoria his head-
quarters. As a oishop he continued his favourite
work among the Indians, thoi^ he soon had to give
hia best attentbn to the rou^ and cosmcmolitan ele-
ment which now fonned his white flock. For its
benefit he procured in 1$5S the services of ^the Sistera
of St. Anne, who established schools at Vfctoria and
elsewhere, and of the Oblate Fathers, who took in
hand the evangelization of the natives and also
founded a college in his cathedral dtv. In 1866 he
assisted at the Second Plenary Cbuncu of Baltimore,
and shortly afterwards he was one of the fathers of
the (Ecumenical CouncQ of the Vatican. He died
soon after his return, beloved alike by Protestants and
CathoUcs, and revered for his gentleness and his apos-
tolic seal on behalf of the poor and lowly.
HtHorical Sketchea of the Caihalic Church m Oregon (Portland.
1878}; Paqubt, Fra^mmta de Vhiataire de la paroiue de Saud>-
Nieoiaa (Ldvis, 1894).
A« G. Morb:b.
II; DK RioNON, Le dUvM IMigite et lee raeea anUdUuvienaee;
ScHdPPEB, Geschiehte d.A.T. (3rd ed. Brixen, 1902); Woods,
l>ia. of the Bibte (New York. 1900). II; LOkbn. Die Tradi-
- -- • •• •- — - ^ ANnnvB. Die
ScHdPPEB. (heehiehte d.
Diet, of the BibU (Nei
tienen dee Menadienoe$dUechts (MCnater. 1809). .(m<^^«»»«, Mj^m,
FhUeoifen elhnographieeh betradUel (Brunswick, 1891); von
ScHWARz, Sintfluth und Vdlkerwandentnoen (Stuttgart, 1894);
pRESTWicB, On Certain Phenomerui Belonging to the Cloee of me
Laet Oeoloakal Period (New York, 1895) ; St^as. Dae AnOiU
derSrde (PiiMfue, 1883); Mxllbs. Testimony of the Rocke, 1858;
Kauxjbn m KirchenUxikon; Rbusch, Bibel urtd Natur (4th ed.,
Bonn, 1876); The Tablet (London, 1884), files.
A. J. Maas.
Demarcation, Line of. See Portuqal; Spain.
Demerara. See Gitiana.
Demera, Modeste, apoetle of the Padfio Coafit of
North America, and the first Catholic miasionazy
among most of the Indian tribes of Oreson, Washini^
ton, and British Columbia; b. at St. Nicholas, Quebec,
11 Oct.. 1809; d. at Victoria, B. C, 21 July, 1871.
His fatner, Midiel Demers, and his mother, Rosalie
Foucher, were two worthy representatives of the
French Canadian fanner class. Endowed with a ddi-
eate conscience and a distinctly religious disposition,
young Demers resolved to enter the ecclesiastical
state, and studied first privately and then at the
seminary of Quebec. He was ordained 7 Feb., 1836.
by Bishop Signay, and after fotirteen months passea
as assistant priest at Trois-Pistoles, he volunteered
lor the far-off mission of Oregon, where the white
population, made up mostly of French Canadian
emplpyte of the Huoson Bay Company, was clam-
ounng for the ministrations of a priest. Having
Grossed the American continent in the conmany^
the Rev. F. N. Blanchet, hissuperior, he reached Walla*
Walla, on the lower Columbia, 18 Nov., 1838, and
immediately applied himself to the care of the low-
tiest, that is the Indian tribes, which were then verv
numerous and not any too meek. He studied their
languages and visited their homes re^ulariy, preach-
mg, catechising the adults, and baptizmg the children,
especially those whose habitat lay to the north of the
Columbia. His apostolic zeal even led him on along
the coast of British Columbia, and in 1842 he pro-
oeeded inland as far north as Stuart Lake, evan^is-
iBg as he went all the interior tribes of that provmce.
Hisoompanion, the Rev. F. N. Blanchet, having ht&x
elevated to the episcopate, Demers had to submit to
vbttt he ooDsidered a burden beyond his strength.
Demetriiia, Saint, Bishop of Alexandria from 188
to 231. Julius Africanus, who visited Alexandria in
the time of Demetrius, places his accession as deveath
bishop after St. Mark in the tenth year of Commodus
(tenth of Severus, £us. His. Eocl, Vl, ii, is a dip). A
legendary histonr of him is given in the Coptic "Syn-
axaria", in an AbvBsinian poem cited bv the BoQand-
ists, and in the ''Chronioon Orientale ' of Abraham
Ecc^ellensis the Maronite. Three of their statements,
however, may have some truth: one that he died at
the age of 105 (bom, therefore, in 126); another,
found also in the Melchite Patriarch Ekitychius [Sa'id
Ibi Batrik, (d. about 940), Migne, P. Q., CXI, 999],
that he wrote about the calculation of Easter to Victor
of Rome, Maximus (L e. Maximinua) of Antiodi and
uabius or Agapius (?) of Jerusalem (cf. Eus., H. E.,
V, xxv). Eutychius relates that from Mark to Deme-
trius there was but one see in Egypt, that Demetrius
was the first to establish three ouieT bishoprics, and
that his successor Heradas made twenty more.
At all events Demetrius is the first Alexandrian
bishop of whom anything is known. St. Jerome has
it that he sent Pantsenus on a mission to India, but it
is likdy that Clement had succeeded Pantsnus as the
head of the famous Catechetical School before the ao-
cesdon of Demetrius. When Clement retired (c 203-
4), Demetrius appointed thevoung Origen, who was
in his eighteenth year, in Clement's mace. Deme-
trius encouraged Origen when blamed for his too lit-
eral execution of an aUegoricd counsel of our Lord,
and is said to have shown him great favour. He sent
Origen to the governor of Arama, who had requested
his presence in letters to the prdect of Egypt as well
as to the bishop. In 21 5-1 6 Origen was obUged to take
refuge in Csesarea from the cruelty of CaracaSa. There
he preached at the request of the bishops present.
Demetrius wrote to him complaining that tnis was
unheard of presumption in a uiyman. Alexander of
Jerusalem and Theoctietus of Cssarea wrote to defend
the invitation they had given, mentioning precedents;
but Demetrius recallea Origen. In 230 Demetrius
^ve Origen a recommendation to take with him on his
journey to Athens. But Origen was ordained priest
at CfBsarea without leave, and Demetrius with a synod
of some bishops and a few priests condenmed hun to
banishment, then from another synod sent a formal
condemnation of him to all the churches. It is impoa-
dble to doubt that heresy, and not merely unautnor-
iied ordination, must have been alleged bv Demetrius
for such a course. Rome accepted the decidon, but
Pdestine, Phoenicia, Arabia, Achaia rejected it, and
Origen retired to Csesarea, whence he sent forth letters
in his own defence, and attacked Demetrius. T^
latter placed at the head of the Catechetical School
the fint pupil of Origen, Heraclas^ who had long beoi
onuTBius
707
OXBCniSOE
SB «0aJBtA&t. But the bishop died verv soon, and
eraclajB succ^ing Mm, Origen returned to Alexau-
A.cia SS., 9 Oct.; We»tcx>tt in Did. Christ. Bioff.jL r. Deme-
trium^ Harnack. G^tek. der altcKr. LU., I. 830. II, ii (i. «.
€7hnmU., U). 23; Babbbnbbwkb, 0*9di, der aUkirehi, Lit., U,
159; aMaboOsiGEN; oo the Alexandrian suooeaeion and the
date see Harnack, Geach. der aUchrist. Lit., 11, i, 202^7: Chap-
mam in Bev. bfnMMm., 1902), 34. On the Creation of New Seee
\iy Siefaola: Uowrpoor, Comm. en PhiUmetHe (1805). ^; the
«flMhy on the Christ. Ministry is reprinted in his Biblical Eeeaye;
BIicHiELB, Origine de FSpiieopai (Louvain, 1901), 348; Har-
MACX. Bxpanewn of ChrUtianity, II. 79, 00, 308 <tr., London
•ad. New Yorlc, 1006). A frameni asciibed to I^lemetriue by
PXTKA in hia AnaUcta Sacra, II, 345. is probably by a cer-
tsdn I>emetritia Callatianns mentioned by Strabo.
John Chapman.
Demetrias, the name of two Syrian kings men-
tioned in the Old Testament and two other persons in
the New Testament.
(a) Demetrius Sotbr, or the Saviour, so called be-
cause he saved the Babylonians from the tyranny of
the satrap Heraclides," reigned from 162 to 150 B. c.
He was the son of Seleucus Philopator, and spent his
early years as a hostage in Rome, petitioning the
Senate in vain for permission to return to his country.
With the assistance, however, of his friend, tne
historian Polybius, he escaped to Tripolis in fhoe-
nicia, formed a party, murdered Antiochus V, his
cousin, with Lysias, tne chancellor, ascended the
throne of the Seleucidae, and was acknowledged
hy Rome. A Jewish party, dissatisfied with Judas
Maccabeus, invited Demetrius to interfere in their
favour. Demetrius appointed Alcimus as high-
priest and sent his general Bacchides with an army
m his support. Swn after^ as Alcimus' position
eeemed secure, Bacchides left. As Judas, however,
grew stronger, Alcimus again appealed for help. De-
metrius sent as general Nicanor, who first tried to
capture Judas by strat^Qr, but then met him at Kap-
harsalama and lost the battle. Nicanor entered Jeru-
salem, vented his wrath on the priests, and threatened
to deatroy the Temple. Judas met Nicanor again at
Beth-Horon and utterly jouted his army. Nicanor
fell in the battle (101 b. c). Two months later Deme-
trius, for the third tune, sent a Syrian army into Pales-
tine under Bacchides, who defeated and slew Judas in
the battle of Berea, garrisoned some Jewish towns, and
returned. A Syrian army entered Palestine under the
same Bacchides for the fourth time in 158 b. c, but the
Machabean party had recovered its strength, and a
tieaty ended tiie campaign. MeanwhUe a pretender
Imd arisen to the Syrian throne in the person of Alex-
ander Balas. Both Demetrius and Alexander were
anxious to gain the support of the Jews. Alexander
offered to Jonathan Macnabeusthe purple and a dia-
dem, which he accepted in 153 b. c. Demetrius subee-
auently oflfercd still greater privileges to the Jews and
their leadsr, but the Jews remained faithful to Alex-
ander. In 150 B. c. Alexander and his allies defeated
Demetrius, "who valiantly fought with undaunted
courage in the thick of the battle and was slain '\ (I
Mach., vii, ix, x; II Mach., xiv, xv; Justin, XXXV, L)
(b) Demetrius Nikator, or the Conqueror, son of
the above, succeeded four years after the death of his
father in gaining the Syrian throne. Jonathan Mac-
habeus, remaining faithful to Alexander unto the end,
had opposed the succession of Demetrius II. Deme-
Iriiw' viceroy, Apollonius, who ruled over CoDlesyria,
hi^d Joppe and Ashdod for his king, but was driven
out and defeated by Jonathan, who destroyed Ashdod
and brought a ricn booty to Jerusalem. Jonathan
tried to throw off the Synan yoke altogether and be-
sieged the fortress of Jerusalem. Demetrius first
cited Jonathan to. Ptolemais to answer for his rebel-
lion, relying upon a pro-Syrian party among the Jews;
but Jonathan boldly continued the siege of Jerusalem
and then, nothing aaunted, faced Demetrius at Ptole-
mais, He demanded an extension of territory and
several privileges for the Jews, and supported his de-
mand by costly gifts. Demetrius did not dare to re-
fuse, but agreed to the addition of three Samaritan
districts, Ephraim, Lydda. and Ramathaim, to Judea;
he freed this extension of J udea from all taxes and eon-
firmed Jonathan in all his dignities. Demetrius had
thus escaped further danger from his Jewish vassal but
soon after had to encounter Trypho, a fonner general
of Alexander Balas. This man proclaimed Alexan-
der's son Antiochus VI king, thoum as yet only a boy,
and the threatening attitude of the people of Antioch
brought the throne of Demetrius II into imminent
danger. In his distress he appealed to Jonathan, who
sent 3000 men to quell the insurrection at Antioch.
Demetrius promised to hand over Jerusalem and some
other fortresses of Judea to Jonathan. Jonathan
stamped out the revolution at Antioch, but Demetrius
did not fulfil his promise. Shortly after, Trypho and
Antiochus the Pretender captured Antioch ana sou^t
the assistance of Jonathan. As Demetrius II had
proved himself faithless, Jonathan left his side and
went over to Trypho. In consequence Demetrius
gathered an army against Jonathan, to punish his de-
fection, but never risked a battle. When Trypho had
murdered Antiochus VI, Jonathan returned to Deme-
trius' allegiance. Trypho was finally defeated by
the brother of Demetnus, but Demetrius was made
prisoner in a campaign against the Parthians, in whose
hands he remained for ten years, the daughter of
whose king Mithridates he received in marriage and by
whom, imder Phraates, he was restored to the Syrian
throne after defeating his brother Antiochus Sidetes.
He was then persuaded to attack the King of Egypt,
Ptolemy Physcon. This caused the rise of another
I landing ^
wife Cleopatra is said to have been privy to the crime.
(I Mach., xiii, 41; x, 67; xiv, 3.)
(c) Demetrius, the name of two persons men-
tioned in the New Testament. ^1^ Acts, xix, 24,
mentions Demetrius, a silversmith {&pyvpoK6vos\
who made silver shrines for Diana at Ephesus.
These shrines (yaodt; in D. V. "temples") were prob-
ably little silver models either of the temple or of
the actual shrine (sacellum) in which the idol was
placed, and were used as amulets or objects of piety
and souvenirs carried aiway by thousands of pagan pil-
grims. Finding his tr:ide diminished through the
spread of Christianity and the decline of heathen wor-
ship, he and his fellow-craftsmen caused the uproar
against St. Paul as narrated in Acts, loc. cit.
(2) St. John the Apostle, in his Third Epistle (v.
12), praises Demetrius to whom "testimony is given
by all, and by the truth itself '^' and apparently opposes
him to Diotrephes, who did not receive St. John, and
cast out of the Church those that did (verses 9, 10).
Nothing more is known of him. Possibly he was the
bcMirer of the letter.
For Demetrius Soter, see JoeEPBUS. Antiquitiett XILx;
Xin. li: PoLYBrcs, Bitttoriea, III, v- XXXI. xfi. xix? XXXn,
iv; XXXIII, xiv. Fof Demetrins Nikator. Josfepmrn, Afm^-
uitieB, XIII. iv sqq.; Juatik. Hiet. PhA. Lib., XXXIX. i; ha-
PlAN, Sj/riaca, bcviii. SchCber, Ge^chichte dee jOd. VoQc. (4th
ed., Leiprig. 1901). I. 216-48; Milman, Hiatory of the Jem, X,
The Aemoneane.
J. P. Arbndebn.
Demiurge.— The word means literally a^ public
worker, irifuoepy^, 9iifuovfiy&t, and was originally
used to designate any craftsman plying his craft or
trade for the use of the public . Soon, however, rex Wnft
and other words began to be used to desiffnate the
common artisan while demiurge was set aside for the
Great Artificer or Fabricator, the Architect of the uni-
verse. At first the words roO Kbtrftav were added to
distinguish the great Workman from others, but grad-
ually ^pMv/yy^ became the technical term for the
BXMOOHAftES
708
OBMO0R40T
Uaker of heaven and earth. In this sense it is used
frequently by Plato in his ' 'Timsus''. Although often
looeely emploj'ed by the Fathers and others to indi-
cate tne Creator, the word never strictly meant "one
who produces out of nothing'' (for tins the Greeks
used tcrlirrrii), but only "one who fashions, shapHSfi,
and models". A creator in the sense of Christian
theology has no place in heathen philosophy, which
always presupposes the existence of matter. More-
over, according to Greek philosophy the world-maker
is not necessarily identical with God, as first and su-
preme source of all things ; he may be distinct from and
mferior to the supreme spirit, though he may also be the
practical expression of tne reason of God, tne Logos as
operative in the harmony of the universe. In this sense,
L e. that of a world-maker distinct from the Supreme
God, Demiurge became a common term in Gnosticism.
The Gnostics, however, were not satisfied merely to
emphasize the distinction between the Supreme God, or
Goa the Father, and the Demiurgie, but in many of their
fl^tems they conceived the relation of the Demiurge to
tne Supreme God as one of actual antagonism, ana the
Demiurge became the personification of the power of
evil, the Satan of Gnosticism, with whom the faithful
had to wage war to the end that they might be pleasing
to the G^d God. The Gnostic Demiurge then a»-
fiumes a surprising likeness to Ahriman, the evil count-
er-creator oi Ormuzd in Mazdean philosophy. The
character of the Gnostic Demiurge became still more
complicated when in some systems he was identified
witib Jehovah, the God of the Jews or of the Old Testa-
ment, and was brought in opposition to Christ of the
New Testament, the Only-Begotten Son of the Su-
preme and Good God. The purpose of Christ's com-
ing as Saviour and Redeemer was to rescue us from
tiie power of the Demiui^, the lord of the world of
this darkness, and bring Us to the light of the Good
God, His Father in heaven. The last development in
^e character of the Demiurge was due to Jehovah be-
ing primarily considered as he who eave the Law on
Sinai, and hence as the originator of all restraint on the
human will. As the Demiurge was essentially evil,
all his work was such ; in consequence all law was in-
trinsically evil and the duty ot the children of the
Good God was to transgress this law and to trample
upon its precepts. This led to the wildest oigies of
Antinomian Gnosticism.
According to Valentinus the Demiurge was the off-
spring of a union of Achamoth (niD3nn, ^ K<i^« cro^ld
or lower wisdom) with matter . And as Achamoth her-
self was only the daughter of 2o0fa, the last of the thirty
Mora, the Demiurge was distant by mamr emana-
tions from the Pronator, or Supreme God. The Demi-
urge in creating this world out of Chaos was uncon-
sciously indQuenced for good by Jesus Soter; and the
universe, to the surprise even of its Maker, became al-
most perfect. The Demiurge regretted even its slight
imperfection, and as he thought himself the Supreme
God, he attempted to remedy this by sending a Mes-
sias. To this Messias, however, was actually imited
Jesus the Saviour, Who redeemed men. These are
either dXiiro/, or wwwfiariKot, The first, or carnal men,
will return to the grossness of matter and finally
be consumed by fire j the second, or psychic men, to-
gether with the Demiurge as their master, will enter a
middle state, neither heaven (plerama) nor hell {kyle) ;
the purely spiritual men will oq completely freed m>m
the influence of the Demiurge and together with the
Saviour and Achamoth, his spouse, wm enter the p2e-
roma, divested of body (JXij) and soul (fvx^). In this
most common form of Gnosticism the Demiurge had
an inferior though not intrinsically evil function in the
universe as the head of the psyduc world. According
to Marcion, the Demiurge was to be sharply distin-
guished from the Good Uod; the former was BUat^s,
aBverdy just, the latter ieyoJ^Ai, or loving-kind; the
fonner was the God of the Jews, the latter tne true God
of the Christians. Christ, though In reality the Son of
the Good God, pretended to be the Messias of the
Demiurge, the better to spread the truth concerning
His heavenly Father. The true believer in Christ en-
tered into God's kingdom, the unbeliever remaiiied
forever the slave of uie Demiurge. To this form of
Gnosticism, the Demiurge has assumed already a more
evil aspect. According ta the Naaasenes the God of
the Jews is not merely BUaws, but he is the great ty-
rant Jaldabaoth, or Son of Chaob He is Demiurge and
maker of man, but as a ray of ligjit from above enten
the body of man and gives him a soul; Jaldabaoth is
fiUed with envy; he tries to limit man's knowledge by
forbidding him the fruit of knowledge in paradise.
The Demiurge, fearing lest Jesus, whom he had in-
tended as his Messias, should spread the knowledge of
the Supreme God, had him crucified by the Jews. At
the consummation of all things all light will return to
the pleroma; but Jaldabaoth, the Demiurge, with the
material world, will be cast into the lower depths.
Some of the Ophites or Naassenes venerated aUper-
sons reprobated in the Old Testament, such as Cain,
ox the people of Sodom^ as valiant resisters o! the
Demiurge. In these weird systems the idea of the
world-maker was degraded to the uttermost. Amongst
the Gnostics, however, who as a rule set some diflFer-
ence between the Demiurae and the Supreme God,
there was one exception; tor according to tbeEbion-
ites, whose opinions have come down to us in the
Pseudo-Clementine literature, there is no difference
between the Highest God and the Demiurge. They
are identical, and the God Who made heaven and
earth is wortny of the adoration of men. ^ On the other
hand the Ebionite system is tainted with pantheism,
and its Demiuige is not a creator but only a world-
builder. (See Gnosticism; VALENTiNxrs; Mahcion.)
Me^, Fraaments of a Faith Forgotten (London. 1006); Dc-
CR«8Ne, Uiato^ aneienne de VBgiiae (PariSp 1007), I. zi; Ai/*
ICO. CAtcrcA HiHory, I, s.v. UnoBtidam, For pr»<>linituuk idta
ol Demiuij^ Windslbavd, Hiatary of Andeut PhUotophv
(London. 1000).
J. P. Absndcbn.
Demooharaa. See Moucht, Antoins db.
Democracy. See Government, Forms of.
Democracy, Christian. — In Christian DemocnM^,
the name and the reality have two very different ha-
tories, and therefore they must be carefully distin-
guished.
The Realitt. — ^What Christian democracv is wm
authoritatively laid down by Pope Leo XIII in his
Encyclical "Graves de communi^* wherein it b ^fc*
clared to be the same as "pojjular Catholic action".
Such a definition is certainly intensive; so' that not
everything done by Catholics, among thepeopleorfor
the people, can be technically termed (Suistun de-
mocracy, or popular Catholic action. Action in this
definition is taken to mean an oigaxuaed movement
with a definite programme to deaf with the pressing
problems that come before it. Popular has reference
to the people, not inasmuch as they are a nation or
collective whole, but as the fourth estate: the pW»,
the tenuiareSf and the tenuiwCmi of classical antiquity*
Lastly, Catholic (and therefore Christian throup and
through) signifies that this organised action in favo^
of the people (pte6«) is the work of Catholics as ««^-
Popular Catholic action, therefore, means that tae
scope mapped out for the activity of the organisation
is the well-being of the people; and that the hjotb-
ment proceeds along Catholic lines, under theg^
dance of Catholic leaders. Having stated this, rt *
easy to understand that the existence of Christitfi
democracy is not a thing of yesterday. In *»•
very nature of Christianity, m the spirit of ^e Churcni
* the mission of the cleigy (cf. Benigni, Stonj
sociale della Chiesa, Milan. 1^07. 1) lies the |
popular Catholic action technically so called; in o«>w
DXMOOKAOT
709
DIMOOEAOT
vrcfdfl. of Chiiatiaii democracy. As soon, iherefoie,
wm political and social circumstances allowed it, the
Cburdi set her hand to this work, and she has con-
tinued wiUiout interruption her traditional action in
behalf of t^e people. To prove this there is no need
of distortiiu; tne lacts of history. Even if we exclude
the marvellous economic organization of the Church
of the first three centuries i(8ee the last part of the
** Storia" referred to above), it is certain that from the
time of 0>nstantine the Church b^an the practical
iRrork of Christian democracy, when tne clei^ showed
their zeal in establishing hospices for orphans, for the
aged and infirm, and for wayfarers.
Constantine in a period of famine chose the bishops
rather than the civu officials to distribute com among
a starving people, and thus showed his appreciation of
Christian democracy. Julian the Apostate showed
even a clearer insight when in his famous letter to the
pagan h^-priest of Galatia he urg^ him strongly to
admoniw the pagan priesthood that they must rival
the Cbristian cleigv in this field of popular work. But
when the fall of the Empire of tne West under the
ahock of the barbarian invasion brought civilization
to the verge of ruin and shook the very foundation of
the : people's welfare^ when it became necessary to
buila up again labonously the neo-Roman culture of
the West out of the remnants that escaped the catas-
trophe and the raw material of the scarcely civilized
races, then shone forth in its real light the true Chris-
tian democracy of the Catholic Church. Suffice it to
say that an entire system of laws and customs in fur-
therance of the civil and material well-being of the
people was established, or at least strengthened and
developed, by the united action of -deigy and laity.
The riokt of sanctuary, the art guilds andtrade guildis,
the remntless war agamst usury, the numberiess benev-
olent institutions, the protection alTorded to labour
in general, and the special provision made for the un-
employed, all these torm a golden thread of Christian
democracy that runs through the whole course of me-
dieval Church history, unbroken and imtamished
amid its surroundings of iron and stone. The Truce
of God (which proclaimed the inviolability of the
lands ana domimons of a lord who had gone to the
Crusades) was not only a safeguard of that lord's
interests, but above all of his people, who, in the ab-
aence of their military chief could offer but a sorry
defence against tiie frequent inroads of neighbouring
lords or princes. The mcmtea pietatUf too. were an
admirable Catholic institution that delivered the poor
from the dutches of the extortioner from whom they
were obliged to borrow. The many thousand confra-
ternities scattered up and down Europe were religious
associations, but in nearly every instance they had a
4K>mmon fund for ihe benefit and protection of their
members. Thus, in the Papal States, up to the time
of the French Revolution, many guilds (such as shoe-
maJcers, carpenters, etc.) had a notary public and a
lawyer who were bound to transact for a few pence
the legal business of the members of the guild. These
few examples, chosen f rom^ widely different fields, suf-
fice to show that an organized action, really Catholic
and really of the people, is one of the time-honoured
traditions of Catholicism.
But the last definitive stage of Christian democracy,
and one that has given the name a fixed and technical
meaning, dates from the time that elapsed between
the fall of Napoleon I and the international Revolution
of 1848. Among the many calumnies heaped upon
the Church during the French Revolution was the
charge that she was anti-democratic, and this not only
in a political, but also in a larger social sense; it
meant that the Church favoured the great and mighty,
and sided with the monarchical oligarchy ag^nst the
just political and economic demands of the middle and
lower classes. The horrors of the Revolution and,
later oi^ the illusions of the Restoration, drove the
clergy and a number of the tJiinking laity into themove*
ment of the Oounter-Revolution, whi<m, in the hands
of politicians like Mettemich, developed into a ^ re-
action'^ i. e. it was not deemed sufficient to strug^e
against the evil of revolution and uphold the social
Older; it was thought necessary to restore the old
regime, bury everything good and bad that savoured
of democracy, and thereby deprive the peoj^e of a
means of improving their poutico-economie condi-
tions. This reactionary programme looked on the
social question as one to be solved by fear of the Gov*
emment's armed hand, by charitable subsidies, and
by the creation of holidays. This programme found
support in a saying attributed to the mng of Naples:
To rule the mob yt)U must use three /'s: /es^s, farina^
and foTca (festivals, food, and gallows). But a new
revolution was in the air. The Carbonari began thei/
work in 1821 and kept on until it resulted in the gen*
eral upheaval of 1848. The mass of the clergy and of
militant Catholics stood by the '^ reaction '* as far as
it was a counter-revolution in the better sense of the
word ; but in the general public opinion the cle^ and
the Catholics, pa^rtly throu^ mistakes of their own,
but chiefly through the malice of their enemies, came
to be looked upon as reactionaries who favoured the
oppression of tne people.
Then there besan among. Catholics **9k reaetiOii
aeainst reaction , and there arose, especially in
france, the de Lamennais party which had as a
mouthpiece the newspaper known as **L'Avenir,'' and
for its motto, " God ancf Liberty ". There is no doubt
that Ozanam, with his conferences of St. Vincent de
Paul, had the true practical idea of charity, at once
thoroughly Christian and thoroughly adapted to act-
ual needs; he was not content with the passing touch
of the hand that ^ve and the hand that received, but
he sent the charitable into the very homes or the
needy and brought them face to face with the hard
reality in order to give them a better undemtanding
and a stronger sense of brotherhood. De Lamemuus
had an insight,- confused but keenly felt, into a pojn*-
lar Catholic action not restricted to works of material
and immediate beneficence, but extendinp beyond
these to an assertion of justice and social equity for the
lower classes. De Lamennais, therefore, was in real-
ity a pioneer of Christian democracy. Unfortunately,
he also led the way in errors that even to-day we de-
plore. By involving the ethioo-juridical and econom-
ical action of Christian democracy in political agita-
tion, he fell into a mistake which was the more un«
fortunate as the parties of his day made use of it to
brin^ about a violent political crisis. He was wrong,
too, in believing that liberty wss the positive foundi
tion of everything; hence the justice of the reproadi
cast upon his formula, "God and Liberty": either
Liberty was superfluous, since that is already implied
in God, or the phrase was illogical, since there can
be no question of liberty unless it hannonises with
social order. And so de Lamennais and his move-
ment ended in failure.
The revolution of 1848 and the consequent reac-
tion of 1850 hindered the Catholics from availing
themselves of such good as there was in de Lamen-
nais' attempt. Then came the political and relig-
ious struggles which the Church nad to face during
the long pontificate of Pius IX and the eariy years
of Leo XIII's rule. But the latter pontiff soon
issued his Encyclicals on the political, ethical, jurid-
ical, and economical questions of the day, and in
dealing with the social question in its popular aspects
he published, 15 May, 1891, the immortal ''Rerum
Novarum" which has become the Magna Charta of
Christian democracy. Measures were at once taken
to secure popular Catholic action; and it quickly ap-
peared how unequal most Catholics were to the doc-
trinal and practical requirements of the situation.
On the one hand, many of them, terrified by the evils
DEMON
710
OSMOH
of the Revolutioa (eBpecially in Latm ooimtries),
woidd not hear of the bunung queBtions of the day or
of new organizations, but confined themselves to the
old traditional methods of material and spiritual as-
sistance, occasionally venturing on the establishment
(tf conferences of St. Vincent de Paul and of working-
men's mutual benefit societies, such as were already
widely or^mized by the middle-class liberal party.
On the other hand, there were some who thought that
the best means of combating Socialism was to imitate
it; and they encouraged ideas, attitudes, and expres-
noDS of a socialistic type, which resulted in a dis-
torted viewpoint and an undisciplined activity, to the
great iniury of genuine popular CathoUc action.
But these various tummgs in the course of modem
Chnstian democracy are hs^ly as yet matters of his-
tory; they are rather items in a chronicle that is still
being written: and this is not the place to discuss
them. Only let it be noted that Leo XIII over and
oyer again, especially in receiving pilgrimages of
workingmen, laid down clearly the limits and the na-
ture of popular Catholic action, and that Pius X has
ropeatedly confirmed and approved of them. Chri»-
iian democracy is the ensemble of Catholic doctrine,
organization, and action in the field of popular social
questions, i. e. the vast field occupied by the proleta-
nat, called by some (inexactly, because the term is
not wide enough) the labour question. Christian
democracy recognizes in principle and in fact that the
popular social question cannot oe limited to the ques-
tion of justice, nor of charity; but that it ought to es-
tablish a hannony between the claims of the first
and the pleading? of the second, avoiding the excesses
of anarchistic individualism as well as those of com-
-nunism, socialistic or otherwise. Christian democ-
racy, then, disapproves of the conduct of those "so-
oialjstic'' Catholics who despise or minimize the social
function of Christian charity; just as it disapproves
the position of those other Catholics who would ignore
axbd disregird the question of social, justice in such
matters as minimum salary and maximum number of
working hours, obligatory insurance of workingmen,
and proportionate snaring of profits. But real Chris-
tian democracy seeks to be^ and is, absolutely neutral
on political matters. It is not, and never can be
monarchicai, or republican, or oligarchical, or parliar-
mentarian, or partisan in politics. So much follows
from its very nature. On this foundation Christian
democracy, emerging from the present crisis, will de-
velop its vaat programme for the moral and material
redemption of the people, and will be one of the
grandest and most fortunate applications of the pro-
gramme of Pius X, " to restore all tilings in Christ".
The Name. — After the appearance of the Encycli-
cal "Rerum Novarum", the rapid growth of popular
Catholic action called for a suitable name to describe
it. The old name, indeed, "Popular Catholic Ac-
tion'', was both accurate and comprehensive; but a
discussion arose as to selecting a nam de auerre, and the
choice eventually lay between "Catholic Socialism"
and "Christian Democracy''. The discussion was
carried on especially in Belgium, where popular Cath-
olic action had been highly developed. Those in fav-
our of "Catholic Socialism" pointed out that the
name aocialiwn signified purely social questions, while
democracy implied the ioea of ^vemment and there-
fore savoured of politics. Theu- opponents answered
that wdalxsm was a branded wora, and belonged to
the materialistic and revolutionary party known by
tiiat name, while democracy had lost its political mean-
ing and actually signified nothing else than "popular
question" or merely "popularity^'; so much so that a
king who loves his people and is loved by them is
called a "democratic" king. In the end the word
democracy won; and Leo XIII in the Encyclical
"Graves de communi" (18 January, 1901) declared
as acceptable and accepted the expression "Christian
demooracv'' as meaning neither more nor ten tiua
popular Catholic action and as having for its aim to
comfort and uplift the lower classes {etudivm eoUmda
^ngendasque plebis), excluding expressly eveIyappea^
ance and implication of political meaning, ihus the
name was officially. accepted at onoe (o- g- by the
"Opera dei Congress! e Comitati Cattolid dutalia") in
the sense laid down by the encvclical. But unforta-
nate complications soon arose through the action of a
few, who were not unjustly likened to the Roman rev-
olutionaries of 1848 who besought Pius IX to give
them a constitution, nothing but a constitution, and,
when they got it, wanted to pass off anything and
everything under the name of the Constitution. There
were formed soon (in France, Italy, and Belgitim)
groups of "Christian Democrats" who made it their
business to war against conservative Catholics and to
consort with Socialists. On their leaflets and calendars
the Italian demo-Christians printed the dilemma:
"either Bourbonist or Chnstlan-Democrats", aa
though to be a Bourbon in politics hindered one from
belonging to the party of popular Catholic action,
1. e. to Christian Democracy. While insisting that it
is still at the chronicle stage, we may state in conclo^-
sion that the term Chnstian Democracy seems to hart
been seriously compromised by the action of Aoee
who distorted its meaning from that laid down in the
Encyclical "Graves de communi"; it therefore in-
dines to lose the meaning of "popular Catholic ao^
tion", and tends more and more to denote a sd^ool
and a politick party. (See Belgixtm; France;
Germany; Italy; Spaik.)
Ada teonU XIIT (Rome. 1903); Ada PH X (Rome. 1904);
Rimda ihiemagionaU di §tudi •oeiaU (Borne, 1803).
U. BXNIGNL
DemQn (Greek icU/iuw and Ztu/i&wwr; Lat. demuy-
fdum). — In Scripture and in Catholic theology this
word has come to mean much the same as devil and
denotes one of the evil spirits or fallen angels (see
Devil). And in fact in some places in the New Testae
ment where the Vulgate, in agreement with the
Greek, has dcemonium, our vernacular versions read
devU, TTie precise distinction between the two tenns
in ecclesiastical i]sage may be seen In the phrase used
in the decree of the Fourth Lateran Council: "Diab
olus enim et alii dsemones" (The devil and the other
demons), i. e. all are demons, and the <^ief of the
demons is called the devil. This distinction is ob-
served in the Vulgate New Testament, where diaboltu
represents the Greek Sidfiokot, and in ahnost erei}'
instance refers to Satan himself, whOe his subordinate
angels are described, in accordance with the Greek, as
dcsmonee or daemcnia, Ihis must not be taken, how-
ever, to indicate a difference of nature; for Satan is
clearly included among the dcemonee in James, ii, 19,
and in Luke, xi. 15, 18. But thou^ the word demon
is now practically restricted to this sinister sense, it
was otherwise with the earlier usage of the Greek
writers. The word, which is apparently derived from
Zalta "to divide" or "apijortion", originally meant a
divine being; it was occasionally applied to the higher
gods and goddesses, but was more generally used to
denote spiritual beings of a lower order coming be-
tween gods and men. For the most part these were
beneficent beings, and their office was somewhat anal-
^ous to that of the angqls in Christian theology,
ft us the adjective €^5o/;wr, "happy", propoify
meant one who was guided and guaraed by a good
demon. Some of these Greek demons, however, were
evil and malign^mt. Hence we have the counter
part to ^Safwvla^ "happiness", in nuco^cu^vla which
denoted misfortune, or in its more original meaning,
beinff imder the possession of an evil demon. In the
Greek of the New Testament and in the language of
the early Fathers, the word was already restricted to
the sinister sense, which was natural enou^i w^
BSM01IIAC8
711
tf&a.t even the hi^er gods of the Greeks had come to be
xegsjxled as devils.
\^e have a curious instance of the ccmfusion caused
by the ambiguity and variations in the meaning of the
"word, in the case of the celebrated " Daemon*' of Soc-
rates. This has been understood in a bad sense by
some Christian writers who have made it a matter of
reproach that the great Greek philosopher was accom-
pajciied and prompted by a demon. But, as Cardinal
Manning cleariy shows in his paper on the subject, thd
word here has a very different meaning. He points to
the fact that both Plato and Xenophon use the form
9a^9u>p, which Cicero rightly renders as divinum
cUi^uid, '^something divine". And after a close ex-
ammation of the account of the matter given by
Socrates himself in the reports transmitted by his dis-
ciples, he concludes that the promptings of the
'* Daemon " were the dictates of conscience, which is
the voice of God.
It may be observed that a similar change and de-
terioration of meaning has taken place in the Iranian
languages in the case of the word daeva, Etymolpg-
icalTy this is identical with the Sanskrit deva, by which
it is rendered in Neriosengh's veraion of the Avesta.
But whereas the devas of Indian theology are good
and beneficent gods, the daevas of the Avesta are
hateful spirits ofevil. (See also Dbmonowkjy.)
Manning, The Damon of Soeraiea (1872); Ai.exandeb;
Demonic Poaaession in the New Teelameni (1002).
W. H. Kent.
Demoniacs (Gr. HoAiutviKAt, BvufMwtt^tuvof, possessed
by a demon). — ^The idea of demonic possession bjr
which a man becomes demonized, that is possessed
or controlled by a demon, was present in many ancient
ethnic religions, and in fact it is foimd in one form or
another wherever there is a belief in the existence of
demons, and that is practically everywhere (cf. Dvh
mon; Demonology). Here, however, we are chiefly
concerned with the demonic possession in the New
Testament; for this is in many ways the most worthy
of special attention, and serves as a standard by whidi
we may judge of cases occurring elsewhere. Further
questions in regard to these other cases and the gen-
eral practice of the Clhurch in dealing with those who
are possessed by evil spirits will be treated in other
articles (Exorcism, Obsession). Among the many
miracles recorded in the synoptic Gospels, special
Srominence is given to the casting out of devils or
emons (JcU/awf, dai/iiviov). Thus, in St. Mark, the
first of all the wonders is the casting out of the devil
from a demoniac, the man '*with an unclean spirit"
(iw wpe6fMTi djeaffdfyrtp) in the synagogue at Caphar-
naum. And St. Peter thus describes the mission and
the miracles of Christ: "Jesus of Nazareth: how God
anointed him with the Holy Ghost, and with power,
who went about doing good> and healing all that were
oppressed by the devil ' (rodf KaradwaarevofUpovt ^b
rod dta^Xov — ^Acts, X, 38).
The reason for the stress thus laid on this casting
out of the devils is not far to seek. For the miracles of
Christ, as St. Augustine says, are both deeds and
words. They are works done in testimony of His
power and His Divine mission ; and they are words, be-
cause they have a deep significance. In both these
aspects tne casting out of devils seems to have a
special pre-eminence. Few, if any, of the wonders can
be said to give such a striking nroof of a power above
the order (3 nature. And for this reason we find that
the disciples seem to have been more impressed by
this than by the other powers given t6 them — "The
devib even are subject to us." And as, when He
stilled the storm at sea, they cried: "Who is this
(think you), that He commandeth both the winds and
the sea, and they obey Him?" (Luke, viii, 25). So
those who saw the devil cast out at Caphamaum
asked: "What thing is this? What is this new doc-
trine? For with power He oommandetheton the ihh
clean spirits, and they obey Him" (Mark, i, 27). In
the same way it may be said that these wonders speak
in a special manner and show forth the meaning of His
mission ; for He had come to break the power of Satan
and deliver men from their state of servitude. It m
thus that Christ Himself, on the eve of His Passion,
speaks of the great victory which He was about to
accomplish by His Cross on Calvaiy: "Now is the
judgment of the worid: now i^all tne prince of this
Wond be cast out" (Jolm, zii, 31). That casting-out
is symbolized in the deliverance of every demoniac^
They mig^t also be in the slaveiy of sin and in need of
forgiveness. They might possibly have some bodily
infimity and need hesJing: still, it was not for this
that they were said to be demoniaos, but because an
evil spirit had literally entered into, and taken posses-
sion (H, them to control and direct, or perhaps nindery
their physical powers, e. g. to speak through tiieir
vocal organs, or to tie their tongues. And thou|^
this possession might be associated with sin, this was
not necessarily the case; for sometimes this affliction
might befall an innocent peraon, as in the case of the
boy who had been possessed from his infancy (Mark,
ix, 20). So neitiier is it necessary to suppose that
there was any bodily infirmity in the victim distinct
from the demonic jxxsessian itself, even in the case of
tiiose who are described as beinffbiind or dumb as wel
as being possessed by a devil. For it may be — and in
some places it may seem that this is intimated by thb
text — ^that the dumbness or other infiormity is not due
to any defect in the oieans, but to the fact that their
normal activity is hindered by the possessinp deviL
Hence, when onoe his influ^ioe and restraint is taken
away, the infirmity forthwith disappears.
It is in this way that these cases of demonic posses-
sion have been constantly understood by Catholk
commentators; that is to say, the words of Scripture
have been taken literally, and understood to mean
that an evil spirit, one of the fallen angels, has entered
into the demoniac, that this spirit may speak throug^i
the voice of the demonised person, but that it is not
the man, but the spirit, who is speaking, and that by
the command of Christ or that of one <» His servants
the evil spirit may be cast out, and the possessed peN
son set free. And though our commentators and
theologians have treated the subject of obsession with
their wonted fullness of detail and critical discrimina^
tion, for a long time there was little occasion for any
determined defence of this literal interpretation and
acceptance of the Scriptural doctrine on this matter.
For even in the days of the first Reformers, when so
many traditional doctrines were rudely called in
question, there was no disposition to dispute the real-
ity of demonic possession. Hie primitive Protestants
might not accept the claims of the diiurch to the
power of exoreising evil spirits, as they plainly denied
the hi^er sacramental powers of the CSiristian {»iest-
hood;but they had no mind to doubt or deny the
existence of evil spirits and the reality of Satanic influ*-
ence and activity. Nor is this surprising, since Hie
beginning of Protestantism waA marked by an increase
in practices of superatition, and for a long while, both
in Catholic and in Protestant countries, men were
prone to be too credulous in these matters, and to
exaggerate the extent of obsession, witchcraft, and
intercourse with evil spirits.
Needless to say, the whole traditional doctrine dn
this matter was rejected by the Sceptical philosophers
of the eighteenth century. And with the spr^ul of
new ideas in the age of revolution, and political econ-
omy and practical science, it seemed, for a time at any
rate, in tne early nineteenth century, that the old
superstitious beliefs in spirits and witchcraft were
dying a natural death. Most educated men were in-
credulous of any diabolical agency in this worid, even
if they retained some shadowy belief in the existenoe
jmrnoMUM
712
DXM0IIIAC3
U the evil spiiita in another sphere. But with a
happy inconsistency, many who rejected as supersti-
tious all other alie^d cases of obsession still professed
their belief in the uoe|)el narrative, with its numerous
demoniacs and its miraculous exorcisms. Of course
it was possible, at least in the abstract, and without
making a too curious examination of the facts, to hold
a theory that possession had really happened of old
and had since ceased altogether. For all must admit
that in any case it does not occur with the same fre-
quency in all ages or in every land alike. But it is one
tninp to dispute the fact and another to deny the pos-
sibility of demonic possession in medieval or moaem
times. It may be a great mistake, but there is no con-
tradiction involved insaying that obsession did hapoen
of M. but does not happen now; it is surely another
matter if we say that these things cannot happen now,
tibat they are intrinsically impossible. And thou^
the^ may not be fully conscious of their own motives,
it IS to be feared that this is really the position
adopted by those who reject all cases of demonic pos-
session except those that are recorded in the New
Testam^it. It is true that some are provided with a
theological, or Biblical, reason for this limitation.
For thev tell us that possession was indeed possible
before the Death of Christ, but that since that great
▼ictcNy the power of Satan has been broken, or, in the
language of Scripture, he has been bound, so that he
can no longer gain possession of the bodies of men.
It may be ueely allowed that there is no contradiction
or inconsistency involved in admitting the Gospel
oases of obsession and denying the others, if this be
the real reason for making the distinction. But it is
difficult to believe that this is really the ground on
which all later instances are rejected as unreal. For,
after all, this doctrine about thewbinding of Satan and
the consequent ceasing of obsession is at best a theo-
logical conjecture (see Devil) and a plausible inter-
pretation of a mysterious text, and as such it can
nardlv afford a basis for a certain conclusion. And it
may be safely said that those who deny all modem
or medieval cases of obsession are generally vei^ cer-
tain of their conclusion. There is a further difficulty
in the fact that cases of obsession are recorded in the
New Testament as having taken place after the death
of Christ.
It was no doubt due to the force of these objections,
or te a desire te find some means of meeting or evad-
ing them, that the Rationalistic school of German
Biblical criticism set about the task of providing a
new interpretation of the Gospel cases of demonic
possession. Older free-thinking philosophers and as-
sailants of revealed religion had bluntly denied the
fact of obsession, and asserted. that the demoniacs
were merely madmen, that they were suffering from
epilepsy, or mania, or some other form of mental
alienation, and that Jewish superstition had ascribed
the disease to the presence of an evil spirit. The
earlier school of German Rationalist theologians en-
deavoured to modify this view of the matter and so
interpret the Sacred Text as to reconcile the natural-
istic explanation with due reverence for the Gospel and
for the wisdom of the Divine Redeemer. Thus they
accepted the view that the demoniacs were merely
lunatics, and that it was only popular superstition
that imagined that they were possessed by devils. So
far these theologians agreed with the infidel writers.
But, instead of making the confusion between lunacy
and possession a ground of attack on the Gospel, thev
went on to explain that Christ indeed knew the truth
and only accommodated Himself to the ideas of His
ignorant hearers, who were incapable of grasping the
true facts, and that this was the wisest way to lead
them on to the truth. One of these interpretera seeks
to explain the answers to the evil spirit at Caphar-
naum by the method adopted bv doctors in dealing
with those who are suftering under a delusion. The
best means of curing them is often found in an affected
adoption of the patient's delusion, e. g., if he imagnpa
that he has to undergo some operation, l^e doctor wiD
pretend to perform it. In the same way it is sug-
gested that the superstitious belief in demonic posses-
sion prevailed among the Jews in the time oTChnst
(and whether true or false it certainly did prevdl
among them), and in these circumstances a lunatic
might very well be under the delusion that he wad
a subject of this imaginary obsession; and thus a
wise physician might cure the delusion by means
of an sfiected exorcism of the non-existent evil
spirit.
The fallacy of this crude Rationalism was searcK-
J;ly criticized and exposed by Strauss in his critii^
e of Christ more than seventy years ago (Das Leben
Jesu, ix). He points out that such interpretations
not only have no basis in the text, but that there is
much there that plainlv contradicte them. The
critic, he observes, is really ascribing the ideas of his
own time to those who lived in the first century. And
indeed a closer scrutin^r of the evidence may weU be
enough to show that this Rationalistic ex^;esis is in-
consistent in itself and in conflict with tiie testimony
of the very documents on which it professes to be
founded. It may be admitted that uiere is an ele-
ment of truth in the general notion that there may be
some condescension or accommodation where an en-
lightened teacher is addressing a rude and uncultured
audience, and one who cannot in some measure adapt
himself to their crude conceptions and habits of
thou^t and expression mi^ht as well address them in
a foreign tongue. It may be added that in the case of
a Divine teacher there must needs be some condesoeiv
sion or accommodation to the lowty ways of men.
And for this reason St. Gre^iy Nazianzen likens the
inspired words of Holv Scnpture to the simple lan-
guage in which a mother speaks to her Ueping little
ones. It need not surprise us, therefore, did we find
that Christ accommodfated His words to the limi^-
tions of those who heard Him. But this principle will
not serve to explain His manner of speaking and act-
ing in regard to this matter of demomc possession, for
it simply will not fit the facts. It is not a question of
some isolated and possibly ambiguous action or utter-
ance, but of many and various acts and utterances ail
consistent with each other, and with the bdief or
knowledge that there is real demonic possession, azid
utterly incompatible with the interpretation that h&s
been put upon tHem by these critics. It may be a
wise course to humour a madman who imagines hiiir
self to be possessed, by pretending to accept his heUei
and bidding the devU depart from him, and in the
case of some modem missionary, of whom we knew no
more than the fact that he had used some words in a
case of supposed possession, there might be room to
doubt whether he nimself believed in the p)ossession, or
was merely seeking to pacify a lunatic by making use
of his delusion. But it would surely be otherwise if
we found the same missionary speaking in this way^
about demons and demonic possession to others who
were not lunatics suffering from this painful mono-
mania: if we found him teaching how evil spirits ent^r
into a man, and how, when they are cast out, the/
wander in desolate places. Yet this is what we actu-
ally find in the Gospels, where Christ not only ao*
dresses the devils and bids them depart or be silent,
and thus treats them as personalities distinct from thij
man who is the subject of possession, but speaks of
them in the same way to His disciples, to whom b«
teaches a doctrine about demonic possession. ^ So
again, it may sometimes be a wise course for a religious
teacher to deal gently with the beliefs of the ignorant:
he may feel that it is impossible to do all at once, ana
that some errors can only be destroyed by gen"J
means and gradual enlightenment. It may be u|w
the best and most enUghtened teacher, who f * '""
DEMONOLOOt
713
bUMOlTOLOOir
self in the midst of a simple, credulous, ana supersti-
tious population, would shrink from adopting harsh
and drastic measures to get rid of these cherished
superstitions and popular errors. And though on this
point we must speak with some reserve, it is possible
that in such a case the teacher, in endeavouring to
make himself imdeistood by his hearers, will use their
OTvn language and convey his own messaee of truth
through the medium of words and phrases which, taken
literafly, may seem to give some countenance to these
popular errors. But wnether this be permissible or no,
it may be safely asserted that a wise and good teacher
will not carry nis accommodation to the point of con-
firming his hearers in their delusions. And these
critics themselves can hardly question the fact that
the whole treatment of demonic possession in the
Gospels has had this effect, and has confirmed and
perpetuated the belief in real demonic possession.
And at least in these latter days there must be many
-who would have abandoned all belief in the reality or
even the bare possibility of any such possession, but
that they felt constrained to believe it on the author-
ity of Christ and the testimony of the Gospels. Cer-
tainly, tf it were possible to accept this interpretation
of the early Rationalists, and regard the attitude of
Christ as an accommodation to popular beliefs and
superstitions, it must be confessed that the alleged
economy has had very unfortunate consequences.
Later Rationalists, who see the difficulty, or rather
t)ie impossibility, of reconciling this view with the
evidence of the Gospels, have turned to other ways
of escape, and, like tne other supernatural and mirac-
ulous elements in the Gospel narrative, the instances
of demonic possession ana the casting out of devils
h ave been explained as parts of a mythical legend that
h«is grown up around the figure of Christ: or again
they have furnished grounds for disputing the fullness
of His knowledge, or the authenticity and veracity of
the narrative. This is not the place to deal with these
problems of apologetics; but it may be well to say a
word on the true ground for the rejection of belief in
real demonic possession. The tenaency has been to
deny the possibility of miracles or demonic possession.
Ajid it is sometimes curious that critics who are so
bold in setting limits to the knowledge of Christ are
often strangely oblivious of their own natural knowl-
edge. On metaphysical principles w^e can have no
valid ground for deciding that such a thing as demonic
obsession is impossible, and it is a more reasonable, as
well as a more modest, course to keep to means of
knowledge within our reach and examine the evidence
adducible for the actual occurrence of obsession. If
any one has examined this evidence and found it in-
simicient, his denial of demonic agency, whether we
accept it or not, is at any rate entitled to respect.
But few of those who have been most decided in their
rejection of obsession or other preternatural or mirac-
ulous manifestations have taken any pains to examine
the adducible evidence. On the contrary, they have
generally dismissed it with contempt, as unworthy of
serious consideration. And Baadcr is surely well
warranted when he complains of what he calls "Ra-
tionalistic obscurantism and dogmatism" in this
matter (Werke, IV, 109). Of late years the mag-
netism to which this acute thinker was calling the at-
t€*ntion of philosophers in the work we have cited, and
more recently the phenomena of hypnotism and spirit-
ism, have helped to bring the critics to a more rational
a'/titude. And with the weakening of this credulous
prejudice many of the difficulties raised against the
demonic possession in the New Testament will natur-
ally disappear.
The instances of obsession mentioned in the New
Testament may be roughly divided into two classes.
In the first group we are given some facts which, even
apart from the use of denumixed or some equivalent
term might suffice to show that it is a case of demonic
possession properly so called. Such arc the cases of
the "man with an unclean spirit" in the synagogue at
Caphamaum (Mark, i) ana the Gerasene demoniac
(Luke, xi). In both of these instances we have evi-
dence of the presence of an evil spirit who betrays
knowledge beyond the ken of the demonized person or
(in the latter case) manifests his power elsewhere after
he has been cast out. In the second group may be
placed those cases in which we are not given such dis-
tinct and unmistakable signs of true demonic posses-
sion, e. ^. the woman who had a spirit of infirmity
(Luke, xiii, 11). Here, apart from the words, spiritt
and whom Satan hath bound, there is apparently noth-
ing to distineuish the case from an ordinary healing of
infirmity. A careful consideration of the medical
aspect of demonic possession has often been associated
with a denial of the demonic agency. But this is by
no means necessary; and, rightly understood, the
medical evidence may even help to establish the truth
of the record. This has been done within the last few
?earB by Dr. Wm. Menzies Alexander in his "Demonic
'ossession in the New Testament: Its Relations, His-
torical, Medical, and Theological" (Edinburgh, 1902).
In his view, the Gospel records of the chief cases of
demonic possession exhibit all the symptoms of such
mental diseases as epilepsy, acute mania, and so on,
with such accuracy of detail that the narrative can
only owe its origin to a faithful report of the actual
facts. At the same time Dr. Alexander is equally
impressed by the cogency of the evidence for real
demonic possession at least in these cases. Even
those reaaers who are unable to accept his conclusions
— and in regard to later instances of obsession we are
unable to follow him — will find the book helpful and
suggestive and it may be commended to the attention
of Catholic theologians.
For authorities see modem titles cited at end of Devil.
W. H. Kent.
Demonology. — As the name sufficiently indicates,
demonology is the science or doctrine concerning de-
mons. Both in its form and in its meaning it has an
obvious analogy with theology, which is the science or
doctrine about God. And witn reference to the many
faJse and dangerous forms of this demonic science we
may fitly adapt the well-known words of Albertus
Magnus on the subject of theology and say of demon-
ology, "A daBmonibus docetur, de dsemonibus docet,
et ad dajmones ducit". — It is taught by the demons,
it teaches about the demons, and it leads to the de-
mons.— For very much of the literature that comes
under this head of demonology is tainted with errors
that may well owe their origin to the father of false-
hood, and much of it again, especially those portions
which have a practical purpose (what may be called
the ascetical and mystical demonology) is designed to
lead men to give tnemselves to the service of Satan.
There is, of course, a true doctrine about demons or
evil spirits, to wit that portion of Catholic theology
which treats of the creation and fall of the rebel
angels, and of the various ways in which these fallen
spirits are permitted to tempt and afflict the children
of men. But for the most part these questions will be
dealt with elsewhere in this work. Here, on the con-
trary, our chief concern is with the various ethnic,
Jewish, and heretical systems of demonology. These
systems are so many that it will be out of the question
to de^d with them all or to set forth their doctrines
with completeness. And indeed ^ full treatment of
these strange doctrines of demons might well seem
somewhat out of place in these pages. It will be
enough to give some indication of the main features
of a tew of tne more important systems in divers lands
and in distant ages. This may enable the reader to
appreciate the important part played by these ideas
in the course of human history and their influence on
the religion and morals and social life of the people.
DXMOVOLOOT
714
DIMOVOLOOT
At the same time some attempt may be made to di»-
tinsuiah the scattered elements of truth which may
still be found in this vast fabric of falsehood — truths
of natural religion, recorded experience of actual facts,
even perhaos remnants of revealed teaching that come
from the Jewish and Christian Scriptures or from
primitive tradition. This point has some importance
at the present day, when the real or apparent agree-
ment between heathen l^end and Christian theoioey
is so often made a ^und of objection against the
truth of revealed rehg^on.
Perhaps the first fact that strikes one who ajy-
proaches the study of this subject is the astonishing
universality and antiquity of demonolo^, of some
beHef in the existence of demons or evil spirits, and of
a consequent recourse to incantations or other magical
practices. There are some things which flourished in
the past and have long since aisappeared from the
face of the earth ; and there are others whose recorded
origin may be traced in comparatively modem times,
and it is no surprise to find that they are still flourish-
ing. There are beliefs and practices, again, which
seem to be confined to certain lands and races of men,
or to some particular BiSLgB of social culture. But
there is something which belongs at once to the old
world and the new, and is found flourishing among the
most widely different races, and seems to be equally
congenial to the wild habits of savages and the refine-
^[lents of classical or modem culture. Its antiquity
may be seen not only from the evidence of ancient
monuments, but from the fact that a yet more remote
past is still present with us in the races which remain,
as one may say, in the primitive and prehistoric con-
dition. And even amid these rude races, apparently
innocent of all that savours of science and culture, we
may find a belief in evil spirits, and some attemots to
propitiate them and avert their wrath, or maybe to
secure their favour and assistance. This belief in
spirits, both good and evil, is commonly associated
with one or other of two widespread and primitive
forms of religious worship — and accordingN' some
modem folk-lorists and mythologists are led to as-
cribe its origin either to the personification of the
forces of nature — ^in which many have found a " key to
all the mythologies'' — or else to Animism, or a belief
in the powerful activity of the souls of the dead, who
were therefore invoked and worshipped. On this last
theory all spirits were at first conceived of as being the
souls of dead men, and from this aboriginal Animism
there were gradually developed the various elaborate
systems of mythology, demonology, and angelology.
But here it is well to distinguish between the facts
themselves and the theoxy devised for their interpre-
tation. It is a fact that these rude forms of worship
are found among primitive peoples. But the manner
in which they be^m and the motives of the first pre-
historic woisnippers are and must remain matters of
conjecture. In the same way, with regard to the later
leases, it is a fact that these primitive beliefs and
practices have some features in common with later
and more elaborate ethnic systems — e. g. the Iranian
demonology of the Avesta-— and these again have
many points which find some counterpart in the pages
of Scripture and Catholic theology; but it bv no means
follows from Ihese facts that these facile theories are
ri^t as to the nature of the connexion between these
various ethnic and Christian systems. And a further
consideration of the subject may serve to show that it
may be explained in another and more satisfactory
manner.
Assyrian and Akkadian Demonology, — Some idea of
the antiquitv of demonology and magical practices
might be gathered from notices in the Bible or m classic
literature, to say nothing of the argument that might
be dntwn from the universality of these beliefs uid
practices. But still more striking evidence has been
brought to light by the decipherment of the cuneiform
hieroglyphics which has opened a way to the study of
the rich literature of Babylon and Araivria. In oonw-
quence of their beariiu; on the problems of Biblical
histoxy, attention has been attracted to the evidence
of the monuments in regard to such matters as the
cosmolo^, the tradition of the Deluge, or the relations
of Assyna and Babylon with the people of IsruL
And possibly less interest has been taken in the rdig-
ious beliefs and practices of the Assyrians them-
selves. In this question of demonology, however,
some of the Assyrian monuments may be said to have
a special importance. From certain cuneiform texts
which are more especially described as ''religious", it
app^is, as Lenormant remarks, that, besides the
public and official cult of the ^Hwdve ^^eat gods" and
their subordinate divinities, the Assyrians had a more
sacred and secret reliaon, a reli^on of mysteiy and
magic and sorcery. These "reh^ous" texts, more-
over, together wiUi a mass of talismanic inscriptions
on (flinders and amulets, prove the presence of an
exceedingly rich demonology. Below the greater and
lesser gods there was a vast host of spirits, some of
them eood and beneficent and some of them evil and
hurtful. And these spirits were described and classi-
fied with an exactness which leads Lenormant to liken
the arrangement to that of the choirs and orders of
our own angelic hierarchy. The antiquity and im-
portance of mis secret religion, with its magic and in-
cantations of the good spirits or evil demons, may be
gathered from the fact that by order of King Assur-
banipal his scribes made several copies of a great ma^
ical work according to an exemplar which had been
preserved from a remote antiquity in tiie priestly
school of Erech in Chaldea. This work consisted of
three books, the first of which is entirely consecrated
to incantations, conjurations, and imprecations
against the evil spirits. These cuneiform books, it
must be remembered, are really written on clay tab-
lets. And each of -the tablets of these first books
which has come down to us ends with the title, "Tab-
let No. — of the Evil Spirits*'. The ideogram which
is here rendered as kuUtUu — "accursed" or "evil"—
might also be read as limuUu — "baneful". Besides
beine known by the generic name of luiuibJku— -"spirit"
— a demon is called more distinctly eeimmu, or mas-
kimmu. One special class of these spirits was the
aedu, or divine bull, which is represented in the well-
known figure of a man-headed bull so common on the
Assyrian monuments. This name, it may be re-
marked, is probably the source of the Hebrew word
for demon. The Assyrian sedu, it is true, was more
commonly a beneficent or tutel^ spirit. But this is
hardly an obstacle to the derivation, for the good
spirits of one nation were often regarded as evu by
men of rival races.
Iranian Demonology, — In many ways one of the
most remarkable demonologies is that presented in
the Avesta (q. v.), the sacred book of ttie Maxdean
religion of Zoroaster. In this ancient religion, which,
unlike that of the Assjrrians, still exists in the Parsee
community, the war between light and darkmess, good
and evil comes into greater prominence. Over against
the good God, Ahura Ma^Kla, with his hierai^y of
holy spirits, there is arrayed the dark kingdom of de-
mons, or da9va8, under Xnro Mai^ns (Ahriman), the
cruel Evil Spirit, the Demon of Demons (Daiwnunn
Daeva), who is ever warring against Ahura Maida and
his faithful servants such as Zoroaster. It may be re-
marked that the name of Da^va is an instance of that
change from a good to a bad sense which is seen in
the case of the Greek word dalfutp. For the original
meaning of the word is "shining one'', and it comes
from a primitive Aryan root div, which is likewise the
source of the Greek Z«^ and the Latin deua. But
while these words, like the Sanskrit deva, retain the
^ood meaning, da^ has come to mean "an evil spi^
^*** There is at least a coincidence, if no deeper sjg
It
DnCONOLOOT
715
DSMONOLOGY
nificauce, iii tlie fact that, while the word in its original
sense was synonymous with l^f^t it has now come to
. mean much the same as devil. There is also a curious
coincidence in the similarity in sound between daSva,
the modem Persian dev, and the word devU, Looking
at the likeness both in sound and in significance, one
would be tempted to say that they must have a com-
mon origin, but for the fact that w^e know with
certainty that the word devQ comes from diaJMus
{didfioXot — BuLpd\\ei¥)j and can have no connexion
with the Persian or Sanskrit root.
Although there are marked differences between the
demons (3 the Avesta and the devil in Scripture and
Christian theology (for Christian doctrine is tree from
the dualism of the Mazdean system), the essential
struggle between ^ood and evil is still the same in both
cases. And the pictures of the holiness and fidelity of
Zoroaster when he is assailed by the temptations and
persecutions of Anro Mainyus and his aemons may
well recaU the trials of saints under the assaults of
Satan or suggest some faint analog with the great
scene of the temptation of Christ m the wilderness.
Fortunately for En^ish readers, a portion of the
Vendidad (fargard xix), which contains the tempta-
tion of Zoroaster, has been admirably rendered m a
doctrinal paraphrase in Dr. Casartelli s '* Leaves from
my Eastern Garden ' '. The important part played by
the demons in the Mazdean system may be seen from
the title of the Vendidad, which is the hugest and most
complete part of the Avesta, so much so tnat when the
sacred book is written or printed without the com-
mentaries it is generally known ais Vendidad Sade,
which means something that is "mven against the
demons" — vidahsodMa, i. e. oonira dcemones datua or
antid<gjnoniacus.
Jewish Demonology, — ^When we turn from the Avesta
to the Sacred Boolm of iiie Jews, that is to say to the
canonical Scripture, we are struck by the absence of
an elaborate demonology such as that of the Persians
and Asfl^ans. There is much, indeed, about the
angels of the Lord, the hosts of heaven, the seraphim
and cherubim, and other spirits who stand before the
throne or minister to men. But the mention of the
evil spirits is comparatively slieht. Not that their
existence is ignore^ for we have the temptation by the
serpent, in which Jews as well as Christians recognize
the work of the Evil Spirit. In Job, aeain, Satan ap*
pears as the tempter and the accuser of the just man;
in Kingp it is he who incites David to murder the
prophet ; in Zacharias he is seen in his office of accuser.
An evil spirit comes upon the false prophets. Saul is
afflicted, or apparently possessed, oy an evil spirit.
The activity ot the demon in ma^c arts is indicated in
the works wrought by the ma^cians of Pharaoh, and
in the Levitical laws against wizards or witches. The
scapegoat is sent into the wilderness to Azazael, who
is supposed by some to be a demon (see Atonement,
Day of), and to this may be added a remarkable pas-
sage in Isaias which seems to countenance the com-
mon belief that demons dwell in waste places: "And
demons and monsters shall meet, and the hairy ones
shall ciy out one to another, there hath the lamia lain
down, and found rest for herself" (Isaias, xxxiv.
14). It is true that the Hebrew word here rendered
by "demons" may merely mean wild animals. But,
on the other hana, D^^Vi^i which is rendered very
literally as "hairy ones , is translated "demons*' by
Targum and Peshitta, and is supposed to mean a goat-
shapod deity analogpus to the Greek Pan. And
"lamia" represents the original Lilith, a spirit of the
night who in Hebrew legend is the demon wife of
Aoam.
A further development of the demonology of the
Old Testament is seen in the Book of Tobias, which,
though not included in the Jewish Canon, was written
in BLebrew or Chaldean^ and a version in the latter
language has lately been recovered among some rab-
biuical writing^. 1 iere we have the demon Asmodeus,
who plays the part assigned to demons in many ethnic
demonoiogics and folk-le^nds. He has been identi-
fied by some good authonties with the ASshmo DaSva
of the Avesta : but Whitehouse doubts this identifica-
tion and prefers the alternative Hebrew etymology.
In any case Asmodeus became a prominent figure in
later Hebrew demonolo^, and some strange tales told
about him in the Talmud are cjuite in the vein of " The
' Arabian Nights". The rabbinical demonology of the
Talmud and Midrashim is very far from the reticence
and sobriety of the canonical writing? in re^rd to this
subject. Dome modem critics ascribe this rich growth
of demonology amon^ the Jews to the effects of the
Captivity, and regard it as the result of Babylonian or
Persian mfluence. But though in its abundance and
elaboration it may bear some formal resemblance to
these external systems, there seems no reason to re-
gard it as simply a case of appropriation from the doc-
trines of strangers. For when we come to compare
them more closely, we may well feel that the Jewish
demonology^ has a distinctive character of its own, and
should rather be regarded as sm outgrowth from be-
liefs and ideas which were present in the mind of the
chosen people before they came into contact with Per-
sians and Babylonians. It is certainly significant
that, instead of borrowing from the abundant legends^
and doctrines ready to their hand in the alien systems,
the rabbinical demonolo^sts sought their starting-
point in some text of their own scriptures and drew
forth all they wanted by means of their subtle and in-
genious methods of exegesis. Thus the aforesaid text
of Isaias furnished, imoer the name of Lilith, a myste-
rious female night spirit who apparently abode in des-
olate places, and forthwith they made ner the demon
wife of Aaam and the mother of demons. But
whence, it may be asked, had these exponents of the
sacred text any warrant for saying that our first father
contracted a mixed marriage with a being of another
race and begot children other than human? Tliey
simply took the text of Genesis, v: "And Adam lived
a hundred and thirty years, and begot a son to his
own image and likeness". This explicit statement,
they said, plainly implies that previous to that time he
had begotten sons who were not to his own image and
likeness ; for this he must needs have f oimd some help-
meet of another race than his own, to wit a demon
wife, to become the mother of demons. This notice of
a union between mankind and beings of a different
order had long been a familiar feature in pagan myth*
ology and demonology, and, as will presently appear,
some early Christian commentators discovered some
countenance for it in Genesis, vi, 2, which tells how the
sons of God "took to themselves wives of the daugh-
ters of men". One characteristic of Jewish demon-
ology was the amazing multitude of the demons.
According to all accoimts evenr man has thousands of
them at his side. The air is mil of them; and, since
they were the causes of divers diseases, it was well
that men should keep some guard on their mouths
lest, swallowing a demon, they might be afflicted with
some deadly disease. This may recall the common
tendency to personify epidemic diseases and speak of
" the cholera fiend ' ', " the influenza fiend ", ete. And
it may be remarked that the old superstition of these
Jewish demonologists presents a curiously close analogy
to the theory of modem medical science. For we are
now told that the air is full of microbes and germs of
disease, and that by inhaling any of these living organ-
isms we receive the disease into our systems.
Demonology of the Early Christian Writers, — ^What-
ever may be said of this theory of the Habbis, that the
air is full of demons, and that men are in danger of
receiving them into their systems, it may certainly be
said that in the days of the early Christians the air
was dangerously full of demonologies, and that men
were in peculiar peril of adopting erroneous doctrines
DKMONOLOGir
710
DBMONOLOOT
ou this matter. It must be remembered, on the ouo
hand, that many of the Gospel miracles, and particu-
larly the casting out of devils, must in any case have
given the faithful a vivid sense of the existence and
power of the evil spirits. At the same time, as we
nave seen, Scripture itself did not furnish any full and
clear information in regard to the origin and the na-
ture of these powerful enemies; on the other hand, it
may be observed that the first Christian converts and
the first Christian teachers were for the most part
either Jews or Greeks, and many of them were living
in the midst of those who professed some or other of
the old Oriental religions. Thus, while they naturally
wished to know something about these matters, they
had but little definite knowledge of the truth, and on
the other hand their ears were daily filled with false
and misleading information. In these circumstances
it is scarcely surprising to find that some of the earliest
ecclesiastical writers, as St. Justin, Origen, and Ter-
tuUian, are not very hapl()y in their treatment of this
topic. There was, moreover, one fruitful source of
error which is rather apt to be forgotten. Now that
common consent of Catholic commentators has fur-
nished a better interpretation of Genesis, vi, 2, and
oonciliar definitions and theological argiunents have
^established the fact that the angels are purely spiritual
beings, it may seem strange that some earlv Cnristian
teeners should have supposed that the phrase, sons
of Godj could possibly mean the angels or that these
pure spirits could have taken imto themselves wives
of the daughtere of men. But it must be borne in
mind that the old commentators, who read the Sep-
tuagint or some derivative version, did not put this
interpretation on the passage; the word itself was in
the text before them; that is to say, the old Greek
Bible expressly said that "the Angels of God took
wives of the daughters of men". This unfortunate
reading was certainly enough to give a wrong direction
to mucn of the demonology of early Christian writers,
and those who went astray in other matters also na-
turally adopted peculiar ideas on this subject. In
some wa3r8 one of the most remarkable examples of
this mistaken demonology is that to be foimd in the
pseudo-Clementine Homilies (Hom. viii, ix). The
writer gives a very full account of the mysterious
episode of Genesis, vi, 2, which, in common with so
many others, he takes to be the origin of the demons
who were, in his view, the offspring of the supposed
union of the angels of God and the daughters of men.
But on one point, at any rate, he improves the story
and does something to lighten our initial difficulty.
Tlie first objection to the legend was, that the angels,
as pure spirits, were plainly incapable of feeling sen-
sual passions; and it was possibly a keen sense of this
difficulty that led some who had adopted the story to
deny the spirituality of the angelic nature. But the
moralist evades it in a more ingenious manner. Ac-
cording to his account, the angels were not over-
powerSl with the pajssion of sensual love while they
were as yet in their purely spiritual state; but when
they looked down and witnessed the wickedness and
ingratitude of men whose sins wore defiling the fair
creation of God, they asked of their Creator that they
might be endowed with bodies like unto men, so that,
coming down to earth, they mi^ht set thin^ right and
lead a righteous life in the visible creation. Their
wish was granted, they were clothed in bodies and
came down to dwell on earth. But now they found
that with their raiment of mortal flesh they nad ac-
quired, also the weakness and passions which had
wrou^t such havoc in men; and they too, like the
sons of men, became enamoured of the beauty of
women and, foi^getting the noble purpose of fiieir
descent to earth, gave themselves up to the gratifica-
tion of their lust, and so rushed heaalong to their ruin.
The offspring of their union with the dauditers of men
were the giants — the mighty men of superhuman build
and superhuman powers, as became the sous of incar-
nate angels, yet at the same time mortal, like their
mortal motnero. And when these' giants perished in
the Flood their disembodied souls wandered througjli
the world as the race of demons.
Medieval and Modem Demonology. — ^Throu^out
the Christian Middle Ages the external systems of
demonology among the uncultured races or in the
ancient civilizations of the East continued their course,
and may still be found flourishing in the home of Uieir
origin or in other lands. Withm the Catholic fold
there was less scope for the worse form of the old er-
rors. The early heresies had been cast out, and theo-
logical speculation had^ been directed in the true way
by the decision of the Fifth (Ecumenical Council (545),
which condemned certain Origenist errors on the
subject of demons. But while the theologians of the
g^at scholastic period were settinjg forth and elucida-
ting the Catholic doctrine concerning angels and devils,
there was withal a darker side in the popidar super-
stitions, and in the men who at all times continued to
practise the black arts of magic, and witchcraft, and
dealing with the devil. In the troubled period of the
Renaissance and the Reformation there appears to
have been a fresh outbreak of old superstitions and
evil practices, and for a time both Catholic and Protes-
tant countries were disturbed by the strange beliefs
and the strange doincs of real or supposed professors
of the hisLck arts and by the credulous and cruel pezse-
cutors who sou^t to suppress them. In the new age
of the Revolution and tne spread of practical ideas
and exact methods of science it was at first thought
by many that these medieval superstitions would
speedily pass away. When men, materiali£ed by the
^wth of wealth and the comforts of civilization, and
enlightened by science and new philosophies, could
scarce find faith to believe in the pure truths of re-
vealed religion, there could be little room for any be-
lief in the doctrines of demons. The whole thing was
now rudely rejected as a dream and a delusion.
Learned men marvelled at the credulity of their
fathers, with their faith in ^osts, and demons, and
black magic, but felt it impossible to take any serious
interest in the subject in their age of enlightenment.
Yet in fact there was still stranger delusion in the
naive faith of the early Rationalists, who fondly
fancied that they had found the key to all knowledge,
and that there were no things in heaven or earth be-
yond the reach of their science and philosophy. And
much of the histoxy of the last hundred years forms a
curious comment on these proud pretentions. For,
far from disappearing from the face of the earth, much
of the old occultism has been revived with a new
vigour, ^nd has taken new form in modem Spiritism.
At the same time, philosophers, historians, and men
of science have been led to make a serious study of
the story of demonology and occultism in past ages
or in other lands, in order to understand its true
significance.
Condumon. — With all their variations and oontra-
dictions, the multitudinous systems of demonology yet
have much in common. In some cases this may be
accounted for by the fact that one has freely borrowed
from another. Thus, the demonology of eariy Chris-
tian writers would naturally owe much both to the
systems of Jewish and Greek demonok»y , and these in
their turn can hardly have been free from other fo^
eign influences. And since not only heretical opin-
ions, but orthodox teaching on this subject has at any
rate some elements in common with we ethnic sys-
tems— ^from the Animism of the simple savage to the
elaborate demonology of the Chaldeans and Iranlsn'
— ^the mytholo^ or folk-lorist bids us come to the
conclusion that all are from the same source, and that
the Biblical and Catholic doctrine on evil s^^ts mttff
be no more than a development from Animism and a
more refined form of ethnic demonology. But it
DBMPftTER
717
Dimfis
lar be well to observe that at best this solution is but
& plausible hypothesis and that the facts of the case
may be explained just as well by another hypothesis
^rhich some philosophio writers do not' seem to have
oonsideredi to wit: the hvpothesis that the teaching
of revealed religion on tlus topic is true after alT
Can it be said that if this were so there would be no
trace of belief in demons among races outside the
Christian fold or in religious systems older than the
Hible? If, as our theology teaches, the fallen angels
Teally exist and are permitted to try and tempt the
sons of men, should we not expect to find some belief
in their existence and some traces of their evil influ-
ence in every land and in every age of human history?
Should we not expect to find that here as elsewhere
the elements of truth would be overlaid with error,
and that they should take different shapes in each na-
tion and each succeeding age, according to the measure
of knowledge, and culture, and new ideas current in
the minds of men? This hypothesis, to say no more,
will fit well all the facts — for mstanoe, the universality
of the belief in evil spirits and any evidence adducible
for actual influence on men, whether in the records of
demonic possession and magic in the past or in the
phenomena of modem Spiritism. And we can
scarcely say t^ie same of the other hypothesis.
WBiTKHOtraBt s. vv. Demon, DevU^ in Hastinob, Diet, of the
BiUe; GOrres. French tr. by Sainte-Foi, La Myattque divine,
naturdU, et duMique (1865;; Lbnorm ant, Hietoire ancierme de
VOrient (1887). V; Idem, La magie chea lee ChaldSena; Budob,
Aeeurian Ineantaiione to Fire arid Water in Tranaactione See,
Bibl, Archaol. (1878); Bbockhaus (ed.). Vendidad Sade:
Cababteiaa, Leaves from My Sastem Garden; GntOnxB, Ge-
echichtedce Urchrietenthums (1838). I: Jewish DenumoUfOV: Alex-
AKDBR, Demonic Possession in the New Testament (1902);
dementia JRomani qua feruntur HomUia, Scrwzoler (ed.).
W. H. Kent.
Dempater, Thomas, savant, professor, and author;
b., as he himself states, at Cfiiftbog, Scotland, 23
August, 1579; d. at Bologna, Italy, 6 September,
1625: son of Thomas, Baron of Muresk, Auchterless,
and Killesmont, Aberdeenshire, and Jane Leslie, sister
to the Baron of Balauhain; educated at the schools
of TurrifT and Aberaeen. His troublous life began
earlv. On leaving school, aged ten, he went to Cam-
brioge, leaving it shortly for Faris. Illness occasioned
his removal to Louvain, whence, having attracted the
notice of a representative of the Holv See, he was
taken to Rome, and there provided with a pension for
his education in a papal seminary. Through failing
health he returned northwards to Toumai, but was
immediately transferred to Douai, means being forth-
coming through royal boimty. On the completion of
a three years^course, he returned to Toumai as pro-
fessor of humanities. Toumai, however, he forsook
for Paris, where, after graduating in canon law. he
occupied, at the age of seventeen, a professorial chair
in the College de Navarre. He could not remain here
either, and, after an interval in Poitou, he became
professor of humanities again, this time at Toulouse,
before long, zeal in local dissensions sent him adrift
once more. Declining a chair of philosophy at Mont-
pellier, he successfully competed lor one of oratory at
Nlmes. ^ From this he was suspended, a lawsuit fol-
lowing in vindication of his integrity. The post of
tutor to the son of the Mar6chal de Saint-Luclie lost
through unfriendly relations with the family of his
patron. Once more adrift, he visited Scotland, vainly
begged assistance from kith and kin, and, through
Protestant intrigue, failed to recover his famfly
estates, which had been parted with by his father.
Seven years of professorship followed in Paris, at the
end of which he was invited to reside in London in
the capacity of historian to James I. He married in
England, but only to bring on himself domestic mis-
fortune. Anglican influence having procured royal
dismissal, he left for Italy, and occupied under grand-
ducal auspices the chair of civil law in Florence.
Further trouble led to his last change. In disgrace
with the grand duke, he passed through Bologna, and
was there provided with a chair of humanities. Even
here he had his troubles, and had to clear himself of a
suspicion of unorthodoxy before the Inquisition. He
lies buried in the church of St. Dominic, at Boloffna.
Dempster's worth as an autobiographer and histo-
rian is much discounted by manifest errors, and by
immoderate self-praise and zeal for the exaltation of
his country. An unrestrained temper and resentful
disposition, added to a harsh exterior, were, in spite
of learning and good qualities, the cause of his un-
popularity and many misfortunes. The seventeenth-
century Irish ecclesiastical historians generally re-
sented Dempster's dishonest attempts to claim for
Scotland many saints and worthies of Irish birth.
John Colgan, John Lynch, and Stephen White, all
eminent scholars, ento^ the lists against him (see
W. T. Doherty, Inis-Owen and Tircoimell, Dublin.
1895, pp. 108-16).
Thecnief of his many writings are: "HistoriaEcde-
siastica Gentis Scotorum " ; published posthumously at
Bolosna, 1627: republished by Banna tyne Club, Edin-
burgh, 1829; '' Antiquitatum Romanarum Corpus Ab-
solutissimum" (Pans, 1613, 1743); "De EtruriA Re-
gali", brought out during the Florentine professorship
(latest edition, 1723-4); "Ktpov^df Kal 'OjaeXdj in
Glossamlibrorum IV. Institutionum Justinian!'' (Bol-
ogna, 1622), edition of Claudian; annotated edition
of Benedetto Accolti's "De Bello a Christianis contra
Barbaros gesto" (Florence, 1623: Groningen, 1731);
annotated edition of Aldrovanoi's "Quadrupedum
omnium bisulcomm Historia" (Florence, 1623, 1647).
His minor works include: trageidies, poems, especially
"Musca Recidiva", thrice reprinted during his life.
DsMPSTSR, Autolnography.n. 1210 in Hist. Bed. SooHm
(Edinbursh, 1829); Irvino, Preface to Dkmpvtgr, Hist. BeeL
Scotia; Cbambbrs, Dictionary of Bmment Scotamen (Edinburi^
1855); Bradley, in Diet, of Nat. Biog. (London, 1888). s. v.;
BxrLE, Dictionary. JerOMB PolLARD-UrQUHART.
Denaut, Pierre, tenth Bishop of Quebec, b. at
Montreal, 20 July, 1743; d. at Longueuil in 1806.
After studying at Montreal and Quebec, he was or-
dained priest m 1767, and appointed pastor of Sou-
langes, when only twenty-four years old. During
the American invasion (1775) he maintained his flock
faithful to their severely. Transferred to Lon-
gueuil (1787), appointed vicar-general (1791), he suc-
ceeded Bishop Baillv as coadjutor to Bishop Hubert,
and was consecratea 29 Jime, 1795. He remained at
Longueuil even after his appointment to the See of
Suebec (1797), always taking a predominant part in
le government of the diocese, with the efficacious co-
operation of Bishop Plessis, appointed coadjutor in
1801. He visited his entire diocese, travelling
throurfi Upper Canada on his way to Detroit, in 1801
and 1802. in 1803, via Burlington and Boston^ he
visited the Maritime Provinces, where the Acadians
and Indians beheld a bishop for the first time. An
enlightened patron of education, he founded Nicolet
CoUe^ (1803), and aided in enlarging Montreal Col-
le^ m 1804. He resisted the encroachments of a
British governor claiming the right of presentation to
parishes, and opposed tne "Royal Institution" in-
vesting Protestants with the control of public in-
struction. Courteous towards temporal authoritiefl
and firm in the defence of episcopal rights, he pre-
pared the way for the civil recogmtion of the BiuiOp
of Quebec ana the freedom of the Church.
Thv, Lea 4vfquea de Quibec (Quebec, 1889) ; Archives of tbe
archbishop's palace, Quebec. LlONEL LlNDSAT.
D^nes (men or people, in most of their dialects),
an aboriginal race of >lorth America, also called Ath-
apaskans and known among earlier ethnologists as
Tinn^ or Tinneh. They are the northernmost of
American Indians, and, as regards territorial exten-
D^KiS
718
T^iaxtB
uon, ma^ perhaps be considered as the most iinpor-
tant native family on the American Continent, lliey
are divided into three groups: the Southern, com-
posed of the Apaches and the Navahoes, to whom, in
The Catholic Encyclopedia, special articles are de-
voted which describe their habitat; the Pacific D4n^,
composed mainly of remnants of tribes in Washington,
Oregon, and Northern California; and the Northern
Dfyi6a, by far the most important division, which
covers the territory extending from Churchill River
and the northern branch of the Saskatchewan to the
confines of the Eskimo fishing-grounds. In British
Columbia they range from 51** ^N. lat., and are like-
wise to be found over the whole of Alaska with the ex-
ception of its coasts. The southern branch of the
family is to-day in a thriving condition and relatively
numerous; but the uncertainty of life in the dreary
wastes or dense forests which have long been the
home of the Northerners precludes the possibility of a
population even distantiv commensurate with the
enormous area claimed by them. The latest and
most reliable statistics give the following figures for
the numbers of the three divisions: Southern D4n^,
27,365; Pacific D^n6s, 846; Northern D^nfe, 19,390.
It is but fair to adc) that whole tribes or septs were
almost wiped out of existence by epidemics and dis-
orders consequent on the advent of the whites among
them. The principal Northern tribes are: the Lou-
cheux, neighoours of the Eskimos in Alaska and the
lower Msu^kenzie^ contiguous to which are, from north
to south: the Hares, the Dog;-Ribs, the Slaves, the
Yellow-Knives, and the Chipoewayans. Ignoring
several intermediate or Rocky Mountain tribw, we
find in Northern British Colimibia the Nahanais, the
Sekanais, the Babines, the Carriers, and the Chilco-
tins. The Yellow-Knives receive their name from
the tools of native copper which were common amons
them in prehistoric times; the Babines are so called
from theu* custom of wearing labrets, wood or stone
ornaments inserted in the lip, and the Cairie/s owe
their name to a custom of the women of carrying on
their backs the charred remains of their husbands.
Though the Navahoes have at last adopted pastoral
life, all the D^n^ tribes were originally made up of
hunters and have remained so in the north. ^ Yet in
British Columbia the abundance of fish, especially of
salmon, has made fishing of at least as great economic
importance to the D6nS stationed there as hxmting.
Most of the hard work was done by the women, who
generally occupied a very low place in the social scale.
They were united to men by ties which were never con-
sidered indissoluble, and polyjp;ajny was everywhere
prevalent. As to society itself it was of the crudest
description. The original form of government among
the entire stock was a sort of anarchy tempered by
patriarchal proclivities. The septs were led by the
more influential fathers of families, whose children
succeeded in the male line of their rank, such as it
was, and inherited their earthlv belongings. But con-
tact with aliens made the Western tribes adopt, in
course of time, matriarchy^ or mother-right, and its
consequent institutions: the clans with their petty
chiefs, the totems, and more or less elaborate social
observances. These totems, or emblems, were of at
least two kinds, eentile and personal. The former
represented the clan, and though probably evolved
from the latter, they came to be r^arded as more
social than reli^ous in import. The nature of the
personal totems is better imderstood by a reference to
the theogonistic and cosmogonic notions of the In-
dians. In common with most American aborigines
they believed in a twofold world: the one visible and
purely material now inhabited by man; the other in-
visible, though in some way coextensive with the first,
which is the nome of spirits. Of these there are two
kinds, good and bad, all more or less under the control
of a Supreme Being whose personality and attributes
are not well defined. By some he was known as *he
(or it) whereby the earth exists", or simply "the
powenul"; others, like the Hares, designated him as
^'he that sees in front and behind", while the prehis-
toric Carriers knew him as '^that which is on high",
apparently confounding him with the dynamic forces
of nature and the cause of rain, snow, wind, and the
other celestial phenomena. Ajs to the spirits, the
noxious ones are constantly lurking among men and
cause disease and all evils. The good ones are doeely
connected with the various elements of the created
world, and are ever ready to adopt and protect indi-
viduals in return for some sort of respect and implied
veneration of the animal, tree, plimt, celestial body,
or terrestrial entity which is their normal seat or repre^
sentative. These are the personal totems or tutelary
genii^ of which every Wn6 has at least one, eom-
mxmion with which was supposed to be established
through the agency of dreams, apparitions, etc.
It sometimes happened that tne totem suddenly
prostrated the native while awake and rendered him
unconscious. The individual thus affected was be-
lieved to commune with some powerful spirit, and on
being restored to consciousness by means of loud
chanting and the rhythmical beating of drums, was
considered as endowed with supernatural powers over
the evil spirits and their works. Hence nis services
were called into requisition to cast out the evil spirita
from those who were afllicted with illnesB, or to obtain
some particular end in the order of nature, such as calm
in tempestuous weather, a plentiful nm of salmon, a
successful htmt, and the like. These ideas were so
firmly rooted among all the tribes that they long re-
mained proof against the influence of civilization.
The first encoimter of the D6n68 with this was in the
south, as is shown in the articles on the Apaches and
the Navahoes. In the nortii, the fur of tne animak
on whose flesh they mostly subsisted and whose skins
were utilized as garments was the principal cause of
the intrusion of tne white races on tneir aesolate wil-
derness. As early as 1670 was established the cele-
brated Hudson Bay Company, whose agents were
gradually drawn into close intercourse with the east-
ernmost tribes. One of these agents, Samuel Heame.
was the first to penetrate to any considerable inland
distance. In the years 1769-72 he disoovwed Lake
Athabasca, and went as far north as the moutii of the
Coppermine with a horde of Eastern Dto^ who
proved to be as unruly, brutal, and lustful as the ex-
plorer was himself timid and gentlemanly. On the
other hand, the latter extols the virtue and meekness
of their women. Then came the Northwest Fur
Trading Company, a member of ^diich, Laurent Le*
roux, was the first to visit Great Slave Lake (1784).
This energetic corporation soon dotted the country
with trading establishments, whereupon the Hudson
Bay Company b^gan a keen competition, which was
the source of many disorders among the natives, ii^
toxicants beingused by each party to win them over to
its own side. Then came the explorations of Blacken-
zie in 1789 and 1792-03; Franklin's in 1820-22;
Back's in 1833-35; and a number of other joumcp
in the course of which the D^n^ proved valuable, if
somewhat fickle helpers. They were strictly honest,
anxious to please the whites and to adopt their ways
as far as compatible with their own condition.
The D€n6s had already learned something of the
Catholic religion through the French Canadian traders
and voyagers. From tne very banning they showed
themselves ready converts, which is not to be won-
dered at when we consider tnat the D^n5, when of pure
stock, is by nature eminently religious. The first mis-
sionaries were Catholic priests. In 1842 the Rev. J.
B. Thibault, one of the pioneers of the Red River Set-
tlement (now Manitoba) reached the Roc^ Moun-
tains in his apostolic wanderinra, and must have evao*
gelized some of the border tribes. Tliree years later
DENIFLB
719
DmanM
h» Tinted the Chippewayans of lie-^la-Crosse, which
toeality was soon to become the centre of f ar-reachjnff
miesionaiy operations. That very year there arriv^
&t St. Boniface the first two representatives of the Ob-
l&te Order, which has since had charge of the evangel-
isation of all Norihem IMn6 tribes. In 1847 Father
(afterwards Archbishop) Tach^ visited Lake Atha-
basca, where he was kindly received and accom-
plisheid much ^ood. Year after year the sphere of
rel^ious activity was enlarged, new miasions being
eetablished, until that of Our Lady of €k>od Hope was
founded by Father GroUier, 31 Aug., 1859, within the
Arctic Circle. Thence apostolic excursions were made
into Alaska, first by Fatner Petitot in 1870, and then
by Bishop I. Out in 1872. But the Western Lou-
cheux, rendered hostile to Catholicism by itinerant
Protestant ministers and fanatical traders, proved
generally rebellious. Serious Protestant missionarv
efforts among the D^n^ date from 1858. The Rev. J .
Hunter then made a reconnoitring visit to the Mack-
enzie, and as a result a mission was established on that
stream at Fort Simpson. After this work was under-
taken among the Loucheuz of the Yukon with some
measure of success. However, in spite of the asser-
tion of the late Anglican bishop, W. C. Bompas, that
"the numbers under instruction of each Church may
not greatly differ'' (Diocese of Mackenzie, London,
1888, p. 108) am(»ig the Northern D^n^, taken as a
whole, the number of Protestant IMn^s is insignificant
compared with those who have embraced the Catholic
Faith. In British Columbia they are practically all
Catholic, and east of the Rocky Mountains there is
not one Protestant among the natives who repair to
some fifteen of the Hudson Bay Company's fmv
trading posts. Even at Fort Simpson, the head-
quarters of the Church of Ehi^land in the Mackenzie,
half of the aboriginal population is Catholic.
Petitot, Monographie dea DhU-Dindjik Q^aris, 1876); Idem,
Tradituma indiennea du Canada nord-cueat (Paris, 1888); Idem,
QuifU6 ana aoua le eerde polaira (Paris, 1889); Idkm, AtUour du
orand lac dea Eadavea (Fans, 1801}; Idem, Exj^oralion de la
region du arand lac dea Oura (Pans, 1893), and many other
works. BlORicE, The Weaiem D&rUa (Toronto. 1889); Idem,
Noiea on the Weaiem DhUa CToronto. 1894); Idem, Au vaya de
Voura noir (Paris, 1897); Idem, The Hiatary of the Northern
Jnterior of Britiah Columhia (Toronto, 1904); Idem, The Great
D&n6 Race (2 vols., Vienna, Austria), and about a dosen mono-
sraphs on toe Dteiite.
A. G. MORICB.
Denifle, Hbinrich Skvsb (baptized Joseph), palee-
pher and historian, bom at Imst in the Austrian
16 Jan., 1844; d. at Munich, 10 June, 1905.
father, who was the village schoolmaster and
church oiganist, had him educated in the episcopal
wminazy of Brixen. On his reception, at Gras, 22
Sept., 1861, into the Dominican Order, he took the
name of Heinrich. His studies of Aristotle and St.
Tliomas were begun in Graz and continued in Rome
and Marseilles. After his return to Graz, Father
Denifle taught philosophy and theology for ten years
(1870-1880), and during this period also he was one of
the best preachers in Austria. A course of apologetic
sermons delivered in Graz cathedral, ''Die katholische
Kirche imd das Ziel der Menschheit" was printed in
1872. Denifle, who had loved music from his boyhood
and composed pieces at fifteen, also published in 1872,
as his first literary essay, an article on the Gregorian
Chant: ''Schdnheit und Wttrde dee Chora]s'\ That
even then his mind was occupied with a subiect about
whidh his last and perhaps his greatest work was des-
tined to be written, is evident from a series of articles
entitled '^Tetzel und Luther", which appeared in
1873. From that time onward, though he preached
occasionally, the biography of Denifle is the descrip-
tion of his literary achievements. His life therefore
may be divided into four periods characterized respec-
tively by work on theolo^ and mysticism, medieval
universities, the Hundred Years War between France
and England with its consequences to the CSiurdi, and
Luther and Lutheranism.
A subject to which in early years he devoted much
of his attention was the relation existing between
scholastic theolo^r and medieval msrsticism. It was
comparatively uAnown, and had in fact been nossly
misrepresented by some flippant writers aoooroung to
whom the German mystics were the precursors of the
German Reform^s. Denifle's reoearches put the mat-
ter in its true light. He discovered in various libra-
ries of Austria, Germany, and Switzerland copious
materials in fourteenth-century manuscripts, ana a se-
lection of 2500 texts was given to the public in his book
''Das geistliche Leben. Eine Blumenlese aus den
deutschen Mystikem des 14. Jahrhunderts" (Graz,
1873) . He also began a critical edition of Blessed Henrv
Suso's works (the first and only volume of Deng's
edition appeared in 1880 — ^another edition is in prog-
ress 1908), and on Suso and other mystics he wrote sev>
eral articles (fifteen in all with appendices) publiriied
in various periodicals from 1873 to 1889. His fame as
a pakeographer, German philologist, and textual critic
arose from these investigations and especially from his
studies on Tauier, Eckhart, and Blessed Henrv Suso.
Up to 1875 the most disputed problem in the histoiv
of German mysticism was that of the " Gottesfreund
and his marvellous influence. Denifle solved it simply
b^ showing that the ^ Gottesfreund * * was a myth, llus
discovery, which created quite asensation, and several
others brought him into controversy with Preger and
Schmidt, who had till then been looked up to as au-
thorities on the history of mysticism, and also into
controversy with Jundt. He proved and demon-
strated that Catholic mysticism rests on scientific
theology. Denifle's remarks were often sharp, but
there could be no doubt that his arguments and his
destructive criticism were unanswerable. Catholic
and non-Catholic savants alike, as SchrOrs, Kirsdi,
MQiler, SchOnbach, etc., have recognized that he was
immeasurably superior to his adversaries. This was
owing to his intimate knowledge of ^e Fathers, of
theology — both scholastic and mvstic— of medieval
history, and lastly of Middle-Hi^ German with its
dialects.
In 1880 Denifle was made socius, or assistant, to the
general of his order, and summoned to Rome, where
a new field of inquiry awaited him. Leo XIII had
commanded that a critical edition of the works of St.
Iliomas Aquinas should be begun, and Denifle was
commissioned to search for the best manuscripts. He
visited the libraries in Italy, Austria, Germany, Ba*
varia, Holland, England, France, Spain, and Portu-
gal. Nothing escaped his ea^e e^, and while pre-
paring for the new edition, before his return to Ita^ in
1883, he had also gatiiered abundant materials for his
own special study. In the autumn of 1880 Ijso XIII
had opened the secret archives of the Vatican to schol*
an; he had in 1789 appointed as archivist Cardhiai
HeigenrOther. On the latter's recommendation the
pope now (1 Dec., 1883) made Denifle sub-archivist, a
post which he hdd till his death. Since the beginning
of his residence in Rome, Denifle, who found nothinff
there for his contemplated histoiy of mystidsm, haa
been investigating the career of a celebrated prophet,
i. e. the Abbot Joachim, and the reasons of the con-
demnation of his "Evangelium JEtemum" by the
TJniversitv of Paris. This led him to study the con-
troversy Detfraen the university and the mendicant
orders. As he found du Boulay's history of the uni-
versity inaccurate, Denifle, who was a foe to adven-
turous statements and hasty p^neralizations, resolved
to write a history based on original documents, and as
an introduction to it^ to commence with a volume on
the origin of the medieval university system, for ^(duofa
he already had prepared copious transcripts and notes.
His leading idea was that to appreciate the mystics
one should understand not only the theology they had
DENXrUB
720
DBriFLE
foamed, but also the jBeniua of the place where it was
commonly taught. The firat and onl^ volume ap-
peared in 1885 under the title "Die UmveFsit&ten des
Mittelalters bia 1400" (xly-814). The wealth of eru-
dition it contains is extraordinary. The work was
everywhere applauded; it led, however, to a some-
what bitter controversy. G. Kaufmann attacked it,
but was worsted by the erudite and unsparing author.
The most copious collection on the subject to oe found
in any archives is that possessed by the Vatican, and
this Denifle was the first to use. Munich, Vienna,
and other centres supplied the rest. Among his dis-
coveries two may be mentioned; namely, that the
universities did not, as a rule, owe their origin to cathe-
dral schools, and that in the majority of uiem at first
theology was not taught. The Univeisity of Paris
fonnedan exception. Denifle had planned four other
voltunes : viz. asecond on the development of the or^mi-
sation ot universities, a third on the origin of the Uni-
veraity of Paris, a fourth on its development to the end
of the thirteentii century, and a fifth on its controver-
sies with the mendicant orders. But the Conseil G6-
n6nX des Facultds de Paris, which had in 1885 decided
on publishing, the "Chartularium", or records of the
University of Paris, resolved on 27 March, 1887, to en-
trust the work to Denifie, with Emile Chatelain, the
Sorbonne librarian , as coUaborateur. This quite suited
Denifle, for he had resolved not to write before he
had collected all the relevant documents, so with
the assistance of Chatelain he began his gigantic task.
In less than ten years four folio volumes of the "Char-
tularitun" appeared as follows: 1889, volume I, a. d.
1200-1286 (xxxvi-714 pp.), 530 original documents,
with fifty-five from the preparatory period, 1163-1200;
1891, volume 11, 1286-1350 (xxiii-808 pp.), 661 docu-
ments; 1894, volume III, 1350-1384 (xxxvii-777 pp.),
520 documents; 1897, volume IV, 1384-1452 (xxxvi-
835 pp.)) 988 documents, and two volumes of the
" Auctarium ". This monumental work, the " Chartu-
larium Universitatis Parisiensis", contains invaluable
information regarding its inner life, organization, fam-
ous professors and students, relations with popes and
kixigs, controversies, etc., during the period when this
university was the chief centre of theoolgical learning.
" With its aid", as Kirsch remarks, " a history of medi-
eval theology has at last become possible." Some idea
of the labour involved in its preparation may be gath-
ered from the fact that all the great libraries and arch-
ives in Europe were visited, that Denifle travelled from
Paris to Rome forty times, and that in the Vatican
ardiives alone he examined 200,000 letters, of which he
utilized 80,000 in his notes (see II, p. 17), though of
course more material was found in Paris than in Rome.
In order to preserve the unity of the "Chartularium",
any reference to the " nations" was relegated to the
"Auctarium". The two volxunes published contain
the ** Liber Procuratorum Nationis Anglican® 1333-
1446". Foumier, who rashly criticized Denifle and
Chatelain, fared badly at their hands. After Denifle's
death the materials he had collected for another vol-
ume were entrusted to Chatelain, so that the work
mig^t be continued. Owing to the vastness and com-
pleteness of his research and to his amazing erudition,
what Denifle gave to the world, even thougn for him it
was only a preliminary study, has sufficed to make him
the great authority on medieval universities. (See
Merlde, Dreves, etc., or Rashdall's "Universities of
Europe in the Middle Ages", Oxford, 1895.) In order
to publish valuable texts which he had deciphered and
the results of his studies on various subjects, together
with Father Ehrle, S. J., the sub-librarian of the Vati-
can, he founded in 1885 the " Archiv ftir Literatur und
Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters ' '. The two friends
were the only contributors, llie first five years of
this serial contain several articles from his pen, on
various universities, on AbeUurd and other scholars, on
rriigious orders, on popes, etc.. Denifle's extensive
aoquaintanoe with manuscripts and his skill in .
raphy were also put at the service of bc^ginxiers in
art of deciphering by his annotated '^Specimina pa-
l»ographica Regestorum Pontificiun ab Innooentio
III ad Urbanum V" (Rome, 1888). Among ita sixty-
four plates, that representing the Vatican traiiflciipi
of the " Unam Sanctam" is especially valuable. The
work was the offering of the papal archivists to Leo
XIII on his golden jubilee.
A work of another kind suggested itself to him while
gathering in the Vatican archives materials for his
annotations 6n the ''Chartularium". Denifle noticed
in the three hundred volumes of "Registers of Peti-
tions ' ' addressed to Clement VI and Urban V, between
1342 and 1393, that many came from France durins
the Hundred Years War between that country and
England. So for the sake of a change of occupation,
or "un travail accessoire** as he calls it, Denine went
again through these volumes (each about 600 pages
folio). In 1897 he published: ''La desolation des
e^ises, monast^res, h6pitaux, en France veiB le
milieu du XV® si^le". It contains a hanowiog
description of the state of France, based on 1063 con-
temporary documents, most of which were discovered
in the Vatican. Then, in order to give in explanatioa
a similar account of the cause of all these calamities, he
published in 1889 : " La guerre de cent ans et la d^solsr
tion des ^glises, monast^res, et hdpitaux, torn. I,
jusau'^ la mort de Charies V" (1385). Though'the
work was not continued the enormous amount of
recondite information brought together and illus-
trated for the first time makes the volume indispens-
able to historians (see, e. g., his account of the liattle
of Cr6cy and the Black Pftnce).
Denifle had for years been studying the history ol
medieval theology and mysticism, as well as the kves
of saints and scholars by whom in both departments
progress had been effected; on the other hand his in-
vestigations revealed the decadence of ecclesiastical
life during the Himdred Years War and caused him to
amass documents (about 1200) showine the uaanj
abuses then prevalent among the clergv ooth secular
and regular. The contrast was marked. As was his
wont he resolved to solve the problem that arose, to
see what could have been the result of such moral oat'
ruption. These new researches were not confined to
France; they gradually extended to Germany. Doii-
fle found proof that m both countries, with praise-
worthy exceptions, during the fourteenth century
things went from bad to worse, but he saw that the
end had not been reached yet. He traced the down-
ward course of profligacy to the third decade of the
sixteenth century, and there he stopped for he had
found the abyss. Crimes which ecclesiastics and re-
ligious were aishamed of in the preceding era now be-
came to one section a cause of self-^onfication, and
were even regarded as miracles and si^ns of sanctity.
At the beginning of this painful investigation Denifle
had not a thought about Luther, but now he saw that
he could not avoid him; to estimate the new depart-
ure it was necessary to understand Luther, for ot this
appalling depravity he was the personification as wdl
as the preacner. So Denifle devoted manv years to
the task of ascertaining for himself how, and why, and
when Luther fell. The Vatican archives and variouE
libraries, particularly those of Rostock and Kiel, sup-
plied ori^nal documents to which this independent
study was confined. As usual Denifle made a series of
discoveries. His work, which is divided into three
parts, if we take its second edition, is in no sense a
biography. The first part is a critique of Luther's
treatise on monastic vows. It examines his views on
the vow of chastity in detail, and convicts him of
ignorance, mendaciousness, etc. The second part,
which is entitled " a contribution to the history of exe-
gesis, literature and dogmatic theology in the BGddie
Ages", refutes Luther's assertion that his doctrine of
DBins
721
Jijfitification by faith, i e. his interpretation of Bom.,
1, 17, was the traditional one, by giving the relevant
paaaagee from nolewer than sixty-five commentators.
Of these works many exist only in manuscript. To
discover them it was necessary to traverse Europe;
this part which appeared postnumously is a master-
piece of critical erudition. The third part shows that
the year 1515 was the turning point in Luther's career,
and that his own account of his eariy life is utterly un^
trustworthy, that his immorality was the real source
of his doctrine, etc. No such analysis of Luther's
theology and exegesis was ever given to the learned
■ worid for which it was written.
For some time previous it had been known that
Denifie was engaged on such a work, but when in 1904
the first volume of 860 paces of ''Luther und Luther-
tum in der ersten EntwicKlung quellenm&ssig daree-
stellt " appeared, it fell like a bomb into the midst of me
Reformer s admirers. Tlie ^tion was exhausted in a
month. The leading Protestants and rationalists in
Germany, Seebeig, Hamack, and seven other profes^
sors, besides a host of newspaper writers attempted to
defend Luther, but in vain. Denifle's crushmg an-
swer to Hamack and Seeberg, " Luther in rationalis-
tischer und christlicher Beleuchtung'' appeared in
March. 1904, and two months afterwards he issued a
revised edition of the first part of the first volume; the
second was brought out in 1905 and the third in 1906
by A. Weiss, O. P. He has the second volume on
Lutheranism, for which the author left materials,
ready (1908) for the press.
Denifie has been censured by some and praised by
others for the tone of this work. • Perhaps if it were
less indignant the amazing erudition displayed would
produce a greater effect. There was no need of hard
words in a work, to use the words of Cambridge Uni-
versity when it honoured Denifle, on "Lutherum ab
eodem ad fidem dociunentorum depictmn". He has
thrown more light on Luther's career and character
than all the editors of Luther's works and all Luther's
biographers taken together. Denifle wished to offend
no man, but he certainly resolved on showing once and
for all the Reformer in his true colours. He makes
Luther exhibit himsetf. Protestant writers, he re-
marks, betray an utter lack of the historical method
in dealing with the subject, and the notions conmionly
Accepted are all founded on fable. As he pointedly
observes: ''Critics, Hamack and Ritschl more than
others, may sav what they like about God Incarnate;
but let no one dare to saya word of disapproval about
Luther before 1521". Denifle's impeacnment is no
doubt a terrible one, but apart from some triflins in-
accuracies in immaterial points it is established by
irrefragable proofs.
Denifle, wno was beloved by Leo XIII and Pius X,
was a oonsultor of the cardmalitial Commission of
Studies, a member of the Imperial Academy of Scien-
ces (Vienna), and of those of Paris, Pra^e, Berlin,
Gattingen; honorary Doctor of the Umversities of
MUnster and Innsbruck; member of the L^on of
Honour, of the Order of the Iron Crown, etc He was
on his way to Cambridge, where he and his friend
Father Ehxle were to be made Honorarv Doctors of
that university, when he was struck down by the
hand of death.
penifle's Worka in Acta Cap. Gen, Ord. Freed. 1907 (official
obituary notice); Kirscr, Le P. Henri Stuo Denifle O. P.
(reprint Lou vain. 1905); Grabmann, P. Heinrich Denifle,
O. P„ Eine WUrdigttng eeiner Fonehungearbeit (Mains, 1905);
QBAtJERT, P. Heinrich Denifle, O. P., Ein Wort zum Ged&cktniee
und zum Frieden. Ein Beitrag auch zum LuiherStreit (Freiburg.
1906): Wbim, Lutkerpeyehologie ale Schlilesd tur Lutker-
2^9mde — Denifi^'a Untereuchungen krUiech nachgeprHH (Maine,
i«>^)' Reginald Waush.
Deziis, Saint, Bishop of Paris, and martyr. Bom
in Italy, nothing is definitely known of the time or
place, or of his early life. His feast is kept on 9 Oct-
ober. He is usualfy represented with his head in his
IV.-46
hands because, according to the legend, after his exa^
cution the corpse rose again and carried the head Ion
some distance. That, however, while still very young
he was distinguished for his virtuous life, knowledge
of sacred things, and firm faith, is proved by the fact
that Pope Fabian (236-250) sent him with some other
miasionaiy bishops to Qaul on a difficult mission.
The Church of Gaul had suffered terriblv under the
persecution of the Emperor Decius and the new mes-
sengers of Faith were to endeavour to restore it to its
former flourishing condition. Denis with his insepar-
able companions, the priest Rusticus and the deacon
Eleutherius, arrived in the neighbourhood of the pres-
ent city of Paris and settled on the island in the Seine,
The earliest document giving an account of his labours
and of his martyrdom (Passio SS. Dionysii, Rustic!
et Eleutherii), dating from the end of the sixth or the
beginning of the seventh century and wrongly at-
tributed to the poet Venantius Fortunatus, is mter-
woven with much legend, from which, however, the
following facts can be eleaned.
On the island in the Seine Denis built a church and
provided for a r^lar solemnization of the Divine
service. His fearless and indefatigable preaching of
the (jiospel led to countless conversions. This aroused
the envy, anger, and hatred of the heathen priests.
They incited the populace against the strangers and
importuned the governor Fescenninus Sisinnius to
put a stop by force to the new teachins. Denis with
his two companions were seized and as tney persevered
in their faith were beheaded (about 275) aiter many
tortures. Later accounts give a detailed description of
the confessors' sufferings. They were scourged, im-
prisoned, racked, thrown to wila beasts, burnt at the
stake, and finally beheaded. Gregory of Tours
simply states: ''Beatus Dionysius Parisiorum episco-
pus diversis pro Christi nomme adfectus poenis prse-
sentem vitam gladio imminente finivit" (Hist. Franc.
I, 30). The bodies of the three holy martyrs received
an honourable burial through the efforts of a pious
matron named Catulla and a small shrine was erected
over their graves. This was later on replaced by a
beautiful basilica (egreffium templum) which Venan-
tius celebrated in verse (Carm. I, ii).
From the reign of King Dagobert (622-638) the
church and Hie Benedictine monastery attached to
it were more and more beautifully adorned; the
veneration of St. Denis became by degrees a national
devotion, rulers and princes vying with one another to
promote it. This development is due in no small de-
gree to an error prevailing throughout the Middle
A^, which identified St. Denis of Paris with St.
Dionysius the Areopagite, and with the Pseudo-
Dionysius, the composer of the Areopagitic writings.
The combining of these three persons in one was doubt-
less effected as eariy as the eighth or perhaps the
seventh century, but it was only through tne "Areopar
gitica" written in 836 by Hilduin, Abbot of Saint-Den-
is, at the reauest of Louis the Pious, that this serious
error took aeep root. The investigations of Launoy
first threw doubt on the stoiy and the Bollandist
de Bye entirely rejected it. Hilduin was probablv
deceived by the same apocryphal Latin and Greek
fictions. The possession of the Areopagitic writings
(since 827 in Saint-Deius) strengthened ms conviction
of this truth. Historiographers of the present day
do not dispute the point. All the attempts of Darras,
Vidieu, 0. Schneider, and others to throw some light
on the subject have proved fruitless.
Vita SS. marL Dionysii etc. in Mon. Qerm. Hiat.: Auet.
Antifqu. TV, 2; St. Greoobt op Touiu, Hiet. Franc in Mon.
Germ. Hiat.: Script, rar. Mero».,t. Ij AeiaSS., Octob.. IV» 6M-
866; P. Zr., CVI, I5-60 (P. G.. Iv. i8S>-e84); Chevaueb, Bio-
bibl., 8. V.
Jos. SnOLMATR.
Denis, Johann Nbpomuk Cobmab Michael, bib
liographer and poet, b, at Sch&rding, Bavaria, 27 Sep-
Dxns
722
tember. 1729: d. at Vienna 29 Sept., 1800. He r&-
eeived nis early training in the gvmnafiium of Paasau,
conducted by the Jesuits, and became a member
of the Society of Jesus at Vienna in 1747. For some
years he taught Latin and rhetoric, first at Graz, then
at Klagenfurt. After four more years devoted to the
study of theology at Graz he was ordained priest in
1757, and began preaching in Pressburg. In 1759 he
was made professor of belles-lettres at the famous
TliefBsian Academy in Vienna where he remained
until 1773, when the Society of Jesus was suppressed.
Denis now became assistant librarian of the Qarelli
library, connected with the Theresianiun, and when
the academy ceased to exist in 1784, he was appointed
assistant librarian of the imperial court library and
in 1791 was advanced to be chief librarian, receiving
at the same time the title of privy councillor. He is
specially known as a poet, as he was one of the chief
members of the group of so-called bards whose aim
was to revive German patriotism by treating subjects
connected with Germanic antiquity. Confusing Ger-
manic and Celtic materials they conoeived themselves
as bards, in the belief that these were ancient German
poets, and adopted fanciful bardic names. Thus
Denis called himself "the bard Sined", the anagram
of his name. They were all admirers of Klop>
stock and of Ossian, whose poems had only a few
years before been made known by the Scotchman
Macpherson, and which had been translated into Ger-
man in 1764. Ossian was really the inspiration of the
bardic movement. Denis's first poems appeared in
1700 under the title "Poetische Bilder der meisten
kriegerischen Vorg&nge in Europa seit dem Jahre
1756". They are poems celebrating the events (rf
the Seven Years War, and, as the German poems of
a Jesuit, created quite a stir. His German transla-
tion of Ossian appeared in three volumes (1768-
1769). A second collection of poems, "Die Lieder
Sineds des Barden", followed in 1772. A new edition,
including his version of Ossian, was published at Vi-
enna in five volumes under the title "Ossian und
Sineds Lieder" (Vienna. 1784-86). Besides the purely
bardic poems these collections contain many poems
composed for special occasions, for Denis was held
in high esteem by the Court. A number of religious
poems had been published separately as "Geistliche
Lieder" in 1774. The quality of these poetical
efforts is not hi^, but Denis certainly deserves
praise for his efforts to bring the literature of Aus-
tria into contact with that of northern Germany.
For both Klopstock and Gellert he felt great enthusi-
asm, and largely helped to nlake them known in
Austria.
As a bibliographer he compiled a number of im-
portant works, notably: "Einleitung in die BQcher-
kunde", part I, bibliography (1777); part II, "Lit-
teraturgeschichte", (1778); "Die Merkwttrdigkeiten
der Garellischen Bibliothek" (Vienna, 1780); and
" Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte bis MDLX" (Vienna,
1782-83). His posthumous works were published by
his pupil J. F. de Retzer, "Nachlese zvl Sineds Lie-
dem" (Vienna, 1802).
HorMANN-WfSLLRNHOK. Mxchod Defixs, ein Beitrag sw
deutseh^aterrexchisdlien LtiUraturffetchichie des XVIII, Jahr-
hundena (Innabruck, 1881): Hauei, in KGnacnvKSi, DeuUche
Natumal-LUieratur. XLVIII. 149 eqq.
Arthur F. J. Remy.
Denis, Joseph (baptized Jacques), b. 6 November,
1657, at Three Rivers, Canada; d. 25 January, 1736.
He was the first Canadian to join the Recollects of the
Friare Minor. His father, Pierre Denis de la Ronde and
his mother Catherine Leneuf de la Poterie, were na-
tives of Nonnandy. In 1669 he entered the seminary
at Quebec and on 9 May, 1677, joined the Recollects
in the same city, taking m religion the name of Joseph.
When professed he went to France to study theology.
After being ordained he returned to Canada in 1682,
where in 16S5 he completed the installation of the
Recollects at He Perote. He founded the house nf
the order at Plaisanoe in 1689 and tfiat at Montnal in
1692. After holding the office of provincial comniin-
sary, superior of the convent of Quebec, and master
of novices, he was named, in 1709, superior of the
Recollects and parish priest of Three Rivers, wliert
he rebuilt in stone the old church. In 1719 he car-
ried to France, to be forwarded to Rome, the Acts of
Brother Didace (Les actes du trds-religieux Fi^re
Didaoe), a Canadian Recollect whose confessor he was
for many yean. He died shortly after his return
to New France.
Odorio-IL JoirrE.
Dexmum, William, publisher, b. In Edinbm^
Scotland, 17 March, 1784; d. in Brooklyn, New York,
U. S. A.^ 12 September, 1870. His father was a Ger-
man, his mother an Alsatian, and he claimed to
have been in the English army before he emigrated to
New York in 1824. He was an associate ofWiQiam
£. Andrews, the London publisher, and after settlniLe
down in New York, he began, in conjunction wttn
George Pardow, on 2 Apnl. 1825, the publication
of "The Truth Teller", the first Catholic paper
issued there. It was a weeklv, and for a time enjoyed
considerable local influence which gave Denman polit-
ical prominence. Tainted, however, with the prevail-
ing error of trusteeism, it lost the support of tne local
ecclesiastical authorities, rival publications were
started and its prestige waned until he sold the paper
31 March, 1855, to the proprietors of " The Irish Amer-
ican"^ who merged it in that |oumal a short time
after. Three of his sons were m the United States
service: Adjutant Frederick J. Denman, of the Artil-
lery, killed by accident in Texas in 1854; Ensign
Joseph A. Denman, of the Navy, died 1862; Colonel
Charles L. Denman, who served in the Mexican War
and as consul in South America, died 17 March, 1893.
The youngest son, William, was for some years editor
of the New York "Tablet".
U. S. Cath. Hibt. Soc, Uitt,Rceordaand8htdiea (N«w Yoik.
Jmi.. 1003), III, pftrt I.
Thomas F. Msbhan.
Deoxnark (Lat. Danta). — This kingdom had for-
merly a much larger extent than at present. It onoe
included the southern provinces of Sweden: Sk&ne,
Halland, Blekinge, Bohusl&n (till 1658); the Ducliies
of Schleswig (SOnderjylland) and Holstein (till 1864);
the Kingdom of Norway (from 1537 till 1814). The
present Kingdom comprises 16,000 square miles (be-
tween lat. 54* 33' and 67* 46' N.; long. 8* 4' and 15*
10' E.). It now includes the northern part of Jutland
(anciently the Cimbric Chersonese) between the
North Sea, Skager Rack, and Cattegat, whose soutJiem
{)art borders on the German Empire; the islands which
ie between the Baltic and Cattoeat (partly also in the
latter) — Zealand (Sjftlland), Falster, M6en, Laaland,
Fttnen (Fyan), Mr6, Sams6, Anholt, LsesO — toKether
with a few smaller isles (Amager, Saltholm, Seierd,
etc.) and Bomholm, which lies far towards the east in
the Baltic. To this must be added the group of the
Faroe Islands (q. v.), situated in the Atlantie Ocean,
180 miles north-west of the Shetland Islands and 410
miles west from Bergen, and finally Iceland (q. v.),
whose northern coast is washed by the Arctic Ocean,
and which, though very extensive (40,000 square
miles), is but thinly inhabited (80,000 souls). ^ Ice-
land is very loosely connected with Denmark, is inde-
pendent in its laws and government, and since 1874
nas its own constitution. Other Danish possessions
are Greenland (q v.), which in size is almost a conti-
nent, but is verv sparsely settled (only 12,000 souls)^
and the three islands in the West Indies, St. Croix, St,
John, and St. Thomas, with a total area of 120 square
miles and a population of 30,000.
DSmftARK
723
BSmiARK
Hie physieal eharaoter of Denmark, which eeologi-
caHy is a continuation of the plain of Central Europe,
shows only moderate contrasts. The Baltic Islands,
surrounded by arms of the sea that are nowhere
deeper than 200 feet and contain little salt, are partly
monotonous flats, partly rolling ground. (My a few
points, as GyidenloBveshoei on Siealand, Aborrebjeii; on
Mden and Frcebjeig on FQnen, rise to a height of 400
feet and more. Similar conditions prevail in Jutland.
The hi^ plateau that crosses it in a northeriy direc-
tion slopes abruptly down towards the east. Here are
elevations of 486 to 673 feet (Himmelsbjerg, Ejers
Bavnehcei), lines of low, wooded hills, deep-cut val-
leys, fertile fields and meadows, bubbling rivulets, and
beautiful lakes. On the other hand the dune-bound
"west coast of Jutland from Blaavandshuk to Slo^^n
presents nothing to the eye but heath and moor.
Bomholm resembles in its structural character the
neighbouring Sweden. The northern and eastern
coasts rise abruptly out of the sea, and the southern
shore and the interior are monotonous, although the hill
of Rjrtterknft^n reaches a height of 543 feet. There
are no large nvers in Denmark, but with its numerous
islands and peninsulas — its coast-line a^regating a
leneth of 3100 miles — there is no lack of deep brooks,
and the River Gudenaa, in Jutland, is over 100 miles
long. Tlie lakes are numerous, but small and shallow,
only that known as the Furusee having a depth of 300
feet. The climate is comparatively mild, hardly dif-
fering from that of South Germany, but somewhat
more severe in Jutland than on the islands. Only
one-seventh of the soil is woodland. In the last few
decades, however, successful measures have been
taken to husband the forests. Beech and birch trees,
ash and alder, some oaks, linden, and pines are foimd.
Three-fourths of the total area of the islands and of
the east coast of Jutland is tilled land ; the cultivation
of grain, potatoes, and beets yields a large return.
Wsonuts and mulberries ripen m due season, and in
some places juicy grapes ripen on trellises. The
flora of Denmark, witn its 1500 species of wild-
growing plants, is quite extensive but the same
cannot be said of its fauna. The larger beasts ci
grey are extinct, even the red deer and wild boar
ave almost disappeared. Foxes, martens, roes,
and hares are still numerous, and along the shores
seals may be seen. Its birds, amphibia, and fishes
resemble those of Germany. In the Little Belt, be-
tween Jutland and FOnen, the pilot whale (gnndhval)
is sometimes found. The domestic animals are those
of Central Europe. As the soil is for the most part
made up of marl — ^though there are also other strata
on Bonmolm — ^the country is not rich in minerals. It
yields common clay, kaolin, chalk, and some lignite.
The absence of metals and still more of ^ood anthra-
cite coal is greatly felt. Luckily, extensive turf-bogs
provide the necessaiy fuel.
Denmark is inhabited by 2.600,000 people, most of
them natives. Together with the Swedes and Nor-
wegians, the Danes belong to the Germanic stock
(North Germans, Scandinavians), and in body as well
as character differ but little from the North Germans.
Their written language has much in common with
Low German. The language of the common people is
divided into a number <m strikingly divergent dialects.
Nearly all of the population (98^ per cent) belong
officismy to the Evangelical Lutheran Chmrch, which,
as the Established Church, enjoys Government support.
In 1849 complete freedom of religious belief was l^al-
ly guaranteed. Since then many have joined the
Baptists, Irvin^tes, the Reformed Church, and other
sects. ParticuTariy gratifying is the modem revival of
Catholicism, which had disappeared from Denmark for
three centuries (see below under Religiotts History).
With regard to general education, Denmark com-
pares well with other States. Education is compul-
soiy. The primary schools are kept up by the munic-
ipalities. Latin schools and modem high schools
provide the necessary preparation for the imiversity
m the capital, the polytechnic institute, and the agri-
cultural college, very useful institutions are the
"people's high schools'', private continuation schools
for the mral population. There is no lack of libraries,
art collections, and collections of antiquities, nor of
literary and artistic societies with ideal aims. Many
Danish scholars and poets, sculptors and musicians
have acquired fame that has spread far beyond the
narrow limits of their country. We ne^ mention
only the names c^ Oersted, Woorsaae, Madvig, Oehlen-
schl&ger, Thorvaldsen, Gade. The relatively small
number of Danish-speaking people forces many
writers to compose their works m one of the four bet-
ter-known languages, German, English, French, Span-
ish, or at least to translate them into one of these.
Denmark is a constitutional monarchy with strong
democratic tendencies. By the national constitution
of 1849, revised in 1866, LaruUthtng and FoUcethina
share the government with the king, who has a civil
list of a little more than 1,000,000 kroner ($268,000).
The national colours are red, white, red; the flag
shows the Danebrog, i. e. an upright white cross on a
red field. Justice is administered by irremovable
i'udges who are subject to the supreme court in Copen-
lagen (Hoeiesteret), and who conduct trials orally and
in pubUc. The executive power is vested in the king
alone. For the sake of ix>litical administration the
coimtry is divided into eignteen districts, presided over
by district judges. The larger cities have self-^vera-
ment and their own police. A general supervision is
exercised by the head of the Copenhagen police.
The established Evanflelical Church is divided into
seven dioceses: Zealana, Ftlnen-^rO, Laaland-Fal-
ster, Aalboig, Viboig, Aarhus, and Ribe. At Uie head
of each diocese is a superintendent who is called
"bishop", a name that has been preserved from
Cathohc times. The Bishop of Zealand is primus, inter
pares. The dioceses are made up of provostships and
parishes. The provost exercises his office under the
supervision of tne bishop.
Since 1892 the Catholics of Denmark, who (in-
cluding about 7000 Polish labourers) number 57,000;
are under a vicar Apostolic (Johannes von Euch, Titu-
lar Bishop of Anastasiopolis). Of these 3000 live in
Copenharai, and they are found in other important
towns. Communities of good size are found in Fred-
ericksborg (1500), Aarhus, Odense, Horsens, Fred-
ericia, Onirup, Sundby (400). Besides these, mis-
sions have been established in Aalborg, Esbjerg,
Glorup, Grenaa, Elsinore, Holding, KOge, Ledreborg,
Nsestved, Randers, Ringsted, KOskilde, Silkebors,
Slagelse, Struer, Svendborg, Thisted, Vejle and Vi-
borg, also in Bomholm and Iceland. Tliese are
equipped with churches or chapels, some of them
hanosome, in which secular or regular clergy act as
pastors. Among the cities Copenhagen (q. v.) far
surpasses all others in importance. Its population,
including that of the suburbs, was in 1906 over half a
million. It is the residence of the king, the seat of the
ministries of public affairs and of the state university ;
it is the centre of industry and commerce, of science
and the arts. Formerly improtected, it was a few
years ago strongly fortified. Besides Copenhagen,
only few places claim particular attention: Ranaers
in Jutland, for its domestic trade; Aaifaus, for its
commerce and cathedral; Aalboig, for its ancient
buildingB: Horsens for its manufactures; Odense for
its cathedral and commerce; Svendboig on FQnen for
its manufactures. The ancient towns of Ribe, Viboii^,
and ROskilde bask in the glory of the past; their
stately churohes, built in the time of Catholicism, are
yet reminders of then: former splendour.
Bimetallism prevails in Denmark. The standard
coin is the krone (10.268). In weights and meas-
ures the country has not yet adapted itself to the
DVUmABS
724
VXMHAKl
decimal Qyatem of Southern and Central Europe.
The Government finances are in a good condition; we
national debt small. The principal means of liveli-
hood is agriculture. Its products (oats, barlev, rye,
wheat) represent a value of 400 million kroner ($107,-
200,000). Of late, a chan^ is going on in favour of
cattle-raising and of dairy mdustry (domestic animals,
1903: horses 490,000; beeves 1,900,000; hogs 1,600,-
000; sheep 900,000; goats 40,000; chickens 12,000,-
000). In 1903, 300 million pounds of pork and butter
alone were exported. Eggs to the value of 24 million
kroner were shipped to foreign countries. The fishing
industry is less prominent than might be expected;
still, the total income from this branch amounts to 10
million kroner. Manufactures pive occupation to
about one-fourth of the population and aro rapidly
increasing. However, only the smaller part of the
products IS exported; by far the greater part is used to
supply Uie home demand. In some branches of nuin-
uf acture Denmark excels, and the royal porcelain fac-
tory of Copenhagen rivals successfully those of the
best establishments in France and Germany.
The high standing of Denmark as a commercial
country may be inferred from the one fact that its
yearly business transactions are almost one-half of
those of Italy, which is thirteen times as large. In
1903 the mercnant marine could boast a total of 430,-
000 tons, and it increases from year to year. To safe-
guard navigation, which is exposed to many dangers,
especially elong the coasts of Jutland, there are 350
lighthouses, 15 lightshiixs, and 50 life-saving stations.
Being shallow, most of its harbours admit only small
vessds. For the same reason the canals are of small
importance, but 2000 miles of railways, telegraph con-
nexions, etc. amply sup{^ the country with tne con-
veniences of modem traffic.
Beside the gigantic armies and fleets of Germany
and England, Denmark's fighting strength appears
insignificant. Military service is compulsory. The
period of service is, however, considerably shorter
than in other states. The peace footing is 800 officers
and 9000 men ; the war strei^h is given as 1500 offi-
cers,. 60,000 rank and file, llie naval strength aggre-
gates 50,000 tons, about 80,000 horse power, aQd400
guns. Army and navy combined entail an outlay of
20 million kroner.
The Royal House belongs to the dynasty of Schles-
wig-Holstein-Sonderburg-GlUcksburg and is, conso-
Ciuently, of German origin. At present (1908), Freder-
ick VIII (bom 3 June, 1843) wears the crown, having
succeeded his father, Christian IX, 29 Januaiy, 1006.
His consort, Louise, is a princess of Sweden ; his son
Claries governs the Kingdom of Norway under the
name of Haakon VII. His brother William has occu-
pied the throne of Greece as King George since 6 June,
1863. A second brother of the sovereign. Prince
Waldemar, is married to the Catholic Princess Marie of
Orleans Bourbon; their sons are, according to the
constitution, brought up in the Protestant faith, while
their dMighter Margaret follows the religion of her
mother.
Trap, Be^kriveUe af Konoerigct Danmark (1808 — ); Lof-
FLER, Omrids af Geoaraphien (Denmark, 1893-98); Id., Dan-
marks Natur und Vofk (0>penha«en. 1905. with literary notes
on the Faroe Islands and loelancC 111-114/.
Reugious History. — The first attempts to win the
rough Danish warriors over to the mild yoke of Christ
are said to have been made by the Frisian Bishop WiJ-
librord, who died in 739. But for this there is no reli-
able evidence. A missionary journev which Aroh-
bishop Ebbo of Reims imdertook to Jutland, in 823,
proved a failure. But when, a few years later, the
Danish chief Harold (Klack) went to Ingelheim to ask
aid from Louis the Pious, he was baptized with his
whole retinue, and on his return took the Fraiikish
monk Ansgar ( Anschar. q. v.) as missionary. Interior
disturbanoefl made it impossible for the apostle to work
sucoessfuUy. In 831 the aeak>us priest wi
Bishop of Hamburg and thereby reco^gniaed as Apos-
tolic aelegate.to the Scandinavian nations. In 849 he
was also appointed to the See of Bremen. From this
place he laboured untiringly for the extension of the
Faith and was able to consecrate a churdi in Schkswig
(Hedeby). Owins to the expulsion of Erik (864),
who had favourea his cause, heathenism regained its
ground for a while, and many of ih» faithful lost their
fives and property. Two years later affairs took a
turn for toe better. The church in Schleswis was
reopened, and a new one was built in Ribe. When
the saintly man died, in 865, he beheld a fiouriahing
band of Christians around him. So far, Christianity
had gained no entrance to the islands, and when Gonn
the Old, a fanatical worshipper of Odin, succeeded in
extending his power over Jutland, he raged with fire
and swora agamst the Christians. He met his master
in Henry I of Germany, who conquered him, in 934, in
a bloody battle, and forced hira to at least tolerate
Christianity. Gorm himself died a heathen. Under
his son Harold (Bluetooth), who was compeUed to
acknowledge the supremacy of Otto I, it bec^une pos^
Bible to erect the dioceses of Schleswig, Ribe, and
Aarhus. During the reign of Canute the Great (1014-
35) Christianity gradua% spread all over the country.
The new dioceses of Viborg and B6rglum were formed
in Jutland, and to these were added Odense in FOnen
and Roskilde in Zealand. At this time also the first
monasteries arose. When, under Sven Estridscm, the
Diocese of Lund was founded, the whole kingdom had
been won for the Faith. Under Canute II (the Saint)
the bishops became powerful feudal lords, eocleBias-
tical dignitaries, ana commanders of armies. Ab-
sorbed by their secular occupations, they not seldom
lost sight of their spiritual duties. Some, like Biahop
Absalon (Axel) of Lund and Odense, who died at
Sorde, 1201, largely contributed to the extension and
influence of the State by their shrewdness and energy.
Others, however, became involved in conflicts with tne
king hunself, in which cases the Roman See often im-
posed the severest spiritual punishments. At the
same time the number of monasteries increased almost
too rapidly, so that towards the end of the Middle
Ages tnere were 134 belonging to different orders.
The external constitution of the (Church in Denmark
was settled definitely in 1104, when the country was
separated from the metropolitan See of Hamburg-
Bremen, and its seven bishops were subordinated to
the Archbishop of Lund as primate. About the re-
ligious life of the clergy and laity we are not sufficiently
informed, much historical material having been lo((t
during the later changes in the ecclesiastical govene
ment. The conditions were, however, hardly satis-
factory. Tlie higher ecclesiastics, supported by the
lower cleiigy and the people, led a sumptuous life and
did little to cultivate the minds and morals of their
flocks. We must not forget, however, that, previous
to the invention of the printing press, education, as we
understand it at present, was iK>t possible. Only thus
can we explain the fact that the earUer zeal of the
Danish people, proved by the erection of many splen-
did churches, rich donations, and countless founda-
tions for the benefit of the poor, was swept away, as it
were, in a few years by the hurricane of the Relorma-
tion. Christian II was the first who tried to over-
throw the power of the princely hierarchy, and fortius
purpose invited Q520) a (}ennan, Martin Reinhard, to
preach in Copeniiagen in the spirit of Luther, but as
the people did not understand him, he remained in the
country only a short time. His successor, the notori-
ous Karlstadt, met with the same fate. After the
deposition of King Christian, his uncle Frederick I
ascended the throne. Contrary to his sworn promise
at the election, he at once allowed the Lutheran
preachers to spread the new creed. Prominent among
thciu waa a disciple of Luther, Hans Tausen, whoMems
0BIMAHX
725
DEKMAEK
to have found a worthy and effective adversary in onlv
one man, the learned Carmelite Paulus Elise (Hef-
eesen), the first historian of Denmark. Soon (1526)
tiie king openly professed the Lutheran heresjjr, and
after he had secured its triumph in the duchies of
Schleswie and HoLstein, he proclaimed at the Diet of
Odense (1527) religious freedom for Denmark proper,
but, as a matter of fact, systematically undermmea
the CSiurch. Three years later the adherents of the
new doctrine accepted the Confessio Hafnica as their
symbol. It was Frederick's son, Christian III, who
alter the overthrow of his political enemies made
Lutheranism the established religion. On the same
day he caused all bishops to be imprisoned and to be
deprived of their possessions; the monks and nuns
were permitted to leave the monasteries; if they pre-
ferred to remain, they were forced to. admit Lutheran
preachers and to suffer all possible persecution. The
church property, when not appropriated by the nobil-
ity, was confiscated and added to the royal treasury.
In 1539 John Bugenhagen came to Denmark with the
avowed purpose of establishing a new liturgy and to
oonsecrate L^utheran bishops. A Danish translation
of the Bible, done in the spirit of the prophet of Wit-
Pro-Cathbdbal of St. AmoAR, Copbnbaobn
(Built in 1843 under Austrian Government Protection)
trrnberg, was begun and completed in 1550. (For an
earlier Danish translation see below.) With the ex-
ception of Bishop Joachim Rdfiow of Rdskilde, all the
prelates yielded to force; one of them even became a
Protestant. Many religious fell away and married,
but most of them went into exile. A snining example
of loyalty to their faith was set by the nuns of St.
Bridget at Maribo on Laaland. Also several priests
and monks, like Iversen, a canon of Lund, the Carmel-
ite prior Knstinsen, the Franciscan Ludolf Naaman, of
Flensburg, the parish priest Anders Jepeen, and nu-
merous laymen clung to the true Church in spite of all
persecutions.
The Catholic customs and usages never died out
completely. Thus the Protestant historian Vedel
(d. 1616) neld himself bound by the commandment of
fasting. To some extent the rural population even
yet believe in the assistance of the saints; the Luth-
eran names for religious persons and ceremonies have
never been in common use; as in former times, the
people speak of bishops and priests, of saying mass,
etc. The ministers wear vestments similar to those
used in the Catholic Church, and the altars are decor-
ated with lif hted candles. For a long time the eleva-
tion of the Host, auricular confession, and the ancient
hymns were retained. All this was calculated to con-
firm the people in the belief that nothing essential had
been changed in their religion.
Though, towards the end of the sixteenth century,
Cutholicism may in general be considered as sup-
pressed in the Danish kingdom, it still counted some
adherents iu the liigher circles, whose sous occasionally
frequented the Jesuit college of Braunsberg, and there
were stren^hened in their faith or led'back to it. At
the beginning of the seventeenth century therefore,
an attempt was made by the Propaganda to provide in
a regular way for the spiritual welfare of the scattered
faithful, and several mission stations were established.
We are not sufficiently informed about these missions,
but they seem to have been by no means insignificant.
The royal rescript of 10 June, 1613, which forbade
Catholic priests to perform any relieious functions,
under penalty of death, and the Danske Lov of Chris-
tian V (1683), which threatened converts with the
confiscation of their property and with banishment,
were evidently intended to prevent conversions.
While the Catholic religion was thus excluded for a
time from Denmark proper, it could never be wholly
extiipated in Holstem, then a Danish province, but
wHhm the Cxerman Empire. As early as 1597 a smaU
Catholic conununity was formed at Altona, followed,
in 1625, by a second at Friedrichstadt. To th^se was
added, in 1661, a church on Nordsrand; in 1662 a
chapel at GlQckstadt. As to Denmark proper, French
diploma^ succeeded (1630) in obtaining permission to
erect at Cfopenhagen a chapel for the French embassy;
Catholic services were allowed at Fredericia in i682.
After the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), which abol-
ished the jurisdiction of bishops over the North-
German Protestant territory, an Apostolic vicariate
was erected to ^vem these scattered parishes and
those in Scandmavia. Valerius Maccioni, Titular
Bishop of Morocco, was the first vicar; his successor
was tne famous Danish scholar and convert Niels
Steno. The duties of this office were subsequently
discharged by the Bishop of Hildesheim (1686) and by
the Bishop of Csnabrttck ; in 1761 the vicariate was en-
trusted to Joseph Gondola, Bishop of Paderbom.
When Dr. LOpke, coadjutor of OsnabrQck, was chosen
Pro-vicar Apostolic of the North German missions
(1841), he was allowed to exercise his authority only
under severe restrictions. The number of Catholics
amounted at that time to 865, of whom 550 lived in
Copenhagen and 58 on Fredericia; the rest were scat-
tered in the cities and over the country. So far con-
ditions had been deplorable; they underwent, how-
ever, an unforeseen change when, by the new Danish
constitution (Danmarks Kiges Grundlov) of 5 June,
1849, complete religious freedom was granted, and
political and ecclesiastical equality was guaranteed to
all dissenters. Even before the enactment of this law
the Catholics had succeeded in building at Copenhagen
(1843) a church in honour of St. Ansgar. New relig-
ious life began to spring up under the pastors Zur-
strassen and Grader; in 1853 the latter, for the first
time since the Reformation, preached a Catholic ser-
mon in Danish. The number of the faithful now grew
visibly. Several societies and fraternities sprang into
life. A Catholic paper (now the " Nordisk Ugeblad ")
endeavoured to unite the Catholics more closely
and at the same time to enli^ten Protestants.
The beginnings of a Catholic hterature appeared
(translations of the Scriptures, catechisms, polem-
ics). In the summer of 1859 the Bishop of Gsna-
brOck (later cardinal), Melchers, made his nrst visit as
pro-vicar Apostolic, and on several occasions offici-
ated clad in his episcopal robes. A mission held by
the Jesuits in 1862 bore rich fruit.
Conditions in Schleswig-Holstein, where the Danish
constitution was not in force, improved only after its
annexation by Prussia in 1866 (see KleflFner-Woker,
"Der Bonifatiusverein", Paderbom, 1899). Prog-
ress was rapid in Denmark itself. As early as 1867
the station of Gdense was founded, in 1870 Randers-
1872 saw Horsens added; 1873, Aarhus; and several
missions quickly followed. Pius IX raised the mis-
sion (1869) to a prefecture (first prefect, Hermann
GrOder, d. 1883). Leo XIII made it (1892) a vicari-
DEKMABK
726
hbmma&k
ate, and nominated the prefect, Johannes von £uob,
Bishop of Anafitasiopolis and vicar Apostolic. There^
by were secured the necessary conditions for a solid
erowth of the Church. Since then the number of
Catholics has considerably increased. To-day it is
estimated at over 8000, to which number we must add
7000 Polish workmen There are in Copenhagen
three parishes and four chapels with connected insti-
tutions. In the Stenosgade the Jesuits have estab-
lished a high school and, close to the city, the fine col-
lege of St. Andrew at Ordruijshoi, both institutions
numerously attended by pupils of every denomina-
tion. For a complete list of the present stations see
above. Among the secular clergy there are several
native Danes and converts. The regular clerra^ are
represented by foundations of the Society of Jesus,
Redemptorists, Marists, Lazarists, Premonstraten-
sians, Camillans, etc. Hundreds of sisters are en-
gaged in teaching and in nursing the sick in the hospi-
tals. Among the converts are prominent Count Hol-
stein-Ledreburg and family. Count Moltke Hvitfeld,
and the pjfted author and poet John JOrgensen.
How httle the religion ofLuther has penetrated the
hearts of the Danish people, is witness^ by the Prot-
estant Bishop Pontoppidan almost 200 years after the
establishment of heresy. This bishop expressly ad-
mits in a pastoral (translated into German by Schon-
feldt, Rostock, 1766) that an "almost pagan blind-
ness" prevailed throughout the country. This is
easily understood when we bear in mind that at the
end of the seventeenth century the mass of the coun-
try population were unable to read and write, cate-
chetical instruction was lacking, and the sermons,
mostly of a polemical nature, were not understood by
the people. On the other hand this state of affairs had
prevented the formation of sects. For a time all
spiritual life appeared to have died among the clergy,
completely suoject to the will of the royal "SumepiB-
kopus". Towards the end of the eighteenth century,
rigid Lutheran orthodoxy gave way quite generally to
a rationalistic tendency. Bishop Balle of Zealand
(1783-1808) and his successor Jacob Peter MUnster
tried in vain to stem this current. Grundtvig
(d. 1872) was the first who earnestly endeavoured to
restore to their former position of honour the Librt
SymbolicCf or ecclesiastical creeds. Afterwards he
changed his views and came so near the Catholic doc-
trine that he found himself forced to renounce entirely
the Protestant view of the Bible. His contemporary,
SOren Kierkegaard (d. 1875), at first an opponent of
both Rationansm and the orthodox theology, then an
enemy of the State Church and of official, or rather of
all positive, Christianity, did more than Grundtvig to
shatter to its very foundations the Danish Church as
reconstructed by the kings of the Reformation period.
As mentioned above, the legislation of 1849 and 1852
granted complete religious liberty. Thereby the
Evangelical-Lutheran church ceased to be the "es-
tablished church". Since, however, the greater part
of the nation exteriorly still adheres to it, the State
guaranteed to it a subsidy as being the people's
Church; this leaves the Church subordinate to the
civil authority; its ministers may be nominated and
deposed by the Government. It exercises no influence
over its own Icnslation. Its laws are made by the
majority in the Reichstag, which has already enacted
many that threaten an internal dissolution. Attend-
ance in the city churches is slender, and the frequenta-
tion of the Lord's Supper is not lai^. The people in-
cline strongly to infidelity and Socialism, or find a sub-
stitute for relicion in secret societies. ^ Of the Protest-
ant sects the Allowing may be mentioned: Baptists,
Mormons, Methodists, and Irvingites. A few thou-
sand Jews are scattered over the land.
The Protestant clergy is divided, generally speak-
ing, into three parties: the infidel-rationalistic school,
no longer very numerous; the conservative majority,
holding fast to Hie "symbolic books", or creeds, of the
sixteenth century; lastly, the Grundtvigites, who
recognize the necessity of an ecclesiastical tradition in
addition to the Bible, and in this way come closer to
the Catholic Church. Hie revival of Catholicism not
unnaturally called forth protests, llie first to raise
his voice was Bishop Martensen, who published divers
little pamphlets and in particular a small work trans-
lated mto German (GUtersloh, 1874). The feud was
also taken up by the Copenhagen pr^u^er Schepelem,
more particularly by Pk>fe88or, now Bishop, Nielsen,
the author of various polemical works and essays (cf .
Hermens-Kohlschmidt, "Protest. Taschenbuch^', col.
508). In conclusion it may be mentioned thai, at the
request of Frederick IV, the first Protestant miasion
was opened (1705) at Trankebar (East India) and az^
other followed (1730) in Greenland.
H. Petersen, Otn Nordboeme* Gudsdyrhdw og Gvdtiro % Btt-
denold (Copenhagen, 1870>; Joerqenoskn. Den norduke Kirka
GrundlaeoMiM og FantB UdtiUing (Oopenbami. 1874): if Oir-
ter, Kirdi€nQesekUht» «. DAiytimark und Nonatgnk jjuAdum.
182:)); Karup (convert), OtachichU der kathcliaehm Kirtkt m
Dfinemark, tr. from the Danish fMOnster, 1863): Jewsew,
Sehleatgio-HoUteiniadte Kirchenaeatkiekle^ ed. by IfiCKKLaEsr
(4 voU.. Kiel, 1873-79; index, 1881); Vfm, Dtr KaikoUatmu9
in Schleeinq-HoUtein aeit der Rejmmation^ in Prooeedii^ of the
Rbriety for SehleBwie-Holstein (%urch-Hratory, 2d series, num*
ber 5: Helveo. Dtn danake Kirhes Hiatorie iSL ReformaHcnen
(1802-70); Koch. I>en damke Kiricea Hiatone, 180i-J8Si
(1879-83); Funk, LehHnuh der Ktrehmgeadiiekte (4th ed^
1902); CoRNEuns, Kriatna Kyrkana hiaUma (5th ed., Stock-
holm. 1809); Det nittonde drhundradeU KvrkokiaUnia (2d ed..
Upsala, 1899); Enqbln (Catholic^, Den Kriatne Kirken Hif-
tone (2d ed., (^openhajsen, 1896), ajMpular treatise, but based
on onxinal sources; Berlaoe in KirdierUex. s. v. D&nemark:
Katholiaehe Mianonen (Freiburc, 1880, 1881, 1883. 1891. 1897.
1898. 1900-1901. 1904-1905, liN)6-1907): Nordiak UgMad for
Katholake Kriatne — former title, Nordiak Kirketidende (pub-
lished since 1856); O. Andersen, Varden (1903 ). a literary
periodical; KirhJuHoriake SanUinger uig. df Sdakabet for Dan-
marks Kirkenhiatorie iConenhtiSfin, 1949 ); Dacoaard. Oat
de danake Kloatre i MiddOalderm (Copenhagen, 1830); Hklveo.
De danake DomkapiHer fdr Reformationen OCopenhaimi. 1855);
Baxter in The Ave Maria (Notre Dame, tnd.), LXTV, no. 22.
Political History. — ^Many thousands of years a^
the northern countries were covered with slowly mov-
ing masses of ioe and snow, just as inland ice occupies
the greater part of Greenland even to-day. Only after
these masses had melted could the land be settled.
At the end of the Glacial Period, the Baltic was at
first one immense landlocked sea, for South Sweden
was still joined to Denmark and Germany. The
ocean later forced its way through and separated the
Danish islands bv the Sound andthe two Belts. Fre-
quent risings and subsidences of the ground gave it its
present appearance. Denmark was settled verj-
earl^. In Maglemoor near MuUerup, on Zealand, a
habitation was discovered which was built during the
Stone Age, and numerous are the Ejdkkenmddinger
(piles of refuse) from that age, which contain not only
remnants of meals — e. g. clams, shells, bones of fishes
and other animals — ^but also implements of flint,
kaolin, and horn. The so-called Later Stone Age must
be i>laced between 5000 and 2000 b. c. That forestry,
fishing, and agriculture were then flourishing, is
shown by axes, sickles of flint, nets, and similar finds.
The attention paid to the repose oi the dead and the
sacrifices at the graves indicate that a life after death
was recognized. At some period between 2000 b. c.
and 500 b. c. stone was superseded by bronze, which
was thenceforth used for vessels, tools, weapons, and
ornaments. The dead were commonlv ouried in
oaken coffins. Chairs, bowls, boxes, and similar arti-
cles were constructed of wood. The art of weaving
clothes from wool and of making cape was not un-
known, as excavations at Trindhfii ana Borum-Esh5i,
in Jutland, have shown. Scandinavian bronze ob-
jects, the raw material for which was imported, were
always cast. The Iron Age lasted from 500 b. c. to
about A. D. 1100, and is divided into four periods: the
ante-Roman, the Roman, the time of the migrations,
the VikLnjg epoch. At first the use of bronze pre-
vailed. In tne course of time, however, iron became
DIVMAEX
727
DUfMAftX
more general. As early aa iu the fourth centur^r b. c.
veBselfl were built of wood, like those which are in use
nowadays.
It seems that the Germanic North began hostilities
with the civilized nations of Europe at a compara-
tively late date. A smous conflict arose for the first
time when Charlemagne, alter the overthrow of the
Saxons, set his face c^gainst the Danes who, as allies of
the Saxons, had inflicted great damage on him (see
Charlemaone). After their waiiike King Gottfried
had been assassinated, the war was «idea (811). It
was decided that in future the Eider River diould be
the boundary between the two kingdoms. Quarr^
shortlv arose in the interior; one of the pretenders
(Harold) sought the protection of Louis the Pious and
was baptised. At his request, Ani^ar, a monk of
Corbie (q. v.), preached for the first time, though with
small success, the Christian Faith among the heathen
nations of the North. Even before his arrival, some
of them had begun the so-called viking expeditionSy
predatory incursions under their chiefs, which were
directed as well against the Slavic kingdoms in ^e
East as aeainst the German and Roman peoples in the
West and South. The Danish freebooters infested
especially the coasts of England and of France. In
time they guned a footing in both countries and
founded new States which gradually coalesced with
the native, civilized population into one powerful
whole. This cut off tne possibility of predatorv ex-
peditions for their fellow-tribesmen who had re-
mained at home.
Meanwhile the German Empire had acquired new
strength, and King Henry I endeavoured, no less from
conviction than from political prudence, to persuade
his northern neighbour to embrace the Christian relig-
ion. Gorm the Old, under whom the famous Dana-
werk was built as a protection against the Germans,
was the last pagan Kmg of Denmark. Under his suc-
cessors, Christianity b^ame firmlv establi^ed and
outwaitlly well organized (see above). After the
treacherous murder of Canute Lavard, son of Kinfl
E^rik Ejgod (1131), bloody civil wars broke out, which
ravaged the country for more than twenty-eight yean
and sreatly weakened its strength. It was not until
Waldemar the Great ascended me throne (1157) that
better times dawned, especially through the co-operar
tion of Archbishop Absalon of Lund (q. v.), who was
equally prominent as prince of the Church, statesman,
and warrior. The fleets of Wendish sea-robbers were
destroyed, the Wends themselves were attacked in
their own land, and the island of RUgen subdued. At
the same time, the power of the ecclesiastical digni-
taries and nobles increased, a fact which on the one
hand ensured better order, but on the other also pro-
voked the hatred of the oppressed classes. Wald^
mar's son, Canute VI, added to his possessions
Pomerania and Mecklenburg, and assumed the title
of King of the Slavs. This childless prince was
succeeded by his brother, Waldemar II (1202),
who extended his sway along the Baltic especial^
by means of a crusade against Esthonia, for
which feat he became known as Sejr (Conqueror).
This apparently splendid power was, however, of
short duration. One of the German vassals. Count
Henry of Schwerin, raised the standard of revolt
and made prisoner his Danish k»xi (1223), where-
upon the subjugated nations cast off the yoke. Later
on Waldemar sou^t revenge, but lost vie battle of
BomhOved in Holstein (1227). Most of his co»-
qiH»ts eventually melted away, and the Eider became
once more the southern boundary. This noble king,
who deserves great praise for his improvement of tM
laws of Denmark, died in 1241. His sons Erik, Abel,
and Christopher waged war with one another, and all
died a violent death. Murder and arson were of daihr
occurrence, and the land groaned under the wicked-
nesB of its nilere, who brought it to the brink of ruin.
Erik Clipping, Christopher's successor, died at the
hands of an assassin (1286). His heir apparent,
Erik Menved, succeeded in restoring order for a time.
Meanwhile important parts of the kingdom were
pledged to German nobles, whose power was steadily
on the increase. His brother, Christopher II, was com-
pelled to swear to a capitulation, at nis election, and,
since he did not abide by it, was expelled by the mag-
nates under Count Gert of Holstein, who obtained the
election of his sister's son, Duke Waldemar, as the
third king of that name. The legitimate prince in-
deed soon recovered his dominions, but held only the
shadow of sovereignty. The real power lay in the
hands of the nobles. New civil wars ended wiUi the
victory of the Danish element, which chose again, in
Christopher's youngest scm, Waldemar IV, a national
ruler. By diplomacy and force he reined the
pledged custricts and added Gotaland to his kingdom;
thereby, however, he became involved in a war with
the Hanseatic Lea^e, Sweden, and the Count of Hol-
stein. Hard conditions were imposed on him in the
Castle or Fredbrickbboro. Copenbaobn
Treaty of Stralsund (1370). Waldemar IV died in
1376.
Meanwhile Danish affairs had undergone a great
change. King Hakon of Norway and Sweden had mai^
ried (1362) Waldemar's daughter, Margaret, a child
of eleven, and thus the three Scandinavian kingdoms
had become united. In 1380 this able woman caused
her relative, Duke Erik of Pomerania, who was only
seven years old, to be acknowledged aa King of Nor*
way. Seven years later the Swedes and Danes also
paid him homage. At Caknar (1397) representatives
of the three kingdoms swore allegiance to him. But
Margaret's attempt to perpetuate the Union of Cal*
mar proved unsuccessful. She succeeded, however,
by reclaiming fiefs, in strengthening the power of the
Crown, and in compelling the adhesion of both eccle-
siastical and secular magnates. Erik's imprudence
thwarted her plans and sapped the promising struo-
ture. As eariy aa 1410 new conflicts arose with the
Counts of Holstein, which, after Margaret's death
(1412), led to a sanguinary war, lasting twenty-five
years; at its close we Counts of Holstein retained
their Schleswig possessions, and the Haaseajtic cities
their ancient privileges While Erik's rule was thvm
unfortunate abroad^ his avarice and harshness alien-
ated the hearts of his subjects. The Swedes were the
first to fall away; then an insurrection broke out in
Norway, and the Danes themselves assumed such a
threateknng attitude that he thought it best to leave
the kingdom. Abjuring their allegiance, the vassals
now besouffht his sister's son, Duke Christopher of
Bavaria (of the house of Wittelsbach) to take iip the
reins of government. The Swedish crown also fell to
his lot, but under conditions that ^atly limited his
power. With the help of the nobility he checked the
uprising in Jutland. It was Christopher, also, who
DKttlCAKK
728
in 1443 removed the residence of the Danish kings
from ROfikilde to Copenhagen. Though a German by
birth, he tried to check tne power of the Hanseatic
League, but did not succeed. He met with an un-
timdy end in 1448.
Immediately the weak bond which had united
Sweden and Denmark was rent. In the former king-
dom Charles Knutsson was rsdsed to the throne; m
Denmark and in Norway Count Christian of Olden-
burg, the husband of Christopher's widow, and with
him the house of Oldenburg, succeeded to the sover-
eignty. A feud sprang up between the countries. In
1452 the Swedes ravs^ged Sk≠ the following year
the Danes sought revenge, but in vain. A conspiracy
among his r.obles drove Knutsson from Sweden,
which was subdued by Christian. Dtuing the latter's
rei^ the union between Holstein and Schleswig,
which was later to have such disastrous consequences
for Denmark, became an acknowledged fact. Chris-
tian's rule over Sweden was only nominal. Internal
troubles made it illusory, and after the battle of
Bnmkeber^, near Stockholm, he was obliged to evac-
uate the kingdom. Even in his own State he was
hated for his extravagance. He deserves credit, how-
ever, for founding the University of Copenhagen
(1479). His son Hans succeeded nim in Denmark,
while Frederick remained Duke of Holstein. The
former was also acknowledged King of Sweden and
Norway (1483), but with notable restrictions. TTius,
in Sweden, the regent Sten Stxire was the actual ruler
until an unlucky campaign against the Russians drew
on him the contempt of the people. King Hans
thereupon recovered his authori^, but maintained it
only for a short time, as Bishoi> Hemminggad of Lin-
kdping succeeded in arousing his countrymen against
the foreigner. King Hans died before he was able to
overpower the rebels. His son Christian II relied on
the middle class, tried to break the power of the no-
bles, and in repeated expeditions agunst the Swedes,
succeeded in crushing tneir resistance (1521). But
his excessive cruelty towards the Swedish leaders
caused the Swedes to rise unanimously against him.
Gustavus I (Gustavus Vasa) not only drove the Danes
out of the Swedish provinces, but moreover invaded
their country. Christian's efforts in favour of the
peasantry led to a conspiracy among the nobles.
With their aid his uncle Frederick seized the reins of
government, and even forced his nephew to flee to a
foreign country (1523). After the former's death the
Hanseatic League made an attempt to restore Chris-
tian to the throne. He conquered, indeed, the greater
part of his country, but the activity of Gustavus Vasa,
on the one hand, and the combined -action of the no-
bility on the other, soon changed the condition of
affairs. In spite of this. Christian III, son of the de-
ceased Frederick, could take Copenhagen only after a
sicffie of twelve months (1536).
Under Kine Frederick, the teachings of Luther had
already struck root in Denmark, but the^ did not en-
tirely prevail either here or in Norway until the reign of
his son. Immediately after the capture of Copen-
hagen the bishops were imprisonedi tne churches con-
fiscated, the monks and nuns expelled, and a new form
of worsnip introduced ^see above). Instead of the
relatively mild rule of ute bishops, the country now
suffered under the galling tyranny of the nobles, who
kept the lion's share of the ecclesiastical property and
reauced the peasantry to helpless helots. Despite
these facts, partial Protestant writers still laud Chris-
tian III as tne benefactor of his people, as a noble and
eodljr man; Scandinavian historians blame him only
for mtroducing too many Germans and for sharing
Schleswiff-Holi^in with his brothers. He died in
1559. His successor, Frederick II, was a very warlike
character. His four-years' war with Sweden, in which
the countries on the Baltic took part, ended ia the
barren Treaty of Stettin (1570). Christian IV, his
son, and recognized as the heir apparent during tiie
lifetime of his father, succeeded hun, thou^ a minor
(1588), but did not enter upon ^e eovemment tifl
1596. During his long life (he died m 1648) he left
nothing undone to perfect the administration ef the
country and to increase its power. He advanced
trade and industry, founded colonies in India and sup-
plied them with missionaries. He established higher
institutions of learning, and did evervthing in his
power to improve the condition of tne peasantry.
Hostile complications with Sweden b^an anew. They
ended with the Peace of Kn&r6d, which proved favour-
able to Denmark. As Duke of Holstem the king be-
longed to the Estates of the lower Saxon circle. Tiiese
relations to North Germany obliged CSmstian to take
an active part in the Thirty Years' War. His hesita-
tion was nis bane. When, in spite of the repe^ed
warnings of Tilly, the general of the Catholic League,
he did not discontinue nis military preparations, Tilly
crossed the Weser with his troops (June, 1625). After
some minor engagements and long manceuvrin& a
decisive battle was fought near Lutter (27 Aug., I62b\
which ended in the total defeat of Christian. WaOen-
stein, Tilly's successor, changed the defensive into an
offensive war. He fought liis way into Holsteiny
stormed Rendsbuiv, Flensbuig, and subdued the
whole of Jutland. Nothing remained to the king but
to retreat to the islands, and he was forced to conclude
the rdatively favourable Treaty of Labeck. Hie flub>
sequent thirteen years of peace so restored Denmark^
militai^y strength that in 1643 it could resist honooiv
ably, u not successfully, the unjust attack of its
Swedish neighbour. The peace oi Br5msebro never-
theless demanded fresh sacrifices from the unhappy
kingdom ( 1 645) . Hardly ten years had eli^sed, wnen
the Swedes fell again upon Christian's suooeasor,
Frederick III, without any previous declaration o£
war. King Charles X (Gustavus) marched 9,000
picked Swedish troops into Jutland and, profiting by
an unusually hard frost, which had covered the straits
between the Danish islands with a thick crust of ioe,
crossed over to Zealand. He forced the capital to
surrender and the king to accept the peace of ROe-
kilde (1658), by which Denmark forever lost the prov-
inces of Sk&ne, Halland, Blekinge, Bohusl&n. Not
content with these successes, Charles immediately re-
gretted his leniency towards King Frederick, embarked
at Kiel, and landed again on Z^and. Too week, to
stoim itie capital at once, he was compelled to wait
and in the meantime benold his adversary's active
measures of defence. A Dutch fleet also approached,
forced its way through the Sound, brought troops and
provisions to the defenders, and obliged the Swedes to
erect a fortified camp. Meanwhile an auxfliary army,
consisting of Poles, Austrians, and Brandenbursers,
drove the Swedish garrisons out of Jutland. Ikfore^
over, the population of the newly acquired provinces
assumed a menacing attitude; on Bomholm idl the
Swedes were slain in one night. Nevertheless Charies
Gustavus did not give up the siege of Copenhagen, and
in February, 1659, undertook a n^t attack which
was repelled by the heroism of the besieeed. Soon
after, the allies crossed over to Fttnen and captured
the Swedish garrison. The eariv death of the Swedish
king (13 Feb., 1660) preserved Denmark from im-
pending ruin; the guardians of the Swedish heir ap-
parent, then only five years of age, were contmt that
the Peace of Copenhagen (1660) guaranteed Ui^n the
possession of the newly acquired territory with the ex-
ception of Bomholm and a few Norwegian districts.
These disastrous years had one good effect on the
Damdi people: the cler^, middle classes, and peas-
ants uphdd their kine ; his crown was dedared heredi-
tary, and with their nelp he annihilated the power of
the nobility and secured for himself absolute author-
itv« The government was altered to meet the needs
of the times; the tax system was regulated, and the
DBMMABX
729
DEMMAEX
aowing ravenue made it possible to inorease the luk-
Gan's military strength. At the same time the pitiful
condition of the peasants remained michangjed. Chria-
tian V (1670-1699) adopted the French regime as far
as possible, invited Gennan nobles into his countryi
ana granted them extensive privileges. Naturaliv,
the youthful sovereign attempted to bring back to
Denmark its former ereatness; in 1675 he began war
with Sweden. His fleet destroyed that of the enemy
off Oeland (1676). He himself crossed over to Sk&ne,
and his Norwegian troops made an inroad into West-
gOtland. The loss of the battle of Lund (8 Dec., 1676)
forced him to make peace in that city. Sweden kept
its possessions, and Denmark received only a small
indenmity (1679). King (Christian survived these
events twenty peaceful years. His son, Frederick IV
(1690-1730), had to take an active part in the North-
ern War; but no great battles took pjlace, nor was
Denmark subject to grievous devastation. Eventu-
ally (1720) the Gottorp section of Schleswig was re-
tained by Denmark. Frederick was succeeded by the
pietistic Christian VT, under whose rule hardly any
changes took place. His consort induced him, how-
ever, to erect extravagant structures, which proved
a heavy burden on the finances. Under Frederick V
(1746-1766) commerce and industry, sciences and
arts throve, though the economic situation was very
unsatisfactory. His son. Christian VII, ruined him-
self by his debaucheries. The infidel GJerman physi-
cian StrOnse, in whom the oueen reposed her entire
confidence, gained a great, ana partly baleful, influence
over the aominiBtration. He fell a victim to a con-
spiracy, whereupon the queen had to leave Denmark.
The crown prince, who had been actual ruler during
the lifetime of his father, reigned fifty-five y^irs as
Frederick VI. In concert with his excellent minister
Bemstorff, he devoted himself to the welfare of his
people, abolished serfdom (^1788), and advanced, as
tar as lay in him, the happmess of his subjects. In
1801, however, he was mvolved in a conflict with
Great Britain, which resented Denmark's resolution
to remain neutral in the conflict between Great Britain
and France. An indecisive naval engagement took
place before CJopenhagen. After the Treaty of Tilsit,
En^and sought to pc^Edyze Denmark, then under the
influence of Russia and France, and disembarking
30,000 men near Copenhagen, forced the Danes to sur-
render their splendid fleet. The ensuing war with
Great Britain ruined Denmark financiallv. More-
over, it was forced to cede Norway to Sweden by the
treaty of Kiel (1814). The modem tendency towards
the increase of civil liberty prevailed also in'Denmark.
In 1835 the monarch granted a constitution which re-
mained in force under King Christian VIII (1838—48).
In the latter reign occurred the first friction of the
Danes with the Cterman element in Schleswig, where
the latter constituted a strong majority. Still, an
open rupture was avoided during the king's life. The
contest began in earnest when Frederick VH ascended
the throne. The Ciennans desired that the two
duchies of Schleswig and Holstein should be made one
State, which should belong to the Gierman Confedera-
tion and be connected with Denmark only by a per-
sonal union. Tlie Government sought to counteract
this movement by various measures, partly of an
odious character. Representatives of the German
partv at last (23-24 March, 1848) proclaimed the inde-
pendence of the duchies and apminted a provisional
government whose head was Prince Frederick of
Sonderburg-Augustenburg. The garrisons at Kiek
EckemfOrde, and GlUckstadt .went over to him, ana
the fortress of Rendsburg fell into his hands without a
blow. Volunteers from all sides rallied round his
standard. As the King of Denmark did not yield to
the wishes of the rebels, war began. The army of
Schleswig-Holstein was at first worsted (at Bau and
Flensbui^g), but when Prussian reinforcements under
Wrangel arrived, the Danes were forced to xetr^
The intervention of King Oscar of Sweden brougbt
about the truce of Malm6, but its ne^tiations proved
fruitless. Hostilities began again m the spring of
1849, and were continuea with varying success (defeat
of the Danes at £ckemf6rde, Dappel, Kolding, their
victory of Fredericia). The diplomatic intrigues of
the Great Powers compelled Prussia to make peace
with Denmark (2 July. 1850) and to withdraw her
soldiers. Unassisted, the small army of the dudiies
now opposed the Danes, but was completely rout^
in the battle of Idstedt (29 July, 18o0). On 27 Aug-
ust of the same year the Eurppean Powers signed a
declaration at London by which the unity of the Dan-
ish monarchy was guaranteed. An Austrian contin-
gent occupiea Holstein, restored Danish rule, and dis^
solved the army of the duchies.
During the truce of Malmd (1848) the first Danish
Pariiament was assembled by the king. After long
and excited debates, a really liberal constitution was
accepted 5 June, 1849, according to which the a(t
ministrative power is substantially divided between
the king and the representatives of the people (Foll»-
thing and Landsthing). All efforts to regulate the
1
i
4
1
Ai^f^
CaBTLM of ROSBNBOBO. CklPBNHAOBlf
relations with the duchies were fruitless. In the au-
tumn of 1863, therefore, the Government proposed a
bill according to which Denmark and Schleswig should
receive a oonmion constitution, while Holstein-Lauen-
burg, as a member of the German Confederacy, was
not included. This so-called "November Law",
which was to gp into effect the first day of January,
1864, was accepted by an overwhelmmg minority.
After the death of Frederick VII, King Clmstian IX,
in spite of many warnings, approved of this new law*
For this reason complications arose with the German
Confederacy and later with its principal members,
Prussia ana Austria. Saxon and Hanpverian troops
now occupied Holstein. An army consisting of
Prussians and Austrians crossed the Eider (6 Feb..
1864) and, within three months, occupied the whole of
Schleswig and Jutland as far as Lymfjord. A con-
ference in London produced no results, and the war
started anew. Duppel soon fell, Alsen was occupied,
and even the island of FUnen was threatened. At
this juncture the Treaty of Vienna was signed, by
which the duchies were ceded to Austria anaPrussia.
By its victorious war of 1866 Prussia became finally
the sole possessor of these Danish territories.
The loss of Schleswig having made useless the No-
vember law, the Constitution of 1849 was modified 26
July, 1866, and it is thb revised and more liberal ccm*
stitution which is still in force. Years of internal dis-
cord now followed, as the Radicals strove constantly
to diminish the ri^ts of the king, and as he was oomr
pelled to adopt extraordinary measures owing to his
non-acceptance of the proposed budget. Not till the
resignation of the conservative ministry of Estrup
(1894) was there a temporary cessation of strifeu
DENMARK
730
DENMARK
Party rivalries and the steadiljr increasine propaganda
of Socialism kept the country m a state of turmou, and
caused no little difficulty both to Christian IX and to
Frederick VIII, who succeeded to the throne on the
death of his aged father (29 January, 1906).
Langbbbck, Scriptores rerum Danicarvm medii avi cont. by
Sumi (CopenhaiBen, 1772-02); 8th vol. by ENGEiaTorr and
WxRitAurF (Copenhagen, 1834): RQbdam ed., Monitmenia
huUnicB DaniecB (Copenhagen, 1871-84); ReQesta diplomaUca
hut. Danica (Copenhagen, 1847-85); Bricka, DawkbioarapK'
%9k Lexicon ^Copenhagen, 1877); Allen, Haandbog i FOdeme*'
landeU Hutorie^ 18th ed. (Copenhagen, 1881), Qennan tr. by
Falk (2d ed.. Kiel, 1846); Whittb, FOdrelands Htst&rie (Co-
penhagen, 1884); Steenstrup, Ersley, and others, JD<m-
. marka Bigea Hutorie (Copenhagen. 1896); Odhnbr. Laeraboki
Sveriffest Noraea och Danmarks Historia (Stockholm, 1886 — a
very good outline); Dahlmann-Schaper, Oenchichte Ddnemarka
in the Geachichte der europ&ischen Staalen^ d Heerbn Uckbrt.
For Schleswig-HoLstein, the whi? wa«ed on it« aceoant, and the
relations of the Hanseatio League to Denmark, see Dahlmann*
Waits. Quellenkunde (7th ed., Leipzig, 1906-07); Lavissd-
Rambaud ed., Hiatoireghi^rale du 4* sirde h noa joun (12 vob..
Paris. 1893-1901); Nilbson. The Primitive Inhabttante cf
Scandinavia^ ed., with introduction, by Lubbock (London,
1868); MoNTEuns, Kulturgeachichte Schwedena (Leipzig, 1906);
Engblhardt, Denmark in the Early Iron Age (London. 1866);
Pbtbbsbn. Danmarka Hiatorie i Hedenold (2d ed., 1854-66);
Worsaab, Danmarka OUUid (Copenhagen, 1843); lo., Den dan-
eke Kidtur i Vikingstiden (Copenhagen, 1873); Id., Den danake
Brchring of England og JVorTruincItet (Copenhagen, 1873); Buogb,
Vikingerne (Copenhagen, 1904); Styppe, Skandinavien under
unionaliden (Stockholm, 1880); Thrige, Danmarka Historie i
vort Aarhundrede (2 voln., Copenhagen, 1889-90); Goscrt,
Denmark and Oermanp ainoe 1815 (London, 1862); Thor»'
ander, Danak-tvaka Kriaet. 186k (Stockholm, 1888); RosEir-
ViNOB, Samlingarafgamle danake Love (Copenhagen. 1821-46);
Matzbn, Fortlaeaninger over den danake Ketahiatorie (Copen-
hagen, 1893-97); Vaupbll, De danake Hcera Hiatorie (Copen*
hagen, 1872-76); Garde, Den danaknorake Sjoemagta Hiatorie,
16Slr-181U (Copenhagen, 1852-61); Aarb&ger for Nord Old-
kyndighed (Copenhagen, 1866); tiiat, Tidahrift (Copenhagen,
1870).
Literary History. — It is manifest that no litera-
ture proper could exist in Denmark in pre-Christian
times. There exist, however, some 200 rune-stones,
some of whose inscriptions possess historical value.
The exploits of the vikings were first recorded bv
Saxon and some Icelandic cnroniclers. These recOrob
are not always original, but are partly influenced by
foreign myths. The principal subject is phatical ex-
ploits. With the adoption of Christianity the influence
and use of the Latin tongue becomes predominant. The
first products (twelfth century) here, as everywhere
else, were lives of saints, followed in Lund and Rds-
kilde by annalistic necrologies. The energetic Arch-
bishop Absalon (q. v.), a man of much intellectual
power, fostered greatly the growth of historical litera-
ture. To his initiative we owe two important works:
the ''Compendiosa historia regum Daniae", by Svend
Aageson, and the voluminous "Gesta Danorum", by
Saxo Grammaticus, the latter part of which chronicles
events of his own personal experience or such as were
related to him by eyewitnesses, while its introductory
chapters often rest on pure tradition. Among the
poetical creations of the earliest times must be men-
tioned the didactic poem "Hexaemeron", by Anders
Suneson (b. 1165), who also composed a poem, now
lost, on the seven sacraments, and various hymns.
The first attempts to put the ancient ''folk-law^' into
writing were made in the thirteenth century. The
"Jydske Lov", also accepted in Schleswig, was re-
duced to writing by order of Waldemar the Victorious
(1241). Simultaneously the ancient laws of Sk&ne
and Zealand were written down. The ecclesiastical
law also was soon a subject for literary treatment.
•Rie thirteenth century, moreover, saw the appearance
of popular treatises on herbs and stones, cookery-
books, and a kind of encyclopedia, the "Lucidarius^',
whose pages contain not only catechetical instruction,
but also information as to geography and nature.
Fanciful descriptions of voyages and translations of
French romances of knightly adventures gained a
wide circle of readers. The "Rhymed Chronicle"
(supposed to be written by a monk of Sorfte) sought to
kindle in the hearts of its readors love for their coimtry.
From Peter Laale's ''Collection of Prov»bB" we ob-
tain a f airiy definite picture of the oontemporaij
civilisation of Denmark.
Religious literature owes much to the Bri^ttines
(see Bridget op Sweden) . Apart from Uie " Revela-
tions'' of th^ir foundress, they produced homUieaL
prayer-books, lives ci the saints, hymns to Uie Blessea
Vimn ; a translation of the Bible was also undertaken
(1480). The most important religious poet of the
Danish Middle A^ was Michael Nicolai, parish priest
of St. Alban^ at Odense. There is still extant a large
work by him entitled "Rosary of the Most Bl. Virgin "
(1496), not entirely original, however. He also com-
posed short poems. So^ne of his writings, printed at
Ck>penhagen (1514), were mcorporated witn changes
in the Lutheran hymn-book.
In literature, Denmark, for easily intelligible rea-
sons, has accomplished less than the great nations of
Europe. Folk-songs of varied character, however, were
always abundant. These compositions were not written
down till late, and even now they are a rich mine for
Danish poets. When the religious upheaval carried
Denmark away from the Catholic Church, the Scan-
dinavians had reached a comparatively low deree of
1
9nNf^ W^
J
i^>-'llf
Royal. Exchanob. Copekhaobv
culture. Since 1497 there had been a university at
Copenhagen, but this was scarcely more than an en-
larged cathedral-school, and was even discontinued for
a tune (1531). The Reformation did little to raise the
glane of general culture. After the property of the
hurch had been confiscated, literature and science
were no Ipngei maintained, and there arose a universal
complaint of the encroachment of barbarism. Few
were willing to send their dnldren to school; still
smaller was the number of those who matriculated at
the university. More than half of the forty profes-
Bons whom Christian III appointed at its reop^iing
were Germans. The kii^ and his court never used
the Danish langu^. Students of theolognr were
forced to freqjuent Wittenberg or Rostock. H dena-
tionalized civilization and an exaggerated interest in
theology were the natural consequences. For litera-
ture it was a poor and barren epoch, and in it, apart
from Bible-translations, church nymns, and polanical
essays, there appeared only lifdeas academic dramas
and spiritless, imperfect poetry.
Towards the middle of the seventeenth centuiy theo-
logy lost its sway over men's minds. Other fields^
especially the exact sciences, b^an to absorb ihe sU
tention of scholars. During this period Denmailc
produced men like Steno and his relative MinsIOw
(both of whom became Catholics), lycho Brahe, and
others, all of whom may be regarded as pioneers in
their respective branches. At uie same time, a keen
interest was displayed in antiquarian research, and
called forth the first editions of Icelandic sagas. Bt
contact with other countries, secular poetry, uncut
tivat^ during the Reformation penod, began to
1>BNMARX
731
DlNBiAftX
^^irake. However, the poets of the seventeenth cen-
tury were unable to rise above the purely formal con-
ception of poetiy; they slavishly followed German
Tirriters and were satisfied with translations and adap-
tations. Even the hymn-writer Ringo was not free
fTom forei^ influenoe. At last the oonflict between
Sngjish utilitarianism and the rapidly growing piet-
ism under Christian IV prepared the wa^ for genuine
national poetry. The first Danish poet, in the proper
sense of tne word, is Holberg (1684-1754). His eome-
dies and epistles faithfully mirror the conceptions of
. the Danish provincial townsman. The sensualism of
Hellman and otiier Swedish poets did not find a fav-
ourable soil in Denmark. Neither did the French
illuministic literature at firat strike deep roots. It was
not till the end of the French Revolution that the new
tendencies found an enthusiastic champion in Hei*
berp, who created a stir as a satirist and composer of
political poems. Hien, also, was inaugurated the
necessary reaction a^nst the undue intellectual
sway of Germany. Tliough the dramatist John
Ewald (1743-1781) was imable to throw off the yoke
of German influence, he succeeded In eliciting ptuiely
national stndns from his Ivre. Tlie same is true of
Hens Baggesen (b. 1764), wnose tales show clearly the
influence of Wieland. Married to a German lady, and
on friendly terms with the prominent German poets of
his time, he produced almost as many and as good
lyrics in that language as in his mother tongue. Both
In success and popularity he was surpa^ed by the
ireatest poetical genius of Denmark, Adam Gottlob
Uehlenscnl&ger (1779-1850), the son of a German
father. Oehlenschlftger first became famous as a lyric
poet, then treated myths in an epic form, and later
cultivated the drama. It was his puipoee, no less
than his merit, to breathe new life into tne heroic
tales of olden times. But even he did not use Danish
exclusively. Rich in honour and gloiy, he died in
1850, at Copenhagen. J. G. Hauch (1790-1872) a
writa* of mystical drama succeeded hhn. Ad. Will.
Schack of Stafeld (1764-1826), whose ancestors were
Geiman, won renown as a lyric poet. While these
men may be regarded as fathers and representatives
of romanticism m Denmark, Nik. Fred. Sev. Grundt-
vig (1783-1872) was more "Old Scandinavian" than
Oenlenschl&ger, and of course occasionally blundered.
Far superior to his dramatic works are ms religious
and secular songs. (For his relation to Christianity
and theology, see above.)
The path pointed out by Oehlenschlflger was pur-
sued bv manv younger writers. Among them Inge-
mann (1789-1862), by his el^ant dramas and popiUar
historical romances, was the acknowlec^ed favourite
of large circles, especially of ladies. £)me became
famous outside of their country. Bredahl (1784-
1860), an imitator of Shakespeare; Blicher (1782-
1842); and the poet of sensual love, Winther (1796-
1876), whose novels strikingly reproduce the peculiar
charms of the Danish landscape. A world-wide fame
rewarded the renowned author of faiiy-tales, Hans
Christian Andersen (1805-1876). In opposition to
the poetry of the Romanticists, Ix>uis Heiberg (1791-
1860) wrote his satires and theatrical pieces. Fred-
erick Paludan MQlIer (1809-1876) showed traces of
the influence of Byron. The vigorous, higihly original
Soeren Kirkegaard (1816-65) showed now poor a sub-
stitute for religion is sesthetics. Molbecb, Boegh,
Rumohr, f^tlaij finally the Danish Jew Meir GoTd-
schmidt and William Bergsoe must be considered as
the heralds and pioneers of that An^o-Gallic realism
which under the favour of the Jewish critic George
Brandes (b. 1842) found its way to the North, and
has ever since influenced the literature of Denmark in
every direction. Its oontroDing power is seen in the
novels of the pessimist JacoDsen, whose ''Marie
Gnibbe" and "Niels Lyhne" created a new school.
Among other representatives of this school of litera-
ture (OyennembrudB literature) may be mentioned the
lately oeceased marine painter and poet Holger Drach-
mann, Sophus Schandorf, Erik Gram, Hermann Bang.
Drachmann (b. 1846) was in his youth influenced by
Socialism, but later changed his views and wrote lorries
and prose successfully. Great popularity was attained
by his patriotic woix "Derovie ira Gransen" and his
collections of poems ^Sange ved Havct'*, "Ranker
och Roser", ''Gamle Cruder oc xwe". Schandorf's
power lies in his vivid portrayal of peasants and the
lower middle class. Ekik Gram, in his novel "Ger-
trude ColbjOmsen", follows in the footsteps of Jacob-
sen^ whfle a warm patriotism breathes m his book
" Hinsides Grensen ''. Hermann Bang's writings have
force, but his styld is at timea obscure. He has shown
his many-sidedness as a dramatist, journalist, critic,
actor, and lecturer.
Among the many modem Danish authors may be
mentioned Pontoppidan. Topso. Mariager, Bauditz,
Nielsen, and Amaiie Skram (novels) ; von der Recke,
Ma^alene Thoresen (lyrics and dramas), Budde (ju-
veime works), Langs (translations). Within the last
two decades have appeared numerous works of more
or less value in different fields. We mention here
only two Catholics: John JOrgensen and John Fred-
ericksen; the former is now reckoned among the most
fertile writers of his nation, while the delicate " Digte"
(poems) of the latter are worthy of wider recognition.
For the extensive historical literature of the Mst oentttry, as
far as it eonoems Catholioa, see Peboer. in KirchmnUx,^ III*
1319 sqa., whore is also elvon the npedfically Catholic literature
which developed from 1849 to XSSi, Since then it has grown
in a gratifyinic way, both in volume and depth ; see Fortbq'
Nsxas, Dtmak KaikoUk Litlemtwr mnn foot igeimem (Copen*
hiuraQ, ); MiKKKLaEK* Daiuk SprogUmt (Copenhagen,
1894); WiMMBR, De danake Runemindamaeker (Copenhagen,
1895-1904). I-III; Voldbmab. HOtdiv (Copenhagen, 1904);
QRtTNDTVia, IkmmaHcs gamiB Folheviaer (Copenhagen, 1843'-
1904), I-VIII; Paludan, Rmaiswnee-hewieoeUen i Danake iM"
teraturen (Copenhagen. 1887); Bbbnardim. La liniratun
aearuiinave (Pftris, 1894); M. and W. Howitt, The LUerature
and Romance of Northern Burojf (London, 1852); Hansen,
lUttetr, Danek LiUeratwr-Higtorie (Copenhagen. 1902); W.
Obtebqaaro, lUuetr. Danek LUt. Hietorie (CofMnhagen. 1907);
ScHWErrzBR, CftediidUe der ekandinavie^ten lAteratur (Leipsig.
1885 — detailed account of the literature, with characteristics
of tiie authors and extracts from their writin|BB in German ver-
sion, but superficial and full of Protestant prejudices); Scruck.
Sverioee Literahtrhietoria (Stockholm, 1890); Id., Die Anfdn(/e
derneuekandinaviechenlAienUur in InUmai, Wochenechr. f. Wtf
eeneeh, und Technik, I, Nos. 12-13 (short but very clear sketch).
The FmiB Arts. — a. Art^itecture, — ^As mentioned
above, the first Christian temple on Danish soil was
the dxiiTcti at Hedeby (Schleswig). According to
Adam of Bremen (d. 1075), Denmark possessed in his
time 300 churches in Sk&ne, 250 in Zealand. 100 on
FUnen; probably all were constructed of wood. Even
the cathedral of ROskilde was originally of this ma-
terial. The same holds good for the churches ad S,
Mariam and ad 5. Albanum at Odense, in which Saint
Canute met his death and which was not torn down
tiU after the Reformation. The wooden cathedral of
St. Olaf at Aarhus fell down in 1548. Wooden
churches remained long in use in Soutib Jutland
(Schleswig). But in North Jutland and on the islands,
as early as the middle of the twelfth centuiy, other
material was used, according as the quarries were
close at hand or easily accessible, e. g. granite, sand-
stone, limestone, or chalk-stone; sometimes tufa from
the Rhine was employed. Frequently only the ex-
terior of the walls was constructed of stronger ma-
terial, the intervals were filled up with a mixture,
llie use of burned brick was soon adopted everywhere.
"WaJdemar I (d. 1182) substituted for the wooden p»li-
sades of the Danawerk (see above) a wall of brick.
After hun most of the new buildings were exclusively
constructed of this material, e. g. the churches at Aar-
hus, Renders, Elsinore, Rftskilde, Ringsted, Ncestved,
Maribo, etc. Often free-stone was used for the foun-
dations (up to a certain height), while walls and arches
were built of brick. In some places (e. g. in KjOge)
layers of different stone alternate. The variations of
DIMOXVXUiE
732
BMQUVJLLE
style (basilica, round arches, pointed arches) succeed
each other as in the rest of Europe, though fliey were
partly influenced by Cistercian and Brigittine forms.
Alongside of churches with parallel naves are others
with transepts, and even round churches. Church
steeples seem to have occasionally served as means of
defence. After the religious schism, people confined
themselves in the main to preserving the existing
buildings. The beautiful temples now used in Protest-
ant worship were all built in Ca^olic times. On the
other hand, the Evan^lical kings spent large amounts
in erecting and furnishing splenaid castles, among
which we may mention Kronborg (sixteenth) and
Frederiksborjg (seventeenth century). Only Copen-
hagen exhibits important edifices of modem times,
e. g. St. Mary's church, the Thorwaldsen Museum, the
city hall, and other buildings. Prominent architects
of the eighteenth and nine^toenth centuries were Bin-
desbdll, who erected the Thorwaldsen museum; Peter
Fenger, who won fame as a designer of churches and
as an author; Chr. Fr. Hansen, builder of churches
and public bmldings; Theophilus Hansen, an eminent
master whose works embellish Austria and Greece;
Henry Hansen, whose influence on c^rtistic handicrafts
in Denmark can hardly be over-estimated; finally,
Harsdorf, Melbye, and Uldall; the last deserves
special credit as the historian of bell-castins.
b. Scul^ure. — ^That the art of carving and chiselling
was practised diligently and with some success ever
since the introduction of Christianity, is proved by
altars, crucifixes, choir stalls, etc. still found in
churcnes or museums. The names of the masters can.
however, rarely be ascertained with any degree oi
certainty. We know, e. g., that a certain Liutger is
the maker of a very fine crucifix carved from a walrus-
tooth. This cross now adorns the Danish National
Museum and bears the inscription: "Qui in Christum
crucifixum credunt, Liutgeri memoriam orando faci-
ant". The sixteenth century seems to have been
barren of skilful sculptors. We only know that a cer-
tain Berg, a German bom in LQbeck, carved beautiful
ivory ornaments and also distinguished himself as a
painter. Many artists from various countries worked
either permanently or temporarily in Denmark (Ger^
mans — as ROssler, Preisler, Reinhardt, Schwabe;
Englishmen — ^as Stanley; Frenchmen — ^as Villars,
Boudan, Prieur; Italians — as Gianelli, Miani, Guioni;
Spaniards — ^as Molinedo, de Corte; Dutchmen — as
Vermehren, van Egen; Jews — ^as Levi, Levisohn,
Saly, Salamon). Amon^ the native sculptors, Bissen,
Jenchau. Peters, and Wiedewelt deserve mention, and
above all the famous Thorwaldsen (1770-1844) ; the
engravers Clemns and Lund ; the engravers Adzer and
Christiansen.
c. Painting, — ^There was never a lack of painters in
Denmark. This is proved by the great number of
beautiful frescoes in the cathedrals at Aarhus, Ribe,
Rdskilde. Viborg, etc., whitewashed in the sixteenth
century, but re-discovered of late and restored at great
cost. Abild^aard (1743-1809), himself a notable
artist (historical painter), must be considered as the
father of the Danish school of painting in modem
times, which has produced excellent works of art along
various lines. Among the historical painters are Eck-
ersbeig, C. C. C, Hansen, Christ, Hftyer, Marstrand.
Mailer, Paulsen, Simonsen, and Albert Kuchler (died
a Catholic and a Franciscan lay-brother at Rome
1886). The pictures of his youth exhibit a joyous
mood; the creations of his later life show a deep
earnestness. Skilful portrait-painters are Baohe,
Bendz, Baerentzen, Copmann, H. Hansen, Juel, Roed;
genre painters are Exner, Hammer, Sdnne; Ottesen
was distinguished as a flower-painter; miniature
painters: Hdyer as a miniaturist. Especial prefer-
ence is given to landscapes, marine ana animal can-
vases. Excellent landscape painters were (or are)
Aegard, Kr6yer, Lundbye, Hens M6ller, Skovgaard;
marine painters: Larsen, Melbye, Neumann; beauts
ful reproductions of ammal life are to be credited to
C}ebauer and Lundbye.
IHsiiiO-BESOX^D, Die kirchliekt Bauitmai dea AhendtoMda, p.
397 — its introductory ohapterB contain a detailed liteiatare, e. s.
monographs on Bibe (Hbliis), H6»kHde (LdFTUBB, Lanok,
Kkbnbkup), Odente (Afemme, La%»T%i»en)\ IAvfuol Udaigi
over Danmarka Ktrkebygninger fra tim tidHaere Midddai4ier
i Copenhagen, 1883): Retiuchsohk. De Ncraks StavkirUr
Christiania. 1892); Whanoeu TeodarkiUktur % norraEvropa
Antqu, Timkr* fdr Svetiott) ; SreFreN. Romaiutka mmakMur i
OeaUntOlandema {Bidmg tul var odlinffg h&f<Ur, Stoclcfaolin,
1901); WiaLBACH, Nyt Dansk KunslnerUxikon (Copenha«M,
189e-97).
P. WimcAN.
DenonviUe» Jacques-Rbn£ de Brisat, 8eiqnei/b
AND MAaquis DE, b. in 1638 at Denonville in the de-
partment of Eure-et-Loir. France; d. 1710. Nothing
IS known of him prior to fiis arrival in Canada, except
that he was colonel of a Te^;iment of dragoons and in
16C8 had married Cathenne Courtin, daughter of
Germain Courtin, Seigneur de Tanqueux, fieauvaL
Moncel, etc., and of Catherine Laffemas. Appointed
governor of New France, Denonville, accompanied by
his wife and two young daughters, left La Rochelle
early in June,^^ 1685, ana arrived at Quebec 1 August.
Hi8 special mission was to win the sympathies of the
Indians, establish peace with them, and make war
upon the Tsonnontouans, a branch of the Iroquois
wno were even more to be feared than the Agniera.
Denonville soon realized that he did not have troops
enou^ at his disposal, and asked assistance from
France. Moreover, a powerful enemy confronted him
in the perron of Thomas Dongan, Governor of New
York, who was constantly urging the Iroquois against
the French. During the winter of 1686-87 prepara-
tions were under way for a campaign in the following
summer; forts were put in a state of defence^ and tlie
savage allies of the French, such as the Miami, the
Illinois, and the Ottawas, were asked to send warriors
to Niagara there to join the main body in the eariy
part of July. In the spring of 1 687, 800 naval recruita
reached Quebec under the command of the Chevalier
de Vaudfcuil, and on 11 June about 2000 men, under
Denonville, repaired to Catarocony, thence to invade
the country of the Tsonnontouans. Had he been less
humane Denonville could have completely subjected
the Tsonnontouans, but he erred by allowing them
too much liberty. The position of the colony was
consequently stul insecure, and the other Iroquois
tribes, affected but little or not at all by the routing
of the Tsonnontouans, continued their attacks and
depredations. Denonville believed that the Iroquois
would come of theiV own accord and propose peace.
But Sir Edmund Andros, Governor of New EngUnd,
still less tractable than Governor Dongan, had agi-
tated the question of boundaries between the poaaes-
sioiis of the King of England and those of France, the
climax to his claims being his seizure of Fort Saznt-
Castin (1688). New peace negotiations took place
between the French and the Iroquois, but the diplo-
macy of a Huron chief Tionnontate, called Kondia^
ronk, or the '*Rat", upset everything. By the au-
tumn of 1688 the colony was in a lamentable state,
sickness had decimated its troops, 1400 of the 12,000
who formed the entire population of New France had
fallen victims to the destructive scourge, and the forts
were abandoned.
The winter of 1688-89 w^as one of wild alarms, espe-
cially in the vicinity of Montreal, which was easiest
of access to the Iroquois, and during the summer these
merciless barbarians, to the number of 1400, invaded
the island of Montreal and slew the inhabitants of
Lachine. This onslaught caused the utmost conster-
nation among the colonists. Great joy prevailed
when it was announced that the Comte de Frontenac,
who had already governed the colony for ten yean
(1672-82). would rcpkce the Marquis de DenonyOle
AEHB
733
When Denonville left the country he was looked upon
as lackmg m ability to deal with the savages, besides
bemg too much inclined to follow every one's advice;
nevertheless, he was a fine soldier, a good Christian,
and a governor admirably disposed towards the col-
ony, mdch he was most eager to rescue from the
clutches of the Iroquois. On his return to France
the Idn^ gave him further proof of his confident^ by
a.ppointmg him assistant tutor to the children of the
royal household.
FC1IL4ND, C&un (Thiatoire du Chmada, 2d ed. (Quebee, 1882) ;
Ihariah AfehwM of DenonnUe (£ur»^-Loir)i Mamaeripi Docu-
wnenU amoemMtf Nnp France and the Cormpondenca of tfte
Oovemon of New France.
N. E. DiowNnB.
Boxuii Peter, theologian, b. at Boom, near Ant-
werp, Belgium, 12 September, 1690; d. at Mechlin,
15 February^ 1775. He completed his earlier studies
under the auiection of the Fathers of the Oratory at
Mechlin, and in 1711 became a master of arts of the
University of Louvain, where he afterwards devoted
himself to the stud^r of theology. He lectured on this
subject to the religious of the Afflighem Abbey (1717-
1723), and after receiving the licentiate, in theology
at the University of Louvain (5 October, 1723}, he
was successively professor of theology at the eeinmary
of Mechlin (until 1729), pastor of the metix)politan
church there (1729-1737), president of the seminary
(1735-1775), canon and ScholasHcus (1737), then oen-
itentiary (1751), and finally archpriest of the chap-
ter (1754-1775). The work; which he had undertaken
of enlaii^ing the seminary compelled him to relinquish
the chau* of theology which ne had a^in occupied
from 1741-1747. He was always distuiguislieci by
his simplicitv, solid pietv, and love for the poor, and
above all by nis zeal lor the moral and scientific train-
ing of the clergy. The organization of the concur-
sus for the ooUation of the cures and the reform of
theological instruction in the Diocese of Mechlin were
in great measure his work. He is not the author of
the complete oourse of theological lectures entitled
"Theologia ad usum seminariorum" which was pub^
li^ed under his name in 1777, and is still published,
ihou^ Sreatlv modified, by the professors of the sem-
inary of Mechlin (Theologia ad usum seminarii Mechli-
niensis, olim sub nomine P. Dens edita) ; but he pub-
lished a treatise on penance and on the virtue of relig-
ion (Supplementum theologiae Laur. Neesen. De vir-
tute religionis; Dictata de sacramento Pconitentls.
Mechlin, 1758), and several tracts against the Recoliet
John Tomson, in favour of the custom existing in
some parishes of the Diocese of Mechlin,, of asking and
inscribing in a register the names of those who went to
confession (Responsio P. Dens ad dissertationem et
apologiam Joannis Tomson. Mechlin, 1759), and
against the Augustinian monk Maugis, professor at
the Universitv of Louvain (Ck>llectio scriptorum qiue
separatun in lucem edita sunt circa qusestionem tne-
ologicam an aacerdos vel beneficiarius recitans horas
canonicas in affectu peccati mortalis satisfaciat prce-
oepto seu obligationi recitandi horas canonicas.
Louvain, 1765).
BiogiBAhiesl notice in the first volume of the oldest editions
of the Theologia ad ueum eeminariorum; Journal hisiorioue et
hiUravre (Li^ge. 1830), VI, 243- Dswalque in Bioffraphte na-
tUmale (Bnissels, 1870). V, 509: Hurtbr, Nomendator Ixterariue^
III, 41; Babtkn, NaamroUen beirekkelijk de kerkeiijke oeeehie-
denie van h«t aartebiedom van Mechden (Mechlin. 1881). I. 308.
A. YAH Hov*.
B^nimcUtion (Lat. denuneiare) is makixig knowh
the crime of another to one who is his superior. The
employment of denunciation has its origin in the
Scnptures. CJhrist ordains (Matt.,xviii, 15-17), **If thy
brother shall offend against thee, go, and rebuke him
between thee and him alone. If he shall hear thee
tiiou shalt gain thy brother. And- if he will not hear
Hwe, take with thee one or two more: that in the
mouth of two or three witnesses everr wonl may
stand. And if he will not hear them: tell tiie church.
And if he will mSt hear the church, let him be to thee a«
the heathen and publican". As the ob|eet of this
denunciation was the bettering of one's nei|^bour, by
admonition, not vindictive punishment, it has re-
ceived the name of charitable or evangelical denunci*
ation. The term paternal correction is also applied
to it.
After the CSiurch had obtained an official status be>
fore the world, it built up a process of criminal law,
and judicial denunciation took the place of evan^li-
cal. The diff^^ence consists in this, that the judicial
declaration is made not merely for the reformation,
but also for the punishment of the guilty person. By
ordinary process of law, it is an accuser who evokes
the dormant power of the judge. If the charge be
false, such accuser is obliged to sustain the punish-
ment that would have been inflicted on the guilty
party. In modem ecclesiastical law proceedings,
however, this law of reprisals has gone into desuetuae,
and in diocesan courts the promoter fiscalis takes Uie
place of the accuser. The difference between the ac-
cuser and denouncer is that the latter does not assume
the obligation of proving the charee which he brings,
and so is not amenable to the law of reprisals or
retaliation. To avoid, however, the multiplication
of unfounded charg^, a denoimcer whose accusation
can not be proved, is ordinarily suspended from his
henefice and dignities until it is maae manifest that
his denunciation did not proceed from malice. If the
person denounced be declared judicially innocent of
the crime laid to him, then the denouncer must make
oath that he acted in good faith in bringing the
chat^ges. It is allowed to the denouncer to appear
also as a witness in the trial. The person denounced
is, by that very fact, considered to have suffered in his
good name and as a consequence he becomes incapable
T6r a year of receiving any sacred order or benefice,
unless he be found innocent. It is to be remaikea
that denunciation is not supposed to take place until
private admonitions have been tried fruitlessly. De-
nunciation in the strict sense of the law has practically
gone into desuetude, and its place is taken by a simple
Istatement to a superior who has the ri^ht of proceed-
ing canonically against delinquents, without subject-
ing the informer to the obligations incumbent on de-
nouncers.
There is a spedal obligation imposed b^ a decree of
the Holy Office to denounce heretics, maacians, those
who have abused the Sacrament of Penance (see
Solicitation) and others guilty of similar crimes to
the Inquisition (see Inquisition). Where Catholics,
however, live in places where they are mixed with
heretics, they are not bound to denounce the latter.
The term denunciation is also applied to matters con-
nected with the Sacrament of Matrimony (see Banns).
Finally, as to the obligation of denouncing transgres-
sors, every person is hound to do so, when he can
fulfil the duty without grave detriment to himsdf
and with corresponding utility to society or indi-
viduals. In certain cases only, is denunciation stnctly
prescribed, as in those relating to matrimonial im-
pediments, to abuse of the confessional, and to the
names of leaders of secret societies.
LACRExnce, Inatitufionea Jur. Can. (Freibuwt, 1003); Feb
IIARI8, Bibl, Canon, (Rome. 1886), 1X1; RfiiFFBNflruEL, Jue
Canonicum (Paris, 1865), VI.
William H, W. Fanning.
Bonrer, Diocese or (DenvbriensisV a suffragan
of' the Archdiocese of Santa F^, erected in 1887 and
comprising the entire State of Oolorado, an area of
103,645 square miles. The first permanent civilised
settlement within its bordens was made in 1852, when
a Spani^ colony from New Mexico settled in what is
now the soutliern part of Colorado on the Conefos
Rivei^, where they buitt the first ditudi in I808.
DBura
734
DEWS
Suuilar Bettleraents followed during the fifties, their
Spiritual needs being provided for by priests sent by
ishop Lamy of Santa F^, whose diocese then ex-
tended as far north as the Arkansas River, the boun-
dary of the Mexican cession. The diacoveiy of gold,
BSNBDICTINB COLLBOS, PUBBVO
in 1858, near the site of the present city of Denver,
soon brought a great increase of population from the
Eastern States. Mining camps and towns spranjz up
in ^reat nimibers throughout the whole Pike's Peak
regK)n. This territoiy was then a part of the vicariate
of Bishop Mi^ of Leavenworth, and that prdate vis-
ited Denver in 1860. Finding it practically impossi-
ble to attend these distant missions, Bishop Midge
secured tiieir transfer to the jurisdiction of the Bishop
of Santa F^. Bishop Lamy sent his vicar-general,
the Verv Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf, and a young
priest, Hey. John B. Raverdy, to care for the mining
r^ons and the new settlements. Father Machebeui
had spent eleven years in the missions of Northern
Ohio, and teu years in similar work in New Mexico
and Arizona, and was thus admirably adapted for the
work before him. The two missionaries arrived at
Denver in October, 1860, and for over seven years
they laboured, almost unaided, visiting the immense
territory confided to them, building churches wherever
theprospects warranted such an undertaking.
Tne increase of population was so great dunng those
early years, and the prospects of permanency became
1^
2
TV
L
i
1^
'1
19
7 »• «
m
^
4
m
COLLBGB or THB SaCRED HbaRT, DbNVBR
SO favourable that the Fathers of the Second Plenaiy
Council of Baltimore recommended to the Holy See
the creation of the Vicariate Apostolic of Colorado and
Utah. Consequently Father Machebeuf was nomi-
nated to that office and was consecrated titular Bishop
of Epiphania at Cincinnati bv Archbishop Purcell, 16
August, 1868. The new prelate was bom 11 Au^iist,
1812,atRiom,Puy-de*D6me, France. He was ordained
priest 21 December, 1836, at Clennont-Fernuid,thesee
of his native diocese. When he took chazije as vicar
Apostolic he had but three priests within his jurisdic-
tion, but he returned to the field of his work and re-
doubled his own efforts, visiting eveiy portion of his
vast vicariate, doing the work of priest and bishop and
endeavouring at the same time to secure priests for
the rapidly mcreasing population. His seal for re-
ligion was shown also by his man^ efforts to secure
locations for future churches, charitable and educa-
tional institutions, several of which were built-in his
own time — ^notably, the Loretto Academy at Denver,
in 1864, and later St. Joseph's Hospital, the House of
the Good Sh^herd. and the College of the Sacred
Heart. In 1871 his burdens were somewhat listened
by the transfer of the Territoir of Utah to the juris-
diction of the Archbishop of San Francisco. By
Brief of 16 August, 1887, the Vicariate of Colorado
was made a diocese with the episcopal see at Denver;
and the Rev. Nicholas C. Mats appointed coadjutor
with right of succession (19 August, 1887). He was
consecrated titular Bishop of Teunessa, at Denver, Inr
Archbishop Salpointe of Santa F^, 28 October, 1887.
Bishop Machebeuf nevertheless relaxed but little of
his missionaiy work after this, and retained the ad-
ministration of the diocese until his death, on 10 July,
1889, leaving in the diocese ZA secular and 30 regular
priestfiL 112 churches and chapels, 1 college, 9 acade-
mies, 9 hospitals, 2 asylums, and over 3000 children
in CathoUc schools.
Bishop Mats, who was bom 6 April. 1850, at
MUnster, Lorraine, France, and ordamea priest at
Denver, 31 May, 1874, continued the good work of
his predecessor. The diocese contains (1908) 62
secular priests, 71 priests of reli^ous orders: Jesuits,
Benedictines, Franciscans, Dommicans^ Redemptor-
ists, Servites, and Theatines, engaged m parish and
educational woric, 2 colleges for young men with 26x
students, 531 religious women of 15 different instil
tutes: the Sisters of Loretto, Charity (Mt. St. Joseph,
Ohio), Charity (Leavenworth, Kanisas). St. Joseph,
Mercy, the Good Shepherd, Third Order of St.
Dominic, St. Frauds, St. Benedict (Chicago, Illinois),
Charity B. V. M. (Dubiuque, Iowa), St. Francis of the
Perpetual Adoration, Missionaiy Sisters of the Sacred
Heart, St. Benedict (Erie, Pennsylvania)^t. Joeei^
(Wichita, Kansas), St. Francis of Assid. There are 4
orphan asylums with 588 children; an industrial and
retorm school with 225 inmates, a home, 15 hospitals
with 11,300 patients annually, 10 academies with 900
pupils and 25 parish schools with 6600 childreiL The
theological students number 10. There are 60
churches, 91 chapels, 140 stations, and a Catholis
population of 99,485. The Sacred Heart Orphanage
at Pueblo, Weltering 150 children, owes its existence
and partial endowment to the generositv of Captain
John J. Lambert of Pueblo, an exempianr Catholic
f)rominent in works of charity and zeal. Tne English
anguage is generally used, but in many of the mining
districts ana industrial centres there is a necessity foi
the Italian and Slav languages, while ^anish is usu-
ally spoken in the southern parishes. There is no dio-
cesan debt, and the individual churches and institu-
tions are solvent and prosperous.
HowLETT. Life of Bishop Maduheuf (Denver, IMS); Rkum.
Biog, CycL of the CaOu Hienrchy aftheV,S, (Milwaukee, 1808).
W. J. HoWLETT.
Denjs the Oarthiudan (Dents van Lkextwen,
also Leuw or Lieuwe), b. in 1402 in that part of the
Belgian province of Limburg which was formerly eom-
mised in the county of Hesbaye; d. 12 March, 1471.
His birthplace was Kyckd, a small, village a few miles
from Saint-Trond, whence ancient writers have often
sumamed him Ryckel or ^ RyckeL His parents, his-
torians say, were of noble rank ; he himself says, how-
ever, that when a child he kept his father^ she^
His remarkable aptitude £or intellectual pursuits and
nMsm
735
DBNY8
his eafferaeas to learn induced his puente to give him a
liberal education, and they sent him to a school at
Saint-Trond. In 1415 he went to another school at
ZwoUe (Overijssel), which was then of great repute
and attracted many students from various parts of
Germany. He there entered upon the stu^ of philos-
ophy and became acquainted with the principles and
practice of religious lite, which the rector, John Cele. a
vejy holv man, himself taught. Shortly after the
rector's death (1417) he returned home, having learnt
all that the mabters of the school could teach him.
His feverish quest for human science and the success
hifi uncommon intellectual powers had rapidly ob-
tained seem, according to his own account, to have
rather dulled his piety. Nevertheless a supernatural
leaning to cloistral life, which had taken root in his
mind uom the early age of ten and had ^wn stronger
during his stay at Zwolle, finally tnumphed over
^rorldly ambition and the instincts of nature, and at
the age of eighteen he determined to acquire the ^'sci- ^
enoe of saints " in St. Bruno's order.
Having applied for admittance at the Carthusian
monastery at Eoermond (Dutch Limburg), he was re-
fused because he had not reached the age (twenty years)
required by the statutes of the order; but the prior
gave him hopes that he would be received later on, and
advised him to continue meanwhile his eocleaiaatical
studies. So he went forthwith to the then celebrated
Univeniity of Golofl;ne, where he remained three years,
studying philosophy, theology, the Holy Scriptures,
etc. After taking his d^ree ot Master of Arts, he re-
turned to the monastery at Eoermond and thjs time
was admitted (1423). In his cell Denys ^ve himself
up heart and soul to the duties of Carthusian life, per-
forming all with his characteristic earnestness and
strragth of will, and letting his seal carry him even
far beypnd what the rule demanded* Thus, over and
above the time— about eight hours— every (3arthusian
spends daily in hearing and saying Mass, reciting Di-
vine Office, and in other devotional exercuns, he was
wont to say the whole Psalter—his favourite prayer
book — or at least a great part of it, and he paraed long
hours in m^iitation and contemplation ; nor did mate^
rial oocupataons usually hinder him from praying.
Readins and writing took up the rest of his time. The
list he drew up. about two years before his death, of
some of the books he had read while a monk bears the
names of all the principal ecclesiastical writers down
to his time. He nad read, he says, every summa and
every chronicle, many commentuies on the Bible, and
the works of a great number of Greek, and especially
Arab, philosophers, and he had studied the whole of
canon as well as civil law. His favourite author was
Dionysius the Areopagite. His quick intellect seized
the author's meaning at first reading and his wonderful
memory retained without much effort all that he had
oiM9e rMd.
It seems marvellous that, spending so much time in
prayer, he should have be^ able to peruse so vast a
numboo- of books; but what passes all comprehension
is that be found time to write, and to write so much
that his works might make up twenty-five folio vol-
umes. No other pen, whose productions have come
down to us, has been so prolific. It is true that he
took not more than three houra' deep a night, and that
he was known to spend sometimes whole nishts in
prayer and study. There is evidence, too, that nis pen
was a swift one. Nevertheless the mystery still re-
mains insolvable, and all the more so that, besides the
occupations already mentioned, he had, at least for
some time, others which will be presently noted, and
which alone would have been enough to absorb the at-
tention of any ordinary man. He began (1434) by
oomiBenting die Psabns and then went on to comment
the whole of the Old and the New Testament. He
oommented also the works of Boethius, Peter Lom-
bardp John Cliinaeu8» aa vdl as those of, or attributed
to, Dionysius the Areopagite, and translated Cassiaa
into easier Latin. It was after seeing one of his com-
mentaries that Pope Eugene IV exclaimed: "Let
Mother Church rejoice to have such a sonl" He
wrote theological treatises, such ss his ''Summa Fidd
OrthodoxsB I ''Coinpendium Theolofi;icum", ''De Lu-
mine Christians Ijieorie'V "De Laudibus B. V,
Maria", and "De Pneconio B. V. Mari«" (in both of
which treatises he upholds the doctrine of the Immac-
ulate Conception), "De quatuor Novissimis", etc.;
philosophical treatises, such as his ''Compendium phil-
osophicum", "De venustate mundi et pulchritudine
Dei" (a most remarkable ssthetic dissertation). "De
ente et essentia", eta ; a great many treatises relating
to morals, asceticism, church discipline, litursy, etc;
sermons and homilies for all the Sundays and f^ivals
of the year, etc. His writings, taken as a whole, show
him to be a compiler rather than an original thinker;
they contain more unction and piety than deep specu-
lation. He was no innovator, no builder of systems,
and especially no quibbler. Indeed he had a decidea
dislike for metaphysical subtleties of no positive use,
for he was of far too practical a turn of mmd to waste
time in idle dialectic niceties, and sought only to do
immediate ^ood to souls and tend their spiritual
needs, drawing them away from sin and guiding and
uigiag them on in the path to heaven.
As an expounder of scripture, he generally does no
more than reproduce (nr recapitulate what other com-
mentators had said before him. If his commentaries
bring no light to modem ex^etics they are at least an
abundant mine of pious reflections. As a theologian
and a philosopher ne is a servile follower of no one
master and belong to no particular schooL Althou^
an admirer of Anstotle and Aquinas, he is neither an
Aristotelian nor a Thomist in the usual sense of the
words, but seems inclined rather to the Christian Pla-
tonism of Dionysius the Areopagite, St. Augustine, and
St. Bonaventure. As a mysti^ writer he is akin to
Hu^ and Richard of St. Victor, St. Bonaventure, and
the writers of the Wildesheim School, and in his treat*
ises may be found summed up the doctrine of the
Fathers of the Church, especially of Dionysius the
Areopagite, and of Eckart, Suso, Ruysbroeok, and
other writers of the German and Flemish Schools, He
has been called the last of the Schoolmen, and he is so
in the s^ise that he is the last important Scholastic
writer, and that his works may be considered to form
a vast enpyclopedia, a complete summary of the
Scholastic teaching ol the Middle Ages; this is their
prunary characteristic and their chief .merit.
His renown for learning, and especially for saintly
nesB, drew upon him considerable intercourse with the
outer world. He was consulted as an oracle by men
of different social standing, from bishops uid princes
downwards; they flocked to his ceU. and numberless
letters came to him from all parts ot the Netherlands
and Germany. The topic of such correspondence
was often the grievous state of the Church in Europe,
i. e. Uie evils ensuing from relaxed morals and diwi-
pline and from the invasion of Islam. Deploring those
evils he exerted himself to the utmost, uke all pious
Catholics of that day, to counteract them. For that
purpose, soon after the fall of Constantinople (1453),
wipreesed by revelations God made to him concerning
the terrific woes threatening Christendom, he wrote a
letter to all the princes of Europe, urging them to
amend their lives, to cease their dissensions, and to
join in war against their common enemy, the Turks.
A genural council being in his eyes the orUy means of
procuring serious reform, he exhorted all prelates and
others to unite their efforts to bring it about. He
wrote also a series of treatises, laying down rules of
Christian livins for churchmen and for laymen qi
every rank and profession. "De doctrin4 et regulis
vit» Christian»", the most important of these treat-
ises, was written at the request, and for the use, of the
onzA
736
DKHznraiB
famous Franciscan preacher John Brugman. These
and others which he wrote of a similar import, in-
veighing against the vices and abuses of the time, in-
sisting on the need of a general reform, and showing
how it was to be effected, gfve a curious insight into
the ciistoms, the state of society, and ecclesiastical life
of that period. To refute Mohammedanism he wrote
two treatises: "Contra perfidiam Mahometi", at the
request of Cardinal Nicnolas of Cusa. The latter,
named papal legate by Nicholas V to reform the
Church m Germany and to preach a crusade a^inst
the Turks, took Denys with nim during a part, if not
the whole, of his progress (Jan., 1451-March, 1452),
and received from nis tongue ana his pen valuable as-
sistance, especially in the work of reforming monas-
teries and of rooting out magical and superstitious
practices. This mission was not the only charse
which drew Denys from his much-loved cell. He
was for some time (about 1459) procurator of his mon-
astery, and in July, 1466, was appointed to superin-
tend tne building of a monastery at Bois-le-Duc. A
three-years' struggle aeainst tne inextricable diffi-
culties of the new foundation broke down his health,
already impaired by a long hfe of ceaseless work
and privations, and he was obliged to return to
Roermond in 1469. His treatise *^De Meditatione"
bears the date of the same year and waa the last he
wrote.
The immense literary activity of Denys had never
been detrimental to his spirit of prayer. On the oon-
tmry he always found in study a powerful help to con-
templation; the more he knew, the more he loved.
While still a novice he had ecstasies whieh lasted two
or three hours, and later on they lasted sometimes
seven hours and more. Indeed, towards the end of
his life he could not hear the sinsng of ** Veni Sancte
Spiritus'* or some verses of the Psalms, nor converse
on certain devotional subjects without beinc lifted off
the ground in a rapture of Divine love. Hence pos-
terity has sumamed him ** Doctor ecstaticus * '. Dur-
ing his ecstasies many things were revealed to him
which he made known only when it could profit others,
and the same may be said of what he learnt from the
souls in purgatory, who appeared to him very fre-
quently, seeking relief through his powerful interces-
sion. Loving souls as he did, it is no wonder that he
should have become odious to the great hater of souls.
His humility responded to his learning, and his morti-
fication, especially with regard to food and sleep, far
exeelled what the generality of men can attain to. It
is true that in point of physical austerities, virtue waa
assisted by a strong constitution, for he was a man of
athletic build and had, as he said, ** an iron head and a
brazen stomach".
During the last two years of his life he suffered in-
tensely and with heroic patience from paralysis, stone,
and other infirmities. He had been a monk for forty-*
eight years when he died at the age of sixty-nine.
Upon nis remains being disinterred one hundred and
thirty-seven years after, day for day (12 March, 1608).
his skull emitted a sweet penume and the fingers he had
most used in writing, i. e. the thumb and forefinger of
the right hand, were found in a perfect state of pres-
ervation. Although the cause of his beatification has
never yet been introduced, St. Francis de Sales, St.
Alphonsus Liguori, and other writers of note style him
"Blessed"; his life is in the "Acta Sancftorum" of
the BoUandists (12 March), and his name is to be
found in many mart3rrologies. An accurate edition of
all his works still extant, which will comprise forty-one
quarto volumes, is now being issued by the Carthusian
Press at Tournai, Belgium.
LoEB, Vita Dufny&ii CaHus. (Tounui. 1904); liouGJBZi»
Denys le Chartrcitx fMontreuil-flur-mer» 1806R Welters. Dmyi
to Chartreux (KoermonH, 1882); Albers, DyoAj^iM de Kar-
twizer (Utrecht. 1897); KnooH-ToifKiNO. Dvr UitU Schokmiiker
(Freiburg im Br.. 1904); Keissr, i>ifmy% dee KartaOsere Leben
und vfidofjoqieehe f^chriftfn (Freihure im Bf.. tft04>: STEflFittRn,
Difonyaiue fhe Carthueian in Atn. Bed. Review (1
1899). 613-27; SnoMiATB. M ^
KartMveer in HieL Jahrbueh (ll
bei IHemffenu dem
), XX. 307-88.
Edmund Gurdon.
Densa, Francesco, Italian meteorolo^ and
astronomer, b. at Naples, 7 June, 1834; d. at Rome,
14 December, 1894. He joined the Bamabites at the
age of ixxteen, and during his theological course at
Ifome studied at the same time meteorology and
astronomy under Father Secchi. From 1856 until
1890 he was attached to the Bamabite collie at
Moncalieri where he became widely known for hia
work in meteorology, a science which he greatly ad-
vanced not merelyby his personal observations and
studies but also by the interest which he routed in it
throughout Italy. In 1859 Denza founded the **Bul-
lettino mensile (fl Meteorologia", which was continued
until 1894, and established a meteorological observa-
tory at Moncalieri; it was laiigely throu^di his influ-
ence that similar observatories, more tnan 200 in
number, were gradually buflt in various parts of Italy.
The success wiich attended his efforts gave him a
national reputation, and in 1866 Senator Matteucci
and Signer Berti, minister of public instructwn, urged
him to take chaige of the department of meteorolo^
at Florence. Denta did not accept the post, but in
the following year, at Berti's invitation, he read a
paper on meteors at the "Institute Superiors " in
Florence. In 1872 he beean a series of researches on
terrestrial magnetism witn special reference to mag-
netic declination, which illness, however, prevented him
from eompleting. In 1881 he founded the Italian
Meteorological S)ciety of which he was president for
many years. In 1883 the Duke of Aosta invited him
to take charge of the scientific education of his three
sons. In the same year he was director of the literary
and scientific section of the National Exposition at
Turin and chairman of its juiy of awards. He repre-
sented Leo XIII in 1884 at the Congress of Scientific
Societies of France, presiding over the meteorological
section. He visited England and Holland on this
occasion, where he was received with much hononr.
He likewise represented the pope at the Paris Astro-
nomical Con^iress of 1^7, when the plan was formu-
lated of makmg a photographic map of all the stars in
the heavens down to the fourteenth magnitude;
throueh his influence the Vatican observatory was
one of the eighteen chosen to cany out this important
project. Denza was appointed director of the Vati-
can Observatory in September, 1890, and thenceforth
lived at the Vatican. Here he inaugurated the work
of this observatory -in stellar photography. At the
time of his death, which was due to apoplexy, he was
President of the Accademia dei Nuovi Linoei. In
character Den^a was a man of simile piety and humil-
ity. . ^
Among his published works may be mentioned:
*'Meteore cosmiche" in "Scienaa di populo" (Milan,
1869); "Stelle cadente del periodo di Agosto 1868"
(ibid.); *'Le aurore pol. d. 1869 ed i fenom. cosmichc
Comptes Rendus"(1868) LXVI; "Le armonie dd
cieli, Noaioni di astron." (1881); " Ami>litudc8 d'os-
cillations dium. magnet. 4 Moncalieri 1S8(M1 ;
"Osserv. di declin. m^net. ad Aosta, Moncalieri e
Firenae in occas. d'eclisse sol 26/5 1873 "in "Pr<»
Ace. dei Nuov. Lincei". ^
CiiniUi oaiUAiea. Ser. 16 (1805), I, 08, 04: Knulu. {nw
ChnattniKum u. dit Vertnter der neueren Naiunritefneduilt
(Freiburg. 1904). „ ,> ^
Henrt M. Brock.
Denibiger, Rbinrich Jomph Doioniccs. one of
the leading theologians of the modem Catholic G«^
man school and author of the ''Enchiridion uni-
versally used, b. 10 Oct., 1819, at Lidge; d. W Ja»*
DXOO&ATUS
737
DEPOSITIOir
1883, at WQrzburff. In 1831 bis father, who was a
professor at the Liege University, took him to WOra-
buig, the original home of the familv. Here he at-
tended the gymnasium and studiedphilosophy at the
university, where he received the Pn. D. degree. In
1838 he entered the WQrzburg semmary, went to the
German College at Rome in 1841, was ordained priest
in 1844, and the following year took a degree in theol-
ogy. On his return home he was first curate at Has»-
furt-on-the-Main. became professor extraordinarjr
of dogmatic theology at WQrzbui]g in 1848, and ordi-
narjr professor in 1854. He continued to occupy this
position, in spite of ill-health, till his death. Den-
zingerwasoneof the pioneers of positive theology and
historical dogmatic {DogmengeschichUi) in Catholic
Germany. In the ^neration after Johann Adam
MOhler (d. 1838) and DOllinger (1799-1890) he carried
on their methods and helped to establish what is the
special character of the German school, exact investi-
gation of the historical development of theology,
rather than philosophical speculation about the corol-
laries of dogma. Nearlv all his important works are
in the nature of historic tneolo^. The best-known and
most useful is his " Enchiridion Symbolorum et Defi-
nitionum" (first ed., Warsbuii^, 1854), a handbook
containing a collection of the chief decrees and defini-
tions of councils, list of condemned propositions, etc.,
beginning with the oldest forms of the Apostles' (ireed.
It nas often been republished, with considerable addi-
tions, of which the most important are part of the
Ball defining the Immaculate Conception (Ineffalnlis
Deus, 1854), the Syllabus of 1864, and the Vatican de-
crees. After Denzinger's death Professor Isnatius
Stahl continued the work of re-editing the ''Enchi-
ridion" with additional decrees of Leo XIII. A
revised and enlarged edition (10th ed., Freiburg,
1908), prepared by Clemens Bannwart, S. J., in-
cludes decrees of Fius X. Other works are ** Ritus
Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum"
(2 vols., Wttrsbui^g, 1863-1864), a long treatise
on Eastern rites; ''Vier BOcher von der relig-
idsen Erkenntniss" (2 vols., WOrzburg, 1856-1857),
** Ueber die Aechtheit des bisherigen Textes der Igna-
tianischen Briefe" (Wttrzburg, 1849), "Die spekula-
tive Theologie GOnthers" (WOnsburgi 1853). He
also wrote a number of shorter treatises, on Philo Ju-
dsBus (1840, his first work), on the Immaiculate Con-
ception (1855), and papal infallibility (1870). At the
time of his death he was preparing a complete com-
pendium of dogmatic theology. lie edited a number
of medieval theological woncs: Habert, ''Theologia
Gnecorum Patrum vindicata circa materiam grati®"
(1853); De Rubeis, "Depeccato original!", (1857); P.
Marani, ''Divinitas D. N. Jesu Oinsti" (1859). He
was appointed a consultor of Propaganda for Eastern
rites m 1866.
HtTimit, NomendatoT LtOerartiu, III, 1178-1170; Hkitin-
OBB, DrpifachM Lekramt. G^dAehtnUsrede aut H. J. D. Denzinaer
(Freiburg, 1883); DerKatholik (Mains). 1883. II. 428.
Adrian Fortbbcue.
Deogratias, Saint.
Saint.
See Felix of Cantalice,
Deo Oratlas (Thanks be to Gfod), an old liturgical
formula of the Latin Church to give thanks to God for
graces received. It is found in Scripture, I Cor., xv,
67, and II Cor., ii, 14.
1. Deo Gratias occurs in the Mass: (a) as an answer
of the server to the Epistle or Prophecies; in High-
Mass this answer should not be sung by the choir. In
the Mozarabic and Old Gallican Litui^ the Deo
Gratias follows the title of the Epistle or the Prophecy ;
at its end the Amen is said. The Greek and its
daughter churches do not use this formula in con-
nexion with the Epistle. In the Latin CJhurch the
Deo Gratias is not said on Ember Saturday after the
fifth l«s8on, which is followed by the canticle of the
IV. -47
Three Young Men in the furnace, in order not to inter-
rupt the sense; neither is it said after the lessons on
Good Friday or after the Prophecies on Holy Satur-
day and the eve of Pentecost; (b) in answer to the
Ite Missa est and the Benedicamus Domino, in thanks-
giving for the graces received at Mass; (c) after the
last Gospel; after the first Gospel the server answers
Laus tibi Christe. Quarti (Ruhr. Miss. Rom. Com-
ment, iliustr., 2, 12, ad 4) says, that the first Ckwpel
apcd&es the preaching of Christ, wherefore we praise
C£rist by saying: laus tibi Christe; the second
Gospel signifies the preaching of the Apostles, where-
fore only Deo Gratias is answered, but sudi intei^
pretations are artificial and arbitrary; (d) in the
Breviary the Deo Gratias is used more frequently; in
Matins (except the last three dasrs of Holy Week and
the office of the Dead) after ever^ lesson answering
to the invocation: Tti autem Domine miserere nobis -
also after the capitula, the short lesson in Prime and
Compline ; and in answer to the Benedicamus Domino
at the close of eveiy Hour. The Moxarabic Breviaiy
puts the Deo Gratias after the title of the lesson, the
Amen to the end.
II. The formula Deo Gfatias was used in extra-
liturgical pniyera and customs by the Christians of
all ages. The rule of St. Benedict prescribes that the
doorkeeper shall say Deo Gratias, as often as a stranger
knocks at the door or a beggar asks for assistance.
When St. Augustine announced to the people the elec-
tion of hiscoadjutor and successor Evooius, they called
out Deo Gratias thirty-six times (St. Aug.. Ep. ccxiii al.
ex, De Actis Eraclii). In Africa it was tne salutation
used by the Catholics to distinguish themselves from
the Donatists who said: Deo laudes (St. Aug., In Ps.
cxxxii). Therefore in Africa Deo Gratias occurs as a
Catholic name, e. g. St. Deogratias, Bishop of Car-
thage (463-456). The name of the deacon lor whom
St. Augustine wrote his treatise "De catechisandis
rudibus'^ was Deogratias. St. Felix of Cantalizio
(1515-87) used this interjection so often, that the
people called him Brother Deogratias.
Bbbnabd* Coun ds liiuroie romaine s. v. La MtM*t II, 305
Siq.; Oabbol, Livn de la prikn antique (Paria, 1900), 73;
EUBES in KircherUex.t III. 1517 sqq.
F. G. HOLWECK*
Deposltlo Martyrom. See Martyrs.
Deposition, an ecclesiastical vindictive penalty
by which a cleric is forever deprived of his office or
benefice and of the ri^t of exercising the functions of
his orders. Of its own nature this punishment is per-
petual and irremissible in the sense that those on
whom it is inflicted, even after having done full pen-
ance, have no risht to be released from it, though the
superior may, n he wishes, reinstate them if truly
amended. Deposition can be inflicted only on eccle-
siastics, secular or re^lar; it may be either total or
partial, accordiM as it deprives them of all powers of
orders and jurisaiction or of onlv a portion of them.
It differs from simple privation because in addition to
the deprivation of benefices and offices it disqualifies
an ecclesiastic from obtaining them in future; from
suspension because it is always a perpetual vindictive
penalty, not a mere suspension of the use of the powers
of orders and jurisdiction, but an entire and perpetual
withdrawal of them; from actual d^radation in as
much as it never deprives of the privileges of the ec-
clesiastical state.
This punishment can be traced to the early cen-
turies of the Church when ecclesiastics guilty of hei-
nous crimes were expelled from their rank and removed
to lay communion. Although preserving the charac-
ter of their orders, they were then considered, for all
purposes and in the eyes of the law, as ordinary lay-
men, and were boimd to appear with the ordinary
faithful when receiving Holy Communion. The word
deposition, it is allegea, was first used in the Synod of
Agde (506, can. xxxv) to indicate such apenalty. Down
fiS^OStT
^738
DEftBE
to the twelfth century the expressions deposUion
and degradation meant one and the same canonical
punishment. We know, for instance, that Paul, Pa-
triarch of Alexandria (541), and Ignatius, Patriarch of
Constantinople (861), met with the same kind of pun-
ishment; yet in the first case it is styled deposition
and in the second degradation. Moreover, deposition
always deprived ecclesiastics of the office they held bv
the ordinary title of ordination, and it was nearly al-
ways coupled with the ceremony of divesting delin-
quents of the garments used in the functions of their
sacred ministry. In process of time, when, first by
custom and subsequently by decree of Alexander III
(c. At si clericis, IV, De judiciis), bishops were al-
lowed to dispense from that penalty in crimes of lesser
gravity than adultery, the solenm stripping of the sa-
cred vestments was discontinued, to save the trouble of
restoring their use in case of reinstatement. The new
practice created uncertainty and variety in the exe-
cution of deposition, hence Boniface VIII (c. ii. De
poenis, in VP) at the request of the Bishop of Bdziers
decreed that the formal removal of vestments, which
now means and effects tdtal exclusion from the eccle-
siastical state, was to take place only in caaes of actiud
degradation.
As stated above, total deposition prohibits the ex-
ercise of powers conferred by ordination, and effects a
complete and perpetual deprivation of ecclesiastical
offices, benefices, and digmties. It also disqualifies
from obtaining them in future, while public disgrace or
infamy and irrej^larity are inflicted on those who dis-
regard this pun&iment. The character impressed by
oi^ination being indelible, deposition from orders can
only deprive a person of the right of exercising them.
Deposition from office always effects the loss of the
benefice annexed to it, as benefices are given on ac-
count of the spiritual office. On the other hand, de-
position from benefice never renders an ecclesiastic
incapable of licitly exercising his ministry; it is main-
tained, however, that it deprives him even of the right to
a share of the temporal emoluments for his decent sup-
port. According to the present discipline of the
Church deposition is inflicted only for enormous
crimes, such as cause public scandal and do great harm
to religion or morals, e. g. murder, public concubinage,
blasphemy, a sinful and incorrigible tenor of life, etc.
It is largely left, however, to the prudent judgment of
the superior to determine in each case tlie gravity of
the crime which deserves this punishment. In fact,
deposition is now rarely inflicted ; simple dismissal, to-
gether with perpetual suspension, usually takes its
place. (See Lay Communion.)
Smith. Elem. of Ecd. Law (New York, 1889); STa&ULEB,
TraU^ aea pecnes ecd^Moatiquea (Paris, I860): Hollweck.
Kirchl. Strafgesetze (Mains, 1899); Von Kober. Depotrition und
Dearadatian. etc. (TObingen, 1867); Gennari, Privazione dd
henefieio ecdesiastico (Rome, 1905); all commeotatora on the
title De Pawis. X (V, 37); Hergenrwher, The Papal Depriv-
ing Power (1876); Roma Sacra in The Dublin Review (Lon-
don, July, 1907). ^ ^
S. Luzio.
Deposit of Faith. Soc Faith.
Depres, Josquin (diminutive of Joseph), latinised
JosQUiNUS Pratensis, b. probably c. 1450 at Condd,
Ilainault, Belgium ; d. there 27 August, 1521. He was
the most gifted and most learned contrs^imtist and
composer before Pal(*strina and waa the head of the
Second Netherland School. At an early age be be-
came choir boy in the collegiate church of Samt-Qu^-
tin in his native townr After his voice changed ne
studied counterpoint under Okeehem (1430-1494).
I II 1471 he was at the court of the Sforza in Milan and,
in 1480, in the service of Lorenzo the Magnificent in
V loreiuo. From 1486 to 1494 (except the year 1487-
1-lSS, which he spent in Ferrara), Josquin was a mem-
bfM- of the papal choir under Pope Innocent VIII. He
Www ent*»red the service of King Ix)ui8 XII of France.
The opinion that, towiirda the end of liis career, he was
identified with the musical peraonnel of the court of
the Emperor Maximilian I lacks confirmation. De-
Pt4s dominated the musical world of his time, not only
on account of his leanung and skill but particularly
because of his originalit^r. His vivid oonoeption of
the meaning and dramatic possibilities of the sacred
texts, as well as his great inventiveness, enabled Joa-
quin to free himself more than any otner composer
before Falestrina from the conventions of his time. In
consequence, most of the works of Deprte show the
storm and stress of a transition period, in contrast to
the productions of his sucoesson Falestrina, idiich
breathe serenity and repose. Joaquin's fame was
overshadowed by Palestrma and his school, and the
subsequent change in taste caused his works to be
n^lected and finally forgotten. The present age,
however, is doing justice to those earlv masten in
music who laid the foundation for that which is great-
est in sacred polyphony, Josquin wrote thirty-two
masses, seventeen of which were printed by Petrucci
(1466-1539) in Fossombrone and Venice. Othefs
were preserved in MS. in the archives of the papal
choir m Rome and in the libraries of Munich, Vienna,
Basle, Berlin, tiie Ratisbon cathedral, and Cambrai.
Motets by Deprte ware published by Petrucci, Pierre
Attaignant (1533), Tyhnan Susato (1544), and by
Le Roy and Ballard ( 1 555). Numerous fragments and
shorter works are reproduced in the historical works of
Forkel, Bumey, iHawkins, Busby, and in Choron's col-
lection.
AUBROS, Geach. der Musik (Leipae, 18S1). Ill; Hxxiu •A^t-
outh de Prie el aon icole (Paris. 1896); Hajie&l. Die romische
Schola CarUorum (Ratisbon, 1888).
Joseph OrrsN.
De ProfondiB (Out of the depths), first words of
Psalm cxxix. The author of this Psalm is unknown;
it was composed probabhr during the Babylonian Exile,
or perhaps for the day of penance prescribed by Esdras
(I Esd,, LX. 5-10). The hard school of sufTering during
the Exile had brought the people to the confession df
their guilt and had kindled in their hearts faith and hope
in the Redeemer and confidence in the mercy of God.
Hie De profundis is one of the fifteen Gradual Psalms,
which were sung by the Jewish pilgrims on their way
to Jerusalem, and which are still contained in tbe
Roman breviary. It is also one of the seven Peniten-
tial Psakns which, in the East and West, were already
used as such by the eariy Christians. In the Divine
Office the De profundis is sung every Wednesday at
Vespers, also at the second Vespers of Christmas, the
woras Apud Daminum nUBericordia et copio9a apud
turn redemption reminding us of the mercy of the
Father Who sent His Son for the redemption of man-
kind. It is also used in the ferial prayers of Lauds
and in the Office of the Dead at Vespers. The Church
recites this psalm principaliv in her pray^s for the
dead; it is the psalm of the holy souls in pureatory,
the words of the Psalmist applying well to tne longing
and sighing of the souls exiled from heaven. It is
recited at umerals by the priest, before the corpse is
taken out of the house to tne church.
WoLTER. PeaUUe eapienter (FreibarK, 1907). 1, 143; Schultc.
Die Paalmen dea Breviers (Padezfoom, 1907). 390.
F. G. HoLWBCK.
Derbe, a titular see of Lycaonia, Asia Minor. This
city was the f ortressof a famous leader of banditti, when
it was captured by Amyntas, the last King of Galatiu
(Strabo, XII, i, 4; vi, 3; Dio Cassius, XLIX, xxxii).
In Roman times it struck its own coins. It was
successfully evangelized by St. Paul and St. Barnabas
(Acts, xiv, 6, 20, 21), and again visited by St. Paul
(Acts, xvi, 1). Derbe became a suffragan see of
Iconium; it is not mentioned by later "Notitije Epis-
copatuura", and we know but four bishops, from 381
to 672 (Ixxjuicn, Oriens Christ., I, 1081). The «te of
the city has not yet been surely identified ; the dfecus-
739
DB ftOS8X
Am ftre based on the above-mentioned texts of
Strabo and Dio Cassius. It has been placed at Bin
Bir Kilis86, at Divl6, south of Ak G6l (the White
Lake), between Bossola and Zosta, and at Gttdelissin
in the vilayet of Konia, which seems more probable.
LsAXfl, J&wnuU of a Tour in Asia Mmor (London, 1824),
101; Hamiiaon, Reteard^M in Asia Miner (London. 1842). It,
313; ^niaRST. TKb Wotfe Expedition in A*ia Minor (Boston,
1888). 23; Rambat. Hut. Oeogr. of A»ia Minor (London, 1800),
aS6; loBM , Tho Chtunch ond (he Roman Smpite (London, 1804),
S. PfrrRiDfes.
D«rea«r, Anton (known as Thaddaisub a S.
Adamo), b. at Fahr in Franconia, 3 February. 1757 ; d.
At Breslau, 15 or 16 June, 1827. He was a Diacaloed
Cannelite, professed at (Cologne 18 Oct., 1777. During
his studies at Heidelbeig, where he graduated, ao-
ouired sudi renown that contrary to the custom of
Uw Older he was allowed to accept a professorship in
henneneutios and oriental languages, first at his own
alma mater, then at Bonn (1783-1791). In the last-
named year he was sent to Strasburg where he also
fitted the posts of preadier and of rector at the epi»-
copal semina^. Having refused the Constitutional
oath he waa imprisoned and sentenced to death, but
the capital punidliment was commuted into one of
deportation. It is not quite clear whether this was
put into execution; certain it is that with the fall of
Robespierre he regained his liberty and returned with
Mattered health to the convent at Heidelberg (1796).
The Biaigrave of Baden withholding his consent to
Dereser's acceptance of the ofl&ce of coadjutor to the
Bi^op of Strasburg, he was transferred with the whole
univeraity to Freiburg (1807), but having given offence
by a funeral sermon (1810) had to leave suddenly for
Cbnstance. Thence he went to Lucerne as professor
and rector of the seminary, but waa expelled on ac-
count of his rationalistic teaching, and turned, on in-
vitation, to Breslau as canon and professor (1815).
Dereser's combative character got him into trouble
everywhere, and, though b^eving himself a good
Catbolie, he was imbued with a distinctly (jennan-
rationalistic, anti-Roman spirit, and with the shallow
Rationalism of his time, explaining awi^ everything
supernatural in Scripture and religion. All his iirit-
ings are thus tainted, tfaou^^ only one, and that with-
out the name of the author, haa been pl&oed on the
Index, "Gommentatio biblica in . . . Tu es Petrus''
(Bonn, 1789). His principal work, the continuation q{
Dominic de Brentano's GSerman Bible (Frankfort, 181 5-
1828, 16 vols.) received i)ermanent value only through
the revision by J. M. A. Sdiols (1828-1837, 17 v(^.).
Other works, chiefiv Latin, were on the "Necessity of
the Knowledge of (jriental Languages for the Study of
Scripture" ^logne, 1783): ^Hermeneutics of the
Old and New Testament" (1784 and 1786); Disser-
tations on the "Destrtiction of Sodom" (1784); on
"St. John Baptist" (1785): on the "Power and Duties
of the Pope according to St. Bernard" (1787); on a
number oc books and portions of the Old TBetament,
with translations (partly metrical) and annotations;
on the "Temptation of Christ" (1789); on "His Di-
vinity and on Pharisaism" (Strasburg, 1791); on the
"Foundation of the University of Bonn" (1786); a
"German Breviary" (Au^buig, 1793, several times
reprinted) and a "German Prayer Book" (Rotten-
burg, 1808). He also edited A. Frenad's "Treatise
on Matrimony" (Breslau, 1818), in which the indis-
solubility is denied ; the author alterwarda retracted it.
HcNBicUB ▲ 8s. Sacbamknttx ColUet, Scripior, Ord. Carml.
Excaleeat. (Savooa. 1884). 11, 271; Hurtbb, Nomendaior, IIL
808: HbrzOq, ReaUneud., IV, 581 (nomefwhat too sympathetie) ;
QcHS&DirKxvxxs in KinAeniex., Ill, 1626.
B. ZODIBRBfAN.
D«rogation (Lat. derogatto), the partial revoca^
tion of a law, as opposed to abrogation or the total
abolition of a law. This definition of derogation first
introduced by the Romin jurisconsult ModestinUi
(XVI, 102, De verb, significatione) was so<m adopted
in the canonical legislation. Even yet, however, der-
ogation in a loose sense means also abrogation, hence
the common saying: Lex posterior defogat priorif i.e.
a subsequent law imports tne abolition of a previous
one. Dispensation (ufferB from derogation pnneipidlv
in the fact that the latter affects the law itsdf whid^
is thereby partially revoked, while the former affects
the peraons bound by the law, from whose obligaftion
some of them are in particular cases totally or par-
tially released. Derogation may be made either by
written law or by custom. In the first instance legisla-
tive competency is alone req^uired for its validity ; in the
second case there are requisite all conditions needed
for the introduction of a custom. Again, derogation
may^ be express or direct if made by explicit words;
taat or indirect if effected by a law partially incom-
patible wiiJi the existing one. When done without
just motive and by the superior himself it is sim-
ply illicit; it is also invalid when done by his dele-
rate. Derogation is often accomplished by special
clauses inserted in papal documents, e. g. Nan o6-
stantibus etc. (see Rescriftb). The absence of such
dero^toiy clauses as are always employed in papal
rescripts makes them defective in form. The follow-
ing rules are helpful for the interpretation of deroga-
tions: (1) Apart from special cases, derogations are
to be strictly interpreted, any correction of the- law
being regulariy of an " odious" nature. (2) A sim|>le
derogation, that imposes no obligation contrary to
that of the existing law. does not require a formal
promulgation. (3) No clause expressly derogatory of
the existing law is requisite in makine derogations
from any land of eeneral ecclesiastical laws; excep-
tion is made only when it is proposed to derogate from
the rules of the Apostolic Chancery. (4) Derogations
couched in general terms are not upheld; thev mudt
be made in specific and formal terms. (5) Ine rule
of law that a special enactment is derogatory of the
previous general one (Generi derogatur per spedem;
Reg. 34 in VI) ineanB that a particular law which is a
derogation of a general one must always produce its
derc^atory effect, it being immaterial whether it was
issura before the seneral law or after it. In the latter
case the special Taw is maintained as it was inten-
tionally made by the competent superior: nor in the
former instance does it lose its i^ue, because the
superior had no intention of abolishing it by a sub-
sequent general law, it being a presumption that su-
periors are not oognikant of particular laws or customs
(see Custom ; - Law) .
SuAim, De Legihue, VI, xxyit; WisatfK, J^ Ddref. (RonM.
1000), I; SANouiMvrn, Jitr. Bed. Institutionee (Rome, 1996);
LpUBARDX. Jur. Can. Pnv. Inst. (Rome. 1906); Andhe-
NEH, Did. de droit am. (Paris, 1001 ).
8. Luuo.
Waqneh, i
I>6 Aoui, OiovAMNi Battssta, a distinguished
Christian archcologist, best known for his work in
oonneodon with the Roman catacombs, b. at Rome,
23 February, 1822; d at Castel Gandolfo on Lake
Albano, 20 September, 1894. De Rossi, Uie modem
founder of the science of Christian arohseology. was
weU-eldlled in secular archseology, a. master or epi-
graphy, an authority on the ancient and medieval
topography of ROme, an excellent historian, and a
verv productive and man^-aided author. In addition
to his professional aoquamtanoe with ardleolpgv De
Rossi had a thorough knowledge of law, philology,
and theology. He was the son of Commendatore
Camil^ Luigi De Rossi and Marianna Marchesa Bruti,
his wife, who had two sons, Griovanni and Michele Ste-
fana Two da3rB after birUi Giovanni was baptised in
the parish church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva and,
according to Roman custom, was confirmed while still
very young, by Cardinal Franaoni, Prefect of the Prop-
aganda. Up to 1838 De Rossi attended the preparsr
DX B08SI
740
fiB Bosai
tory department of the wdl-known Jesuit institution,
the Coll^o Romano, and throu^ his entire course
ranked as its foremost pupil. From 1838 to 1840 he
studied philosophy there, and jurisprudence (1840-
44) at tne Roman University (Sapienza), where he
was a disciple of the celebrated professors Villani and
Capalti. At the close of his university studies he re-
ceived, after a severe examination, the degree of doC'
tor utriuique juris ad honorem.
De Rossi snowed so strong an interest in Christian
antiquity that on his eleventh birthday his father
wished to give him the great work of Antonio Bosio,
** La Roma Sotterranea'* • In 1843, before he received
the doctor's d^ree, he matured a plan for a syste-
matic and critical collection of all Christian inscriptions.
In 1841, notwithstanding the protests of his anxious
father, he visited, for the first time, imder the guid-
ance of the Jesuit Father Marchi, one of the then much
ne^ected catacombs. After this De Rossi and Mar-
chi pursued their archsological studies together, so
that thev were known as ''the inseparable friends",
though the difference in years was great. As soon as
he had finished his stucfies De RcMsi was appointed
KTiplor at the Vatican Library and bore this modest
but honourable title, in which he took especial pride,
all his life. Great credit is due him for his careful cat-
aloguing of hundreds of Vatican manuscripts. The
free use of the treasures of the Vatican Library and
archives was a rich source of development for his in-
tellectual powers, especially in the' sense of breadth
and catholicity of interest. His official duties were
not heavy, and he was able to carry on his private
studies without hindrance. In 1838, in company
with his parents, he went on his first journey ana vis-
ited Tuscany, where the innumerable treasures of art
completely absorbed his attention. During the sum-
mer6 of 1844--60 he visited the territory of toe ancient
Hemici in Latium and also Naples; m this way the
knowledge he attained of the period of the Roman
Republic was not purely theoretical. In 1853 he
travdled for the first time by himself and went again
to Tuscany, also to the Romagna, Lombardy, and
Venice. In 1856 he visited Liguria, Piedmont,
Switserland, France, and Belgium; in 1858 he went
aeain to Piedmont, visited the western part of Switzr
enand, and the district of the Rhine as far as Cologne:
from Cologne he went by way of Aachen, Trier, ana
Frankfort to Bavaria and Austria, and back to Rome
by way of Venice and the Romagna, On a second
trip to France in 1862 he visited the northern part of
that country, and after going for a short time to Lon-
don returned by way of Paris and Switzeriand to
Rome. In 1864 he went to Naples for a second time,
and in 1865 was in France for tne third time, visiting
particulari^ the southern French cities. In 1868 he
was again m France, and in 1869 and 1870 he went to
Tuscany and Umbria; in 1872-75 he explored the
vicinity of Rome ; in 1876 and 1879 he investigated the
treasures of Ns^jles and the surrounding country, and
in 1878 he made a trip a^dn to Venice and Lombardy.
These journeys of De Rossi are of much importance
for the proper appreciation of his scientific laboun.
Such long and fatiguing expeditions were undertaken
solely in order to inspect museums, Hbraries, galleries,
archives, and other institutions of learning and art, to
form personal relations with the scholars of the coun-
tries visited, and to increase the range of hui mental
outlook, always fixed on a subject as a whole. De
Rossi's extraordinary knowledge of the most obscure
monuments of the civilised countries of Europe, and
his thorough familiarity with manuscript sources,
made it possible for him, as undisputed leader and
master, to suide the science of Christian archseology,
not unjustty called his science, during several dec-
ades, into new paths. These journeys help to ex-
plain De Rossi's remarkable literary productiveness,
especially when considered in connexion with his
minute investigation of all the monuments, both M
the surface and undeiground. of the city of Rome and
the Roman Campagna. These investigations cov-
ered the ancient pagan life of Rome, the eariy Chris-
tian period, also the Middle Ages.
De Rossi's personal relations with the leading sdiol-
ars of Italy and other countries beean in his early
Smth. when he was fourteen the famous Cardinal
ai, Librarian of the Holy Roman Churdi, found him
copying Greek inscriptions in the inscription gallenr of
the Vatican and became greatly interested in the Lad;
the acquaintance later ripened mto a warm friendship.
In 1847 began his connexion as a sdiolar with the fa-
mous epigraphist, Bartolommeo Bon^esi of San
Marino; at a later date Bordtiesi's works ynare tssued
at the expense of Napoleon III under De Rossi's diro
tion. A few yeans after f oiming the acquaintanoe of
Boi^hesi a correspondence was begun between De
Rossi and the Benedictine Dom Pitra, of SoksmeSy
later Cardinal, and Librarian of the Holy Roman
Chureh, which ended in a warm friendship with
Pitra. This, however, led to a& estrangement between
Leo XIII and De Rossi. Father Brussa, the learned
Bamabite, was also an intimate Triend of De RossL
Wilhelm Henzen, long director of the Crennan ardu»*
oloeical institute at Rome, lived in friendship and
daify communication with De Rossi for forty yeoca.
When the Berlin Academy of Sdenoes, urged by
Hieodor Mommsen, undertodc its monumental pub-
lication, the ''Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum'', it
sent a flattering letter to De Rossi to request his co-
operation. This led to an intimate friendship with
Mommsen. The latter's numerous collaborators on
the '^ Corpus", amon^ them Edwin Bormann, the
noted autnorily on epwaphy, found De Rossi ever
ready to assist and guiae tnem. Martigny, the editor
of the French edition of the ''BuUettino" (see bdow),
as well as Paul Allard, editor of the French edition
of "Roma Sotterranea", and Desbaasyns de Ricb-
emont, were all closely united to De Rossi by the inter-
ests of their common work. To these must be added
Louis Duchesne, the brilliant director of the Eoole de
Rome, and collaborator with De Rossi on the recent edi-
tion (1894) of the ''Martyroloeium HJeronymiamim ".
Lipoid Delisle, the celebrated savant, pajjdographer,
and historian, for mauv years the head of the Biblio-
th^ue Nationale at Paris, was a man of the same
learned tastes as De Rossi; their meeting led to a very
active scientific correspondence, and later to a strong
attachment, based on theirsdiolariy interests. When,
about 1850, Edouard Le Blant fonned the acquaint-
ance of De Rossi, he was totally i^iorant of araiaol-
OKr> b^ ail accidental remark of De Rossi led him to
taxe up this science; eventually he became a distin-
guished archaeologist and the director of the Eoole de
Rome.
Among German Catholics De Rossi's closest friend-
ship as a scholar was with Franz Xaver Kraus. Hie
cool reception he had from Ddllinger, whom he onoe
met at Munich, prevented the forming of any lasting
relations. From 1884 Joseph Wilpert came into
closer relations with De Rossi, who, up to his death,
gave this scholar all possible aid and showed the
younger man the matest friendship. The same may
be said of Johann Peter Kirech, arcnsologist, patrolo-
gist, and historian. De Rossi also encouraged the
utbours of Anton de Waal, the founder and editor of
the "ROmiache Quartalschrift", and was a hd^ul
friend to numerous other German scholais. For
many years De Rossi's relations were especiaUy inti-
mate with Giuseppe GatU, his assistant in various
kinds of learned work.. Gatti's fine scholarship en-
abled De Rossi to cairy on daily confidential discus-
sions of learned questions which, after the death of
Hemen, had apparently eome to an end. Gatti con-
tinues De Rossi's labours in the province of ancient
inscriptions. Heniy Stevenson, who died too aooi^
DX B0S8I
741
DX ROSSI
Mariano Armellini, an enthusiast in archseology, Luigi
Scagliosi, the numismatist, Orario Marucchi, a popu-
lariser of Christian archeology, Cosimo Stomaiolo,
the ''Grecian", besides many other Italians, among
whom Gennaro Aspreno Galante of Naples deserves to
be named, found m De Rossi a fatherly friend and
counsellor. Among his English disciples and friends
were especially J. Spencer Northcote and W. R.
Brownlow who made knoi^i to the English-speaking
world the results of De Rossi's scholarly investiga-
tions and publications. For years Northcote and
Brownlow, and Lewis at Oxford, were in constant cor-
respondence with De Rossi.
Stress is thus laid on the important pereonal
acquaintance and friendships of De Kossi, in order to
emphasize with what skill he stimulated interest in
Oiristian archaeology in
all directions. Equally
important, perhaps, were
the relations established
by him in the years 1850-
70 during which he con-
ducted man^r strangers,
often of high rank,
through the catacombs, or
acted as their guide among
the monumental ruins of
Rome. The friendships
thus made often secured
for him the loan of monu-
ments and documents
which otherwise would
never have been sent, even
temporarily, to a foreign
country, but which were
brought to him at Rome
by the diplomatic couriers
of ail countries, not ex-
cepting Russia, thus giv-
ing 1^ opportunity to
examine these objects at
his leisure. The inune-
diate superiors of De Rossi
in t^e Vatican Archives
treated him always as a
friend and an equal, and
allowed him entire free-
dom in all his studies.
Pius IX honoured him
with a fatherly affection,
striking evidence of which
was given on more than
one occasion. Though the science of Christian arch-
eology was rather foreign to th^ mental temper of Leo
Xlllthat pope often showed that, on the proper occa-
sion, he could do jjustice to De Rossi's great reputation.
In Rome De Rossi was exceedingly popular; neariy all
the educated citizens, as well as the foreign residents,
knew and honoured him. Without some knowledge
of these facts De Rossi's learned labonrs and extraor-
dinary success would be only superficially understood.
By his peculiar training, therefore, De Rossi was
well fitted to understand sympathetically the early
Christian literature, as well as the rise and develop-
ment of the Roman State as shown in the monuments
it has left. In regard to the Roman State, he never
held tiie somewhat mechanical and no longer undis-
puted theory of Monmisen. He penetrated also with
marvellous msight the prowth of the primitive Chris-
tian hierarchy. Amid his books and papers De Rossi
pondered over the ruins of the temples and palaces of
antiquity; reviewed his own subterranean explora-
tions;^ followed the early Christians in their thoughts,
wishes, hopes, and ideals; contemplated the triumph
of the Church, liberated by Constantine the Great and
entering triumphantly the basilicas; and gathered
from yellowed manusdripts the traditions that a learned
multitude of pious and painstaking monks bad writ-
ten concerning the Christian past, and in addition the
accounts they nave left us of their own times. In this
way De Rossi was soon universally acknowledged, even
in his lifetime, as the prince of Cluistian archseolojs^ists.
Owing to his extraordinary literaiy productivity,
which was the natural result of the conditions out-
lined above, a distinction must be drawn between his
minor and nis greater works. The list of his minor
writings (monographs) begins in 1849 with the me-
moir: '^Iscrizione pnoraria di Nicomaco Flaviano",
which appeared in the '^ Annali dell' Istituto di corris*
pondensa archeologica" (pp. 283-363). These arch»-
olcgical and ecclesiastico-historical papers number
203, not including the so-called literary letters in
which De Rossi answered the ouestions addressed
him Dy various scholars.
Most of these letters were
given publicity in books
or periodicals by those to
whom they were sent.
Nor does this total in-
clude an almost countless
series of Latin inscrip-
tions, expressions of h^
erary homage, congratu-
latory epigrams, etc.
Most of the monographs,
often quite lensthy, ap-;
peared in "Bullettinb
dell' Istituto di corri»-
pondenza archeoloeica * ' ;
** BuUettino archeologicok
Napolitano " ; ** Revue
arcn^oloaque " ; ** Bul-
lettinoddla commissione
archeologica comunale di
Roma": "Biblioth^e
de I'^cole des chartes";
"Ephemeris epigraph-
ica"; **Studi e documen-
ti di storia e diritto";
" Dissertazioni dell' acca-
demia romana pontificia
di archeologia'^; "Me-
langes d'arch^loeie et
d'histoire de I'^cole
fran9ai8e de Rome";
**R6mische Quartalsch*
rift ", and in other Italian
and foreign periodicals
and reviews. A few of
these papers appeared as separate volumes or as learned
tributes on anniversary occasions. They vary in length
from one to one hundred and thirty-two printed pages.
The titles of his larger and monumental works are
as follows: (1) ** Inscnptiones christianje Urbis Romie
septimo sseculo antiquiores" (vol. I, Rome, 1861 ; part
I of vol. II, Rome, 1888); Giuseppe Gatti is complet-
ing this work (cf. ** Archivio della R. SocietJi Romana
di storia patria", 1887. 696 sqq. ; also the same soci-
ety's "Conferenze pel corso di metodologia della
storia", part III, Rome, 1888). (2) "La Roma Sot-
terranea Cristiana" (vol. I with an atlas of forty
plates, Rome, 1864; vol. II with an atlas of sixty-two
and A, B, C, D plates, Rome, 1867: vol. Ill with an
atlas of fifty-two plates, Rome, 187/). The plates for
the fourth volume were already printed in part when De
Rossi died (see "Bullettino (fi archeologia cristiana",
1864, 1, 1864, 63-64; 1867, U, 89-90; 1876, III. 166-
57). (3) "Bullettino dl archeologia cristiana'*; the
first series, in quarto, appeared in monthly numbers
(1863-69), with illustrations in the text and coloured
plates; it consisted of one hundred and twenty-six
monographs and communications. The second series,
in octavo, appeared quarterly (1870-75), with twelve
lithographic plates in each volume, and contained al-
QiovANNi Battibta De Roaai
DBBR7
74?
DIARY
together fifty-three papera. The third series, also in
octavo, appeared (l87&^81), in quarterly numbers,
each volume having twelve lithographic plates; the
papers numbered altogether fifty>one. The fourth
series, in octavo, appeared in yearly volumes (1882-
89), each volume having twelve lithographic plates;
the six volumes contain altogether forty-three papers.
The fifth series, in octavo, appeared annually (1889-
94), with zincotype plates and illustrations in the
text; the last number was issued in 1894 by Giuseppe
Gatti. The final volume of each series contained a
full index which De Rossi prepared with the greatest
care. (4) ^'Musaici delle cniese di Roma anteriori al
seoolo XV" (Rome, 1872), an imperial folio consist-
ing of chromolithographic plates with a text in French
and Italian. The work closed with the twenty-fifth
number, issued after De Rossi's death. (5) " Codicum
latinorum bibliothecsD Vaticanae*', vol. X, Pt. I, Nos.
7245-8066, Pt. II, Nos. 8067-8471; vol. XI, Nos.
8472-9019; vol. XII, Nos. 9020-9445; vol. XIII,
Nos. 9446-9849. The indexes to vols. XI, XII, XIII,
"Codicum lat. Vat." are: Ptl I, index of authora; Pt
II, index of places, things, and persons. Iiieee
manuscript indexes are used as reference books in the
Vatican Library. (6) " Inscriptiones Urbis Romse
latjjuB. Collegerunt Gulielmus Henzen et Johannes
Baptista de Rossi. Edideront Eugenius Bormann et
Gulielmufi Henzen" (Berlin, 1876 — ). This consti-
tutes the sixth volume of the "Corpus Inscriptionum
Latinarum consilio et auctoritate academise Utter-
arum regi» Borussicse editum'* (Berlin). The in-
vitation to De Rossi to act as one of the leading edi-
tors was given 22 January, 1854. (7) The five annual
reports (1854-58), concemine the preparatory work
lor the above-mentioned "Corpus Inscriptionum",
which appeared in the monthly bulletins of the Royal
Academy of Science of Berlin. The other annual re-
ports have not been published; this is also the case
with De Rossi's synopses of t^e epigraphical manu-
scripts in the libraries of Italy, France, Germany,
Switzerland, and Austria. The last named summaries
are of the greatest importance. (8) "CEuvres com-
gl^tes de Bcftolommeo Borghesi '' (9 vols., Paris, 1862-
4). Napoleon III entrusted the task of collecting
and editing the works and letters of the celebrated
Bbr^esi to a committee of French, German, and
Italian scholars, among whom De Rossi may be said to
have been the most important and assiduous. (9) " Mar-
lyrologium Hieronymianum", prepared and edited in
collaboration with Louis Duchesne in vol. Ij Novem-
ber, of the Acta SS. (Brussels, 1894). This edition is
a masterpiece and most of the objections raised against
it by German scholars are of little importance.
Tne works briefly described above give some con-
ception of the learned labours De Rossi carried on dur-
ing his life. They are proofs of the genius with which
he grasped a subject, oi his extraordinary industry, his
learned mastery of the most varied subjects, and the
unwavering determination with which he unearthed
obscure points; they also show the triumphs with
which his toils were so richly crowned. The estima-
tion in which his work was held is proved by the two
international celebrations in 1882 and 1892 upon his
sixtieth and seventieth birthdays.
De Rossi's father died in 1850, and his mother in
1861. In the latter yea|: he married Costanza,
daughter of Count Pietro Bruno di San Giorgio Toma-
fort of Piedmont, by whom he had two daughters;
Maxianna, the elder, died in 1864. The second, Nar
talia, bom in 1866, married the Marchese FUippo Fer^
raioli. De Rossi's brother Michele Stefano was his
zealous assistant in the exploration of the catacombs;
the geological questions connected with these subtei^
ranean places of burial and all kindred subjects are
treated by Michele in separate papers in " Roma Sot-
terranea . He also prepared tne very accurate plans
of the catacoinbs. De Ros^i was a portly man of fiti^
appearance, somewhat over the middle hei^t. Hie
full, well-proportioned face was surrounoed by a
grayish beard which left the chin free, like clear, calm
eyes lost much of their strength, so that he oouid not
always supervise properly the work of his painters and
draughtsmen in the catacombs. This explains the
numerous inaccurate illustrations in his works which
Wilpert has corrected. The smoothly brushed hair
gave ereater prominence to the hu;h domed forehead.
In wfidking De Rossi bent slightly forward, which man-
nerism gave to his gait an appearance of much delib-
erateness. On the street he was generally busy with a
book or pamphlet. De Rossi heard Mass every day
and went to Communion nearly every week. Gener-
ous, unobtrusive charity was a second nature with
him. . Every evening he gathered all the members of
his household about nim Tor the recitation of the ros-
ary. Although he very often received tempting offers
to desert the cause of the Holy See and join the party
of United Italy, he rejected all such proposals, evea
when they came from the highest authorities. On
this point he was absolutely immovable. A few
months after the international celebration of his sev-
entieth birthday in 1892, De Rossi had an attack of
apoplexy from which he never entirely recovered.
Unable after this to use his right hand he oontinued to
write with the left for the '' Bullettino '' and in making
the corrections to the ''Martyrologium". But his
dskYB were numbered. In the summer of 1894 Leo
XIII offered him the use of an apartment in the papal
palace at Castel Gandolfo, where he peaoefuUy passed
away, a true son of the Church. He was buried in the
Acto Verano ^neral cemetery) at Rome.
BAtJif GABTEN, Utovonni BaUiata Dt i2oMt Jubilee moaoKntph
(CdogDe, 1892). enlarged Ital. tmns. by JSonavbsia (Rome.
1892) ; Marucchx, Giovanni Battitla De RobH: Cemm bicgnfiei
(Rome, 1903) ; Konveraationdex. (St, Lends, MJmiMui, 1903). 11,
1163; Kraus. Etaaya (Stuttgart, 1896). I; Baumqabten.
NekrvloQ. in KfUniache VotkaeSuno (Ko. 639, 28 Oct.. 1894):
Capbcelatho. Necroloqia in the AUi della Pomtificw Acea-
demia Ramana di Arekeologvi^ printed in suiiiiluaent to No.
273 ol the Oaaervaiore Romano (29 Nov., 1894); Sqahan. John
Baptiat De Roaai in Am. Caih. Quart. Review (PhiladelphiA.
1895); cf. Diaaertazioni deUa Pont. Aooad. Romans di Arehmt.
(Rome. 1895), Ser. II. Vol. VI. Fmae. iv. 1-29; Ghmh-Gonoi
an6 Anqbuni, a Giovanni BaUiata De Roaai, addien At the
dedication ol the cenotaph in the parish church of G»«tel Gan-
dolfo, 17 Oct., 1897, in La SeUimana Bdigioaa (Rome, 1897).
Information concemins his writings and the AMtal oelebrstiooa
of 1882 and 1892 are contained in: AUm dei aoUoacrittari per la
medaglia d^oro m onore dd Commhtdaiore Gio. Baa. De Rom e
rdanone della aolenniUi nd praaentaria wt Laienmo H 11 Deeemr
bre 188$ (Rome, 1882); Atbo dei aoUoacriUori pd buato mamuno
dd Comm. G\ B, De Roaai e rdazione ddV tnayffurwtiofu fattana
nd di SO e tS Aprile 1899 aonra it cimiiero di CaUiato per feateq-
Oiare H aettanteaimo anato ad prindpe deOa oaem ardkedogia
(Rome. 1892). The two last-named pubUcatioas printed pri«
vately give the beet account of De Rossi's Uteraiy work, and of
his important position in the international worid of lettera.
OozsA-Luu. La dediea dd tuato di Giovanni BaUiata De Roaai
ndla PonL Acoademia Rom, di Arthedogia H 18 ATm., 1897, is
Diaaertanoni ddla Pont. Aee. (Rome, 1897), Ser. 11. Vol VL
De Rossi's library came, fay inheritance, to the family of his
brother wbieh eventuaity offered it for sale; the first cataloKW
ol it was: Riooa biblioteoa appartenuta al Comm, G. B. De Roaai
(Rome, 1899); B&r (a second-hand bookaeller) of Frsnkfnrt
boui^t it and issued a scientlficaUy arranged catalogae. Ac-
counts of De Rossi are to be found in all general enoydoperlias;
the writeis of the obituaries which appeared after his death
were sel4k>m versed in CSiristian archipology.
Paul Maria Baumgarxen.
Deny (DERiA),DiocEas of (DERRisNais), indudes
nearly sSl the County Derry,j)art of Donegal, and alaiKe
portion of I^rone, Ireland ; it is a suffragan of Annagn.
The diocese owes its origin to the monastic establisb*
ment founded there by St. Columba between 546 and
562. But there does not seem to have beeoi a bishop
resident at Deny before Gervase O'Cervallen (c. 1230).
The entry in the "Annals" by which O'Brolchain is
represented as Bishop of Deny is due to a mistranalar
tion. He was merely the superior of the Golumban
monastic houses, and was accorded the honour of a
seat in the assembly of the bishops. The proflent
Diocese of Dorry was fonned by a union of the old
Sees of Ratblure and Ardstr^^w founded by St. £u*
DBBRT
743
DESAINS
gene, at what time cannot be accurately determined,
and it was fully defined about the midclle of the thir-,
teenth century. The ancient monastery of Deny was
one of the most important in Ireland, and eventually
the chief house of the Columban monks. Gilla Mac-
Leag (Gelasius) who succeeded St. Malachy as Arch-
bishop of Annagh (1136) had been abbot of the mon-
astery.
After the formation of the diocese in the thirteenth
century the succession of bishops was uninterrupted till
the Reformation period. Redmond O'Gallagner, ap-
pointed bishop in 1569, was one of the leading ecclesi-
astics in the province of Armagh at that period. He
was appointed Administrator of Armagh during the
absence of the primate in 1575, and according to a
State paper (1592) he seems to have been the most act-
ive upnolder of the Catholic Ch urch in Ulster. He was
killed by a body of soldiera in 1601. From 1601 till
The Cathediull, Derrt
1683 the Diocese of Deny was administered by vicars.
From the appointment of Bernard CCahan in 1683,
the line of bishops in Deny has been continued with-
out interruption.
The population of Deny according to the census of
1901 was 222,505, 127,387 of whom were Catholics.
It is divided into thirty-nine parishes, two of these
being mensal parishes ; the remamder are held by parish
priests. The number of priests in the diocese is about
108. Tliere is no chapter (1908) , nor is there any house
of the regular clergy in tne diocese. The seat of the
bishop is in the city of Deny where are also situated
the new cathedral and St. Columb's Colle^ge which
serves at the same time the purpose of a seminary and
a general intermediate school, and is one of the most
successful educational establishments in Ireland.
There is also a flourishing intermediate school at
Omagh conducted by the Irish Christian Brothers.
The Sisters of Mercy have convents in Deny, Moville,
Strabane, and Camdonagh ; the Loretto Community
have a house at Omagh, while the Sisters of Nazareth
conduct a home for the aged of both sexes and one for
children in Deny. The primaiy schools are con-
diicteil according to the niles of the Board of Na-
tional Education, while the Model Schools in Dcrry
have been completely boycotted by the Catholic
population.
GAII0, SericB Bpis, (Ratisbon. 1873): Edbkl, HUrarekia
CatkoLiea e%c. (Munater. 18Q8): Wabb, Iriak BUhopit; Aach-
DAXX, Monaslicon Hibemicum (Dublin, 1786); Adamnan, Life
of Columba, ed. Reevbs (Dublin, 1857).
James MacCaffret.
Derry, School op. — ^This was the first foundation
of St. Columba, the great Apostle of Scotland, and one
of the three patron saints of Ireland. When a terrible
plague, known as the Buidhe Connaill or the Yellow
I'lague, dispersed the monks of the monastery of
Glasnevin m the year 544, Columba instinctively
turned his footsteps towards his native territory, and,
full of the spirit of monasticism, bethought, himself
of founding his first monastery there, amongst his
own kith and kin. An excellent site of 200 acres
was offered to him by his princely cousin, Aedh,
son of Ainmire, and the necessary p>ermission of his
master, St. Mobhi Clarainech, given with his dying
breath, was immediately forthcoming. And so, a
few miles from Ailech, "the stone-hill fortress of the
Hy-Neiir*, and close beside a beautiful oak grove
which gave the place its name — Doire Colgaigh, or the
oak wood of Colgagh — Cohunba built his church and
several cells for his first monks and disciples. This,
according to the "Annals of Ulster", was in the year
545 (correctly, 546). Students both clerical anci lay
flocked hither from all sides attracted by the imme-
diate fame of the new school, and the character of its
founder. For several years Columba himself guided
its destinies, and then, in pursuance of his apostolic
vocation, he left to establish and govern the second of
his great schools amid the oak woods of Durrow in
the King's County. But whether in Derry or away
from it, in Durrow or Kells. or in distant lona, the
saint's heart was ever with nis first foundation, and
often in the tenderest poetry he poured out his love
for "My Derry, mine own little grove", with its
"crowds of white angels from one end to tne other".
For centuries after Columba's death the School of
Derry continued to flourish, and in the twelfth cen-
tury, it was said to be the most important of the
Columban foiuidations in Ireland. To this period,
the most glorious of its history, belong the names of
several members of the illustrious family of Brolchain
— saints, scholars, and builders — as well as that of the
illustrious Gelasius. successor of St. Malachy in the
primacy of Ireland. Like all similar institutions it
sufferea severely from the ravages of the Danes. It
survived these, to disappear completely, however, in
the general devastation of monasteries uiat took place
in Ireland in the sixteenth century. (See Columba,
Saint.)
Adamnan, Vita Columba, ed. Fowler (London, 1896J);
Whtplet Stokes, Livrs of fiaints from the Book of lAamore, m
Anecdota Oxonien, (Oxford. 1800). V ; Hkalt, Irdand'a Ancient
SchooU and Schotan (Dublin, 1890).
John Healy.
Dervish. See Mohammedanism.
Desains, Patjl-Quentin, physicist, b. at St-
Quentin, France, 12 July, 1817: d. at Paris, 3 May,
1885. He made his literary studies at the Coll^ des
Bons-Enfants in his native town and then entered the
Lyc6c Louis-le-Grand in Paris. Here he distin-
guished himself, taking the first prize in physics. In
1835 he entered the science section of the Ecole Nor-
male where his brother Edouard had preceded him.
He made the acquaintance there of La Provostaye
who was at the time a surveiUarU and who became
his lifelong friend and his associate in his researches.
After completing his course, he accepted a professor-
ship in 1839 at Caen, and in 1841 returned to Paris
where he received similar appointments, first at the
liVc^e St-Ix)uis and lat-cr at the Lyc^ Condorcet,
where he succee<le(l La Provostaye who was forced to
retire on account of ill-health. His growing reputa-
DESAXTLT
744
DXS0ABTX8
tion won for him in 1853 the chair of ph3r8ics at the
Sorbonne which he held for thirty-two years. His
lectures were characterized by great cleamefls and pre-
cision and many of his expenmental illustrations were
devised or improved by him.
Between.1858 and 1861 he made many observations
in connexion with terrestrial magnetism. His most
important contributions to physics, however, were his
researches on radiant heat made in conjunction with
La Provoetaye. With rare experimental skill the two
physicists proved that radiant neat, like light, is a dis-
turbance set up in the ether and propagated in all di-
rections by transverse waves. They showed in a series
of ''M6moires" published in the '\\nnales de Chimie
et de Physique that it manifests the characteris-
tic phenomena of reflection, refraction, and polariza-
tion, as well as of emission and absorption. They also
made a study of the latent heat of lusion of ice, and
a careful investigation of the range of applicability of
the formula of Dulong and Petit representing the law
of cooling. Of no less importance, however, was
Desain's work in connexion with the establishment and
development of laboratory instruction in phvsics.
When the ''Ecole pratique des hautes etudes'' was
founded in 1869 he was commissioned to organize the
physical laboratory. He made it a model of its kind
both in completeness and in convenience of detail.
During the siege of Paris in 1870, he succeeded after
many diiiiculties in establishing electrical communica-
tion with d'Alm^ida who was outside the lines. The
exposure he underwent brought on a rheumatism
which greatly weakened his constitution. Desains
published a ''^Trait^ de Physique" (Paris, 1855) and
numerous articles, chiefly with La Provostaye. Among
them are: ''Recherches sur la chaleur latente de
fusion de la glace" (Ann. de chim. et de phys. [3\,
VIII, 5); "Notes et m^moires sur les lois du rayonne-
ment de la chaleur" (ibid., XII, 129, XVI, 337, XXII,
358); ''M^moire sur la polarisation de la chaleur"
(ibid, XXVII, 109, 232, XXVIII, 252, XXX, 159);
"M^moire sur les anneaux color^s" (ibid., XXVII.
423); "Mtooire sur la reflexion de la chaleur"
nbid., XXX, 276); "Mdmoires sur la determination
du pouvoir absorbant des corps pour la chaleur rayon-
nante" (XXX, 431); etc.
Tboobt in Comptes'Rendus, ix, 1250; M^zifciucs, ibid,
H. M. Brock.
Deiatdt, Pierre-Joseph, sui^geon and anatomist,
b. at Magny-Vemoia a small town of Franche-Comt^,
France, m 1744; d. 1 June, 1795. His parents were
S)or and he received his education from the Jesuits,
e began his studies for the priesthood but gave this
up for the study of medicine. His means not per-
mitting him to go to a r^;ular school of medicine he
became an assistant to the barber-surgeon of his na-
tive village and then took a similar post at the mili-
tary hospital of Belfort. His favourite studies were
anatomy and mathematics and he applied mathe-
matical principles to his anatomical investigations.
Borelli had done this with excellent results and De-
sault translated Borelli's "De Motu Animalium" with
notes and illustrations. He was not yet twenty when
he went to Paris where, in 1766, after two years, he
opened a school of anatomy. So practical and thor-
ough were his methods of teaching that he soon had
three hundred students, many of them older than
himself. In order to protect himself from professional
jealousy, as he had no degree, he opened his school
under the name of a man already pnvileged to teach
but whose name is not now known. Teaching brought
him reputation but not much profit, and when in 1776
he was admitted to the Academy of Surgeons, he was
allowed to pay his fees by instalments. In 1782 he
became chief surgeon to the Charity Hospital and not
long after surgeon to the Hdtel-Dieu. He was now
looked upon as the mast prominent surgeon in Paris
and founded a school of clinical
which st-
and rounded a scnooi ot cimiew sumiy wl
tracted students from all sides. In 1793 he was im-
prisoned by the revolutionary authorities but after
three days was liberated through the influence of his
patients. He died from pneumonia, the result of ex-
S)suie while attending tne Dauphin in the Temple,
e wrote a treatise on surgical operations in three
volumes; a treatise on fractures and luxations, edited
by Xavier JBichat, was published after his death and
was translated into Knglish in 1805 goins through
three American editions. Desault's contributions to
suiigerv are contained in the ''Journal de Cbiruxgie"
published by himself and pupils.
PcTZT, Elooe de DfauU (Lyons. 1705): GufouN, Dmoputi
mBvUetin de VAoadSmie de nMicine (Pana, 1876).
James J. Wau^.
DescarteB, Ren£ (Renatus Cartesius), philos-
opher and scientist, b. at La Haye, France, 31 Mardi,
1596; d. at Stockholm, Sweden, 11 Feb., 1650. He
studied at the Jesuit college of La Fl^he, one of the
most famous schools of the time. In 1613 he went to
Paris, where he formed a lasting friendship with Father
Mersenne, O. F. M.. and made the acquaintance of the
mathematician Mydoi^. He afterwards enlisted in
the armies of Maurice of Nassau, and of the Duke of
Bavaria. On 10 November, 1619, he felt a strong
impulse to set aside the prejudices of his diildhood and
of nis environment, and to devote his life to the res-
toration of human knowledge, which was then in a
state of decadence; and for him this ntiission took on
ciuite a mystical character. He had a dream "v^ich he
interpreted as a revelation, and he became convinced
that "it was the Spirit of Truth that willed to open
for l)im all the treasures of knowledge". After much
i'oumeying in Brittany, Poitou, Switserhmd, and
!taly, he returned to raris in 1625. There he re-
mained for two years during which it was his fortune
to meet Cardinal B^rulle who encouraged him in his
scientific vocation. But as Paris offered neither the
peace nor the independence his work demanded, he set
out in 1629 for Holland, and there in the midst of a
commercial people he enjoyed the advantage of living
as quietly as in a desert. From this retreat he gave to
the world his "Discours de la m^thode" (1637),
"M^itations" (1641), "Principes" (1644), and "Pas-
sions''(1649). "Le Monde" had been completed in
1633, but the condenmation of Galileo frightened
Descartes who preferred to avoid all collision with
ecclesiastical authority. He deferred the publication
of this clever work without, however, losing hope of
eventually bringing it out. In 1649, yieldins to the
entreaties of Queen Christina, he went to Sweacn, and
died at Stockholm of inflammation of the lungs.
Descartes' work is important rather because of its
quality than of its quantity. Let us see first of all
wherein his method is new. He observed, as Bacon
had already done before him, that there is no question
on which men agree. "There is nothing^', ne says,
"so evident or so certain that it may not be contro-
verted. Whence then this widespread and deep-
rooted anarchy? From the fact that our inquiries
are haphazard " (R^es pour la du^ction de resprit,
4* R6gle). The first problem, then, is to discover
a scientific method. How is success in this difficult
task to be assured? To begin witJi, w;e must oeaseto
rely on authority; and for two principal reasons. "In
whom can we trust'* when "there is hardly a state-
ment made by one mail, of which the opposite is not
loudly supported by some other?" And even "if «*}
were agreed, the knowledge of their teaching would
not suffice us." "Had we by rote all the aigumcntj
of Plato and Aristotle, we should not be any tne more
philosophers unless we were able to bring to bear oa
any given question a solid jud^ent of our own, Wj
should have indeed learned hStoiy but not mastered
a science" (3® R(>gle). Philosophy presupposcB W
DES0ABTE8
745
DES0ABTE8
understanding of problems — and consequently its
method cannot be external, it must be essentially im-
manent. The true method is to seek for reasonable
evidence and the norm of such evidence is to be found
in the science of mathematics (Discours de la
m^thode, 2® partie). "It is not that arithmetic and
geometry are the only sciences to be learned, but that
ne who would progress on the road to truth must not
delay over any object about which he cannot have a
certainty equal to that given by arithmetical and
geometncal demonstrations" (2^ R^e).
Is everything, then, capable of being known in this
^way, and consequently can human knowledge become
the complete counterpart of reality? Descartes says
so over and over again; it is his controlling idea;
and he endeavours to prove it both from the nature of
our thoiuslit and from the universal connexion of
thing?. The mind is equally intelligent however di-
verse the objects it considers; and those objects be-
cause of their perfect enchainment are always equally
intelligible. There is, therefore, no question "so far
removed from us as to be beyond our reach or so
deeply hidden that we cannot discover it", provided
only that we persevere and follow the right method
(Disc, de la m^th. 2* partie; 4® R^le). Such is the
rationalism of Descartes, surpassing even that of
Plato, in which imder the name of "the Infinite"
three-fourths of reality remains for ever unknowable.
How then is this mathematical evidence to be ob-
tained. Two methods, dangerous at once and sterile,
must be avoided. We cannot build on the experience
of our senses ; "for they are often deceptive", and con-
sequently need a control which they have not in them-
selves. Bacon was misled on this point (2^ R^le).
Neither can we adopt the syllogistic method; for
this is not, as was formerly thought, a means of dis-
covery. It is simply a process in which, two terms
being given, we rnid by means of a third that the
former two are linked together, i. e. that they have
some common characteristic. Now if they have this
common characteristic it is useless to seareh for it with
any light other than their own. Let them pass under
direct scrutiny; let their natures be studied, and in
time the common trait will reveal itself. This is the
mind's straight road to discovery, passing on from one
idea to another without the aid of a tliird. The syllo-
gism is of no use until the discovery has been made ; it
simply serves the purpose of exposition (14® R^e).
There are ■ but two ways leading to mathematical
evidence: intuition and deduction (3* R^le). Intui-
tion "is the conception formed by an attentive mind,
80 clear and distinct that it admits of no doubt: or,
what amounts to the same thing, it is the clear con-
ception of a sound and attentive mind, the product of
unaided reason" (3® Rdgle). Intuition is not, there-
fore, perception by the senses — it is an act of the
understandmg brought to bear on an idea. The
senses do not supply the object but merely the occa-
sion. A movement, for instance, awakens in us the
idea of motion, and it is that idea we must regard as
the object of intuition. In very simple matters in-
tuition acts quickly; thus "everyone can know in-
tuitively that he exists; that a triangle is terminated
by three angles, neither more nor less, and that a globe
has but one surface" (3® R^gle; 12® R^gle; R^p. aux
deux objections). In the case of objects more or less
complex, intuition proceeds by way of analysis.
Since it deals with ideas, and ideas are but one aspect
of thought, everything must be reduced to clear and
distinct elements, to ultimate or "indecomposable"
parts. These ultimate parts must be inspected one
after another, until the object is exhausted, " by pass-
ing from those that are easily known to those that are
less easily known " (6® R^gle). In the long run every-
thing will be spread out in full light.
Deduction is the process in which by a continuous
movement of thougnt we draw from a thing that we '
certainly know the conclusions that of necessity flow
from it. This procedure may be carried on in two
ways. " If, for instance, after various calculations I
discover the relation between the quantities A and B,
between B and C, between C and D, and lastly be-
tween D and E, I do not yet know the relation be-
tween A and E"; but I can infer it by retracting the
several steps of the series. This is the first form of
deduction (7* Rdgle). There is a second form in
which, the connecting links of the series being too
numerous to enter the mental field of vision all at once,
we are content to draw conclusions from the general
impression we have of the series (7® R^le). De-
duction is an intellectual process, but it differs from
intuition by bringing in memory as a factor. And
this is noteworthy in view of the important rdle that
memory plays in the Cartesian explanation of certi-
tude, and the d^perate effort he makes to defend this
Procedure. From the conspicuous place that reason
olds in the Cartesian method, one might infer that
there was no room for experience. Noting could be
less true. For Descartes, as for Bacon, the one pur-
pose of science is utility. He also expects from it a
continual betterment of the conditions of human life,
and his hopes in that direction go very far, as, for in-
stance, when he says of medicine that in the end it
would procure us the boon of immortality (Disc,
de la m^th. 6® partie). And as he who wills the end
wills the means also, Descartes accepts in its entirety
the experimental part of the Baconian method Get-
ter to Mersenne, 1631). and acts accordingly. He
put himself in touch with all the experimental work of
his day (letter, April, 1632), ureed others to take up
research (letter to Mersenne, 1632), and carried on
experiments of his own that covered a wide range of
subjects: the weight of air (letter, 2 June, 1631), the
laws of sound and light (letter, 1633); the essential
differences between oils, spirits, eaux-de-vie, common
waters, aquafortis, and salts. He dissected the
heads of various animals to show the workings of mem-
ory and imagination (cf, letters to Mersenne, 1633;
April. 1637; 13 November, 1639; 4 January, 1643,
ea. Cfousin, Paris, 1826). There was hardly a fact
that escaped this apologist of Reason nor anything
into whose hidden nature he did not inquire; even the
"Chasse de Pan" he followed with his accustomed
ardour.
But if the mind, moving as it does in the realm of
intelligible objects, have a power of intuition sufficient
to master them all, why these researches? Are they
not a hindrance rather than a help? Let deduction
but go on to the end, and it must assuredly attain that
exhaustive knowledge which is the goal of investigar
tion, but such is not the case. Experiment helps rea-
soning in more ways than one. It supplies the fact
that calls forth in our intelligence the idea of the prob-
lem to be solved. That idea once aroused, the intelli-
gence takes hold of it, and may produce many others,
according to the nature of which experience and rea-
son play reciprocal, yet different, Mea, The idea of a
problem may be so simple as to allow a mathematical
deduction of the properties of the object in question,
and nothing more. In this case experiment is called
in ordy by way of illustration, as happens, for in-
stance, in the study of the laws of motion. (CJf.
Principes, 2® partie.) But again the idea of a prob-
lem may be so *complex as to suggest various hy-
potheses, since principles as a rule are so fruitful that
we can draw from them more than we see in the world
around us. We must then choose from among the
hypotheses presented by the intellect that which cor-
responds most nearly to the facts: and experiment is
our only resource. It acts as a sort of guide to ra-
tional deduction. It sets up, so to say, a number of
sign-posts which point out, at the cross-roads of logic,
the nght direction to the world of facts. Finally, we
may oe confronted with two or mpre hypotneses
DESCARTES
746
DESCARTES
equally applicable to the known facts; observations
must then oc multiplied until we discover some pecu-
liarity which determines our choice: and thus experi-
ment becomes a real means of verification (Principes,
4* partie). In every case experiment is, as it were,
the matter, while calculation becomes the form. In
the physical worid there is nothing but motion and
extension, nothing but quantity. Everything can be
reduced to numerical proportions, and this reduction
is the final object of science. To understand means
to know in terms of mathematics. When tliis final
stage is reached, intelligence and experience imite
in closest bonds: the intellect setting its seal on ex-
perience and endowing it with intellidbility.
Such is the method of Descartes. There remains to
be seen w^hat use he makes of it. Recourse must be
had to provisional doubt as the only means of distin-
guishing the true from the false in the labyrinth of
contradictory opinions which are held in the schools
and in the world at large. We must needs imitate
those builders who, in order to erect a lofty structure,
begin by digging deep, so that the foundations may be
laid on the rock and solid ground (Remarques sur les
7** objections, ed. Charpentier, Paris; cf. Disc, de la
m^*thode, 3® partie). And this provisional doubt
goes very deep indeed. We may reject the evidence
of the senses for they are deceptive, " and it is but the
part of prudence never to trust absolutely what has
once deceived lis" (1^ Meditation), We may even
question whether tnere be "any earth or sky or
other extended body" ; for, supposing that nothing of
the sort exist, I can still have the impression of their
existence as 1 had before ; this is plam from the phe-
nomena of madness and dreams. What is more, the
very simplest and clearest truths are not free from
suspicion. " How do I know that God has not so ar-
ranged it that I am deceived each time I add two and
three together, or number the sides of a square, or form
some judgment still more simple, if indeed anything
more simple can be imagined" (3® M^itation).
What then remains intact? One thing only, the
fact of my thought itself. But if I think it is because
I exist, for from the one to the other of these terms
we pass by simple inspection— Co^ito, ergo sum:
Behold the long-sought rock on which the edifice of
knowledge must 'be built (Disc, de la m^th., 4®
partie, 2® M4d.). But how is this to be done? how
are we to make our way out of the abyss into which
we have descended? By analysing the basic fact, i. e.
the content of our thought. I obServe that, since my
thought gropes amid doubt, I must be imperfect: and
this idea calls forth this other, viz. of a being that is
not imperfect, and therefore is perfect and infinite
(Disc, de la m^th., 4® partie). Let us consider this
other idea. It must necessarily include existence,
otherwise something would be wanting to it; it would
not be perfect or infinite. Therefore, God exists, and
"i know no less clearly and distinctly that an actual
and eternal existence belongs to His nature than I
know that whatever I can demonstrate of any figure
or number belongs truly to the nature of that figure or
number" (Disc, de la m^th., 4® partie; 5® M6dit. ; R^p.
aux premieres obj.).
God, therefore, is known to us at the outset, the mo-
ment we take the trouble to look into the nature of
3ur own minds; and this is enough to eliminate the
hypothesis of an evil genius that would take pleasure
in deceiving us; it is enough also to secure the validity
of all our deductions, whatever be their length, for "I
recognize that it is impossible that He should ever de-
ceive me, since in all fraud and deceit there is a certain
imperfection" (4® M^d.). Otherwise how would this
idea of God be anything more than an idle fancy? It
has immensity; it has infinity, and therefore it must
of itself be capable of existing. Spinoza, and after
him Hegel, will teach that the possible infolds, as it ,
were, an essential tendency to existence, and that this
tendency is greater in proportion as the possible is per-
fect. It is on this principle that they will build tJicir
vast synthetic systems. Descartes anticipates them
and when closely pressed he replies just as do these
later philosophers. (R^p. aux premieres objections.)
It is a fact worth noting with rdference to the genesis
of modem systems.
The presence in us of this idea of God must also be
explained; and here we find a new ray of li^t. The
objective reality of our ideas must have some cause,
and this is readily found when there is question of
secondary qualities; these may be fflusory or they
may result irom the imperfection of our nature- The
question also can be solved without too much diffi>
culty when it concerns primary qualities. May not
these arise perchance from some depth of my own
mental being that is beyond the control of my will?
But such explanations are of no avail when we try to
account for the idea of a being infinite and perfect.
Imvself am limited, finite; and from the finite, turn
it about as we may, we can never derive the infinite;
the lesser never gives us the greater (3* M6d. cf.
Princ, 7® partie). Considered from any and evoty
point of view, the idea of God enlightens us as to His
existence. Whatever the manner of our questioning,
it gives us always from the depth of its fulness the one
reply, Ego sum qui sum. Since then the veracity of
God Himself guarantees our faculties in their nat-
ural exercise, we may go forward in our inquiry;
and the first question that meets us concerns the sub-
ject in which the process of thought takes place, i.e.
the soul. Understanding, conceiving, doubting, affirm-
ing, denying, willing, refusing, imagining, feeling,
desiring — these are the activities of what I call my
soul. Now all these activities have one common
quality: they cannot take place without thought or
perception, without consciousness or knowIe<lge.
Thought then is the essential attribute of the soul.
The soul is "a thing that thinks" (2« M6d.; Princ,
1** partie), and it is nothing else. There is no sub-
stratum underlying and supporting its various states ;
its whole being issues in each of its activities ; thought
and soul are equivalent (12® R^le).
Is thought, then, always in some mode of acti\ity7
Descartes leans to the belief that it is. '*.l exist", he
says, "but for how lone? Just as long as i am think-
ing; for perhaps if I should wholly cease to think, I
should at the same time altogether cease to be *' (2*
M6d.). It is only with reluctance and under the pres-
sure of objections that he concedes to the soul a sim-
ple potentia or power of thinking (5« Obj.); and,
as may be easily seen, the concession is quite illogicaL
TTiought, though in itself a unitary process, takes on
different forms; it begins with confused ideas or per-
ceptions which require the co-operation of the body;
such are the feelings of pleasure and pain, sensations,
imagination, and local memory. Then the soul has
clear and distinct ideas, which it begets and develops
within itself as immanent activities. Under this head
come the ideas of substance, duration, number, order,
extension, figiune, motion, thought, intelligence, and
will (6«Mdd.; Princ, I).
These clear and distinct notions constitute of
themselves the object of the understanding, and one
may say that they are all involved in the idea of per-
fect being. Whether I understand , or pass j udgment ,
or reason, it is always that idea which l perceive ;and
my understanding could have no other object, seeing
that its sphere of action is always the infinite, the eter-
nal and the necessary. To advance in knowledge is to
progress in the knowledge of God Himself. (R6p.
aux 2®* obj,) But thought has another dominant
form, viz. freedom. For Descartes this function of
the mind is a fact •'of which reason can never con-
vince us", but one which "we experience in our-
selves", and this fact is so evident "that it may be con-
sidered one of the most generally known ideas" (R^p>
OKSOAftTtt
747
DS80ART1S
II.UX 3^ obj.; R6p. aux 5* obj.; Princ, l" partic).
Not only is this freedom a primordial and undeni-
able datmn of consciousneas: it is, in a way, infinite
like God, ''since there is no object to which it cannot
turn ' '. (4* M6d. ; Princ. , 1" partie.) It does not creep
round in a sort of semi-ignorance, as 6t. Thomas
Aquinas holds, but it grows as the influencing mo*
lives become clearer; indifference is bat its lowest
stage (letter to Meraenne, 20 May, 1630). The
part it plays in our lives is considerable: it enters
into each of our judgments, and it is ihe formal
cause of all our errors. It makes itself felt in every
part of our oiganism, and through this it influences
the external world. Nevertheless, the siun total of
motion in the world is always constant; for while
our wills may change the
direction of movement
they danot affect Its quan-
tity. (Letter to Regius.)
Confronting the soul is
the external world: bat the
soul does not see it as it
really is. Heat^ odour,
taste, li^t, sound, resist-
ance, weight are qualities
which we attribute to
bodies but which are really
in ourselves, since we only
conceive them in relation
to ourselves. In reality
there is nothing in the
physical world but motion
and extension. Motion
imitates as far as possible
the immutability of God
who is its first cause;
hence its principal laws,
viz. that the sum of mo-
tion in the world is always
constant; that a body will
continue in its actual state
unless disturbed by some
other body outside itself;
that "once a body is in
motion we have no reason
for thinking its present
velocity wm ever cease
provided it impinges on
no other body which would
slacken or destroy its mo-
tion". All movement is
primarily rectilinear (on this point Aristotle was
mistaken). When two bodies moving in different
directions collide, a change takes place m their direc-
tions, but "such change is always the least possible".
When two moving bodies impinge on each other, one
cannot transmit any motion to the other without los-
ing what it transmits (Princ, 2* partie). Extension
is not infinite in duration but it is infinite in space.
"It seems to me that one cannot prove or even con-
ceive that there are limits to the matter of which the
world is composed, for I find'it is composed of nothing
but extension in length, breadth, and depth. So that
whatever possesses these three dimensions is a portion
of such matter": and however far back in imagination
we push the limits of space we still find these three
dimensions; they are bounded by no limits (letter to
CJhanut; letter to Marus). Extension is therefore
one block, continuous from end to end; and this
proves at the same time that thei« is no such thing as
a vacuum, either in bodies or between them. More-
over, extension is divisible ad infinitum, sincfe the
divided particles, however small, are still extended.
It is everywhere homogeneous, since it is made up of
spatial dimensions only, and these of themselves give
nse to no qualitative differences. And this brilliant
idea BUggested to Descartes many hvpotheses that
Rxst Dkscabtbs — Frank Hals
were to prove fruitful. In his view the matter of the
earth and of the stars was the same; and spectrum
analysis subsequently proved that he was correct. He
held that the primordial state of the stm and planets
was nebulous, that under the influence of a cpolins
process the heavenly bodies formed their crusts, and
to dianges in these crusts is due the variation in biil-
lianoe ch the stars and the emergence of the conti-
nents on our earth. (Cf. Traits du Monde; Princ, 3*
and 4^ p.) It does not follow that the world is self-
sufficient; but the finality, of which so much is said,
leads to nothing. God gave matter a first impulse
and the rest followed in the oourse of nature's laws.
" Even if the chaos of the poets be granted, one could
always show that, thanks to the laws of nature, this
confusion would eventu-
ally work itself out to our
present order"; the laws
of nature being such that
"matter is constrained to
pass through all the forms
of which it is capable".
The older Descartes
grew, the more he busied
himself with morals, and
his aim was to end up with
a treatise on ethics. As a
matter of fact, we have
his treatise on the passions,
and a few brief disquisi-
tions scattered among his
letters to Chanut and to
the Princess Elizabeth.
The passions are percep-
tions generated and nur-
tured in the soul "through
the medium of the nerves "
(Passions, l"* partie, art.
3-22). iTie nerves are
bundles of fine threads:
these threads contain the
anim^ spirits which are
the subtlest parts of the
blood: and thev all meet
at the pineal diand which
IB the seat of the soul.
By means of thia mechan-
ietm the thinking subjeet
receives impressions from
the world without, per-
ceives them, and trans-
forms them into passions (Pass.j 1» p., art. 31). ^d
though our organism thus contains the cause of our
passions, it \b not their subject either entirely orpaiv
tially ; on this point also Aristotle was mistaken. There
are perceptions arising from the bcidjr and loccdizing
themselves In one or other portion of it — such as hun-
ger, thirst, pain — ^but the passions are different. They
originate in the body, but belong to the soul alone ; they
are purely psychotogical facts (Passions, 1" p., art. 25).
There are ds many passions as there are ways in which
objects capable of affecting our senses may be hurtful
or profitable to us. The primary passions to which
all others may be reduced are the six following: ad-
miration or surprise, produced by an object as to
which we are as yet ignorant whether it is useful or'
hurtful ; love and hate, caused by the impression pro-
duced on our organs of sense by objects which are
already known to us as beneficial or harmful; desire,
which is but the love or the hate we bear an object
considered as future; joy and sadness, which result
from the presence of an object that is loved or hated
(Passions, 2® partie, art. 52). Perhaps on the whole
St. Thomas and Bossuet will be found to have sup-
fiassed Descartes, by reducing all the passions to love,
n the Cartesian teaching the passions are good hi
themselves, but they must be kept in subjection to thcf
DSaOBABIPS
748
DBSBOftAnON
law of moral order. What this law is he does not
clearly indicate ; he ^ves only some scattered precepts
in which one may discern a noble effort to build up a
Stoico-Christian system of ethics.
The foregoing account may perhaps give the im-
pression that D^cartes was a gjee&t savant rather than
a ereat philosopher; but the significance of his scien-
tific work shomd be properhr understood. What re-
mains of value is not so much his theories, but the im-
petus given by his genius, his method, his discoveries.
His quantitative conception of the world is being
gradually abandoned, and to-day men's minds are
turning to a philosophy of natiu^ wherein quality
plays a controlling part (Duhem, L'^volution de la
m^anique, Paris, 1905, p. 197).
The principal editions of his collected works are:
"Opera Omnia*' (Amsterdam, 1670-1683 and 1692-
1701); "(Euvres Completes" (Paris, 1724); Victor
Cousin's edition (Paris, 1824-1826) ; and the edition
bv Adam and Tanneiy (Paris, 1896). Among the
EiUglish translations may be mentioned: "MeSod"
• and "Meditations", by Veitch (London, 1850-53,
New York, 1899); "Meditations", by Lowndes (Lon-
don. 1878); "Extracts", by Torroy rX^w York, 1892).
Oi the earlier biograDhies the mont ifii^joriarit in that by
Baiixet. La Vie de M. Deeoarttn {Ynnn, imn}\ H, Thoitverfz,
in Annalee de Phil. ChrH. (^'^W^; bnef^r sLclchcrt with aum-
mariee of hia phikMoi>hy are ^i^'ui in BoL^iuunft, Uuitoirv dti la
ghiloeophie oartiaienne (PAtia, i^'>4; Sr-i ed.. ima); F'ibcheji,
eeeh. d. neuem PhiLJAth ed.. lltiJeltierg, lMf>7j, J; Fouill^f,
Deaeartea (Paris, 1803). Set^ &]so the follo*m(t es^tnya and
monographs: Rhodes, A Vit^e ol tht l^hilonQpku ^f Orj/canta.
in Jour, of Spec. PhtL (1881), XVII- Mahafft, D(rjfdiriM
(Edinburxh and London, 188ft): Gakguli^ Dr^rsaTU^t: an Out-
line of Hie PhUoeophy (Bonrjhav, 1900); Bain, .yfraning of
Exiatenee and DeeearUa* Cogitv in .%fi7td il^;77>; Cmirb^k Thr
ReguUa of Deaeartea (Mind, 1S98X' Bow£.n. Dtmoariea in N&nh
American Review. Lvl; Diaeourae on Method in The DiUUin
Review, XXXVIII, 169; The Philoaophy of Deaeartea in Brown-
aon*a Quarterly Review, XXIII. 338; Mkrcieb. La nayehtiogie
de Deaeartea in Rev. N6o-^Seolaatique (180097. 'Ss); Von
Hertlino, Deaeartea' Beziehung zur Saiolaatik in Sitaunoeber.
d. kgl. hauer. Ah, d. W, (Munich, 1898-00): Ludewiq, Sub-
atanethaona b, Cari. in Phil. Jahrbueh (Fulda, 1803); (3aibd,
Eaaaya on Literature and Philoaophy (Glasgow, 1802)* Cun-
NiNOHAif, The hifluenoe of Deaeartea on Metaphyaieal Specula'
tion m BngUmd (London, 1876); Ikons, Deaeartea and Modem
Theoriea of Emotion in PhU. Review., Iv, 1805. For the rela-
tionship between Descartes and Newton: Papilxx)n, Newton
conaidM eomme diaeijale de Deaeartea in Comptea-Rendua dea
Seieneea Moralea el Potitiauea, XCIX; Pauuan. TraiU da paix
entre Deaeartea el Newton (Avignon, 1763); see also monograi:^
published in Revue de MHaph. ei de Morale (1806), in commemo-
ration of Descartes' thirdf centenary. For extended bibliog-
raphv, see Ubbbkwbo-Heinsk, Oeaai d. PhUoa. (0th ed., Berlin,
lOOl), III, and Baldwin, Dtctionary of Philoaophy and Pay-
ehalogy.
Clodius Piat.
DeschampB, Eustachb, also called Morel on ac-
count ot his dark complexion, b. at Vertus in Cham^
pagne between 1338 and 1340; d. about 1410. After
naving finished his classical studies at the episcopal
school of Reims, under the poet Guillaume de Ma-
chault, who was a canon of Heims, he studied law
at the University of Orleans. He then travelled for
some time as the kine's messenger in various parts of
Europe, in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt j in the last
country, it is said, he was made a slave. On his re-
turn to France he was appointed gentleman-usher by
Charles \^ and was connrmed in this position by
Charles VI, whom he accompanied in that capacity
on various campaigns in Flanders. In 1381 Knig
Charles VI made him governor of the town of Fismes,
and in 1388 bailiff of Senlis; at a later date he lost the
position of bailiff, together with his pension and his
office at court. Deschamps was a poet of no little
merit. His niunerous poems, ballads, rondels, lays,
and virelays are full of valuable information concern-
ing the political and moral history of his time. He
was an honest, religious man, and although a courtier
was also a moralist who did not hesitate to condemn
the injustice and wrongs that he had seen and expe-
rienced. His style is somewhat heavy, but it is vigor-
ous and not lacking in grace.
Sarradin, Etude aur Eualaehe Deachampa (Paris, 1870);
Petit de Julleviixe. Hiatoira de la langue ei de la liUirtUw
franeaiaea (Paris, 1804), II; De Qceitx and Raynaitd, €Sttvrc
eomplitea <f Eualaehe Deachampa (Faiis, 1878-1801).
Louis N. Delamabrs.
DeBchampB, Nicolas, polemical writer, bom at
Villefranche (Rh6ne), France, 1797; died at Aix-en-
Provenoe, 1872. He entered the Society of Jeeus in
1826; taught literature and rhetoric in several col-
leges and wrote extensively. Apart from a few didac-
tic and devotional books like '^Cours ^^mentaiiT:.
de litt^rature'^ (Avignon, 1860) and '^Les fleurs de
Marie'' (Paris, 1863), his works are largely polemical
and bear on all the burning questions o( his day, the
monopoly of the University of France, the state fac-
ulties of theology, the Orauuc Articles, the liberty o'
association. Communism, raganism in education, etc.
The most important is imdoubtedly "Lee Soci^t^
aeordtes'' published after the auiJior's death (Avi-
gnon. 1874-1876), re-edited and brought up to d^te
by Claudio Janet (Paris, 188G and 1881). Desc^iamps
sees in European Freemasonry, whose origin he traces
back to Maniclueism, a bandrui force working, under
the cover of philaiithropv, not only against religion
but also against the social order, patriotism and ever
morality. If his conclusions are severe, they are not
advanced at random but are supported by numerous
facts and grave authorities.
SoMMBRVooEL. Btbl. delae.de J., II. 1056; Janet, introd. to
his edition of Lea SociiUa aeerHea. See also Polybibium (1874
and 1876).
J. F. Sollhir.
DeBecration, the loss of that peculiar quality of
sacredness, which inheres in places and things in vir^
tue of the constitutive blessing of the Churdi. When
material objects are destined for purposes of Divine
worship they are set aside witji a view to this end by
the solemn form of consecration or by the simpler
formula of a blessing, so that they assume a sacred
and inviolable character which renders unlawful their
employment for profane uses. Now when they lose
this stamp or chfiu;acter of sacredness they are said to
become desecrated. As a general principle it mav be
set down that places and things, whicn have been
cither consecrated or blessed, retain their consecration
and blessing so long as they remain, morally speaking,
the same as they were in the bednning, and conse-
quently, so long as they continue nt to serve the pur-
poses for which they were originally destined. Tlie
opinion was formerly held by some that sacred uten-
sus, such as chalices, which are anointed with holy oil
should, before bein^ sent to a mechanic for repairs,
be deprived of their sacred character by a special
ceremony of desecration. This view was condemned
by the Congregation of Rites (n. 2620, ed. 1900).
Such a ceremony is entirely superfluous. For if a
sacred utensil becomes broken and unfit for use it
thereby loses its consecration ; while if it is still fit for
use but requires regilding, no ceremony could^ dese-
crate it. In this instance permission, express or im-
plied, should be obtained from the ordinary to hand
it over to a mechanic for repairs (cf . Gardellini, Com-
mentary on Decrees of C. S. R., 225). Should conse-
crated vessels become altogether unfit for altar use,
they may be melted down and devoted to profane
uses. But vestments, altar cloths and linens must,
in similar circumstances, be destroyed, because they
retain the form under which they were originally
blessed (cf. Gardellini, loc cit).
The word desecration is commonly used in regard
to churches, altars, chalices, etc. Q) A church bees
its consecration or blessing when tne building is de-
stroyed either wholly or in greater part, or when an
addition is made to it of larger extent than the original
edifice. It does not become desecrated: (a) if a por-
tion of the walls and roof falls in, provided the main
DBSBRT
749
DX8EBT
13ortion standSi or (b) if all the interior plastering be-
comes detached, or (p) if all the crosses disappear, or
Cd) if all the waUs are gradually renewed, provided on
each occasion the old part is greater than the new, or
Ce) if converted for a while to profane uses, provided
it is not polluted (cf. Many, De Locis Sacris). (2) An
aJtar (fixed) loses its consecration: (a) by a notable
fracture of table or its support; as, for instance, if the
.table were broken into two laige pieces, or if an
anointed comer were broken off, or if the support were
seriously impaired, or if one of the columns were dis-
placed; (b) by removal of the table from its support,
' BO as to disjomt them; (c) by displacing the reacs, or
cover of the sepulchre (ct. Schulte, Consecranda, p.
222). (3) An altar-stone loses its consecration: (a) by
removal of the relics: (b) by fracture or removal of
the cover of the sepulchre; (c) by a notable fracture
of the stone; (d) by break^e of the anointed comer
of stone. (4) As to the chalice and paten, see Altab,
imder subtitle Lobs of Consecration,
DeenUdiumt III, Tit., xl, xlviii; Wkrnz, Jum DecreUdium
Glome. 1001), Tit., xvii: Many, De LociM Saeria (Fhiia, 1004);
Scsui/rx, ConMcranda (New York, 1907).
Patrick Morrisroe.
Desert (in the bible). — ^The Hebrew words trans-
lated in the Douay Version of the Bible by "desert" or
"wilderness", and usually rendered by the Vulgate
desertunif "solitude", or occasionally eremus, have not
the same shade of meaning as the English word
desert. The word wildemesSf which is more frequently
used than desert of the region of the Exodus, more
neaiiy approaches the meaning of the Hebrew, though
not quite expressing it. When we speak of the desert
our thoughts are naturally borne to such places as the
Sahara, a great sandy waste, incapable of v^etation,
impossible as a dwelling-plaoe for men, and where no
human being is found except when hurrying through
as quickly as he can. No such ideas are attached to
the Hebrew words for desert. Four words are chiefly
used in Hebrew to express the idea: (1) "^TtO (midbOr),
the more general word. It is from the root "^T]
[ddbOr, "to lead" (cattle to pasture); cf. German
Trift from treiben]. Hence rmdbOr among its other
meanings haa that of tracts of pasturaee for flocks.
So Joel, ii, 22 : " The beautiful places of tne wilderness
are sprang * ', or literaUy : " The pastiues of the wilder-
ness shoot forth ". So, too, the desert was not neces-
sarily uninhabited. Tiius (Is., idii, 11) we read: "Let
the desert (midbOr) and the cities thereof be ex-
alted: Cedar shall dwell in houses", or rather, "the
villages that Cedar doth inhabit". Not that there
were towns in the desert occupied by a stable pppular
tion. The inhabitants were mostly nomads. For the
desert was not a place regularly cultivated like the
fields and gardens of ordinaiy civilized districts.
Rather, it was a region in which was to be found pas-
turage, not rich, but sufficient for sheep and goats,
and more abundant after the rainy season. The des-
ert, too, was looked upon as the abode of wild beasts
— ^Iions (EccIbs., xiii, 23), wild asses (Job, xxiv, 5),
jackals (Mai., i, 3), etc. It was not fertilized by
streams of water, but spring? were to be found there
(Gen., xvi, 7), and in places cisterns to collect the
rainfall. MiiB>(tr is the word generally used in the
Pentateuch for the desert of the Exodus ; but of the
regions of the Exodus various districts are distinguished
as the desert of Sin (Ex., xvi, 1), the desert of Sinai
(Ex., xix, 1), the desert of Sur (Ex., xv, 22), the
desert of Sin («n) (Num., xiii, 22), etc. Moreover,
it is used of other districts, as in Western Palestine of
the wilderness of Juda (Judges, i, 16), and again in the
east of the desert of Moab (Deut.. ii, 8).
(2) nany {'arObah), derived from the root 3"^^,
'Or&by "to be arid", is another word for desert, which
seems to express more than one of its natural charac-
teristics. The word means a steppe, a desert plain;
and it conveys the idea of a stretcn of country, arid,
unproductive, and desolate. In poetic passascs it is
used in parallelism with the wora midbiir. TtxuB Is.,
XXXV, 1: "The land that was desolate [midbQ^] and
impassable shall be dad, and the wilderness \^drdbdh]
shall rejoice"; cf. also Jer., xvii, 6, etc. Although
the Septuagint frequently renders the word by dfinfun,
it often uses other translations, as yij hiyjfiava and IXot .
The Vulgate employs the words soUhAdOf-desertum,
Very frequently the word *ar(ibdh has a mere geo-
graphical sense. Thus it refers to the strange de-
pression extending from the base of Moimt Hermon,
through the Jordiui Valley and the Dead^ea. to the
Gulf of Akabah. So, too, there are the Arbotn Moab
(Num., xxii, 1), the Arboth Jericho (Jos., iv, 13), etc.,
referring to the desolate districts connected with these
places.
(3) Pann OwrbSh\ derived from the root 3in,
^"^15, "to lie waste", is translated in the Septuagint
by the words tpriiiot, ifHjfuaffis, ipijfda. In the Vul^te
are foimd the renderings ruina, solUudOf deaoCatio,
A strange translation occurs in Ps. ci, 7. The word in
the Greek is otKor49ow and in the Vulgate dmrneilium;
and the passage in which the word occurs is rendered
in tiie Douay version: "I am like a night raven in the
house**, St. Jerome, however, in his translation of
the Ptolm direct from the Hebrew emplovs the word
solUvdinum, which seems more correct: "I am like a
night raven of the wastes". The lexicon of Gesenius
gives as the first meanine of horbOhf "dryness"; then
as a second meaning, "a desolation", "ruins". A
combination of tiiese senses seems to nave been the
reason why in the poetical books the word is used of
the wilderness. The word convevs the idea of ruin or
desolation caused by hostile lands, as when God savs
to Jerusalem (Ez., v, 14) : " I will make thee desolaUr';
or when the Psalmist, referring to the punishment
inflicted by Jehovah, says (Ps., ix, 7): ''The enemy
are consumed, left desolate for ever".
(4) po^B^ Qeshimon), derived from DK^, jd^Utm. "to
be desolate". It was looked upon as a place without
water, thus Is., xliii^ 19: "Behold I shall set up
streams in the desert \jeshimon] ". It was a waste, a
wilderness. In poetical passa^ it is us^ as a paral-
lel to midbar, d, Deut., xxxii, 10: Pis., Ixxviii, 40
(Heb.) : " How often did ye provoke nim in the wilder-
ness [midbSr]f and grieve him in the desert (/es^i-
mon]V' Frequently it is used of the wilderness of the
Exodus. Besides such uses of the word, it seems
when used with the article often to have assumed the
force of a proper name. In such cases it refers at
times to the wudemess of the Exodus (cf. Ps., Ixxviii,
40; cvi, 14 — ^Heb.; etc.). Parts of the waste region
about the Dead Sea are called the jeahimon; and to
the north-east of the same sea there is a place called
BethrJeskimoih (cf. Nmn., xxxiii, 49), where the Is-
raelites are said to have encamped at the end of the
wanderings. These are the principal words used for
desert in the Bible. There are, however, others less
frequently used, only one or two of which can be men-
tioned here: such as inn (ioku)^ used in Gen., i, 2:
"the earth was void**. In Deut., xxxii, 10, it is used
in parallelism with midbOTf and in Pis. cvii, 40 it refers
to the desert directly. Such also is rpv (pt^AA), which
means, literally, dmiess, but refers at times to the
desert: so, mf yiK QOre^eiyylih), "aland of drought",
or "a desert" (Osee, ii, 5).
A word may be said here concerning the chief
deserts referred to in the Bible. Perhaps the most
interesting is that of Exodus. In the Pentateuch this
tract is treated as a whole as "the desert", but. as a
rule, special parts of it are referred to, as the desert
of Sin, the aesert of Sinai, the desert of Cades, the
desert of Pharan, etc. Books have been written to
discuss the geography of this r^on. Suffice it to
say that it comprises the ground over which the Is-
raelites travelled from their crossing of the Red Sea till
their arrival in the Promised Land. We do not enter
DX8SBTI0R
750
DUHOR
into the question raised by modem critics as to
whether the geography of the Exodus had different
meanings in different parts of the Pentateuch. The
desert of Juda, too, plays an important part in the
Bible. It lies to the west of the ^arabdh, the Jordan,
and the Dead Sea. To it belong the deserts of En-
gaddi, that of Thecua, and that of Jericho, near the
city of the same name. To the east of Palestine are
the deserts of Arabia, Moab, and the desert of Idumea,
near the Dead Sea. We are told (Ex., iii, 1) that
Moses fed the flocks of Jethro, and led them to the
interior parts of the desert. This desert was in the
land of Madian, close to the Red Sea, and in it was
Mount Horeb, which St. Jerome sa^ was the same
as Sinai. The desert to which David fled from Saul
(cf. I Kings, xxiii, 14) was the desert of Ziph, which
lie» south of the Dead Sea and Hebron. John the
Baptist lived and taught in the desert of Judea, west
of tne Jordan and the I)ead Sea, near Jericho. Finally,
the scene of Christ's temptation (Matt., iv, 1-11), of
which St. Mark adds (i, 13): "He was with wild
beasts", was mDst likely in the 'ar&bcth to the west of
the Jordan. But this is only speculation.
Smitu, HiHtorical Geography of the Holy Land (London, 1897);
"^ dopedia BtUtca (London, 1800); Habtinos.
Creynb, E\
DiaL of tlu Bi
ViGOUBOUX, Diet, de la Bible.
J. A. HOWLBIT.
DftBertioiiy the culpable abandonment of a state,
of a stable situation, tne obligations of which one had
freely accepted. In civil life the word usually desig-
nates the offence committed by a soldier who, bv
flight, forsakes his military obligations. As regards
Christian life, desertion may have for its object any
state, from the highest to the lowliest, to which Chris-
tians may be called. The first kind of desertion is the
abandonment of the state and obligations imposed by
baptism and is known as a[>ostasy (.apostaaia a Me).
A second kind of desertion is when the baptized has
been admitted by ordination to the ranks of the clergy
and thereafter abandons his clerical state and its obli-
gations {apo^basia ab ordine). The abandonment of
the religious state is still another kind of apostasy
(apoataaia a rdiaione), (See Apostasy.) But this
expression is used only in connexion with those orders
which take solemn vows; abandonment of the religi-
ous life as followed in congregations under simple
vows, is mere desertion, although by some it is incor-
rectly designated as apostasy. This desertion does
not incur the excommunication to which religious
apostates are sentenced, though it entails suspension
for clerics (Deer. Auctis admodum of the S. C. of
Bishops and Regulars, 4 Nov., 1892), and generally
terminates in dismissal or expulsion.
The term desertion is also applied to a cleric's aban-
donment of his benefice, whether it be residential or
non-residential. If the benefice be residential, there
is occasion to proceed against the culprit according
to the Council of Trent (Sess. VI, c. i; Sess. XXIII,
c. i; Sess. XXIV, c. xii). The first text applies to
bishops and provides that, after six months, the
absent prelate oe deprived ipso facto of a quarter of the
annual revenue of his benefice; that if he remain ab-
sent for six additional months he be denied another
quarter's revenue and finally, that if he fail to return
to his charge the metropolitan or the suffragan bishops
must denounce him to the pope within three months,
and his punishment may even amount to the pri-
vation of his benefice. The second text concerns
parish priests and other clerics havine the care of
souls: it deprives the guilty party of the revenue of
his benefice in proportion to the length of absence; at
the same time the bishop can proceed against the ab-
sentee by ecclesiastical censures, and finally deprive
him of his benefice if he does not return within six
months aftejr receiving a warning or official sunmions.
The third text relates to canons and other clerics who
( even a simple benefice, obliging them to resi-
dence for the choir-office, the celebration of ICaaBand
other analogous charges: the absentee loses ipso fado
the daily distributiona (see Benefice) ; the number
of days of absence may not exceed three months in
any year; otiierwise he forfeits half the revenue of
his benefice; if he repeats the offence a second year,
he forfeits all the revenue; and if his absence be still
prolonged he can be deprived of the benefices by ca-
nonical sentence. For the very rare caae of non-resi-
dential benefice which the beneficiary has totally
abandoned, canonists consider that it becomes vacant
after ten years, according to the terms of c viii, De
cler. non resid.. Ill, tit. iv.
In judicial matters there is desertion of suit or of
appeal when the plaintiff, after instituting a proceed-
ing or lodging an appeal, fails to comply within the
required time with the judicial acts demanded by the
court. In the first instance, tJie judse, having estab-
lished the n^sjpct of the plaintiff, declares Uie suit
abandoned. The judge from whom appeal is taken
should appoint a time for the appellant to present hk
appeal to the new judge (c xxxiii, and Clem., iv, De
appell, II, tit. xxviii). The appeal should be termi-
nated within a year or two (c. v, and Clem., iii, De
appell.). However, this system .is not strictly ob-
served.
Finally, since the married state supposes that man
and wife dwell together, desertion is the unjustified
abandonment of the conju^ domicile by one or the
other, especially by the wife who is bound to follow
her husband to his new domicile. This desertion,
which recent civil legislation considers a legitimate
cause for separation and even for divorce, is considered
by canon law merely a delict that gives the deserted
party the ri^t to recall the fugitive through judicial
authority, either ecclesiastical or secular (c. xiii, De
restit. spoL, II, tit. xiii). If the wife separates for a
legitimate reason, on account of the adultery or
heresy of her husband, because of ill-treatment by him
or in order to escape a serious danger that would result
from continued dwelling with him, such desertion is
not held to be malicious; it is, however, the duty d
the proper judge to pass upon it.
For the fint caM see the canonifits, De cUrida nan rendenii'
hu9. III. tit. iv: for the second, De appdUOianihu*, U. tit.
xxviii; for the third. Sakchbb, De Matnmanio, 1. uc disp. iv;
EsMBlN, he manage en droit cvnmiique (Paris, 1891). II. 06. 308.
A. BOUDINHON.
DoBhon, Geqroib, priest of the Congregation (or
Institute) of St. Paul the Apostle, b. at New London,
Conn., U. S. A., 30 January, 1823; d, in New York, 30
December, 1903. He was a graduate (1843) of the
United States Military Academy at West Point, where
be was a classmate and roommate of General U. S.
Grant. His standing in class was high (second) and he
afterwards taught mathematics and ethics at the Acad-
emy. Deshon was promoted to the rank of captain,
but resided his commisBion, was received into the
Church in 1851, and soon after became a novice in the
Redemptorist ()rder. He was ordained priest in 18&5
and b^same associated with Fathers Heeker, Wal-
worth, Hewit, and Baker, all r^^ularl^r employed m
inissionaiy work. With them he obtained in 1858 a
dispensation from his vows as a Redemptorist. and
assisted in the formation of the new Paulist Institute,
tfie first house and church of which were built in New
York m 1859. He remained in this house during the
rest of his life, being novice-master for several yeare,
and afterwards assistant superior and in chaige ^n-
eraJlv of the temporal interests of the community,
. which owed much to his business abihtv. He also
superintended throughoMt the building of the church
of St. Paul the Apostle, in which his skill and knowl-
eilge as an engineer, acquired at West Point, were of
great service. . .
Father poshon spent a considerable part of hifl tiine
on the missions, in which he was specially eminent is
I>S8IDXEinS
751
DE81CARKTS
the practical instmetioziB, though his sermons were abo
most effective. A volume of nis parochial sermons
was issued in 1901. He published in 1860 a book en-
titled "Guide for Catholic Young Women", which ac-
quired an abiding popularity. Father Deshon was
elected superior general of the Paulist Institute in
1897. At that time houses had been founded in San
Francisco, and at Winchester, Tennessee. The last
important act of his life was the founding of the
Paulist house in Chicago, for which he arranged wiUi
Archbishop Quigley in the fall of 1903. Though his
life-work was so uauigely practical, he was noted for
his interior spirituality, nis favourite saints being the
hermits and cenobites of the desert, and his spare
time was always devoted to recollection and spintual
reading, in which he had evidently been occupied on
the last niRht of his life, before retiring. He died
suddenly oflieart failure about midnight, having been
just able to ring for assistance, and to receive the Last
rites of the Church.
Searle, The Very Rev. George Deshon, C. S. P., in The Caih-
die World (1904). LXXXVIII, 560-73. See also contemporary
files. The Catholic NmB» (New York).
Gborqb M. Ssablb.
DeBideriufl of Cahors, Saint, Bishop, b. at Obrege
(perhaps Antobroges, name of a Gaulish tribe), on the
frontier of the Provincia Narbohnensis, of a noble
Frankish family from Aquitaine, which possessed large
estates in the territory of Albi; d. 15 Nov., 655-—
though Krusch has called this date in q|uestion. In
his childhood Desiderius was pix)foundly unpressed bv
the religious atmosphere of his home. His lather Sal-
vius was a pious Christian, and his mother Herchene-
freda shows herself a woman of serious religious senti-
ment in three letters to her son, mentioned in his
"Vita", With his two brothers, Rusticus and Sya-
mus, the boy Desiderius came to the court of the
Frankisli king Chlotar II (584-629; from 613 sover-
eign of the whole Frankish Empire), and with other
boys of noble family received an excellent education at
the Merovingian court-school, whence in the seventh
century went forth many capable and holy bishops.
Busticus became a priest and finally Bishop of Cahors:
Syagrius became count of the territory of Albi and
prefect of the city of Marseilles; Desiderius stayed on
at the court where he held the important office of royal
treasurer, an ojdiice that he retained under the new
king, Dagobert (629-639), whose confidant he was.
After the death of Syagrius (629), he is said to have
obtained also the prefectship of Marseilles, but this is
not certain.
Faithful to the admonitions of his pious mother,
Desiderius led at court the serious holy life of a monk,
and administered his office with great ndelity. In 630
his brother Rusticus, the Bishop of Cahors, was mur-
dered, whereupon the clergy and people of that city
requested from the king Desiderius as his successor.
By a letter of 8 April, 630, Dagobert made known his
consent, and Desiderius was consecrated Bishop of
Cahors. His close relations with the (I!ourt he used in
the interests of his Church. With the most important
bishops of his time, many of them educated with him
at the royal court, he maintained an active intercourse,
as his letters prove. He was a zealous promoter of
monastib life and founded a monasterv in ^e vicinity
of Cahors, the church of which was dedicated to St.
Amantius; later on the convent was called after its
founder, St. G^ry (i. e. Dierius, from* Desiderius). He
directed also a convent of women, as we see from a let-
ter written by him to the Abbess Aspasia. Under him
and with his support was likewise founded in his dio-
cese the monastery of St. Peter of Moissac, later so
celebrated. Desioerius was verv zealous for Divine
service and the perfection of the religious life; he
built three large basilicas in and near Cahors (St.
Maria, St. Peter, St. Julian) and an oratory in honour
of St. Martin. For th^ clergy he was a severe disci-
plinarian, but was himself foremost with the example
of a holy life. He also promoted the temporal welfare
of the inhabitants of Cahors, built an aqueduct, and
erected or restored the walls and towers that pro-
tected the city. Desiderius persuaded the nobles of
his diocese to endow richly tne churches and monas-
teries. By his testament (049-650) he gave all his
possessions to the cathedral, the churches, and the
monasteries of his episcopal city. Wliile resicient on his
estates in the district of Albi he fell ill and died at his
villa of Wistrilingo, which he had presented to the
monastery of St. Amantius. His body was carried to
Cdiors and interred in the church oi St. Amantius.
We possess a "Vita" of Desiderius written shortly
after his death, a collection of his letters, also of letters
addressed to him, and an account of miracles that took
place at his tomb. His feast is celebrated on the 15th
of November.
Vita Deaiderii, Cadurca urbis episcopi, ed. Krusch, in Mon.
Germ. Hiat : Script. (Hanover, 1002). IV. 647-602; ed. Mione.
P. L.,LXXXVIi; 219-239; Mtraeiiia. ed. Migne. loc cit., 239-
246; Desiderii epiaoopi Cadurcenn* eputoUB, ed. Abnot in Mon.
Germ. Hiat: Epistolce (Berlin. 1892), III, 191-214; Mabillon,
DiaaertaUo de anno et die ordinaHonia iiemque obitua Deaiderii
^riee. Cadurcenaia in Analeela vet.. Ill, 528 aqq.; Vacandard.
JLa Sehola du palaia mirovinffien in Revue dea gueationa hiator.
(1897), LXI. 498 sqg.; Cabi£, Ranporta de S. Didier, ^gue
de Canora. el de S. Dtdier, Sv^oue aAvxerte, avee VAQngeoia in
Annalea du Midi (Touiouae, 1894), 407 sqq.
J. P. KiRSCH.
Desire, Baptism of. See Baptism.
Desmarets de Saint^Sorlin, Jean, a French dram-
atist and novelist, b. in Paris, 1595, d. there, 1676.
Early in life he held various offices at court, was
counsellor of the king, and secretary of the marine
in the Levant. He became a member of the salon of
the H^te! Rambouillet, and contributed the well-
known verses on the violet for the ''Guirlande de
Julie". Later he became a member of the French
Academy and its finst chancellor. Cardinal Richelieu,
his protector, induced him to write for the theatre.
His first tragedy, "Aspasie", although a work of no
great merit, had a brilliant success, 1636, owing to the
cardinal's protection. Among the plavs that fol-
lowed we may mention : " Les Visionnaires", * ' Scipion * ',
'* Roxane", ^' Mirame ", and " UEurope'C The plots of
the last two had evidently been inspired by the cardi-
nal; "L'Europe" fijves a picture of Richelieu's con-
ception of the political situation in Europe. Of his
novel, '^Ariane^', La Fontaine declares that its plot
is very good; another novel, ''Roxane", was left un-
finished.
In 1645 he became a devout Christian, and there-
after he devoted his literary abilities chiefly to pious
works. He wrote a metrical version of the Office of
the Blessed Vii]^n, and of the '' Imitation of Christ",
and other religious poems, e. g. "Marie-Magdeleine"
or "GrficeTrfcmphante".
In his ''Oovis ou la France ehr6tienne'', an epic
poem in twenty-six cantos, he attempts to descnbe
the Divine origm of the French monarchy. In this,
his gr^test work, in spite of its many fatdts, his
patriotism and his love of old legends, wnioh pervade
the poem, often flnve it a peculiar Charm. Owine to
the criticism of Boileau, who opposed the introduc-
tion of the miraculous in literature, the poem proved
a failure. In its defence Desmarets wrote an essay
comparing French prose and poetry with that of the
Greeks and fiatins, and thus opened the celebrated
controversy between the anciente and the modems
which lasted for many years. In this work he main-
teined that the French language is superior to all
others, that modem can surpass ancient literature,
and that the miraculous intervention of Providence
is to be preferred to the machinery of the pagan poets.
I>esmarets was a consistent adversary of the Jansen-
ists of Port-Royal.
PeLLiHSON, Htatoire deV Afxid^ie fmncaiar; Baivlvt, Jttge-
menu dea eavanta (La Uaye, 1690); Bsaucuamps, Recher*
DX SBCET
752
DX SMST
<Aet 9ur le (htAtre franeais: Pctit de Jullevillb, La LitUrature
huncaiae (Paris. 1000); Ke&villbr, J. Detnarete (PtriB^ 1870).
Francis L. Rouoibr.
De Smet, Pierre-Jean, missionary among the
North American Indians, b. at Termo;ide (Dender-
monde), Belrium, 30 Jan., 1801 j d. at St. Louis,
Missouri, U. S. A., 23 May, 1873. He emigrated to
the United States in 1821 through a desire for mission-
ary labours, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at White-
marsh, Maryland. In 1823, however, at the sugges-
tion of the United States Government a new J<»uit
establishment was determined on and located at Flor-
issant near St. Louis, Missouri, for work among the
Indians. De Smet was among the pioneers and thus
became one of the foimders of me Missouri Province of
the Society of Jesus.
His first missionary tour among the red men was in
1838 when he founded St. Joseph's Mission at Coimdl
Bluffs for the Pottawatomies. At this time also he
visited the Sioux to arrange a peace between them and
the Pottawatomies, the first of his peace missions.
What may be called his life work did not begin, how-
ever, until 1840
when he set out
for the Flathead
country in the Far
North-west. As
early as 1831, some
Rocky Mountain
Indians, influ-
enced by Iroquois
descendants of
converts of one
hundred ajid fifty
years before, had
made a trip to St.
Louis begging for
a "black-robe".
Their request
could not be com-
plied with at the
time. Curiously
enough, the inci-
dent excited Prot-
estant missionary
enterprise, owing
to the wide diasem-
ination of a mythi-
cal speech of one of
ointment of the
auis. Fourln-
PksRRixjBAN De Smbt
the delegation expressing the
Indians at not finding the Bible in St.'
dian delegations in succession were dispatched from
the Rocky Mountains to St. Louis to b^ for ''black-
robes'' and the last one, in 1839, composed of some
Iroquois who dwelt among the Flatheads and Nez
Percys, was successful. Father De Smet was assigned
to the task and found his life-work.
He set out for the Rocky Mountain country in 1840
and his reception by the Flatheads and Pend d ' Oreilles
was an augury of the great power over the red men
which was to characterize nis career. Having im-
ported instruction, surveyed the field, and promised a
permanent mission he returned to St. Louis; he visited
the Crows, Gros Ventres, and other tnbes on his way
back, travelling in all 4814 miles. In the following year
he returned to the Flatheads with Father Nicholas
Point and established St. Mary's Mission on the Bitter
Root river, some thirty miles north of Missoula, visitins
also the GGBUiMl'Al^es. Realizing the ma^tude of
the task before him, De Smet went to Europe m 1843 to
solicit funds and workers, and in 1844 with new la-
bourers for the missions, amcmg them being six Sisters
of Notre-Dame de Namur, he returned, rounding Cape
Horn and casting anchor in the mouth of the Columbia
River at Astoria. Two days after, De Smet went by
canoe to Fort Vancouver to confer with Bishop
Blanchet, and on his return founded St. TgoaJthm lfi»>
sion among the Kalispels of the Bay, who dwelt on
Clark's Foric of the Columbia river, forty miles abow
its mouth, l^n years later the mission was trans-
ferred to its present site in Missoula County, Mon-
tana.
As the Blackfeet were a constant menace to other
Indians for whom De Smet was labouring, he deter-
mined to influence them personally. This he accom-
plished in 1846 in the Yellowstone valley, where after
a battle with the Crows, the Blackfeet respectfully
listened to the ** black-robe". He accompamed them
to Fort Lewis in their own countiy where he induced
them to conclude peace with the other Indians to
whom the^ were hostile, and he left Father Point to
foimd a mission among tnis formidable tribe. His re-
turn to St. Louis after an absence of three years and
six montiis marks the end of his residence among the
Indians, not from his own choice but by the arrange-
ment 01 his religious superiors who deputed him to
other work at St. Louis University. His coadjutors
in his mission labours. Fathers P<Hnt, Mengarini, No-
bili, Ravalli. De Vos, Adrian and Christian Hoecken,
Joset and others, made De Smet's foundations perma-
nent bv dwelling among the converted tribes.
De Smet was now to enter upon a new phase of his
career. Thus far his life mij^t oe called a private one.
though crowded with stirring dangers from man ana
beast, from mountain and flood, and marked by the
successful establishment of niunerous stations over
the Rocky' Moimtain region. But his almost inex-
plicable and seemingly instantaneous ascendancy om*
every tribe with, which he came in contact, and his
writmgs which had made him famous in both hemi-
spheres, caused the United States Government to look
to him for help in its difficulties with the red men, and
to invest him with a public character. Henceforth be
was to aid the Indians by pleading their cause before
Ehiropean nations and by becoming their intermediary
at Washington. In 1851 owing to the influx of whitas
into California and Oregon, the Indians had grown
restless and hostile. A general con^;res8 of tribes was
determined on, and was held in ELorse Creek Valley
near Fort Laramie, and the Government reauested
De Smet's presence as pacificator. He made tne lonff
i'oumey and his presence soothed the ten thousand
Indians at the coimcil and brought about a satisfac-
tonr understanding.
In 1858 he accompamed General Ham^ as a chap-
lain in his expedition against the Utah Mormons, at
the close of which campaign the Government re-
quested him to accompany the same officer to Or^on
and Washington Territories, where, it was feared,
an uprising of the Indians would soon take place.
Here again his presence had the desired effect, for the
Indians loved nim and trusted him implicitly. A
visit to the Sioux country at the beginning of the CSvfl
War convinced him that a serious situation con-
fronted the Government. "Die Indians rose in rebel-
lion in August, 1862, and at the request of the govern-
ment De Smet made a tour of the North-west. When
he found that a punitive esnpddition had been deter-
mined on, he refused to lend to it the sanction of his
presence. Tlie condition of affairs beconpi^ more
critical, the government again appealed to him m 1867
to go to the red men, who were enraged by white men's
perfidy and cruelty, and ''endeavour to bring them
back to peace and submission, and prevent as far as
possible the destruction of property and the murder of
the whites." Accordinriy he set out for the Upper
Missouri, interviewing thousands of Indians on nis
way, and receiving delegations from the most hostile
tribes, but before the Peace Commission could deal
with them, he was obliged to return to St. Louis^
where he was taken seriously ill.
In 1868, however, he again started on what Chitteti-
den calls (life. Letters and TVavels of Pierre Jean Da
DX SOTO
753
DS SOTO
Bmet, p. 92), "the most important miarion of his
'wiiole career/' He travelled with the Peace CodizniB-
sioners for some time, but later determined to pene-
trate alone into the very camp of the hostile Sioux.
Oeneral Stanlev says (ibid.): '^Father De Smet alone
of the entire white race coiUd penetrate to these cruel
savages and return safe and sound/' The missionary
crossed the Bad Lands, and reached the main Sioux
camp of some five thousand warriors under the leader-
ship of Sitting Bull. He was received witii exteraor-
dinaiy enthusiasm. His counsels were at once asreed
to, and representatives sent to meet the Peace Com-
mission. A treaty of peace was signed, 2 July, 1868,
by all the chiefs. This result has bmn looked on as the
most remarkable event in the historv of the Indian
wan. Once agidn, in 1870, he visited the Indians, to
arrange for a mission among the Sioux. In suon a
enmaed life allusion can be made only to the principal
events. Wa strange adventures among the red men
his conversions and plantinfp of missions, his explora-
tions and scientific observations may be studied m de-
toil in his writings. On behalf of the Indians he
crossed the ocean nineteen tim«s. visiting popes, kings,
and presidents, and traversing almost evenr £(Uropean
landT By actual calculation he travelled 180,000
miles on his errands of charity.
His writings are numerous and vivid in descriptive
power, rich in anecdote, and form an important con-
tribution to our knowledge of Indian manneis, cus-
toms, superstitions, and traditions. The general cor-
rectness of their geographical observations is testified
to by later explorers, though scientific researches have
since modified some minor details. Almost childlike
hi the che^ul buo>[ancy of his disposition, he pre-
served this characteristic to the end, though honoured
by statesmen and made Chevalier of the Order of Leo-
pold by the King of the Belgians. That he was not
wanting in personal courage is evinced by many events
in his wonderful career. Though he had frequent
narrow escapes from death in his perilous travels, and
often took his life in his hands when penetrating
among hostile tribes, he never faltered. But his main
title to fame is his extraordinary power over the In-
<yans, a power no other man is said to have equalled.
To give a list of the Indian tribes with whom he came
in contact, and over whom he acquired an ascendancy,
would be to enumerate almost all the tribes west of the
Mississippi. Even Protestant writers declare him the
sincereet friend the Indians ever had. The effects of
his work for them were not permanent to the extent
which he had planned, soldy because the Indians have
been swept away or engulfBd by the white settlers of
the North-west. If circumstances had allowed it, ihe
reductions of Paraguay would have found a counter-
part in North America. The archives of St. Louis
UniverBity contain all the originals of De Smet's writ-
ings known to be extant. Among these is the ''Lin-
ton Album'^ containing his itinerary from 1821 to the
year of his death', also specimens of various Indian
dialects, legends, poems, etc. The principal worics of
Father De Smet are: ''Lettere and Sketches, with a
Narrative oi a Year's Residence among the Indian
Tribes of the Rocky Mountains" (Philadelphia, 1843),
translated into French, German, Dutch, and Italian;
"Oregon Missions and Tiuvels over the Rocky Moun-
tains in 1845-46" (New York, 1847), translated into
French and Flemish; "Vmrage au grand desert en
1861" (Brussells, 1853); "Western Missions and Mis-
sionaries " (New York, 1863), translated into French;
"New Indian Sketches" (New York, 1865).
CHTrrBNDKN AND R1CHA.BDBON, Life, Letten c.id Trwoda cf
Piem Jean De Smel, 8. J. (New York. 1905). It oontains r.iany
hitherto UDpublished letters and a map of De Smet's travels;
Dbtnoodt, P, J, De Smet, miaeumaire Beige aux Btate-Unie
(Rnimels, 1878); Palladino, tndian and White in the North"
weet (Baltimora. 1894); U. 8. Cath. Hiar. Sec, HisL Reeordi
and Studiee (New York. 1907). VII.
IV--48
WiUiiAM H. W. Fanning.
Be Sdto, Hernando, explorer and conqueror, b.
at Villanueva de la Serena, Badajoz, Spain, 1496 or
1500; d. on the banks of ihe Mississippi the latter part
of June, 1542. He was given the rank of captain of
a troop of horsemen in 1516 bv Pedrarias D&vila (also
known as Pedro Arias de Avila), Governor of Darien,
who admired his courage, and he took an active part
in the conquest of portions of Central America. In
1523 he accompanied Francisco Fem&ndez de Cor-
doba who, by order of Pedrarias, set out from Panama
with an expedition which explored Nicaragua and
Honduras, oonqueHng and colonizing the country as
they proceeded. In 1532 he joined 9ie expedition of
FranciBoo Piszaro starting from Panama for the con-
quest of Peru. Recopnizing his importance, Pizzaro
made de Soto second in command, though this caused
some opposition from Pizzaro's brothers. In 1533 he
was sent at the head of a small pstrtv to explore the
highlands of Peru, and he discovered tne great nationad
road which led to the capital. Soon afterwards he was
selected by Pizzaro as ambassador to visit the Inca
Atahualpa, lord of Peru, and he was the first Span-
iard who spoke with that chief. After the im|>ri6on-
ment of Atahualpa, de Soto became very friendly
with him and visited him often in his confinement.
De Soto played a prominent part in the engagwnents
which completed the conquest of Peru, incuKung the
battle which resulted in the capture of Ouzco, the
capital. Upon his return from an expedition, he
learned that Pizzaro had treacherously ordered Ata-
hualpa to be put to death in spite of Atahualpa's hav-
ing paid a larae ransom. He was much displeased at
the crime, and, becoming disgusted with Pizzaro and
his brothers, he Returned to ^ain in 1536, taking bade
with him about 18,000 ounces of gold which repre-
sented his share of the booty taken from the Inoas.
He settled in Seville, and with the gold he had
brought home, he was able to set up an elaborate es-
tablishment with ushers, pages, equeny, chamberlain,
and other servants requfred for the household of a
gentleman. In 1537 he married In^ de Bobadilla
(sometimes called Leonor or Isabel), the dauditer of
his former patron, Pedrarias Ddvila. He had settled
down in Seville to enjoy life quietly, when the exag-
gerated accounts of Cabeza de Vaca concerning the
vast region then called Florida fired his ambition to
undertake the conquest of this land which he consid-
ered no less rich than Peru. He therefore sold all his
property, and devoted the proceeds to equipping an
expedition for this purpose. He readily obtained
from Charles V, to whom ne had lent some money, the
titles of Adelantado of Florida and Governor of Cuba,
and in addition, the title of marquis of a certain por-
tion of the territory he might conquer, said portion to
be chosen by himself. \
The expedition consisted of 950 fitting men, eieht
secular priests, two Dominicans, a Franciscan ana a
lYinitanan, all to be transported in ten ships. To
tins armada was added one of twenty more shins
^fdiich was on ita way to Vera Cniz, but was to be
under tlie orden of de Soto while the oouraes of the
two fleets lay along the same route. The ^ole
squadron set sail fh>m Sanldcar, 6 April, 1538. On
£aster Sunday morning, fifteen days later, they ar-
rived BsSely at Qomera, one of the Cttnary Islands,
where they stopped for one wedc and then continued
their way without incident. When near Cuba, the
twenty vessels destined for Mexico separated from the
othe» and proceeded on theh* way. The ten ships of
de Soto shortly alter arrived in the harbour of Santi-
ago de Cuba where the members of the expedition
were well received by the Cubans, whose fdtes in
honour of the new-comers lasted several weeks. The
new governor visited the towns in the vicinity of San-
tiago and did every thing in his power to better their
condition. At the same time, b^ gathered as many
horses as he could, and, as gooci ones were ptontiful in
DS aOTO
754
Ol 80X0
Cuba, it was not long before he had a fair number of
mounts for the men of the Florida expedition. Just
about this time, the city of Havana was sacked and
burned by the French, and de Soto, upon learning of
it, despatched Captain Aceituno with some men to
repair the ruins. As he was contemplating an early
departure for his conquest of Florida, he named Gon-
sah) de Guzmdn as lieutenant-governor to administer
justice in Santiago and vicinity, while for afifairs of
state, he gave full powers to his wife. Meanwhile, he
continued his preparations for the expedition to Flor-
ida. In the latter part of August, 1538, the ships
sailed for Havana, while de Soto started by land
with 350 horses and the remainder of the expedition.
The two parties arrived at Havana within a lew days
of each other, and de Soto inmiediately made plans
for the rebuilding of the city. He also entrusted to
Captain Aceituno the building of a fortress for the pro-
tection of the harbour and the city from any possible
future attack. At the same tune, he ordered Juan de
Anasco, a skilled and experienced sailor, to set out in
4^vance to explore the coasts and harboiuis of Florida
«o that it would facilitate matters when the main ex-
pedition sailed. AHasco returned at the end of a few
months and made a satisfactory report.
Hm expedition was finally made readv, and on 18
May, 1539, de Soto set sail with a fleet of nine vessels.
He nad with him 1000 men exclusive of the sailors, all
well armed and making up what was considered to be
the best equipped expedition that had ever set out for
conquest m the New World. Thev proceeded with
favourable weather until 25 May, wnen land was seen
and they cast anchor in a bay to which they gave the
name of Espiritu Santo (now TamuB, Bay). The
army landed on Friday, 30 May, two leagues from an
Indian village. From this point the Spanianls began
their explorations of the wild unknown country to the
north and west which lasted for nearly three years.
They passed through a region already mtade hostile by
the violence of the invader Narvaez, and they were
constantly deceived by the Indians, who tried to get
them as far away as possible by telling them stories of
great wealth which was to be foimd at remote points.
They wandered from place to place, always disap-
pointed in t^eir expectations, but still lured onward
t>y the tales they heard of the vast riches which lay
just beyond. They treated the Indians brutally
whenever they met them, and they were, as a result,
constantly at war with them. Setting out from Es-
piritu Santo, de Soto, with considerable loss of men,
went throu£^ the provinces of Acuera, Oeali, Vitar
chuco, and Osachile (all situated in the western part of
the Florida peninsula), with the purpose of finally
reaching the territonr of Apalache (situated in the
north-western part of Florida on the Gulf of Mexico),
as he considered the fertility and maritime conditions
of that country well suited to his purposes. He finally
reached the i>rovinoe, and after some fighting with the
Indians, subjugated it. In October, 1539, de Soto
sent Juan Afiasco with thirty men to Espiritu Santo
Bay where he had left his ships and a portion of his
expedition, with orders to start from there with the
ships and follow the coast until he reached the bay of
Aute (St. Marks on Apalachee Bay) in the moviaoe of
Apalache. Here he was to be joined by Pedro Cal-
der6n, who had orders to jMPOceed bv land with the re-
mainder of the expedition and the provisions and
camp equipment that had been left on the coast. At
the same tune, G6mez Arias was to sail to Havana to
aoauaint de Soto's wife with the progress of the ex-
peaition. After many hardships, Anasco reached
Espiritu Santo Bay, whence he started with the ships
to carry out de Soto's orders. He arrived at Aute in
safety, and was there joined by Calder6n with the
land iorcp« according to arrangement. Meanwhile,
G6mez Arias had fulfilled his mission to Havana
and the triumphs of the Spaniards in Florida were
fitly celebrated in that city. De Soto now ordered
Diego Maldonado, a captain of infantry who haii
served him well, to give up his command, and t^e
two ships with which he was to explore the coast of
Florida for a distance of one hundred leasues to the
west of Aute, and map out its bays and imets. Mal-
donado did his work successfully and upon his return,
in February, 1540, was sent to Havana, with orders to
inform the Governor's wife and announce to the Cu-
bans as well all that they had seen and done. De
Soto gave him further orders to return in October and
meet nim in the Bay of Achusi which Maldonado had
discovered during lus exploration. He was to bring
back with him as many ships as he could procure, aud
also munitions ol war, provisions, and olothlng for the
soldiers. But de Soto was destined never to see
Maldonado again, nor was he to have the benefit of the
supplies for which he was sending him, for though
Maldonado was able to carnr out his orders to the
letter, when he arrived at Achusi in the fall he found
neither trace nor tidings of de Soto. He waited for
some time and explored the oountrv quite a distance,
but without finding him, and was forced to return to
Havana. He triea again the next year, and again the
following, but always with the same result.
Meanwhile, de Soto had started in March, 1540.
from the province of Apalache wiUi the intention of
exploring the country to the north. He explored the
provinces of Altapaha (or Altamaha), Achalaque, Gofa,
and Cofaque, ail situated in eastern and northern
Geoi^a, meeting with fair success. He then worked
his wav in a south-westerly direction, intending to
reach the coast at Achusi where he had agreed to meet
Maldonado with the supply ships. But when he
reached the province of Taaoalusa in southern Ala-
bama, where he had been told there were immense
riches, the Indians in large numbers offered a more
stubborn resistance and gave him the worst battle he
had yet had. The battle lasted nine hours and was
finally won by ihe Spaniards, though nearly all the
officers and men, including de Soto himself, were
wounded. According to Garcilasso, there were 70
Spamards and 11,000 Indians killed in the battle, and
in addition the town of Mauvila (now Mobile) was
destroved by a fire which also consumed the pnnns-
ions of the Spaniards. While in Tascalusa, de Soto
heard of some Spanish ships which were on the coat^
at Achusi. These were tne ships which Maldonado
had brought back from Havana with the supplies.
De Soto thought he would be able to readi them in a
short time for he had been informed that he was then
but thirty leagues from the coast. But his troops
were so exhausted that he was forced to rest for a few
days. Worn out by the long marches and the hard-
^ips they had undergone, and disappointed at not
finding any treasure, some of de Soto's foUowers
secrettV plotted to abandon him, make their way to
Achusi, and sail to Mexico or Peru. Learning of this,
de Soto changed his plans, and, instead of marching
toward the coast to join Maldonado, he led his men
toward the interior in a westerly direction, knowing
that they would not dare to desert him with the shipfl
so far away. He hoped to readi New Spain (Mexico)
by land. In a night battle (December, 1540), he icet
forty men and fifty horses besides having many
wounded, and during the next four months he was
attacked ahnoet ni^tly. In April, 1541, he came
upon a fort surrounded with a stockade, and in storm
ing it nearly all lus men were wounded and many
were killed. It is said that over 2000 Indians were
killed in this battle, but so many of the Spaniards were
wounded that de Sioto was compelled to stop for a fe)^
days in order to care for them. Notwithstanding .""^
repeated losses de Soto continued toward the intenor,
traversing several provinces constituting the prf«r/it
Gulf States, until he reached the Missinsippi at a jjom^
in the northern part of the present state of MiBsisippi-
DIAPAZR
755
DXSPRXtZ
He orossed the river and pudied on to the north-
west until he reached the province of Autiamque in
the north-western comer of Arkansafi, where he passed
the winter of 1541-42 on the Cayas River, now the
Washita. In the spring of 1542, retracing his steps,
he reached the Mississippi in May or June. Here, on
20 June, 1542 (according to some authorities on 21
May), he was stricken with a fever, and prepared for
death. He made bis will, named Luis de Moscoso de
Alvarado as his successor in command of the expedi-
tion, and took leave of all. On the fifth day de Soto
succumbed without having reached New Spain by
land. His companions buried the body in a large
hole which the natives had du£ near one of their vil-
lages to get materials to build their houses. How-
ever, as de Soto had given the Indians to understand
that the Christians were immortal, they afterwards
disinterred the body, fearing the hostile savages might
possibly discover it, and, finding him dead, make an
attack. They then hollowed out the trunk of a lar^
tree and, placing the body in it, sank it in the Missis-
sippi which they called the Grande. The shattered
remnant of the expedition under Moscoso then at-
tempted to work their way eastward, but, driven back
by tne Indians, they floated down the Mississippi and,
after many hardships, finally reached .PAnuco in
Mexico. This expedition of de Soto, though it ended
so disastrously, was one of the most elaborate and
persistent efforts made by the Spaniards to explore the
mterior of North America. It was the first extensive
exploration of at least six of the Southern states:
SouUi Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis-
sippi, and Arkansas, and their written history often
begins with narratives which tell the story of de Soto's
expedition. From these same narratives we also get
our first description of the Cherokees, Seminoles,
Creeks, Appalachians, Choctaws, and other famous
tribes of southern Indians. The story of this expedi-
tion also records the discovery of the Mississippi and
the first voyage of Europeans upon it. It must be
noted that Alonso de Pineda discovered the mouth of
the Mississippi in 1519. and that Cabeza de Vaca
crossed it near its moutn in 1528.
Smith tr.. Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the
DiMxnent of Florida, by a KnttOd of Mvaa (New York. 1886);
Smrv, B%$Ufry of Hernando deSoto (Philadelphia, 1881): Ban-
CRO>T, Hi»toru of the United States (New York, 1883-85);
LowEBT, The Spanish SetOemenU voUhxn the Present Limita of
tiu United States (1901) ; Gbaram, Hernando de Soto (1003);
BouBNX, Narratives of de Soto (New York, 1004).
Ventura Fuentes.
Despair (Latin desperare, to be hopeless) ethically
regarded is the voluntary and complete abandonment
of fdl hope of saving one's soul and of having the
means required for that end. It is not a passive state
of mind: on the contrary it involves a positive act of
the will by which a person d^beratelv gives over an^
expectation of ever reaching eternal fife. There is
presupposed an intervention of the intellect in virtue
of which one comes to decide definitely that salvation
is impossible. This last is motived by the persuasion
eiliier that the individual's sins are too great to be for-
given or tiiat it is too hard for human nature to co-
operate with the grace of God or that Almighty God
is unwilling to aid the weakness or pardon the offences
of his creatures, etc. It is obvious that a mere anxi-
ety, no matter now acute, as to the hereafter is not to
be identified with despair. This excessive fear is usually
a negative condition of soul and adequatelv discernible
from the positive elements which dearly mark the
vice which we call despair. The pusillanimous person
has not so mudi relinquished trust in God as he is un-
duly terrified at the spectacle of his own shortcomings
or incapacity. The sin of despair may sometimes,
althou^ not neoessarilyi contain the added malice of
heresy in so far as it implies an assent to a proposition
which is against faith, e. g. that God has no mind to
supply us with what is needful for salvation. De-
spair as such and as distinguished from a certain diffi-
dence, sinking of the heart, or overweening dread is
always a mortal sin. The reason is that it contrsr
venes with a special directness certain attributes of
Almi^ty God. such as His goodness, mercy, and faith-
keeping. To oe sure it is not the worst sin conceiv-
able: uiat evil primacy is held by the direct and ex-
plicit hatred of God; neither is it as great as sins
against faith like fohnal heresy or apostasy. Still its
power for working harm in the human soul is funda-
mentally far greater than other sins inasmuch as it
cuts off the way of escape and those who fall under its
spell are frequently, as a matter of fact, found to sur-
render themselves unreservedly to all sorts of sinful
indulgence.
NoLDiN, Summa TheotoguB Moralis (tnnsbruck, 1004);
RicxABY, Aquinas Ethicus (London. 1896); Genioot, Theo-
loQUB Moralis Institutiones (Louvain, 1808).
Joseph F. Delant.
• Despreti, C^ar-Manbuetb, chemist and physi-
cist, b. at Lessines, Belgium, 11 May, 1798; d. at
Paris, 11 May, 1863. He was appointed early in life
master of studies in the ivoeum of Bruges, and later
went to Paris to complete his studies. Here he
attracted the attention of Gay-Lussac, who had him
appointed tutor of the chemical course which the
former was then giving at the Ecole Polytechnique.
In 1824 Despretz was made adjunct and then titular
professor of physics at the CoU^ Henri IV, and in
1837 receivea the chair of physics at the Sorbonne.
He was naturalized as a Frenchman in 1838, and in
1841 was elected to the Academy of Sciences in the
division of general physios, being the suooessorof
Savart. The researdies of Desprets did much to
establish the foundation of modem physics, notably
in the domain oi heat. In 1818 he investigated latent
heat and the elasticity of vapours. In 1821, following
the same line, he studied the heat-conductivity of
solids, vapour density, and the latent heat of steam
at different pressures; his memoir of 1822 on the
causes of animal heat was crowned b^ the Academy.
In 1823 the results of his investigation of the com-
pressibility of liquids were published, and in 1827 his
researches on the density of gases at different pres-
sures; the latter investigation proved that Mariotte's
law was not exactly followed by gases. The titles of
some of his leading memoirs and their dates of publi-
cation are as follows: "The Heat of Combustion''
(1^8); "Investigation of the Merouriai Thermom-
eter" (1837); "The Laws of Conductivity of Heat in
Liquids" (1838) ; "The Limit of Appreciable Sound"
(1845).
After this he turned his attention to the voltaic cell
and voltaic arc. By uniting the heat from a very
large burning glass with the heat of the voltaic arc
and with the oxy-hydro^n flame, he experimented
on the diffusion and volatilization of refractory solids,
performing some experiments of remarkable interest
m those days when electricit;^ was not so highly
developed as at the present time. Under the dis-
charge of tibe Ruhmkorff ooil he approximated the
formation of diamonds. Among his books may be
cited "Recherehes exp^rimentales sur les causes de
la chaleur animale" (Paris, 1824); "Traits ^toen-
taire de physique" (Paris, 1825, and many later
editions) ; " El^ents de chimie th^rique et pratique"
(Paris, 1828-30); in addition to. these some fifty
memoirs were published by him between 1817 and
1863, the list of which is oven in the "Catalogue of
Scientific Papers of the Royal Society" (London,
1868), Vlli JOespretz was a true Catholic; he con-
stancy resisted assaults upon the Church and the
clerical body, was always readv to lead in their defence^
and died a devout member of the Church.
Dictionnaire Larousse, a. v. ; Moigno in Les Mondes CPiaris,
1863), I.
T. CCoNOR Sloanb.
DBSSERVAKTS
756
DXTEBMINISM
DesservantSi the name of a class of French parish
priests. Under the old regime, a priest who per-
formed the parochial duties in a vacant parish, or
where the parish priest was under censure of some
kind (H^ricourt, Les lois eccl&iastiques de France/
II, XV, Paris, 1771) was known as a deaservant; he
was the vicar, or 6conome-cur^, w^hom the Council of
Trent (Sess. XXIV, c. xviii, De ref.) desired to be ap-
pointed in each vacant parish. After the Concordat
of 1801, however, the name desservants was applied to
a second class of parish priests who were named by
the bishop without the sanction of the Government,
but could also be removed at any time by the bishop.
This institution owed its origin to custom rather than
any law, though later on it was fully legalized. Arti-
cle 9 of the new concordat decreed thaf "the bishops
are to make a new circumscription of the parishes m
their dioceses, which will onl^ go into effect after the
consent of the Government is obtained". Article 10
adds: ''Bishops shall make the appointments to par-
ishes; they shall choose only persons approved by the
Government." Finally, art. 14 provides *'a suitable
salaiy for bishops and parish priests". These clauses
applied to only one kind of parish and parish priests;
but the Orgamc Articles, added by the Cxovemment to
the ooncoi^at, established parishes of a second order,
sucouraal parishes (mission churches), whose titulars
were not canonically parish priests (ctcr^) and re-
ceived no remuneration from the State. Organic
Articles 31, 60. 61, 63 provide that "there shall be at
least one parish for every justice of the peace", that
"the bishop in conjunction with the prefect shall regu-
late the number and extent of succursal parishes";
that "the officiating priests in succursal parishes shall
be appointed by the oishop"; that they shall also be
removable by him ; preference nevertheless should be
given to ecclesiastics pensioned by the Assemble
Constituante (art. 68). By degrees the succursal par-
ishes increased and equalled in number the municipali-
ties of France; gradually, also, the Government al-
lowed these desservants a small salary. From an
ecclesiastical point of view, they were parish priests
except for the removability clause.
This condition of affairs, which the concordat had
not anticipated, was advantageous to the Church, be-
cause it left the bishops free to appoint to most par-
ishes without consulting the State; it was also of ad-
vantage to the episcopal administration, which would
have been much hampered had all the parish priests
been irremovable. It was not formally approved by
Rome, however, until May, 1845, under Gregoiy XVl
(reply of the Congregation of the Council to the Bishop
of Li^ge). The pope authorized the continuance of
the existing situation until the Holy See decided other-
wise. From various quarters, however, arose pro-
tests in favour of canonical irremovability of the des-
servants. In 1839 the Allignol brothers published
"De I'^tat actuel du clerg6 de France, et en mrticulier
des cur69 ruraux, appel^s desservants" (The present
condition of the clergy of France, particulariy of the
rural parish priests, known as desservants). It was
the cause of several meetings of the French bishops at
Rome and finally of the aforesaid rescript of Grejgory
XVI. Later on (5 Oct., 1864) the Congregation of
Bishops and Reeulars reproved a similar work by the
Abb^ Dagomer, " Rehabilitation du desservan t ' *. Oc-
casionally, some of the desservants refused to give up
their places at the bishop's order, maintaining a com-
mon-law right of irremovability; but in this they
were always unsuccessful. In this respect the eccle-
siastical discipline of France had become fixed and
accepted; nor was it modified by the Separation Law
of 1905; except that some bishops have ceased to use
the terms tfuccvrsale and desseroantt replacing them by
parish and parif^ priest, both however, long since in
ordinary ecclesiastical use.
Bouix. 2>« parocho (Paris, 186.-;, P* T, sects, iii and iv;
BouDiNHON, Inamovibiliti H tranelation dea deMaeroanlM CP&Hs
1806); DuBALLET, TmiU dea paniaam tt dea curia (Paria, 1900 1
A. BOUDZVBON.
Desurmont, Achille, ascetical writer, b. at Tour-
coing, France, 23 Dec, 1828 : d. 23 July, 1898. He
attended first the college of tne Jesuits at Brugelette,
Belgium, and afterwards (1848) the theological college
of Cambrai. Drawn to the reli^ous state, he -wsa ^e^-
ceived into the Congregation of the Most Holy Re-
deemer in 1850, made his profession the following year.
and was ordained priest 24 Sept., 1853. Hlb talent
was at once recpgnized and he was appointed prefect of
students and professor of theology, which offices he
retained till 1865, when he became superior of the
French province. He was a man of surpas^ng ener^
and an excellent organizer, his kindness winning him
the affection and confidence of his subjects, whom he
directed with prudence and fatheriy finnness. Under
his care subjects and foundations multiplied; the
congre^sUion spread into Spain for a second time, and
he made foundations in Peru, Ecuador, Chile, and Co-
lombia in South America. Forced to transfer his
numerous religious from France to Holland, he so
communicated to others his own spirit of faith and
confidence that in all their troubles not one of his sub-
jects failed him. On his return to France he soon or-
ganized missions and retreats as before. In 1887, he
was given the important work of Apostolic visitor to
the Little Sisters of the Poor. As a preacher few sur-
passed him in the retreats he gave to priests and re-
ligious all over France. At the age of seventy he was
again nominated provincial. Although in poor health,
he set to work with his wonted activity, but the result
was a complete break-down. He wrote much and
well. He was the founder (1875) of the ascetical re-
view, "La Sainte Famille*', and a constant contribu-
tor to it. His works are editerf in three series: 1. Vie
Chrdtienne.— "L' Art d' assurer son Salut"; ^Le
Credo et la Providence"; "Le Monde et I' Eva
Jle".
"La Vie vraiment chr^tienne"; "Devotions de T'Ame
chrdtienne": "Le Vdn. Passarat et les RMemptor-
istes". 2. Vie Religieuse. — "Exercises Spirituels"
(Retraites) . — " Renouvellements spirituefc *' (Re-
traites) ; "Conversion auotidienne et retour oontinuel
& Dieu'* (Retraites); "Une Vertu pour chaque mois
de Tann^*'; "La Vie vraiment religieuse"; "Manuel
de mutations quotidiennes". 3. Vie Saoerdotale. —
"Dieu et la parole de Dieu": "Disooura et plans de
retraites eccl^siastiques"; "L'esprit Apostolique"-
" L'art de sauver les ames " ; "La charity sacerdotale
(Paris, Librairie de la "Samte Famille", 1907-8).
La SairUa FamiUa (1898). 450; Archives Congr. SS. R.
J. Maonieb.
Detenninism is a name employed by recent writers,
especially since J. Stuart Mill, to denote the philosoph-
ical theory which holds, in opposition to the doctrme
of free will, that all man's volitions are invariably deter-
mined by pre-existing circumstanoes. It may talce
diverse forms, some cruder, some more refined. Bio-
logical and materialistic Determinism maintains that
each of our voluntary acts finds its sufficient and com-
plete cause in the physiological conditions of the or-
ganism. I^ychological Determinism aacribes effi-
ciency to the psychical antecedents. In this view
each volition or act of choice is determined by the
character of the agent plus the motives acting on hum
at the time. Advocates of this theory, since Mill.
usually object to the names, Necessarianism and
Fatali'^m, on the ground that these woitts seem to
imply some form of external compulsion, whikt they
amrm only the fact of invariable sequence or uniform
causal connectedness between motives and volition.
Opposed to this view is the doctrine of Indetennininn,
or what perhaps may more accurately be called Anti-
determinism, which denies that man is thus Invariably
determined in all his acts of dioioe. Ihis doctrine hM
DBTRAOTXON
757
DBTRAOnON
t>een stigmatused by some of its opponents as the the-
ory of ''causelesB volition", or 'Nmotiveless choice";
a^id the name, Indeterminism, is possibly not the best
selection to meet the imputation. The objection is,
bkowever, not justified. The Anti-determimsts, while
denying that the act of choice is always merely the
resultant of the assemblage of motives playing on the
mind, teach positively that the Ego, or Self, is the
cause of our volitions; and they describe it as a
^ free * ' or *' self-determining ' ' cause. The presence of
some reason or motive, they ordinarily hold, is a neces-
sary condition for evenr act of free choice, but they in-
sist that the Ego can decide between motives. Choice
is not, they maintain, uniformly determined by the
pleasantest or the worthiest motive or collection of
motives. Nor is it the inevitable conse(^uent of the
strongest motive, except in that tautological sense in
which the word strongest simply signifies that motive
which as a matter of fact prevails. Determinism and
the denial of free will seem to be a logical consequence
of all monistic hypotheses. They are obviously in-
volved in all materialistic theories. For Materialism
of every type neceasarily holds that every incident in
the history of the univense is the inevitable outcome
of -the medianical and physical movements and
"changes which have gone before. But Determinism
seems to be an equally necessary consequence of
monistic Idealism. Indeed the main argument
against all monistic and pantheistic systems will always
be the fact of free wifi. Self-determination implies
separateness of individuality and independence in
each free agent, and thus entails a pluralistic concep-
tion of the universe. (See Duaxjsm; Monism.) In
smte of the assertions of Determinists, no true logical
oistinction can be made between their view and that
of Fatalism. In both systems each of my volitions is
as inexorablv fated, c»r pre-determined, in the past
conditions oi the universe as the movements of the
planets or the tides. The opponents of Determinism
usually insist on two lines of argument, the one biased
on the consciousness of freedom in the act of deliber-
ate choice, the other on the incompatibility of Deter-
minism with our fundamental moral convictions.
The notions of responsibility, moral obligation,
merit, and the like, as ordinanly understood, would
be illusoiy if Determinism were true. The theonr is
In fact fatal to ethics, as well as to the notion of sin
and the fimdamental Christian behef that we can
merit both reward and punishment. (See Frbs Wuuu;
Ethics; Fatalism.)
RjCKABT, Free WiU (London. 1906); Ward, Phdoaopku of
Theism (London, 1884): James, PrincMea cf Fsj/eholooy (New
York and London, 1901), II, 660-79; Haher, PsyAology (Nour
York and London, 1908), xix; Noel, La awudence du Ubre
artitn (Louvain, 1899).
Michael Maher.
Detraction (from Lat. detrahere, to take away) is
the imjust damaging of another's good name by the
revelation of some fault or crime of which that other
is really guilty or at any rate is seriously believed to be
guilty oy the def amer. An important difference be-
tween detraction and calumnv is at once apparent.
The calumniator says what he knows to be false,
whilst the detractor narrates what he at least honestly
thinks is true. Detraction in a general sense is a mor-
tal sin, as being a violation of the virtue not only of
charity but alw of justice. It is obvious, however,
that tne subject-matter of the accusation may be so
inconspicuous or, everything considered, so little
capable of doing serious hurt that the guilt is not as-
sumed to be more than venial. The same judgment
is to be ^ven when, as not unfrequently happens,
there has been little or no advertence to the harm that
is being done.
The determination of the degree of sinfulness of de-
traction is in general to be gathered from the consid-
eiation of the amount of hann the defamatory utter-
ance is calculated to work. In order to adequately
measure the seriousness of the damage wrou^t, due
regard must be had not only to the imputation itself
but also to the character of the person oy whom and
against whom the chai^ is made. That is, we must
take into accoimt not only the greater or lesser crim-
inahty of the thing alleged but also the more or less
distinguished reputation of the detractor for trust-
worthmess, as well as the more or less notable dignity
or estimation of the person whose good name has oeen
assailed. Thus it is conceivable that a relatively small
defect alleged against a person of eminent station,
such as a Dishop, might seriously tarnish his good
name and be a mortal sin, whilst an offence of consid-
erable magnitude attributed to an individual of a class
in which such thin^ frequently happen might consti-
tute only a venial sm, such as, tor instance, to say that
a common sailor had been arunk. It is worthy of
note that the manifestation of even inculpable de-
fects may be a real defamation, such as to charge a
person with gross ignorance, etc. When this is done
m such circumstances as to bring upon the person so
disparaged a more than ordinary measure of disgrace,
or perhaps seriously prejudice him, the sin may even
be a grievous one.
There are times, nevertheless, when one may law-
fully make known the offence of another even though
as a consequence the trust hitherto reposed in him be
rudely shaken or shattered. If a person's misdoing is
public in the sense that sentence has been passed by
the competent legal tribunal or that it is already no-
torious, for instance, in a city, then in the first case it
may licitly be referred to in any place* in the second,
within the limits of the town, or even elsewhere, unless
in either instance the offender in the lapse of time
should have entirely reformed or his delinquency been
quite forgotten. When, however, knowledge of the
happening is possessed only by the members of a par-
ticular community or society, such as a college or
monastery and the like, it would not be lawful to pub-
lish the fact to others than those belonging to such a
body. Finally, even when the sin is in no sense pub-
lic, it may still be divulged without contravening the
virtues of justice or charity whenever such a course is
for the common weal or is esteemed to make for the
good of the narrator, of his listeners, or even of the
culprit. The right wnich the latter has to an assumed
good name is extinguished in the presence of the bene-
fit which may be conferred in this way.
The employment of this teaching, however, is Um-
ited by a twofold restriction. (1) liie damage which
one may soberly apprehend as emerging from the
failure to reveal another's sin or vicious propensity
must be a notable one as contrasted with the evil of
defamation. (2) No more in the way of exposure
should be done than is required, and even a f ratei^nal
admonition ought rather to be substituted if it can be
discerned to aoequately meet the needs of the situa-
tion. Journalists are entirely within their rights in
inveighine against the official shortcomings of public
men. Likewise, they may lawfully present whatever
information about the life or character of a candidate
for public office is necessary to show his unfitness for
the station he seeks. Historians have a still greater
latitude in the performance of their task. This is not
of course because the dead have lost their, claim to
have their good name respected. History must be
something more than a mere calendar of dates and in-
cidents; the causes and connexion of events are a
proper part of its province. This consideration, as
well as that of the generai utility in elevating and
strengthening the public conscience, may justify the
historian in telling many things hitherto unknown
which are to the disgrace of those of whom they are
related.
. . Those who abet another's defamation in a matt<»r of
moment by directly or indirectly inciting or encour*
DSTRS
758
DITftOn
a^ing the principal in the case arc giiiltv of ^evous
injustioe. When, however, one's attitude is simply a
passive one, i. e. that of a mere listener, prescindmg
from any interior satisfaction at the blackening of an-
other's good name, ordinarily the sin is not mortal
unless one happens to be a superior. The reason is
that private persons are seldom obliged to administer
fraternal correction under-pain of mortal sin (see Cor*
REcnoN, Fraternal). The detractor having vio-
lated an unimpeachable ri^t of another is bound to
restitution. He must do his best to put back the one
whom he has thus outra^ in possession of the fair
fame which the latter hitherto enjoyed. He must
likewise make good whatever other loss he in some
measure foresaw his victim would sustain as a result
of this unfair defamation, such as damage measur-
able in terms of money. The obligation in either in-
stance is perfectly clear. The method of discharging
this plain duty is not so obvious in the first case. In
fact, since the thing idleged is assumed to be true, it
cannot be formally taken back, and some of the sug-
gestions of theologians as to the style of reparation are
more ingenious than satisfactoi^. Generally the only
thing that can be done is to bide one's time until an
occasion presents itself for a favourable characteriza-
tion of tne person defamed. The obligation of the
detractor to make compensation for pecuniary loss
and the like is not only personal but becomes a burden
on his heirs as well.
NoLDiN, Summa Theciooia Moralia (Innsbnick, 1905) ; Geni-
OOT, Theotogia Moralia huHtuUonea (Lou vain, 1808); Lbum-
KUHii, Theolooia Moralu (Freiburc. 1887).
Joseph F. Delany.
"Dettit William, missionaiy, b. in France in 1668,
d. in South America, at an advanced age, date imcer-
tain. After his admission to the Society of Jesus, he
was sent by his superiors to the missions of South
America in 1706, and seven years later was appointed
superior-general and visitor of all the missions of the
Amazon embracing a tract of over 9000 miles. He is
credited with translating the catechism into eighteen
different languages for the various Indian tribes imder
his jurisdiction. It was he who sent to Europe the
celebrated map of the Amazon drawn by Father Sam-
uel Fritz, S. J., and engraved at Quito in 1707. In
1727 he was appointed rector of the College of Cuenca,
where he continued the zealous exercise of the func-
tions of the ministry. He left an interesting ''Rela^
tion" dated 1 June, 1731, giving curious details about
the uncivilized races of the Amazon. It is inserted in
volume XXIII of the ''Lettres Edihantes", original
edition.
MiCHAUD. Bmv. Univ. (Pwis, 1814); Sommkryoobl, BiU. d&
laC.de J. (Brasseb, 1892). s. v. Samtul FriU.lU. 1003.
Edward P. Spillanb.
Detroit, Diocese or (Dbtroitensis), established
8 March, 1838, comprises the counties of the lower
peninsula of the State of Michigan, U. S. A., south of
the Counties of Ottawa, Kent, Montcalm, Gratiot, and
Saginaw, and east of the Counties of Saginaw and Bay;
an area of 18,558 miles. Suffragan of Cincinnati.
To the martvT Father Isaac Jogues and his fellow-
Jesuit Father Charles Raynbaut, belongs the honour of
planting the Cross in Michigan when, in 1642, they
b^gan uieir mission to the Chippeways of the Sauft
Ste. Marie. Father Ren^ Menanl, also a Jesuit, fol-
lowed them in 1660, and was martyred the next year
by a band of prowling savages. His death did not
deter others of his brethren in the Society of Jesus
from hastening to this field of labour, and we find
Father Claude Allouez, at Chegoime^n, 1 October,
1665, preaching to the Ottawas and Hurons, and with
him these other missionaries: Fathers Claude Dablon,
Louis Andr6, Gabriel Druilletes, and the famous
Jacques Marquette. The last, in 1671 , began at Mich-
ilimackinaw, his mission of St. Ignatius, where the
first chapel for white men in Michigan was estab-
lished. France took formal posnession of the West in
1671, but England entering the fieki to dispute for the
mastery, political intrigue followed, to the disaster of
the old missions amon^ the Indians. Fort St. Joseph,
established at Detroit m 1688, developed into the post
established there in 1700 by La Mothe Cadillae, who
brouj^t with him a number of Canadian families.
This mission was served by the Recollects and under
the pastorate of the Rev. Nicholas Benedict Constantin
de rHalle, on 26 July, 1701, the church of St. Anne
was dedicated. This is the mother-church of the
Northwest, and the parish records are preserved in an
unbroken series in the archives of the St. Anne's
Church of the present, the building being the sixth of
the name in the line of succession. The first entry in
this registry is that of the baptism of a child of Cadil-
lac, the founder of the colony. It is asserted that no
other parish in the United States can present a Bimilar
record. This church was burned by discontented
Indians in 1704, and aj^in durins an Indian outbreak
in 1712. Father de l^Halle was Killed by the Indians
in 1706.
Other pastors during^his period were the ReooUect
Fathers Bonaventure, Dominic de la Marche, Cheru-
bin Dcnieau, Hyacinth Pelifresne, and Simplicius Bf>'
quet (1752-82) and the Sulpitian Fathers Calvarin,
Mcrcier, and Thaumur de la Somee. Detroit re-
mained under English domination until 1796, when
with the change ofpolitical control the spiritual juris-
diction passed to Bishop Carroll of Baltimore, and the
Bishop of Quebec recalled his priests from the Michigan
territory. Among those ministering at Detroit during
the English occupation were Father Hiomas Portter,
who died in 1781, and Father John Francis Hubert,
who was made CcMdjutor Bishop of Quebec in June,
1785.
At the dawn of the nineteenth oentuij Detroit, still
a miUtuy post, had a population of about 2000,
mainly French Catholics. St. Anne's parish then
comprised the whole of the present State of Michigan
and most of Wisconsin. In 1796 Bishop GarroH sent
the Sulpitian Father Michael Levadouz to take diarge
at Detroit. In June of the same year Fathers (kibriel
Richard and Dilhet were appointed to assist him, the
latter taking up his residence at Raisin River. Father
Levadoux was recalled to Baltimore in 1801'. Father
Richard succeeded him and became not only pastor of
St. Anne's, but one of the leading figures in the devel-
opment of the West. This remarkable priest was
bom at Saintes, France, 15 October, 1767. His
father was a government employee, and his mother
Genevieve Bossuet, a scion of the same family as the
^^a^Bishop of Meaux. He was ordained as a Sulpi-
tian at Paris, in October, 1791. The Revolution drove
him from his native land, and with Fathers Marshal,
Ciquard, and Matigonon, he arrived in Baltimore, 24
June, 1792. It was intended that they should be
teachers at St. Mary's Seminary, but tliey were as-
signed to missionary work instead, as the seminary
was not then ready for them. Father Ridiard was
sent to Prairie du Rocher and Kaskaskia, Dlinols,
where he spent six yean of hardship and privation,
but fruitful in the restilts of his zealous ministrations.
When he arrived at Detroit in June, 1798, he found
religious conditions far from ideal, the town having
been for years an Indian trading centre. He began at
once to exert a salutary influence for the reformation
of existing abuses and devoted himself also to promot-
ing the welfare of the numerous Indian missions in the
surrounding country. In the summer of 1801 he had
Bishop Denaut of Quebec visit Detroit on the invita-
tion of Bishop Carroll and confirm 521 persons of ages
ranging from ^rteen to eighty years. His manu-
script list of their names and ages is still kept in St.
Anne's archives. In 1804 he stsurted a Young Ladies'
Academy and a seminary to foster vocations for the
priesthood for young men, but a fire which destroyed
DETROIT
1. DETROIT COLLEGE 3. CATHEDRAL OF STS. PETER AND PAUl
2. CHURCH OF OUR LADY OF THE ROSARY ' 4. ST. MARY*S COLLEGE, MONROE
5. OLD ST. ANNE's church
DETROIT
759
DETROIT
the town II Juno, 1805, swept these away as well as
the church and priests' residence. So active were his
resourceful methods that within three years another
church was provided, the Catholic schools of Detroit
were again in operation, and tuition given in six pri-
mary schools and two academies for girls. He was
one of the founders of the University of Michigan,
which began with the act of the legislature passed 26
August, 1817, establishing "the Catholepistemiad or
University of Michigan'' of which he was vice-presi-
dent and professor for six of the thirteen departments
of which its curriculum was made up. In 1807 the
governor and other officials requested nim to lecture to
them and thus afforded him the opportunity to be the
first priest in the United States to deliver a series of
religious lectures to non-Catholics. He spoke to them
on the general principles of religion and morality at
noon every Sunday in the Council House. Explaining
this action to Bishop Carroll, he wrote: "As there
was no English minister here of any denomination, I
thought it might be of some utility to take possession
of the ground." The following year he went to Balti-
more and brought back type and a printins press
which he set up in Detroit. From this, on 31 August,
1809, he issued the "Michigan Essay or Imp^ial
Observer*', the first paper published in Michigan and
the first Catholic paper in the United States. It had
several columns printed in French and the rest in
English and had only one advertisement — ^that of St.
Anne's school. Between 1809 and 1812 he printed on
this press seven book» of a retigious and educational
character, one, "The Epistles and Gospels for all the
Sundays and Feast-days of the Year", being the first
publication in the Northwest of a part of the Holy
Scriptures.
The war of 1812 with E^ngland demoralized condi-
tions in Detroit, which fell into the hands of the Brit-
ish. Father Richard was arrested and kept a pris-
oner in Canada during the contest. On being released
he returned to his parish and was at once busy helping
everybody to repair the ravages of the war. In 1K23
he was elected a Delegate to Congress from Michigan
Territory, the only instance in which a priest has held
a seat in the House of Representatives. He had five
opponents at the polls, but many non^atholics voted
for him, Which outweighed the bitter opposition of a
number of members of his parish led by one of the
trustees who had lone been at enmity with him. He
fave his salary for the improvement of the church,
ust before he left for Washington he was put in
prison by one of his parishioners who had obtained a
divorce in a civil court and Remarried. Father
Richard declared him excommunicated, and the man
sued for damages to his reputation and business and
got a judgment of SI, 116. This Father Richard re-
fused to pay, and he was imprisoned until three of his
friends gave a bond for him. The judgment was
eventually reversed. In Congress he work(xi assidu-
ously for the interests of Michigan, but the only not-
able speech he made was that ^vocating the bill for
the opening of a post-road from Detroit to Chicago.
He sought re-election at the end of his term, but was
defeated, mainly through the exertions of his trustee
opponents. When Bishop Fenwick was consecrated
first Bishop of Cincinnati in 1822 Michigan passed
from Bardstown to that jurisdiction. Father Richard
prepared for him a statement of the condition of the
Territory, in which he then estimated there were about
6000 Catholics with five churches and two priests —
himself and his assistant. An epidemic of cholera
broke out in Detroit in the summer of 1832, and the
venerable miasionaiy, while unstintingl^ devoting
himself to the help of the suffering, fell a victim to the
disease, of which he died, 13 September, 1832. Prep-
arations had been under way even then to raise De-
troit to a bishopric, of which, had he lived, he would
probably have received the mitre.
Gabrxxl Richard
BisHOP8.--(l) John Fuedeuic Reee (the name Ls
also given as Reese in the German ecclesiastical rec-
ords), who had been a zealous missionary throughout
the territoiy, was appointed the first bishop 25 Febru-
ary, 1833, and was consecrated at Cincinnati 6 Octo-
ber of the same year. He was bom 6 February, 1791 ,
at Viennenberg, Hanover, and enjoys the distinction
of being the first German-bom bishop of the American
hieranmy. Drafted into military service in his youth,
he served under Bliicher as a dragon at the battle of
Waterloo. He was ordained in Rome, in 1822, and
emigrated to the American missions in 1825, affiliating
himself with Bishop Fenwick in Ohio. In 1827 he
was sent to Europe to secure German priests and finan-
cial aid for the stmggline missions and returned in
a year, after success in both efforts. Through his ex-
ertions the famous Leopoldine Association that gave
so much substantial help to the Church in the United
States was founded
in Austria in 1829.
When he took
charge of the Dio-
cese of Detroit
there were eight
churches and the
Ottawa Indian
mission within its
limits. Under his
auspices the Poor
Clares opened a
convent in Detroit
and a school at
Green Bay (1833).
Holy Trinity
church was built
at Detroit, and
{)ari8hes estab-
ished at Monroe, Grand River, and Bertrand.
A hospital was opened in Detroit in 1834 during
an outbreak of cholera, where also St. Philip's Col-
lege, an orphan asylum, Trinity Academy, and a
house of the Ladies of FSt)vidence were established,
with several parochial schools. The bishop, however,
was attacked with softening of the brain and expreasea
in a letter to the Provincial Council of Baltimore, in
1837, a wish to resign or transfer the administration to
a coadjutor. He was suspended from all episcopal
jurisdiction and went to Rome, where he remained
until the disorders in the city by the revolutionists in
1848, and then retired to his native Diocese of Hildes-
heim, Germany, where he died at the mother-house of
the Sisters of Charity, 30 December, 1871, and was
buried in the cathedral of that place.
(2) Peter Paul Lefebre, another active and suc-
cessful missionary of the Diocese of Cincinnati, was
named as the coaxijutor and administrator of Detroit,
and consecrated titular Bishop of Zella, at Philadel*
phia, 21 November, 1841. He was born 30 April,
1804, at Roulers, near Ghent, Belgium, and, emitt-
ing to the United States in 1828, was ordained priest
at St. Louis, 17 July, 1831. He was in Europe when
he was appointed bishop, but retumed at once for his
consecration. He was a careful and conservative
prelate, forecasting the future in his selection of
church sites, and devoting himself actively to the ex- •
pansion of the facilities for the practice of the Faith in
nis diocese and the spread of sound Catholic educa^
tion. The Redemptorists and the Religious of the
Sacred Heart were established in Detroit, and for the
parochial schools the Christian Brothers, the Sisters of
Notre Dame, the Sisters of Charity, and the Sisters of
the Immaculate Heart of Mary were brought into the
diocese. In 1844 the creation of the new See of Mil-
waukee relieved the Bishop of Detroit of the care of
that section and enabled him to devote more attention
to his Indian missions, which were developed splen-
didly. In 1 857 the separation of the Diocese of Sault-
DEUSDBDIT
760
HEXTSDEDIT
Ste-Marie was made at Bishop Lefcbre's suggestion.
With Bishop Spalding he was mainly instrumental in
founding, in 1867, the American College at Louvain
(q. v.). He died, 4 March, 1869.
(3) Gasper H. Borgess (q. v.) was appointed his
successor and consecrated titular Bishop of Calyson
and coadjutor and administrator of Detroit, 24 April,
1870. On the death of Bishop Eeze, 30 December,
1871 , he assumed the title of Detroit. He resigned 16
April, 1888, and died 3 May, 1890.
(4) John Samuel Foley was named the fourth
bishop and consecrated at Baltimore, 4 November,
1888. He was bom in that city 5 November, 1833,
and ordained priest in Home 20 December, 1856. His
brother was Bishop Thomas Foley, administrator of
Chicago (1870-79). The early settlers of Detroit had
been French j these were followed, at different inter-
vals, by Belgians, Germans, Poles, Slavs, and Italians.
Bishop Foley established a special seminary for the
Poles and secured the ministrations of religious of that
nationality. A schism among them of several years'
duration, and of disastrous results, was healed throueh
his forbearance. In 1907 the priests and laity of the
diocese, in honour of the golden jubilee of his priest-
hood, presented Bishop Foley with St. Francis's Home
for Orphan Boys, built at a cost of $250,000.
The Congregation of the Sisters Servants of the Im-
maculate Heart of Manr was founded at Monroe,
Michigan, 28 Nov., 1845, by the Rev. Louis Gillet,
C. SS. R. Three young ladies, two from Baltimore
and one from Detroit, lormed the new community,
whose rule was taken from that of St. Alphonsus.
and whose secondary object was the education of
youth. In 1859 some of the sistera went to Pennsyl-
vania; there are now three distinct mother-houses, one
in the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, one in the Diocese
of Scranton, and the original at Monroe, in the Diocese
of Detroit. Besides these the sisters have schools in
the Dioceses of Harrisbujg, Altoona, Boise^ Grand
Rapids, Cleveland, Seattle, and Oregon.
The following religious orders and congr^tions
have foundations in the diocese. — Communities of
men: Fathers of St. Basil, Capuchins, Fathers of the
Holy Ghost, Fathers of the Precious Blood, Redemp-
torists, Jesuits, Franciscans, Brothers of the Christian
Schools, Xaverian Brothers. Communities of women :
Sisters of Charity (Mt. St. Joseph, Ohio). Sisters of
Charity (Emmitsburg, Md.), Sisters ot Christian
Charitv, Sistera of St. Dominic (New York City), Sis-
tera of St. Dominic (Racine, Wis.), School Sistera of
St. Francis, Felician Sistera, Sistera of the Good
Shepherd, Sistera of the Holy Names of Jesus and
Mary, Sistera Servants of the Immaculate Heart of
Mary, Sistera of St. Joseph, Religious of the Sacred
Heart, Little Sistera of me Poor, School Sistera of
Notre Dame, Polish Sistera of St. Joseph, Sistera of St.
Dominic of the Perpetual Adoration.
Statibtics: 1 bishop, 237 priests (193 secular and
44 regular), 146 churches with resident priests, 66 mis-
sions with churches, 20 stations, 23 chapels, 1 theo-
logical seminary for the secular clergy with 320 stu-
dents, 40 Polish students, 1 theological seminary for
religious; 3 colleges and academies for boys, students
600; 7 academies for girls, students 870; 70 parishes
and missions with schools, pupils 23,086; 3 orphan
asylums, inmates 600; 1 House of the Good Shepherd,
inmates in preservation class 125. Total number of chil-
dren under Catholic care, 23,811; 4 hospitals; 1 home
for aged poor, inmates 250 ; 1 home for feeble-minded ;
1 infant asylum, 1 home for working boys. Estimated
Catholic population 256,500 (Catholic families 50,041).
Shka, History of Caih, Mistions among the Indian Tribes of
U. S. (New York, 1855); Idem, Life and Times of Most Rev.
John Carroa (New York, 1888); Idem, Hittory of Cath. Ch. in
U. S. (New York, 1904); Campbku:^ Pioneer Prieats of North
America (New York. 1908); U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc, Hi*t.
Records and Studies (New York. November, 1907). V, Pt. I;
REnas, Biog. Cyei. of the Catholic Hierarchy of c/.- S. (Mil-
waukee, 1888); Clajuub, JAves of Deeeaat4 Bithops (New
York, 1872); Catholic Directory (1908); Goout. MidkianLa
Hialory of Oovemments (Boston. 18S6); McLiAtiOHun, 0u<0ry
of Education m Miehiifan (WasoinctoD, 1881).
THoiCAS F. Mbeban.
Deosdedit (Adeodatus I)» Saint, PopSp date of
birth unknown: eonseerated pope, 19 October (13
November), 615; d, 8 November (3 December), 618;
distinguished for his charity and z/&oL He enoourased
and supported the clei^, who were ioipoverisbedf in
oonseouenoe of ihe political trouUes of the time; and
when nifl diocese was visited by a violent eartJoquiike
and the terrible soouige of leprosv he aet an heroic
example by his efforts to relieve the suffering. The
few deoretaifl ascribed to him aro unautfaenticated.
He is said to have been the first pope to use leaden
seals (fyuUa) for pontifical documents. One dating
from his reign is still preservedL the obverse of whijfa
represents the Good Shepherd in the midst of Hia
sheep, with the letters A and O underneath, while the
reverse bears the inscription: Dsusdsdit PAPiB. His
feast occurs 8 November. Lso A. Ksllt.
Deuadttdit, Saint, a native of Wessex, England,
whose Saxon name was Frithona, and of whose eariy
life nothing is known; d. 14 July, 664. He was the
sixth Archbishop of Cantcrbuiv (655-664), and was
the first Anglo-Saxon to hold the primaov. He was
consecrated at Canterbuiy in 656, by Itnamar, the
first Saxon Bishop of Rodiester, in sucoession to
Honorius, thus commencing the long line of English
archbishops, which was broken but once, and that by
his immediate successor, Theodore. Little is known of
the primacy of Deusdedit. Most of the other bishops
during his time were of either Celtic or French origin.
Of the seven or eight consecrated during the nine yean
of his primacy only one received consecration from
him, viz. Damian, Bishop of Rochester, consecrated
in 656, and this is the sole official act of his that is
known with absolute oertaintv. He is said to have
hallowed Wulfhere's church at Jided^ampstede (Peter-
borouj^) in Merda, the charter of which, dated 657,
contains his signature, but from the fact that it also
contains the names of Ithamar and Tuda a difficulty
arises. Haddan and Stubbs, who print the charter
(Councils of Great Britain and Irelimd), consider the
foundation of this monastery to have b^n not earlier
than 664. The archbishop's name is given by Simeon
of Duriiam as the consecrator of the seventy nuns of
St. Eormenburga's convent in Thanet, but the state-
ment lacks confirmation. St. Deusdedit died on the
same day aa Ercoabert, King of Kent, aad was buried
in St. Peter's porch at Canterbuiy.
GozEUN, Life of Deusdedii, printod in theBoLtAiTDBTB under
15 July: Hook, Lives of the Ahps. of Canterbury (London, ISSfh
75); Hole in Diet. Christ. Biop. (London, 1877); Stantos,
Mcnologu of England and Wales (London, 1887); Abcheb
in Diet. Nat, Biog. (London, 1888).
G, Cyprian Alston.
Deusdedit, Cardinal, b. at Todi, Italy; d. be-
tween 1097 and 1100. He was a friend of St Gregoiy
VII and defender of his reformation measures. Deus-
dedit joined the Benedictine Order and became a zeal-
ous promoter of ecclesiastical reforms in the latter half
of the eleventh century. Pope Gregonr VII raised
him to the cardinalate with the title of S. Tietro in
VincolL According to the superscription of chapter
420 (former reckomng 161) in the fourth book of Iub
"Collectio canonum , Deusdedit had sojourned in
Germany; but it is not known, however, when and
from what motive he did so. In 1078, to took ptfurt in
a Roman syiiod, at which he represented tiie opinions
of Berengarius of Tours (Mansi, Cone. ColL,XIX, 762).
In the long conflict for the freedom of the ecclesiastical
authority from the oppression of the civfl power Deus-
dedit sided with Gregory VII, and wtm one of his chief
agents and defenders. At the suggestion evidently
of this pope, he undertook the compuationof acolle<^
DEU8
761
DBTTTIHQER
tiop of canons which he completed in 1087 and dedi-
cated to Victor III (Collectio canonum, ed. Marti-
nucci, Venice, 1869 ; ed. Victor Wolf von Glanfell, Pa-
derbom, 1005). It consists of four books: the first
book (327 chapters) treats of the power of die Roman
Church; the second (163 chapters) of the Roman
clergy; the third (289 chapters; of ecclesiastical mat-
ters; the fourth (437 chapters) of the liberty of the
Church and her ministers and of the inmiunities of the
clergy. These canons were partly taken from earlier
collections, e. g. that of Burchara of Worms, partly
from the original documents found in the archives and
the library of the Lateran palace. The sources of the
collections are to be found in Holy Scripture, the
councils, letters cl popes, writizigs of the Fathers, let-
ters of temporal rulers, and civillaws. He meant bv
this work to defend the ri^ts and liberty of theCihurch
and the autiiority of the fioly See, in keeping with the
measures of Gregory VII and his adherents. At the
same time, this coUection reveals Deusdedit as one of
the most important of the pre-Gratian canonists.
Under Urban II (1088-1099) he published in the in-
terest of the Gregorian reforms another work: "Li-
bellus contra invasores et symoniacos et reliquos
Bchismaticos'' (ed. Mai, Nova Bibliotheca Patrum,
VII, III, 77-114 ; ed. Sackur, Mon. Germ. Hist., LibelU
de lite, II, 30Q-365). This work was first published in
a short, then in an enlarged form, the latter com-
pleted in 1099. In this work, important for the his-
tory of the investitures conflict under Urban II, the
author points out that the temporal power has no au-
thority in ecclesiastical matters and particularly no
right to exercise ecclesiastical investiture. Sackur
(see below) has made it probable that the so-called
"Dictatus Papas" (see Gregory VII) were composed
by Deusdedit. - These are twenty-seven short theses
concerning the privileges of the Roman Church and
the pope [ed. Jaff^, Bibl. Rer. Germ., (Berlin, 1864— )
II, 174]. Until quite recently Gregory VII hhnself
was generally regarded as the author; LOwenfeld (see
below) continued to maintain the authorship of Greg-
ory, but Sackur, however, has shown that the "In-
dices cajpitulorum" in the "CJollectio canonum" of
Deusdedit are closely related to the brief theses known
as "Dictatus Pap© both in respect of sense and ver-
bal text. Most probably, therefore, the latter are taken
frpm the collection of Deusdedit, who put them to-
gether from the "Registrum Epistolarum" or letter-
book of Gregory. Possibly also Deusdedit was the
editor of thisTamous and important collection of Greg-
ory's correspondence. In this case, the cardinal ap-
pears in a new light as intimate counsellor and intel-
lectual heir of Gregory VII. On 4 April, 1100, a cer-
tain Albericus appears as titular priest of 8. Pietro in
Vincoli; therefore Deusdedit was then no longer alive.
Die KatumeMommlung dea Kardmalt Dtutdedil, von Glan-
YVLL, «d. (Paderbom, 1005); Giksebrscht, Die Oe$ettgebunif
der fiim. Kirehe nur Zeit Gregan VII. in Miknehen. Hist. Jahr-
huch far 1866, 180 sqq.; Stevenson. Oeservaxicni auUa ** Col-
lectio canonum" di Deusdedit in Arehivio dfUa eoeiett romana di
aioriapairia (1885). 300-398; LOwenpeld, Die CanontamnUuno
dea Kard, Deuadedit und daa Regiaiet Gregora VII, in Neuea
Archiv (1885). 311 sqq.; Idem, Der DicUUtta papa Gregora VTT,
tmd eine Ufherarbeitung deaaOben im It. Jahrh.,{bid. (1891). 193
sqq.; Sackur, Der DieUUua papa und die Canonaamnduna dea
DeuadedU, ibid. (1893)» 135 nqq.; Idck, Zu dm SireiUehriften dee
Deuadedilunddea Hugo von Flewry.Hnd. (1891). 3498qa.; Hirsch,
I Stellung tur Laieninveatiiur in ArchtvJ. kath.
Kard. Deuadedita <
XirdkenradU ^1908); 34 sqq.; Mikbt, />ie Pi^Mt^eOE^tm^ZMteller
Gregora VII. (Lapng. 18
J. P. KraacH.
Dens in Adjutoriiim Memn Intende, with the re-
sponse: "Domine ad adjuvandum me festina", first
verse of the sixty-ninth Psalm. These words form
the introductory prayer to every Hour of the Roman,
monastic, -and Ambrosian Breviaries, except during
the last three days of Holy Week, and in the Office of
the Dead. While thev are said, or sung, all present
sign themselves with the sign of the cross. Tradition
says that St. Benedict intrc^uced this custom into the
monastic Office and that St. Gr^ry I extended it to aU
the Roman diurches; Cassian (Coll., X, 10), however,
says that from the earliest Christian times the monks
used this introduction very often, probably outside
of the liturgical prayers. In placing this supplication
at the begiiming of everjr Hour the Church implores
the assistance of God against distractions in prayer.
In the Roman Rite the "Deus in adjutonum" is
preceded in Matins b^ the " Domine labia mea aperies",
whilst in the monastic Breviary the order is reversed.
In Complin it is always preceded by the " Converte nos
Deus ". In the Mozarabic Liturgy the Hours com-
mence with the triple Kyrie Eleison. In all the Latin
countries north, east, and west of the Alps tiie intro-
duction to the solemn Vespers of Easter Sunday was
formed by the nine Kyrie Eleison and Christe Eleison
of the Easter Mass. In the churches which observe
the Greek Rite, the Trisa^ion and other prayers open
the Hours. Tne "Deus m adjutorium" la repeated
three times during the conclusional prayers of Prime,
In the monasteries Prime was finisncd immediately
after the prayer: ''Domine Deus omnipotens"; then
the monks went from the choir to the chapter-room,
where the Martyrology was read, and the day's work
was given out; before dispersing to their several occu-
pations they sang three times tne "Deus in adjutor-
lum", to emphasize the union of prayer and labour.
WoLTEB, PaallUe aanienter (Freiburjt 1905), II, 668; Nord'
amerikmniacKea PaatormUM (Dec. 1907}; BATirFOL, tr. Bat-
LAT, Hiatory of the Roman Breviarjf (London, 1898); Bebnaro
Coura de lUurgie romaine: le BrHnaire (Paria. 1887), II, 148-50.
Frederick G. Holweck.
D^Qierocanoiiical Books. See Canon of thb
HbLT SCRDPTURBS.
Deuteronomy. — ^This tenn occurs in Deut., zvii»
18 and Jos., viii, 32, and is the title of one of the five
books of the Pentateuch. In both passages it renders
the Latin Z)eut6ronomit/m, the Greek t6 6wTepov6fM¥, the
Hebrew nJKID, and signifies " copy " or " duplicate "
rather than ** repetition". The texts themselves ap-
pear to demana this meanjne; for Deut., xvii, 18
reads: "But after he is raised to the throne of hia
kingdom, he shall copy out to himself the Deuteron-
omy of this law in a volume, takine the copy of the
Eriests of the Levitical tribe"; and Jos., viii, 32 re-
ntes: ''And he wrote upon stones the Deuteronomy
of the law of Moses, which he had ordered before the
children of Israel." The Taigum of the latter passage
favours the same meaning. As title of the fifth book
of the Pentateuch, DeiUeronomy corresponds to the
Hebrew D^l*Tn npH. Pseudo-Athanasius maintaina
that the title signifies "the second law" promulgated
by Moses in accordance with the Divine precept. But
it is more commonly understood as meaning "ex*
planAtion" of the law, or "exhortation" inducing to
the observance of the law. The introductoiy ques*
tions concerning the Book of Deuteronomy are
treated in the article Pentateuch.
Hagen, Lexicon Biblicum (Paris, 1905).
A. J. Maas.
Deutinger, Martin, philosopher and religious
writer, b. in Langenpreising, Bavaria, 24 March, 1815;
d. at Pfafers, Switzerland. 9 Sept.. 1864. He was or-
dained priest in 1837, ana after filling several clerical
positions, taught philosophy at Freising (1841), Mu-
nich (1846), and Dillmgen (1847-52). Like his pred-
ecessors, Baader (q. v!) and Anton GOnther. he en-
deavoured to construct a philoeophv that should medi-
ate between Catholicism and the idealistic philosophy
then prevailing in Germany, and thus conciliate the
truths of faith with what he considered the demands of
reason. The effort at conciliation, while no more suc-
cessful than that of his predecessors, involved less sac-
rifice of the content of Faith and of objective reason.
Deutinger's system is based on a scheme of trilogies.
He places anthropology at the centre. Starting with
univeiBal methodical doubt, he finds in that douot the
DBVA8
762
DSVAS
EJgo revealed as an independent self-conscious person.
Further reflection shows the self to be conditioned by
the non-self (nature), while both self and nature sup-
pose a supreme, free cause. Hence the first trilogy —
Man, Nature, God. The evolution of the Ego is ef-
fected by the interaction of Nature and God, and this
results in a triple life. The first element and stage
proceeds from nature (the body), the second from God
(the spirit), the third, the intermediating ground, is
the soul. Hence the second trilogy constituting man's
nature and stages of his development — Body, Soul,
Spirit. The attributes of the spirit are being, know-
ing, willing. But the unity of these attributes is
merely subjective; personahty is only potentially in
them. The spirit comes to actual personality through
interaction with nature. The vital process, consisting
in tlie interplay of nature (i. e. the necessitated factor)
with tne personal (i. e. the free) element, unfolds in
three stages: as movement inward from without
(thought, Denken) ; as outward from with'n (power,
Konnen): and as proceeding from both together (doing,
acting. Tun.), Hence the trilogy of human faculty:
Thoumit, Power. Action; and the departments of
the philosophical system: science of thought (Denk-
lehre), of art (KunsUehre), and of conduct (moral
philosophy). Outside these departments lie p^chol-
ogy and the philosophy of nature, while on the cir-
cumference extend jurisprudence and the philos^phjjr
of religion. Sensation and imagination are insuffi-
cient to explain the genesis of thought, the concept.
The representation herein the external and the m-
temal factors unite is but one basis of conscious
knowledge, the concept; the other lies in the free per-
sonal element, inward intuition, the idea. Idea,
therefore, and representation must interact in order to
ei^nder the concept. Hence cognition is the prod-
uct of the two opposing factors, representation and
idea, between whidi it intermediates as concept. But
just as tke antinomy between the free personality and
the necessitated outer nature urges to conciliation in
action, so the antinomy between subject and object
presses towards unification in thou^t. Now all in-
termediated unity comes of likeness, unlikeness, and
the blending unitv. Likeness lies in the subject; un-
likeness in the object; unity in the interrelation of
these two. From the first we get the principle of
identity; from the second that of sequence, or reason;
from the third that of disjunction, or exclusion.
Hence the final trilogy of the laws of thought.
Each of the foregoing ''temaUties'' is developed
with considerable insight, but with much artificiality
and still more mistiness, which is felt at once in the
distinction he makes between soul and spirit, and
in the genesis of personality by the play of the necessi-
tating nature-obj ect on the free spirit. The similarity
to the Hegelian idealism, if not the borrowed influence
of that elusive system, is at once apparent.
Deutinger possessed a richly-endowed mind, a soar-
ing, though somewhat exuberant, imagination, an ar-
dent love of the beautiful in nature and in art, and a
comprehensive, thous^ not always sufficiently critical,
intelligence. He failed in his main purpose not be-
cause ne lacked philosophical power or energy, but
chiefly because he broke with philosophical tradition
to go his own way. He is said to have boasted that
"he had builded a house of his own in philosophy, re-
gardless of the form and material employed by other
builders". "This is all very fine", observes Stockl,
"and it may well be that Deutinger wanted to do per-
fect justice to the faith which he strove to conciuate
with a modernised philosophy. But iust because he
wrought by himself mdependently of the claims of the
Christian philosophical tradition, his system manifests
the characteristic of all other modem systems con-
structed in a like spirit. Subjectivism predominates
throughout, and therefore it enjoyed but an e])hem-
eral existence." As a critic, Deutinger was brilliant
and prolific His style, though somewhat luzuriaot,
is marked by a sparkling wit and saix;asm that is speci-
ally captivating with the young. His works com-
prise: "Grundlmiender positiven Philosophic" (Rat-
isbon, 1843-49); "Geschichte der griechischen Philus-
ophie" (Ratisbon. 1852-53); "Bflder des Geistcs in
Kunst u. Natur'' fAugsbui^ 1846-49, and Kails-
bon, 1851); "Grundriss der Moralphilosophie" (Dil-
lingen, 1847) ; ''Grundriss der Logik '^ (Dillingen, 184s} ;
"Wallfahrt nach Oberammei^u" (Munich, 1851);
"Geist der christl. Ueberlieferang" (Augsbui^g, 1850);
"Das Princip der neueren Philosophic und die chri^itL
Wissenschaft " (Ratisbon, 1857) ; '^Uebcr das Verhalt-
niss der Poesie zur Religion" (Aufijsburg, 1861) ; "D;i£
Reich Gottes nach dem Apostel Joannes" (Freiburg
1862); "Renan und das Wunder" (Munich, 18r>i).
Among his posthumous works, edited by his pubil
Lorenz iCastner, are: "Der gesenwartige Zustand der
deutschen Philosophic"; a tnird volume of "Diuj
Reich Gottes" (Ratisbon, 1867); and an additioDal
part to the "Bilder des Gteistes" (Munich, 1866).
Kastnsr, Deutinaen Leben und Schriiten (Munich. isT')}:
StCckl, Oeachidite der neueren PhUoaophie (Mainz, 1883): Nn--
DBGKKR. Daa OrundjmMem der BrkeiuUniMthMrit (Nordlingm.
1881), faTonnkble to Deutinger; oa the oppoaita side, Beckvu.
Die PhUoeophie DetuUngera %n xkrem VernaUnisa zur Sd^diuUh
und PhOoeophie der Neuzeit in the Kalhoitk (1868) I. 693: II.
156; ScHUiD in Kird^mUexikon, s, vj; Qattbl, Deutinaen
GoUedehre (lUtisbon. 1906).
F. P. Siegfried.
Devas, Charles STANTON^political economist, b.
at Woodside, Old Windsor, England, of Protestant
parents, 26 August, 1848; d. 6 November, 1906. He
was educated at Eton and Balliol Coll^fc, Oxford.
where he took a first class in the honours School of
Law and History. Before proceeding to the univer-
sity he had been received into the Catholic Church ami
his subsequent career was entirely devoted to tlie
service of religion. By treating political economy^
both in books and lectures, from a definitely Catholic
standpoint, he was one of the earliest to oppose the
current teaching, which declined to consider nlstory or
ethics as relevant to the subject.
"The Groundwork of Economics" (1883), the first
work published in his own name (for the translatiori
into English of Hergenrother's "Church and State'
was anonymous), attracted considerable attention ai^i
was translated into German in 1896 by Dr. Walter
Kampfe. The "Manual of Political Economy"
(Stonyhurst Philosophical Series), published in 18J)i'
(third edition, 1907), has achieved a more permanent •
success, and is now a recognised textbook m English-
speaking schools and seminaries. In 1886 he pub-
lished "Studies in Family Life", an historical inquiry
into this branch of economics, with a view to justify
the contention that Christianity is an essential factor
in the problem of social well-being. This book was
translated into German in 1887 by Paul Maria Baura-
garten. In 1896 he published anonymously in Lon-
don a poetical version of the story of Slntram. ^
Besides his books he wrote frequently for "Tj^c
Dublin Review", "The Month", and other ppriodicab.
both English and American, and read papers before
The British Association, The Manchester Staiistical
Society, The CVtholic Truth Society, and other bodiM.
A considerable number of his later essays and lectunw
dealing with modem social problems have been issuvd
by The Catholic Truth Society in pamphlet form, ami
his premature death was a severe loss to En^tsu
Catholics in the confusion of the controversies ra^^^
by Socialism. His last, and perhaps his most impor-
tant, book, "The Key to the World's Progreas", was
published in 1906. This, unlike his earlier works, js
directly apologetic, being an elaborate defence of tiie
Catholic Church written with a view to meeting the
difficulties and questionings of the twentieth century.
A popular edition ha.s Ix^en i&suHi since liifl death.
In 1874 he married Eliza Mary Ivatherine, the
DSVUiOPMSNT
763
DB VIBS
d&ii^^ter of Franeis Eidout Ward. She died in 188%
iettVTMig nine children. Devas was a man of singular
pie^3r» a aeidoufi member of the Society of St. Vincent
of PauI, and. an active friend of the poor; he had no
otlier ambition except to propose the Catholic Faith
to t;l^e reasonable acceptance of a troubled and scepti-
cal ch^. He took a leading, part in all Catholic enter-
T>ri8e6 of his time in Eng^d — ^notably in that which
ona.l>led Catholics to frequent the universities — and
1«l:icyu^ always unwillina to make himself personally
pronoinent, he exercised considerable influence over
tlie thougjit and conduct of English Catholics. He
iMras examiner in Political Economy at the Royal Uni-
irersity of Ireland from 1889 to 1898.
Francis Chables Dbvab.
X>6velopin«iit of Doctrine* See Reyblation.
l>e Verei Aubret Thomas Hunt, poet, critie,
mnxi essayist, b. at Curragh Chase, County Limerick,
Ireland, 10 January, 1814; died there, 21 January,
19€2. He was the third son of Sir Aubrey de Vere
mud MaiV Spring Rice, sister of the first Lord Mont-
ea^e. Aubrey Vere, second son of the sixteenth Eail
of (hcford, was his chrect ancestor. Aubr^ de Vere
early diowed his rare poetic temperament. His young
inoagination was stronsljr influenced by his friendship
mrith the astronomer, Sir William Rowan Hamilton,
'ilirou^ whom he came to a knowledge and reverent
admii^on for Wordsworth and Coleridge. In 1832
be entered Trinity Colleoe, Dublin, where he devoted
bimaelf to the study of metaphysics, reading Kant
and Coleridge. Later he visited Oxford, Cambridge,
and Rome, and came under the potent influence of
Newman. He also visited the Lake Country of Eng-
land, and he afterwards spoke of the days under
Wordsworth's roof as the greatest honour of his life.
His veneration for Wordsworth was singularly shown
in after life, when he never omitted a yearly pilgrim-
age to the ^ve of that poet until advanced age made
the journey impossible.
From his study of Coleridge, Aubrey de Vere re-
ceived his first impulse towards Catholicity, which was
developed by events following the conversion of Man-
ningy and he was received into the Church, Novem-
ber, 1857, in the arehbishop's chapel at Avignon.
His unustud sweetness of character won for him many
friends, and this important change in his life did not
separate him from them. Among these friends Sara
Ooleri^e and Sir Heniy Taylor are preeminent, and
his long correspondence with them, with Miss Fen-
wiek, with Gladstone, and many others of literary
and {lolitical fame, is of marked interest. The famine
year in Ireland was one of the most important in his
earlier life, and he then showed a practical and vigor-
ous interest in politics. In 1848 he had publish^ a
book on En|dish misrule and Irish misdeeds, which
was criticissed as a work of ereat value, notably by
Mill and Carlyle and Lord John Manners. His
brother. Sir Stephen de Vere, the translator of some
of the Odes and Epodes of Horace, also made heroic
efforts at this time to better the condition of Irish
emisrants; and the intimate friendship between the
brc^ere led to their almost daily correspondence
throughout their long hves.
It is as a poet that Aubrev de Vere is best known.
His work is m part historical and in part literary, his
aim being to illustrate the supernatural in the form
of supernatural truth by recording the conversion to
Christianity of Ireland and England. The ouality of
his verse is strong and vigorous, musical, ana remark-
ably spiritual. A critic in the " Quarterly Review "
of 1896 says of his poetry, that next to Browning's
it shows the fullest vitality, resumes the largest sphere
of ideasy covers the broadest intellectual field since
the poetry of Wordsworth. He never strove for or-
tiate effect iu his |K)etry, which is marked by sublime
and seriou . conviction as he traces the progress of
spiritual thought in the devdopment of tne nations,
notablv Ireland, in "The Legend of St. Patrick" (Ix)n-
don, lo72), and of Spain in nis eloquent portrayal of
the Cid. " The Children of lir " is one of the most ex-
quisite lyrics in the language, and his classic knowl-
«ige, his richness of imagination, his combined grace
and dignity of thought are revved in his " Search
after ftoserpine" (London, 1843). In his "Alexan-
der the Great" (London, 1874) he represents the
Greek ideal in remarkable purity, and tnis historical
play, with his "Saint Thomas of Canterbuor" (ibid.),
reveals him as a dramatist unequalled in his. century,
except by Sir Henry Taylor, Browning, and his father,
the elder de Vere. His memorial sonnets are charac-
terized by strong and deep thou^t, and his odes show
a descriptive power, and a spontaneous lyric charm
and grace.
In addition to the above-mentioned works, all pub-
lished in London, he also wrote : " Legends and Records
of the Church and Empire" (1887) ; "May Carob and
L^nds of Saxon Samts " (1857) ; " Mediaeval Records
and Sonnets" (1898) : "L^ds of the Saxon Saints"
(1879); "May Carols^' (1857); "Saint Peter's Chains"
(1888); "Essays Literary and Ethical" (1889); "Es-
says chiefly on Poetry" (1887) ; " Picturesque Sketches
of Greece and Turkey" (1850).
As a critic, Aubrey de Vere shows discriminating
power in the two volumes of "Essays" in which he
writes of Sir Henry Taylor, Keats, Landor, and others,
and of the power and passion of Wordsworth. He
would have been satisfied to be known solely as the in-
terpreter of Wordsworth, whom he considered the
^atest poet after Milton. His charm c^ description
IS shown m two early volumes of " Sketches of Greece
and Turkey ". In a volume of " Recollections " (Lon-
don, 1897) may be found reminiscences of many nota-
ble people and events. The personality of Aubrey de
Vere was singularly charming. He was of tall and
slender physique, thoughtful aod grave in character,
of exceeding dignity and grace of manner, and re-
tained his vigorous mental powers to a great age.
He was undoubtedly one of the most profoundly m«
tellectual poets of his time. As he never married, the
name of de Vere at his death became extinct for the
second time, and has been assumed by his nephew.
(2) Sir Stephen Edward de Vere, poet and phil-
anthropist, born at Curragh Chase, 12 July, 1812, died
at Foynes Island, 10 November, 1904, second son of Sir
Aubrey Hunt de Vere, and brother of the above. At
the death of his eldest brother. Sir Vere de Vere, suc-
ceeded as fourth baronet to the title, which became ex-
tinct at his death. From his early youth he laboured
for the amelioration of the conditions, social and poli-
tical, of the Irish people. In 1847 he made the voyage
to Canada in the steerage of a ship, sharing the priva-
tions of the emigrants tnat an accurate report oi their
treatment mi^ht be given to the public and to Parha-
ment. On his return to England in 1848, his letter
describing the sufferings he had witnessed was read in
the House of Lords, and the "Passenger Act" was
amended. Sir Stephen de Vere became a Catholic
from his observation of the peasantry whom he had
taught, fed, and nursed in his own house. He had his
residence at Foynes Island in the river Shannon, where
he made his remarkable translations from Horace.
He also built there a charming Gothic chureh, and
died at the great age of nine^ years. He was of
small and slender physique, and, like his brother, was
unmarried. He was Member of Parliament for Lim*
erick, 1854-1859.
Wabd. Avbrm de Vere, A Memoir (London, 1904); The
Poetry afthede Verea, in the QuarUrlv Beoiew (London, Apifl,
1896): Oeoroe, Avbrm de Vere in the Atlantic MoiUMy (Bos-
ton, June. 1902); O'Kbnnedy, AiArm de Vere in The Ave
Maria (Notre Dame, June, 1902); Walter Georoe Smith,
Aubrry de Vtre in The MeMmyer (New York, 1907) ; The Tablet
(Loncloa, 20 J«nu;^ry, 19Q2): Odce and Upodee of Horace, tram'
DBTIL
764
DIVXL
kUed by Sir StepKen E. de Vere (Lemdon); Arnold, Reoo^
ledvma of Aubrey de Fere (Loodoa) ; Wabi>, Memoir of Au-
brey de Vere (London).
Helen Grace Smith.
Devil (Greek Mfiokot\ Lat. dtaholus), — The name
commonly given to the fallen angels, who are also
known as demons (see Demon; Demonology). With
the article (6) it denotes Lucifer, their chief, as in
Matthew, xxv, 41, "the Devil and his angels". It
may be said of this name, as St. Gregory says of the
word angel J "nomen est officii, non naturse" — the
designation of an office, not of a nature. For the
GrecK word (from dta/5dXX«r, "to traduce") means a
slanderer, or accuser, and in this sense it is applied to
him of whom it is written "the accuser [* Kar-^opot]
of our brethren is cast forth, who accused them before
our God dav and night" (Apoc, xii, 10). It thus
answers to the Hebrew name Satan (p(^) which signi-
fies an adversary, or an accuser.
Mention is made of the Devil in many passages of
the Old ^nd New Testaments, but there is no full
account given in any one place, and the Scripture
teaching on this topic can only be ascertained by com-
bining a number of scattered notices from Genesis to
Apocalypse, and reading them in the light of patristic
and theological tradition. The authoritative teach-
ing of the Church on this topic is set forth in the de-
crees of the Fourth Lateran Council (cap. i, "Firmiter
credimus"), wherein, after saying that God in the be-
ginning had created together two creatures, the spir-
itual and the corporeal, that is to say the angelic and
the earthly, and lastly man, who was made of both
spirit and body, the council continues: "Diabolus
enim et alii daemones a Deo quidem natur& creati sunt
boni, sed ipsi per se facti sunt mali". Here it is
clearljr taught that the Devil and the other demons
are spiritud or angelic creatures created by God in a
state of innocence, and that they became evil by their
own act. It is added that man sinned bv the sugges-
tion of the Devil, and that in the next world the wicked
shall suffer perpetual punishment with the Devil. The
doctrine which may thus be set forth in a few words has
furnished a fruitful theme for theological speculation
forthe Fathers and Schoolmen, as well as later theolog-
ians, some of whom, Suarez for example, have treated
it very fully. On the other hand it has also been the
subject of many heretical or erroneous opinions, some
of which owe tneir origin to pre-Christian systems of
demonolgy (see DEMONOLoaT). In later yeare Ra-
tionalist writers have rejected the doctrine altogether,
and seek to show that it has been borrowed by Juda-
ism and Christianity from external systems of religion
wherein it was a natural development of primitive
Animism (q. v.).
As may be gathered from the language of the Lat-
eran definition, the Devil and the other demons are
but a part of the angelic creation, and their natuml
powers do not differ from thoi^e of the angels who re-
mained faithful (see Angbl). Like the other angels,
they are pure spiritual beings without any body, and
in their originsu state they are endowed with super-
natural grace and placed m, a condition of probation.
It was only by their fall that they became devils.
This was before the sin of our firfet parents, since this
sin itself is ascribed to the instigation of the Devil:
" By the envy of the Devil, death came into the world"
(Wisdom, ii, 24). Yet it is remarkable that for an ac-
count of the fall of the angels we must turn to the last
Book of the Bible. For as such we may regard the
vision in the Apocalypse, albeit the picture of the past
is blended witli prophecies of what shall be in the
future: "And there was a great battle in heaven,
Michael and his angels fought with the dragon, and the
dragon fought and his angels: and they prevailed not,
neither was their place found any more in heaven.
And that sreat dragon was cast o\it, that old serpent,
who is called the devil and Satan, who scduceth the
whole world; and he was cast unto the eaiih, and hk
angels were thrown down with him** CApocalypee, xii,
7-4J). To this may be added the words ci St. Jude:
"And the angels who kept not their principality, but
forsook their own habitation, he hath reserved under
darkness in everlasting chains, unto the judgment of
the geat day" (Jude, i, 6; cf. II Peter, ii, 4). In the
Old Testament we have a brief reference to the Fall in
Job, iv, 18: "In his angels he found wickedness".
But to this must be added the two classic texts in the
prophets: "How art thou fallen from heaven, O Luci-
fer, who didst rise in the morning? how art thou fallen
to the earth, that didst wound the nations? And
thou saidst in thy heart: I will ascend into heaven, I
will exalt my throne above the stars of God, I will sit
in the mountain of the covenant, in the sides of the
north. I will ascend above the iiei^^t of the douds, I
will be like the most High. But yet thou shalt be
brought down to hell, into the depth of the pit"
(tsaias, xiv, 12-15). This parable of the prophet is
expressly directed against tne King of Babylon, but
both the eariy Fathers and later Gathohc commenta-
tors agree in understanding it as applying with deep&r
significance to the fall of the lebei ansd. And the
older commentators generallv consider that this inter-
pretation is confirmed by the words of Our Lord to
His disciples : " I saw Satan like lightnii^ falling from
heaven" (Luk6, x, 18). For these words were re-
garded as a rebuke to the discipleB, who were thus
warned of the danger of pride by being reminded of
the fall of Lucifer. But modem conunentatois take
this text in a different sense, and refer it not to the
original fall of Satan, but his overthrow by the faith of
the disciples, who cast out devils in the name of th&r
Master. And this new interpretation, as Schans ob-
serves, is more in keeping with the context.
The parallel prophetic passage is Esechiel's lamen-
tation upon the king of Tyre: ^Thou wast the seal of
resemblance, full of wisdom, and perfect in beauty.
Thou wast in the pleasures of the paradise of God;
every precious stone was thy covering; the sardius,
the topaz, and the jasper, the chrysolite, and the onyx,
and the beryl, the sappnire, and the carbtinde, and
the emerald; gold the work of thy beauty: and thy
pipes were prepared in the day that thou wast created.
Thou a cherub stretched out, and protecting, and I
set thee in the holy mountain of God, thou hast
walked in the midst of the stones of fire. Thou wast
perfect in thy ways from the day of creation, until
iniquity was found in thee" (Exeoiiel, xxviii, 12-15).
There is xhueh in the cohtext that can only be under-
stood literally of an earthly king concerning whom the
words are professedly spoken, hut it is clear that in
any case the king is likened to an angel in Paradise
who is ruined by his own iniquity.
Even for those who in no wise doubt or dispute it,
the doctrine set forth in these texts and patristic in-
terpretations may well suggest a multitude of ques-
tions, and theologians have not been loth to adc and
answer them. And in the first place, what was tne
nature of the sin of the rebel ai^ls? In any case this
was a point presenting considerable difficulty, «P^
cially for theologians, who had formed a high estmaaie
of the powers and possibilitiee of angelic knowledge, a
subject which had a peculiar attraction for many w
the great masters of scholastic speculation. For it
sin be, as it surely is, the height of folly, thechowcoi
darkness for H^t, of evil for good, it would seem tna*
it can only be accounted for by some ignorance, or in-
advertence, or weakness, or the influence ^^^
overmastering passion. But most of these exp»D»-
tions seem to be precluded by the potyers and I***^
tions of the angelic nature. The weakness of tne
flesh, which accounts for such a mass of ^**"""*,2[J\^
edness, was altogether absent from the angels. There
could be no place for carnal sin without ^®?|P?i
ddicH, And even some sins that are purely spintw
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765
DXVIL
or intellectual seem to present an almost insuperable
difficulty in the case of the anaels. This may oer-
tainiy be said of the sin which by manv of the best
auHionties is regarded as being actually the great
olfezioe of Lucifer, to wit, the desire of indepenoence
of Gkxi and equalitv with God. It is true that this
seeixis to be asserted in the passage of Isaias (xiv, 13).
And. it is naturally su^^ted by the idea of rebellion
iinst an earthly sovereign, wherein the chief of the
rebels very commonlv covets the kingly throne. At
tlie same time the high rank which Lucifer is generally
mippooed to have held in the hierarchy of angels
oni^bt seem to make this offence nciore likely in his case,
for, as history shows, it is the subject who stands near-
est the throne who is most open to temptations of am-
bition. But this analogy is not a little misleading.
For the exaltation of the subject may bring his power
BO near that of his sovereign that he may well be able
to assert his independence or to usurp the throne;
and even where this is not actually the case he may at
any rate contemplate the possibility of a successful
reoeUion. Moreover, the powers and dignities of an
eaxihly prince may be compatible with much ignor-
ance ana folly. But it is obviously otherwise in the
CSS& of the angels. For. whatever gifts and powers
may be oonferred on tne highest of the heavenly
princes, he will still be removed by an infinite distance
frDxn the plenitude of God's power and majesty, so
that a successful rebellion against that power or any
equality with that majesty would be an absolute im-
poBsibiuty. And what is more, the highest of the
angiels, by reason of their greater intellectual illumina-
tion, must have the clearest knowled^ of this utter
iixipossibility of attaining to equality with God. This
difficulty is clearly put by the Disciple in St. Anselm's
dialogue "De Casu Diaboli" (cap. iv); for the saint
felt t£at the angelic intellect, at any rate, must see the
force of the "ontolocical argument" (see ONTOLOGy).
'' If", he asks, "Goa cannot be thought of except as
sole, and as of such an essence that nothing can be
thought of like to Him [then] how could the Devil
have wished for what could not be thought of? — ^He
surely was not so dull of understanding ^ to be ^or-
ant of the inconceivability of any other entity like to
God" (Si DeuB cogitari non potest, nisi ita solus, ut
nihil illi simile cogitari possit, quomodo diabolus
potuit veUe quod non potuit cogitari? Non enim ita
obtuse mentis erat. ut nihil aliud simile Deo cogitari
posse nesciret). Tne Devil, that is to say, was not so
obtuse as not to know that it was iinpossible to con-
ceive of ansrthin^ like (i. e. equal) to C!od. And what
he could not think he could not will. St. Anselm's
answer is that there need be no question of absolute
equality; yet to will anything against the Divine will
IS to seek to have that independence which belongs to
God alone, and in this respect to bo equal to God. In
the same sense St. Thomas (I, Q. Ixiii, a. 3) answers the
qu^ion, whether the DevU desired to be ''as God".
If by this we mean equalitv with God, then the Devil
oould not desire it, since he Knew this to be impossible,
and he was not blinded by passion or evil habit so as to
choose that which is impossible, as may happen with
men. And even if it were possible for a creature to
become God, an angel could not desire this, since, by
becoming equal wi& God he would cease to be an
angel, bm no creature can desire its own destruction
or an essential change in its being. These arguments
are combated by Sootus (In 11 lib. Sent., dist. vi,
Q. i.). who distinguishes between efficacious volition
and the volition of complaisance, and maintains that
by the latter act an angel could desire tliat which is im-
poflsible. In the same wa^ he urges that, though a
creature cannot directly will it^ own destruction, it
can do this conaequenteTf i. e. it can will something
from which this would follow.
Although St. Thomas regards tlie desire of equality
with God as something impossible, he teaches never-
theless (loc. cit .) that Satan sinned bv desiring to be " ad
God", according to the passage in tne prophet (Isaias,
xiv), and he understands this to mean likeness, not
equality. But here again there is need of a distinc-
tion. For men and angels have a certain likeness to
God in their natural perfections, which are but a re-
flection of his surpassing beauty, and yet a further
likeness is ^ven them by supernatural grace and
glory. Was it either of these likenesses that the devil
desired? ^d if it be so, how could it be a sin? For
was not this the end for which men and angels were
created? ^ CJertainly, as St. Thomas teaches, not
every desire of likeness with God would be sinful, since
all may rightly desire that manner of likeness which is
appointed them by the will of their Creator. There is
Bin onl^ where the desire is inordinate, as in seeking
something contrary to the Divine will, or in seeking
the appomted likeness in a wrong way. The sin of
Satan m this matter may have consisted in desiring to
attain supernatural beatitude by his natural powers
or, what may seem yet stran^r, in seeking his beati-
tude in the natural perfections and rejecting the
supernatural. In either case, as St. Thomas considers,
this first sin of Satan was the sin of pride. Scotus,
however Goc. cjt., Q. ii), teaches that tnis sin was not
pride properly so called, but should rather be described
as a species of spiritual lust.
Although nothing definite can be known as to the
precise nature of the probation of the angels and the
manner in which manv of them fell, many theologians
have conjectured, with some show of probability, that
the mystery of the Divine Incarnation was revealed to
them, that they saw that a nature lower than their
own was to be hypostatically united to the Person of
God the Son, and that all the hierarchy of heaven
must bow in adoration before the majesty of the In-
carnate Word ; and this, it is supposed, was the occa-
sion of the pride of Lucifer (cf . Suarez, De Angelis, lib.
VII, xiii). As might be expected, the advocates of
this view seek support in certain passages of Scripture,
notably in the words of the Psalmist as they are cited
in the Epistle to the Hebrews: "And again, when he
bringe^ in the first-begotten into the world, he saith:
And let all the angels of God adore Him" (Heb., i, 6;
Ps. xcvi, 7). And if the twelfth chapter of the Apoca-
lypse may be taken to refer, at l^t in a secondary
sense, to the original fall of the angels, it ma^ seem
somewhat significant that it opens with the vision of
the Woman and her Child. But this interpretation is
by no means certain, for the text in Hebrews, i, may
be referred to the second coming of Christ, and mucn
the same may be said of the passage in the Apocalypse.
It would seem that this account of the trial of the
angels is more in accordance with what is known as the
Scotist doctrine on the motives of the Incarnation
than with the Thomist view, that the Incarnation was
occasioned by the sin of our first parents. For since
the sin itself was committed at the instigation of
Satan, it presupposes the fall of the angels. How,
then, could Satan's probation consist in the fore-
knowledge of that wnich would, ex hypothesi, only
come to pass in the event of his fall? In tne same way
it would seem that the aforesaid theory is incompati-
ble with another opinion held by some old theologians,
to wit, that men were created to fill up the gaps in the
ranks of the angels. For this again supposes that if
no angels had sinned no men would have been made,
and in consequence there would have been no tmion of
the Divine Person with a nature lower than the angels.
As might be expected from the attention they nad
bestowed on the question of the intellectual powers of
the angels, the medieval theologians had much to say
on the time of their probation. The angelic mind was
cpnceived of as acting instantaneously, not, like the
mind of man, passing by discursive reasoning from
S remises to conclusions. It was pure intelligence as
istinguished from reason. Hence it would seem that
DEVIL
766
DBVIL
tuere waa no need of any extended trial. And in fact
we find St. Thomas and Scotus discussing the question
whether the whole course mi^t not have been accom-
plished in the first instant m which the angels were
created. The Angelic Doctor argues that the Fall
could not have taken place in the firat instant. And it
certainly seems that if the creature came into beine in
the very act of sinning the sin itself might be said to
come from the Creator, But this argument, to-
gether with many others, is answered with his accus-
tomed acuteness by Scotus, who maintains the ab-
stract possibility of sin in the first instant.^ But
whether possible or not, it is agreed that this is not
what actually happened. For the authority of the
passages in Isaias and Ezechiel, which were ^nerallv
accepted as referring to the fall of Lucifer, might well
suffice to ^ow that for at least one instant he had
existed in a state of innocence and brightness. To
modem readers the notion that the sin was committed
in the second instant of creation may seem scarcely
less incredible than the possibility of a fall in the very
first. But this may be partly due to the fact that we
are really thinking of human modes of knowledge, and
fail to take into account the Scholastic conception of
an^lic cognition. For a bein^ who was capable of
seeing many things at once, a sin^e instant mi^t be
equivalent to the longer period needed by slowly-
moving mortals.
This dispute, as to the time taken by the probation
and fall of Satan, has a purely speculative interest.
But the corresponding question as to the rapidity of
the sentence and punishment is in some ways a more
important matter. There can indeed be no doubt
that Satan and his rebel angeb were very speedily
punished for their rebellion. This would seem to be
sufficiently indicated in some of the texts which are
understood to refer to the fall of the angels. It mi^ht
be inferred, moreover, froni the swiftness with which
ptmishment followed on the offence in the case of our
fiist parents, although man's mind moves more slowly
than that of the angels, and he had more excuse in his
own weakness and in the power of his tempter. It
was partlv for this reason, indeed, that man found
mertnr, whereas ihere was no redemption for the
angels. For, as St. Peter says, " God^ared not the
angels that sinned" (II Pet., ii. 4). This, it may be
observed, is asserted universally, indicating that all
who fell suffered punishment. For these and other
reasons theologians very commonly teach that the
doom and puniuiment followed in the next instant after
the offence, and many go so far as to say there was no
possibility of repentance. But here it will be well to
Dear in mind the distinction drawn between revealed
doctrine, which comes with authority, and theological
speculation, which to a great extent rests on reasoning.
No one who is reallv familiar with the medieval mas-
ters, with their wide differences, their independence,
their bold speculation, is likely to confuse the two to-
gether. But in these days there is some danger that
we may lose sight of the distinction. It is true that,
when it fulfils certain definite conditions, the agreement
of theologians may serve as a sure testimony to re-
vealed doctrine, and some of their thoughts and even
their very words have been adopted by the Church in
her definitions of dc^a. But at the same time these
masters of theological thought freely put forward
many more or less plausible opinions, which come to us
with reasoning rather than authority, and must needs
stand or fall with the axguments by which they are
supported. In this wa^ we may fmd that many of
them may agree in holding that the angjels who sinned
had no possibility of repentance. But it may be that
it is a matter of axgument, that each one holds it for a
reason of his own and denies the validity of the argu-
ments adduced by others. Some argue that from the
nature of the angelic mind and will there was an in-
trinsic impossibility of repentance. But it may be
observed that in any case the basis of this argument
is not revealed teaching, but i>hilo8ophical specula-
tion. And it is scarcely suiprising to find toat its
sufficiency is denied by equally orthodox docton who
hold that if the fallen angeb could not repent this was
either because the doom was instantaneous, and left
no space for repentance, or because the needful grace
was denied them. Others, again, possibly with tetter
reason, are neither satisfied that suflKcient grace and
room for repentance were in fact refused, nor can they
see any ^ood ground for thinking this likely, or for re-
garding it as in hannony with aU that we know of the
Divine mercy and goodness. In the absence of any
certain decision on 9iis subject, we may be allowed to
hold, with Snares, that, however bri^ it may have
been, there was enough delay to leave an opportunity
for repentance, and tnat the necessary grace was not
wholly withheld. If none actually repented, this may
be explained in some measure by saying that their
strength of will and fixity of purpose made repentance
exce^ingly difficult, thou^ not impossible; that the
time, though sufficient, was short; and that grace was
not given in such abundance as to overcome these dif-
ficulties.
The language of the prophets (Isaias, ziv; Eiediiel,
xxviii) would seem to show that Lucifer held a venr
high rank in the heavenly hierarehy. And, accord*
in^y , we find many theologians maintaining that be-
fore ids fall he was the foremost of all the angels.
Suarez is disposed to admit that he was the hignest
negatively, i. e. that no one was higher, thong^ many
may have been his equals. But here a^dn we are in
the reeion of pious opinions, for some divines maintain
that, t&r from being first of all, he did not belong to
one of the highest choirs — Seraphim, Cherubim, and
Thrones — but to one of the lower orders of angeb. In
any case it appears that he holds a certain sovereignty
over those wno followed him in his rebellion. For we
read of "the Devil and his angels'' (Matt., xxv, 41),
"the dragon and his angels " (Apoc. , xii, 7), " BeeUebub,
the prince of devils" — ^which, whatever be the inter-
pretation of the name, cleariy refers to Satan, as ap-
pears from the context: '' And if Satan also be divided
against himself, how shall his kingdom stand? Be-
cause you say that throu^ Beeusebub I cast oat
devils'' (Luke, xi, 15, 18), and "ttke prince of the
Powers of this air" (Ephes., ii, 2). At firet sight it
may seem strange that there should be an^r order or
sulK)rdination amongst those rebellious spirits, and
that those who rose against their Maker should obey
one of their own fellows who had led them to destruc-
tion. And the analogy of similar movemeota among
men might suggest that the rebellion would be likely
to issue in anarehy and division. But it must be re-
membered that the fall of the angels did not impair
their natural powera, that Lucifer still retained the
gifts that enabled him to influence his brethren befor^
their fall, and that their superior intelligence would
show them that they could achieve more suooeas and
do more harm to others by unity and orgmxation
than by independence and division.
Besides exereising this authority over those who
were called "his angels", Satan has extended his em-
pire over the minds of evil men. Tlius, in the paawg^
just cited from St. Paul, we read, ** And you, when you
were dead in your offences and sins, wherein in times
past you walked according to the course of this world,
according to the prince oithe power of this air, of the
spirit that now worketh on the children of unbelief
(Ephes., ii. 1, 2). In the same way Christ in the
Gospel calls him *»the prince of this world". For
when His enemies are coming to take Him, He looks
beyond the instruments of evH to the master who
moves them, and says: "I will not now speak niBflV
things to you, for the prince of this world cometh, ww
in me he hath not anything" (John, xiv, 30). T^^J^
is no need to discuss tiie view of some theologiaof v^o
DSVIL'S A&^OOATB
767
DSVIL-WOBSBirnftS
surmise that Lucifer was one of the angels «rho ruled
and administered the heavenly bodies, and that this
planet was committed to his care. For in any case
th.e sovereipnty with which these texts are primarily
concerned is but the rude right of conquest and the
po'wer of evil influence. His sway began by his vic-
tory over our first parents, who, yielding to his sug-
gestions; were brought under his bondaee. All sin-
ners who do his wiU become in so far his servants.
Far, as St. Gregory sxrvs, he is the head of all the
wicked — '* Surely the Devil is the head of all the
.wicked; and of this head all the wicked are members"
(Certe iniquorum omnium caput diabolus e^t; et
Huius capitis membra sunt onmes iniqui. — Hom. 16,
in Evangel.), This headship over the wicked, as St.
Tliomaa is careful to explain, differs widely from
Cluist's headship over the Chureh, inasmuch as Satan
is only head by outward government and not also, as
Clirist is, by inward, life-giving influence (Summa,
III, Q. viii, a. 7). With ihe growing wickedness of
tlie world and the spreading of paganism and false
religions and magic rites, the rule of Satan was ex-
tended and strengthened till his power was broken by
the victory of Christ, who for this reason said, on the
eve of Hjb Passion: **Now is the judgment of the
world: now shall the prince of this worlabe cast out"
(John, xii, 31). By the victory of the Cross Christ
delivered men from the bondage of Satan and at the
same time paid the debt due to Divine justice by
shedding His blood in atonement for our sins. In
their endeavouis to explain this great mystery, some
old theologians, misled by the metaphor of a ransom
for captives made in war, came to the strange con-
clusion that the price of Redemption was paid to
Satan. But this error was effectively refuted by St.
Anselm, who showed that Satan had no rights over
his captives and that the great price wherewith we
were bought was paid to God alone (cf. Atonement).
What has been said so far may suffice to show the
part played by the Devil in human history, whether
m regard to the individual soul or the whole race of
Adam. It is indicated, indeed, in his name of Satarif
the adversary, the opposer, the accuser, as well as by.
his headi^p of the wicked ranged under his banner in
continual warfare with the kingdom of Christ. The
two cities whose struggle is described by St. Aueustine
are already indicated in the words of the Apostle, '* In
this the children of God are manifest and the children
of the devil: for the devil sinneth from the beginning.
For this purpose the Son of God appeared, that lie
might destroy the works of the devil" (John, iii, 10,
8). Whether or no the foreknowledge of the Incarna-
tion was the occasion of his own fall, his subsequent
course has certainly shown him the relentless enemy
of mankind and the determined opponent of the Di-
vine economy of redemption. And since he lured our
first parents to their fsdl he has ceased not to tempt
tlieir children in order to involve them in his own ruin.
There is no reason, indeed, for thinking that all sins
and all temptations must needs come directly from
the Devil or one of his ministers of evil. For it is
certain tfiat if, after the first fall of Adiun, or at the
time of the coming of Christ, Satan and his angels had
been bound so fast that they might tempt no more,
the world would still have been filled with evils. For
men would have had enough of temptation in the
weakness and waywardness of their hearts. But in
that ease the evil would clearly have been far less than
it is now, for the activity of Satan does much more
than merely add a further source of temptation to the
weakness of the world and the flesh; it means a com-
bination and an intelligent direction of all the ele-
ments of evil. The whole Church and each one of her
children are beset by dangers, the fire of persecution,
the enervation of ease, the dangers of wealth and of
poverty, heresies and errors of o{)po8ite characters,
rutiona!ir>in and su|)erstitioii, fanaticism and indiffer-
ence. It would be bad enough if all these forees were
acting apart and without any definite purpose, but the
perils of^the situation are incalculably increased when
all may be organized and directed by vigilant and
hostile intelligences. It is this that maKCs the Apostle,
though he well knew the perils of the world and the
weakness of the flesh, lay special stress on the greater
dangers that come from the assaults of those mighty
spirits of evil in whom he recognized our real and most
formidable foes — "Put you on the armour of God,
that you may be able to stand against the deceits of
the devil. For our wrestling is not against flesh and
blood; but against principalities and powers, against
the rulers of the world of this darkness, against the
spirits of wickedness in the high places . . . Stand
tnerefore, having your loins ^rt about with truth,
having on the bre^plate of justice, and your feet
shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace; in
all things taking the shield of faith, wherewith you
may be able to extin^ish all the fiery darts of the
most wicked one" (Ephes., vi, 11, 16).
St. Anbrlm, De Cant Diaboli; Summa, Q. Ixiii; ibid.. III. Q.
viti. A. 7; ScoTus, In III. dUt. v, vi; St7AREE. De Anqetia, VII;
Whttbhoube, Demon, Devil and Satan in Hastinqb, Diet, of the
BUfU; Q0R11E8, Die chried. Myslik (1830), Fr. tr. txi myetique
natunUe et diabolique (1855).
W. H. Kent.
Devil's Advocate. See Advocatus Diaboli.
Devil- Worshippers. — The meaning of this com-
pound term is suflBciently obvious, for all must be fa-
miliar with the significance of its two component parts.
But the thing denoted by the name is by no means so
easy to understand. For there is such a strange
startling incompatibility between the notion of de\Tl
and that of an object of worship, that the combination
in this case may well present a grave difficulty. And
the more we are able to understand about the charac-
ter and history of the Devil and about the true nature
of worship, the more difficult is it to believe that men
can have been led, even in the utmost extremity of
folly and wickedness, to worship the Devil. Yet, in-
credible as it may seem, it is unfortunately true that
some worship of this kind has prevailed at many times
and among widely different races of mankincf. The
following considerations may help in some degree to
l^hten the difficulty presented by this singular
phenomenon.
In the first place it may be well to recall tKe analogy
between the worship given to a divine being and the
tribute paid to a king. Both alike are sensible proofs
of service and subjection. In the case of king^, be-
sides the willing service paid to a just and legitimate
sovereign, there may be tribute paid to some alien
oppressor, or blackmail grudgingly given to some
pirate chief or marauder in order to deprecate the
evils that may be feared at his hands. And so in the
case of religious worship, we may find that in the rude
polytheism of barbarous races, where the gods were
not only many in number but various in character,
besides the wilhng worship given to good and benefi-
cent beings in the service of love and gratitude, there
is a sort of liturgical blackmail offered to the evil and
malignant gods or demons in order to placate them
and avert their anger. In like manner, when we pass
from Polytheism to the philosophic Dualism — wnere
the worlds of light and darkness, good and evil,
sharply defined, are constantly warring gainst each
other — over against the good men, who offer worship
to the good ^od, Ahura Mazda, there are the wicked
DaSva-worshippers who sacrifice to the Demons and
to Ahriman their chief, the principle of evil.
Another souroe of this strange worship may be
found in the fact that in the eany days each nation
bad its own natural gods; hence racial rivalxy and
hatred sometimes led one nation to regard the protect-
ing divinities of its enemies as evil demons. In this
way many who merely worshipped gods whom they
DSVOLimOK
768
DRMAttH
themselves regarded as good beings would be called
devil-worshippers by men of other nations.. Such may
be the case with the Daeva- worshippers in the Avesta,
In the same way the Greeks and Jlomans mav have
worshipped their divinities, fondly believing them to
be good. But the Christian Scriptures declare that all
theeods of the Gentiles are demons.
T^is declaration, it may be added, was not the ut-
terance of a rival race but the teaching of Holy Scrip-
ture. For as the Fathers and theologians explain the
matter, the fallen angels besides tempting and asssdl-
ing men in other way^, have, by working on their fears
or exciting their cupidity, brought them to give wor-
ship to themselves under the guise of idols. If not in
all cases, it would seem that much of the heathen
idolatrous worship, especially in its worst and most
degraded forms, was offered to the devils. This may
explain some of the manifestations in the old pagan
oracles. And something of the same kind occurs in
the demonic manifestations among the modem demon-
olaters in India (cf . Alexander, Demonic Possession in
the New Testament, p. 237). Nor has this becai con-
fined to heathen nations, for in connexion with mam-
cal practices and occultism some forms of deim-
worsnip appear in the heresy histoiy of medieval
Europe. Gdrres, in his ^reat work on Christian
Mysticism, gives some cunous and repulsive details
of their obscene ceremonial. Of late yeals ihere
seems to have been a recrudescence of this evil super-
stition in certain countries of Europe. While there is
some authentic evidence as to the existence of these
evil practices, the truth is overlaid with a mass of 1^-
end, many cnarees of this kind are false or grossly
exaggerated, and a number of innocent persons have
been cruelly put to death on charges of witchcraft
or devil- worsnip. It is well also to remember St. Au-
gustine's words: '^Non uno modo sacrificatur tradi-
toribus angelis"; and possibly calumny and cruelty
may be more dangerous forms of devil-worship than
all the dark rites of African Medicine men or medieval
magicians.
G6iuiE8» ChrisU, MysHk. French Tr.: Alexandeb. Demo-
nie Possession in the New Testament (EdinbuiKh, 1902).
wTH. Kent.
Devolution (Lat. devolutw from devolvere\ the
right of an ecclesiastical superior to provide for a oene-
fice, when the ordinary patron or collator has failed to
do so, either through negligence or by the nomination
of an improper candidate. There is no permanent
loss of right m such a case, but only for the time being
and for tnat particular instance. The right of devo-
lution passes to the bishop of the diocese when the
chapter or private individuals who have the right of
gatronage do not present a new and acceptable oene-
ciary within six months of the vacancy. When the
bishop himself is negligent, the right devolves upon
the metropolitan. Where, however, the right of ap-
pointing belongs to both tne bishop and the chapter,
if only one of the parties has been found wanting in the
exercise of the rignt, the law declares that the power of
nomination remains to the other. When there is a
vacancy in an episcopal see, the metropolitan appoints
a vicar capitular to rule the vacant diocese, if the
cathedral chapter has failed to elect such an official
within eight days. In case of negligence on the part
of metropolitans or exempt bishops, the right devolves
upon the pope of providing for tne benefices not con-
ferred witnin the legal time or when the election was
uncanonical. Chapters having power to elect an
archbishop, bishop, or abbot must do so within three
months, or the appointment devolves upon the Roman
pontiff. The same holds for the case wnere an election
was not celebrated according to canonical prescrip-
tions. Custom, however, allows a second election by
the chapter when the first has been declared void. In
rcuntries where a concordat exists between the Holy
Hee and the civil government, the right of devolution
is often either to be held in abenanoe or oertain reBtric-
tions are plaoed upon it. In France no ri^t of devo-
lution was recogmzed by the State. In some ecclesi-
astical provinces of Germany and of Holland and Bel-
gium, it is expressly stipulated that in the event of an
uncanonical election of an archbishop or bishop, the
chapters are to be allowed to proceed to another elec-
tion. In case the right of presentation to archiepis-
copal and episcopal sees has been conceded to the
civil government, the latter does not lose the rig^t by
the nomination of an unacceptable candidate, nor
does the election devolve upon the pope when a bish-
opric has not been filled within the canonical term of
three months, unless such has been expressly stipu-
lated in the concordat. When the pope, himself, does
not exercise the right ot devolution within the canoni-
cal term of months, the power of conferring tiie bene-
fice returns to the ordinary patron. Canonists deduce
this conclusion not from any explicit law, but from
the common regulations governing the provisions for
filling benefices and dignities. In practice this cus-
tom IS observed by the Holy See. Historically, the
law of devolution does not seem to be more ancient
than the Third Council of the Lateran (1179) for bene-
fices, and the Fourth Council of the Lateran (1215) for
elective prelacies. The object of the law is both to
provide through higher authority a remedy for the
correction of abuses or negligences on the part of in-
feriors and also to punish tnem for the improper use of
their powers.
Kbembki, De Jure Devolutionis (Berlin, 1853); LAUBENTraa,
InsHhUiones Jur. Bed, {Fnibjirg, 1903); Wbxns, Jua Been-
talium (Rome. 1890). II.
William H. W. Fanninq.
Devoti» Giovanni, canonist, b. at Rome, 11 July,
1744; d. there 18 Sept^ 1820. At the Bse of twentjr
he occupied a chair of canon law at the Roman Uni-
versity (Sa])ienza). After twentv-five years service
in this position Pius VI appointed him Bishop of An-
agni, wnich see he resigned in 1804. to become titular
Archbishop of Carthage. As such ne.fiUed several im-
portant positions at Home. He also aooompanied Pius
Vll during his exile in France. His works arei " De
notissimis in jure legibus lU>ri duo'' (Rome, 1766);
''Juris canonici universi publici et privati libri quin-
que", an unfinished work of which only three volumes
appeared (Rome, 1803-1815; new edition, Rome, 1827),
containing an introduction to canon law and a oom-
mentary on the first and seoond book of the Decretals ;
'' Institutionum canonicarum libri quatuor" (Rome,
1785; fourth ed., Rome, 1814). Tliia last work is
distinguished by its clearness and conciseness, and by
its numerous historical notes, attributed, but without
any reason, to Cardinal Castiglione, afterwards Pius
Vni. In 1817, the King of Spain made obligatory the
study of the "Institutiones" of Devoti at tiie Univer-
sity of AlcaU; in 1836, the University of Louvain ac-
cepted it as a classical manual of canon law. The
work is now more useful for the histoiy than for the
practice of canon law.
ScHULTB, GescKicfUe der Qttellen und LUlenUur dee canon-
ischen Rechts (Stuttgart. 1880). III. 1, 628; Hubtbb, Nomen-
dolor Liierairitta (1895), III, 677; Webmx, Jus Deentaliutn
(Rome, 1898). 1, 401.
A. Van Hove.
Devotion, Feast of. See Feajst.
Dewi, Bishop of Menbvia. See David, Saint.
Deymann, Clementini:. b. at Klein-Stavem, Olden-
burg, Germany, 24 June, 1844; d. at Phoenix, Arisona,
U. S. A., 4 December, 1896. He came to America
with his parents in 1853, studied at Teutopolis, Illi-
nois, received the habit of St. Francis and the name
Clementine at the same place, 8 December, 18d7, fin-
ished his theological studies, and was ordained priest
at St. Louis, Missouri, 19 May, 1872. FatJier Clemen-
tine was stationed as professor at the college of Teu-
DHUODA
769
DXAXOVJb
%or>olis until July, 1879, when he was transferred to
Joiiet, to act as chaplain of the State prison. At Jol-
ictt be was also spintual director of me School Sisters
of St. Francis. In August, 1880, he was appointed
superior and pastor of the German parish of, Johet, and
in July, 1882, he received a like position at Qiilli-
csothe, Biissouri. In 1885 and in 1891 Father Clemen-
tine was elected definitor of the Franciscan province
of the Sacred Heart; in 1886 he was made superior of
the bosrs' orphanage at Watsonville, California. He
^WBs appointed 22 July, 1896, the first commissary for
tlie newly erected Franciscan commissariat of the
Pacific Cfoast, but died shortly after receivii^ t<his
office and was buried at Santa Barbara. Father
Clementine was a very industrious man, who in his
spare time translated a number of useful works, some
Of which have been published. Among these are:
•'The Seraphic Octave^' or "Retreat" (1883); "Life
of St. Francisco Solano"; "Life of Blessed Crescentia
Hoess"; "Mav Devotions" (1884). His original
'writings are: "Manual for the Sisters of the Inird
Order^(1884); "St. Francis Manual" (1884). He
also wrote for several periodicals, and left in manu-
script translations from the Spanish of the lives of
Father Junipero Serra and Father Antonio Margil.
£nolxhardt, The Franciscana in California (1897); ilr-
cfcioes of the Prmnnce and Commiaaariai of the Sacred Heart,
Zephtrin Enolehardt.
DhaodAi wife of Bernard, Duke of Septimania.
TUe only source of information on her life is her
** Liiber Manualis" which was written for the education
of her son William. The name Dhuoda which is in-
di/^ted in the " Manual " is latinized by her as Dodana,
Duodana, and Dhuodana. Dhuoda was a member
of a noble family, and married, 24 June, 824, Bernard,
Bon of St. William of Gellone, godson and favourite of
IQng Louis the Pious, Duke of Septimania, and also,
either at that time or a little later, Count of Barce-
lona. Her first son, William, was bom 29 November,
826, and the second, Bernard, 22 March, 841. The
"Manual" was begun 30 November, 841, at Uzds
(now Department of Gard), and completed 2 Febru-
ary, 843. She was then separated from both her hus-
buid and her two sons. William being at the Court of
Charles the Bald, and Bernard having been taken
away before baptism to his father in Aquitaine.
Probablv Dhuoda did not live long after completing
her work, as she speaks of herself as weak and near
death, eiq^resses her sorrow at the thought that she
will not see William in his manhood, and writes herself
the epitaph which she desires him to engrave on her
tomb. Thus she may have been spared the sorrow of
Imowing her husband's condemnation for rebellion
(844), and the death of her two sons who were also
killed, William in 850, and Bernard in 872, after
wilfully disregarding their mother's good lessons.
The "Manual", consisting of seventy-three chapters
, (not including the introduction, mvocation, pro-
logue, ete.), is an important document for general nis-
tory and especially for the history of education. It
was published by Bondurand in 1887 from a manu-
script of the seventeenth century in the Biblioth^ue
Nationale, Paris, and from fragments of a manuscript of
the Carlovingian epoch, found in the librarv of Ntmes.
Before that date, only a few passages had been pub-
lished bv Mabillon and reprcxiuced in Migne's "Pa-
trology". It is a treatise on Christian virtues, re-
vealing the author's remarkable qualities of heart and
mind, her intense affection for her sons and her hus-
band, notwithstanding the latter's intrigues at the
C!ourt (see Martin, Histoirede France, II, 386sqq.). We
find numerous quotations from Holy Scripture, allu-
sions to Scriptural facts, and some references to pro-
fane writers. The expression is in some instances
obscure and even incorrect from the point of view of
classical latinity, but the many images, comparisons,
and allegories, the use in some chaptera of verse and
IV— 49
acrostics, the beauty and nobleness of the thou^^ti^
the earnestness and love of the writer which are maiii«
fest throughout the whole work, always keep the
reader's interest alive. It was really a "honeyed
beverage" which Dhuoda had prepared for her son: —
Istum pibellum] tibi et fratri, ut prosit, quod ooll^
festinans,
Velut mellifluum potum, favisque pennixtum,
In cibum oris, ut degustes semper adhortor.
BoNDUKAND, Lc Moniid de Dhtuxui (Paris, 1887); Compter
renduB de VAoadimie dee InecripHone (Paris, 1885), 223, 230:
KuNS, Bihliothek der katholiechen Plldagogik (Freiburs, 1890),
III, 52 (German translation of the Manual with a short intro-
duction); M^BiUiON, Acta eanetorum ord. S. Bened, (Venice,
1735), seec. IV, pan I, 704; Mione. P. L., CVI. 100; Hieioire
litUraire de la France (Ptoris. 1733—), V. 17.
C. A. DUBRAT.
Diaconiciun (Gr. iiOKOPucSp), in the Greek Church
the liturgical book specifying the functions of the dea-
con ; it is also the name given to the Orationea pro pace
(duLKOPucd) to be said by him before the people.
Primarily, however, the word denoted an annex to the
Christian basilica, where necessary supplies for the
service of the altar were kept and preparations were
made for the Holy Sacrifice. The diacamcum is dis-
tinct from the protkesis, a small room where the offei^
ings of the people were received. In large churches
the diacanicum majus comprise several rooms: the
9ahUatoriumf for reception and audiences of the
bishop; the ihesawrarium, where sacred vessels uid
books were kept ; and the diaconicum properiy so called.
Possibly the Greek TaffTo^>6pi4>w, where the Holy
Euchanst was reserved, was simply the diaconicum.
ProlhesU and diaconicum are ordinarily on either side
of the a{)se. In Syrian churches, where they are regu-
larly found, they are built on a rectangular plan and
have two stones. They also exist in Byzantine
churches, in the basilicas of Africa and frequently
even in the churches of other reeions.
Kraus, Geschichte der chrietlichen JCunet (Freiburg im Br., •
1896), 1, 300; Idem, Real-Eneyckl. d. ehrieU. AlterthUmer (Frei-
burg. 1882). I, 358.
R. Maxbs.
Diadochtis. See Marcus Diadochttb.
Diakovar (Croatian, Djakoyo), see of the Bishop of
the united Dioceses of Bosnia or Diakov^r and Sir-
mium (Szer6m) (Bosniensis seu Diacovensis et Sirmi-
ensis), a municipality of Slavonia (Austria-Hungary),
in the county of Virovititz (Hungarian Verdcze). Dia-
kovir is also the seat of a district court j in 1900 it
contained 6824 inhabitants, mostly Catholics, of whom
65 per cent were Serbs and 28 per cent Germans. The
fine cathedral, completed in 1883 by Friedrich Schmidt
from the plans of Karl Rdsner, is a Roman^ue-
Gothic edince, 256 feet long and 197 feet wide; it nas
two towers, each about 276 feet hi^h, and, in addition,
a cupola about 203 feet high. The iiiterior is decor-
ated with frescoes by Seitz, father and son, and the
or^n has 3000 pipes. Among the other important
buildings are the episcopal seminary founded by
Bishop Mandi6 in 1807 and altered in 1858 by Bishop
Strossmayer, the provincial house of the Sisters of
Charity of the Holy Cross, and the episcopal palace.
Diakov^r is of Roman origin. On the imperial road
from Sissek to Sirmium there was a laree station
named Certissa, which disappeared during the migra-
tions of the fourth and fifth centuries. The site is not
again mentioned before the thirteenth centurv, when
Coloman, brother of King B41a IV, gave the "Posses-
sio Diaco'' to the Bishop of Bosnia. ^ After the le-
establishment of the Diocese of Sirmium (q. v.) by
Gregoiy IX, 20 January, 1229, the bishop lived at
Bosna Seraj in Bosnia, but in 1246 he transferred his
see to DiakovAr after Gregory IX, on account of the
troubles with the Bogomili, withdrew the Diocese of
Bosnia from its subjection to the Archdiocese of Ra-
eusa and made it suffragan to the Archdiocese of
Kaloosa.
1>IALE0TIG
770
DIALEOnO
In 1736 the territory of the Diocese of Bosnia be-
dune the Vicariate Apostolic of Bosnia and Hense-
govina (q. v.), while by a Bull of Clement XIV of 9
July, 1773, the See of Sirmium was united in perpetu-
ity with Diakovir. Since this date the Bishops of
Diakov^ have borne the title " of Bosnia, or DiakovAr
and Sirmium". Since 1852 the diocese has been a
suffragan of Agram {Z&ffr&h), which was foimded in
that year.
Among the most important medieval bishops of
Diakov^ were Blessed Johannes Teutonicus (1233-
41) who died in 1253 as fourth Master General of the
Dominican Order, and the Franciscan Blessed Pere-
grinus (1349-56). In the nineteenth century Bishop
Joseph Qeorg Strossmayer (q. v.) exceeded all his
predecessors, not only in the length of his episcopate
(1849-1905). but also in the fruitful results of his
labours for nis diocese, especially as a patron of art
and learning. After his death the see was administered
by tiie vicar capitular, Dr. En^lbert VorSak. The
cathedral chapter, established m 1239, disappeared
after the invasion of the Turks in 1453. It was re-
stored in 1773 by Maria Teresa and it consists of 8
regular and 6 honorary canons. Since 1881 the dio-
cese is limited to the Croatian -Slavonian counties of
Verovititz (Ver5cze), Szer6m, and Pozhega, and in-
cludes, according to the statistics for 1908: 4 arch-
deaconries; 11 vice-archdeaconries; 90 parishes with
376 dependent chapels and stations, and 4 exposi-
tures; 174 secular and regular priests; 294,674 Catho-
lics and 6205 Uniat Greeks in a total population of
615,897. The male religious orders in the diocese are:
Franciscans, 6 monasteries; Capuchins, 1 monastery
in Esseg (E^z^k or Osjek) with 6 religious. The fe-
male communities include 37 Sisters of Charity of St.
Vincent de Paul, and 39 Sisters of CJharity of the Holy
Ooss. Besides the seminary for priests at Diakovdr,
mentioned above, there is a seminary for boys at Es-
seg established by Bishop Strossmayer in 1899. The
most celebrated place of pilgrimage in the Diocese
of Diakov^ is Mariaschnee near Peterwardein. The
patron saint for Diakovdr is St. Elias, for Szer^m, St.
Demetrius.
Monumenta apeetanHa huiofiafn Statforum meridionalium, ed.
SouTH-Si^Tic AcADRMT (Agram, 1892). XXIII; Theinkr,
VeUra Monumenta Slavorum meridionalium hi»toriam illus-
trantia OU Rome, 1863; II, Agram, 1875); Farlati, lUyricum
Mcrum (Venice, 1760), IV, 37-90; Phat, Specimen hierarehia
Hungarioa (Prcflsburg-Kaschau, 1778), II, 396-43& Hodinka,
Sttidim zuT Oetchichie des Boaniaeh-Diakovdrer Bistuma (in
Hungarian, Budapest, 1898); Schematiamua cleri diacesium
Boanvanaia aeu Diaeovenaia at airmienaia pro anno 1908 (Diako-
vir. 1908): Qamb, Seriea epiacoporum (Ratisbon, 1873). 368-69;
EuBKL, Hierardiia Catfujliea medii mn (Mttnster, 1898), I,
146-47: (Manster. 1901), II, 122; Die kaiholiache Kirche unaerer
Zeit (Munich, 1900), II, 645-48; La CatJUdrale de Djakovo, ed.
BocTH-SuLTic AcADBmr (a splendid art-publication, in Ooatian
and French, Prague, 1900).
Greoor Reinhold.
Dlalectie [Or. 5*aXeimjc4 (rtx*^ or /U0o9os)f the
dialectic art or method, from SidkiyofULi, I converse,
discuss, dispute; as noun also dialectics; as adjective,
dialectical]. — (1) In Greek philosophy the word orig-
inally signified "investigation by dialogue", instruc-
tion by question and answer, as in the heuristic
method of Socrates and the dialogues of Plato. The
word dialectics still retains this meaning in the theory
of education. (2) But as the process of reasoning is
more fimdamental than its oral expression, the term
dic^ecOc came to denote primarily tne art of inference
or alignment. In this sense it is synonymous with
logic. It has always, moreover, connoted special
aptitude or acuteness in reasoning, "dialectical sKill";
and it was because of this characteristic of Zeno's
polemic against the reality of motion or change that
this philosopher is said to have been styled by Aris-
totle the master or founder of dialectic. (3) Further,
the aim of all an^umentation being presumably the
acquisition of truth or knowledge about reality, and
tht process of cognition being inseparably bound up
with its content or object, i. e. with reality, it was
natural that the term dialectic should be again ex-
tended from function to object, from thought to
thin^; and so, even as early as Plato, it had come to
signify the whole science of reality, both as to method
and as to content, thus nearly approaching what has
been from a somewhat later perioa universally known
as metaphysics. It is, however, not quite synony-
mous with the latter in the objective sense of the
science of real beine, abstracting from the thought
processes by which this real being is known, but rather
in the more subjective sense in which it denotes the
study of being in connexion with the mind, the science
of knowledge in relation to its object, the critical in-
vestigation of the origin and valicuty of knowledge as
pursued in psjrchology and epistemolc^y. Thus
Kant describes as "transcendental dialectic'' hia
criticism of the (to him futile) attempts of speculative
human reason to attain to a knowledge of such
ultimate realities as the soul, the universe, and the
Deity; while the monistic system, in which Hegel
identified thought with being and logic with meta-
physics, IB commonly known as the "Hegelian
didectic".
A. The Dialectic Method in Theoixkjt. [For
dialectic as equivalent to logic, see art. Logic, and
cf. (2) above. It is in this sense we here speak of
dialectic in theology .y— The traditional logic, or dia-
lectic, of Aristotle's "Organon" — ^the science and art
of (mainly deductive) reasoning — ^foimd its proper
application in exploring the domain of purely natural
truth, but in the early Middle Ages it began to be ap-
plied by some Catholic theologians to the elucidation
of the supernatural truths of the Christian Revelation.
The perennial problem of the relation of reason to
faith, already ably discussed by St. Augistme in the
fifth century, was thus raised again bv St, Ansekn in
the eleventh. During the intervening and earlier
centuries, although the writers and Fathers of the
Oiurch had always reco^issed the right and duty of
natural reason to establish those truths preparatory
to faith, the existence of God and the fact of revela-
tion, those prceambula fidei which form the motives of
credibility of the Christian reli^on and so make the
profession of the Christian Faith a ratUmabik obse-
quiumy a "reasonable service", still their attitude in-
clined more to the Crede ut inteUigas (Believe that you
may understand) than to the IrUeUtge vt credos (under-
stand that you may believe); and their theology was
a positive exegesis of the contents of Scripture and
tradition. In the eleventh and twelfUi coitunes,
however, rational speculation was appUea w ilicology
not merely for the purpose of proving the pitwmottw
fideif but also for the puipose of analysing, iflustrating, ,
and showing forth tne beauty and the suitability of
the mysteries of the Christian Faith. This method of \
applyme to the contents of Revelation the logical I
forms of rational discussion was called "the dialectic I
method of theology". Its introduction was oPP^i
more or less vigorously by such ascetic and nj3^^'
writers as St. Peter Damian, St. Bernard, and Walter
of St. Victor; chiefly, indeed, because of the excew to
which it was carried by those rationalist and tneo-
sophist writers who, like Peter Abelard and R*y^^
LuUy, would fain demonstrate the Christian mjnste-
ries, subordinating faith to private judg'"®''*/^. ?*
method was saved from neglect and excess alike vJ
the great Scholastics of the thirteenth century, ^
was used to advantage in their theology. After five
or six centuries of fruitful development, under wW
influence, mainly, of this deductive dialectic, tn«-
logy has again been drawing, for a centuiy lp«i
abimdant and powerful aid from a renewed ^^.,^
creased attention to the historical and exeptiw
studies that characterized the earlier oemtunes oi
Christianity.
B. Dialectic as FuNDAMEirrAL TvnAieoTttr of
&XAXJB0TIO
771
DXALSOTia
Human Knowlbdok [cf. (3), above]. — (a) The Plor
tame DidUdic, — ^From the be^nningB of Greek i>hilo»-
ophy reflection has revealed a twofold element in the
^nntents of the knowing human mind: an abstract,
permanent, immutable element, usually referred to
the intellect or reason; and a concrete, changeable,
ever«hiftine clement, usually referred to the imagina-
tion and the external senses. Now, can the real
world possess such opposite characteristics? Or, if
not, whic^ set really represents it? For Heraclitus
and the earlier lonians, stability is a delusion; all
reality is change-7-irAi^tt ^i. For Pannenides and the
Eleatics, change is delusion; reality is one, fixed, and
stable. But then, whence the delusion, if siich there
be, in either alternative? Why does our knowledge
speak with such uncertain voice, or which alternative
are we to believe? Both, answers Plato, but intellect
more than sense. What realities, the latter asks, are
revealed hj tJhose abstract, universal notions we pos-
sess— of being, number, cause, goodness, etc., by the
necessaiy, immutable truths we apprehend and the
comparison of those notions? The dialectic of the
Platonic '* Ideas" is a noble, if unsuccessful, attempt to
answer this question. These notions and truths, savs
Plato, have for objects ideas which constitute tne
real world, the mundus inteUigihiliaf of which we have
thus a direct and immediate intellectual intuition.
'Iliese beingB, which are objects of our intellectual
knowledge, these ideas, really exist in the manner in
which they are represented bv. the intellect, i. e. as
necessary, imiveraal, immutable, eternal, etc. But
where is tnis mundua tnteUigibilisf It is a world apart
(xwp^O) separate from the world of fleeting phenom-
ena revee&d to the senses. And is this latter world,
then, real or imreal? It is, says Plato, but a shadowy
reflex of reality, a dissolving; view of the ideas, about
which our conscious sense-impressions can give us
mere opinion (d^a), but not that reliable, proper
knowledge (ItriffriifiTi) which we have of the ideas.
This is unsatisfactory. It is an attempt to explain an
admitted connexion between the noumenal and the
phenomenal elements in knowledge by suppressing
the reality of the latter altogether. Nor is Plato any
more successful in his endeavour to show how the idea,
whidi for him is a really existing being, can be at the
same time one and manifold, or, in other words, how
it can be universal, like the mental notion that re-
presents it.
(b) AristoteUan and Scholastic Dialectic, — Aristotle
taujght, in opposition to his master Plato, that these
''ideas" or objects of our intellectual notions do not
exist apart from, but are embodied in, the concrete,
individual data of sense. It is one and the same
reality that reveals itself under an abstract, universal,
static aspect to the intellect, and under a concrete,
manifold; dynamic tjspect to the senses. The Chris-
tian philosophers of the Middle Ages took up and de-
veloped this Aristotelean conception, making it one of
the caidinal doctrines of Scholastic philosophy, the
doctrine of modem Realism. The object of the ab-
stract, universal notion, they taught, is real being; it
constitutes and is identical with the individual data
of sense-knowledge; it is numerically multiplied and
indivkiualized in them, while it is unified as a class-
concept or imiversal notion {unum commune pluribua)
by the abstractive power of the intellect which appre-
hends the element common to the individuals of a
class without their differentiating characteristics.
The universal notion thus exists as universal only in
the intellect, but it has a foundation in the individual
dsAA of sense, inasmuch as the content of the notion
. really exists in these sense-data, though the mode of
its existence there is other, than the mode in which
the notion exists in the intellect: universale est fpr-
maliter in menie^ fundamentaliter in re. Nor does the
intellect, in thus representing individual phenomena
by universal notions, falsify its object or render intel-
lectual knowledge imreliable; it represents the Real
inadequately, no doubt, not exhaustively or compre-
hensively, yet faithfully so far as it goes; it does not
misrepresent reality, for it merely asserts of the latter
the content of its universal notion, not the mode (or
universality) of the latter, as Plato did.
But if we get all our universal notions, necessary
judgments, and intuitions of inunutable truth through
the ever-changing, individual data of sense, how are
we to account for the timeless, spaceless, chan^less,
necessary character of the relations we establish be-
tween these objects of abstract, intellectual thought:
relations such as "Two and two are four", "Whatever
happens has a cause", "Vice is blameworthy"? Not
because our own or our ancestors' perceptive faculties
have been so accustomed to associate certain elements
of consciousness that we are unable to dissociate them
(as materialist and evolutionist philosophers would
say); nor yet, on the otiier hand, because in appre-
hendinp these necessary relations we have a direct and
immediate intuition of the necessary, self-existent,
Divine Being (as the Ontologists have said, and as
some interpret Plato to have meant); but simply be-
cause we are endowed with an intellectual faculty
which can apprehend the data of sense in a static con-
dition and establish relations between them abstract-
ing from all change.
By means of such necessary, self-evident truths,
applied to the data of sense-knowledge, we can infer
that our own minds are beings of a higher (spiritual)
order than material things and that the beings of the
whole visible universe — ourselves included — are con-
tingent, i. e. essentially and entirely dependent on a
necessary, all-perfect Being, who created and con-
serves them in existence. In opposition to this crea-
tionist philosophy of Theism, which arrives at an ulti-
mate plurality of being, may be set down all forms of
Monism or Pantheism, the philosophy which termin-
ates in the denial of any real distinction between mind
and matter, tliought and thing, subject and object of
knowledge, and the assertion of the ultimate unity ol
being.
(c; The Kantian Dialectic. — ^While Scholastic philos'
ophers understand by reality that which is the object
directly revealed to, and apprehended by, the knowing
mind through certain modifications wroueht by the
reality in the sensory and intellectual faculties, ideal-
ist or phenomenalist philosophers assume that the
direct object of our knowledge is the mental state or
modification itself, the mental appearance, or phenonv-
enon, as they call it; and because we cannot deariy
understand how the knowing mind can transcend its
own revealed, or phenomenal, self or states in the act
of cognition, so as to apprehend something other than
the immediatCj empirical, subjective content of tha/
act, these philosophers are inclined to doubt the val
idity of the "inferential leap" to reality, and conse
quently to maintain that the speculative reason it
unable to reach beyond subjective, mental appear
ances to a knowledge of things-in-themselves. Thus,
according to Kant, our necessary and universal judg-
ments about sense-data derive their necessity and
universality from certain innate, subjective equip-
ments of the mind called categories, or forms of
thought, and are therefore validly applicable only to
tiie phenomena or states of sense-consciousness. We
are, no doubt, compelled to think of an unperceived
real world, underlying the phenomena of external
sensation, of an unperceived real ego, or mind, or soul,
underlying the conscious flow of phenomena which
constitute the empirical or phenomenal ego, and of an
absolute and ultimate underlying, imconditioned
Cause of the ego and the world alike; but these three
ideas of the reason — ^the soul, the world, and God —
are mere natural, necessary products ot the mental
process of thinking, mere r^;ulative principles of
bought, devoid of all real content, and therefore is-
DIAMANTIKA
772
filAMAHTttA
capable of revealing reality to the s{)eculative re^on
of man. Kant, nevertheleea, believed in these reali-
ties, deriving a subjective certitude about them from
the exigencies of the practical reason, where he con-
sidered the speculative reason to have failed.
(d) The Hegelian Dialectic, — Post-Kantian philoso-
phers disagreed in interpreting Kant. Fichte, Schd-
ling, and Hegel developed some phases of his teaching
in a purely monistic sense. If what Kant called the
formal element in knowledge — i. e. the necessary, uni-
versal, immutable element — comes exclusively from
within the mind, and if, moreover, mind can know
only itself, what right have we to assume that there is
a material element independent of, and distinct from,
mind? Is not the content of knowledge, or in other
words the whole sphere of the knowable, a product of
the mind or ego itself? Or are not individual human
minds mere self-conscious phases in the evolution of
the one ultimate, absolute Being? Here we have the
idealistic monism or pantheism of Fichte and Schel-
ling. Hegel's dialectic is characterized especially by
its thoroughgoing identification of the speculative
thought process with the process of Being. His logic
is what is usually known as metaphysics : a philosophy
of Being as revealed through abstract thought. His
starting-point is the concept of pure, absolute, inde-
terminate being; this he conceives as a process, as
dynamic. His method is to trace the evolution of
this dynamic prindple through three stages: (1) the
stage m which it affirms, or pjosits, itself as thesis ; (2)
the stage of negation, limitation, antithesis, which is a
necessary corollary of the previous stage; (3) the
sta^ of synthesis, return to itself, union of opposites,
which follows necessarily on (1) and (2). Absolute
being in the first stage is the idea simply (the subject-
matter of logic) ; in the second stage (of otherness) it
becomes nature (philosophy of nature) ; in the third
stage (of return or synthesis) it is spirit (philosophy of
8pirit---ethics, politics, art, religion, etc.).
Applied to the initial idea of absolute Being, the
process works out somewhat like this: All conception
involves limitation, and limitation is n^ation;. posit-
ing or affirming the notion of Being involves its aiffer-
entiation from non-being and thus implies the n^^
tion of being. This negation, however, does not ter-
minate in mere nothingness; it implies a relation of
affinnation which leads by synthesis to a richer posi-
tive concept than the original one. Thus: absolutely
indeterminate being is no less opposed to, than it is
identical with, absolutely indeterminate nothing: or
Beinq-Nothino; but in the oscillation from the one
notion to the other both are merged in the richer
synthetic notion, of Becoming.
This is merely an illustration of the a priori dialectic
process by which Hegel seeks to show how all the cate-
gories of thought and reality (which he identifies) are
evolved from pure, indeterminate, absolute, ab-
stractly-conceived Being. It is not an attempt at
making his system intelligible. To do so in a few
sentences would be impossible, if only for the reason,
that Hegel has read into ordinary philosophical terms
meanings that are quite new and often sufficiently
remote from the currently accepted ones. To this
fact especially is due the difficulty experienced by
Catholics in deciding with any decree of certitude
whether, or how far, the Hegelian Dialectic — and the
same in its measure is true of Kant's critical philoso-
phy also— may be compatible with the profession of
the Catholic Faith. That these philosophies have
proved dangerous, and have troubled the minds of
many, was only to be expected from the novelty of
their view-points and the strangeness of their methods
of exposition. Whether, in the minds of their leading
exponents, they contained much, or little, or anything
incompatible with Theism and Christianity, it would
be as difficult as it would be perhaps idle to attempt
to decide. Be that as it may, the attitude of toe
Catholic Church towards philosophies that are new
and strange in their methods and terminology must
needs be an attitude of alertness and vigilance. Con-
scious of the meaning traditionally attached by her
children to the terms in which she has always ex-
pounded those ultimate philosophioo-religious truths
that lie partly along and partly beyond the confines of
natural numan knowledge, and realizing the danger of
their bein^ led astray by novel systems of thought
expressed m ambiguous language, she has ever wisely
warned them to ** beware lest any man cheat [tJiem] by
philosophy, and vain deceit" TColoss., ii, 8).
For the use of dialectic in the eariy Chrislaan and
medieval schools, see Arts, The Seven Liberai*.
A. SrdCKU tr. Finult, Hiatory of PhOoBophy (Dublin,
1907); TuRNBB, History of PhOotopkv (Boston, 1908); Dk
WuLF, tr. GoFFBT. SdioUutieism Old and New (Dublin, London.
and New York, 1907); Id., Hittoire de ia pfuiotophie mSdHvaU
(Louvain. 1907).
B. ScHWBOLBR, tr. Stbrung, Hiatory of PhiUmop^ (Bdin-
1871}; &rKBLiXQ,TheSeent_afHeod(^^
1871); MAc/fAOOABT, StudieiHfi the Heodian
bridjse, 1896); Walx«ack, The Loffie of Head auu ue
qphy of Mind (Oxford. 1894); Gaibd, Critieal PI
Kant (London, 1899): Max MOUiSB's and Hahaw
tions o£ Kant's works (London, 1881, 1889).
P. COITBT.
Diamantina, Diocese of (Adamantina). in the
north of the State of Minas Geraes, Brazil, South
America, created under the Brazilian Empire, 10
Aug., 1853, and confirmed by the Holy See, 6 June,
1854. This territory was part of the ancient Diocese
of Marianna (now the Arcndiocese of Minas Geraes),
which had four sutiragans: Marianna, Diamantina,
Pouso Alegre and Uberaba, in the centre, nortii^ south
and far west of the State of Minas Geraes. The present
territoi]y comprises twenty municipalities or town-
ships divided in 106 parishes and 173 districts (an area
of 33,708 square miles or half the territory of the State
of Minas). According to the last official census (31
Dec, 1900) the population of the Diocese of Diaman-
tina was ^29,018. There are about 200 churches in
as many villages and towns* and 100 priests, belong-
ing to tne regular and parochial clergy of the diocese.
A seminary and diocesan college (recognized by a de-
cree of the Federal (xovemment, and modeled on the
National Gymnasium of Rio de Janeiro) are directed
by the Lazarists, and a colle^ for girls, also in Dia-
mantina, and directed by rehmotks, are the principal
educational institutions of Vie diocese. Premon-
stratensian missionaries in Montes Glares, and Fran-
ciscans in Theophilo Ottoni and Itambacuzy, are en-
gaged in Christianizing the Indian tribes of Botocudos.
About 7,000 have been converted along the Mucury
River, and in the mountains of Aimor6s and forests of
Itambacurjr. In addition to these there are Dutch
Redemptorists in Gurvello and a few (Spanish and
Italian) priests.
diari^ hospitals (Diamantina, 2, Curvelho, 1,
Montes Claros, 1, Serro, 1, Concei^ao, 1) are attended
by the Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul, and of Our Lady
of Providence. Catholic leases, charitable societies
and confraternities are organized in the parishes; and
there is an institution at Serro for invalid or poor prksts.
There were formeriy two missions, in Poaya (forests of
XJrupdca River and Suassuhv-Grande) and in Figudira
(Dom Manoel Harbour), and Indian aldeamenion which
prospered under the apostolical zeal of Italian Fran-
ciscan missionaries.
Since its erection the Diocese of Diamantina has had
three bishops. The fimt was the Ri^t Rev. Marcos
Cardoso de Paiva (a native of Rio de Janeiro). • £&
successor was the Right Rev. JoAo Antonio dos Santos
who died in Diamantina, 17 May, 1905, after an epis-
copacy of forty-one years. Bom in the village of Rio
Preto, 1819, ne served as professor of pmlosophy
in the seminary of Marianna before his appointment
as Bishop of Diamantina, 2 May, 1864. During the
last years of his episcopacy, tne Holy See named
DIAMPBR
773
DIABIO
M his coadjutor the Ridit Rev. J. Silverio de
Sousa who succeeded him, having been consecrated
titular Bishop of Bagis, 2 Feb., 19(3. He was the au-
thor of ^Sitios e Personagens", '^0 Lar Catholioo^',
"Novenas do Natal e da Immaculada ConoeigSo",
"Fioezas de Mfte e Pastoraes". all well known works
published in Brazil. The Catnolic press in the dio-
cese is represented by two periodicals '^Estrella
Polar'' (official) of Diamantina, and ''A Verdade", of
Montes-Claros. The latter is in charge of the Premon-
fltratensian priests.
Da Sbnna, Annuario BtHaJtutieo e ttluatrado de Minaa Oeraea
•(BeUo Horiionte, 1906 and 1907). I. 31. 36 and 460. 11. 77 and
81; iDUf. NotM e Chroniau (Sfi> Ftolo. 1907), 94. 88; Sunajmea
do9 BacgnaeomenlM da RepuUiea do BnuU (Rio de Jan«iro.
1808 and 1905). 1. 47. 71, II. 43-18: EatrtOa PoUxr (Diaman-
tina. 1906)^__Da_Vbioa. BpKemeridea Mineiraa (Ouro Prato,
1897). n, 335. UI. 223.
Nbuson ds Senna.
Diamper, Synod of. See Thomas, Saint, Ghbib-
TiANB of; Sybo-Malabar Church.
Diana, Antonino, moral theologian, b. of a noble
family at Palermo, Sicily, in 1586; d. at Rome, 20
July, 1663. He took his vows as a regular tlerk of the
Theatine Order in 1630. He became celebrated as a
casuist while he was yet a young man, and cases of con-
science were sent to him for solution from all parts.
His^'^Resolutiones Morales'' met with universal es-
teem and approbation. The brothers Prost, who
brought out the eighth edition of the first three parts
of this work at Lyons, in 1635, sent it forth, with a
play on the author's name, as the Diana of him who
mi^t be himting for truth in the woods of moral
theology, and as the Diana of the cross-ways who
would snow the riRht path to anyone in doubt or per-
plexity. Popes urban VIII, Iimocent X, and Alex-
ander Vn, esteemed him for his learning, and he was
made a consultor of the Holv Office of the Kingdom of
Sicily and an examiner of bishops. Diana mmself
daimed that as a rule his solutions followed the milder
opinion. 0^ the frontispiece of the volume just men-
tioned round a iSgure of the Cross runs the l^nd Nan
ferro sed ligno. According to St. Alphonsus and the
common opinion of modem theologians, Diana not
infrequently went too far in the diiection of laxityr.
However, his works may still be consulted with profit.
JBesides several editions of the unabridged works, epi-
tomes and compendiums of them b^an to appear even
in the author's lifetime, in spite of his vigorous pro-
tests that his real meaning was being distorted by his
too ardent admirers.
HuBTKR, Nomendaior lit. (Innabruck, 1802); Jaknbr in
KireheHUx.,B,y,; NauvdU Biog. GhUraU iVmns, IB5S).
T. Slater.
DiaaOi Diocese of (Dianensis), a small city in the
province of Sidemo, Ital^r* the ancient Teaanum and
seat of the Tegyani, a tribe of Lucania. Pius IX es-
tablished thw see 20 Sept., 1850. at the instance of
Kji^ Ferdinand II of Naples, and ordered the Bishop
of Capaccio to fix his residence in the town of Diano :
thenceforUi the see was to be known as Capaodo ana
Diano. But under the second bishop Domenico Fan-
eUo (1858-83), Capaccio was again separated from
Diano and united with the Diocese of Yallo, in which
town the bishop now resides. In 1882 Diano received
the name of Teggiano. Hie see is a suffragan of
Salerno, has 44 parishes, about 250 secular priests, 3
religious houses of men and one of women; the
pcwulation is about 100,000.
Annuario Bed, (Rome, 1908).
U. Beniqni.
Diarbakir. See Amida.
Diaiio Romano (It. for "Roman Daybook"), a
booklet published annually at Rome, with papal au-
thorisation, fldving the routine of feasts and fasts to be
observed in Home and the ecclesiastical functions to
be performed in the city.
The Diano for 1908 gives the days on which the
Roman Gongregations— Index, Rites, Propaganda,
etc. — ^hold their sessions. A table is then given for the
ringinff of the bell for evening Angelus, which varies
with the time of sunset, and ranges from 5.15 p. m. to
8.15 p. m. In quoting the time of day at which an
exercise is to take place, the Diario uses the r^ular
style for the morning hours, but says, ** before" or
"after the Angelus", for the afternoon. The Dia-
rio notes the biases of the moon, the eclipses, the
movable feasts, the ember days, the ecclesiastical
cycles, the time for the solemnisation of marriage, a
list of days on which certain specially honoured images
of the Blessed Vii|;in are exposed for veneration, and a
list of saints and blessed honoured on each da^r of the
vear and of the churches at which the feast is cele-
brated. In the body of the work the statement is
freauently made that images and relics of Christ
and of the saints, ordinarily veiled, are imcovered and
put in a prominent place. Such relics are: the table
on which Christ instituted the Holy Eucharist; tiie
manger or crib in which Christ is said to have been
flac«l after his birth; the heads of Sts. Peter and
•aul; the Chair of St. Peter {Cathedra Petri). Next
are given the various fimctions as follows: —
(1) Ordinary — (a) Daily. — ^In all churches where
canons or religious communities reside the canonical
Hours of the Breviai^y are recited and conventual
Mass is simg. Mass is said in all the churches, tiie
earliest at 5 o'clock, and the latest at 12, the latter at
S. Maria della Pace and always a votive Mass in
honour of the Holy Trinity in thanksgiving for the
favours conferred by the Blessed Virgin. At S. Giu-
seppe alia Limgara dei Pii Operai a daily foundation
Mass with sermon and " Libera ' ' is offered: for the souls
in puigatory. The Exposition of the Blessed Sacra-
ment takes place daily at.S. Gioacchino ai Monti, at
S. Qaudio dei Borgognoni, at S. Croce of the convent
of S. Maria Riparatrice, at S. Brigida, at the church of
Corpus Domini, in the chapel of the Daughters of the
Sacred Heart. In these churches and chapels special
devotions are held during the day and are always well
attended. The recitation of the Rosary is a favourite
practice of the Romans; it takes place at Mass in
twenty-one churches in which Benediction is tiien
^ven with the pyx; in the afternoon the Rosary, or,
m some instances, the beads of the Seven Dolours or
of the Precious Blood, is said daily in thirty-seven
churches and chapels, in some of which a ser-
mon is added. On feast days Exposition of the Blessed
Sacrament is held in the morning in six churches.
Rosary and Benediction in the afternoon in eight; in
five also a sermon is preached, and in five others the
chaplet of the Sacred Heart is added. — (b) Weekly. —
In uie parish churches high Mass and sermon are held
at eight or nine o'clock on Sundays, and in the after-
noon Christian doctrine is taught. At St. John Lat-
eran there is a procession before Mass: at S. Gioac-
chino the Blessed Sacrament is exposea at Mass and
prayers of reparation are said, in the afternoon Bene-
diction is given after the Rosary has been recited before
the Blessea Sacrament. In nine other churches there is
Exposition in the morning, to which, at S. Prassede,
prayers for a good death are added. Benediction is
given in many churches at various times of the day,
together with an explanation of the Holy Scriptures,
an instruction, a sermon. Rosary, etc. The Way of
the Cross is made in four churches. The Diario notes
the following devotions to be held for Monday: Ex-
position dunng Mass at Santi XII Apostoli and Ara
CgbU, in the eveningat four churches, with special
prayers to St. JudeThaddeus at S. Eusebio. Tues-
day: Exposition in the morning for four churches and
for the same number in the evening, a devotion to
St. Anne, and a meditation. Wednesday: for five
churches Exposition in the forenoon; for tour in the
afternoon. Rosary, chaplet of the Immaculate, chaplet
of Sorrows and Joys of St. Joseph, prayers to the
DIABIO
774
DIAVO
Mother of Sorrows. Thursday: Exposition during
the whole day at S. Gioacchino in Prati with Rosary
and Benediction in the evening, Exposition in five
other churches, to which a dbcourse is added at N. S.
di S. Cuore; in S. Andrea at the Quirinal catechetical
instruction for boys. Friday: Exposition, chaplet of
the Sacred Heart, Holy Hour for the dying, prayers in
honour of the Passion. Way of the Cross, Way of the
Mater Dolorosa, chaplet of the Seven Dolours. Sat-
urday: Exposition, devotion to the Mother of Mercy
against lightning, in honour of the Queen of the Holy
Rosary, special prayers for the conversion of England,
chaplet of the Immaculate, of the Seven Dolours,
sermon, singing of the litany, and Benediction. —
(c) Monthly. — For the first Sunday is ordered, in one
church or another: Exposition in the form of the
Forty Hours, procession, prayers for a good death,
Way of the Cross, Corona dei Morti, Communion of the
Pages of Honour of St. Aloysius. For the second
Sunday: Exposition in the morning and in the even-
ing, procession of the Blessed Sacrament, at S. Maria
sopra Minerva procession with the Bambino and prayers
for blasphemers. For the third Sunday : Exposition in
the morning or in the evening, and procession. For
the fourth Sunday the same is prescribed for several
churches, also the Way of the Cross. For the last
Sunday: Exposition and procession for two churches
in the morning, for others in the evening; Way of the
Cross at the Campo Santo. Similarly, the Diario
makes announcements for the first Tuesday, the first
Wednesday, etc. Among the devotions noted for
these days special mention may be made of prayers
for obstinate sinners said on the first Wednesday at
S. Giacomo in Augusta, Mass of reparation for the
insults offered to the Blessed Sacrament, Mass in the
morning and Benediction in the evening with prayers
for the conversion of Endand, supplications for the
reunion of Christendom, English sermon on the first
Friday at S. Giorgio e santi Inglesi.
(2) Extraordinary devotions, — Sermon two hours
before the Angelus on ail feasts of Christ and of
Our Lady at S. Alfonso on the Esquiline; at S. An-
drea deUe Fratte Way of the Cross on all Sundays of
February, March, November, and December, and on
the eight days of Carnival; at S. Agnese Outside the
Walls Exposition on all Simdays and Holy Days at
two hours before the Angelus, with chaplet of the Five
Wounds during Lent; at S. Andrea at the Ponte Mil-
vio a Mass is said on all Sundays and Holy Days for
the deceased members, two hours before the Angelus;
Ofiice of the Dead, absolution given in the adjoining
cemetery, then Benediction in cnurch after the recita-
tion of a Htany. On Septuagesima Sunday at 8.
Filippo on the Via Giulia Exposition all day, closing
witn litany and Benediction. On the Saturday be-
fore Sexagesima some churches perform apious exer-
cise caMea Camivale sanlificato. On the Friday after
Sexagesima and on the Fridays of Lent, in nearly aU
churdies, the Way of the Cross is made or the Via
Dolorosa. Lenten sermons are preached on Wednes-
days and Fridays. The Lenten preachers are received
in audience by the pope. For *tne Apostolic Palace a
"specialpreacher is appointed. On Laetare Sunday the
Holy Father blesses the Golden Rose, which he then
sends to persons of rank, to cities, or corporations as a
token of gratitude; on this Sunday also begin the
catechetical instructions prescribed by Benedict XIV
as a preparation for Easter. The Holy Week exer-
cises aro performed in all the parish churches, and ad-
ditional devotions are held in many, as the washing of
the papal altar at St. Peter's on Maundy Thursday,
sermons on the Passion. Way of the Cross or of the
Desolata, or honouring tne Hours of the Agony. The
Ruthenian Rite is used for the fimctions of lloly Week
at SS. Sergio e Bacco, the Armenian Rite at S. Nicola
da Tolentino on 1 January. At S. Andrea della
Valle tlie Veni Creator is sung after Mass and the
baptismal vows are renewed: at S. Maria in Campi*
telli the faithful consecrate tnemselves to the patron
chosen for the year* at S. Cario a Catinari the spiri-
tual testament of St. Charies Borromeo is read on 5
Januaiy. At S. Atanasio water is blessed in the
Greek Kite and at S. Andrea della Valle and at other
churches in the Latin Rite. This water the pious
faithful take home to sprinkle the sick, their housesy
fields, vineyards, and themselves. The 6th of Janu-
ary is the titular feast of the Propaganda; Mass is cele-
brated in the Oriental Rites, and sermons are preached
in the different languages. On 3 February takes
place the blessing of throats with a relio of St. Blaise,
and in the churdies of the Blessed Virgin the pious
custom obtains, throu^out the year, of anointing the
throats with blessed oil. On 31 December, in nearlv
all the churches and oratories, the year is closed with
Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament and Te Deum.
Formerly greater solemnity was imparted tosome feasts
by the presence of the Holy Father, who would celebrate
the Mass or Vespers, or would assist at them pontifi-
cally in one of the greater basilicas and impart the
Apostolic blessing to the world from the outer loggja.
The Diario mentions some twenty days on which such
a cappeUa papale, as it was called, used to take place
before 1870. For the year 19C8 only two are noted:
for 20 July, the anniversary of the death of Leo XIII,
and for 9 August, the anniversary of the coronation
of the reigning pontiff, Pius X.
The special feasts of the churches are ushered in by
preparatory triduums, novenas, or devotions of seven
or of eight days, on which pious exercises are per-
formed m common and Benediction is given; entire
months are dedicated to saints or mysteries — ^as the
month of St. Joseph, the month of Mary, of the Sacred
Heart of Jesus, of the Precious Blood, of the Sacred
Heart of Mary, of the Seven Dolours, of the Rosary,
and of the Dead. Holy Communion for a series of
fixed days of the week, together with specialprayers, is
much in use. We read in the Diario of six Sunoays of
St. Aloysius, seven of St. Camillus, nine of St. Cajetan,
ten of St. Ignatius, fifteen of the Rosary- nine Mon-
da3rs of the Archangel St. Gabriel; nine Tuesdays of
St. Anne, and thirteen of St. Anthony of Padua;
seven Wednesdays of Our Lady of Mount Carmel;
seven Fridays of the Seven Dolours: seven of St. Ju-
liana Falconieri, nine of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, ten
of St. Francis Xavier, thirteen of St. Francis of Paul,
thirteen of St. Onuphrius; five Saturdays of the Name
of Mary, twelve of the Immaculate Conception, fifteen
of the Holy Rosary.
To encourage the faithful in the freouent reception
of the sacraments, in visitinjg the diurcnes, venerating
the Blessed Sacrament or the relics of the saint^ and
in performing other acts of devotion, the Churcn haa
opened wide ner treasure and eranted almost innum-
erable Indulgences. Of special note is the toUes qu^-
ties Indulgence. The Vatican Basilica has this In-
dulgence for every day of the year; the drarch of S.
Andrea delle Fratte on the feast of St. Fhmcis of Paul
(3 May); the churches of the Trinitarians on Trinity
Sunday; SS. Cuore at the Castro Piretorio on the feast
of the Sacred Heart; the churches of the Carmelites
on 16 July; in several dxurches the Indulgence of
Portiuncula on 2 August; the churches of tae Serv-
ites on the feast of the Seven Dolours in September;
where the Confraternity of the Rosary is eanonically
established, on Rosary Sunday; in several churches
on the feast of the Holy Redeemer; in the Benedictine
churches on 2 November. Only lately (20 February,
1908) the Holy Father has granted a toties quoltes In-
dulgence to tne mous practice of the S(»la Santa
(Acta S. Sedis, XLI, 294). Spiritual retreats are given
for men twice a year at the Caravita, and once for
women; for both sexes at the Crociferi, and a speciai
one preparatory to Easter, for both sexes, at SS. Via-
cenzo e Anaataslo.
DTARM4TI)
775
DIiL8P0R4
JHofio Romano for 1908; Chajcdlbbt. Pilmim Walk* m
Home (St. Louis, Mo., and London, 1905); Beuuishexm in
XircherUex., a. v.; Salyatorianbb, Die ewige Stadt (Home,
1904); Gbeu/^Fells, Rom und die Campaqna (1887); db
fiLESER, Rome et eee monumente (Louvoin, 1800).
Francis Mbbshman.
Diannaid, Saint, b. in Ireland, date unknown; d.
in 851 or 852. He was made Archbishop of Armagh
in 834, but was driven from his see by the usurper For-
aunan in 835. However, he claimed his rigntp and
collected his cess in Connacht, in 836, as primate. He
lived in a stormy age, as the Scandinavian rovers
imder Turgesius seized Armagh, in 841, and levelled
the churches. The "Annals of Ulster" (ed. B. Mc-
Carthy, Dublin, 1887, I, 361) describe him as "the
wisest of the doctors of Europe". His feast is cele*
brated 24 April.
Saint Diarmaid, sumamed the Just, a famous
Irish confessor of the mid-sixth century; d. 542. His
name is associated with the great monastery of Inis-
dothran (Iniscleraim) on Lough Rec, in the Diocese
of Ardagh, which he founded about the year 530. He
vras of princely origin and a native of Connacht. Wish-
ing to found an oratory far from the haunts of men, he
selected the beautiful but lonely island associated with
the memory of Queen Meave, now known as Quaker
Island. Here his fame soon attracted disciples, and
among them St. d^aran of Cloiunacnoise. He was not
only a good teacher, but also a distinguished writer
ana poet. On the island seven churcnes are tradi-
tionally said to have been erected, and the traces of
six are still in evidence, including Teampul Diarmada,
or the church of St. Diarmaid, the saint's own church
— ^an oratory eight feet by seven. His feast is cele-
brated 10 January. After his death the monastic
school kept up its reputation for fully six centuries,
and the island itself was famous for pilgrimages in
pre-Reformati«n days.
MartyroLogy of Donegal (Dublin, 1864); O'Hanlon, Livee of
ihe hiak Savnte (Dublin. 1875). IV. 476; I. 152; Stuaat, Hie-
Uny of An.iagk, ed. CoLEyAN (Dublin, 1900); Acta SS^ April,
III; CoLGAN, Acta SS. Hibemia (I>ouvain. 1645): Biggcb,
Inia dolhrann. Ha Hiatorp ond AniiquHiea (Dublin, 1900);
&TOKwm AND BrsAcaAN, Theaaurue PaUBohibemieua (Gambridce,
1908).
W. H, Grattan-Flood,
Dias, Bartglomeu, a famous Portuguese naviga-
tor of the fifteenth century, discoverer of the Cape of
Good Hope; d, at sea, 29 May, 1500. Several Portu-
guese historians state that he was a relative or descend-
ant of JoSlo Dias who sailed around Cape Bojador in
1434, and of Diniz Dias who is said to have discovered
the (Jape Verde Islands. As early as 1481 Bartolo-
meu Dias had accompanied Diogo d'Azambuja on an
expedition to the Gold Coast. Dias was a cavalier of
the royal court, superintendent of the royal ware-
houses and sailing-master of the man-of-war "San
ChristovSo", when King John (JoSo) II appointed
him on 10 Oct., 1486, as the head of an expedition which
was to endeavour to sail around the southern end of
Africa. Its chief purpose was to find the country of
the Christian African king known as Prester John,
concerning whom recent reports had arrived (I486)
through "Kmo Alfonso d'Aveiro, and with whom the
Portuguese wished to enter into friendly relations.
After ten months of preparation Dias left Lisbon
the latter part of July or the beginning of August,
1487, with two armed caravels of fifty tons each and
one supply-ship. Among his companions were Pero
d'Alemquer, who wrote a description of Vasco da
Gama's first voyage, LeitSLo, Jo&o Infante, Alvaro
Martins, and Jo!U> Urego. The supply-sliip was com-
manded by Bartolomeu's brother, Pero Dias. There
were also two negroes and four negresseb on board who
were to be set ashore at suitable spots to explain to the
natives the purpose of the expedition. Dias sailed
first towards the mouth of the Congo, discovered the
yeaj: befoxe by C&o and Behaim, tnen following the
African coast, he entered Walfiach Bay, and probably
erected the first of his stone oolumna near the present
Angra Pequefia. From 29® south latitude (Port Nol-
loth) he lost sight of the coast and was driven by a
violent storm, which lasted thirteen days, far beyond
the cape to the south. When calm weather returned
he sailed again in an easterly direction and, when no
land appeared, turned northward, landing in the
Bahia dos Vaqueiros (Mossel Bay). Following the
coast he reachea Algoa Bar, and then the limit of his
exploration, the Great Fisn River, which he named
after the commander of the accompanying vessel, Rio
Infante. It was only on his return voyage that he
discovered the Cape, to which, according to Barroe, he
gave the name of Cabo Tormentoso. ICinp John, in
view of the success of the expedition, is said to have
proposed the name it has since borne. Cape of Good
Hope. In December, 1488, Dias retumea to Lisbon
after an absence of sixteen months and seventeen
days. He had shown the way to Vasco da Gama
whom in 1497 he accompanied, but in a subordinate
position, as far as the Cape Verde Islands.
In 1500 Dias commanded a ship in the expedition of
Cabral (q. v.); his vessel, however, was one of those
wrecked not far from the Cape of Good Hope, which he
had discovered thirteen years before. An official
report of the expedition to the cape has not yet been
found. Besides the account by Barros there is a note
written on the margin of page 13 of a manuscript cop^
of Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly's " Imago Mundi", whidi is
of importance, as this copy was once the property of
Christopher Columbus. Ravenstein has attempted,
and not unsuccessfully, by the .aid of contemporary
charte to reconstruct the entire voyage with tne dif-
ferent stopping-points of the route.
Barbcmi, Dteadaa da Aaia, Dee. I, bk. Ill, iv: RAVKNarsiN,
The Voyages of Dioqp CHo and Bariholometo Dtaa in Tfie Geo^
qraphieal Journal (London. 1900). XVI. 625-'665: Bbhrens.
Die ante Umaeoelung dea Kapa der OtUen Hoffnuna* dutch Bar»
tholomeu DiaamIHa Notrw (Halle. 1901). L. 7-0, 1&-19.
Otto Hartiq.
Diaspora (or Dibpbrsion) was the name given to
the countries (outoide of Palestine) throudi wnioh the
Jews were disfwrsed, and secondarilv to the Jews liv-
ing in those countries. The Greek term, StaffTopd,
corresponds to the Hebrew nw» "exile" (cf. Jer.,
xxiv, 5). It occurs in the Greek version of the Old
Testament, e. g. Deut., xxviii, 25; xxx, 4, where the
dispersion of the Jews among the nations is foretold as
the punishment of their apostagy. In Jc^n, vii, 35,
the word is used implying disdain: ''The Jews there-
fore said among themselves: Whither will he go, that
we shall not find him? WiU he go unto the disi)erBed
among the Gentiles?" Two of the Catholic Epistles,
viz. that of James and I Peter, are addressed to the
neophvtes of the Diaspora. In Acts, ii, are enumer-
ated tne principal countries from which the Jews came
who heard the Apostles Pleach at Pentecost, everyone
"in his own tongue". The Diaspora was the result
of the various deportetions of Jews which invariably
followed the invasion or conquest of Palestine. The
first deportation took place after the capture of
Samaria by Shalmaneser (Salmanasar) and Sargon,
when a portion of the Ten Tribes were carried into the
regions of the Euphrates and into Media, 721 b. c.
(IV Kings, xvii). In 587 B, c. the Kingdom of Juda
was transported into Mesopotamia. When, about
fifty years later, Cvrus allowed the Jews to return to
their country, only the poorer and more fervent
availed themselves of the permission. The richer
families remained in Babylonia forming the bgpnning
of a numerous and influential commimity. Tne con-
quests of Alexander the Great caused the spreading of
of Jews throughout Asia and Syria. Seleucus Nicator
made the Jews citizens in the cities he built in his
dominions, and gave them equal rights with the
Greeks and Macedr^nians. (Josephus, Antiquitiea,
DIATXS8AR0N
776
DlAZ
XII, ill, 1.) Snortiy after the transportation of Juda
into Babylonia a number of Jews who had been left in
Palestine voluntarily emigrated into Egypt. (Jer.,
dii-xliv.) They formed tne nucleus of the famous
Mexandrine colony. But the great transportation
into Egypt was effected by Ptolemy Soter. "And
Ptolemy took many captives both from the moun-
tainous parts of Judea and from the places about Jer-
usalem and Samaria and led them into E^pt and
settled them there " (Antiquities, XII, i, 1). In Rome
there was already a community of Jews at the time of
Ca»ar. It is mentioned in a decree of CsBsar cited by
Josephus (Ant., XLV, x, 8). After the destruction of
Jerusalem by Titus thousands of Jewish slaves were
placed upon the market. They formed the nucleus of
settlements in Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul. At the
time of the Apostles the numoer of Jews in the Dias-
pora was exceedingly great. The Jewish author of
the Sibylline Oracles (2nd century b. c.) could already
say of his countrymen: " Every land and every sea is
full of them" (Or. Sib., Ill, 271). Josephus mention-
ing the riches of the temple says: ** Let no one wonder
that there was so much wealtn in our temple since all
the Jews throughout the habitable earth sent their
contributions" (Ant., XIV, vii, 2). The Jews of the
Diaspora paid a temple tax, a kind of Peter's-pence;
a didrachma being required from every male adult.
The sums transmitted to Jerusalem were at times so
\ax^ as to cause an inconvenient drainage of gold,
which more than once induced the Roman govern-
ment either to stop the transmittanoe or even to con-
fiscate it.
Though the Diaspora Jews were, on the whole,
faithful to their religion, there was a noticeable
difference of theological opinion between the Babv-
Ionian and Alexandrine Jew. In Mesopotamia tne
Jews read and studied the Bible in Heorew. This
was comparatively easy to them since Chaldee, their
vernacular, was kindred to the Hebrew. The Jews in
Egypt and throughout Europe, commonly called
Hellenistic Jews, soon forgot Hebrew. A Greek ver-
sion of the Bible, the Septuagint, was made for them.
The consequence was that they were less ardent in the
punctilious observance of their Law. Like the Samari-
tans they showed a schismatic tendency by erecting a
rival temple to that in Jerusalem. It was built by the
son of Onias the high-priest in Leontopolis in Lower
Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, 160
B. c, and was destroyed 70 b. c. (Ant., XIII, iii, §§ 2,
3). It is a curious fact that whereas Hellenistic Juda-
ism became the soil in which Christianity took root
and waxed strong, the colony in Babylonia remained a
stron^old of orthodox Judaism and produced its
famous Talmud. The deeply-rooted antagonism
between the Jews and Greeks made the amalgamation
of the two races impossible. Though some of the
Seleucids and Ptolemies, such as Seleucus Nicator and
Antiochus the Great, were favourable towards the
Jews, there was constant friction between the two ele-
ments in Syria and E^ypt. Occasional pillage and
massacre were the inevitaole result. Thus on one oc-
casion the Greeks in Seleucia and Syria massacred
some 50,000 Jews (Ant., XVIII, ix, 9). On another
occasion the Jews, setting the upper hand in Cyprus,
killed the Greek inhabitants of Salamis and were in
consequence banished from the island (Dio Cassius,
LXVIiI, 23). In Alexandria it was found necessaryto
confine the Jews to a separate quarter, or ghetto. The
Roman Empire was on the whole well-disposed
towards the Jews of the Diaspora. They had every-
where the right of residence and could not be expelled.
The two exceptions were the expulsion of the Jews
from Rome under Tiberius (Ant., XVIII, iii, 5) and
under Claudius (Acts, xviii, 2). But both these in-
stances were of short duration. Their cult was de-
clared a rdigio licita. All communities had their
eynagogiifrf, rpwrevxal or <roj8/3cr«Ja, which served
also as libraries and places of assembly. TTie
famous was that in Antioch (De bell. Jud., VII, iii, 3>.
They had their cemeteries : in Rome, like the Cfairis-
tians^ they buried their aead in catacombs. Th^
were allowed freely to observe their sabbaths, festi-
vals, and dietary laws. They were exempt from the
emperor-worship and from military service. Many
Jews enjoyed Roman citizenship, e. g. St. Paul (Acts,
xvi, 37-^). In many places tne Jewish community
formed a recognized organization with administratlT-e,
judicial, and fiinancial powers. It was ruled by a
council called yepowria, composed of elders, rpeffp&rtpot,
at the head of which was the archon. Another token
of the freedom which the Jews enjoyed through-
out the empire was their active propagandism (cf.
Matt., xxiii, 15). The neophytes were called ^o^So^
pxpoi or <r€j86/*eiw., i^. Gkxi-fearing (Acts, xiii, 16, 26,
43; Antiquities, XTV, vii, 2). Their number ap-
pears to have been very great. St. Paul met them in
almost all the cities he visited. Josephus, praising the
excellence of the Law, says: "the multitude of man-
kind itself has had a great inclination to follow our re-
ligious observances. There is not a city of the Gre-
cians or Sabarians7 where our customs and the pro-
hibition as to our food are not observed" etc. (Contra
Apion., II, xl). Many of the converts were distin-
guished persons, e. g. Aguila, the chamberlain of the
Queen ot Candace (Acts, viii, 26 aci,) ; Azizus, King of
Emesa, and Polemo, King of Cilicia (Ant., xx, vii) ; the
patrician lady Fulvia (Ant., XVIII, iii, 6).
Jewish Encyc. 8. v. Dispersion; SchCrbs, OeaekiAte de» jodi-
sehen VoUcea (Leiprig. 1890); Qbatk, OeschiehifS der Jtukn:
Ren AN, Lea Apdtres; Mommsbn, The Frovineea rf the Rcm-^in
Empire (tr. LondoD, 188G). A list of the countries of the Dia-
spora is given by Philo, Leg. ad Caium, 36.
C. Van den Biesbn.
Diatessaron. See Tatian.
Dial, Blessed Francisco, O. P. See China.
Diaii Pedro, missionary, b. at Lupia, Diocese of
Toledo, Spain, in 1546; d. in Mexico, 12 Jan., 1618.
Though but twenty years of age when he joined the
Society of Jesus he had already oeen a teacher of phil-
osophy for two years. In 1572 he was sent by St.
Francis Borgia to Mexico with the first band of Jesuits
assigned to that mission, and was the first master
of novices of the Province of Mexico. His distin*
guished merits as a preacher and a superior were en-
hanced by a great reputation for holiness. As rector
of the colleges of Guadalajara and Mexico, superior of
the profes^sd house, provincial, and founder of the
colleges of Oaxaca ana Guadalajara in Mexico, and of
Merida in Yucatan, and twice procurator to R(«ne, he
occupies a prominent place in the earhr history of the
Jesuits in Mexico. He was also the first to start the
mission work of his brethren among the Indians of
New Spain. The only contribution we have from his
pen is *' Letteras de Missionibus per Indiam Oociden-
talem a Nostris de Societate Institutis per annos 1590
et 1591." Several biofp-aphical encyclopedias con-
found him with Pedro Dias, a Portuguese Jesuit of the
sixteenth century.
Aleore, Histmia de la e, de J. en Nueva Bapqfla (Mezioo,
1843). 11, 112; BANCstOPT, History of Mexico (Stin Fzsncisoo.
1883), II, xxxii: Albgamba, Bibl. Scriptarvm S. J. (Ant^raip,
1643), 380; SoMif ervooei., BiU. delae.de J., Ill, 46; Alca-
zar, Chron. hist, de la prov. de Tolfde, 11, 401; Bobro, Meno-
logic, I, 244-6; De Backer, 1, 1588.
Edward P. Spillane.
Dial del Oastillo, Bernal (corruption of Bernar-
do), Spanish historian, one ot the chief chroniclers
of the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards, b. at Me-
dina del Campo, Spain, c. 1498; d. after 1568. Bom
of poor parents, he began his military career as a com-
mon soldier. In 1514. he went to America with Pe-
drarias D^vila who had shortly before been appointed
governor of Darien. Thence he betook himself to
Cuba and enlisted in the expedition to Yucatan under
DIAZ
777
DIOOOVSOH
Ftoncisco de G6rdoba in 1517. He proceeded to Mex-
ico with Grijalva in 1518 and letundng to Cuba, set
sut a third time for Mexico under the Banner of Her-
nando Cortes. He took part, he tells us, in 1 19 battles,
and was present at the surrender of the city of Mexico
In 1521. As a reward for distinguished services he
received a commission as reffidor or governor of Santi-
ago de los Cabaileros in Guatemala, where he made his
borne. In, 1552, G6mara, secretaiy and chaplain to
Cort^, published at Saragossa his ''Cr6nica de la Con-
quista de Nueva Espafia^' in which Dfas thought he
gave imdue credit to Cortds. Diaz, therefore, in 1568,
undertook to write his '' Verdadera Historia de la Con-
quista de Nueva EspafSa", and though despairing of
wa ability to equal U^nara's literary polish, he deter-
noined to write a faithful narrative of the stirring
events in which he had taken part, in order to correct
the gross inaccuracies of G6mara, who had never even
been in America, and to vindicate the valour of him-
self and others who had been completely overshad-
owed by the exaggerated reputation of Cort^. The
work lay neglected and unpublished imtil, in 1032.
Father Alonso Rem6n of the Order of Our Lady of
Mercy, found it in aprivate library and had it pub-
lished at Madrid. The work is crude and devoid of
style, and shows the ignorance and vanity of the au-
thor, but it will always be read with interest as being
the work of an eyewitness and participant in the
events described.
In 1689, Francisco de Fuentes. in his history of
Guatemala, set forth his claim to be a descendant of
Diaz, and gave certain facts concerning hun and his
work that nad been until then unknown. It would
seem that, although poor, the family of Dfas was noble
and distinguisheoL for his father was regidor of the
important town of Medina del Campo. Fuentes also
declared that the work was not published as written by
IKaz, as it was not printed from the original manu-
script but from an unauthorized copy in the library of
one Ramirez del Prado which fell into the hands of
Father Rem6n. The original manuscript, he claims,
was in his own possession. "La Biblioteca de Au-
tores Espafioles'^ ri848-86) of Rivadeneira contains
the entire works ot Diaz. A German translation by
P. J. de Rehfues-Bonn-Marcas was published in 1838.
KEAnNOB, Verdadera Historia de la Conquista de Nueva
Eepaila (tr. London, 1800); DIaz del Castillo. Verdadera
Hteloria de ia Cenquieta de Nueva EavaAa (Madrid, 1796);
LocKHABT, Mentoire cf Bemal Diat del CaetHlOt tnitien by him-
eOf (London, 1844).
Ventttra Fubntbs.
Dial de Solis, Juan, Spanish navigator and ex-
plorer, b. about 1470 at Lebrija (Seville), or, according
to some accounts, in Asturias; d. in South America in
1516. After some explorations in Central America in
1506 and in Brazil in 1508, he succeeded Ameri^
Vespucci as pilot-major, upon the latter 's death m
1512. This title had been conferred upon Vespucci
by Ferdinand of Spain 22 March, 1509, and carried
with it a high salary. Two years after apj^ointment
to this office, de Solis prepared an expedition to ex-
plore the southern pait of the new continent. His
ships sailed from Lepe on 8 Oct., 1515, following the
eastern coast as far as the mouth of the Rio de la
Plata. He went up that river for some distance, and,
wishing to take possession of the countrv in the name
of the Crown, landed on the eastern bank of the river,
somewhere near the jimction of the Uruguay and
Parani Rivers, with two officers and seven men. This
ngion was innabited by wild tribes, and the little
pirty had not proceeded far when they were attacked
from ambush, and Diaz de Soils and most of his fol-
io lifers were killed. When he did not come back, those
who had remained behind on the ships determined to
return to Spain. Francisco de Torres, the brother-in-
law of Diaz de Soils, then took charge, and after nam-
ing the river Rfo de Soils, they set sail, arriving in
Spain, 4 Sept., 1516. The news of the disastrous end-
ing of the expedition was communicated to Cardinal
Ximenes de Cisneros who was then regent of Spain.
Vamhagen, in his "Histonr of Brazil , published in
Portuguese (Rio de Janeiro, 1854-^58), states that
Nufio Manuel visited the La Plata before Diaz de
Soils. Manuel Trelles gives the same honor to Die^o
Garcia in a pamphlet published in Buenos Aires m
1879.
Frejkiiio, Juan Diaz de Soli* y d Deecubrimiento dd Rio de la
Plata (1879-80); Trelles, Diego Garcia. Primer Deeeubridof
ddRiodela Plata (Buenos Aires, 1879); Buuu. Boequejo Hie-
torieo de la Repvbliea Oriental del Uruquay (Montevideo, 1881).
VENTURA Fuentes.
Dibon, a titular see in Palsestina Tertia. DIb6n
(Sept., DaHbOn, Dublin, or DetOn) Is mentioned in
Num., xxxiii, 45, as a station of the Hebrews on their
way to the Promised Land. It was soon after occu-
pied and rebuilt by the tribe of Gad (Num., xxdi, 34).
It belonged later to the Rubenites (Jos., xiii, 17). At
the time of the Prophets it was in the power of the
Moabites. The ruins of the town stand at DtbAn, one
and a half miles west of 'Ard'ir (Aroer), ten miles
south-east of Mlcadur (Machoerous), in the vilayet of
Damascus. The masses of black basalt present -a
mournful aspect, strangely contrasting with that of
the fertile tfiu>Ie-land of Moab and the vicinity of the
Arnon (Wadi Modjib). There are an acropolis, cis-
terns, sepulchral grottoes, and a few Roman and
Christian fragments. It was here also that Clermont
Ganneau found the famous stele of Mesa, Kin£ of
Moab, now at the Louvre. Mesa calls himself ^the
Dibonite". Dibon. as far as is known, never was a
Greek see, but in the course of time became a Latin
titular see.
Satce, Fresh lAght from the Ancient MonutnerUa^l; Tmar-
SAM, The Land of Moab; Buss in Paleetine Explor. Pund, Quart
Statement (1805), 227; Scbick, a plan of the niiiu. in Zettsehr.
d. DeiUachen Paldetina-Vereine, It
S. P6TRIDE8.
DieaatiUo, Juan de, theologian, b. of Spanish par-
ents at Naples, 28 December, 1584; d. at Ineolstadt
6 March, 1653. He entered the novitiate of the Soci-
ety of Jesus in 1600, and was professor of theology for
twenty-five years at Toledo, Murcia. and Vienna. In
moral Questions, Dicastillo followea the principles of
the prooabilists. His principal works are: ''Dejus-
titii et jure ceteriBque virtutibus cardinalibus ubri
duo'' (^twerp, 1641)^ ''De Sacramentis in genere
disputationes scholastics et morales" (Antwerp,
1646-52); ''Tractatus duo de juramento, peijurio. et
adiuratione, necnon de censuris et pcenis ecclesias-
ticis" (Antwerp, 1662); "Tractatus de incamatione"
(Antwerp, 1642).
HuBTBR, Nomendator; Sommervooel, Bibliothique de la e.
de J.t in, col. 49; Langhorst in Kirchenlex., a. v.
Diccenson, Edward, titular Bishop of Malla, or
Mallus, Vicar Apostolic of the English Northern Dis-
trict; b. 30 Nov., 1670; d. 6 May, 1752. He was the
son of Hugh Dicoonson of Wri^tington Hall, Lan-
cashire. At the age of thirteen or fourteen he was
sent to the En^ish Ck>llege at Douai, where he com-
pleted his course of philosophy in 1691. He returned
to Douai about 1698, having resolved to become a
priest, and on being ordained in June, 1701, remained
at the college many yeans as procurator and professor,
and became vice-president in 1713, while still oontinu-
ing to teach theology. At Ushaw there is preserved a
portion of a dkiiy kept by him at this period, which
gives & glimpse of the life he then led at Douai, besides
mentioning some other events of interest. In it he
has recorded a visit paid by him to Paris in June,
1704, when he and his brother "at St. Germain made
the compliments of the College to King and Queen on
the King's birthday." The king here referred to was
James II's youthful son« who was recognised as king,
DICETO
778
ototnL
both by the exiled English Catholics and by Louis
XrV of France, and to whom Dicconson's oldest
brother William was tutor. The queen was of course
his mother, the widowed Maiy of Modena, whose
kindly interest in Douai Ck)llege is shown by more than
one entry in the diary. He mentions also a week
spent by him in May, 1705, at Cambrai, whither him-
self and the President of Douai conducted three of the
young Howards, then students at the college, to meet
their brother the Duke of Norfolk. The illustrious
F^nelon was then Archbishop of Cambrai, of whose
"extremely obliging and respectful" reception of the
duke the aiary makes particular mention.
After being employed for some time at Paris in con-
nexion with the college funds, Dicconson left Douai to
work upon the English mission in 1720, and for some
years was chaplain to Mr. Giffard of Chillington in
Staffordshire, acting at the same time as vicar-general
to Bishop Stonor, Vicar Apostolic of the Midland Dis-
trict. At the time of his own nomination to the
Northern Vicariate Dicconson had gone to Rome as
envoy-extraordinaiy of the secular clergy. He was
consecrated on 19 Alarch, 1741, at Ghent; passing from
there to Douai, he confirmed some of tne students,
besides ordaining others. On reaching his vicariate
he fixed his residence at Finch Mill in Lancashire, a
place belonging to his family. He had then reached
the age of seventy, and in 1750 he had to petition for a
coadjutor in the person of Dr. Francis Pet re. After
an episcopate not marked by any great events he died
at Finch Mill and was buried in the family vault be-
neath the parish church of Standish. In the reports
supplied to the Holy See on the several occasions
when his name was brought forward for a bishopric, he
is described as "a wise man of singular merit, of learn-
ing, application to business, and dexterity in manag-
ing affairs — ^though not very successful in the econ-
omy of Douai, and with an impediment of tongue,
which made preaching difficult." The fact is also
noted that in 1714 "he had accepted the Constitution
Unigenitus Fagainst Jansenism], and insisted on its
acceptance by the students." He collected a large
number of controversial works of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries (now in the Library of Ushaw
College), on the fly-leaves of which he wrote valuable
biographical and bibliographical comments.
Bradt, Epiicopal SucecMton (Rome, 1877), III; Douai
Papera in IJahaw Maifazine (December, 1903); Gillow, Bibl.
Did, Eng. Cath. (London, 1885). s. v.
G. E. Phillips.
Diceto, Ralph de, dean of St. Paul's, London, and
chronicler. The name "Dicetum" cannot be cor-
rectly connected with any place in England; it is pos-
sible therefore that Ralph was bom in France. The
date of his birth must be placed between 1120 and
1130; he died 22 Nov., 1202. He was twice a student
at Paris. His first preferment was the archdeaconry
of Middlesex to whicn he was nominated in 1152. In
1180 he became dean of St. Paul's. He was the
friend, during fifty years, of the successive bishops of
XiOndon, including Gilbert Foliot, the leader of the
royalist party among the bishops and the adversary of
the Arohbishop, St. Thomas. This friendship and his
admiration for Henry U drew him towards tne roval-
ist side in the Becket controversy, but. not altogether;
he had something of the wide, cosmopolitan, twelfth-
century outlook, and he showed his sympathy with his
archbishop at the Council of Northampton in 1164.
He was an active dean and took part in the survey of
the lands belonging to the chapter which is known as
the Domesday of St. Paul's. His writings include two
subfltantisd historical works; '' Abbreviationes Chronir
oorum", a compilation from many sources going back
to 1147, and " Ymagines Historiarum", a much more
important work. It covers the years 1 149 to 1202« and
in its eariier portion is based on the historical writings
of Robert de Monte (or " de Torigny ") . It was begim
probably in the closing years of Henry II 's reicn.
Ralph's important position in ecclesiastical circles, his
friendship with many prominent men, such as William
Longchamp and Walter of Coutances, the help he re-
ceived from them, the documents he incorporates, and
his own moderate temper render his wonc of capital
imp>ortance in spite of some chronological vagueness.
The best edition of Ralph's historicS works is that
edited for the "Rolls Series" by Bishop Stubbe in
1876, The prefaces to the two volumes contain an
admirable account of the historian, of the society in
which he moved, and of the writings themselves.
F. F. Urquhart.
Dichu, Saint, the son of an Ulster chieftain, was the
first convert of St. Patrick in Ireland. Bom in the
last decade of the fourth century, he succeeded to the
petty kingdom of Lecale, which included Saul, in the
present (Sunty Down. On St. Patrick's arrival at
Tubber Slain (the estuary of the Slaney near Loch
Cuan or Strangford Lough), in 432, Dichu, then a
pagan, strongly opposed his landing, and even at-
tacked the saint, but was miraculously touched with
Divine grace and embraced the Paith of Christ.
Thereupon Dichu, after baptism, presented St.
Patrick with the Sabhall (Saul), for a church, and thus
Saul became the first Irish foundation of the natioEial
apostle, being afterwards known as Sabhall-Padhraic.
Saul was a particular favourite with St. Patrick, and
he frequently sought a resting-place there during his
arduous missionary labours. St. Dichu, from the day
of his conversion, was a model of sanctity and, from a
man of warlike proclivities, became a man of peace.
The details of his later career are obscure, but we
know that two of his sons, who had been detained as
hostages by Laoghaire, King of Ireland, were released
at the prayer of St, Patrick. His feast is noted in the
"Martyrology of Donegal" as "Diochu of SabhaJr',
under date of 29 April. As is well known, it was at
Saul that St. Patrick died, and this monastery became
in afterdays a famous abbey, under the rule of the
Regular Canons of St. Augustine.
Co La AN, Triwi ThaumcUurffa; Acta Sandorum. Ill; Todd
AND Reevks, Martyrologuof Donegal (Dublin. 18i64); O'L^v-
ERTY, Down and Connor (Dublin, 1878), I: O'Hanlon, Livca of
the Irish Saints, IV; Hkai.y, Life and Writin^fn of SL Palhck
(Dublin, 1905).
W. H. Grattan-Flood.
Dicuil, Irish monk and geographer, b. in the second
half of the eighth century; date of death unknown.
Of his life nothing is known except that he belonged
probably to one of the numerous Irish monasteries of
the Prankish Kingdom, became acquainted, by per-
sonal observation, with the islands near England and
Scotland, and wrote between 814 and 816 an astronom-
ical, and in 825 a geographical, work. The astronom-
ical work is a sort of computus in four books, in
prose and verse, presented only in a manuscript which
formerly belonged to the monastery of Saint- Amand,
and is now at Valenciennes. More famous is the "De
mensura Orbis terrffi", a summary of gpograr^y, dv-
ing concise information about various lanos. Ttus
woi^c was based upon a "Mensuratao orbis" prepared
by order of Thcodosius II (435), a manuscript copy of
wnich had found its way to the Carlovin^an court.
Godescalc had already ma^ie use of this copy (781-83)
in the composition of his celebrated 'Evangelis-
tarium". Dicuil draws also upon Pliny, Solinus,
Orosius, Isidore of Seville, and other authors, and adds
the results of his own investigations. In the nine sec-
tions he treats in tuni of Europe, Asia, Africa, Egypt,
and Ethiopia, the area of the earth's surface, the five
great rivers, certain islands, the Icn^h and breadth of
tne Tyrrhenian Sea, and the six (highest) mountains.
Although mainly a compilation, this work is not with-
out value. Dicuil is our only source for detailed in-
formation of the surveys carried out under Tbeodoaius
DIOAOHX
779
DIDAOHE
11; his quotations, generally exact, aiv of service for
"the textual criticism of the authors mentioned; of
Kl«at interest, too, are the few reports whidi he got
Hom the travellers of his time; as, for instance, from
tlie monk Fidelis who (762?) journeyed along the canal
tlien still existing, between the Nile ana the Red
Sea; and from clerics who had lived in Iceland six
months. The manuscript was known to Welser,
Xisaac VoBsius, Salmasius, Hardouin, and Schopflin; it
first appeared in print under the title: " Dicuili Liber
de mensurd orbis terre ex duobus codd. mss. biblio-
thecse imperialis nunc primum in lucem editus a Car.
Athan. Walckenaer'' (Paris, 1807). The latest and
best edition is that of G. Parthey (Berlin, 1870).
An ezceUent oommentary is that by LimiONNE in hU Re-
<^ierche9 ffiographiquea et crttiques sur U livre De menaura orlns
terra compoaS . . . par DicuQ (Paris, 1814). Bchwedicr,
BeiirAgt vm KriUk dtr Chorogranhie dm Aumutut (Kiel, 1876),
I; DOkmubb, Die fuindachrifuidie Ueberliefeptnq der latei'
nieehefi DuhiunoeM aue der Zeti der Karottnoer in Seues Archiv
f&r dliere dettUdie GeachuJUskunde (Hanover, 1807). IV. 256>
258; Abcber in Diet. NaL Biog.; Tbaubb, Zwr Chorografthie
dm AuguetuB in SiUungaberichie der phUoacphiech-hielorisehen
Claeee der K. B. Akademie der Wisaenst^uiften^ 1891 (Munich,
1892). 40e-409.
Otto Hartig.
Didache (Doctrins of the Twelvb Apostles),
a short treatise which was accounted by some of the
Fathers as next to Holy Scripture. It was rediscov-
ered in 1883 by Biyenmos, Greek Orthodox metropoli-
tan of Nicomedia, m the codex from which, in 1875, he
had published the full text of the Epistles of St. Cle-
ment. The title in the MS. is i^t^xh Kvpfov did tQp
BtAi€Ka iarocrikuw i^vwiw^ but before this it gives the
heading Aidax^ "^^^ fici^dfica iaroarliKbap, The old Latin
translation of cc. i-v, found by Dr. J. Schlecht in 1900,
has the longer title, omitting ''twelve'', and has a
rubric De d«Ktrind Ajjostolontm. For convenience the
contents may be divided into three parte: the first is
the "Two Ways", the Way of Life and the Way of
Death; iiie second part is a rituale dealing with bap-
tisra, fasting, and Holy Communion; the third speaks
of the ministry. Doctrinal teaching is presupposed,
and none is imparted.
The Didache is mentioned by Eusebius after the
books of Scripture (H. E., Ill, xxv, 4): ''Let there be
plaoed among the c^uria the wriUng of the Acts of
Paul, the so-called Shepherd and t& Apocalypse of
Peter, and besides these ihe Epistle known as that of
Barnabas, and what are called the Teachings of the
Apostles, and also . . . the Apocalypse of John, if
this be thou^t fit ... '^ St. Athanasius and Rufi-
nus add the ''Teaching'' to the sapiential and other
deutero-canonical boo&. (Rufinus gives the curious
alternative title ''Judicium Petri".) It has a similar
place in Uie lists of Nicephorus, Pseudo-Anastasius,
and Pseudo-Athanasius (Synopsis). The Pseudo-
Qrprianic "Adversus Aleatores" quotes it by name.
Unacknowledged citations are veiy common, if less
certain. The "Two Ways'' appears in Barnabas, cc.
xviii-xx, sometimes word for word, sometimes added
to, dislocated, or abridged, and Bam., iv, 9 is from
Didache, xvi, 2-3, or vice versa. Hennas, Ireneeus,
Clement of Alexandria, and Origen seem to use the work,
and so in the West do Optatus and the "Gesta apud
Zenophilum * '. The Didascalia Apostolorum (q. v.) are
foimaed upon the Didache. Ine Apostolic chuit^
ordinance nas used a part, the Apostolic Constitu-
tions have embodied the Didascalia. There are
echoes in Justin, Tatian, Theophilus, Cyprian, and
Lactantius.
CoNTBNTB.— Firrt Part.— The Way of Life is the
love of God and of our neighbour. The latter only is
spoken of at length. We first find the Golden Rule in
tne negative form (cf. the "Western" text of Acts,
XV, 19 and 29) . Then short extracts from the Sermon
on the Mount, together with a curious passage on giv-
ing and receiving, which is cited with variations by
Hennas (Mand., ii, 4-6). The Latin omits ch. i, 3-6
and ch. ii, 1, and these sections have no parallel in
Barnabas ; they may therefore be a later addition, and
Hennas and the present text of the Didache may have
used a common source, or Hennas may be the original.
The second chapter contains the Commandments
a^inst murder, adultery, theft, coveting, and false
witness — ^in this order — and additional reconunenda-
tions depending on these. In oh. iii we are told how
one vice leads to another: anger to murder, concupi-
scence to adultery, and so fonkx. This section shows
some dose likenesses to the Babylonian Talmud. The
whole chapter is passed over in Barnabas. A number
of precepts ane added in ch. iv, which ends: "This is
the Way of Life." The Way of Death is a mere list of
vices to be avoided (y). Ch. vi exhorts to the keeping
in the Way of this Teaching: "If thou canst bear the
whole yoke of the Lord, thou wilt be perfect; but if
thou canst not, do what thou canst. But as for food,
bear what thou canst ; but straitly avoid things offered
to idols; for it is a service of dead gods." Many take
this to be a reconamendation to abstain from flesh, as
some explain Rom., xiv, 2. But the "let him eat
herbs" of St. Paul is a hyperbolical expression like
I Cor., viii, 13: "I will never eat flesh, lest I should
scandaUze my brother", and gives no support to tibe
notion of vegetarianism in the Early Cnurch. The
Didache is re^rring to Jewish meats. The Latin ver-
sion substitutes for ch. vi a similar close, omitting all
reference to meats and to idolothytaj and concluding
with per d, n. J, C. , , . in scBcula aaculoruin, amen.
This IS the end of the translation. We see that the
translator lived at a day when idolatry had disap-
peared, and when the remainder of the Didache was
out of date. He had no such reason for omitting ch. i,
3-6, so that this was presumably not in his copy.
Second Part. — This (vii-x) begins with an instruc-
tion on baptism, which is to bN^ conferred "in the
Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy
Ghost" in living water, if it can be had — if not, in cold
or even hot water. The baptized and, if possible, the
baptizer, and other persons must fast for one or two
days previously. If the water is insufficient for im-
mersion, it may be poured thrice on the head. This is
said by Bigg to show a late date; but it seems a nat-
ural concession for hot and drv countries, when bap-
tism was not as yet celebrated exclusively at Easter
and Pentecost and in churches, where a columbethra
and a supply of water would not be wantine. Fasts
are not to be on Monday and Thursday "with the
hypocrites" (i. e. the Jews), but on Wednesdav and
Iriday (viii). Nor must Christians pray with the
hypocrites, but they shall say the Our Fatner thrice a
day. The text of the prayer is not quite that of St.
Matthew, and it is given with the doxology "for Hiine
is the power and the glory for ever", whereas all but a
few M»S. of St. Matthew have this interpolation with
"the kingdom and the power" etc.
Ch. ix runs thus: "Concerning the Eucharist, thus
shall you give thanks: 'We give Thee thanks, our
Father, for the holy Vine of David Thy Child, which
Thou hast made known to us through Jesus Thy
Child; to Thee be the glory for ever*. And of the
broken Bread: 'We give Thee thanks, our Father, for
the Life and knowledge which Thou hast made known
to us through Jesus Thy Child ; to Thee be gloiy for
ever. For as this broken Bread was dispersed over
the mountains, and being collected became one, so may
Thy Church be gathered together from the ends of the
earth into Thy Mngdom, for Thine is the glory and the
power through Jesus Christ forever.' And let none
eat or drink of your Eucharist but those who have been
baptized in the Name of Christ; for of this the Lord
said: 'Give not the holy Thing to the dogs'." These
are clearly prayers after the Consecration and before
Communion. Ch. x gives a thanksgiving after Com-
munion, slightly longer, in which mention is made of
the "spiritual food and drink and eternal Life through
DIDAOHS
780
DIDAOHS
Thy Child". After a doxology, as before, come the
remarkable exclamations: " Let grace come, and this
worid pass away ! Hosanna to the Son of David ! If
any is noly, let him come. K anjr be not, let him re-
pent. Maranatha. Amen". We are not only re-
minded of the Hosanna and Sancta Sanctis of the litur-
eies. but also of Apoc., xxii, 17, 20, and I Cor., xvi, 22.
In these prayers we find deep reverence, and the effect
of the Eucharist for eternal life, though there is no
distinct mention of the Real Presence. The words in
thanksgiving for the chalice are echoed by Clement of
Alexandria, "Quis div.", 29: "It is He [Christl Who
has poured out the Wine, the Blood of the Vine of
Davui, upon our wounded souls"; and by Origen, "In
i Judic", Hom. vi: "Before we are inebriated with
the Blood of the True Vine VWch ascends from the
root of David." The mention of the chalice before
the bread is in accordance with St. Luke, xxii, 17-19,
in the "Western" text (which omits verse 20), and is
apparently from a Jewish blessing of wine and bread,
with which rite the prayers in ch. ix have a close
affinity.
The Third Part speaks first of teachers or doctors
{MdffKa\oi) in general. These are to be received if
they teach the above doctrine; and if they add the
justice and knowl«iRe of the Lord they are to be re-
ceived as the Lord. Every Apostle is to be received as
the Lord, and he may stay one day or two, but if he
stay thr«e, he is a false prophet. On leaving he shall
take nothing with him but bread. If he ask for
money, he is a false prophet. Similarly with the order
of prophets: to judge them when they speak in the
spirit is the unpardonable sin; but they must be
known by their morals. If they seek gain , they are to
be rejected. All travellers who come in the name of
the Lord are to be received, but only for two or three
days; and they must exercise their trade, if they have
one, or at least must not be idle. Anyone who will
not work is a Xpiffr4furopot — one who makes a gain out
of the name of Christ. Teachers and prophets are
worthy of their food. Firstfruits are to be given to
the prophets, "for they are your High Priests; but if
you have not a prophet, give the firstfruits to the
poor". The breaking of bread and Thanksgiving
[Eucharist] is on Sunday, "after you have confessed
your transgressions, that your Sacrifice may be pure ",
and those who are at discord must agree, for this is the
clean oblation prophesied by Malachias, i, 11, 14.
"Ordain therefore for yourselves bishops and deacons,
worthy of the Lord ... for they also minister to you
the ministry of the prophets and teachers". Notice
that it is for the sacr^ce that bishops and deacons are
to be ordained. The last chapter (xvi) exhorts to
watching and tells the signs of tne end of the worid.
Sources. — It is held by very many critics that the
*' Two Ways " is older than the rest of the Didache, and
is in origin a Jewish work, intended for the instruc-
tion of proselytes. The use of the Sibylline Oracles
and other Jewish sources may be probable, and the
agreement of ch. ii with the Talmud may be certain;
but on the other hand Funk has shown that (apart
from the admittedly Christian ch. i, 3-6, and the occsr
sional citations of the N. T.) the O. T. is often not
quoted directly, but from the Gospels. Bartlet sug-
gests an oral Jewish catechesis as the source. But the
use of such material would surprise us in one whose
name for the Jews is "the hypocrites", and in the
vehemently anti-Jewish Barnabas still more. The
whole base of this theory is destroyed by the fact that
the rest of the work, vii-xvi, though wholly Christian
in its subject-matter, has an equally remarkable
agreement with the Talmud in cc. ix and x. Beyond
doubt we must look upon the writer as living at a
very early period, when Jewish influence was still im-
portant in the Chimch. He warns Christians not to
fast with the Jews or pray with them; yet the two
fasts and the three times of prayer are modelled on
Jewish custom. Similariy the prophets staod in tli*
place of the High Priest.
Date. — ^There are other signs of eariy date: Uie
simplicity of the baptismal rite, which is apparently
neitner preceded by exorcisms nor by formal admis-
sion to the catechumenate; the simplicity of the £u-
diarist, in comparison with the elaborate quasi-
Eucharistic prayer in Clem., I Cor., lix-fcd: the p&r-
mission to prophets to extemporise their Euchanstic
thanksgiving; the inmiediate expectation of the sec-
ond advent. As we find the Christian Sundav already
substituted for the Jewish Sabbath as the <lay of as-
sembly in Acts, XX, 7 and I Cor., xvi, 2, and caUed the
Lord's day (Apoc., i, 10), there is no difficulty in sup-
posing that the paraUel and consequent shifting of the
fasts to Wednesday and Friday may have taken i^aoe
at an ec|ually early date, at least in some places. But
the chief point is the ministrv. It is twofold: (1)
local and (2) itinerant. — (1) The local ministers are
bishops and deacons, as in St. Paul (Phil., i, 1) and St.
Clement. Presbyters are not mentioned, and the
bishops are clearly presbyter-bishops, as in Acts, xx,
and in the Pastoral Epistles of St. Paul. But when
St. Ignatius wrote in 107, or at the latest 117, the three
orders of bishops, priests, and deacons were already
considered necessary to the very name of a Qiundi, in
Syria, Asia Minor, and Rome. If it is probable that in
St. Clement's time there wfts as yet no ''monardii-
cal ' ' bishop at Corinth, yet such a state of things cannot
have lasted long in any important Churoh. On this
ground therefore the Didache must be set either in the
first century or else in some backwater of churdi life.
The itinerant ministry is obviously yet more ardiaie.
In the second century prophecy was a charisma only
and not a ministry, except among the Montanists. —
(2) The itinerant ministers are not menticMied by Cle-
ment or Ignatius. The three orders are i^wstles,
ahets, and teachers, as in I Cor., xii, 28 sq. : '' Qod
set some in the Church; first apostles, secondly
prophets, thirdly doctors [teachers]; after that mir-
acles, then the graces of healings, helps, govern-
ments, kinds of tongues, interpretations of sj^eches.
Are all apostles? Are all prophets? Are all doc-
tors?" The Didache places teachers below apos-
tles and prophets, the two orders which St. Paul
makes the foundation of the Church (£^h., ii, 20).
The term apostle is applied by St. Paul not only to the
Twelve, but also to himself, to Barnabas, to his kins-
men, Andronicus and Junias, who had been converted
before him, and to a class of preachers of the first rank.
But apostles must have ''seen the Lord" and have
received a special call. There is no instance in Holy
Scripture or in early literature of the existence of an
order called apostles later than the Apostolic a^. We
have no right to assume a second-century order of
apostles, who had not seen Christ in the flesh, for the
sake of bolstering up a preconceived notion of the date
of the Didache. Since in that woric the visit of an
apostle or of a pretended apostle is contemplated as a
not improbable event, we cannot place the oook later
than about 80. The limits would seem to be from 65 to
80. Harnack gives 131-160, holding that Barnabas
and the Di Jache independently employ a Christianised
form of the Jewish **Two Ways**, while Did., xvi, is
citing Barnabas — a somewhat roundabout hypothesis.
He places Barnabas in 131, and the Didache later than
this. Those who date Barnabas under Vespasian
mostly make the Didache the borrower in oe« i-v and
xvi. Many, with Funk, place Barnabas under Nerva.
The commoner view is that which puts the Didache
before 100. Bartlet agrees with Ehrhard that 80-90
is the most probable decade. Sabfftier, Minasi, Jac-
quier, and others have preferred a date even before 70.
As to the place of composition, many suggest ESgsrpt
because they think the "Epistle of Barnabas'' was
written there. The com upon the mountains does not
suit Egypt, though it might be a prayer borrowed
DIDAOUS
781
DIDA80ALIA
horn Palettiiie. There are really no materialB even
for a conjecture on the subject.
A Latin frasmeot of the Tuw Waya was puUiahed in 1723 by
Pee in Tkeaaurua Aneedotorum, IV. The Bret Greek edition u
At&txi| rwy SMtita avotf t^Amk cjc tov 'IcpovoAvftirueoG Xcipoypo^v
pv¥ VAMTOV iicStloii^inq iLtri. vftoXtyoiUimv mu <n|iAct«Mr<wi/ . . . *Yw^
^tkoeiov Bpvnnnou^ fi«rpoiroA«rov Nt«Ofki|6«Mi«. Ei* KMWTaaTtvov-
«^«t (1883). The MS. was reproduced in phototype in the fine
edition by Hasrxb, The Teaching ofthe ApoaOea, ruwly edited, with
faeaimile text and a commentary (Baltimore and London, 1887).
The Latin vereion was published by Sghlbcht, fint in a shiUing
brochure, then in a larger edition with the Greek and notes
(Freiburg im Br., 19(X)-1901). Of the Greek a very large num-
ber ci editions have appeared, mostly with translations: db
RoMBSTiN (Oxford, 1884): Sebncb (London. 1885); Hitch-
cock AND Brown (New York, 1884-6); Fitzgerald (New
York, 1884}; Orbis (New Yoxic, 1884); Schaft (New York,
1884-0): also by Sabatibb (Paris, 1885); Jacquieb (Lyons,
1681): MiNABi (Rome, 1891 ). It was included in Hiloenfbld,
Nov. Teat, extra oanonem receptum (1884), fasc. iv, and in the
editions of the Apoatolic Fathera by Lightpoot-Habiibb (with
Eng. tr., 1891-3-^), Gebhardt. Habnack and Zahn (Leipsig,
1900), Funk (Tabingen, 1901), and Vuzini (Rome, 1002).
Special notice is called for by the following: Tayu>b, Th«
Teaehing of the TSjDehe Apoatlea, wUh lUtiatratwnaJrom the Tal-
mud (Cambridge, 1908); Idem, An Eaaay on the Theology of the
Didathe (Ounbridge. 1889); Idem in Journal of Phitol., XVIII.
XIX, XXI. and in Journal trf Theol, Studiea (Oct., 1906); Ba^t-
LET in HABTiNoa, DieL of Bib. (extra vol., 1904); Habnack, Die
Lehrt der awdlf Apoatd (larger ed., Leipzig, 1884) and Die
ApoeteUehre una die judiaehen zwei Wege (smaller eo.. Leipsift
1886 and 1896); Idem. Geach. der altchr. LiU., I. 86 and II
(ChronoL, I). 428; Funk. Doctrina Xll AooatoLorum (TObingen,
1887); and uie introduction to his ed. of the Ap. Fathera, supra;
Idem, in TOb. Theol. Quartalaehr., LXVI. LXVIII. UOX.
LXXVl, LXXIX (1884-86-87-94-97); much of the matter of
these articles is republished by Funk in his Kirehenoeachieht-
licAs Abhandlunpen (Paderbom, 1899). II. Among other mat-
ter also 8 A VI. La Dotirina dei Xil Ap., rieerehe critiche auW
origine del teato (Rome, 1893); and in Studi e doeum. diHoria e
diritto (1892). XIII; Hennecke. Die Grundachr^ der Didaehe
und ihre Reeenaionen in ZeUachr. fUr N.-T. Wiaa. (1901), II;
Koch. Die Did. bei Cyprian, ibid. (1907), VIII; Chiappklu.
Studi di antiea iMenUura eriatiana rTurin. 1887); Ladbuzb in
II. On
Rev. fThiat. eed. (Lou vain, 1901), II.
< the ministry in the
IHdache, see R£vil.le (Prot.), uriginea do VEpiacopat (Paris,
1804); MicHiELB (Gath.). Orxgine de VEpiac. (Louvain, 19(X)).
On baptism. Bigg in Jour, of Theol. Studiea (July, 1904), v.
Dr. Bigg iibid., VI, April, 1905) places the Didache m the fourth
century. On the saying (Did., i, 6), * * Let thyalms sweat in thy
hands, till thou know to whom to give", seeTAYLOB in Jour, of
PhUol., XIX (as above); Turner in Jour, of Theol. Studiea
(July. 1906). VII. On the relation of the Didaehe to the Didaa-
calia Apoatdorum and to the Ap. Conatitutiona, see also Funk,
Die Ap. Conat. (Rottenburg, 1891) and his Didaac. et Conat.
iiposl. (Paderbom, 1906). Hoixhkt, Die AbhAngigkeit der Syr.
Didaak. von der Didaehe (Munich, 1898). This list is but an
excerpt from the enormous literature since 1884. BibKo-
sraphy to 1896 in Chevaueb, Topo-biUiographie; summaries in
ScHUscHT, loc. cit.. to 1900; in Ehrhard. Altchr. Lilt., to 1900;
in Babdenhbwer, Geach. der altchr. Litt., to 1902.
John Chapuan.
DidfteoB, Saint, lay brother of the Order of Friars
Minor, date of b. uncertain: d. at AlcaU, Spain, 12
Nov., 1463. He was bom ot poor parents who placed
him under the direction of a hermit Uvin^ m the
neighbourhood of San NicoUis del Puerto, his native
town. Feeling himself called to the reli^ous life, he
applied for admission to the Franciscan Order at the
convent of Arizafa and was received as a lay brother.
In 1445 he was chosen guardian of the Franciscan
community on the Canary Island of Fortaventura;
and thouen it was an exception to the ordinary rules
for a lay brother to be made superior, his great seal,
prudence, and sanctity fully justified his choice by the
religious of Castile. He remained superior at Forta-
ventura until 1449 when he was recalled to Spain,
whence he went to Rome to be present at the canoni-
sation of St. Bernardino of Siena in 1450. At Rome he
fulfilled the humble office of infirmarian in the convent
of Ara Coeli : and his biographers record the miracu-
lous cure ot many whom he attended, through his
pious intercession. He was finally recalled to Spain
and was sent by his superiors to AlcaU where he spent
the remaining vears of nis life in penance, solitude, and
the delights of contemplation. St. Didacus was can-
onized by Sixtus V in 1588. His feast is kept in the
order on the twelfth of November.
Wadding. Annalea Minorum (Rome. 1732). XIII. 281-^21;
Leo, Livea of the Sainta and Bleaaed of the Three Ordera of St.
Francia (Taunton, 1887), IV. 63-60.
Stephen M. Donovan.
DidascaUa Apoatolorom, a treatise which pie-
tends to have been written by the Apostles at the
time of the Council of Jerusalem (Acts, xv), but is
really a composition of the third century. It was
first published in 1854. in Syriac. In 19(X) a Latin
translation, perhaps ot the fourth century, was dis-
covered, more than half of which has perished. The
original was in Greek, and this can be to some extent
restored by a comparison with the Apostolic Consti-
tutions, the first eight books of whicn are simply a
revised and enlarged edition of the Didascolia.
The attempt at restoration made by Lagarde was a
failure, but an excellent guide is now at hand in the
new edition (1906) by Funk, in which the Greek of the
Apostolic institutions is printed side by side with
the Latin of the Didascalia, a translation from tibe
Syriac supplying the lacume of the old Latin version.
Everything in the Apostolic Constitutions which
is not foimd in the Didascalia is underlined, so that
the relations of the two documents, and to a great ex-
tent the original Greek of the Didascalia, can be
seen at a glance.
The f ulTtitle given in the Syriac b " Didascalia, that
is, the Catholic doctrine of the twelve Apostles and the
holy disciples of our Lord". The contents are 'the
same as those of the corresponding books of the
Apostolic Constitutions. Especially noticeable is
the treatment which bishops are ordered to give to
penitents. Even ace&t sinners, on repentance, are to
be received with kindness. No sins are excepted.
The canonical penance is to be of two to seven weeks.
This legislation is obviously subsequent to Novatian-
ism ; it is not so certainly aimed a^inst Novatianism.
The church officials are bishops, deacons, priests,
widows (and orphans) ; deaconesses are also aoded, in
one place lectors, and once subdeacons. These last
may nave been interpolated. This organization is be-
hind that of Rome under Pope Cornelius in 251;
hence Funk in 1891 placed the date of the work in
the first half of the third century. But ibe whole
Western system never spread to the East, and the de-
velopment was imeven. Funk therefore withdrew
this opinion in 1901, giviiig the second half of the cen-
tury as the true date. Tne heresies mentioned are
tho6e of Simon Magus and Cleobius (this name is given
also by Hegesippus), with Gnostics and Ebionites.
Against these. Christians must believe in the Trinity,
the Scriptures, and the Resurrection. Tlie original
Law of Moses is to be observed, but not the Second
Law, or DetiterosiSf which was given to the Jews on ac-
count of the hardness of their hearts. The Old Testa-
ment is frequently quoted, and often at great length.
The Gospel is cited by name, usually that of St. Mat-
thew, the others less often, and that of St. John least
of all, as it was traditionally held to have been written
at a much later date than that which the Didascalia
claims for itself. Acts and nearly all the Epistles are
freely employed, including Hebrews, but the Apoca-
lypse is not cited. None of these could be named.
Hamack has gone quite wrong in areuing that ^e
only place in which the Fourth Gospel is (Quoted for-
mally as the Gospel is an interpolation, with ^e in-
ference (at which he naturally expresses his surprise)
that the author did not know or did not esteem tiiat
Gospel. (A quotation of the pericope de adidterA,
John, viil, is important.) Hamack further holdb
that the gentle treatment of sinners is an interpolation
intended against Novatianism, and that the deacon-
esses as well as the subdeacon are a later addition.
He dates the original form in the first half of the third
century, and the additions in the last quarter of it;
but the reasons given are very weak. Achelis leaves
the whole of the century open, but says that the later
the work is placed in it, the better he feels he under-
stands it.
The earliest mention of the work is by St. Epiphar-
nius, who believed it to be Apostolic. He found it in
DIDEBOT
782
DXDOT
use among the Audiani, Syrian heretics* The few ex-
tracts he gives do not quite tally with our present
text; but then he is notoriously inexact in his quota-
tions. Next we find the whole work incorporated
into the Apostolic Constitutions, at the ena of the'
fourth century, and soon afterwards it is quoted in the
Pseudo-Chrysoatom's "Opus Imperfectum in Matt. "
But the work never had a great vogue, and it was
superseded by the Apostolic Constitutions. The
place of composition was Syria, though what part can-
not be determined. The author was apparently a
bii^op, and presumably a Catholic. His book is
badly put together, without logic, but not without
some good sense. It never touches upon dogma but
concerns itself entirely with practice. It has been
called the earliest attempt to compile a Corpus juris
canontci.
A fow specimens of the text in Gennan were published in
1843 by BiCKELL in his Ge«ch. dea Kirchenrechts: the whole in
Syriao by Laoarde (under his earlier name of B6mcHKR),
Dtdtuoalia Apostolorum Syriace (Leipzig, 1854). His at-
tempted restoration of the Greek text was published in Bun-
BEN. AnaUcta Anteniccena (London, 1854), with the title Did-
asoalia purior, for he gratuitously omitted a good deal as inter-
polated. Another Syriae ed. from other MSS. by Gisson, The
iHdtucalia Ap. in Syriae, tr. Eadem, The Didaac. Ap. in Englieh
Sotb at Cambridge Univ. Press, 1903, as Horce Semiticm, I and
); French tr. by Nau, Ancienne littSrature syriamie {extrait
du Canoniate Ccniemporain, Feb., 1901. - May. 1902). The
Latin vexwon, from a palimpsest at Verona, was published by
DidaactUioe Apoatolorum jragmenta Veronensia latina
Hauler. . . .,
(Leipzig. 1900). Funk's writinss on the subject include the
monograph Die apoalolia^ien Konalitutionen (Rottenburv.
1891). La date de la Didaecalie dea Apdtrea (Rev. d'hiat. eccL,
1891. Oct.). reprinted in Gennan in his Kirchenqeach. Abhand-
lungen (Paderbom, 1907), III, 13. articles in the Theol, Quarttd-
eArift (1893. and 1903-4). and the great edition already men-
tioned, Didaacalia et ConalittUianea A poatolorum edidit F.X. Funk
(2 vols., Paderbom, 1906). Harn ack'b views arc found in Tezle
und Unlerauchungen, II, i, 2 (1884) and v (1886). IX, li, 2 (1893).
and in Oeach. der altchr. Lit., I. 515. and II. 2 (i. e. Chronol., II),
488, where a good bibliography will be found; Holzhby. Die
Ahn&nffiokeit der Sy.: Didaac. v. d. Didache (Compterendu du
Ume Congrta ac. internal, dea Calh., 1898, I), Die beiden Rezen-
aionen der Ion. Brief e u. die ap. Didaac. {Theol. Quartalaehr.. 1898,
380), and Dionya v. Alex, und die Didaac. (Theol. -pract. Monat-
achr.. 1901, 515-— he attempts to distinguish three recensions,
the first being known to Dionysius, but he has not convinced
Funk or Hamack). Achblis and Flbmmino. Die ayriache Did-
aacalia iiberaetzt und trkl&H CTexte und Vntera., XXV, ii, 1904, an
important contribution). See also Barosnhewer, Oeach. der
aWcir<M. Lit., II, and Ehrhard, Altchr. Lit. bia 1900, for further
bibliography. The so-called Arabic Didaacalia is merely a ver-
sion (» the Apostolic Conatitutiona. Only fragments of it have
been published; they will be found in Funk's ed. of the Apoa-
toZio Conatitutiona, II (1906), 120, see also p. xxviii, and his
earlier monograph (1901). 207; RxEDCii, Die Kirchenreehta
Quellen dea Patriarehata Alex. (1900). A variety of tliis version
was found lately in the Propaganda library, by Bauiistark.
He describes it in Orievia Chriatianua, III. 201 (1903). On this
discovery see Funk in Th. Quartalaehr. (1904), 233, reprinted in
his KirJtengeach. Abh. (1907), III, xviii.
John Chapman.
Dideroti Denis. See Enctclopedistb.
Didon, Henri, preacher, writer, and educator,
b. 17 March, 1840, at louvet (ledre), France; d. 13
March, 1900, at Toulouse. At the age of eighteen he
left the seminary of Grenoble to enter the Dominican
Order at Flavigny. Four years later he went to
Rome to complete his studies at the Minerva. Re-
turning to France a lector of sacred theology he taught
Scripture for a brief time, and began at Paris in 1868
a brilliant career as a preacher. A sincere desire
to communicate his faith to others, coupled with ac-
complished art, enabled him to make the most of the
qualities of an orator with which nature had endowed
him. He had a majestic carriage, strong features, a
massive forehead, black eyes, a vibrating voice which
he perfectly controlled, and an ease in emphasizing
his words by superb gestures. Frank, straightfor-
ward, and sympathetic, he readily won the hearts of
his hearers, whom he dominated by his presence and
startled by his boldness. He was essentially a man of
his time, an advocate of progress ; but withal loyal to
the Church whose place in modem civilization he
strenuously endeavoured to strengthen. He was at
his best when preaching on social subjects. He deliv-
ered the funeral oration of Archbishop Darboy^ of
Paris, who had been shot by the Communists 24 May,
1871. In the following year he preached Lenten and
Advent conferences in the principal churches of Paris,
many of which he published. In 1879 he was bitteriy
assailed by the secular press of Paris for the attitwie
he took in a series of conferences on the burning ques-
tion of the indissolubility of marriage, which he dis-
continued at the reouest of the Archbishop of Pans,
but published in book form. A jrear later he was bit-
terly attacked by other critics while delivering Lentc-n
conferences on the Church -and modem society, and
the accusation was made that he was in contradiction
with the Syllabus. Although his preaching was oi -
thodox, he was sent by the master general of hn onk r
to Corbara in Corsica. There for seven years he Is^
boured at a *' Life of Christ'', leaving his retreat for aa
extended visit in Palestine and again for a sojourn at
the Universities of I/eipsig, Gottingen, and Benin. I n
1887 he returned to France, where, in 1890, he cott-
pletedhis"Lifeof
Christ". It met
with a remarkable
sale and was soon
translated into
several languages:
two English trans-
lations were made
in 1891-2.
In January,
1892,Father Didon
reappeared in the
French pulpit,
when he preached
at Bordeaux a reli-
gious-political ser-
mon m favour of
the Republic. He
then delivered at
the Madeleine in Hknri Didon
Paris a series of
Lenten conferences on Jesus Christ (tr. Belief in th^
Divinity of Jesus Christ, 1894). Thereafter he gav5
only occasional sermons and lectures, his time and
enei^es being devoted to the education of youth. A t
the Dominican colleges in and near Paris, cultivatinj;
educational theories but little developed elsewhere iji
France, he did away with compulsion as much as po6-
sible, tau^t the students that discipline is the way t>
liberty, fostered in them a spirit of self-reliance to-
gether with a loving reverence for authori^, and
checked the development of a critical spirit. »nne of
his educational theories may be seen in his work ''lies
AUemands" (tr. The Germans, 1884), whidi is a study
of the German universities with application to France ;
others may be found developed at length in his ooUege
addresses published in pamphlet form. The deepr^
religious character of Father Didon is especially mani-
fest in his " Lettres & Mile Th. V. " (Paris, 1900), which
quickly went through thirty editions and appeared in
English; in his ''Lettres k un ami" (Paris, 1902);
and ''Lettres a M^re Samuer' (Ann^ Dominicaine,
1907-8). Besides the works mentioned above many
of his sermons and addressee have been published in
French and some have been done into English.
Db Coulanoes. Le Pkre Didon, 3d ed. (Paris, 1001); Rrr-
NAUD. Le PHe Didon: SaVieet aon(Eu»re (Paris, lOOi); Bm»-
80N. UEnvera de la gloire; EnquHa de doc. inid. aw Didon
(Paris. 1905); Chapotxs, Le Ph-e Didon; RoBtfeKE. Un Atoinf
Modeme (Paris. 1904) ; Hkinrich. Jje Phre Didon et rAUeaiaane
in Le Correapondant. Of. Thumb, Guide BibliographiQue de la
LiUhature Francaiae da 1800-1906 (Paris, 1907) for complete
list of books, brochures, and ma^daiine articles on Didon, as
well as for an incomplete list of his works.
Arthitr L. McMahon.
Didot, name of a family of French printers and
publishers.
Francois Didot, son of Denis Didot, a merchant,
DXDBOH
783
DIDYMUS
b. in PariB, 1689, and d. 1757. In 1713 he
opened a bookstore on the Quai des Grands- Ausms-
tins, the sign of which was "A la Bible d'or". The
celebrated Abb4 de Bemis served for a time there
as a clerk, after leaving the seminary. FranQois
I>idot was a learned man, and held by his colleagues in
so great esteem that he was elected to the dignity of
eyndip of the Booksellers' Corporation in 1735. He
received his printer's charter from the king in 1754.
Among the books he published should be mentioned
the ''tiistoiredes voyages" (20 vols., quarto), the first
seventeen volumes of whidi are attributed to the
Abb^ Provost.
Francois- Ambroise Didot, b. 1730; d. 1804, suc-
ceeded his father Frangois, ana was appointed printer
to the clergy in 1788. All the lovers of fine books
highly appreciate the editions known as ''D'Artois"
(Recueil de romans frangais, 64 vols.) and ^'du Dau-
phin", a collection of French classics in 32 vols., ed-
ited by order of Louis XVI. He also published a
Bible. He invented a new printing-press, improved
type-founding, and was the first to print on vellum
paper.
Pierbjs-Fran(:ois Didot, b. 1732 ; d. 1795, brother
of the preceding, founded the paper factory of Essonne
and made improvements m type-founding. The
most important of his publications are : " L'Imitation
de J<?sus-Chri8t" (folio), "T6i6maque" (quarto),
"Tableau de L'Empire Ottoman" (folio). One of his
daui^ters married Bemardin dc Saint-Pierre.
Hbnri Didot, b. 1765, d. 1852, son of Pierre-Francois,
made a name as engraver, founder, and engine-maker.
When sixty-six years old, he engraved the micro-
scopic type which was used for tne editions of the
"Maximes" of La Rochefoucauld and Horace's
works. This type was so small that, to cast it, he had
to invent a new mould which he called polyamatype
(1819), because it founded one hundred letters at a
time, lie engraved the assignata, the paper money
used during the French Revolution.
Saint-LIger Didot, b. 1767; d. 1829, second son
of Pierre-FranQois. devoted his attention to paper-
making in the famous factory of Essonne, and, after
ten years of patient experiment, invented a machine
to inake "endless" paper.
Edouard DmoT, b. 1797; d. 1825, son of Saint-
L^ger, made a good translation of Johnson's " Lives of
the Poets", which was printed by Jules Didot.
Pierre Didot, b. 1760; d. 1853, eldest son of Fran-
/Y)i6-Ambroise, obtained a gold medal at the exhibi-
Uop of 1798, for his edition of Virgil. B^ order of the
Government, his presses were established in the
Louvre, where they remained during the Consulate.
Tlie celebrated Louvre editions are Virgil, Racine,
Horace, and La Fontaine. The board of examiners of
the 1806 exliibition pronounced the Racine edition
"the most perfect typographical production of all
ages". Pierre Didot was also a poet and translated
in verse the fourth book of Oeorgics, the first books of
Horace's Odes, and also wrote a number of original
poems.
Jules Didot, b. 1794; d. 1871, son of Pierre, is
famous for his invention of round-edged initials, to
take the place of the sharp-edged ones. In 1825 he
took his printing plant to Brussels and founded the
Royal Pnnting House.
Firmin Didot, b. 1764; d. 1836, second son of
Francois- Ambroise was the inventor of stereotypog-
raphy, which entirely changed the book trade, and
was the first to engrave slips of so-called "English"
and round hand-writing. Among the works which
issued from his press were "Les mines de Pomp^i",
'^Le panth^n ^gyptien" of Champollion-Figeac, and
"Historial du jongleur", printed in Gothic type, with
tail-pieces and vienettes, like the editions of the fif-
teenth century . In 1827, Firmin Didot gave up busi-
ness to devote himself to politics and literature. He
was a member of the Chamber of Deputies and wrote
tragedies C' La Reinede Portugal'', " La Mort d'Anni-
bal ) and essays on literaiy topics.
Ambroise-Firmin Didot, eldest son of Firmin, b.
1790; d. 1876, followed first a diplomatic career and
was for a time attache of the French Embassy at
Constantinople. He took advantage of his position to
visit the East and Greece, being the first to discover
the location of Pergamacum. When his father re-
tired in 1827, he, together with his brother Hyacinthe,
took the management of the publishing business.
They published "Biblioth^ue des auteurs Grecs",
''Biblioth^ue des autours Latins", and "Biblio-
th6que des autours fran^ais", an immense collection
of two hundred and fifty volumes. Their greatest
work was a new edition of the "Thesaurus Gnecss
Linguae", of Henry Stephens, edited by Boissonade,
Dindorf, and Hase (9 vols., 1855--59).
PiTON. FamilU Firmin-Didot (Paris, 1856); Werdet. Etude
hiographuftte sur la famUle det Didot (Paris, 1864); Brdnvt,
Firmin. Didot ei «a tamOU (Paris. 1870).
JLouis N. Delamarre.
Didron, Ai>oij»HE-NAPOLi:oN, also called Didron
airUf archeeologist, together with Viollet-le-Duo and
Caumont, one of the principal revivers of Christian
art in France; b. 13 March, 1806, at Hautvillers, near
Helms, where his father was a collector of taxes; d. at
Paris, 13 November, 1^67. After completii^ his
early studies at the preparatory seminaries of Meaux
and Reims, he went to Paris in 1826, became there a
professor of history, and devoted his leisure hours to
following courses of law, medicine, eto. The reading
of Victor Hugo's ** Notre Dame de Paris" gave him a
tasto for the study of the antiquities of the Middle
Ages. Having been admitted to the circle of the poet
in 1829, he there formed the plan of a tour in Nor-
mandy, a province noted above all others for ite his-
torical buildings. His reading of the legends of the
saints, his knowledge of Scripture, and certain ab-
stract notions of theology directed the young amateur
to the study of iconography. In 1835 Guicot named
him secretary to the committee entrusted with the
publication of the imedited documents concerning the
history of Franee. Didron published, entirely un-
aided, the first four volumes of the reports of the
committee. In 1839 the portion concerning the icon-
ography of the monumental mono^phs of the cathe-
dnil of Chartres was reserved for him. This work did
not appear in complete iatm. In 1838 he opened a
course of iconography at the Royal Library. He pub-
lished (under the title of ''Manuel d'Iconographie")
a French version of the famous ''Painters^ Book of
Mount Athos '\ discovered there by him, and wrote the
'^Histoire de Dieu", the first part of a more general
work. His greatest work is the review known as
'' Annales arcn4ologiqueB'^ in which are to be found
accounts of his travels and numerous studies in
iconography. For many years Didron published in
tiie " U nivers ' ' letters on archaeology. He also founded
a library of archaeological literature, and finally, in
1849, constructed a ^ass-manufactoiy, which pro-
duced some remarkable pieces of work and continued
to exist after his death. He also produced some good
examples of work from the goldsmiths' workSiop
which he had established in 1858, but which was
short-lived.
His principal works are: ''Bulletin aroh^ologique
du comity des arte et monumente" (4 vols., Paris,
1840-1847); "Histoire de Dieu, iconographie des
personnes divines" (Paris, 1843); "Manuel d'icono-
graphie chr6tienne, grecque et latine" (Paris, 1845);
^Annalcs archA)logique8" (Paris, 1844-81). See
also "Ann. arch." (1881), XXVIII, 184.
GuiLHUiMT, Didron in Ann. arch. (1868). XXV, 377-305.
K. Maebe. .
Didymas. See Thomas, Saint, Apostle.
DIDTMUS
784
DIDYMUa
Didymaa the Blind, of Alexandria, b. about 310
or 313; d. about 395 or 398, at the age of eighty-five.
Didymus lost the use of his eyes when four years old,
yet he became one of the most learned men of his
period. He prayed earnestly in his youth, we are
told by Rufinus, not for the sight of ms booily eyes,
but for illumination of the heart. He admitted to St.
Anthony that the loss of his sidit was a grief to him;
the saint replied that he wondered how a wise man
could regret the loss of that which he had in common
with ants and flies and ^lats, and not rather rejoice
that he possessed a spiritual sight like that of the
saints and Apostles. St. Jerome indeed habitually
spoke of him not as "the blind" but as "the Seer'*
Cidymus studied with ardour, and his vi^Hsyrere long
and frequent, not for reading out for liBtening, that he
might ^in by hearing what others obtain by seeing.
Wnen the reader fell asleep from weariness, Didymus
did not repose, but as it were chewed the cud (says
Rufinus) of what he had heard, imtii he seemed to
have inscribed it on the pages of his mind. Thus in a
short time he amassed vast knowledge of grammar,
ihetoric, logic, music, arithmetic, and geometiy, and a
perfect familiarity with Holy Scripture. He was
early placed at the head of tne famous catechetical
school of Alexandria, over which he presided for about
half a oentunr. St. Athanajsius highly esteemed him.
The orator Libanius wrote to an official in Egypt:
"You cannot surely be ignorant of Didymus, imless
3rou are ignorant of the great city wherein he has ni^t
and day been pouring out his learning for the goodof
others.'' He is similarly extolled by his contempora-
ries and by the historians of the following oentuiy.
Rufinus was six years his pupil. Palladius visited
him four times m ten years (probably 388-398).
Jerome came to him for a month, in order to have his
doubts resolved with regard to difficult passages of
Scripture. Later ages have n^lected this remarka-
ble man. He was a follower of Origen, and adopted
many of his errors. Consequently, when St. Jerome
quarreUed with Rufinus and made war on Origenism,
he ceased to boaat of being a disciple of Didymus and
was ashamed -of the praise he had formerly given to
the "Seer". When Origen was condemned by Jus-
tixiian and then by the Fifth General Council, Didy-
mus was not mentioned. But he was anathematized
together with Evagrius Ponticus in the edict by which
the Patriarch Eutychius of Constantinople gave effect
to the decree of the council; and he was (perhaps in
consequenee of this) included in the condemnation of
Origenists by the sixth and seventh councils. But
this censure is to be taken as applying to his doctrine
and not to his person. It has nad the unfortimate
effect of causing the loss to us of most of his very
numerous writings, which, as the works of a supposed
heretic, were not copied in the Middle Ages.
Didymus always remained a layman. The idea
that he was married rests on a mistaken identification
of him with a Didymus to whom one of the letters of
St. Isidore of Pelusium m addressed. He seems on the
contrary to have lived the life of an ascetic, althou^
in the city and not in the desert. A curious story
was told by him to Palladius. One day, when dwell-
ing on the thought of Julian as a persecutor, and on
this account having taken no food, ne fell asleep in his
chair and saw white horses running in different direc-
tions, while their riders cried out: "Tell Didymus,
to-day at the seventh hour Julian died ; arise and eat,
and inform Athanasius, the bishop, that he also may
know it." Didymus noted the hour and the month
and the week, and it was even so.
Doctrine. — Didymus was one of the principal oppo-
nents of Arianism. His Trinitarian and Cnristolog-
ical doctrine is perfectly orthodox; one may even say
that he is more explicit than St. Athanasius as to the
Unity in Trinity and the Divinity of the Holy Ghost.
He has combined the theological vocabulary of St.
Athanasius with that of the younger generation, Basil
and Gregory Nsisianzen. He continually uses the
formula rpc<t {nro^rdffHSf fiJa oAtf'ia, whidi St. Atha-
nasius admitted in his later years, and which has
become the Catholic wat<:hwora. Didymus has been
credited with the invention of this formula, and ha-
poldt is in favour of the attribution, whereas K. HoU
rejects it. Until the fourth century the Greek-speak-
ing Church had no means of expressing the doctrine fA
of the Trinity. The use of w6ffraffit to express the
Latin persona was in itself a clumsy device, for Didy-
mus agrees with St. Jerome (who reiected the ex-
pression) that philosophically odala ana (nr6ffraaa are
synonyms. Didymus, however, carefully safeguarded
ms doctrine from any wrong interpretation. His
work on the Holy Spirit is preserved only in the L&t^ji
translation made by St. Jerome. It is free from tJie
reproach of "economy" which attadies to the nioi«
famous work of St. Basil, who avoided (as he hiniBrif
admits) calling the Holy Ghost "God". A yet moTe
important worn is the "De Trinitate", the three books
of which are preserved almost entire ; it was composed
after 379. A treatise against the Manichseana is also
nearly complete. Of the exegetical fragments, those
on the Psalms are the most important. A commen-
tary on the Catholic Epistles is known to us throuj^
the Latin translation made by a certain Epiphanius
for Cassiodorus. Didymus comments on 11 Peter,
and elsewhere frequently quotes that Epistle, ahliough
in one place he declares it to be spurious (JaUaia — ^tlie
Greek is lost). In his commentaries Didymus shows
himself to be much influenced by Origen. both in h^s
care for the text and the grammar, ana in his wide
allegorizing, but of Origenistic heresies the traces in
extant woncs are slight. He seems to have held the
pre-existenoe of the soul. The doctrine of the "re^
stitution of all things" is attributed to him by St.
Jerome: but he speaks very often of eternal punish-
ment, though he seems to teach that the fallen angels
and even ^tan himself are saved by Christ. He is
fond of explaining that God's punishments are reme-
dial. He deliberately rejects some of Origen's views,
and in his Trinitarian and Christological '
wholly uninfluenced by his great predeoessor.
style of Didymus is poor and careless. He is gentle in
controversy. His earnestness and piety sometimes
supply the place of the eloquence and energy which he
lacks.
Didymi in omnes BpiatoUu eanonxeaa myanaHo (OokKne,
1531); MiNQAiuBLLxus, Veterum testimonia df Dvhfmo Atex,
Coco (Rome, 1764). reprinted in Didymi Alex. Iwri tns dt
TrinUaU.^nt edited by J. A. Misqasbua, brother of the pm-
ceding (Bologna, 1709); Luckb, Qiumtionea et vindiam iJtdif
miana, giving Greek fragmente of the Comm, on Cath. Epp. by
the side of the Latin ((j^ttingen, 1829-32): the exegetical fnic-
menta are found in Max, Nova Poirutn Biii., IV; in the Catena
of CoROERins and Cbaicbr: in Wour's Anecdota Qraoa, IV; in
J. A. MtNOARELLi's od. oT De Trinilate (above); in Junxxb
(Patrick Youno), Catena Or. in Job (London, 1637); and in
the Catena of Nicephobub. The only oomplete oc^ection of
Didymus's works is that of ^ZONS, P. O., XXXIX, 1883, in
which the prefatory matter of the two BCiNOABKXxn is reprinted.
There is a good life in Tillemont, X. The best account, with
full catalogue of writings, extant and lost, is by Lkipoldt,
Didumua der Blinde in TexU und Unten., N. F.^IV. 3. vol.
XXVIII. 3. of the whole series (Leipsig. 1906). The materials
for a Judgment on the theology of Didymus nave been indus-
triously collected in this study (more completely than by Mxk>
GARBLu), but the decision of the writer is not always quite to be
trusted. Holi< in ZcUechr. fUr KirchgeediidUe, XXV, 3 (1904),
has shown that the work Contra Arium el Sabellium. which ^oes
under the name of Gregory of Ntssa, is probably by Didy-
mus. FuKK in KirchenMseh. Abhandlungen, 11, xv, p. 291
(Pkulerbom, 1809), ascribes to Didymus the fourth and fifth
books of Basil, Adv. Eunomium (which are certanily not by
Basil), and has been followed by KrOobr, JOuchrb, and
VoN ScHUBBBT, but HoLL and Lbipoli>t are not ooovincad.
DrXbekb, Athanaeiana in his Oeeammdte Patrist. Vntereuekun-
aen (Altoona and I^eipsig. 1889). reprinted from Studien und
Kritiken, LXII (1889). attributes to Didymus the former of the
two books De incamaiione d. n. J. C, contra ApoUinarium, the
latter being possibly by his scholar Ambrostob; acainst this
view StCcklen, Athanaaiana in Texte itnd Vntera., N. F.. IV. 4
1899), and Lezpoldt, loo. cit. On the authentiottyof the Com-
mentary on the Cath. Epp. see Klobtrbmann . Ueber dee i>*4y-
mue von Alex, in Epp. Canon, enamiio in Texte und Vntere.t N.
F.. XIII. 2 (1915). , John Chapman,
BXBOO
785
DZXHOTB
BieffO y Moreno, Fhancisco Gabcu, fint bishop
^f Callfomia, b. 17 Sept., 1785, at Lagos in the state of
/alisco, Mexico; d. aO April, 1846, at Santa Barbara.
Xn 1801 he received the habit of St. Francis at the mis-
rionaiy college of Guadalupe, Zacatecas, made his
vows the following year and was ordained priest at
Monterey, Nuevo Leon, 13 Nov., 1808. For the next
twenty years Father Diego was mainly occupied in
preaching missions, and during this period compiled a
small work, "Metodo de Misionar*% or "Method for
Giving Missions". From 1816 to 1819 he was master
of novices, in 1822 he was made dtBcretos, and in Feb-
ruary, 1832, guardian or superior of the missionary
colle^ of Guadalupe. At the request of the Mexican
Govermnent, which had resolved to expel all Spanish
friars from Califomia, the college, wnose members
were natives, in April, 1832, sent eleven Mexican
Franciscans to Califomia, Father Diego going as com-
missary. They reached Cape San Lucas in September,
1832, and Monterey, the head-quarters, in February,
1833. The Guadalupan friars took charge of the
missions from San Antonio to Sonoma, and on 6
March, Father Die^ chose Santa Clara for his field of
labour. He remamed here until the end of 1835,
when he visited Mexico to induce the Government to
have a bishop appointed, in order to preserve the
Church in Califomia. On 19 Sept., 1836, the Mexican
Government decided to petition the pope to create
Califomia a diocese and congress at the same time de-
creed to pay the new bishop an annual salary of $6,000
until the diocese should have a sufficient income. Of
the three candidates proposed by the metropolitan
chapter on 22 June, 1839, the Mexican Government,
6 April, 1840, recommended Father Francisco Garcia
Diego.
On 27 April Pojje Gr^ory XVI withdrew Califomia
from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Sonora, and at
the same time appointed Father Dii^o first Bishop of
Upper and Lower Califomia with the see at San
Diego. He was consecrated at the Franciscan
church of Guadalupe, Zacatecas. on 4 October, 1840,
and on 11 Dec., 1841, landed at San Diego. Owing to
the poverty and insignificance of the place, he removed
his residence to Santa Barbara on 11 Jan., 18^.
When he arrived, there were onhr seventeen Franciscan
Fathers, mostly af^ed and infirm, in charge of the
twenty-one secularised Indian nussions and six Span-
ish towns. The bishop began with great plans and a
sincere desire topromote the welfare of Hie Church hi
his territory. The Mexican Government had encour-
aged him by giving him a fixed salary, and entrusting
to him the management of the famous "Pious Fimd ,
but in Febmanr, 1842, President Ssmta Anna confis-
cated the Fund. The bishop received no aid what-
ever, so that he was obliged to depend upon the con-
tributions from the few white settlers in the territory,
many of whom refused to pay the tithes which he had
found it necessary to impose. Nevertheless he opened
the first seminary on the Pacific coast at the former
mission of Santa Inez, about fifteen miles from the
ocean and forty-five miles from Santa Barbara, made
one visitation of all the churches in the diocese, and to
some places even went a second time. Wom out bjr
hardships and disheartened at the deplorable condi-
tions which he could not remedy, Bishop Diego died,
and was buried in the old Mission Santa Barbara.
Archives of the Archbishop (San Francisco); Archives cf the
Atianon of Santa Barbara: Sotom ayor, HisUnia del Cotegto de
OuBuiaiupe (Zacatecas. 1874); Rbobs, Bioffraphioal CydUypadia
Ufilwaukee. 1898): Bancboft, HiaUny of Califomia (San
FianciBco, 1886). V; Enoklhardt. The Francitcana in Cali-
fornia (1897).
Zephtrin Enoelhardt.
DiekampyWiLHELM, historian, b, at Geldem, 13
May, 1854; d. at Rome, 26 Dec, IggS. Soon after
his birth the parents of Diekamp r^fnoved to MOnster
fn Westphalia, where he made hia poU^^K^^^ studies
TV.— 50 ^
(1867-72). From 1872 to 1875 he studied theolosy at
WOnsbuzg and at MOnster. Fedinc uncertain, how-
ever, as to his ecclesiastical calling, ne abandozied his
desire of entering the priesthood, and took up the
study of philolo^. In 1877 he graduated as doctor
of philosophy with the dissertation: " Widukind, der
Sachsenfimrer nach Geschichte und Sage" (Mttnster,
1877). Excessive study led to grave pulmonary dis-
ease, in spite of which he did not spare himself. For
some time he taught in the public schools of Mttnster,
Amsberg, and Aachen, developing in the meantime
his scientific historical training. An excellent evi-
dence of this was his " Vitse S. Ludgeri'' (Geschichts-
?uellen des Bistums Mttnster, IV, Mttnster, 1881) . In
i881 the Westfalischer Verein fttr Geschichte imd Al-
tertumskunde confided to him the continuation of the
" IfVestfalisches Urkundenbuch ". Thereupon he re-
turned to Mttnster and in 1882 he became Privatdo-
zerU for history at that academy. Previously, how-
ever, he spent a year at Vienna for improvement in
diplomatics &^ the "Institut fttr oesterreichische
GeschichtsfoEschung" imder the direction of Professor
Sickel. At Easter, 1883, he be^an his teaching at
Mttnster, continuing at the same tune his historical in-
vestigations, specially on Westphalian documents, the
history of the papal chancery, and papal diplomatics.
In 1885 he published at Mttnster the first part of the
supplement of the " Westfalisches Urkimdenbuch".
In tne autumn of this year he went to Rome, chiefly to
collect in the Vatican archives the material for the
large works he had in mind. But t^hoid fever car-
ried him o£f in the midst of his labours. He was
buried in the German Campo Santo near St. Peter's.
Diekamp also published between 1878 and 1885 sev-
eral important studies in different reviews concerning
the history of the Middle Ages and diplomatics or offi-
cial style of the medieval papal documents.
HOlakamp in LUerariecher Handweieer (1886), 1-10; ScBXJi/nt
in Hietoriechee JahHntch (1886), 266-277; Dahlmann in Alkn-
meine deuleche Biographie, Nachtrdge bis 1899 (Leipng, 19CQ),
XLVII.679Bq.
J. P. KmSCH.
Diemoth, an old German word for the present
"Demuth", the English "humility", was the name of
a pious recluse at the monastery of Wessobmnn in
Upper Bavaria, b. about 1060 of a noble Bavarian or
Swabian family; d. 30 March, probably in 1130. At
an early age she entered the Benedictine nimnery
which was connected' with the Benedictine monastery
of Wessobrunn. After a long period of severe proba-
tion in the nunnery she obtained permission to live the
life of a recluse and, following the custom of many
recluses of those times, had herself enclosed in a cell
adjoining the church, where she spent the remainder
of her me in prayer and in transcribing valuable
books. On account of her exceptionally beautiful
handwriting she was styled the beautiful scribe. She
copied about 45 volumes the titles of which are given
by Becker in his Cataloffi biblwthecarum aniiqui (Bonn,
1885), 155-136. The most important are: the Bible,
the Moralia and other works of St. Gregoiy the Great,
7 works of St. Augustine, 4 of St. Jerome, 2 of Origen,
and about 15 liturgical works. Diemoth was a great
friend of the Blemed Heriuka with whom ^e ex-
changed numerous letters while the latter was a re-
cluse at the neighbouring monastery of Epfach. The
tetters were long preserved at the monastery of Bern-
ried where Heriuka spent the last years of her life, but
they unhappily fell a prey to the ravages of the Swedes
durmg the Thirty Years War. A few of Diemoth's
manuscripts are still preserved at the Staatsbibhothek
in Munich, whither they were transferred after the
secularisation of Wessobrunn in 1803. Diemoth was
buried in the basilica of Our Lady at Wessobrunn,
aside of the bodies of Abbot Hiiento and his six com-
panions, who suffered martyrdom at the hands of the
Hungarians in 955. In 1709 her remains were trana-
DISPXHBiaOK
786
DIXBnOBB
ferred to the Abbev Church of St. Peter. Some hagi-
ok)g^ts style her ''^Ble^aed/' though she has never re-
ceived public veneration and was never formally beat-
ified.
Hbfner, Vther die Nonne Diemud von WtMchrunn und ikr
Ittemriachee Wirken, with a facsimile of her handwriting, in
OberhauerueheB Archiv (Munich, 1839), I. 356-373; Lkutnbb,
Hutana Moncuierii WtMofontani (Augsbunc and Fretburg,
1763), 106-176; Steele, Anchonasea of the West (London and
St. I^ttia, 1903), 165 sq.; Braonmubller in KirchenUx.
Michael Ott.
Diepenbeeck, Abraham van, an erudite and ac-
complished painter of the Flemish School, b. at Bois-
le-Duc in the Netherlands, 1599 ; d. at Antwerp, 1675.
After having received a classical education he oecame
one of Ruoen's best pupils and assistants. He
handled mythological and historical subjects, as well
as portraits, with ^at skill and vigour and was a
good, sound colounst. He went to Antwerp about
1629 and made his first successes in painting on glass,
among his productions being windows in the cathe-
dral there representing the *'Acts of Mercy". Simi-
lar work at the church of the Dominicans shows scenes
from the "Life of Saint Paul". Van Diepenbeeck
was admiti«d to the guild of painters in 1638, and be-
came director of the academy in 1641. It was after a
visit to Italy that the artist b^an to paint chiefly in
oil and to illustrate. Among his illustrations are
fifty-eight designs engraved by Comelis Bloemaert
for the Abl>6 de Maroues' "Tableaux du Tenaple des
Muses". During the i^ign of Charles I, van Diepen-
beeck was in England where, besides painting por-
traits of the Duke of Newcastle and his family, the
artist iUiistrated that nobleman's book on "Horse-
manship".
At the church of the Carmelites in Antwerp is one
of the painter's masterworks, "The Virgin in the Clouds
with Saint Ely", In the cathedral is his "St. Nor-
bert", while the saint appears with the first Abbot of
St. Mi(diei in a church at Deume. In the galleries
are: Louvre, "The Flight of Cloelia" and "Portraits
of a Man and a Woman"; Vienna, a "Descent from
the Cross" and "Allegory of Mortality"- Munich,
" Abraham and the Angels '^ and " Feeding the Poor " ;
Dresden, "Neptune and Amphitrite"- Berlin, "The
Marriage of St. Catherine" and the "Flight of Clce-
lia"; Brussels, "St. Francis Adoring the Holy Sacrar
ment"; .\ntwerp, "The Ecstasy of St. Bonaventure";
Brunswick, "The Entombment" and "Children's
Bacchanal"; Frankfort, "Portraits of a Young Man
and a Young Woman"; Bordeaux, "The Rape of
Ganymede".
Bryan, Dtctionary of Paintera and Enffravera (London and
New York, 1903-05); Champun akd Pbrkinb, Cpelopedia of
Paintera and Painlinga (New York, 1886).
Augustus van Clsef.
Diepenbrock, MEiiCuioR, Baron (Freihjcrr) von,
Cardiiuil and Prince-Bishop of Breslau, b. 6 January,
1798, at Bocholt in Westphalia; d. at the castle of
Johuinisberg in Upper Silesia, 20 January, 1853. He
attended the military academy at Bonn and took part
in the campaign against France in 1815 as an officer
of ike militia. Upon his return he was much at-
tracted by the personality of Johann Michael Sailer,
a friend of the family, at that time professor at the
University of landshut in Bavaria, and studied public
finance at that institution. When Sailer was made
Bishop of Ratisbon, Diepenbrock followed him
thither, took up the study of theology, and was
ordained priest 27 December, 1823. In 1835 he was
made dean of the cathedral and vicai^general by the
successor of Bishop Sailer. His knowledge of modern
langua^ and his administrative ability, together
with his profound understanding of the interior life
and his aseetical character, paved the way for his
elevation to the episcopal See of Breslau, to which
he was elected 15 January, 1845. He at first declined
the honour, but finally accepted out of filial obedienM
to the mandate of Pope Gregory XVI.
From the beginning of his reign he was called to
face difficult problems and momentous political
events. Sectarian propagandism was especially ag-
gressive in his diocese and was furthered by state
officials as well as by the traditional enemies of the
Church. The famine in Upper Silesia appealed to his
sympathetic and generous nature. The Ke volution of
1848 showed him one of the firmest and most loyal
supporters of government, law, and order. The pas-
toral letter which he issued on this occasion was, by
order of the king, read in all the Protestant churches
of tlie lealm. He devoted his best energies to the
training of the clergy, opened a preparatory seminary,
and improved the conditions of the higher seminary.
He was a watchful guardian of ecclesiastical discipline
and, when necessary, emploved severe measures to
enforce it. He reintroduced, with great success, re-
treats for the priests and missions for the people.
In 1849 he was appointed Apostolic ddegate for
the Prussian army and relieved, to a great extent, the
sore needs of the CathoKc solmers. He was created
cardinal in the consistory of 20 September, 1850, and
received the purple 4 November. This event gave
occasion to one of the most magmfioent public
demonstrations ever witnessed in Germany. It was
soon followed by another demonstration, equally
striking, but sorrowful in character, on the occasion
of the cardinal's death from a disease which had lonjg
afflicted him. His will beoueathed his estate to his
diocese. Cardinal Diepenorock's episcopate was
fruitful in blessings for Upper Silesia, he was a cham-
pion of Catholicity for the whole of Germany and an
ornament to the entire Church. In personal appear-
ance he was of dignified presence, but {feasant and
affable to all. The cardinal was a noted preacher
and poet, and his writings bear evidence to his talents.
His principal publications are: "Spiritual Bouquet,
Gathered m Spanish and German Gardens of Poesy"
(Sulabach, 1826); "Life and Writings of Heinrich
Suso" (Ratisbon, 1829): "Sermons" (Ratisbon,
1841)- "Pastoral Letters^' (Munster, 1853); "Per-
sonal Letters" (Frankfort, 1860).
Chowan ETZ, Life of Cardinal von Diejfenbroek (OsnAbruck.
1853); FdRSTER. Life of Cardinal von Diepenbrock (Ratisbon.
1860); Cardinal von DiepefUnoek (Bonn, 1878); Kaskkk in
KirekmUex., «. v.
B. LUBBBERMANN.
Diaringer, Franz Xaver, Catholic theologian, b.
22 August, 1811, at Rangeningeh (HohenzoUem-
Hechingen); d. 8 September, 1876, at Veringendorf.
He studied theolo^ at Tubingen, was ordained at Frei-
burg, 19 Sept., 1835, and appointed instructor at the
archiepiscopal seminary there. Li the autunm of 1 840
he became professor of d(^ma at the ecclesiastical sem-
inary of Spcier, and at Caster, 1841, was also made
professor of philosophy in the lyceum of the same cit^%
In the spring of 1843 he was appointed professor m
ordinary of dogma and homiletics at the University of
Bonn, and provisional inspector of the preparatory
seminary. When at his instance a homiletic-catechet-
ical seminary was established in 1844, he took chai^ge
of the homiletic section. The prestige of the faculty
of Bonn had suffered sadly because of the inroads of
Hermesianism, and this learned thec^ogian, who was
eminently qualified for the work of academic teachuig,
set about to restore its fallen gloiy. His brilliant and
zealous activil^, especially aurins the first two de-
cades of his office, plaoed him in the first rank among
the shinine lights of the university. Besides perform-
ing the duties of his professorship, he published
the "KatholiBche Zeitscnrift fUr Wissensdiaft und
Kunst," a periodical devoted to science and church
interests, which he had founded in 1844 in opposition
to the periodical of the Hermesians, and conducted in
a truly Catholic spirit. From 1847 to 1849 it appeared
BOBS
787
DISS
as the *' Katholische VierteljahreBschnft ' '. Dieringer
took a promineDt part in the founding of the Society
of St. Charles Borromeo in 1845, of which he was at
first secretary and then president from 1846-187 1 . In
1853, thou^ retaining his prbfessor^p and residing
at Bonn, he was made canon of Cologne and ecclesias-
tical councillor. In 1848 he represented the district of
Neuss in the parliament at Frankfort.
His name was among those proposed in 1856 for the
vacant See of Paderbom and in 1864 for that of Trier,
but it was removed by the Prussian Government.
Though his earlier teaching, especially in his ** Laien-
katiecnismuB", had been in accordance with the doc-
trine of papal infaliibihty, he yielded, at the time of
the Vatican Council, to pensonal motives and to the in-
fluence of his colleagues at Bonn and joined the (^posi-
tion. He had no thought, however, of leavins the
Church, and, after negotiations of some length, he
yielded to the demand of Archbishop Melchere and
made his submission. In order to escape from the
strained relations which existed among the divided
faculty, Dieringer resigned his offices and dignities
during the spring of 1871 and took charge of the par-
ish of Veringendorf in HohenzoUem. In 1874 he was
among those recommended fbr the archiepiscopal See
of Freibure, but he could not accede to tne demands
of the Baden Government. After 1874 he was con-
stantly in failm^ health.
Dieringer's principal pul^cations are: ''System der
gOttliohen Thaten des Christenthums, oder, Selbst^
begrttndung des Christenthums, volhogen durch
seine g5ttlichen Thaten" (Maine, 1841; 2nd ed.,
1857), a work which clearly shows the influence of
Staudenmaier, especially in its first edition* and the
"Lehrbuch der katholischen Dogmatik'' (Mainz,
1847; 5th ed., 1865), a book of great merit and for-
meriy much used. An excellent work on theolo^ in
popular form is his '' Laienkatechismus liber Religion,
Ofienbarung and Kirche'' (Mainz, 1865; 2nd ed.,
1868). Another book also in popular style, "Der
heil. Karl Borrom&us und die Kirchenverbesserung
seiner Zeif (Cologne, 1846), appeared as the first pub-
lication of the Society of St. Charles Borromeo and
had a wide circulation. Besides these publications
there remain to be mentioned the two homiletic
works: '' Kanzelvortrage an eebildete Katholiken auf
alle Sonn- und Festtagedes Kirchenjabres'' (Maims,
1844) and " Das Epistelbuch der katholischen Kirche,
theologisch erkliirt" (Mainz, 1863); the polemical
writings: "Offenes Sendschreiben Ober cue kirch-
lichen ZustHnde der Gegenwart an Dr. J. B. von
Hiracher" (Maims, 1849; against Hiracher's publica-
tion imder the same title); "Dosmatische ErSrte-
rungen mit einem GUntherianer'' (Mainz, 1852); ''Die
Theologie der Vor- und Jetztzeit, ein Beitrag zur
Verstandigung" (Bonn, 1868; 2nd ed., 1869; against
Kleutgen's "Theologie der Vorzeit'Or which appeared
first in the "Theologisches Literaturblatt" of Bonn
(1868); and: "Expositio doctrinse TertuUiani de re-
publtcA et de oSiciis ac iuribus civium.christianorum''
(University Program; Bono, 1850).
Ka-ulcn in KireherUex.t b,v.; Rbdsch in Alh/emeine deuUche
Biographie, a. v.; Scuill in FreAiirger Kathols KircKentiUUt
(ISW). Nr. 23. p. 177 sqq.; Frans KaiTfmanw, Letrpold Kauf-
maun (Coloene, 1903), 154 «qq., 158-61, 170-77; DuGrHnduno
und TMtioieit des Vereiru vom heil. Kari BorromAu$, Jubilee
number (Cologne. 1895), 53-56, with portrait.
Fri£drich Lauchert.
Dies Ira, the name by which the s^uence in re-
quiem Masses is commonly known. Iney are ^e
opening words of the first verse: Die9 tree, dies xUa.
The rubrics of the Roman Missal prescribe the recita-
tion of the seauence by the celebrant on the following
occasions: (1) in the Mass of All Souls' Day (/n com-
memoraUone Omnium Fidelium Defunctorum) ; (2) in
funeral Masses (In die obitua seu depogUionis defuncti) ;
and (3) whensoever in requiem MaQge^ only one oror
Ua, or collect, is to be said, namely in the anniversary
Mass, and when Mass is solemnly celebrated on the
third, the seventh, or the thirtieth (month's mind) day
after death or burial. Its recitation in other requiem
Masses (In Missis quotidianis defunctorum) is optional
with the celebrant. It should be noted here that the
decree of the Congregation of Sacred Bites (12 August,
1854) permitting the choir to omit such stanzas as do
not contain a prayer is not included in the new edition
of the "Decreta Authentica S. R. C." (Rome, 1898-
1900). From this fact may be inferred that the more
ancient rule is now in force and that the whole se-
quence must either be sun^ by the choir or be ''re-
cited" in a hi^ and clear voice with organ accompani-
ment (cf. American Ecclesiastical Review, August,
1907, p. 201).
As found in the Roman Missal, the Dies Irae is a
Latin poem of fifty-seven lines in accentual (non-
quantitative), rhymed, trochaic metre. It comprises
nineteen stanzas, of which the first seventeen tollow
the type of the first stanza: —
1. Dies ir», dies ilia,
Solvet ssedum in favill^:
Teste David cum Sibylla.
The remaining stanzas discard the scheme of triple
rhymes in favour of rhymed couplets, while the last
two lines use assonance instead of rhyme and are,
moreover, catalectic: —
18. Lacrimosa dies ilia,
QuA resurget ex favilldr,
Judicandus homo reus.
- 19. Huic ergo parce Deus:
Fie Jesu I>>mine,
Dona eis requiem. Amen. .
Thus the last two stanzas are printed in the typical
(1900) edition of the Missal, and in the Ratisbon edi-
tion of the plain-chant setting. The Vatican edition
(1907) of the plain-chant melody, however, apparently
takes account of the fact that the last six lines did not,
in all probability, originally belong to the sequence,
and divides them into three couplets.
This Missal text of the sequence is found, with
sli^t verbal variations, in a thirteenth-century manu-
scnpt in the Biblioteca Nazionale at Naples (cf. Ha-
ber^ Magister Choralis, Ratisbon, 1900, yp. 237-238).
Father Eusebius Qop, O.F.M., in the "Revue du
Chant Gr6gorien'* (November-December, 1907, p. 49)
argues a date between 1263-1255 for the MS. — a
Franciscan Missal whose calendar does not contain
the name of St. Clare, who was canonized in 1255, and
whose name would have been inserted if the MS. were
of later date. The same writer would assign (pp. 48,
49) a still earlier date (1250) to a copy of the Die6 Irs
inserted at the end of a so-called ^Breviary of St.
(}lare" dating about 1228. Into his ai^uments it is
not necessarv to enter here; but it is miportant to
notice that tnese dates are much anterior to the dates
of the MSS. which, until recently, hymnologists had
cc^izance of when they attempted to fix the probable
authorship of the sequence. Thus Mone found none
anterior to the fifteenth centuiy; ChevaUer mentions
only a Magdebuis Mis^ of 1480 and a MS. Franciscan
Missal of 1477; the first edition of Julian's ''Diction-
ary of Hymnology" (1892) declared the "oldest form
Imown to the present time" to be found in a Domini-
can Missal ''written at the end of the fourteenth cen-
tury and apparently for use at Pisa"; Warren, in his
*' Dies Ir»'* (London, 1902, p. 5), knows no earlier M&
The second edition of Julian (1907) mentions the
Naples MS. in its supplement (p. 1629), but not the
" Breviary of St. Clare''. Father Clop describes also a
third contemporary MS. (p. 49), Italian, like the
others: "Toutes trois enfin appartenant ^^ement k
la litur^e des Fr^res Mineurs ". All this renders veiy
^
DXBTEMBSROER
788
DBTEIIBKBOBB
probable the conjecture generally entertained by hym-
nologistSy that Ihe Dies Ir» was composed by a Fran*
dscan in the thirteenth century.
Its authorship has been most generally ascribed to
Thomas of Celano, the friend, feuow-friar, and biog*
rapher of St. Francis. Reasons for this particularity
of ascription are mven by Keyser (Beitrftge «ur Ge-
schichte und Eru&rung der alten Kirch^ihymnen,
Paderbom und Manster, 1886, II 194-196 and 230-
235) ; also by Duffield (Latin Hymn Writers and Their
Hjrmns, New York, 1889, 245-247), an ardent cham-
pion of the ascription to Thomas; also in "The Dol-
phin" (Nov., 1904, 514r-516), which corrects a funda-
mental error in one of Duffield's main arguments.
Ten other names have been suggested by various
writers as the probable author of the Dies Irse: (1) St.
Gregory the (ireat (d. 604); (2) St. Bernard of Qair-
vaux (d. 1153); (3) St. Bonaventtu« (d. 1274); (4)
Cardinal Matthew d'Acquasparta (d. 1302); (5) Inno-
cent III (d. 1216) ; (6) Thurstan. Archbishop of York
(d. 1140); (7) Cardinal Latino Orsini, or Frangipani,
a Dominican (d. 1296) ; (8) Humbert, a ecQeral of the
Dominicans (d. 1277) ; (9) Agostino Biella, an Augus-
tinian (d. 1491); (10) Felix Baemmerlein, a priest of
Zurich (d. 1457). The ascription to Haemmerlein
was due to the discovery, after his death, of a variant
text of the sequence among his papera. Its eight-
eenth and nineteenth stanzas are; —
18. Lacrimosa dies ilia.
Cum resurget ex f avill&
Tanquam ignis ex scintillAy
19. Judicandus homo reus:
Huic ergo parce, Deus;
E^to semper adjutor mens.
To these are added five stanzas of the same form.
This Haemmerlein text is given by Keyser (op. cit.,
211), Warren (op. cit., 11), and by others. Still jan-
other text, known as the "Mantuan Marble" text
(first printed in 1594), prefaces the Dies Ir»with four
similar stanzas, and replaces stanzas 17-19 with the
sin^e stanza: —
XJt consors beatitatis
Vivam cmn justificatis
In ffivum SBtemitatis.
Daniel gives both texts in his " Thesaurus H3minologi-
cus" (II, 103-105), except the two condudinestanzas
of the Haemmerlein text. Coles (Dies Ire in Thirteen
Orie^lal Versions, New York, 1868) gives (xv-xxi)
botS texts together with versified Eneliah translation.
All of these additional stanzas rather detract from
the vigorous beauty of the original hymn, whose old-
est known form is, with slight verbal changes, that
which is foimd in the Roman Missal. It appears
most likely that this text originally ended with the
seventeentti stanza, the first four of the concluding
six Unes having been found among a series of verses on
the responsory ** Libera me, Domine" in a MS. of the
end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth
century (of. Mone, Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalt-
ers, Freiburg im Br., 1863, 1, 406). It is quite prob-
able that the sequence was first intended tor private
devotion and that subsequently the six Unes were
added to it in order to adapt it to liturgical use. The
composer found his Biblical text in Soph. (L 15, 16):
" Dies irse dies ilia . . . dies tubs et clangoris''; and
it may be that he obtained a suggestion for his wonder-
ful ihythm (cf. Trench, SacredLatin Poetry, 3rd ed.,
London, 1874, p. 302, foot-note) from a tenth-century
judgment hymn (given in two forms by Dreves, An-
alecta Hymnica, Leipzig, 1896, XXIII, pp. 53, 54)
oontaining this rhythmized text of Soj^onias: —
Dies ine, dies ilia,
Dies nebulse et turbinis.
Dies tubae et clangoris.
Dies nebulosa valde,
Quando tenebrarum pondus
Cadet super peccatores.
Hie sequence has been translated many ttmes into
various tonsues, the largest recorded number (234)
being Finglish r^iderings. Among the names of those
whonave given complete or fragmentary translations
are those of Cnushaw (1646)* Diyden (1696); SooU
ri805); Macaulay (1819); Father CaswaU (1S49).
Amongst American translators we find Dr. Abraham
Coles, a pk^sician of Newark, credited with ei|^teeii
vennons; W. W. Nevin, with nine; and Rev. Dr.
Samuel W. Duffield, with six. Space will not permit
here an analysis of the Dies Irae or any quotation of the
wealth of eulo«y passed upon it by hymnologists of
every shade m rdi^ous conviction, save fragments
from the appreciations of Daniel: '^Sacne poeseos
summum decus et Ecclesis Latins keimehon est
pretiosissimum" (It is the diief glozv of sacred poetry
and the most precious treasure of theXatin Ctiiirdi) ; m
Orby Shipley, in the ''Dublin Review" of Jan., 18S3,
who, after enumerating some hymns "which are only
not inspired, or which, more truly, are in their degree
inspired", says: ''But beyond them all, and bdfore
thc»n all, and above them all may, periiaps, be i '
Dies iro, by Thomas of Celano ; of Coles: **A
gems it is the diamond. It is solitary in its <
lenoe"; ofDr. Schafif: "This marvellous hymn is the
acknowledged masterpiece of Latin poetry, and the
most sublime of all unmspired hymns " ; of Dr. Neale :
"• • • theDiesinBinitBunapproachedgJoiy".
JuuAN, Dietumafy ef Utfmnolooy (Revised ed., Loodoo^
1907), 295-301, 1551. 1629, gives very servioeeble rafefenoea,
but strangely omits Wabren, Dies Ine (London, 1902), who de-
votes 170 pages to his theme, prefacing it with references under
the heading of Literature ef the Diet /res. To their fiats afaould
be added: Sbiflbt, Annua Sanctus (London, 1884); Amom^
The Seven Great Hymns of the Medueval Church (New YoHc.
1868); Hbnst in The Amer, BedeeiaaHeal Review (April,
1890), 247-261; Idem in The Dolphin (November, 1904« to llay.
1905), an extensive series of articles (144 pages) on the hjetocy.
literary uses, and translations of the Dies ire; Clop in Rewum
du Chant OrSoorien (Nov.-Dec., 1907), 46-^, who diseosses th«t
authorship and the pkun-eong melody of the sequence; JoHvm,
A New School of Gregorian Chant (New York, 1906)^116.
H. T. Hknby.
Dietenberger, Johann, theologian, b. about 1475
at Frankfort-on-the-Main; d. 4 Sept., 1537. at Maina.
He was educated in his native city, joined the Domini •
can Order, and soon distinguished himself by his at-
tainments, both religious and intellectual. On 3 June,
151 1 , he registered at Oologne as a theological student ;
three years later, 23 September, 1514, he was admitted
to the licentiate, and the next year, after some tinio
spent at Heidelberg and Mainz, received the doctor 's
degree. Towards the end of 1517 Dietenbeiger was
appointed Regena ttudiorurn and interpreter of St.
Tnomas at Trier, where he opened his lectures 27 Jsn-
uary, 1518. In the meantime he had been elected
(1516) prior of his convent at Frankfort, and he re-
tained tills office until 1526, when he became prior at
Coblenz. In 1530 Dietenbeiger attended the Diet of
Augsburg and was chosen a member of the committee
of twenty Caliiolic theologians selected at the meeting
of 27 June and presided over by £ck, to draw up a ref-
utation of the Protestant Confession. About the
same time he received the anpointment of general in-
quisitor for the Dioceses of Mains and Cologne. His
last years, from 1532, were devoted to teaching theo-
logy and exegesis in the Academy of Mainz.
Foremost among Dietenberger's works stands his
catechism: " Evanselischer Bericht und Christliche
Unterweisung der ftimehmlichsten Stack des waren
heyligen Christlichen Glaubens", published first at
Mainz in 1537 and often re-edited, Lastly by Moufang
(Die Mainzer Katechismen). Next should be men-
tioned Dietenberger's German Bible: "Biblia beider
Allt und Newen Testamenten, new verdcutscht**.
789
DiiTBnm
published at Mainz in 1534. This work, repeatedly
corrected, especially by Caspar Ule&berg (Cologne,
1630) and the Jesuit theolcMEians of Mains (1661), was
destined to become for the German people " Die Kath-
olische Bibel", a title bespeaking its excellence. Die-
tenberger has been freciuently chaiged with having
purioined Iiuther's versidn. True, he used freely the
New Testament of Emser (1527), of whom Luther was
wont to say that "he had plou^ed with his heifers";
he used likewise other translatk>ns compiled in pre-
Befonnation times, and so did Luther. These facts
may account for many similarities; moreover, he was
wefi acquainted with the versions of Luther and of
Leo of Juda, and confessedly profited by them to im*
prove his own. Besides these two important works,
Dietenberger composed fifteen polemical tracts, treat-
ing various subjects then much mooted: Mass, con*
fes^ion, vows, faith, etc.
.Wkdbweb, Ji^umaea tHeUnhergtr, aein Leben tind_Wirken
{Freiburg im Br., 1888): WEDBWERiiiirtreAenlex.,B.v.: Pansbr,
KCTitiM einer kurten Ueaeh. der rirmuehkaihci. deutecnen BiM'
Itbenetzung (Nuremberx. 1781); Fmmcam, DeuUdie Bibelllber'
teUuMQen in Hbbzoo'b Real-Eneye. (2d ed.). III. 543.
Charles L. Souvay.
Diether of laenburg, Archbishop and Elector of
Mainz, b. about 1412; d. 7 May, 1482, at Aschaffen-
burg. He studied at the Umversity of Erfurt, of
which he became Rector in 1434. At the age of six-
teen he was already canon at the cathedral of Mainz
and, somewhat later, held prebends in the cathedrals
of Cologne and Trier. In 1442 he became provost in
the colfegiate churches of St. Victor and St. John in
Mainz, and in 1453 custos of the cathedral chapter in
the same city. In 1456, Diether aspired to the vacant
See of Trier, probablv attempting to gain votes
tibrou^ simony; but the majority of ihe voters de-
cided m favour of John of Baden. But after the death
of Dietridi of E^bach, the Archbishop and Elector of
Mflinz (d. 6 May, 1459), Diether's ambitious aspira-
tions were realized. Probably through simony he
vaa elected to this see on 18 June, 1450, and entered
upon his ofiice without awaiting the approval either of
pope or emperor. Pope Pius II was then holding a
congress at Mantua with the object of influencing the
princes of Europe to undertake a crusade against the
THirks, and was sreatly disappointed at the small num-
ber of princes that appeared at the congress. Upon
hearing that Diether did not intend to come to Man-
tua, but had sent envo^ to obtain t^e papal confirma-
tion, he sent word to hun that, if he desired the Bull of
connrmation and the pallium, he would have to come
to Mantua in person. By pleading sickness and lack
of funds, Diether finally prevailed upon Pius II to send
the Bull of confiimation md the pallium, but only
after promising under oath to appear personally before
the papal court within a year and to pav the annates,
which amoimted to 20,550 Rhenish florins. When
Diether kept neither of these promises, the Curia pun-
ished him with minor excommunication. Angered
at this act, he convened r diet at Nuremberg in Febru-
ary, 1461, at which he made a formal app^ to a fu-
ture general council, despite the fact that Pius II in
his Bull " Exsecrabilis" a8 Jan., 1460) had condemned
such appeals as heretical. When all the efforts of the
pope to bring about an amicable settlement were
frustrated by the rebellious archbishcn), the pope ex-
communicated and deposed Diether m a Bull dated
21 August, 1461, and appointed Adolf of Nassau in his
place. Diether tried to retain his see by arms, but
was compelled to yield to the superior forces of Adolph
of Nassau in October, 1463. After submittine to the
new archbishop and apologizing to the papal pleni-
potentiary, Pietro Ferrici, be was absolved from the
sentence of excommunication. Upon the death of
Adolf of Nassau, on 6 Sept., 1475, Dietl^^ ^^ ti&m.
elected archbishop of Mamz and r^oiktved both papal
and imperial approbation. His pi^^ -^lisfortune had
made him a better man. He enforced strict ecolesiaa*
tioal discipline among the clergy, watched caj«fully
over the mtegrity of faith, and worked strenuously
for the advancement of commerce and education. At
the northern end of Mainz he erected the Martinsburs
as an archiepiscopal residence, and in 1477 founded
, the Univeisity of Mainz, which continued to exist until
1798.
Mbmsiil, DteAgr v&n iaehburg (Ertangen, 1867): Annalm
dea FemrM fOr noMauiaehe AUerthtmukunde (WiesDaden). X
and XII; Pastob, OeschiehU der P&pate (2 ed., Freiburg. IdM),
II, 122 sqq.. tr. Antbobub (London, 1894). III. 164 sag.;
GuNDLACR, N§uen und die Maituer StifUf^hde, 1461-63 (Mar-
bufger Diasertation, 1898).
Michael Ott.
Dietrich ▼on Hieheiin (Nibm), b. in the Diocese of
Paderbom, between 1338 and 1340; d. at Maas-
tricht, 22 March, 1418, a medieval German historian,
best known for his contributions to the history of the
Western Schism. He took his surname from the
little town of Nieheim (in the Prussian district of
Minden). Nothizig is known about his family, and
but little about his life previous to his entry into the
service of the papal Curia. He spent some time in
Italy in the study of law. but never obtained the de-
cree of Doctor. Under Urban V (1362-70) he came to
Avignon, and obtained in the papal chancery the
office of notary (notartus s. valaHt), to keep which he
had to take oraers, if he had not already taken them.
When Gr^ry XI returned to Rome (1377) Dietrich
accompanied nim. Urban VI conferred on him the
lucrative and important office of abbreviator ei KfipUr
in the papal chancery (see Abbreviators) ; this post
he retained under succeediog popes. Boniface IX
made him Bidboi) of Verden (July, 1305), but he never
obtained possession of this Gennan bishopric; prob-
ablv, as £ubel suggests (Hierarchia catholica medii
levi, I, 553), because Dietrich did not expedite with
due promptness the documents of his nommation. In
August, 1399. another Bishop of Verden was nomin-
ated, Konrad von Soltau; Dietrich remained as be-
fore a papal abbreviator. In his writings Dietrich is
silent about this Verden incident; in a manuscript of
the arc^ves of St. Peter at Rome Dr. G5ller has dis-
covered twenty-six letters of the years 1398-99 which
CBfer to Dietrich; when published they will probably
cast more li^t on this period of his life (cf . Kdmische
Quartalschi^, 1905, 82<^). About Easter, 1401,
Dietrich was at £kf urt in Germany, where he matricu-
lated at the university; in 1403 we find him again
active at Rome as abbreviator. Towards the end of
the fourteenth centuiy Johann Petere of Dordrecht
had founded at Rome a hospital for German pilgrims,
known as Santa Maria delr Anima, still in existence
and united with the Gennan national church at Rome
(see Anima, Santa Maria dell')- Dietrich was an
eneigetic promoter of the new foundation, to such an
extent that after Peters he deserves to be considered
its chief founder.
Meanwhile the Western Schism (a, v.), begun in
1378, was still dividing the Catholic world. As a
member of the papal Curia, Dietrich was thoroughly
informed concerning the origin and development of
tiiis unhappy division, and was veiy active in an
effort to close the schism. Dissatisfied with the pro-
ceedings of the two popes, Gregory XII (1406-15) at
Rome, and Benedict aIII (1394-1417) at Avignon,
he adhered to the Council of Pisa convoked (1409) by
the cardinals. He took no part in the council itself,
being then in Grermany, but he worked for the party
of the council, reoogiized as legitimate the Pisan pope,
Alexander V (1409-10), also his successor, Joxm
XXIII (1410-15), and entered their service. During
these jears his pen was ever active in the interest ca
ecdesiastical umty. He is certainly the author of the
work known as '^Nemua Unionis'', in which he de-
scribes the various ways f vue) for putting an end to the
DinRKni
790
OXSTBIOR
sdiism, and gives important lettera and acts (the work
was finished 25 July, 1408; ed. Schard, Basle, 1566).
He also wrote *'De scismate iibri tres", his most im-
portant work, finished in May, 1410 (ed. Brier, Leip-
zig, 1890), in which he delineates the ori^ and the
history of the schism up to the coronation of John
XXIII; the abundance of its materials makes this
work one of the most important authorities for the
last stages of the sdiism. His judgments, however,
concerning persons and facts must be taken witn
caution, Dietrich being strongly partisan. To John
XXIII himself he addressed (perhaps in 1410) fi letter
about the proper administration of his office (" Epis-
tola ad dominum Johannem XXIII transmissa de
bono Romani pontificis regimine", ed. Rattinger, in
"Historisches Jahrbuch'', 1884, 163-78). This was
preceded by a letter of admonition to the cardinals
who were to elect John XXIII ("Informacio facta
cardinalibus in conclavi ante electionem Papfle Jo-
hannis XXIII modemi", written in 1410* ed. Erler,
"Dietrich von Nieheim'*, Documents, XXX-XLI).
Of other works ascribed to him mention shall be made
later.
Towards the end of 1414 was opened the Council of
-Constance, destined, if not to remedy all the evils of
the time, at least to put an end to the schism. From
Mard), 1415, Dietrlcn was present at Constance and
exerted his best efforts for the restoration of eeclesias*
tical unity. He was dissatisfied with the attitude of
John XXlII, and when the latter fled from Constance
(20 Msu-ch, 1415) Dietrich renounced him. Later, in
continuation of his aforesaid work on the schism, Diet-
rich wrote a history of John XXIII to June, 1416
("Historia de VitA Johannis XXIII", first printed at
Frankfort, 1620). This work is at the same time a
history of the Council of Constance to the middle of
1416; it is to be noted, however, that the author's
judgment is seriously affected bv his passionate oppo-
sition to John XXIII. Another violent lampoon
against this pope, the "Invectiva in diffugientem e
Cbnstahtiensi concilio Johannem XXIII" (ed. von
der Hardt, "Const. Cone", III, XIV, 296-330) is at-
tributed to Dietrich; it is not certain, however, that
he is the author of this fierce pamphlet; Finke rejects
quite positively the authorship of Dietridi (RAmische
Quari^Ischrift ffkr christl. Altertumskunde imd far
Kirchengesch., 1887, 48 sqq.). During the council
Dietrich kept a diary, as he himself mentions in his
"Vita Johannis XXtll"; some fragments of it, ac-
cording to Finke, are still recognizable (op. cit., 1887,
46-68).
Any final judgment on the attitude and influence of
Dietrich at Constance must depend on the authorship
of three publications often attributed to him, and
dealing particularly with the schism and the efforts at
reunion. 'Hiese are: (1) "De necessitate reforma-
tionis Ecclesise in capite et in m-^mbris"; also entitled
"Avisamenta pulcherrima de unione et reformatione
membrorum et capitis fienda" (written 1414; ed. von
der Hardt, in "Constant. Concil.", I, VII, 277-309;
the latter part of it ed. by Finke in " Forschungen zur
Geschichte der Konstanzer Konzils", Paderbom^
1890, 267-268) ; (2) " De modis uniendi ac reformandi
eeclesiam in concilio universali" (written 1410, ed. von
der Hardt, op. cit., I, V, 68-142); (3) "De difficultate
reformationis Ecclesiae in concilio universali " (written
August, 1410; ed. von der Hardt, op. cit., I, VI, 255-
69). Von der Hardt attributed the treatise "De
modis uniendi" to Johannes Gerson, the two others to
Pierre d'Ailly, but was of the opinion that periiaps
Dietrich von Nieheim might be the author of tne "De
necessitate reformationis''. Schwab has shown (Jo-
hannes Gerson, Wtirzburg. 1858) that neither Gengon
nor d'Ailly can be regarded as the author of these
works; he ascribed "De modis uniendi" to the Span-
ish Benedictine abbot and professor at Bologna,
Andreas of Randuf. The other two treatises, he
believed, were composed by Dietrich von Niehetm.
StanOUer also saw in the aforesaid Abbot Andreas the
author of " De modis uniendi " (HistoriBches Jahibuch,
1893, 562-82). Lens, however, attributes to I>ie-
trich all three works (see below), and his opinion has
been accepted by most later faistortans; Fmke, ^spe-
eiallv, has confirmed it by numerous arguments. Er-
ler, however, to whom we owe a detailed life of IHe-
tridi (see below), does not admit his authorship of iJbe
works in question, while Haller ^reeS with him in re>
spect to we treatise "De modk uniendi". Mulder
has examined (1907) fully (see below) the attitude of
Dietrich towards the theological theories prevalent at
the eouncil and the contemporary plans for extinctio>n
of the schism. He concluaes that Dietrich certainly
wrote the "De necessitate reformationis" but not the
other two treatises. In these three works there is
developed a detailed programme of eccleaiasticsJ. re>
form: all three popes are to be removed and the elec-
tion of the new pope is to be committed to a special
electoral assembly. The new pope must execute,
during the council, the desired reforms in the adminis-
tration of the Roman Curia, and the particular practi-
cal measures are specified. Erler. as has been seen,
denies Dietrich's authorship of tneee treatises, and
therefore sees in him only a very clever papal func-
tionary, who had no higher aims than the extmction of
the schism and a reform of the papal chancery.
Finke on the contrary, accepting the authondiip of
Dietrich, thinks that with time his views grew
broader, and that, in spite of his weakness as an his-
torian, nis bold and influential ideas on ecclesiaBlical
reforms made him eventually one of the most impor-
tant figures of the eari^ fifteenth century. He calls
him the greatest publicist of the later Middle Ages.
After the council we find Dietrich at Maastricht,
where he possessed a canonicate; there he fell lU, and
on 15 March. 1418, made his testament, by which he
bequeathed his property on the German side ol the
Alps to the hospital newly built by him at Hameln,
and his Italian possessions to the CSerman hospital of
Santa Maria dell' Anima at Rome. He died in the
same month, probably, as stated above, 22 March.
Besides the works already mentioned Dietridi com-
posed several others, among them an historical work
entitled ** PrivUegia aut jura imperii circa investituras
episcopatuum et abbatiarum," etc. (ed. Schard, Syl-
loge de jurisdictione imp, Basle, 1566, 785-859),
chiefly an account of the Holy Roman Empire: Of
the ''Chronioon" composed by him only fragments
are extant, discovered and published b^ Saueiland
(Mitteilungen dee Instituts filr cestcoT. Gesch., 1885,
589-614; also separately at Frankfort, 1885) and by
Mulder (see below). A chronicle of the popes, part oi
the Liber Pontificalis (Vitfis pontificum Romanorum a
Nicolao IV usque ad Urbanum V) formeriy aseribed to
Dietrich, it is now known, was not written by him.
Probably, also, he is not the author of a pamphlet
against Cardinal Johannes Dominici ("£«pistola Luci-
feri seu Satanie ad Johannem Domkiici, ord. Praed.
presb. card. S. Sixti", ed. in ''Nemus unionis")- A
geomiphical work entitled ^De reeionibuB orbis et
quskutatibus habitantium in eisdem'' written in 1407-
l40Sy \b lost. In 1411 he composed a treatise against
the heresies of Wyclif : ^Tractatus contra dampnatoe
Wiclivitas Pragae" (ed. Erler in ""Zeitschrift fOr
vateri&ndische Gesch* und Altertumskunde", Mtln-
ster, 1885, I, 178-^8). For the functionaries of the
papal chancery he compiled the guide knovm as
^* Liber cancellarisB apostolic»". He also compiled a
short guide to the re^lar praxis of corial administra-
tion, "'Stilus palatii abbreviatus" (both edited by
Erler, "Der Liber canoellariie apostolicse vom Jahre
1380 und der Stilus palalii abbreviatus vom Dietrich
von Nieheim", Leipzig, 1888).
Von DBS Hardt, Moffnum et tecumeniewn Conatanliense Cmnr
eUxum (6 vols., Hdmfltadt, 1700); Schwab Johannn (knar
DiaBY
701
matt
1858); SxuBiUiAND, Das Ld>en de» IXetrieh' von
6ttingen, 1875); Idem, Anmerhungen 9u Dietrieh •
wm Ni€h«tm§ Werke de tdamaU in HtUanachm Jakrbuch (1886).
59^-66; Idsm, Der Bogen, Briefwechtel dea Trierer Brzlnadtoft .
Hdlin und Dietrich wn Nieheima Chronik in Neuea Ardiiv
(1887). 50<H)01; Lbnk. Drei TrakiaU aua dem Sehrifteneydua
ae» Conalanxer ConciU (Marburs, 1876): Kbausb, Dvotneh wm
Niem, Konrad van Vechiot Konrad van SaUau, Biadhttfe van V«r-
den io Fonchunoen zur deutachen Gesch., XIX (1879), 592'
aqq.. XXII (1882). 248 sqa.; HotTBBN. Bine Studie Hbtr Thw
dorich von Nieheim in Der Katholik (1880). I, 62 sqq.; Lxndnbh,
BeitrOga tu dem Leben und den Sekrffien Dtetriche von Niem in
Forschunoen zur deutachen Geach., XXI (1881), 67 aqq.; Idem.
Dietrich von Niem in Zeitachrift fOr aUgemeine Geach. (1885). 401
sqq., 516 sqq.; Fmrt, Zur Quellenentik der Sckriften Dietrieks
von Niem (FiMlerbom, 1886); Idem, lat Dietrich v. A', det Ver-
foaaer der drei Conatanzer Tractate in Zeitaohr, filr vatert. Geach,.
ALVI. 157 sqq.; Erleb, Dietrich von Nieheim, aein Leben vtna
seine Schriften (Lttpag, 1887); Finke, ZwH TaoAiieher Uiher
daa Konatanser KonsU in R6miaehe Quartaiadurift fOr chriatL
AUertumskunde und fur Kirchengeach. (1887), 46 aqq.^ Idem, Zu
Dietrich von Niem und Marailiua von Padua, ibid. (1893),
244 sqq^ Idem, Forschungen und QueOen zur Geach. dea Kan'
stanzer Komila (Paderbon, 1889), 132 sqq.; SAomOixbk, £>er
Verfaaaer dea Traktates de modia uniendi vom Jahre lUlO in A is-
Uynachea Jahrbuch (1893) 562 sqa.: Idem, Dietrich von Niem
und der Liber ponttfiealia, ibid. (1894), 802 sqq.: Idem, Uber
den 5, Traktat dea Nemua unionia, ibid. (1904). 531 sqq.;
HAiiLEB, Papetium und Kirehenreform: vier Kajritel tur Geach.
dea auagehenden M. A. (Berlin, 1903). I, 186 aqq., 483 sqq.;
SciiMXDiJN, Geach. der deutadhen NaJtionaJkirche in Kom S, Maria
deW Anima (FreiburK, 1906); Mvu>KH,Dielridt von Nieheim sijn
oppvating van het ConeUie en ti^n Kronik (Amsterdam, 1907);
PoTTHAST, Bibliotheca hiatorioa medii cevi (Berlin, 1906), 11,
1051 sqq.
J. P. KntscH.
Diffby, George, seooad Earl of Bristol, b. at Mad-
rid. $am, where ms father, the first earl, was ambaa-
sador; 1612; d. at Chelsea, England, 1677. As a boy
of twelve he presented a petition at the bar of the
House of Commons' on behalf of his father who had
been committed to the Tower by the Duke of Buck-
ingham. He was educated at Magdalen College, Ox-
ford, where he became M. A., 31 Aug., 1636. Shortly
irfterwards he entered into a correspondence with his
kinsman. Sir Kenelm Digby, in which he attacked the
Catholic Church In the stnigcle between king and
Parliament he was at first on the side of the Parlia-
ment. He was elected member for Dorset in 1 640 and
was shortly afterwards made a member of the com-
mittee which undertook to impeach Strafford. When
the impeadmient was abandoned for process of at-
tainder, however, he vigorously opposed it and thus
incurred unpopularity with his own party. In 1641
he took his seat in the House of Lords as Baron Di^y
and joined the king's party. His advice to the king
upon the retreat of the five members to the city, that
they should be seized by force, was rejected by
(Carles, but, becoming known, added greatly to his
. unpopurarity. Shortly afterwards, being summoned
before the House of Lords to answer for nis conduct,
he fled to Holland Returning during the Civil War,
he fought at Edgehill and Lichfield, but resigned his
command by reason of a quarrel with Prince Rupert.
In Sept., 1643, he was made secretary of state and
privy councillor, in which offices he was not suc-
cessful.
In 1645 Digby replaced Rupert as lieutenant-general
of the king's forces north of the Trent, but was de-
feat^ at Carlisle Sands and fled to the Isle of Man.
He next took service under the King of Prance, and he
became a lieutenant-general in the French army in
1651. On 6 Jan., 1653, he succeeded his father as
Earl of Bristol and was made Knight of the Garter.
Owing to an unsuccessful intrigue against Mazarin he
was ordered to leave France, and he proceeded to the
Netherlands, where he visited Charles II then in exile.
Ir 1657 he was reappointed secretary of state but
again lost office on his conversion to the Catholic
Faith. On the Restoration he returned to Endand,
becoming a political opponent of Clarendon. This dis-
pleased Uie king, and IMgby spent two years in con-
cealment, till Clarendon's fall. Though a Catholic he
spoke in favour of the Test Act, drawing a distinction
between a "Catholic of the Church of Rome" and a
'* Catholic of the Court of Rome". He was Hi^
Steward of Oxford University 1643-46 and again
1660-1663. He published '"ftie Lord George Dig-
bSe's Apology for Himself" (1642) and "Elvira, a
Comedy" (1667). Many of his speeches and letters
were also published.
WoDD, Athena Oxon., Buss ed. (London. 1817), III. 1100
aqq.; Clarendon, Hiatary of the Rebellion, ed. Macbat JOx-
foid, 1888): Dodd. Church Hiatory (Btuaaels, 1730). Ill; Wax^
POLE, Catalogue of Roual and Noble Authora (London, 1806);
GiLLOw. Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath., b. v.; Rubbell Barker in
Did. Nat. Biog., 8, v.
Edwin Burton.
Digby, Kenelm Henrt, miscellaneous writer, b. in
Ireland, 1800; d. at Kensington, Middlesex, Engird,
22 March, 1880. He came of an ancient English stock
branching, in Elizabeth's reign, into Ireland, by the
marriage of Sir Robert Digby, of Coleshill, Co. War-
wick, with Lettice FitzGerald, only dau^ter and heir
of Gerald, Lord Oflfaly, eldest son of the eleventh Earl
of Kildare. The eldest son of this Robert and Lettice
became the first Lord Digby. Their second son^ £^
sex Digby, Bishop of Dromore, was father of Smion
Digby, Bishop successively of Limerick and Elphin,
whose son John Digby, of Landenstown, Co. Kildare,
was father of William Digby, Dean of Clonfert. Ke-
nelm Henry Digby was this latter's jroungest son.
Thus his early surroundings and associations were
strongly Protestant. His father died in 1812, when
his eldest brother, William, was already Archdeacon
of Elphin. Unlike these, who had grsuluated in Dub-
lin University, Kenelm Henry matriculated at the
University of Cambridge, entering at Trinity College
there. His B. A. degree he took in 1819, but he never
proceeded M. A. Amid the many venerable and sug-
gestive monuments of Catholic antiquity which Cam-
bridge shows, he gradually ^ave his mmd more and
more to those "Ages of Faith" which he had been
taught to despise and afterwards to the scholastic
system of theology. The result of his deep study of'
these lofty subjects was his conversion, in youth, to
the Catholic Faith. His first book, " The Btx>ad8tone
of Honour", he published anonymously in 1822, while
still nominally a Protestant, and an enlarged edition,
again anonymously, the year following. After his
conversion ne rewrote the work, dividing it into four
volumes, which appeared, each with a separate sub-
title, in 1826-7. Two other editions followed, and
lastly an ^ition de luxe, in five volumes, published by
Quaritch, in 1 876-7. According to its various second-
ary titles, this masterpiece treats of "the Origin,
Spirit, and Institutions of Christian Chivalry", or
"the True Sense and Practice of Chivalry". Arch-
deacon Hare, in his "Guesses at Truth", says that in
this work the author " identifies himself as few have
ever done with the good and great and heroic and holy
in former times, and ever rejoices in passing out of
himself into them".
Digby's second literary performance, entitled
"Mores Catholici, or Ages of Faith", came out in
1831-40 in eleven volumes, in a later edition reduced
to three. In this work he collected, mostly from the
original sources, a vast mass of information concern-
ing the religious, social, and artistic life of the medi-
eval peoples of Europe. It is, indeed, a kind of ency-
clopedia of the medieval life, from the viewpoint of an
ardently Catholic soul. It has been well said that in
it he collected like a truly pious pilgrim the fragrance
of ancient times. Various other publications, some
in prose, some in verse, dropped from his prolific pen
from time to time down to 1876; but these, in compar-
ison with his "Broadstone of Honour" and "Mores
Catholici", are but minor performances. The most
important of them is a work entitled "Corapitum, or
the Meeting of Ways at the Catholic Church ". The
complete list of his published works may be seen in
DIOBT
792
DIOBT
GUlow'a ''Dictionaiv". His long, studioiM, and re-
hired life closed at Shaftesbury House, Kensington, in
' his eighty-first year, after a very short illness. His
wife was Jane Ma^, daughter of Thomas Dillon, of
Mount Dillon, Co. Dublin, who bore him a son and
four daugjiters.
Cooper in Diet. Nat. Biog. a. v.; GiLXiOW, BtU. Did, Bng,
Cath., B. v.; Tablet (London. 27 March, 1880); Weekly Regis-
ter (London. 27 March, 1880): Timet, (London, 24 March. 1880);
IhMin Review (London). XXV, 463, XLVIII, 626; AtheruBum
(London. 1880), I, 411, 440.
C. T. BOOTHMAN.
Digby, Sib Evbrard, b. 16 May, 1578; d. 30 Jan.,
1606. feverard Digby, whose father bore the same
Christian name, succeeded in his fourteenth ^ear to
larse properties in the Counties of Lincoln, Leicester,
and Rutland. Arrived at man's estate, he was dis-
tinguished for his great stature and bodily strength, aa
weU as for his accomplished horsemanship and skill in
field sports generally, to which he was much devoted.
For some time he frequented the court of Queen Eliz-
abeth. In 1596 he married Mary, only daughter and
heiress of William Mulsho of Goathurst, Buckingham-
shire, with whom he obtained a laige accession of for-
tune, and by whom he had two sons, Kenelm, bom in
1603, and John, in 1605. About 1509 Digby, who.
although his parents seem to have been Cathohcs, had
been brought up a Protestant, made the acquaintance
of the Jesuit Father, John Gerard, with the result that
both he and his wife were converted to the Catholic
Faith, and he formed with Gerard so dose a friendship
that they were accustomed to speak of each other as^
" brothers'*. In 1603 he was one of those who assem-
bled at Belvoir Castle to welcome James I on his prog-
ress towaids London, and he was knighted by the
new kki^ on the 23rd of April in that year.
In spite of what might have appeared so auspidoua
a commencement, there soon fofiowed the fatal Pow-
der Plot, which brought Sir Everard's career to an
ignominious close by a traitor's death^ while yet only
in his twenty-eighth vear. It is for his share in this,
almost exclusively, that he is now remembered. In
the ^Dictionary of National Biography'' he is com-
pendiously described as ''Conspirator", and one of his
descendants has recently published his biography un-
der the title "Life of a Conspirator''. In truth, how-
ever, of all who had a share in the criminal folly of that
deplorable enterprise, there is none to whom the title
can less properly be applied, for he had no part either in
the conception of the plot, or in the preparation for its
accomplisnment, and was not even aware of its exist-
ence till the eleventh hour. His initiation in the
secret was due to the lack of funds. Owing to the
delay occasioned by an unexpected prorogation of
Parliament, Catesby, the ringleader of the whole de-
sign, finding his own treasury exhausted, sou^t to
emist as associates some men of substance. One of
these was Digby, who was inducted and sworn in
''about a week after Michaelmafl", 1605, or just a
month before the fatal 5th of November.
When the time of action approached, Dieby was a»-
signed the part of preparing for the rising which was to
follow the explosion m London, and to put the con-
duct of affairs into the hands of the conspirators once
the blow was struck. For this purpose he rented
Coughton Hall, the seat of the Throckmortons, near
Alcester, and arranged for a ^cat "hunting match"
upon Dunsmoor Heath, near Rugby, to which many
Catholic gentlemen were to be gathered, and which
was fixed for the 5th of November itself. When the
news of the catastrophe at Westminster should arrive,
it was hoped that the party so assembled, when they
beard what had happened, would form the nucleus of
a force by means oi which the further designs of the
oonspiratoFB might be carried out.
Wnen, on the evening of the 5th, Catesby and others
Mrived with tidings of the discovery of their design
and the arrest of Faukes, Disby joined them in ihdx
desperate attempt to raise a rebdiion, and was captured
with the Burvivora of the party at Holbecbe on the
Sth. At their trial on the 27th of Januaiy, Digby,
who alone pleaded guilty, was arraigned s^iarateiy
from the rest, but received the same sentence of death,
with all the ghastly barbarities usual in cases of trea^
son. Three dajrs mter, 30 January, with three dl his
accomplices, Ilobert Winter, Grant, and Bates, he
suffered in St. Paul's churchyard, being the £mt to
mount the scaffold, where he confessed nis guilt, ex-
pressed shame for his infatuation, and solemnly pro-
tested that his friend. Father Gerard, had no knowl-
edge of the plot, in or out of confession, adding, ** I
never durst tell him of it, for fear he would have
drawn me out of it". It is a remarkable circum-
stance, lending some colour to the belief that in later
days the king did not believe ui the genuine character
of the danger he was said to have escaped, that Sir
Everard's son, Kenelm, was knighted by James in
October, 1623, when he had not completed his twenty-
first year. His description of the behaviour of James
on that occasion has been borrowed by Sir Walter
Scott in the "Fortunes of Nigel", for the VmVhtiTig (^
Richard MonipUes. The younger son. John, was
knighted by Chailes I, in 1635, and fell in the Civil
War as a major^neral in the royal army.
Gaxdinxil ffu(. €f BnoUmd (1883-^). I; Id.. What the Gim-
^owderPlot Waa; ZkX>isjLCriminal TViob, II; John Okbakd
(the elder), ed. Morbib. Condition of Caiholiee; Tke Life cf o
Conepirator, bu one of hie Deeeendante; John Qkrabd (ths
tounobb). What WM the Ounpowder Plot; Foubt, Reearde ai
the Bngliah Province, S, /., II; Calendar of State Paper*.
John Gbbard.
Diffby, Sib Kenelm, physicist, naval commander,
and diplomatist, b. at Gayhurst (Goathurst), Bucking-
hamshue, Enghmd, 1 1 July, 1603 ; d. in Covent Garden,
Westminster, 11 June, 1665. He was the eldest son
of Sir Everaixl Disby. Kt., of Drystoke, Rutland, by
Mfuv, daughter ana coneir of William Mulshaw(MuIsho)
of Gayhurst. His father was drawn into the Gun-
powder Plot and was executed; nevertheless, after liti-
gation, young Kenelm inherited unconfiscated lands
worth $15,000 a year. In 1618 he entered Gloucester
Hall, now Worcester College, Oxford. Here he waa
under the care of Thomas Allen, the mathematician
and occultist, under whose congenial teaching he made
wonderful progress in physicalscience. Al^n event-
ually bequeathed to his brilliant pupil his books and
MSo., wmch Sir Kenelm gave to the Bodleian Idbrary.
In 1620, Digby left Oxford without a degree. By thia
time he was deeply in love with Venitia, the beautiful
daughter of Sir Edward Stanley, Kt.^ of Tonge Ca»-
tle, Shropshire. His mother opposing the match,
he withdrew to the Continent, visiting France and
Italy and finally Spain. In March. 1623, shortly after
his arrival at Madrid, the Prince ot Wales (afterwards
King Charies I) reached that city upon his well-known
matrimonial project, and Digby became one of his
household, accompanying the prince back to En^dand
upon that project's failure. I)ig}>y was now dubbed
a knight by Jling James I. Tne next momentous
event in his career was his marriage with Voiitia,
which took place privily in 1625. Tnough the lady's
ante-nuptial reputation was not spotless, yet tfabeir
conjugal life was happy, and she bore him four sons
and a daughter. In 1627 Digby undertook a priva-
teering expedition against the French ships an<mored
in the Venetian haven of Iskanderun or Alexandretta.
Having got King Charles's leave and taken out letten
of maroue, he sauued from Deal with two well-equipped
ships about Christmas, and after various adventures
on the voyage, he reached Iskanderun 10 June,
1628. On the morrow he gave battle to the Frendi
and Venetian galleys there found in i^e bay, comii^
off victorious and returning leisurely to Ign^^m^
where he landed in the following Februaiy.
DXOSST
793
DIOVS
8iE KsNBLii DxoBT— Van Dtgk
(¥^d8or Outle)
Digby's fame was now great, and in 1632 tBere waa
9ven talk of his becoming a secretary of state, but
misfortune was m^. On May Day, 1033, his beloved
wife, whose mama|i^ with hmi had for some years
been made public, died suddenly. Various poets, Ben
Jonaon and William Habington among them, put
forth rapturous poems in her praise. Digoy withdrew
into Gresham College, where he spent two years, lead-
ing in strange mourning garb a life of studv and seclu-
sion. By tnis time he had forsaken the Catholic
Church, to which, however, he was reconciled in 1636,
apparently in France. In 1639 he was back in Eng-
land, where the times were daily growing worse and
worse. His intimacy as a Catholic with the king and
queen roused the ire of the Long Parliament, who
summoned him to
their Bar in 1641,
and next 3rear im-
prisoned him. He
was discharged,
however, after a
while, on condition
of his immediate
departure for
France. Hisprop^
erty they after-
wuds proceeded
to confiscate. Dig-
by accordingly
transferred his
abode to Paris,
where in 1644 he
brought out his
two great philo-
sophical treatises
of the "Nature <rf
Bodies" and the
^Immortality of Reasonable Souls". In 1645 he
was sent bv the English Catholic Committee' at Paris
upon a diplomatic mission to Rome, whither he went
again in 1647, but failed to accomplish anvthin^ to the
purpose. After another journey to England m 1649
ana another banishment, he got leave to return and
came back in 1654. He now became intimate with
Cromwell, who employed him abroad upon various
diplomatic affairs. He returned to England for good
at the Restoration Upon the incorporation of the
Royal Society in 1663, Sir Kenelm was appointed one
of the council. He died of stone on the anniversanr
of his sea-fight off Iskanderun, and was buried beside
his wife in Christ Church, Newgate Van Dyck painted
several (extant) portraits of Sir Kenelm ana Lady
Djgby, and Cornelius Janssen one of the latter.
Lkb in Diet. Nai. Biog., XV, 60 aqg.; Gillow, Bibl, DiO.
Sno.Cath., 11, 70 aqQ.; Wood. AtAana Oron.. Ill, 688; Journey
cf Seanderoon Voyage, ed. Caicdkn Soc. (Wwtminater, 1868);
Bvdyn*9 Diary, p«aBim.
C. T. BOOTHICAN.
BigMt of Juatiiiian. See Law.
Digno (Dinia), Diocese of (Dinisnbis}, com-
prises the entire department of the Basses- Alpes and
IS suffragan of the Archbishopric of Aix. By the
Concordat of 1801, this diocese was made to include
the two departments of the Hautes-and Basses- Alpes,
L e. in addition to the former Diocese of D^e, the
Archdiocese of Embrun, the Dioceses of Gap, sisteron,
and Senez, a very considerable part of the Dioceses of
Glanddves and Riez, and fourteen parishes in the
Archdiocese of Aix and the Diocese ofAp^* ^^ ^^^
Gap was made an episcopal see and thus divested of
the department of tne Hautes-AIpQ^' ^ ^ pi^sent Dio-
cese of Digne covers the territor^i ^^ **- J--'"-*-^
in the Dioceses of Digne, Senes,
Sisteron. ^ ^
Former Diocem of Di^ne, — ^T||j ^*^ ^ evange-
lized by Sts. Domniniifl and {Jrli ^^'J^ho came
from Africa in the second hajf ^wk(r0^^t\^ ccsntury
^S^i t^f JlTbcluded
with St. liarodlinus, the Apostle of Embnm. It k
not certain that they were bishops. The first his-
torically known bishop was Pentadius who attended
the Council of Agde in 506. Among the incumbents
of the See of Digne may be mention^: Elzdar de Vil-
leneuve (1834-41), author of a celebrated form of
oath to be taken by Jews; Pierre III de Verceil (1432-
'39), who represented the dei^gy and the Count of Pro-
vence at the Council of Basle; Guillaume V d'Estoute-
ville (1439-65), closely connected with the history of
the Pragmatic Sanction (q. v.) and later Archbisnop
of Rouen; Antoine III Hdrouet (1552-68), poet and
translator of Hato; Forbin-Janson (1664-68), after-
wards a cardinal and ambassador to Poland; MioUis
(1805-38), whose kindness was proverbial, and who
was the original of ''Mgr. Myriel" in Victor Hugo's
"Les Mis^rables", and Sibour (1839-48), who died
Archbishop of Paris.
Diocem of Senez, — ^Marcellus I, the first known
Bishop of the Diocese of Senez. attended the Council
of Agpe in 506; nevertheless, Senez must have been
an episcopal city as early as 439. Jean IV Soanen, the
Oratorian, noted for his opposition to the Bull "Uni-
gjenitus", was Bishop of Senez from 1696 until the
time of his deposition in 1727.
Diocese of Glandkvee. — Claudius, the first known
bishop of the diocese, ascended the episcopal throne
in 541, but Glanddveswas probably a see as early as
439. Among its bishops were Symphorien Bullioud
(1508-20), auo ambassador from Francis I to Julius
II and chaplain to Francis I; FranQois I Faure
(1651-53), the pulpit orator, later Bishop of Amiens,
and de Belloy (1752-^55), wno died a centenarian in
1808, as Archbishop of Paris.
Diocese of Sieteron, — Johannes, the first known
Bishop c^ Sisteron, appears early in the sixth centiuy.
Owing to the imgracious reception accorded Bishop
Gerard by the Chapter of Sisteron, the bishops of that
see remamed at Forcalquier from 1061 to 1169 and,
until the time of the Revolution, the church at Forcal-
quier bore the title of cathedral. Laffittau, the Jesuit,
who was agent of Cardinal Dubois, and also an his-
torian, occupied the See of Sisteron from 1719 to 1764.
Diocese of Riez, — According to an unsup^rted
tradition, the establishment of the Church in tnis dio-
cese is attributed to the first century and to Eusebius
or Eudochius, companion of St. Lazarus. A certain
St. Prosper of RegKio in Emilia (at the beginning of
the fifth century) ngures in the history of Riez and
was perhaps its bishop; however, the first certainly
known bishop is St. Maximus (433-60), who succeeded
St. Honoratus as Abbot of Ldrins and who, in 439,
held a council at Riez with a view to improving the
deplorable condition of the churches of Southern Gaul.
His successor, St. Faustus (461-93), also Abbot of
L^rins, was noted for his writings a^iinst Predestina-
tionists; it was to him that Sidonius Apollinaris dedi-
cated his "Cabmen Eucharistictmi'' in gratitude for
hospitality received at Riez. Robert Ceneau, the
pulpit orator (1530-^2), afterwards Bishop of Avran-
ches and Gui Bentivo^io (1622-25), who was nuncio
in France and defender of French interests at Rome
and who played an important r61e under Louis XIII,
are also mentioned among the bishops of Riez.
The Diocese of Digne numbers the following saints:
St. Thyrsus of Sisteron and St. Promatius of Forcal-
§uier, both perhaps of the third century; the abbots
t. Marius and St. Donatus Tfifth, sixth centuries), na-
tives of Origans and founders of monasteries near
Forcalquier and Siftteron; St. Mayeul (or Maiolus)
(910-^4), bom at Valensole and noted as Abbot of
Ciuny and a friend of Emperor Otto II ; St. Bevon (tenth
century), bom at Noyers, helped to deliver Provence
from the Saracens; Blessed Gerard, founder of the
Hospitallers of Jeruisalem, who died in 1120, his relics
being preserved at Manoaque; St. John of Matha
(U60-1213), bom at Faucon and founder of the
W
DIOVITABT
794
DUON
Trtnitariaiis; Blessed Hugh, a great Franciscan
preacher who was attached to the doctrines of Joa-
chim of Floris and died in 1255; his sister St. Douce-
line, who was bom at Digne, founded the B^uines of
Hy^res and died in 1274; St. Elsear of Sabran who
died in 1332, and hb wife St. Delphina of Sabran
(1284-1360); and the Venerable Jacques Chastan
(1803-38), bom at Marooux and martyred in Korea.
During the Middle Ages the Franciscan convent in
Digne produced Francois de Mevronnes^ conspicuous
at the Sorbonne and known as the "enlu^tened doc-
tor", andGassendi, the philosopher who, from 1634 to
1655, was provost of the Church of Di^e, on which
he wrote a learned work. The principal places (d
Silgrimage are:
fotre-Dame des
Anges at Lure,
frequented annu-
ally by over 10.000
of the faithful,
a shrine founded
in the fourth cen-
tury by a recluse
from Orleans ; No-
tre-Dame de Ro-
migier at Manos-
que, datins back
to the fifw cen-
tury; Notre-Dame
du Hoc at Castel-
lane, established
in the eighth cen-
tury; and Notre-
Dame de Beau-
voir at Moustiers
Ste-Marie. This
last-named shrine
was visited in the
time of Sidonius
Apollinaris. Two
rocks overhang
the chapel of Our
Lady and are held
together by an
iron chain, from
which is sus-
pended a golden
star presented by a Knight of Rhtiaes who, Saving
been taken prisoner, invoked Our Lady of Moustiers
and was delivered.
Prior to the enforcement of the law of 1905 there
were in the diocese, Benedictines, the Missionaries of
Ste-Garde, the Brothers of Christian Schools and
Brothers of Christian Instruction of St. Gabriel.
Local orders of women especially worthy of mention
are: the Congregation of Our liidy of the Firesenta-
tion, a teachmg order at Manosque, and that of the
Sisters of Christian Doctrine of the Holy Childhood,
whose mother-house is at Digne, and who devote
themselves alike to teaching and hospital work. In
1890 the following mstitutions in the diocese were
under the care of relimous: 12 infant schools, 2
orphanaees for boys and girls, 13 hospitals and hos-
pices, 1 nouse of retreat and 4 houses for religious
nurses. In 1905 (the last year of the Ck>ncordatory
period) the Dk>cese of Digne had a population of
115,021, 35 pastorates, 314 succursal parishes (mis-
sion churches), and 13 curacies subventioned by the
SUte.
OaUia Chrittittna {Nova) (1715). T, 888-417, 474HM)7, SIS-
SIS. IrutrumeiUa, 81-82, 80-02; Nova (1725), III, llp8<44,
1286-49. 1250-66, Jnttrumenta, 187-90, 195-96, 209-10/ and
233-38; Ax.BANRB.Gal/ia Chriatiana (Novusima), I, 556, 791
(MontMKard, 1899); Gashendi, NatiHa Bedmia Dinien»%9
(Paris. 1664), Fr. tr. Guichabo (Digne. 1845): Fisquet.
France pontificaU, Digne ei Riet (Paris, 1869); (Jrdvelxiek
AND ANPRlctJ, Hxstoirt reliffieuae et haoiologiqtir du Dioc^ae de
Digne (Aix, 1803); C^kvaubr, lUp. hiH.: Topo-Md., 891,
1^, 2554-66. 2969. GeORGES GoTAU.
Doorway or Notre-Dame. Former
Cathedral op Dion*
Dignitary, Eoclbsiastical, a member of a tibtLp-
ter, cathedral or collesiate, possessed not only of a
foremost place, but also of a certain jurisdiction.
These dignilateSf as they are called, are usually the
provost and the dean (see those articles), sometimes
also the cualoa and the iJiolasUcua. Their nomination
and canonical institution, to a great extent reserved to
' the pope, are governed partly by common ecclesiasti-
cal law, partly bv special legislation (e. g. concordats)
and custom. The dignUaUs of a chapter differ from
the peraancUua, inasmuch as the latter officers have
merely a fixed right of precedence, and again from the
officia (e. g. canon theologian, canon penitentiary),
inasmuch as these places imply only an sJaministrative
chaige or duty (see Pebson, Ecclbsiastigal; Camon ;
Chapter)*
Wbrns. Jua Decrekdium. 11, n. 780 sqq. ; LAURBirrnm, hut.
Jurit Bed. (Freiburg. 1908). n. 266; SAomOller. Kirchenrtcht
(Freiburg, 1902), e. v. Dignilaa; Hiloenreiner, in Bucn-
bbroeb, iLvncM. Handlexikon (Munich, 1907). n. v. Domkapiid.
Thomas J. $hahan.
Dijon, Diocese of. comprises the entire depart-
ment of C6te-d'0r and is a sufTra^n of Lyons. Ac-
cording to the Concordat of 1801 it also included the
department of Haute-Mame, which, however, it was
called upon to relinquish in 1821, owing to the re-
establismnent of the Diocese of Langres.
Between the years 506 and 540 it was revealed to
St. Gregory, Bishop of Langres, and an ancestor of St.
Gregory of Tours, that a tomb which the piety of the
peasants led them to visit contained the remains of
ot. Benignus. He had a large basflica erected over
it, and soon travellers from Italy brought him the
acts of this saint's martyrdom. These acts are part
of a collection of documents according to which Bur>
gundy was evangelized in the second century by St
Benignus, an Asiatic priest and the disciple of St.
Polycarp, assisted bv two ecclesiastics, Andochius and
Thyrsus. The good work is said to have prospered at
Autun, where it received valuable support from the
youthful Symphorianus; at Saulieu where Andochius
and Thyrsus had established themselves; at Langres
where tne three brothers, Speusippus. Eleusippus, and
Meleusippus, were baptized, and nnally at Dijon. In
the meantime the persecution of Marcus Aurelius
broke out, and St. Benignus and his commmions were
put to death. The doubts first raised by Boulliau and
Tillemont in the seventeenth century concerning the
authenticity of these acts seem justified by the oon<
elusions of P^re Van Hooff and Monseigneur Du-
chesne, according to which the Acts of St. Benignus
and the martyrdom of the three brothers of Langres,
on which the aforesaid traditions are based, are &po^
ryphal and copied from Cappadocian legends. This
controversy^ however, does not alter the fact that
before the fifth century a saint named Benignus was
venerated by the C!liristians of Dijon ; nor does it dim
the splendour of the saint's miracles, as related by
Gregory of Tours and by the "Book of the Miracles
of St. Benignus". During the last generation no
question has given rise to more animated polemics
among the Catholic scholars of France than the apos-
tolate of St. Benignus.
Under the Merovingians and Carolingians most of
the bishops of Langres resided at Dijon, e. g. St.
Urbanus (fifth century), St. Gr^iy, and St. Tetricua
(sixth century), who were buned there. When, in
1016, Lambert, Bishop of Langres, ceded the seignioiy
and county qL Dijon to King Eobert, the Bishops of
hangtes made Langres their place of residence. Li
1731, Clement XII made Dijon a bishopric. The
Abbey of Saint-Etienne of Dijon (fifth centuiy) long
had a regular chapter that observed the Rule of St.
Augustine; it was given over to secular canons by
Paul V in 1611, and Clement XI made its church the
cathedral of Dijon; during the Revolution it was
transformed into a forage storehouse. The abbatial
CATHEDRAL OF SAINT-BENIGNE. DIJON
DILLXNOUr
795
DiLUHamr
ehorch of Saint-B^nigne became the cathedntl of
Dijon early in tbe nineteenth century. Gardinal
Lecoty later Archbishop of Bordeaux, wha Bishop of
Dijon from 1886 to 1890. Pope Pius X's reouest in
1904 for the resi^iation of Monseigneur Le Nordex,
Biahop of Dijon since 1899, wa« one of Uie incidents
which led to the rupture of relations between France
and the Holy See.
Romanesque architecture was veiy popular in Bur-
gundy; its masteipiece is the Cathedral of Saint-
B^nigne of Diion, consecrated by Paschal II in 1106
and completed in 1288, The Gothic style, although
less used, characterises the churches of Notre-Dame
de Dijon (1252-1334), Notre-Dame de Semur, and
I'Abbaye Saint-Seine | it was ako the style of the
Sainto43hapefle of Diion, which is no longer in exist-
ence. Unaer the dukes of Burgundy, at the close of
the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth century,
Burgundian art flourished in a surprising degree,
llie Chartreuse of Champmol, on which Fnilip the
Bold had Claus Sluter, the sculptor, at work from 1389
to 1406, and which was the acme of artistic excellence,
was almost totally destroyed during the Revolution;
however, two superb traces of it may still be sem,
namely the PmU des propkHes and the portal of the
church. The Beaune hospital (1443) is a fine speci*
men of the Crothic style, and the church of Saint-liichel
in Dijon (1497) has sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
porches covered with fantastic bas-reliefs. The Ab-
beys of Ctteaux, Fontenav, and Flavi^y (where in
the nineteentii centuiy Pdre Lacordaire instaUed a
Dominican novitiate) were all within the territory of
the present Diocese of Dijon. (See Cistsrcianb and
CtTEAUX.)
The following saints are speciallv honoured: Saint
Sequanus (Seine), b. at Magny. d. SM, founder of the
monastery of R6omais around which sprang up the
little town of SaintrSeine; St. William (961-1031), a
native of Novara, Abbot of Saint-B^ni^ at Dijon
in 990, and reformer of the Benedictine Order in the
eleventh century; St. Robert of Molesme, joint
founder with Sts. Alberic and Stephen Harding of the
monastenr of Ctteaux in 1098; St. Stephen Harding,
who died in 1134. third Abbot of Ctteaux, under
whose administration the monasteries of La Fert^,
Pontigny, Clairvaux, and Morimond were established :
St. Bernard (1090-1 153) ; St. Jane Frances de Chantal
(1572-1641), b. at Dijon, who, bavins heard St.
Francis de Sales' Lenten discourses at Dijon in 1604,
conceived a holy friendship for him; the Venerable
B^niene Joly, canon of Saint-Etienne de Diion (seven-
teentn century) ; and the Venerable Sister Maiguerite
of the Blessed Sacrament (1619-48), sumamed the
'^little saint of Beaune", noted for the apparitions of
the Infant Jesus with which she was lavoinred, in
consequence of which the pious association known as
the Family of the Holy Child Jesus was oiganised and
later raised by PiiLi IX to the d^ity of an archcon-
fratemity. Amon^ the famous persons of the diocese
the Seneschal Philippe Pot (1428-94) is remembered
for his exploits a^inst the Turks in 1452 and his
miraculous deliverance from his captors. The illus-
trious BosBuet was a native of Dijon. Hubert Lan-»
guet, the Protestant publicist (1518<-81), was bom at
Vitteaux.
The chief ^aces of pilgrimage are: Notre-Dame de
Beaune, at Beaune (antedating 1120); Notre-Dame
du Bon-E^poir at Dijon, dedicated in 1334; Notro-
Dame du Cnemin, near Serrijmy (twelfth or thirteenUi
century); Notre-Dame de Cateaux (end of the elev-
enth centuiy), visited by many famous rulers of
Europe and the E^t* Notre-Dame d'Etang at
Velars (fifteenth century), visited by St. Jane Fruices
de Chantal, St. Francis de Sales, Louis XIV, and
Bossuet; and Notre-Dame de Ue (tenth or eleventh
century^ visited by St. Benedict Lekbre. The room
in which St. Bernard was horn was transformed into
a chi4>el at Fontaine-les-Dijon and visited by Louis
XIV, Anne of Austria, Condd, St. Jane Frances de
Chantal, St. Francis de Sales, and M. Olier. St.
Regina (Reine), who was martyred at Alise in the
thira century and whose body was transported to
Flavigny in 864, is honoured by pilgrims; formerly
it was customary to hold a theatrical procession in
which the samt and her persecutors were represented.
In 1905^ priiOT to the enforcement of the law against
congregations, Xhexe were in the diocese Trappists,
Jesuits, Dominicans, Sulpidans, and diocesan mission-
aries, also the following local congregations of women:
Sisters of the Good Snepherd, founded at Dijon in
the seventeenth century by Venerable B^nigne Joly :
Sistere of the Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed
Sacrament; Sisters of Providence, whose mother-
house is at Vitteaux, and who conduct a great many
schools; the Ursulines, with mother-house at Dijon:
the SisteiB of St. Martha, devoted alike to hospital
work and teaching (founded in 1628) at Dijon. In
1899 the following institutions were conducted by
religious: 32 infant schools; 3 orphansuses, with a^-
cultural training; 9 orphans^ for girk, 5 industrial
schools; 1 institution for pemtent women; l' servants'
guild; 18 hospitals or hospices; 25 houses for nursing
sisters; 3 houses of retreat; and 1 insane asylum.
In 1905 (end of the Concordatorv period) the Diocese
of Diion had a population of 361,626; 38 parishes
(cures), 447 succunal parishes (mission churches),
and 13 curacies subventioned by the State.
BouLUAu, Diatriba de Mtneto Bentgno (Paris, 1657); Bou-
GAUO, Etude historique ei critique aur la mtmon, lee aetea tt U
euUe de etdnt Binigne (Autnn. 1850); Jjvayrn.Onginee du
dioekee de Lemoree et de Dijon (Dijon. 1888); Van Hoovr. Intro-
duction to Acta Bemmi in Ada SS, (Paris, 1887), Nov., I,
134-94; Ddchksns, I^iHee ipiscopaux, 1, 48 aqq.; BAXTTKREAtr,
L'HfdU de Dijon et eee Mmtee (Dijon, 188^; Dumat. Lee
Mquee de Dijon (^on, 1880); Chomton. Hutoire de Vigjiiee
Satni'Binione de Dijon (Dijon. 1064); Crevauer. Le vhUnMe
GuiUaume, abbi de Saint-Binigne de Dijon, riformateur de
Fordre hhUdidin au Xt* eikde (Dijon, 1875); Corboun, Mono*
grapkie de Pobbaye de Fontenay (Cltcnux, 1882); Guonabd
VAbbaye de Flavigny en Bourgpgne (Autun, 1885): Klexn-
cxAUSB. La Bourgogne (Paris, 1005); Ideii, Claue Sluter et la
sculpture bourguignonne au IB* eiide (Paris, 1000); Idem, Dijon
(Paris, 1007); Gbwauxb, Rdp. kiei,: Topo-bM,, 802 sqq.
Georges Gotau.
IMUiiigon, Universitt of, in Swabia, a district of
Bavaria. Its founder was Cardinal Otto Truchsess
von Waldburg, Prince-Bishop of Auesburg (1543-
1573). He first established it under the title, "Col-
lege of St. Jerome", and endowed it with the revenues
of several monasteries which had been suppressed at
the Reformation. His aim was to proviae for the
education of the clergy and the pxx)tection of the
Catholic Faith in an institution which, by the virtue
and diligence of its students, should counterbalance
the laxi^ of morals and insubordination so prevalent
in other universities of Southern Germany. With
this end in view, he drew up special rules regarding the
practice of religion, application to study, and conduct
which each student bound himsdf by oath to observe.
In 1551 Pope Julius III raised the college to the rank,
of a university and conferred on it the privileges en-
joyed by other univereities. Emperor (]!naries Y rati-
md these privileges, and the formal inauguration took
^aoe 21 Alay, 1554. Some of the professors, a^ Peter
Endavianus, the first rector of Diilingen, came from
Louvain; others from Spain, among them the well-
known Peter de Soto, O. P., afterwards professor at
Obdord. In order to secure Uie existence of this insti-
tution which had been founded with great effort and
sacrifice, and to strengthen its intellectual and moral
influence over the clergy. Bishop Otto in 1563 gave the
Jesuits, whose provincial at that time was Peter Canis-
ius, charge of the instruction in the universitv, and
authorised them to follow their own rules in all that
pertained to oi^ganiaation and administration. As.
nowever, the cathedral chapter of Augsburs would
not admit the legality of tlus complete transfer, die*
DiLLDiaiir
796
DILUNQSV
puteB often arose on questions of rig^t. especially in
regard to episcopal visitation, the foundation of
chairs of civil law, and the appointment of professoxs.
Nevertheless the chapter paid regularly the sums
stipulated in the origmal document of transfer, and
finally accepted the transfer as arranged June 14,
1606, by Bishop Henry von Kndringen (1598-1646),
who for that reason is called the second founder of the
univerrity. From this date the chapter guaranteed
a fixed contribution for the university and conmctus
QiaH for clerical and some lay students). In 1641
Emperor Ferdinand III ratified the new charter in a
special document which recomized the ^reat service
rendered by the scientific wonc of the university and
by the preparation which it gave young men for their
* duties toward Church and State. During the Swedish
invasion in the Thirty Years War the revenues of the
university became less regular, some of its professors
were imprisoned, its stuoents scattered, and the leo-
tures discontinued. But after peace had been con-
cluded the institution gnuiually recovered, and in 1668
a fine building for university lectures was erected
under Bishop John Christopher von Freybeig.
The university's charter guaranteed to ail its mem«
bers freedom from civil ana political obligations, sep-
arate jurisdictions, and the right of precedence on pub-
lic occasions. The exemption from taxes and imposts
was frequently disputed by the city council and other
officials. The Jesuits, in accordance with the rules of
their order, renounced jurisdiction in civil and penal
matters. This was exercised by the gubemator, one
of the episcopal covmseliors well versed in jurispru-
dence, while matters relating to discipline were in the
hands of the rector. The right of precedence at pro-
cessions and funerals occasioned several bitter feuds
between the officials of the episcopal court and the
faculty. In 1610 Bishop Henry von Kn6ringen
granted to the rector and the professons of theology
the privilege of censorship; in 1747 this was modified
to tne effect that books printed in Dillingen needed
also the approbation of tne episcopal censor at Augs-
burg. The courees which, from tne beginning, were
given at the university and which were taken over by
the Jesuits were humanities, philosophy, and theo-
logy. The humanities were taught in the gymnasium,
which was at that time a part of the university, and
they served as a preparation for the higher studies.
In the beginning of the seventeenth oentiiry a faculty
of jurisprudence was added with one professor of
canon and one of civil law. In 1738 church history
was included in the curriculum of theology. A de-
partment of medicine and surgery, rather loosely
connected with the univenrity, was established about
the same time.
The statutes concerning dj^gteee were taken from the
University of Ingolstadt. The baccalaureate in theol-
ogy was conferr<Mi for the firet time in 1564. Between
this date and 1770 the degree of bachelor of arts was
conferred on 7704, that of master of arts on 5997,
which numbers show the flourishing condition of let^
ters at the university. Although the frequent chang-
ing of professors was prejudicial to their literary ac-
tivity, many of them acquired fame in the fields oi
moral theology, canon law, philosophy, mathematics,
and astronomy. Thus Jakob lUsung. Georg Stengel,
and Joseph Monschein were distinguiSied theologians;
CSiristopner Scheiner, professor of mathematics, in-
vented the pantograph; while Paul LxymBim^ F. X.
Schmabsgrueber, and Joseph Biner were famous jur-
ists. In order to foster a truly religious niirit among
the students and to secure the faithful performance ot
their duties, a large and a small sodality were oigan*
ized besides one for the religious. It was at Dillingen
that the first sodality of the Blessed Virgin was estab-
lished in Upper Germany; this sodality carried on an
active correspondence with the origmal aodality. the
B. V. Annuntiata) in Rome, and with various local
ozganlsatioDS. Other associations were fomied fbr
special purposes, e. g. for the veneration of the BlesBed
Sacrament. Some of these sodalities numbered sev-
eral hundred resident members. In the summCT ol
1585 a seminaiy was founded bv Pone Gr^ry Xlfj
to provide for the religious neeas of iJi^r Germany.
Its students, 20-25 in number, were young men of
brilliant parts, who, after completing the course of
humanities and dialectics, pledged themselves to take
their degrees at the university. The students prom-
ised un(ter oath to enter the ecclesiastical state and not
to join any religious order without leave from the pope.
Their expenses were defraved by the Holy See. Tiiis
seminaiy existed up to tne year 1798 and educated
more than 4,000 priests. Through the efforts of
Bishop Henry von &ndringai and several memb«B of
the secular clergy, a diocesan seminary accommodat-
ing twelve 8tu<£nts was founded in 1610; its rules
were identical with those of the papal seminary. A
third seminary under the title of St. Joseph owed its
origin to the contributions of Cardinal Otto and otlier
be^actors. It received poor students who could no
longer be accommodated m the oonvictus itself; they
lived in special lodgings and were hot obliged to re-
ceive Holy orders, finally, another seminary for
clerics was built as a supplement to the existing
papal «eminaiy; but in t747 it was transferred to
Pfaffenhausen under Bishop Joseph. In 15S2 the total
number of students, including those in the gymnasium,
was 600; in 1618 it was 306. and in the year of the
suppression of the Society of Jesus, only 210 attended,
ctf whom 116 were studymg theology, 25 jurii^rudenoe^
74 philosophy. The gymnasium counted 125 stu*
dents. The scholars did not belong exclusively to the
Diocese of Aujp;9bui«; they came from all parts of
Germany, and fiom Polandi Italy, Franoe, and Switz-
erland.
. In 1773 the Society of Jesus was 8uiH>ressed, and
oonsequently, in the autumn of the sameyear, the ac-
tivity of the Jesuits as professors at the University of
Dillingen came to an end. Prince-Bishop Clement
Wenceslaus ordered that henceforth the university as
well as the convictus should be directly subject to the
bishop. For the new scholastic year other professors,
some of whom were ex-Jesuits, were installed; but
theolo^ and canon law were taught by secular priests
exclusively. The former Jesuit college took the name
" Academic House ' '. At first the number of students
was neariy the same as formerly, but the institution
soon began to labour imder severe financial difi&culties
owing to the confiscation of lands and revenues which
had belonged to the Jesuit college. In 1786 a new
charter approved by the 'Holy See was introduced at
the university. In conformity with the practice in
other universities, deans with a yearly tenure cf office
were placed at the head of the different faculties. The
curriculum and the methods of teaching were adapted
to the needs of the time; in theology the diff»enoe
between primary branches (scholastic theology and
philosophy) and secondary branches (canon and civil
taw and Biblical exegesis) was done away with. Hie
lectures in the three faculties were given partly in
Latin as before, partly in German. Biationalism and
liberalism were repeatedly checked by episcopal visita-
tions and enactments. Among the oest known pro-
fessors of that period were F. M. Sailer in mcnral phil-
osophy and pastoral theology, Zimmer in dogmatic
theology, ana Weber in philosof^y and mathematics.
A last regulation of the prince-bishop, dated 1799,
contained rules regarding attendance at ehurdiy dis-
cipline, and methods of teachii^ and studying. Hie
endowments of several institutions and ooiporattons
were transferred in 1789 to the ''Academic House" in
order to relieve its financial difficulties, and its admin-
istration was simplified by uniting the St. Joseph's
Seminary and the convictus. The patronage of the
city pansh of Dillingen was ceded to the biabop in
DILLON
71>7
BIHOLK7
favour of the university with which it was incorpo-
rated. Nevertheless the expenses of the^institutions so
far exceeded their revenues that the existence of the
university became very precarious. Hence it was
several tunes proposed to transfer the university to a
religious order, e. g. the Benedictines or the newly
organized Societas de Fide Jesu. During the scholas-
tic year of 1798-1799, the niunber of students had
dwindled to 109, of whom 51 were theolo^;ians distri-
buted over three courses, 10 were attendmg the lec-
tures on law and 48 those on philosophy. In 1802 the
cathedral chapter of Augsburg and the university
were secularized and became part of Bavaria, whose
elector, by rescript of 3 Nov., 1803, abolished the Uni-
versity of DiUingen. In its stead a dassical gymna-
sium and a lyoeum for philoBOi>hy and theology were
founded for the Swabian District, and these institu-
tions are still in existence.
SracRT. Oem^u^e dsr AawAiQm XhwMnWit DtUtnoen (Frei-
burg. 1002): BuuBNBDRO, IH$ Fntvttu der dniUeken Univeni-
$Men (Lnpa^ 1904).
Earl Hoeber.
Dillon, Arthur-Kichard, a French prelate, b. at
St-Germain-en-Laye, near Paris, 1721 ; a. in London,
1806. The fifth son of Arthur Dfllon, an Irish officer
who. outlawed as a Jacobite, had passed to the service
of France, he was educated for the Church, became
curi of Elan near Mdzi^res ; Vicar-Qeneial of Pontoise,
1747; Bishop of Evreux, 1753: Archbishop of Tou-
louse, 1758; Archbishop of Narbonne and Frimate of
France, 1763. Dillon was a man of broad sympathies
and varied accomplishments. A stanch Catholic, he,
nevertheless, publicly applauded the recognition of
Protestant marriages in the Assembly of Uie Clergy
of 1788, over which he presided. His appointment
to the primatial See of Narbonne made him practically
Viceroy of Languedoc. He won there great popu-
larity not only as bishop but also as promoter ofgreat
public works, such as roads, brid^, canals, harbours,
etc. When the French Revolution broke out, Dillon,
rather than take the constitutional oath, emigrated to
Coblenz with the French nobility, and from Coblenz
went to London, where he was at the time the Con-
cordat was signed. Pope Pius VII having requested
within ten davs the unconditional resignation of all
the French bishops, Dillon with thirteen other prelates
who, like himself, had sought refuge in England, sent
but a wavering and dilatory answer and even mgned
the ''Reclamations canoniques et tr^resnectueuses
address^ & Notre tr^Saint Pdre le Pape^ (London,
1803). Such an attitude was prompted not by a spirit
of schism, but by an excessive attachment to the old
regime and the mistaken Gallican idea that the pope
c«>uld not take a step of that importance without the
deliberation and consent of the French hierarchy.
Aithou^ Dillon consented to communicate his spir-
itual jurisdiction to the ConcordcUaire bishop whose
territory comprised the suppressed primatial See of
Narbonne, nevertheless, by placing himself resolutely
at the head of the Anticonoordataires, he not only
failed in due obedience to the Holy See but also cave
countenance to that incongruous movement which
resulted in the "Petite-Edise".
AuDiBEBT, Le dernier prieident dea Hate du Languedoe (P&ris,
1868); SiCARD, Let Hftqtiee pendant la Mvolution (Puia, 1903);
If ATHiEV. Le concordat de 1801 (Paris, 1003); Drochon, La
PetttO'Sgiiee (Paria, 1004); Manobnot, Aniiconcordaiairee in
I>ieL de tMoL eath.; Auomr in Diet, of Nat. Bum., s. v.
J. F. SOLLIBR.
DimiBSorial Letters (Lat. liiUrtB dimissariaUa,
from dimiUere), letters given bvan ecclesiastical supe-
rior to his subjects to nave enect in territory outside
his jurisdiction. Tlie term is sometimes extended so
as to include testimonial letters, which certify to a
priest's freedom from canonical impediments or to the
fact that a candidate for a religious order has the
requisite qualities, and commendatory letters, which
testify that a travelling ecclesiastic is unexceptionable
as to morals and doctrine, and letters of excorpora-
tion (see Exbat), by which clerics are freed from the
jurisdiction of one diocesan bishop (see Exoardina-
tion) that they may be aflWated to another diocese
Properiy the name '' dimissorial letters " refers to those
given by a bishop or regular prelate to his subjects in
order that they may be ordamed by another bishop.
The pope alone mav concede such dimissorial letters
for tne whole world, but any bishop can give them
to those under his authority, whether they be so by
origin, domicile, or benefice. A bishop, as well as car-
dinikls, can likewise grant them to those who for three
vears have been actually or equivalently members of his
household (famUiares). In the absence of the bishop,
his vicar<general is empowered to grant dimissorial
letters, but not while the bishop is at home, unless he
has received special permission to do so. During the
vacancy of the episcopal see, the vicar capitular can-
not give these letters, unless a year has ebipsed since
the diocese became vacant, except to one who is
obliged to receive orders owin^ to his having acquired
a benefice. After the lapse of a year, the vicar capit-
ular, independent of the chapter, has the ri^^ to
grant dimissorial letters for uie reception of Hoty
orders. If the vicar capitular give the letters illegiti-
mately, the person ordained is not entitled to clerical
privileges, if he be in minor orders; and if in major
orders, he is suspended from the exercise of them until
the future bishop free him from the penalty. Abbots,
even though exempt, cannot grant dimissorial letters
to seculars who are subject to them. When a bishop
grants letters directed to other ordinaries, this {^irase
does not include exempt abbots. Regular prelates
can give letters to thoee religious who live under their
obedience, but such letters must be directed to the
diocesan bishop, unless there be a special privileoe.
In case of the absence of the ordinary bishop, or if ne
does not desire to hold ordinations, reli^ous superiors
may send their subjects to any other bishop. When
regulars live in a monastery ntmius diaceai9f these let-
ters are to be directed to the neighbouring bishop
(yicinior). Religious orders, which have received
such special privilege since the Council of Trent, may
send their subjects for ordination to any CathoUc
bishop whatsoever. As r^rds the citv of Rome,
those who dwell in the city for four months cannot be
ordained outside the city in virtue of dimissorial let-
ters from their ordinary bishops, but they must pre-
sent themselves to the Csjtiinai Vicar of Rome for
ordination. The Roman pontiff can ordain anyone
without letters from his bishop, and the person so
ordained cannot later be promoted to higher orders
without papal licence. Althoudi dimissorial letters
be required for ordainins the subject of one bishop in
another diocese, yet it does seem necessary to obtain
them for the purpose of receiving a benefice in the
other diocese, though it is considered proper and ex-
pedient.
Fbrrarxs. JBiU. Canon, (Rome. 1880). s. v. ordo; Smitb.
Elements of Ecdeaiaatical Law (New York, 1805); Humphrey.
Urbe et Orbia (London, 1800).
WiLUAM H. W. Fannino
Dingloy, Sir Thomas, Venerable, Martyr, prior of
the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, found guilty of
hi^ treason 28 A]ml, 1639, and beheaded on Tbwer
Hul, 9 July, together with the Blessed Sir Adrian
Fortescue. He was accused, together with Robert
Granceter, merchant, of ''going to several foreign
princes and persuading them to make war with the
King". He nad no trial, and no proof of treasonable
Eractioes was ever brought aeunst him. In the same
ill of attainder were induoed nianv other innocent
victims of Henry's tyranny, ineluding Ihe Bleswd
Maigaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury. There ia a dia-
crepanoy among the ohroniclers as to the date of Iha
DiirooTfi
798
DI00E8AK
martyrdom. Stow gives 10 July, the Gray Friars'
''Chronicle" and Wnothesle:^, 9 Julv. For the stoiy
0f the suppression of the Km^ts of St. John in Eng-
land, see Stow, ''Chronicle", pp. 579, 580. The gate-
way tower and the crypt of the church of their great
priory at Clerkenwell are still standing.
Bedb Camm.
Dtnoothy Saint (Dinothus, Dunawd, Dunod),
founder and first Abbot of Bangor Isooed (Flintshire) ;
flourished between 500 and 542. He was orimnally a
North British chieftain driven bjr reverses of fortune
into Wales. In conjunction with his three sons,
Deiniol, Cjmwyl, and Gwarthan, and under the pa-
tronage of CVngen, Prince of Powys, he founded the
monastery of Bcuigor on the Dee, which must not be
confounded with Bangor in Carnarvonshire, founded
by St. Deiniol in 514, and afterwards a cathedral city.
The community at Bangor was very numerous, and the
laus perennis was established there. The Tnads say
there were 2400 monks, who in turn, 100 each hour,
sang the Divine Service day and ni^t. More is
known of this famous monastery than of its founder.
He is mentioned by Bede (Hist. EcoL, ii. 2) in con-
nexion with the second conference at Augustine's Oak,
but no authority is given for the statement, and there
are arguments against its correctness. The Conference
was probably held in 602 or 603, at which time St.
Dinooth would have been far advanced in years, and
the journey from North Wales to the Lower Severn
would have been a difficult one for an aged man. It is
true that delegates from Bangor attended the confer-
ence which was convened by St. Augustine to raise
the moral and spiritual oonchtion of the British derpy ,
to wean them from their old method of computmg
Easter, to which they dung with great tenacity, and
to induce them to co-operate with him in converting
the Anglo-Saxons. The document purporting to be
St. Dinooth 's ^Answer" (printed m Haddan and
Stubbs, Councils of Gt. Britain and Ireland, i, 122) is
the sole ground for connecting his name with this con-
ference; but it is extremelv doubtful whether the
" Answer" has anything to do with this conference at
all. St. Augustine's name is not mentioned in it,
neither is there any allusion to the evangelization of
the English. It contains merely a firm repudiation of
papal authority and an assertion of the supremacy of
''the Bishop of Caerieon upon Usk" over the British
Church. Some time before the supposed date of the
document St. David had transferred the primatial See
of Wales to Menevia. What is more authentic, how-
ever, is the fact that in consequence of the Britidi
delegates' refusal to asree to St. Augustine's proposals
he prophesied their oestruction by the English. In
613, when the monks of Bangor were praying for the
success of their countrymen in battle against Uie army
of Ethelfrid of Northumbria, twelve hundr^ of them
were slain, being mistaken for combatants. The
monastery itself was probably burnt about sixty years
later (Haddan and Stubbs, i, 125), and extensive ruins
remained for several centuries, which are described by
William of Blalmesbury, Camden, and Leland.
RsBS, Lives of Cambro-Britith Saints (Llandovery, 1863);
Hole in Diet, of Christ, Biog., s. v.
G. Ctfbian Alston.
the Romans. He destroyed it complete^, and sold
the inhabitants as slaves. In the following year
Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of Galiiee, rebuilt the town
and dedicated it to Uxe emperor (Ant. Jud., XVIII. ii
1), at which time it must have been called Diocsesarea.
When, m A. D. 66, the great Jewi^ revolt broke out,
the inhabitants would have no share in it, s^it away
their governor, the celebrated historian Flavius
Josephus, and invited Oestius Gallus, Prefect of Syria,
to occupy their town with his troops. About 180 the
Great Sanhedrin left the neigfaoouriitf^ villa^ge of
Shefr Amar and resided at S^phoris tiu it was re-
moved to Tiberias. When (>>unt Joseph, a con-
verted Jew, built a church at Sepphoris (323-37) it
was not yet an episcopal see (St. Epiph., Adversua
haeres., in Migne, P. G., XLI, 409). In 353 the Jews
rebelled again, and the town was destroyed by Em-
peror Gallus (Socrates, Hist, ecd., II, xxxiii; Sozotnen,
Hist, eccl., IV, vii). It was soon rebuilt (Theodoret,
Hist, eccl., IV, xxii). It served as a place of exile for
many bishops and monks during the persecution of
Valens. When Sepphoris became an episcopal see
and suffragan of Scythopolis, is unknown. Onljr two
bishops are known. Maroellinus In 518 and Cyriaeus
in 536 (Lequien, Or. christ.. Ill, 713). Durmg the
Crusades Sepphoris played an important r61e, though
only the necropolis was occupied by a Prankish garri-
son. The spnngs, at half an hour's distance south-
west of the town, were naturally the site where the
Christian armies awaited the coming of the Saracens
from beyond the Jordan; thus King Gnv of Lusignan
encamped there before the battle of Hattin, iniich
caused the loss of Palestine (July, 1187). There also
in April, 1799, Kl^ber and Junot rested their troops
before the battle of Mount Tliabor. To-day Sefou-
rieh, as it is now called, is inhabited by 3000 fanatic
Mussulmans; there are preserved the ruins of the
IMoctturea (1), a titular see in Pakestina Secunda.
Diocflesarea is a later name of the town known to the
RiJ^bis as Sipporij ''the bird", also called Sepphoris
(Gr. Zhr^vpu). Though not mentioned in the Bible,
it was in its time one of the largest towns of Galilee.
Gabinius established there (56 b. c.) one of the Hve
St>vincial sanhedrins (Josephus, Ant. Jud., XIV, v, 4).
erod the Great easily retook it from Antigonus, 39
B. o. (Ant. Jud., XlV, XV, 4). In ▲. d. 3, it was
captured by a rebel, Judas, and his banditti, but was
Mtaken by Aretas, the Aiab King of Petra and ally of
•urporting to be former acropolis, a high tower, two synagogues, the
n Haddan and beautiful church of Sts. Joadiim and Anna, who,
accordingto a medieval tradition, were bom at S^>-
phoris. This church, which has been partly demol-
ished, has three naves and is 115 by 65 feet in dimen-
sions. It belongs to the Franciscans, who say Maas
there from time to time. (See Gu^rin, "Description
de la Palestine: Galilee", Paris, 1880, I, 309-79.)
(2) Another Diocsesarea, the native name of which
was Prakana, site unknown (Ramsay, Asia Minor, 364
and 454), was situated in (^da and a suffragan of
Seleucia. Five Greek bishops are known from 381 to
787 (Lequien, II, 1019); for Succensus, about 433, see
Vailh^., m « Echos d'Onent " aX, 221). Three Latin
titular bishops are known in the fifteenth century
(Lequien, III, 1239; Eubel, II, 160).
(3; Finally, in the fourth century, Nasianxiis was
also called Dioceesarea (Lequien, I, 409).
S. VAILHt.
Diocesan Ohancery, that branch of administration
which handles all written dociunents used in the offi-
cial government of a diocese. It is in the diocesan
chancery that, under the direction of the bishop or his
representative, all documents which concern the dio-
cese are drawn up, copied, forwarded, and a record
kept of all official writings expedited or received. The
official charged with the execution of these duties is
known as the diocesan chancellor. In many dioceses
the chancellor exercises some of the faculties which in
other dioceses are exclusively reserved to the vicar-
general. This happens more frequently in smaller
dioceses, administered directly by the bishop himself,
and in which the vicar-general (often not resident in
the episcopal city) is called on only when tluB bishop is
absent or nindered. In such cases the chancellor is
also the confidential secretary of the bishop. A simi-
lar ^Btem obtains even in many extensive dioceses
which are administered by the bishop with the aid of
one or more vicaro-general and the diocesan chanoeiy .
DX00K8AN
799
DIOOESAtt
There are, however, some large dioceses in which all
matters personally reserved to the bishop are exe-
cuted by nim with the aid of a secretary or chancellor,
usually a priest, while the greater part of the diocesan
administration is handed over to a bod^ of officials
under the direction of the bishop or his vicar-general.
For the correspondence, registration, and care of the
archives, such administrative* bureaux are provided
with a secretariat or chancery. The chancery is a
necessaiy element of administration in every diocese.
Some provision for its duties must be made, even in
missionary dioceses, in ApostoUc prefectures and
vicariates. Unless the official correspondence were
properly cared for, there would be no tradition in dio-
cesan management, important documents would be
lost, and the written evidence necessary in lawsuits
and trials would be lacking. The famous Apostolic
Chancery (CanceUaria Apostolica) developed m time
from the chancery of the primitive Bishop of Rome.
By reason of the latter's primacy in the Church, his
chancery naturally had far wider relations than that
of an^ other Christian diocese.
It is somewhat strange, given the necessity and,
generally speaking, the universality of diocesan chan-
ceries, to nnd that there is nothing in the common
ecclesiastical law concerning their creation and eqwi>-
ment. The explanation lies in the very nature of this
law, which provides only for what is general and com-
mon, and takes no account of local means of adminis-
tration which it abandons to the proper authority in
each diocese, the concrete circumstances offering
always great variety and calling for all possible free-
dom of action. Nor has the ApostoUc See ever legis-
lated concerning diocesan chanceries: even the ap-
pointment of a vicar-general is not made obligatory by
the common law. Althoujgh, as above described, the
methods of diocesan administration exhibit no little
variety, there exists on the other hand a certain uni-
formity. Each diocese, after all, is bound to observe
the common law, has an identical range of freedom,
and identical limits to its authority. Each diocese,
therefore, ia likely, a priori, to develop its administra-
tion along similar Imes, but does so regularly in
harmony with others, particularly neighbouring dio-
ceses. In this way the dioceses of a given country
come to have similar official administration. In the
course of the last century the diocesan system was
generally introduced in many countries whose churches
had hitherto been under a more or less provisional
Rovemment (e. g. United States, England, Scotland,
JLQdia). NaturaSy, the bishops of these new dioceses
sought at once to provide for an orderly administra-
tion and the establishment of suitable methods for the
same. Thus we see that the more recent national and
provincial synods lay much stress on the creation of
diocesan chanceries. The First Plenary Council of
Baltimore (1852) expressed the wish wat in eveiy
diocese there should be a chancery, to facilitate eccle-
siastical administration and establish for its conduct a
more or less identical system. The National Synod of
Thurles in Ireland (1850) made provision for the es-
tablishment and preservation ot diocesan archives.
Similarly for England the Provincial Synod of West-
minster (1852).
In keeping with these recommendations the dio-
cesan chancery consists of a certain number of officials
named by the bishop. In the United States, England,
and Australia there are usually, besides the vicar-
general, a diocesan chancellor and a secretary. In
European dioceses the chancery is organized vanously,
according to the extent of the diocese. There is gen-
erally in each diocese a chancellor or secretary with
the necessary personnel. In the dioceses of Germany
much of the administration is carried on by an official
bureau (Offiziaiat) as described above, i. e. the vicari-
ate-general, to which are adjoined a secretariat, a
registry office, and a chancery. In the Diocese of
Breslau there exists an institution known as the
"Secret Chancery" (Geheimkanzlei) which expedites
only matters decided by the prince-bishop personally
or with the advice of this body. The prince-bishop
presides over its sessions with the help of the vicar-
general. Its members are three priests and one lay
counsellor to whom are added a secretary, a chief of
the chancery, two private secretaries, a registrar, etc.
The ordinary diocesan administration is carried on by
two other bureaux, the vicariate-general and the dio-
cesan consistory, mutually independent, but both act-
ing in the name of the prince-bishop. For the office
of diocesan chancellor in the United States, see "Acta
et Decreta" of the Third Plenary Council of Balti-
more, in index, p. 303, and of the Synod of Maynooth
(1900), s. v. "Archiva". (See also Vicar-General;
Archives, EkicLESiASTiCAL.)
LXmmer, Inatituiiontn dejt kaihniucKcn A'lWAmtecAW, 2d *d*
(Freibura:, 1892); BAAirr, Lfioal Farmultyiy,^ ed. (New York*
1899); Meister, Dna BrumtmreeM der Ersiiiflieat Frtiburo
(Stuttgart, 1904); M' i.i.e:k, Dif hiAch^fii£h^ Di6ti!aa7sb<hdFdeTi,
insbesondere daa hi^rhfj^Hcht^ Ordinariai fStuttfsart, 1005);
FouRNiER, Lea opirifiliHa en* moa^i-iiffr, ^tti, (P»Hh, ISSO):
Kreutzwald in Kirchmhz., H. V. Oiftciat/it, IX 781-83; Andha
Wagner, IHct. de droii canon tPnris, 1901), 3(J ad., b. v. O^dal,
Joseph Laurentius.
IX
"AY
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