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Full text of "The Catholic encyclopedia; an international work of reference on the constitution, doctrine, discipline, and history of the Catholic Church"

The Catholic Encyclopedia 



VOLUME EIGHT 
Infamy— Lapparent 




Tyi>o'jraiure G(»n>il of t'ttris. Frm 



.11 Lll .- II 
ii.\riiAi:i., riTTi rALAcic, fi.o hence 



THE CATHOLIC 
ENCYCLOPEDIA 



AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE 

ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE, 

DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE 

CATHOLIC CHURCH 



EDITED BY 

CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, Ph.D., LL.D. 

EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D. CONDE B. FALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D. 

THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D. JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J. 

ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS 



FIFTEEN VOLUMES AND INDEX 
VOLUME Mil 



SPECIAL EDITION 

UNDER THE AUSPICES OF 

THE KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS CATHOLIC TRUTH COMMITTEE 




■flew ^or\i 
THE ENCYCLOPEDL\ PRESS, INC. 



Nihil Obstat, June 1, 1910 
REMY LAFORT, S.T.D. 



Imprimatur 

•tJOHN CARDINAL FARLEY 



ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORt 



Copyright, WIG 
By Robert Appleton Company 

Copijright, 1913 
By the encyclopedia PRESS, INC. 

The articles in this work have been written specially for The Catholic 
Encyclopedia and are protected by copyright. All rights, includ- 
ing the right of translation and reproduction, are reserved. 




Contributors to the Eighth Volume 



ABEL, FELIX M., O.P., S.T.L., Licentiate of 
Holt Scripture, Professor of Biblical, 
Oriental, and Coptic Arch.eologt, Convent 
of St-Etienne, Jerusalem: Jericho; Jordan, 
The; Josaphat, Valley of; Judea. 

\HERN, MICHAEL JOSEPH, S.J., Innsbruck, 
Austria: Innsljruck University. 

AIIvEN, CHARLES F., S.T.D., Professor op 
Apologetics, Catholic University of Amer- 
ica, Washington: Jainism. 

ALBERS, p., S.J., Maastricht, Holland: Lamber- 
tus, Saint. 

ALBERT, F. X., Ph.D., Professor op Sacred 
Scripture, St. Joseph's Seminaky, Dun- 
woodie. New York: Laban. 

ALDASY, ANTAL, Ph.D., Archivist op the Na- 
tional Museum, Budapest: Ipolyi, Arnold; 
Kalocsa-Bacs, Archdiocese of; Kisfaludy, Sandor. 

ALSTON, G. CYPRIAN, O.S.B., Downside Abbey, 
Bath, Engl.\nd: Itinerariuin; Jubilate Sunday; 
Judica Sunday; Jumieges, Benedictine Abbey 
of; Lsetare Sunday. 

.AMADO, RAMON RUIZ, S.J., LL.D., Ph.L., Ma- 
drid: Isabella I (The Catholic). 

ARENDZEN, J. P., Ph.D., S.T.D., M.A. (Cantab.), 
Professor of Sacred Scripture, St. Edmund's 
College, Wake, Engl.\nd: Isaac of Nineveh. 

ATTERIDGE, ANDREW HILLIARD, London: 
Irish (In South Africa). 

BAGSHAW, EDWARD G., Archbishop of Seleu- 
ciA, HouNSLow, England: Joseph, Sisters of 
Saint, of Peace. 

BALETTE, JUSTIN, Missionary Apostolic, Tokio, 
Japan: Japan (Area and Popidatiou; Laws Con- 
cerning Religion and Schools). 

BANCKAERT, JULIAN, S.J., Prefect Apostolic 
OF Kwango, Belgian Congo: Kwango, Prefec- 
ture Apostolic of. 

BAUMGARTEN, PAUL MARIA, J.U.D., S.T.D., 
Domestic Prelate, Rome: Institutes, Roman 
Historical; Internuncio. 

BAUR, CHRYSOSTOM, O.S.B., Ph.D. (Louvain), 
Sant' Anselmo, Rome: John Chrysostom, Saint. 

BECHTEL, F., S.J., Professor op Hebrew and 
Sacred Scripture, St. Louis University, St. 
Louis, Missouri: Itineraria; Judaizers; Kings, 
First and Second Books of; Klee, Heinrich. 

BELLOC, HILAIRE, M.P., London: Land-Tenure 
in the Christian Era. 



BENIGNI, UMBERTO, Professor of Ecclesias- 
tical History, Pont. Collegio Urbano di 
Propaganda, Rome: Intendencia Oriental and 
Llanos de San Martin, Vicariate Apostolic of; 
Ischia, Diocese of; Isernia and Venafro, Diocese 
of; Italo-Greeks; Ivrea, Diocese of; Jesi, Diocese 
of; Lacedonia, Diocese of; Lambruschini, Luigi, 
Giambattista, and Raffaele; Lanciano and Or- 
tona. Archdiocese of. 

BERTRIN, GEORGES, Litt.D., Fellow op the 
University, Professor of French Litera- 
ture, Institut Catholique, Paris: La Bruyere, 
Jean de; Lamartine, Alphonse de. 

BIHL, MICHAEL, O.F.M., Lector of Ecclesiasti- 
cal History, Collegio San Bonaventura, 
Quaracchi, Florence: Isabel of France, 
Blessed; Julian of Speyer; Ladislaus, Saint. 

BIRT, HENRY NORBERT, O.S.B., London: Lan- 

franc. Archbishop of Canterbury. 

BLOTZER, JOSEPH, S.J., Munich: Inquisition. 

BOTTERO, H. M., Bishop of Kumbakonam, India: 
Kumbakonam, Diocese of. 

BOUDINHON, AUGUST-MARIE, S.T.D., D.C.L., 
Director, " Canonists Contemporain ", Pro- 
fessor OF Canon Law, Institut Catholique, 
Paris: Infidels; In Partibus Infidelium; In 
Petto; Interdict; Inventory of Church Property; 
Laicization; Laity. 

BOYLE, PATRICK, CM., Superior of the Irish 
College, Paris: Irish Colleges on the Continent. 

BREEN, MICHAEL JOSEPH, Quin, Ireland: 
Killaloe, Diocese of. 

BREHIER, LOUIS-RENE, Professor op Ancient 
AND Medieval History, University of 
Clermont-Ferrand, Poy-de-Dome, France: 
Jacques de Vitry; Jerusalem (III. The Latin 
lungdom); Joinville, Jean, Sire de. 

BROWN, CHARLES FRANCIS WEMYSS, Loch- 
TON Ca.stle, Perthshire, Scotland: John 
Buckley, Venerable; John Rochester, Blessed; 
John the .\lmsgiver. Saint; Jones, Edward, Ven- 
erable; Keewatin. 

BURTON, EDWIN, S.T.D., F.R. Hist. Soc, Vice- 
President, St. Edmund's College, Ware, 
England: Islip, Simon; Jaenbert; Jenks, Syl- 
vester; Jocelin de Brakelond; Jocelin of Wells; 
John of Cornwall; Joseph of Exeter; Justus, Saint; 
Kemp, John; Kilwardby, Robert; Knighton, 
Henry; Langham, Simon. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



CAMBIER, EMERI, Prefect Apostolic. Upper 
Kassai, Belgian Congo: ICassai, Prefecture 
Apostolic of Upper. 

CAMERLYNCK, ACHILLE, S.T.D., Member op 

THE "SOCIETE BELGE DE SoCIOLOGIe", PRO- 
FESSOR OF Sacred Scripture and Sociologt, 
Episcopal Seminary, Bruges, Belgium: James, 
Epistle of Saint; James the Greater, Saint; James 
the Less, Saint; Jude, Epistle of Saint. 

CAMPBELL, THOMAS J., S.J., Brooklyn College, 
Brooklyn, New York: Jogues, Isaac; Lalemant, 
Charles, Gabriel, and Jerome. 



DeLACY, WILLIAM HENRY, Judge of the 
Juvenile Court, Associate Professor op 
Common Law, Catholic University of Amer- 
ica, Washington : Juvenile Courts. 

DELAMARRE, LOUIS N., Ph.D., Instructor in 
French, College of the City of New York: 
Jasmin, Jacques; Joubert, Joseph; La Fontaine, 
Jean de; La Harpe, Jean-Francois; La Mori- 
ciere, Louis-Christophe-L^on-Juchault de; Lap- 
parent, Albert-Auguste de. 

DELANY, JOSEPH, S.T.D., New York: Infamy; 
Injustice; Intention; Jealousy. 



CAPES, FLORENCE MARY, London: Jeanne of DEMAIN, HENRY R., S.J., St. John Berchmans's 
Valois, Saint; Joanna of Portugal, Blessed. College, Louvain: John Berchmans, Saint. 

CARDAUNS, HERMANN, Bonn: Jorg, Joseph Ed- dE VILLE, JOHN, M.A., Ph.B., Walston, Penn- 



mund. 

CLUGNET, JOSEPH-LfiON-TIBURCE, Litt.L., 
Paris: John I, Saint, Pope; John CUmacus, 
Saint; Julian and Basilissa, Saints. 

COFFEY, PETER, Ph.D., S.T.L., Professor of 
Philosophy, St. Patrick's College, May- 
nooth, Ireland: John of Salisbury. 

COLEMAN, CARYL, B.A., Pelham Manor, New 

York: Ivory. 
COLLINS, Mgr. CHARLES W., Kennebunkport, 

Maine: Kavanagh, Edward. 

CONDON, PETER, New York: Irish (In the 
United States) ; Knownothingism. 

CONSTANTIUS, BROTHER, M.A., Ph.D., LL.D., 
Member of the Am. Mathematical Society, 
Member of the Circolo Matematico di Pal- 
ermo, Professor of Philosophy and Phil- 
osophy of History and Literature, Chris- 
tian Brothers' College, St. Louis, Missouri: 
John Baptist de la Salle, Saint. 

CRIVELLI, CAMILLUS, S.J., Professor of Gen- 
eral History, Instituto CientIfico, City of 
Mexico: Ixtlilxochitl, Fernando de Alba. 

CUNNINGHAM, JOSEPH ANDREW, Chaplain, 
First Peshawar Division, Peshawar, India: 
Kafiristan and Kashmir, Prefecture Apostolic of. 

CUTHBERT, FATHER, O.S.F.C, Crawley, Sus- 
sex, England: John Capistran, Saint; John 
Joseph of the Cross, Saint; Joseph of Leonessa, 
Saint. 

D'ALTON, E. A., LL.D., M.R.I.A., Athenry, Ire- 
land: Ireland. 

DEBUCHY, PAUL, S.J., Litt.L., Enghien, Bel- 
gium: Judde, Claude. 

DEGERT, ANTOINE, Litt.D.; Editor, "La Revue 
de la Gascoigne", Professor op Latin Lit- 
erature, InstitittCatholique, Toulouse : John 
Parvus; Kramer, John; Lamennais, F^licit^- 
Robert de and Jcan-Marie-Robert de. 



sylvania: Italians in the United States. 

DEVINE, E. J., S.J., Editor, "Canadian Messen- 
ger", Montreal, Canada: Irish (In Canada). 

DEVITT, E. J., S.J., Professor op Psychology, 
Georgetown University, Washington: Lalor, 
Teresa. 

DONOVAN, JUSTIN FOLEY, M.D., M.Ch., Port 
Health Officer, Port Royal, Jamaica: Ja- 
maica. 

DONOVAN, STEPHEN M., O.F.M., Washington: 
KnoU, Albert. 

DRISCOLL, JAMES F., S.T.D., New York: Jans- 
sens, Johann Hermann; Jehu; Jcphte; Jeroboam 
(2); Jczabcl; Joab; Jonas; Jonathan (4); Josa- 
phat. King of Juda; Juda; Judas Machabeus; 
Lamb, Paschal; Lamuel; Lamy, Bernard. 

DRUM, WALTER, S.J., Professor of Hebrew 
AND Sacred Scripture, Woodstock College, 
Maryland: John, Epistles of Saint; Josue (8); 
Judges, Book of; La Haye, Jean de (Jesuit); 
Lainez, James. 

DRUMMOND, LEWIS, S.J., Associate Editor, 
"America", New York: Lac, Stanislas du. 

DUBRAY, CHARLES A., S.M., S.T.B., Ph.D., Pro- 
fessor of Philosophy, Marist College, Wash- 
ington: Jacotot, Joseph; JoufTroy, Jean de; 
Knowledge; Laforet, Nicholas-Joseph. 

DUNN, JOSEPH, Ph.D., Professor op Celtic 
Language and Literature, Catholic Uni- 
versity of America, Washington: Kclls, Book 
of. 

DURAND, ALFRED, S.J., Professor of Scrip- 
ture and Eastern Languages, Ore Place, 
Hastings, England: Inspiration of the Bible. 

FANNING, WILLIAM H. W., S.J., Professor op 
Church History and Canon Law, St. Louis 
University, St. Louis, Missouri: Intrusion; 
Irregularity; Irremovability. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



FAULHABER, MICHAEL, Professor of Old 
Testa-ment Exegesis, University of Stras- 
burg: Jeremias (The Prophet); Joel. 

FAYEN, ARNOLD. Ph.D., Litt.D., Member of 
THE Belgian Historical Institute, Rome: 
Lambert Le Begue. 

FENLON, JOHN F., S.S., S.T.D., President, St. 
Austin's College, Washington; Professor 
of Sacred ScRiPTtrRE, St. M.vry's Semin.\hy, 
Baltimore: Lamy, Thomas Joseph. 

FISHER, J. H., S.J., Woodstock College, M.\ry- 
land: Jouin, Louis; Keller, Jacob. 

FLAHERTY, MATTHEW J., M.A. (H.a.rv.\rd), 
Concord, Massachusetts: Kavanagh, Julia. 

FONCK, LEOPOLD, S.J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Presi- 
dent op the Biblical Institute, Professor 
of Theology, Gregorian University, Rome: 
John, Gospel of Saint; John the Evangelist, 
Saint. 

FORD, JEREMIAH D. M., M.A., Ph.D., Professor 
OF French and Spanish, Harvard Univer- 
sity', Cambridge, Massachusetts: Jauregui, 
Juan de; Jovellanos, Caspar Melchor de. 

FORGET, JACQUES, Professor of Dogmatic 
Theology and the Sy'riac and Arabic Lan- 
guages, University of Louv.un: Jansenius 
and Jansenism. 

FORTESCUE, ADRIAN, Ph.D., S.T.D., Letch- 
worth, Hertfordshire, England: Introit; Isi- 
dore of Thessalonica; IteMissaEst; Jerusalem (II. 
From A.D. 71 to A.D. 1099; IV. From the End 
of the Latin Kingiiom to the Present time); 
Jerusalem, Liturgy of; John of Antioch (4); John 
Scholasticus; John Talaia; John the Faster; 
Julius Africanus; Justinian I; KjTie Eleison. 

FOX, WILLIAM, B.S., M.E., Associate Professor 
of Physics, College of the City of New 
York: Jolly, Philipp Johann Gustav von; Jouf- 
fro}', Claude-Fran(;'ois-Dorothee de; Kreil, Karl; 
Lament, Johann von. 

FRANZ, HERMANN, Ph.D., K.«lsruhe, Ger- 
many: Joseph II (German Emperor). 

FUENTES, VENTURA, B.A., M.D., Instructor, 
College of the City op New York: Lafuente 
y Zamalloa, Modesto. 

GARDNER, EDMUND GARRETT, M.A. (Cam- 
bridge), London: Italian Literature; Joachim 
of Flora; Juliana of Norwich. 

GHELLINCK, JOSEPH de. Professor of P.\trol- 
OGY AND Theological Literature op the 
Middle Ages, University of Louvajn: Ivo of 
Chartres, Saint. 

GIETM.ANN, GERARD, S.J., Teacher op Classi- 
cal Languages .\nd ^^Ssthetics, St. Ign.\tius 
College, Valkenburg, Holl.^nd: Knabl, 
Joseph; Krafft, Adam; Lanzi, Luigi. 



GIGOT, FRANCIS E., S.T.D., Professor of Sacred 
Scripture, St. Joseph's Semin.\.ry, Dun- 
wooDiE, New York: Introduction, Biblical; 
Isaac; Ismael; Israelites; Issachar; Jacob; James 
of Edessa; Jason (4); Jews and Judaism; Joseph; 
Joseph of Arimathea; Josias; Justiniani, Benedict; 
Kabbala. 

GILLET, LUIS, Paris: Ingres, Jean-Auguste- 
Dominique; Jouvenet, Jean; Juste. 

GLASS, JOSEPH S., CM., S.T.D., President, St. 
Vincent's College, Los .\ngeles, California: 
Jean-Gabriel Perboyre, Blessed. 

GODRYCZ, JOHN, S.T.D., Ph.D., J.U.D., Shenan- 
do.vh, Pen.vsylvani.\: John Cantius, Saint. 

GOYAU, GEORGES, Associ.4.te Editor, "Revue 
DEs Deux Mondes", P.vris: Joyeuse, Henri, 
Due de; Ketteler, William Emmanuel, Baron von; 
Lamoignon, Family of; Langres, Diocese of. 

GRATTAN-FLOOD, W. H., M.R.I.A., Mus.D., 
Rosemount, Enniscortht, Ireland: Ita, 
Saint; Jarlath, Saint; Kieran, Saints. 

GREY, J. C, New York: Kandy, Diocese of. 

GURDON, EDMUND, O.C.vrt., Barcelona, Sp.un: 
Lanspergius (John Justus of Landsberg). 

HAGEN, JOHN G., S.J., Vatican Observ.\tory, 
Rome: Laplace, Pierre-Simon. 

HANDLEY, MARIE LOUISE, New York: Kes- 

sels, Matthias. 
HANLEY, JOHN A., C. SS. R., Quebec, Canada: 

Konings, Anthony. 
HARTIG, OTTO, Assistant Librarian of the 

RoY'AL LiBR.\RY, MuNicH: John of Montecor- 

vino. 

HASSETT, Mgr. MAURICE M., S.T.D., H.arris- 
BURG, Pennsylvania: Labarmn; Lamb, The. in 
Early Christian SjTnbolism; Lamps, Early Chris- 
tian. 

HEALY, JOHN, S.T.D., LL.D., M.R.I.A., Arch- 
bishop OP Tuam: lona, School of; Kells, School 
of; Kildare, School of; Killala, Diocese of. 

HEALY, PATRICK J., S.T.D., Assist.vnt Profes- 
sor OF Chitrch Hlstory', C.\tholic L^niversitt 
of America, Washington: Jovinianus; Julian 
of Eclanum; Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Fir- 
mianus. 

HEARN, EDWARD L., New York: Knights of 
Columbus. 

HOEBER, KARL, PhD., Editor, "Volkszeitung", 
.AND "Akademische Mon.\tsblatter", Co- 
logne: Ingolstadt, University of; Josephus 
Flavius; Jouvaney, Joseph de; Jo\-ianus, Fla%-ius 
Claudius; Julian the Apostate; Kaufmann, .Alex- 
ander and Leopold; Kellner, Lorenz. 

HONTHEIM, JOSEPH, S.J., Professor of Dog- 
matic Theology, St. Ign.a.tius College, Valjs- 
enburg, Holland: Job. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



HUDLESTON, GILBERT ROGER, O.S.B., Down- KIRSCH, JOHANN PETER, S.T.D., Domestic 



SIDE Abbey, Bath, England: 
Blessed; Kingisel (2). 



John Fisher, 



HULL ERNEST R., S.J., Editor, "The Exam- 
iner", Bombay, India: Lahore, Diocese of. 

HUNTER-BLAIR, D.O., Bart., O.S.B., M.A., Fort 
Augustus Abbey, Scotland: Ingulf, Abbot of 
Croyland; Jedburg; Jocelin; Kennedy, James; 
Kentigern, Saint; Kilwinning; Kinloss; Kirkwall; 
Knox, John; Kremsmiinster. 

HUONDER, ANTHONY, S.J., Editor, "Katho- 
lische Missionen", Bellevue, Luxemburg, 
Luxemburg: Jarric, Pierre du; Jeningen, Philip, 
Venerable; Kino, Eusebius; Kogler, Ignaz; Kon- 
sag, Ferdinand. 

HYDE, DOUGLAS, LL.D., Litt.D., M.R.I.A., 
Frenchpark, Co. Roscommon, Ireland: Irish 
Literature. 

HYVERNAT, HENRY, S.T.D., Professor of 
Semitic Languages and Biblical Arch.eol- 
ogy, Washington: James of Sarugh; John of 
Ephesus; John of Malalas; Jolm of Nikiu. 

JENNINGS, BRENDAN, O.F.M., S.T.B., Profes- 
sor OF Theology, St. Isidore's College, 
Rome: Jolin of Rupella. 

JONES, ARTHUR EDWARD, S.J., Corresponding 
Member of the Minnesota, Ontario, and 
Chicago Historical Societies; Hon. Member 
OF THE Missouri Historical Society; Member 
OF the International Congress of Ameri- 
canists; Archivist of St. Mary's College, 
Montreal: Lagren^, Pierre. 

JOUVE, ODORIC-M., O.F.M., Candiac, Canada: 
Jamay, Denis. 

JOYCE, GEORGE HAYWARD, S.J., M.A. (Oxon.), 
St. Beuno's College, St. Asaph, Wales: Keys, 
Power of the. 

KAUFMANN, KARL MARIA, Editor, "For- 
schungen zur monu.ment. Th. und verglei- 
chenden Rel.-Wiss.", Frankfort-on-the- 
Main: Inscriptions, Early Christian. 

KEILEY, JARVIS, M.A., Grantwood, New Jer- 
sey: Joliet, Louis; Keen, Miles Gerald. 

KELLY, BLANCHE M., New York: Ippolito Ga- 
lantini, Bles.sed. 

KENNEDY, JOHN W., Dunedin, New Zealand: 
Jennings, Sir Patrick Alfred. 

KENNEDY, THOMAS, B.A. (R.U.I.), London: 
John Colombini, Blessed; John of Fecamp. 

KENT, W. H., O.S.C, Bayswater, London: Judas 
Iscariot; Langton, Stephen. 

KERN AN, THOMAS P., B.A., Utica, New York: 
Kernan, Francis. 



Prelate, Professor of Patrology and Chris- 
tian Arch.eology, University of Fribourg: 
Infessura, Stefano; Innocent I, Pope; Innocen- 
tius. Saints; Joan, Popess; John X, John XI, 
John XII, John XIII, John XIV, John XV, 
Popes; John XVI, Antipope; John XVII, John 
XVIII, John XIX, John XXI, John XXII, 
Popes; John XXIII, Antipope; John and Paul, 
Saints; John Nepomucene, Saint; John the Dea- 
con; Juliana, Saint; Juliana Falconieri, Saint; 
Julius I, Saint, Pope; Jungraann, Bernard; Ka- 
lend Brethren. 

KLAAR, KARL, Government Archivist, Inns- 
bruck, Austria: Jungmann, Josef. 

KRMPOTiC, M. D., Kansas City, Kansas: Karin- 
thia; Krain. 

LABOURT, JEROME, S.T.D., Litt.D., Member of 
THE Asiatic Society of Paris, Paris: Isaac of 
Selcucia. 

LANGOUET, a., O.M.I., Kimberley, South Africa: 
Kimberley in Orange, Vicariate Apostolic of. 

LAUCHERT, FRIEDRICH, Ph.D., Aachen: Jan- 
ner, Ferdinand; Kilian, Saint; Kraus, Franz 
Xaver; Kuhn, Johannes von. 

LEBRETON, JULES, S.J., Litt.D. (Sorbonne), 
Professor of the History of Christian 
Origins, Institut Catholique, Paris: Justin 
Martyr, Saint. 

LECLERCQ, HENRI, O.S.B., London: Invitator- 
ium; Isidore of Pelusium, Saint. 

LEJAY, PAUL, Fellow of the University of 
France, Professor, Institut Catholique, 
Paris: John of Haute ville; Juvencus, C. Vettius 
Aquilinus; La;tus, Pomponius; Lambin, Denis. 

LIGNEUL, FRANgOIS, Tokio, Japan: Japan, 
Christianity in. 

LIMBROCK, EBERHARD, S.V.D., Prefect Apos- 
tolic, German New Guinea: Kaiserwilhclms- 
land. Prefecture Apostolic of. 

LINDSAY, LIONEL ST. GEORGE, B.Sc, Ph.D., 
Editor-in-Chief, "La Nouvelle France", 
Quebec: Lafitau, Joseph-Francois; Lafleche, 
Louis; Lamberville, Jacques de and Jean de. 

LINEHAN, PAUL H., B.A., Instructor, College 
OF THE City of New York: Inghirami, Gio- 
vanni; La Hire, Philippe de. 

LINS, JOSEPH, Freiburg, Germany: Kiiniggratz, 
Diocese of; Laibach, Diocese of. 

LOFFLER, KLEMENS, Ph.D., Librarian, Uni- 
versity OF Breslau: Investitures, Conflict of; 
Laniormaini, Wilhelm; Langen, Rudolph von. 

LORTIE, JOSEPH FRANCIS ALBERT, O.M.I., 
B.L., B.Sc, B.A., Professor of English Lit- 
erature AND Rhetoric, St. Patrick's Col- 
lege, Jaffna, Ceylon: Jaffna, Diocese of. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



LOUGHLIN, Mgr. JAMES F., S.T.D., Philadel- 
phia: Infralapsarians. 

LOYOLA, MOTHER MARY, St. Mary's Convent, 
York, England: Institute of Mary. 

MAAS, A. J., S.J., Rector, Woodstock College, 
Maryland: Jehovah; Jesus Christ; Kenosis; 
Knowledge of Jesus Christ; Labbe, Philippe. 

MacAULEY, PATRICK J., Belfast, Irel.\nd: 
Jeremias (8); John of Beverley, Saint; Kimber- 
ley (Australia), Vicariate Apostolic of; Konig, 
Joseph; Langley, Richard; Laos, Vicariate Apos- 
tolic of. 

McCLOSKEY, JAMES P., Iloilo, Philippine Is- 
lands: Jaro, Diocese of. 

MacERLEAN, ANDREW A., New York: Ives, 
Saint; Knight, William, Venerable. 

McHUGH, JOHN AMBROSE, O.P., S.T.L., Lec- 
tor of Philosophy, Dominican House of 
Studies, Washington: James of Brescia; Judg- 
ment, Divine. 

MacNEILL, CHARLES, Dublin: Irish Confessors 
and Martyrs; Kenraghty, Maurice. 

MAHER, MICHAEL, S.J., Litt.D., M.A. (London), 
Director of Studies and Professor of Peda- 
gogics, Stonyhurst College, Blackburn, 
England: Intellect; Interest. 

MANN, HORACE K., Headmaster, St. Cuthbert's 
Grammar School, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Eng- 
land: John II, John III, John IV, John V, John 
VI, John VII, John VIII, John IX, Popes; 
Lando, Pope. 

MARIQUE, PIERRE JOSEPH, Instructor in 
French, College of the City- of New York: 
Kervyn de Lettenhove, Joscph-Marie-Bruno- 
Constantin; La Fayette, Marie-Madeleine-Pioche 
de La Vergne. 

MARKEVYC, JOSAPHAT J., C.S.B., Innsbruck, 
Austria: Josaphat KuncevyS, Saint. 

MARY de SALES, SISTER, M.H.S.H., Baltimore, 
Maryland: Institute of Mission Helpers of the 
Sacred Heart. 

MARY GERTRUDE, SISTER, Loretto College, 
Dublin: Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
Irish. 

MEEHAN, ANDREW B., S.T.D., J.U.D., Profes- 
sor of Canon Law and Liturgy, St. Ber- 
nard's Seminary, Rochester, New York: 
Inquisition, Canonical; Jus Spolii. 

MEEHAN, JOSEPH, C.C, Mullagh, Co. C.ivan, 
Ireland: Kilmore, Diocese of. 

MEEHAN, THOMAS F., New York: Irene, Sister; 
Irish (In Australia; In South America) ; Ives, Levi 
Silliman; Johnston, Richard Malcolm; Kansas 
City, Diocese of; Keyes, Erasmus Darwin; Kohl- 
mann, Anthony; Kosciuszko; La Crosse, Diocese 
of. 



MEISTERMANN, BARN\BAS, O.S.F., Lector, 
Convent of S. Salvator, Jerusale.m: Jerusa- 
lem (I. Before a. d. 71). 

MERSHMAN, FRANCIS, O.S.B., S.T.D., Profes- 
sor op Moral Theology, Canon Law, and 
Liturgy, St. John's University", College- 
ville, Minnesota: Innocent II, Pope; Jerome 
Emiliani, Saint; John Baptist de Rossi, Saint; 
John Cornelius and Companions, Venerables; 
John of Sahagun, Saint; John Sarkander; John 
the Silent, Saint; Joseph Calasanctius, Saint; 
Joseph of Cupertino, Saint; Juliana of Liege, 
Saint. 

MONTANAR, VALENTINE HILARY, Mission- 
ary Apostolic, New York: Kan-su, Prefecture 
Apostolic of Southern; Kan-su, Vicariate Apos- 
tolic of Northern; Kiang-nan, Vicariate Apos- 
tolic of; Kiang-si, Vicariates Apostolic of Eastern, 
Northern, and Southern; Kwang-si, Prefecture 
Apostolic of; Kwang-tung, Prefecture Apostolic 
of; Kwei-chou, Vicariate Apostolic of. 

MOONEY, JAMES, United States Ethnologist, 
Bureau of American Ethnology-, Washing- 
ton: Iroquois; Isletta Pueblo; Jemez Pueblo; 
Jibaro Indians; Kalisjiel Indians; Kaskaskia In- 
dians; Kickapoo Indians; Kiowa Indians; Ku- 
tenai Indians; Lake Indians. 

MULLANY, JOHN I., Dubuque, Iowa: Iowa. 

MULLER, ADOLF, S.J., Director op the Private 
Astronomical Observatory on the Janicu- 
LUM, Professor op Astronomy, Gregorian 
University, Rome: Joannes de Sacrobosco; 
ICircher, Athanasius. 

OBRECHT, EDMOND M., O.C.R., Abbot of Geth- 
semani Abbey', Kentucky': Janauschek, Leo- 
pold; Langheim. 

O'CONNOR, DENIS, Kill.vrney, Ireland: Kerry 
and Aghadoe, Diocese of. 

O'CONNOR, D. MONCRIEFF, Manchester, Eng- 
l.ind: Irish (In Great Britain). 

O'CONNOR, JOHN B., O.P., St. Dominic's Priory, 
San Francisco, California: Isidore of Seville, 
Saint; John Damascene, Saint. 

O'DANIEL, VICTOR F., O.P., S.T.M., Professor 
OF Dogmatic Theology, Dominican House of 
Studies, Washington: John of Genoa; John of 
Montesono; John of Paris; John of Saint Thomas. 

O'LEARY, EDWARD, M.R.I.A., Portarlington, 
Ireland: Kildare and Lcighlin, Diocese of. 

OLIGER, LIVARIUS, O.F.M., Lector of Church 
History', Collegio S. Antonio, Rome: Jaco- 
pone da Todi ; James of the Marches, Saint ; John 
of Parma, Blessed. 

O'RIORDAN, Mgr. MICHAEL, Ph.D., S.T.D., 
D.C.L., Rector of the Irish College, Rome: 
Irish College, in Rome. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 

O'SHEA, JOHN J., Editor-in-Chief, "Standard QUINN, STANLEY J., New York- Ingworth. Rich- 
AND Times", Philadelphia: Kenrick, Francis ard of; Kcnia, Vicariate Apostolic of; Kingston, 

Patrick and Peter Richard. Archdiocese of. 



OTT, MICHAEL, O.S.B., Ph.D., Propessoh of the 
History of Philosophy, St. John's Univer- 
sity, CoLLEGEViLLE, MINNESOTA: Innocent III, 
Innocent IV, Innocent VII, Innocent X, Inno- 
cent XI, Innocent XII, Innocent XIII, Popes, 
Intercession, Episcopal; Irnerius; Isidore the 
Labourer, Saint; Jacob of Jtiterbogk; Jacobus de 
Teramo; Jacopo de Voragine; John of Segovia; 
Jordanus of Giano; Joseph's, Saint, Society for 
Coloured Missions; Joseph's, Saint, Society for 
Foreign Missions; Julius II, Julius III, Popes; 
Justin de Jacobis, Blessed; Kaunitz, Wenzel 
Anton; Kehrein, Joseph; Knoblecher, Ignatius; 
Kreiten, William; La Chaise, Francois d'Aix de; 
Lambert of Hersfeld; Lamy, Francois; Lang, 
Matthew. 

OTTEN, SUSAN TRACY, Pittsbtog, Pennsyi^ 
vania: Jean-Baptist-Marie Vianney, Blessed. 

OUSSANI, GABRIEL, Ph.D., Professor of Ec- 
clesiastical History, Early Christian Lit- 
erature AND Biblical Archeology, St. 
Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie, New York: 
Islam; Jubilee, Year of (Hebrew); Jubilees, Book 
of; Koran. 

PAUL JOSEPH, BROTHER, F.S.C., Lambecq- 
les-Hal, Belgium: Institute of the Brothers of 
the Christian Schools. 

PERNIN, RAPHAEL, O.S.F.S., Albano-Laziale, 
Italy: Jane Frances de Chantal, Saint. 

P^TRIDES, SOPHRONE, A.A., Professor, Greek 
Catholic Seminary of Kadi-Keui, Constan- 
tinople: Lagania; Lampa; Lampsacus; Lamus; 
Laodicea. 

PHILLIPS, EDWARD C, S.J., Ph.D., Woodstock 
College, Maryland: Koller, Marian. 

PIETTE, FRAN(,'OIS XAVIER, Chancellor of 
the Diocese of Joliettb, Canada: Joliette, 
Diocese of. 

PLASSMAN, THOMAS, O.F.M., Ph.D., S.T.D., 
Franciscan Convent, Louvain : James Prima- 
dicci; La Haye, Jean de (Franciscan). 

POHLE, JOSEPH, S.T.D., Ph.D., J.C.L., Profes- 
sor of Dogmatic Theology, University of 
Breslau: Justification. 

POLLEN, MARIA M., London: Lace. 

PONCELET, ALBERT, S.J., Brussels: IrenEeus, 

Saint. 
POOLE, THOMAS H., New York: Jones, Inigo; 

Juan Bautista de Toledo; Labyrinth; Lantern. 
POPE, HUGH, O.P., S.T.L., Doctor op Sacred 

Scripture, Professor of New Testament 

Exegesis, Collegio Angelico, Rome: Judith, 

Book of; Kingdom of God. 



REINHART, ALBERT, O.P., M.A., LL.B., Domin- 
ican House of Studies, Washington: John of 
Ragusa. 

REINHOLD, GREGOR, Freiburg, Germany: 
Jaca, Diocese of; Ja^n, Diocese of; Karnkowski, 
Stanislaw; Lamego, Diocese of; La Paz, Diocese 
of; La Plata, Archdiocese of (Bolivia); La Plata, 
Diocese of (Argentina). 

REMY, ARTHUR F. J., M.A., Ph.D., Adjunct- 
Professor of Germanic Philology, Colum- 
bia University, New York: Konrad, der 
Pfaffe; Konrad of Lichtenau; Konrad of V\'urz- 
burg; Lamprecht. 

ROBINSON, PASCHAL, O.F.M., Washington: John 
of Fermo, Blessed. 

ROCCA, F., Saidpur, Bengal, India: Krishnagar, 
Diocese of. 

ROMPEL, JOSEPH HEINRICH, S.J., Ph.D., Stella 
Matutina College, Feldkirch, Austria: Jesu- 
its' Bark; Jussieu; Kaiser, Kajetan Georg von; 
Konrad of Megenberg; Lacordaire, Jean-Theo- 
dore; Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste-Pierre-Antoine de 
Monet. 

RUDGE, FLORENCE MARIE, M.A., Youngstown, 
Ohio: Javouhey, Anne-Marie, Venerable; Jesus, 
Daughters of; Jesus and Mary, Sisters of the 
Holy Childhood of; John of God, Saint; John of 
Roquctaillade; Joseph Calasanctius, Pious Work- 
ers of Saint; Knights of the Cross. 

RYAN, JOHN A., S.T.D., Professor of Moral 
Theology, St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul, Min- 
nesota: Insanity; Labour and Labour Legisla- 
tion; Labour Unions, Moral Aspects of. 

SAGMULLER, JOHANNES BAPTIST, Professor 
OF Theology, LTniversity of Ti-bingen, Ger- 
many: Judge, Ecclesiastical; Jurisdiction, Ec- 
clesiastical; Kober, Franz Quirin von. 

SALAVILLE, sfivfiRIEN, A. A., Professor of 
Liturgy, Greek Catholic Seminary op Kadi- 
Keui, Constantinople: Ionian Islands. 

SALTET, LOUIS, Professor of Church History, 

Institut Catholique, Toulouse, France: 
Jerome, Saint. 

SAUVAGE, G. M., C.S.C, S.T.D., Ph.D., Professor 
OF Dogmatic Theology, Holy Cross College, 
Washington: Intuition. 

SCANNELL, THOMAS B., Canon, S.T.D., Editor, 
"Catholic Dictionary", Weybridge, Eng- 
land: Intercession (Mediation); Irvingites; La- 
cordaire, Jean-Baptisto-Henri-Dominitjue. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



SCHAEFER, FRANCIS J., S.T.D., Ph.D., Profes- 
sor OF Church History, St. Paul Seminary, 
St. Paul, Minnesota: Interims; Janssen, 
Johann; Kaulen, Franz Philip. 

SCHEID, N., S.J., Stella Matutina College, Feld- 
kirch, Austri.4.: Isla, Jos^ Francisco de; Klink- 
owstrom, Friedrich August von, Joseph von, and 
Max von; Kobler, Andreas. 

SCHETS, JOSEPH, Essen near Breda, Holl.\xd: 
Kings, Third and Fourth Books of. 

SCHLAGER, HEINRICH PATRICIUS, O.F.M., 
St. Ludw'ig's College, Dalheim, Germ-^^ny: 
Jansen, CorneUus, the Elder; John of Biclaro; 
John of Vietring; John of \\'interthur; Jordanis; 
Jovius, Paulas; Kaiserchronik; Kerssenbroch, 
Hermann von; Ivlopp, Omio; Konigshofen, Jacob ; 
Lambeck, Peter; Lambert of St. Bertin. 

SCHREINER, CHRYSOSTOM, O.S.B., Nassau, 
Bahama Islands: Jackson, Henry Moore. 

SCHROEDER, JOSEPH, O.P., Dominican House 
OF Studies, Washington: John of Falkenberg. 

SHIELDS, THOMAS EDWARD, Ph.D., Assistant 
Professor op Physiological Psychology, 
Catholic University of America, Washing- 
ton: Instinct. 

SHIPMAN, ANDREW J., M.A., LL.M., New York: 
Kielce, Diocese of; Ivromer, Martin. 

SHORTER, JOSEPH A., Leavenworth, ICansas: 
Kansas. 

SLATER, T., S.J., St. Beuno's College, St. Asaph, 
Wales: Justice. 

SLOET, D.A.W.H., Haarlem, Holland: Iving.s, 
Third and Fourth Books of (Chronology). 

SMITH, IGNATIUS, O.P., Dominican House op 
Studies, Washington: John of Avila, Blessed; 
Labat, Jean-Baptiste. 

SOLLIER, JOSEPH FRANCIS, S.M., S.T.D., San 
Fr.ancisco, California: Lallemant, Jacques- 
Philippe; La Luzerne, Cesar-Guillaume; Landriot, 
Jean-Frangois-Anne; Lang^nieux, Benoit^Marie. 

SORTAIS, GASTON, S.J., Assistant Editor, 
"Etudes", P,\ris: Kaufmann, Angelica. 

SOUVAY, CHARLES L., CM., S.T.D., Ph.D., Pro- 
fessor OF Sacred Scripture, Hebrew, and 
Liturgy, Kenrick Seminary, St. Louis, Mis- 
souri: Isaias ; Joachim ; John the Baptist, Saint; 
Joseph, Saint. 

SPAHN, MARTIN, Ph.D., Professor of Modern 
History, Strasburg: Jarcke, Karl Ernst; 
Kulturkampf. 

STEELE, FRANCESCA M., Stroud, Gloucester- 
shire, England: Joseph, Sisters of Saint (Eng- 
lish Branch); Joseph, Sisters of Saint, of Cluny; 
Joseph, Sisters of Saint, of the Apparition; 
Joseph, Sisters of Saint, of the Sacred Heart. 



STE. EUPHfiMIE, MOTHER, New York: Jesus- 
Mary, Religious of. 

TACCHI VENTURI, Louis, LL.D., Commendatore 
OP the Order op the Crown op Italy, Rome: 

Italy. 

TARNOWSKI, Count STANISLAUS, President 
OF THE Imperial Academy of Sciences, Pro- 
fessor of Polish Literature, University op 
Cracow, Austria: Kalinka, Valerian; Klasczko, 
Julius; Kochanowski, Jan; Kochowski, Vespas- 
ian; Konarski, Stanislaus; Kozmian, Stanislaus 
and John; Krasicki, Ignatius; Krasinski, Sigis- 
mund; Krzycki, Andrew. 

THADDEUS, FATHER, O.F.M., London: John 
Forest, Blessed. 

THURSTON, HERBERT, S.J., London: Januarius, 
Saint; Joan of Arc, Blessed; Jubilee, Holy Year 
of; Iviss; Lamp and Lampadarii; Lance, The 
Holy. 

TIVAN, EDWARD P., S.J., Professor of Chemis- 
try and Geology, Fordham University, New 
York: Jacquier, Francois. 

TOOHEY, JOHN J., S.J., Innsbruck, Austria: 
Kleutgen, Josef Wilhelm Karl. 

TRACY, FRANK M., B.A., LL.B., Covington, 
Kentucky: Kentucky. 

TURNER, JOSEPH OSWALD, C.J., President, St. 
George's College, Weybridge, England: 
Josephites. 

TURNER, WILLIAM, B.A., S.T.D., Professor op 
Logic and the History of Philosophy, Cath- 
olic University- of America, Washington: 
Ionian School of Philosophy; John of Janduno; 
Kant, Philosophy of. 

VAILHfi, SIMEON, A.A., Member of the Russian 
Arch-eological Institute of Constantinople, 
Professor of Sacred Scripture and History, 
Greek Catholic Seminary of Ivvdi-Keui, 
Constantinople: lonopolis; Ipsus; Irenopolis; 
Isaac of Armenia; Isaura; Isionda; Ispahan; 
Issus; Jaffa; Jassus; Jassy, Diocese of; Juliopolis; 
Justinianopolis; Kerkuk, Diocese of; Ivharput. 

VAN HOVE, A., D.C.L., Professor of Church 
History and Canon Law, University of Lou- 
vain: Installation; Institution, Canonical; In- 
vestiture, Canonical ; Lancelotti, Giovanni Paolo. 

VAN ORTROY, FRANCIS, S.J., Brussels: John 
Francis Regis, Saint. 

VERMEERSCH, ARTHUR, S.J.. LL.D., Doctor op 
Social and Political Sciences, Professor of 
Moral Theology and Canon Law, St. John 
Berchmans's College, Louv.\in: Interest. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EIGHTH VOLUME 



VIETER, HEINRICH, P.S.M., Titulae Bishop of 
Par.btonium, Vicar Apostouc of Kamerun, 
Africa: Kamerun (Cameroons), Vicariate Apos- 
tolic of. 

WAINEWRIGHT, JOHN BANNERMAN, B.A. 
(OxoN.). London: Ingleby, Francis, Venerable; 
Ingram, Jolin, Venerable; Ireland, William, 
Venerable; James Thompson, Blessed; John Fcl- 
ton, Blessed; John Houghton, Blessed; John 
Larke, Blessed; John Nelson, Blessed; John 
Payne, Blessed; John Stone, Blessed; John 
Story, Blessed; Kemble, John, Venerable; Lamb- 
ton, Joseph, Venerable; Langhorne, Richard, 
Venerable. 

WALLAU, HEINRICH WILHELM, Mainz, Ger- 
many: Koberger, Anthony. 

WALSH, JAMES J., M.D., Ph.D., LL.D., Dean of 
THE Medical School, Fordham University, 
New York: Infanticide; Insane, Asylums and 
Care for the; Kneipp, Sebastian; Laennec, Ren6- 
Th^ophile-Hyacinthe. 

WALSH, REGINALD, O.P., S.T.D., Professor of 
Theology, S. Clemente, Rome: Jandel, Alex- 
andre Vincent. 

WEBER, N. A., S.M., S.T.D., Professor of Funda- 
mental Theology and Church History, 
Marist College, Washington: Innocent V, 
Blessed, Pope; Innocent VI, Innocent VIII, In- 
nocent IX, Popes; Janow, Matthew; Jaricot, 
Pauline-Marie; Jonas of Bobbio; Jonas of Or- 
leans; Labadists; Laderchi, James. 



WELCH, SIDNEY READ, S.T.D., Ph.D., J.P., 
Editor of "The Catholic Magazine of South 
Africa", Cape Town: Kafirs. 

WILHELM, BALTHASAR, S.J., Stella Matutina 
College, Feldkirch, Austria: Lana, Fran- 
cesco. 

WILLIAMSON, GEORGE CHARLES, Litt.D., 
London: Iriarte, Ignacio de; Ittenbach, Franz; 
Janssens, Abraham; Jeaurat, Edmond; Joest, 
Jan; Kager, Johann Matthais; Kalcker, Jan 
Stephanus van; La Fosse, Charles de; Lanfranco, 
Giovanni. 

WITTMAN, PIUS, Ph.D., BUdingen, Germ-^ny: 
Lapland and Lapps. 

WOLFSGRUBER, COELESTINE, O.S.B., Vienna: 
Klesl, Melchior. 

WOODS, HENRY, S.J., Associate Editor, "Amer- 
ica ", New York: John de Britto, Blessed; Lalle- 
mant, Louis. 

YOUNG, JOHN B., S.J., New York: Lambillotte, 
Louis. , 

ZIMMERMAN, BENEDICT, O.D.C., St. Luke's 
Priory, Wincanton, Somersetshire, Eng- 
land : John of the Cross, Saint. 

ZIMMERMAN, OTTO, S.J., Bellevue, Luxemburg, 
Luxemburg: Infinity. 



Tables of Abbreviations 



The following tables and notes are intended to guide readers of The Catholic Encyclopedia in 
interpreting those abbreviations, signs, or technical phrases wliich, for economy of space, will be most fre- 
quently used in the work. For more general information see the article Abbreviations, Ecclesiastical. 



I. — General Abbrevi.\tions. 

a article. 

ad an at the year (Lat. ad annum). 

an., ann the year, the years (Lat. annus, 

anni). 

ap in (Lat. apud). 

art article. 

Assyr Assyrian. 

A. S Anglo-Saxon. 

A. V Authorized Version (i.e. tr. of the 

Bible authorized for use in the 
Anglican Church — the so-called 
"King James", or "Protestant" 
Bible. 

b bom. 

Bk Book. 

Bl Blessed. 

C, c about (Lat. circa); canon; chap- 

ter; compagnie. 

can canon. 

cap chapter (Lat. caput — used only 

in Latin context). 

cf compare (Lat. conjef). 

cod codex. 

col column. 

concl conclusion. 

const., constit. . . .Lat. constitutio. 

curd by the industry of. 

d died. 

diet dictionary (Fr. dictionnaire). 

disp Lat. disputaiio. 

diss Lat. dissertatio. 

dist Lat. distindio. 

D. V Douay Version. 

ed., edit edited, edition, editor. 

Ep., Epp letter, letters (Lat. epistola). 

Fr French. 

gen genus. 

Gr Greek. 

H. E., Hist. Eccl. .Ecclesiastical History. 

Heb., Hebr Hebrew. 

ib., ibid in the same place (Lat. ibidem). 

Id the same person, or author (Lat. 

idem). 

ziii 



inf below (Lat. infra). 

It Italian. 

1. c, loc. cit at the place quoted (Lat. loco 

citato). 

Lat Latin. 

lat latitude. 

lib book (Lat. liber). 

long longitude. 

Mon Lat. Monumenta. 

MS., MSS manuscript, manuscripts. 

n., no number. 

N. T New Testament. 

Nat National. 

Old Fr., O. Fr. . . .Old French. 

op. cit in the work quoted (Lat. opere 

citato). 

Ord Order. 

O. T Old Testament. 

p., pp page, pages, or (in Latin ref- 
erences) pars (part). 

par paragraph. 

passim in various places. 

pt part. 

Q Quarterly (a periodical), e.g. 

"Church Quarterly". 

Q-, QQ> qusest. . . .question, questions (Lat. qucestio). 

q. V which [title] see (Lat. quod vide). 

Rev Review (a periodical). 

R. S RoUs Series. 

R. V Revised Version. 

S., SS Lat. Sanctus, Sancti, "Saint", 

"Saints" — used in this Ency- 
clopedia only in Latin context. 

Sept Septuagint. 

Sess Session. 

Skt Sanskrit. 

Sp Spanish. 

sq.,sqq following page, or pages (Lat. 

sequent). 

St., Sts Saint, Saints. 

sup above (Lat. supra). 

s. V under the corresponding title 

(Lat. sub voce). 

torn volume (Lat. tomus). 



TABLES OF ABBREVIATIONS. 



tr translation or translated. By it- 
self it means "English transla- 
tion", or "translated into Eng- 
lish by". Where a translation 
is into any other language, the 
language is stated. 

tr., tract tractate. 

V see (Lat. vide). 

Ven Venerable. 

Vol Volume. 

II. — Abbrevi.^tions op Titles. 

Acta SS Acta Sanctorum (BoUandists). 

Ann. pont. cath Battandier,AKnMoire pontifical 

catholiqiie. 

Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath.Gillow, Bibliograpliical Diction- 
ary of the English Catholics. 

Diet. Christ. Antiq.. .Smith and Cheetliam (ed.), 
Dictionary of Christian An- 
tiquities. 



Diet. Clirist. Biog. . . Smith and Wace (ed.), Diction- 
ary of Cliristian Biography. 

Diet, d'arch. chret. . .Cabrol (ed.), Dictionnaire d'ar- 
cheologie chr6tienne et de litur- 
gie. 

Diet, de th^ol. cath. . Vacant and Mangenot (ed.), 
Dictionnaire de thiologie 
catkolique. 

Diet. Nat. Biog Stephen and Lee (ed.), Diction- 
ary of National Biography. 

Hast., Diet, of the 

Bible Hastings (ed.), A Dictionary of 

the Bible. 

Kirchenlex Wetzer and Welte, Kirchenlexi- 

con. 

P. G Migne (ed.), Patrcs Greed. 

P. L Migne (ed.), Patres Latini. 

Vig., Diet, dela Bible. Vigouroux (ed.), Dictionnaire de 
la Bible. 



Note I. — Large Roman numerals standing alone indicate volumes. Small Roman numerals standing alone indicate 
chapters. Arabic numerals standing alone indicate pages. In other cases the divisions are explicitly stated. Thus " Rashilall, 
Universities of Europe, I, i.x" refers the reader to the ninth chapter of the first volume of that work; "I, p. i.x" would indicate the 
ninth page of the preface of the same volume. 

Note II. — Where St. Thomas (Aquinas) is cited without the name of any particular work the reference is always to 
"Sununa Theologica" (not to "Summa Philosophias"). The divisions of the "Summa Theol." are indicated by a system which 
may best be understood by the following example: " I-II, Q. vi, a. 7, ad 2 urn " refers the reader to the seventh article of the 
sixth question in the first part of the second part, in the response to the second objection. 

Note III. — The abbreviations employed for the various books of the Bible are ob\'ious. Ecclesiastious is indicated by 
Ecdus., to distinguish it from Ecclesiastes iEcdes.). It should also be noted that I and II Kings in D. V. correspond to I and II 
Samuel in A. V. ; and I and II Par. to I and II Chronicles. Where, in the spelling of a proper name, there is a marked difference 
between the D. V. and the A. V., the form found in the latter is added, in parentheses. 



Full Page Illustrations in Volume VIII 

Frontispiece in Colour page 

Innocent X — Velazquez 20 

Inscription of Abercius ' 44 

Ireland — Ross Castle, Killarney, etc 100 

Ireland— The Cathedral, Thurles, etc 120 

Thomas Moore and others 128 

Convent of St. Catherine, Mt. Sinai 196 

Italy— Plate 1 224 

Italy— Plate II 238 

Ivories 258 

St. James 280 

St. Januarius 296 

Fuji-san (Peerless Mount), Volcano of Japan 302 

St. Jerome 340 

Jerusalem 346 

The Head of Christ in Art 384 

Joan of Arc 408 

Blessed John Fisher 462 

St. John the Baptist 488 

St. John the Evangelist — Domenichino 492 

The Geheral Judgment — Michelangelo 550 

Judith with the Head of Holofernes — Allori 554 

Justinian 578 

Page of the Book of Kells 614 

The Adoration of the Lamb — Brothers Van Eyck 756 



Maps 

Christendom at the Death of Innocent III 16 

Ireland 114 

Italy 244 



THE 
CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA 



I 



Infamy (Lat. in, not, and fama, fame) is loss of a 
good name. When this has been brought about by- 
regular legal process, terminating in a conviction in a 
court of justice, no injury is done to the criminal by 
publishing the fact. The same thing can be said when 
the scandalous repute in which a person is held is 
matter of common knowledge. The canon law seems 
to require a pre-existing public opinion against an 
individual before the investigation in a judicial inquiry 
can be narrowed to any particular person. Infamy 
in the canonical sense is defined as the privation or 
lessening of one's good name as the result of the bad 
rating which he has, even among prudent men. It 
constitutes an irregularity, i. e. a canonical impedi- 
ment which prevents one being ordained or exercising 
such orders as he may have already received. 

It is twofold in species, infamy of law {infamia 
juris) and infamy of fact (infamia facti). Infamy of 
law is contracted in one of three ways. Either the 
law itself attaches this juridical ineligibilitj' and 
incapacity to the commission of certain crimes, or 
makes it contingent upon the decision of a judge, or 
finally connects it with the penalty imposed by him. 
This kind of infamy is incurred chiefly by those guilty 
of duelling (whether as principals or seconds), rape (as 
likewise those who co-operate in it), attempt to marry 
during the lifetime of the actual consort, heresy, real 
simony, etc. Infamy of law may be removed either 
by canonical purging or by apjilication to the Holy 
See. Infamy of fact is the result of a widespread 
opinion, by which the community attributes some 
unusually serious delinquency, such as adultery or the 
like, to a person. This is more of an unfitness than 
an irregularity properly so called, unless sentence in 
court has been pronounced. It ceases therefore when 
one has shown by a change of life extending over a 
period of two or probably three years that his repent- 
ance is sincere. 

Taonton. The Law of the Church (London, 1906): Suiter, 
Manual of Moral Theology (New York, 190S): Gasparri, De 
Sacra Ordinatione (Pariis, 1893); Wernz, Jus Decrelalium 
(Rome, 190-1). 

Joseph F. Del-u^y. 
Infant Baptism. See Baptism. 

Infanticide, child-murder, the killing of an infant 
before or after birth, .\ceording to the French 
Criminal Code the word is limited to the murder of 
the new-born infant. In English it has been used 
for the deprivation of life from the moment of con- 
ception up to the age of two or three years. Except 
under Hebrew and Christian law, the killing of very 
young children by their parents has almost invariably 
been either legally permitted or at least practised with 
impunity. Economic reasons more than any others 
had led to the killing of infants before or after birth 
and have continued to exert an unfortunate influence 
even down to our own day. In Oriental countries 
certain poetic and religious traditions were appealed 
to in justification of the custom of killing infants, but 
VIII.— 1 



as a rule the economic basis for it is clear. In many 
countries it was the custom to get rid of many of the 
female infants because they were unproductive, and 
generally expensive, members of the family. Some- 
times usage required large dowries to be given with 
them. In India infanticide continued to be practised 
until far into the nineteenth century, notwithstanding 
the efforts of the British Government to put an end to 
it. In Greece and Rome, even at the height of their 
culture, the custom of exposing infants obtained, and 
in China and Japan deUcate or deformed children were 
abandoned, or even healthy females, where there were 
male children in the family. Missionaries liave done 
much to break up the custom and many children have 
been saved by them in the last few generations to be 
reared in the light of Christianity. Christianity first 
opposed a formal and effectual barrier to infanticide. 
Immediately after the Emperor Constantiue's con- 
version he enacted two laws (about .\.d. 320) directed 
against child-murder which are still found in the 
Theodosian Code (hb. XI, tit. xxvii). The first, to 
remove temptation, provided funds out of the imperial 
treasury for parents over-burdened with cliildren ; the 
second accorded all the rights of property of exposed 
infants to those who had had the charity to save and 
nurture them. 

In modem times even in Christian countries two 
causes have led to post-natal infanticide: one, the 
disgrace attendant upon illegitimacy; the other, an 
economic reason. Illegitimate children were sacri- 
ficed partly for the concealment of shame, but often to 
escape the burden of the child's support. The crime 
occurs most frequently where illegitimacy is most fre- 
quent and, according to statistics, is least common in 
Ireland. In coimtries where children are readily re- 
ceived without question into institutions, infanticide 
is rare. In France the law forljids inquiry into pater- 
nity, and arrangements are made for the state care of 
the cliildren. In Russia even more liberal provision is 
made for the state care of any child whose parents 
cannot or will not care for it. The question of child- 
murder by mothers has always been a difficult legal 
problem. Under a statute of James I of England, the 
mother had to account forthedeathof her infant or be 
held responsible for it. In 1803 trials for infanticide 
were placed under the ordinary rules of evidence. The 
presumption now is that every new-born child found 
dead was born dead unless the contrary is proved. 
This rule of English law holds in the United States. 
Infanticide has been quite common in European coim- 
tries during the nineteenth century for two sordid 
reasons: one was the neglect of infants in the process 
of what was known as baby-farming, the other was the 
desire to obtain insurance money. This abuse has 
been regulated in various ways, but baby-farming and 
child-insurance still seriously increase the death-rate 
among infants. 

Pre-natal Inf.\nticide, the murder of an infant 
before birth. This is more properly called foeticide. 



INFESSURA 



INFIDELS 



Among the ancient philosophers and medieval theo- 
logians there was considerable discussion as to when 
the human embryo could be said to possess human life. 
This is no longer a question among modern biologists. 
At the very moment of conception a human being 
comes into existence. At any time after this the 
deprivation of life in this living matter, if done delib- 
erately, is murder. The laws of most States in the 
Union are so framed that conditions may not be de- 
liberately created wliich would put the hfe of the 
foetus in danger, or which would bring about an abor- 
tion before the foetus is viable, unless it has been de- 
cided in a consultation of physicians that the lives of 
both mother and child are in danger and only one of 
them can be saved. The comparative safety of the 
Cffisarean section has also worked in the direction of 
safeguarding the life of the unborn child. The killing 
of a viable child because it is impossible to deliver it 
by the natural birth passages is now condemned by 
physicians all over the world. Craniotomy, that is, 
the crushing of the skull of a living child in order to 
facilitate its delivery, where great difficidty was en- 
countered, was a common teaching in medical schools 
a generation ago, but the stand taken by the Church 
has had its effect in gradually bringing about a change 
of teaching and a recognition of the right of the child 
to life. Craniotomy on the living child is now never 
considered justifiable. When it is definitely known 
that the foetus is dead, crushing methods may be em- 
ployed to extract it piecemeal, but this procedure is 
much more dangerous for the mother than Cesarean 
section. 

Many drugs are purchased by women with the idea 
that they will protluce abortion without endangering 
the mother's life. No such drugs are known to modern 
medical science. There are drugs in the pharmaco- 
pceia which produce abortions, but only by alifecting 
the mother very seriously. Abortion sometimes oc- 
curs after the taking of certain drugs supposed to pro- 
duce it; but the premature birth is not due to the 
drug, it is caused by other influences. Twenty per 
cent of all pregnancies end in premature births. The 
unfortunate woman who has had recourse to the drug 
then imagines that she has committed infanticide, and 
in intention she has; but the actual event has not been 
the result of the drug, unless that drug was one of the 
poisonous kind known as "abortifacients" and abor- 
tion took place in the convtdsion which followed. It 
is absolutely certain that no known drug will produce 
abortion without producing very serious effects upon 
the mother, and even gravely endangering her life. 

(For the teaching of the Church on pre-natal infan- 
ticide, see Abortion.) 

Brouardel, L'Infanticide (Paris, 1907); TAHDiEn, Vlnfan- 
ticide (Paris, 1868); Ryan, Infanticide, its Prevalence, Preven- 
tion and History (Fothergill Gold Medal S. A.), (London, 1862) ; 
JiovROON.U Infanticide dans les legislations anciennes et modernes 
(Douai. 1896). — All the standard works on medical jurispru- 
dence have chapters on this subject. 

James J. Walsh. 

Infessura, Stefano; b. at Rome about 14,35; d. 
about 1500. He devoted himself to the study of law, 
took the degree of Doctor of Laws, and acquired a 
solid legal knowledge. He was for a while judge in 
Orte, whence he came to the Roman University as 
professor of Roman law. Under Sixtus IV (1471- 
84) his office was affected by the financial measures of 
that pope, who frequently withheld the income of the 
Roman University, appUed it to other uses, and 
reduced the salaries of the professors. Infessura was 
also for a long time secretary of the Roman Senate. 
He was entangled in the conspiracy of Stefano Porcaro 
against Nicholas V {li!>',i), which aimed at overturn- 
ing the papal Government and making Rome a repub- 
lic (Pastor, "Gcsch. dcr Papste", 4th ed., I, 550 sq.). 
Infessura also belonged to the antipapal faction, 
formed among the paganizing Humanists of the Roman 



Academy under Pomponio Leto (op. cit., II, 322 sqq.). 
He is particularly well known as the author of a work, 
partly Latin and partly Italian, the " Diarium urbis 
Romae " (Diario dellaCitta di Roma), a chronicle of the 
city from 1294 to 1494. The historical information is 
not of special value until the time of Martin V and 
Eugene IV, or rather until the pontificates of Paul II 
(1464-71), SLxtus IV (1471-84), Innocent VIII 
(1484-1492), and the first part of the reign of Alex- 
ander VI. The antipapal and republican temper of 
the author, also his partisan devotion to the Colonna, 
and his personal animosity, led him to indulge in very 
severe charges and violent accusations of the popes, 
especially Sixtus IV. He put down in his chronicle 
every fragment of the most preposterous and malevo- 
lent gossip current in Roman society; even obvious 
falsehoods are attributed to him. He is therefore not 
considered a reliable chronicler. It is only with the 
greatest caution and after very careful criticism that 
his work can be used for the papal history of his time. 
The "Diarium" was first edited by Eccard (Corpus 
historicum medii a;vi, II, 1863-2016) ; afterwards, with 
omission of the most scandalous parts, by Muratori 
(Scriptores rerum Italicarum, III, ii, 1111-1252); a 
critical edition of the text is owing to Tommasini, 
" Diario della Citti di Roma di Stefano Infessura 
scribasenato " (Fonti per la storia d'ltalia, VI, Rome, 
1890). 

Tommasini, II diario di Stefano Infessura in Archivio della So^ 
cietci romana di storia pairia, XI (Rome, 1888), 481-640: Idem. 
Nuovi documenti illustralivi del Diario di Stef. Infessura. XH 
(Rome, 1889), S-36 ; Pastor, Geschichte der Piipste, 4th ed., 
II, passim, especially 646-649. 

J. P. IVIRSCH. 

Infidels (Lat. in, privative, and fidelis). — As in 
ecclesiastical language those who by baptism have 
received faith in Jesus Christ and have pledged Him 
their fidelity are called the faithful, so the name infidel 
is given to those who have not been baptized. The 
term applies not only to all who are ignorant of the 
true God, such as pagans of various kinds, but also to 
those who adore Him but do not recognize Jesus 
Christ, as Jews, Mohammedans; strictly speaking it 
may be used of catecliuinens also, though in early 
ages they were called Christ iaus; for it is only through 
baptism that one can enter the ranks of the faithful. 
Those however who have been baptized but do not 
belong to the Catholic Church, heretics and schis- 
matics of divers confessions, are not called infidels but 
non-Catholics. The relation in wliich all these classes 
stand to the Catholic Church is not the same; in 
principle, those who have been baptized are subjects 
of the Church and her cliildren even though they be 
rebellious children; they are under her laws or, at 
least, are exempt from them only so far as pleases the 
Church. Infidels, on the contrary, are not members 
of the ecclesiastical society, according to the words of 
St. Paul: "Quid mihi de liis qui foris sunt, judicare? " 
(I Cor., v, 12); they are entirely exempt from the 
canon law; they are presumed ignorant, not rebel- 
lious; they need to be enlightened and converted, 
not punished. Needless to say, infidels do not belong 
to the supernatural state; if they receive super- 
natural graces from God, it is not through the channels 
established by Jesus Christ for Christians, Init by a 
direct personal inspiration, for histancc, the grace of 
conversion. But their condition is not morally bad; 
negative infidelity, says St. Thomas (II-II, q. x, a. 1), 
does not partake of the nature of sin, but rather of 
punishment, in the sense that ignorance of the Faith 
is a consequence of original sin. That is why the 
condemnation l)y the Church of proposition Ixviii 
of Baius: "Infidelitas pure negativa, in his quibvis 
Christus non est pra;dicatus, iiccc:Ltum est" (purely 
negative infidelity in those to wliuni Christ has not 
been preached is a sin), was fully justified. But it .'s 
different with regard to positive infidelity, which is a 



INFIDELS 



INFIDELS 



sin against faith, the most grievous of all sins, apos- 
tasy. Being endowed with reason, and subject to 
natural law, infidels are not excluded from the moral 
order; they can perform acts of natural virtue; and 
so the ecclesiastical authorities had to condemn 
proposition xxv of Baius which declared that: "Om- 
nia infidelium opera peccata sunt, et philosophorum 
virtutes vitia" (all works of infidels are sinful, and all 
the virtues of the philosophers are vices ; cf . St. Thomas, 
loc. cit., a. 4; Hurter, "Theol. dogm.", Ill, thes. cxxvi 
and cxxvii). Daily experience moreover proves in- 
contestably that there are infidels who are really 
religious, charitable, just, true to their word, upright 
in their business, and faithful to their family duties. 
One can say of them, as the Scriptures say of Corne- 
lius the centurion, that their prayers and their alms 
are acco])tabli' to God (Acts, x, 4). It wgis especially 
among such well-meaning infidels that the Church of 
Jesus grew up, and it is from their ranks that she gains 
her recruits at the present day in missionary lands. 

The Church, mindful of the order of the Saviour: 
"Go, teach all nations" (Matt., xxviii, 12), has always 
considered the preaching of the Gospel among the in- 
fidels and their conversion by her apostolic mission- 
aries to be one of her principal duties. This is not the 
place to recall the history of the missions, from the 
labours of St. Paul, the greatest of missionaries, and 
those who gave the light of faith to the Greek and 
Roman world, and tho.se who converted the barbarian 
peoples, down through the ages when the phalanxes of 
religious men rushed to the conquest of the Orient, the 
Far East, and .\merica, to the present-day pioneers of 
the religion of Jesus Christ ; the multitude of heroes and 
martyrs antl the harvest of souls that have been won to 
the true Faith. Doubtless, we still are far from having 
but " one fold and one shepherd " ; nevertheless, there is 
not to-day a province or a race of men so remote, but 
has heard the name of Him by whom all men must be 
saved and has given children to the Church. The work 
of the missions is placed, as is well known, under the 
care and direction of the congregation of cardinals 
that bears the admirable name " De Propaganda Fide " 
(for the propagation of the Faith), instituted by 
Gregorj' XV in 1022. Ever encouraged and developed 
by the popes, it is the directing liody on whom the 
evangelical labourers in infidel lands depend. It 
sends them forth and grants them their powers, it 
establishes the prefectures Apostolic and the vicari- 
ates, and it is the tribunal to whose decision the mis- 
sionaries submit their controversies, difficulties, and 
doubts. 

Though there is a general obligation on the Church 
to toil for the conversion of infidels, yet it is not in- 
cumbent on any particular persons, unless on those 
priests charged with the care of souls who have infidels 
within their territory. For the distant fields of labour 
missionaries, priests, members of religious orders, both 
men and women, who voluntarily offer themselves for 
the apostolic work, are recruitei 1 in Cathcjlic countries. 
Native Christians are not excludcil froTu the ranks of 
the clergy, and it is a duty of the mi.ssiunaries to pro- 
vide themselves prudently with auxiliary workers in 
their missions. To draw the infidels to the Faith, the 
missionaries ought, like St. Paul, to make themselves 
all things to all men, adopt the customs of the country, 
acquire the native language, establish scliuols and char- 
itable institutions, preach especially liy tlieir example, 
and show in their lives how the religion they have 
come to teach is to be practised (cf. Instr. of the Prop, 
to the Vicars Apostolic of China, in the " Collectanea 
S. C. de Prop. Fide", n. 328). They and their cate- 
chists are to instruct with zeal and patience those who 
are anxious to know the true religion, admitting them 
to baptism after a longer or shorter period of proba- 
tion, as was done in the case of the catechumens in 
ancient times. But the conversion of infidels must be 
free and without compulsion, otherwise it will not be 



genuine and lasting (cap. 9, tit. vi, lib. V, "de Ju- 
diEis"). It cannot be denied that at various epochs, 
notably under Charlemagne and later in Spain, there 
were forced conversions, which may be explained, 
though not excused, by the custom of the age; but the 
Church was not responsible for them, as it has con- 
stantly taught that all conversions should be free. On 
several occasions it expressly forbade the baptism of 
Jews and infidels against their will, and even the bap- 
tism of children without their parents' consent, unless 
they were in imminent danger of death (cf. Collect, 
cit., " De subjecto baptismi "). In the rite of admin- 
istering Ijaptism the Church still asks the questions: 
" Quitl petis ab Ecclesia Dei? Vis baptizari?" 

Though ecclesiastical law does not affect the acts of 
infidels as such, yet the Church has to pass judgment 
on the validity of these acts and their juridical conse- 
quences when infidels come within the fold by baptism. 
No act of an infidel can have any value from the point 
of view of the spiritual society to which he does not be- 
long; he is incapable by Divine law of receiving the 
sacraments, notably Holy orders (evidently we are not 
speaking here of a purely material reception) ; nor can 
he receive or exercise any ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 
The acts of infidels are to be considered in the light of 
natural law, to which they, like all men, are subject, 
and in accordance with the Divine law, in so far as it 
determines the secondary natural law. This applies 
principally to the case of matrimony. The marriage of 
infidels is valid as a contract under natural law, not as 
a sacrament, though at times tliis word has been ap- 
plied to it (cf . Encycl. " Arcanum ") ; it is subject only 
to the impediments of natural law and, at times, to 
those of the civil law also, but it is not affected by the 
impediments of canon law. However the Church does 
not recognize polygamy as lawful among infidels; as 
to divorce strictly so called, it admits it only under the 
form of the " Casus Apostoli ", also known as the priv- 
ilege of the Faith or the Pauline privilege; this con- 
sists in a convert being permitted to abandon his 
partner, who remains an infiilel, if the latter refuse to 
continue the common life without endangering the 
faith of the convert (cf. Divorce, I, B, 1); under such 
circumstances the convert may marry a Catholic. As 
to acts which are prohibited or void in virtue of canon 
law alone, they are valid when performed by infidels; 
thus, the impediment of the remoter degrees of con- 
sanguinity and affinity, etc., does not affect the mar- 
riages of infidels. But the juridical consequences of 
the acts, performed by them when infidels, begin to 
exist at the moment of and in virtue of their baptism; 
consequently, a converted widow-er may not marry a 
relative of his late wife without dispensation; and 
again, a man who has had two wives before his con- 
version is a bigamist and therefore irregular. 

Most of the laws passed by the Church refer to the 
relations between its subjects and infidels in not only 
religious but also civil affairs. Speaking generally, the 
faithful are forbidden to take part in any reUgious 
rites, considered as such, of pagans, Mohammedans, or 
Jews, and all the more to practise them through a 
kind of survival of their primitive superstitions. If 
this prohibition is inspired not so much by a fear of the 
danger of perversion as b^ the law forbidding the 
faithful to communicate in sncris with non-Catho- 
lics, aversion from false religions and especially from 
idol worsliip justifies the rigour of the law. To men- 
tion but the principal acts, the faithful are forbidden to 
venerate idols, not only in their temples, but also in 
private houses, to contribute to the building or repair- 
ing of pagan temples or of mosques, to carve idols, to 
join in pagan sacrifices, to assist at Jewish circum- 
cisions, to wear idolatrous images or objects having an 
acknowledged religious significance, so that the fact of 
wearing them is looked upon as an act of pagan 
worship, and finally to make use of superstitious and 
especially idolatrous practices in the acts of civil or 



INFINITY 



INFINITY 



domestic life. Some very delicate questions may arise 
in connexion with the last prohibition; for instance, we 
may recall the celebrated controversy concerning the 
Chinese rites (see China). On the other hand, it is not 
forbidden to enter temples and mosques out of mere 
curiosity if no act of religion be performed, or to eat 
food that has been offered to false gods, provided 
this be not done in a temple or as a sacred repast, 
and that it be done without scandal; or to observe 
customs or perform acts which are not in themselves 
religious, even though pagans join superstitious prac- 
tices to them. Not only is it not forbidden, but it is 
permissible and one might say obligatory to pray even 
publicly for infidel princes, in order that God may 
grant their subjects peace and prosperity; nothing is 
more conformable to the tradition of the Church ; thus 
Catholics of the different rites in the Ottoman Empire 
pray for the sultan. 

In this place mention may be made of the ecclesi- 
astical law forbidding the faithful to marry infidels, a 
prohibition which is now a diriment impediment, ren- 
dering a marriage null and void unless a dispensation 
has been obtained (see Disp.uiity of Worship). It is 
easy to see that there is a real danger to the faith and 
rehgious life of the Catholic party in the intimacy of 
married life and in the difficulties in the way of a 
Christian education of the children; and, if that party 
be the wife, in the excessive authority of the husband 
and the inferior condition of the wife in infidel coun- 
tries; consequently, this dispensation is granted only 
with difficulty and when the precautions dictated by 
prudence have been taken. The laws regulating the 
dealings between Catholics and infidels in civil life 
were inspired also by religious motives, the danger 
of perversion, and the high idea entertained in the 
ages of faith of the superiority of Christians to in- 
fidels. These regulations, of course, did not refer to 
all acts of civil life; moreover, they were not directed 
against all infidels indifferently, but only against Jews; 
at the present day they have fallen almost completely 
into desuetude. In the early Middle Ages, Jews were 
forbidden to have Christian slaves; the laws of the 
decretals forbade Christians to enter the service 
of Jews, or Christian women to act as their nurses 
or mid wives; moreover. Christians when Ul were not 
to have recourse to Jewish physicians. These meas- 
ures may be useful in certain countries to-day and we 
find them renewed, at least as recommendations, by 
recent councils (Council of Gran, in 1858; Prague, in 
1800; and Utrecht, ia 1865). As for the Jews, they 
were ordinarily restricted to certain definite quarters 
of the towns into which they were admitted, and had 
to wear a dress by which they might be recognized. 
Modern legislation has given the Jews the same rights 
as other citizens and the intercourse between them 
and Catholics in civil life is no longer governed by 
ecclesiastical law. (See Jews and Juuais.m; Mo- 

HAM.MED AND MOHAMMEDANISM.) 

The commentaries of the eanonists on book V, tit. vi of the 
decretals. "De Judans et Saracenis et eorum servia". An 
ample collection of texts in the Collectanea S. Congr. de Propa- 
ganda Fide (Rome, 1893; 2nded., 1907); Saomuller, Lc/iriur/i 
des kathol. Kirchenrechts (Freiburg im Br., 1904), 15; D'.^nni- 
BALE, Summula, I, n. 111. 

A. BODDINHON. 

Infinity (Lat. infinilas; in, not, finis, the end, the 
boundary) is a concept of the utmost importance in 
Christian philosophy and theology. 

Definition. — The infinite, as the word indicates, 
is that which has no end, no hmit, no boundary, and 
therefore cannot be measured by a finite standard, 
however often applied; it is that which cannot be 
attained by successive addition, nor exhausted by 
successive subtraction of finite quantities. Though 
in itself a nefiative terra, infinity has a very positive 
meaning. Since it denies all bounds — which are 
themselves negations — it is a double negation, hence 
an affirmation, and expresses positively the highest, 



unsurpassable reality. Like the concepts of quantity, 
limit, boundary, the term infiniti/ applies primarily 
to space and time, but not exclusively as Schopen- 
hauer maintains. In a derived meaning it may be 
applied to every kind of perfection: wisdom, beauty, 
power, the fullness of being itself. 

The concept of infinity must be carefully distin- 
guished from the concept of the "all-being". In- 
finity implies that an infinite being cannot lack any 
reality in the line in which it is infinite, and that it 
cannot be surpassed by anything else in that particu- 
lar perfection; but this does not necessarily mean 
that no other being can have perfections. " All- 
being", however, implies that there is no reality out- 
side of itself, that beyond it there is nothing good, pure, 
and beautiful. The infinite is equivalent to all other 
things together; it is the greatest and most beautiful; 
but, besides it, other things both beautiful and good 
may exist (for further explanation see below). It 
is objected that, if there were an infinite bod}', no 
other body could exist besides it; for the infinite 
body would occupy all space. But the fact that no 
other body could exist besides the infinite body would 
be the result of its impenetrability, not of its infinity. 
Spinoza defines: " Finite in its kind is that which can 
be limited by a thing of the same kind" (Ethics, I, def . 
ii). If he intended only to say: "Finite is that from 
which another thing of the same kind, by its very 
existence, takes away perfection", no fault could be 
found with him. But what he means to say is this: 
"Finite is that, besides which something else can 
exist; infinite therefore is that only which includes 
all things in itself." This definition is false. 

Many confound the infinite with the indeterminate. 
Determination (delerminatio) is negation, limitation 
(negatio, limitatio), says Spinoza. Generally speak- 
ing, this is false. Determination is limitation in those 
cases only where it excludes any further possible 
perfection, as, for example, the determination of a 
surface by a geometrical figure; but it is no limitation, 
if it adds further reality, and does not exclude, but 
rather requires a new perfection, as, for example, 
the determination of substance by rationality. The 
mere abstract being, so well known to metaphysicians, 
is the most indeterminate of all ideas, and neverthe- 
less the poorest in content; the infinite, however, is in 
every way the most determinate idea, in which all 
possibilities are realized, and which is therefore the 
richest in content. According to Hobbes, we call a 
thing infinite if we cannot assign limits to it. This 
definition is also insufficient : infinite is not that whose 
limits we cannot perceive, but that which has no limit. 

Division. — The different kinds of infinity must be 
carefully distinguished. The two principal divisions 
are: (1) the infinite in only one respect [secundum 
quid) or the partially infinite, and the infinite in every 
respect (simpliciter) or the absolutely infinite; (2) 
the actually infinite, and the potentially infinite, 
which is capable of an indefinite increase. Infinite 
in only one respect (viz. extension) is ideal space; 
infinite in only one respect (viz. duration) is the im- 
mortal soul; infinite in every respect is that being 
alone, which contains in itself all possible perfections 
and which is above every species and genus and order. 
Potentially infinite is (e. g.) the path of a body which 
moves in free space; potentially infinite is also the 
duration of matter and energy, according to the law 
of their conservation. For this motion and this 
duration will never cease, and in this sense will be 
without end; nevertheless, the path and the duration 
up to this instant can be measured at any given point 
and are therefore in this sense finite. Hence, they 
are infinite not according to what they actually are at 
a given moment, but according to what they are not 
yet and never actually can be; they are infinite in 
this, that they are ever and forever progressing with- 
out bounds, that there is always the "and so forth". 



INFINITY 



INFINITY 



The actually infinite, however, is now and at every 
moment complete, absolute, entirely determined. 
The immeasuralMe, omnipresent spirit does not 
advance from point to point without end, but is con- 
stantly ever\-where, fills every "beyond" of every 
assignable point. Hegel calls potential infinity the 
improper {xchlechte) , actual infinity the true infinity. 

The Infinity of God. — The actual infinity of God 
in every respect is Catholic dogma. In accordance 
with Holy Writ (III Kings, viii, 27; Ps. cxliv, 3: 
cxlvi, 5; Ecclus., xliii, 29 sqq.; Luke, i, 37, etc.) and 
unanimous tradition, the Vatican Council at its Third 
Session (cap. i) declared God to be almighty, eternal, 
immense, incomprehensible, infinite in intellect antl 
will and every perfection, really and essentially dis- 
tinct from the world, infinitely blessetl in Himself 
and through Himself, and inexpressibly above all 
things that can exist and be thought of besides 
Him. The infinity of God may also be proved from 
philosophy. God is the self-existing, uncreated Be- 
ing, whose entire explanation must be in Himself, in 
Whom there can be no trace of chance; but it would be 
mere chance, if God possessed only a finite degree of 
perfection, for, however high that degree might be, 
everything in the uncreated Being — His perfections, 
His individuality, His personality — admit the possi- 
bility of His possessing a still higher degree of entirety. 
From outside of Himself God cannot be limited, be- 
cause, being uncreated. He is absolutelj' independent 
of external causes and conditions. Limitation would 
be chance; the more so because we can maintain not 
only that any given finite degree of perfection may 
be surpassed, but also, in a positive way, that an 
infinite being is possible. Aloreover, if God were 
finite, the existence of other gods. His equals or 
even His superiors in perfection, would be possible, 
and it would be mere chance if they did not exist. Of 
such gods no trace can be found, while, on the other 
hand, God's infinity is suggested Ijy various data of 
experience, and in particular by our unbounded longing 
after knowledge and happiness. The more man a 
man is and the more he follows his l)est thoughts and 
impulses, the less is he satisfied with merely finite 
cognitions and pleasures. That the essential cravings 
of our nature are not deceptive, is demonstrated at 
once by experience and speculation. 

From the infinity of God it is easy to deduce all His 
perfections: His unity, simplicity, immutability, etc., 
though these may be proved also by other means. 
Many of God's attributes are nothing else than His 
infinity in a particular respect, e. g. His omnipotence is 
but the infinity of His power; His omniscience, the 
infinity of His knowledge. Whatever is known to be 
a pure unalloyed perfection, must be an attribute of 
God on account of His infinity. We say a pure unal- 
loyed perfection; for God, just because He is infinite, 
does not possess all perfections in the same way. Only 
pure perfections — i. e. those which incluile in their 
concept no trace of imperfection whatsoever — are con- 
tained in Him formally. We must therefore ascribe 
to Him the attributes wise, powerful, amiable etc., 
without any restriction, because these are all pure per- 
fections. Of the so-called mixed perfections, which 
incluile besides the positive reality also some imperfec- 
tions, as, e.g., extension. contrition, courage, sound rea- 
soning, and clear judgment. He possesses only the 
perfection without the connected imperfection. His 
is, for example, the all-pervading presence without 
composition; love for the good without having com- 
mitted sin; power without having to overcome fear; 
knowledge without formal reasoning or formal judg- 
ment. He possesses therefore the mixed perfections in 
a higher form — eminently, i. e. in the only form which 
is worthy of the infinite. But even the pure perfec- 
tions are contained in Him in a higher form than in the 
creature, in which they are dependent, derived, finite. 
God's perfection and that of the creature are the same 



analogically only, not univocally. The error of An- 
thropomorphism consists just in this, that it ascribes to 
God human perfections, without first refining them; 
whereas Agnosticism errs in its contention that, of all 
the pure and good qualities which are found in crea- 
tures, none can be ascribed to God. Those modem 
writers too are mistaken, who hold the best form of 
religious sentiment to be that which comprises the 
largest number of elements and, if needs be, of con- 
tradictions. According to them we should call God 
both finite and infinite: finite, to escape .\gnosticism, 
infinite, \o avoid .Anthropomorphism. But it is evi- 
dent that the highest and absolute truth carmot be a 
compound of contradictions. 

The dogma of tiod's infinity is not only of the great- 
est import for theology in the strictest sense of the term 
(i. e. the treatise on God), but it throws new light upon 
the malice of .sin, which, on account of the dignity of 
Him Who is offended, becomes objectively infinite; 
upon the Infinite majesty of the Incarnate Word and 
the boundless value of His merits and satisfaction; 
upon the necessity of the Incarnation, if God's justice 
required an adequate satisfaction for sin. 

Infinity and Monism. — How imperatively thought 
demands that infinity be ascribed to the self-existent 
Being is best shown by t he fact , that all those who have 
at any time identified, and especially those who now- 
adays identify God and the world — in short, all Mon- 
ists — almost universally speak of the infinity of their 
God. But this is an error. One has but to open one's 
eyes to see that the world is imperfect, and therefore 
finite. It avails nothing for the Monists to assume 
that the world is infinite in extension; all that could be 
inferred from this supposition would be an infinitely 
extended imperfection and finiteness. Xor do they 
gain anything by staking their hopes on evolution, and 
predicting infinity in the future for the world; uncre- 
ated existence involves infinity at every moment, at 
this present instant as well as at any future time, and 
not only potential but real, actual infinity. Others 
therefore maintain that the world is not their God, but 
an emanation from God; they must consequently 
grant that God has parts — else nothing could emanate 
from Him — and that these parts are subject to imper- 
fection, decay, and evil — in short that their God is not 
infinite. Hence others assert that the things of this 
world are not parts of the Absolute, but its manifes- 
tations, representations, forms, qualities, activities, 
accidents, attriliutes, affections, phenomena, modifica- 
tions. But if these are not mere words, if the things 
of this world are really modifications etc. of the Ab- 
solute, it follows again that, as much as it is in finite 
things, the Absolute is subject to limitation, evil, and 
sin, and is therefore not infinite. This leads many to 
take the last step by asserting that the things of this 
world are nothing in themselves, but simply thoughts 
and conations of the Absolute. But why lias not the 
Absolute grander and purer conceptions and volitions? 
Why has it contcnteil itself for thousands of years with 
the.se realistic self-representations, and not even yet 
attained with certainty an idealistic conception of 
reality? Turn as one may, in spite of all efforts to 
evade the consequence, the god of Monism is not an 
infinite being. 

The Monists oliject that God as conceived by The- 
ists is a finite thing, since He is not in Himself all 
reality, but has, outside Himself, the reality of the 
world. However, it has been stated above that 
infinity and totality are two entirely different ideas, 
and that infinity does not, in every supposition, ex- 
clude the existence of other things besides itself. We 
say, not "in every supposition", for it may be that 
the infinite could not be infinite if certain beings 
existed. .V being uncreated or independent of God, 
or a Manichaean principle of evil, cannot exist be- 
side the infinite God, because it would limit His abso- 
lute perfections. This is the time-honoured proof for 



INFINITY 



6 



INFINITY 



the unity of God, the grand thought of TertuUian 
(Adv. Marcion., I, iii), " If God is not one, He is not at 
all." But that besides God there are creatures of His, 
reflections from His light, illumined only by Him and 
in no way diminishing His light, docs not limit God 
Himself. God, on the contrary, would be finite, if His 
creatures were identical with Him. For creatures are 
essentially of mixed perfection, because essentially de- 
pendent; infinite is only that which is pure perfection 
without any admixture of imperfection. If, there- 
fore, one wants to form the equation: infinite=all, it 
must be interpreted: infinite = everything uncreated; 
or better still: infinite =all pure perfections in the 
highest and truest sense. Taken in the monistic view, 
viz. that there can be no reality besides the infinite, this 
equation is wrong. The identification, however, of 
"infinite" and "all" is very old, and served as a 
basis of the Eleatic philosophy. 

Another very common objection of Monists against 
the theistic conception of God is, that being personal, 
He cannot be infinite. For personality, whether 
conceived as individuality or as self-consciousness or 
as subsistent being, cannot exist without sometliing 
else as its opposite ; but, wherever there is something 
else, there is no infinity. Both premises of this argu- 
ment are false. To assert that infinity is destroyed 
wherever something else exi.sts, is but the repetition 
of the already rejected statement that infinity means 
totality. Equally unwarranted is the assertion that 
personality requires the existence of something else. 
Individuality means nothing more than that a thing 
is this one thing and not another thing, and it is just 
as much tliis one thing, whether anything else exist or 
not. The same is true of self-consciousness. I am 
aware of myself as Ego, even though nothing else 
exist, and though I have no thought of any other 
being; for the Ego is something absolute, not 
relative. Only if I desire to know myself as not 
being the non-Ego — to use the expression of Fichte — 
I necessarily must think of that non-Ego, i. e. of some- 
thing as not-myself. The subsistence of intellectual 
beings, i. e. personality in the strictest sense of the 
term, implies only that I am a being in and for myself, 
separate from everything else and in no way part of 
anything else. This would be true, even though 
nothing else existed; in fact, it would then be truer 
than ever. Far from excluding personality God is 
personal in the deepest and truest meaning, because 
He is the most independent Being, by Himself and in 
Himself in the most absolute sense (see Pekson). 

History. — Concerning the philosophers before 
Aristotle, Suarez pertinently remarks that they 
"scented" the infinity of God {subodorati sunt). In 
many of them we meet the infinity of God or of 
the First Cause, though in many cases it be only 
infinity in extension. Plato and Aristotle assert in 
substance the infinity of the Highest Being in a more 
adequate sense, though blended with errors and obscur- 
ities. The Stoics had various ideas that would have 
led them to admit the infinity of God, had not their 
Pantheism stood in the way. The conceptions of 
Philo's Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy were much 
purer ; the same may be said to a certain degree of the 
neo-Platonism of Plotinus, who was largely influenced 
by Philo. Plotinus originated the terse and trenchant 
argument: God is not limited; for what should limit 
Him? (" Enn. V", lib. V, in " Opera omnia", Oxford, 
1885, p. 979). Against Plotinus, however, it may 
be objected that true infinity is as little consistent 
with his doctrine of emanations as with the rnore 
or less pantheistic tendencies of the Indian philos- 
ophy. 

The Christian writers took their concepts of the 
infinity of God from the Bible; the speculative devel- 
opment of these ideas, however, needed time. St. 
Augustine, Iseing well acquainted with Platonic philo.so- 
phy, recognized that whatever could be greater, could 



not be the First Being. Candidus, a contemporary 
of Charlemagne, perceived that the limitations of all 
finite beings point towards a Creator, Who deter- 
mines the degrees of their perfection. Abelard seems 
to teach that God, being superior to everything else in 
the reason of His existence, must also be greater in His 
perfections. A book, which is sometimes ascribed to 
Albert the Great, derives God's infinity from His pure 
actuality. All these reasons were collected, devel- 
oped, and deepened by the Scholastics of the best 
period; and since then the speculative proof for the 
infinity of God has, in spite of some few objectors, 
been considered as secure. Even Moses Mendelssohn 
writes: "That the necessary Being contains every 
perfection which it has, in the highest possible degree 
and without any limitations, is developed in nvmiber- 
less text-books, and so far nobody has broiight a 
serious objection against it" (" Gesanimelte Schrif- 
ten", II, Leipzig, 189.3, p. .355). Kant's attempt to 
stigmatize the deduction of infinity from self-exist- 
ence as a return to the ontological argument, was a 
failure; for our deduction starts from the actually 
existing God, not from mere ideas, as the ontological 
argument does. Among Christians, the dogma itself 
has been rarely denied, but the freer tendencies of 
modern Protestantism in the direction of Pantheism, 
and the views of some champions of Modernism in 
the Catholic Church, are in fact, though not always in 
expression, opposed to the infinity of God. 

Infinity of Creatures. — The knowledge we have 
about the infinity of creatures leaves much to be 
desired. It is certain that no creature is infinite in 
every regard. However great it may be, it lacks the 
most essential perfection: self-existence, and what- 
ever is necessarily connected with it. Moreover, 
philosophers and theologians are practically unani- 
mous in declaring that no creature can be infinite in 
an essential predicate. As to the questions whether 
an accident (e. g. quantity) is capable of infinity, 
whether the creation could lie infinite in extension, 
whether there can be an infinite number of actual 
beings, or whether an infinite number is at all possible 
— as to these questions they are less in harmony, 
though the maj ority lean towards the negative answer, 
and in our time this majority seems to have increased. 
At any rate the infinite world, of which the old Greek 
philosophers dreamt and the moilern Materialists and 
Monists talk so much, lacks every proof, and, as 
to the infinite duration of the world, it is contradicted 
by the dogma of its temporal beginning. 

The mathematicians too occupy themselves with 
the infinite, both with the infinitely small and the 
infinitely large, in the treatises on infinite series, and 
infinitesimal calculus, and generally in all limit opera- 
tions. The infinitely small is represented by the sign 
0, the infinitely large by oo, and their relation is 
expressed by the ratio ^ = co . All mathematicians 
agree as to the method of operating with the two 
quantities; but there is much division amongst philos- 
ophers and philosophizing mathcnuiticiaiis as to their 
real meaning. The least subject to difiiculties are 
perhaps the following two views. The infinite in 
mathematics may be taken as the potentially infinite, 
i. e. that which can be increased or diminishcil with- 
out end; in this view it is a real quantity, cajiable of 
existence. Or one may take it as the actually infinite, 
viz. that which by actual successive addition or divi- 
sion can never be reached. In this view it is some- 
thing which can never exist in reality, or from the 
possibility of whose existence we at best abstract. 
It is a limit which exists only as a fiction of the 
mind (ens rationis). Or if the infinitely small is 
considered as an absolute zero, but connoting dif- 
ferent values, it is really a limit, liut as far 
as it connotes other values, only a logical being. 
Thus, at times Leibniz calls both the infinitely 
small and the infinitely large fictions of the 



INFRALAPSARIANS 



INGOLSTADT 



mind (^mentis fictiones) and compares them to imagi- 
nary quantities. Camot calls the differential an 
t'trr He rnison; Gauss speaks of a,fa(on de parler. 

The different questions regarding the infinity of God and in- 
finity in creatures are discussed by philosophers in treatises on 
general metaphysics, natural philosophy and natural theology, 
by theologians in the treatise on One God {Df Deo Vno). See 
especially: St. Thomas, Samma Theol.,1, Q. \ii: Contra gml., 
I, xliii; SuAREZ. De Deo, II, i; Gutberlet, Das Unendliche 
(.Mainz, 1878); Idem, Der Kosmos (Paderbom. 1908); Pohle, 
Das Problem d. Unendlichen in KathoKk (1880); Idem, Das 
unmdlich Kleine in Philos.Jahrbtteh (1888, 1893); Fullerto.v, 
The Conception of the Infinite (Philadelphia, 1887); Rotce, 
The Concept of the Infinite in Hihbert Jour. (1902); Hagen, 
Synopsis d. hvheren Mathcmalik, III (Berlin, 1900-03), 1-5. 
See also literature under God; Person; World. 

Otto Zimmerm.\n. 

Infralapsarians (Lat., infra lapsum, after the fall), 
the name given to a party of Dutch Calvinists in 
the seventeenth century, who sought to mitigate the 
rigour of Calvin's doctrine concerning absolute pre- 
destination. As already explained (see C'.\lvinis.m), 
the system evolved by Calvin is essentially supralap- 
sarian. The fundamental principle once admitted, 
that all events in this world proceed from the eternal 
decrees of God, it seems impossible to avoid the con- 
clusion that the fall of man was not merely foreseen 
and permitted, as the Catholic doctrine teaches, but 
positively decreed, as a necessary means to the Divine 
end in creating man, the manifestation of God's power 
in condemning, as well as of His mercy in saving, 
souls. It was this corollarj' of Calvinism, viz., that 
God created some men for the express purpose of 
showing His power through their eternal damnation, 
that brought on the troubles associated with the name 
of .\rminius (see Ahminianism). In their controver- 
sies with opponents, within and without the pale of 
Calvinism, the Infralapsarians had the advantage of 
being al)le to use, or abuse, for the purpose of argu- 
ment, the texts of Scripture and the Fathers which 
e.^talilish the dogma of original sin. But since, to re- 
main Calvinists at all, they were obliged to retain, 
even if they did not insist upon, the principle that 
Ciod's decrees can in no wise lie influenced or condi- 
tioned by anything outside of Himself, the difference 
between them and the more outspoken Supralapsa- 
rians seems to ha\e consisted simply in a divergent 
phrasing of the same mystery. To the sovd which is 
foreordained to eternal misery without any prevision 
of its personal demerits, it matters little whether the 
decree of condemnation date from all eternity or — 
"Five thousand years 'fore its creation, 
Through Adam's cause." 

James F. Loughlin. 

Inghirami, Giovanni, Italian astronomer, b. at 
Volterra, Tuscany, 16 April, 1779; d. at Florence, 15 
August, 1S.51. He was of a noble family which pro- 
duced two other distinguished scholars, Tommaso 
(1470-1.51G), humanist, and Francesco (1772-1S46), 
archaeologist, brother of Giovanni. His education 
was received in his native city at the College of Saint 
Michael, conducted by the Piarists, popularly called 
the "Scolopi". This order he joined at the age of 
seventeen, and later became professor of mathematics 
and philosophy at Volterra, where one of his pupils 
was the future Pius IX. In 1S05 he travelled in the 
north of Italy, and was engaged for some months in 
scientific work at Milan. He was called to Florence 
to fill the twofoldofficeofprofessorof mathematics and 
astronomy at the College of the Scolopi, known from 
the adjacent church as the College of San Giovannino, 
and of director of the college obser\'atory established 
by the Jesuit, Leonardo Ximenes. His first publica- 
tions were articles on hydraulics, statics, and astron- 
omy, astronomical tables, and elementary text-books 
on mathematics and mathematical geography. In 
1S30, after oliserv^ations extending over fourteen years, 
be published, with the patronage of the Grand Duke 



Ferdinand III, a "Carta topografica e geometrica 
della Toscana" on the scale of 1:200,000 — a work of 
high merit. When the Berlin Academy of Sciences 
imdertook the construction of an exhaustive astronom- 
ical atlas, he was assigned a section. His perform- 
ance of this task won great praise. He became succes- 
sively provincial and general of his order, but his failing 
health and his love for scientific work caused him to re- 
sign the latter office, which had required his taking 
up residence in Rome, and to accept the position of 
vicar-general. He returned to Florence and, al- 
though almost blind for some years, continued his 
teaching until a few months before his death. Sim- 
plicity and piety were dominant traits of his character. 
The scientific works of Inghirami include: numerous 
articles published in the " Astronomische Nachrich- 
ten", in Zach's "Monatliche Correspondenz zur Be- 
f (irderung der Erd- u. Himmel.skunde" and in his own 
"Collezione di opusculi e notizie di Scienze" (4 vols., 
Florence, 1820-23); and, especially, "Effemeridi dell' 
occultazione delle piccole stelle sotto la luna " (ibid., 
1809-30); " Tavole Astronomiciie univer.sali por- 
tatili " (ibid., 1811), and " Effemeridi di \'eneree Giove 
ad uso di naviganti pel meridiano di Parigi " (ibid., 
1821-24). 

Axtonelli, Sulla vita e sulle opere di Giov. Inghirami (Flor- 
ence, 1854); VON Reumont, Beitrdge zur italienischen Gc- 
achichte, VI (Berlin, 1857), 472 sq. 

Paul H. Linehan. 

Ingleby, Fr.\ncis, Vener.vble, English martyr, 
b. about 1.5.51; suffered at York on Friday, 3 June, 
15S6 (old style). According to an early but inac- 
curate calendar he suffered 1 June (Cath. Rec. Soc, 
V, 192). Fourth son of Sir William Ingleby, knight, 
of Rijiley, Yorkshire, by Anne, daughter of Sir Wil- 
liam Mallory, knight, of Studley, he was probably a 
scholar of Brasenose College, Oxford, in and before 
1.565, and was a student of the Inner Temple in 1576. 
On IS August, 1582 he arrived at the English Col- 
lege, Reims, where he lived at his own expense. He 
was ordained subdeacon at Laon on Saturday, 28 
May, deacon at Reims, Saturday, 24 September, and 
priest at Laon, Saturday, 24 December, 1.583, and 
left for England Thursday, 5 April, 1584. (These four 
dates are all new style.) He laboured with great 
zeal in the neighbourhood of York, where he was 
arrested in the spring of 1586, and lodged in the castle. 
He was one of the priests for harbouring whom the 
Venerable Margaret Clitherow (q. v.) was arraigned. 
At the prison door, while fetters were being fastened 
on his legs he smilingly said, "I fear me I shall be 
overproud of my new boots." He was condemned 
under 27 Eliz. c. 2 for being a priest. When sentence 
was pronounced he exclaimed, "Credo videre bona 
Domini in terra viventium". Fr. Warford says he 
was short but well made, fair-complexioned, with a 
chestnut beard, and a slight cast in his eyes. 

Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs (London, 1891). 258, 304, 
322; Knox. Records of the English Catholics, I (I>ondon, 1878), 
190, 195, 199, 201, 262. 296; Harleian Society Publications, XVI, 
172; Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, Early Scries, II (Oxford, 
1892), 787; Gillow, Bibl. Diet. Eng. Cath. (London and New 
York, 1885-1902), s. v. 

John B. Waineweight. 

Ingolstadt, Uni\-ersity of (1472-1800), was 
founded by Louis the Rich, Duke of Bavaria. The 
privileges of a studium generale with all four faculties 
had been granted by Pope Pius II, 7 .\pril, 1458, but 
owing to the unsettled condition of the times, could 
not be put into effect. Ingolstadt, modelled on the 
University of Vienna, had as one of its principal aims 
the furtherance and spread of Christian belief. For its 
material equipment, an unusually large endowment 
was provnded out of the holdings of the clergj- and the 
religious orders. The Bishop of Eichstatt.' to whose 
diocese Ingolstadt belongs, was appointed chancellor. 
The formal inauguration of the university took place 



INGRAM 



INGRES 



on 26 June, 1472, and within the first semester 489 
students matriculated. As in other universities prior 
to the sixteenth century, the faculty of philosophy 
comprised two sections, the Realists and the Nominal- 
ists, each under its own dean. In 1496 Duke George 
the Rich, son of Louis, established the Collegium 
Georgianum for poor students in the faculty of arts, 
and other foundations for similar purposes were sub- 
sequently made. Popes Adrian VI and Clement VII 
bestowed on the university additional revenues from 
ecclesiastical property. At the height of the human- 
istic movement, Ingolstadt counted among its teach- 
ers a series of remarkable savants and writers: Conrad 
Celtes, the first poet crowned by the German Emperor; 
his disciple Jacob Locher, surnamed Philomusos; 
Johann Turmair, known as Aventinus from his birth- 
place, Abensberg, editor of the " Annales Boiorum " 
and of the Bavarian "Chronica", father of Bavarian 
history and founder (1507) of the "Sodalitas litteraria 
Angilostadensis". Johannes Reuchlin, restorer of 
the Hebrew language and literature, was also for a 
time at the universitv- 

Although Duke William IV (1508-50) and his chan- 
cellor, Leonhard von Eck, did their utmost during 
thirty years to keep Lutheranism out of Ingolstadt, 
and though the adherents of the new doctrine were 
obliged to retract or resign, some of the professors 
joined the Lutheran movement. Their influence, how- 
ever, was counteracted by the tireless and successful 
endeavours of the foremost opponent of the Reforma- 
tion, Dr. Johann Maier, better known as Eck, from the 
name of his birth-place. Egg, on the Gunz. He taught 
and laboured (1510-43) to such good purpose that 
Ingolstadt, during the Counter-Reformation, did more 
than any other university for the defence of the Cath- 
olic Faith, and was for the Church in Southern Germany 
what Wittenberg was for Protestantism in the north. 
In 1549, with the approval of Paul HI, Peter Canisius, 
Salmeron, Claude Leiay, and other Jesuits were ap- 
pointed to professorsnips in theology and philosophy. 
About the same time a college and a boarding-school 
for boys were established, though they were not actu- 
ally opened until 1556, when the statutes of the uni- 
versity were revised. In 1568 the profession of faith 
in accordance with the Council of Trent was required 
of the rector and professors. In 1688 the teaching in 
the faculty of philosophy passed entirely into the hands 
of the Jesuits. 

Though the university after this change, in spite of 
vexations and conflicts regarding exemption from 
taxes and juridical autonomy, enjoyed a high degree 
of prosperity, its existence was frequently imperilled 
during the troubles of the Thirty Years' War. But its 
fame as a home of learning was enhanced by men such 
as the theologian, Gregory of Valentia (q. v.) ; the con- 
troversialist, Jacob Gretser (155S-1010); the moral- 
ist, Laymann (1603-1609); the mathematician and 
cartographer, Philip Apian; the astronomer, Chris- 
topher Scheiner (lGlO-1616), who, with the helioscope 
invented by him, discovered the sun spots and calcu- 
lated the time of the sun's rotation; and the poet, Ja- 
cob Balde, from Ensisheim in Alsace, professor of rhet- 
oric. Prominent among the jurists in the seventeenth 
century were Kaspar Manz and Christopher Berold. 
During the latter half of that century, and especially in 
the eighteenth, the courses of instruction were im- 
proved and adapted to the requirements of the age. 
After the founding of the Bavarian Academy of Sci- 
ence at Munich in 1759, an anti-ecclesiastical tendency 
sprang up at Ingolstadt and found an ardent supporter 
in Joseph Adam, Baron of Ickstatt, whom the elector 
had placed at the head of the university. Plans, 
moreover, wore sot on foot to have the imiversity 
transferred to Munich. Shortly after the celebration 
of the third centenary the Society of Jesus was sup- 
pressed, but some of the ex-Jesuits retained their pro- 
fessorships for a while longer. A movement was 



inaugurated in 1772 by Adam Weishaupt, professor of 
canon law, with a view to securing the triumph of the 
rationalistic " enlightenment " in Church and State by 
means of the secret society of "lUuminati" (q. v.), 
which he founded. But this organization was sup- 
pressed in 1786 by the Elector Carl Theodore, and 
Weishaupt was dismissed. On 25 November, 1799, 
the Elector Maximihan IV, later King Maximilian I, 
decreed that the university, which was involved in 
financial difficulties, should be transferred to Lands- 
hut ; and this was done in the following May. Among 
its leading professors towards the close were Winter 
the Church historian, Schrank the naturalist, and 
Johann Michael Sailer, writer on moral philosophy 
and pedagogy, who later became Bishop of Ratisbon. 
Erman-Horn, Bibliographie d. deutschen Univeraitaten, II 
(Leipzig, 1904) ; Rotmar, Annales Ingolstad. Academics (Ingol- 
stadt, 1580): Mederer, Annales Ingolatadienses AcademitE 
(Ingolstadt, 1782) ; Prantl, Geschichte der Ludwias- Maximilians 
Universitat in Ingolstadt, Landshut, Miinchen (Munich, 1872); 
^0uSTOCK,DieJesuitennullenPranils (Eichstatt, 1898) (a reply 
to Prantl's charges against the Jesuits); Verdiere, Histoire de 
Vuniversite d'Ingolstadt (Paris, 1887); Rashdall, Universities 
etc., II (Oxford, 1895), pt. 1; Bauch, Z)ie .4n/anffe des Huma- 
nismtis in Ingolstadt (1901). 

Kakl Hoebeb. 

Ingram, John, Venerable, English martyr; b. at 
Stoke Edith, Herefordshire, in 1565; executed at 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 26 July, 1594. He was probably 
the son of Anthony Ingram of Wolford, Warwick- 
shire, by Dorothy, daughter of Sir John Hungerford. 
He was educated first in Worcestershire, then at the 
English College, Reims, at the Jesuit College, Pont-a- 
Mousson, and at the English College, Rome. Or- 
dained at Rome in 1.5S9, he went to Scotland early in 
1592, and there frequented the company of Lords 
Huntly, Angus, and Erroll, the Abbot of Dumfries, 
and Sir Walter Lindsay of Balgavies. Captured on 
the Tyne, 25 November, 1593, he was imprisoned suc- 
cessively at Berwick, Durham, York, and in the Tower 
of London, in which place he suffered the severest tor- 
tures with great constancy, and wrote twenty Latin 
epigrams which have survived. Sent north again, he 
was imprisoned at York, Newcastle, and Durham, 
where he was tried in the company of John Boste 
(q. V.) and George Swalwell, a converted minister. 
He was convicted under 27 Eliz. c. 2 (which made the 
mere presence in England of a priest ordained abroad 
high treason), though there was no evidence that he 
had ever exercised any priestly function in England. 
It appears that some one in Scotland in vain offered 
the English Government a thousand crowns for his 
life. 

Wainewright, Yen. John Ingram (London, Cath. Truth 
Soc, 1903), and the authorities there cited, and in addition 
Catholic Record Society's Ptiblicaiions, I and V (London, pri- 
vately printed 1905 and 1908); Calendar of Border Papers, I 
(Edinburgh, 1894), s. v. Thomas Oglehi/e. 

John B. Wainewkight. 

Ingres, Jean-Auguste-Dominique, a French 
painter, b. at Montauban, 29 August, 17S0; d. at 
Paris, 14 January, 1867. His father sent him to 
study at Toulouse. At the age of sixteen he entered 
the famous studio of David, in Paris. Steeped in the 
theories of Mengs and Winckelmann, he had broken 
away from the conceits and libertinism of the eigh- 
teenth century and led art back to nature and the 
antique. In David's view the antique was but the 
highest expression of life, freed from all that is merely 
transitory, and removed from the caprices of whnn 
and fashion. Ingres accepted his master's programme 
in its entirety. But what in David's case made up a 
homogeneous system, answering the twin facidties of 
his vast and powerful organism, meant (|nitc another 
matter for the pupil. The young artist was gifted 
with a wondrous sensitiveness for reality. No one 
has ever experienced such sharp, penetrating, clear- 
cut impressions with an equal aptitude for transferring 
them in their entirety to paper or canvas. But 



INGRES 



9 



INGRES 



these exceptional gifts were handicapped by an 
extreme lack of inventiveness and orij^inality. Un- 
fortunately David's teaching filled him with the belief 
that high art consisted in imitating tlie antique, and 
that the dignity of a painter constrained him to paint 
historical sulijects. Throughout his life Ingres did 
violence to himself to paint scenes of the order of his 
master's "Sabines", as he succeeded in doing in his 
"Achilles receiving the messengers of Agamemnon" 
(Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts), which in ISOl won the 
" Prix de Rome ". But instead of lieing a living his- 
torical or poetical scene, this painting is but a col- 
lection of studies, stitched together with effort, and 
without any real unity of result. 

Thus it was that there was always in Ingres a 
curious contradiction between his temperament and 
his education, between his ability and his theories. 
And this secret struggle between his realistic longings 
and his idealistic convictions explains the discords of 
his work. In the beginning, however, his youth was the 
main factor. Perhaps, too, his obscurity, the dearth 
of important orders, and the necessity of earning his 
living were all in his favour. Never was he greater 
or more himself than during this period of his career 
(1800-1S20). His absolute realism and his intransi- 
geance caused him to be looked on in David's school 
as an eccentric and revolutionary individual. Ingres 
had been friendly with a Florentine sculptor named 
Bartolini, and was strongly attracted by the works of 
the early Renaissance period, and by that art throb- 
bing with life, and almost feverish in its manner of 
depicting nature, such as we find examples of in the 
works of Donatello and Filippo Lippi. He grew 
enthusiastic over archaic schools, over the weird 
poems of Ossian, over medieval costumes, in a word, 
over everything which by being uncon\'entionai 
seemed to him to draw nearer to reality, or at least 
gave him new thrills and sensations. He was put 
down as "Gothic ", as an imitator of Jean de Bruges 
(Jan van Eyck), and all the works he produced at this 
time bear the mark of oddity. This is especially 
true of his portraits. Those of "Madame Riviere'' 
(Louvre, 1804), "Granet" (ALx-en-Provence, 1806), 
"Madame Aymon (La Belle Zelie) " (Rouen, 1S06), 
"Madame Devangay" (Chantilly, 1807), and of 
"Madame de Senones" (Nantes, 1810) are unrivalled 
in all the world, and take a place next to the immortal 
creations of Titian and Raphael. Never was there 
completer absence of "manner", forgetfulness of set 
purpose, of systematic or poetical effort, never did a 
painter give himself up more fully to realism, or sub- 
mit more absolutely to his model, to the object before 
him. No work brings home to us more clearly the 
expression of something definite unless it be those 
little portrait sketches drawn by this same artist in 
the days of his poverty and sold at twenty francs 
each, and which are now famous as the "Ingres 
crayons ". The finest are to be seen at the Louvre and 
in the Bonnat Collection at Paris and Bayonne. 

In 1806 Ingres .set out for Rome, and in the 
Vatican he saw the frescoes of the greatest of the 
decorators, the master of the "Parnassus" and the 
"School of Athens". He at once persuaded himself 
that this was absolute beauty, and that these paint- 
ings held within them formulae and concepts revealing 
a full definition of art and of its immutable laws. 
And it is to this mistake of his that we owe not a few 
of his finest works; for had he not wrongly thought 
himself a classicist, he would not have felt himself 
bound to adopt the essential constituent of the classi- 
cal language, namely, the nude figure. The nude, 
in modern realism, hints at the unusual, suggests 
something furtive and secret, and takes a place in the 
programme of the realists only as something excep- 
tional. Whereas with Ingres, thanks to the classical 
idealism of his doctrine, the nude was always a most 
important and sacred object of study. .\nd to this 



study he applied, as in all his undertakings, a delicacy 
and freshness of feeling, an accuracy of observation 
toned down by a slightly sensual touch of charm, 
which place these paintings among his most precious 
works. Never was the joy of drawing and painting a 
beautiful body, of reproducing it in all the glory and 
grace of its youtli, mastered by a Frenchman to such 
an extent, nor in a way so akin to the art of the great 
painters. "CEdipus"and the "Girl Bathing" (1808), 
the "Odalisque" (1814), the "Source" (1818)— all 
these canvases are in the Louvre — are among the 
most Ijeautiful poems consecrated to setting forth the 
noblest meaning of the Inmian figure. And yet they 
remain but incomparable "studies". The painter 
is all the while incapalile of blending liis sensations, of 
harmonizing them with one another so as to form a 
tableau. 

This same taste for what is quaint led Ingres at this 
period to produce a host of minor anecdotal or histori- 
cal works such as "Raphael and the Fornarina", 
" Francesca da Rimini" (1819. in the Angers Museum), 
etc., works that at times display the wit, the romance, 
and the caprice of 
a quattrocento min- 
iature. Here the 
style becomes a 
part of the reality, 
and the archaism 
of the one only 
serves to bring out 
more clearly the 
originality of the 
other. In work of 
this order nothing 
the artist has left 
us is more com- 
plete than his 
"Sixtine Chapel " 
(Louvre, 1S14). 
This magnificent 
effort, small in 
size though it is, is 
perhaps the most 
complete, the best 
balanced, the 
soundest piece of 
work the master 
ever wrought. At this time David, exiled by the Res- 
toration, left the French school without a head, while 
the Romantic school, with the " Medusa " of G^ricault 
(1818) and the " Dante " of Delacroix (1822), was clam- 
ouring for recognition. Ingres, hitherto but little 
known in his solitude in Italy, resolved to return to 
France and strike a daring blow. As early as 1820 he 
sent to the Salon his "Christ conferring the keys on 
Peter " (Louvre), a cold and restrained work which won 
immense success among the classicists. The " Vow of 
Louis XIII" (Montauban, 1824), a homage to Raphael, 
appeared opportunely as a contrast to Delacroix's 
"Massacre of Scio". Henceforward Ingres was looked 
up to as the leader of the Traditional School, and he 
proved his claim to the title by producing the famous 
"Apotheosis of Homer" (Louvre, 1827). 

This marks the beginning of a new period, in which 
Ingres, absorbed in decorative works, is nothing more 
than the upholder of the classical teaching. Over and 
over again he did himself violence in composing huge 
mechanical works like the "St. Symphorin" (Autun, 
18.35), "The Golden Age" (Dampierre, 184.3-49), the 
"Apotheosis of Napoleon", "Jesus in the midst of the 
Doctors" (Montauban, 1862), works that entailed 
most persevering labour, and which after all are but 
groups of "Studies", mosaics carefully inset and life- 
less. Some of Ingres's most beautiful portraits, those of 
Armand Bertin (Louvre, 1831), of Cherubini (Louvre, 
1842), and of Madame d'Haussonville (1845) belong 
to this period. But gradually he gave up portrait- 




Je-\n-Auguste-Dominique I.vgres 



INGULF 



10 



INJUSTICE 



painting, and wished only to be the painter of the 
ideal. Yet he was less so now than ever before. In 
his latest works his deficiency of composition becomes 
more and more evident. His life was uneventful. 
In 1820 he left Rome for Florence, and in 1824 he 
settled in Paris, which he never left save for six years 
(1836-1842) which he spent in Rome as director of the 
Villa Medici. He died at the age of 87, having con- 
tinued to work up to his last day. Perhaps his 
prestige and his high authority counted for something 
in the renaissance of decorative painting tliat took 
place in the middle of the nineteenth century. But 
his undoubted legacy was a principle of quaintness or 
oddity and eccentricity, which was copied by artists 
like Signol and Jeanniot. Ingres was a naturalist who 
persisted in practising the most idealistic style of art 
which was ever attempted in the French School. 
Like his great rival Delacroix, he may be said to have 
been a lonely phenomenon in the art of the nineteenth 
century. 

Gautier, Les Beaux-Arts en Europe (Paris, 1855); Dele- 
CLUZE, Louis David, son ccole et son temps (Paris, 1855); Dela- 
BORDE, Ingres, sa vie, sa doctrine (Paris, 1870); Blanc, Ingres 
(Paris. 1870); Duval, L' Atelier d' Ingres (Paris, 1878); Lapauze, 
Les Dessins d'lngres (Paris. 1901; 7 vols, in folio, and 1 vol. 
of printed matter); de Wtzewa, L'wuvre peint de J. D. Ingres 
(Paris, 1907); d'Agen, Ingres d'apres une correspondance in- 
edite (Paris, 1909). LOUIS GiLLET. 

Ingulf, Abbot of Croyland, Lincolnshire; d. there 
17 December, 1109. He is first heard of as secretary 
to William the Conqueror, in which capacity he visited 
England in 1051. After making a pilgrimage to 
Jerusalem he entered the Norman monastery of 
Fontenelle, or Saint-Wandrille, under Abbot Gerbert, 
who appointed him prior. The English Abbacy of 
Croyland falling vacant, owing to the deposition by 
Lanfranc of Abbot Ulfcytel, Ingulf was nominated to 
the office in 1087 at the special instance of King Wil- 
liam. He was not only an able but a kindly man, as 
was shown by his successful efforts to obtain his pred- 
ecessor's release from Glastonbury, where he was 
confined, and his return to Peterborough (the house 
of his profession), where he died. Ingulf governed 
Croyland for twenty-four years, and with success, 
though in the face of many difficulties, not the least 
being his own bad health, for he suffered greatly 
from gout. Another of his troubles was the partial 
destruction by fire of the abbey church, with the 
sacristies, vestments, and books. An event of his 
abbacy was the interment in Croyland church of the 
Saxon Earl Waltheof of Northumbria, who was 
executed by William's orders, and was a martyr as 
well as a national hero in the popular estimation. 

Ordericus Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica, pars II, lib. IV 
(ed. MiGNE, Paris, 1855), 364 [Ordericus is the only extant 
authority for the few facts known about Ingulfs life. The 
chronicle known as his Historia Anglicana, containing many 
autobiographical details, is a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century 
forgerj']; see also Freeman, Conquest of England. IV (O-xford, 
1871). 600, 601, 690. D. O. HnNTEn-BL.\IR. 

Ingworth (Ingewrthe, Indewubde), Richard 
OF, a Franciscan preacher who flourished about 1225. 
He first appears among the friars who accompanied 
Agnellus to England in 1224, and is supposed to have 
been the first of the Franciscans to preach north of 
the Alps. He was already a priest and well on in 
years at the time of his arrival, and was responsible 
for the establishment of the first Franciscan house in 
London. The first convents at Oxford and North- 
ampton were likewise indebted to his efforts, and he 
served for a time as custodian at Cambridge. In 
12.30 he acted as vicar of the English Province during 
the absence of Agnellus at a general chapter at Assisi, 
and was subsequently appointed provincial minister 
of Ireland by John Parens. In 12.39, during the 
generalship of Albert of Pisa, he relinquished this 

Eosition and set out as a missionary for the Holy 
and, during which pilgrimage he died. 
EccLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam; 



Brewer, ed., Man. Franciscana, I, in Rolls Series; Little in 
Diet. Nat. Biog., s. v.; Eng. Hist. Rev.. Oct., 1890. 

Stanley J. Quinn. 

Injustice (Lat. in, privative, and jus, right), in 
the large sense, is a contradiction in any way of the 
virtue of justice. Here, however, it is taken to mean 
the violation of another's strict right against his 
reasonable will, and the value of the word right is 
determined to be the moral power of having or doing 
or exacting something in support or furtherance of 
one's own advantage. The goods whose acquisition 
or preservation is contemplated as the object of right 
belong to different categories. There are those which 
are boimd up with the person, whether there is <]ues- 
tion of body or soul, such as life and limb, liberty, 
etc., as likewise that which is the product of one's 
deserts, such as good name; and there are those 
things which are extrinsic to the individual, such as 
property of whatever sort. The injury perpetrated 
by a trespass on a man's right in the first instance is 
said to be personal, in the second real. All injury, 
like every kind of moral delinquency, is either formal 
or material according as it is culpable or not. It is 
customary also to distinguish between that species of 
injurious action or attitude which involves loss to 
the one whose right is outraged, such as theft, and 
another which carries with it no such damage, such 
as an insult which has had no witnesses. The im- 
portant thing is that in every kind of injury such as 
we are considering, the offence is against commutative 
justice. That is, it is against the virtue which, taking 
for granted the clear distinction of rights as between 
man and man, demands that those rights be cons('r\od 
and respected even to the point of arithmetical 
equality. Consequently, whenever the equilibrium 
has been wrongfully upset, it is not enough to atone 
for the misdeed by repentance or interior change of 
heart. There is an unabatable claim of justice that 
the wronged one be put back in possession of his 
own. Otherwise the injury, despite all protestations 
of sorrow on the part of the offender, continues. 
Hence, for example, there must be apology for con- 
tumely, retraction for calumny, compensation for 
hurt to life and limb, restitution for theft, etc. No 
one therefore can receive absolution for the sin of 
injustice except in so far as he has a serious resolution 
to rehabilitate as soon as he can and in such measure 
as is possible the one whose right he has contemned. 

It is an axiom among moralists that "scienti et 
volenti non fit injuria ", i. e., no injury is offered to one 
who knowing what is done consents to it. In other 
words, there are rights which a man may forego, and 
when he does so, he cannot complain that he has been 
deprived of them. Some limitations, however, are 
necessary to prevent the abuse of a principle which is 
sufficiently obvious. First of all a man must really 
know, that is, he must not be the victim of a purely 
subjective persuasion, which is in fact false and whicn 
is the reason of his renunciation. Secondly, the con- 
sent which he gives must not be forced, such as 
might be yielded at the point of a pistol, or such as 
might be elicited under pressure of extreme necessity 
taken advantage of by another. Lastly, the right 
must be such as can be given up. There are some 
rights which as a result of either the natural or the 
positive law cannot be surrendered. Thus a husband 
cannot by his antecedent willingness legitimize the 
adultery of his wife. His right is inalienable. So 
also one could not accede to the reijuest of a person 
who would not only agree to be killed, but would 
plead for death as a means of release fi'om sulTering. 
The right which a man has to life cannot be renounced, 
particularly if it be remembered that he has no direct 
dominion over it. This ownership resides with (jod 
alone. Hence the infliction of death liy a private 
person, even in response to the entreaties of a suf- 
ferer to be put out of misery, would always be murder. 



INNOCENCE 



11 



INNOCENT 



Slater, Manual of Moral Thmlvgy (New York, 190S): Rick- 
ABT, Ethics and Natural Law (London, 1908); Cenicot, Theolo- 
aim moralis Instilutiones (Louvain, 1898); Ballerini, Opus 
Ihcologkum morule (Prato, 1899). 

Joseph F. Delanet. 
Innocence, Proofs of. See Orde.vls. 

Innocent I, Pope; date of birth unknow-n; d. 12 
March, 417. Before his elevation to the Chair of 
Peter, very little is known concerning the life of this 
energetic pope, so zealous for the welfare of the whole 
Church. According to the "Liber Pontificalis" he 
was a native of Albano; his father was called Inno- 
centius. He grew up among the Roman clergy and in 
the service of the Roman Church. After the death of 
Anastasius (Dec, 401) he was unanimously chosen 
Bishop of Rome by the clergy and people. Not much 
has come down to us concerning his ecclesiastical ac- 
tivities in Rome. Nevertheless one or two instances 
of his zeal for the purity of the Catholic Faith and for 
church discipline are well attested. He took .several 
churches in Rome from the Novatians (Socrates, Hist. 
Eccl., \ll, ii) and caused the Photinian Marcus to be 
banished from the city. A drastic decree, which the 
Emperor Honorius issued from Rome (22 Feb., 407) 
against the Manicheans, the Montanists, and the Pris- 
cillianists (Codex Theodosianus, X\'I, 5, 40), was very 
probably not issued without his concurrence. Tlu-ough 
the munificence of \'estina, a rich Roman matron, 
Innocent was enabled to build and richly endow a 
church dedicated to Sts. Gervasius and Protasius; this 
was the old Titulus Vcstintr which still stands under 
the name of .San Vitale. The siege and capture of 
Rome by the Goths under .\laric (40S-10) occurred 
in his pontificate. When, at the time of the first 
siege, the barbarian leader had declared that he would 
withdraw only on coinlition that the Romans should 
arrange a peace favourable to him, an embassy of the 
Romans went to Honorius, at Ravenna, to try, if pos- 
sible, to make peace between him and the Goths. 
Pope Innocent also joined this embassy. But all his 
endeavours to bring about peace failed. The Cioths 
then recommenced the siege of Rome, so that the pope 
and the envoys were not able to return to the city, 
which was taken antl sacked in 410. From the begin- 
ning of his pontificate. Innocent often acted as head of 
the whole Church, both East and West. 

In his letter to .\rchbishop Anysius of Thessalonica, 
in which he informed the latter of his own election to 
the See of Rome, he also confirmed the privileges 
which had been bestowed upon the archbishop by 
previous popes. When Eastern lUyria fell to the 
Eastern Empire (,379) Pope Damasus had asserteil 
and preserved the ancient rights of the papacy in 
those parts, and his successor Siricius had bestowed 
on the .\rchbishop of Thessalonica the privilege of 
confirming and consecrating the bishops of Eastern 
lUyria. These prerogatives were renewed by InncH 
cent (Ep. i), and by a later letter (Ep. xiii, 17 June, 
412) the pope entrusted the supreme administration 
of the dioceses of Eastern Illyria to Archbishop Rufus 
of Thessalonica, as representative of the Holy See. 
By this means the papal vicariate of Illyria was put 
on a sound basis, and the archbishops of Thessalonica 
became vicars of the popes. On 15 Feb., 404, In- 
nocent sent an important decretal to Bishop Victri- 
cius of Rouen (Ep. ii), who had laid before the pope 
a list of disciplinary matters fordecision. The points 
at issue concerned the consecration of bishops, ad- 
missions into the ranks of the clergy, the disputes of 
clerics, whereby important matters {caus(e majores) 
were to be brought from the episcopal tribunal to the 
Apostolic See, also the ordinations of the clergy, celi- 
bacy, the reception of converted Novatians or Dona- 
tists into the Church, monks, and nuns. In general, 
the pope indicated the discipline of the Roman Church 
as being the norm for the other bishops to follow. 
Innocent directed a similar decretal to the Spanish 



bishops (Ep, iii) among whom difficulties had arisen, 
especially regarding the Priscillianist bishops. The 
pope regulated this matter and at the same time 
settled other questions of ecclesiastical discipline. 

Similar letters, disciplinary in content, or decisions 
of important cases, were sent to Bishop Exuperius of 
Toulouse (Ep. vi), to the bishops of Macedonia (Ep. 
xvii), to Decentius, Bishop of Gubbio (Ep. xxv), to 
Felix, Bi.shop of Xocera (Ep. xxxviii). Innocent also 
addressed shorter letters to several other bishops, 
among them a letter to two British bishops, Maximus 
and Severus, in which he decided that those priests 
who, while priests, had begotten children should be 
dismissed from their sacred office (Ep. xxxix). En- 
voys were sent by the Synod of Carthage (404) to the 
Bishop of Rome, or the bishop of the city where the 
emperor was staying, in ortler to provide for severer 
treatment of the Montanists. The envoys came to 
Rome, and Pope Innocent obtained from the Emperor 
Honorius a strong decree against tho.se African secta- 
ries, by which many adherents of Montanism were in- 
duced to be reconciled with the Church. The Chris- 
tian East also claimed a share of the pope's energy. 
St. John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, who 
was persecuted by the Empress Eudoxia and the 
Alexandrian patriarch Theophilus, threw himself on 
the protection of Innocent. Theophilus had already 
informed the latter of thedepositionof John, following 
on the illegal Synod of the Oak (ad quereum). But 
the pope did not recognize the sentence of the sjTiod, 
summoned Theophilus to a new synod at Rome, con- 
soled the exiled Patriarch of Byzantium, and WTote a 
letter to the clergy and people of Constantinople in 
which he animadverted severely on their conduct 
towards their bishop (John), and announced his 
intention of calling a general sjTiod, at which the 
matter would be sifted and decided, Thessalonica 
was suggested as the place of assembly. The pope 
informed Honorius, Emperor of the West, of these 
proceedings, whereupon the latter wrote three letters 
to his brother, the Eastern Emperor Arcadius, and 
besought Arcadius to summon the Eastern bishops to 
a synod at Thessalonica, before which the Patriarch 
Theophilus was to appear. The messengers who 
brought these three letters were ill received, Arcadius 
being quite favourable to Theophilus. In spite of 
the efforts of the pope and the Western emperor, 
the synod never took place. Innocent remained in 
correspondence with the exiled Jolui; when, from his 
place of banishment the latter thanked him for his 
kind solicitude, the pope answered with another com- 
forting letter, which the exiled bishop received only 
a short time before his death (407) (Epp. xi, xii). 
The pope did not recognize Arsacius and Atticus, who 
had been raised to the See of Constantinople instead 
of the unlawfully deposed John. 

After John's death, Innocent desired that the name 
of the deceased patriarch should be restored to the 
diptychs, but it was not until after Theophilus was 
dead (412) that Atticus yielded. The pope obtained 
from many other Eastern bishops a similar recogni- 
tion of the wrong done to St. Jolin Chrysostom. The 
schism at Antioch, dating from the Arian conflicts, 
was finally settled in Innocent's time. Alexander, 
Patriarch of Antioch, succeeded, about 413-15, in 
gaining over to his cause the adherents of the former 
Bishop Eustathius; he also received into the ranks of 
his clergy the followers of Paulinus, who had fled to 
Italy and had been ordained there. Innocent in- 
formed Alexander of the.se proceedings, and as Alexan- 
der restored the name of John Chrj'sostom to the 
diptychs, the pope entered into communion with the 
Antiochene patriarch, and wrote him two letters, one 
in the name of a Roman synod of twenty Italian 
bishops, and one in his own name (Epp. xLx and xx). 
Acacius, Bishop of Bercea. one of the most zealous 
opponents of Chrysostom, had sought to obtain re- 



INNOCENT 



12 



INNOCENT 



admittance to communion with the Roman Church 
through the aforesaid Alexander of Antiocli. The 
pope informed him, through Alexander, of the con- 
ditions under which he would resiune communion 
with him (Ep. xxi). In a later letter Innocent de- 
cided several questions of church discipline (Ep. xxiv). 

The pope also informed the Macedonian bishop 
Maximian and the priest Bonifatius, who had inter- 
ceded with him for the recognition of Atticus, Patri- 
arch of Constantinople, of the conditions, which were 
similar to those required of the above-mentioned 
Patriarch of Antioch (Epp. xxii and xxiii). In the 
Origenist and Pelagian controversies, also, the pope's 
authority was invoked from several quarters. St. 
Jerome and the nuns of Bethlehem were attacked in 
their convents l)y brutal followers of Pelagius, a dea- 
con was killed, and a part of the buildings was set on 
fire. John, Bishop of Jerusalem, who was on bad 
terms with Jerome, owing to the Origenist contro- 
versy, did nothing to prevent these outrages. Through 
Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, Innocent sent St. Je- 
rome a letter of condolence, in which he informed 
him that he would employ the influence of the Holy 
See to repress such crimes; and if Jerome would give 
the names of the guilty ones, he would proceed further 
in the matter. The pope at once wrote an earnest 
letter of exhortation to the Bishop of Jerusalem, and 
reproached him with negligence of his pastoral duty. 
The pope was also compelled to take part in the 
Pelagian controversy. In 415, on the proposal of 
Orosius, the Synod of Jerusalem Ijrought the matter 
of the orthodoxy of Pelagius before the Holy See. 
The synod of Eastern bishops held at Diospolis (Dec, 
415), which had been deceived by Pelagius with 
regard to his actual teaching and had acquitted him, 
approached Innocent on behalf of the heretic. On 
the report of Orosius concerning the proceedings at 
Diospolis, the African bishops assembled in synod at 
Carthage, in 416, and confirmed the condemnation 
which had been pronounced in 411 against Ccelestius, 
who shared the views of Pelagius. The bishops of 
Numidia did likewise in the same year in the Synod 
of Mileve. Both synods reported their transactions 
to the pope and asked him to confirm their decisions. 
Soon after this, five African bishops, among them 
St. Augustine, wrote a personal letter to Innocent 
regarding their own position in the matter of Pela- 
gianism. Innocent in his reply praised the African 
bishops, because, mindful of the authority of the 
Apostolic See, they had appealed to the Chair of 
Peter; he rejected the teachings of Pelagius and con- 
firmed the decisions drawn up by the African Synods 
(Epp. xxvii-xxxiii). The decisions of the Synod of 
Diospolis were rejected by the pope. Pelagius now 
sent a confession of faith to Innocent, which, however, 
was onlj' delivered to his successor, for Innocent died 
before the document reached the Holy See. He was 
buried in a basilica above the catacomb of Pontianus, 
and was venerated as a saint. He was a very ener- 
getic and active man, and a highly gifted ruler, who 
fulfilled admirably the duties of his office. 

Epiatolae Pontificum Uomanorum, ed. Coustant, I (Paris, 
1721); Jaffe. Rcgesta Ram. Pont., I (2nd ed.), 44-49; Liber 
Pontificalia, ed. Duchesne, I, 220-224; Lanoen, Gescliichte der 
romischen Kirche, I, 665-741 ; Grisar, Geschichte Roma und der 
Papate im Mittelalter, I, 59 sqq., 284 sqq.; Wittig, Studien zur 
Geachichte dea Papatea Innocenz I. und der Papalwahlen dea V. 
Jahrh. in Tiibinger Theol. Quartalachrift (.1902), 388-439; Geb- 
HARDT, Die Bedeutung Innacenz I. fur die Entwicklung der 
papatlichen Gewalt (Leipzig, 1901). 

J. P. KiRSCH. 

Innocent II, Pope(CIregokioPapareschi), elected 
14 I'VI)., li:{0; died 24 Sept., 1143. He wasa native 
of Home and l>elonged to the ancient family of the 
Ouidoni. Ilis father's name is given as John. The 
youthful (Jregory became canon of the Lateran and 
later Abbot of Sts. Nicholas and Primitivus. He was 
made Cardinal-Deacon of the 'i'itle of S. Angelo by Pas- 
chal II, and as such shared the exile of tlelasius II in 



France, together with his later rival, the Cardinal- 
Deacon Pierleone. Under Callistus II Gregory was 
.sent to Germany (1119) with the legate Lambert, Car- 
dinal-Bishop of Ostia. Both were engaged in drawing 
up the Concordat of Worms in 1122. In the following 
year he was sent to France. On 14 Feb., 1130, the 
morning following the death of Ilonorius II, the car- 
dinal-bishops held an election and Gregory was chosen 
as his successor, taking the name of Innocent II; 
three hours later Pietro Pierleone was elected by the 
other cardinals and took the name of Anacletus II. 
Both received episcopal consecration 23 Feb.; Inno- 
cent at Santa Maria Nuova and Anacletus at St. Peter's 
(see Anacletu.s II). Finding the influential fam- 
ily of the Frangipani had deserted his cause. Innocent 
at first retired mto the stronghold belonging to his 
family in Trastevere, then went to France by way of 
Pisa and Genoa. There he .secured the support of 
Louis VI, and in a synod at Etampes the assembled 
bishops, influenced liy the eloquence of Suger of St^ 
Denis, acknowledged his authority. This was also 
done by other bishops gathered at Puy-en-Velay 
through St. Hugh of Grenoble. The pope went to the 
Abbey of Chmy, then attended another meeting of 
bishops, November, 1130, at Clermont; they also 
promised obedience and enacted a number of disci- 
plinary canons. 

Through the activity of St. Norbert of Magth'lnirg, 
Conrad of Salzburg, and the papal legates, the election 
of Innocent was ratified at a synod assembled at Wiirz- 
burg at the request of the German king, and here the 
king and his princes promised allegiance. A personal 
meeting of pope and king took place 22 March, 1131, 
at Liege, where a week later Innocent solemnly 
crowned King Lothair and Queen Richenza in the 
church of St. Lambert. He celebrated Easter, 1131, 
at St-Denis in Paris, and 18 Oct. opened the great 
synod at Reims, and crowned the yoimg prince of 
France, later Louis VII. At this synod England, Cas- 
tile, and Aragon were represented; St. Bernard and St. 
Norbert attended and several salutary canons were 
enacted. Pentecost, 1132, the pope held a synod at 
Piacenza. The following year he again entered Rome, 
and on 4 June crowned Lothair emperor at the Lat- 
eran. In 1134 the pope, at the request of the emperor, 
ordered that Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and the is- 
land of Greenland shoidd remain under the jurisdic- 
tion of Hamburg (Weiss, " Weltgeschichte ", V, 21). 
On the departure of the emperor. Innocent also left and 
went to Pisa, since the antipope still held sway in 
Rome. At Pisa a great synod was held in 1 135 (Hefele, 
" Conciliengeschichte ", V, 425) at which were present 
bishops of Spain, England, France, Germany, Hun- 
gary, etc. In the spring of 1137 Emperor Lothair, in 
answer to the repeated entreaties of the pope, began 
his march to Rome. The papal and imperial troops 
met at Bari, 30 May, 1137, and the pope was again 
conducted into Rome. Anacletus still held a part of 
the city, but died 25 Jan., 1138. Another antipope 
was chosen, who called himself Victor IV, but he, 
urged especially by the prayers of St. Bernard, soon 
submitted, and Innocent found himself in undisturbed 
possession of the city and of the papacy. 

To remove the remnants and evil consetjuences of 
the schism, Innocent II called the Tenth (Ecumenical 
Council, the Second of the Lateran. It l>egan its ses- 
sions on 4 April, 1139 (not 8 April, as Hefele writes, 
V, 438). One thousand bishops and other prelates are 
said to have been present. The official acts of Ana- 
cletus II were declared null and void, the bishops and 
priests (irdaincd by him were with few exceptions de- 
posed, the heretical tenets of Pierre de Bruys were 
condemneil. Thirty canons were made against si- 
mony, incontinence, extravagance in dress among the 
clergy, etc. Sentence of exconnuunication was pro- 
nounced upon Roger, who styled himself King of Sicily, 
and who after the departure of the emperor had in- 



INNOCENT 



13 



INNOCENT 



vaded the lands granted to Rainulph. In 1139 St. 
Malachy, Archbishop of Armagh, left Ireland to visit 
the shrine of the Apostles. Innocent received him 
with great honours and made him papal legate for all 
Ireland, hut would not grant him permission to resign 
his see in order to join the community of St . Bernard at 
Clairvaux (Bellesheim, "Ireland ", I, 356). In the East, 
Innocent II curbed the pretension to independence on 
the part of William, Patriarch of Jerusalem and of 
Raoul, Patriarch of .\ntioch (Hergenrother, II, 410). 

.\fter the death of Alberic, Archbishop of Bourges, 
in 1141, Louis VII of France wanted to secure the 
nomination of a man of his own choice whom the 
chapter did not consider the fit person, and they chose 
Pierre de La Chatre, whereupon Louis refused to ratify 
the election. The bishop-elect in person brought the 
matter to Home, and Innocent, finding after due ex- 
amination that the election had been made according 
to the requirements of ecclesiastical law, confirmed it 
anil himself gave the episcopal consecration. When 
Pierre returned to France, Louis would not allow him 
to enter his diocese. After useless negotiations Inno- 
cent placed France under interdict. Only during the 
reign of the next pope was the interdict removed and 
peace restored. 

In the trouble between Alfonso of Spain and .Ailfonso 
Henriquez who was making Portugal an independent 
monarchy and had placed his kingdom under the pro- 
tection of the Holy See, Innocent acted as mediator 
(.A.schbach, "Gesch. Span. u. Port.", 1833, 304,458). 
Ramiro II, a monk, had been elected King of Aragon. 
Innocent II is said to have given him dispensation 
from his vows, though others claim that this is a cal- 
umny spread Ijy the enemies of the pope (Damberger, 
" We'ltgeschichte ", VIII, 202). 

Several minor synods were held during the last few 
years of the life of Innocent, one at Sens in 1140, at 
Vienne in 1141 and in the same year at Vienne and 
Reims; in 1142 at Lagny, in which Ralph, the Duke of 
Vermandois is said to have been excommunicated by 
the legate Yvo of Chartres for having repudiated his 
lawful wife and married another (Hefele, X, 488). A 
synod was held under the presidency of the papal leg- 
ate 7 .\pril. 1141, at Winchester; and 7 Dec, 1141, 
at Westminster. During his pontificate Innocent II 
enrolled among the canonized saints of the Church: at 
Reims in 113:), St. Godeliard, Archbishop of Reims; at 
Pisa in 1134, St. Hugo, Bishop of Grenoble, who had 
died in 1132, and had been a zealous defender of the 
rights of Innocent; at the Lateran in 1139, St. Stur- 
raius. Abbot of Fulda (Ann. Pont. Cath., 1903, 412). 
To St. Norbert, the founder of the Premonstraten- 
sians, he granted in 1131 a document authorizing him 
to introduce his rule at the cathedral of Magdeburg 
(Heimbucher, "Die Orden u. Congr.", II, Pader- 
born, 1907, 55); to St. Bernard he in 1140 gave the 
church of Sts. Vincent and Anastasius near Rome 
(ibid., I, 42S); he also granted many privileges to 
others. His letters and privileges are given in Migne 
(P. L., CLXXIX). According to the "Liber Pontifi- 
calis" (ed. Duchesne, II, 379) he ordained eighteen 
deacons, twenty priests, and seventy bishops. 

He was buried in St. .John Lateran, but seven years 
later was transferred to Santa Maria in Trastevere. 
Innocent II is praised by all. especially by St. Ber- 
nard, as a man of irreproachable character. His motto 
was: ".Adjuva nos, Deus salutaris noster". The pol- 
icy of Innocent is characterized in one of his letters: 
"If the .siicred authority of the popes and the im- 
perial power are imbued with mutual love, we must 
thank God in all humility, since then only can peace 
and harmony exist among Christian peoples. For 
there is nothing so sublime as the papacy nor so ex- 
alted as the imperial throne" (Weiss, V, 25). 

BnisrHAR in Kirckenlex.,s. v.: Denzinger. Enchiridion (10th 
ed., Freiburg, 1907), 167. See also under Anacletus II. 
Francis Mershman. 




IS OF In 



Innocent III, Pope (Lot ARio de' CoNTi),oneof the 
grcatot ii(i|)os of the Middle .^ges, son of Count Trasi- 
niund (if Srgni and nephew of Clement III, born 1160 
or 1161 at .\nagni, and died 16 June, 1216, at Perugia. 
He received his early education at Rome, studied 
theology at Paris, jurisprudence 
at Bologna, and became a learned 
theologian and one of the great- 
est jurists of his time. Shortly 
after the death of Alexander III 
(30 .Aug., 1181) Lotario returneil 
to Rome and held various ecclesi- 
astical offices during the short reigns 
of Lucius III, LIrban III, Gregory 
VIII, and Clement III. Pope Greg- 
ory VIII ordained him subdeacon, 
and Clement III created him Cardi- 
nal-Deacon of St. Cieorge in Velabro and Sts. Sergius 
and Bacchus, in 1190. Later he became Cardinal-Priest 
of St. Pudentiana. During the pontificate of Celestine 
III (1191-1198), a member of the House of the Orsini, 
enemies of the counts of Segni, he lived in retirement, 
probably at Anagni, devoting him.self chiefly to medi- 
tation and literary pursuits. Celestine III died 8 
January, 1198. Previous to his death he had urged 
the College of Cardinals to elect Giovanni di Colonna 
as his successor; but Lotario de' Conti was elected 
pope, at Rome, on the very day on which Celestine III 
died. He accepted the tiara with reluctance and took 
the name of Innocent III. At the time of his acces- 
sion to the papacy he was only thirty-seven years of 
age. The imperial throne had become vacant by 
the death of Henry VI in 1197, and no successor had 
as yet been elected. The tactful anrl energetic pope 
made good use of the opportunity offered him by this 
vacancy for the restoration of the papal power in 
Rome and in the States of the Church. The Pre- 
fect of Rome, who reigned over the city as the em- 
peror's representative, and the senator who stood for 
the communal rights and privileges of Rome, swore 
allegiance to Innocent. When he had thus re-estab- 
lished the papal authority in Rome, he availed himself 
of every opportunity to put in practice his grand con- 
cept of the papacy. Italy was tired of being ruled by 
a host of German adventurers, and the pope experi- 
enced little difficulty in extending his political power 
over the peninsula. First he sent two cardinal leg- 
ates to Markwald to demand the restoration of the Ro- 
magna and the March of .\ncona to the Church. Upon 
his evasive answer he was excommunicated by the leg- 
ates and driven away by the papal troops. In like 
manner the Duchy of Spoleto and the Districts of As- 
sisi and Sora were wrested from the German knight, 
Conrad von Uerslingen. The league which had been 
formed among the cities of Tuscany was ratified by the 
pope after it acknowledged him as suzerain. 

'The death of the Emperor Henry VI left his four- 
year-old child, Frederick II, King of Sicily. The em- 
peror's widow Constance, who ruled over Sicily for her 
little son, was unable to cope singly against the Nor- 
man barons of the Sicilian Kingdom, who resented the 
German rule and refused to acknowledge the child- 
king. She appealed to Innocent III to save the Sicil- 
ian throne for her child. The pope made use of this 
opportunity to reassert papal suzerainty over Sicily, 
and acknowledged Frederick II as king only after 
Constance had surrendered certain privileges con- 
tained in the so-called Four Chapters, which William I 
had previously extorted from .\drian IV. The pope 
then solcmnlv invested Frederick II as King of Sicily 
in a Hull issuV.l about the miildleof November, 1198. 
Before the B\dl reached Sicily ( '(instance had died, but 
before her tieatli she had appointed Innocent as guar- 
dian of the orphan-king. With the greatest fitlelity 
the pope watched over the welfare of his ward during 
the nine years of his minority. Even the enemies 
of the papacy admit that Innocent was an unselfish 



INNOCENT 



14 



INNOCENT 



guardian of the young king and that no one ■else 
could have ruled for him more ably and conscien- 
tiously. To protect t he inexperienced king against his 
enemies, he induced him in 1209 to marry Constance, 
the widow of King Emeric of HungarJ^ 

Conditions in Germany were extremely favourable 
for the application of Innocent's idea concerning the 
relation between the papacy and the empire. After 
the death of Henry VI a double election had ensued. 
The Gliibellines had elected Philip of Swabia on 6 
March, 1198, while the Guelfs had elected Otto IV, 
son of Henry the Lion and nephew of King Richard of 
England, in April of the same year. The former was 
crowned at Mainz on S September, 1198, the latter at 
Aachen on 12 July, 119S. Immediately upon his ac- 
cession to the papal throne Innocent had sent the 
Bishop of Sutri and the Abbot of Sant' Anastasio as 
legates to Germany, with instructions to free Philip of 
Swabia from the ban which he had incurred under 
Celestine III, on condition that he would bring about 
the liberation of the impri.soned Queen Sibyl of Sicily 
and restore the territory which he had taken from the 
Church when he was Duke of Tuscany. When the leg- 
ates arrived in Germany, Philip had already been 
elected king. Yielding to the wishes of Philip, the 
Bishop of Sutri secretly freed him from the ban upon 
his mere promise to fulfil the propo.sed conditions. 
After the coronation Philip sent the legates back to 
Rome with letters requesting the pope's ratification of 
his election; but Innocent was dissatisfied with the 
action of the Bishop of Sutri and refused to ratify the 
election. Otto IV also sent legates to the pope after 
his coronation at Aachen, but liefore the pope took 
any action, the two claimants of the German throne 
began to assert their claims by force of arms. Though 
the pope did not openly side with either of them, it 
was apparent that his sympathy was with Otto IV. 
Offended at what they considered an unjust interfer- 
ence on the part of the pope, the adherents of Philip 
sent a letter to him in which they protested against his 
interference in the imperial affairs of Germany. In 
his answer Innocent stated that he had no intention of 
encroaching upon the rights of the princes, but in- 
sisted upon the rights of the Church in this matter. 
He emphasized especially that the conferring of the 
imperial crown belonged to the pope alone. In 1201 
the pope openly espoused the siile of Otto IV. On 3 
July, 1201, the papal legate, Cardinal-Bishop Guido of 
Palestrina, announced to the people, in the cathedral 
of Cologne, that Otto IV had been approved by the 
pope as Roman king and threatened with excommuni- 
cation all those who refused to acknowledge him. Inno- 
cent III made clear to the German princes by the De- 
cree ^' Venerabilem " which he addressed to the Duke of 
Zahringen in May, 1202, in what relation he considered 
the empire to stand to the papacy. This decretal, 
which has become famous, was afterwards embodied 
in the " Corpus Juris Canonici". It is found in Baluze, 
"Registrum Innocentii III super negotio Romani Im- 
perii", no. Ixii, and is reprinted in P. L., CCXVI, 1065- 
7. The following are the chief points of the decretal: 
(1) The German princes have the right to elect the 
king, who is afterwards to become emperor. (2) This 
right was given them by the Apostolic See when it 
transferred the imperial dignity from the Greeks to the 
Germans in the person of Charlemagne. (3) The right 
to investigate and decide whether a king thus elected 
is worthy of the imperial dignity belongs to the pope, 
who.se office it is to anoint, consecrate, and crown him; 
otherwise it might happen that the pope would be 
obliged to anoint, consecrate, and crown a king who 
was excommunicated, a heretic, or a pagan. (4) If the 
pope finds that the king who has been elected by the 
pnnces is unworthy of the imperial dignity, the princes 
must elect a new king or, if they refuse, the pope will 
confer the imperial dignity upon another king; for the 
Church stands in need of a patron and defender. (5) 



In case of a double election the pope must exhort the 
princes to come to an agreement. If after a due in- 
terval they have not reached an agreement they must 
ask the pope to arbitrate, failing which, he must of his 
own accord and by virtue of his office decide in favour 
of one of the claimants. The pope's decision need not 
be based on the greater or less legality of either elec- 
tion, but on the qualifications of the claimants. 

Innocent's exposition of his theory concerning the 
relation between the papacy and the empire was ac- 
cepted by many princes, as is apparent from the sud- 
den increase of Otto's adherents subsequent to the is- 
sue of the decretal. If after 1203 the majority of the 
princes began again to side with Philip, it was the 
fault of Otto himself, who was very irritable and often 
offended his best friends. Innocent, reversing his de- 
cision, declared in favour of Philip in 1207, and sent 
the Cardinals Ugolino of Ostia and Leo of Santa Croce 
to Germany with instructions to endeavour to induce 
Otto to renounce his claims to the throne and with 
powers to free Philip from the ban. The murder of 
King Phihp by Otto of Wittelsbach, 21 June, 1208, en- 
tirely changed conditions in Germany. .4t the Diet of 
Frankfort, 11 November, 1208, Otto was acknowl- 
edged as king by all the princes, and the pope invited 
him to Rome to receive the imperial crown. He was 
crowned emperor in the Basilica of St. Peter at Rome, 
4 October, 1209. Before his coronation he had sol- 
emnly promised to leave the Church in the peaceful 
possession of Spoleto, Ancona, and the gift of Countess 
Matilda; to assist the pope in the exercise of his suzer- 
ainty over Sicily; to grant freedom of ecclesiastical 
elections; unlimited right of appeal to the pope and 
the exclusive competency of the hierarchy in spiritual 
matters; he had, moreover, renounced the "regalia" 
and the jus spolii, i. e., the right to the revenues 
of vacant sees and the seizure of the estates of in- 
testate ecclesiastics. He also promised to assist the 
hierarchy in the extirpation of heresy. But scarcely 
had he been crowned emperor when he seized Ancona, 
Spoleto, the bequest of Matilda, and other property 
of the Church, giving it in vassalage to some of his 
friends. He also united with the enemies of Frederick 
II and invaded the Kingdom of Sicily with the purpose 
of wresting it from the youthfid king and from the 
suzerainty of the pope. \\'hen Otto did not listen to 
the remonstrances of Innocent, the latter excommuni- 
cated him, IS November, 1210, and solemnly pro- 
claimed his excommunication at a Roman synod held 
on 31 March, 1211. The pope now began to treat with 
King Philip Augustus of France and with the German 
princes, with the result that most princes renounced 
the excommunicated emperor and elected in his place 
the youthful Frederick II of Sicily, at the Diet of 
Nuremberg in September, 1211. The election was 
repeated in presence of a representative of the pope 
and of Philip Augustus of France at the Diet of 
Frankfort, 2 December, 1212. After making prac- 
tically the same promises to the pope which Otto IV 
had made previously, and, in addition, taking the sol- 
emn oath never to unite Sicily with the empire, his 
election was ratified by Innocent and he was crowned 
at Aachen on 12 July, 1215. The deposed emperor 
Otto IV hastened to Germany immediately upon the 
election of Frederick II, but received little .svipport 
from the princes. In alliance with John of England 
he made war upon Philip of France, but was defeated 
in the battle of Bouvines, 27 July, 1214. Then he 
lost all influence in Germany and died on 19 May, 
1218, leaving the pope's creature, Frederick II, the 
undisputed emperor. When Innocent ascended the 
papal throne a cruel war was being waged between 
Philip Augu.stus of I'rance and Richard of England. 
The pope considered it his duty, as the supn-nie ruler 
of the Christian world, to Jiut an end to all hostilities 
among Christian princes. Shortly after his accession 
he sent Cardinal Peter of Capua to France with in- 



INNOCENT 



15 



INNOCENT 



structions to threaten both kings with interdict if they 
would not within two months conclude peace or at 
least ajrree upon a truce of five years. In January, 
119S, the two kings met between Vernon and Andely 
and a truce of five years was agreed upon. The same 
legate was instructed by the pope to threaten Philip 
Augustus with interdict over the whole of France if 
within a month he would not be reconciled with his 
lawful wife, Ingeburga of Denmark, whom he had re- 
jected and in whose stead he had taken Agnes, daugh- 
ter of the Duke of Meran. When Philip took no heed 
of the pope's warning Innocent carried out his threat 
and on PJ December, 1199, laid the whole of France 
vmder interdict. For nine months the king remained 
stubborn, but when the barons and the jicople began 
to rise in rebellion against him he finally discanled his 
concubine and the interdict was lifted on 7 September, 
1200. It was not, however, until 1213 that the pope 
succeeded in bringing about a final reconciliation be- 
tween the king and his lawful wife Ingeburga. 

Innocent also had an opportunity to assert the 
papal rights in England. After the death of Arch- 
bisho]3 Hubert of Canterbury, in 120.5, a number of the 
younger monks of Christ Church assemljled secretly at 
night and elected their sub-prior, Reginald, as arch- 
bishop. This election was made without the concur- 
rence of the bishop and without the authority of the 
king. Reginald was asked not to divulge his election 
imtil he had received the papal approbation. But on 
his way to Rome the vain monk assumed the title of 
archbishop-elect, and thus the episcopal body of the 
province of Canterbury was apprised of the secret elec- 
tion. The liishops at once sent Peter of Anglesham 
as their representative to Pope Innocent to protest 
against the uncanonical proceedings of the monks of 
Christ Church. The monks also were highly incensed 
at Reginald because, contrary to his promise, he had 
divulged his election. They proceeded to a second 
election, and on 11 December, 1205, cast their votes 
for the royal favourite, John de Grey, whom the king 
had recommemled to their suffrages. The contro- 
versy between the monks of Christ Church and the 
bisho]5s concerning the right of electing the .\rchbishop 
of Canterbury, Innocent decided in favour of the 
monks, but in the present case he pronounced both 
elections invalid; that of Reginald because it had been 
made imcanonically and clandestinely, that of John de 
Grey because it had occurred before the invalidity of 
the former was proclaimed by the pope. Not even 
King John, who offered Innocent 3000 marks if he 
u-ould decide in favour of de Grey, could alter the 
pope's decision. Innocent summoned those monks of 
Canterbmy who were in Rome to proceed to a new 
election and recommended to their choice Stephen 
Langton, an Englishman, whom the pope had called to 
Rome from the rectorship of the University of Paris, 
in order to create him cardinal. He was duly elected 
by the monks and the pope himself consecrated him 
archbishop at Viterbo on 17 June, 1207. Innocent in- 
formed King Jolm of the election of Langton and 
asked him to accept the new archbishop. The king, 
however, had set his mind on his favourite, John de 
Grey, and flatly refused to allow Langton to come to 
England in the capacity of Archbishop of Canterbury. 
He, moreover, wreaked his vengeance on the monks of 
Christ Church liy driving them from their monastery 
and taking possession of their property. Innocent 
now placed the entire kingdom vmder interdict which 
was proclaimed on 24 March, 1208. When this 
proved of no avail and the king committed acts of 
cruelty against the clergy, the pope declared him ex- 
communicated in 1209, and formally deposed him in 
1212. He entrusted King Philip of France with the 
execution of the sentence. When Philip threatened 
to invade England and the feudal lords and the clergy 
began to forsake King John, the latter made his sub- 
mission to Pandulph, whom Innocent had sent as leg- 



ate to England. He promised to acknowledge Lang- 
ton as Archbishop of Canterbury, to allow the exiled 
bishops and priests to return to England and to make 
compensation for the losses which the clergy had sus- 
tained. He went still further, and on 13 Jlay, 1213, 
probably of his own initiative, surrendered the Eng- 
lish kingdom thiDugh Pandulph into tiie hands of the 
pope to be returned to him as a fief. The document of 
the surrender states that henceforth the kings of Eng- 
land were to ride as vassals of the pope and to pay an 
annual tribute of 1000 marks to the See of Rome. On 
20 July, 1213, the king was solemnly freed from the 
ban at W'inchester and after the clergy had been reim- 
bursed for its losses the intertlict was lifted from Eng- 
land on 29 June, 1214. It appears that many of the 
barons were not pleased with the surrender of England 




Tomb of I.vxocent III 
f>t. John I.ateran, Rome, erected by Leo XIII, IS'JO 

into the hands of the pope. They also resented the 
king's continuous trespasses upon their liberties and 
his many acts of injustice in the government of the peo- 
ple. They finally had recourse to violence and forced 
him to yield to their demands by affixing his seal to 
the Magna Charta. Innocent could not as suzerain of 
England allow a contract which imposed such serious 
obligations upon his vassal to be made without his 
consent. His legate Pandulph had repeatedly praised 
King John to the pope as a wise ruler and loyal vassal 
of the Holy See. The pope, therefore, declared the 
Great Charter null and void, not because it gave too 
many liberties to the barons and the people, but be- 
cause it had been obtained by violence. 

There was scarcely a coimtrj- in Europe over which 
Innocent III did not in some way or other assert the 
supremacj' which he claimed for the papacy. He ex- 
communicated .\lfonso IX of Leon, for marrying a 
near relative, Berengaria, a daughter of Alfonso VIII, 
contrary to the laws of the Church, and effected their 
separation in 1204. For similar reasons he annulled, 
in 1208, the marriage of the crown-prince, .Alfonso of 
Portugal, with Urraca, daughter of .Ufonso of Castile. 
From Pedro II of .\ragon he received that kingdom in 
vassalage and crowned him king at Rome in 1204. He 
prepareil a crusade against the Moors and lived to see 
their power broken in Spain at the battle of Navas de 



INNOCENT 



16 



INNOCENT 



Tolosa, in 1212. He protected the people of Norway 
against their tyrannical king, Sverri, and after the 
king's death arbitrated between the two claimants to 
the Norwegian throne. He mediated between King 
Emeric of Hungary and his rebellious brother An- 
drew, sent royal crown and sceptre to King Johanni- 
tius of Bulgaria anil had his legate crown him king at 
Tirnovo, in 1204; he restored ecclesiastical discipline 
in Poland; arbitrated between the two claimants to 
the royal crown of Sweden; made partly successful at- 
tempts to reunite the Greek with the Latin Church and 
extended his beneficent influence practically over the 
whole Christian world. Like many preceding popes, 
Innocent had at heart the recovery of the Holy Land, 
and for this end undertook the Fourth Crusade. The 
Venetians had pledged themselves to transport the en- 
tire Christian army and to furnish the fleet with pro- 
visions for nine months, for S.5,000 marks. When the 
crusaders were unable to pay the sum, the Venetians 
proposed to bear the financial expenses themselves on 
condition that the crusaders would first assist them 
in the conquest of the city of Zara. The crusaders 
yielded to their demands and the fleet started down 
the Adriatic on 8 October, 1202. Zara had scarcely 
been reduced when Alexius Comnenus arrived at the 
camp of the crusaders and pleaded for their help to re- 
place his father, Isaac Angelus, on the throne of Con- 
stantinople from which he had been deposed by his 
cruel brother Alexius. In return he promised to re- 
unite the Greek with the Latin Church, to add 10,000 
soldiers to the ranks of the crusaders, and to con- 
tribute money and provisions to the crusade. The 
Venetians, who saw their own commercial advantage 
in the taking of Constantinople, induced the crusaders 
to yield to the prayers of Alexins, and Constantinople 
was taken by them in 1204. Isaac Angelus was re- 
stored to his throne but soon replaced by a usurper. 
The crusaders took Constantinople a second time on 
12 April, 1204, and after a horrible pillage, Baldwin, 
Count of Flanders, was proclaimed emperor and the 
Greek Church was united with the Latin. The re- 
union, as well as the Latin empire in the East, did not 
last longer than two generations. When Pope Inno- 
cent learned that the Venetians had diverted the cru- 
saders from their purpose of conquering the Holy 
Land he expressed his great dissatisfaction first at 
their conquest of Zara, and when they proceeded 
towards Constantinople he solemnly protested and 
finally excommunicated the Venetians who had caused 
the digression of the crusaders from their original pur- 
pose. Since, however, he could not undo what had 
been accomplished he did his utmost to destroy the 
Greek schism and latinize the Eastern Empire. 

Innocent was also a zealous protector of the true 
Faith and a strenuous opponent of heresy. His chief 
activity was turned against the Albigenses who had 
become so numerous and aggressive that they were no 
longer satisfied with being adherents of heretical 
doctrines but even endeavoured to spread their 
heresy by force. They were especially numerous in 
a few cities of Northern Italy and in Southern 
France. During the first year of hfs pontificate 
Innocent sent the two Cistercian monks Rainer and 
Ciuido to the Albigenses in France to preach to them 
the true Faith and dispute with them on controverted 
topics of religion. The two Cistercian missionaries 
were soon followed by Diego, Bishop of Osma, then 
by St. Dominic and the two papal legates, Peter of 
Castelnau and Raoul. When, however, these peace- 
ful missionaries were ridiculed and despised by the 
Albigenses, and the papal legate Castelnau was 
assassinated in 1208, Innocent resorted to force. 
He ordered the bishops of Southern France to put 
under interdict the participants in the murder and all 
the towns that gave shelter to them. He was espe- 
cially incensed against Count Raymond of Toulouse 
who had previously been excommunicated by the 



murdered legate and whom, for good reasons, the 
pope suspected as the instigator of the murder. The 
count protested his innocence and submitted to the 
pope, probably out of cowardice, but the pope placed 
no further trust in him. He called upon France to 
raise an army for the suppression of the Albigenses. 
Under the leadership of Simon of Montfort a cruel 
campaign ensued against the Albigenses which, 
despite the protest of Innocent, soon turned into a 
war of conquest (see Albigense.>s). The culminating 
point in the glorious reign of Innocent was his con- 
vocation of the Fourth Lateran Council, which he 
solemnly opened on 15 November, 1215. It was by 
far the most important council of the Middle Ages. 
Besides deciding on a general crusade to the Holy 
Land, it issued seventy reformatory decrees, the first 
of which was a creed {Firmiter credimus), against the 
Albigenses and Waldenses, in which the term "tran- 
substantiation " received its first ecclesiastical sanc- 
tion. (See Lateran Councils.) 

The labours of Innocent in the inner government 
of the Church appear to be of a very subordinate 
character when they are put beside his great polit- 
ico-ecclesiastical achievements, which brought the 
papacy to the zenith of its power. Still they are 
worthy of memory and have contributed their share 
to the glory of his pontificate. During his reign the 
two great founders of the mendicant orders, St. 
Dominic and St. Francis, laid before him their scheme 
of reforming the world. Innocent was not blind 
to the vices of luxury and indolence which had in- 
fected many of the clergy and part of the laity. 
In Dominic and Francis he recognized two mighty 
adversaries of these vices and he sanctioned their 
projects with words of encouragement. The lesser 
religious orders which he approved are the Hospi- 
tallers of the Holy Ghost on 23 April, 1198, the Trini- 
tarians on 17 December, 1198, and the Humiliati, in 
June, 1201. In 1209 he commissioned the Cistercian 
monk. Christian, afterwards bishop, with the con- 
version of the heathen Prussians. At Rome he built 
the famous hospital Santo Spirito in Sassia, which 
became the model of all future city hospitals and exi.sts 
to the pre.sent time (see Walsh, "The Popes and 
Science", New York, 1908, p. 249-258; and the article 
HospiT.\Ls). The following saints were canonized by 
Innocent: Homobonus, a merchant of Cremona, on 
12 January, 1199 ; the Empress C'unegond, on 3 
March, 1200; William, Duke of Aquitaine in 1202; 
Wulstan, Bishop of York, on 14 May, 1203; Proco- 
pius, abbot at Prague, on 2 June, 1204; and Gui- 
bert, the founder of the monastery at Gembloux, 
in 1211. Innocent died at Perugia, while travelling 
through Italy in the interests of the crusade which had 
been decided upon at the Lateran Council. He was 
buried in the cathedral of Perugia where his body 
remained until Leo XIII, a great admirer of Inno- 
cent, had it transferred to the Lateran in December, 
1891. Innocent is also the author of various literary 
works reprinted in P. L., CCXIV-CCXVIII, where 
may also be found his mmierous extant epistles and 
decretals, and the historically important "Registrum 
Innocentii III super negotio imperii ". His first 
work, " De contemptu mundi, sive de miseria con- 
ditionis humane libri III" (P. L., CCXVII, 701- 
746) was written while he lived in retirement during 
the pontificate of t'elestine III. It is an ascetical 
treatise and gives evidence of Innocent's deep piety 
and knowledge of men. Concerning it see Reinlein, 
"Papst Innocenz der dritte und seine Schrift 'De 
contemptu mundi'" (Erlangen, 1871). His trea- 
tise " De .sacro altaris mysterio liliri VI" (P. L., 
CCXVII, 773-916) is of great liturgical value, because 
it represents tlie Roman Mass as it was at the time 
of Innocent. See Franz, "Die Messe im deutschen 
Mittelalter" (Freiburg, 1902), 453-457. It was 
printed repeatedly, and translated into German by 



INNOCENT 



17 



INNOCENT 



Hurler (Schaffhausen, 1S45). He also wrote "De 
quadripartita specie nuptiarum" (P. L., CCXV'II, 
923-96S), an exposition of the fourfold marriage 
bond, namely, (1) between man and wife, (2) between 
Christ and the Church, (3) between God and the 
just soul, (4) between the Word and human nature, 
and is entirely based on passages from Holy Scrip- 
ture. "Commentarius in septem psalmos pa'niten- 
tiales" (P. L., CCXVII, 967-1130) is of doubtful 
authorship. Among his seventy-nine sermons (il)i- 
dera, 314-691) is the famous one on the text "De- 
siderio desideravi" (Luke, xxii, 15), wliich he de- 
livered at the Fourth Lateran Council. 

Gesta Innocentii, written by an unknown contemporary, 
edited with valuable critical notes by B.\luze (Paris, 1686). 
The Gesta were also edited bv Muratori in Rerum Italicarum 
Scriptores ab anno BOO ad 1500, III (Milan. 1723-51). i. 480 aq., 
and reprinted in P. L., CCXIV. cviii-ccxxxviii. Concerning 
their historical value see Elkan, Die "Gesta Innocentii III," im 
Verhaltniss zu den Regesten desselben Papstes (Heidelberg. 
1876). The principal niodern sources are: Hurter, Geschichte 
des Papstes Imn'. < /: : in. 'ntd seiner Zeitgenossen (4 vols., Ham- 
burg. 18411' 'i I 'I ' I [l^ six studies by Luchaire, ail pub- 
lished at P:iii ; ///. Rome etVItalie (1904); Innocent 
III, la croho.i, \ ,. j^ (WOo): Innocent III. la papaute et 
I'empirc (I'.lilii), i,>„o,,„i III. In .,,!.si:..„ .rnri.nl (1007); Inno- 
cenllll.lrs nH,„„l,~ra.-,s,}l,-^.! , n' ' - . f.HIX) . InnocrnI III , 
lecom-Uc d, Lalr.ni ,1 l„ r, i.n. ■ il'.Klsl; B.KRRY, The 
Papal .Mnmirchy {Sew York. rHi.l.jsj , ;_' ; JunKy, Hisloiredu 
Pape Innocent III (Paris. is.'i.i}; Delisle. Mi moire sur les 
actes d' Innocent III, suivideVitinerairedecepontife (Paris, 1857); 
Deutsch, Papst Innocenz III. und sein Einftuss auf die Kirche 
(Breslau. 1876); Gasparin, Innocent III, le siige apostolique, 
Constanlin (Paris, 1875) ; Schwemer. Innocenz III . und die deiU- 
sche Kirche wdhrenddes Thronstreites von 1 193- IS03 (.StrashuTg, 
1882); LiNDEMANN, Kritische Darstellung der Verhandlungen In- 
nocenz III. mit den deutschen Gegenkonigen (Magdeburg. 1885); 
Engelmann, Philipp von Schwaben und Innorm:: III . tr.ihrcnd 
des deutschen Thronstreites (Berlin, 1896); Wixkki.m wx, rhi- 
lipp von Schwaben und Otto IV. (2 vols.. Liip/i^, 1S7;;-,S); 
^loLITOR. Die Decretale "Per venerabilem'^ von I n'tor, nz III . und 
ihre Slellung im offrnllichen Rechle der Kirche (Minister. 1,S7B); 
GiJTSCHOW. Innnrrnz III. und Emihind (Munich, 1904); 
NoRGATE, John Lnrkhind (New York, 1!)U2); (.Iasquet. Henry 
the Third and Ihe Church (London, lOO.i). 1-26; Lingard, His- 
tory of England, II (Edinburgh. 1802), 312-376; Pirie-Gordon, 
Innocent the Great (London, 1907), somewhat fantastic; NoR- 
DEN, Papsttum und Byzanz (Berlin, 1903). 133-238; Hill, .4 
History of European Diplomacy, I (New York, 1905), 313-331; 
MuLLANY. Innocent III in American Catholic Quarterly Revielc, 
XXXII (Philadelphia. 1907), 25-48; Feiehfeil. Innocenz III. 
und seine Beziehungen zu Bohmen (Teplitz. 1905) ; Bohmer. 
Regesta imperii, V.; Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter Philipp, 
Otto IV.. Friedrich II., Heinrich (.VII.), Konrad IV„ Heinrich 
Raspe, Wilhelm und Richard, 1198-1272, newly edited by 
FicKER and Winkelmann (Innsbruck, 1881-1901). 

Michael Ott. 

Innocent IV, Pope (Sinibaldo de' Fieschi), Count 
of Lavagna, b. at Genoa, date unknown; d. at Naples, 
7 December, 1254. He was educated at Parma and 
Bologna. For some time he taught canon law at 
Bologna, then he became canon at Parma and in 1226 
is mentioned as auditor of the Ro- 
man Curia. On 23 Septemhpr.1227, 
he was created Cardinal-Priest of 
San Lorenzo in Lucina ; on 28 July, 
1228, vice-chancellor of Rome; and 
in 1235 Bishop of Albenga and 
legate in Northern Italy. When 
(^'elestinelVdiedafter a short reign 
of sixteen days, the excommuni- 
cated emperor, Frederick II, was in 
, , possession of the States of the 

Arms oF^I^NNocENT church around Rome and at- 
tempted to intimidate the car- 
dinals into electing a pope to his own liking. The 
cardinals fled to .\nagni and cast their votes for 
Sinibaldo de Fieschi, who ascended the papal 
throne as Innocent IV on 25 June, 1243, after an in- 
terregnum of 1 year, 7 months, and 15 days. Innocent 
IV had previously been a friend of Frederick II. Im- 
mediately after the election the emperor .sent messen- 
gers with roMgratu hit inns and overtures of peace. The 
pope was desirous (if praee, but he knew from the ex- 
perience of Gregory IX how little trust could be put in 
the emperor's promi.-ies. He refused to receive the 
latter's messengers, liecause, like the emperor himself, 
VIII.— 2 




they were under the Iran of the Church. But two 
months later he .sent Peter, Archliishop of Rouen, 
William of Modena. who had resigneil his episcopal 
office, and Abbot William of St. Facundus as legates 
to the emperor at Melfi with instructions to ask him to 
release the prelates whom he had captured while on 
their way to the council which Gregory IX had in- 
tendetl to hold at Rome. The legates were further- 
more instructed to find out what satisfaction the 
emperor was willing to make for the in .juries which he 
had inflicted upon the Church and which caused Greg- 
ory IX to put him under the ban. Should the em- 
peror deny that he had done any wrong to the Church, 
or even assert that the injustice had been done on the 
side of the Church, the legates were to propose that the 
decision should be left to a council of Idngs, prelates, 
and temporal princes. Frederick entered into an agree- 
ment with Innocent on 31 March, 1244. He promised 
to yield to the demands of the Curia in all essential 
points, viz., to restore the States of the Church, to re- 
lease the prelates, and to grant amnesty to the allies of 
the pope. His insincerity became apparent when he 
secretly incited various tumults in Rome and refused 
to release the imprisoned prelates. Feeling himself 
hindered in his freedom of action on account of the 
emperor's military preponderance, and fearing for his 
personal .safety, the pope decided to leave Italy. At 
his request the Genoese sent him a fleet which arrived 
at Civitavecchia while the pope was in Sutri. As 
soon as he was notified of its arrival, he left Sutri in 
disguise during the night of 27-28 June and hastened 
over the mountains to Civitavecchia, whence the fleet 
brought him to Genoa. In October he went to Bur- 
gundy, and in December to Lyons, where he took up 
his abode during the following si.x years. He at once 
made preparations for a general council, which on 3 
January, 1245, he proclaimed for 24 June of the same 
year. Innocent had notliing to fear in France and 
proceeded with great severity against the emperor. 

At the Council of Lyons (see Lyon.s, Councils of) 
the emperor was represented by Thaddcus of Suessa, 
who offered new concessions if his master were freed 
from the ban; but Innocent rejected them, and hav- 
ing brought new accusations against the emperor dur- 
ing the second session, on 5 July, solemnly deposed 
him at the third session, on 17 July. He now ordered 
the princes of Germany to proceed to the election of a 
new king, and sent PhiUp of Ferrara as legate to Ger- 
many to bring about the election of Henry Raspe, 
Landgrave of Thuringia. The pope's candidate was 
elected on 22 May, 1246, at Veitshochheim on the 
Main. Most of the princes, however, had abstained 
from voting and he never found general recognition. 
The same may be said of the incap:ible ^\'ill^;^m of 
Holland, whom the papal party elected id'tcr Henry 
Raspe died on 17 February, 1247. But Innocent IV 
was determined upon the destruction of Frederick II 
and repeatedly asserted that no Hohenstaufen would 
ever again be emperor. All attempts of St. Louis IX 
of France to bring about peace were of no avail. In 
1249 the pope ordered a crusade to be preached against 
Frederick II, and after the emperor's death (13 De- 
cember, 12.50), he continued the struggle against Con- 
rad IV and Manfred with unrelenting severity. On 
19 April , 1251 , Innocent IV set out for Italy and entered 
Rome in October, 1253. The crown of Sicily devolved 
upon the Holy See at the deposition of Frederick II. 
Innocent had previously offered it to Richard of Corn- 
wall, brother of Henry III of England. LTpon his 
refusal, he tried Charles of Anjou and Edmund, son of 
Henry III of England. But after some negotiation 
they also refused owing to the diflicultv of dislodging 
Conrad IV and Manfred who held Sicilv bv force of 
arms. After the death of Conrad IV, 20 ^iay. 1254, 
the pope finally recognized the hereditary claims of 
Conrad's two-year-old .son Conradin. Manfred also 
submitted, and Innocent made his solemn entry into 



INNOCENT 18 

Naples, 27 October, 1254, but Manfred soon revolted 
and defeated the papal troops at Foggia (2 Dec, 1254). 
In England, Innocent IV made his power felt by 
protecting Henry III against the lay as well as the 
ecclesiastical nobihty. But here and in other coun- 
tries many just complaints arose against him on ac- 
count of the excessive taxes which he imposed upon 
the people. In Austria, he confirmed Ottocar, the 
son of King Wenzel, as duke, in 1252, and mediated 
between him and King Bela of Hungary in 1254. In 
Portugal, he appointed Alfonso III administrator of 
the kingdom, because the people were disgusted at the 
immorality and the tyranny of his father, Sancho III. 
He favoured the missions in Prussia, Russia, Armenia, 
and Mongolia, but owing to his continual warfare with 
Frederick II and his successors he neglected the inter- 
nal affairs of the Church and allowed many abuses, 
provided they served to strengthen his position against 
the Hohenstaufen. He approved the rule of the Syl- 
vestrines on 27 June, 1247, and that of the Poor Clares 
on 9 August, 1253. Tlio fdllowing saints were canon- 
ized by him: Edmund Rich.Archlnshop of Canterbury, 
on 16 December, 124G; William, Bishop of St-Brieuc, 
in 1247; Peter of Verona, Dominican inqui-sitor and 
martyr, in 1253; Stanislaus, Bishop of Cracow, in the 
same year. He is the author of "Apparatus in quin- 
que libros decretalium", which was first published at 
Strasburg in 1477, and afterwards reprinted : it is con- 
sidered the best commentary on the Decretals of 
Gregory IX. The registers of Innocent IV were 
edited by Elie Berger in four volumes (Paris, 18S1-9S) 
and his letters, 762 in number, by Rodenberg in "Mon. 
Germ. Epp. sa;cuh XIII", II (1S87), 1-568. 

A short biography of Innocent IV was written by his physi- 
cian, Nicolas de Corbia. It was published by Muhatori, 
Rerum IlalicaTum Scriptores, 111 (Milan, 1723-51). 1, 589-593. 
The modem sources are: Deslandres, Innocent IV et la chute 
des Hohenstaufen (Paris, 1908) ; Weber. Der Kampf zwischen 
Papst Innocenz IV. und Kaiser Friedrich II. bis zur Flucht des 
Papstes nach Lyon (Berlin, 1900): FoLZ, Kaiser Friedrich II. 
und Papst Innocenz /F., ihr Kampf in den Jahren 12ItS~lSlt5 
(Leipzig, 1886); Rodenberg. Innocenz IV. und das Konigreich 
Sicilien (Halle, 1892); Maubach, Die Kardinale und ihre 
Politik um die Mitte des IS. Jahrhunderts (Bonn, 1902) ; Aldin- 
GER, Die Neubesetzung der deutschen Bistiimer unter Papst In- 
Tlocenz IV. (Leipzig, 1900); Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutsch- 
lands, IV (Leipzig, 1903), 808-851; Berger, S. Louis et Inno- 
cent IV; etude sur les rapports de la France et du saint-siege 
(Paris, 1893); Masetti, / pontefici Onorio III, Gregorio IX, ed 
Innocente iVafronte dell' Imperalore Federico II (Rome, 1884) ; 
Michael, Papst Innocenz I V. und Oesterreich in Zeitschrift fur 
hath. Theologie, XIV (Innsbruck, 1890), 300-323; Idem, Inno- 
cenz IV. und Konrad IV.. ibidem, XVlll (1894), 457-472; Gas- 
QUET, Henry the Third and the Church (London, 1905) , 205-353. 

Michael Ott. 

Innocent V, Blessed, Pope (Petrus a Tarenta- 
sia), b. in Tarentaise, towards 1225 ; elected at Arezzo, 
21 January, 1276; d. at Rome, 22 June, 1276. Tar- 
entaise on the upper Isere in south-eastern France was 
certainly liis native province, and the town of Cham- 
pagny was in all probability his birfh- 
I)lace. At t he age of sixteen he joined 
the Dominican Order. After com- 
pleting his education, at the Univer- 
sity of Paris, where he graduated as 
master in sacred theology in 1259, 
he won distinction as a professor in 
tlut institution, and is known as 
"the most famous doctor ", "Doc- 
tor famosissimus". For some time 
provincial of his order in France, he 
/1.1MB ..t ^ :..■,... t.^i ),p(..,„^p Archbi.shopof Lyonsin 1272 
and Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia in 1273. 
He played a prominent jiarl at t he Second CEcumenical 
Council of Lyons (1274), in which he delivered two dis- 
courses to the assembled fathers and also pronounced 
the funeral oration on St. Bona venture. Elected as suc- 
cessor to Gregory X, whose intimate adviser he was, he 
assumed the name of Innocent V and was the first Do- 
minican pope. His policy was peaceable. He sought to 





INNOCENT 

peace between Pisa and Lucca, and metiiated between 
Rudolph of Hapsburg and Charles of Anjou. He like- 
wise endeavoured to consolidate the union of the Greeks 
with Rome concluded at the Council of Lyons. He is 
the author of several works dealing with" philosophy, 
theology and canon law, some of which are still unpub- 
Ushed. The principal among them is his "Commentary 
on the Sentences of Peter Lombard " (Toulouse, 1652). 
Four philosophical treatises: "De unitate formje ", 
"De materia coeli", "De seternitate mundi", "De 
intellectu et voluntate ", are also due to his pen. A 
commentary on the Pauline Epistles frequently pub- 
Ushed under the name of Nicholas of Ciorran (Cologne, 
1478) is claimed for him by some critics. 

Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, II (Paris, 1S92). 457- 
Ciaconius-Oldoinds, Vitce et res gestie Pontif. Rtm , II (Rome' 
1677), 203-206; Mothon, Vie du bienheureur Innocent V (Rome, 
1896); Bourgeois, Le Bienheureux Innocent T (Paris, 1899)- 
Tdrinaz, Un pope snvuisien (Nancy, 1901); ScnnLZ in the New 
Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia, V (New York, 1909), 504. 

N. A. Webeh. 

Innocent VI, Pope (Etienne Aubert), b. at Mont 
in the Diocese of Limoges (France) ; elected at Avig- 
non, 18 December, 1352; d. there, 12 September, 
1362. He began his career as professor of civil law at 
Toulouse where he subsequently rose to the highest 
judicial position. Having entered 
the ecclesiastical state he became 
successively Bishop of Noyon( 1338). 
of Clermont (134()), cardinal-priest 
(1342), Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia, 
andGrand Penitentiary (13.52). The 
conclave which elected liim to the 
papacy is remarkable for the fact 
that the first certain election capitu- 
lation was framed by the cardi- 
nals present, each of whom bound Arms 
himself to divide, incase of election, vi 

his power and revenues with the College of Cardinals. 
Aubert took this engagement but with the restriction: 
"in so far as it was not contrary to church law". 
When the choice fell on him, one of his fir.st pontifical 
acts declared the pact illegal and null, because it con- 
tained a limitation of the Divinely conferred papal 
power. The new pope also gave immediate proofs of 
the thoroughly ecclesiastical spirit wliich was to ani- 
mate his policy. Shortly after his coronation the 
numerous ecclesiastics who had flocked to Avignon in 
search of preferment received a peremptory order to 
repair, under penalty of excommunication, to their 
respective places of re-sidence. Some aiipnintments to 
benefices made by his predecessor were rejiealetl, nu- 
merous reservations abolished, and ]iluralilies disap- 
proved. Luxury was banishetl from the p:ipal court 
and the obligation of following tlus example set by the 
pope imposed upon the cardinals. To the auditors of 
the Rota, whose services were gratuitous, a fixed in- 
come was assigned in the interest of a more impartial 
administration of justice. As the territory of the 
Papal States had been usurped by petty princes. Inno- 
cent VI sent Cardinal Gil de Albornoz {q. v.) to Italy 
with unlimited power. Success on the battle-field and 
diplomatic skill enabled this legate to restore papal 
authority in the States of the Church. 

Pope innocent viewed favourably the imperial coro- 
nation of the German king, Charles IV, at Rome, 
but at the same time ex.icted from liim a solemn 
pledge that he would le;ive Rome the very day on 
which the ceremony would take place. Charles was 
crowned on Easter Suudiiy, 1355, by the Cardinal- 
Bishop of Ostia and faithfully ol)serveil his promise. 
The following year he i.ssued the celebrated "Golden 
Bull ", against which the pope iirotcsted because it 
silently passed over the papal claims to confirm the 
German kings and to administer the empire during a 
vacancy. Objection was also made in 13,5!) to the 



reconcile Guelphs and Ghibellines in Italy, restored emperor's resolution to undertake a reform of the 



INNOCENT 



19 



INNOCENT 



German clergy independently of the pope; Charles's 
reformatory plans, however, subsequently received 
ecclesiastical approbation. The mutual peaceful dis- 
positions prevented any conflict of a serious character. 
Innocent VI sought to terminate the war between 
France and England, and finally through his in- 
tervention the Peace of Bretigny was concluded in 
lo()0. To protect the papal residence against the bands 
of freel.iootcrs that were then devastating France, 
Innocent increased the fortifications of Avignon; but 
before these were completed he was attacked and con- 
strained to buy off his assailants by an enormous 
ransom. He used with but little success the severest 
ecclesiastical penalties against Peter I of Castile 
(1350-69), who had repudiated and poisoned his wife 
and is deservedly known as " the Cruel". His efforts 
to restore peace between Castile and Aragon were 
fruitless, so also his plans for a crusade and for the re- 
iniion of the Eastern Church with Rome. At the re- 
quest of Emperor Charles IV he instituted (1354) for 
Germany and Bohemia the feast of the Holy Lance 
and Naiis {Lanceic et Clavorum). He renewed the pre- 
vious privileges of the mendiea nt orders, then in conflict 
with Richard Fifzralph, .\rchbisliop of Arniiigli. \\- 
t hough tainted with nepotism he ranks among the liest 
of the Avignon popes, tlis patronage of arts and his 
moral integrity are generally recognized. 

For liisi Bulls consult BullaTium /?om., ed. Cocquelines, III, 
pi. 11 (Koine. 1741), :U 4-324; B.tLuzius, Vitw vap- Avenion., I 
(P,.n~, 111',', ;_' I -ti2, 91S-74, 1433-36; Liber Pontificalis, ed. 
111. 1 ^ I I! I 'iris, 1892). 487, 491-93; Martene, Tliesaurus 
,„u. ,„,. II (Paris, 1717), 843-1072; Bohmer, 

/V,.;. ' . ' < '. /. \ III (Innsbruck, 1889), 782-93; Deprez. Inno- 
cent VI. Irttrifi rloscfi. vaienies et curiales se rapportant a la France 
(Paris, 1909); Berlii^re, Suppliques d*Inne>cent VI in Anal. 
Vatic.belo., V (Namur, 1910); Cerri, /nnocenzo papa F/ (Turin, 
1873); Werunsky, Italienische Politik Papst Innoeenz VI. und 
Konig Karl IV. (Vienna, 1878); Daomet, Innocent VI et Blanche 
fie Bourbon (Paris, 1899); Mollat, Innocent VI et les tentatives 
de paix entre la France et V Angleierre {1353-56) in Rev. d'hist. 
eccUs.. XI (1909), 729-43; Pastor, Geschichte der Papste, tr. 
Antrobus, I (London, 1891), 93-95; Creighton, History of the 
Papacy, I (New York, 1901), 54-55; Chevalier, Bio-bibliog. 
N. A. Weber. 

Innocent VII, Pope (Cosimo de' MiGLioR.iTi) ; b. 
of humble ])arents at Sulmona, in the Abruzzi, about 
1336; d. 6 November, 1406. He studied at Perugia, 
Padua, and finally at Bologna, where he graduated 
under the famous jurist Lignano. After teaching 
juri.sprudence at Perugia and Padua 
for some time, he acconipnniod his 
former professor, Lignano, to Honic, 
where he was receivetl into the Curia 
by Urban VI (1378-89). Shortly 
after his arrival in Rome, Urban sent 
him as papal collector to England, 
where he remained about ten years. 
Upon his return to Rome he became 
Bishop of Bologna in 1386, and on 5 
December, 13S7, Archbishop of Ra- 
Ar.ms OF Innocent venna. The latter see he held until 
VII 15 September, 1400. In 1389, Boni- 

face IX created him Cardinal-Priest of Santa Croce in 
Gerusalemme, and sent him as legate to Lombardy and 
Tuscany in 1390. He was universally esteemed for his 
piety and learning, and was an able manager of finan- 
cial affairs. On 17 October, 1404, he was elected and 
took the name of Innocent VII. His reign fell in the 
time of the Western Schism; the rival pope was Bene- 
dict XIII (1394-1423). Previous to his election, In- 
nocent VII, like the other cardinals, had taken the 
oath to leave nothing undone, if needs be even to lay 
down the tiara, in order to terminate the schism. 
Shortly after his accession he took steps to keep his 
oath by proclaiming a council, but the disturbances 
which occurred in Rome brought the pope's good in- 
tentions to naught. The revolutionary element 
among the Romans rose up against the temporal au- 
thority of the pope, and King Ladislaus of Naples 
hastened to Rome to assist the pope in suppressing the 




insurrection. For his services the king extorted vari- 
ous concessions from Innocent, among them the 
promise that he would not make any agreement with 
the rival pope without stipulating that the king's 
rights over Naples should remain intact. Not content 
with these concessions, which Iimocent made for the 
sake of peace, Ladislaus desired to extend his rule over 
Rome and the ecclesiastical territory. To attain his 
end he aided the ( Ihilielline faction in Rome in their 
revolutionary attemjits in 1405. Innocent had made 
the great mistake of elevating his unworthy nephew, 
Ludovico Migliorati, to the cardinalate. This act of 
nepotism is the one blemish in the short reign of the 
otherwise virtuous pope. But it cost him dear. The 
cardinal, angered because the Romans rebelled against 
liis uncle, waylaid a few of the most influential among 
them on their return from a conference with the pope, 
and had them brought to his house in order to murder 
them. The peoiile were highly incensed at this cruel 
deed, and the pope had to flee for his life, although he 
was in no way responsible for his nephew's crime. He 
took up his abofle in Viterbo until the Romans re- 
quested him to return in 1406. They again acknowl- 
edgrd his authority, but a squad of troops which 
King Ladislaus of Naples had sent totheaidof Colonna 
was still occupying t he Castle of Sant' Angelo and made 
frequent sorties u|5on Rome and the neiglibouring ter- 
ritory. Only after Ladislaus was excommunicated did 
he yield to the demands of the pope and withdraw his 
troops. In the midst of the.se political disturbances 
Innocent neglected what was then most essential for 
the well-being of the Church, the suppression of the 
schism. His rival, Benedict XIII, made it appear that 
the only obstacle to the termination of the schism was 
the luiwillingness of Innocent \TI. The reasons why 
Innocent did pnietically nuthing for the suppression of 
the schism were; the troubled slate of affairs in Rome, 
his mistrust in the sincerity of Benedict XIII, and the 
hostile attitude of King Ladislaus of Naples. Shortly 
before his death he planned the restoration of the 
Roman University, but his death brought the move- 
ment to a standstill. 

Vita Innocenlii VII in Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, 
II (Paris, 1892). .WS-IO, 531-3, 552-4; and in MuR.woRl, 
Rerun, Ilalicrum Scriplores ab anno 600 ad 1600, III (Milan, 
171i:f .Tl ). ii. s:;2 sq.; Brand, Innocenzo VII ed il delitto di sua 
ni}>nt,' Ludcvun Migliorati in .S7t«/i e Documenti di Storia e 
Dirill,,. XXI (Home, lOOlM: Bmkmktzriei.er, Du.-i General- 
k,in:il in, grossen abcndh,, r.,. -. I. ..,, > T' , 1,. 1 ,. ,, n. 1904); 
InKM, Die Konzilsidee ini! I i // liuprecht 

,i'n 'I, -r Pfalz in Studien w i/ "h'ktiner 

unit dcin Cistercienser Oril, n. \\\ll (I'.tiiiiii, rmr, >, :{.55-68; 
Vernet, Le Pape Innocent \11 rl ic^ J,i}Js in L Universile 
Catholique, XV (Lyons, 1894), 399-408; Kneer, Zur Vorge- 
schichte Papst Innoeenz VII. in Historisches Jahrbuch, XII 
(Munich, 1891), 347-351. 

Michael Ott. 

Innocent VIII, Pope (Giovanni Battista Cibo), 
b. at Genoa, 1432; elected 29 August, 1484 ; d. at Rome, 
25 July, 1492. He was the son of the Roman senator, 
Aran Cibo, and Teodorina de' Mari. After a licentious 
youth, during which he had two illegitimate children, 
Franceschetto and Teodorina.he took 
orders and entered the service of 
Cardinal Calandrini. He was made 
1 Bishop of Savona in 1467, but ex- 
changed this see in 1472 for that of 
Molfetta in south-eastern Italy and 
was raised to the cardin.alate the fol- 
lowing year. At the conclave of 1484, 
he signed, like all the other cardinals 
present, the election capitulation 
which was to bind the future pope. 
Its primary object was to safeguard 
the personal interests of the electors. The choice 
fell on Cil)6 himself who, in honour of his country- 
man. Innocent IV, assumed the name of Innocent 
VIII. His success in the conclave, as well as his pro- 
motion io the cardinalate, was largely due to Giuliano 




vm 



INNOCENT 



20 



INNOCENT 



della Rovere. The chief concern of the new pope, 
whose kiiitlhness is universally praised, was the pro- 
motion of peace among Christian princes, though he 
himself became involved in difficulties with King 
Ferrante of Naples. The protracted conflict with 
Naples was the principal obstacle to a crusade against 
the Turks. Innocent VIII earnestly endeavoured to 
unite Christendom against the common enemy. The 
circumstances appeared particularly favourable, as 
Prince Djem, the Sultan's brotlier and pretender to the 
Turkish throne, was held prisoner at Rome and prom- 
ised co-operation in war and withdrawal of the Turks 
from Europe in case of success. A congress of Chris- 
tian princes met in 1490 at Rome, but led to no re- 
sult. On the other hand, the pope had the satisfac- 
tion of witnessing the fall of Granada (1491) which 
crowned the reconquest of Spain from the Moors and 
earned for the King of Spain the title of "Catholic 
Majesty". In England he proclaimed the right of 
King Henry VH and his descendants to the English 
throne and also agreed to some modifications affecting 
the privilege of "sanctuary". TJie only canonization 
wliich he proclaimed was that of Margrave Leopold of 
Austria (6 Jan., 14S5). He issued an appeal for a cru- 
sade against the Waldenses, actively opposed the 
Hussite heres.y in Bohemia, and forbade (Dec, 1480) 
under penalty of excommunication tiie reading of the 
nine hundred theses which Pico della Mirandola had 
publicly posted in Rome. On 5 Dec. 1484, he i-ssued 
his much-abused Bull against witchcraft (q. v.), and 
31 May, 1492. he solemnly received at Rome the Holy 
Lance which the Sultan surrendered to the Christians. 
Constantly confronted with a depleted treasury, he 
resorted to the objectionable expedient of creating 
new offices and granting them to the highest bidders. 
Insecurity reigned at Rome during his rule owing to 
insufficient punishment of crime. However, he dealt 
mercilessly with a band of imscrupulous officials who 
forged and sold papal Bulls: capital punishment was 
meted out to two of the culprits in 1489. Among these 
forgeries must be relegatetl the alleged permission 
granted the Norwegians to celeiirate Mass without 
wine. See " BuUarium Romanum", III, iii (Rome, 
1743), 190-22.5. 

BuRcHARD, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I (Paris, 18S3); Infes- 
SCR.\, Diario della Ciltd di Roma, ed. Tommasini ia Fonti per la 
Storia d' Italia, V (Rome, 1S90): Ciaconius-Oldoinus, Vita; ei 
Res gesta Ponlif. Rom., Ill (Rome. 1677). 89-146; Serdonati, 
Vita d'Jmwcenzo VIII (Milan, 1829); Pastor, Geschichte der 
Papste (4th ed., Freiburg, 1899), 175-285: bibliog. XXXVII- 
LXIX; tr, Antrobus (2nd ed., St. Louis, 1901), V, 229-372; 
Creighton, a History of the Papacy, new ed.. IV (London and 
New York, 1903). 135-182; Garnett in The Renaissance Cam- 
bridge Modern History, I (New York, 1903), 221-225; Roscoe, 
Lorenzo de' Medici (London, 1865), 214-229, .362; Kroger, 
The Papacy (tr.. New York, 1909), 146, 151-153. 

N. A. Weber. 

Innocent IX, Pope (Giovanni Antonio Facchi- 
NETTi). b. at Bologna. 22 July, 1519; elected, 29 Octo- 
ber, l.")91 ; d. at Rome, 30 December, l.'jgi. After suc- 
cessful studies in jurisprudence in 
his native city he was graduated as 
doctor of law in 1544, and pro- 
ceeded to Rome, where Cardinal 
Nicolo Ardinghelli chose him as his 
secretary. Later he entered the 
service of Cardinal Alessandro Far- 
nese, who appointed him his ecclesi- 
astical representative at the head of 
the Archdiocese of .\ vignon and sub- 
sequenth' called him to the manage- 
Arms OF Innocent nipnt „f i,,,, atlairs at Parma. In 
151)0 he was named Bishoj) of Nicas- 
troin Calabria, and in l.')(i2w:is present at IheCouncilof 
Trent. Sent as papal nuncio I oXeiiiec by Pius V in 1.5(10, 
he greatly furthered the conehision of that alliance 
(Pope, \'ciiicc, Spain) ag:uiist the T\n-ks which ulti- 
ni:itely resulted in the victory of J^epanto (1.571). In 
1,572 he returned to his diocese, but resigning his sec he 





removed to Rome. In 1575 he was named Patriarch 
of Jerusalem, and on 12 December, 1583, created Cardi- 
nal-Priest of the Title of the Four Crowned Martyrs — 
whence the frequent designation "Cardinal of Santi- 
quattro". During the reign of the sickly Gregory 
XIV the burden of the papal administration rested on 
his shoulders, and on this pontiff's death the Spanish 
party raised Facchinetti to the papal chair. Mindful 
of the origin of his 
success, he sup- 
ported, during his 
two months' pon- 
tificate, the cause 
of Phihp II of 
Spain and the 
League against 
Henry IV of 
France. He pro- 
hiliited the alien- 
ation of church 
property, and in 
a consistory held 
on 3 November, 
1 59 1 , inf ormef 1 1 he 
cardinals of liis in- 
tention of consti- 
tuting a reserve 
fund to meet ex- 
traordinary ex- 
penses. Death, Innocent IX 
however, did not Engraving by Vandersypen 
permit the realization of his vast schemes. He left 
numerous, though still unpublished, WTitings on 
theological and philosophical subjects; "Moralia 
qmedam theologica ", " Adversus Machiavellem ", " De 
recta gubernandi ratione", etc. His bulls are printed 
in the " Bullarium Romanum", ed. Cocquelines, V, pt. 
I (Rome, 1751), .324-32. 

Ciaconius-Oldoinus, VtitE et res gestae Pontif. Rom., IV 
(Rome, 1677). 235-48; Motta, Otto Pontificati del Cinquecento 
US55-1591) in Arch. star. Lombard., 3rd series, XIX (1903), 
372-373; Ranke, Die rfnnischen Papste, II (9th ed., Leipzig, 
1889), 150, tr. Fowler, II (London, 1901), 157; Brischar m 
Kirchenlexikon, s. v. 

N. A. Weber. 

Innocent X, Pope (Giambattista Pamfili), b. at 
Rome, May, 1574; d. there, 7 January, 1055. His 
parents were Camillo Pamfili and Flaminia de Bu- 
balis. The Pamfih resided originally at Gubbio, in 
Unibria, but came to Rome during the pontificate of 
Innocent VHI. The young man stud- 
ied jurisprudence at the CoUegio 
Romano and graduated as bachelor 
of laws at the age of twenty. Soon 
afterwards Clement VIII ajipointec 
him consistorial advocate and audi 
tor of the Rota. Gregory X\' made 
him nuncio at Naples. Urban VIII 
sent him as datary with the cardinal 
legate, FrancescoBarlierini,toFrance 
and Spain, then appointed him titu- Arms or Innocent 
lar Latin Patriarch of .\ntioch. and -^ 

nuncio at Madrid. He was created Cardinal-Priest of 
Sant' Eusel)io on 30 .\ugust, 1020, though he did not 
assume the purple until 19 November, 1029. He was 
a member of the congregations of the Council of Trent, 
the ln(iuisition, and Jurisdiction and Immimity. On 
9 August, 1044, a conclave was held at Rome for the 
election of a successor to Urban VIII. The conclave 
was a stormy one. The French faction had agreed to 
give their vole to no candidate who was friendly to- 
wards Sptun. Cardinal Firenzohi, the Spanish candi- 
date was, therefore, rejected, being a known enemy 
of Cardiiial iMazarin, iirime tninister of France. I'Var- 
ing llu' ilcelion of an avowed encTny of France, the 
French party finally agreed with the Spanish party 
upon Pamtili, although his sym|)athy for Spain was 






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IXNOCENT X 

VELAZQUEZ, PALAZZO DORIA, ROME 



INNOCENT 



21 



INNOCENT 



well known. On 15 September he was elected, and 
ascended the papal throne as Innocent X. 

Soon after his aeression, Innocent found it necessary 
totalie le{;al action against the Barberini for misappro- 
priation of iiulihc moneys. To escape pnnishment, 
.\ntonio ami Francesco Barberini fled to Paris, where 
they found a powerful protector in Mazarin. Iimocent 
confiscated their property, and on 19 February, 164G, 
issued a Bull ordaining that all cardinals who had 
left or should leave the Ecclesiastical States without 
papal permission and should not return within six 
months, should be deprived of their ecclesiastical ben- 
efices and eventually of the cardinalate itself. The 
French Parliament declared the papal ordinances null 
and void, but the po])e did not yield until Mazarin pre- 
pared to send troops to Italy to invade the Ecclesias- 
tical States. Henceforth the papal policy towards 
France became more friendly, and somewhat later the 
Barberini were rehabilitated. But when in 1652 Car- 
dinal Retz was 
arrested by Maza- 
rin, Innocent sol- 
emnly protested 
asainst this act of 
violence commit- 
ted against a car- 
dinal, and pro- 
tected Retz after 
his escape in 1654. 
In Italy Innocent 
had occasion to 
assert his author- 
ity as suzerain 
over Duke Ranuc- 
lio II of Parma 
who refused to re- 
deem the bonds 
(niuiiti) of the 
Farnesi from the 
Roman creditors, 
as had lieen stipu- 
lated intheTreaty 
of Venice on 31 
March, 1644. The duke, moreover, refused to rec- 
ognize Cristoforo Guarda, whom the pope had ap- 
pointed Bishop of Castro. When, therefore, the 
new bishop was murdered while on his way to 
take possession of his see. Innocent held Ranuccio re- 
sponsible for the crime. The pope took possession 
of Castro, razed it to the ground and transferred 
the episcopal see to Acquapendente. The duke was 
forced to resign the administration of his district 
to the pope, who undertook to satisfy the creditors. 
The papal relationswith Venice, which had been highly 
strained during the pontificate of Urban VIII, became 
very friendly diu'ing Innocent's reign. Innocent aided 
the Venetians financially against the Turks in the 
struggle for Candia, while the Venetians on their part 
allowed Innocent free scope in filling the vacant epis- 
copal sees in their territory, a right which they had 
previously claimed for themselves. In Portugal the 
popular insurrection of 1640 had led to the secession 
of that country from Spain, and to the election of Juan 
IV of Braganza as King of Portugal. Both Urban 
VIII and Innocent X. in deference to Spain, refused to 
acknowledge the new king and withheld their appro- 
bation from tile liishops nominated by him. Thus it 
happened that towards the end of Innocent's pontifi- 
cate there was only one bishop in the whole of Portugal. 
On 26 November, 164S, Innocent issued the famous 
Bull "Zelo domus Dei", in which he declares as null 
and void those articles of the Peace of Westphalia 
which were detrimental to the Catholic religion. In 
his Bull "Cum occasione", i.ssued on .31 May, 165.3, he 
condemned five propositions taken from the " Augus- 
tinus" of Jansenius, thus giving the impulse to the 
great Jansenist controversy in France. 




DCENT X 

Bernini, Palazzo Doria, Rome 




Innocent X was a lover of justice and his life was 
l)lameless; he was, however, often irresohile and sus- 
jiieious. Tlie great blemish in his pciuliHi'Mtc was his 
dependence on Donna Olimpia Maid:dchiiii, the wife 
of hisdecea.-^ed brother. For a short liiur licj- inlluence 
had to yield to that of the youlliful Caimllo Astalh, a 
distant relative of the pope, whom Inmieenl raised to 
the cardinalate. But the pope seemed to be unable to 
get along without her, and at her instance Astalli was 
deprived of the purple and removed from the Vatican. 
The accusation, made by Gualdus (Leti) in his " Vita 
di Donna Olimpia Maidalchini" (1666), that Inno- 
cent's relation to her was immoral, has been rejected as 
slanderous by all reputable historians. 

ClAMPl, Innocenzo X Pamfili e la sua corte (Imola, 1878); 
Friedensburg, Reffesten zut deutschen Geschichte aus der Zeit 
des Pontifikats Innocenz X in Quelten und Forschungen, edited 
by tile Prussian Historical Institute in Rome, V (1902), VI 
(1903); Ranke, Die rumischen Papste, tr. Foster, II (London, 
1906), 321-9; Barozzi e Berchet, Relazioni degli stati Euro- 
pei lette al senato dagli Ambasciatori Veneli nel secolo decimoset- 
limo, Serie IIT: Italia, Relazioni di Roma, II (Venice, 1878), 
43-161 ; Palatius, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum, IV (Venice, 
1688), 571-94. 

Michael Ott. 

Innocent XI, Pope (Benedetto Odescalchi) ; b. 
at Como, IG May, 1611; d. at Rome, 11 August, 1689. 
He was educated by the Jesuits at Como, and studied 
jurisprudence at Rome and Naples. Urban VIII ap- 
pointed him successively prothonotary, president of the 
Apostolic Camera, commissary at 
Ancona, administrator of Macerata, 
and Governor of Picena. Innocent 
X made him Cardinal-Deacon of 
Santi Cosma e Damiano on 6 March. 
1645, and, somewhat later, Cardinal- 
Priest of Sant' Onofrio. As cardinal 
he was beloved by all on account of 
his deep piety, charity, and unselfish 
devotion to duty. When he was 
sent as legate to Ferrara in order Arms of Innocent 
to assist the people stricken with a XI 

severe famine, the pope introduced him to the people 
of Ferrara as the "father of the poor", "Mittimus 
patrem pauperum". In 1650 he became Bishop of 
Novara, in which capacity he spent all the revenues of 
his .see to relieve the poor and sick in his diocese. With 
the permission of the pope he resigned as Bishop of 
Novara in favour of his brother Giulio in 1656 and 
went to Rome, where he took a prominent part in the 
consultations of the various congregations of which he 
was a member. 

He was a strong candidate for the papacy after the 
death of Clement IX on 9 December, 1669, but the 
French Government rejected him. After the death of 
Clement X, King Louis XIV of France again intended 
to use his royal influence against the election of Odes- 
calchi, but, seeing that the cardinals as well as the 
Roman people were of one mind in their desire to have 
Odescalchi as their pope, he reluctantly instructed the 
cardinals of the French party to acquiesce in his can- 
didacy. After an interregnum of two months, Odes- 
calchi was unanimously elected pope on 21 September, 
1676, and took the name of Innocent XI. Imme- 
diately upon his accession he turned all his efforts 
towards retlucing the expenses of the Curia. He passed 
strict ordinances against nepotism among the cardi- 
nals. He lived very parsimoniously and exhorted the 
cardinals to do the same. In this manner he not only 
squared the annual deficit which at his accession had 
reached the sum of 170.000 scudi, but within a few 
years the papal income w'as even in excess of the 
expenditures. 

The whole pontificate of Innocent XI is marked by 
a continuous struggle with the absolutism of King 
Louis XIV of France. As early as 1673 the king had 
by his own power extended the right of the rfgale over 
the provinces of Languedoc, Guyenne, Provence, and 
DauphinC', where it had previously not been exercised, 



INNOCENT 



INNOCENT 



although Uie Council of Lyons in 1274 had forbidden 
under pain of excommunication to extend the regale 
beyond those districts where it was then in force. 
Bishops PavUlon of Alet and Caulet of Pamiers pro- 
tested against this royal encroachment and iii conse- 
quence they were persecuted by the king. All the 
efforts of Innocent XI to induce King Louis to respect 
the rights of the Church were useless. In 1682, Louis 
XIV convoked an Assembly of the French Clergy 
which, on 19 March, adopted the four famous articles, 
known as " Declaration du clerge fran^ais " (see Galli- 
CANisJi). Innocent annulled the four articles in his 
rescript of 11 April, 1682, and refused his approbation 
to all future episcopal candidates who had taken part 
in the assembly. To appease the ]Hi]ie, Louis XIV 
began to pose as a zealot of ( 'athulicisni. In 16n5 he 
revoked the Edict of Nantes and inaugurated a cruel 
persecution of the Protestants. Innocent XI ex- 
pressed his displeasure at these drastic measures and 
continued to withhold his approbation from the epis- 
copal candidates as he had done heretofore. He n-ri- 
tated the king still more by abolishing the much 
abused "right of asylum" in a decree dated 7 May, 
1685. By force of this right the foreign ambas.sadors 
at Rome had been able to harliour in their palaces and 
the immediate neighboiu'hood any criminal that was 
wanted by the papal court of justice. Innocent XI 
notified the new French ambassador, Marquis de 
Lavardin, that he would not be recognized as am- 
bassador in Rome unless he renounced this right. 
But Louis XIV would not give it up. At the head of 
an armed force of about 800 men Lavardin entered 
Rome in November, 1687, and took forcible po.ssession 
of his palace. Innocent XI treated liim as excom- 
municated and placed under interdict the church of 
St. Louis at Rome where he attended services on 24 
December, 1687. 

The tension between the pope and the king was stUl 
increased by the pope's procedure in filling the vacant 
archiepiscopal See of Cologne. The two candidates 
for the see were Cardinal Wilhelm Fiirstenberg, then 
Bishop of Strasburg, and Joseph Clement, a brother of 
Max Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria. The former was a 
willing tool in the hands of Louis XIV, and his ap- 
pointment as .\rchbishop and Elector of Cologne would 
have implied French preponderance in north-western 
Germany. JosephClement wasnotonly thecandidate 
of Emperor Leopold 1 (jf Austria but of all European 
rulers, with the excejit ion of the King of France and his 
servile supporter, King James II of England. At the 
election, which took place on 19 July, Ki.s.s. neither of 
the candidates received the required mmiber of \'otes. 
The decision, therefore, fell to the jiope, who ilesig- 
nated Joseph Clement as .Vrchliishop and Elector of 
Cologne. Louis XIV retaliated by taking possession 
of the papal territory of Avignon, imprisoning the 
papal nuncio and appealing to a general council. Nor 
did he conceal his intention to separate the French 
Church entirely from Rome. But the pope remained 
firm. The subsequent fall of James II of England 
destroyed French preponderance in Europe and soon 
after Innocent's death the struggle between Louis 
XIV and the papacy was settled in favour of the 
Church. Innocent XI did not approve the imprudent 
manner in which James II attempted to restore Ca- 
tholicism in England. He also repeatedly expressed 
his displeasure at the support which James II gave to 
the autocratic King Louis XIV in his measures hostile 
to the Church. It is, therefore, not surprising tliat 
Innocent XI had little sympathy for the Cat liolie King 
of England, an<l that he did not assist him in his hour 
of trial. There is, however, no ground for the accusa- 
tion that Innocent XI was informed of the designs 
which William of Orange had upon England, much less 
that he supported him in tlic overthrow of James II. 
It was due to linioccnt's earnest and incessant exhor- 
tations that the German Estates and King John Sobie- 



ski of Poland in 1683 hastened to the relief of Vienna 
which was being besieged by the Turks. After the 
siege was raised. Innocent again spared no efforts to 
induce the Christian princes to lend a helping hand 
for the expulsion of the Turks from Hungary. He 
contributed millions of ticudi to the Turkish war fund 
in Au.stria and Hungary and had the satisfaction of 
surviving the capture of Belgrade, 6 Sept., 1688. 

Innocent XI was no less intent on preserving the 
purity of faith and morals among the clergy and the 
faithful. He insisted on a thorough education and an 
exemplary life of the clergj', reformed the monasteries 
of Rome, passed strict ordinances concerning the 
modesty of dress among Roman ladies, put an end to 
tlie ever increasing passion for gambling by suppress- 
ing the gambling houses at Rome and by a decree of 
12February, 1679, encouraged frequentand even daily 
Communion. In his Bull "Sanctissimus Dominus", 
issued on 2 March, 1679, he condemned sixty-five 
propositions which favoured laxism in moral theology, 
and in a decree, dated 26 June, 1680, he defended the 
Probabiliorism of Thyrsus Gonzillez, S.J. This decree 
(seeauthentic text in " Etudes religieuses ", XCI, Paris, 
1902, 847 sq.) gave rise to the controversy, whether 
Innocent XI intended it as a condemnation of Prob- 
abilism. The Redemptorist Francis Ter Haar, in his 
work: "Ben. Innocentii PP. XI de pr()l>abilismo de- 
ereti historia " (Tournai, 1904), holds that the decree 
is opposed to Probabilism, while August Lehmkuhl, 
S.J., in his treatise: "Probabilismus vindicatus" 
(Freiburg, 1906), 78-111, defends the opposite opin- 
ion. In a ilecree of 28 August, 1687, and in the 
Constitution "Cuelestis Pastor" of 19 November, 1687, 
InnocentXI condemned sixty-eight Quietistic proposi- 
tions (see Quietism) of Miguel de Molinos. Towards 
the Jansenists Innocent XI was lenient, though he by 
no means espoused their doctrines. 'The process of 
his beatification was introduced by Benedict XIV and 
continued by Clement XI and Clement XII, but 
French mfluenee and the accusation of Jansenism 
caused it to be dropped. His "Epistote ad Prin- 
cipes" were published by Berthier (2 vols., Rome, 
1891-5), and his "Epistola; ad Pontifices", by Bo- 
namico (Rome, 1891). 

Immich, Paps( Innocem XI. (Berlin, 1900); Michaud, Lom's 
XIV ei Innocent XI (4 vols., Paris, 1.SS2 — ) written from Galli- 
can standpoint; Gerin, Le Pape Innocent XI et la rt^olulion 
anglaise de 1688 in Revue des questions historiques, XX (Paris, 
1S76); Idem, Le Pape Innocent XI et la Revocation de I' Edit de 
Nantes, ibidem, XXIV (1878); Idem, Le pape Innocent XI et 
V Election de Cologne en 1888, ibidem,XXXlU (1S83); Idem, Le 
Pape Innocent XI el le sitge de Vienne en 1683, ibidem, XXXIX 
(1S86); Fbaknoi, Papsl Innocem XI. und Ungarns Befreiung 
von derTitTkenherrsehajt, translated into Oerman from the 
Hungarian hy Jekei, (FreilnirK im Br.. 1902): GinssANl, II 
conclave di Innocemo XI iCcniin, 1901). A contemporary biog- 
raphy by LiPPi was ncwiv c.lilcl liv Berthier (Rome, 1889). 
See also'HoRVARTH iu ( ■,:!/,, .I„- 1 ■invrrsilu Bulletin. XV (Wash- 
ington, 1909), 42-64; cf. ibid., IX 1903, 281. 

Michael Ott. 

Innocent XII, Pope (.\ntonio Pignatelli), b. at 
Spinazzolo near Naples, 13 Mardi, 1615; d. at Rome, 
27 September, 1700. He entered the Roman Curia 
at the age of twenty and was successively made vice- 
legate at Urbino, iniiuisitor in Malta, and Governor of 
Perugia. Under Innocent X he be- 
came mmcio in Tuscany, and .Alex- 
ander VII sent him as nuncio to 
Poland, where he regulated the dis- 
turbed ecclesiastical affairs and uni- 
ted the Arnu-niuiis witli Rome. In 
1668 he became nuncio at Vienna. 
Innocent XI created him Cardinal- 
Priest of San Pancrazio fuori le 
muTa and Bishop of Faenza on 1 
September, 1682, then Archbishop .\rm 
of Naples in 1687. After the death of 
.\lexander VIII the cartlinals entered the conclave at 
Rome on 11 February, 1691, but neither the French 




INNOCENT 



23 



INNOCENT 



nor the Spanish-Hapsburg faction among the cardi- 
nals could carry its candidate. A compromise re- 
sulted in the election of Cardinal PignatelU on 12 July, 
1691. In his Bull "Romanum decet Pontificem" (22 
June, 1692), which was subscribed and sworn to by the 
cardinals, he decreed that in the future no pope should 




Monument of Innocent XII 
St. Peter's, Rome 

be permitted to bestow the cardinalate on more than 
one of his kinsmen. Towards the poor, whom he 
called his nephews, he was extremely charitable; he 
turned part of the Lateran into a hospital for the 
needy, erected numerous charitable and educational 
institutions, and completed the large court-house 
"Curia lunocenziana", which now serves as the Ital- 
ian House of Commons (Camera dei Deputati). In 
l(i9:S he induced Kng Louis XIV of France to repeal 
the "Declaration of the French Clergy ", which had 
been adopted in 16S2. Tlie Ijishops who had taken 
part in the " Declaration " sent a written recantation to 
Rome, whereupon the pope sent his Bull of confirma- 
tion to those bishops from whom it had been withlield. 
In 1696 he repeated his predecessor's condemnation of 
Jansenism and in his Brief "Cum alias" (12 March, 
1699) he condemned twenty-three semi-Quietistic 
propositions contained in Fenelon's "Maximes". 
Towards the end of his pontificate his relations with 
Emperor Leopold I became somewhat strained, owing 
especially to Count Martinitz, the imperial ambassa- 
dor at Rome, who still insisted on the " right of asy- 
lum", which had been abolished by Innocent XI. It 
was greatly due to the arrogance of Martinitz that 
Innocent XII advised King Charles II of Spain to 
make a Frenchman, the Duke of .\njou, his testamen- 
tary successor, an act which led to the "War of the 
Spanish Succession ". 

Bultarium Innocentii XII (Rome, 1697): Ranke, Die n',- 
mischen Piipste. tr. Foster, History of the Popes, II {London. 
1906), 425-7: Klopp, Hat der Papsl Innocenz Xllim Jahre 
1700 dem Kimige Karl II von Spanien gerathen, durch ein Testa- 
ment den Herzog von Anjou zum Erben der spanischen Monarrhie 
zu ernennen in Historisch- Politische Blatter, LXXXIII (Mu- 
nich, 1879), 25-46 and 125-150; Brischar in Kirrhenler.. s. v. 
MlCH.^EL OtT. 

Innocent Xni, Pope (Michel.vngelodeiConti). 
b. at Rome, 1:3 May, 1655; d. at the same place, 7 
March, 1 72 1. He was the son of Carlo II, Duke of Poh. 




After studjang at the Roman College he was intro- 
duced into the Curia by Alexander VIII, who in 1690 
commissioned him to bear the blessed hat (bereltone) 
and sword (stocco) to Doge Morosini of \'enice. In 
1695 he was made Titular Archbishop of Tarsus and 
nuncio at Lucerne, and in 1697, nuncio at Lisbon. 
Clement XI created him Cardinal-Priest of Santi 
tjuirico e GiuHtta on 17 Ma.v, 1706, conferred on him 
the Diocese of Osimo in 1709, and 
that of \'iterbo in 1712. Sickness 
compelled him to resign his see in 
1719. .\fter the death of Clement 
XI he was elected pope in a stormy 
conclave on .S May, 1721. In mem- 
ory of Innocent III, to whose hneagi- 
he belonged, he chose the name of 
Innocent XIII. Soon after his suc- 
cession he invested Emperor Charles 
VI with the Kingdom of Sicily and re- ^"^'^ "^Jj^^^ocent 
ceived his oath of allegiance in 1722. 
When, a year later, the emperor invested the Spanish 
prince Don Carlos, with Parma and Piacenza, the pope 
protested on the ground that these two duchies were 
under papal suzerainty. His protests, however, re- 
mained unheeded. Like his predecessor, he gave an 
annual pension to the English Pretender, James III, 
the son of the dethroned Catholic King, James II, and 
■ ven promised to aid him with 100,000 ducats, in ease 
in opportunity should offer itself to regain the En- 
■A\<h Crown b\- force of arms. He also assisted the 
\enetians and especially the Island of Malta in their 
-truggle against the Turks. In the dispute of the Jes- 
lits with the Dominicans and others, concerning the 
retention of various Chinese Rites among the Catholic 
converts of China, Innocent XIII sided with the op- 
ponents of the Jesuits. When in 1721 seven French 
bishops sent a document to Rome containing a pe- 
tition to suppress the Constitution " L^nigenitus" in 
which Clement XI had condemned the errors of Ques- 
nel, Innocent XIII not only conflomnid the writing of 
the bishops, I'ut 
also demand I'll 
unconditional sul i- 
mission to tlie 
Constitution. II'' 
was, however, 
weak enough 1 1 ■ 
>-ield to Freiiili 
pressure and mi-e 
the un wort h y 
Prime Minister 
Dubois to the c:u- 
dinalate. He, in- 
deed, exhorted the 
minister to change 
his wicked life, Init 
his exhortation-^ 
remained usele,-s 
(For a mil <1 f I- 
view of Dubois -ee 
Bliard, "Dubnw, 
cardinal et premier 
ministre", Paris. 
1901.) In a Bull 

of March, 172.3, he regulated numerous abuses in Spain 
and was assisted in the execution of this Bull by King 
PhilipVof Spain. The fears which were raised in the 
beginning of his pontificate that he would Nneld to nepo- 
tism wereentirely groundless. He elevated his brother 
to the cardinalate, but did not allow his revenues to 
exceed 12,000 scudi as had been stipulated by Pope 
Innocent XII. 

Mater. Papstwahl Innocenz' XIII (Vienna, 1874); Leben 
Pavst Innocentii XIII (Cologne. 1724): Michaud. La fin de 
Clement XI et le commencemeni du pontifical d' Innocent XIII in 
Internationale Iheologische Zeitschrifl, V, 42-60, 304-331. 

MlCH.\EL OtT. 




IKNOCENTIUS 



24 



imiSBRUCK 



Innocentius, Saints. — A number of saints are 
to be found bearing the name Innocentius, but only 
three besides Pope Innocent I seem to deserve special 
mention. 

I. St. Innocentius, Bishop of Tortona, in Italy, 
probably in the fourth century. A legendary "Vita" 
of St. Innocentius relates that he was thrown into a 
dungeon tluring the persecution of Diocletian, and 
later fled to Rome, where he was afterwards made a 
ileacon of the Roman Church by Pope Sylvester, and 
was finally consecrated Bishop of Tortona. The nar- 
rative, however, rests on no historical foundation and is 
of comparatively late origin, proiiably appearing for 
the first time in the twelfth century. As a matter of 
fact, however, Innocentius was one of the first, if not 
actually the first of the bishops of Tortona. From the 
earliest times, the Church of Tortona celebrated not 
only the day of his death, 17 April, but also the day of 
his consecration as Ijishop, 24 September. It is to be 
remarked tliat the custom of celebrating in a special 
manner the day of consecration of a bishop became 
widespread in the fourth and fifth centuries. More- 
over, the tomb of Innocentius is beneath the high altar 
of the okl cathedral of Tortona. These special dis- 
tinctions accorded to the holy bishop can best be ex- 
plained by regarding him as the first bishop of that 
city. 

Positive chronological proof exists of the occupation 
of the See of Tortona by one Exuperantius, who at- 
tended the Council of Aquileia in 381. From a letter 
written in exile by Euselnus of Vercelli to his conmiu- 
nity in 35Q, we are further informed that at that time 
Tortona still belonged to the Diocese of Vercelli. The 
episcopate, therefore, of St. Innocentius, whom we 
presume to have l5cen the first Bishop of Tortona, is 
to be placed somewhere in the period between 360 
and 380. 

Ada SS., April, II, 482-86; Mombritius, Sancluarium, II, 
fol. 27-29; S.\vio, La leffende des Sts Faustin et Jovite in Ana- 
lecta BoUandiana, XV (1896), 1 sqq.; Idem, Gli antichi vescovi 
d'ltalia, II Piemonte (Turin, 1898), 377 sqq. 

II. St. Innocentius, according to legend, Bishop of 
Justiniana (Adrumetum?) in Africa, in the fourth cen- 
tury. He is venerated at Gaeta in Italy. It would 
seem that towards the end of his life he went to Italy, 
where he died; and that his body was afterwards 
translated to Gaeta. The commemoration of his 
feast takes place on 7 May. 

Ada SS., II, May, 138, 39; Morcelli, Africa Christiana, I 
(Brescia, 1816), 68. 

III. St. Innocentius (Innocens), Bishop of Le 
Mans, France; d. 559. He was the seventh bishop, 
and assisted at the Synods of Orleans held in 533 and 
541 . In all probability, he was bishop as early as 524. 
According to the " Acta" of the bishops of Le Mans, he 
restored the cathedral and other churches, and founded 
or endowed many convents in his diocese. Gregory 
of Tours mentions his death. His feast is observed 
on 19 June. 

Actus Pontificum Cenomannia in urbe degentium, ed. Mabil- 
LON, Vetera Anilrcta, III (Paris, 1723); Acta SS., HI, June. 
859-60; Duchesne, Pastes episcopaux de I'ancienne Gaute, II 
(Paris, 1900). 333. 

J. P. KiRSCH. 

Innocents, Holy. See Holt Innocents. 

Innsbruck University, officially the Royal Im- 
perial Leopold Francis University in Inns- 
bruck, originated in the college opened at Inns- 
bruck in 1562 by Blessed Peter Canisius, at the 
request and on the foundation of the Emperor Ferdi- 
nand I of .Yustria, who in this way made elTirtive his 
long-cherished plans for an institute of higher learning 
for the people of Tyrol. The imperial edict of foun- 
dation was read from every pulpit in Tyrol on 12 May, 
1.562, and the school opened under the direction of 
the Fathers of tlie newly founded Society of Jesus on 



24 June of the same year as a gymnasium with four 
classes, in which elements, grammar, and syntax 
were taught. A fifth and lowest class of elements was 
added in 1566. In 1599 Ferdinand expressed the 
wish that the programme of studies be widened so 
as to inclufle a studium universale. This was done, 
however, only in 1606, when a new building for the 
gymnasium was completed, whereupon courses in 
philosophy (dialectics) and theology (casuistry and 
controversies) were begun, the other subjects being 
rhetoric, humanities, syntax, and upper and lower 
grammar. Logic was added in 1619. Until 1670 the 
erecting of the gymnasium into a university had been 
repeatedly discussed and planned, but without re- 
sult. In 1670-71 the course in philosophy was ex- 
tended to three years; in 1671-72 two chairs of scho- 
lastic theology were founded, as well as one of law 
(instUutiones) and in the following year two of juris- 
prudence and one of canon law. In 1672 also the gym- 
nasium was raised to the rank of an academy, and 
in 1673 this academy received the name and rank of 
a university, although lectures in medicine did not 
begin until 1674. 

The Emperor Leopold I of Austria promulgated the 
imperial decree of foundation in 1677, and it was in 
the same year that Pope Innocent XI granted the new 
university the customary rights and privileges. The 
faculty then consisted of fifteen professors: five for 
theology, four each for philosophy and law, and two 
for medicine. Of these, three of the professors of 
theology, all of those of philosophy and the professor 
of canon law in the law faculty were Jesuits; two 
members of the secular clergy lectured in the first- 
named faculty, and the rest were laymen. The com- 
plete organization of these four faculties followed 
ten years later. The chancellor of the university was 
the Prince-Bishop of Brixcn, in the Tyrol, who was 
usually represented in Innsbruck by a vice-chancellor. 
LTntil 1730 the university remained essentially un- 
changed. The number of professors rose to eighteen. 
The eighteen years followmg, however, witnessed a 
widening of the study plan; the Government of 
Maria Theresa began to interfere more directly in the 
inner work of the university. During the next period, 
from 1748 to 1773, this state domination increased, 
reaching a maximum under Joseph II. In 1773 
when, upon the suppression of the Society of Jesus, 
the Jesuits, who up to this had made up one-half of 
the professors and under whom the theological faculty 
became the most eminent of the four, ceased to lec- 
ture, the university numbered 911 students, dis- 
tributed as follows: 325 in theology, 116 in law, 43 
in medicine and 437 in philosophy. 

Joseph II published an order for the suppression 
of the university on 29 November, 1781, but on 14 
September, 1782, issued a decree allowing it to be 
continued as a lyceum with two university faculties, 
philosophy and theology, and facilities for the study 
of law and medicine. In 1783 the Government es- 
tablished at Innsbruck a general theological seminary 
for the whole of Tyrol, only to close it again in 1790. 
The university was recalled to life by Joseph's suc- 
cessor, Leopold II, to be again suppressed by the 
Bavarian Government in 1810, leaving a lyceum with 
merely philosophical and theological courses. This 
condition of affairs lasted until 1817, when courses in 
law and medicine were added. From the departure 
of the Jesuits in 1773 until 1822, when it was com- 
pletely suppressed, the theological faculty, in which 
the principles of Josephinism and (lallicanism reigned 
almost supreme, ad been in continual conflict with 
the Bishop of Brixen, who had no right of supervi- 
sion, not even over purity of doctrine, which suffered 
grievously in the interval. At one time even the 
"Imitation of Christ" was a forbidden book. In 
1826 the university was again restored, this time by 
the Emperor Francis II of Austria. It consisted at 



IN PARTIBUS 



25 



IN PETTO 



first of only two full faculties, philosophy and law. 
In 1857, mainly through the efforts of Vincent Gas- 
ser, Prince-Bishop of Brixen, the theological faculty 
was added and entrusted once more to the Jesuits, 
who have since, with two exceptions, been the sole 
professors. The complete organization of the restored 
university was reached when the medical faculty 
was reconstituted in 1S69. 

The most illustrious teachers of the university have 
been and are mainly in the theological faculty. Since 
the restoration of the latter in 1S57 the best known 
of these have been: in dogmatic theologj-. Cardinal 
Steinhuber (d. 1907), Stentrup (d. 1S98)", Kern (d. 
1907), and Hurter, the latter still lecturing since 
1858; in moral theologj^, Noldin (retired 1909); in 
sacred eloquence, Jungmann (d. 1SS5), the author of a 
well-known work on esthetics; in moral theology and 
sociologj', Biederlack: in canon law and ecclesia.stical 
history, Nilles (d. 1907) ; in Scripture, Fonck (called 
to Rome, 1908) ; in ecclesiastical history, Grisar (pro- 
fessor honorarius since 1S9S). Dr. Ludwig von 
Pastor, author of the well-known "History of the 
Popes", is professor of history in the faculty of phi- 
losophy, in which the eminent Austrian meteorologist 
Pernter (d. 1909) was at one time professor. To this 
faculty belongs also the cartographer von Wieser. 
The theological faculty has frequently suffered the 
attacks of ''hberal" professors, who form the large 
majority in the faculties of the profane sciences in the 
Austrian universities. These professors have several 
times endeavoured to have the theological faculty 
suppressed, but it has ever foimd a faithful protector 
in the Emperor Francis Joseph I. This faculty also 
took the leading part in the controversy following 
upon the blasphemous attack on the Church in 1908 
by Dr. Ludwig Walu-mund, professor of canon law 
in the law faculty. 

Intimately connected with the theological faculty, 
though no official part of it, is the seminary (Theo- 
logisches Konvikt), where the majority of the stu- 
dents of theology reside. This institution, called the 
" Nikolaihaus ", was first opened for poor students in 
1569, closed in 178.3, and reopened for the theologians 
in 18.58. It is almost exclusively through the theo- 
logical faculty and the "Nikolaihaus " that Innsbruck 
is known outside of Austria-Hungary, especially 
among Catholics. In the fifty years since the resto- 
ration of the faculty, 5898 students, from nearly every 
civilized country, have frequented the lectures in 
theology, of whom 298.3 are alumni of the "Nikolai- 
haus". Of the.se students, 4209 belonged to the 
secular and 1689 to the regular clergy; they repre- 
sented 202 dioceses and Apostolic vicariates, and 73 
provinces, cloisters, etc., of the regulars. North 
.\merica has contributed 443 students, with few ex- 
ceptions all from the United States; England is rep- 
resented among the alumni by 10, and Ireland by 
15 students. The "Nikolaihaus" is governed by a 
regms who is a member of the Society of Jesus. .\ 
Jesuit father also is always university preacher, and 
the university sodality is under the direction of an- 
other Jesuit. Innsbruck is the theologate of the 
Austrian and Hungarian provinces of the Society of 
Jesus. The influence of the university since its 
restoration, as in its earlier periods, has been impor- 
tant. Naturally this influence has been felt most of 
all in the Tyrol, which to a large extent owes to the 
university its culture, especially among the clergy 
and in the medical and legal professions. In par- 
ticular, the presence of theological students from all 
p-arts of the world has made the influence of the fac- 
ulty of theology of great weight in the education of 
the clergy, and in the development of theological 
science during the last fifty years, an influence which 
has been spread and avignienied by the faculty organ, 
the "Zeitschrift fiir Katholische Theologie", a quar- 
terly now in its thirty-third year. Innsbruck is one 



of the eight Austrian state universities. The uni- 
versity buildings number about 40 (including insti- 
tutes, clinics, etc.). There is also a university church 
in charge of the Jesuits. This church was erected 
during the years 1620-40 by Archduke Leopold V of 
Austria and his wife Claudia de' Medici. The build- 
ings for the medical, chemical, and physical sciences 
are new and well equipped. The library contains 
over 225.000 volumes, including many valuable 
manuscripts. The number of students averages about 
1000, that of the professors and privat dozenten over 
90. In 1908-09 the number of students registered 
in the winter semester was 1154, thus distributed: 
theology, .355; law, 293; medicine. 213; philosophy, 
293. In the summer semester (1909) the total was 
1062. In this same year there were 105 professors 
and privat dozenten. 

Probst. Geschichte der Umversitdt in Innsbrurk sett ihrer 
Entstehung bis zum Jahre 1S60 (Innsbruck, 1S69): Probst, Bei- 
Iriige zur Geschichte der Gymnasien in Tirol (Innsbruck, 1858); 
HoFMANN, Das Nikolaihaus zu Innsbruck einst und jetzt 
(Innsbruck, 1908) ; Ahern in The Messenger (December, 1908). 

M. J. Ahekn. 

In Partibus Infidelimn (often shortened to in 
pnrtibus or abbreviated as i. p. i.), a term meaning 
"in the lands of the unbeUevers", words added to the 
name of the see conferred on non-residential or titular 
Latin bishops, e. g. N., Bishop of Tyre in partibus 
infidelium. Formerly, when bishops were forced to 
flee before the invading infidel hordes, they were 
welcomed by other Churches, wliile preserving their 
titles and their rights to their ovm dioceses. They 
were even entrusted with the administration of vacant 
sees. Thus we find St. Gregory appointing John, 
Bishop of Alessio, who had been expelled by his 
enemies, to the See of SquiUace (cap. " PastoraUs", 
xhi, cans, vii, q. 1). In later days it was deemed 
fitting to preserve the memory of ancient Christian 
Churches that had fallen into the hands of the unbe- 
Uevers; this was done by giving their names to au.xili- 
arj' bishops or bishops in missionary countries. Fa- 
gnani (in cap. " Episcopalia", i, " De privilegiis") says 
that the regular appointment of titular bishops dates 
back only to the time of the Twelfth Lateran Coimcil 
under Leo X (Session IX); cardinals alone were 
authorized to ask for them for their dioceses. St. Pius 
V extended the privilege to the sees in which it was 
customary to have auxiliary bishops. Since then the 
practice became more -n-idespread. The Sacred Con- 
gregation of the Propaganda, by its circular letter of 
3 March, 1882, abolished the expression in partibus 
infidelium; the present custom is to join to the name 
of the see that of the district to which it formerly 
belonged, e. g. "N., Archiepiscopus Corinthius in 
Achaia", or else merely to say "titular bishop" (see 
Bishop). 

Fag.vani. loc. eit.; Ferraris, Prompla Bihliothcca, s. v. Epis- 
copus, I, 67-9; VII, 21 sq.; and Supplem., n. 2. 

A. BOUDINHON. 

In Petto, an Italian translation of the Latin in 
pectore, " in the breast", i. e. in the secret of the heart. 
It happens, at times, that the pope, after creating 
some cardinals in consistory, adds that he has ap- 
pointed one or more additional cardinals, whom he 
reserves in petto, and whom he will make known later: 
"alios autem [v. g. duos] in pectore rcservamus, 
arbitrio nostro quandoque declarandos." Until they 
have been publicly announced these cardinals acquire 
no rights, and if the pope dies before having declared 
their names they do not become members of the 
Sacred College; but when he has proclaimed their 
elevation at a sulisequent consistory, they take rank 
from the date of their first nomination and receive 
from that date all the emoluments accruing to their 
office. This is a method that the popes have some- 
times adopted to ensure poor ecclesiastics a compe- 
tency to meet all the expenses incident to their promo- 



INQUISITION 



26 



INQUISITION 



tion. At the consistory of 15 March, 1S75, Pius IX an- 
nounced that he was creating and reserving in petto 
five cardinals, whose names would be found, in case 
of his death, in a letter annexed to his will. But the 
canonists having raised serious doubts as to the 
vahdity of such a posthumous publication, Pius IX 
published their names in the consistory of the follow- 
ing 17 September. (See Cabdinal.) 

Santi-Leitner, Pralectiones juris canonici, I, tit. xxxi, n. 23. 
A. BODDINHON. 

Inquisition (Lat. inquirere, to look into). — By this 
term is usually meant a special ecclesiastical institu- 
tion for combating or suppressing heresy. Its char- 
acteristic mark seems to be the bestowal on special 
judges of judicial powers in matters of faith, and this 
by supreme ecclesiastical authority, not temporal or 
for individual cases, but as a universal and perma- 
nent office. Moderns experience difficulty in under- 
standing this institution, because they have, to no 
small extent, lost sight of two facts. On the one hand 
they have ceased to grasp religious belief as something 
objective, as the gift of God, and therefore outside the 
realm of free private judgment; on the other they no 
longer see in the Church a society perfect and sov- 
ereign, based substantially on a pure and authentic 
Revelation, whose first and most important duty must 
naturally be to retain unsullied this original deposit of 
faith. Before the religious revolution of the sixteenth 
century these views were still common to all Chris- 
tians; that orthodoxy should be maintained at any 
cost seemed self-evident. However, while the posi- 
tive suppression of heresy by ecclesiastical and civil 
authority in Christian society is as old as the Chiu-ch, 
the Inquisition as a distinct ecclesiastical tribunal is 
of much later origin. Historically it is a phase in the 
grov.'th of ecclesiastical legislation, whose distinctive 
traits can be fully understood only by a careful study 
of the conditions amid which it grew up. Our sut> 
ject may, therefore, be conveniently treated as fol- 
lows: I. The Suppression of Heresy during the first 
twelve Christian centuries; II. The Suppression of 
Heresy by the Institution known as the Inquisition 
under its several forms: (A) The Inquisition of the 
Middle Ages; (B) The Inquisition in Spain; (C) The 
Holy Office at Rome. 

I. The Suppression of Heresy during the First 
Twelve Centuries. — (1) Though the Apostles were 
deeply imbued with the conviction that they must 
transmit the deposit of the Faith to posterity undefiled, 
and that any teaching at variance w'ith their own, 
even if proclaimed by an angel of Heaven, would be 
a culpable offence, yet St. Paul did not, in the case of 
the heretics Alexander and Hymeneus, go back to the 
Old-Covenant penalties of death or scourging (Deut., 
xiii, 6 sqq. ; xvii, 1 sqq.), but deemed exclusion from 
the communion of the Church sufficient (I Tim., i, 20; 
Tit., iii, 10). In fact to the Christians of the first 
three centuries it could scarcely have occurred to 
assume any other attitude towards those who erred in 
matters of faith. TertuUian (Ad. Scapulam, c. ii) 
lays down the rule: "Humani iuris et naturalis po- 
testatis, unicuique quod putaverit colere, nee alii 
obest aut prodest alterius religio. Sed nee religionis 
est religionem colere, quiE sponte suscipi debeat, non 
vi", in other words, he tells us that the natural 
law authorized man to follow only the voice of indi- 
vidual conscience in the practice of religion, since 
the acceptance of religion was a matter of free will, not 
of compulsion. Replying to the accusation of Celsus, 
based on the Old Testament, that the Christians perse- 
cuted dissidents with death, burning, and torture, 
Origen (C. Cels., VII, 20) is satisfied witli oxiiliiiiing 
that one must distinguish between tlie law wliich the 
Jews received from Moses and that given to the 
Christians by Jesus; the former was binding on the 
Jews, the latter on the Christians. Jewish Christians, 



if sincere, could no longer conform to all of the Mo- 
saic Law; hence they were no longer at liberty to kill 
their enemies or to burn and stone violators of the 
Christian Law. 

St. Cyprian of Carthage, surrounded as he was by 
countless scliismatics and undutiful Christians, also 
put aside the material sanction of the Old Testament, 
which punished with death rebellion against the 
priesthood and the judges: "Nunc autem, quia cir- 
cumcisio spiritalis esse apud fideles servos Dei ccepit, 
spiritali gladio superbi et contumaces necantur, dum 
de Ecclesia ejiciuntur " (Ep. Ixxii, ad Pompon., n. 4) — 
religion being now spiritual, its sanctions take on the 
same character, and excommunication replaces the 
death of the body. Lactantius was yet smarting 
under the scourge of bloody persecutions, when he 
WTote his " De Divinis Institutionibus" (in 308); 
naturally, therefore, he stood for the most absolute 
freedom of religion. "Religion", he says, "being a 
matter of the will, it cannot be forced on anyone; in 
this matter it is better to employ words than blows 
[verbis melius quam verberibus res agenda est]. Of 
what use is cruelty? What has the rack to do with 
piety? Surely there is no connexion between truth 
and violence, between justice and cruelty. ... It is 
true that nothing is so important as religion, and one 
must defend it at anj' cost [summfl, vi] . . . It is true 
that it must be protected, but by dying for it, not by 
killing others; by long-suffering, not by violence; by 
faith, not by crime. If you attempt to defend re- 
ligion with bloodshed and torture, what you do is not 
defence, but desecration and insult. For nothing is 
so intrinsically a matter of free will as religion " (op. 
cit., V, xx). The Christian teachers of the first three 
centuries insisted, as was natural for them, on com- 
plete religious liberty; furthermore, they not only 
urged the principle that religion could not be forced 
on others — a principle always atlhered to by the 
Church in her dealings with the unbaptizcd — but, 
when comparing the Mosaic Law and the Christian 
religion, they taught that the latter was content with 
a spiritual punishment of heretics (i. e. with excom- 
munication), while Judaism necessarily proceeded 
againsrt its dissidents with torture and death. 

(2) However, the imperial successors of Constan- 
tine soon began to see in themselves Divinely ap- 
pointed "bishops of the exterior", i. e. masters of the 
temporal and material conditions of the Church. At 
the same time they retained the traditional authority 
of " Pontifex Maximus", and in this way the civil 
authority inclined, frequently in league with prelates 
of Arian tendencies, to persecute the orthodox bishops 
by imprisonment and exile. But the latter, particularly 
St. Hilary of Poitiers (Liber contra Auxentium, c. iv), 
protested vigorously against any use of force in the 
province of religion, whether for the spread of Chris- 
tianity or for preservation of the Faith. They re- 
peatedly urged that in this respect the severe decrees 
of the Old Testament were abrogated by the mild and 
gentle laws of Christ, plowever, the successors of Con- 
stantine were ever persuaded that the first concern of 
imperial authority (Theodosius II, "Novella;", tit. Ill, 
A. D. 438) was the protection of religion and so, with 
terrible regularity, issued many penal edicts against 
heretics (cf. E. Vacandard, " L'Inquisition: Etude 
historique et critique sur le pouvoir cocrcitif de 
I'Eglise", Paris, 1907, p. 10). In the space of fifty- 
seven years si.xty-eight enactments were thus pro- 
mulgated. All manner of heretics were affected by 
this legislation, and in various ways, by exile, confis- 
cation of property, or death. A law of 407, aimed at 
the traitorous Donatists, asserts for the first time that 
these heretics ought to be put on the same plane as 
transgressors against the sacretl majesty of the em- 
peror, a concept to which was reserved in later times 
a very momentous role. The death penalty, how- 
ever, was only imposed for certain kinils of heresy; in 



INQUISITION 



27 



INQUISITION 



their persecution of heretics the Christian emperors 
fell far short of the severity of Diocletian, who in 2S7 
sentenced to the stake the leaders of the Manicli;rans, 
and inflicted on their followers partly the usual death 
penalty by beheading, and partly forced labour in the 
government mines. 

So far we have Ijeen deahng with the legislation of 
the Christianized State. In the attitude of the repre- 
sentatives of the Church towards this legislation some 
uncertainty is already noticeable. At the close of the 
fourth century, and during the fifth, Manicha'ism, 
Donatism, and Priscillianism were the heresies most 
in view. Expelled from Rome and iMilan, the Mani- 
chaeans sought a refuge in Africa. Though th('.\- were 
found guilty of abominable teachings and luisileods 
(St..\ugustine,"De haresibus", no. 40), the Churcli re- 
fused to invoke the civil power against them; indeed, 
the great Bisho]) nf Hippo explicitly rejected the use 
of force. He sought their return only through public 
and private acts of submission, and his efforts seem to 
have met with success. Indeed, we learn from him 
that the Donatists themselves were the first to appeal 
to the civil power for protection against the Church. 
However, they fared like Daniel's accusers: the lions 
turned upon them. State intervention not answering 
to their wishes, and the violent excesses of the Circum- 
cellions being condignly punished, the Donatists 
complained bitterly of administrative cruelty. St. 
Optatus of Mileve defended the civil authority (De 
Schisraate Donatistarum, III, cc. 6-7) as follows: 
" ... as though it were not permitted to come for- 
ward as avengers of God, and to pronounce sentence 
of death! . . . But, say you, the State cannot punish 
in the name of tiod. Yet was it not in the name of 
God that Moses and Phineas consigned to death the 
worshippers of the golden calf and those who despised 
the true religion?" This was the first time that a 
Catholic bishop championed a decisive co-operation of 
the State in religious questions, and its right to inflict 
death on heretics. For the first time, also, the Old 
Testament was appealed to, though such appeals had 
been previously rejected by Christian teachers. 

St. .\ugustine, on the contrary, was still opposed to 
the use of force, anil tried to lead back the erring by 
means of instruction; at most he admitted the impo- 
sition of a moderate fine for refractory per.sons. Fi- 
nally, however, he changed liis views, whether moved 
thereto by the incredible excesses of theCircuracellions 
or by the good results achieved by the use of force, or 
favouring force through the persuasions of other bish- 
ops. Apropos of his apparent inconsistency it is well to 
note carefully whom he is addressing. He appears to 
speak in one way to government officials, who wanted 
the existing laws carried out to their fullest extent , and 
in another to the Donatists, wlio denied to the State 
any right of punishing dissenters. In his correspond- 
ence with .state officials he dwells on Christian charity 
and toleration, and represents the heretics as straying 
lambs, to be sought out and perhaps, if recalcitrant, 
chastized with rods and frightened with threats of 
severer punishment, but not to be driven back to the 
fold by means of rack and sword. On the other hand, 
in his writings against the Donatists he upholds the 
rights of the State, sometimes, he says, a salutary 
severity would be to the interest of the erring ones 
themselves and likewise protective of true believers 
and the community at large (Vacandard, 1. c, pp. 
17-26). 

As to Priscillianism, not a few points remain yet 
obscure, despite recent valuable researches. It seems 
certain, however, that Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in 
Spain, was accused of heresy and sorcery, and found 
guilty by several councils. St. Amljrose at Milan and 
St. Damasua at Rome seem to have refu.sed him a 
hearing. .'Vt length he appealed to the Emperor Maxi- 
mus at Trier, but to his detriment, for he was there 
condemned to death. Priscillian himself, no doubt in 



full consciousness of his own irmocence, had formerly 
called for repression of the Manicha>ans by the sword. 
But the foremost Christian teachers did not share 
these sentiments, and liis own execution gave them 
occasion for a solemn protest against the cruel treat- 
ment meted out to him by the imperial government. 
St. Martin of Tours, then at Trier, e.xertetl himself to 
obtain from the ecclesiastical authority the abandon- 
ment of the accusation, and induced the emperor to 
promise that on no account would he shed the blood of 
Priscillian, since ecclesiastical deposition by the bish- 
ops would be punishment enough, and blo(KLshed 
would be opposed to the Divine law (Sulp. Severus, 
"Chron.", II, in P. L., XX, 155 sqq.; and ibid., 
"Dialogi", III, col. 217). After the execution he 
strongly lilamed both the accusers and the emperor, 
and for a long time refused to hold comminiion with 
such bishops as had been in any way responsible for 
Pri.seillian's death. The great Bishop of Milan, St. 
Ambrose, described that execution as a crime. 

Priscillianism, however, did not disappear with the 
death of its originator; on the contrarj-, it spread with 
extraordinary rapidity, and, through its open adop- 
tion of Manicha;ism, became more of a public menace 
than ever. In this'w-ay the severe judgments of St. 
Augustine and St. Jerome against Priscillianism be- 
come intelligilile. In 447 Leo the Great had to re- 
proach the PriscilUanists with loosening the holy 
bonds of marriage, treading all decency under foot, 
and deriding all law, human and Divine. It seemed 
to him natural that temporal rulers should punish 
such sacrilegious madness, and should put to death the 
founder of the sect and some of his followers. He goes 
on to say that this redounded to the advantage of the 
Church: "qua; etsi sacerdotali contenta iudicio, cru- 
entas refugit ultiones, severis tamen christianorum 
principum constitutionibus adiuvatur, dum ad spirit- 
ale reciuTunt rcmedium, qui timcnt corporale suppli- 
cium" — though the Church was content with a spirit- 
ual sentence on the part of its Ijishops and was averse 
to the shedding of l)lood, nevertheless it was aided by 
the imperial severity, inasmuch as the fear of corporal 
punishment drove the guiltv to seek a spiritual rem- 
edy (Ep. XV ad Turribium; P. L., LIV, 679 sq.). 

The ecclesiastical ideas of the first five centuries 
may be summarized as follows: (1) the Church should 
for no cause shed blood (St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, 
St. Leo I, and others); (2) other teachers, however, 
like Optatus of Mileve and Priscillian, believed that 
the State could pronounce the death-penalty on here- 
tics in ca.se the public welfare demanded it; (3) the 
majority held that the death-penalty for heresy, when 
not civilly criminal, was irreconcilable with the spirit 
of Chri.stianity. St. Augustine (Ep. c, n. 1), almost 
in the name of the Western Church, says: "Corrigi eos 
volunius, non necari, nee discipliuam circa eos negligi 
vnluiuus, iiec suppliciis (|uibus digni sunt exerceri" — 
we wish them corrected, not put to death; we desire 
the triumph of (ecclesiastical) discipline, not the death 
penalties that tliey deserve. St. John Chrysostom 
says substantially the same in the name of the East- 
ern Church (Horn., XLVI, c. i): "To consign a heretic 
to death is to commit an offence beyond atonement"; 
and in the next chapter he says that God forbids their 
execution, even as He forbids us to uproot cockle, but 
He does not forbid us to repel them, to deprive them of 
free speech, or to prohibit their assemblies. The help 
of the "secular arm" was therefore not entirely re- 
jected; on the contrary, as often as the Christian wel- 
fare, general or domestic, required it. Christian rulers 
.sought to stem the evil by appropriate measures. As 
late as the seventh century St. Isidore of Seville ex- 
presses similar sentiments (Sententiarum, III, iv, nn. 
4-6). 

How little we are to tru.st the vaunted impartiality 
of Henry Charles Lea, the American historian of the 
Inquisition, we may here illustrate by an example. 



IKQUISITION 



28 



INQUISITION 



In his " History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages" 
(New York, 1SS8, I, 215), he closes this period with 
the words: "It was only sixty-two years after the 
slaughter of Priscillian and his followers had excited 
so much horror, that Leo I, when the heresy seemed to 
be reviving in 447, not only justified the act, but de- 
clared that, if the followers of a heresy so damnable 
were allowed to Uve, there would be an end of human 
and Divine law. The final step had been taken and 
the Church was definitely pledged to the suppression 
of heresy at whatever cost. It is impossible not to 
attribute to ecclesiastical influence the successive 
edicts by which, from the time of Theodosius the 
Great, persistence in heresy was punished with death." 
In these lines Lea has transferred to the pope words 
employed by the emperor. Moreover, it is simply the 
exact opposite of historical truth to assert that the 
imperial edicts pimishing heresy with death were due 
to ecclesiastical influence, since we have shown that in 
this period the more influential ecclesiastical authori- 
ties declared that the death penalty was contrary to 
the spirit of the Gospel, and themselves opposed its 
execution. For centuries this was the ecclesiastical 
attitude both in theory and in practice. Thus, in 
keeping with the civil law, some Manicha>ans were 
executed at Ravenna in 5.56. On the other hand, 
Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel, the chiefs of 
Adoptionism and Prede.stinationism, were condemned 
by pope and councils, but were otherwise left unmo- 
lested. We may note, however, that the monk Gothe- 
scalch, after the condemnation of his false doctrine 
that Christ had not died for all mankind, was by the 
Synods of Mainz in S48 and Quiercy in S49 sentenced 
to flogging and imprisonment, punishments then com- 
mon in monasteries for various infractions of the rule. 
(3) About the year 1000 Manichseans from Bul- 
garia, under various names, spread over Western 
Europe. They were numerous in Italy, Spain, Gaul 
and Germany. Christian popular sentiment soon 
showed itself adverse to these dangerous sectaries, 
and resulted in occasional local persecutions, natu- 
rally in forms expressive of the spirit of the age. In 
1122 King Robert the Pious (regis iussu et universa" 
plebis consensu), "because he feared for the safety 
of the kingdom and the salvation of souls", had 
thirteen distinguished citizens, ecclesiastic and lay, 
burnt alive at Orleans. Elsewhere similar acts were 
due to popular outbursts. A few years later the 
Bishop of Chalons observed that the sect was spread- 
ing in his diocese, and asked of Wazo, Bishop of 
Liege, advice as to the >ise of force: "An terrena; 
potestatis gladio in eos sit animadvertendum necne " 
("Vita Wasonis", cc. x.xv, xxvi, in P. L., CXLII, 752; 
"Wazo ad Roger. II, episc. Catalaunens ", and 
"Anselmi Gesta episc. Leod." in "Mon. Germ. SS.", 
VII, 227 sq.). Wazo replied that this was contrary 
to the spirit of the Church and the words of its 
Founder, Who ordained that the tares should be al- 
lowed to grow with the wheat until the day of the 
harvest, lest the wheat be uprooted with the tares; 
tho.se who to-day were tares might to-morrow te 
converted, and turn into wheat; let them therefore 
live,and let mere excommunication suffice. St.Chiys- 
ostom, as we have seen, had taught similar doctrine. 
This principle could not lie always followed. Thus at 
Goslar, in the Christmas season of 1051, and in 1052, 
several heretics were hanged because Emperor Henry 
III wanted to prevent the further spread of "the he- 
retical lepro.sy ". A few years later, in 107G or 1077, a 
Catharist was condemned to the stake by the Bishop 
of Cambrai and his chapter. Other Catharists, in 
spite of the archbishop's intervention, were given 
their choice by the magistrates of Milan between do- 
ing honiagc to the Cross and mounting the pyre. By 
far tlic frrcalcr numbercho.se the latter. In 1114 the 
Bishop of .^oissons kept sundry heretics in durance 
in his episcopal city. But while he was gone to 



Beauvais, to ask advice of the bishops assembled 
there for a synod, the "beUeving folk, fearing the 
habitual soft-heartedness of ecclesiastics" (clericalem 
vereii^ mollitiem), stormed the prison, took the ac- 
cused outside the town, and burned them. 

The people dishked wliat to them was the extreme 
dilatoriness of the clergy in pursuing heretics. In 
1 144 Adalbero II of Liege hoped to bring some im- 
prisoned Catharists to better knowledge through the 
grace of God, but the people, less indulgent, assailed 
the unhappy creatures, and only with the greatest 
trouble did the bishop succeed in rescuing some of 
them from death by fire. A like drama was enacted 
about the same time at Cologne. While the arch- 
bishop and the priests earnestly sought to lead the 
misguided back into the Church, the latter were vio- 
lently taken by the mob (a populis nimio zelo abreptis) 
from the custody of the clergy and burned at the 
stake. The best-known heresiarchs of that time, 
Peter of Bruys and Arnold of Brescia, met a similar 
fate — the first on the pyre as a victim of popular 
fury, and the latter imder the headsman's axe as a 
victim of his political enemies. In short, no blame 
attaches to the Church for her behaviour towards 
heresy in those rude days. Among all the bishops 
of the period, so far as can be ascertained, Theodwin 
of Liege, successor of the aforesaid Wazo and prede- 
cessor of Adalbero II, alone appealed to the civil 
power for the pimishment of heretics, and even he 
did not call for the death-penalty, which was rejected 
by all. Who were more highly respected in the 
twelfth century than Peter Cantor, the most learned 
man of liis time, and St. Bernard of Clairvaux? The 
former says ("Verbum al)breviatum", c. Ixxviii, in 
P. L., CCV, 2.31): "Whether they be convicted of 
error, or freely confess their guilt, Catharists are not 
to be put to death, at least not when they refrain 
from armed assaults upon the Church. For although 
the Apostle said, 'A man that is a heretic after the 
third admonition, avoid ', he certainly did not say, 
'Kill him '. Throw them into prison, if you will, but 
do not put them to death " (cf . Geroch von Reichers- 
berg, "De investigatione Antichristi", III, 42). So 
far was St. Bernard from agreeing with the methods 
of the people of Cologne, that he laid down the 
axiom: Fides suadi'nda, noj) iwponcnda (By per- 
suasion, not by violence, are men to be won to the 
Faith). And if he censures the carelessness of the 
princes, who were to blame because little foxes 
devastated the vineyard, yet he adds that the latter 
must not be captured by force but by arguments 
{capianlur non armis, sed argumcnlis); the obstinate 
were to be excommunicated, and if necessary kept in 
confinement for the safety of others (aut corrigendi 
sunt ne pereant, aid, tie pertmant, coercendi). (See 
Vacandard, 1. c, 53 sqq.) The synods of the period 
employ substantially the same terms, e. g. the synod 
at Reims in 1049 inider Leo IX, that at Toulouse in 
1119, at which Callistus II presided, and finally the 
Lateran Council of 1139. 

Hence, the occasional executions of heretics dur- 
ing this period must be ascribed partly to the arbi- 
trary action of individual rulers, partly to the fa- 
natic outbreaks of the overzealous populace, and in 
no wise to ecclesiastical law or the ecclesiastical 
authorities. There were already, it is true, canon- 
ists who conceded to the Church the right to 
pronounce sentence of death on heretics; but the 
fiuestion was treated as a purely academic one, 
and the theory exercised virtually no influence on 
real life. Excomminiication, proscription, imprison- 
ment, etc., were indeed inflicted, being intended 
rather as forms of atonement than of real punish- 
ment, but never the cu))ilal .sentence. The maxim 
of Peli'r Cantor was still adhered to: "Catharists, 
even though Divinely convicted in an ordeal, must 
not be punished by death." In the second half of 



INQUISITION 



29 



INQUISITION 



the twelfth century, however, heresy in the form of 
Catharism spread in truly alarming fashion, and 
not only menaced the Church's existence, Init under- 
mined the very foundations of Christian society. In 
opposition to this propaganda there grew up a kind 
of prescriptive law — at least throughout Germany, 
France, and Spain — which visited heresy with death 
by the flames. England on the whole remained un- 
tainted by heresy. When, in 1166, about thirty sec- 
taries made their way thither, Henry II ordered that 
they be burnt on their foreheads with red-hot iron, 
be beaten with rods in a public square, and then 
driven off. Moreover, he forbade anyone to give 
them shelter or otherwise assist them, so that they 
died partly from hunger and partly from the cold of 
winter. Duke Pliilip of Flanders, aided by William 
of the White Hand, Archbishop of Reims, was par- 
ticularly severe towards heretics. They caused 
many citizens in their domains, nobles and com- 
moners, clerics, knights, peasants, spinsters, widows, 
and married women, to be burnt alive, confiscated 
their property, and divided it between them. This 
happened in 1183. Between 1183 and 1206 Bishop 
Hugo of Auxerre acted similarly towards the neo- 
Manichaeans. Some he despoiled; the others he 
either exiled or sent to the stake. King Philip 
Augustus of France had eight Catharists burnt at 
Troyes in 1200, one at Nevers in 1201, several at 
Braisne-sur-Vesle in 1204, and many at Paris — 
"priests, clerics, laymen, and women belonging to 
the sect". Raymund V of Toulouse (1148-94) pro- 
mulgated a law which punished with death the fol- 
lowers of the sect and their favourers. Simon de 
Montfort's men-at-arms believed in 1211 that they 
were carrying out this law when they boasted how 
they had burned alive many, and would continue to 
do so (unde multos combussimus et adhuc cum in- 
venimus idem facers non cessamus). In 1197 Peter 
II, King of Aragon and Count of Barcelona, issued 
an edict in obedience to which the Waldensians and 
all other schismatics were expelled from the land; 
whoever of this sect was still found in his kingdom 
or his county after Palm Simday of the next year 
was to suffer death by fire, also confiscation of goods. 
Ecclesiastical legislation was far from this severity. 
Alexander III at the Lateran Council of 1179 renewed 
the decisions already made as to schismatics in South- 
ern France, and requested secular sovereigns to silence 
those disturbers of public order if necessary by force, 
to achieve which object they were at liberty to im- 
prison the guilty {servituti subicere, subdere) and to ap- 
propriate their possessions. According to the agreement 
made by Lucius III and Emperior Frederick Barba- 
rossa at Verona (1148), the heretics of every commu- 
nity were to be sought out, brought before the episcopal 
court, excommunicated, and given up to the civil 
power to be suitably punished {debita animadversione 
puniendus). The suitable punishment (debita animad- 
versio, ultio) did not, however, as yet mean capital 
punishment, but the proscriptive ban, though even 
this, it is true, entailed exile, expropriation, destruc- 
tion of the culprit's dwelling, infamy, debarment from 
public office, and the like (J. Ficker, " Die Einfuhrung 
der Todesstrafe fur Ketzerei" in " Mitteilungen des 
Instituts fur osterr. Geschichtsforsch.", I, 1880, p. 
187 sq., 194 sq.). The "Continuatio Zwellensis al- 
tera, ad ann. 1184" (Mon. Germ. Hist.: SS., IX, 542) 
accurately describes the condition of heretics at this 
time when it says that the pope excommunicated 
them, and the emperor put them under the civil ban, 
while he confiscated their goods (papa eos excom- 
municavit, imperator vero tarn res quam personas 
ipsorum imperiaU banno subiecit). Under Innocent 
III nothing was done to intensify or add to the extant 
statutes against heresy, though this pope gave them a 
wider range by the action of his legates and through 
the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). But this act was 



indeed a relative service to the heretics, for the regular 
canonical procedure thus introduced did much to 
abrogate the arbitrariness, passion, and injustice of 
the civil courts in Spain, France, and Germany. In 
so tar as, and so long as, his prescriptions remained in 
force, no summary condemnations or executions en 
masse occurred, neither stake nor rack were set up; 
and, if, on one occasion during the first year of his 
pontificate, to justify confiscation, he appealed to the 
Roman Law and its penalties for crimes against the 
sovereign power, yet he did not draw the extreme con- 
clusion that heretics deserved to be burnt. His reign 
affords many examples showing how much of the 
vigour he took away in practice from the existing 
penal code. 

II. The Suppression of Heresy by the Institu- 
tion KNOWN AS THE INQUISITION. — (A) The Inquisi- 
tion of the Middle Ages. — (1) Origin. — During the first 
three decades of the thirteenth century the Inquisition, 
as an institution, did not exist. But eventually Chris- 
tian Europe was so endangered by heresy, and penal 
legislation concerning Catharism (see Cathari) had 
gone so far, that the Inquisition seemed to be a political 
necessity. That these sects were a menace to Chris- 
tian society had been long recognized by the Byzan- 
tine rulers. As early as the tenth century Empress 
Theodora had put to death a multitude of Paulicians, 
and in 1118 Emperor Alexius Comnenus treated the 
Bogomili with equal severity, but this did not prevent 
them from pouring over all Western Europe. More- 
over, these sects were in the highest degree aggressive, 
hostile to Christianity itself, to the Mass, the sacra- 
ments, the ecclesiastical hierarchy and organization; 
hostile also to feudal government by their attitude to- 
wards oaths, which they declared under no circum- 
stances allowable. Nor were their views less fatal to 
the continuance of human society, for on the one hand 
they forbade marriage and the propagation of the 
human race, and on the other hand they made a duty 
of suicide through the institution of the Endura (see 
Cath.^ki). It has been said that more perished 
through the Endura (the Catharist suicide code) than 
through the Inquisition. It was, therefore, natural 
enough for the custodians of the existing order in 
Europe, especially of the Christian religion, to adopt 
repressive measures against such revolutionary teach- 
ings. 

In France Louis VIII decreed in 1226 that persons 
excommunicated by the diocesan bishop, or his dele- 
gate, should receive "meet punishment" {debita ani- 
madversio) . In 1249 Louis IX ordered barons to deal 
with heretics according to the dictates of duty {de 
ipsis faciant quod debebant). A decree of the Council 
of Toulouse (1229) makes it appear probable that in 
France death at the stake was alreatly comprehended 
as in keeping with the aforesaid debita animadversio. 
To seek to trace in these measures the influence of im- 
perial or papal ordinances is vain, since the burning of 
heretics had already come to be regarded as prescrip- 
tive. It is said in the " Etablissements de St Louis 
et coutumes de Beauvaisis", ch. cxxiii (Ordonnances 
des Roys de France, I, 211) : " Quand le juge [ecclesi- 
astique] I'aurait examine [le suspect] se il trouvait, 
qu'il feust bougres, si ledevraitfaireenvoier^ la justice 
laie, et la justice laie le doit fere ardoir." The "Cou- 
tumes de Beauvaisis" correspond to the German 
"Sachsenspiegel", or "Mirror of Saxon Laws", com- 
piled about 12.35, which also embodies as a law sanc- 
tioned by custom the execution of unbelievers at the 
stake {sal man ufdcr hurt burnen). In Italy Emperor 
Frederick II, as early as 22 November, 1220 (Mon. 
Germ., II, 243), issued a rescript against heretics, 
conceived, however, quite in the spirit of Innocent III, 
and Honorius III commissioned his legates to see to 
the enforcement in Italian cities of both the canonical 
decrees of 1215 and the imperial legislation of 1220. 
From the foregoing it cannot be doubted that up to 



INQUISITION 



30 



INQUISITION 



1224 there was no imperial law ordering, or pre-suppos- 
ing as legal, the burning of heretics. The rescript for 
Lombardy of 1224 (Mon. Germ., II, 252; cf. ibid., 
2SS) is accordingly the first law in which death by firo 
is contemplated (cf. Ficker, op. cit., 19(5). That 
Honorius III was in any way concerned in the drafting 
of this ordinance cannot be maintained; indeed the 
emperor was all the less in need of papal inspiration 
as the burning of heretics in Germany was then no 
longer rare; his legists, moreover, would certainly 
have directed the emperor's attention to the ancient 
Roman Law that punished high treason with death, 
and Manichseism in particular with the stake. The 
imperial rescripts of 1220 and 1224 were adopted into 
ecclesiastical criminal law in 1231, and were soon ap- 
plied at Rome. It was then that the Inquisition of 
the Middle Ages came into being. 

What was the immediate provocation? Contem- 
porary soiu'ces afford no positive answer. Bishop 
Douais, who perhaps commands the original contem- 
porary material better than anyone, has attempted in 
his latest work (L'Inquisition. Ses Origines. Sa Pro- 
cedure, Paris, 1906) to explain its appearance by a 
supposed anxiety of Gregory IX to forestall the en- 
croachments of Frederick II in the strictly ecclesias- 
tical province of doctrine. For this purpose it would 
seem necessary for the pope to establish a distinct and 
specifically ecclesiastical court. From this point of 
view, though tlie hypothesis cannot be fully proved, 
much is iutelUgilile that otherwise remains obscure. 
There was doubtless reason to fear such imperial en- 
croachments in an age yet filled with the angry con- 
tentions of the Imperium and the Saccrdotium. We 
need only recall the trickery of the emperor and his 
pretended eagerness for the purity of the Faith, his 
increasingly rigorous legislation against heretics, the 
numerous executions of his personal rivals on the pre- 
text of heresy, the hereditary passion of the Hohen- 
staufen for supreme control over Church and State, 
their claim of God-given authority over both, of 
responsibility in both domains to God and God only, 
etc. What was more natural than that the Church 
should strictly reserve to herself her own sphere, while 
at the same time endeavouring to avoid giving offence 
to the emperor? A purely spiritual or papal religious 
tribunal would secure ecclesiastical liberty and author- 
ity, for this court could be confided to men of expert 
knowledge and blameless reputation, and above all to 
independent men in whose hands the Church coukl 
safely trust the decision as to the orthodoxy or hetero- 
doxy of a given teaching. On the other hand, to meet 
the emperor's wishes as far as allowable, the penal 
code of the empire could be taken over as it stood (cf . 
Audray, "Regist. de Gregoire IX", n. 535). 

(2) The New Tribunal. — (a) Its essential charac- 
teristic. — The pope did not establish the Inqui- 
sition as a distinct and separate tribunal; what he 
did was to appoint special but permanent judges, 
who executed their doctrinal functions m the 
name of the pope. Where they sat, there was the 
Inquisition. It must be carefully noted that the 
characteristic feature of the In(|uisiti(>n was not its 
peculiar procedure, nor the secret cxaniiii.ition of 
witnesses an<l consequent official indict mciit: this 
pr()ce(hir(' was common to all courts from the time of 
Innocent 111. Nor was it the pursuit of heretics in 
all places: this had lieen the rule since the Imperial 
Synod of Verona under Lucius III and l'>ederick 
Barbarossa. Nor again was it the torture, which 
was not prescribed or even allowed for decades after 
the beginning of the IiKiiiisition, nor, finally, the vari- 
ous sanctions, iiriprisonnirnt, confiscation, tlie stake, 
etc., all of whieli inmisljtncnts were usual long before 
the Inquisition. Tlie IiKiuisitor. strictly speaking, 
was a special but permanent judge, acting in the 
name of the pope and clothed by him with the right 
and the duty to deal legally witli offences against the 



Faith; he had, however, to adhere to the established 
rules of canonical procedure and pronounce the cus- 
tomary penalties. 

Many regarded it as providential that just at this 
time sprang up two new orders, the Dominicans and 
the Franciscans, whose members, by their superior 
theological training and other characteristics, seemed 
eriiinently fitted to perform the inc|uisitorial task 
with entire success. It was safe to assume that they 
were not merely endowed with the requisite knowl- 
edge, but that they would also, quite unselfishly and 
uninfluenced by worldly motives, do solely what 
seemed their duty for the good of the Church. In 
addition, there was reason to hope that, because of 
their great popularity, they would not encounter too 
much opposition. It seems, therefore, not unnatural 
that the inquisitors should have been chosen by the 
popes prevailingly from these ortiers, especially from 
that of the Dominicans. It is to be noteil, howc\'er, 
that the inquisitors were not chosen exclusively from 
the mentlicant orders, though the Senator of Rome 
no doubt meant such when in his oath of office (1231) 
he spoke of inquisitores datos iib ecdcsia. In his de- 
cree of 1232 Frederick II calls them inquisitores ab 
apostolica side dntos. The Dominican Alberic, in 
November of 1232, went through Lombardy as in- 
quisitor liiTrcticie pravitdtis. The prior and sub-prior 
of the Dominicans at Friesbach were given a similar 
commission as early as 27 November, 1231; on 2 
December, 1232, the convent of Strasburg, and a 
little later the convents of Wiirzburg, Ratisbon, and 
Bremen, also received the commission. In 1233 a 
rescript of Gregory IX, touching these matters, was 
sent simultaneously to the bishops of Southern 
France and to the priors of the Dominican Order. 
We know that Dominicans were sent as inquisitors 
in 1232 to Germany along the Rhine, to the Diocese 
of Tarragona in Spain, and to Lombardy; in 1233 to 
France, to the territory of Auxerre, the ecclesiastical 
provinces of Bourges, Bortleaux, Narbonne, and 
Auch, and to Burgundj'; in 1235 to the ecclesiastical 
province of Sens. In fine, about 1255 we find the 
Inquisition in full activity in all the countries of 
Central and Western Europe, in the county of Tou- 
louse, in Sicily, Aragon, Lombardy, France, Bur- 
gundy, Brabant, and Ciermany (cf. Douais, op. cit., 
p. 3(3, and Fredericq, "Corpus documentorum in- 
quisitionis ha>retieoe pravitatis Neerlandicoe, 1025- 
1520", 2 vols., Ghent, lS,S9-96). 

That Gregory IX, through his appointment of 
Dominicans and Franciscans as iiuiuisitors, with- 
drew the suppression of heresy from the pidper 
courts (i. e. from the bishops), is a reproach that in 
so general a form cannot be sustained. So little did 
he think of displacing episcopal authority that, on 
the contrary, he provided explicitly that no inquisi- 
tional tribunal was to work anywhere without the 
diocesan bishop's co-opemtion. And if, on the 
strength of their papal jurisdiction, inquisitors occa- 
sionally niaiiifcsteil too great an inclination to act 
independently of e|)iscopal autliority, it was precisely 
the popes who kept them within right bounds. As 
early as 1254 Innocent IV prohibited anew perpetual 
imprisonment or death at the stake without the 
episcopal consent. Similar orders were issued by 
Urban IV in 1202, Clement IV in 1205, and Gregory 
X in 1273, until at last Boniface VIII and Clement 
V solemnly declared null and void all judgments is- 
sued in trials concerning faith, unless delivered with 
the approval and c<i-<)pcration of the bishops. The 
popes always U|)lield with earnestness the episcopal 
authority, and sought to free the inquisitional tri- 
bunals from every kind of arbitrariness anil caprice. 

It was a heavy liurden of responsibility — almost 
too heavy for a common mortal — which fell upon the 
shoulders of an inquisitor, who was obliged, at le.ast 
indirectly, to decide between hfe and death. The 



INQUISITION 



31 



INQUISITION 



Church was bound to insist that he should possess, 
in ii pro-eminent degree, the qualities ot a good 
judge; that he should be animated with a glowing 
zoal for the Faith, the salvation of souls, and the ex- 
tirpation of heresy; that amid all difficulties and 
dangers he should never yield to anger or passion; 
that he should meet hostility fearlessly, but should 
not court it; that he should jdeld to no inducement 
or threat, and yet not be heartless; that, when cir- 
cumstances permitted, he should observe mercy in 
allotting penalties; that he should listen to the 
counsel of others, and not trust too much to his own 
opinion or to appearances, since often the probable 
is untrue, and the truth improbable. Somewhat 
thus did Bernard Gui (or Guidonis) and Eymeric, 
both of them inquisitors for years, describe the ideal 
inquisitor. Of such an inquisitor also was Gregory 
IX tloubtlessly thinking when he urged Conrad of 
Marljurg: "ut puniatur sic temeritas perversorum 
quod innocentia? puritas non Itedatur"- — i.e., not to 
punish the wicked so as to hurt the innocent. His- 
tory shows us how far the inquisitors answered to 
this ideal. Far from being inhuman, they were, as a 
rule, men of spotless character and sometimes of truly 
admiralile sanctity, and not a few of them have been 
canonized by the Churcli. There is absolutely no 
reason to look on the medieval ecclesiastical judge as 
intellectually antl morally inferior to the modern 
judge. No one would deny that the judges of to- 
day, despite occasional harsh decisions and the 
errors of a few, pursue a highly honourable profes- 
sion. Similarly, the medieval inquisitors should be 
judged as a whole, and not by individual examples. 
Moreover, history does not justify the hypothesis 
that the medieval heretics were prodigies of virtue, 
ileserving our sympathy in advance. 

(b) Procedure. — This regularly began with a 
• month's " term of grace ", proclaimed by the in- 
quisitor whenever he came to a heresy-ridden dis- 
trict. The inhabitants were summoned to appear 
liefore the inquisitor. On those who confessed of 
their own accord a suitable penance (e.g. a pilgrim- 
age) was imposed, but never a severe punishment 
like incarceration or surrender to the civil power. 
However, these relations with the resitlents of a 
place often fiu'nished important indications, pointed 
out the proper quarter for investigation, and some- 
times much evidence was thus obtained against in- 
dividuals. These were then cited before the judges 
— usually by the parish priest, although occasionally 
by the secular authorities — and the trial began. If 
the accused at once made full and free confession, 
the affair was soon concluded, and not to the disad- 
vantage of the accused. But in most instances the 
accused entered denial even after swearing on the 
Four Gospels, and this denial was stubborn in the 
measure that the testimony was incriminating. 
David of .'Vugsburg (cf . Preger, " Der Traktat des 
David von ."Vugsburg uber die Waldenser", Munich, 
1S7S, pp. 43 sqq.) pointed out to the inquisitor four 
methods of extracting open acknowledgment: (i) 
fear of death, i. e. by giving the accused to under- 
stand that the stake awaited him if he would not 
confess; (ii) more or less close confinement, possibly 
emphasized by a curtailment of food; (iii) visits of 
tried men, who would attempt to induce free con- 
fession through friendly persuasion; (iv) torture, 
which will be discussed below. 

(c) The Witnesses. — When no voluntary admission 
was made, evidence was adduced. Legally, there had 
to be at least two witnesses, although conscientious 
judges rarely contented themselves with that number. 
The principle had hitherto been held by the Church 
that the testimony of a heretic, an excommunicated 
person, a perjurer, in short, of an "infamous", was 
worthless before the courts. But in its detestation of 
unbelief the Church took the further step of abolishing 



this long-established practice, and of accept ing a here- 
tic's evidence at nearly full value in trials concerning 
faith. This appears as early as the twelfth century in 
the " Decretum Gratiani ". While Frederick II read- 
ily assented to this new departure, the inquisitors 
seemed at first uncertain as to the value of the evi- 
dence of an "infamous" person. It w-as only in 1261, 
after Alexander IV had silenced their scruples, that 
the new principle was generally adopted both in theory 
and in practice. This grave modification seems to 
h;ive been defended on the groimd that the heretical 
conventicles took place secretly, and were shrouded 
in great obscurity, so that reliable information 
could be obtained from none but themselves. Even 
prior to the establishment of the Inquisition the 
names of the witnesses were sometimes withheld from 
the accused person, and this usage was legalized by 
Gregory IX, Innocent IV^, and Alexander IV. Boni- 
face VIII, however, set it aside by his Bull "Ut 
commissi vobis officii" (Sext. Decret., 1. V, tit. ii); 
and commanded that at all trials, even inquisitorial, 
the witnes.ses must be named to the accused. There 
was no personal confrontation of witnesses, neither was 
there any cross-examination. Witnesses for the de- 
fence hardly ever appeared, as they would almost in- 
fallibly be suspected of being heretics or favourable to 
heresy. For the same reason those impeached rarely 
secured legal advisers, and were therefore obliged to^ 
make personal response to the main points of a charge. ^ 
This, however, was also no innovation, for in 1205 
Innocent III, by the Bull "Si adversus vos", for- 
bade any legal help for heretics: " We strictly prohibit 
you, lawyers and notaries, from assisting in any way, 
by council or support, all heretics and such as believe 
in them, adhere to them, render them any assist- 
ance or defend them in any way." But this severity 
soon relaxed, and even in Eymeric's day it seems to 
have been the universal custom to grant heretics a 
legal adviser, who, however, had to be in every way 
beyond suspicion, "upright, of undoubted loyalty, 
skilled in civil and canon law, and zealous for the 
faith." 

Meanwhile, even in those hard times, such legal 
severities were felt to be excessive, and attempts were 
made to mitigate them in various ways, so as to pro- 
tect the natural rights of the accused. First he could 
make known to the judge the names of his enemies: 
should the charge originate with them, they would 
be quashed without further ado. Furthermore, it was 
imdoubtedly to the advantage of the accused that 
false witnesses were punished without mercy. The 
aforesaid inquisitor, Bernard Gui, relates an instance 
of a father falsely accusing his son of heresy. The son's 
innocence quickly coming to light, the false accuser 
was apprehended, and sentenced to prison for life 
{solatn vitam ei ex misericordia rdinqucnles) . In ad- 
dition he was pilloried for five consecutive Sundays 
before the church during service, with bare head and 
bound hands. Perjury in those days was accounted 
an enormous offence, particularly when committed by 
a false witness. Moreover, the accused had a consider- 
able advantage in the fact that the inquisitor had to 
conduct the trial in co-operation with the diocesan 
bishop or his representatives, to whom all documents 
relating to the trial had to be remitted. Both together, 
inquisitor and bishop, were also made to summon and 
consult a number of upright and experienced men 
(honi viri), and to decide in agreement with their de- 
cision (vota). Innocent IV (11 July, 1254), .Alexander 
IV (15 April, 12.55, and 27 .\pril. 1260), and Urban IV 
(2 August, 1264) strictly prescribed this institution of 
the bnni viri — i. e. the consultation in difficult cases of 
experienced men, well versed in theology and canon 
law, and in every way irreproachable. The docu- 
ments of the trial were either in their entirety handed 
to them, or at least an abstract drawn up by a public 
notary was furnished ; they were also made acquainted 



INQUISITION 



32 



INQUISITION 



with the witnesses' names, and their first duty was to 
ilecide whether or not tlie witnesses were credible. 

The boni i-iri were very frequent ly called on. Thirty, 
fifty, eighty, or more persons — laymen ami priests, 
secular and regular — would be summoned, all highly 
respected and independent men, and singly sworn to 
give verdict upon the cases before them according to 
the best of their knowledge and belief. Substantially 
they were always called upon to decide two questions: 
whether and wliat guilt lay at liand, and what punish- 
ment was to be inflicted. That they might be influ- 
enced by no personal considerations, the case would be 
submitted to them somewhat in the abstract, i. e., 
the name of the person inculpated was not given. Al- 
though, strictly speaking, the boni liri were entitled 
only to an advisory vote, the final ruhng was usually 
in accordance with their views, and, whenever their 
decision was revised, it was always in the direction of 
clemency, the mitigation of the findings being indeed 
of frequent occurrence. The judges were also assisted 
by a consilium permanens, or standing coimcil, com- 
posed of other sworn judges. In these dispositions 
surely lay the most valuable guarantees for an objec- 
tive, impartial, and just operation of the inquisition 
courts. Apart from the conduct of his own defence, 
the accused disposed of other legal means for safe- 
guarding his rights; he could reject a judge who had 
shown prejudice, and at any stage of the trial could 
appeal to Rome. Eymeric leads one to infer that in 
Aragon appeals to the Holy See were not rare. He 
himself as inquisitor had on one occasion to go to 
Rome to defend in person his own position, but he ad- 
vises other inquisitors against that step, as it simply 
meant the loss of much time and money; it were 
wiser, he says, to try a case in such a manner that no 
fault could be found. In the event of an appeal the 
documents of the case were to be sent to Rome under 
seal, and Rome not only scrutinized them, but itself 
gave the final verdict. Seemingly, appeals to Rome 
were in great favour; a milder sentence, it was hoped, 
would be forthcoming, or at least some time would be 
gained. 

(d) Punishments. — ^The present writer can find 
<^ nothing to suggest that the accused were imprisoned 
during the jjcriod of enquiry. It was certainly cus- 
tomary to grant the accused person his freedom until 
the sermo generalis, were he ever so strongly inculpated 
through witnesses or confession; he was not yet sup- 
posed guilty, though he was compelled to promise 
under oath always to be ready to come before the in- 
quisitor, and in the end to accept with good grace his 
sentence, whatever its tenor. The oath was assuredly 
a terrible weapon in the hands of the medieval judge. 
If the accused person kept it, the judge was favour- 
ably inclined; on the other hand, if the accused vio- 
lated it, his credit grew worse. Many sects, it was 
known, repudiated oaths on principle; hence the vio- 
lation of an oath caused the guilty party easily to 
incur suspicion of heresy. Besides trie oath, the in- 
quisitor might secure himself by demanding a sum of 
money as bail, or reliable bondsmen who would stand 
surety for the accused. It happened, too, that bonds- 
men undertook upon oath to deliver the accused "dead 
or alive". It was perhajis unpleasant to live under 
the burden of such an obligation, Jmt, at any rate, it 
was more endurable than to await a final verdict in 
rigid confinement for months or longer. 

Curiously enough torture was not regarded as a 
mf>de of punishment, but purely as a means of eliciting 
the truth. It was not of ecclesiastical origin, and was 
long prohibited in the ecclesiastical courts. Nor was 
it originally an important factor in the inquisitional 
procedure, being unauthorize<l until twenty years 
after the Inquisition had bef;un. It was first author- 
ized bv Innocent IV in his Hull "Ad exstirpandu " of 
1.') Mav, IL'-VJ, which was eo[ifirnied by Alcxand.T IV 
on :«) November, 12.')!», and by Clement IV on :! .No- 



vember, 1265. The limit placed upon torture was 
cilra membri diminiilioncm ct nidiiis pcriculum — i.e.. 
it was not to cause the loss of a limb or imperil life. 
Torture was to be ajiplieil only once, and not then un- 
less the accused were uncertain in his statements, and 
seemed already virtually convicted by manifold and 
weighty proofs. In general, this violent questioning 
{qwFstio) was to be deferred as long as possible, and 
recourse to it was permitted only when all other ex- 
pedients were exhausted. Conscientious and sensible 
judges quite properly attached no great importance to 
confessions extracted by torture. After long expe- 
rience Eymeric declared: Qua'stiones sunt fallaces et 
inejficaces — i. e. the torture is deceptive and ineffec- 
tual. 

Had this papal legislation been adhered to in prac- 
tice, the historian of the Inquisition would have fewer 
difficulties to satisfy. In the beginning, torture was 
held to be so odious that clerics were forbidden to be 
present under pain of irregularity. Sometimes it had 
to be interrupted so as to enable the inquisitor to con- 
tinue his examination, which, of course, was attended 
by numerous inconveniences. Therefore on 27 April, 
1260, Alexander IV authorized inquisitors to absolve 
one another of this irregularity. Urban IV on 2 
August, 1262, renewed the permission, and this was 
soon interpreted as formal licence to continue the 
examination in the torture chamber itself. The in- 
quisitors' manuals faithfully noted and approved this 
usage. The general rule ran that torture was to be 
resorted to only once. But this was sometimes 
circumvented — first, by assuming that with every 
new piece of evidence the rack could be utilized 
afresh, and secondly, by imposing fresh torments on 
the poor victim (often on diff'erent days), not by way 
of repetition, but as a continuation (non ad modum 
iterationis sed continuationis), as defended by Ey- 
meric; "quia iterari non debent [tormenta], nisi novis 
supervenient ibus indiciis, continuari non prohiben- 
tur." But what was to be done when the accused, 
released from the rack, denied what he had just con- 
fessed? Some held with Eymeric that the accused 
should be set at liberty; others, however, like the 
author of the "Sacro Arsenale", held that the torture 
should be continued, because the accused had too 
seriously incriminated himself by his previous con- 
fession. When Clement V formulated liis regulations 
for the employment of tortm'e, he never imagined that 
eventually even witnesses would be put on the rack, al- 
though not their guilt, but that of the accused, was in 
question. From the pope's silence it was concluded 
that a witness might be put upon the rack at the dis- 
cretion of the inquisitor. Moreover, if the accused 
was convicted through witnesses, or had pleaded 
guilty, the torture might still be used to compel him 
to testify against his friends and fellow-culprits. It 
would be opposed to all Divine and human equitj' — 
so one reads in the " Sacro Arsenale, ovvero Pratica 
deir Officio della Santa Inquisizione" (Bologna, 1665) 
— to inflict torture unless the judge were personally 
persuaded of the guilt of the accused. 

liut one of the difficulties of the procedure is why 
torture was used as a means of learning the trutli. 
On the one hand, the torture was continued until the 
accused confessed or intimated that he was willing to 
confess. On the other hand, it was not desired, as in 
fact it was not possible, to regard as freely made a 
confession wrung by torture. 

It is at once apparent how little reliance may be 
placed upon the assertion so often repeated in the 
minutes of trials, " confessionem esse veram, non fac- 
tam vi tornK'iitoruni " (the confession was true and 
free), even though one had not occasionally read in the 
preceding pages that, after being taken down from the 
rack ipostiiiiiim diposiluK fiiit iklormenlo), he frecb/ 
confessed this or that. However, it is not of much 
greater importance to say that torture is seldom 



INQUISITION 



33 



INQUISITION 



mentioned in the records of inquisition trials — but 
once, for example, in 636 condemnations between 1309 
and 1323; this does not prove that torture was 
rarely applied. Since torture was originally inflicted 
outside the court room by lay officials, and since 
only the voluntary confession was valid before the 
judges, there was no occasion to mention in the 
records the fact of torture. On the other hand 
it is historically true that the popes not only always 
held that torture must not imperil life or limb, 
but also tried to abolish particularly grievous abuses, 
when such became known to them. Thus Clement V 
ordained that inquisitors should not apply the torture 
without the consent of the diocesan bishop. From 
tlie middle of the thirteenth century, they did not 
disavow the principle itself, and, as their restrictions 
to its use were not always heeded, its severity, though 
often exaggerated, was in many cases extreme. 

The consuls of Carca-ssonne in 12S6 complained to the 
pope, the Iving of France, and the vicars of the local 
bishop against the inquisitor Jean Galand, whom they 
charged with inflicting torture in an absolutely in- 
human manner, and this charge was no isolated one. 
The case of Savonarola (q. v.) has never been alto- 
gether cleared up in this respect. The official report 
says he had to suffer three anil a half traiti da June 
(a sort of strappado). When Alexander VI showed 
discontent with the delays of the trial, the Florentine 
government excused itself by urging that Savonarola 
was a man of extraordinary sturdiness and endurance, 
and that he had been vigorously tortured on many 
days (assidua qiue^tione muUis diebus, the papal pro- 
thonotary, Burchard, says seven times) but with little 
effect. It is to be noted that torture was most cruelly 
used, where the inquisitors were most exposed to the 
pressure of civil authority. Frederick II, though al- 
ways boasting of his zeal for the purity of the Faith, 
abused both rack and Inquisition to put out of the 
way his personal enemies. The tragical ruin of the 
Templars is ascribed to the abuse of torture by Philip 
the Fair and his henchmen. At Paris, for instance, 
thirty-six, and at Sens twenty-five, Templars died as 
the result of torture. Blessed Joan of Arc could not 
have been sent to the stake as a heretic and a recalci- 
trant, if her judges had not been tools of English 
policy. Anil the excesses of the Spanish Inquisition 
are largely due to the fact that in its administration 
civil purposes overshadowed the ecclesiastical. Every 
reader of the " Cautio criminalis " of the JesuitTather 
Friedricli Spee knows to whose account chiefly must 
be set down the horrors of the witchcraft trials. Most 
of the punishments that were properly speaking in- 
quisitional were not inhuman, either by their nature 
or by the manner of their infliction. Most frequently 
certain good works were orderetl, e.g. the building of a 
church, the visitation of a church, a pilgrimage more 
or less distant, the offering of a candle or a chalice, 
participation in a crusade, and the like. Other works 
partook more of the character of real and to some ex- 
tent degrading punishments, e.g. fines, whose proceeds 
were devoted to such public purposes as church-build- 
ing, road-making, and the like; whipping with rods 
during religious service; the pillory; the wearing of 
coloured crosses, and so on. 

The hardest penalties were imprisonment in its 
various degrees, exclusion from the communion of 
the Church, and the usually consequent surrender to 
the civil power. "Cum ecclesia", ran the regular 
expression, "ultra, non habeat quod faciat pro suis 
demeritis contra ipsum, idcirco eundem relinquimus 
brachio et iudicio s^culari " — i.e. since the Church 
can no farther punish his misdeeds, she leaves him 
to the civil authority. Naturally enough, punish- 
ment as a legal sanction is always a hard and painful 
thing, whether decreed by civil or eg- y'astical jus- 
tice. There is, however, always an essei^ 'al distinc- 
tion between civil and ecclesiastical {^ nishment. 
VIII.— 3 



ttliile cliastisement inflicted by secular authority 
aims chiefly at punishing violation of the law, the 
Church seeks primarily the correction of the delin- 
quent ; indeed his spiritual welfare is frequently so 
much in view that the element of punishment is 
almost entirely lost sight of. Commands to hear 
Holy Mass on Sundays and hoUdays, to frequent re- 
ligious services, to abstain from manual laoour, to 
receive Communion at the chief festivals of the year, 
to forbear from soothsaying and usury, etc., can 
scarcely be regarded as punislmients, though very 
efficacious as helps towards the fulfilment of Chris- 
tian duties. It being furthermore incumbent on the 
inquisitor to consider not merely the external sanc- 
tion, Init also the inner change of heart, his sentence 
lost the quasi-mechanical stiffness so often charac- 
teristic of civil condemnation. Moreo\'er, the pen- 
alties incurred were on numberless occasions remitted, 
mitigated, or commuted. In the records of the In- 
quisition we very frequently read that because of 
old age, sickness, or poverty in the family, the due 
punishment was materially reduced owing to the in- 
quisitor's sheer pity, or the petition of a good Catho- 
lic. Imprisonment for life was altered to a fine, and 
tliis to an alms; participation in a crusade was com- 
muted into a pilgrimage, while a distant and costly 
pilgrimage became a visit to a neighbouring shrine or 
church, and so on. If the inquisitor's leniency were 
abused, he was authorized to revive in full the 
original pimislmient. On the whole, the Inquisition 
was humanely conducted. Thus we read that a son 
obtained his father's release by merely asking for it, 
without putting forward any special reasons. Li- 
cence to leave prison for three weeks, three months, 
or an unlimited period — say until the recovery or 
decease of sick parents — was not infrequent. Rome 
itself censured inquisitioners or deposed them be- 
cause they were too harsh, but never because they 
were too merciful. 

Imprisonment was not always accounted punish- 
ment in the proper sense: it was rather looked on as 
an opijortunity for repentance, a preventive against 
backsliding or the infection of others. It was known 
as immuratioH (from the Latin 7»urus, a wall), or in- 
carceration, and was inflicted for a definite time or 
for life. Immuration for life was the lot of those 
who liad failed to profit by the aforesaid term of 
grace, or had perhaps recanted only from fear of 
death, or had once before abjured heresy. The 
murus strictus sew arctus, or career strlctissimiis, im- 
plied close and solitary confinement, occasionally 
aggravated by fasting or cliains. In practice, how- 
ever, these regulations were not always enforced lit- 
erally. We read of immured persons receiving visits 
rather freely, plajang games, or dining with their 
jailors. On the other hand, solitary confinement 
was at times deemed insufficient, and then the im- 
mured were put in irons or chained to the prison 
wall. Members of a religious order, when condemned 
for life, were immured in their own convent, nor ever 
allowed to speak with any of their fraternity. The 
dungeon or cell was euphemistically called "In Pace"; 
it was, indeed, the tomb of a man buried alive. It 
was looked upon as a remarkable favour when, in 
1330, through the good offices of the Archbishop of 
Toulouse, the French king permitted a dignitary of a 
certain order to visit the "In Pace" twice a month 
and comfort his imprisoned brethren, against which 
favour the Dominicans lodged with Clement VI a 
fruitless protest. Though the prison cells were 
directed to be kept in such a way as to endanger 
neither the life nor the health of occupants, their 
true condition was sometimes deplorable, as we see 
from a document published recently by J. B. Vidal 
(Annales de St-Louis des Franfais, 1905, p. 362). 
" In some cells the unfortunates were bound in stocks 
or chains, unable to move about, and forced to sleep 



INQUISITION 



34 



INQUISITION 



on the ground There was little regard for 

cleanliness. In some cases there was no light or 
ventilation, and the food was meagre and very 
poor." Occa.sionally the popes had to put an end 
through their legates to similarly atrocious con- 
ditions. After inspecting the Carcassonne and Albi 
prisons in 1306, the legates Pierre de la Chapelle 
and Beninger dc Fredol dismissed the warders, re- 
moved the cliains from the captives, and rescued 
some from their underground dungeons. The local 
bishop was expected to provide food from the con- 
fiscated property of the prisoner. For those doomed 
to close confinement, it was meagre enough, scarcely 
more tlian bread and water. It was not long, how- 
ever, before prisoners were allowed other victuals, 
wine and money also from outside, and this was soon 
generally tolerated. 

Officially it was not the Church that sentenced un- 
repenting heretics to death, more particularly to the 
stake. As legate of the Roman Church even Gregory 
IX never went farther tlian the penal ordinances of 
Innocent III required, nor ever inflicted a punish- 
ment more severe tlian excommunication. Not un- 
til four years after the commencement of his pontifi- 
cate did he admit the opinion, then prevalent among 
legists, that heresy should be punished with death, 
seeing that it was confessedly no less serious an 
offence tlian high treason. Nevertheless, ' he con- 
tinued to insist on the exclusive right of the Church 
to decide in authentic manner in matters of heresy; 
at the same time it was not her office to pronounce 
sentence of death. The Church, thenceforth, ex- 
pelled from her bosom the impenitent heretic, where- 
upon the state took over the duty of his temporal 
punishment. Frederick II was of the same opinion; 
in his Constitution of 1224 he says tliat heretics con- 
victed by an ecclesiastical court shall, on imperial 
authority, .suffer death by fire (auctoritate nostra 
ignis iudicio concremandos), and similarly in 1233: 
"prffisentis nostrse legis edicto damnatos mortem pati 
decernimus." In this way Gregory IX may be re- 
garded as having had no share, either directly or in- 
directly, in the death of condemned heretics. Not 
so the succeeding popes. In the Bull "Ad exstir- 
panda" (1252) Innocent IV says: "When those ad- 
judged guilty of heresy have been given up to the 
civil power Ijy the bishop or his representative, or 
the Inquisition, the podesta or chief magistrate of 
the city shall take them at once, and shall, within 
five days at the most, execute the laws made against 
them." Moreover, he directs that this Bull and the 
corresponding regulations of Frederick II be entered 
in every city among the municipal statutes under 
pain of excommunication, which was also visited on 
those who failed to execute both the papal and the 
imperial decrees. Nor could any doubt remain as to 
what civil regulations were meant, for the passages 
which ordered the burning of impenitent heretics 
were inserted in the papal decretals from the im- 
perial constitutions "Commissis nobis" and "Incon- 
sutibilem tunicam ". The aforesaid Bull "Ad 
exstirpanda " remained thenceforth a fundamental 
document of the Inquisition, renewed or reinforced 
by several popes, Alexander IV (12r)4-Gl), Clement 
IV (1265-68), Nicholas IV (1288-!I2), Boniface VIII 
(1294-1303), and others. The civil authorities, tlicie- 
fore, were enjoined by the popes, under pain of excom- 
miniication to execute the legal sentences that con- 
demned impenitent heretics to the stake. It is to be 
noted that excommunication itself was no trifle, for, 
if the person excommunicated did not free himself 
from excommunication within a year, he was held 
by the legislation of that period to be a heretic, 
and incurred all the penalties that affected licresy, 

The Number of Victims, — How inaiiy victims were 
handed over to the civil power cannot ))e stated with 
even approximate accuracy. We have nevertheless 



some valuable information about a few of the In- 
quisition tribunals, and their statistics are not with- 
out interest. At Pamiers, from 1318 to 1324, out 
of twenty-four persons convicted but five were de- 
livered to the civil power, and at Toulouse from 
1308 to 1323, only forty-two out of nine hundred and 
thirty bear the ominous note "relictus curia? sscu- 
lari". Thus, at Pamiers one in thirteen, and at 
Toulouse one in forty-two, seem to have been burnt 
for heresy, although these places were hotbeds of 
heresy, and therefore principal centres of the In- 
quisition. We may add, also, that this was the most 
active period of the institution. These data and 
others of the same nature bear out the assertion that 
the Inquisition marks a substantial advance in the 
contemporary administration of justice, and there- 
fore in the general civilization of mankind. A more 
terrible fate awaited the heretic when judged by a 
secular court. In 1249 Count Raymund VII of 
Toulouse caused eighty confessed heretics to be 
burned in his presence without permitting them to 
recant. It is impossible to imagine any such trials 
before the Inquisition courts. The large numbers of 
burnings detailed in various histories are completely 
unauthenticated, and are either the deliberate inven- 
tion of pamphleteers, or are based on materials that 
pertain to the Spanish Inquisition of later times or 
the German witchcraft trials (Vacandard, op. cit., 
237 sqq.). 

Once the Roman Law touching the crimen Icesce 
majeslalis had been made to cover the case of heresy, 
it was only natural that the royal or imperial 
treasury should imitate the Roman fiscus, and lay 
claim to the property of persons condemned. It 
was fortunate, though inconsistent and certainly not 
strict justice, that this penalty did not affect every 
condemned person, but only those sentenced to per- 
petual confinement or the stake. Even so, this cir- 
cumstance adtied not a little to the penalty, especially 
as in this respect innocent people, the culprit's wife 
and children, were the chief sufferers. Confiscation 
was also decreed against persons deceased, and there 
is a relatively high number of such judgments. Of 
the six hundred and thirty-six cases that came before 
the inquisitor Bernard Gui, eighty-eight pertained to 
dead people. 

(e) The Final Verdict. — The ultimate decision was 
usually pronounced with solemn ceremonial at the 
sermo generalis — or auto-da-fv (act of faith), as it was 
later called. One or two days prior to this sermo 
everyone concerned had the charges read to him 
again briefly, and in the vernacular; the evening be- 
fore he was told where and when to appear to hear 
the verdict. The sermo, a short discourse or ex- 
hortation, began very early in the morning; then fol- 
lowed the swearing in of the secular officials, who 
were made to vow obedience to the inquisitor in all 
things pertaining to the suppression of heresy. Then 
regularly followed the so-called "decrees of mercy" 
(i.e. commutations, mitigations, and remission of 
previously imposed penalties), and finally due pun- 
ishments were assigned to the guilty, after their 
offences hail been again enumerated. This an- 
nouncement began with the minor punishments, and 
went on to the most severe, i. e., jierpetual inijirison- 
ment or death. Thereupon the guilty were turned 
over to the civil power, and with this act the sermo 
generalis closed, and the inquisitional proceedings 
were at an end. 

(3) The chief scene of the Inquisition's activity 
was Central and Southern Europe. The Scandi- 
navian countries were spared altogether. It appears 
in England only on the occasion of the trial of the 
Templars, nor was it known in (lastile and Portugal 
luitil the acco.ssion of Kcrdinaml and Isabella. It 
was introduced into the XctlicrlaiKls with the Span- 
ish domina ion, while in Northern France it was rela- 



INQUISITION 



35 



INQUISITION 



tively little known. On the other hand, the Inquisi- 
tion, whether because of the particularly perilous 
sectarianism there prevalent or of the gi-eater .severity 
of ecclesiastical and civil rulers, weighed heavily on 
Italy (especially Lombardy), on Southern France (in 
particular the county of Toulouse and on Langue- 
doc), and finally on the Kingdom of Aragon and on 
Germany. Honorius IV (1285-7) introduced it into 
Sardinia, and in the fifteenth century it displayed 
excessive zeal in Flanders and Bohemia. The in- 
quisitors were, as a rule, irreproachable, not merely in 
personal conduct, but in the administration of their 
office. Some, however, like Robert le Bougre, a Bul- 
garian (Catharist) convert to Christianity and subse- 
(juently a Dominican, seem to have yielded to a blind 
fanaticism and deliberately to have provoked execu- 
tions en masse. On 29 May, 12.39, at Montwimer in 
Champagne, Robert consigned to the flames at one 
time about a hundred and eighty persons, whose trial 
had begun and ended within one week. Later, when 
Rome found that the complaints against him were 
justified, he was first deposed and then incarcerated 
for life. 

(4) How are we to explain the Inquisition in the 
light of its own period? — For the true office of the 
historian is not to defend facts and conditions, 
but to study and understand them in their natural 
course and connexion. — It is indisputable that in 
the past scarcely any community or nation vouch- 
safed perfect toleration to those who set up a creed 
different from that of the generality. A kind of 
iron law w'ould seem to dispose mankind to reli- 
gious intolerance. Even long before the Roman State 
tried to check with violence the rapid encroach- 
ments of Christianity, Plato had declarefl it one of the 
supreme duties of the governmental authority in his 
ideal State to show no toleration towards the " god- 
less " — that is, towards those who denied the state 
religion — even though they were content to live 
quietly and without proselytizing; their very example, 
he said, would be dangerous. They were to be kept in 
custody " in a place where one gi'ew wise " (iru^powo-- 
Ti)piov), as the place of incarceration was euphemisti- 
cally called; they should be relegated thither for five 
years, and during this time listen to religious instruc- 
tion every day. The more active and proselytizing 
opponents of the state religion were to be imprisoned 
for life in dreadful dungeons, and after death to be 
deprived of burial. It is thus evident what little jus- 
tification there is for regarding intolerance as a product 
of the Middle Ages. Everywhere and always in the 
past men believed that nothing disturbed the common 
weal and puhhc peace so much as religious dissensions 
and coiitiicts, and that, on the other hand, a uniform 
public faith was the surest guarantee for the State's 
stability and prosperity. The more thoroughly re- 
ligion had become part of the national life, and the 
stronger the general conviction of its inviolability and 
Divine origin, the more disposed would men be to con- 
sider every attack on it as an intolerable crime against 
the Deity and a highly criminal menace to the public 
peace. The first Christian emperors believed that one 
of the chief duties of an imperial ruler was to place his 
sword at the service of the Church and orthodoxy, 
especially as their titles of " Pontifex Maximus" and 
"Bishop of the Exterior" seemed to argue in them 
Divinely appointed agents of Heaven. 

Nevertheless, the principal teachers of the Church 
held back for centuries from accepting in these mat- 
ters the practice of the civil rulers; they shrank partic- 
ularly from such stern measures against heresy as 
torture and capital punishment, both of which they 
deemed inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity. 
But, in the Middle Ages, the Catholic Faith became 
alone dominant, and the welfare of the Commonwealth 
came to be closely bound up with the cause of religious 
unity. King Peter of Aragon, therefore, but voiced the 



universal conviction when he said : " The enemies of the 
Cross of Christ and violators of the Christian law are 
likewise our enemies and the enemies of our kingdom, 
and ought therefore to be dealt with as such." Em- 
peror Freflerick II emphasized this view more vigor- 
ously than any other prince, and enforced it in his 
Draconian enactments against heretics. The repre- 
sentatives of the Church were also children of tlieir 
own time, and in their conflict with heresy accepted 
the help that their age freely offered them, and indeed 
often forced upon them. Theologians and canonists, 
the highest and the saintliest, stood by the code of 
their day, and sought to explain and to justify it. The 
learned and holy Raymund of Pennafort, highly es- 
teemed by Gregory IX, was content with the penal- 
ties that dated from Innocent III, viz., the ban of 
the empire, confiscation of property, confinement in 
prison, etc. But before the end of the century, St. 
Thomas Aquinas (Summa Theol., II-II, Q. xi, aa. 3, 
4) already advocated capital punishment for heresy, 
though it cannot be said that his arguments alto- 
gether compel conviction. The Angelic Doctor, how- 
ever speaks only in a general way of punishment by 
death, and does not specify more nearly the manner of 
its infliction. This the jurists did in a positive way 
that was truly terrible. The celebrated Henry of Se- 
gusia (Susa), named Hostiensis after his episcopal See 
of Ostia (d. 1271), and the no less eminent Joannes 
Andrea? (d. 1348), when interpreting the Decree "Ad 
abolendam" of Lucius III, take ililnta animadversio 
(due punishment) as synoiiymcnis with ignis cremalio 
(death by fire), a meaning which certainly did not at- 
tach to the original cxim'ssion of 1184. Theologians 
and jurists basctl their attituile to some extent on the 
similarity between heresy and high treason {crimen 
IcEscc maiestatis) , a suggestion that they owed to the 
Law of Ancient Rome. They argued, moreover, that 
if the death penalty could be rightly inflicted on 
thieves and forgers, who rob us only of worldly goods, 
how much more righteously on those who cheat us 
out of supernatural goods — out of faith, the sacra- 
ments, the life of the soul. In the severe legislation 
of the Old Testament (Deut., xiii, 6-9; xvii, 1-6) they 
found another argument. And lest some should urge 
that those ordinances were abrogated by Christianity, 
the words of Christ were recalled: "I am not come 
to destroy, but to fulfil" (Matt., v. 17); also His other 
saying (John, xv, 6): "If any one abide not in me, he 
shall be cast forth as a branch, and shall wither, and 
they shall gather him up, and cast him into the fire, 
and he burneth" (in ignem mittent, et ardet). 

It is well known that belief in the justice of punish- 
ing heresy with death was so common among the six- 
teenth century reformers — Luther, Zwingli, Calvin, 
and their adherents — that we may say their toleration 
began where their power ended [N. Paulus, " Die 
Strassburger Reformatoren und die Gewissensfrei- 
heit" (Freiburg, 1895); "Luther und die Gewissens- 
freiheit "(Munich, 1905) ; " Ketzerinquisition im luther- 
ischen Sachsen", supplement to "Germania" (1907), 
nos. IS and 19; "1st die Toleranz auf Luther zuriick 
zufiihren? " ibid. (1909), no. 12; " Luther's These uber 
die Ketzerverbrennung ", in " Histor.-polit. Blatter", 
CXL (1907), no. 5; " Calvin als Handlanger der papst- 
lichen Inquisition", ibid., CXLIII (1909), no. 5; 
"Zwingli und die Glaubensfreiheit ", ibid., CXLIII 
(1909), no. 9]. The Reformed theologian, Hierony- 
mus Zanchi, declared in a lecture delivered at the 
University of Heidelberg: " We do not now ask if the 
authorities may pronounce sentence of death upon her- 
etics; of that there can be no doubt, and all learned 
and right-minded men acknowledge it. The only 
question is whether the authorities are bound to per- 
form this duty." And Zanchi answers this second 
question in the affirmative, especially on the authority 
of " all pious and learned men who have written on 
the subject in our day" [Hi.storisch-politische Blatter, 



INQUISITION 



36 



INQUISITION 



CXL, (1907), p. 364]. It may be that in modern 
times men as a rule judge more leniently the views of 
others, but does this forthwith make their opinions ob- 
jectively more correct than those of their predecessors? 
Is there no longer any inclination to persecution? As 
late as 1871 Professor Friedberg wrote in Holtzen- 
dorff's " Jahrbuch fiir Gesetzgebung " : " If a new re- 
ligious society were to be established to-day with 
such principles as those which, according to the Vat- 
ican Council, the Catholic Church declares a matter of 
faith, we would undoubtedly consider it a duty of the 
state to suppress, destroy, and uproot it by force" 
(Kolnische Volkszeitung," no. 782, 15 Sept., 1909). 
Do these sentiments indicate an ability to appraise 
justly the institutions and opinions of former cen- 
turies, not according to modern feelings, but to the 
standards of their age? [cf. Th. de Cauzons, "Histoire 
de I'lnquisition en France", Tome I: " Les Origines de 
rinquisition " (Paris, 1909); O. Pfiilf in "Stimmenaus 
Maria-Laach ", no. 8 (1909), pp. 290 sqq.]. 

In forming an estimate of the Inquisition, it is 
necessary to distinguish clearly between principles and 
historical fact on the one hand, and on the other those 
exaggerations or rhetorical descriptions which reveal 
bias and an ob\'ious determination to injure Catholi- 
cism, rather than to encourage the spirit of tolerance 
and further its exercise. It is also essential to note 
that the Inquisition, in its establishment and pro- 
cedure, pertained not to the sphere of belief, but to 
that of discipline. The dogmatic teaching of the 
Church is in no way affected by the question as to 
whether the Inquisition was justified in its scope, or 
wise in its methods, or extreme in its practice. The 
Church established by Christ, as a perfect society, is 
empowered to make laws and inflict penalties for their 
violation. Heresy not only violates her law but strikes 
at her very life, unity of belief; and from the begin- 
ning the heretic had incurred all the penalties of the 
ecclesiastical courts. When Christianity became the 
religion of the Empire, and still more when the peoples 
of Northern Europe became Christian nations, the 
close alliance of Church and State made unity of faith 
essential not only to the ecclesiastical organization, 
but also to civil society. Heresy, in consequence, 
was a crime which secular rulers were bound in duty to 
punish. It was regarded as worse than any other 
crime, even that of high treason; it was for society in 
those times what we call anarchy. Hence the sever- 
ity with which heretics were treated by the secular 
power long before the Ini|uixition was established. 

As regards the chanu-lt-r of these punishments, it 
should be considered that they were the natural ex- 
pression not only of the legislative i)Ower, but also of 
the popular hatred for heresy in an age that dealt both 
vigorously and roughly with criminals of every type. 
The heretic, in a word, was simply an outlaw whose 
offence, in the popular mind, deserved and sometimes 
received a punishment as summary as that which is 
often dealt out in our own day by an infuriated popu- 
lace to the authors of justly detested crimes. That 
such intolerance was not peculiar to Catholicism, but 
was the natural accompaniment of deep religious con- 
viction in those, also, who abandoned the Church, is 
evident from the measures taken Ijy some of the Ke- 
formers again.st those who differed from them in 
matters of belief. As the learned Dr. SchafT declares 
in his "History of the Christian Church" (vol. V, 
New York, 1907, p. 524), "To the great luimihation 
of the Protestant churches, religious intolerance uiid 
even persecution unto death wen^ continued long 
after the Reformation. In Ceneva tlie pernicious 
theory was put into practice by state and church, 
even to the use of torture and the admission of tlu' 
testimony of children against their parents, and with 
the sanction of Calvin. Bullinger, in the second I lel- 
vetic (Jonfe.ssion, announced the principle that heresy 
could be punished like murder or treason." Moreover, 



the whole history of the Penal Laws against Catholics 
in England and Ireland, and the spirit of intolerance 
prevalent in many of the American colonies during 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries may be 
cited in proof thereof. It would obviously be absurd 
to make the Protestant religion as such responsible 
for these practices. But having set up the principle of 
private judgment, which, logically applied, made 
heresy impossible, the early Reformers proceeded to 
treat dissidents as the medieval heretics had been 
treated. To suggest that this was inconsistent is 
trivial in view of the deeper insight it affords into the 
meaning of a tolerance which is often only theoretical 
and the source of that intolerance which men rightly 
show towards error, and which they naturally, though 
not rightly, transfer to the erring. 

(B) The Inquisitionin Spain. — (1) Historical Facts. 
— Religious conditions similar to those in Southern 
France occasioned the establishment of the Inquisi- 
tion in the neighbouring Kingdom of Aragou. As 
early as 1226 King James I had forbidden the Cath- 
arists his kingdom, and in 1228 had outlawed both 
them and their friends. A little later, on the advice of 
his confessor, Raymund of Pennafort, he asked Greg- 
ory IX to establish the Inquisition in Aragon. By the 
Bull " Declinante jam mundi " of 26 May, 1232, Arch- 
bishop Esparrago antl his suffragans were instructed 
to search, either personally or by enlisting the ser- 
vices of the Dominicans or other suitable agents, and 
condignly punish the heretics in their dioceses. At 
the Council of L6rida in 1237 the Inquisition was for- 
mally confided to the Dominicans and the Francis- 
cans. At the Synod of Tarragona in 1242, Raymund 
of Pennafort defined the terms hwrelicus, receptor, fau- 
tor, defensor, etc., and outhned the penalties to be in- 
flicted. Although the ordinances of Innocent IV, Ur- 
ban IV, and Clement VI were also adopted and exe- 
cuted with strictness by the Dominican Order, no 
striking success resulted. The Inquisitor Fray Ponce 
de Blanes was poisoned, and Bernardo Travasser 
earned the crown of martyrdom at the hands of the 
heretics. Aragon's best-known inquisitor is the Do- 
minican Nicolas Eymeric (Qu^tif-Echard, " Scriptores 
Ord. Pr.", I, 709 sqq.). His "Directorium Inquisi- 
tionis" (written in Aragon, 1376; printed at Rome 
1587, Venice 1595 and 1607), based on forty-four 
years' experience, is an original source and a document 
of the hit;hest historical value. 

The S])anish Inquisition, however, properly begins 
with the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic and Isabella. 
The Catholic faith was then endangered by pseudo- 
converts from Juilaism (Marranos) and Mohamme- 
danism (Moriscos). On 1 November, 1478, Sixtus IV 
empowered the Catholic sovereigns to set up the Inqui- 
sition. The judges were to be at least forty years old, 
of unimpeachable reputation, distinguished for virtue 
and wistlom, masters of theology, or doctors or licen- 
tiates of canon law, and they must follow the usual 
ecclesiastical rules and regulations. On 17Soptember, 
1480, Their Catholic Majesties appointed, at first for 
Seville, the two Dominicans MigueUle Morilloand Juan 
de San Martin as inquisitors, with two of the .secular 
clergy as assistants. Before long complaints of griev- 
ous abuses reached Rome, and were only too well 
founded. In a Brief of Sixtus IV of 29 January, 1482, 
they were blamed for having, upon the alleged author- 
ity of papal Briefs, unjustly imprisoned many people, 
.subjected them to cruel tortures, declared them false 
believers, and se((uestrated the i)rciperiy of the exe- 
cuted. They were at first admonished to act only in 
conjunction willi the bishops, and finally were threat- 
ened with deposition, and would indeed have been 
deposed had not Their Majesties interceded for them 
(Pastor, "(ie.sehichli' der Papste", 2nd ed., II, p. 
,'583). Fray Tom^s Toniuemada (b. at ValladoUd m 
1420, (1. at Avila, 16 September, 1498) was the true 
organizer of the Spanish hujuisition. At the solicita- 



INQUISITION 



37 



INQUISITION 



tion of Their Spanish Majesties (Paramo, II, tit. ii, 
c. iii, n. 9) Sixtus IV bestowed on Torquemada the 
office of grand inquisitor, the institution of which in- 
dicates a decided advance in the development of the 
Spanish Inquisition. Innocent VIII approved the act 
of fiis predecessor, and under date of 11 February, 
14S6, and 6 February, 1487, Torquemada was given the 
dignity of grand inquisitor for the kingdoms of Castile, 
Leon, Aragon, Valencia, etc. The institution speedily 
ramified from Seville to Cordova, Jaen, Villaredl, and 
Toledo. About 1538 there were nineteen courts, to 
which three were afterwards added in Spanish America 
(Mexico, Lima, and Cartagena). Attempts at intro- 
ducing it into Italy failed, and the efforts to establish 
it in the Netherlanils entailed disastrous consequences 
for the mother country. In Spain, however, it re- 
mained operative into the nineteenth century. Orig- 
inally called into being against secret Judaism and 
secret Mohammedanism, it served to repel Protestant- 
ism in the sixteenth century, but was unable to expel 
French Rationalism and immorality in the eighteenth. 
King Joseph Bonaparte abrogated it in ISOS, but it 
was re-introduced by Ferdinand VII in 1814 and ap- 
proved by Pius VII on certain conditions, among 
others the abolition of torture. It was definitely 
abolished by the Revolution of 1820. 

(2) Organization. — .\t the head of the Inquisition, 
known as the Holy Office, stood the grand inquisitor, 
nominated by the king and confirmed by the pope. 
By virtue of liis papal credentials he enjoyed authority 
to delegate his powers to other suitable persons, and to 
receive appeals from all Spanish courts. He was aided 
by a High Council (Consejo Supremo) consisting of 
five members — the so-called Apostofic inquisitors, two 
secretaries, two relatores, one advocatus fiscalis — and 
several consultors and qualificators. The officials of 
the supreme tribunal were appointed by the grand 
inquisitor after consultation with the king. The for- 
mer could also freely appoint, transfer, remove from 
oflSce, visit, and inspect or call to account all inquisi- 
tors and officials of the lower courts. Philip III, on 16 
December, 161S, gave the Dominicans the privilege 
of having one of their order permanently a member of 
the Consejo Supremo. All power was really concen- 
trated in this supreme tribunal. It decided important 
or disputed questions, and heard appeals; without its 
approval no priest, knight, or noble could be impris- 
oned, and no auto-da-fe held; an annual report was 
made to it concerning the entire Inquisition, and once 
a month a financial report. Everyone was subject to 
it, not excepting priests, bishops, or even the sover- 
eign. The Spanish Inquisition is distinguished from 
the medieval by its monarchical constitution and a 
greater consequent centralization, as also by the con- 
stant and legally provided-for influence of the crown 
on all official appointments and the progress of trials. 

(3) The procedure, on the other hand, was substan- 
tially the same as that already described. Here, too, 

' a "term of grace" of thirty to forty days was invar- 
iably granted, and was often prolonged. Imprison- 
ment resulted only when unanimity had been arrived 
at, or the offence had been proved. Examination of 
the accused could take place only in the presence of 
two disinterested priests, whose ol.iligation it was to 
restrain any arbitrary act; in their presence the pro- 
tocol had to be read out twice to the accused. The de- 
fence lay always in the hands of a lawyer. The wit- 
nesses, though unknown to the accused, were sworn, 
and very severe punishment, even death, awaited 
false witnesses (cf. Brief of Leo X of 14 December, 
1518). Torture was applied only too frequently and 
too cruelly, but certainly not more cruelly than under 
Charles V's system of judicial torture in Germany. 

(4) The Spanish Inquisition deserves neither the 
exaggerated prai.se nor the equally exaggerated vilifi- 
cation often bestowed on it. The numlier of victims 
cannot be calculated with even approximate accu- 



racy; the much-maligned autos-da-fe were in reality 
but a religious ceremony {actus fidei); the San Benito 
has its counterpart in similar garbs elsewhere; the 
cruelty of St. Peter Arbues, to whom not a single sen- 
tence of death can be traced with certainty, belongs 
to the realms of fable. However, the predominant 
ecclesiastical nature of the institution can hardly be 
doubted. The Holy See sanctioned the institution, 
accorded to the grand inquisitor canonical installation 
and therewith judicial authority concerning matters 
of faith, while from the grand inquisitor jurisdiction 
passed down to the subsidiary tribunals under his 
control. Joseph de Maistre introduced the thesis that 
the Spanish Inquisition was mostly a civil tribunal; 
formerly, however, theologians never questioned its 
ecclesiastical nature. Only thus, indeed, can one ex- 
plain how the popes always admitted appeals from it 
to the HolySee, called to themselves entire trials, and 
that at any stage of the proceedings, exempted whole 
classes of behevers from its jurisdiction, intervened in 
the legislation, deposed grand inquisitors, and so on. 

(See T0RQUEM.\DA, ToM.is DE.) 

(C) The Holy Office at Rome. — The great apostasy 
of the sixteenth century, the filtration of heresy into 
Catholic lands, and the progress of heterodox teach- 
ings everywhere, prompted Paul III to establish the 
"Sacra Congregatio Romanae et universalis Inquisi- 
tionis seu sancti officii " by the Constitution " Licet ab 
initio" of 21 July, 1542. This inquisitional tribunal, 
composed of six cardinals, was to be at once the final 
court of appeal for trials concerning faith, and the 
court of first instance for cases reserved to the pope. 
The succeeding popes — especially Pius IV (by the 
Constitutions " Pastoralis Officii " of 14 October, 1562, 
"Romanus Pontifex" of 7 April, 1563, "Cum nosper" 
of 1564, "Cum inter crimina " of 27 August, 1564) and 
Pius V (by a Decree of 1566, the Constitution "Inter 
multiplices" of 21 December, 1.566, and "Cum felicis 
record. ", of 1566) — made further provision for the 
procedure and competency of this court. By his Con- 
stitution "Immensa jeterni" of 22 January, 15S7, 
Sixtus V became the real organizer, or rather reor- 
ganizer of this congregation. 

The Holy Office is first among the Roman congrega- 
tions. Its personnel includes judges, officials, con- 
sultors, and qualificators. The real judges are cardi- 
nals nominated by the pope, whose original number of 
six was raised by Pius IV to eight and by Si.xtus V to 
thirteen. Their actual number depends on the reign- 
ing pope (Benedict XIV, Const. "SoUicita et Pro- 
vida ", 1733). This congregation differs from the oth- 
ers, inasmuch as it has no cardinal-prefect: the pope 
always presides in person when momentous decisions 
are to be announceci (coram Sanctissimo). The solemn 
plenary session on Thursdays is always preceded by a 
session of the cardinals on Wednesdays, at the church 
of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, and a meeting of the 
consultors on Mondays at the palace of the Holy Of- 
fice. The highest official is the commissartus sancti 
officii, a Dominican of the Lombard province, to whom 
two coadjutors are given from the same order. He 
acts as the proper judge throughout the whole case 
until the plenary session exclusive, thus conducting it 
up to the verdict. The assessor sancti officii, always 
one of the secular clergy, presides at the plenary ses- 
sions. The promotor fiscalis is at once prosecutor and 
fiscal representative, while the advocatus reorum under- 
takes the defence of the accused. The duty of the 
consultors is to afford the cardinals expert advice. 
They may come from the secular clergy or the relig- 
ious orders, but the General of the Dominicans, the 
magisler sacri patatii, and a third member of the same 
order are always ex-officiocon.sultors (consultores nati). 
The qualificators are appointed for life, but give their 
opinions only when called upon. The Holy Office has 
jurisdiction over all Christians and, according to Pius 
IV, even over cardinals, In practice, however, the 



INQUISITION 



38 



INSANE 



latter are held exempt. For its authority, see the 
aforesaid Constitution of Sixtus V " Immensa Eeterni " 
(see Roman Congregations). 

(A) Sources. — Molinier. U Inquisition dans le midi de la 
France au XIII' et XIV' sicdes. Etude sur les sources de son 
histoire (Paris, 1880); cf. DouAls in Revue des questions hist., 
XXX (1881). The most important sources are papal docu- 
ments — Bulls, Constitutions, Briefs; decisions of councils; 
codes of canon law. Scarcely less important for a knowledge 
of medieval Inquisition procedure are the so-called Manuals 
of the inquisitors. Of these may be mentioned: Processus 
inguisUionis, dating from about 1244, new ed. in Vacandard, 
op. cit. infra, Appendix A; Qitcesliones dotnini Guidonis Fulcodii 
et responsiones eius — Guy Foucois later became pope under 
title Clement IV — written about 1254, ed. in Cesare Carena, 
Tractatus de officio ss. inquisitionis (1669), pp. 367-93; Bemardi 
Guidonis Practica officii inquisitionis h(Breticce pravitatis, ed. 
DouAis (Paris, 1886); Doctrina demodo procedendi contra hcereti- 
cos, written about 1275, ed. in Martexe. Thesaurus novus Anec- 
dotoTum,'V, 1797-1822; Eymeric, Directorium inquisitorum, 
written about 1376 and edited several times: an appendix con- 
tains Litterce apostolicce pro officio inquisitorum; Dou.ais, La 
Procedure inquisitionale en Languedoc au XIV' sii-cle (Paris, 
1900) . The following are extensive documentary compilations : 
DouAls, Documents pour servir h I histoire de V Inquisition de 
Languedoc (2 vols., Paris. 1900); Dollinger, Beitrage zur 
Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters (2 vols., Mxuiich, 1890), with 
which compare Reiue historique, LIV, 155 sqq. ; Fredericq, Cor- 
pus documentorum inquisitionis hceretica pravHalis Neerlandicce 
(7^05-/525) (4 vols., Ghent, 1889-1900); Schaefer. Bcifrtiffe 
zur Geschichte des Protestaniismus und dcr Inquisition im 16. 
Jahrhunderl. Nach den Originalakten in Madrid und Simancas 
bearbeitet (3 vols., Gutersloh, 1902). 

(B) Special Studies. — Langlois, L' Inquisition d'apres les 
travaux recents (Paris, 1902); Fredericq, Historiographie de 
V Iriquisition, introduction to the French and German trans- 
lation of Lea, History of the Inquisition- Havet, L'heresie et le 
bras seculier au moyen dffe jusqu^au XIII' siecle in Biblioth^que 
de Vecole des Charles. XLI, 488-517, 570-607; Vacandard, 
L' Inquisition. Etude historique et critique sur le pouvoir coercitif 
de I'Eglise (Paris, 1907), cf. Paulus, Zur Beurteilung der Inqui- 
sition, literary supplement to Kolnische Volkszeitung (1907), no. 
14; tr. CoNWAT (New York, 1908); DouAls, L' Inquisition. 
Sesorigines. Sa procedure (Psins. 1906); Lea, A History of the 
Inquisition in the Middle Ages (3 vols., New York, 1888), French 
tr. by Reinach (Paris, 1900); German tr. by Hansen. I 
(Bonn, 1905). Concerning this work see Blotzeb in Histo- 
risches Jahrbuch, IX (1890), 322 sqq. — " a history of the Inquisi- 
tion, corresponding to the requirements of calm, objective 
historical research, is unfortunately yet unwritten;" Finke, 
ibid., XIV (1893), 332; Vacandard, op. cit. p. viii— "The 
history of the Inquisition remains yet to be written. Despite 
evidences of intellectual honesty Lea is to be read with caution. 
He is loyal, it may be, but not impartial, and only too often be- 
trays his pre.iudices and suspicions in respect of the Catholic 
Church. This attitude at times affects gravely his reputation 
as a critic." N. Paulus, too, finds (loc. cit.) that Lea is "not 
sufficiently reliable", and that his assertions "must be carefully 
sifted". Baumgahten, Die Werke von Henry Charles Lea 
(Miinster, 1908), — tr. Wagner (New York) — took upon him- 
self the unpleasant but serviceable task of investigating the 
method of H. C. Lea. It transpires, not only that the earlier 
critics of Lea were entirely justified, but also that the inaccura- 
cies of the German translator Joseph Hansen, city archivist of 
Cologne, are greater and more numerous than those contained 
in the original work. The same defects characterize another 
work of Lea, History of the Inquisition in Spain (4 vols., Lon- 
don and New York, 1906-7); cf. Baumgahten, loc. cit.. pp. 91 
sqq., and Hist. Jahrbuch, XXIV (1903), 583-97. See also 
Orti y Lara, La Irujuisicidn (1888) — cf. Grisar in Theol. Zeit- 
schrift (1879), 548 sqq., and Knopfler in Hist. pol. Blatter, 
XC, XCV; RoDRloo, Hisloria verdadera de la Inquisiciiin (3 
vols.. Madrid, 1876-7). An extensive bibliography will be 
found in the manuals of canon law, e. g., Hinschius, Kirchen- 
rechl, V (1895), 449 sqq.; VI (1897), 328 sqq. 

JCSEPH BlOTZER. 

Inquisition, Canonical, is either extra-judicial or 
judicial: the former might be likened to a coroner's 
inquest in our civil law; while the latter is similar to 
an investigation by the grand jury. An extra-judi- 
cial inquiry, which is recommended in civil cases, is 
absolutely necessary in crimiiKil matters, except the 
case be nntoriou.t. A bishop ni:iy nu( even adinonish 
canonically a cleric supposedly delinquent without 
having first institutcd.'i summary in((uest— "summaria 
facti cognitio"; "informatio pro informiitionecuriie" 
— into the truth of the rumours, demuieiations, or ac- 
cusations against said cleric. This examination is 
conducted by the l)ishop personally, or by another 
ecclesiastic, prudent, trustwortliy, and impartial, de- 
puted tiy the bishop, :is scerctiv iind discreetly as pos- 
sible, without judiriid form. This, however, does not 
preclude the examination of witnesses or experts, for 
example, to discover irregularities in the records or 



accounts of the Church. Great caution is to be ob- 
served in this preliminary inquiry, lest the reputation 
of the cleric in question suffer unnecessarily, in which 
case the bishop might be sued for damages. The acts 
with the result of the inquisition, if any evidence has 
been found, should be preserved in the archives; if 
evidence is wanting or is only slight, the acts should be 
destroyed. 

The outcome of the preliminary investigation will 
be to leave matters as they are ; or to proceed to extra- 
judicial corrective measures; or to begin a public 
action, when the evil cannot be otherwise remedied. 
The bishop's judgment in this matter is paramount; 
for, even when a crime may be satisfactorily proven, it 
may be more beneficial to religion and the interests at 
stake not to prosecute. In matters of correction 
proper, in which medicinal penalties are employed, 
judicial action is barred by limitation in five years. 
The second inquisition is for the information of the 
auditor or judge, a judicial inquiry, being the begin- 
ning of the strictly judicial procedure — " processus in- 
formativus " ; " inquisitio pro informando judice ". If 
sufficient warrant for a judicial trial exist, the bishop 
will order his public prosecutor (procurator fisccdis) 
to draw up and present the charge. Having received 
the charge, the bishop will appoint an auditor to con- 
duct the informative procedure, in which all the evi- 
dence bearing on the case, for the defence as well as for 
the prosecution, is to be obtained. This inquest con- 
sequently comprises offensive and defensive proceed- 
ings, for the auditor is to arrive at the truth, and not 
conduct the inquiry on the supposition that the de- 
fendant is guilty. 

When the auditor, assisted by the diocesan prose- 
cutor, has procured all the evidence available for the 
prosecution, he will open the defensive proceedings 
with tlie citation (q. v.) of the accused. 'The accused 
must appear in person (see Conttimacy) for examina- 
tion by the auditor: the fiscal prosecutor may be 
present. He is not put under oath, and is granted 
perfect freedom in defending himself, proving his 
innocence, justifying his conduct, alleging mitiga- 
ting or extenuating circumstances. All declarations, 
allegations, exceptions, pleas, etc., of the defendant 
are recorded by the clerk in the acts. They are read 
to the defendant and corrected, if necessary, or addi- 
tions made. Finally, the accused, if willing, the 
auditor, and the secretary should sign the acts. A 
stay must be granted the accused, if he demand it, to 
present a defence in writing. This inquiry may open 
up new features, to investigate which stays may be 
necessary. The accused must be heard in his own 
defence after this new inquiry. When satisfied that 
the investigation is complete, the auditor will declare 
the inquest closed, and make out an abstract of the 
results of same. This abstract together with all the 
acts in the case are given to the diocesan prosecutor. 
Thus ends the judicial inquisition. 

Instructio S. C. BE. RR., 1880 : Inslructio S. C. de Prop. 
Fide pro Statibus Facdcratis Americce Septentrionalis, 1884; 
Meehan, Compendium juris canonici (Rochester, 1899), p. 241 
sqq.; Dhoste-Messmer, Canonical Procedure in Disciplinary 
and Criminal Cases of Clerics (New York, 1886). 

Andrew B. Meehan. 

Inqiiisitor. See Inquisition. 

Insane, Asvuims and Care for the. — During the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries hospital care of 
the sick of all kinds and nursing fell to the lowest ebb 
in history (see Hospitals). Institutions and care 
for the insane, not only shared in this decadence, but 
were its worst feature. Bee:uise of this, many 
writers have declareil that proper ciire for the insane 
and suitable institutions develojied only in recent 
generations. As the Church had much to do with 
humanitarian efforts of all kinds in the past, it has 
been made a subject of reproach to her. As a matter 
of fact the Church, from the earliest times, arranged 



INSANE 



39 



INSANE 



for the care of the insane, and some of the arrange- 
ments anticipated some of the most important 
advances of modern times. It was after the re- 
ligious revolt in Germany, whose influence was felt 
in other countries, that the Church's charitable 
institutions suffered in many ways, and hospitals and 
asylums of all kinds deteriorated. 

Insanity has been known for as long as our record 
of human history runs. Pinel, the great French psy- 
chiatrist, in his " Nosographie philosophique ", II 
(Paris, 179S), 28, gives the details of the treat- 
ment of the insane by the priests of Saturn, the 
god of medicine in Egypt, in special parts of the 
temples. According to this, those suffering from 
melancholia were treated by suggestion, by diver- 
sion of mind, and recreations of all kinds, by a 
careful regimen, by hydropath}-, by pilgrimages to 
the holy places. In Greece we know of the exist- 
ence of insanity from its occurrence in the various 
myths. Ulysses counterfeited insanity in order to 
escape going on the Trojan expedition, and ploughed 
up the seashore, sowing salt in the furrows. When 
Nestor, however, placed his infant son in front of 
the plough, Ulysses moved the boy aside, and Nestor 
said there was too much method in his madness. 
Evidently at this time (1200 b. c.) the Greeks were 
quite familiar with insanity, since they could even 
detect malingering. The stories of Ajax kilhng a flock 
of sheep which by illusion he thought a crowd of his 
enemies, of Orestes and the Furies, of the Baccha>, all 
show familiarity with insanity. As in Egj-pt, the 
insane in Greece were cared for in certain portions of 
the temples of the god of medicine, /Esculapius. In 
the famous temple at Epidaurus, part shrine and part 
hospital, there was a well-known spring, and hydro- 
pathy was the main portion of the treatment, though 
every form of favourable suggestion was employed. 
Interesting diversions were planned for patients, and 
they had the distinct advantage of the journey neces- 
sary to reach Epidaurus. Insanity was looked upon 
as a disease and treated as such. The delirium of 
acute disease had not as yet been differentiated from 
mania, and melancholy was considered an exaggera- 
tion of the depres.siou so often associated with 
digestive disturliance. The first hospital for insane 
patients of which there is mention was at the Piraeus. 

.\mo!ig the Romans we have abundant evidence, 
in their laws, of care for the insane, but we know little 
of their medical treatment until about the beginning 
of the (_'hristian Era. In the Twelve Tables curators 
are assigned the insane even after their majority. 
They could transact no business legally, but during 
lucid intervals could make binding contracts. When 
parents were insane, children could marry without 
their consent, but this had to be explicitly stated. 
The insane could make no wills, nor be witnesses of 
wills except during lucid intervals, but the lucidity had 
to be proved. With all these careful legal pro- 
visions it seems incredible that medical care should 
not have been given, but all records of it are wanting. 
At Rome, a series of -wTiters on insanity made ex- 
cellent studies in the subject, which could only have 
been made under circumstances that allowed of such 
careful study of the insane as we have opportunities 
for in modern times (C'elsus, first century; C'iplius 
.\urelianus, about .\. D. 200, mostly a translation of 
Soranus; .\lexander Trallianus, 560). Among the 
Greek writers, Hippocrates (about 400 B. c), Ascle- 
piades, who wrote shortly before Christ, as well as 
Areta;us of Cappadocia, Soranus, and Galen, who 
wrote in the first two centuries after Christ, .show a 
considerable knowledge of insanity. The great Ro- 
man student of the subject, however, was Paulus .'Egi- 
neta (f)30), whose writings show such a thorough 
familiarity with certain phases of insanity as could 
only have been obtained by actual observation, not 
of a few patients, but of many. 



With the beginning of Christianity more definite 
information as to asylums for the insane is available. 
Ducange, in his " Commentary on Byzantine History", 
states that among the thirty-five charitable institu- 
tions in Constantinople at the beginning of the 
fourth century there was a morotrophium, or home 
for lunatics. This seems to have been connected 
with the general hospital of the city. In the next 
century we have the records of a hospital for the 
insane at Jerusalem, and it is probable that they 
existed in other cities throughout the East. Nimesius, 
a Christian bishop of the fourth century, collected 
much of what had been written by older authors with 
regard to the insane, adding some observations of his 
own, and showing that Christianity was caring for 
these unfortunates. With the foundation of the 
monasteries the insane were caretl for in connexion 
with these. The Rule of St. Jerome enjoined the duty 
of making careful provision for the proper treatment 
of the sick, and Burdett, in his " Hospitals and 
Asylums of the World", con.siders that this applied 
also to those suffering from mental disease. He adds: 
"It is beyond question that in the earlier times, 
commencing with provision for the sick, including 
those mentally ill, by the early bishops in their own 
houses, the Church gradually developed an organiza- 
tion which provided for the insane, first in moro- 
trophia (i. e. places for lunatics) and then in the 
monasteries. Evidence of the existence of this 
system is to be met with in France, Italy, Russia, 
Spain, Germany, and in some of the northern coun- 
tries of Europe" (op. cit., I). With the foundation 
of the monasteries of the Benedictines anil the Irish 
monks, hospitals were opened in connexion with them 
(see Hospitals). The insane were cared for with 
other patients in these institutions, and we have many 
prescriptions from the olden times that are supposed 
to be cures for lunacy. The cleric author of " Leech- 
dom, Wortcunning and Star Craft of Early England ", 
a collection of herbal prescriptions made about A. d. 
900, gives remedies for melancholia, hallucinations, 
mental vacancy, dementia, and folly. 

There are records of many institutions for the 
insane. Desmaisons declared that "the origin of the 
first establishment devoted to the insane in Europe 
dates back only to a. d. 1409; it was founded in 
Valencia in Spain under Jlohammedan influence" 
(Des Asiles d'Alienes en Espagne, Paris, 1S59). 
This statement has been often quoted, but is entirely 
erroneous. We know for instance that there was an 
asylum exclusively for sufferers from mental diseases 
at'Metz in 1100 and another at Ell>ing near Danzig in 
1320. According to Sir WiUiam Dugdale (Monasticon 
Anglicanum, London, 1655-73), there was an ancient 
English asylum known as Berking Chiu-ch Hospital, 
situated near the Tower of London, for which Robert 
Denton, chaplain, obtained a licence from King Ed- 
ward III in 1371. Denton paid forty shillings for this 
licence to found a hospital in a house of his own in the 
parish of Berking Church, London, "for the poor 
priests and for the men and women in the said city 
who suddenly fall into a frenzy and lose their 
memory, who were to reside there until cured; ^-ith 
an oratory to the said hospital to the invocation of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary". About this same time 
there is a tradition of the existence of a pazzarella, or 
place for mad people, in Rome, the conditions of en- 
trance teing rather interesting. 

Lunatics were cared for, moreover, in special 
departments of general hospitals. At Bedlam, the 
London hospital founded in the thirteenth century, 
this was true (see Bedlam). Evidently the same 
thing was true at many other places. At first glance 
this might seem open to many objections. Psycho- 
paths in modern times, however, have been trying to 
arrange to have wards for acute mental cases in 
connexion with general hospitals, for patients thus 



INSANE 



40 



INSANE 



come under observation sooner; they are more willing 
to go to such hospitals and their friends are more 
ready to send them. Serious developments are 
often thus prevented. In this sjstem of psycho- 
pathic wards in general hospitals the Middle Ages 
anticipated our modern views. In another phase of 
the care of the insane there is a similar anticipation. 
At Gheel in Belgium the harmless insane are cared for 
by the people of the village and the neighbouring 
country who provide them with board, and treat them 
as members of the family. This system has attracted 
much attention in recent years, and articles on Ciheel 
have appeared in every language. It has its defects, 
but these are probably not so great as those that are 
likel}' to occur in the institutional care of such pa- 
tients. This method of caring for the insane has been 
practised at Gheel for over a thousand years. Orig- 
inally the patients were brought to tlie shrine of 
St. Dj-mpna, where, according to tradition, they 
were often liealed. The custom of leaving chronic 
sufferers near the shrine, under the care of the vil- 
lagers, gradually arose and has continued ever since. 
Nearly every country in Europe had such shrines 
where the insane were cured; we have records of them 
in Ireland, Scotland, England, and Germany, and it 
is evident that this must be considered an important 
portion of the provision for these patients. In France 
the shrines of Sts. Menou, or Menulphe, and Dizier 
were visited from very early times by the insane in 
search of relief. The shrine of St. Menou at Mailly- 
sur-Rose was especially well-known and a house was 
erected for the accommodation of the mentally dis- 
eased. At St-Dizier a state of affairs very like that at 
Gheel developed, and the patients were cared for by 
the families of the neighbourhood. All of this inter- 
esting and valuable provision for the care of the insane, 
as well as the monastic establishments in which they 
were received, disappeared with the Reformation. 

Spain, though not the first country to organize 
special institutions for the insane, did more for them 
than perhaps any other country. The asylum at 
Valencia already mentioned was founded in 1409 by 
a monk named Joffre, out of pity for the lunatics whom 
he found hooted by the crowds. The movement thus 
begun spread tlu'oughout Spain, and asylums were 
founded at Saragossa in 1425, at Seville in 1435, at 
Valladolid in 1436, and at Toledo before the end of 
the century. This movement was not due, as has 
been claimed, to Mohammedanism, for Mohamme- 
dans in other parts of the world took no special care 
of the insane. Lecky, in his " History of European 
Morals", has rejected the assertion of Desmaisons in 
this matter, which is entirely without proof. Spain 
continued to be the country in which hmatics were 
best cared for in Europe down to the Ijeginning of the 
nineteenth century. Pinel, the great French psychi- 
atrist, who took the manacles from the insane of 
France, declared Spain to be the country in which 
lunatics were treated with most wisdom and most 
humanity. He has described an asylum at Saragossa 
"open to the diseased in mind of all nations, govern- 
ments, and religions, with this simj)lc iiiscrijition: 
Urbis el Orbis" (Trait(^> Mod.-jjiilos. sur I'alirnation 
mentale, Paris, 1809). He givfs some details of the 
treatment, which show a very modern recognition of 
the need to be gentle and careful with the insane 
rather than harsh and forceful. 

The puzzarcUa at Rome already mentioned was 
foundcci during the sixteenth century by Ferrantez 
Ruiz and the Bruni, father and son, all three Navar- 
rese. This hospital for the in.sane "received crazed 
persons of whatever nation they be, and care is taken 
to restore them to their right mind ; but if the madness 
prove incurable, they are kept during life, have food 
and raiment necessary to the condition they are in. 
A Venetian lady was moved to such great pity of 
these poor creatures upon sight of them that on her 



death she left them heirs to her whole estate." This 
enabled the management, with the approbation of 
Pope Pius IV, to open a new house, in 1561, in the 
Via Lata. In France and Italy the custom continued 
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries of 
placing lunatics, particularly tho.se of the better class 
— though also of other classes when they had patrons 
who asked the privilege — in male or female monas- 
teries according to their sex. This practice also pre- 
vailed in Russia. In 1641 the Charenton Asylum 
was founded in one of the suburl)S of Paris, near the 
Park of ^'inccnncs, and was placed under monastic 
rule. After the foundation of the Sisters of Charity 
of St. Vincent de Paul, the charge of this institution 
was given to them. During this century the French 
estabhshed a system of colonies by which the insane 
were transferreil to country places for work during 
intermissions in their condition, and were returned to 
the central asylum whenever they were restless. 

During the eighteenth century there was an awak- 
ening of humanitarian purpose with regard to the 
insane in nearly every coimtry of Europe. St. Peter's 
Hospital, at Bristol, England, was opened in 1696; 
the Manchester Royal Lunatic Hospital in 1706; 
Bethel Hospital at Norwich in 1713; Dean Swift's 
Dublin hospital in 1745; while the Pennsylvania Hos- 
pital of Philadelphia (1751) and the New York Hos- 
pital (1771) each contained wards for lunatics. In 
1773 the first asylum exclasively for the care of the 
insane in the United States was opened at Williams- 
burg, Va. After tliis, asylums for the insane multi- 
plied, though the system under which the inmates 
were cared for involved many abuses. Burdett's 
third chapter is entitled "The Period of Brutal Sup)- 
pression in Treatment and Cruelty: 1750 to 1850". 

In 1792 what has been called the humane period 
in the treatment of the insane began, when Pinel, 
against the advice of all those in authority and with 
the disapprobation of his medical colleagues, removed 
the chains and manacles and other severer forms of 
restraint at the gi-eat asylum of Bicetre, near Paris, 
and gave the inmates all the liberty compatible with 
reasonable safety for themselves and others. At the 
same time William Tuke was engaged in establishing 
the retreat near York, which came into full operation 
in 1795. In this institution very enliglitene<l prin- 
ciples of treatment ^\ere carried into effect. Early in 
the nineteenth century. Dr. Charles Worth and Mr. 
Gardner Hill, in the Lincoln Asylum, did away with 
all forms of mechanical restraint. The non-restraint 
system was fully developed by Dr. John Conolly in 
the Miildlesex County Asylum at Hanwell. In the 
mean time, at the second institution solely for the 
insane in the United States, the Friends' -\syl\mi at 
Frankfort, Pennsylvania (1817), the principles of 
gentle, intelligent care for the insane were being thor- 
oughly applied and developed. The treatment of the 
insane was first systematized by Dr. S. B. Woodward, 
at Worcester, Massachusetts. Dr. Kirkbride of Phila- 
delphia did much to remote the evils of restraint. 
Miss Dix must ever bear an honoured name for her 
successful philanthropy in doing away with many 
abuses in England and her native .\merica. In recent 
years the care of the insane has to a great extent 
come entirely under the control of the State. 'This 
was apparently renilcri'd necessary by the abuses that 
crept into private institutions for tlie insane. Even 
in the State institutions, however, until the last 
twenty-five .years, there were many customs to be 
deprecated. Mechanical restraints "of all kinds were 
usetl very commonly in America; within a genera- 
tion patients were fastened to chairs, or to their beds, 
or secured by means of chains. The " open tloor" is, 
however, now becoming the policy of most institu- 
tions. Modes of restraint are very limited and used 
only with proper safeguard. 

Most American institutions are overcrowded, be- 



INSANITY 



41 



INSANITY 



cause it seems impossible to increase accommodations 
in proportion to the increasing numbers of the insane. 
There are two reasons for this increase. One is an 
actual increase in the proportion of the insane to the 
total population because of the strenuous life. An- 
otlier is that in our busy modern life there is less in- 
clination to keep even the mildly insane at home. 
Apart from the State institutions, there is a reaction to 
the old monastic system of care for the insane, and 
there are many large and well-known insane asylums 
in America under the charge of roligi<nis. The tra- 
dition establi.sheil liy Mailann- Cras at the foundation 
of the Sisters of Charity of St. \'incent de Paul has 
borne fruit. In America they have large asylums 
for the insane at Baltimore, New Orleans, Madison, 
N. J., and New York. 

HriM.Kri, Ih'siiilals and As!/hii,i>s •>)' l\u- World (London, 
!s:ili, li hi, II ,ilary of thelnsan, ,1, Ih, Hnli.h Isles (iMadon, 
ISSLM, (I M,K, M.inoir of Dr. Con.,lhi :r,lh sl.l.h of the Treal- 
mrnl of Hi, Inane in Europe and Amrrin, ( I,ondon, 1869); 
KiRciioFK, (Irunilriss einer Geschichte der drutschen Irrenpfiege 
(Berlin, 1890), bigoted; Esqoirol, Memoirc hislorique sur 
Charenlon (Paris. 1835). JaMES J. WaLSH. 

Insanity. — .411 writers on this subject confess their 
inability to frame a strictly logical or a completely 
satisfactory tlefinition. The dividing line betw'een 
sanity and insanity, like the line that distinguishes a 
man of axcrage height from a tall man, can be de- 
scribed only in terms of a moral estimate. There is a 
borderland l>ct\vccn the two states which is not easily 
identiticil as belonging certainly toeither. Henceadef- 
inition that aiuisat rigorous comprehensiveness is liable 
toinchule such non-insane conditions as livsti'ii:!, febrile 
delirium, or perverted passions. The driiiiil ion gi\ .'ii 
by the " Century Dictionary" is prolialily as salisiac- 
tory as any: "A seriously ini|iaircd (■(irnliliou of the 
mental functions, invoking the inti'llcci, eiiiof ions, and 
will, or one or more of tinsr faculties, exclusive of 
temporary states proilucetl l>y and accompanying 
intoxications or acute febrile diseases." Not less 
difiicult is the prolilem of classification. No classifi- 
cation based on a single principle is entirely satis- 
factory. Anatomical changes are an inadequate basis 
because they are absent from many forms of insanity; 
the causes are so numerous and so frequently com- 
bined in a single case that it is impossil^le to say which 
is pretlominant; and the symptoms are so manifold 
that the accidental cannot alwaj's be distinguished 
from the essential. Intleed, the nervous system and 
the mental functions are so complex and so inade- 
quately known that any attempt at an accurate 
classification of their abnormal states must of necessity 
be a failure. In this article only the most important 
forms will lie enumerated, namely, those which are 
most prevalent and those which are clearly distin- 
guished from one another. 

One of the oldest ilivisions of mental disorders is 
into melancholia aTid mania. In the former the domi- 
nant mood is depression; in the latter, exaltation. 
The former differs from sane melancholy only in 
degree, and its chief characteristics are mental an- 
guish and impulses to suicide. It includes probably 
one-half of all the cases of insanity, and is more 
frequently cured than any other form. In mania the 
morl )idly elated mood may vary from excessive cheer- 
fulness to violent rage. Monomania, which may ex- 
hibit characteristics of both melancholia and mania, 
is a perversion of the intellective rather than the 
affective faculties. Its chief manifestation is delu- 
sions, very frequently tlelusions of persecution. Mono- 
mania corresponds roughl.v to the later and more 
precise term paranoia. In this form the delusions 
are systematized and persistent, while the general 
intellectual processes may remain substantially un- 
impaired. When the attacks of melancholia or mania 
occur at regular intervals they are frequently named 
periodical insanity. The term partial insanity com- 
prises chiefly those varieties known as impulsive, 



emotional, and moral. These are characterized bj' a 
loss of self-control, on account of which the patient 
performs acts that are at variance with his prevailing 
disposition, ideas, and desires — for example, murder 
and suicide. Somewhat akin to these forms are those 
associated with such general diseases of the nervous 
system as epilepsy, hysteria, and neurasthenia. When 
insanity takes the form of a general enfeeblement of 
the mental faculties as a consequence of disease, it 
is called dementia. It is usually permanent. Its 
principal varieties are senile, paralytic, and syph- 
ilitic. Paresis is one kind of paralytic dementia. 
All the above-mentioned forms of insanity are ac- 
quired, in the sense that they occur in normally 
developed brains. Congenital insanity, or feeljle- 
mindedness, is divided chiefly, according to its degrees, 
into imbecility, idiocy, and cretinism. 

That insanity is on the increase, seems to be the 
general verdict of authorities, although the absence 
of relialile and comprehensive statistics makes any 
satisfactory estimate impossible. Whatever be its 
extent, the increase is undoubtedly due in some meas- 
ure to our more complex civilization, especially as 
seen in city life. In general, the causes of insanity 
may be reduced to two: predisposing causes and ex- 
citing causes. The most important of the former are 
insane, neurotic, epileptic, drunken, or consumptive 
ancestors; great stress and strain, and a neuropathic 
constitution. Among tlie exciting causes must be 
mentioned shock, inlense emotion, worry, intellectual 
overwork, diseases of tlie nerMius system, exhausting 
diseases, alcoholic and sexual excesses, paralysis, 
sinisticike. and accidental injuries. It has been esti- 
Mialed that the physical causes, whether predisposing 
or exciting, stand to the moral causes, such as afflic- 
tion and losses, in the ratio of four to one. Of 2476 
ca.ses due to physical causes which were admitted to 
the asylums of New York during the twelve months 
preceding .30 September, 1900, alcoholic and sexual 
excesses and diseases had brought on 684. The 
majority of cases of insanity, however, are traceable 
to more than one cause. 

Inasmuch as insanity almost always involves some 
perversion of the will, either direct or indirect, it 
raises interesting and important questions concerning 
moral responsibility. Every impairment of mental 
function must impede the freedom of the will, either 
by restricting its scope, or by diminishing or tlestroy- 
ing it outright. Ignorance, error, lilinding passion, 
and paralysing fear all render a person morally irre- 
sponsible for those actions which take place under 
their influence. This is true even of the sane; ob- 
viously it happens much more frequently among the 
insane, owing to delirium, delusions, loss of memory, 
and many other mental disorders. Is it, however, 
only in this general way, that is, through defective 
action of the intellect, that freedom and responsibility 
are lessened or destroyed in persons who are of un- 
sound mind? May not the disease act directly upon 
the will, compelling the patient to do things that his 
intellect assures him are wrong? The English courts 
and almost all the courts of the United States answer 
this question in the negative. Their practice is to 
regard a defendant in a criminal case as responsible 
and punishable if at the time of the crime he knew the 
difference between right and wrong, or at least knew 
that his act was contrary to the civil or moral law. 
For example, a man who, labouring under the insane 
delusion that another has injured his reputation, kills 
the latter is presumed to be morally accountable if 
he realized that the killing was immoral or illegal. 
In a word, the rule of the courts is that knowledge of 
wrong implies freedom to avoid it. Medical author- 
ities on insanity are practically unanimous in rejecting 
this judicial test. Experience, they maintain, shows 
that many insane persons who can think and reason 
correctly on every topic except that which forms the 



INSCRIPTIONS 



42 



INSCRIPTIONS 



subject of their delusion are unable to determine their 
wills and direct their actions accordingly. In an un- 
sound mind normal intellection is not always accom- 
panied by normal volition. We should expect to find 
this true from the \'ery nature of the case. For if a 
diseased brain can interfere with normal thinking it 
can undoubtedly interfere likewise with normal willing. 
And there is in the nature of the situation no reason 
why this deranged condition of the will may not 
manifest itself in connexion with normal, as well as 
with abnormal, intellectual action. To assume that 
the victim of an insane delusion has perfect control 
over those actions that are apparently not affected 
by the delusion — actions that he clearly perceives to 
be wrong, for example — is to assume that the opera- 
tions of intellect and will are as perfectly harmonized 
in an unsound as in a sound mind. As a matter of 
fact, the presumption would seem to lead the other 
way, that is, to the conclusion that the action of the 
will as well as that of the intellect will be abnormal. 

Insanity experts do not, indeed, contend that all 
the consciously immoral acts of a partially insane 
person are unfree. They merely insist that these 
acts cannot be presumed to be free on the simple 
ground that the patient is aware of their immorality. 
In their view, the question of freedom and responsi- 
bility can be answered only through an examination 
of all the circumstances of the particular case. The 
laws of one American state, and of some foreign 
countries, are in substantial harmony with this doc- 
trine. According to the laws of New York, " No 
act done by a person in a state of insanity can be 
punished as an offence." The French law is slightly 
more specific: "There can be no crime nor offence if 
the accused was in a state of madness at the time of 
the act." More specific still is the law of Germany, 
yet it does not introduce knowledge or advertence as 
a criterion of responsibility: "An act is not punish- 
able when the person at the time of doing it was in a 
state of unconsciousness or disease of mind by which 
a free determination of the will was excluded". In 
passing it may be observed that the laws of all coun- 
tries assume that freedom of the will and moral re- 
sponsibility are realities, and declare that punishment 
is to be inflicted only when the will has acted freely. 

The discussion in the last two paragraphs refers 
especially to delusive insanity, or to what is some- 
times called partial intellectual insanity. There is 
another variety which is even more important as 
regards the question of moral responsibility. Inas- 
much as it involves the will and the emotions rather 
than the intellect, it is called affective insanity, and 
it is subdivided into impulsive and moral. According 
to medical authorities, impulsive insanity may occur 
without delusions or any other apparent derangement 
of the intelligence. Those suffering from it are some- 
times driven irresistibly to commit actions which they 
know to be \VTong, actions which are contrary to their 
character, dispositions, and desires. Many suicides 
and homicides have in consequence of such vmcon- 
trollalile impulses been committed by persons wb_o 
were apparently sane in all other respects. Obvi- 
ously, they were not morally responsible' for these 
crimes. Although this theory runs counter not only 
to English and American legal procedure, but also to 
the opinions of the average man, it seems to be estaln 
lished by the history of numerous carefully observed 
cases, and to provide an explanation for many sui- 
cides and murders that are otherwise inexplicable. 
Moreover, it is inherently probable. Since insanity 
is a disease of the brain which may affect any of the 
mental faculties, there seems to be no good reason to 
deny that it can affect the emotions and the will 
almost exclusively, leaving the intellectual proces.ses 
apparently unimpaired. The theory does, indeed, 
seem to liisagrce with the doctrine of our textbooks 
of moral philosoi)hy and theology, which maintains 



that freedom of the will can be diminished or de- 
stroyed only through defective or confused action of 
the intellect. There is, however, no real opposition 
except on the assumption that the will and intellect 
in a diseased mind co-operate and harmonize as per- 
fectly as in a mind that is sane. In the latter the will 
has power to determine itself in accorflance with the 
ideas and motives presented by the intellect; in the 
former tliis power may sometimes be lacking. The 
inference from intellectual advertence to volitional 
freedom may, as noted above, be valid in the one 
case, and quite invalid in the other. This considera- 
tion is manifestly of great importance in determining 
whether a suicitle is worthy of Christian burial. If he 
is afflicteil with ideational or impulsive insanity, the 
mere fact that his intelligence seemed to be normal, 
and all his acts deliberate, at the time of liis self- 
destruction, is not always conclusive proof of volitional 
freedom and moral guilt. In what is called moral 
insanity there is sometimes the same lack of self- 
control as in impulsive insanity, together with a per- 
version of the feelings, passions, and moral notions. 
It constitutes, therefore, an additional obstacle to 
freedom in so far as it interferes with normal intel- 
lectual action through abnormally strong passions 
and false ideas of right and wrong. Obvaously, how- 
ever, the mere fact that the affections, passions, or 
moral notions are perverted, for example, with regard 
to sexual matters, is not always evidence of true 
insanity, still less of that variety of insanity that 
directly hampers freedom of the will. 

Adults who have always been insane can receive 
baptism, since, as in the case of infants, the Church's 
intention supplies what is lacking. If they have ever 
been sane, they can be baptized when in danger of 
death or if incurable, provided they had when sane a 
desire for the sacrament. The insane cannot be 
sponsors at baptism. They may receive confirma- 
tion. Conmiunion should not be given to those who 
have always been insane. Those who, before becom- 
ing insane, were pious and religious, should be given 
Communion when in danger of death. When there 
are lucid intervals. Communion may then be admin- 
istered. The same applies to extreme unction. In 
Holy orders, insanity is an irregularity under the 
head of defect. A candidate temporarily insane 
through some transient and accidental cause may, 
after recovery, be ordained. One deranged after 
ordination may exercise his orders, if he regains his 
sanity. The perpetually insane cannot marry. But 
"if the patient has lucid intervals, the marriage con- 
tracted during such an interval is valid, though it is 
not safe for him to marry on account of his inability 
to rear children." (St. Thomas, In IV Sent., dist. 
xxxiv, q. i, art. 4.) 

CoNOLLY, Construction and Government of Lunatic Asylums 
(London, 1S47); Bucknill and Tdke, Psychological Medicine 
(London, 1879); Hammond, Treatise on Insanity (New York, 
189.'!); Maudslet, Responsibility in Menial Disease (New York, 
1899): Church and Peterson, Nervous and Mental Diseases 
(Philadelphia, 1901); Walsh, The Popes and Science (New 
Y'ork, 1908); Ebuuirol, Des maladies mentales (Paris, 18.38); 
Gaupp, Die Entxvickeluna dcr Psychiatrie im 19. Jahrhunderi 
(Berlin, 1900); BROCKBAns in Konversationslejrikon, s. v. Irren- 
anstalten. JOHN A. RyaN. 

Inscriptions, E.viiLy Christi.^n. — Inscriptions of 
Christian origin form, as non-literary remains, a valu- 
able source of information on the development of 
Christian thought and life in the early Church. They 
may be dividid into three main classes: sepulchral 
inscriptions, epigrapliic records, and inscriptions con- 
cerning private life. The material on which they were 
written was the .-iame as that used for heathen inscrip- 
tions. For the first two and most important classes 
the substance commonly employed was stone of dif- 
ferent kinds, native or preferably imported. The use 
of metal was not so common. When the inscription 
is properly cut into the stone, it is called a Ululus or 



INSCRIPTIONS 



43 



INSCRIPTIONS 



marble; if merely scratched on the stone, the Italian 
word ijraffito is used; a painted inscription is called 
dipinto, and a mosaic inscription — siicli as are found 
largely in North Africa, Spain, and the East —hears 
the name oinpux muxirum. It was a common practice 
in Greek and Latin lands to make use of slalis already 
inscribed, i. e. to take the reverse of a slal) containing 
a heathen inscription for the inscribing of a Christian 
one; such a slab is called an opisthograph. The form 
of the Christian inscriptions does not differ from that 
of the contemporary pagan inscriptions, except when 
sepulchral in character, and then only in the case of 
the tiluli of the catacomlis. The most common form 
in the East was the upright "stele" (Gk.i7T^X7;,a lilock 
or slab of stone), frequently ornamented with a fillet 
or a projecting curved moulding; in the West a slab 
for the closing of the grave was often used. Thus the 
greater number of the graves (loculi) in the catacombs 
were closed with thin, rectangular slabs of terra-cotta 
or marble; the graves called arcosolia were co\'ered 
with heavy, flat slalis, while on the sarcophagi a panel 
(tabula) or a disk (discus) was frequently reserved on 
the front wall for an inscription. 

The majority of the early Christian inscriptions, 
viewed from a technical and palaeographical stand- 
point, give evidence of arti.stic decay: this remark ap- 
plies especially to the tituli of the catacombs, which 
are, as a rule, less finely executed tlian the heathen 
work of the same time. A striking exception is formed 
by the Damasine letters introduced in the fourth cen- 
tury by FuriusDionysiusFilocalus, the calligraphist of 
Pope Damasus I (q. v.). The other forms of letters 
did not vary essentially from those employed by the 
ancients. The most important was the classical capi- 
tal writing, customary from the time of Augustus; 
from the fourth century on it was gradually replaced 
by the uncial writing, the cursive characters being 
more or less confined to the graffito inscriptions. As to 
the language, Latin inscriptions are the most numer- 
ous' in the East Greek was commonly employed, in- 
teresting dialects being occasionally found (e. g. in the 
recently deciphered Christian inscriptions from Nubia 
in Southern Egypt). Special mention should also be 
made of the Coptic inscriptions. The text is very often 
shortened by means of signs and abbreviations. Spe- 
cifically Christian abbreviations were found side by 
side with the usual pagan contractions at an early 
date. One of the most common of the latter, " D. M." 
(i. e. Diis Manibus, to the protecting Deities of the 
Lower World), was stripped of its pagan meaning, and 
adopted in a rather mechanical way among the for- 
mula; of the early Christians. In many cases the dates 
of Christian inscriptions must be judged from circum- 
stances; when the date is given, it is the consular year. 
The method of chronological computation varied in 
different countries. Our present Dionysian chro- 
nology (see Chronology; DioxYsius ExiGDUs) does 
not appear in the early Christian inscriptions. 

Sepolchr.\l In.scriptions. — The earliest of these 
epitaphs are characterized by their brevity, only the 
name of the dead being given. Later a short acclama- 
tion was added (e. g. "in God", "in Peace"); from 
the end of the second century the formulae were en- 
larged by the addition of family names and the date 
of burial. In the third and fourth centuries the text 
of the epitaphs was made more complete by the state- 
ment of the age of the deceased, the date (reckoned 
according to the consuls in office), and laudatory epi- 
thets. For these particulars each of the lands com- 
prising the Roman empire had its oi\ti distinct expres- 
sions, contractions, and acclamations. Large use was 
made of symbolism (q. v.). Thus the open cross is 
found in the epitaphs of the catacombs as early as 
the second century, and from the third to the sixth 
century the monogrammatic cross in its various forms 
appears as a regular part of the epitaphs. The cryptic 
emblems of primitive Christianity are also used in the 



epitaphs, e. g. the fish (Christ), the anchor (hope), 
the palm (victory) and the representation of the 
soul in the other world as a female figure (orante) with 
arms extended in |>rayer. Beginning with the fourth 
century, aflii- lln' \irlnrv of theChiu-ch over pagan- 
ism, the langu:i;;i' cil the ('iiitaiihs was more frank and 
open. Emplia.^is was laid upon a life according to the 
dictates of Christian faith, and prayers for the dead 
were added to the inscription. The prayers inscribed 
thus early on the sepulchral slabs reproduce in large 
measm-e the primitive liturgy of the funeral service. 
They implore for the dead eternal peace (see Pax) and 
a place of refreshment (refrigeriuni). invite to the 
heavenly lo\'c-feast (Agape), and wish the departed 
the speedy enjoyment of the light of Paradise, antl the 
fellowship of God and the saints. 

A perfect example of this kind of epitaph is that of 
the Egj-ptian monk Schenute; it is taken verlially 
from the ancient Greek liturgy. It begins with the 
doxology, "In the name of the Father and of the Son 
and of the Holy Cihost. Amen ", and continues: "May 
the God of the spirit and of all flesh. Who has over- 
come death and trodden Hades under foot, and has 
graciously bestowed life on the world, permit this soul 




Gr-\ffito on 



of Father Schenute to attain to rest in the bosom of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the place of light and 
of refreshment, where affliction, pain, and grief are no 
more. O gracious God, the lover of men, forgive him 
all the errors which he has committed by word, act, or 
thought. There is indeed no earthly pilgrim who has 
not sinned, for Thou alone, O God, art free from every 
sin." The epitaph repeats the doxology at the close, 
and adds the petition of the scribe; "0 Saviour, give 
peace also to the scribe." When the secure position 
of the Church assured greater frectlom of expression, 
the non-religious part of the sepulchral inscriptions 
was also enlarged. In Western Europe and in the 
East it was not unusual to note, both in the catacombs 
and in the cemeteries above ground, the purchase or 
gift of the grave and its dimensions. Commonly ad- 
mitted also into the early Christian inscriptions are 
the pagan minatory formulae against desecration of 
the grave or its illegal use as a place of further 
burial. 

Historical and Theological Inscriptions. — To 
many of the early Cliristian sepulchral inscriptions 
we are indebted for much information concerning the 
original development of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, 
besides which they are of great value as a confirma- 
tion of Catholic truths. Thus, for example, from the 
earliest times we meet in them all the hierarchical 
grades from the door-keeper (ostiarius) and lector up 
to the pope (see Orders, Holy). A number of epi- 
taphs of the early popes (Pontianus, Anterus, Fabi- 
anus, Cornelius, Lucius, Eutychianus, Caius) were 
found in the so-called "Papal Crypt" in the Cata- 
comb of St. Callistus on the Via Appia, rediscovered 
by De Rossi and well known to every pilgrim to Rome 
(see CE.METERY', sub-title Early Roman Christian 
Cemeteries). Numbers of early epitaphs of bishops 
have been found from Germany to Nubia. Priests 
are frequently mentioned, and reference is often made 



INSCRIPTIONS 



44 



INSCRIPTIONS 



to deacons, subdeacons. exorcists, lectors, acolytes, 
/nssores or grave-diggers, alumni or adopted chil- 
dren. The Greek inscriptions of Western Europe and 
the East yield especially interesting material; in them 
is found, in addition to other information, mention 
of archdeacons, archpriests, tleaconesses, and monks. 
Besides catechumens and neophytes, reference is also 
made to virgins consecrated to God, nuns, abbesses, 
holy widows, one of the last-named being the mother 
of Pope St. Damasus I (q. v.), the celebrated restorer 
of the catacombs. Epitaphs of martyrs and tituli 
mentioning the martyrs are not found as frequently 
as one would expect, especially in the Roman cata- 
combs. This, however, is easily explained by recall- 
ing the circumstances of burial in the periods of 
persecution, when Christians must have been con- 
tented to save and to give even secret burial to the 
remains of their martyrs. Many a nameless grave 
among the five million estimated to exist in the Roman 
catacombs held the remains of early Christians who 
witnessed to the Faith with their Ijlood. Another val- 
uable repertory of Catholic theology is found in the 
dogmatic inscriptions in which all important dogmas 
of the Church meet (incidentally) with monumental 
confirmation. The monotheism of the worshippers 
of the Word — or Cullores Verbi, as the early Chris- 
tians loved to style themselves — and their belief in 
Christ are well expressed even in the early inscriptions. 
Very ancient inscriptions emphasize, and with detail, 
the most profound of Catholic dogmas, the Real 
Presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist. In this 
connexion we may mention the epitaph of Abercius 
(q. v.). Bishop of Hieropolis in Phrygia (second cen- 
tury), and the somewhat later epitaph of Pectorius 
(q. V.) at Autun in Gaul. The in.scription of Abercius 
speaks of the fish (Christ) caught by a holy virgin, 
which serves as food under the species of liread and 
wine; it speaks, further, of Rome, where Abercius vis- 
ited the chosen people, the Church par excellence. This 
important inscription aroused at first no little con- 
troversy among scholars, and some non-Catholic 
archa?ologists sought to find in it a tendency to pagan 
syncretism. Now, however, its purely Christian char- 
acter is almost universall}' acknowledged. The origi- 
nal was presented by Sullan .Abdul Hamid to Leo 
XIII, and is preserved in the Apostolic Museum at the 
Lateran. Early Christian inscriptions confirm the 
Catholic doctrine of the Resurrection, the sacraments, 
the veneration of the Blessed Virgin, and the primacy 
of the Apostolic See. It would be difficult to over- 
estimate the importance of these evidences, for they 
are always entirely incidental elements of the sepul- 
chral inscriptions, all of which were pre-eminently 
eschatological in their purpose. 

POIOTICAL AND OFFICIAL INSCRIPTION^. — W'hilc the 

copious material obtained from the early Christian 
epitaplis, especially the inscriptions of the Roman 
(Latin) and the Greek-Oriental groups, is eciuiva- 
lent to a book in stone on tlic faitli and life of our 
Christian forcfatlieis. the purely litcniry side of these 
monuments is not insignificant. Many inscriptions have 
the character of public dDOumenls; others are in ver.se, 
either taken from well-known poets, or at times the 
work of the person erecting tlie memorial. Fragments 
of cla.ssical poetry, especially quotations from Virgil, 
are occasionally found. The most famous composer 
of poetical epitaphs in Christian antiquity was Pope 
Damasus I CMU'i :',S 1 1, nienticnied al)Ove. He rejiaired 
the neglected tombs cf llic martyrs and the graves nf 
distinguisheil persons wIjo Ijad lived l)efore tlie Con- 
stantinian epoch, antl ailoiiicd tliese burial places 
with metrical epitaphs in a |)eeuliarly lieautiful letter- 
ing. Nearly all the larger cemeteries of Rome owe to 
this pope large stone tablets of this character, several 
of which have been preserved in their original form or 
in fragments. Besides verses on his mother Laurentia 
and his sister Irene, he wrote an autobiographical 



poem In which the Saviour is addressed; "Thou Who 
stillest the waves of the deep. Whose power giveth life 
to the seed slumbering in the earth, who didst awaken 
Lazarus from the dead and give back the brother on 
the third day to the sister Martha ; Thou wilt, so I be- 
lieve, awake Damasus from death." Eulogies in 
honour of the Roman martyrs form the most impor- 
tant division of the Damasine inscriptions. They are 
written in hexameters, a few in pentameters. The 
best known celebrate the temporary burial of the two 
chief Apostles in the Platonia under the basilica of St. 
Sebastian on the Via Appia, the martyrs Protus and 
Hyacinth in the Via Salaria Antiqua, Pope Marcellus 
in the Via Salaria Nova, St. Agnes in the Via Nomen- 
tana, also Saints Laurence, Hippolytus, Gorgonius, 
Peter and Marcellinus, Ensebius, Tarsicius, Cornelius, 
Eutychius, Nereus and Achilleus, Felix and Adauctus. 
Damasus also placed a metrical inscription in the bap- 
tistery of the Vatican, and set up others in connexion 
with various restorations, e. g. an inscription on a 
stairway of the cemetery of St. Hermes. Altogether 
there have been preserved as the work of Damasus 
more than one hundred epigrammata, some of them 
originals and others written copies. More than one 
half are probably correctly ascribed to him, even 
though it is necessary to rememlier that after his 
death Damasine inscriptions continued to be set up, 
i. e. inscriptions in the beautifid lettering invented by 
Damasus or rather by his calligrapher Furius Diony- 
sius Filocalus. Some of the inscriptions, which imi- 
tate the lettering of Filocalus, make .special and lauda- 
tory mention of the pope who had done so much for 
the catacombs. Among these are the inscriptions 
of Pope Vigilius (537-55), a restorer animated by the 
spirit of Damasus. Some of his inscriptions are pre- 
served in the Lateran Museum. 

The inscriptions just mentioned possess as a rule 
a public antl official character. Other inscriptions 
served as official records of the erection of Christian 
edifices (churches, baptisteries, etc.). Ancient Roman 
examples of this kind are the inscribed tablet dedi- 
cated by Boniface I at the beginning of the fifth cen- 
tury to St. Felicitas, to whom the pope ascribed the 
settlement of the schism of Eulalius, and the inscrip- 
tion (still visible) of Pope Sixtus III in the Lateran 
baptistery, etc. The Roman custom was soon copied 
in all parts of the empire. At Thebessa in Northern 
Africa there were found fragments of a metrical in- 
scription once set up over a door, and in almost exact 
verlial agreement with the text of an inscription in a 
Roman church. Both the basilica of Nola and the 
church at Primuliacum in Gaul bore the same distich; 
Pax tibi sit quicunque Dei penetralia Christi, 
pectore pacifico candidus ingrederis. 
(Peace be to thee whoever enterest with pure and 
gentle heart into the sanctuary of Christ God.) In 
such inscriptions the church building is generally re- 
ferred to as (htmus Dei, domun oration is (the house of 
God, the house of prayer). The present writer found 
an inscription with the customary Greek term Ohos 
Kvplov (House of the Lord) in the basilica of the Holy 
Baths, one of the basilicas of the ancient Egyptian 
town of Menas. In Northern Africa, especially, pas- 
sages from the psalms frequently occur in Christian 
inscriptions. The preference in the East was for in- 
scription;- executed in mosaic; such inscriptions were 
also fre<|uent in Rome, where, it is well known, the art 
of mosaic reaelicd very high i)erfeetion in Christian 
edifices. .\n excclieiit and welbkiiown example is the 
still extant original inscription of the fifth century on 
the wall of the interior of the Hoiiian basilica of Santa 
Sabina on the Aventine over the cntranee to the nave. 
This monumental record in mosaic contains seven 
lines in hexameters. On each side of the inscription 
is a mosaic figure: one is the Eccleaia ex genlihm 
(Church of the Gentiles), the other the Kcctcsl'a ex cir- 
cumcisione (Church of the Circumcision). The text 










4 - - -■ 



















INSCRIPTION OF ABERCIUS 

FRAGMENTS PRESENTED TO POPE LEO XIII BY W. RAMSAY AND SULTAN ABDDL-HAMID II 

NOW PRESERVED IN THE MUSEO CRISTIANO, LATERAN PALACE 

(SEE "ABERCIUS, INSCRIPTION OF") 



INSPIRATION 



45 



INSPIRATION 



refers to the pontificate of C'elestine I, during which 
period an Illyrian priest named Peter founded the 
church. 

Other parts of the early Christian churches were 
also occasionally decorated with inscriptions, e. g. the 
titles of roofs and walls. It was also customary to 
decorate with inscriptions the lengthy cycles of fres- 
coes depicted on the walls of churches. Fme examples 
of such inscriptions have reached us in the "Ditto- 
chEeon" of Prudcntius, in the Ambrosian tituli, and 
in the writings of Paulinus of Nola. 

It should be adtled that many dedicatory inscrip- 
tions belong to the eighth and ninth centuries, espe- 
cially in Rome, where in the eighth ccntiuy numerous 
bodies of saints were transferred from the catacombs 
to the churches of the city (see Catacombs). 

Graffiti. — .\lthough apparently of little value and 
devoid of all monumental character, the graffiti (i. e. 
writings scratched on walls or other surfaces) are of 
great importance historically and otherwise. Many 
such are preserved in the catacombs and on various 
early Christian monuments. Of special importance in 
this rcs]iect are the ruins of the fine edifices of the town 
of .Menas in the Egyptian Jhireotis (cf. "Proceedings 
of Society for Bibl. Archreology ", 1907, pp. 25, 51, 
112). The graffiti help in turn to illustrate the literary 
sources of the life of the early Christians. (See also 

OSTRAKA.) 

De Rossi, Inscriptiones christiancB urbis Romas septirno Bceculo 
aniiquioTes (Rome. 1S61); Le Blant. Manuel dU-pigraphie 
chrt'tiennc (Paris, 1869): Ritter, De compositione titulorum 
christianorum sepuleralium (Berlin, 1877); M'C'aul, Christian 
Epitaphs of the First Six Centuries (London, 1869) ; Nohthcote 
AND Brownlow, Epitaphs of the Catacombs (London, 1879) : 
Kaufmann, Handbxwh der christlichen Archaologie, pt. Ill, 
Epigraphische Denkmiiler (Paderborn, 1905); Systos. Notiones 
arch<solofficB christiancE, vol. Ill, pt. I, Epigraphia (Rome, 1909). 

C. M. Kaufmann. 

Inspiration of the Bible. — The subject will be 
treated in this article mider the four heads: I. Belief 
in Inspired Books; II. Xature of Inspiration; III. 
Extent of Inspiration; IV. Protestant Views on the 
Inspiration of the Bible. 

I. Belief in Inspired Books. — A. Among the 
Jews. — The belief in the sacred character of certain 
books is as old as the Hebrew literature. Moses and 
the Prophets had committed to writing a part of the 
message they were to deliver to Israel from God. 
Now, the nab;i (prophet), whether he spoke or wrote, 
was considered by the Hebrews the authorized inter- 
preter of the thoughts and wishes of Yahweh. He 
was called, likewise, "the man of God", "the man 
of the Spirit " (Osee, ix, 7). It was arouml the Temple 
and the Book that the religious and national restora- 
tion of the Jewish people was effected after their 
exile (see II Mach., ii, 13, 14, and the prologue of 
Ecclesiasticiis in the Septuagint). Philo (from 20 
B.C. to A. D.40) speaks of the "sacred books", "sacred 
word ", and of "most holy scripture " (De vita Moysis, 
iii, §2.3). The testimony of Flavius Josephus (a. d. 
37-95) is still more characteristic: it is in his writings 
that the word inspiration (i-n-lirvota) is met for the 
first time. He speaks of twenty-two books which 
the Jews with good reason consider Divine, and for 
which, in case of need, they are ready to die (Contra 
.\pion., I, 8). The belief of the Jews in the inspiration 
of the Scriptures did not diminish from the time in 
which they were dispersed throughout the world, 
without temple, without altar, without priests; on 
the contrary this faith increased so much that it took 
the place of everything else. 

B. Among the Christians. — The Gospel contains 
no express declaration about the origin and value 
of the Scriptures, but in it we see that Jesus (^'hrist 
used them in conformity with the general belief, 
i. e. as the Word of God. The most decisive texts 
in this respect are found in the Fourth Go.spel, v, 39; 
X, 35. The words scripture, Word of God, Spirit of 



God, God, in the sayings and writings of the Apostles 
are used indifferently (Rom., iv, 3; ix, 17). St. Paul 
alone appeals expressly more than eighty times to 
those Divine oracles of which Israel was made the 
guardian (cf. Rom., iii, 2). This persuasion of the 
early Christians was not merely the effect of a Jewish 
tradition blindly accepted and never understood. 
St. Peter and St. Paul give the reason why it was 
accepted: it is that all Scripture is inspired of God 
((^eiTrm-cTTos) (II Tim., iii, 16; cf. II Pet., i. 20, 21). 
It would be superfluous to spend any time in proving 
that Tradition has faithfully kept the Apostolic 
belief in the inspiration of Scripture. Moreover, 
this demonstration forms the subject-matter of a 
great number of works (see especially Chr. Pesch, 
"De inspiratione Sacrae Scripturie", 1906, p. 40- 
379). It is enough for us to add that on several 
occasions the Church has defined the inspiration of 
the canonical books as an article of faith (see Den- 
zinger, "Enchiridion", 10th ed., n. 1787, 1809). 
Every Christian sect still deserving that name be- 
lieves in the inspiration of the Scriptures, although 
several have more or less altered the idea of inspira- 
tion. 

C. Value of this Belief. — History alone allows us 
to establish the fact that Jews and Christians have 
always believed in the inspiration of the Bible. But 
what is this belief worth? Proofs of the rational as 
well as of the dogmatic order unite in justifying it. 
Those who first recognized in the Bible a superhuman 
work had as foundation of their opinion the testimony 
of the Prophets, of Christ, and of the Apostles, whose 
Divine mission was sufficiently est;iblisli<'(l l)y imme- 
diate experience orby history. Tothis pnnly rational 
argument can be added the authentic tcacliini; of the 
Church. A Catholic may claim this ailililional ciiti- 
tude without falling into a vicious circle, because the 
infallibility of the Church in its teaching is proved 
independently of the inspiration of Scripture; the 
historical value, belonging to Scripture in common 
with every other authentic and truthful writing, is 
enough to prove this. 

II. Nature of Inspiration. — A. Method to be 
followed. — (1) To determine the nature of Biblical 
inspiration the theologian has at his disposal a three- 
fold source of information: the data of tradition, the 
concept of inspiration, and the concrete state of the 
inspired text. If he wishes to obtain acceptable 
results, he will take into account all these elements 
of solution. Pure speculation might easily end in a 
theory incompatible with the te.xts. On the other 
hand, the literary or historical analysis of these 
same texts, if left to its own resources, ignores their 
Divine origin. Finally, if the data of tradition attest 
the fact of inspiration, they do not furnish us with 
a complete analysis of its nature. Hence, theology, 
philosophy, and exegesis have each a word to say on 
this subject. Positive theology furnishes a starting- 
point in its traditional formula": viz., God is the 
author of Scripture, the inspired writer is the organ 
of the Holy Ghost, Scripture is the Word of God. 
Speculative theology takes these formulse, analyses 
their contents, and from them draws its conclusions. 
In this way St. Thomas, starting from the traditional 
concept which makes the sacred writer an organ of 
the Holy Ghost, explains the subordination of his 
faculties to the action of the Inspirer by the philo- 
sophical theory of the instrumental cause (QviotlL, 
VII, Q. vi, a. 14, ad ou™). However, to avoid all risk 
of going astray, speculation must pay constant atten- 
tion to the indications furnished by exegesis. 

(2) The Catholic who wishes to make a correct 
analysis of Biblical inspiration must have before his 
eyes the following ecclesiastical documents: (a) 
"These books are held by the Church as sacred and 
canonical, not as having been composed liy merely 
human labour and afterwards approved by her au- 



INSPIRATION 



46 



INSPIRATION 



thority, nor merely lieeause they contain revela- 
tion without error, but beeause, written under the in- 
spiration of the Holy Ghoft. they have God for their 
author, and have been transmitted to the Church 
as such." (Concil. Vatic, Sess. Ill, const, dogra. de 
Fide, cap. ii, in Denz., 17S7.) (b) "The Holy Ghost 
Himself, by His supernatural power, stirred up and 
impelled the Biblical writers to write, and assisted 
them while writing in such a manner that they con- 
ceived in their minds exactly, and determined to 
commit to writing faithfvilly, and render in exact 
language, with infallible truth, all that God com- 
manded and notliing else; without that, God would 
not be the author of Scripture in its entirety " (En- 
cycl. "Provid. Deus", in Denz., 1952). 

B. Catholic Vietr. — Inspiration can be considered 
in God, who produces it ; in man, who is its object ; 
and in the text, which is its term. (1) In God in- 
spiration is one of those actions which are ad extra, 
as theologians say; and thus it is common to the three 
Divine Persons. However, it is attributed by appro- 
priation to the Holy Ghost. It is not one of those 
graces which have for their immediate and essential 
object the sanctification of the man who receives 
them, but one of those called antonomastically 
charismata, or gratis datcc, because they are given 
primarily for the good of others. Besides, inspiration 
has this in common with every actual grace, that it is 
a transitory participation of the Divine power; the 
inspired writer finding himself invested with it only 
at the very moment of writing or when thinking about 
writing. 

(2) Considered in the man on whom is bestowed 
this favour, inspiration affects the will, the intelli- 
gence, and all the executive faculties of the writer, 
(a) Without an impulsion given to the will of the 
writer, it cannot be conceived how God could still 
remain the principal cause of Scripture, for, in that 
case, the man would have taken the initiative. 
Besides that, the text of St. Peter is peremptorj': 
"For prophecy came not by the will of man at any 
time: but the laoly men of God spoke, inspired by the 
Holy Ghost" (it Pet., i, 21). The context shows 
that there is question of all Scripture, which is a 
prophecy in the broad sense of the word (irSo-o 
irpo^iyreia ypat(>Tjs). According to the Encyclical "Pro v. 
Deus", "God stirred up and impelled the sacred 
writers to determine to write all that God meant them 
to write" (Denz., 1952). Theologians discuss the 
question whether, in order to impart this motion, 
God moves the will of the writer directly or decides 
it by proposing motives of an intellectual order. 
At any rate, everybody admits that the Holy Ghost 
can arouse or simply utilize external influences 
capable of acting on the will of the sacred writer. 
According to an ancient tradition, St. Mark and 
St. John wrote their Gospels at the instance of the 
faithful. 

What becomes of human liberty under the in- 
fluence of Divine inspiration? In principle, it is 
agreed that the Inspirer can take away from man 
the power of refusal. In point of fact, it is commonly 
admitted that the Inspirer, Who does not lack means 
of obtaining our consent, h:is respected the freedom 
of His instruments. .\n inspiration which is not 
accompanied by a revelation, which is adapted to the 
normal play of the faculties of the human soul, which 
can determine the will of the inspired writer by 
motives of a human order, does not neces.sarily sup- 
pose tliat he who is its object is himself conscious of 
it. If the prophets and the author of the Apocalypse 
know and say that their pen is guided by the Spirit 
of God, other Biblical authors seem rather to have 
been led by "some mysterious influence who.se origin 
was either unknown or not clearly discerned by them " 
(St. Aug., " De Gen. ad lift.", II,"xvii, :57; St. Thomas, 
II-II, Q. clxxi, a. 5; Q. clxxiii, a. 4). However, most 



theologians admit that ordinarily the writer was con- 
.scious of his own inspiration. From what we have 
just said it follows that inspiration does not neces- 
sarily imply ecstasy, as Philo and, later, the Montan- 
ists "thought. It is true that some of the orthodox 
apologists of the second century (Athenagoras, The- 
ophilus of Antioch, St. Justin) have, in the description 
which they give of Biblical inspiration, been some- 
what influenced by the ideas of divination then current 
amongst the pagans. They are too prone to represent 
the Biblical writer as a purely passive intermediary, 
something after the style of the Pythia. Neverthe- 
less, they did not make him out to be an energumen 
for all that. The Divine intervention, if one is con- 
scious of it, can certainly fill the human soul with a 
certain awe; but it does not throw it into a state of 
delirium. 

(b) To induce a person to write is not to take on 
oneself the responsibility of that writing, more espe- 
cially it is not to become the author of that writing. 
If God can claim the Scripture as His own word, 
it is because He has lirought even the intellect of 
the inspired writer under His command. However, 
we must not represent the Inspirer as putting a ready- 
made book in the mind of the inspired person. Nor 
has He necessarily to reveal the contents of the work 
to be produced. No matter where the knowledge 
of the writer on this point comes from, whether it 
be acquired naturally or due to Divine revelation, 
it is something preliminary to inspiration. For 
inspiration has not essentially for its object to 
teach something new to the sacred writer, but to 
render him capable of writing with Divine authority. 
Thus the author of the Acts of the Apostles narrates 
events in which he liimself took [lart, or which were 
related to him. It is highly probable that most of the 
sayings of the Book of Proverbs were familiar to the 
sages of the East, before being set down in an in- 
spired writing. God, inasmuch as He is the principal 
cause, when He inspires a writer, subordinates all that 
writer's cognitive faculties so as to make him accom- 
plish the different actions which would be naturally 
gone through by a man who, first of all, has the design 
of composing a book, then gets together his materials, 
subjects them to a critical examination, arranges 
them, makes them enter into his plan, and finally 
brands them with the mark of his personality — i. e. 
his own peculiar style. The grace of inspiration 
does not exempt the writer from personal effort, nor 
does it insure the perfection of his work from an 
artistic point of view. The author of the Second 
Book of Machabees and St. Luke tell the reader of the 
pains they took to document their work (II Mach., 
ii, 24-33; Luke, i, 1—4). The imperfections of the 
work are to be attributed to the mstrument. God 
can, of course, prepare this instrument beforehand, 
but, at the time of using it, He does not ordinarily 
make any change in its conditions. When the 
Creator applies His power to the faculties of a creature 
outside of the ordinary way. He does so in a manner 
in keeping w'ith the natural activity of these faculties. 
Now-, in all languages recourse is had to the com- 
parison of light to explain the nature of the human 
intelligence. That is why St. Thomas (II-II, Q. 
clxxi, a. 2; Q. clxxiv, a. 2, ad Sum) gives the name of 
light or itluminatiim to the intellectual motion com- 
municated by God to the sacred writer. After him, 
then, we may say that this motion is a peculiar super- 
natural participation of the Divine light, in virtue 
of which the writer conceives exactly the work that 
the Holy Ghost wants him to write. Thanks to this 
help given to his intellect, the inspired writer judges, 
with a certitude of Divine order, not only of the 
opportuneness of the book to be written, but also of 
the truth of the details and of the whole. However, 
all theologians do not analyse exactly in the same 
manner the influence of thislight of inspiratioc, 



INSPIRATION 



47 



INSPIRATION 



(c) The influence of the Holy Ghost had to extend 
also toall the executive faculties of the sacred writer — 
to his memory, his imagination, and even to the hand 
with which he formed the letters. Whether this in- 
fluence proceed immediately from the action of the 
Inspirer or be a simple assistance, and, again, whether 
this assistance be positive or merely negative, in any 
case everyone admits that its object is to remove ail 
error from the inspired text. Those who hold that 
even the words are inspired believe that it also forms 
an integral part of the grace of inspiration itself. 
However that may be, there is no denying that the 
inspiration extends, in one way or another, and as 
far as needful, to all those who have really co- 
operated in the composition of the sacred text, 
especially to the secretaries, if the inspired person 
had any. Seen in this light, the hagiographer no 
longer appears a passive and inert instrument, abased, 
as it were, by an exterior impulsion; on the contrary, 
his faculties are elevated to the service of a superior 
power, which, although distinct, is none the less in- 
timately present and interior. Without losing any- 
thing of his personal life, or of his liberty, or even 
of his spontaneity (.since it may happen that he is not 
conscious of the power wliich leads him on), man 
becomes thus the interpreter of God. Such, then, 
is the most comprehensive notion of Divine inspira- 
tion. St. Thomas (II-II, Q. clxxi) reduces it to the 
grace of prophecy, in the broad sense of the word. 

(3) Considered in its term, inspiration is nothing 
else but the Biblical text itself. This text was des- 
tined by God, Who inspired it, for the universal 
Church, in order that it might be authentically recog- 
nized as His written word. This destination is essen- 
tial. Without it a book, even if it had been inspired 
by God, could not become canonical; it would have 
no more value than a private revelation. That is 
why any writing dated from a later period than the 
Apostolical age is condemned ipso facto to be excluded 
from the canon. The reason of this is that the deposit 
of the public revelation was complete in the time 
of the Apostles. They alone had the mission to give 
to the teaching of Christ the development which was 
to be opportimely suggested to them by the Para- 
clete, John, xiv, 26 (see Franzelin, "De divina Tra- 
ditione et Scriptura" (Rome, 1870), thesis xxii). 
Since the Bible is the Word of God, it can be said 
that every canonical text is for us a Divine lesson, a 
revelation, even though it may have been written 
with the aid of inspiration only, and without a reve- 
lation properly so called. For this cause, al.so, it is 
clear that an inspired text cannot err. That the 
Biljle is free from error is, beyond all doubt, the 
teaching of Tradition. The whole of Scriptural 
apologetics consists precisely in accounting for this 
exceptional prerogative. Exegetes and apologists 
have recourse here to considerations which may be 
reduced to the following heads: (a) the original un- 
changed text, as it left the pen of the sacred writers, 
is alone in question, (b) As truth and error are 
properties of judgment, only the assertions of the 
sacred writer have to be dealt with. If he makes any 
affirmation, it is the exegete's duty to discover its 
meaning and its extent; whether he expresses his own 
views or those of others; whether in quoting another 
he approves, disapproves, or keeps a silent reserve, etc. 
(c) The intention of the writer is to be found out 
according to the laws of the language in which he 
writes, and consequently we must take into accoimt 
the style of literature he wished to use. All styles are 
compatible with inspiration, because they are all 
legitimate expressions of human thought, and also, 
as St. Augustine says (De Trinitate, I, 12), "God, 
getting books written by men, did not wish them to 
be composed in a form differing from that u.sed by 
them". Therefore, a distinction is to be made be- 
tween the assertion and the expression; it is by means 



of the latter that we arrive at the former, (d) These 
general principles are to be applied to the different 
books of the Bible, mutatis mutandis, according to the 
nature of the matter contained in them, the special 
purpose for which their author wrote them, the 
traditional explanation which is given of them, and 
also according to the decisions of the Church. 

C. Erroneous Views Proposed by Catholic Authors. 
— (1) Those which are wrong because insufficient, 
(a) The approbation given by the Church to a merely 
human writing cannot, by itself, make it inspired 
Scripture. The contrary opinion hazarded by Sixtus 
of Siena (1566), renewed by Movers and Haneberg, 
in the nineteenth century, was condemned by the 
Vatican Council. (See Denz., 1787.) (b) Biblical 
inspiration, even where it seems to be at its mini- 
mum — e. g., in the historical books — is not a simple 
assistance given to the inspired writer to prevent him 
from erring, as was thought by Jahn (179.3), who 
followed Holden and perhaps Richard Simon. In 
order that a text may be Scripture, it is not enough 
"that it contain revelation without error" (Cone. 
Vatic, Denz., 1787). (c) A book composed from 
merely human resources would not become an in- 
spired text, even if approved of, afterwards, by the 
Holy Ghost. This subsequent approbation might 
make the truth contained in the book as credible as 
if it were an article of Divine Faith, but it would not 
give a Divine origin to the book itself. Every in- 
spiration properly so called is antecedent, so much so 
that it is a contradiction in terms to speak of a sub- 
sequent inspiration. This truth seems to have been 
lost sight of by those moderns who thought they 
could revive — at the same time making it still less 
acceptable — a vague hypothesis of Lessius (1585) 
and of his disciple Bonfrere. (2) A view which errs 
by excess confounds inspiration with revelation. 
We have just said that these two Divine operations 
are not only distinct, but may take place separately, 
although they may also be found together. As a 
matter of fact, this is what happens whenever God 
moves the sacred writer to express thoughts or senti- 
ments of which he cannot have acquired knowledge 
in the ordinary way. There has been some exagger- 
ation in the accusation brought against early writers 
of having confounded inspiration with revelation ; how- 
ever, it must be admitted that the explicit distinction 
between these two graces has become more and more 
emphasized since the time of St. Thomas. This is 
a very real progress and allows us to make a more 
exact psychological analysis of inspiration. 

III. Extent of Inspiration. — The question now 
is not whether all the Biblical books are inspired in 
every part, even in the fragments called deutero- 
canonical: this point, which concerns the integrity 
of the Canon, has been solved by the Council of Trent 
(Denz., 784). But are we bound to admit that, in the 
books or parts of books which are canonical, there is 
absolutely nothing, either as regards the matter or 
the form, which does not fall under the Divine inspi- 
ration? 

A. Inspiration of the Whole Subject Matter. — 
For the last three centuries there have been authors — 
theologians, exegetes, and especially apologists, such 
as Holden, Rohling, Lenormant, di Bartolo, and 
others — who maintained, with more or less confi- 
dence, that inspiration was limited to moral and dog- 
matic teaching, excluding everything in the Bible 
relating to history and the natural sciences. They 
tliink that, in this way, a whole mass of difficulties 
against the inerrancy of the Bible would be removed. 
But the Church has never ceased to protest against 
this attempt to restrict the inspiration of the sacred 
books. This is what took place when Mgr d'Hulst, 
Rector of the Institut Catholique of Paris, gave a 
sympathetic account of this opinion in "LeCorres- 
pondant" of 25 Jan., 189.3. The reply was quickly 



INSPIRATION 



INSPIRATION 



forthcoming in the Encyclical "Providcntissimus 
Deus" of the same year. In that Encyclical Leo 
XIII said; " It will never be lawful to restrict inspira- 
tion merely to certain parts of the Holy Scriptures, 
or to grant that the sacred writer could have made a 
mistake. Nor may the opinion of those be tolerated, 
who, in order to get out of these difficulties, do not 
hesitate to suppose that Divine inspiration extends 
only to what touches faith and morals, on the false 
plea that the true meaning is sought for less in what 
God has said than in the motive for which He has 
said it" (Denz., 1950). In fact, a limited inspira- 
tion contradicts Christian tradition and theological 
teaching. 

B. Verbal Inspiration. — Theologians discuss the 
question, whether inspiration controlled the choice of 
the words used or operated only in what concerned the 
sense of the assertions made in the Bible. In the 
sixteenth century verbal inspiration was the current 
teaching. The Jesuits of Louvain were the first to 
react against this opinion. They held "that it is not 
necessary, in order that a text be Holy Scripture, for 
the Holy Ghost to have inspired the very material 
words used". The protests against this new o]iinion 
were so violent that Bellarniine and Suarcz thought it 
their duty to tone down the formula by declaring 
"that all the words of the text have been dictated 
by the Holy Ghost in what concerns tlie substance, 
but differently according to the diverse conditions of 
the instruments". This opinion went on gaining in 
precision, and little by little it disentangled itself 
from the terminology which it had borrowed from 
the adverse opinion, notably from the word "dicta- 
tion ". Its progress was so rapid that at the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century it was more commonly 
taught than the theory of verbal inspiration. Cardinal 
Franzelin seems to have given it its definite form. 
During the last quarter of a century verbal inspira- 
tion has again found partisans, and they become more 
numerous every day. However, the theologians of 
to-day, whilst retaining the terminology of the older 
school, have profoundly modified the theory itself. 
They no longer speak of a material dictation of words 
to the ear of the writer, nor of an interior revelation 
of the term to be employed, but of a Divine motion 
extending to every faculty and even to the powers 
of execution of the writer, and in consequence in- 
fluencing the whole work, even its editing. Thus 
the sacred text is wholly the work of God and wholly 
the work of man, of the latter by way of instrument, 
of the former by way of principal cause. Under this 
rejuvenated form tlie theory of verbal inspiration 
shows a marked advance towards reconciliation with 
the rival opinion. From an exegetical and apolo- 
getical point of view it is indifferent which of these 
two opinions we adopt. All agree that the charac- 
teristics of style as well as the imperfections affect- 
ing the subject matter itself, belong to the inspired 
writer. As for the inerrancy of the inspired text 
it is to the Inspirer that it must be finally attrib- 
uted, and it matters little if God has insured the 
truth of His Scripture by the grace of inspiration 
itself, as the adherents of verbal inspiration teach, 
rather than by a providential assistance. 

IV. PUOTESTANT VlKW.S ON THE InsPIHATION OF 

THE Bible. — A. At the lieginnint/ of the Reformation. 
— (1) As a neces.sary cons('()uence of their attitude 
towards the Bible, which I hey had taken as their only 
rule of Faith, the I'rotestants were led at the very 
outset to go beyond the idea of a merely passive 
inspiration, which was commonly received in the first 
half of the sixteenth century. Not only did they 
make no distinction between in.spiration and revela- 
tion, but Scripture, both in its matter and style, was 
consideri'd as revelation itself. In it God spoke to 
the reader just as He did to the Israelites of old from 
the mercy-Bcat. Hence that kind of cult which some 



Protestants of to-day call "Bibliolatry ". In the 
midst of the incertitude, vagueness, and antinomies 
of those early times, when the Reformation, like 
Luther himself, was trying to find a way and a 
symbol, one can discern a constant preoccupation, 
that of indissolubly joining religious belief to the 
very truth of God by means of His written Word. 
The Lutherans who devoted themselves to compos- 
ing the Protestant theory of inspiration were Me- 
lanchthon, Chemnitz, Quenstedt, Calov. Soon, to 
the inspiration of the words was added that of the 
vowel points of the present Hebrew text. This was 
not a mere opinion held by the two Buxtorfs, but 
a doctrine defined, and imposed under pain of fine, 
imprisonment, and exile, by the Confession of the 
Swiss Churches, promulgated in 1675. These dis- 
positions were abrogated in 1724. The Purists held 
that in the Bible there are neither barbarisms nor 
solecisms; that the Greek of the New Testament is 
as pure as that of the classical authors. It was 
said, with a certain amount of truth, that the Bible 
had become a sacrament for the Reformers. 

(2) In the seventeenth century began the con- 
troversies which, in cour.se of time, were to end in 
the theory of inspiration now generally accepted by 
Protestants. The two principles which brought 
about the Reformation were precisely the instruments 
of this revolution: on the one side, the claim for every 
human soul of a teaching of the Holy Ghost, which 
was immediate and independent of every exterior 
rule; on the other, the right of private judgment, or 
autonomy of individual reasoning, in reading and 
studying the Bible. In the name of the first prin- 
ciple, on which Zwingli had insisted more than Luther 
and Calvin, the Pietists thought to free themselves 
from the letter of the Bible which fettered the action 
of the Spirit. A French Huguenot, Seb. Castellion 
(d. 1563), had already been bold enough to dis- 
tinguish between the letter and the spirit; according 
to him the spirit only came from God, the letter 
was no more than a "case, husk, or shell of the 
spirit ". 

The Quakers, the followers of Swedenborg, and the 
Irvingites were to force tliis theory to its utmost 
limits; real revelation — the only one which instructs 
and sanctifies — was that produced luider the imme- 
diate influence of the Holy tihost. While the Pietists 
read their Bilile with the help of interior illumination 
alone, others, in even greater niunliers, tried to get 
some light from philological and historical researches, 
which had received their decisive impulse from the 
Renaissance. Every facility was assuretl to their 
investigations by the principle of freedom of private 
judgment; and of this they took advantage. The 
conclusions obtained by this method could not but 
be fatal to the theory of inspiration by revelation. 
In vain did its partisans say that God's will had been 
to reveal to the Evangelists in four different ways the 
words which, in reality, Christ had uttered only once; 
that the Holy Ghost varied His style according as 
He was dictating to Isaias or to Amos — such an 
explanation was nothing short of an avowal of in- 
ability to meet the facts alleged against them. As 
a matter of fact, Faustus Socinus (d. 1562) had al- 
ready held that the words and, in general, the style 
of Scripture were not inspired. Soon afterwards, 
(ieorgc Calixtus, Episcopius, and Grotius made a clear 
distinction between inspiration and revelation. 
-According to the last-named, nothing was revealed 
but the iirophecies and the' words of Jesus Christ, 
everytliiiig else was only inspired. Still further, he 
reduces inspiration to a pious motion of the .soul 
[see " Votum pro pace Ecclcsia?" in his complete 
works. III (l(i7!)), 672). The Dutch Arminian school, 
then represented by J. LeC'Ierc, and, in France, by 
L. Capelle, DaillC', Blondel, and others, followed the 
same course. Although they kept current terminology. 



INSPIRATION 



49 



INSPIRATION 



they made it app:ireiit, nevertheless, that the formula, 
"The Bible is the Word of God ", was already about 
to be replaced by "The Bible contains the Word of 
God." Moreover, the term word was to be taken in 
an equivocal sense. 

B. Biblical Rationalism. — In spite of all, the Bible 
was still held as the criterion of religious belief. To 
rob it of this prerogative was the work which the eigh- 
teenth century set itself to accomplish. In the at- 
tack then made on the Divine inspiration of the 
Scriptures three classes of assailants are to be dis- 
tinguished. (1) The Naturalist philosophers, who 
were the forerunners of modem unbelief (Holibes, 
Spinoza, Wolf); the English Deists (Toland, Collins, 
Woolston, Tindal, Morgan); the German Rationalists 
(Reimarus, Lessing) ; tlie French Encyclopedists (Vol- 
taire, Bayle) strove by every means, not forgetting 
abuse and sarcasm, to prove how absurd it was to 
claim a Divine origin for a book in which all the 
blemishes and errors of human writings are to be 
found. (2) The critics applied to the Bible the 
methods adopted for the study of profane authors. 
They, from the literary and historic point of view, 
reached the same conclusion as the infidel philos- 
ophers; but they thought they could remain believers 
by distinguishing in the Bible Ijetween the religious 
and the profane clement. The latter they gave up 
to the free judgment of historical criticism; the former 
they pretended to uphold, but not without restric- 
tions which profoundly changed its import. Ac- 
cording to Semler, the father of Biblical Rationalism, 
Christ and the Apostles accommodated themselves 
to the false opinions of their contemporaries; accord- 
ing to Kant and Eichhorn, everything which does not 
agree with sane reason must lie regarded as .Jewish 
invention. "Religion restricted within the limits 
of reason — that was the point which the critical 
movement initiated by Cirotius antl LeClerc had in 
common with the philosophy of Kant and the theol- 
ogy of Wegscheider. The dogma of plenary inspira- 
tion dragged down with it, in its final ruin, the very 
notion of revelation " (\. Sabatier, " Les religions d'au- 
torite et la religion de I'esprit ", 2nd ed., 1904, p. 331). 
(3) These philosophical historical controversies about 
Scriptural authority caused great anxiety in religious 
minds. There were many who then sought their 
salvation in one of the principles put forward by the 
earlj' Reformers, notably by Calvin: to wit, that truly 
Christian certitude came from the testimony of the 
Holy Spirit. Man had but to soimd his own soul 
in order to find the essence of religion, which was not 
a science, but a life, a sentiment. Such was the 
verdict of the Kantian philosophy then in vogue. It 
was useless, from the religious point of view, to dis- 
cuss the extrinsic claims of the Bible; far better was 
the moral experience of its intrinsic worth. The 
Bible itself was nothing but a history of the re- 
ligious experiences of the Prophets, of Christ and 
His Apostles, of the Synagogue and of the Church. 
Truth and Faith came not from without, but sprang 
from the Christian conscience as their source. Now 
this conscience was awakened and sustained by the 
narration of the religious experiences of those who 
had gone before. What mattered, then, the judg- 
ment passed by criticism on the historical truth of 
this narration, if it only evoked a salutary emotion 
in the soul? Here the useful alone was true. Not 
the te.xt, but the reader was inspired. Such, in its 
broad outlines, was the final stage of a movement 
which Spener, Wesley, the Moravian Brethren, and, 
generally, the Pietists initiated, but of which Schleier- 
maelier (17(iS-lsi;l) was to be the theologian and the 
pro])agator in the nineteenth century. 

C. Fresent Conditions. — (1) The traditional views, 
however, were not abandoned without resistance. 
A movement back to the old idea of the theopneustia, 
including verbal inspiration, set in nearly everywhere 

VIII.— i. - - 



in the first half of the nineteenth century. This 
reaction was called the Riveil. Among its principal 
promoters must be mentioned the Swiss L. Gaussen, 
W. Lee, in England, A.Dorner in Germany, and, more 
recently, W. Rohnert. Their labours at first evoked 
interest and .sympathy, but were destined to fail 
before the efforts of a counter-reaction which sought 
to complete the work of Sehleicrniaehcr. It was led 
by Alex. Vinet, Edm. Scherer, and E. Raliaud in 
France; Rich. Rothe and especially Ritschl in (ier- 
many; S. T. Coleridge, F. D. Maurice, and Matthew 
Arnold in England. According to them, the ancient 
dogma of the theopneustia is not to be reformed, but 
given up altogether. In the heat of the struggle, 
however, imiversity professors, like E. Reuss, freely 
used the historical method; without denying inspira- 
tion they ignored it. 

(2) Abstracting from accidental differences, the 
present opinion of the so-called "progressive" Prot- 
estants (who profess, nevertheless, to remain suffi- 
ciently orthodox), as represented in Germany by 
B. Weiss, R. F. Cirau, and H. Cremer, in England by 
W. Sanday, C. Gore, and most Anglican scholars, may 
be reduced to the following heads; (a) the purely 
passive, mechanical thmpneustia, extendin^to the very 
words, is no longer tenable, (b) Inspiration has de- 
grees; suggestion, direction, elevation, and superin- 
tendency. All the sacred writers have not been 
equally inspired, (c) Inspiration is personal, that 
is, given directly to the sacred writer to enlighten, 
stimulate, and purify his faculties. This religious 
enthusiasm, like every great passion, exalts the 
powers of the soul; it belongs, therefore, to the spir- 
itual order, and is not merely a help given immediately 
to the intellect. Biblical inspiration, being a seizure 
of the entire man by the Divine virtue, does not differ 
essentially from the gift of the Holy Spirit imparted 
to all the faithful, (d) It is, to say the least, an 
improper use of language to call the sacred text itself 
inspired. At any rate, this text can, and actually 
does, err not only in profane matters, but also in 
those appertaining more or less to religion, since the 
Prophets and Christ Himself, notwithstanding His 
Divinity, did not possess absolute infallibility. (Cf. 
Denney, "A Diet, of Christ and the Gospels", I, 
148—49.) The Bible is a historical document which, 
taken in its entirety, contains the authentic narrative 
of revelation, the tidings of salvation, (e) Revealed 
truth and, consequently, the Faith we derive from 
it are not founded on the Bible, but on Christ him- 
self; it is from Him and through Him that the written 
text acquires definitely all its worth. But how are 
we to reach the historical reality of Jesus — His 
teaching. His institutions — if Scripture, as well as 
Tradition, offers us no faithful picture? The question 
is a painful one. To establish the inspiration and 
Divine authority of the Bible the early Reformers had 
substituted for the teaching of the Church internal 
criteria, notably the interior testimony of the Holy 
Spirit and the spiritual efficacy of the text. Most 
Protestant theologians of the present day agree in 
declaring these criteria neither scientific nor tra- 
ditional; and at any rate they consider them insuffi- 
cient. (On the true criterion of inspiration see 
C.\NON OF THE HoLY SCRIPTURES.) They profess, 
consequently, to supplement them, if not to re- 
place them altogether, by a rational demonstration 
of the authenticity and substantial trustworthiness 
of the Biblical text. The new method may well 
provide a starting-point for the fundamental theol- 
ogy of Revelation, but it cannot supply a complete 
justification of the Canon, as it has been so far 
maintained in the Churches of the Reformation. 
Anglican theologians, too, like Gore and Sanday, 
gladly appeal to the dogmatic testimony of the 
collective conscience of the universal Church; but, 
in so doing, they break with one of the first prin- 



INSTALLATION 



50 



INSTINCT 



ciples of the Reformation, the autonomy of the indi- 
vidual conscience. 

(3) The position of liljeral Protestants (i.e. those 
who are independent of all dogma) may be easily 
defined. The Bible is just like other texts, neither 
inspired nor the rule of Faith. Religious belief is 
quite subjective. So far is it from depending on the 
dogmatic or even historical authority of a book that 
it gives to it, itself, its real worth. When religious 
texts, the Bible included, are in question, historj- — • 
or, at least, what people generally believe to be his- 
torical — is largely a product of faith, which has trans- 
figured the facts. The authors of the Bible may be 
called inspired, that is, endowed with a superior 
perception of religious matters; but this religious 
enthusiasm does not differ essentially from that 
which animated Homer and Plato. This is the denial 
of everything supernatural, in the ordinary sense of 
the word, as well in the Bible as in religion in general. 
Nevertheless, those who hold this theory defend 
themselves from the charge of infidelity, especially 
repudiating the cold Rationalism of the last century, 
which was made up exclusively of negations. They 
think that they remain sufiiciently Christian by ad- 
hering to the "religious sentiment" to which Christ 
has given the most perfect expression yet known. 
P'oUowing Kant, Schleiermacher, and Ritschl, they 
profess a religion freed from all philosophical intel- 
lectualism and from every historical proof. Facts 
and formuliB of the past have, in their eyes, onlj' a 
symbolic and a transient value. Such is the new 
theology spread by the best-known professors and 
writers, especially in Germany — historians, exegetes, 
philologists, or even pastors of souls. We need only 
mention Hamack, H. J. Holtzmann, Fried. Dehtzsch, 
Cheyne, Campbell, A. Sabatier, Albert and John 
Reville. It is to this transformation of Christianity 
that "Modernism", condemned by the Encyclical 
"Pascendi Gregis", owes its origin. 

In modem Protestantism the Bible has decidedly 
fallen from the primacy which the Reformation had 
so loudly conferred upon it. The fall is a fatal one, 
becoming deeper from day to day; and without rem- 
edy, since it is the logical consequence of the funda- 
mental principle put forward by Luther and Calvin. 
Freedom of examination was destined sooner or 
later to produce freedom of thought. (Cf. A. Sa- 
batier, "Les religions d'autorit^ et la religion de 
I'esprit", 2nd ed., 190-1, pp. 399-i03.) 

Catholic Works. — F'rakzelin, Tractatus de divina tradi- 
tions el scriptura (2nd ed., Rome, 1875), 321—405; Schmid, De 
inspirationis Bibliorum vi et ratione (Louvain, 1886); Zanec- 
CHIA, Divina inspiralio Sacree Scripturce (Rome, 1898); Scriptor 
Sacer (Rome, 190.1); Billot, De inspiratione Sacra Scrivturw 
(Rome, 1903) ; Ch. Pesch, De inspiratione Sacra: Scriptura (Frei- 
burg im Br., 1906); hJiOnxsGE in Revue BibliqueiFeLTis. 1895), p. 
563; (1896), pp. 199, 496; Cl.a.hke and Lucas in The Tablet 
(London, 6 Nov., 1897, to 5 Feb., 1898); Hummelacer, Exe- 
gelisrhes zur Inspirationafrage (Freiburg im Br., 1904); Fonck, 
Der Kampf urn die Wahrheit der heil. Schrijt seit 25 Jahren (Inns- 
bruck, 1905); Dausch, Die Schriftinspiration (Freiburg im Br., 
1891); HoLZHET, Die Inspiration der heil. Schrift in der An- 
schauung des Mittelalters (ilunicb, 1895) ; Ch. Pesch. Zur neues- 
ten Gesckichte der Katholischen Inspirationslehre (Freiburg im 
Br., 1902). 

Protestant Works. — Gacssen, Theopneustie (2nd ed., 
Paris, 1842), tr. Plenary Inspiration of Holy Scripture; Lee, In- 
spiration of Holy Scripture (Dul)lin, 1854); Rohnebt. Die In- 
spiration, der heil. Schrift und ihre Bestreiler (Leipzig, 1889); 
.Sanday, The Oracles nf God (London, 18911; Farrar. The 
Bible, Its Meaninil and Supremacy (London, 1897); History of 
Interpretation (Ixjndon, 1886); A Clerical Symposium on In- 
spiration (London, 1884); Rabaud, Histoire de la doctrine de 
I inspiration dans Us pays de langue franfaise depuis la Ri'forme 
juxqu'a nos jours (Paris, 1883). 

Alfred Durand. 

Installation (Lat.in.sto//are, to put intoastall).Tliis 
word, strictly speaking, applies to the solemn induc- 
tion of a canon into the stall or seat which he is to 
fjccupy in the choir of a cathedral or collegiate church. 
It i.s the sj-mbolical act O'nslilulin corporalis) by which 
a canon is put in po.s.scssion of the fiuictions which he 



exercises in the chapter, and by wliich the chapter 
admits him. The ceremonies of this installation are 
regulated by local usage; very often they consist in 
the assignment of a stall in the choir and a place in the 
hall in which the meetings of the chapter are held. 
At the same time the dean invests the new canon 
with the capitular insignia, puts the biretta on his 
head, and receives his profession of faith and his oath 
to observe the statutes of the chapter. The term 
installation is also applied to the institutio cor- 
poralis, or putting in possession of any ecclesiastical 
benefice whatsoever (see Institution, Canonical); 
or, again, to the solemn entry of a parish priest into 
his new parish, even when this solemn act takes place 
after the parish priest has really been put in pos- 
session of his benefice. The corresponding ceremony 
for a bishop is known as enthronization (q. v.). 

.\yrer, De symbolica canonicorum et canonicarum investitura 
(Gottingen, 1768); Mayer. Thesaurus novus juris ecclesiastici 
(Ratisbon, 1791-1794) ; Ferraris, Prompla bibliolheca. s. v. 
Canonicatus. II (Paris, 1861), 134-138; HiNSCHins, System 
des katholischen Kirchenrechts, II (BerUn, 1878), 700. 

A. Van Hove. 

Instinct. — Definitions. — In both popular and 
scientific literature the term instinct has been given 
such a variety of meanings that it is not possible to 
frame for it an adequate definition which would meet 
with general acceptance. The term usually includes 
the iclea of a purposive adaptation of an action or 
series of actions in an organized being, not governed 
by consciousness of the end to be attained. The diffi- 
culty is encountered when we attempt to add to this 
generic concept specific notes which shall differentiate 
it from reflex activities on the one hand and from 
intelligent activities on the other. Owing to the 
limitation of our knowledge of the processes involved, 
it may not always lie possilile to determine whether a 
given action should be regarded as reflex or instinctive, 
but this should not prevent us from drawing, on theo- 
retical grounds, a clear line of demarcation between 
these two modes of activity. The reflex is essentially 
a physiological process. The reflex arc is an estab- 
hshed neural mechanism which secures a definite and 
immediate response to a given phj'sical stimulus. The 
individual may be conscious of the stimulus or of the 
response or of both, but consciousness does not in any 
case enter into the reflex as an essential factor. In- 
stincts, in contradistinction to reflexes, are compara- 
tively complex. Some WTiters are so impressed with 
this characteristic of instinct that they are disposed 
to agree with Herbert Spencer in defining it as an 
organized series of reflexes, but this definition fails to 
take into account the fact that consciousness forms 
an essential link in all instinctive activities. It has 
been suggested as a distinctive characteristic of in- 
stinct that it arises from perception, whereas the 
source of a reflex is never higher than a sensation. 
Baldwin includes under instinct only reactions of a 
sensory-motor type. From a neurological point of 
view, in mammals at least, instinct always involves 
the cerebral cortex, the seat of consciousness, while 
the reflex is confined to the lower nerve centres. An 
obvious difference between reflexes and instincts is to 
be found in the fact that in the reflex the response to 
the stimulus is immediate, whereas the culiniiuition 
of the instinctive activity, in which its purposive char- 
acter appears, may be delayed for a considerable time. 

The chief difliculties in defining instinct are en- 
countered in differentiating instinctive from intelli- 
gent activities. If the nuide of origin of instinct and 
haliit be left out of account, the two processes will lie 
seen to resemble each other so closely that it is well- 
nigh impossible to draw any clear line of distinction 
between them. This circumstance has led to the 
popular conception of instinct as race habit, a view 
of the subject which finds support in so eminent an 
authority as Wilhclm Wundt; but this definition 



INSTINCT 



51 



INSTINCT 



implies a theory of origin for instinct which is not 
universally accepted. Again, the Schoolmen and 
many competent observers, among whom E. Was- 
mann, S.J., is prominent, find the characteristic differ- 
ence between instinctive and intelligent activities in 
the fact that one is governed exclusi^'ely liv sensation, 
or by sensory associative processes, while the other is 
governed by intellect and free will. They accordingly 
attribute all the conscious activities of the animal to 
instinct, since, as they claim, none of these activities 
can be traced to intellect in the strict sense of the 
worth St. Thomas nowhere treats in detail of animal 
instinct, but his position on the subject is rendered 
none the less clear from a great many passages in the 
"Summa Theologica". He is in full agreement with 
the best modern authorities in lajdng chief emphasis 
on the absence of consciousness of the end as the 
essential characteristic of instinct. He says (op. cit., 
I-H, Q. xi, a. 2,C.): "Although beings devoid of con- 
sciousness (cognitio) attain their end, nevertheless they 
do not attain a fruition of their end, as beings do who 
are endowed with consciousness. Consciousness of 
one's end, however, is of two kinds, perfect and im- 
perfect. Perfect consciousness is that by which one is 
conscious not only of the end, and that it is good, but 
also of the general nature of purpose and goodness. 
This kind of consciousness is peculiar to rational na- 
tures. Imperfect consciousness is t hat bj- which a being 
knows the piu-pose and goodness in particular, and 
this kind of consciousness is found in brute animals, 
which are not governed by free will but are moved by 
natural instinct towards those things which they 
apprehend. Thus the rational creature attains com- 
plete enjoyment (friiitio); the brute attains imperfect 
enjoyment, and other creatures do not attain enjoy- 
ment at all." Wasmann's concept of instinct is in 
strict agreement with that of St. Thomas, while it is 
more explicit. He divides the instinctive activities of 
animals into two groups: "Instinctive actions in the 
strict, and instinctive actions in the wider acceptation 
of the term. As instances of the former class we have 
to regard those which immediately spring from the 
inherited dispositions of the powers of sensile cog- 
nition and appetite; and as instances of the latter those 
which indeed proceed from the same inherited dis- 
positions but through the medium of sense expe- 
rience. " (Instinct and Intelligence in the Animal 
Kingdom, p. 35.) 

There is a growing tendency in biology and com- 
parative psychology to restrict the term instinct to 
inherited purposive adaptations. Many WTiters add 
to this two other characteristics: they insist that an 
instinct must be definitely fixed or rigid in character, 
and that it must be common to a large group of indi- 
viduals. Baldwin regards instinct as "a definitely 
biological, not a psychological conception" (Diction- 
ary of Philosophy and Psychology). He adds that 
"no adequate psychological definition of in.stiuct is 
possible, since the psychological state involved is 
exhausted by the terms sensation (and also percep- 
tion), instinct-feeling, and impulse." (Ibid.) The di- 
vergent views entertained by ■^Titers on the subject 
concerning the nature and origin of instinct naturally 
find expression in the currently accepted definitions 
of the term, a few of which are here appended : — 

"Instinct, natural inward impulse; unconscious, 
involuntary or unreasoning prompting to any mode 
of action, whether bodily or mental. Instinct, in its 
more technical use, denotes any inherited tendency 
to perform a specific action in a specific way when the 
appropriate situation occurs; furthermore, an instinct 
is characteristic of a group or race of related animals." 
(Xew International Dictionary.) 

" Instinct, a special innate propensity, in any organ- 
ized being, but more especially in the lower ani- 
mals, producing effects which appear to be those of 
reason and knowledge, but which transcend the gen- 



eral intelligence or experience of the creature; the 
sagacity of the brute." (Century Dictionary.) 

"Instinct, an inherited reaction of the sensory- 
motor type, relatively complex and markedly adap- 
tive in character, and common to a group of indi- 
viduals." (Baldwin, " Dictionary of Philosophy and 
Psychology ".) 

" Instinct is the hereditary, suitable (adaptive) dis- 
position of the powers of sensitive cognition and appe- 
tite in the animal." (Wasmann, op. cit., 36.) 

" Habit differs from instinct, not in its nature, but 
in its origin; the last being natural, the first acquired." 
(Reid.) _ 

"Instinct is a purposive action without conscious- 
ness of the purpose." (E. von Hartmann, " Philosophy 
of the Unconscious", tr. Coupland.) 

" Instinct is reflex action into which there is im- 
ported the element of consciousness. The term is 
therefore a generic one, comprising all those faculties 
of mind which are concerned in conscious and adaptive 
action, antecedent to individual experience, without 
necessary knowledge of the relation to individual 
experience, without necessary knowledge of the rela- 
tion between means emploj'ed anil ends attained, but 
similarly performed under similar and frecjuently 
recurring circumstances by all the individuals of the 
same species." (Romanes, "Animal Intelligence", 
New York, 1S92, p. 17.) 

" Movements which originally followed upon simple 
or compound voluntary acts, but which have become 
wholly or partially mechanized in the course of indi- 
vidual life and of generic evolution, we term instinc- 
tive actions." (Wundt, "Human and Animal Psy- 
chology", London, 1894, p. 388.) 

Origin. — A great many theories have been ad- 
vanced to account for the origin of instinct. These 
theories may be grouped under three heads: (a) reflex 
theories, (b) theories of lapsed intelligence, and (c) 
the theory of organic selection. The name of Charles 
Darwin has been prominently associated with the 
reflex theory, sometimes called the theory of natural 
selection. This assumes that in.stincts, hke anatom- 
ical structiu-es, tend to vary from the specific type, 
and these variations, when advantageous to the 
species, are gradually accumulated through natural 
selection. In his chapter on instinct in the "Origin 
of Species", Darwin says: "It will be universally ad- 
mitted that instincts are as important as corporal 
structures for the welfare of each species under its 
present conditions of life. Under changed conditions 
of life, it is at least possible that slight modifications 
of instinct might be profitable to a species; and if it 
can be sho'mi that instincts do vary ever so little, 
then I can see no difficulty in natural selection pre- 
serving and continually accumulating variations of 
instinct to any extent that was profitable. It is thus, 
as I believe, that all the most complex and wonderful 
instincts have originated." (Op. cit.. New York, 1892, 
vol. I. p. 321.) The difficulty with this theory is that 
it fails to account for the survival of the early begin- 
nings of an instinct before it is of utility. It has also 
been urged against it that it does not accoimt for the 
co-ordination of the muscular groups which are fre- 
quently involved in instinct. Similar objections, of 
course, have been urged against natural selection as 
the origin of many complex anatomical structures. 
The adaptive character, in the one case as in the other, 
points to the operation of an intelligence that alto- 
gether transcends the scope of the mental powers of 
the creatures in question. 

The second theory, that of lapsed intelligence, has 
assumed many forms, and has found many defenders 
among comparative psychologists and biologists dur- 
ing the last half century. Among the best-known 
authors espousing this theory may be mentioned 
Wundt, Eimer, and Cope. The two main difficulties 
in the way of the acceptance of this theory are, first. 



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the high grade of intelligence demanded at very low 
levels of animal life, and second, it assumes the in- 
heritance of acquired characteristics. Wundt rejects 
intelligence in the strict acceptation of the term as the 
source of animal instinct. His position is best stated 
in his own words: "We maj' reject at once as wholly 
untenable the hypothesis which derives animal in- 
stinct from an intelligence which, though not identical 
with that of man, is still, so to speak, of equal rank 
with it. At the same time we must admit that the 
adherents of an intellectual theory in a more general 
sense are right in ascriliing a large number of the 
manifestations of mental life in animals not, indeed, 
to intelligence, as the intelleetualists sensu strido do, 
but to individual experiences, the mechanism of which 
can only be explained in terms of association." (Op. 
cit., p. 389.) After dealing with another phase of 
this subject, he continues: "Only two hypotheses re- 
main, therefore, as really arguable. One of tliem 
makes instinctive action a mechanized intelligent 
action, wliich can be in whole or in part reduced to the 
level of the reflex; the other makes instinct a matter 
of inherited habit, gradually acquired and modified 
under the influence of the external environment in 
the course of numberless generations. There is obvi- 
ously no necessary antagonism between these two 
views. Instincts may be actions originally conscious, 
but now become mechanical, and they may he inher- 
ited habits." (Ibid., p. 393.) .\fter discussing human 
instincts and their relation to animal instincts, Wundt 
concludes: " External conditions of life and voluntary 
reactions upon them, then, are the two factors opera- 
tive in the evolution of instinct. But they operate in 
different degrees. The general development of men- 
tality is always tending to motlify instinct in some 
way or another. And so it comes about that of the 
two associated principles the first, — adaptation to 
environment, — predominates at the lower stages of 
life; the second, — voluntary activity, — at the higher. 
This is the great difference between the instincts of 
man and those of the animals. Human instincts are 
habits, acquired or inherited from previous genera- 
tions; animal instincts are purposive adaptations of 
voluntary action to the conditions of life. And a 
secontl difference follows from the first: that the vast 
majority of human instincts are acquired: wliile ani- 
mals . . . are restricted to connate instincts, with a 
very limited range of variation." (Ibid., 409.) 

Romanes seeks to solve the problem of the origin of 
instinct by combining these two theories, accounting 
for the more rigid instincts of animals on the basis of 
natural selection and for the more plastic instincts by 
the inheritance of mechanized habits. He calls the 
former class of instincts primary and the latter sec- 
ondary. More recently, the theory of organic se- 
lection has been advanced. According to this theory 
purposive adaptations of all kinds, whether intelligent 
or organic, are called upon to supplement incomplete 
endowment, and thus to keep the species alive until 
variations are secured sufficient to make the instinct 
relatively independent. 

It is evident from the definitions and theories given 
above that several distinct things are included under 
the term instinct. This finds expression in the divi- 
sion of instincts into primary and secondary siiggestcd 
by Homancs, and into connate ami acquired instincts 
(\Vundl). D.irwin emphasized the same fact when he 
claimed that many instincts may have arisen from 
habit, and thc-n adds: " but it would be a serious error 
to suppose that the greater number of instincts have 
been acquired by habit in one generation and then 
transmitted by inheritance to suceeeiling generations. 
It can be elearlv shown that the must wonderful in- 
stincts with which we are acquainted, namely, those 
of the hive-bee and of many ants, could not possibly 
have been acq\ured by habit." (Op, cit., vol. I, 321.) 
Formerly, instincts interested naturalists chiefly be- 



cause they were regarded as so many illustrations of 
the intelligence of the Creator, antl, indeed, where it 
is a question of " primary ", or " inherited ", instincts — 
or instincts in " the strict sense of the term ", as Was- 
mann designates them — the problem of origin is simi- 
lar to that of the origin of anatomical characteristics. 
Evidently we shall have to account for such elaborate 
instincts as that which determines the conduct of the 
caterpillar or the emperor moth in building its cocoon 
along the same lines which we adopt in accounting 
for the origin of complicated anatomical structures. 
The intelligence tlisplayed far transcends that which 
could possibly have been possessed by such lowly 
creatures. The "secondary", or "acquired", in- 
stincts have a theoretical interest of an entirely dif- 
ferent character, arising out of the problems of the 
nature of animal intelhgence and the origin of man. 
Monists, and in general all those who accept the brute 
origin of man, seek to obliterate the essential difference 
between man and the animal; hence they ascribe to 
the animal an intelligence w'hich differs only in degree 
from that possessed by man. While at fir.st sight this 
would seem to lift the animal up to the plane of human 
life, what it does in reality is to lower man to the plane 
of brute life. 

It may easily be demonstrated that many of the 
instincts in animals are capable of modification in the 
course of individual experience. Acts that are de- 
termined bj' a new element in the environment may be 
frequently repeated by a large number of the species; 
this repetition soon begets a habit which, to all in- 
tents and piu-poses, is identical with instinct. Such 
mechanized habits are, as we have seen, classified by 
some observers as instincts, and if such a habit be 
inherited, as some claim it may be, then no one would 
refuse to it the name of instinct. The real importance 
attacliing to tliis problem arises from the form of con- 
sciousness that is operative in building up such habits, 
or secondary instincts. Aristotle and the Schoolmen 
attributed these purposive adjustments to the appe- 
litus sensiiivus. They found no need of calUng into 
play any higlier faculty than sensory perceptions of 
particular objects and the recognition of their desira- 
bility or the reverse. This view is developed by Was- 
mann. It should be observed, however, that the 
term instincts as used by the Scholastics and by 
Wasmann refers not only to the neural mechanism or 
habit in the animal, but to the sensory powers which 
enable the animal to adjust its spontaneous activities 
to its surroundings. The term " was not taken merely 
as a constituent part of the sensitive power of cog- 
nition and appetite, but as the adaptive, natural 
disposition of animal sensation, which constitutes the 
vital principle that governs the spontaneous actions 
of the animal. . . . For apart from and beyond in- 
herited, instinctive knowledge, scholastic philosophy 
ascribed to the animal a sensile memory and a power 
of perfecting inborn instincts through sense experi- 
ence; it acknowledges in the animal not only com- 
plete hereditary talents for certain activities, but to 
a certain degree talent and ability acquired by sense 
experience and by practice." (Wasmann, op. cit., 138- 
39.) Wuudt, as we have seen, denies to the animal 
intelligence of the same order as that possessed by 
man. A great deal of confusion has been imported 
into this subject by a loose and unjustifiable use of 
the terms reason and intelligence. To the super- 
ficial observer, of course, the jiower of sensory per- 
ception and association posses.scd by the animal 
resembles intelligence, but the terms have widely 
different signification. Intelligcnee in its lowest de- 
gree always implies as an es.sential cliaract eristic the 
power of abstraction and gencialization on which 
freedom of election rests, anil, until it is shown that 
animals possess such a power, it is unjustiliable to 
attribute such intelligence to them as the .school of 
naturalists do who ai)proach the subject with the 



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53 



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foregone conclusion that human intelligence originated 
from that of the brute, and differs only from it in 
degree. 

Human Instincts. — The question of the nature of 
human instincts and the treatment which they should 
receive is involved in many practical issues of the 
utmost consequence in the field of education. As we 
have seen above, some writers speak of acquired in- 
stincts, meaning thereby highly developed or mech- 
anized habits; but it will be more convenient here to 
confine the use of the term to instincts in the proper 
sense of the word, that is, to innate or inherited 
tendencies, and to speak of modes of activity estal> 
lished in individual life through repetition as habits. 
The most striking characteristic of human instincts as 
contrasted with instincts in the brute is plasticity. 
It is, in fact, this characteristic of human instinct that 
renders education lioth possilile and neces.sary. Among 
the higher animals many instincts are relatively 
plastic, that is, they are modified by the individual 
experience of the animal. This rentiers it possible to 
train animals to act in ways that are not provided for 
by definitely organized tendencies. The plasticity of 
the animal's instincts is in some direct proportion to 
the development of the brain and of the power of 
sense perception and sensory association, but when 
we turn to man we find that his intelligence, which 
asserts itself at a very early date in infancy, begins to 
modify all instinctive activities as soon as they ap- 
pear, a fact which renders it difficult to observe un- 
modified instincts in adult life. There are, therefore, 
two things to be taken into account: the plasticity of 
the instinct and the power of intellect and free will 
that is brought to bear in modifying it. In both of 
these respects there is a striking contrast observable 
between man and the animal. 

It should l)e noted here as of special importance to 
the discussion that human instincts do not all make 
their appearance at birth. It is true that instinct 
causes the newly born babe to seek its mother's 
breast and to perform sundry other necessary func- 
tions, but many of the instincts make their appearance 
for the first time in the appropriate phase of neural 
and mental development. Again, while the appear- 
ance of the instinct is relatively late in the develop- 
mental series, it frequently, as in the case of coquetry 
and maternity, antedates by some years the adult 
function to which it refers. This renders the in- 
stincts much more plastic, or, in other words, much 
more amenalile to the control of educative agencies 
than they would be if they appearerl for the first 
time amid the stress of the fully developed emotions 
and passions to which they refer. This antedating 
of the function may be regarded as an indication of 
the vestigial character of the instincts in question. 
The work in the field of genetic psychology and of 
child study during the past few decades has revealed 
the presence and the important functions of many 
hitherto neglected instincts in the life of the child. 
These instincts cannot be neglected or they will run 
wild anil protluce their crop of undesirable results; 
they cannot be suppressed indiscriminately, because 
they are the native roots on wliich all habits that are 
of entluring strength in human life are grafted. On 
the other hand, many instincts are highly undesirable; 
their full development would, in fact, mean the pro- 
duction of criminals. For explanation of these in- 
stincts we are referred by many to the savage state 
from which civilized man has gradually emerged. 
" In the case of mankind, the self-assertion, the 
unscrupulous seizing upon all that can be grasped, the 
tenacious holding of all that can be kept, wdiich con- 
stitute the essence of the struggle for existence, have 
answered. For his successful progress through the 
savage state, man has been, largely indebted to those 
qualities which he shares with the ape and tiger. . . . 
But, in proportion as men have passed from anarchy 



to social organization, and in proportion as civilization 
has grown in worth, these deeply ingrained serviceable 
qualities have become defects. ... In fact, civiUzed 
man brands all these ape and tiger promptings with the 
name of sins; he punishes many of the acts which flow 
from them as crimes; and, in extreme cases, he does 
his best to put an end to the survival of the fittest of 
former days by axe and rope." (Huxley, "Evolution 
and Ethics", New York, 1894, pp. ,51-.52.) Clearly, 
then, some instincts must be suppressed and others 
must be reinforced. It is the business of education 
to guide the native impulses of the child into proper 
channels and to build upon them the habits of civilized 
life. So far there is practical agreement in the field, 
but what standaril shall lie employed in determining 
which instincts shall be inhibited and whicli rein- 
forced, and what methods shall be employed in di- 
recting the tide of instinctive activity? In these 
questions there is anything but agreement. 

Many of those educators who believe in the brute 
origin of man assume that the standard of selection 
here must be the same as that in the animal kingdom, 
namely, the conscious activities of each individual. 
They would have the child with his meagre endow- 
ment of intellect determine for himself, "experimen- 
tally", which instincts to suppress and which to 
cultivate. This thought is embodied in the "culture 
epoch " theory, wliich finds so much favour with many 
modern educators. This theory is founded on the 
assumption that the child recapitulates in the unfold- 
ing of his conscious life the history of the race; and 
it further assumes that the proper mode of treatment 
is to lead each phase of this recapitulation to function 
when it appears in the child's development. The child 
is to determine by his own experience the unsatisfac- 
tory character of the earlier phase, antl thus be leil to 
recognize the desirability of moving on to the later 
and higher phase. In these respects the Christian 
Church has always maintained a policy exactly the 
opposite of the one here outhned. She maintains that, 
whatever may be the nature of the child's instincts, 
he must be leil from the beginning to function only 
on the highest plane attained by the adult whether 
through reason or Revelation. .She further maintains 
that the standard of selection is not the choice of the 
individual child, but the standard of truth and good- 
ness which has been revealed to man and has been 
accepted by the msdom of the race. She has always 
maintained the principle of authority both in matters 
of doctrine and of conduct, as opposed to private 
judgment and individual choice, which, in her eyes, 
lead to anarchy. 

Moreover, the Church's position in this matter is in 
entire agreement with the secure findings of biology 
and psychology. The tloctrine of recapitulation on 
which the culture epoch theory rests is a doctrine of 
embryology where it is held t hat ontogeny is a recapit- 
ulation of phylogeny, i.e., that the individual embryo 
recapitulates in its development the successive stages 
in the development of the race; but it should be 
observed that this doctrine is purely anatomical. 
Many biologists believe that the eye in race history 
was made by seeing and the lung by breathing; but 
no biologist would maintain for a moment that the 
eye in embryonic development was made by seeing 
and the lung by breathing. In fact, high levels of 
animal life are never reached except in those cases 
where the offspring is carried forward without func- 
tioning to the adult plane by the parent. .\nd it may 
be rightly argued from analogy that, even if it be 
granted that the child's mental life is a recapitulation 
of the race life, the only way of bringing him up to the 
adult plane is through society's functioning for him, 
through its educative agencies, until he reaches adult 
stature. The culture epoch theory, which leads the 
child to function in each successive "culture epoch", 
would, therefore, not only retard his proper develop- 



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54 



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ment, but it would inevitably initiate a violent retro- 
gression. 

Genera! works on evolution, psychology, :infl comprirntive 
ppvchojogy; cf. in particular Morgan. Sonn- f}<fh>>l>"fi^ ot fn- 
flinct in Natural Scierure (London, Ma.N . l^'i'i' I i ' /' ' ' ■'"</ 
Instinct (London, 1896); Idem, Anirn^rl l:,i: I : ; ti, 

1900); ItiEti, Introduction to Comparaln, /' ., ' :, In !"ii. 
1894);RoM.VNES, .Inimn/ Inlelliarncc (\,w \..il,. Inu.,. 1.-i.m. 
Mental Evolution in Animals (New York. LVJl), Ii.em. Daruin 
and After Daruin, I (Chicago, 1S96): Mivart, Lessons from 
Nature (London. 1879); Idem, Origin of Human Heason (iMn- 
don. 1899); Wasmann. Instinct and Intelligence in the Animal 
Kingdom (St. Louis. 1903); Lubbock, Ants, Bees and Wasps 
(New York, 1893); Grogs. Play of Animals (New York. 
1898); Idem. Play of Man (New York. 1901); Baldwin in 
Science of 20 March and 10 April (1896); Idem, Story of the 
Mind (New York. 1898); Idem in Diet, of Philos. and Psychol. 
(New York. 1901). 3. v. Instinct and Organic Selection; Licata. 
Fisiologia dell' istinto (Naples. 1879); Masci, Le teorie s'dla 
formazione naturale delV istinto (Naples, 1893). 

Thomas Edward Shields. 
Institute of Charity. See Rosminians. 

Institute of Mary, the official title of the second 
congregation founded by Mary Ward (q. v.). Under 
this title Barbara Babthorpe, the fourth successor of 
Mary Ward as "chief superior", petitioned for and 
obtained the approbation of its rule in 1703. It is the 
title appended to the signatures of the first chief 
superiors, and mentioned in the "formula of vows" 
of the first members. " Englische Friiulein ", "Dame 
Inglese", "Loretto Nuns", are popular names for 
the members of the Institute in the various countries 
where they have established themselves. On the 
suppression, in 1630, of Mary Ward's first congrega- 
tion, styled by its opponents the " Jesuitesses " , the 
greater number of the members returned to the 
world or entered other religious orders. A certain 
number, however, who desired still to live in religion 
under the guidance of Mary Ward, were sheltered with 
the permission of Pope Urban VIII in the Paradeiser 
Haus, Munich, by the Elector of Bavaria, Maximilian 
I. Thence some of the younger members were trans- 
ferred at the pope's desire to Rome, there to live with 
Mary Ward and be trained by her in the religious life. 
Her work, therefore, was not destroyed, but recon- 
stituted with certain modifications of detail, such as 
subjection to the jurisdiction of the ordinary instead 
of to the Holy See immediately, as in the original 
scheme. It was fostered by Urban and his successors, 
who as late as the end of the seventeenth century 
granted a monthly subsidy to the Roman house. 
Mary Ward died in England at Heworth near York 
in 1645, and was succeeded as chief superior by 
Barbara Babthorpe, who resided at Rome as head of 
the "English Ladies", and on her death was buried 
there in the church of the English College. She 
was succeeded as head of the institute by Mary Pointz, 
the first companion of Mary Ward. The community 
at Heworth removed to Paris in 1650. In 1669 
Frances Bedingfield, one of the constant companions 
of Mary Ward, was sent by Mary Pointz to found a 
house in England. Favoured Ijy Catherine of Bra- 
ganza, she established her community first in St. 
Martin's Lane, London, and afterwards at Hammer- 
smith. Thence a colony moved to Heworth, and 
finally in 1GS6 to the site of the present convent, 
Micklegate Bar, York. In addition to that at Mu- 
nich, two fomidations had meantime been made in 
Bavaria — at Augsburg in 1662, at Burghausen in 
168.3. 

At the opening of the eighteenth century the six 
houses of Munich, Aug.sburg, Rome, Burghausen, 
Hammersmith, and York were governed by local 
superiors appointed by the chief superior, who resided 
for the most part at Rome, and had a vicaress in 
Munich. Thus, for .seventy years the institute car- 
ried on its work, not tolerated only, but protected by 
the various ordinari(!s, yet without oliioial rcc( ignition 
till the year 1703. when at the petition of the I'lloetor 
Maximilian Emanuel of Bavaria, Mary of Modena, 



the exiled Queen of England, and others, its rule was 
approved by Pope Clement XI. It was not in ac- 
cordance with the discipline of the Church at that 
time to approve any institute of simple vows. The 
pope was willing, however, to approve the institute 
as such, if the members would accept enclosure. 
But fidelity to their traditions, and experience of the 
benefit arising from non-enclosure in their special 
vocation, induced them to forego this further con- 
firmation. The houses in Paris and in Rome were 
given up about the date of the confirmation of the 
rule in 1703. St. Polten (1706) was the first foun- 
dation from Mimich after the Bull of Clement XI. 
In 1742 the houses in Austria and its dependencies 
were by a Bull of Benedict XIV made a separate 
province of the institute, and placed under a separate 
superior-general. The Austrian branch at present 
(1909) consists of fourteen houses. In Italy, Lodi 
and Vicenza have each two dependent filials. When 
the armies of the first Napoleon overran Bavaria in 
1809, the mother-house in Munich and the other 
houses of the institute in Germany — Augsburg, Burg- 
hausen, and .\lt6tting excepted — were broken up and 
the communities scattered. On the restoration of 
peace to Europe, King Louis I of Bavaria obtained 
nuns from Augsburg, and established them at Nymph- 
enburg, where a portion of the royal palace was made 
over to them. In 1840 Madame Catherine de Grac- 
cho, the superior of this house, was appointed by 
Gregory XVI general superior of the whole Bavarian 
institute. At the present day there are 85 houses 
under Bavaria, with 1153 memliers, 90 postulants, 
1225 boarders, 11,447 day pupils, and 1472 orphans. 
Four houses in India, one at Rome, and two in 
England are subject to Nymphenburg. The house in 
Mainz escaped secularization, being .spared by Na- 
poleon on the condition that all connexion with 
Bavaria should cease. It is now the mother-house 
of a branch which has eight filial houses. 

When vigour was reviving in the institute abroad, 
the Irish branch was founded (1821) at Rathfarnham, 
near Dublin, by Frances Ball, an Irish lady, who had 
made her novitiate at York. There are now 19 
houses of the institute in Ireland, 13 subject to Rath- 
farnham and 6 under their respective bishops. The 
dependencies of Rathfarnham are in all parts of the 
world — 3 houses in Spain, 2 in Mauritius, 2 at Gibraltar, 
10 in India, 2 in Africa, 10 in Australia, with a Central 
Training College for teachers at Melbourne (1906). 
There are 8 houses of the institute in Canada, 3 in the 
United States, 7 in England, about 180 houses in all. 
Owing to the variety of names and the independence of 
branches and houses, theessentialunitycif f he institute 
is not readily recognized. The " Engli.sh Virgins ", or 
"English Ladies", is the title under which the mem- 
bers are known in Germany and Italy, whilst in Ire- 
land, and where foimdations from Ireland have lieen 
made, the name best known is "Loretto Nuns", from 
the name of the famous Italian shrine given to the 
mother-house at Rathfarnham. Each branch has its 
own novitiate, and several have their special consti- 
tutions approved by the Holy See. The "Institute 
of Mary" is the official title of all; all follow the rule 
approved for them by Clement XI, and share in the 
approbation of their institute given by Pius IX, in 
1877. 

The sisters devote themselves principally to the 
education of girls in boarding-schools and academies, 
but they are also active in primary and secondary 
schools, in the training of teachers, instruction in the 
trades and domestic economy, and the care of or- 
phans. Several members of the institute have also 
l)ecome known as writers. 

Chambers, Life of Mart/ Ward (.London, 1885); Morris. The 
Life of Mary Ward in The Month (Nov., 1885); Archives of the 
archbishops of Munich. 

M. Loyola. 



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Institute of Mission Helpers of the Sacred 
Heart. — In the autumn of 1888, there came to 
Baltimore, Maryland, a convert, Mrs. Hartwcll, who 
previous to her reception into the Church had been 
interested in \vorl<s of charity. Under the spiritual 
direction of Father Slatteiy, |)rovincial of St. Jos- 
eph's Society for the eoloiu'etl missions she began to 
catechize the negi-o children, and was soon joined by 
some companions. In the autumn of 1890, these 
ladies wishing to become religious laid the founda- 
tions of a community under the name of "Mission 
Helpers, Daughters of the Holy Ghost ". The work 
was missionary and catechetical, but was exclusively 
for the coloured race, the sisters binding themselves 
tliereto by a special vow. Very soon an industrial 
school for girls was opened. In 189.5, the name of the 
institute was changed to " Mission Helpers of the 
Sacred Heart " and the memljers were dispensed from 
the " negro " vow. Thus there was no longer any 
distinction made as to race in the work of the sisters, 
which from that time was to embrace all the neglected 
poor. Hence, the field of missionary and catecheti- 
cal labour was greatly broadened. A direct result of 
this change was the opening in 1S97 of a school for 
deaf-mutes, at the request of Cardinal Gibbons. Tliis 
school, St. Francis Xavier's, was the first Catholic 
institution for deaf-mutes in the ecclesiastical prov- 
ince of Baltimore. In Porto Rico, also, there w-as 
no provision whatsoever for deaf-mutes who were 
poor, until the Mission Helpers opened a school there, 
shortly after making their foundation in San Juan 
in 1902. This was a heavy undertaking, as the 
demands on the sisters for missionary and catechetical 
work in Porto Rico were very great, and the need 
urgent. 

At the first general chapter of the institute, which 
was held on 5 November, 1906, by command of Car- 
dinal Gibbons, a constitution was adopted, and a 
superior general and her assistants elected according 
to its prescriptions. At this first election Mother M. 
Demetrias was chosen as mother general. The com- 
munity was then officially declared canonically organ- 
ized. Two important matters were settled about that 
time by ecclesiastical authority. The sisters were 
released from the observance of the vow which they 
had made to offer their prayers and good works for 
the welfare of the clergy, it having been declared 
uncanonical. Perpetual adoration was also discon- 
tinued because of the bodily hardship it entailed. 
On account of their missionary labours the sisters 
were unable to keep up the work of adoration, with- 
out grave detriment to their health, consequently it 
was decided to restrict it to the First Fridays. The 
active work of the institute as outlined by the consti- 
tution embraces the keeping of industrial schools for 
coloured girls; schools for deaf-mutes; day-nurseries; 
teaching catechism and 'giving instruction wherever 
needed; visiting the poor in their own homes, and in 
institutions, such as hospitals and alms-houses, and 
preparing the dying for the last sacraments. There 
are houses of the institute in New York, Trenton, 
Porto Rico, and Baltimore. 

Sister M. de Sales. 

Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Irish, 

fouiiilc.i l>yFniiifcs,\I,ii-yTcics;i Hall (q. v.), under the 
direction and episcopal juiisdictiun of the Most Rev.D. 
Murray, Archbishop ofDul>lin. By the archbishop's 
desire, Frances Ball had prepared her.self for this under- 
taking by a two years' novitiate in St . Mary's Convent, 
Micklegate Bar, York. Two other Irish ladies. Miss 
Ellen Arthur and Miss Anne Therry, offered to join the 
new foundation and were accepted. On 4 November, 
1822, the three pioneers took possession of Rathfarn- 
ham Abbey, which had been purchased by the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin to serve as a mother-house and 
novitiate. The wide-spreading fame of the superior 



education afforded in the Dublin Archdiocese by the 
Loretto nuns — as they are commonly eallcil — brought 
demands for their services throughdiit licland. The 
first offshoot was planted in Navan, Connty Meath, 
in the year 1833. This convent has now a fihation in 
Mullingar. The convents in North Great George's 
Street and Stephen's Green, Dublin, come next in the 
order of foundations. The year 1836 was signalized 
by the rescript of Pope Gregory XVI atklrcssetl to the 
Most Rev. D. Murray, Archbishop of D\iblin, which 
ordained that: "Those who have associated themselves 
and shall hereafter associate themselves to this insti- 
tute cannot depart to another, even though observing 
rules of a more rigid discipline without the express 
permission of the .\postolic See." The year 1840 was 
marked by the erection of the first church in Ireland 
dedicated to the Sacred Heart, in Loretto Abbey, 
Rathfarnham. The same year saw the building of a 
smaller, but very beautiful, abbey in Dalkey, and also 
the opening of negotiations for another abbey in 
Gorey, which prepared the way for a future Loretto 
in the town of Wexford. 

In spite of her prudent reluctance to favour the 
repeated applications for an extension of the Irish 
sisters' work into foreign countries. Reverend Mother 
Ball at last yielded to the solicitations of Dr. Carew, 
Archbishop of Calcutta, and sanctioned the departure 
of volunteers for the Indian mission on 23 August, 
1841. To Loretto House, Calcutta, have been added 
convents in Darjeeling, Lucknow, Assansol, Intally, 
Simla, etc. In addition to the boarding and day 
schools tlie sisters conduct orphanages anrl attend 
diligently to the religious instruction uf adults. The 
success in India led to an ajipeal for nuns from Dr. 
Collier, Vicar Apostolic of Mailras, which appeal was 
granted in 1846. Immediately afterwards the Vicar 
Apostolic of Gibraltar urged a like petition. Two 
Loretto convents are established on the Rock. The 
Most Rev. Dr. Power, Archbishop of Toronto, begged 
for a Loretto community in 1847. The under-named 
filiations own Loretto Abbey, Toronto, as their head- 
house: the convents in the city and suburbs, likewise 
in Belleville, Lyndsay, Hamilton, Niagara Falls, 
Guelph, Stratford, Cliicago, Joliet, and Sault Sainte 
Marie. The foundations in Fermoy and ( )magli (Ire- 
land) were supplied with members from Uathfarnham 
in the years 185.3-5. The former has two filiation.s — 
at Youghal and Clonmel. The Letterkenny Loretto 
was the first convent founded in the Diocese of 
Raphoe, County Donegal, since the Reformation. The 
convents at Bray, Baymount, Kilkenny, and Ivil- 
larney were also founded by Reverend Mother 
Ball. After a lingering illness, borne with saintly 
fortitude, the foundress died on Wliit - Sunday, 
19 May, 1861. 

The most noteworthy events in the institute since 
her <leath have been : First, the approval and confir- 
mation of the constitutions peculiar to Loretto Abbey, 
Rathfarnham, and its filiations by I'ope Pius IX, the 
said constitutions having been sanclioned and trans- 
mitted to Rome by Cardinal Cullen in ISOl, for the 
usual examination by the Sacred Congregation of Prop- 
aganda. Second, the transfer of the community at 
Baymount to Balbriggan. The foundation of a con- 
vent in Ballarat, Australia, from which proceeded the 
convents at Sydney, Portland, Perth, Adelaide, and 
Melbourne. 'To the latter is attached the Central 
Training College for Teachers, instituted by the 
Australian bishops and intrusted by their lordships 
to the management of the Loretto nuns. Third: 
large day schools were established in Enniscorthy, 
County Wexford, and in Rathmines, County Dublin. 
Fourth: foundations have been made in Seville, 
Madrid, and Yalla, in Spain. In Ireland the educa- 
tional work of the Loretto nuns ranges through the 
three systems of primary, secondary, and university 
education — the girls' various successes culminating 



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in the winning of studentships and examinerships in 
the gift of the Royal University of Ireland. In 
other countries the Loretto nuns invariably vv-ork 
up to the requisite standard fixed by the extern 
educational authorities. (See Institute of Mary.) 
Sister Maby Gkrtrude. 

Institute of the Brothers of the Christian 
Schools. — Nature and Object. — The Institute of 
the Brothers of the (Christian Schools is a society of 
male religious approved by the Church, but not taking 
Holy orders, and having for its object the personal 
sanctification of its members and the Christian educa- 
tion of youth, especially of the children of artisans and 
the poor. It accepts the direction of any kind of male 
educational institution, provided the teaching of 
Latin be excluded; but its principal object is the 
direction of elementary gratuitous schools. This 
congregation was founded in 16!S0, at Reims, France, 
by St. John Ba])tist de La Salle, then a canon of the 
metropolitan clnirch of that city. Being struck by 
the lamentable disorders produced among the multi- 
tude by their ignorance of tlie elements of knowledge, 
and, what was still worse, of the jirinciples of religion, 
the saint, moved with great jjity for t lie ignorant, was 
led, almost without a premeditated design, to take up 
the work of charitable schools. In order to carry out 
the last will of his spiritual director, Canon Roland, 
hefirstbusiedhimself with eonsolidi ting a religious con- 
gregation tlevoted to the education of ].)(i(ir girls, lie 
then seconded the efforts of a ze;dous layman, M. Xyel, 
to midtiply schools for poor children. Thus guided 
li}' Pro\idence, he was led to create an institute that 
would have no other mission than that of Christian 
education. 

However, it would be a serious error to insinuate that 
until the end of the seventeenth century the Catholic 
Church had interested herself but little in the educa- 
tion of the children of the people. From the fifth to 
the sixteenth century, many councils wliich were 
held, especially those of Vaison in 529 and Aachen in 
817, recommended the secular clergy and monks to 
instruct children. In 1179 the Third Council of 
Lateran ordained that the poor be taught gratui- 
tously, and in 1 "il" theCoiuicilof Trent decreed that in 
connexion with every church, there should be a master 
to teach the elements of human knowledge to poor 
children and young students preparing for orders. 
There were, therefore, numerous schools — petites 
(coles — for the common people in France in the seven- 
teenth century, but teachers were few, because the 
more clever among them abandoned the children of 
the poor to teach those of the wealthier class and re- 
ceive compensation for their work. It was evident 
that only a religious congregation would be able to 
furnish a permanent supjily of educators for those 
who are destitute of the goods of this world. The 
institutes of the Veneralile Cesar de Bus in 1592 and of 
St. Joseph Calasanctius (1556-1C4S) had added Latin 
to the course of studies for the poor. The tintativcs 
made in favour of bovs bv St. Peter I'\)urier (15(i,5- 
1640) and Pere Barn', in' l(i7S, failed; the work of 
M. Dcmia at Lyons in 11172 was not to spread. Then 
Godrai-sed up St. John Hal)tist de La Salle, not to create 
gratuitous schools, but to furnish them with teachers 
and give them lixed methods. The undertaking was 
much more diflicull than the founder himself im- 
agined. At the beginning he was encouraged by Pere 
Barn-, a Minim, who had founiled a .society of teach- 
ing nuns. Les Dames de Saiiit-Maur. The clergy 
and faithful applauded the scheme, but it had many 
bitter adversaries. During forty years, from lOSO to 
1719, obstacles and difficulties constantly checked the 

Erogrcss of the new institute, bvit by the prudence, 
umility, and invincible einirage of its sujierior, it was 
consolidated and developed to unexpected proportions. 
Develop.ment. — In lOSO the new teachers began 



their apostolate at Reims; in 1682 they took the 
name of " Brothers of the Christian Schools"; in 1684 
they opened their first regular novitiate. In 1688 
Providence transplanted the young tree to the parish 
of St-Sulpice, Paris, in charge of the spiritual sons of 
M. Olier. The mother-house remained in the capital 
until 1705. During this period the founder met with 
trials of every kind. TJie most painful came from holy 
priests whom he esteemed, but who entertained views 
of his work different from his own. Without being in 
any way discouraged, and in the midst of the storms, 
the saint kept nearlj' all of his first schools, and even 
opened new ones. He reorganized his novitiate several 
times, and created the first normal schools under the 
name of " seminaries for country teachers". His zeal 
was as broad and arflent as his love of soiils. The 
course of events caused the founder to transfer his 
novitiate to Rouen in 1705, to the house of Saint- 
Yon, in the suburb of Saint-Sever, which became the 
centre whence the institute .sent its religious into the 
South of France, in 1707. It was at Rouen that St. 
John Baptist de La Salle composed his rules, con- 
voked two general chapters, resigned his office of 
superior, and ended his earthly existence by a holy 
death, in 1719. Declared venerable io 1S4(), he was 
beatified in 1888, and canonized in 1900. 

Spirit of the Institute. — The spirit of the in- 
stitute, infused by the example and teachings of its 
founder and fostered by the exercises of the religious 
life, is a spirit of faith and of zeal. The spirit of faith 
induces a Brother to see tiod in all things, to suffer 
everything for God, and above all to sanctify himself. 
The spirit of zeal attracts him towards children to in- 
struct them in the truths of religion and penetrate 
their hearts with the maxims of the Gospel, so that 
they may make it the rule of their conduct. St. John 
Baptist de La Salle had himself given his Brothers ad- 
mirable proofs of the purity of his faith and the vivac- 
ity of his zeal. It was his faith that made him adore 
the will of God in all the adversities he met with ; that 
prompted him to send two Brothers to Rome in 1700 
in testimony of his attachment to the Holy See, and 
that led him to condemn openly the errors of the Jan- 
senists, who tried in vain at Marseilles and Calais to 
draw him over to their party. His whole life was a 
prolonged act of zeal: he taught school at Reims, 
Paris, and Grenoble, and showed how to do it well. 
He composed works for teachers and pupils, and espe- 
cially the "Conduite des 6coles", the "Devoirs du 
Chretien", and the "Regies de la biens6ance et de la 
civility chretienne". 

The saint pointed out that the zeal of a relig- 
ious educator should be exercised by three principal 
means: vigilance, good example, and instruction. 
Vigilance removes from children a great many occa- 
sions of offending (iod; good example places before 
them models for imitation; instruction makes them 
familiar with what they shoidd know, especially with 
the truths of religion. Hence, the Brothers have 
always considered catechism as the most important 
subject taught in their schools. They are catechists 
by vocation and the will of the Church. They are, 
therefore, in accordance with the spirit of their in- 
stitute, religious educators: as religious, they take the 
three usual vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience; 
as educators, they add the vow of teaching the poor 
gratuitously according to the prescriptions of their 
rule, and the vow of remaining in their institute, which 
they may not leave of themsehes even for the purpose 
of joining a more perfect order. Besides, the work 
appeared so very important to St. John Baptist de La 
Salle that, in oriler to attach the Brothers permanently 
to t he education of the poor, he forbade them to teach 
Latin. 

Government. — The institute is governed by a 
superior general elected for life by the general chapter. 
The superior general is aided by assistants, who at the 



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present time numlier twelve. He delegates authority 
to the visitors, to whom he confides the government of 
districts, and to directors, whom he places in charge 
of individual houses. With the exception of that of 
superior general, all the offices are temporary and re- 
newable. The general chapters are convoked at least 
every ten years. Thirty-two have been held since the 
foundation of the congregation. The vitality of an 
institute depends on the training of its members. 
God alone is the author of vocations. He alone can 
attract a soul to a life of self-denial such as tliat of the 
Brothers. The mortification this life enjoins is not 
rigorous, but renouncement of self-will and of the 
frivolities of the world should gradually become com- 
plete. The usual age for admission to the novitiate of 
the society is from sixteen to eighteen years. Doubt- 
less there are later vocations that are excellent, and 
there are earlier ones that develop the most lieautiful 
virtues. If the aspirant presents himself at the age of 
thirteen or foiu'tecn, he is placed in the preparatory 
or junior novitiate. During two or three years he 
devotes himself to study, is carefully trained to the 
habits of piety, and instructed how to overcome liim- 
self, so as one day to become a fervent religious. 

The novitiate proper is for yoimg men who have 
passed through the junior novitiate, and for postu- 
lants who have come directly from the world. During 
a whole year they have no other occupation than that 
of studying the rules of the institute and applying 
themselves to observe them faithfully. At the end of 
their first year of probation, the young Brothers enter 
the scholasticate, where they spend more or less time 
according to the nature of the duties to be assigned to 
them. As a rule, each of the districts of the institute 
has its three departments of training: the junior novi- 
tiate, the senior novitiate, and the scholasticate. In 
community, subjects complete their professional 
training and apply themselves to acquire the virtues 
of their state. At eighteen years of age, they take 
annual vows; at twenty-three, triennial vows; and 
when fully twenty-eight years of age, they may be 
admitted to per- 
petual profession. 
Finally, some 
years later, they 
may be called for 
some months to 
the exercises of a 
second novitiate. 
Methods of 
Teaching. — In 
enjoining on his 
disciples to en- 
deavour above all 
to develop the 
spirit of religion in 
the souls of their 
pupils, the founder 
only followed the 
traditions of other 
teaching bodies — 
the Benedictines, 
Jesuits, Orator- 
ians,etc . , and what 
was practisedeven 
by the teachers of 
the petites (coles. 
His originality lay elsewhere. Two pedagogic inno- 
vations of St. John Baptist de La Salle met with 
approval from the beginning: ( 1 ) the employment of 
the "simultaneous method"; (2) the emoloyment of 
the vernacular language in teaching reading. They 
:ire set forth in the "Conduite des 6coles", in which 
the founder condensed the experience he had acquired 
during an apostolate of forty years. This work re- 
mained in manuscript during the life of its author, and 
was printed for the first time at ,\vignon in 1720. 




BR<JTHEn P.\TRICK 

Who took a prominent part in the de- 
velopment of the Institute in 
the United States 




Brother Philippe 

Superior (ieneral of the Brothers of the 

Christian Schools— lS;3S-74 



(1) By the use of the simultaneous method a large 
number of children of the same intellectual develop- 
ment could thenceforward be taught together. It is 
true that for ages this method had been employed in the 
universities, but in the common schools the individual 
method was ad- 
hered to. Practic- 
able enough when 
the number of 
pupils was very 
limited, the indi- 
vidual method 
gave rise, in classes 
that were numer- 
ous, to loss of time 
and disorder. Mon- 
itors became nec- 
essary, and these 
had often neither 
learning nor au- 
thority. With 
limitations that re- 
stricted its efficacy, 
St. Peter Fourier 
had indeed recom- 
mended the simul- 
taneous method in 
the schools of the 
Congregation de 
Notre-Dame, but 
it never extended 
further. To St. John Baptist de La Salle belongs the 
honour of liaving transformed the pedagogy of the ele- 
mentary school. He required all liis teachers to give the 
same lesson to all the pupils of a class, to question them 
constantly, to maintain discipline, and have silence ob- 
served. A consequence of this new method of teaching 
was the dividing up of the children into distinct classes 
according to their attaiimients, and later on, the for- 
mation of sections in classes in which the children were 
too numerous or too unequal in mental development. 
Thanks to these means, the progress of the children 
and their moral transformation commanded the ad- 
miration even of liis most prejudiced adversaries. 

(2) A second innovation of the holy founder was to 
teach the pupils to read the vernacular language, 
which they understood, before putting into their 
hands a Latin book, which they did not understand. 
It may be observed that this was a very simple matter, 
but simple as it was, hardly any educator, except the 
masters of the schools of Portr-Royal in 1643, had be- 
thought himself of it; besides, the experiments of the 
Port-Royal masters, like their schools, were short- 
lived, and exercised no influence on general pedagogy. 
In addition to these two great principles, the Brof hers 
of the Christian Schools have introduced other im- 
provements in teaching. They likewise availed 
themselves of what is rational in the progress of mod- 
ern methods of teaching, which their courses of ped- 
agogy, published in France, Belgium, and Austria, 
abundantly prove. 

The Eighteenth Century. — ki the death of its 
founder, the Brothers of the Christian Schools luim- 
bered 27 houses and 274 Brothers, educating !K100 
pupils. Seventy-three years later, at the time of the 
French Revolution, the statistics showed 12:> houses, 
920 Brothers, and .36,000 pupils (statistics of 1790). 
During this period, it had been governed by five supe- 
riors general: Brother Barthelemy (1717-20); Brother 
Timoth^e (1720-51); Brother Claude (17.'>l-ri7); 
Brother Florence (1767-77); and Brother Agathon 
(1777-9S, when he died). Under the administration 
of Brother Timoth^e successful negotiations resulted 
in the legal recognition of the institute by Louis XV, 
who granted it letters patent, 24 September, 1724; and 
in virtue of the Bidl of approbation of Benedict XIII, 
26 January, 1 725, it was admitted among the congrega- 



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58 



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tionscanonically recognized by the Church. The most All the schools were closed and the young Brothers 

prominent of its superiors general in the eighteenth enrolled in the army of the Convention. At the peril 

century was Brother Agathon. A religious of strong of their lives some of the older Brothers continued to 

character, he maintained the faithful observance of the teach at Elbeuf, Condrieux, Castres, Laon, Valence, 

rulesbytheBrothers;adistinguishededucator,hepub- and elsewhere, to save the faith of the children. The 

lished the "Douze vertus d'un bon Maitre", in 17S5; Brothers of Italy had received some of their French 

an eminent administrator, he created the first scholas- confreres at Rome, Ferrara, Orvieto, and Bolsena. 

ticates, in 1781, and limited new foundations to what During this time, Brother Agathon, having left his 

was indispensable, aiming rather, when the storm was prison, remained hidden at Tours, whence he strove 

gathering on the horizon, to fortify an institute that to keep up the courage, confidence in God, and zeal of 

had already become relatively widespread. The con- his dispersed religious. On 7 August, 1797, Pope Pius 

gregation, however, was hardly known outside of VI appointed Brother Frumence vicar-general of the 

France, except in Rome, 1700; Avignon, 1703; Fer- congregation. In 1798 the Italian Brothers were in 

rara, 1741; Mareville, 1743; Lun^ville, 1749; and Mor- their turn driven from their houses by the armed 

hange in Lorraine, 1761; Estavayer in Switzerland, forces of the Directory. The institute seemed ruined; 

1750; Fort Royal, Martinique, 1777. it reckoned only twenty members wearing the religious 

Whilst adhering to their methods of teaching during habit and exercising the functions of educators, 

theeighteenthcentury, the Brothers knew how to vary Restoration of the Institute. 1802-1810.- — In 



their application. The superiors 
general insisted on having the 
elementary schools gratuitous 
and by far the more numerous. 
In accordance with the course of 
studies set down in the "Con- 
duite des ecoles", the Brother.-^ 
applied themselves to teach very 
thoroughly reading, writing, the 
vernacular, and especially the 
catechism. The boarding sehodi 
of St- Yon at Rouen, established 
in 1705 by St. John Baptist de 
La Salle himself, served as a 
model for like institutions: Mar- 
seilles in 1730, Angers in 1741, 
Reims in 1765, etc. It was 
proper that in these houses the 
course of studies should differ 
in .some respects from that in 
the free schools. With the ex- 
ception of Latin, which re- 
mained excluded, everything in 
the course of studies of the best 
schools of the time was taught: 
mathematics, history, geog- 
raphy, drawing, architecture, 
etc. In the maritime cities, 
such as Brest, Vannes, and Mar- 
seilles, the Brothers taught more 
advanced courses in mathemat- 
ics and hydrography. Finally, 




Joseph 

Superior General of the Brothers of the 
Christian Schools— 1884-97 



July, ISOl, the First Consul 
signed the concordat with Pius 
VII. For the Church of France 
this was the spring of a new era; 
for the Institute of the Brothers 
of the Christian Schools it was 
a resurrection. If at the height 
of the storm some Brothers con- 
tinued to exercise their holy 
functions, they were only ex- 
ceptional cases. The first reg- 
ular community reorganized at 
Lyons in 1802; others in 1803, 
at Paris, Valence, Reims, and 
Soissons. Everywhere the 
municipalities recalled the 
Brothers and besought the sur- 
vivors of the woeful period to 
take up the schools again as 
soon as possible. The Brothers 
addressed themselves to Rome 
and petitioned the Brother Vicar 
to estalilish his abode in France. 
Negotiations were begun, and 
thanks to the intervention of his 
uncle, Cardinal Fesch, Bona- 
parte authorized the re-estab- 
lishment of the institute, on 3 
December, ISO:!, provided their 
superior general «(iul(i reside in 
France. In November, 1804, 
the Brother Vicar arrived at 



the institute accepted the direction of reformatory in- Lyons, and took up his residence in the former petit 

stitutions at Rouen, Angers, and Mar^ville. It was colli-ge of the Jesuits. The institute began to live 

this efflorescence of magnificent works that the French again. 

Revolution all but destroyed forever. Nothing was more urgent than to reunite the for- 
The Brothers during the Revolution. — The raer members of the congregation. An appeal was 
revolutionary laws that doomed the monastic orders made to their faith and good will, and they responded, 
on 13 February, 1790, threatened the institute from 27 Shortly after the arrival of Brother Frumence at 
December, in the same year, by imposing on all teach- Lyons, the foundation of communities began. There 
ers the civic oath voted on 27 November. The storm were eight new ones in 1805, and as many in 1806, 
was imminent. Brother Agathon, the superior gen- four in 1807, and five in 1808. Brother Frumence 
eral endeavoured to establish communities in Belgium, dying in January, 1810, a general chapter, the tenth 
but could organize only one, at St-Huljert in 1791, only since the foundation, was assenililed at Lyons on 8 
to be destroyed in 1792. The Brothers refused to take Septeml>er following, and elected Brother Gerbaud 
the oath, and were everywhere expelled. The insti- to the highest office in the institute. Brother Ger- 
tute was suppressed in 1792, after it had been decreed baud governed until 1822. His successors were 
that it "had deserved well of the country". The Brother Guillaume de J(''sus (1822-30); Brother Ana- 
storm had broken upon the Brothers. They were clet (1830-38); Brother Philippe (1838-74); Brother 
arrested, and more than twenty were ca.st into prison. Jean-Olympe (1874-75); Brother Irlidc (1875-84); 



Brother Salomon, secretary general, was massacred in 
the Cannes (the Carnii'lite monastery of Paris); 
Brollicr Ag.ithon spi-nt eighteen months in prison; 
Brother Mdiiilciu- was guilloliited at Rennes in 1794; 
Brother liai)liafl was put to death at Uzi'^s; Brother 



Brother .Joseph (1884-97); and Brother Gabriel- 
Marie elected in March, 1897. He is the thirteenth 
successor of St. John Baptist de La Salle. 

The Institute from 1810 to 1874. — After 1810 
communities of the Brothers multiplied like the 



Florence, forme rly ^iipiiior general, was imprisoned at flowers of the fields in spring-time after the frosts have 

Avignon; eight Brothers were transported to the disappeared. Fifteen new schools were opened in 

hulks of Rochefort, where four died of neglect and 1817, twenty-one in 1818, twenty-six in 1819, and 

starvation in 1794 and 1795. twenty-seven in 1821. It was in this year tliat the 



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Brother Superior Oonoral. at the request of the muni- what it was in 1789; wlien he ilieil, in 1874, it had in- 
cipaHty, took up his residence in Paris, with his assist- creased in entirely unexpected proportions. The 
ants. The institute then numbered 950 Brothers and venerable superior saw the number of houses rise from 
novices, 310 schools, 66-t classes, and 50,000 pupils. 313 to 1149; that of the Brothers from 2317 to 10,235; 
Fifteen'years had sufficed to reach the same prosper- that of their pupils from 144,000 to 350,000. And as 
ous condition in which the Revolution found it in in France, and through the benevolence of the hier- 
1789. It must not, however, be admitted that, in archy, Belgium, North America, the Indies, and the 
consequence of the services rendered by the Brothers Levant multiplied Christian schools. Assuredly, 
to popular education, they alwaj'S enjoyed the fa\our Brother Philippe was aware that, for a religious in- 
of the Government. From 1S16 to 1819, Brother stitute, the blessing of numbers is less desirable than 
Gerbaud, the superior general, had to struggle vigor- the progress of the religious in the spirit of their voca- 
ously for the preservation of the traditional methods tion. In order to strengthen them therein, the supe- 
of the congregation. The mutual or Lancasterian riorgeneralcomposedseven volumes of " Meditations", 
method had just been introduced into France, and and a large number of instructive " Circular Letters", 
immediately the powerful Society pour I'lnstruction in which are explained the duties of the Brothers as 
Elementaire assumed the mission of propagating it. religious and as educators. Every year at the time 

of the retreats, until he was 
eighty years of age, he trav- 
elled all over France, and 
spoke to his Brothers in most 
ardent language, made still 
more impressive by the 
saintly example of this ven- 
erable old man. 

The Institute from 1874 
TO 1908. — The generalship of 
Brother Irlide was marked 
by two principal orders of 
facts: a powerful effort to 
increase the spiritual \'igour 
of the institute by introduc- 
ing the Great Exercises or re- 
treats of thirty days; and the 
reorganization as free schools 
of the French schools which 
the laicization laws from 1879 
to 1880 deprived of the char- 
acter of communal schools. 
This periotl witnessed, especi- 
ally in two regions, the estal> 
lishment and multiplication 
of Brothers' schools. The dis- 
tricts of Ireland and Spain, 
where such fine work is going 
on, were organized under the 
administration of Brother 
Irlide. Indefatigable in the 
hght, he asserted the rights 
of his institute against the 
powerful influence which 
strove to set them aside. He 
had broad and original views 
which he carried out with a 
strong, tenacious will. What 



At a time when teachers and 
funds were scarce, the Gov- 
ernment deemed it wise to 
pronounce in favour of the 
mutual school, and recom- 
mended it by an ordinance 
in 1818. The Brothers would 
not consent to abandon the 
"simultaneous method" 
which they had received from 
t heir founder, and on this ac- 
count they were sul>jected to 
many vexations. During 
forty years the supporters of 
the two methods were to eon- 
tentl, but finally the " simul- 
taneous" teachers achieved 
the victory. By holding fast 
to their traditions and rules 
the Brothers had saved ele- 
mentary teaching in France. 
The expansion of the Chris- 
tian schools was not arrested 
by these struggles. In 1829 
there were 233 houses, in- 
cluding 5 in Italy, 5 in Cor- 
sica, 5 in Belgium, 2 in the 
Island of Bourbon, and 1 at 
Cayenne; in all, 955 classes 
and 67,000 pupils. But the 
Government of Louis-Phil- 
ippe obstructed this benevo- 
lent work by suppressing the 
grantsmadetocertainschools: 
eleven were p e r m a n e n 1 1 y 
closed, and twenty-nine were 
kept up as free schools by the 
charity of Catholics. The hour 

had now come for a greater expansion. Fortified and his predecessor had accomplished by indomitable en- 
rejuvenated by trial, fixed for a long time on the soil ergy, Brother Joseph, superior general from 18S4 to 
of France, augmented by yearly increasing numbers, 1897, maintained by the ascendency of his captivating 
the institute coukl, without weakening itself, send edu- goodness. He was an educator of rare distinction and 
cational colonies abroad. Belgium received Brothers exquisite charm. He had received from Pope Leo XIII 
at Dinant in 1816; the Island of Bourbon, 1817; the important mission of developing in the institute 
Montreal, 1837; Smyrna, 1841; Baltimore, 1840; .Alex- the works of Christian perseverance, so that the faith 
andria, 1847; New York, 1848; St. Louis, 1849; Kem- and morals of young men might be safeguarded after 
perhof, near Coblcnz, 1851; Singapore, 1852; Algiers, leaving school. One of his great delights was to trans- 
1854; London, 1855; Vienna, 1856; the Island of Mau- mit this direction to his Brothers and to see them work 




St. John B-\ptist de h\ S-\UiE 

Foimder of the Brothers of tlie Christian Schools 

Statue by Aureli, St. Peter's, Rome 



ritius, 18.59; Bucharest, 1861; Karikal, India, 1862; 
Quito, 1863. In all of these places, the number of 
houses soon increased, and everywhere the same in- 
tellectual and religious results proved a recommenda- 
tion of the schools of the Brothers. 

The perioil of this expansion is that of the general- 



zealously for its attainment. Patronages, clubs, alumni 
associations, boarding-houses, spiritual retreats, 
etc., were doubtless already in existence; now they 
became more prosperous. For many years the alumni 
associations of France had made their action consist 
in friendly but rare reunions. The legal attempts against 



ship of Brother Philippe, the most popular of the liberty of con.scienee forced the members into the Cath- 



superiors of teaching congregations in the nineteenth 
century at the time of the Franco-Prussian war of 
1870-71. Under his administration, the institute 
received its most active impetus. When Brother 
Philippe was elected superior general, in 1838, the 



olic and social struggle. They have formed themselves 
into sectional unions; they have an annual meeting, and 
have created an active movement in favour of perse- 
cuted Catholic education. The alumni associations 
of the Brothers in the United States and Belgium have 



number of schools and of Brothers was already double their national federation and annual meeting. 



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60 



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It is especially in France that the work of the 
spiritual retreats, of which the chief centre has been 
the Association of St. Benoit-Joseph Labre, has been 
developed. Founded in Paris in 18S3, it had, twenty- 
five years later, brought together 41,600 young 
Parisians at the house of retreat, at Athis-Mons. 
About the same time, "retreats previous to gradua- 
tion" were gradually introduced in the schools of all 
countries with the view of the perseverance in their 
religious practices of the graduates entering upon 
active life. During the administration of Brother 
Gabriel-Marie, and untU 1904, the normal progress of 
the congregation was not obstructed. The expan- 
sion of its divers works attained its maximum. 
Here are the words of one of the official reports of the 
Universal Exposition of Paris in 1900: "The estab- 
lishments of the Institute of Brothers of the Christian 
Schools, spread all 
over the world, 
number 2015. 
They comprise 
1.500 elementary 
or high schools ; 47 
important board- 
ing-schools; 45 
normal schools or 
scholasticates for 
the training of 
subjects of the in- 
stitute, and 6 nor- 
mal schools for lay 
teachers; 13 spe- 
cial agricultural 
schools, and 
a large number 
ofagricultural 
classes in elemen- 
tary schools; 4S 
technical and 
trade schools; 
82 commercial 
schools or special 
commercial 
courses." 

Such was the activity of the Institute of St. John 
Baptist de La Salle when it was doomed in France by 
the legislation that abolished teaching by religious. 
Not the services rendered, nor the striking lustre of its 
success, nor the greatness of the social work it had 
accomplished, could save it. Its glory, which was to 
render all its schools Christian, was imputed to it as 
a crime. In consequence of the application of the 
law of 7 July, 1904, to legally authorized teaching 
congregations, 805 establishments of the Brothers 
were closed in 1904, 196 in 1905, 155 in 1906, 93 in 
1907, and 33 in 1908. Nothing was spared. The 
popular and free schools to the number of more than 
a thousand ; the boarding and half-boarding schools 
such as Passy in Paris, those at Reims, Lyons, 
Bordeaux, Marseilles, etc. ; the cheap boarding schools 
for children of the working class, such as the admir- 
able houses of St. Nicholas, the technical and trade 
schools of Lyons, Saint-Eti(>nno, Saint-Chaniond, 
Coramentry, etc.; the agricultural in.stitutions of 
Beauvais, I>imoux, etc. — all were swept away. The 
blows were severe, but the beautiful free of the insti- 
tute had taken root too firmly in the .soil of the whole 
Catholic world to have its vitality endangered by the 
lopping off of a principal branch. The remaining 
branches receiverl a new afflux of sap, and on its 
vigorous trunk there soon ai)pear(Ml new branches. 
From 1904 to 1 90S, 222 houses have Ix'en founded 
in England, Belgium, the islands of the Mediterranean, 
the Levant, North and South America, the West 
Indies, Cape Colony, and Australia. 

Sf'HOOLs OF EunopK AND THE East. — When their 
schools were suppressed by law in France, the Brothers 




Brother Facile 
Appointed Visitor of North America in 
1848 and prominent in the develop- 
ment of the Institute in the 
United States 



endeavoured with all their might to assure to at least 
a portion of the children of the poor the religious 
education of which they were about to be deprived. 
At the same time the institute established near the 
frontiers of Belgium and Holland, of Spain and Italy, 
ten boarding-schools for French boys. The undertak- 
ing was venturesome, but God has blessed it, and these 
boarding-schools are all flourishing. Belgium has 75 
establishments conducted by the Brothers, compris- 
ing about 60 popular free schools, boarding-schools, 
official normal schools, and trade schools known as 
St. Luke schools. There are 32 houses in Lorraine, 
Austria, Himgary, Bohemia, Galicia, Albania, Bul- 
garia, and Rumania. Spain, including the Canaries 
and the Balearic Isles, has 100 houses of the institute, 
of which about SO are popular gratuitous schools. 
In Italy there are 34 houses, 9 of which are in Rome. 
The Brothers have been established over fifty years 
in the Levant, Turkey, Syria, and Egypt. The 50 
houses which they conduct are centres of Christian 
education and influence, and are liberally patronized 
by the people of these coimtries. The district of 
England and Ireland comprises 25 houses, the Broth- 
ers for the most part being engaged in the " National " 
schools. In London they direct a college and an 
academy; in Manchester, an industrial school; and 
in Waterford, a normal school or training college, 
the 200 students of which are King's scholars, who are 
paid for by a grant from the British Government. In 
India, the Brothers have large schools, most of which 
have upwards of SOO jiupils. Those of Colombo, 
Rangoon, Penang, Moiilmein, Mandalay, Singapore, 
Malacca, and Hong Kong in China, stand high in pub- 
he estimation. They are all assisted by government 
grants. 

Schools in America. — The institute has already 
established 72 houses in Mexico, Cuba, Ecuador, 
Colombia, Panama, Argentina, and Chile. When 
Brother Facile was appointed visitor of North America 
in 1S4S, he found in Canada 5 houses, 56 Brothers and 
3200 pupils in their schools. In 1908, the statistics 
show 48 houses, and nearly 20,000 pupils. The 
parochial schools are gratuitous, according to the 
constant tradition of the institute. The most im- 
portant boarding-school is Mount St. Louis, Montreal. 
At the request of the Most Reverend Samuel Eccles- 
ton. Brother Philippe, superior general, sent three 
brothers to Baltimore in 1S46. The district of which 
Baltimore has become the centre now contains 24 
houses, the Brothers of which for the most part are 
engaged in gratuitous parochial schools; they also 
conduct five colleges; a protectory; and the founda- 
tions of the family of the late Francis Anthony 
Drexel of Philadelphia, namely, St. Francis Industrial 
School, at Eddington, Pa.; the Drexmor, a home for 
working boys at Philadelphia; and the St. Emma 
Industrial and Agricultural College of Belmead, Rock 
Castle, Va., for coloured boys. The district of New 
York is the most important in America. It comprises 
38 houses, most of the Brothers of which are engaged 
in teaching parochial gratuitous schools. In addition 
to these they conduct Manhattan College, the De La 
Salle Institute, La Salle .\cademy, and Clason Point 
Military Academy, in New York City, and academies 
and high schools in other important cities. The New 
York Catholic Protectory, St. Philiji's Home, and four 
orphan asyhmts and industrial schools under their 
care contain a population of 2500 children. 

The district of St. Louis contains 19 houses, the 
majority of the Brothers of which are doing parochial 
school work. They conduct large colleges at St. 
Louis and Memphis, and important academies and 
high schools at Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis, Du- 
luth, St. Joseph, and Santa F6. They also have 
charge of the Osage Nation School for Indian boys at 
Gray Horse, Oklahoma. The district of San Fran- 
cisco comprises 13 houses, and as in the other dis- 



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tricts, the Brothers are largely engaged in parochial 
schools; but they also conduct St. Alary's College at 
Oakland, the Sacred Heart College at San Francisco, 
and the Cliristian Brothers' College at Sacramento, 
together with academies at Berkeley, Portland, Van- 
couVer, and Walla Walla, and the St. Vincent Orphan 
Asylum, Marin Co., California, which contains 500 
boys. The total number of pupils of the Brothers 
in the United States i.s thirty thousand. Their 94 
houses are spread over 33 archdioceses and dioceses. 
It would not be possible in such an article as this to 
recall the memory of all the religious who, during the 
last sixty years, figured prominently in this develop- 
ment of their institute. Among those who have been 
called to their rew'artl, we may however mention the 
revered names of Brothers Facile and Patrick, as- 
sistants to the superior general. 

Intellectu.il,, Activity. — The Brothers of the 
Christian Schools are too much absorbed by the work 
of teaching to devote themselves to the WTiting of 
books not of immediate utility in their schools. But, 
for the use of their pupils, they have written a large 
number of works on all the specialities in their courses 
of studies. Such works have been written in French, 
English, German, Italian, Spanish, Flemish, Turki.sh, 
Annamite, etc. The Brothers' schoolbooks treat of 
the following subjects: Christian doctrine, reading, 
writing, arithmetic, geometry, algebra, trigonometry, 
meclumics, history, geography, agriculture, physics, 
chemistry, physiology, zoology, botany, geology, the 
modern languages, grammar, literature, philosophy, 
pedagogy, methodology, drawing, shorthand, etc. 

Annates de Vinstitul des frlres des ecotes chrCtiennes (Paris, 
18S3): Essai historique sur la maison mire de I'institut des frirea 
des ecxiles chretiennes (Paris, 1905); Dubois-Bergerson. Les 
nouvelles ecoles a la Lancaster comparees avec V enseignement des 
fnres des ecoles chretiennes (Paris, 1817); La verite sw I'en- 
seignement muiuel (P.iris, 1821); Rendu, L'association en gene- 
rat, et particuli^rement Vassociaiion charitable des jrhres des 
ecoles chretiennes (Paris, 1845); D'.\rsac, Les frcres des ecoles 
chretiennes pendant la guerre franco-allemande de 1870-1871 
(Paris, 1872): Rapport de Vacademie fran^aise sur le prix de 
Boston, decerne a I'institut des freres des ecoles chretiennes (Paris. 
1872): American Catholic Quarterly Renew (October, 1879); 
Reports of the universal exhibitions of Paris, Vienna, Chi- 
cago, etc.; Caisse, L'institut des frcres des ecoles chretiennes, son 
origine, son but et ses aeuvres (Montreal, 1883): Chevalier, Les 
freres des ecoles chretiennes et l' enseignement primaire (Paris, 
1887); Rendu, Sept ans de guerre ti V enseignement libre 
(Paris, 18S7); Catholic World (.\ugust, 1900; September, 
1901): DES CiLLEULs, Histoire dc VenseignemeJit primaire (Purls, 
1908): .,\ZARIAS. Educational Essays (Chicago, 1S96); Go- 
scjoT. Essai critique sur V enseignement primaire en France 
(Paris, 1905): JusTlNUS, Deposition dans I'enquete sur Ven- 
seignement secj}ndaire (Paris, 1S99); Cail, Rapport sur I'en- 
seignement technique dans les ecoles cathotiques en France (Paris, 
1900); Autour de V enseignement congreganiste (Paris, 1905); 
Vespeyrem. La lutte scolaire en Belgique (Brussels, 1906): 
Bulletin de Vceurre de ,'iaint Jean Baplisle de La Salle; Bulletin 
des ecoles rhri'liennes ; Bulletin de Vccuvre de la jeunesse; Vedu- 
cation chretienne: Bulletins of the various alumni associations 
formed by iiraiiuates of the Brothers' Schools: Bulletins and 
reports publwhed tiy colleges, normal schools, etc.; Biographies 
of Brothers Iri^ni^e, Salomon, Philippe, Joseph, Scubilion, Exu- 
p<?rien, .\uguste-Huhert, .\lpert, L^on de J^sus etc.: Directoire 
pi'dagogique ii I'usage des ecoles chretiennes (Paris, 1903): Con- 
duile a I'usage des ecoles chretiennes (Paris, 1903); Elements de 
Pi'dagogie pratique {V-Jiris, 1901): Traite theorique et pratique de 
Pedigogie (Namur. 1901); Manuel de Pedagogie h Vxtsage des 
ecoles primnirca cathotiques (Paris. 1909). 

Brother Paul Joseph. 

Institutes, Rom.^x Historical, collegiate bodies 
established at Rome by ecclesiastical or civil authority 
for the purpose of historical research, notably in the 
Vatican archives. 

I. The Earliest Scientific Uses of the Vati- 
can Archives. — In purely business matters or those 
of a political or diplomatic nature, the Roman ec- 
clesiastical authorities have always relied on the 
material abundantly stored up in their archives. A 
glance at the papal " Regesta " of the thirteenth 
century shows occasional reference to documents 
formerly kept in the archives, but which had been 
lost. In time these references multiply and point to 
a constant official intercourse between the Curia and 



the keepers of the Apostohc archives. It is rare that 
such references disclose a purely scientific interest, 
and then only when foreign authorities inquire after 
documents that would facilitate domestic researches 
on given topics. Then, as now, it was the official 
duty of the personnel of the archives to attend to all 
such matters. In the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
turies the awakening critical investigation of the past 
led some scholars to resort to the rich treasures of the 
papal archives, and they were always treateil with the 
utmost courtesy. The most far-reaching and efficient 
use of the archives for historical purposes began with 
Ca;sar Baronius, later cardinal, and author of the 
well-known monumental work on ecclesiastical his- 
tory, undertaken at the instance of St. Philip Neri, 
" Annales ecclesiastici a Christo nato ad annum 1198", 
in twelve folio volumes (Rome, 1.5SS-1.593). Through 
this work, and in the several continuations of it by 
others, the world first learned of the great wealth of 
historical documents contained in the Roman ar- 
chives, and especially in the archives of the \'atican. 
The extensive "Bullaria", or compilations of papal 
decrees, general and particular (see Bills .\nd 
Briefs), are drawn in part from the archives of the 
recipients, but could never ha\"e reached their impos- 
ing array of volumes had not the Vatican furnished 
abundant material. 

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, eccle- 
siastical historians and the writers of the almost 
countless monographs (some of them very valuable) 
concerning local churches, monasteries, ecclesias- 
tical institutions, etc. were greatly aided by the 
officials of the archives, themselves often scholarly 
investigators. In this respect the papal arcliivist, 
Augustin Theiner (1804-74) accomplished very far- 
reaching work, of great service to certain medieval 
countries or groups of countries, when he published, 
in many folio volumes, a multitude of documents 
relative to the ecclesiastical and civil history of 
Northern, Eastern, and Southern Europe, also a tlocu- 
mentarj' treatise in three folio volumes on the tempo- 
ral dominion of the pope and its administration. In 
the same period, i.e. from about 18.50 to 1S7.5, several 
other investigators, chiefly German and Austrian, in 
one way or another secured admittance to the papal 
archives. These events and other influences in- 
creased the desire of all scholars for the opening of 
this valuable repository of important historical docu- 
ments. Although under Pius IX it became some- 
what easier to obtain a permit for private research, 
the turbulent political conditions of his reign forbade 
anytliing like a general opening of the Vatican 
Archives. 

II. Opening of the Vatican Archives. — "We 
have nothing to fear from the pubhcation of docu- 
ments ", exclaimed Leo XIII, when on 20 June, 1879, 
he appointed the ecclesiastical historian, Joseph Her- 
genrother, "Cardinal Archivist of the Holy Roman 
Church" (Palmieri, " Introite ed Esiti di Papa Nic- 
colo III", Rome, pp. xiv, xv; Friedensburg, "Das 
kgl. Preussische Historische Institut in Rom", Berlin, 
1903, passim). By this act he opened to students the 
archives of the Vatican, more especially what are 
known as the secret archives, despite strong oppo- 
sition from several quarters. It took until the begin- 
ning of 1881 to arrange all preliminaries, including the 
preparation of suitable quarters for the work, after 
which date the barriers were removed which, until 
then, with a few exceptions, had shut out all investi- 
gators. The use of these treasures was at length 
regularized by a papal Decree (n-golamento) of 1 
May, 1884, whereby tlois important matter was finally 
removed from the province of discussion. In the 
meantime the pope had addressed to the three car- 
dinals, Pitra. De Luca, and Hergenrother, his now 
famous letter on historical studies (IS Aug., 1883). 

III. Scientific Rese.arch in the Secjiet Ar- 



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CHIVES. — Hitherto very little was kno^NTi of the contents 
of this vast treasury ; now its great wealth came to be 
widely appreciated — Briefs, Bulls, petitions, depart- 
ment records, reports of nuncios and other reports, 
diaries, documentary collections, privileges, legal ti- 
tles of the most miscellaneous kind, etc. Progress was 
at first rather slow, for no systematic use of the ar- 
chives could be planned until the workers had famil- 
iarized themselves ynth the material at hand. The 
over-hasty treatment that, in the beginning, the thir- 
teenth century material received, revealed quite clearly 
how much there was to learn before the archives could 
be used to the best advantage. Gradually, however, 
good order was introduced in all kinds of research 
work, in which task notable services were rendered 
by the historical institutes which from time to time 
were established in close relation to the Vatican 
Archives. Research work in these archives may be 
divided into individual and collective, or general and 
special. Individual researches are made by individual 
scholars, while collective work is conducted by sev- 
eral who have either united for that purpose, or belong 
permanently to some association. General research 
devotes itself to the larger outUnes of ecclesiastical 
history, while special research seeks the solution of 
particular problems, more or less far-reaching in im- 
portance. Both methods may be combined, ob- 
jectively and subjectively; an individual investigator 
may work at a general theme, while an association 
may take up the study of a restricted or specific 
problem, and vice versa. The results of Vatican his- 
torical study are to be found in periodicals, essays, 
and books, also disseminated in large historical col- 
lections devoted to other classes of liistorical ma- 
terial, and containing the results of other investiga- 
tions, e.g. the "Monumenta Germaniie Historica". 
A study of the published material exhibits long series 
of original documents, narratives based on copious 
documentary material, and occasionally narratives 
based on information obtainetl in the archives, but 
unaccompanied by the documents or by reference to 
them. 

IV. Field of Investigation. — While it is but nat- 
ural tliat the study of documents should be chiefly 
done in the Vatican arcliives, most investigators 
also carry on work in the important collection of 
printed books known as the Vatican Library. In Oc- 
tober, 1892, there was opened in connexion with the 
archives and the Library a consultation library, the 
"Bibliotheca Leoniana ", in order to facilitate research, 
historical and Biblical. Governments, academies, 
libraries, archives, and corporations contributed to 
it, and it has already reached very large proportions. 
The archives themselves are so organized that nearly 
every student of history may discover there some- 
thing of special importance in his own province. The 
numerous other archives and manuscript-collections 
of Rome are also open, as a rule, to the student; 
indeed, few workers limit them.selves exclusively to 
Vatican materials. Moreover, studies begim in the 
Vatican are often .supplemented by scientific excur- 
sions to other Italian cities, either on the student's 
homeward journey or during some vacation period; 
such excursions liave at times resulted in surprising 
discoveries. .\n exhaustive examination of Italian 
archives and libraries leads occasionally to a larger 
view of the subject tlian was originally intended by the 
investigator, for whom in this way new ((uestions of 
importance spring up, the definite solution of which 
becomes highly desirable. Experience, therefore, and 
the detailed study of the numerous repertories, in- 
dexes, and inventories of manu.scripts, have made it 
neceasary to organize permanently the scientific hi.s- 
torieal researches carried on in the interest of any 
given country. This means a saving of money and 
of labour; in this way also more sub.stantial acliieve- 
ments can be hoped for than from purely individual 



research. Consequentlj', institutes for historical re- 
search were soon founded in Rome, somewhat on the 
plan of the earlier archa-ological societies. While 
the opening of such institutes is a nobilc ojjicinm of 
any government, private associations have made 
serious sticrifices in the same direction and sustained 
with success the institutes they have callctl into life. 
The state institutes investigate all that pertains to 
national relations or intercourse (religion, politics, 
economics, science, or art) with the Curia, with Rome, 
or, for that matter, with Italy. Many of these insti- 
tutes do not attempt to go further, and their field is 
certainly comprehensive and in itself admirable. 
Others devote themselves to similar researches, but do 
not neglect general questions of interest to universal 
history, profane or ecclesiastical, or to the history of 
medieval culture. Of course, only the larger insti- 
tutes, with many workers at their disposal, can satis- 
factorily undertake problems of this nature. 

V. Historical Institlttes at the Vatican Ar- 
chives. — England. — At the end of 1876 the Rev. Joseph 
Stevenson, who was employed by the English Public 
Record Office to obtain transcripts of documents of 
liistorical importance in the Vatican archives, re- 
signed his appointment, and Sir Thomas Hardy, on 
Cardinal Manning's recommendation, appointed the 
late Mr. W. H. Bliss as his successor. Though for 
years Stevenson and Bliss conducted their researches 
alone, in the last decatle other English investigators, 
chiefly younger men, had been detailed to Rome by 
the home Government to co-operate with Bliss and 
hasten the progress of his work. Bliss died very sud- 
denly of pneumonia, at an advanced age, 8 March, 
1909, and though his place has not yet been filled by 
the English Government, English investigators con- 
tinue the work, under direction of the Record Office; 
they strictly confine themselves, however, to the 
search for English documents. Scientific use of this 
material was not called for, and was therefore not 
undertaken. Short resumes were provided in En- 
glish of the contents of the documents in question, so 
as to facilitate the widest possible use to those who 
had not sufficient mastery of Latin and Italian. So 
far there have appeared: " Calendars of Entries in the 
Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland : 
I. Papal Letters" (London, since 1892 seven volumes 
to date, the eighth in course of preparation) ; "II. Pe- 
titions to the Pope" (1 vol.). The reports of these 
investigations are to be found in the "Annual Reports 
of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records", the 
first one, covering 1877, 1878, and 1S79, is found under 
the year 1880. In addition to the medieval material, 
numerous extracts and transcripts of a political na- 
ture were made from sixteenth- and seventeenth- 
century documents, transmitted to the Record Office 
and partly used in the " Calendars of State Papers ". 

Fiance. — The Ecole Fran^aise de Rome, originally 
one with that of Athens, employs almost constantly 
historical investigators at the Grande Archivio of 
Naples; they devote themselves to the documents of 
the Angevin d.ynasty. This in.stitute has an organ 
of its own, the " Melanges d'arch(?ologie et d'histoire ", 
in whose pages are found not only historical studies 
properly so called, but also papers on the history of 
archaeology and of art. The institute has its home 
in the Palazzo Farnese, where its director lives, and 
where a rich lilirary is housed. It was founded in 1873, 
and during the reign of Pius IX, long before the open- 
ing of the secret archives, inaugurated its great 
achievement, the cdhing of the papal "Regesta" of 
the thirteenth century, a gigantic and yet unfinished 
task. Scholars of international reputation have fig- 
ured among its directors; its present head is Mon- 
signor Louis Duchesne, whose monumental work, the 
"Liber Pontificalis", and numerous other produc- 
tions, place him in the forefront of Church historians. 
The "Bibhothfique des Ecoles Fran5aises d'Athfinea 



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et de Rome ", is made up of lengthy monographs by 
pupils of the Ecole, treating of divers sulijccts con- 
nected with their studies in the Vatican archives and 
library. The papal " Regesta " of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, the "Liber Pontificalis", and the ''Liber Cen- 
suum" (Fabre-Diichesne) form a second series of 
historical puljlications to the credit of the French 
school. A third series is made up of documents 
selected from the fourteenth -century papal "Re- 
gesta", and is entitled " Lettres des papes d'Avignon 
se rapportant a la France ". The slow progress of so 
many learned enterprises is a matter of general regret, 
nor can one always approve the methods employed, 
though no one can deny the very great utility of these 
scholarly studies and researches for the history of the 
papacy and its international relations. The chaplains 
of the French National Institute of St-Louis des 
Frangais have recently undertaken a work closely 
related to that of the Ecole Frangaise, the publication 
in concise regesta -like form of all letters of the 
Avignon popes. Gratifj-ing progress is being made 
with the "Regesta" of John XXII. The review 
known as the "Annales de St-Louis des Fran^ais", 
whose contributions to ecclesiastical history were note- 
worthy, has been discontinued. Other works of a 
learned historical nature have been published by the 
chaplains of this institute, the results of their dili- 
gent researches in the Vatican archives. 

Oerman Catholic Institutes. — The chaplains of the 
German national institute of Santa Maria di Campo 
Santo Teutonico were among the first to profit by the 
opening of the secret archives for the conduct of 
scientific research in the field of German ecclesiasti- 
cal history, llonsignor de Waal, director of the in- 
stitute, founded the " Romische Quartalschrift fiir 
Archaologie und Kirchengeschichte " as a centre for 
historical research more modest and limited in scope, 
and it fulfils this purpose in a creditable manner. 
To the students of fiistory at the Campo Santo is 
owing the founding, at Rome, of the Gorres Society 
Historical Institute. This institute, established after 
long hesitation, sufficiently explained by the slender 
resources of the society, is now a credit to its founders 
(besides regular reports, begun in 1S90, on the work 
of this institute, and filed in the records of the so- 
ciety, see Cardauns, " Die Gorres Gesellschaft, 1876- 
1901", Cologne, 1901, pp. 65-73). In 1900 a new 
department was added and placed under the guidance 
of Monsignor Wilpert, for the study of Christian 
archfeology and the history of Christian art. The 
Roman labours of the Gorres Society Institute deal 
chiefly with nunciature reports, the administration 
records of the Curia since 1300, and the Acts of the 
Council of Trent. Other publications, more or less 
broad in scope, are published regularly in the "His- 
torisches Jahrbuch", among its " Quellen und For- 
schungen", or in other organs of the Gorres Society. 
The twelve stout volumes in which this institute 
proposes to edit exhaustively the Acts and records of 
the Council of Trent, represent one of the most diffi- 
cult and important tasks which could be set before a 
body of workers in the Vatican archives. The afore- 
said investigation of medieval papal administration 
and financial records, which the institute investigates 
in co-operation with the .\ustrian Leo Society, open up 
a chief source of information for the history of the 
Curia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 

The results accomplished by this purely private as- 
sociation surpass greatly those of many governmental 
institutes. The Gorres Society Institute maintains 
at Rome no library of its own, but aids efficiently 
in the growth of the fine library at the Campo Santo 
Teutonico, near the Vatican. The Leo Society sup- 
ports at Rome a trained investigator, who devotes his 
time to publications from the papal treasury {Camera), 
records of the later Middle Ages. The pre.sent director 
of the Gurres Society Institute is Dr. Stephan Ehses. 



Austria. — The Austrian institute (Instituto Aus- 
triaco di studi storici), established by Theodor von 
Sickel, and now directed by Professor von Pastor, has 
existed since 18S3. It affords young historical workers 
the means of familiarizing themsehes (hiring a brief 
sojourn at Rome with the rich manuscript materials 
accumulated there, and in this way enaljles them to 
produce monographs of value. It co-operates in the 
pubhcatiou of the nunciature reports, and contem- 
plates the publication of the correspondence of the 
legates and the ambassadors at the Council of Trent. 
Among the publications of this institute are Sickel's 
study on the "Privilegium Ottonianum"; his edition 
of the "Liber Diurnus"; and his noteworthy "Ro- 
mische Berichte" (Roman reports). Several valuable 
studies by tliis institute have appeared in the " Mit- 
theilungen des osterreicliischen Institutes fiir Ge- 
schichtsforschung," dealing with the work of the 
medieval papal chancery, while Ottenthal's "Chan- 
cery Rules" and Tangl's "Chancery Regulations" are 
constantly referred to in every recent work on the 
Middle Ages. The numerous historical commissions 
which were sent from Bohemia to Rome (concerning 
which, see below) may be considered as auxiliaries of 
the Austrian Institute. 

Prussia. — A short history of the founding of the 
Prussian historical institute was published by Fried- 
ensburg (Berhn, Academy of Sciences). The project 
dates back to 1S83, but it was not until May of 1888 
that Konrad Schottmiiller succeeded in opening a 
Prussian Historical Bureau that began modestly 
enough, but soon developed into the actual Prussian 
Institute, reorganized (12 November, 1902) on a ma- 
terially enlarged scale, and now the most important 
of all historical institutes at Rome, owing largely to 
the efforts of its present director, Professor Kehr. 
In addition to the general work of historical investiga- 
tions, special departments are conducted for the his- 
tory of art and for patristic and Biblical research. 
Besides its own publication, " Quellen und For- 
schungen aus itahenischen .Archiven", the institute 
issues a series of German nunciature reports (eleven 
volumes since 1897). The Library of the Institute, 
besides extensive monographs on various subjects, has 
published the useful " Repertorium Germanicum", 
and, in co-operation with the Instituto Storico Ita- 
liano, the " Registrum chartarum Italia? ", a series 
of independent volumes. These researches take in 
Italian, German, French, English, and Spanish ar- 
chives; Austria and Switzerland are likewise visited 
occasionally. The library of the institute ranks, with 
that of the Palazzo Farnese, among the best historical 
libraries in Rome. 

Hungary. — The " Hungaricorum Historicorum Col- 
legium Romanum", though no longer in existence, 
owed its inception in 1892 to the efforts of Monsignor 
Fraknoi, and published under his direction (since 
1897) the " Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni 
Hungariae illustrantia", whose two series in ten folio 
volumes are a lasting tribute to the munificence of 
Fraknoi. Other noteworthy monographs based on 
Roman documents and illustrating the history of 
Hungary must be credited to this institute. 

Belgium. — The " Institut historique Beige a Rome" 
was founded in December, 1904. The minister of 
state defined its purpose to be the searching of Italian 
archives, and especially those of the Vatican, for his- 
torical material bearing on Belgium, and the publi- 
cation of the results obtained. The project included 
a centre for individual Belgian investigators as well as 
for students assisted by the State, where all might find 
an adequate library and facihties for securing his- 
torical data of every kind. The institute, it is hoped, 
will eventually become an " Ecole des hautes Etudes" 
for the study of ecclesiastical and profane history, 
classical philologj', archceologj', and the history of art. 
Its first director was Dom Ursmer Berliere, of the 



INSTITUTES 



64 



INSTITUTES 



Abbey of Maredsous (1904-1907) : his successor is Dr. 
Gottfried Kurth, professor emeritus :it flie University 
of Liege. The institute has published thus far two 
volumes of "Analecta Vaticano-Belgica " : I, "Sup- 
pliques de Ck^ment VI" (1342-1352), by Berli^re; 
II, "Lettres de Jean XXII" (1316-1334), vol. I 
(1316-1324), by Fayen. The following are in prepa- 
ration: "Lettres de Jean XXII", vol. II, by Fayen; 
" SuppIiquesd'Innocent VI " (1352-1362), by Berlicre; 
"Lettres de Benoit XII" (1334-1342), by Fierens. 
Two other volumes are under way. By his pam- 
phlet " De la creation d'une ^cole Beige a Rome " 
(.Tournai, 1S96), Professor Cauchie of Louvain con- 
triliutcd greatly to the founding of the institute. 

Ilolhtnil. — Tlie Netherland institute grew out of 
various historical commissions, the last of which was 
established 20 May, 1904. Its two representatives, 
Dr. Brom and Dr. Orbaan, were appointed on 31 
March, 1906, director and secretary respectively of 
the state institute founded on this date, and of which 
they thus became the first members (Brom, " Neder- 
landsche geschiedvorsching en Rome", 1903). This 
institute aims at a systematic investigation of Hol- 
land's ecclesiastical and political relations, and of her 
artistic, scientific, and economic relations, with Rome 
and Italy during the fourteenth, fifteenth, and six- 
teentli centiuies, a period of very great importance 
for Holland. A yearly report of the institute and its 
library appears at The Hagus in " Verslagen om- 
trent's Rikjs onde archieven". Besides a number of 
essays and minor works, there appeared at The 
Hague, during 1908, a work by Brom, "Archivalia 
in Italic"; part I, Rome, "Vaticaansch Archief". 
All historical material in Italian archives bearing 
on the Netherlands will be concisely described in 
this series of volumes; the first part contains 2650 
numbers, and is specially valuable because of the 
excellent conspectus it offers of the contents of the 
Vatican archives. A work by Orbaan, on Dutch 
scholars and artists in Rome, is ready for the press 
(1910). 

VI. Miscellaneous Rese.iuiches in the Vatican 
Archives. — The institutes above-mentioned offer a 
very incomplete idea of the historical work done in the 
Vatican archives. Many Frenchmen, Germans, Au.s- 
trians, Belgians, and others flock to Rome and spend 
much of their time in private investigations of their 
own. Most of these workers attach themselves to 
some institute and profit by its experience. Among 
Americans we may mention Professor Charles Homer 
Haskins, who familiarized liimself with the treas- 
ures contained in tlie archives and library, and 
made a report on the same for the " American His- 
torical Review", reprinted in the "Catholic Univer- 
.sity Bulletin", Washington, 1S97, pp. 177-196; 
Rev. P. de Roo, who laboured for several years on the 
"Hegesta" of Alexander VI; Heywood, who com- 
piled the " Documenta selecta e tabulario Sanctaj 
Sedis, insulas et terras anno 1492 repertas a Christo- 
l)horo t'olumbo respicientia", which he pviblished in 
phototype in 1892. Other American scholars have 
profited largely by the immemorial academic hospi- 
tality of the popes. Special mention should be made 
here of the studies of Lvika Jelie and Conrad Eulicl 
concerning early missionary enterprises, and of an 
essay by Shipley on "The Colonization of America" 
(Lucerne, 1899). For other valuable information see 
the tenth vohmie of the "Records of the American 
Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia". The 
time would seem to b(? at hand for the foundation 
of an American Catholic historical institute, which 
would take over the task of collecting and publishing 
in a systematic way i\w numerous important docu- 
ments concerning the Aiucrican Church preserved in 
many places at Rome, purticularly in the Propaganda 
archives. Rus.sia has sent historical commissions to 
Home repeatedly, and for several years at a time. 



The names of Schmurlow, Briickner, Pierling, PorS- 
ter, Wiersbowski, and others are sufficient reminders 
of the excellent work accomplished. From Japan 
came Dr. Murakami, to explore the Propaganda and 
Vatican archives for a history of the Catholic missions 
to Japan (1549-1690). Denmark is represented 
among the investigators by such names as Moltesen, 
Krarup, and Lindback; Norway by Storm, and Swe- 
den by Tegner, Elof, Karlson, and others. Moritz 
Stern, Felix Vernet, and others obtained at the 
Vatican material for a history of the Hebrews. The 
Spanish Government was long officially represented by 
the famous Spanish historian, Ricarilo de Hinojosa, 
while researches in Portuguese history are conducted 
by MacSwiney. Switzerland entered into this peaceful 
competition by the labours of Kirsch and Baumgarten 
in 1899, and since the close of the last century many 
Swiss have visited Rome for Vatican researches, both 
as individuals and on official missions. We need only 
mention the names of Biichi, Wirz, Bernoulli, Stef- 
fens, Reinhard, and Stilckelljerg. 

In addition to these and many more names, we must 
mention the numerous religious who seek in the ar- 
chives fresh material for general ecclesiastical history, 
or the history of their order, e. g. the Benedictines and 
the Bollandists. The writer has observed at work in 
the archives during the last twenty-one years Domin- 
icans, Jesuits, Franciscans, Minor Conventuals, Capu- 
chins, Trinitarians, Cistercians, Benedictines, Ba- 
silians. Christian Brothers, Lateran Canons Regular, 
Vallombrosans, Camaldolese, Olivetans, Silvestrines, 
Carthusians, Augustinians, Mercedarians, Barnabites, 
and others. Women have at times secured temporary 
admittance, though for intelligible reasons this privi- 
lege is now restricted. Since 1879 the archives have 
welcomed Catholics, Protestants, Hebrews, believers 
and infidels. Christians and heathens, priests and lay- 
men, men and women, rich and poor, persons of high 
social standing and plain citizens, of every nation and 
language. The writer is acquainted with nearly all 
the great archives of Europe, and knows that none of 
them afford similar facilities to the liistorical student 
or extend him more courtesy. The number of visitors 
is at all times higher than to other archives, while the 
freedom allowed in the u.se of the material is the 
most far-reaching known; practically nothing is kept 
hidden. 

VII. Results of Vatican Research. — It is not 
easy to determine which branch of historical science 
derives most benefit from Vatican research, nor is the 
question a simple one. Chronologically, there is no 
doubt that so far the most favoured period is that of 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The six- 
teenth century comes next, much light being shed on 
it by the nunciature reports and the Acts of the 
Council of Trent. The seventeenth, eighteenth, and 
nineteenth centuries have hitherto been represented 
by few works, and these not very comprehensive. 
From the standpoint of subjects treated, Vatican re- 
search falls into tlu-ee parts: (1) The study of the 
ecclesiastical relations of Rome with individual na- 
tions or peoples; (2) Roman ecclesiastical administra- 
tion in all its details; (3) the influence exerted by the 
papacy on the civilized world, whether purely polit- 
ical or of a mixed political and religious nature. 

If we coiisiiler the iHc(li<'v;d jieriod under the first of 
these subdivisions the results obtained are substan- 
tially as follows: (a) compilation of correct lists of 
bishops and titular bishops; (b) investigation of the 
so-called Sfi'vilia. (communia et secrcl(i), i. e. of cer- 
tain dues paid at liome, among them ixdlimn dues; 
(c) completer lists of bislioprics, abbeys, prelateships 
and churches directly subject to the Holy See; (d) 
lists, as complete as po.ssible, of all kinds of |)apal 
ordinances, processes, decisions, constitutions, and 
decrees; (e) study of the entire sy.stem of minor bene- 
fices in so far as affected by curial reservations; 



INSTITUTION 



65 



INSTITUTION 



(f) selection from the jietition files of all requests grow- 
ing out of the said system; (g) reports of Inshops on 
the state of their dioceses, ami consist orial processes; 
(h) investigation into the influence of the Inquisition, 
to determine how far the respective local authorities 
were influenced by the Curia; (i) inquiry into the 
taxes imposed on clergy and Churches for purely 
ecclesiastical purposes, and into the ways and means 
of collecting these taxes. For certain dioceses, eccle- 
siastical provinces, regions, or entire countries, all 
these data, together with other items of information, 
have in the course of time been gathered, and pub- 
lished, by individuals and by associations. They have 
also, in a general way, been made generally accessible 
by the publication, as a whole, of the respective papal 
registers (see Registers, Pap.vl), e. g. the "Regesta" 
publications of the French institute, and the cameral 
(papal fiscal) reports of the Gorres and Leo societies. 
" Chartularia ", or collections of papal Bulls have been 
published not only for Westphalia, Eastern and 
Western Prussia, Utrecht, Bohemia, Salzburg, Aqui- 
leia, but also for Denmark, Poland, Switzerland, 
Great Britain, Ireland, and Germany (Rcpcrtorium 
Germanicum), not to speak of other countries. Many 
a student of the Vatican arcliives has devoted all his 
time to a single subject, e. g. Armellini, " Le Chiese di 
Roma"; Storm, "Die Obligationen der norwegischen 
Pralaten von 1.311-1523"; Samaran-Mollat, "La fis- 
calit6 pontificale en France au 14me siecle"; Berliere, 
"Les ' Libri Obligationum et Solutionum' des ar- 
chives vaticanes ", for the Dioceses of Cambrai, Liege, 
Therouanne, andTournai; Rieder, "RomischeQuellea 
zur Konstanzer Bisthumsgescliichte (1305-1378)". 

The work done in the second subdivision is of the 
grsatest importance for questions of liistory, canon law, 
and general and medieval culture. The all-pervad- 
ing activity of the medieval popes has been richly 
illustrated by various investigators, e. g. Golleron the 
records of the " Poenitentiaria " ; Kirsch and Baum- 
garten on the finances (officials, administration) of 
the College of Cardinals; Baumgarten on the respec- 
tive offices of the vice-chancellor and the "BuUa- 
tores", the residence-quarters of the Curia, its Cur- 
sores or messengers; Watzl, Goller, and Schafer on 
the finance bureau of the Curia; von Ottenthal on the 
secretaries and the "Chancery rules"; Tangl and 
Erler respectively on the " Chancery regulations" and 
the " Liber Cancellariae " ; Kehr, Berliere, and Rieder 
on the petition files (Hbelli supplices), etc. The stu- 
dent will find quite helpful illustration of these deli- 
cate labours in the remarkable editions of the " Liber 
Pontificalis" by Duchesne; the "Liber Censuum" 
by Duchesne-Fabre; the "Italia Pontificia" by 
Kehr; the "Hierarchia Catholica Medii ^vi" by 
Eubei; the "Catalogue of Cardinals" by Cristofori; 
the " Acts of the Council of Trent ", by Ehses, Merkle, 
and Buschbell, not to speak of numerous other valu- 
able works. As to the third subdivision, i. e. the 
purely political, or politico-ecclesiastical activities of 
the popes, no clearly defined distinction can be made, 
either in the Middle Ages or in more modern times, 
between these activities and the exercise of purely 
ecclesiastical authoritj'; their numerous manifesta- 
tions may be studied in the publications briefly 
described above. Abundant information is to be 
found in the publications of the papal "Regesta" 
and the "Camera" or treasury, records. We learn 
from them many curious items of profane history, 
e. g. the population of various kingtloms, grants of 
tithes to kings and rulers for political purposes, etc. 
The nunciature reports are rich in this information. 

In a general way the Vatican archives and these 
new historical Roman institutes have been particu- 
larly helpful towards a better knowledge of the ec- 
clesiastico-religious relations of individual dioceses, 
countries, and peoples with the head of the C'hurch 
and its central administration. So numerous have 
VIII.— 5 



been the results of investigation published along these 
lines, that it has hitherto been impracticalile to pre- 
pare an exhaustive bibliography of the works based 
on studies in the Vatican archives. Melampo and 
Ranuzzi, following in the footsteps of Meister, have 
recently published a very useful, but not at all ex- 
haustive, list of all the books and essays of this kind 
which had appreared up to 1900: "Saggio biblio- 
grafico dei lavori eseguiti nell' Archivio Vaticano" 
(Rome, 1909). (See Vatican, sub-title Archives, 
Library; and Bullarium.) 

Most of the iuformation on the Roman historical institutes is 
as yet scattered in essays and book prefaces. Besides the 
works of Friedensbdrg and Brom above referred to, see Has- 
KINS, The Vatican Archives in Auierican HiM. Rev. (October, 
1S96), reprinted in Catholic Univ. Bxdletin (.'Vpril. 1897); 
Cauchie. De la crtation d'une ecole beige b. Rome; Schlecht 
in BucHBERGER, Kirckliches Handlexikon, s. v. Institute, his- 
torische; and the financial reports of the various institutes in 
their respective official publications. Aniong the accounts 
published by the various historic.il commissions the best have 
always been those of the Poles and the Russians, and are to be 
found in Melampo-Ranuzzk 

Paul M. Baumgarten. 

Institution, Canonical (Lat. inslitidio, from in- 
stituere, to establish), in its witlcst signification denotes 
any manner, in accordance with canon law, of acquir- 
ing an ecclesiastical benefice (Regula prima juris, in 
VI'°). In its strictest sense the word denotes the 
collation of an ecclesiastical benefice by a legitimate 
authority, on the presentation of a candidate by a 
third person {institutio iituli collativa). The term is 
used also for the actual putting in possession of a bene- 
fice {institutio corporalis), and for the approbation 
requisite for the exercising of the ecclesiastical min- 
istry when an authority inferior to the bishop has 
power to confer an ecclesiastical benefice {institutio 
auctorisahilis) . (Cf . gloss on " Regula prima juris ", in 
VI'", s. V. " Beneficium "0 

I. The institutio tituli collatira (that which gives the 
title), sometimes also called verbaUs (which may be by 
word of mouth or by writing, as distinguished from 
the institutio corporalis, or realty), is the act by which 
an ecclesiastical authority confers a benefice on a can- 
didate presented by a third person enjoying the right 
of presentation. This occurs in the case of benefices 
subject to the right of patronage {jus patronatus), one 
of the principal prerogatives of which is the right of 
presenting to the bishop a titular for a vacant benefice. 
It also occurs when, in virtue of a privilege or of a con- 
cordat, a chapter, a sovereign, or a government has the 
right to present to the pope the titular of a bishopric 
or of an important ecclesiastical office. If the pope 
accepts the person presented, he bestows the institu- 
tio canonica on the titular. The eff'ect of this act is 
to give the candidate who has been presented (and 
who till then had only a jus ad rem, i. e. the right to be 
provided with the benefice) a jus in re or in beneficio, 
I. e. the right of exercising the functions connected 
with the benefice and of receiving revenues accruing 
from it. The right of institution to major benefices 
rests in the pope, but in the case of minor benefices it 
may belong to a bishop and his vicar-general, to a 
vicar capitular, or even to other ecclesiastics, in virtue 
of a foundation title dating from before the Council of 
Trent (Sess. XIV, "de Ref.", c. xii), or of a privilege, 
or of prescription. In all these cases the bishop has 
the right to examine the candidate, excepting candi- 
dates presented by universities recognized canonically 
(Council of Trent, Sess. VII, "de Ref.", c. xiii; Sess. 
XXV, "de Ref.", c. ix); even this exception does 
not apply to parishes (Council of Trent, Sess. XXIV, 
"de Ref.", c. xviii). Institution ought to be be- 
stowed within the two months following the presenta- 
tion, in the case of parish churches (Constitution of 
Pius V, " In conferendis", 16 March, 1567), but canon 
law has not specified any fixed time with regard to 
other benefices. However, if the bishop refuses to 
grant institution within the time appointed by a supe- 



INSURANCE 



66 



INTELLECT 



rior authority, the latter can make the grant itself (see 
Jus Patronatus). 

II. The inslilutio corporalU, also called investilura, 
or installiitio, is the putting of a titular in effective pos- 
session of his benefice. Whereas canon law permits 
a bishop to put himself in possession of his bene- 
fice (see Enthronization), in the case of minor bene- 
fices it requires an actual installation by a competent 
authorit}'. The bishop may punish any one who 
takes possession of a benefice on his own authority, 
and the violent occupation of a benefice in possession 
of another ecclesiastic entails on the guilty party the 
loss of all right to that benefice. The right of instal- 
lation formerly belonged to archdeacons, but is now 
reserved to the bishop, his vicar-general, or his delegate, 
ordinarily the dean {decayius christianitatis or fora- 
neus). It is performed with certain symbolical cere- 
monies, determined by local usage or by diocesan 
statutes, such, for instance, as a solemn entry into 
the parish and into the chiu'ch, the handing over of the 
church keys, a putting in poissession of the high altar 
of the church, the pulpit, confessional, etc. In some 
countries there is a double installation: the first by 
the bishop or vicar-general, either by mere word of 
mouth, or by some symboUcal ceremony, as, for in- 
stance, presenting a biretta; the second, which is then 
a mere ceremony, taking place in the parish and con- 
sisting in the solemn entry and other formalities de- 
pendent on local custom. In some places custom has 
even done away with the inMilutio corporalis properly 
so called; the rights inherent to the putting in posses- 
sion are acquired by the new titular to the benefice by 
a simple visit to his benefice, for instance, to his 
parish, with the intention of taking possession thereof, 
provided such visit is made with the authority of the 
bishop, thus precluding the possiliility of self-investi- 
ture. When the pope names the titular to a benefice, 
he always mentions those who are to put the bene- 
ficiary in possession. 

The following are the effects of the institutio cor- 
poralis: (1) From the moment he is put in possession 
the beneficiary receives the revenues of his benefice. 
(2) He enjoys all the rights resulting from the owner- 
ship and the possession of the benefice, and, in particu- 
lar, it is from this moment that the time necessary for 
a prescriptive right to the benefice counts. (3)'The 
possessor can invoke in his favour the provisions of 
rules 35 and 36 of the Roman Chancery de annali, 
and de triennali possessione. This privilege has lost 
much of its importance since the conferring of bene- 
fices is now a matter of less dispute than in former 
times. Formerly, on account of various privileges, 
and the constant intervention of the Holy See in the 
collation of benefices, several ecclesiastics were not 
infrequently named to the same benefice. Should 
one of them happen to have been in possession of the 
benefice for a year, it would devolve on the rival 
claimant to prove that the possessor had no right to 
the benefice; moreover, the latter was obliged to begin 
his suit within six months after his nomination to the 
benefice by the pope, and the trial was to be concluded 
within a year counting from the day when the actual 
pos.sessor was cited to the courts (rule 35 of the Chan- 
cery). These principles are still in force. The trien- 
nial possession guaranteed the benefice to the actual 
incumbent in all actions in pclilnrio or in posses- 
Horio to obtain a benefice brought by any claimant 
whatsoever (rule .'56 of the Chancery). " (4) The 
peaceful possession of a benefice entails ipso facto 
the vacating of anv benefices to which the holder 
is a titular, but which would be ineonifiatible with the 
one he holds. (5).Jt is only from the day when bish- 
op.s and parish pqcsts entiT into possession of their 
benefices that they can validly assist at marriages 
celebrated in the diocese or in the parish (Decree " Ne 
temere", 2 August, 1907). Furthermore, in some 
diocRses tlie statutes declare invalid any exercise of 



the powers of j urisdiction attached to a benefice, before 
the actual installation in the benefice. 

III. The institutio auHorisahilis is nothing but an 
approbation required for the validity of acts of juris- 
diction, granted by the bishop to a beneficiary in 
view of his undertaking the care of souls {cura ani- 
marum). It is an act of the same nature as the ap- 
probation which a bishop gives members of a religious 
order for hearing confessions of persons not subject to 
their authority, and without which the absolution 
would be invalid; but there is this difference that in 
the case of the institutio auctorisabilis the approbation 
relates to the exercise of the ministerial functions 
taken as a whole. It is the missio canonica indis- 
pensable for the validity of acts requiring an actual 
power of jurisdiction. This institution, which is 
reserved to the bishop or his vicar-general and to those 
possessing a quasi-episcopal jurisdiction, is required 
when the institutio tiiuli collativa belongs to an inferior 
prelate, a chapter, or a monastery. The institutio 
tituli collativa given by the bishop himself implies the 
institutio auctorisabilis, which, therefore, needs not to 
be given by a special act. 

Decretals of Gregory IX, bk. Ill, tit. 7, De institutionibus : 
Liber Sextjis, bk. Ill, tit. 6, De Institutionibus ; Ferraris, 
Prompta bibliolheca, s. v. Institutio, IV (Paris, 1861), 701-12; 
HlNSCHius, System des katholischen Kirchenreckls, II (Berlin, 
1878-18S3). 649-57, and III, 3-4: Santi, Prcelectiones iuris 
canonici. Ill (Ratisbon, 1898), 116-25: Wernz, Jus decreta- 
lium, II (Rome, 1899), 532-45: Gross, Dos Recht an der 
Pfriinde (Graz. 1887): Archiv fur kalholisches Kirchenrecht, 
LXXXVIII (1908), 768-9, and LXXXIX (1909), 75-8, 327-9. 

A. Van Hove. 
Insurance. See Societies, Benevolent. 

Intellect (Lat. intelligere — inter and legere — to 
choose between, to discern; Gr. mOs; Ger. Vernunft, 
Verstand; Fr. intellect; Ital. intelletto), the faculty of 
thought. As understood in Catholic philosophical 
literature it signifies the higher, spiritual, cognitive 
power of the soul. It is in tliis view awakened to 
action by sense, but transcends the latter in range. 
Amongst its functions are attention, conception, judg- 
ment, reasoning, reflection, and self-consciousness. All 
these modes of activity exhibit a distinctly supra- 
sensuous element, and reveal a cognitive faculty of a 
higher order than is required for mere sense-cognitions. 
In harmony, therefore, with Catholic usage, we.reserve 
the terms intellect, intelligence, and intellectual to this 
higher power and its operations, although many 
modern psychologists are wont, with much resulting 
confusion, to extend the application of these terms so 
as to include sensuous forms of the cognitive process. 
By thus restricting the use of these terms, the inac- 
curacy of such phrases as "animal intelligence" is 
avoided. Before such language may be legitimately 
employed, it should be shown that the lower animals 
are endowed with genuinely rational faculties, funda- 
mentally one in kind with those of man. Catholic 
philosophers, however they differ on minor points, as 
a general body have held that intellect is a spiritual 
faculty depending extrinsically, liut not intrinsically, 
on the bodily organism. The importance of a right 
theory of intellect is twofold: on account of its bear- 
ing on epistemology, or the doctrine of knowledge; 
and because of its connexion with the question of the 
spirituality of the soul. 

History. — The view that the cognitive powers of the 
mind, or faculties of knowledge, are of a double order 
— the one lower, grosser, more intimately depending 
on bodily organs, the other higher and of a more 
refined and spiritual nature — appeared very early, 
though at first confusedly, in (Jreek thought. It was 
in connexion with cosmological, rather than psy- 
chological, theories that the difference between sen- 
suous and rational kno\vle<lge was first emphasized. 
On the one hand there seems to be constant change, 
and, on the other hand, permanence in the world that 
is revealed to us. The question: How is the apparent 



INTELLECT 



67 



INTELLECT 



conflict to be reconciled? or, Which is the true repre- 
sentation? forced itself on the speculative mind. 
Heraclitus insists on the reality of the changeable. 
All things are in a perpetual flux. Parmenides, Zeno, 
and the Eleatics argued that only the unchangeable 
being truly is. Atadriffn^ "sense", is the faculty by 
which changing phenomena are apprehended; mOs, 
"thought", "reason", "intellect", presents to us 
permanent, abiding being. The Sophists, with a 
skill unsurpassed by modern Agnosticism, urged the 
sceptical consequences of the apparent contradiction 
between the one and the many, the permanent and 
the changing, and emphasized the part contributed by 
the mind in knowledge. For Protagoras, " Man is the 
measure of all things", whilst with Gorgias the con- 
clusion is: " Nothing is; nothing can be known; noth- 
ing can be expressed in speech". Socrates held that 
truth was innate in the mind antecedent to sensuous 
experience, but his chief contribution to the theory 
of knowledge was his insistence on the importance 
of the general concept or definition. 

It was Plato, however, who first realized the full 
significance of the problem and the necessity for co- 
ordinating the data of sense with the data of the 
intellect; he also first explained the origin of the 
problem. The universe of being, as reported by 
reason, is one, eternal, immutable; as revealed by 
sense, it is a series of multiple changing phenomena. 
Which is the truly real? For Plato there are in a 
sense two worlds, that of the intellect (>'07)t6>'), and 
that of sense (oparSii). Sense can give only an im- 
perfect knowledge of its object, which he calls belief 
(jriffTis) or conjecture (e^Kao-Za) . The faculties by which 
we apprehend the voriTdv, "the intelligible world", 
are two: "oOs, "intuitive reason", which reaches the 
ideas (.see Idea); and Xtryos, "discursive reason", 
which by its proper process, viz. ^ttio-tiJ/xi;, "demon- 
.stration", attains only to Sii^/oia, "conception". Plato 
thus sets up two distinct intellectual faculties attain- 
ing to different sets of objects. But the world of 
ideas is for Plato the real world ; that of sense is only 
a poor shadowy imitation. Aristotle's doctrine on 
the intellect in its main outline is clear. The soul 
is possessed of two orders of cognitive faculty, t6 
ala0t]Ti.Kl>v, "sensuous cognition", and t6 SiavoTjTiKSv^ 
"rational cognition". The sensuous faculty in- 
cludes at(T0T]<ni, "sensuous perception", (papraaia, 
" imagination ", and A""?/"?, "memory". The faculty of 
rational cognition includes "ovs and Sidfoia. These, 
however, are not so much two faculties as two func- 
tions of the same power. They roughly correspond 
to intellect and ratiocinative reason. For intellect 
to operate, previous sense perception is required. 
The function of the intellect is to divest the object 
presented by sense of its material and individualizing 
conditions, and apprehend the universal and intelli- 
gible form embodied in the concrete physical reality. 
The outcome of the process is the generalization in 
the intellect of an intellectual form or representation 
of the intelligil)le Iseing of the object (flSos, mr)T6v). 
This act constitutes the intellect cognizant of the 
object in its universal nature. In this process intel- 
lect appears in a double character. On the one hand 
it exhibits itself as an active agent, in that it operates 
on the object presented by the sensuous faculty, 
rendering it intelligible. On the other hand, as sub- 
ject of the intellectual representation evolved, it mani- 
fests passivity, modifiability, and susceptibility to the 
reception of different forms. There is thus revealed 
in Aristotle's theory of intellectual cognition an active 
intellect (raCs ironiTixis) and a passive intellect ("ovs 
■ira$riTiK6s). But how these are to be conceived, and 
what precisely is the nature of the distinction and 
relation between them, is one of the most irritatingly 
obscure points in the whole of Aristotle's works. The 
locus classicus is his " De .\nima", III, v, where the 
subject is briefly dealt with. As the active intellect 



actuates the passive, it bears to it a relation similar 
to that of form to matter in physical bodies. The 
active intellect "illuminates" the object of .sense, 
rendering it intelligil)le somewhat as light renders 
colours visible. It is pure energy without any po- 
tentiality, and its activity is continuous. It is sep- 
arate, immortal, and eternal. The passive intellect, 
on the other hand, receives the forms abstracted by 
the active intellect and ideally becomes the oliject. 
The whole passage is so obscure that commentators 
from the beginning are hopelessly divided as to .\ris- 
totle's own view on the nature of the toCs Troij/ruis 
(see Hammond). Theophrastus, who succeeded Aris- 
totle as scholiarch of the Lyceum, accepted the two- 
fold intellect, but was unable to explain it. The 
great commentator, Alexander of Aphrodisias, inter- 
prets the voOs TToiriTiKbi as the activity of the Divine 
intelligence. This view was adopted by many of the 
Arabian philosophers of the Middle Ages, who con- 
ceived it in a pantheistic sense. For many of them 
the active intellect is one universal reason illuminating 
all men. With Avicenna the passive intellect alone 
is individual. Averrhoes conceives both intellectus 
agens and intellectus possibilis as separate from the 
individual soul and as one in all men. 

The Schoolmen generally controverted the Arabian 
theories. Albertus Magnus and St. Thomas interpret 
intellectus ageiis and possibilis as merely distinct fac- 
ulties or powers of the individual soul. St. Thomas 
understands "separate" (xwpiffT6s) and "pure" or 
"unmixed" (djiii7i}s) to signify that the intellect is 
distinct from matter and incorporeal. Interpreting 
Aristotle thus benevolently, and developing his doc- 
trine, Aquinas teaches that the function of the active 
intellect is an abstractive operation on the data sup- 
plied by the sensuous faculties to form tlie species 
intelligibiles in the intellectus possibilis. The intellectus 
possibilis thus actuated cognizes what is intelligible 
in the object. The act of cognition is the con- 
cept, or verbum mentale, by wiiich is apprehended the 
universal nature or essence of the object prescinded 
from its individualizing conditions. The main fea- 
tures of the Aristotelean doctrine of intellect, and of 
its essential distinction from the faculty of sensuous 
cognition, were adhered to by the general body of 
the Schoolmen. 

By the time we reach modern pliilosophy, es- 
pecially in England, the radical distinction between 
the two orders of faculties begins to be lost sight of. 
Descartes, defending the spirituality of the soul, 
naturally supposes the intellect to be a spiritual 
faculty. Ijcibniz insists on both the spirituality and 
innate efiiciency of the intellect. Whilst admitting 
the axiom, "Nil est in intellectu quod non jiriiis iiicrit 
in sensu ", he adds with much force, "nisi intellectus 
ipse", and urges spontaneity and iiniatc :icij\ily as 
characteristics of the monad. From the lin:ik with 
Scholasticism, however, English philos(>[iliy drifleil 
towards Sensationism and Materialism, sulisequently 
influencing France and other countries in the same 
direction; as a consequence, the old conception of 
intellect as a spiritual faculty of the soul, and as a 
cognitive activity by which the universal, necessary, 
and immutable elements in knowledge are appre- 
hended, was almost entirely lost. For Hobbes the 
mind is material, and all knowledge is ultimately 
sensuous. Locke's attack on innate ideas and intui- 
tive knowledge, his reduction of various forms of 
intellectual cognition to complex amalgams of so- 
called simple ideas originating in sense perception, 
and his representation of the mind as a passive tabula 
rasa, in spite of his allotting certain work to reflection 
and the discursive reason, paved the way for all 
modern Sensationism and Phenomenalism. Con- 
dillac, omitting Locke's "reflection", resolved all 
intellectual knowledge into Sen.sationism pure and 
simple. Hume, analysing all mental products into 



INTELLECT 



68 



INTELLECT 



sensuous impressions, vivid or faint, plus association 
due to custom, developed the sceptical consetjuences 
involved in Locke's defective treatment of the intel- 
lectual facidty, and carried philosophy hack to the 
old conclusions of the Greek Sensationists ami 
Sophists, but reinforced by a more subtile and acute 
psychology. All the main features of Hume's psy- 
chology have been adopted by the whole Associa- 
tionist school in England, by Positivists abroad, and 
by materialistic scientists in so far as they have any 
philosophy or psychology at all. The essential dis- 
tinction between intellect, or rational activity, and 
sense has in fact been completely lost sight of, and 
Scepticism and Agnosticism liave logically followed. 
Kant recognized a distinction between sensation and 
the higher mental element, but, conceiving the latter 
in a different way from the old Aristotelean view, and 
looking on it as purely subjective, his system was 
developed into an idealism and scepticism differing 
in kind from tliat of Hume, but not very much 
more satisfactory. Still, the neo-Kantian and He- 
gelian movement, which developed in Great Britain 
during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, 
has contributed much towards the reawakening of 
the recognition of the intellectual, or rational, element 
in all knowledge. 

The CoiniON Doctrine. — The teaching of Aris- 
totle on intellect, as developed by Albertus Magnus 
and St. Thomas, has become, as we have said, in its 
main features the common doctrine of Catholic phi- 
losophers. We shall state it in brief outline. (1) 
Intellect is a cognitive faculty essentially different 
from sense and of a supra-organic order; that is, it is 
not exerted by, or intrinsically dependent on, a bod- 
ily organ, as sensation is. This proposition is proved 
by psychological analysis and study of the chief 
functions of intellect. These are conception, judg- 
ment, reasoning, reflection, and self-consciousness. 
All these activities involve elements essentially dif- 
ferent from sensuous consciousness. In conception 
the mind forms universal ideas. These are different 
in kind from sensations and sensuous images. These 
latter are concrete and individual, truly representa- 
tive of only one object, whilst the universal idea will 
apply with equal truth to any object of the class. 
The universal idea possesses a fixity and invariable- 
ness of nature, whilst the sensuous image changes 
from moment to moment. Thus the concept or uni- 
versal idea of "gold", or "triangle", will with equal jus- 
tice stand for any specimen, but the image represents 
truly only one individual. The sensuous faculty can 
be awakened to activity only by a stimulus which, 
whatever it be, exists in a concrete, individualized 
form. In judgment the mind perceives the identity 
or discordance of two concepts. In reasoning it 
apprehends the logical nexus tetween conclusion and 
premises. In reflection and self-consciousness it turns 
back on itself in such a manner that there is perfect 
identity lietween the knowing subject and the object 
known. But all the.se forms of consciousness are 
incompatible with the notion of a sensuous faculty, 
or one exerted by means of a liodily <irgan. The Sen- 
sationist psych(jl(igists, from Berkeley onwards, were 
unanimous in maintaining that the mind cannot form 
imiveisal or abstract ideas. This would be true were 
the intellect not a spiritual faculty essentially dis- 
tinct from .sense. The simple fact is that they in- 
variably confounded the image of the imagination, 
which is individualized, with the concept, or idea, of 
the intellect. When we employ \miver.si»l terms in 
any intelligilile proposition the terms have a meaning. 
The thought by which that meaning is apprehended 
in the mind is a universal idea. 

(2) In eiignitirjii we start from sensuous experience. 
Theiiitcllcet presu|i|i()scss<>iisation and operates on the 
niaterialssupplicd by the sensuous faculties. Thebegin- 
ninu of ciin.sciousness with tlu' infant is in sen.sation. 



This is at first felt, most probably, in a vague and 
indefinite form. But repetition of particular sensa- 
tions and experience of other sensations contrasted 
with them render their apprehension more and more 
definite as time goes on. (iroups of sensations of 
different senses are aroused by particular objects and 
become united by the force of contiguous association. 
The awakening of any one of the group calls up the 
images of the others. Sense perception is thus being 
perfected. At a certain stage in the process of de- 
velopment the higher power of intellect begins to be 
evoked into activity, at first feebly and dimly. In 
the beginning the intellectual apprehension, like the 
sensations which preceded, is extremely vague. Its 
first acts are probably the cognition of objects re- 
vealed through sensations under wide and indefinite 
ideas, such as "extended-thing", "moving-thing", 
" pressing-thing ", and the like. It takes in objects as 
wholes, before discriminating their parts. Repetition 
and variation of sense-impressions stimulates and 
sharpens attention. Pleasure or pain evokes interest, 
and the intellect concentrates on part of the sensuous 
experience, and the process of abstraction begins. Cer- 
tain attributes are laid hold of, to the omission of others. 
Comparison and discrimination are also called into 
action, and the more accurate and perfect elaboration of 
concepts now proceeds rapidly. The notions of sub- 
stance and accidents, of whole and parts, of permanent 
and changing, are evolved with increasing distinct- 
ness. GeneraUzation follows quickly upon abstraction. 
When an attribute or an object has been singled out 
and recognized as a thing distinct from its surround- 
ings, an act of reflection renders the mind aware of the 
object as capable of indefinite realization and multi- 
plication in other circumstances, and we have now the 
formally reflex universal idea. 

The further activity of the intellect is fundamen- 
tally the same in kind, comparing, identifying, or dis- 
criminating. The activity of ratiocination is merely 
reiteration of the judicial activity. The final stage in 
the elaboration of a concept is reached when it is em- 
bodied for further use in a general name. Words pre- 
suppose intellectual ideas, but register them and 
render them permanent. The intellect is also dis- 
tinguished, acconling to its functions, as speculative 
or practical. When pronouncing simply on the ra- 
tional relations of ideas, it is called speculative; when 
considering harmony with action, it is termed prac- 
tical. The faculty, however, is the same in both 
cases. The faculty of conscience is in fact merely the 
practical intellect, or the intellect passing judgment 
on the moral quality of actions. The intellect is essen- 
tially the faculty of truth and falsity, and in its ju- 
dicial acts it at the same time affirms the union of 
subject and predicate and the agreement between its 
own representation and the objective reality. Intel- 
lect also exhibits itself in the higher form of memory 
when there is conscious recognition of identity be- 
tween the present and the past. To the intellect is 
due also the conception of self and personal identity. 
The fimdamental difficulty with the whole Sensa- 
tionist school, from Hume to Mill, in regard to the 
recognition of personality, is due to their ignoring the 
true nature of the faculty of intellect. Were there no 
such higher rational faculty in the mind, then the 
mind could never be known as anything more than a 
series of mental states. It is the intellect which en- 
ables the mind to apprehend itself as a unity, or 
unitary being. The ideas of the infinite, of space, 
time, and causality are all similarly the product of 
intellectual activity, starting from the data presented 
by .sense, and exercising a power of intuition, ab- 
straction, identification, and discrimination. It is, 
accordingly, the absence of an adequate conception 
of intellect which has rendered the treatment of all 
these mental functions so defective in the English 
psychology of the last century. 



INTENDENCIA 



69 



INTENTION 



(See also Faculties of the Soul; Dialectic; 
Epistemology; Empiricism; Idealism; Positivism.) 

Aristotle, Psychology^ tr. Hammond (New York and 
London. 1902). especially introduction, section VIII. On the 
Creative Reason; Wallace. 3d., De Anima, Gr. and Eng. with 
introd. (Cambridge, 1882); Brentano, Die Psychologic des 
Aristoteles (Mainz, 1867); Kampb, Die Erkenntnisthcorie des 
Aristoteles (Leipzig. 1870); Hamilto-V. Reid, notes A and M; 
Andres. Die Lehre des Aristoteles vom vovt (Gross-Strelitz, 1906). 

St. Thomas (on difference between intellect and sense), De 
Anima. III. lect. vii; Contra Gent., II. Ixvi; cf. Alamannus. 
Summa Philosophic, ed. Bringmann (Paris. 1890); van den 
Berg. De ideis divinis (Bois-le-Duc. 1872); Peillaube, Thcorie 
des concepts (Paris. 1894) ; Balmes, Fundamental Philosophy, 
especially bk. IV (tr.. New York and London, 1856) ; Kleutgen, 
La Phiiosophie Scholaslique (French tr., Paris, 1868); de 
VoRGES. La Perception et la Psychologic Thomiste (Paris, 1892); 
Rousselot, L Intellectualisme de ,St Thorrias (Paris, 1908) ; 
Maher, Psychology (6th ed., New Y'ork and London, 1905) ; 
RiCKABT, First Principles (4th ed., New York and London, 
1901); MlvART, On TriUh (London, 188B), xv; Grathy, De la 
Connaissance de Vdme (6th ed., Paris. 1906); Liberatore, 
Delia conoscema irUellettitale (Rome, 1858); Idem, On Universals 
(tr., London, 1889); Zigliara, Delia luce intellettuale (Rome, 
1874); Seewis, DeZ^ conoscema sensitiva (Prato, 1881). 

On nature and origin of necessary truths: Ward. Phil- 
osophy of Theism, I (London, 1884); McCosH. Examination 
of Mill (London, 1866), ,xi, xii; Idem, Intuitions of Mind (New 
York and London, 1865); jyE Reqnos, Metaphysique des caitses 
(Paris. 1880). bk. I. ii, iv. v. 

Histories: Stockl. tr. Finlat (Dublin. 1887); Janet and 
Seailles. The History of the Problems of Philosophy (New York 
and London, 1902); Porter, The Human Intellect (London, 
1872): Green, Introduction to Hume's Treatise on Human Na- 
ture (new ed-, London, 1S7S), contains an able examinat-on 
of Sensism; Lotze, Metaphysik (Leipzig, 1841), especially bk. 

For the Sensationist view: Bain, The Senses and the In- 
tellect (London. 1855); Taine, De V Intelligence (P.iris, ISTO). 

Michael Maker. 

Intendencia Oriental y Llanos de San Martin, 
Vicariate Apostolic of, in the province of Saint 
Martin, Colombia, South America, created 24 Marcli, 
1908, and entrusted to the Society of Mary. In 
place of this vicariate there were formerly two pre- 
fectures .Apostolic, one created on 23 June, 1903, and 
the other on S January, 1904, after negotiations 
(dating from 1902) between the Holy See and the 
Colombian Government for the evangelization of 
these vast provinces. Surrounded by the Cordil- 
leras, and watered by the Batatas, Garagoa, Guavio, 
Humades, Meta, and Orinoco Rivers, the territory is 
still inhabited largely by the uncivilized natives, in 
number about 50,000, of whom scarcely 10,000 have 
been baptized. U. Benigni. 

Intention (Lat. intendere, to stretch toward, to 
aim at) is an act of the will by which that faculty 
efficaciously desires to reach an end by employing 
the means. It is apparent from this notion that 
there is a sharply defined difference between intention 
and volition or even velleity. In the first instance 
there is a concentration of the will to the point of 
resolve which is wholly lacking in the others. With 
the purpose of determining the value of an action, it 
is customary to distinguish various sorts of intentions 
which could have prompted it. 

First, there is the actual intention, operating, 
namely, with the advertence of the intellect. Sec- 
ondly, there is the virtual intention. Its force is 
borrowed entirely from a prior volition which is ac- 
counted as continuing in some result produced by it. 
In other words, the virtual intention is not a present 
act of the will, but rather a power {virtue) come about 
as an effect of a former act, and now at work for the 
attainment of the end. The thing therefore that is 
wanting in a virtual, as contrasted with an actual, in- 
tention is not of course the element of will, but rather 
the attention of the intellect, and that particularly 
of the reflex kind. So, for example, a person having 
made up his mind to uMdert:ike a journey may during 
its progress be entiri'ly i)r('(iceu|iicd with other 
thoughts. He will nevertliclcss he said to have all the 
while the virtual intention of reaching his destination. 
Thirdly, an habitual intention is one that once actually 



existed, but of the present continviance of which there 
is no positive trace; the most that can be said of it 
is that it has never been retracted. And fourthly, 
an interpretative intention is one that as a matter of 
fact has never been really elicited ; there has Ijeen and 
is no actual movement of the will; it is simply the 
purpose which it is assumed a man would have had 
in a given contingency, had he given thought to the 
matter. 

It is a commonplace among moralists that the inten- 
tion is the chief among the determinants of the con- 
crete morality of a human act. Hence, when one's 
motive is grievously bad, or even only slightly so, if 
it be the exclusive reason for doing something, then 
an act which is otherwise good is vitiated and reputed 
to be evil. An end which is only venially bad, and 
which at the same time does not cont;iin the complete 
cause for acting, leaves the operation which in other 
respects was unassailable to be qualified as partly 
good and partly bad. A good intention can never 
hallow an action the content of wliich is wrong. Thus 
it never can be lawful to steal, even though one's 
intention be to aid the poor with the proceeds of the 
theft. The end does not justify the means. It may 
be noted here in passing, as somewhat cognate to the 
matter under discussion, that the explicit and fre- 
quently renewed reference of one's actions to Almighty 
(jod is not now commonly thought to be necessary in 
order that thej^ may be said to be morally good. 
The old-time controversy on this point has practically 
died out. 

Besides affecting the goodness or badness of acts, 
intention may have much to do with their validity. 
Is it required, for instance, for the fulfilment of the 
law? The received doctrine is that, provided the 
subject is seriously minded to do wliat is prescribed, 
he need not have the intention of satisfying his obli- 
gation ; and much less is it required that he should be 
inspired by the same motives as urged the legislator 
to enact the law. Theologians quote in this con- 
nexion the saying, "Finis priecepti non cadit sub 
pripcepto " (the end of the law does not fall under its 
binding force). What has been said ajiphes with even 
more truth to the class of obligations called real, 
enjoining for instance the payment of debts. For 
the discharge of these no intention at all is demanded, 
not even a conscious act. It is enough that the cred- 
itor gets his own. 

The Church teaches very unequivocal!}' that for the 
valid conferring of the sacraments, the minister must 
have the intention of doing at least what the Church 
does. This is laid down with great emphasis by the 
Council of Trent (sess. VII) . The opinion once defended 
by such theologians as Catharinus and Salmeron that 
there need only be the intention to perform deliber- 
ately the external rite proper to each sacrament, and 
that, as long as this was true, the interior dissent of 
the minister from the mind of the Church would not 
invalidate the saerament, no longer finds adherents. 
The common doctrine now is that a real internal 
intention to act as a minister of Christ, or to do what 
Christ instituted the sacraments to effect, in other 
words, to truly baptize, absolve, etc., is required. 
This intention need not necessarily be of the sort 
called actual. That would often be practieaily im- 
possible. It is enough that it be virtu:ii. Neither 
habitual nor interpretative intention in the minister 
will suffice for the validity of the sacrament. The 
truth is that here and now, when the sacrament is 
being conferred, neither of these intentions exists, and 
they can therefore exercise no determining influence 
upon what i.s done. To administer the sacraments 
with :i conditional intention, which makes their effect 
contingent upon a future event, is to confer them in- 
validly. This holds good for all the sacraments 
except matrimony, which, being a contract, is suscep- 
tilile of such a limitation. 



INTERCESSION 



70 



INTERCESSION 



As to the recipients of the sacraments, it is certain 
that no intention is required in children who have not 
yet reached the age of reason, or in imbeciles, for the 
validity of those sacraments which they are capable 
of recei\ing. In the case of adults, on the other hand, 
some intention is indispensable if the sacrament is not 
to be invalid. The reason is that our justification is 
not brought about wdthout our co-operation, and that 
includes the rational will to profit by the means of 
sanctification. How much of an intention is enough, 
is not always quite clear. In general, more in the way 
of intention will be demanded in proportion as the 
acts of the receiver seem to enter into the making 
of the sacrament. So for penance and matrimony 
under ordinary conditions a virtual intention would 
appear to be required; for the other sacraments an 
habitual intention is sufficient. For an unconscious 
person in danger of death the habitual intention may 
be implicit and still suffice for the validity of the sac- 
raments that are then necessary or highly useful; 
that is, it may be contained in the more general pur- 
pose which a man has at some time during his life, 
and which he has never retracted, of availing himself 
of these means of salvation at so supreme a moment. 
For the gaining of indulgences the most that can 
probably be exacted is an habitual intention. 

WiLHELM AND ScANNELL. Manual of Cal/icUc Theology (Lon- 
don. 1909); Slater, Manual of Moral Theology (New York, 
190S); DE AUGUSTINIS. De re sacramentaria (Rome, 1889): 
Ballerini, Opus theologicum morale (Prato, 1900); (jEnicot, 
T/imlogia: moralis inslitutiones (Louvain, 1898). 

Joseph F. Delany. 

Intercession (Mediation). — To intercede is to go 
or come lietween two parties, to plead liefore one of 
them on behalf of the other. In the New Testament it 
is used as the equivalent of ivrvyxdi'ei.i' (Vulg. intcr- 
pcllare, in Heb., vii, 25). " Mediation " means a stand- 
ing in the midst between two (contending) parties, for 
the purpose of bringing them together (cf. mediator, 
/xe<riTi7s, I Tim., ii, o). In ecclesiastical usage both 
words are taken in the sense of the intervention pri- 
marily of Christ, and secondarily of the Blessed Mrgin 
and the angels and saints, on behalf of men. It would 
be better, however, to restrict the word mediation to 
the action of Christ, and intercession to the action of 
the Blessed Virgin, the angels, and the .saints. In this 
article we shall briefly deal with: I. the Mediation of 
Christ; and at more length with, II. the intercession 
of the saints. 

I. In considering the Mediation of Christ we must 
distinguish between His position and His office. As 
God-man He stands in the midst between God and 
man, partaking of the natures of both, and therefore, 
by that very fact, fitted to act as Mediator between 
them. He is, indeed, the Mediator in the absolute 
sense of the word, in a way that no one else can possibly 
be. " For there is one God, and one mediator of God 
and men, the man Chri-st Jesus" (I Tim., ii, 5). He is 
united to both: " The head of every man is Christ . . . 
the head of Christ is God " (I Cor., xi, 3). His office of 
Mediator belongs to Him as man. His human nature is 
the princijiium quo, but the value of His action is 
derived from the fact that it is a Dixdne Person Who 
acts. The main ol)ject of His mediation is to restore 
the friendship between (Jod and man. This is at- 
tained first by the meriting of grace and remission of 
sin, by means of the worship and satisfaction offered to 
God by and through Christ. But, besides bringing 
man nigh unto God, Chri.st brings God nigh unto man, 
by revealing to man Divine truths and commands — 
He is the Apostle sent by God to us and the High- 
Priest lca<ling us on to God (Heb., iii, 1). Even in the 
physical order the mere fact of C'hrist's existence is in 
itself a mediation between God and man. By uniting 
our humanity to His Divinity He united us to t!od and 
God to us. As St. .\thanasius .says, " Christ became 
man that men might become gods" (" De Incarn.", n. 



54; cf. St. Augustine, "Serm. De Nativitate Dom.", 
St. Thomas, III, Q. i, a. 2). And for this Christ 
prayed: "That they all may be one, as thou, Father, 
in me, and I in thee. ... I in them, and thou in me; 
that they may be made perfect in one" (John, xvii, 
21-23). The subject of Christ's mediation belongs 
properly to the articles Atonement, Doctrine of 
the; Jesus Christ; Redemption (q. v.). See also 
St. Thomas, III, Q. xxvi; and the treatises on the 
Incarnation. 

II. We shall here speak not only of intercession, but 
also of the invocation of the saints. The one indeed 
implies the other; we should not call upon the saints 
for aid unless they could help us. The foundation of 
both lies in the doctrine of the communion of saints 
(q. v.). In the article on this subject it has been 
shown that the faithful in heaven, on earth, and in 
purgatory are one mystical body, with Christ for 
their head. All that is of interest to one part is of 
interest to the rest, and each helps the rest: we on 
earth by honouring and invoking the saints and pray- 
ing for the souls in purgatory, and the saints in 
heaven by interceding for us. The Catholic doctrine 
of intercession and invocation is set forth by the 
Council of Trent, which teaches that " the saints who 
reign together with Christ offer up their own prayers 
to QiOt\ for men. It is good and useful suppliantly to 
invoke them, and to have recourse to their prayers, 
aid, and help for obtaining benefits from God, 
through His Son Jesus Christ our Lord, Who alone is 
our Redeemer and Saviour. Those persons think 
impiously who deny that the Saints, who enjoy eter- 
nal happiness in heaven, are to be invoked ; or who 
assert either that they do not pray for men, or that 
the invocation of them to pray for each of us is idol- 
atry, or that it is repugnant to the word of God, and 
is opposed to the honour of the one Mediator of God 
and men, Jesus Christ" (Sess. XXV). This had 
already been explained by St. Thomas': "Prayer is 
offered to a person in two ways: one as though to be 
granted by himself, another as to be obtained through 
him. In the first way we praj- to God alone, because 
all our prayers ought to be directed to otitaining grace 
and glory wdiich God alone gives, according to those 
words of the psalm (Ixxxiii, 12): 'The Lord will give 
grace and glor.y.' Bvit in the second way we pray to 
the holy angels and to men, not that God may learn 
our petition through them, but that by their prayers 
and merits our prayers may be efficacious. Wherefore 
it is said in the Apocalypse (viii, 4) : ' And the smoke 
of the incense of the prayers of the saints ascended up 
before God from the hand of the angel'" (Summ. 
Theol., II-II, Q. Ixxxiii, a. 4). The reasonableness 
of the Catholic teaching and practice cannot be better 
stated than in St. Jerome's words: "If the Apostles 
and Martyrs, while still in the body, can pray for 
others, at a time when they must still be anxious for 
themselves, how much more after their crowns, vic- 
tories, and triumphs are won! One man, Moses, 
obtains from God pardon for six hundred thousand 
men in arms; and Stephen, the imitator of the Lord, 
and the first martyr in Christ, begs forgiveness for 
his persecutors; and shall their power be less after 
having begun to be with Christ? The Apostle Paul 
declares that two hundred three score and si.xteen 
souls, sailing with him, were freely given him; and, 
after he is dissolved and has begun to be with Christ, 
shall he close his lips, and not be able to utter a word 
in behalf of those who throughout the whole world 
believed at his preaching of the Gospel? And shall 
the living dog Vigilantius be better than that dead 
lion?" ("Contra Vigilant.", n.G, in P. L., XXIII, 344). 

The chief objections raised against the intercession 
and invocation of the saints are that these doctrines 
are opposed to the faith and trust which we should 
have in God alone; that they are a denial of the all- 
sufficient merits of Christ; and that they caopot be 



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71 



INTERCESSION 



proved from Scripture and the Fathers. Thus Arti- 
cle xxii of the Anglican Church says: "The Romish 
doctrine concerning the Invocation of Saints is a fond 
thing vainly invented, and grounded upon no war- 
ranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word 
of God." 

(1) In the article Ador.vtion (q. v.) it has been 
clearly shown that the honour paid to angels and 
saints is entirely different from the supreme honour 
due to God alone, and is indeed paid to them only as 
His servants and friends. " By honouring the Saints 
who have slept in the Lord, by invoking their inter- 
cession and venerating their relics and ashes, so far is 
the glory of God from being diminished that it is very 
much increased, in proportion as the hope of men is 
thus more excited and confirmed, and they are en- 
couraged to the imitation of the Saints" (Cat. of the 
Council of Trent, pt. Ill, c. ii, q. 11). We can, of 
course, address our prayers directly to God, and He 
can hear us without the intervention of any creature. 
But this does not prevent us from asking the help of 
our fellow-creatures who may be more pleasing to 
Him than we are. It is not because our faith and 
trust in Him are weak, nor because His goodness and 
mercy to us are less; rather is it because we are en- 
couraged by His precepts to approach Him at times 
through His servants, as we shall presently see. As 
pointed out by St. Thomas, we invoke the angels and 
saints in quite different language from that addressed 
to God. We ask Him to have mercy upon us and 
Himself to grant us whatever we require; whereas 
we ask the saints to pray for us, i.e. to join their peti- 
tions with ours. However, we should here bear in 
mind Bellarmine's remarks: "When we say that 
nothing should be asked of the saints but their prayer 
for us, the question is not about the words, but the 
sense of the words. For as far as the words go, it is 
lawful to say: 'St. Peter, pity me, save me, open for 
me the gate of heaven'; also, 'Give me health of 
body, patience, fortitude', etc., provided that we 
mean 'save and pity me by praying for me'; 'grant 
me this or that by thy prayers and merits.' For so 
speaks Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. xviii — according 
to others, xxiv — "De S. Cypriano" in P. G., XXXV, 
1193; "Orat. de S. Athan.: In Laud. S. Athanas.", 
Orat. xxi, in P. G., XXXV, 112S); in " De Sanct. 
Beatif.", I, 17. The supreme act of impetration, 
sacrifice, is never offered to any creature. "Al- 
though the Church has been accustomed at times 
to celebrate certain Masses in honour and memory of 
the Saints, it does not follow that she teaches that 
sacrifice is offered unto them, but unto God alone, 
who crowned them; whence neither is the priest wont 
to say ' I offer sacrifice to thee, Peter, or Paul ', but, 
giving thanks to God for their victories, he implores 
their patronage, that they may vouchsafe to intercede 
for us in heaven, whose memory we celel)rate upon 
earth" (Council of Trent, Sess. XXII, c. iii). The 
ColljTidians, or Philomarianites, offered little cakes in 
sacrifice to the Mother of God; but the practice was 
condemned by St. Epiphanius (H;er., Ixxix, in P. G., 
XLI, 740); Leontius Byzant., "Contra Nest, et 
Eutych.", Ill, 6, in P. G., LXXXVI, 1364; and 
St. John of Damascus (Hser., Ixxix, in P. G., 
XCIV, 728). 

(2) The doctrine of one Mediator, Christ, in no way 
excludes the invocation and intercession of saints. 
All merit indeed comes through Him; but this does 
not make it unlawful to ask our fellow-creatures, 
whether here on earth or already in heaven, to help us 
by their prayers. The same Apostle who insists so 
strongly on the sole mediatorship of Christ, earnestly 
begs the prayers of his brethren: "I beseech you, 
therefore, brethren, through our Lord Jesus Christ, 
and by the charity of the Holy Ghost, that you help 
me in your prayers for me to God" (Rom., xv, 30); 
and he himself prays for them: " I give thanks to my 



God in every remembrance of you, always in all my 
prayers making supplication for you all" (Phil., i, 3, 
4). If the prayers of the brethren on earth do not 
derogate from the glory and dignity of the Mediator, 
Christ, neitlier do the prayers of the saints in heaven. 

(3) As regards the proof from Holy Scripture and 
the Fathers, we can show that the principle and the 
practice of invoking the aid of our fellow-creatures are 
clearly laid down in both. That the angels have an 
interest in the welfare of men is clear from Christ's 
words: "There shall be joy before the angels of God 
upon one sinner doing penance" (Luke, xv, 10). In 
verse 7 He says simplv: "There shall be joy in 
heaven". Cf. Matt., xviii, 10; Heb., i, 14. 'That 
the angels pray for men is plain from the vision of the 
Prophet Zacharias: "And the angel of the Lord an- 
swered, and said: O Lord of hosts, how long wilt thou 
not have mercy on Jerusalem . . . and the Lord an- 
swered the angel . . . good words, comfortable 
words" (Zach., i, 12, 13). And the angel Raphael 
says: "When thou didst pray with tears . . . I offered 
thy prayer to the Lord" (Tob., xii, 12) The com- 
bination of the pra.yers both of angels and saints is 
seen in the vision of St. John: "And another angel 
came, and stood before the altar, haNnng a golden 
censer; and there was given to him much incense, 
that he should offer of the prayers of all saints upon 
the golden altar, which is before the throne of God. 
And the smoke of the incense of the prayers of the 
saints ascended up before C!od from the hand of the 
angel" (Apoc, viii, 3, 4). God Himself commanded 
Abimelech to have recourse to Abraham's interces- 
sion: "He shall pray for thee, and thou shalt live. 
. . . And when Abraham prayed, God healed Abime- 
lech" (Gen., XX, 7, 17). So, too, in the case of Job's 
friends He said: " Go to my servant Job, and offer for 
yourselves a holocaust; and my servant Job shall 
pray for you: his face I will accept'" (Job, xlii, 8). 
Intercession is indeed prominent in several passages 
in this same Book of Job: "Call now if there be any 
that will answer thee, and turn to some of the saints " 
(v, 1); " If there .shall be an angel speaking for him . . . 
He shall have mercy on him, and shall say: Deliver 
him, that he may not go down to corruption " (x«xiii, 
23). "They [the angels] appear as intercessors for 
men with God, bringing men's needs before Him, 
mediating in their behalf. This work is easily con- 
nected with their general office of labouring for the 
good of men" (Dillman on Job, p. 44). Moses is con- 
stantly spoken of as " mediator " : "I was the media- 
tor and stood between the Lord and you " (Deut., v, 5; 
cf. Gal., iii, 19, 20). It is true that in none of the 
passages of the Old Testament mention is matle of 
prayer to the saints, i. e. holy men already departed 
from this life; but this is in keeping with the imperfect 
knowledge of the state of the dead, who were still in 
Limlio. The general principle of intercession and 
inx'ocation of fellow-creatures is, howe\'er, stated in 
terms which admit of no denial; and this principle 
would in due course be api^lied to the saints as soon as 
their position was defined. In the \ew Testament 
the number of the saints already departed would be 
comparatively small in the early days. ■■^'■ 

The greatest of the Fathers in the succeeding cetfd 
turies speak plainly both of the doctrine and practicK? 
of intercession and invocation. " But not the High.5 
Priest [Christ] alone prays for those who pray sin-' 
cerely, but also the angels . . . as also the souls of the 
saints who have already fallen asleep (ai' re tCiv tt^okc- 
KotiiTitiii'ui' aytav tpvxal, Origen, "De Oratione", n. xi, 
in P. G., XI. 448). In many other places Origen 
uses similar expressions; indeed it may be said that 
there is hardly any treatise or homily in which he does 
not refer to the intercession of the angels and saints. 
St. Cyprian, writing to Pope CorneHus, says: " Let us 
be mutually mindful of each other, let us ever pray for 
each other, and if one of us shall, by the speediness of 



INTERCESSION 



72 



INTERCESSION 



the Divine vouchsafement, depart hence first, let our 
love continue in the presence of the Lord, let not 
prayer for our brethren and sisters cease in the pres- 
ence of the mercy of the Father" (Ep. ivii, in P. L., 
IV, 35S). "To those who would fain stand, nei- 
ther the guardianship of saints nor the defences of 
angels are wanting " (St. Hilary, " In Ps. cxxiv ", n. 
5, 6, in P. L., X, 682). "We then commemorate also 
those who have fallen asleep before us, first, pa- 
triarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs, that God, by 
their prayers and intercessions, may receive our peti- 
tions" (St. Cyril of Jerus., "Cat. Myst.", v, n. 9) in 
P. C!., XXXIII, 1166). "Remember me, ye heirs of 
God, ye brethren of Christ, supplicate the Saviour 
earnestly for me, that I may be freed through Christ 
from him that fights against me day by day" (St. 
Ephraem Syrus, " De Timore Anim.", in fin.). "Ye 
victorious martyrs who endured torments gladly for 
the sake of the God and Saviour; ye who have bold- 
ness of speech towards tlie Lord Himself; ye saints, 
intercede for us who arc timid and sinful men, full of 
sloth, that the grace of Christ may come upon us, and 
enlighten the hearts of all of us that so we may love 
him" (St. Ephraem, " Encom. in Mart."). "Do thou, 
[Ephraem] that art standing at the Divine altar, and 
art ministering with angels to the life-giving and most 
Holy Trinity, bear us all in remembrance, petitioning 
for us the remission of sins, anfl the fruition of an ever- 
lasting kingdom " (St. Gregorv of Nyssa, " De vita 
Ephraemi", in fin., P. G., XLVI, 850). "Mayest 
thou [Cyprian] look down from above propitiously 
upon us, and guide our word and life; and shepherd 
[or shepherd with me] this sacred flock . . . gladden- 
ing us with a more perfect and clear illumination of 
the Holy Trinity, before Which thou standest" (St. 
Gregory of Naz., Orat. xvii — according to others, 
xxiv— "De S. Cypr.", P. G., XXXV, 119.3). In 
like manner does Gregory pray to St. Athanasius 
(Orat. xxi, " In laud. S. Athan.", P. G., XXXV, 
1128). "O holy choir! O sacred band! O unbroken 
host of warriors! O common guardians of the human 
race ! Ye gracious sharers of our cares ! Ye co-operators 
inourprayer! Most powerful intercessors!" (St. Basil, 
"Horn, in XL Mart.", P. G., XXXI, 524). "May 
Peter, who wept so efficaciously for himself, weep for 
us and turn towards us Christ's benignant counte- 
nance" (St. Ambrose, "Hexaem.", V, xxv, n. 90, in 
P. L., XIV, 242). St. Jerome has been quoted 
above. St. John Chrysostom frequently speaks of 
invocation and intercession in his homilies on the 
saints, e. g. " When thou perceivest that God is chas- 
tening thee, fly not to His enemies . . . but to His 
friends, the martyrs, the saints, and those who were 
pleasing to Him, and wlio have great power" (irapp-q- 
alav, "boldness of speech" — Orat. VIII," Adv. Jud.", 
n. 6, in P. G., XLVIII, 9.37). "He that wears the 
purple, laying aside his pomp, stands begging of the 
saints to l^e his patrons with God; and he that wears 
the diadem begs the Tent-maker and the Fisherman 
as patrons, even though they be dead " (" Hom. 
xxvi, in II Ep. ad Cor.", n. 5, in P. G., LXI, 581). 
"At the Lord's table we do not commemorate 
martyrs in the same way that we do others who rest in 
peace so as to pray for them, l)ut rather that they may 
pray for us that we may follow in their footsteps " (St. 
Augustine, "In Joann.", tr. Ixxxiv, in P. L., XXXIV, 
1847). 

Prayers to the saints occur in almost all the ancient 
liturgies. Thus in tlio Liturgy of St. Basil: "By the 
command of Tliinc niily-lKgottpn Son we communi- 
cate with the memory of Thy saints ... by whose 
prayers and supplications have mercy upon us all, and 
deliver us for the sak<! of Thy holy name which i,- in- 
voked upon \is". t'f. the Liturgy of Jerusalem, the 
Liturgy of St. Chrysostom, the Liturgy of Nestorius, 
the Coptic Liturgy of St. Cyril, etc. That these com- 
memorations are not later additions is manifest from 



the words of St. Cyril of Jerusalem: "We then com- 
memorate also those who have fallen asleep before us, 
first, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs, that God 
by their pravers and intercessions may receive our 
petitions" ("Cat. Myst.", v, in P. G., XXXIII, 
1113). (See Renaudot, "Liturgiarum Orientalium 
Collectio", Paris, 1716.) 

We readily admit that the doctrine of the interces- 
sion of the saints is a development from the teaching 
of Scripture and that the practice is open to abuse. 
But if the carefully-wordeil and wholesome decrees of 
the Council of Trent lie adhered to, there is nothing in 
the doctrine or practice which deserves the condemna- 
tion expressed in Article xxii of the Anglican religion. 
Indeed the High Church .Vnglicans contend that it is 
not the invocation of saints that is here rejected, but 
only the " Romish doctrine ", i. e. the excesses prevail- 
ing at the time and afterwards condemned by the 
Council of Trent. " In principle there is no question 
herein between us and any other portion of the Catho- 
lic Church. . . . Let not that most ancient custom, 
common to the LTniversal Church, as well Greek as 
Latin, of addressing Angels and Saints in the way we 
have said, be condemned as impious, or as vain and 
foolish" [Forbes, Bishop of Brechin (Anglican), 
"Of the Thirty-nine Articles", p. 422]. The re- 
formed Churches, as a body, reject the invocation of 
the saints. Article xxi of the Augsburg Confession 
says: "Scripture does not teach us to invoke the 
Saints, or to ask for help from the Saints ; for it puts 
before us Christ as the one mediator, propitiatory, 
high-priest, and intercessor." In the " Apology of the 
Augsburg ('(infcssion" (ad art. xxi, sects. 3, 4), it is 
admitted that tlie angels pray for us, and the saints, 
too, "for the Church in general"; but this does not 
imply that they are to be invoked. The Calvinists, 
however, reject both intercession and invocation as an 
imposture and delusion of Satan, since thereby the 
right manner of praying is prevented, and the saints 
know nothing of us, and have no concern as to what 
passes on earth ("Gall. Confess.", art. xxiv; "Re- 
monst. Conf.", c. xvi, sect. 3). 

Denzinger, Enchiridion (lOtli ed., Freiburg im Br., 1908). 
J1.0S4: Catechism of the Council of Trent. tT. Donovan (Dublin, 
1867); St. Thomas, II-II. Q. lxx.xiii, a. 4; and Suppl.. Q. Lxxii. 
a. 2; SuAREZ, De Incarnatione (Venice, 1740-51). disp. Iii;PETA- 
vins, De Incarnatione (Bar-lc-DuQ, 1864-70), XV, c. v. vi: 
Bellarmine, De Controversiis Christianoe Fidei, II (Paris. 
1608), Controv. quarta, I, xv sqq.; Waterworth, Faith of 
Catholics, III (New York, 1885); Milner, End of Rdigioun 
Controversy, ed. Rivi.ngton (London, 1896); G1BBON.S, Faith of 
our Fathers (Baltimore. 1890). xiii, xiv; Mohler, Symbolism 
tr. Robertson, II (London, 1847), 140 sqq. 

T. B. SCANNELL. 

Intercession, Episcopal, the right to intercede 
for criminals, which was granted by the secular power 
to the bishops of the Early Church. This right origi- 
nated rather in the great respect in which the episcopal 
dignity was held in the early centuries of Christian- 
ity, than in any definite enactment. Reference to its 
existence is made in the seventh canon of the Council 
of Sardica about 344 (Mansi, "Collectio Amplissima 
Conciliorum", III. It is also mentioned by St. Au- 
gustine (Epp. cxxxiii and cxxxix, in Migne, P. L., 
XXXIII, 509, 535), St. Jerome (Ep. In, in Migne, P. L., 
XXII, 527-40), and by Socrates in his "Church His- 
tory" (V, xiv; VII, xvii). St. .\ugustine repeatedly 
interceded for criminals with M:ir('(l<)nius. who was 
then governor of .\frica (Epp. clii-fliii, in Migne, P. L., 
XXXIII, 652). Martin of Tours interceded with 
Emperor Maximus for the imprisoned rriscillianists 
in 384-5: and Bishop Flavian of .\iitiocli interceded 
with Emperor Theodo.sius I in 387 on behalf of the in- 
habitants of .•\ntioch, who had wantonly destroyed 
the imperial statues in that city. St. Ambrose in- 
duced Emperor Theodosius I to enact a law which for- 
bade tlie execution of tlic death penalty and the con- 
fiscation of property until thirty days after .sentence 
had been passed. It was the purpose of this law to 



INTERDICT 



73 



INTERDICT 



leave room for clemency and to prevent the punishing 
of the innocent [see Bossuet, "Gallia Orthodoxa", 
pars I, lib. II, cap. v, in "CEuvres Completes", XII 
(Bar-le-Duc, 1S70), 98]. To enable them to exercise 
their right of intercession, the bishops had free access 
to the prisons (Codex Theodosii, app., cap. xiii). 
They were even exhorted to visit the prisoners every 
Wednesday and Saturday in order to investigate the 
cause of their imprisonment, and to admonish the 
supervisors of the prisons to treat those committed to 
their charge with Christian charity. In case the 
prison-keepers were found to be inhuman or remiss in 
their duty towards their prisoners, the bishops were 
to report these abuses to the emperor. The rights of 
the bishops, which were almost unlimited in this re- 
spect, were somewhat regulated for the bishops of the 
Eastern Empire in "Codex Justiniani", lib. I, tit. 4: 
"De episcopali audientia"; for the bishops of the 
Western Empire in the "Edicta Theoderici", cap. xiv 
(Mon. Germ. Leg., V). Closely allied with the right of 
episcopal intercession was the right of asylum or 
sanctuary (see Right of Asylum), and the right and 
duty of the bishops to protect orphans, willows, and 
other unfortunates. Thus Theodoret, Bishop of Cy- 
rus, interceded with Empress Pulcheria in behalf of 
the poor of his diocese, who were overladen with taxes; 
the Third Council of Carthage, held in 399, requested 
the emperor to accede to the wishes of the bishops by 
appointing advocates to plead the causes of the poor 
before the courts, while the Council of Macon, held in 
585, forbade all civil authorities to begin judicial pro- 
ceedings against widows and orphans without pre- 
viously notifying the bishop of the diocese to which 
the accused belonged. 

Krads, Realenrykiopddie der christlichen AUertiimer, I (Frei- 
burg im i3r., 1882). 166-7; Ratzinger. Gesch. der kirchlu:hen 
Armmpflege (Freiburg im Br., 1884), 133-9; Bales in Diction- 
ary of Christian Antiquities (London, 1876-80), s. v.; Lale- 
MAND, Histoire de la Charili; I (Paris, 1907 — ). 

M1CH.4EL OtT. 

Interdict (Lat. interdidum, from inter and dicere), 
originally in Roman law, an interlocutorj' edict of the 
praetor, especially in matter affecting the right of 
possession; it still preserves this meaning in both 
Roman and canon law. In present ecclesiastical use 
the word denotes, in general, a prohibition. In addi- 
tion to the definite meaning it has when referring to 
the object of this article, the term is often loosely 
employed in a wider and rather untechnical sense. 
We speak of a priest, a church, or a practice of devo- 
tion being interdicted, to denote a suspended priest, 
one who either liy canon law or by the stricture of his 
ordinary is forbidden to exercise his sacerdotal fimc- 
tions; a church building that has been secularized, or 
one in which Divine service is temporarily suspended, 
because the edifice has incurred "pollution" or lost its 
consecration; finally, extraordinary practices of de- 
votion are said to be interdicted. But, strictly speak- 
ing, interdict is applied only to persons and churches 
affected by the penal measure or censure called "inter- 
dict", and it is exclusively in this sense of the word 
that the subject is treated here. After explaining its 
nature and effects we shall mention the interdicts in 
force by common canonical law. 

I. An interdict is a censure, or prohibition, exclud- 
ing the faithful from participation in certain holy 
things (D'.\nnibale, "Summula", I, n. .369). The.se 
holy things are all those pertaining to Christian wor- 
ship, and are divided into three classes: (1) the Divine 
offices, in other words the Liturgy, and in general all 
acts performed by clerics as such, and having refer- 
ence to worship; (2) the sacraments, excepting private 
administrations of those that are of necessity; (3) 
ecclesiastical burial, including all funeral services. 
This prohibition varies in degree, according to the 
different kinds of interdicts to be enumerated : — 

First, interdicts are either local or personal; the 



former affect territories or sacred buildings directly, 
and persons indirectly; the latter directly affect per- 
sons. Canonical authors add a third kind, the mixed 
interdict, which affects directly and immediately both 
persons and places; if, for instance, the interdict is 
issued against a town and its inhabitants, the latter 
are subject to it, even when they are outside of the 
town (arg. cap. xvi, "De sent, excomm." in VI°). 
Local interdicts, like personal interdicts, may be 
general or particular. A general local interdict is one 
affecting a whole territory, district, town, etc., and 
this was the ordinary interdict of the Middle Ages; 
a particular local interdict is one affecting, for exam- 
ple, a particular church. A general personal interdict 
is one falling on a gi^'en body or group of people as a 
class, e. g. on a cliapter, the clergy or people of a town, 
of a community; a particular personal interdict is one 
affecting certain individuals as such, for instance, a 
given bishop, a given cleric. Finally, the interdict is 
total if the prohibition extends to all the sacred things 
mentioned above; otherwise it is called partial. A 
special kind of partial interdict is that which forbids 
one to enter a church, interdictum ab ingressu ecclesice, 
mentioned by certain texts. Omitting the mixed 
interdict, which does not form a distinct class, we have 
therefore: (1) the general local interdicts; (2) partic- 
ular local interdicts; (3) general personal interdicts; 
(4) particular personal interdicts; (5) prohibitions 
against entering a church. We may add (6) the 
prohibition obliging the clergy to abstain from cele- 
brating the Divine offices, cessatio a divinis, a measure 
somewhat akin to a particular local interdict, only 
that it is not imposed on account of any crime on the 
part of those whom it affects. This short account 
shows us that under the same name are grouped penal 
measures rather different in nature, but having in 
common a prohibition of certain sacred things. 

Interdict differs from excommiuiication, in that it 
does not cut one off from the communion of the faith- 
ful or from Christian society, though the acts of re- 
ligion forbidden in both cases are almost identical. It 
differs from suspension also in this respect: the latter 
affects the powers of clerics, inasmuch as they are 
clerics, while the interdict affects the rights of the 
faithful as such, and does not directly affect clerics aa 
such but only as members of the Church. Of course, 
it follows that the clergy cannot exercise their func- 
tions towards those under interdict, or in interdicted 
places or buildings, but their powers are not directly 
affected, as happens in case of suspension; their juris- 
diction remains unimpaired, which allows of a guilty 
individual being punished, without imperilling the 
validity of his acts of jurisdiction. This shows that 
an interdict is more akin to excommunication than to 
suspension. 

Whereas excommunication is exclusively a censure, 
intended to lead a guilty person back to repentance, 
an interdict, like suspension, may be imposed either as 
a censure or as a vindictive punishment. In both 
cases there must have been a grave crime; if the 
penalty has been inflicted for an indefinite period and 
with a view to making the guilty one amend his evil 
ways, it is imposed as a censure ; if, however, it is im- 
posed for a definite time, and no reparation is de- 
manded of the individuals at fault, it is inflicted as a 
punishment. Consequently the interdicts still in 
vogue in virtue of the Con.stitution ".\postolic« 
Sedis" and the Council of Trent are censures; whilst 
the interdict recently (1909) placed by Pius X on the 
town of Adria for fifteen days was a puni.shment. 
Strictly .speaking, only the particular personal inter- 
dict is in all ca.ses a perfect censure, because it alone 
affects definite persons, while the other interdicts do 
not affect the individuals except indirectly and inas- 
much as they form part of a body or belong to the 
interdicted territory or place. That is also the reason 
why only particular personal interdicts, including the 



INTERDICT 



74 



INTERDICT 



prohibition to enter a church, suppose a personal 
fault. In all other cases, on the contrary, although 
a fault has been committed, and it is intended to 
punish the guilty persons or make them amend, the 
interdict may affect and does affect some who are 
innocent, because it is not aimed directly at the in- 
dividual but at a moral body, e. g. a chapter, a monas- 
tery, or all the inhabitants of a district or a town. If 
a chapter incur an interdict (Const. "Apost. Sedis", 
interd., n. 1) for appealing to a future general council, 
the canons who did not vote for the forbidden resolu- 
tion are, notwithstanding, obliged to observe the 
interdict. And the general local interdict suppressing 
all the Divine offices in a town will evidently fall on 
the innocent as well as the guilty. Such interdicts 
are therefore inflicted for the faults of moral bodies, 
of puljlic authorities as such, of a whole population, 
and not for the faults of private individuals. 

Who have the power of imposing an interdict, and 
how does it cease? In general, the reader may be 
referred to Censures, Ecclesiastical; and Excom- 
munication. We shall add a few brief remarks. Any 
prelate having jurisdiction inforo externo can impose 
an interdict on liis sul)jects or his territory. It may 
be provided for in the law and then, like other censures 
(q. v.), can heferendcB or lata scntentioe. A particular 
personal interdict is removed by absolution; other 
interdicts are said to be "raised", but this does not 
imply any act relative to the individuals under inter- 
dict; when imposed as a punishment these interdicts 
may cease on the expiration of a definite time. 

(1) A general local interdict is, therefore, for a whole 
population, town, province, or region, the almost com- 
plete suspension of the liturgical and sacramental 
Christian life. Examples of it exist as early as the 
ninth centurj', under the name of excommunication 
(see in particular the Council of Limoges of 1031). 
Innocent III gave this measure the name of interdict 
and made vigorous use of it. It will suffice to recall 
the interdict imposed in 1200 on the Kingdom of 
France, when Philip II Augustus repudiated Inge- 
burga to marry Agnes of lleran; and that on the 
Kingdom of England in 1208, to support the election 
of Stephen Langton to the See of Canterbury against 
John Lackland, which lasted till the submission of that 
king in 121.3. It was a dangerous weapon, but its 
severity was mitigated little by little, and at the same 
time it was less frequently employed. The last exam- 
ple of a general interdict launched by the pope against 
a whole region seems to have been that imposed by 
Paul V in 1606 on the territory of Venice; it was 
raised in the following year. A quite recent example of 
a general, local, and personal interdict, but of a purely 
penal nature, is the interdict placed by Pius X on the 
town and suburbs of Adria in Xorthern Italy, by 
decree of the Sacred Congregation of the Consistory, 
on 30 September, 1909, to punish the population of 
Adria for a sacrilegious attack made on the bishop, 
Mgr. Boggiani, in order to prevent him from trans- 
ferring his residence to Rovigo. The interdict was 
to last for fifteen days, and contained the following 
provisions: "Prohibited are: (a) the celebration of 
the Mass and all other liturgical ceremonies; (b) the 
ringing of bells; (c) the public administration of the 
sacraments; (d) solemn burial. The following alone 
are permitted: (a) the baptism of children, the ad- 
ministration of the other sacraments and of the Viati- 
cum to the sick; (b) the private celebration of mar- 
riages; (c) one Mass each week for the renewal of the 
Holy Eucharist." It was recalled that the viola- 
tion of this interdict constitutes a mortal sin forall and 
imposed an irregularity on clerics (Acta Ap. Sedis, 
1.5 Oct., 1909, p. 765). 

To return to the subject of a general local interdict, 
but non-personal in kind, the law authorizes the pri- 
vate celebration (if Mass and the choir oflice, the doors 
of the eluircli lieing clo.sed (c. Ivii, "De .sent, exc", 



and c. xxiv,eod.in VI°), and also the administration 
of confirmation; on the other hand canonical authors 
did not allow e.xtreme unction for the sick, but Pius 
X permits it . To these relaxations must be added the 
exceptions made in time of interdict for the celebra- 
tion of the great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pente- 
cost, the Assumption, Corpus Christi, and its octave. 

(2) The particular local interdict has the same 
effects, but they are limited to the interdicted place or 
church. The above-mentioned mitigations, however, 
are not allowed. Whoever knowingly celebrates or 
causes to be celebrated the Divine offices in an inter- 
dicted place incurs ipso facto the prohibition against 
entering the church until he has made amends (Const. 
Ap. Sedis, interd., n. 2); and any cleric who know- 
ingly celebrates any Divine office in a place interdicted 
by name becomes irregular (C. xviii, "De sent, ex- 
comm." in VI°), but not if he administers a sacrament 
to an interdicted individual, as the law has not legis- 
lated for such a ca.se. 

(3) The general personal interdict, which, we have 
seen, may be combined with the local interdict, has 
the same effects for all the persons who form or will 
form part of the group, community, or moral person 
under interdict: all the canons of a chapter, all the 
religious of a convent, all the inhabitants of a town, 
all those domiciled in the place, etc. They, however, 
escape from the interdict who are not members or who 
cease to be members of the body affected, e. g. a canon 
appointed to another benefice, a stranger who leaves 
the town, etc. But the mere change of locality has no 
liberating effect, and the interdict follows the indi- 
vidual members of the body wherever they may go. 

(4) The particular personal interdict, which is a real 
censure, affects individuals much in the same way as 
excommunication. They may not assist at the Di- 
vine offices or at Mass, and if they are interdicted by 
name they should be put out; however, if they refuse 
to withdraw it is not necessary to suspend the service, 
since, after all, the interdict does not deprive them of 
the communion of the faithful. They may not de- 
mand to receive the sacraments, except Penance and 
the Viaticum, and it is not lawful to administer them. 
They are to be deprived of ecclesiastical burial, but 
Mass and the ordinary prayers may be said for them. 
A cleric violating the interdict becomes irregular. 

(.5) The interdict against entering the church is a 
real censure, intended to bring about the amendment 
of the erring one; it prohibits him from taking part in 
Divine service in the church and from being accorded 
a burial service in it. But outside the church he is as 
if he had not incurred any censure; he can attend Di- 
vine service and receive the sacraments in a private 
oratory and pray in the church when service is not 
being held in it. The individual is absolved after due 
.satisfaction for his fault. 

(6) The cessation from Divine service, cessatio a 
divinis, follows the rules of the local interdict, from 
which it differs, not in its effects, but only because the 
fault for which it is imposed is not the fault of the 
clerics who are prohibiteti from celebrating the Divine 
seri'ice. It forbids the holding of Divine service and 
the administration of the sacraments in a given sacred 
place. It is a manifestation of sorrow and a kind of 
reparation for a grievous wrong done to a holy place. 
This cessatio a divinis is not imposed ipso/acto by the 
law; it is imposed by the ordinary when and under 
the conditions that he judges suitable. 

II. There are at present five interdicts latae sententioe, 
two of whichare mentioned in thcConstitution " Apos- 
tolicie Sedis", two decreed by tli(^ Council of Trent, 
and one added by the Constitution "Romanus Ponti- 
fex" of 23 August, 1873:— 

(1) "Universities, colleges, and chapters, whatso- 
ever be their name, that :L|ipeal from the ordinances or 
mandates of the n'igiiing Honiaii pontiff to a future 
general council, incur an interdict specially reserved to 



INTEREST 



75 



INTEREST 



the Roman pontiff." This interdict is imposed for t he 
same crime as the specially reserved excommunication 
no. 4 [see Excommunication, VII, A. (a)], but the ex- 
communication falls on the individuals, and the inter- 
dict on the group, or moral persons, by whatever name 
they be called, and who cannot be excommunicated as 
such. 

(2) "Those who knowingly celebrate or cause to be 
celelirated the Divine offices in places interdicted by 
the ordinary or his delegate, or by the law; those who 
admit persons excommunicated by name to the Divine 
offices, the sacraments of the Church, or to ecclesiasti- 
cal burial, incur plena jure the interdict against enter- 
ing the church, until they have made amends sufficient 
in the opinion of him whose order they have con- 
temned." This interdict,which is borrowed, except for 
a few minor modifications, f rom c. viii, ' ' De privilegiis", 
in VI° of Boniface VIII, is therefore reserved to the 
competent prelate. Its object is to ensure the obser- 
vance, on the one hand, of the local interdict, and, 
on the other, of excommunication by name (see Ex- 
COMMUNIC.'V.TION, vol. V, p. 6S0, sub-title Viiandi and 
Tolerati). 

(3) The Council of Trent (Sess. VI, cap. i, " De Ref .") 
imposes on bishops the duty of residence ; it prescribes 
that those who absent themselves without a sufficient 
reason for six continuous months are to be deprived of 
a quarter of their annual revenue; tli^n of another 
quarter for a second six months' absence; after which, 
tlie council continues, "as their contumacy increases 
. . . the metropolitan will be bound to denounce to 
the Roman pontiff, by letter or by messenger, within 
three months, his absent suffragan bishops, and the 
senior resident suffragan bishop will be obliged to de- 
nounce his absent metropolitan, under penalty of in- 
terdict against entering the church, incurred eo ipso." 
The obligation of denouncing begins, therefore, only 
after an entire year's absence, and the interdict is in- 
curred- only if the denunciation has not been made 
within the next tliree months. 

(4) The Council of Trent (Sess. VII, cap. x, "De 
Ref.") forbids chapters, during the vacancy of a see, 
to grant dimissory letters within a year dating from 
the vacancy, unless to clerics who are arctali, i. e. 
ol)ligi'il to ol)tain ordination on account of a benefice; 
this prohil>ition carries with it the penalty of interdict. 
The Council of Trent having later (Sess. XXIV, cap. 
xvi, "De Ref.") obliged the chapter to name a vicar 
capitular within eight days, the interdict can be in- 
curred by the chapter only for dimissorj' letters granted 
during these eight days. It is disputed whether or 
not the vicar capitular would incur the interdict for 
this fault (Pennacchi in Const. "Ap. Sedis", II. 469). 

(.5) The Constitution "Romanus Pontifex" aims at 
preventing those who are elected by the chapters or 
named by the civil authorities from undertaking the 
administration of their church under the name or title 
of vicar capitular. Besides the excommunication in- 
curred by the chapters and the person electeil (see 
E.xcoMMUNic.\TioN, sub-title Excoiiiniunicdtiiinx Pro- 
nounced or Renewed Since the Constitution "A pustolicce 
Sedis"), Pius IX imposes on "those among them who 
have received the episcopal order a suspension from 
the exercise of their pontifical powers and the inter- 
dict against entering the church, pleno jure and with- 
out any declaration." 

Canonists usually treat of interdict in their commentaries on 
tit. xxxiK, X, lib. V. Moralists deal with it apropos of the 
treatise on censures {De censuris). One of the best works is that 
nf d'Annib.\lb. SummuZa Tfieoloffue moralis (5th ed., Rome, 
1908). For dstails consult the numerous commentaries on the 
Constitution Apo^tolica Sedis. Special works by ancient 
writers: Avila, De censuris (Lyons. 1608); Soarez, De ren- 
awris (Coimbra, 160.3); Altieri, De censuris ecclesiaslicis 
(Rome, 1618). — .\mong recent writers see Kober. Der Kir- 
chenbann (Tubingen, 1857); Marx in Kirchenlex., s. v.; Holl- 
WECK, Die kirchtichen SlrafgeseUe (.Mainz, 1899); Hilarius a 
Sexten. De censuris (Mainz, 1898); MiJNCHEN, Das kanonische 
Gerichlsverfahren und Slrafrechl (Cologne, 1874); Tadnton, 
The Law of the Church (London, 1906), 8. v. Interdict; Smith, 



Elements of Ecclesiastical Law (New York, 1884); SantI- 
Leitner, Pr<ilect. Jur. Canonici (New York, 1905); LAtjREN- 
TUis, Inst. Jur. Eccl. (Freiburg, 1908), 328-32; Lega, De 
Judiciis Eccl. (Rome, 1900). 

A. BOUDINHON. 

Interest (Lat. interest; Fr. intirct; Cierm. in- 
teresse) . The mental state called interest has received 
much attention in recent psychological literature. 
This is largely due to the German philosopher Ilerbart 
(q. v.). The important position he has won for it in 
the theory of education makes it deserving of some 
treatment in The Catholic Encyclopedia. P.sychol- 
ogists have disputed as to the exact meaning to be 
assigned to the term and the precise nature of the 
mental state. 

P.SYCHOLOGY OF INTEREST. — Interest has been 
variously defined as a kind of consciousness accom- 
panying and stimulating attention, a feeling pleasant 
or painful directing attention — the pleasurable or 
painful aspect of a process of attention — and as identi- 
cal with attention itself. Thus it may be said, I 
attend to what interests me; and, again, that to be 
interested and to attend are identical. The term 
interest is used also to indicate a permanent mental 
disposition. Thus I may have an interest in certain 
subjects, though they are not an object of my present 
attention. However interest be defined, and whether 
it be described as a cause of attention, an aspect of 
attention, or as identical with attention, its special 
significance lies in its intimate connexion with the 
mental activity of attention. Attention may be de- 
fined as cognitive or intellectual energy directed to- 
wards any object. It is essentially selective, it con- 
centrates consciousness on part of the field of mental 
vision, whilst it ignores other parts. Attention is also 
purposive in character. It focuses our mental gaze 
in order to attain a clearer and more distinct view. 
It results in a deeper and more lasting impression, and 
therefore plays a vital part both in each cognitive act 
and in the growth of knowledge as a whole. The 
English .\ssociationist school of psychology and most 
Empiricists, in treating of tlie genesis of knowledge, 
seem to look on the intensity or frequency of the 
stimulus as the most influential factor in the process 
of cognition. As a matter of fact, what the mind 
takes in depends almost entirely on this selective 
action of attention. 

Out of the total mass of impressions, streaming in at 
any moment through the various channels of sense, it 
is only those to which attention is directed that rise 
to the level of intellectual life, or take real hold of the 
mind. What these are will be determined liy interest. 
We are interested in what is connected with our 
past experience, especially in what is partly new, yet 
partly familiar. Pleasant feelings and painful feel- 
ings are original excitants of attention; there are 
other experiences also — neutral perhaps in them- 
selves, but associated with these latter — which gener- 
ate fear or hope, and so become interesting. Though 
our attention may be temporarily attracted by any 
sudden shock or unexpected impression of unusual 
intensity, we do not speak of this as interesting, and 
our attention soon wanes. Isolated experiences, ex- 
cept in so far as they may stimulate the intellect to 
seek to correlate them with some previous cognitions, 
do not easily hold the mind. Repeated efforts are 
required to keep our attention fixed on an unfamiliar 
branch of study (as e. g. a new language or science). 
But in proportion as each successive act of observa- 
tion or understanding leaves a deposit in the form of 
an idea in the memorj', ready to be awakened by 
partially similar experiences in the future, there is 
gradually built up in the mind a group or system of 
ideas constituting our abiding knowledge of the sul> 
iect. Such series of experiences, with the group of 
ideas thus deposited in the memory, render similar 
acts of cognition easy and agreeable in the future. 



INTEREST 



76 



INTEREST 



In fact they develop a kind of appetite for future 
related experiences, which are henceforth assimilated, 
or, in Herbartian language, apperceived, witli facility 
and satisfaction. The latent group of ideas bearing 
on any topic constitute an interest in the sense of a 
permanent disposition of the mind, whilst the feeling 
of the process of apperception, or assimilation, is 
interest viewed as a form of actual consciousness. 
But an event of a liizarre or novel character, which we 
may find difficulty in comprehending or assimilating 
with past experience, may also fascinate our mind. 
The strange, the horrible, may thus awaken at least 
temporarily a keen, if morbid, interest. Still, in so 
far as such experiences may excite fear or anxiety, 
they come under the general principle that interest is 
associated with personal pleasure or pain. 

Broadly speaking, then, all those things which 
arouse or sustain non-voluntary or spontaneous 
attention are interesting, whilst phenomena to which 
we can attend only w-ith volimtary effort are uninter- 
esting. The child is interested in its food and its 
play, also in any operations associated with pleasure 
or pain in the past. The boy is interested in his 
games, in those exercises which he has come to con- 
nect with his own well-being, and in branches of study 
which have already effected such a lodgment in the 
mind that new ideas and items of information are 
readily assimilated and associated with what has gone 
before. Men are interested in those subjects which 
have become interwoven and connected with the 
main occupations of their lives. 

Pedagogics. — The psychology of interest being 
thus understood, its capital importance in the work 
of education becomes obvious. It is in his insistence 
on the value of this mental and moral force, and his 
systematic treatment of it in application to the busi- 
ness of teaching, that Herbart's chief importance as 
an educationist lies. In proportion as the teacher can 
awaken and sustain the interest of the pupil, so much 
greater will be the facility, the rapidity, and the 
tenacitj' of the mental acquisition of the latter. It 
must be admitted that, in beginning most branches of 
knowledge, a number of "dry" facts, which possess 
little interest of themselves for the child, have usually 
to be learned by sheer labour. The spontaneous 
attention of the pupil will not fix on and adhere with 
satisfaction to the ideas presented in the opening 
pages of a text-book. Here the teacher is compelled 
to demand the effort of voluntary attention, even 
though it be not pleasant, on the part of the pupil. 
Still, he will wisely do his utmost to make some of the 
future utility of the immediate labour intelligible to 
the student, and in this way attach mediate interest to 
that which is dull and unattractive in itself. More- 
over, as the protracted effort of attention to what is 
in itself uninteresting is fatiguing, he will keep the 
lessons in these subjects short at first, and vary the 
monotony by enlivening and useful bits of informa- 
tion, illustrations, comments, and the like, which will 
afford relief and rest between the attacks on the sub- 
stanc(^ of the lesson. At this stage the master aims at 
being an interesting teacher; he cannot as yet make 
his subject interesting, which, however, should be his 
ultimate goal. 

But, as the .student advances, there is being formed 
in his mind an increasing group of cognitions, a grow- 
ing mass of ideas about this branch of study, which 
makes the entrance of each new idea connected with it 
easier and more wu'leoine. There is a feeling of satis- 
faction as each new item fits into the old, and is as- 
similated or "apperceived" by the latter. The pupil 
begins to feel that the ideas he already jwssesses give 
him a certain power to understand and manipulate 
the subject of his study, lie has become con.scious 
of an extension of this power with each eidargement 
of lii.s knowledge, and the desire for more knowledge 
begins to manifest itself. Here we have apperceptive 



attention or immediate interest. To generate this 
immediate interest in the subject itself being a main 
olijeet of the teacher, this purpose should determine 
his exposition of the subject as a whole, and also 
guide him in dealing with the student from day to 
day. His exposition should be orderly, proceeding 
logically with proper divisions: the more important 
principles or ideas should be firmly fixed by repetition, 
the subdivisions located in their proper places, and 
their connexion with the heads under which they 
fall made clear. By this means the ideas about the 
subject introduced into the mind of the pupil are built 
up into a rational or organized system. This secures 
greater command of what is already known, as well 
as greater facility in the reception of further knowl- 
edge, and so expedites the growth of interest. But 
besides this orderliness of exposition in the treatment 
of the matter, which might be formal and lifeless, the 
teacher must be continually adapting his instruction 
to the present condition of the pupil's mind. He 
must constantly keep in view what ideas the student 
has already acquired. He has to stir up the related 
set of ideas by judicious questions or repetitions, and 
excite the appetite of curiosity, when about to com- 
municate further information; he has to show the 
connexion and bind the new item with the previous 
knowledge by comparison, illustration, and explana- 
tion. Finally, he is to be alive to every opportunity 
to generalize, and to show how the new information 
may be applied by setting suitable exercises or prob- 
lems to be worked out by the pupil himself. He thus 
leads the pupil to realize his increase of power, which 
is one of the most effective means of fostering active 
interest both in the subject itself and in the relation of 
its various parts with the whole. 

Modern pedagogy, however, especially since Her- 
bart, insists on the value of interest not only as a 
means, but as an educational end in itself. For the 
Herbartian school the aim of education should be the 
formation of a man of "many-sided interest". This 
is to be attained by the judicious cultivation of the 
various faculties — intellectual, emotional, and moral 
— that is by the realization of man's entire being with 
all its aptitudes. It may be conceded that, with cer- 
tain qualifications and reservations, there is a sub- 
stantial amount of truth in this view. Worthy inter- 
ests ennoble and enrich human life both in point of 
dignity and happiness. The faculties, mental and 
physical, clamour for exercise; man's activities will 
find an outlet; the capacities of his soul are given to 
be realized. Ceteris paribiis, one good test of the 
educational value of any branch of study, and of the 
efficiency of the method by which it has been taught, 
is to be found in the degree in which it becomes a 
permanent interest to the mind. The exercise of our 
mental powers on a subject, which has already created 
for itself a real interest, is accompanied by pleasure. 
A man's business or profession, when he is working 
independently for himself, should, and normally does, 
become a topic of keen interest. But, unless his life 
is to be very narrow and stinted, he should also have 
other interests. His leisure hours require them. 
Wholesome intellectual, social, and aesthetic interests 
are amongst the most effective agencies for over- 
coming the temptations to drink, gambling, and other 
degrading forms of amusement. The pressure of 
ennui and idleness will develop a most harmful dis- 
content, unless the faculties find suitable employment. 
The man who, after a number of years devoted exclu- 
sively to the work of making money, retires from busi- 
ness in order to enjoy himself, is liable to find life 
almost insupportable through want of interesting 
occupation. A suliject. respecting which the mind is 
in possession of an organizeil system of ideas, is neces- 
sary to man for the agreeable exercise of his faculties, 
and such an interest requires time for its growth. 
Although then it is erroneous to maintain that many- 



INTEREST 



77 



INTERIMS 



sided interest or culture, however rich and varied, con- 
stitutes morality or supplies for religion, still it may 
be readily acknowledged that a judicious equipment 
of worthy interests, intellectual, a>sthetic, and social, 
is a powerful ally in the battle with evil passions, and 
also one of the most precious elements of human well- 
being with which a wisely planned scheme of educa- 
tion can equip the human soul. 

See article on Herbart and Hehbartianism, also Herbart, 
Science of Education, tr. Felkin (New York and London, 1897); 
Stout. Analytic Psychology (London, 1896-97); De Garmo, 
Interest and Education (New York and London. 1902); Adams, 
Herbartian Psyhology (New Y'ork and London), x; Sidgwick, 
Stimulus (Cambridge. 1883); James, Talks to Teachers (New 
Y'ork and London, 1901), xi. 

Michael Maher. 

Interest. — The subject will be divided as follows: 
(1) notion of interest; (2) legitimacy of lending at in- 
terest; (3) just rate of interest. — (1) Interest is a value 
exacted or promised over and above the restitution of 
a borrowed capital. Moratory interest, that is in- 
terest due as an indemnity or a penalty for delay in 
payment, is distinguished from compensatory interest, 
which indemnifies the lender for the danger he really 
runs of losing his capital, the loss that he suffers or 
the gain of which he deprives himself in disembarrass- 
ing himself of his capital during the period of the loan, 
and from lucrative interest, which is an emolument 
that the lender would not gain without lending. In- 
terest originates in the loan of goods of consumption, 
which permits the borrower to expend or to destroy 
the things lent, on condition of giving back an equal 
number of the same kind or quality. The sum to be 
paid for the usage of an article, which must itself be 
given back, is called hire. Everything which is con- 
sumed by usage: corn, wine, oil, fruit, etc., can be the 
matter of a loan (former sense), but ordinarily it is a 
sum of money which is lent. 

(2) Is it permitted to lend at interest? Formerly 
(see Usury) the Church rigorously condemned the ex- 
acting of anything over and above capital, except 
when, by reason of some special circumstance, the 
lender was in danger of losing his capital or could not 
advance his loan of money without exposing himself to 
a loss or to deprivation of a gain. These special rea- 
sons, which authorize the charging of interest, are 
called extrinsic titles. 

Besides these compensatory interests, the Church 
has likewise admitted morator\' interest. In our day, 
she permits the general practice of lending at interest, 
that is to say, she authorizes the impost, without one's 
having to inquire if, on lending his money, he has suf- 
fered a loss or deprived himself of a gain, provided he 
demand a moderate interest for the money he lends. 
This demand is never unjust. Charity alone, not jus- 
tice, can oblige anyone to make a gratuitous loan (see 
the replies of the Penitentiary and of the Holy Office 
since 1830). What is the reason for this change in 
the attitude of the Church towards the exaction of in- 
terest? As may be more fully seen in the article 
Usury, this difference is due to economical circum- 
stances. The price of goods is regulated by common 
valuation, and the latter by the utility that their pos- 
session ordinarily brings in a given centre. Now, to- 
day, otherwise than formerly, one can commonly em- 
ploy one's money fruitfully, at least by putting it into 
a syndicate. Hence, to-day, the mere possession of 
money means a certain value. Whoever hands over 
this possession can claim in return this value. Thus it 
is that one acts in demanding an interest. 

(3) Even to-day one can still sin against justice by 
demanding too high an interest, or nsiiry, as it is 
called. What interest then is just and moderate? 
Theoretically, and in an abstract way, the fair rate of 
interest nearly corresponds to the average gain that 
those engaged in business may generally expect in a 
determined centre. It nearly corresponds, for the in- 
terest being guaranteed, whilst the profit is uncertain. 



wo must discount the \alue of an assurance premium 
from the average profit. Accordingly, in a deter- 
mined centre, if those who sink their money in build- 
ings, land, or industrial undertakings generally look 
for a profit of 6 per cent, the just rate of interest will 
be about 4 or 5 per cent. This rate covers the risks 
and ordinary inconveniences of lending. But if one 
had to run special risks or had to give up an extraor- 
dinary premium, one might in all justice exact a higher 
rate of interest. Such, therefore, is the theoretical 
rule. In practice, however, as even the answer of the 
Sacred Penitentiarj' shows (18 April, 1889), the best 
course is to conform to the usages established amongst 
honest men, precisely as one does with regard to other 
prices, and, as happens in the case of such prices, par- 
ticular circumstances influence the rate of interest, 
either by increasing or lowering it. In this way, the 
security offered by advances to the governments of 
wealthy countries and those that cover mortgages 
diminish the rate for public loans and loans on mort- 
gage. On the contrary, the interest on shipping and 
mercantile business is higher than that in civil busi- 
ness, on account of the greater uncertainty in sea voy- 
ages and iu commercial enterprises. 

Dev.is, PoUlical Economy (I>.)naon, 1892); H. Pesch, Zins- 
ffrund und Zinsgrenze in Kathnlisrhe ZeUschrift (Innsbruck, 
18.S8); .\ntoine, Coitrs d'Erfn,}nne Sociale (Paris. 1907). xvii; 
\'as Roet, De j'usto a lu-lorm rl ronlrnctu crediti (Louvain, 1903) ; 
Vermeersch, Quastioncs de Juslitia (Bruges, 2nd ed., 1904). 
See also, in the works of writers on moral theolog>-, the treatise 
De contractibus. 

A. Vermeersch. 

Interims (Lat. interim, meanwhile), temporary 
settlements in matters of religion, entered into by 
Emperor Charles V (1519-56) with the Protestants. 

I. The Interim of Rati.sbon, published at the 
conclusion of the imperial diet, 29 July, 1.541. It 
was based on the result of the previous conference 
between Catholics and Protestants, in which an 
agreement had been reached on the idea of justifi- 
cation and other points of doctrine. Consequently 
the imperial "recess" enacted that the adjustment 
of the religious question should be postponed until 
the next general council or imperial diet; that mean- 
while the Protestants should not go beyond or 
against the articles agreed upon; that an ecclesiastical 
reform be inaugurated by the prelates; that the 
Peace of Nuremberg (1532) should be maintained; 
that monasteries and chapter-houses should remain 
intact; that the ecclesiastics should retain their 
possessions; that the Protestants should not draw 
anyone to their side; that all judicial proceedings in 
matters of religion should be suspended; that the 
imperial court of justice (Reicliskammergericht) 
should remain as before; and that the recess of Augs- 
burg (1530) should remain in force. Owing to the 
opposition of the Protestants, Charles V in a secret 
declaration made concessions to them, which prac- 
tically nullified the recess. The articles agreed upon 
were to be accepted in the sense of their theologians; 
the monasteries and chapter-houses might be called 
on to inaugurate a reform; the ecclesiastics, monas- 
teries, and chapter-houses, that had embraced the 
Confession of Augsburg, were to remain in the full 
possession of their property; the Protestants were 
not to compel the subjects of Catholic princes to 
embrace their Faith, but if anyone came to them 
spontaneously, he was not to be hindered; the mem- 
bers of the imperial court of justice were not to be 
molested, if they turned Protestants; and the recess 
of Augsburg was to have force only in matters not 
appertaining to religion. 

II. The Interim of .\ugsburg, published at the 
conclusion of the imperial diet, 30 June, 154S. In 
twenty-six chapters, it comprised statements on 
matters of doctrine and ecclesiastical disciiiline. The 
points of doctrine were all explained in the .sense of 
Catholic dogma, but couched in the mildest and 



INTERNATIONAL 



78 



INTRODUCTION 



vaguest terms; and wherever it was feasible, the form 
and the concept approached the Protestant view of 
those subjects. In matters of ecclesiastical disci- 
pline two important concessions were made to the 
Protestants, viz. the marriage of the clergy, and 
Communion under both kinds. In addition, an 
imperial ordinance enjoined on the Catholic clergy the 
execution of reforms in the choice and ordination of 
ecclesiastics, the administration of the sacraments, 
and other similar matters. 

III. The Interim of Zella. — The Interim of Augs- 
burg was meant principally for the Protestants, whose 
return to the Catholic Faith was looked for; but 
nearly everywhere they very strongly opposed it. In 
order to make it less objectionable, a modification 
was introduced by Melanchtlion and other Protestant 
divines, commissioned thereto by Elector Maurice 
of Saxony (1521-53). In a meeting held at Alt- 
Zclla in November, 1548, they explained in a Prot- 
estant sense what they considered essential points of 
doctrine, c. g. justification and others; they accepted 
the non-essentials or adiaphora, such as confirmation. 
Mass, the use of candles, vestments, holy days, etc. 
The document then draviTi up became known as the 
Interim of Zella, or the Small Interim. In the diet 
held at Leipzig in December, 1548, it was adopted 
by the estates of the Electorate of Saxony, and was 
then called the Interim of Leipzig, or the Great 
Interim. 

Pastor, Die kirchlichen Reunionsbestrebungen wahrend der 
B,Y,i,r„,„, KarU V. (Freiburg im Br., 1879); Idem, Gesch. der 
/■." '. , \ I r. ilmrg im Br., 1909); Janssen-Pastoh, Geschichte 
./' I hK-cs, hi (Freiburg im Br., 1899); Kaclen in 

h I .1 iburg im Br., 1889), s. V. /?i(ertm; IssLElB in 

RLulLjLi.^L.j...r prut. Theot. (Leipzig, 1901), s. v. Interim. 

Francis J. Schaefer. 
International Arbitration. See Papal Abbitra- 

TION. 

Internuncio (Lat. inter, between; nuntius, mes- 
senger), the name given in the Roman Curia to a dip- 
lomatic agent who, thovigh not belonging to the five 
highest classes of the papal diplomatic service {legatus 
a latere, nuncio with full powers of a legatus a latere, 
legate, nuncio of the first class, and nuncio of the 
second class), is, nevertheless, chief of a legation 
(chefde mission). He may have several subordinates, 
and, on the other hand, his household may consist only 
of a private secretary. The nomination of inter- 
nuncios follows no fixed rule; they have been, and 
still are, accredited indiscriminately to countries dif- 
fering widely in ecclesiastical importance, e. g. 
Luxemburg, Chile, Holland, Brazil. Formerly the 
powers of an mternuncio were necessarily extensive, 
owing to the lack of telegraph service and the slow- 
postal deliveries; they are now almost entirely con- 
fined to routine work. In exceptional cases, extraor- 
dinary powers are given to the internuncio, when 
important affairs are in question. As conditions in 
the various countries to which internuncios are ordi- 
narily sentdifferconsiderably, their general powersare 
regulated accordingly; in consequence, no general 
statement of the duties of an internuncio is possible. 

Nor can the ecclesiastical dignity or position at 
court of the internuncio be determined with more 
exactitude. It is safe to s;iy that they are always 
domestic prelates or titular arclibishops. The simple 
prelature has always been the rule for the internun- 
cios of Holland and Luxemburg, the last of whom 
was Mgr. Tamassi. The internuncios accredited to 
South .\merica in the last century were mostly titular 
archbishops. At present (simimer of 1909), the only 
internuncios are those in .Argentina and Chile, and 
both are titular archbishops. The earlier arrange- 
ment, that internuncios should bear the title of Apos- 
tolic delegate and envoy extraordinary, no longer 
obtains. The last case of the kind occurred in Portu- 
gal about the middle of the nineteenth century. 



Internuncios, when jjromoted, are appointed nuncios; 
in rare instances they become Apostolic delegates. 
Too much confidence must not be placed in earlier 
works on papal diplomacy, apropos of this office; 
according to the requirements of the moment, the 
Curia increases or diminishes both its scope and its 
powers. 

Paul Makia Badmgaeten. 

Interpretation of Holy Scripture. See Exegesis. 
Intolerance. See Toleration. 

Introduction, Biblical, a technical name which 
is usually applied to two distinct, but intimately con- 
nected, thmgs. First, it designates the part of 
Scriptural science which is concerned with topics 
preliminary to the detailed study and correct expo- 
sition of Holy Writ. Next, it is given to a work in 
which these various topics are actually treated. 

I. Scope and Divisions. — As is commonly ad- 
mitted at the present day, the general object of 
Biblical introduction is to supply the student of the 
sacred books of the Old and New Testaments with the 
knowledge which is necessary, or at least very desir- 
able, for the right interpretation of their contents. 
Thus understood, the scope of an introduction to the 
inspired writings which make up the Bible is substan- 
tially that of an introduction to other writings of 
antiquity. An introduction helps materially the 
student of the te.xt of these writings to know before- 
hand and in a precise manner the personal history 
and actual surroundings of the author to whom each 
writing is ascribed, to become acciuainted with the 
date of composition and the general form and purpose 
of the works before him, to acquire familiarity with 
the leading features of the ancient languages in which 
the various books were originally written, to realize 
distinctly the peculiar literary methods employed in 
their composition, to know something of the various 
fortunes (alterations, translations, etc.) which have 
befallen the text in the course of ages, etc. An intro- 
duction, too, whether the work for which it is de- 
signed be profane or sacred, has usually a limited 
scope. It is not supposed to treat of each and every 
topic the knowledge of which might be useful for tlie 
right understanding of the books in question. It is 
justly regarded as sufficient for all practical purposes, 
when, by the information which it actuallj^ imparts, 
it enables the reader of the works of antiquity to 
start intelligently on the detailed study of their text. 
Owing, however, to the fact that the books of the 
Bible are not simply ancient, but also inspired, wri- 
tings, the scope of Biblical introduction embraces the 
various questions which are connected with their in- 
spired character, and which, of course, have no place 
in an introduction to merely human productions. For 
this same reason, too, certain topics — such as the 
questions of integrity and veracity — which naturally 
belong to treatises preliminary to the study of any 
ancient writing, assume a very special importance in 
Biblical introduction. 

Biblical introduction is irequently, and indeed 
aptly, divided into two parts, general and special, 
the former embracing the preliminary questions 
which concern the Bible as a whole, the latter being 
restricted to those which refer to the separate books 
of Holy Writ. The field of general introduction has 
long been, and is still, surveyed from different stand- 
points by Biblical scholars.' It no longer embraces 
a detailed description of the Oriental languages and of 
the Hellenistic Greek, but is uni\ersally limited, in 
regard to those languages, to a brief exposition of 
their leading characteristics. With regard to the 
questions which pertain to the antiquities, geography, 
and chronology of the Bible, some scholars are still 
of the opinion that they should be dealt with in a 
general introduction to the study of the Holy Scrip- 



INTRODUCTION 



79 



INTRODUCTION 



tures; most, however — and rightly, as it seems — 
think that they do not belong to the field of general 
introduction; the proper place for such topics is 
either in special treatises or in the body of works on 
Biblical history. Again, a certain number of scholars 
regard as forming a part of general introduction the 
history of God's chosen people, of Divine Revelation, 
of Biblical theology, of the religious institutions of 
Israel. They rightly urge that a previous acquaint- 
ance with that history is invaluable in the pursuit 
of Biblical exegesis. It remains true, however, that 
the study of the historical, doctrinal, etc., contents of 
Holy Writ is usually considered outside the sphere 
of general introduction, and may be more profitably 
followed in distinct treatises bearing the respective 
names of sacred history, history of Biblical Revela- 
tion, Biblical theology, history of the religion of 
Israel. It thus appears that, at the present day, the 
tendency is to restrict the object of general introduc- 
tion to a few questions, particularly to those which 
help directly to determine the value and meaning of 
the Sacred Writings considered as a whole. In point 
of fact, that object, as conceived especially by Cath- 
olics, is limited to the great questions of the inspired 
and canonical character of the Scriptures, their orig- 
inal text and principal translations, the principles and 
history of their interpretation. As already stated, 
special introduction deals with the preliminary topics 
which concern the separate books of the Bible. It is 
very naturally divided into special introduction to 
the Old Testament and special introduction to the 
New Testament. As the Divine authority of the 
books of either Testament is established by the study 
of the general introduction to the Bible, so the topics 
treated in the special introduction are chiefly those 
which bear on the human authority of the separate 
writings of the Bible. Hence the questions usually 
studied in connexion with each book or with a small 
group of books, such for instance as the Pentateuch, 
are those of authorship, unity, integrity, veracity, pur- 
pose, source of information, date and place of compo- 
sition, etc. Instead of the divisions of Biblical intro- 
duction which have been set forth, numerous writers, 
particularly in Germany, adopt a very different 
grouping of the topics preliminary to the exegetical 
study of the Sacred Scriptures. They do away with 
the division of Biblical introduction into general and 
special, and treat of all the questions which they con- 
nect with the books of the Old Testament in an "In- 
troduction to the Old Testament", and of all tho.se 
which they examine with reference to the books of 
the New Testament in an "Introduction to the New 
Testament". In either " Introduction " they ordi- 
narily devote a first section to the topics which refer 
to the contents, date, authorship, etc. of the separate 
books, and a second section to a more or less brief 
statement of the canon, text and versions, etc. of 
the same books considered collectively. Their dis- 
tribution of the topics of Biblical introduction leaves 
no room for hcrmeneutics, or scientific exposition 
of the principles of exegesis, and in this respect, at 
least, is inferior to the division of Biblical introduction 
into general and special, with its comprehensive 
subdivisions. 

II. Nature .\nd Method of Treatment. — Catho- 
lic scholars justly regard Biblical introduction as a 
theological science. They are indeed fully aware of 
the possibility of viewing it in a different light, of 
identifj-ing it with a literary history of the various 
books which make up the Bible. They distinctly 
know that this is actually done by many wTiters out- 
side of the Church, who are satisfied with applying to 
the Holy Scriptures the general principles of historical 
criticism. But they rightly think that in so doing 
these writers lose sight of essential differences which 
exist between the Bible and merely human literature, 
and which should be taken into account in defining the 



nature of Biblical introduction. Considered in their 
actual origin, the sacred books which make up the 
Bible have alone a Divine authorship which must 
needs differentiate Biblical introduction from all mere 
literary history, and impart to it a distinctly theolog- 
ical character. In view of this, Biblical introduction 
must be conceived as an historical elucidation, not 
simply of the human and outward origin and charac- 
teristics of the sacred records, but also of that which 
makes them sacred books, viz., the operation of the 
Holy Ghost Who inspired them. Again, of all exist- 
ing literatures, the Bible alone has been entrusted to 
the guardianship of a Divinely constituted society, 
whose plain duty it is to ensure the right understand- 
ing and correct exposition of the written word of God, 
by seeing that the topics preliminary to its exegesis be 
fittingly treated by Biblical introduction. Whence 
it readily follows that Bil)lical introduction is, by its 
very nature, a theological discipline, promoting, under 
the authoritative guidance of the Church, the accurate 
knowledge of Divine Revelation embodietl in Holy 
Writ. For these and for other no less conclusive 
reasons, Catlmlic scholars positively refuse to reduce 
Biblical intnnluction to a mere literary history of the 
various books which make up the Bible, and strenu- 
ously maintain its essential character as a theological 
science. While doing so, however, they do not in- 
tend in the least to deny that the topics which fall 
within its scope should be handled by means of the 
historico-critical method. In fact, they distinctly 
affirm that Biblical introduction should be both 
historical and critical. According to them, constant 
appeal must be made to history as to a valuable source 
of scientific information concerning the questions 
preliminary to the study of the Bible, and also a 
witness whose positive testimony, especially with 
regard to the origin and the transmission of the Sacred 
Books, no one can lightly set aside without laying 
himself open to the charge of prejudice. According 
to them, too, the art of criticism must be judiciously 
employed in the study of Biblical introduction. It is 
plain, on the one hand, that the science of Biblical 
introduction can be said to rest on a solid historical 
basis only in so far as the data supplied by the study of 
the past are correctly appreciated, that is, are accepted 
and set forth as valid to the precise extent in which 
they can stand the test of sound criticism. It is no 
less plain, on the other hand, " that nothing is to be 
feared for the Sacred Books, from the true advance 
of the art of criticism; nay more, that a beneficial 
Ught may be derived from it, provided its use be 
coupled with a real prudence and discernment" (Pius 
X, 11 Jan., 1906). 

III. History. — As a distinct theological discipline, 
Biblical introduction is indeed of a comparatively 
recent origin. Centuries, however, before its exact 
object and proper method of study had been fixed, 
attempts had been made at supplying the readers and 
expositors of Holy Writ with a certain amount of 
information whereby they would be more fully pre- 
pared for the better understanding of the Sacred 
Writings. In view of this, the history of Biblical 
introduction may be extended back to the early 
years of the Church, and made to include three princi- 
pal periods: patristic times; Middle Ages; recent 
period. 

(1) Patristic Times. — The early ecclesiastical 
writers were directly concerned with the exposition 
of Christian doctrines, so that their works relative to 
Holy Writ are distinctly hermeneutical, and present 
only occasionally some material which may be utilized 
for the treatment of the questions which pertain to 
Biblical introduction. Of the same general nature are 
the writings of St. Jerome, although his prefaces to the 
various books of Scripture, some of his treatises and of 
his letters deal explicitly with certain introductory 
topics. St. Augustine's important work, "De Dpc^ 



INTRODUCTION 



SO 



INTRODUCTION 



trina Christiana", is chiefly a hermeneutical treatise, 
and deals with only a few questions of introduction in 
book II, chapters viii-xv. One of the writers most fre- 
quently mentioned in connexion with the first period in 
the history of Biblical introduction is a certain Greek, 
Adrian (d. about A. D. 450), who is probably the same 
as the Adrian addressed by St. Nilus as a monk and a 
priest. He certainly belonged to the Antiochene 
school of exegesis, and was apparently a pupil of St. 
John C'hrysostom. He is the author of a work en- 
titled Ei<ra7w77; €15 ras Qelas Vpaipdi, "Introduction to 
the Divine Scriptures", which has indeed supplied the 
specific name of mtroduction for the theological science 
treating of topics preliminary to the study of Holy 
Writ, but which, in fact, is simply a hermeneutical 
treatise dealing with the style of the sacred writers 
and the figurative expressions of the Bible (P. G., 
XC'VIII). The other principal writers of that period 
are: St. Eucherius of Lyons (d. about 450), whose two 
books, " Instructiones ad Salonium filium", are rather 
a hermeneutical than an introductory work; the 
Benedictine Cassiodorus (d. about 562), whose treatise 
" De institutione Divinarum Scripturarum" .sums up 
the views of earlier writers and gives an important list 
of Biblical interpreters, chiefly Latin; the African 
bishop Junilius (d. about 552), who belongs to the 
school of Nisibis, and whose "Instituta regularia 
divinje legis" resembles most a Biblical introduction in 
the modern sense of the expression; lastly, St. Isidore 
of Seville (d.636), whose "Etymologise" and "Proce- 
mia in libros V. et N. Testamenti" supply useful 
material for the study of Biblical introduction. 

(2) Middle Ages. — During this period, as during the 
one just described, the preoccupations of the ecclesi- 
astical writers were chiefly doctrinal and exegetical, 
and their methods of study had usually little to do 
with the historico-critical method of investigation by 
means of which, as we have seen, questions introduc- 
tory to the interpretation of the Bible should be 
treated. Most of them were satisfied with a mere 
repetition of what had been said by St. Jerome, St. 
Augustine, and Cassiodorus. This they did in the 
prefaces which they prefixed to their commentaries 
on the Sacred Books, and the purpose of which is 
directly hermeneutical. The only remarkable work 
on introduction produced in the Middle Ages is the 
one which the Jewish convert Nicholas of Lyra (d. 
1340) placed at the beginning of his "Postilla Per- 
petua", and in which he treats of the canonical and 
uncanonical books, the versions of the Bible, the 
various senses of Holy Writ, and the rules of inter- 
pretation. 

(3) Recent Period. — This is by far the most impor- 
tant and most fruitful period in the history of Biblical 
introduction. Since the sixteenth century this 
branch of theological learning has been more and 
more cultivated as a distinct science, and has grad- 
ually assumed its present form. The first work of 
this period was published at Venice, in 1566, by the 
Dommican Sixtus of Siena (d. 1599). It is entitled 
"Bibliotheca sancta ex prajcipuis Catholicae Eccle- 
sia; auctoribus coUecta ", and treats in eight books of 
the sacred writers and their works, of the best manner 
of translating and explaining Holy Writ, and gives a 
copious list of Biblical interpreters. Among the 
Catholic authors on introduction who soon followed 
Sixtus the following deserve a special mention: Arias 
Montanus (d. 1.598), whose "Prolegomena" in his 
Polyglot (Antwerp, 1.572) forms a valuable introduc- 
tion: Salmeron (d. 1585), whose "Prolegomena Bib- 
lica " appears in the first volume of his works (Ma- 
drid, 1.598); Serarius (d. 1642), whose "Prieloquia" 
(Antwerp, 1625) was selected iiy Migne as the most 
suitable general introduction with which to begin 
hi.s "Sacra; Scriptur;e Cursus ('ompletus"; the Ora- 
torian Lami (d. 1715), the learned writer of the 
''Apparntus ad Bibjia sacra " (Paris, 1G87); the Bene- 



dictine Martianay (d. 1717); and the able theologian 
EUies Dupin (d. 1719). Meantime the Protestants, 
somewhat belated by doctrinal bias, brought forth 
a certain numl:)er of general introductions, among 
which may be mentioned those of Rivet (Dordrecht, 
1616); Walther (Leipzig, 1636); Calov (Wittenberg, 
1643); Brian Walton (London, 1637); and Heidegger 
(Zurich, 1681). The first scholar to depart from the 
unsatisfactory method of treating topics preliminary 
to the study of Holy Writ which had hitherto pre- 
vailed, and which had made some of the writings of 
his immediate predecessors dogmatic treatises rather 
than works on Biblical introduction, was the French 
Oratorian Richard Simon (1638-1712). According 
to him the Sacred Books, no less than the various 
Biblical translations and commentaries, are literary 
products which must bear the impress of the ideas 
and the methods of composition prevalent at the time 
when they were written, so that, to view and appre- 
ciate these works aright, one should study them care- 
fully in themselves antl in the light of the historical 
events under which they came into existence. A 
study at once historical and critical appeared also to 
him the best means for disposing of unsovmd theories, 
and for vindicating the inspired character of the 
Bible, which had been recently impugned by Hobbes 
and Spinoza. Hence the name of "Histoire Cri- 
tique", which he gave to his epoch-making intro- 
ductions to the Old Testament (Paris, 1678), to the 
text (Rotterdam, 1689), versions (Rotterdam, 1690), 
and commentaries (Rotterdam, 1693) of the New 
Testament. Simon's methods and conclusions were 
at first strenuously opposed, and afterwards set aside 
by Catholics and by Protestants alike. The most 
noteworthy works of the eighteenth century on intro- 
duction, on the basis of the ancient method, are, 
among Catholics, those of Calmet (Paris, 1707-20); 
Goldhagen (Mainz, 1765-68); Fabricy (Rome, 1772); 
Marchini (Turin, 1777); and Mayer (Vienna, 1789); 
and, among Protestants, those of Hody (Oxford, 
1705); Carpzov (Leipzig, 1721-28); J. D. Michaelis 
(Gottingen, 1750; Hamburg, 1787). 

The true method of Biblical introduction set forth 
and applied by Simon was not destined, however, to be 
discarded forever. The rationalists were the first to 
use it, or rather to abuse it, for their anti-dogmatic 
purposes. Ever since the latter part of the eighteenth 
century, they, and those more or less affected by 
rationalistic tendencies, have very often«openly, and 
at times with rare ability, treated Biblical introduc- 
tion as a mere literary history of the Sacred Writings. 
As belonging to the critical school, the following 
writers on introductory topics may be mentioned: 
Semler (d. 1791); Eichhorn (d. 1827); de Wette (d. 
1849); Bleek (d. 1859); Vatke (d. 1882); Riehm (d. 
1888); Kuenen rd. 1891); Reuss (d. 1891); Scholten; 
Hilgenfeld; Wellhausen; W. R. Smith (d. 1894); S. 
Davidson (d. 1898); Strack; Wildebocr; E. Kautzsch; 
F. E. Koenig; Jidicher; Cornill; Baudissin; H. Holtz- 
mann; liacon; Budde; Cheyne; Kent; Moffatt; Von 
Soden; Pfleiderer; to whom may be added, as occu- 
pying in the main similar positions, B. Weiss; Salmon; 
Driver; A. B. Davidson (d. 1902); Curtiss (d. 1904); 
Ottlcy; Kirkpatrick; Ryle; Briggs; Bennett; Adeney; 
C. H. H. Wright; McFayden; and Geden. The fol- 
lowing are the principal Protestant writers who mean- 
time have striven to stay the progress of the critical 
school by treating the questions of Biblical intro- 
duction on conservative lines: Hcngstcnberg (d. 
1869); Hofmann (d. 1877); Hilvernick (d. 1845); Keil 
(d. 18,s,S); 15isscll; C.loag; Godet (d. 1900); Westcott 
(d.PHl'i); Ilaniian: Saycr; Sunday; Green (d. 1900); 
Dods; Kcir; Burkitt; Zahii; Mackay; Urquhart; and 
Orr. 

During the same period Catholics have produced 
numerous works on Biblical introduction, and used in 
them, in various degrees, the historico-critical method 



INTROIT 



81 



INTROIT 



of investigation. These works may be briefly given 
under four general heads, as follows: (a) General 
Introduction to Holy Writ: Dixon, "Intr. to the 
Sacred Scriptures" (Dublin, 1852); Trochon, " In- 
trod. gdnerale" (Paris, 1886-87); Chauvin, "Lemons 
d'Int. g6n<'>rale" (Paris, 1897); Breen, "General and 
Critical Introd. to the Holy Scripture" (Rochester, 
1897); Gigot, "General Introd. to the H. Script." 
(New York, 1899); Tclch, " Intr. Generalis in Scrip- 
turam Sacram" (Ratishon, 190S). (b) General and 
Special Introd. to both Testaments: Alber, " In- 
stitutiones Scrip. Sac. Antiq. et Novi Test." (Buda- 
pest, 1801-08); Scholz, "AUgem. Einleit. in die 
heilige Schrift des A. und N. T." (Cologne, 1845-48); 
Glaire, " Introd. historiq. et critiq. aux Livres de I'A. 
et du N. T." (Paris, 1838—); Haneberg, " Geschichte 
der bibl. Offenbarung als Einleitung ins alte und neue 
Testam." (Ratislion, 1S49); Cilly, " Precis d'Introd. 
generale et particuliere a I'Ecrit. Ste " (Nimes, 1867); 
Lamy, "Introd. in Sac. Scripturam" (Mechlin, lSfi7); 
Danko, " Hist. Revelationis divine V. T." (Vienna, 
1862); Idem, "Hist. Rev. divina? N. T." (Vienna, 
1867) ; Kaulen, " Einleitung in die heilige Schrift des 
A. und N. T." (Freiburg im Br., 1876) ; Vigouroux and 
Bacuez, "Manuel Biblique" (Paris, 1879); Ubaldi, 
"Introd. in Sacr. Script." (Rome, 1877-81); Cor- 
nely, "Introd. historica et critica in U. T. libros" 
(Paris, 1885-87); Trochon and Lesetre, "Introd. k 
I'Etude de I'Ecrit. Sainte" (Paris, 1889-90); Barry, 
"The Tradition of Scripture" (New York, 1906). 
(c) Special Introd. to the Old Testament: Jahn, 
" Einleit. in die gottliche Biicher des A. Bundes" 
(Vienna, 1793); Ackermann, "Introd. in lib. sacros 
V. Test." (Vienna, 182.5-9); Herbst, "Hist. Krit. 
Einleitung in die heilige Schriften des A. T." (Karls- 
ruhe, 1840-44); Reusch, "Lehrbuch der Einl. in das 
A. T." (Freiburg im Br., 1864); Zschokke, " Hi.st. 
sacra V. T." (Vienna, 1872); Neteler, " Abriss der 
alttest. Literaturgeschichte" (Munster, 1870); Martin, 
"Intr. ^ la Critique generale de I'A. T." (Paris, 1886- 
89); Schopfer, "Gesch. des A. T." (Bri.xen, 1894); 
Gigot, "Special Intr. to O. T." (New York, 1901, 
1906). (d) Special Introduct. to the New Testament: 
Feilmoser, " Einl. in die Biicher des N. Bundes" 
(Innsbruck, 1810); Unterkircher, "Einl. in die B. 
des N. T." (Innsbruck, 1810) ; Hug, " Einl. in die heil. 
Schriften des N. T." (Tubingen, 1808); Reithmayer 
"Einl. in die kanonisch. B. des N. T." (Ratisbon, 
1852); Maier, "Einl. in die Schrif. des N. T." (Frei- 
burg im Br., 1852); Markf, "Introd. in sacros libros 
N. T." (Budapest, 1856); Gimtner, " Introd. in sacros 
N. T. libros" (Prague, 1863); Langen, "Grundriss 
der Einleitung das N. T." (Freiburg im Br., 1868); 
Aberle, " Einl. in das N. T." (Freiburg im Br., 
1877); Trenkle, "Einl. in das N. T." (Freiburg im 
Br., 1897) ; Schaefer, " Einl. in das N. T." (Paderborn, 
1898); Belser, "Einl. in das N. T." (Freibiu-g im Br., 
1901); Jacquier, " Histoire des Livres du N. T." 
(Paris, 1904-08); Brassac, " Nouveau Testament" 
(Paris, 1908, 1909), twelfth recast edition of vols. Ill 
and IV of Vigouroux's " Manuel Biblique". 

From among the introductory works recently 
published by Jewish scholars the following may be 
mentioned: J. Furst, "Geschichte der bibli-schen 
Literatur und des judisch-hellenisti.schen Schriftens" 
(Leipzig, 1867-70); Cassel, "Geschichte dor judisehcn 
Literatur" (Berlin, 1872-73); J. S. Bloch. '" Studien 
zur Geschichte der Sammlung tier A. Literatur" 
(Leipzig, 1875); A. Geiger, "Einleitung in die bib- 
lischen Schriften" (Berlin, 1877) ; Wogue, " Histoire de 
la Bible et de I'Exegese bibliqiie jusqu'ii nos jours" 
(Paris, 1881). Besides the .separate works on B'il )lical 
introduction which have been nicMtioned, \ahialil(' 
contributions to that branch of Scriptural science are 
found in the shape of articles in the Dictionaries of the 
Bible and the general encyclopedias already published 
or yet issuing. Francis E. Gigot. 

VIII.— 6 - 



Introit.— The Introit {Inlroilus) of the Mass is the 
fragment of a psalm with its antiphon sung while the 
celebrant and ministers enter the church and ap- 
proach the altar. In all Western rites the Mass be- 
gan with such a processional psalm since the earliest 
times of which we have any record. As it was sung 
by the choir it is not, of course, to be found in sacra- 
men taries; but introits are contained in the first 
antiphonaries known (the Gregorian Antiphonary 
at Montpellier, the St. Gall manuscript, that repre- 
sent a seventh-century tradition, etc.; see Leclercq in 
"Diet, d' archeologie chretienne", s. v. "Antipho- 
naire"). The First Roman Ordo (sixth to seventh cen- 
tury) says that as soon as the candles are lit and every- 
thing is ready, the singers come and stand before the 
altar on either side, " and presently the leader of the 
choir begins the antiphon for the entrance (anti- 
phona ad introilum)". As soon as the deacons hear 
his voice they go to the pope, who rises and comes 
from the sacristy to the altar in procession ("Ordo 
Rom. I", ed. Atchley, London, 1905, p. 128). There is 
every reason to suppose that as soon as the Western 
liturgies were arranged in definite forms, the entrance 
was always accompanied by the chant of a psalm, 
which from that circumstance was called at Rome 
Introitus or Psalmus or Antiphona ad Introitum. The 
old Galilean Rite called it Antiphona ad Pridegen- 
dum; at Milan it is the Ingressa; in the Mozarabic, 
Carthusian, Dominican, and Carmelite books. Officium. 
The Introit was a whole psalm sung with the Gloria 
Patri and Sicut erat verses, preceded and followed by 
an antiphon in the usual way. No doubt originally 
it was sung as a solo while the choir repeated a response 
after each verse (the psalmxis responsorius of which 
we still have an example in the Innlatorium at Matins) , 
then the later way of singing psalms {pmlmus anti- 
phonariux) was adopted for the Introit too. The 
"Lilier Pontificalis" ascribes this antiphonal chant 
at the Introit to Pope Celestine I (422-32) : " He 
ordered that the psalms of David be sung antiphonally 
[antiphonnlim, by two choirs alternately] by all before 
the Sacrifice, which was not done before; but only 
the epistle of St. Paul was read and the holy Gospel" 
(ed. Duchesne, I, Paris, 1886, 230). The text seems 
even to attribute the use of the Introit-psalm in any 
form to this pope. Medieval writers take this idea 
from the " Liber Pontificalis", e. g. Honorius of Autun, 
" Gemma amma>" (in P. L., CLXXII): " Pope Celes- 
tine ordered psalms to be sung at the entrance (ad 
introilum) of the Mass. Pope Gregory [I] afterwards 
composed antiphons in modulation for the entrance 
of the Mass" (I, Ixxxvii). Probst thought that 
Gelasius I (492-96) invented the Introit (Die abend' 
landische Messe vom 5 bis zum 8 Jahrhundert, Mun- 
ster, 1896, §36). It is perhaps safest to account for 
our Introit merely as a development of the proces- 
sional psalm sung during the entrance of the celebrant 
and his ministers, as psalms were sung in processions 
from very early times. But it soon began to be cur- 
tailed. Its object was only to accompany the en- 
trance, so there was no reason for going on with it 
after the celebrant had arrived at the altar. Already 
in the First Roman Ordo as soon as the pope is ready 
to begin Mass he signs to the choir-master to leave out 
the rest of the psalm and go on at once to the Gloria 
Patri (ed. Atchley, p. 128). Since the early Middle 
Ages the psalm has been further shortened to one 
verse (Durandus, " Rationale", IV, 5). So it received 
the form it still has, namely: an antiphon, one verse 
of a psalm, Gloria Patri, Rictd erat. the antiphon 
repeated. In the Milanese Rite the antiphon of the 
Irtgreasa is not repeatcil except in Requiem Masses; 
on the other han(l, in some medieval uses it w.as re- 
peated several times (Durandus, loc. cit.). On great 
feasts the Carmelites still repeat it twice at the end. 
The antiphon is taken as a rule from the Psalter 
(Durandus calls such introits regulares); sometimes 



INTRUSION 



82 



INTUITION 



(e. g. second and third Christmas Mass, Ascension-Day, 
whit-Sunday, etc.) from another part of the Bible; 
more rarely (Assumption, All Saints, many Masses 
of Our Lady — " Salve sancta parens", Requiems, etc.) 
it is a composition by some later writer. The verse 
of the psalm in the earlier introits is the first (ob- 
viously still a fragment of the whole), except that 
when the antiphon itself is the first verse the " psalm" 
is the next (twelfth and fifteenth Sundays after Pente- 
cost, etc.). In later times it has become common to 
choose a suitable verse regardless of this rule (e. g. 
the Crown of Thorns Mass for Friday after Ash 
Wednesday, St. Ignatius Loyola on 31 July, etc.). 
The text of the psalms used in the introits (as through- 
out the Missal) is not the Vulgate but the Itala. In 
Paschal time two Alleluias are added to the antiphon, 
sometimes (Easter Day, Low Sunday, the Third and 
Fourth Sundays after Easter, etc.) there are three. 
In Requiems and Masses de tempore in Passiontide, 
when the Psalm Judica is not said, there is no Gloria 
Patri at the Introit. On Holy Saturday and at the 
chief Mass on Whitsun Eve (when the prophecies are 
read) there is no Introit at all. The reason of this is 
obvious. The Introit accompanies the entrance; but 
on these occasions the celebrant has been at the altar 
for some time before Mass begins. We name Masses 
(that is the complex of changeable prayers that make 
up the Proprium) from the first words of the Introit 
by which they begin. Thus the Mass for the first 
Sunday of Advent is called Ad te levavi; the two 
Masses of the Sacred Heart are distinguished as 
Miserebitur and Egredimini; a Mass for the dead is 
spoken of as a Requiem, and so on. There is nothing 
corresponding to our Introit in the Eastern rites. 
In all of them the liturgy begins quite differently. 
The preparation (vesting, preparation of the offerings) 
takes place in the sanctuary, so there is no procession 
to the altar. 

Ritual of the Introit. — At high (or sung) Mass 
till quite lately the rule had obtained that the choir 
did not begin the Introit till the celebrant began the 
first prayers at the foot of the altar. Now the new 
Vatican "Gradual" (1908) has restored the old princi- 
ple, that it is to be sung while the procession moves 
from the sacristy to the altar. ("De ritibus servan- 
dis in cantu missae" in the introduction.) It should 
therefore be begun as soon as the head of the proces- 
sion appears in the church. One or more cantors sing 
to the sign *, all continue; the cantors alone sing the 
first half of the psalm and the V. Gloria Patri (ibid.). 
The celebrant, having finished the preparatory 
prayers at the altar-steps, goes up to the altar and 
kisses it (saying meanwhile the two short prayers, 
Aufer a nobis and Oramiis te) ; then, going to the left 
(Epistle) side, he reads from the Missal the Introit, 
just as it is sung. This is one of the continual re- 
actions of low Mass on high Mass. When the custom 
of low Mass began (in the early Middle Ages) the 
celebrant had to supply all the parts of deacon, sub- 
deacon, and choir himself. Then, as he became used 
to saying these parts, he said them even at high Mass, 
too; they were, besides, chanted by others. So the 
rule has obtained that everything is said by the cele- 
brant. The recital of the Introit should be considered 
as the real beginning of Mass, since what has gone be- 
fore is rather of the nature of the celebrant's prepara- 
tion. For this reason he makes the sign of the cross 
at its first words, according to the general rule of 
beginning all solemn fvmctions (in this case the Mass) 
with that sign. At Requiem Masses he makes the 
cross not on himself .but over the Missal, qxiasi aliqucm 
benedicem says the ruliric (Ritus eel., xiii, 1). This 
is understood as directing the blessing to the souls in 
purgatorj'. At low Mass there is no change here, save 
the omission of the chant by the choir. 

Of the medieval commentatorB see especially DonANDUs, 
Rationale Divinorum OfficUirum, IV, 5; Benedict XIV, De S. 



Misste Sacrificio, II, 4; Duchesne, Origines du culte chretien 
(Paris, 189S). 154-155; GlHR, Das heilige Messopfer (Freiburg 

im Br., 1897), 346-57. Adrian Fortescue. 

Intrusion (Lat. intrudere), the act by which unlaw- 
ful possession of an ecclesiastical benefice is taken. It 
implies, therefore, the ignoring of canonical institu- 
tion, which is the reception of the benefice at the hands 
of him who has the right to bestow it by canon law. 
The necessity of proper canonical institution rests 
primarily on certain passages of the New Testament 
(John, X, 1 ; Hebr., v, 4), in which a legitimate mission 
from properly constituted authority in the Church 
is postulated. This is reaffirmed by the Council of 
Trent (Sess. XXIII, can. vii), and in the "Corpus 
Juris Canonic! " it is decreetl : " An ecclesiastical bene- 
fice may not be taken possession of without canonical 
institution" (cap. i, De reg. jur., in vi). Intrusion 
does not necessarily signify the employment of force in 
entering upon a benefice. To constitute him an in- 
truder or usurper in the ecclesiastical sense, it is suffi- 
cient that the person has no true canonical title to the 
benefice when he takes possession. Historical exam- 
ples of intrusion on a large scale are not wanting. To 
pass over the many violations of the Church's right 
during the investiture struggles of medieval times, we 
find wholesale intrusion practised in France in the 
reigns of Louis XIV and Napoleon I, when ecclesias- 
tics, nominated to episcopal sees but whose elections 
were never confirmed by the pope, ruled the dioceses 
into which they were thus intruded. Pius IX, in his 
Constitution "Romanus Pontifex", decreed excom- 
munication and privation of dignities against members 
of a cathedral chapel who hand over the administra- 
tion of a diocese to one who, although nominated, has 
not yet presented his letters of canonical institution. 
When laymen have the right of presentation to a bene- 
fice, the confirmation of ecclesiastical authority is 
necessary before actual possession can be obtained. 
The nominee who does not wait for this canonical in- 
duction is an intruder. 

The definition is also extended to persons who, hav- 
ing been repelled even unjustly by their ecclesiastical 
superiors, seek the aid of the civil power to obtain pos- 
session under pretext of abuse. As an intruder has no 
true title to receive the revenues of the benefice which 
he uncanonically holds, he is bound in conscience to 
make restitution of what are ill-gotten gains to the 
lawful titular. Even if the latter die, it does not legal- 
ize the position of the intruder, for in that case the 
restitution must be made to the true titular's lawful 
successor in the benefice. To remove the irregularity 
incurred by intrusion, the papal power must be in- 
voked, as the censure is reserved to the Holy See. A 
dispensation from such an irregularity is the more dif- 
ficult to obtain in proportion to the falsity of the title 
invoked or the employment of violence in entering on 
the benefice. Canonists also extend the term intru- 
sion to the keeping possession of a Ijenefice by a hith- 
erto lawful possessor, after it has been vacated by vio- 
lation of certain decrees of the Church. Thus, titulars 
of one benefice who fraudulently present themselves 
for examination in a concursus to obtain a benefice for 
another by impersonating him, who obtain a benefice 
for others on the understanding that they are to be 
rewarded for it, or who seek a benefice with the inten- 
tion of resigning it to another with a secret provision 
that they are to receive a pension from its revenues, 
lose the right to their own benefices, which thus ca- 
nonically become vacant. By retaining possession of 
them in sucli im^.-, (Ii.\- become intruders. 

Craisson. l; .furis Canonici. I (Paris, 1899); 

Ferraiiis, ft,'/ , ,,,„. I (Rome, 1885), s. v. Bene- 

ficium; Wehn/, ,/ ;>. ,. '- ,/.„„,, II (Rome. 1899). 

William H. W. Fanning. 

Intuition (Lat. intueri, to look into) is a psycho- 
logical and philosophical term which designates thf; 



INTUITION 



83 



INTUITION 



process of immediate apprehension or perception of 
an actual fact, being, or relation between two terms, 
and its results. Hence the words Intuitionism or 
Intuitionalism mean those systems in philosophy 
which consider intuition as the fundamental process 
of our knowledge or at least give to intuition a large 
place (the Scottish school); and the words Intuitive 
Morality and Intuitional Ethics denote those ethical 
theories which base morality on an intuitive appre- 
hension of the moral principles and laws, or consider 
intuition as capable of distinguishing the moral 
qualities of our actions (Shaftesbury, Hutcheson, 
Reid, Dugald Stewart). As an element of educational 
method intuition means the grasp of knowledge by 
concrete, experimental or intellectual, ways of appre- 
hension. The immediate perception of sensuous or 
material objects by our senses is called sensuous or 
empirical intuition; the immediate apprehension of 
intellectual or immaterial objects by our intelligence 
is calleil intellectual intuition. It may be remarked 
that Kant calls (>mpirical intuitions our knowledge 
of oljjects through sensation, and pure intuition our 
perception of space and time as the forms a priori of 
sensibility. Again, our intuitions may be called 
external or internal, according as the objects per- 
ceived are external objects or internal objects or acts. 
The importance of intuition as a process and ele- 
ment of knowledge is easily seen it we observe 
that it is intuition which furnishes vis with the 
first experimental data as well as with the pri- 
mary concepts ami the fundamental judgments or 
principles which are the primitive elements and 
the foundation of every scientific and philosophical 
speculation. This importance, however, has been 
falsely exaggerated by some modern philosophers to 
an extent which tends to destroy both supernatural 
religion and the validity of human reason. There has 
been an attempt, on their part, to make of intuition, 
under different names, the central and fundamental 
element of our power of acquiring knowledge, and the 
only process or operation that can put us into con- 
tact with reality. So we have the creation or intui- 
tion of the ego and non ego in the philosophy of 
Fichte; the intuition or intellectual vision of God 
claimed by the Ontologists in natural theology (see 
Ontologism); W. James's unconscious intuition or 
religious experience (The Varieties of Religious Ex- 
perience); Bergson's philosophy of pure intuition; 
the experience or experiential consciousness of the 
Divine of the Modernists (Encyclical "Pascendi 
gregis"). According to the Ontologists, our knowl- 
edge of notions endowed with the character of 
necessity and universality, as well as our idea of the 
Infinite, are possible only through an antecedent 
intuition of God present in us. Other philosophers 
start from the principle that human reasoning is 
unable to give us the knowledge of things in them- 
selves. The data of common sense, our intellectual 
concepts, and the conclusions reached through the 
process of discursive reasoning do not, they say, 
primarily represent reality; but acting under diverse 
mfluences such as those of our usual and practical 
needs, common sense and discursive reason result in 
a deformation of reality; the value of their data and 
conclusions is one of practical usefulness rather than 
one of true representation (see Pragm.\tism). Intui- 
tion alone, they maintain, is able to put us in com- 
munication with reality and give us a true knowledge 
of things. Especially in regard to religious truths, 
some insist, it is only through intuition and internal 
experience that we can acquire them. "God", says 
the Protestant A. Sabatier in his "Esquisse d'une 
philosophie de la religion ", p. 379, " is not a phenom- 
enon which can be observed outside of the ego, a 
truth to be demonstrated bj; logical reasoning. He 
who does not feel Him in his heart, will never find 
Him outside. . . . We never become aware of our 



piety without at the same time feeling a religious emo- 
tion and perceiving in this very emotion, more or less 
obscurely, the object and the cause of religion, 
namely, God. " The argviments used by the School- 
men to prove the existence of God, say the Mod- 
ernists, have now lost all their value; it is by the 
religious feeling, by an intuition of the heart that we 
apprehend God (Encycl. "Pascendi gregis" and "II 
programma dei modernisti"). 

Such theories have their source in the principle of 
absolute subjectivism and relativism — the most 
fundamental error in philosophy. Starting with 
Kant's proposition that we cannot know things as 
they are in themselves but only as thejr appear to us, 
that is, under the subjective conditions that our 
human nature necessarily imposes on them, they 
arrive at the conclusion that our rational knowledge 
is subjectively relative; and that its concepts, prin- 
ci|iles, and process of reasoning are therefore essen- 
tially unable to reach external and transcendental 
realities. Hence their recourse to intuition anil 
immanence (see Imm,\nence). But it is easy to show 
that if intuition is necessary in every act of knowl- 
edge, it remains essentially insufficient in our present 
life, for scientific and philosophical reflection. In 
our knowledge of nature we start from obser\'a- 
tion; but observation remains fruitless if it is not 
verified bv a series of inductions and deductions. In 
our knowledge of God, we may indeed start from our 
nature and from our insufficiency and aspirations, but 
if we want to know Him we have to demonstrate, by 
discursive reasoning. His existence as an external and 
transcendent Cause and Supreme End. We may, 
indeed, in Ethics, have an intuition of the notion of 
duty, of the need of a sanction; but these intuitive 
notions have no moral value if they are not connected 
with the existence of a Supreme Ruler and Judge, and 
this connexion can be known only through reasoning. 
The true nature, place, and value of intuit ion in human 
knowledge are admirably put forth in the Scholastic 
theory of knowledge. For the Schoolmen the intui- 
tive act of intellectual knowledge is, by its nature, the 
most perfect act of knowledge, since it is an immediate 
apprehension of and contact with reality in its con- 
crete existence, and our supreme reward in the super- 
natural order will consist in the intuitive apprehen- 
sion of God by our intelligence: the beatific vision. 
But in our present conditions of earthly life, our 
knowledge must of necessity make use of concepts and 
reasoning. All our knowledge has its starting-point 
in the intuitive data of sense experience; but in order 
to penetrate the nature of these data, their laws and 
causes, we must have recourse to abstraction and 
discursive reasoning. It is also through those pro- 
cesses and through them alone that we can arrive at 
the notion of immaterial beings and of God himself 
(St. Thomas, "Contra Gentes", I, 12; "Summa 
Theol. ", I, Q. Lxxxiv-lxxxviii, etc.). Our mind has the 
intuition of primarj- principles {inteUectus), but their 
application, in order to give us a scientific and philo- 
sophical knowledge of things, is subject to the laws 
of abstraction and successive reasoning (ratio, dis- 
cursus, cf. I, Q. Iviii, a. 3; II-II, Q. xlix, a. 5, ad 2"™). 
Such a necessity is, as it were, a normal defect of 
human intelligence; it is the natural limit which de- 
termines the place of the human mind in the scale of 
intellectual beings. 

Concepts and reasoning therefore are in themselves 
inferior to intuition; but they are the normal pro- 
cesses of human knowledge. They are not, however, 
a deformation of reality, though they give only an im- 
perfect and inadequate representation of reality, — and 
the more so according to the excellency of the objects 
represented, — they are a true representation of it. 

St. Thomas, QQ. Disp. De veritate; Maher. Psychology, ch. xiii 
and XV (Stonvhurst Series, 5th ed., London, 1002): Rousselot. 
L'InteUectualisme de St. Thomas (Paris, 1908): Piat, Imuffl- 



INUIT 



84 



INVESTITURES 



nance dm philomphie!) de V Intuition (Paris, 190S); Farues, 
Thcorie fondamentale de facte ct dc la puissance (7th cd., Paris. 
1909). 

George M. Sauvage. 
Inuit. See Eskiiio. 

Inventory of Church Property. — By inventory 
(Lat. itircntarium) is meant a descriptive list in which 
are enumerated systematically, item by item, the 
personal and real property, rights, titles, and papers 
or documents of a person, an estate, or any institution. 
Inventories are prescribed by law to control effectively 
the management of any trust, inheritance, guardian- 
ship, etc.. by an executor or administrator. Thus, an 
inventory is to be made at the beginning of a given 
administration; when the period of management has 
expired, the out-going official must produce all the 
things which appear in this inventory or were added 
later, excepting those which have been consumed or 
rendered useless. Then the inventory is to be verified. 
This formality is discharged, as the case may demand, 
by an authorized official, a notary, or merely in the 
presence of witnesses. A measure so useful for the 
proper administration of property of all kinds could 
not fail to find a place among the regulations for the 
management of church property, seeing that this was 
not administered by its owners, and that those in 
charge of it were all bound to render an annual ac- 
count to the bishop (Council of Trent, Sess., XXII, 
c. vii). It must be admitted, however, that the old 
writers on canon law prior to the Council of Trent, 
though they implicitly suppose an inventory of 
church property, make no formal mention of it. The 
only texts that refer to it clearly are those ordering 
bishops to separate carefully their own property from 
that of the Church, so that their heirs may not seize 
the goods of the Church, or the Church lay claim to 
their proper belongings (Can. Apost., xl; Council of 
Antioch, 341, can. xxiv and xxv; Cod. Eccl. Afric, 
can. Ixxxi, etc.). The most important document re- 
lating to the inventories of church property is the 
Motu Proprio, " Provida", of Sixtus V, 29 April, 1587. 
The pope had decreed the establishment of a general 
ecclesiastical record office at Rome, where inventories 
of all the church property in Italy should be kept; 
he abandoned this project on being informed that such 
inventories existed in the archives of many bishoprics 
and that the bishops verified them when making their 
pastoral visitations. However, he commanded all 
ordinaries who did not follow this practice to have an 
inventory of the property of all the churches and 
ecclesiastical establishments within their territories 
made within the space of one year; all administrators 
were obliged to draw up, within twelve months after 
entering into office, an inventory of the property con- 
fided to them and to send it to the ordinary. 

The Roman Council of 1725 under Benedict XIII 
(tit. xii, c. i) renewed the order of Sixtus V, and 
gave as an appendix a model of a suitable inventory 
in twenty-eight paragraphs (the text of Sixtus V and 
the specimen inventory are contained in the "Acta 
Cone. Recent. Collect. Lacensis", I, col. 416). As a 
model of an inventory we might also refer to the in- 
structions gi\cn for the general visitation of Rome 
ordered by Pius X in his Bull of 11 February, 1904 
(.sec Analect!'. Eccles., 1904). Since the Council of 
Rome almost every assembly of bishops has ])re- 
scribed the making of inventories of church propert}-; 
suffice it to mention, among the more important re- 
cent councils, the Second Council of \V<'stniinst('r in 
185.5, the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore in 1SS4 
(art. cclxviii sq.), and the Plenary Council of Latin 
America, held at Rome in 1899 (art. cclxv, dcccxli, 
dcccli). To these must be added the ecclesiastico- 
civil laws of various countries. Every administrator 
of church property and every beneficiary nnist tlien'- 
fore, on assuming office, draw up an exact inventory 
of the personal and real property confided to his care. 



Of this inventory two copies are usually to be made 
— one to be kept in the archives, the other to be sent 
to the bishop (in some countries a third copy has to 
be sent to the civil authorities). When his term of 
office expires, the administrator or beneficiary must 
hand over to his successor all the articles entered in 
the inventory; this verification is done in a document 
which discharges the retiring official, and places the 
responsibility on his successor; as in the case of the 
inventory, two or three copies of this document are 
to be made. During the period of management the 
administrator must keep his inventory up to date, 
that is to say, he must make a record, with due legal 
formalities, of any property acquired, alienated, 
changed, or reinvested. Finally, during his episcopal 
visitations, the bishop, who has the right of approving 
the inventories, must have them produced and see 
that they are accurate. 

For bibliography, see Property, Ecclesiastical. 

A. BOUDINHON. 

Investiture, Canonical (Lat. ini-estitura, from 
invcstirc, to clothe), the act by which a suzerain 
granted a fief to his vassal, and the ceremonies which 
accompanied that grant. From the middle of the 
eleventh century, and perhaps during the first half of 
that century, the term was used to designate the act 
and the ceremonies by which princes granted to bishops 
and abbots, besides their titles, the possessions which 
constituted their benefices, and the political rights 
which they were to exercise (see Investitures, 
Conflict of). The putting in possession was done 
after the investiture by enthronization (q. v.). The 
decretals use the word Invcstitura to signify the con- 
cession of an ecclesiastical benefice; only since the 
thirteenth century has it signified the act of putting 
one in possession of such a benefice. This is the sense 
in which it is now used; it is synonymous with In- 
stiiutio corporalis. (See Institution, Canonical; 
Install.^tion.) 

HiNSCHlus. S)/slem des katholischen Kirchenrechis (Berlin, 
1S78). II, 654; Kaulen in Kirchenlex,, s. v. Jnveatitur, VI 
(Freiburg im Br., 1889), 843-44. 

A. Van Hove. 

Investitures, Conflict op (Ger. InveMiturstreit), 
the terminus tcchnicus for the great struggle between 
the popes and the German kings Henry IV and Henry 
V, during the period 1075-1122. The prohibition of 
investiture was in trut h only the occasion of this con- 
flict; the real issue, at least at the height of the con- 
test, was whether the imperial or the papal power was 
to be supreme in Christendom. The powerful and 
ardent pope, (iregory VII, sought in all earnestness to 
realize the Kingdom of Ciod on earth imder the guidance 
of the papacy. As successor of the .Apostles of Christ, 
he claimed supreme authority in both spiritual and 
secular affairs. It seemed to this noble idealism that 
the successor of Peter could never act otherwise than 
according to the dictates of justice, goodness, and truth. 
In this spirit he claimed for the papacy supremacy 
over emperor, kings, and princes. But during the 
Middle Ages a rivalry had always existed between 
the popes and the emperors, twin representatives, so 
to speak, of authority. Henry III, the father of the 
young king, had even reduced the papacy to complete 
submission, a situation which Gregory now strove to 
reverse by crushing the imperial power and setting in 
its place the papacy. A long and bitter struggle was 
therefore unavoidable. 

It first arose through the prohibition of investitures, 
^ propos of the ecclesiastical reforms set afoot by 
Gregory. In 107 1 he had renewed mider heavier pen- 
alties the prohiliitiiin of sinioiiy and marriage of the 
clergy, Imt encouiitereil at imce great opposition from 
the German l)ishops ami priests. To secure the neces- 
sary influence in the appointment of bishops, to set 
aside lay pretensions to the administration of the 



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property of the Church, and thus to break down tlie op- 
position of tlie clergy, Gregory at the Lenten (Roman) 
Synod of 1075 withdrew "from the king the right of 
disposing of bishoprics in future, and relieveil all lay 
persons of the in\'estiture of churches". As early as 
the Synod of Reims (1049) anti-investiture legislation 
had been enacted, but had never been enforced. In- 
vestiture at this period meant that on the death of a 
bishop or abbot, the king was accustomed to select a 
successor and to bestow on him the ring and staff with 
the words: Accipe ecdesiam (accept this church). 
Henry III was wont to consider the ecclesiastical fit- 
ness of the candidate; Henry IV, on the other hand, 
declared in 107.3: "We have sold the churches". 
Since Otto the Great (936-72) the bishops had been 
princes of the empire, had secured many privileges, 
and had become to a great extent feudal lords over 
great districts of the imperial territory. The control 
of these great imits of economic and military power 
was for the king a question of primary importance, 
affecting as it did the foundations and even the exist- 
ence of the imperial authority; in those days men had 
not yet learneil to distinguish between the grant of the 
episcopal office and the grant of its temporalities 
(regalia). Thus minded, Henry IV held that it was 
impossible for him to acknowledge the papal prohibi- 
tion of investiture. We must bear carefully in mind 
that in the given circumstances there was a certain 
justification for both parties: the pope's object was to 
save the Church from the dangers that arose from the 
undue influence of the laity, and especially of the king, 
in strictly ecclesiastical afTairs; the king, on the other 
hand, considered that he was contending for the indis- 
pensable means of civil government, apart from which 
his supreme authority was at that period inconceiva- 
ble. 

Ignoring the prohibition of Gregory, as also the 
latter's effort at a mitigation of the same, Henry con- 
tinued to appoint bishops in Germany and in Italy. 
Towards the end of December, 1075, Gregory delivered 
his ultimatum: the king was called upon to observe 
the papal decree, as based on the laws and teachings of 
the Fathers; otherwise, at the following Lenten 
Synod, he would be not only "excommunicated until 
he had given proper satisfaction, but also deprived of 
his kingdom without hope of recovering it". Sharp 
reproval of his libertinism was added. If the pope 
had given way somewhat too freely to his feelings, the 
king gave still freer vent to his anger. At the Diet of 
Worms (January, 1076), Gregory, amid atrocious 
calumnies, was deposed by twenty-six bishops on the 
ground that his elevation was irregular, and that con- 
sequently he had never been pope. Henry therefore 
addressed a letter to "Hildebrand, no longer pope 
but a false monk": — "I, Henry, king by the grace of 
God, with all my bishops say to thee: 'Descend! De- 
scend, thou ever accursed ! ' " If the king believed that 
such a deposition, which he was unable to enforce, was 
of any effect, he must have been very blind. At the 
next Lenten Synod in Rome (1076) Gregory sat in 
judgment upon the king, and in a prayer to Peter, 
Prince of the .Apostles, declared: " I depose him from 
the government of the whole Kingdom of Germany 
and Italy, relea.se all Christians from their oath of alle- 
giance, forbid him to be obeyed as king . . . and as 
thy successor bind him with the fetters of anathema ". 
It availed little that the king answered ban with ban. 
His domestic enemies, the Saxons and the lay princes 
of the empire, espoused the cause of the pope, while 
his bishops were divided in their allegiance, and the 
mass of his people deserted him. The age was yet 
too deeply conscious that there could be no Christian 
Church without communion with Rome. The royal 
supporters grew ever fewer; in October a diet of the 
princes at Tribur obliged Henry to apologize humbly 
to the pope, to promise for the future obedience and 
reparation, and to refrain from all actual government, 



seeing that he was excommunicate. They decreed 
also that if within a year and a day the excommunica- 
tion was not removed, Henry should forfeit his crown. 
Finally, they resolved that the pope shoukl be invited 
to visit Germany in the following spring to settle the 
conflict between the king and the princes. Elated 
at this victory Gregory set out immediately for the 
north. 

To the general astonishment, Henry now propcsed 
to present himself as a penitent before the pope, and 
thereby obtain pardon. He crossed Mont Cenis in 
the depth of winter and was soon at the Castle of 
Canossa, whither Gregory had withdrawn on learning 
of the king's approach. Henry spent three days at the 
entrance to the fortress, barefoot and in the garb of a 
penitent. That he actually stood the whole time on 




King Dagobert investing St. Audom.\r with the Crosier 
From a X-century codex in the city library of St-Omer 

ice and snow is of course a romantic exaggeration. He 
was finally admitted to the papal presence, and 
pledged himself to recognize the mediation and de- 
cision of the pope in the quarrel with the princes, and 
was then freed from excommunication (January, 
1077). This famous event has been countless times 
described, and from very divergent points of view. 
Through Bismarck, Canossa became a proverbial 
term to indicate the humiliation of the civil power 
before the ambitious and masterful Church. Re- 
cently, on the other hand, not a few have seen in it a 
glorious triumph for Henry. When the facts are 
carefully weighed, it will appear that in his priestly 
capacity the pope yielded reluctantly and unwillingly, 
while, on the other hand, the political success of his con- 
cession was null. Henry had now the advantage, 
since, released from excommunication, he was again 
free to act. Comparing, however, the power which 
thirty years earlier Henry III had exercised over the 
papacy, we may yet agree with those historians who 
see in Canossa the acme of the career of Gregory VII. 
The Cierman supporters of the pope ignored the 
reconciliation, and proceeded in March, 1077, to elect a 
new king. Rudolf of Rheinfelden. This was the signal 
for the civil war during which Gregory sought to act 
as arbiter between the rival kings and as their overlord 
to award the crown. By artful diplomacy Henry held 
off, until lOSO, any decisive action. Considering his 
position sufficiently secure, he then demanded that the 



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86 



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pope should excommunicate his rival, otherwise he 
would set up an antipope. Gregory answered by ex- 
communicating and deposing Henry for the second 
time at the Lenten Synod of 1080. It was declared at 
the same time that clergy and people should ignore all 
civil interference and all civil claims on ecclesiastical 
property, and should canonically elect all the candi- 
dates for ecclesiastical office. The effect of this second 
excommunication was inconsiderable. During the 
preceding years the king had collected a strong party; 
the bishops preferred to depend on the king ratlier 
than on the pope; moreover, it was believed that the 
second excommunication was not justified. Gregory's 
party was thus greatly weakened. At the Synod of 
BrLxen (June, 1080) "the king's bishops listened to 
ridiculous charges and exaggerations, and deposed the 
pope, excommunicated him, and elected as antipope 
Guibert, Archbishop of Ravenna, otherwise a learned 
and blameless man. Gregory had relied on the support 
of the Normans in Southern Italy and of the German 
enemies of the king, but the former sent him assistance. 
Thus when in October, 1080, his rival for the throne 
was slain in battle, Henry turned his thoughts on the 
papal capital. Four times, from 1081 to 1084, he 
assaulted Rome, in 1083 captured the Leonine City, 
and in 1084, after an unsuccessful attempt at a com- 
promise, gained possession of the entire city. 

The deposition of Gregory and the election of Gui- 
bert, who now called himself Clement HI, was con- 
firmed by a synod, and in March, 1084, Henry was 
crowned emperor by his antipope. The Normans 
arrived too late to prevent these events, and moreover 
proceeded to plunder the town so mercilessly that 
Gregory lost the allegiance of the Romans and was 
compelled to withdraw southward with his Norman 
allies. He had suffered a complete defeat, and died 
at Salerno (25 May, 1085), after another ineffectual 
renewal of excommunication against his opponents. 
Though he died amid disappointment and failure, he 
had done indispensable pioneer work and set in 
motion forces and principles that were to dominate 
succeeding centuries. 

There was now much confusion on all sides. In 
1081 a new rival for the crown, the insignificant Count 
Herman of Salm, had been chosen, but he died in 
1088. Most of the bishops held with the king, and 
were thus excommunicate; in Saxony only was the 
Gregorian party dominant. Many dioceses had two 
occupants. Both parties called their rivals perjurers 
and traitors, nor did either' side discriminate nicely in 
the choice and use of weapons. Negotiations met 
with no success, while the synod of the Gregorians at 
Quedlinburg (April, 1085) showed no inclination to 
modify the principles which they represented. The 
king, therefore, resolved to crush his rivals by force. 
At the Council of Mainz (April, 1085) fifteen Gregorian 
bishops were deposed, and their sees entrusted to ad- 
herents of the royal party. A fresh rebellion of the 
Saxons and Bavarians forced the king's bishops to fly, 
but the death of the most eminent and a general incli- 
nation towards peace led to a truce, so that about 1090 
the empire entered on an interval of peace, far differ- 
ent, however, from what Henry had contemplated. 
The Gregorian Ijishops recognized the king, who conse- 
quently withdrew his support from his own nominees. 
But the tr\ice was a purely political one; in ecclesias- 
tical matters the opposition continued unabated, and 
recognition of the antipope was not to be thought of. 
Indeed, the political tran<iuillity served only to bring 
out more definitely the hopeless antithesis between the 
clergy who held with Gregory and those who sided 
with the king. 

There are yet extant numerous contemporary polem- 
ical treatises that enable us to follow the warfare of 
opinions after 1080 (of the preceding period few such 
documents remain). These writings, usually short 
and acrimonious, were widely scattered, were read 



privately or publicl}^ and were distributed on court 
and market-days. They are now collected as the 
" Li belli do lite iniperatorum et pontificum", and are 
to lie f(i\ui(l in tlie " Monumenta Germania- historica". 
It is Init natural that the principles advocated in these 
writings should be diametrically opposed to one an- 
other. The writers of Gregory's party maintain that 
unconditional obedience to the pope is necessary, and 
that, even when unjust, his excommunication is valid. 
Theking's writers, on the other hand, declare that tlioir 
master is above responsibility for his actions, being 
the representative of God on earth, and as such over- 
lord of the pope. Prominent on the papal side were 
the unbending Saxon Bernhard, who would hear of no 
compromise and preferred death to violation of the 
canons, the Swabian Bernold of St. Blasien, author of 
numerous but unimportant letters and memorials, and 
the rude, fanatical Manegold of Lautenbach, for 
whom obedience to the pope was the supreme duty of 
all mankind, and who maintained that the people 
could depose a bad ruler as rightfully as one would dis- 
miss a swineherd who had failed to protect the drove 
entrusted to his care. On the side of the king stooil 
Wenrich of Trier, calm in diction, but resolute, Wido of 
Osnabruck, a solid writer, afterwards bishop, whose 
heart was set on peace between the emperor and the 
pope, but who opposed Gregory for having unlawfully 
excommunicated the king and for inducing the latter's 
feudatories to break their oath of allegiance. 

On the royal side, also, was a monk of Hersfeld, 
otherwise unknown, who reveals a clear grasp of the real 
issue in his pamphlet " De unitate ecclesise ", wherein 
he indicates the matter of supremacy as the real source 
of the conflict. Monarchy, he said, comes directly from 
God ; consequently , to Him alone is the king responsible. 
The Church, on the other hand, is the totality of the 
faithful, united in one society by the spirit of peace 
and love. The Church, he goes on, is not called to 
exercise temporal authority; she bears only the spir- 
itual sword, that is, the Word of God. Here, how- 
ever, the monk went far beyond the age in which he 
lived. In Italy the adherents of Gregory outmatched 
their rivals intellectually. Among their number was 
Bonizo of Sutri, the historian of the papal side, a valu- 
able writer for the preceding decades of the conflict, 
naturally from the standpoint of the pontiff and his 
adherents. Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, and Cardinal 
Deusdedit, at Gregory's request, compiled collections 
of canons, whence in later times the ideas of Gregory 
drew substantial support. To the royal party be- 
longed the vacillating Cardinal Beno, the personal 
enemy of Gregory and author of .scandalous pamphlets 
against the pope, also the mendacious Benzo, Bishop 
of Alba, for whom, as for most courtiers, the king was 
answerable only to God, while the pope was the king's 
vassal. Guido of Ferrara held more temperate opin- 
ions, and endeavoured to persuade the moderate 
Gregorians to adopt a policy of compromise. Petrus 
Crassus, the only layman engaged in the controversy, 
represented the youthful science of jurisprutlence 
and strongly advocated the autonomy of the State, 
maintaining that, as the sovereign authority was from 
God, it was a crime to war upon the king. lie claimed 
for the king all the rights of the Roman emperors, con- 
se<iuently the right to sit in judgment on the pope. 

In 1086 Gregory was succeeded by a milder charac- 
ter, Victor III, who had no desire to compete for the 
supreme authority, and drew back to the position that 
the whole strife was purely a (luestion of ecclesiastical 
administration. He died in 1(IS7, and the contest 
entered on a new period with l'rl)an II (1088-99). He 
shared fully all the ideas of Gregory, but endeavoured 
to conciliate the king and his party and to facilitate 
their return to the views of the ecclesiastical party. 
Henry might perhaps have come to some arrangement 
with Victor, had he been willing to set aside the anti- 
poiJe, l)ut he clung closely to the man from whom he 



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87 



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had received the imperial crown. In this way war 
soon broke out again, during which the cause of the 
king suffered a dccHne. The antipope's bishops 
gradually deserted him in answer to Urban's advan- 
tageous offers of reconciliation; the royal authority in 
Italy disappeared, while in the defection of his son 
Conrad and of his second wife Henry suffered an addi- 
tional humiliation. The new crusading movement, 
on the other hand, rallied many to the assistance of the 
papacy. In 1()!»4 nn.l ID'.I.') Urban renewed the excom- 
munication of Henry, (luibert, and their supporters. 
When the pope died' (1099), followed l^y the antipope 
(11 00) , the papacy, so far as ecclesiastical matters were 
concerned, had won a complete victory. The subse- 
quent antipopes of the Ouibertian party in Italy were 
of no importance. Urban was succeeded by a less 
able ruler. Paschal II (1099-1118), whom Hemy at 
first inclined to recognize. The political horizon 
meanwhile began to look more favourable for the king, 
who was now universally acknowledged in Germany. 
He was anxious to secure in addition ecclesiastical 
peace, sought to procure the removal of his excom- 
munication, and publicly declared his intention of 
making a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre. This, 
however, did not satisfy the pope, who demanded the 
renunciation of the right of investiture, still obsti- 
nately claimed by Henry. In 1102 Paschal renewed 
the anathema against the emperor. The revolt of his 
son (Henry V), and the latter's alliance with the 
princes who were dissatisfied with the imperial policy, 
brought matters to a crisis and occasioned the great- 
est suffering to the sorely tried emperor, who was now 
ignominiously outwitted and overcome by his son. A 
decisive struggle was rendered unnecessary by the 
death of Henry IV in 1106. He had untiringly de- 
fended the inherited rights of the royal office, and had 
never sacrificed any of them. 

From the beginning Henry V had enjoyed the sup- 
port of the pope, who had relieved him of excommuni- 
cation and had set aside his oath of allegiance to liis 
father. At and after the Pentecost Synod of Nord- 
hausen, in 1105, the king dispelled the last remnants of 
the schism by deposing the imperial occupants of the 
episcopal sees. The questions, however, which lay at 
the root of the whole conflict were not yet decided, 
and time soon showed that, in the matter of investi- 
tures, Henry was the true heir of his father's policy. 
Cold, calculating, and ambitious, the new monarch 
had no idea of withdrawing the royal claims in this 
respect. Notwithstanding repeated prohibitions (at 
Guastalla in 1106, and at Troyes in 1107), he continued 
to invest with ostentation the bishops of his choice. 
The German clergy raised no protest, and made it 
evident in this way that their earlier refusal of obedi- 
ence to the emperor arose from the fact of his excom- 
munication, not from any resentment occasioned by 
his interference in the affairs of the Church. In 1108 
excommunication was pronounced upon the giver and 
receiver (dan,'i el accipiens) of investiture, and thus 
affected the king himself. As Henry had now set his 
heart on being crowned emperor, this decision precipi- 
tated the final struggle. In 1111 the king marched 
with a strong army on Rome. Eager to avoid another 
conflict, Paschal attempted a radical solution of the 
question at issue; the German clergy, he decided, were 
to restore to the king all their estates and privileges 
and to maintain themselves on tithes and donations; 
under these circumstances the monarchy, which was 
interested only in the overlordship of these domains, 
might easily dispense with the investiture of the clergj'. 
On this understanding peace was established at 
Sutri between pope and king. Paschal, who had been 
a monk before his elevation, undoubtedly executed in 
good faith this renunciation of the secular power of the 
Church. It was but a short step to the idea that the 
Church was a spiritual institution, and as such had no 
concern with earthly affairs. 



The king, however, cannot have doubted for a mo- 
ment that the papal renunciation would fail before the 
ojiposition of both ecclesiastical and secular princes. 
Henry V was mean and deceitful, and sought to en- 
trap the pope. The king having renoimced his claim 
to investiture, the pope promulgatecl in St. Peter's on 
12 Feliruary, 1112, the return of all temporalities to 
the Crown, but thereby raised (as Henry had foreseen) 
such a storm of opposition from the Ciernian princes 
that he was forced to recognize the futility of tliis at- 
tempt at settlement. The king then demanded that 
the right of investiture be restored, and that he should 
be crowned emperor; on the pope's refusal, he treach- 
erously seized him and thirteen cardinals, and hurried 
them away from the now infuriated city. To regain 
his freedom. Paschal was forced, after two months 
imprisonment, to accede to Henry's demands. He 
granted the king unconditional investiture as an im- 
perial privilege, crowned him emperor, and promised 
on oath not to excommunicate him for what had oc- 
curred. 

Henry had thus secured by force a notable success, 
but it could have no long duration. The more ardent 
members of the Gregorian party rebuked the "hereti- 
cal " pope, and compelled him to retire step by step 
from the position into which he had been forced. The 
Lateran Synod of 1 1 12 renewed the decrees of Gregory 
and Urban against investiture. Paschal did not wish 
to withdraw his promise directly, but the Council 
of Vienna, having declared the imperial privilegium 
(privilege, derivatively, a private law) a pravilegium 
(a vicious law), and as such null and void, it also 
excommunicated the emperor. The pope did not, 
however, break off all intercourse with Henry, for 
whom the struggle began to assume a threatening as- 
pect, since now, as previously under his father, the 
tlifficulties raised by ecclesiastical opposition were 
aggravated by rebellion of the princes. The incon- 
siderate selfishness of the emperor, his mean and odious 
personality, made enemies on every side. Even his 
bishops now opposed him, seeing themselves threatened 
by him and believing him set on sole mastery. In 
1114 at Beauvais, and in 1116 at Reims, Cologne, 
Goslar, and a second time at Cologne, excommu- 
nication of the emperor was repeated by papal 
legates. Imperial and irresolute bishops, who refused 
to join the papal party, were removed from their sees. 
The emperor's forces were defeated simidtaneously on 
the Rhine and in Saxony. In 1116 Henry attempted 
to enter into negotiations with the pope in Italy, but 
no agreement was arrived at, as on this occasion 
Paschal refused to enter into a conference with the 
emperor. 

After Paschal's death (1118) even his tolerant suc- 
cessor, Gelasius II (1118-19), coidd not prevent the 
situation from becoming daily more entangled. Hav- 
ing demanded recognition of the privilege of 1111 and 
been referred by Gelasius to a general council, Henry 
made a hopeless attempt to revive the universally 
detested schism by appointing as antipope, under the 
name of Gregory VIII, Burdinus, Archbishop of 
Braga (Portugal), and was accordingly excommuni- 
cated by the pope. In 1119 Gelasius was succeeded 
by Guido of Vienna as Callistus II (1119-24) ; he had 
already excommunicated the emperor in 1112. Rec- 
onciliation seemed, therefore, more remote than ever. 
Callistus, however, regarded the peace of the Church 
as of prime importance, and as the emperor, already 
on better terms with the German princes, was likewise 
eager for peace, negotiations were opened. A basis 
for compromise lay in the distinction between the 
ecclesiastical and the secular elements in the appoint- 
ment of bishops. This mode of settlement had 
already been discussed in various forms in Italy and in 
France, e. g. by Ivo of Chartres, as early as 1099. The 
bestowal of the ecclesiastical office was sharply distin- 
guished from the investiture with imperial domains. 



INVESTITURES 



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As symbols of ecclesiastical installation, the ring and 
staff were suggested; the sceptre served as the symbol 
of investiture with the temporalities of the see. The 
chronological order of the formalities raised a new 
difficulty; on the imperial side it was demanded that 
investiture with the temporalities should precede con- 
secration, while the papal representatives naturally 
claimed that consecration should precede investiture. 
If the investiture were to precede, the emperor by 
refusing the temporalities could prevent consecration; 
in the other case, investiture was merely a confirma- 
tion of the appointment. By 1119 the articles of 
peace were agreed upon at Mouzon and were to be 
ratified by the Synod of Reims. At the last moment, 
however, negotiations were broken off, and the pope 
renewed the excommimication of the emperor. But 
the German princes succeeded in reopening the pro- 
ceedings, and peace was finally arranged between the 
legates of the pope, the emperor, and the princes on 23 
September, 1122. This peace is usually known as the 
Concordat of Worms, or the " Pactum Cali.xtinum ". 

In the document of peace, Henry yields up "to God 
and his Holy Apostles Peter and Paul and to the Holy 
Catholic Church all investitures with ring and staff, 
and allows in all Churches of his kingdom and empire 
ecclesiastical election and free consecration '". On the 
other hand, the pope grants to "his beloved son Henry, 
by the Grace of God Roman Emperor, that the election 
of bishops and abbots in the German Empire in so far 
as they belong to the Kingdom of Germany, shall take 
place in his presence, without simony or the employ- 
ment of any constraint. Should any discord arise 
between the parties, the emperor shall, after hearing 
the advice and verdict of the metropolitans and other 
bishops of the province, lend his approval and support 
to the better side. The elected candidate shall re- 
ceive from him the temporalities (regalia) with the 
sceptre, and shall discharge all obligations entailed by 
such reception. In other portions of the empire, the 
consecrated candidate shall within six months receive 
the regalia by means of the sceptre, and shall fulfil 
towards him the obligations implied by this ceremony. 
From these arrangements is excepted all that belongs 
to the Roman Church " (i. e. the Papal States). The 
different parts of the empire were therefore differently 
treated; in Germany the investiture was to precede 
the consecration, while in Italy and Burgundy it fol- 
lowed the consecration and within the succeeding six 
months. The king was deprived of his unrestricted 
power in the appointment of bishops, but the Church 
also failed to secure the full exclusion of every alien 
influence from canonical elections. The Concordat of 
Worms was a compromise, in which each party made 
concessions. Important for the king were the tolera- 
tion of his presence at the election (pnesentia regis), 
which lent him a possible influence over the electors, 
and of investiture before consecration, whereby the 
elevation of an obnoxious candidate was rendered 
difficult or even impossible. The extreme ecclesiasti- 
cal partyj who condemned investitures and secular 
influence m elections under any form, were dissatisfied 
with these concessions from the very outset and would 
have been highly pleased, if Callistus had refused to 
confirm the ('oncordat. 

In appraising the significance of this agreement it 
remains to be seen whether it was intended as a tem- 
porary truce or an enduring peace. Doubts might 
very well be (and indeed have been) entertained on 
this matter, since formally the document is drawn up 
only for Henry V. But a close examination of our 
sources of information and of contemporary docu- 
ments hasslidwii that it is erroneous to maintain that 
the Conciinlat enjoyed but a passing rec(if;niti(in and 
was of small importance. Not only by the contracting 
parties, l)ut also by their contemporaries, the compact 
was regarded as an enduring fundamental law. It 
was solemnly recognized not only as an imperial 



statute, but as a law of the Church by the Lateran 
CRcumenical Council of 1123. We also know from 
Gerhoh of Reichersberg, who was present at the coun- 
cil, that in addition to the imperial document, which it 
has been held was alone read, that of the pope was also 
read and sanctioned. As Gerhoh was one of the chief 
opponents of the Concordat, his evidence in favour of 
an unpleasant truth cannot be doubted. That the 
agreement was to possess perpetual binding power, 
neither party, of course, intended — and the Concordat 
was very far from securing such continued recognition, 
since it reveals at most the anxiety of the Church for 
peace, under the pressure of certain circumstances. 
By new legislative act the provisions were modified. 
Under King Lothair (1125-37) and at the beginning of 
the reign of Conrad III (1138-52) the Concordat was 
still unchallenged and was observed in its entirety. 
In 1139, however. Innocent II, in the twenty-eighth 
canon of the Council of Rome, confined the privilege of 
electing the bishop to the cathedral chapter and the 
representatives of the regular clergy, and made no 
mention of lay participation in the election. The 
ecclesiastical party assumed that this provision an- 
nulled the king's participation in elections and his 
right to decide in the case of an equally divided vote of 
the electors. If their opinion was correct, the Church 
alone had withdrawn on this point from the compact, 
and the kings had no need to take cognizance of the 
fact. In truth the latter retained their right in this 
respect, though they used it sparingly, and frequently 
waived it. They had ample opportunity to make 
their influence felt in other ways. Frederick I (1 152- 
90) was again complete master of the Church in Ger- 
many, and was generally able to secure the election of 
the candidate he favoured. In case of disagreement 
he took a bold stand and compelled the recognition of 
his candidate. Innocent III (1198-121G) was the 
first to succeed in introducing free and canonical elec- 
tion into the German Church. Royal investiture 
after his time was an empty survival, a ceremony 
without meaning. 

Such was the course and the consequence of the 
investiture conflict in the German Empire. In Eng- 
land and France, the strife never assumed the same 
proportions nor the same bitterness. It was owing to 
the importance of the German Empire and the imperial 
power that they had in the first instance to bear the 
bruntof the fight. Had they suffered defeat, the others 
could never have engaged in the con test with the Church. 

The Conflict in England. — In England the conflict is 
part of the history of Anselm of Canterbury (q. v.). 
As primate of England (1093-1109), he fought almost 
singlehanded for the canon law against king, nobility, 
and clergy. William the Conqueror (1066-87) had 
constituted himself sovereign lord of the Church 
in England; he ratified the decisions of the synods, 
appointed bishops and abbots, determined how 
far the pope should be recognized, and forbade all 
intercourse without his permission. The Church 
in England was therefore practically a national 
Church, in spite of its nominal dependence on Rome. 
Anselm's contest with William II (1087-1100) was 
concerned with other matters, but during his resi- 
dence in France anel Italy he was one of the sup- 
porters of ecclesiastical reform, and, being required 
on his return to take the oath of fealty to the new king 
(Henry I, 1100-35) and receive the bishopric from his 
hands, he refused to comply. This led to the outbreak 
of the investiture quarrel. The king despatched suc- 
cessive embassies to the pope to uphold his right to 
investiture, but without success. In his replies to the 
king and in his letters to Anselm, Paschal strictly 
forbade both the oath of fealty and all investitures by 
laymen. Henry then forbade Anselm, who was visit- 
ing Rome, to return to England, and seized his rev- 
enues, wlicrcnpon, in 1105, the pope excommunicated 
the councillors of the king and all prelates who re- 



INVITATORIUM 



89 



INVITATORIUM 



ceived investiture at his hands. In the same year, 
however, an agreement was arrived at, and was rati- 
fied by the pope in 1106, and by the Parliament in 
London in 1107. According to this concordat the 
king renounced his claims to mvestiture, but the oath 
of fealty was still exacted. In the appointment of the 
higher dignitaries of the Church, however, the king 
still retained the greatest influence. The election 
took place in the royal palace, and, whenever a candi- 
date obnoxious to the king was proposed, he simply 
proposed another, who was then always elected. The 
chosen candidate thereupon swore the oath of fealty, 
which always preceded the consecration. The separa- 
tion of the ecclesiastical office from the bestowal of the 
temporalities was the sole object attained, an achieve- 
ment of no very great importance. 

In France the question of investiture was not of such 
importance for the State as to give rise to any violent 
contention. The bishops had neither such power nor 
such extensive domains as in Germany, and but a cer- 
tain number of the bishops and abbots were invested 
by the king, while many others were appointed and 
invested by the nobles of the kingdom, the counts and 
the dukes (i. e. for the so-called mediate bishoprics). 
The bishoprics were often dealt with in a very arbi- 
trary manner, being frequently sold, presented as a 
gift, and bestowed upon kinsmen. After the reconcil- 
iation between the pope and king, in 1104, the right of 
appointment was tacitly renounced by the kings, and 
free election became the established rule. The king 
retained, however, the right of ratification, and ex- 
acted, usually after the consecration, the oath of fealty 
from the candidate before he entered on the use of the 
temporalities. After some minor conflicts, these con- 
ditions were extended to the mediate bishoprics. In 
some cases, e. g. in Gascony and Aquitaine, the bishop 
entered into immediate possession of the temporalities 
on the ratification of his election. It was in France, 
therefore, that the requirements of the Church were 
most completely fulfilled. 

Meyer von Knonau, Jahrbiicher des deutschen Reichea unter 
Heinrich IVund Heinrich Y, I-VXI (Leipzig, 1890-1909); Rich- 
TER, Annalen des deutschen Reiches im Zeitalter der Ottonen und 
Salter, II (Halle, 1897-98) ; Hampe, Deutsche Kaisergeschichie in 
der Zeit der Salier und Staufer (Leipzig, 1909) ; Hefele-Knopp- 
LER. Conciliengeschichte, V (2nd ed., Freiburg, 1886): Hauck, 
Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands im Miltelalter, III (3rd and 4th 
eds., Leipzig, 1906); Gfrorer, Papst Gregorius VII. I-VII 
(Schaffhausen, 1859-61); Martens. Gregor VII., I, II (Leipzig, 
1894); -Schaper, Zur Beurteilung des Wormser KonkordiU.'!. in 
Abhnndlungen der Berliner .ikademie.phil.-hist. Klasse. I (100.5). 
l-9.i; Bernheim, Das Wormser Konkordai (Breslau, 1906); 
RuDORFF, Zur ErkUtrunq des Wormser Konkordats (Weimar, 
1906); ScHARNAGL. DcT Begriff der Investitur (Stuttgart, 1908); 
ScHMiTZ, Der englische I nvestiturstreit (Innsbruck, 1884); LiE- 
bermann, Anselm von Canterbury und Hugo von Lyon in Hist. 
Aufsnlze dem Andenken an G. Waitzgewidmet (Hanover, 1886); 
Rule. Life and Times of St. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury 
(London. 1882); Church, St. Anselm (London, 1888) : Imbart 
DE La Tour, Les elections cpiscopales dans Veglise de France du 
IX' au Xll'aircle (Paris, 1890). 

Klemens Loffler. 

Invitatorium. — The Invitatorium, as the word 
implies, is the invitation addressed to the faithful to 
come and take part in the Divine Office. The p.salm 
"Venite" has been used for this purpose from the 
earliest times. In the life of St. Porphyrins of Gaza 
we read that this saint, wishing the people to join in 
prayer, caused the "Venite exultemus Domino" to be 
sung, and the people replied "Alleluia" after each 
verse. In the Benedictine Office the "Venite exulte- 
mus Domino" is recited daily at the beginning of the 
nocturns in the night Office and is called the In- 
vitatorium. It is never omitted, but the antiphons 
that follow each verse are changed according to 
whether it is a ferial or a saint's Office that is being 
recited. These antiphons are repeated twice before 
the psalm and once after the "(iloria Patri". The 
Rule of St. Benedict calls this psalm the Invitatorium, 
while the Rule of the Master (Magister Anonymus, a 
Frankish author of the seventh century) calls it the 



Responsorium horiationis. The Mozarabic Liturgy 
makes use of an expressive word; sonus, as if to 
signify the bell that calls to the church. The most 
ancient Roman Liturgy we know of did not contain 
an Invitatorium; for it is omitted in the primitive 
liturgy, which is represented in our days by that of the 
last three days of Holy Week. If we find it in the 
Office of the Dead, it is because it was introduced 
at a later period. The Council of Aachen (816) men- 
tions the invitatory psalm "Venite" and forbids its 
use in the Office of the Dead. This same canon, in 
speaking of the manner of reciting the Invitatorium, 
employs the very words of the Rule of St. Benedict, 
which shows clearly that the use of this psalm was 
closely connected with the monastic Office. 

The Invitatorium was purposely said slowly, like 
the preceding psalm: " Domine quid multiplicati 
sunt ". This was to enable the monks who were com- 
ing to the vigil to arrive in time for the beginning of 
the Office. Indeed, it really seems that these two 
preliminary psalms (Ps. iii and xciv) were the 
prayers said privately by the monks while rising and 
coming to choir: "Ego dormivi et soporatus sum et 
exsurrexi." It is possible that in the course of time 
the custom was introduced of reciting them aloud in 
choir, while awaiting the arrival of those who were 
late, and thus, after a while, they were inserted in the 
Office itself. In effect, the psalm "Venite" would 
seem to be addressed to those who were to come to the 
vigil rather than to those who were already there. 
At Rome, on the feast of the Epiphany, there was no 
Invitatorium. The psalmody began, and still begins, 
with the psalms of the first nocturn and their anti- 
phons. " Hodie non cantamus Invitatorium sed abso- 
lute incipimus " (To-day we chant no Invitatory but 
begin without it) is an instruction in a rubric of the 
Vaticanantiphonary. The psalm " Venite" was recited 
with its own antiphon in its proper place, that is to say, 
the last of the psalms of the second nocturn. Later 
this psalm became the first psalm of the third nocturn, 
and the antiphon was repeated just as when it was 
used at the Invitatorium. Amalarius and Durandus 
of Mende try as usual to explain it mystically, but the 
most probable explanation is that the Invitatorium 
was suppressed because the psalm was recited later 
and they did not wish to recite it twice in the same 
Office. 

The Benedictine Breviary, which had hymns for its 
third nocturn, had not the same reason for excluding 
it and so retained it on the feast of the Epiphany. 
We see, nevertheless, that, before the ninth century, 
the Roman Liturgy had not the Invitatorium, at least 
not as regularly as the Benedictine Liturgy. It is 
likely that it was first introduced out of imitation of 
the monastic practice, on those days alone on which 
the people assisted at the vigil, when the Invitatorium 
would thus be addressed to some one. The "Ordines 
Romani " inform us that, on great festivals, two noc- 
turnal offices were celebrated: one, without the In- 
vitatorium, was recited by the priests of the papal 
chapel in their chapel; the other with the Invitato- 
rium, at which the people assisted. Amalarius tells 
us that in his time only the Office for the vigil of Sun- 
day had the Invitatorium, the ferial Office had not, 
because the people did not assist at it. On the feast 
of the Commemoration of the Dead the Invitatorium 
was recited, because the faithful came that day to 
pray for the deceased, but this brings us to a much 
later date. Most likely the origin of the Invitatorium 
is to be found in the call by which the monks were 
awakened: "Venite adoremus Dominum", which soon 
became the anthem or the refrain of the psalm "Venite 
exultemus Domino" which this prayer naturally re- 
called. Amalarius calls our attention to a peculiar fact. 
On week-days the Invitatorium was recited witli()\it 
the insertion of the antiphons: " Invitatorivun diebus 
festivis hebdomadibus sine modidatione Antiphone 



lONA 



90 



lONA 



solet dici." The version of the psalm " Venite exult- 
emus" used in the Breviary is that of the ancient Ro- 
man psalter, which differs in some passages from the 
Vulgate. H. Leclercq. 

lona, School of. — lona is the modern name de- 
rived Ijy change of letter from Adamnan's loua; in 
Bede it is Hii; the Gaelic form is always I or Y, 
which becomes Hy by prefixing the euphonic h. 
This rugged, storm-swept i.sland, three miles long and 
one in average breadth, and about a mile distant from 
the Ross of Mull, was next to Armagh the greatest 
centre of Gaelic Christianity — the latter was Pat- 
rick's city and primatial see; the former Columba's 
monastic city, a "primatial island", and the light of 
all the North. Yet closely connected with Ireland 
for at least 600 years, it may be described as an Irish 
island in the Scottish seas. Columba, born in 521, 
landed with twelve of his monks at the southern ex- 



of Kells" be his own work, and he was engaged in 
copying one of the psalms when, overtaken by mortal 
illness, he directed his nephew Baithcn to write the 
rest. And we are told, too, that Baithen during his 
brief abbacy of three years in succession to Columba 
was, like his master, engaged in "writing, praying and 
teaching up to the hour of his happy death". When 
asked about the learning of Baithen, Fintan one of his 
monks replied: "Be assured that he had no equal on 
this side of the Alps in his knowledge of Sacred Scrip- 
ture, and in the profundity of his science " ; and he 
was at once a pupil and a professor of the School of 
lona. Language like this might be considered exag- 
gerated if we did not possess the writings of Adamnan, 
the ninth abbot and the most illustrious scholar of 
lona. 

Adamnan, otherwise Eunan, a native of Drum- 
home, in County Donegal, and a tribal relative of Co- 
lumba, was educated from his youth in lona, and it 




Rdins of Iona Cathedral — Exterior 



tremity of the island — ever since called Porta Chur- 
raich, or the Bay of the Island — on Whitsun Eve, 
12 May, 563. Whether he came to do penance for 
his share in the battle of Cuildreimhne two years 
before, or, as the Irish "Life" says, "to preach the 
Gospel to the men of Alba and to the Britons and to 
the Saxons" — which in any case was his primary 
purpose — we cannot now determine. It appears that 
he got a grant of the island from his relative Conall, 
King of Dalriada, which was afterwards confirmed by 
Brude, King of the Picts, when the latter was con- 
verted by the preaching of Columba, who immediately 
set to work to build his monastery, more Scottcrum, 
of earth, timber, and wicker-work. Hence not a 
trace now remains of those perishable buildings — all 
the existing ruins are medieval. A Celtic monastery 
consisted of a group of beehive cells around a central 
church or oratory, the other principal Imililings 
being the common refectory or kitchen, I he lil)nirv <ir 
scriptorium, the abbot's house, and the guest-house. 
Adamnan, after Columba himself the brightest orna- 
ment of the School of I(ma, in his "Life" of the 
founder, makes explicit references to the tabuttr, 
waxen talilcts for writing; to the pens and styles, 
graphia and calami, and to the ink-horn, cornicula 
atramenti, to be foiind in the scriptorium. Columba 
was certainly a most accomplished scribe if the " Book 



may be said that all his learning was the learning of 
lona. His "Life of Columba ", written at the request 
of the brotherhood, in Latin, not in Gaelic, is on the 
whole one of the most valuable works of the Western 
Church of the seventh century that have come down 
to us. He gives us more accurate and authentic in- 
formation of the Gaelic Churches in Ireland and Scot- 
land than any other writer, not excepting even Ven- 
erable Bede, who described him as " a good and wise 
man, and most nobly instructed in the knowledge of 
the Scriptures ". But he was much more. We know 
from his writings that he was an accomplished Latin 
scholar, a Gaelic scholar too — Gaelic was his mother 
tongue — while he had a considerable acquaintance 
with Greek and some even with Hebrew. He was, 
moreover, painstaking, judicious, and careful in citing 
his authorities. He has also left us an admirable 
treatise "On the Holy Places" in Palestine which he 
eoinpilcil from tlic narrative of a shi]nvri'cke(l French 
liishop nanicil ,\rculfus, who returning from the Holy 
Land was cast on the shores of lona. This is an in- 
valuable treatise from which Bede has extracted long 
passages for his history, showing that its authority 
was as great in his own day as it has ever since con- 
tinued to be in the estimation of .scholars. This 
learned man was a true monk, and like Columba him- 
self took a share in the manual labour of the monas- 



IONIAN 



91 



IONIAN 



tery. With his own strong arms he helped to cut 
down as many oak trees in one of the neighbouring 
islands — perhaps Erraid — as sufficed to load twelve 
boats, and no tloubt he had a share in building the 
boats and framing the monastic cells, like the cell of 
Columba, which was, he tells us, tahulis xiitTnlfi'. 
framed of planks, and harundine tecta, thatched with 
reeds. 

During the century that closed with the death of 
Adamnan, lona was in its glory; Columba and his 
monk^ had converted to the faith the whole of Pict- 
land with its rulers. It sent three famous prelates to 
found anil rule over Lindisfarne, second only to lona 
itself as a centre of religious learning and influence in 
the North of Saxonland. Aidan, Finan, and Colman 
are men whose well-deserved eulogy has been re- 
corded by Venerable Bede. The unhappy disputes 
about the frontal tonsure and the true time for 
celebrating Easter, caused much disturbance during 
the seventh century both in lona itself and in its 
daughter houses. 
Even when Ireland 
and England had 
given up the strife 
and adopted the 
Roman Easter, the 
monks of lona, true 
to the traditions of 
theirsainted founder, 
still clung tenacious- 
ly to the old Easter. 
And so late as 71fi, 
when lona itself con- 
formed to the Ro- 
man usage, some of 
(he daughter houses 
in Pictland stub- 
bornly held to the 
ancient discipline. 
This stubbornness 
brought abovil a few 
years later the ex- 
pulsion of the t'o- 

iumban monks from I'ictlaml Ijy Xectan, King of the 
Picts, who had accepted the Roman discipline. 

The ninth century brought woe and disaster to 
both lona and Lindisfarne from the pagan Dane< who 
ravaged all the British coasts. In 793 they destroyed 
the church of Lindisfarne with great rapine and 
slaughter. In 795 they made their first attack on 
lona, but the monks on that occasion appear to have 
escaped with their lives. But in 806 sixty-eight of 
the community were slain at Port na Mairtir, on the 
eastern shore of the island, and the white sands some- 
what north were the scene of the massacre of another 
band of martyrs. A few years later again, in S14, 
Abbot Ccllach found it necessary to transfer the 
primacy of the Columban Order from lona — which 
Adamnan calls "this our primatial island" — to the 
monastery of Kells in Ireland, bringing with him the 
shrine containing Columba's relics which was however 
brought back later on. In 825 there was a further 
massacre of lona monks, namely of St. Blaithmac 
who refused to give up the shrine, and his holy com- 
panions. Blaithmac's heroic death was celebrated in 
Latin verse by WalafridusStrabo. Abbot of Reichenau, 
South Germany. In 90S St. .Vndrews was formally 
recognized as the primatial see of Scotland, from 
which year we may date the disappearance of lona's 
insular primacy. In the beginning of the thirteenth 
century, 1204, the ancient Celtic monastery finally 
disajipeared, and a new Benedictine one was estab- 
lished liy authority of the pope — but the original 
graveyard — the ReiUij Odhrnin — was still regarded as 
the holiest ground in Scotland, and is now crowded 
with the inscribed tomli-stones of the kings, chieftains 
and prelates who rest beneath. 



Adamnan, Life of Sf. Columba, ed. Relves (Edinburgh, 
1847); Skene, Celtic Scotland (Edinburgh, 1880); Life of St. 
Columba (Irish), tr. Henne.ssy (Dublin, 1900) : Healt, Ireland's 
Ancient Schools and Scholars (,5th ed., Dublin, 1908); Tren- 
HOLME, Story of lona (Edinburgh, 1909). 

.lOHN He.\LY. 

Ionian Islands, a group of seven islands (whence 
the name Heptanesus, by which they are also desig- 
nated) and a number of islets scattered over the 
Ionian Sea to the west of Greece, between .36° and 
40° N. lat., and 19° and 23-5° E. long. The seven 
islands are: Corfu (K^pKvpa, CorcjTa), Paxos, Leu- 
cadia or Santa Maura, Ithaca or Thiaki, Cephalonia, 
Zante or Zacynthus, and Cerigo or Cythera. Of the 
islets the most important are: Antipaxos, Othronos, 
and .\nticythera or Cerigotto. The Ionian Isles have 
a total area of about 1095 square miles. The popu- 
lation amounts to 261,930, among them being 6615 
Catholics of the Latin Rite, while the remainder, with 
the exception of a few thousand Jews ami a small 
number of Mussul- 
mans, belong to the 
(ireek Orthodox 
( hurch. The cli- 
mate of the islands 
is in general very 
mild and salubrious, 
and, in spite of the 
mountainous char- 
acter of the land, 
t here is a fairly exten- 
sive output of cotton, 
wine, oil, and raisins. 
The Ionian Lsles 
are frequently men- 
tioned or described 
by the ancient Greek 
and Latin authors, 
for whom they had 
many mythological 
associations. Many 
remains of antiquity 
are even to-day found 
on these islands (Rieman, " Recherchesarcht-ologiques 
sur les iles ioniennes", Paris, 1S79-S0). They all re- 
mained under Byzantine rule until al>out the end of 
the eleventh century, when the Normans of the_ Two 
Sicilies obtained possession of Corfu. In 1.3S6 Venice 
took the islands, and retained them until the end of 
the eighteenth century. The Treaty of Campo For- 
mio in 1797 gave them to France, which formed them 
into the three provinces of Ithaca, Corfu, and the 
JEgean Sea. In 1799 the Russian fleet seized the 
Ionian Isles, and they were constituted a small state 
tributary to Turkey, but in 1802 the Treaty of 
Amiens 'declared them free under the protectorate of 
Russia. In 1.S07 the Peace of Tilsit gave them back 
to France, and General Berthier was installed as their 
governor. The Second Treaty of Paris (November, 
1815) placed them under English protection. An 
aristocratic government was then once more organ- 
ized; the legislative functions were vested in a 
chamber of seventy deputies, eleven nominated by 
the Government and fifty-nine elected by the people; 
the executive power belonged to a Senate consisting 
of a president, appointed by the protecting power, 
and five senators elected for five years by the deputies 
from their own body. -\n English lord commissioner 
controlled foreign relations and the police. England 
enjoycil the right of garrisoning the forts and of mili- 
tary administration. After the French Revolution of 
1848, an insurrection broke out in Cephalonia with 
the object of uniting the islands to (ireece, but was 
rigorously repressed by England in 1849. I'rom 
that time, however, the first vote of the Chamber, 
whenever it assembled, was in favour of the union with 
Greece, after which vote it was immediately dissolved. 







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L — Interior 



IONIAN 



92 



IONIAN 



The English Government, after sending Mr. Gladstone 
to investigate the feeling of the population, at last de- 
cided to surrender the islands to Greece. King George 
I, upon ascending the throne at Athens, in 1863, con- 
sented to succeed Otho I only upon England's under- 
taking to cede the Ionian .Vrchipelago to the Hellenic 
Kingdom. This cession was effected between 21 May 
and 2 June, 1.S64. The Ionian Isles have since then 
formed the three nomarchies, or departments, of 
Corfu. C'eplialonia. and Zante. Cerigo alone has been 
incorporateil in the continental nomarchy of Messenia. 
The Ionian Isles must have received the Gospel at 
a comparatively early date. The first known Bishop 
of Corfu is Apollodorus, or Alethodorus, who assisted 
at the Council of Nicsea in .325 (Gelzer, "Patrum 
nicaenorum nomina", LXIII, no. 168; see also the 
list of ancient Greek bishops in Lequien, II, 232-5). 



comprises, besides the two islands from which it derives 
its name, those of Santa Maura Leucas (or Leucadia), 
Ithaca, and Cerigo. The archdiocese numbers about 
6000 Catholics, all of the Latin Rite; the Diocese of 
Zante-Cephalonia, 615 (Missiones catholics', 1907, 145- 
7). (See Corfu, Archdiocese of; Zante-Cephalonia, 
Diocese of.) The Orthodox hierarchy until 1900 con- 
sisted of seven dioceses, one for each of the principal 
islands of the Ionian Archipelago; since then it has 
numbered but five, that of Paxos having been sup- 
pressed, and the two titles of Leucas and Ithaca united 
into one. Formerly dependent on the Phanar of Con- 
stantinople, the ecclesiastical eparchies of the ancient 
septinsular republic became connected in 1866 with 
the Holy Synod of Athens, to which they are still 
subject [Thearvic, " L'Eglise de Grece" in "Echos 
d'Orient", III (1899-1900), 288 sqq.]. (See Greece.) 




After the consummation of the Eastern Schism, the 
Ionian bishoprics remained in the power of the schis- 
matics. Until 1260 the archipelago of the seven 
islands counted scarcely any Catholics. Under the 
domination of the House of Anjou, Catholicism made 
some progress there, and this was continued from 1386 
to 1797 under Venetian rule. In the thirteenth cen- 
tury Zante and Cephalonia were made Latin bishoprics, 
suffragan to Corinth until 1386. These two dioceses 
(Zante and Cephalonia) were then made one and suf- 
fragan to Corfu, which was then raised to the status 
of an archbishopric (see the list of Latin bishops of 
the three sees in'Lequien, III, 877-82, 889-92; com- 
pleted by Gams, 399, 430, and Eubel, I, 217). The 
political vicissitudes through which the Ionian Archi- 
pelago passed rluring the nineteenth century brought 
adversity to the Ciitholic missions, which, however, 
suffered less after 1S.")0. M the time of the cession 
of the islands to (ireece in 1864. the Hellrnic Govern- 
ment promised to secure to the three Latin bishoprics 
their former rights and privileges. The .Vrchdinccse 
of Corfu (which, besides the island of that name, 
comprises the islands and i.slets of Merlera, Phano, 
Samothrace, Paxos. and Antipaxos, as well as a few 
places in Kpirus on the mainland Ix'tweeii the towns of 
I'arga and Sasina) is now governed by a resident aieli- 
bi.shop.whoisatthesametiine Adriunistia(or.\|iiist(ilie 
of the Diocese of Zantc-t'ephalonia. This last diocese 



BuNDtLMuNTL, LiJnr (ii.^uiai u n, A n li I fielagi, written in fif- 
teenth century and published l>y Sinner in 1824; Kendrick, 
The Ionian Islands (London, 1S22); Murray, Handbook for 
Travellers in the Ionian Islands (London, 1840); d'Istria, Les 
ties loniennes sons la domination venitienne et le protectoraC 
anglais (Athens. 18.59); Whyte-.Jervis, The Ionian Islands dur- 
ing the present centun/ (London, 1864) ; Lenormant, L'anntxion 
des ties loniennes in Revue des Deux Mondes (Jan.. 1864); 
KlRCKWALL. Four Years in the Ionian Islands (London, 1864); 
Griechenland. II (Leipzig. 1872); 
I KpaTov^ (Athens. 1874); Nolhac, 
et le mont Athos (Paris, 1882); 
les iles loniennes (Paris, 
■ 'loviHiv I'ljtrur (Athens, 
S. Salaville. 



Geographii 

tie, les ties lonie: 
Recherches archt'ologiqut 
879-80); Mavrogiannib, 'IirTopic 
1899). 



BuRSI 

Chiotis, 
La Dab, 
RiEM 



Ionian School of Philosophy. — The Ionian School 
includes the earliest Greek philosophers, who lived 
at Miletus, an Ionian colony in .4sia Minor, dur- 
ing the sixth century B.C., and a group of philosophers 
who lived about one hundred years later and modified 
the doctrines of their predecessors in several respects. 
It is usuid to distinguish, therefore, the Earlier lonians 
and the Later loniaiix. 

I. E'lnii'-r Iiiniim.s. — This group includes Thales, 
.\naximandcr, and Anaximenes, with whom the 
history of philosophy in Greece begins. They are 
called by Aristotle the first "physiologists", that is, 
"students of nature". So far as we know, they con- 
fined their philosophical enquiry to the problem of the 
origin and laws of the phy.sical univer.se. They 
taught that the world originated from a primitive 



lONOPOLIS 



03 



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substance, which was at once tlie matter out of which 
tlie world was made and the force hy whicli tlie world 
was formed. Thales said that this primitive sub- 
stance was water: Anaximander said that it was 
"the boundless" (t6 ireipov); Anaximenes said that 
it was air, or , atmospheric vapour (i^p). They 
agreed in teaching that in this primitive substance 
there is an inherent force, or vital power. Hence 
they are said to be Plylozoists and Dynamists. Hylo- 
zoism (q. v.) is the doctrine of animated matter, and 
Dynamism (q. v.) the doctrine that the original cos- 
mothetic force was not distinct from, but identical 
with, the matter out of which the universe was made. 
From the scanty materials that have come down to 
us — a few fragments of the writings of the early 
lonians, and allusions in Aristotle's writings — it is 
impossible to determine whether these first philoso- 
phers were Theists or Pantheists, although one may 
perhaps infer from their hylozoistic cosmology that 
they believed God to be at once the substance and the 
formative force in the universe. 

II. Later lonians. — This group includes Heraclitus, 
Empedocles, and Anaxagoras, who lived in the fifth 
century B. c. These philosophers, like the early 
lonians, were deeply interested in the problem of the 
origin and nature of the universe. But, unlike their 
predecessors, they distinguished the primitive world- 
forming force from the primitive matter of which the 
world was made. In Heraclitus, however, and, to a 
certain degree, in Empedocles, this mechanism — 
the doctrine that force is distinct from matter — is 
expressed hesitatingly and in figurative language. 
Anaxagoras is the first Greek philosopher to assert 
definitely and unhesitatingly that the world was 
formed from a primitive substance by the operation 
of a force called Intellect. For this reason he is said 
by Aristotle to be "distinguished from the crowd of 
random talkers who preceded him" as the "first 
sober man" among the Greeks. Heraclitus was so 
impressed with the prevalence of change among 
physical things that he laid down the principle of 
panmetabolism: irinTa pet. "all things are in a con- 
stant flux". Empedocles has the distinction of hav- 
ing introduced into philosophy the doctrine of four 
elements, or four "roots", as he calls them, namely, 
fire, air, earth, and water, out of which the centripetal 
force of love and the centrifugal force of hatred made 
all things, and are even now making and unmaking 
all things. Anaxagoras, as has been said, introduced 
the doctrine of voOs, or Intellect. He is blamed, 
however, by Socrates and Plato for having neglected 
to make the most obvious application of that doc- 
trine to the interpretation of nature as it now is. 
Having postulated a world-forming Mind, he should, 
they pointed out, have proceeded to the principle of 
teleology, that the Mind presiding over natural 
processes does all things for the best. None of these 
early philosophers devoted attention to the problems 
of epistemology and ethics. Socrates was the first 
to conduct a systematic inquiry into the conditions of 
human knowledge and the principles of human con- 
duct. 

Primary sources (fragments of the writings of these philoso- 
phers) and Aristotle's account of the lonians are to be foun<l in 
RiTTER AND Preller. Hisloria Philosophice GrtBcce, 8th ed. 
(Gotha, 1896); Fairbank.s, First Philosophers of Greece (New 
York, 1898). The best expositions of the doctrines of the 
lonians are in Zeli.er. Pre-Socralic Philosophy, I (London, 
1881); and Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, 2nd ed. (London, 
1908). Cf. Turner, History of Philosophy (Boston, 1903), pp. 



38 and 53-64. 



William Turner. 



lonopolis, a titular see in the province of Paph- 
lagonia, suffragan of Oangres. The city was founded 
by a colony from Miletus already established at 
Smope, and at first took the name of Abonouteichos. 
There, in the second century a. d., was born the false 
prophet .Mexander, who caused the erection of a large 



temple to Apollo, and thus secured rich revenues. 
The city was afterwards called lonopolis. Lequien 
(Oriens Christ., I, 555) mentions eight bishops be- 
tween 325 and .*<7S; it had others since then, for the 
see is mentioneil in the later " Notitia; episcopatuum". 
lonopolis, to-day called Ineboli, is a Black Sea port, 
numbering 9000 inhaljitants, 1650 of whom are 
Greek schismatics, and 230 Armenians; all the re- 
mainder are Turks. It is a caza of the sanjak and 
the vilayet of Castamouni, and enjoys a very healthy 
and pleasant climate. 

CuiNET, La Turquie d'Asie, IV (Paris, 1894), 466-69. 

S. Vailhe. 

Iowa is one of the North Central States of the 
American Union, and is about midway between the 
Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans. It lies between two 
great rivers, the Mississippi and the Missouri; the 
Mississippi form- 
ing its eastern 
boundary and sep- 
arating it from 
the States of Illi- 
nois and Wiscon- 
sin; the Missouri 
and its chief tribu- 
tary, the Big 
Sioux, forming its 
western boundary, 
and separating it 
from the States 
of Nebraska and 
South Dakota. 
It extends from 
40° .36' to 43° 30' 
north latitude. 




Seal op Iowa 



In the south-east corner, in Lee County, the boun- 
dary projects below the parallel, following the channel 
of the Des Moines River down to its junction with the 
Mississippi. The state is 310 miles from east to west 
and 210 miles from north to south, and has an area 
of 56,025 square miles, or 35,855,900 acres, being 
nearly the same size as Wisconsin or Illinois. 

Physical Characteristics. — The surface of the state 
is an undulating prairie, part of the Great Central 
Plain of North America. It rises gradually from the 
south-east corner, where the lowest point is but 444 
feet above the sea-level, towards the north-west, to the 
Divide (an elevated plain beginning in Dickinson 
County in the north-western part of the state), where 
the highest point (1694 feet) is reached. The ridge 
then crosses the state from north to south, parallel 
with the western boundary and about 60 miles east of 
it, until it reaches Adair County, whence it sweeps 
eastwards to Appanoose County. That part of the 
state east of the Divide, comprising over two-thirds 
of its surface, is drained by rivers flowing in a south- 
easterly direction into the Mississippi and its tribu- 
taries. The principal rivers of this system are the 
Upper Iowa, Turkey, Maquoketa, Wapsipinicon, 
Cedar, Skunk, and Des Moines. Of these the Des 
Moines is by far the largest and most important, 
rising in Minnesota and flowing diagonally across 
the entire state. West of the Divide the rivers flow 
southwesterly into the Missouri and its tributaries, 
and, as the watershed is near the western boundary 
of the state, the rivers have shorter courses and a 
more rapid flow than those of the eastern system. 
The principal western rivers are the Big Sioux, Rock, 
Floyd, Little Sioux, Boyer, and Nishnabotna. The 
principal lakes of Iowa are Spirit Lake, which is the 
largest. Lake Okoboji, a popular summer resort, 
Clear Lake, and Storm Lake. These are small but 
beautiful sheets of water situated in the north-western 
part of the sttite which is an extension of the lake 
region of Minnesota. Along the largest rivers are 
valleys from one to ten miles in width, bordered by 



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irregular lines of bluffs. The pictiu-esque ravines 
and bold rocky bluffs, ranging in height from 200 to 
400 feet, along the Mississippi from Dubuque north- 
wards, lend to that portion of the river a striking 
beauty all its own. There is but little native forest 
in the state, the timber being chiefly confined to the 
valleys of the rivers and the bordering bluffs. It was 
found, however, that all deciduous trees throve on 
the soil of the prairies; by special legislation, offering 
fiscal privileges, the farmers were encouraged to 
plant, and now woodland groves near the farm- 
houses are seen in all parts of the state, adding 
picturesqueness to the scenery. The principal trees 
are the cottonwood, ash, elm, maple, hickory, black 
walnut, poplar, box-elder, cedar, and varieties of oak. 
There are no miasmatic bottomlands in the state; 
the air is dry and invigorating, and the general cli- 
matic influences salubrious. During the last ten 
years (1899 to 190S inclusive) the average ex- 
tremes of temperature were 102° above to 31° below 
zero; the average mean temperature was 48° above 
zero. During the same time the average rainfall was 
33 inches. For the year 1908, the mean temperature 
was 49-5°; the highest temperature was 101° (3 
August) in Mahaska and Wapello Counties in the 
southern part of the state; the lowest temperature 
reported for the year was 18° below zero (29 January) 
in Emmet and Wiimebago Counties in the northern 
part of the state. The average amount of rain and 
melted snow for the year was 35-26 inches. 

Industries and General Social Conditions. — Iowa 
has less waste land than any other of the United 
States, 97 per cent of its surface being tillable. The 
soil of the greater part of the state consists of a dark 
drift loam from two to five feet deep and of wonderful 
fertility. In the western part of the state is found the 
bluff soil, or loess, believed to be the deposit of the 
winds from the plains of Kansas and Dakota; this 
soil is deep and very rich, and is peculiarly adapted 
to the growth of fruit trees. The soil of the river 
valleys consists of waste carried down from higher 
levels, and is known as alluvium; it is the richest soil 
in the state. Because of the richness of its soil Iowa 
has long held a leading place among the agricultural 
states of the Union. Travellers over the state cannot 
but be impressed by the sight of its vast fields of Indian 
corn and oats. More than one-half of its population 
are engaged in farming. The value of the agricul- 
tural products of the state in 1908, according to 
the United States Department of Agriculture, was 
$376,076,646. This includes 287,456,000 bushels of 
Indian corn, valued at $149,477,000, and 110,444,000 
bushels of oats, valued at $46,386,000. The state 
ranks first in the production of oats and in the number 
of swine; second only to Illinois in the production 
of corn, second to Texas in the number of neat 
cattle, second to New York in the number of dairy 
cows, and second to Illinois in the number of horses. 
Iowa is famous for its dairy products, and the State 
Department of Agriculture estimates the value of 
these products for the year 1908 at .$44,500,000. 

The most important mineral dt'iiosit in the state is 
bituminous coal; the coal-ficlils include an area of 
approximately 20,000 square miles in the southern 
and central parts of the state. The output in 1908 
was 7,149,517 tons, valued at $11,772,228. Gypsum 
for stucco and plaster is fovmd in Webster County, 
and clay for tile- and brick-making is al)undant. In 
the year 1908 the value of clay products was $4,078,- 
627. The mines in the vicinity of Dubuque, which 
attracted tlu; first white people to the state, and 
which became known as the Mines of Spain, are still 
yielding leail and zinc ore. The manufactures of the 
state are steadily increasing, becau.se of its growth 
and prosperity, anrl the possi-ssion of native coal. 
The valu(! of the out|)ut of manufactures for the last 
statistical year, 19f)5, was $l(i(),.572,313. The Missis- 



sippi is now the only river navigable for large boats, 
the shifting channel and sand-bars of the Missouri 
constituting great obstacles to navigation. But the 
facilities for transportation are excellent, the state 
being covered by a network of railways, including 
seven great trunk lines. The total mileage of rail- 
ways in the state, in 1908, was 9886-2 and the total 
mileage of electric interurban railways was 245-18. 
According to Federal estimates made in 1908, the 
population of Iowa was 2,196,970. By the last State 
Census (1905) the population — 2,210,050 — was made 
up of: 1,264,443 native whites of native parentage; 
648,532 native whites of foreign parentage; 282,296 
foreign-born whites; 14,831 coloured. There were 
only 53 Chinese in the state ; but 39 per cent of the 
foreign-born population were born in Germany. 
.\dded to the immigrants from Germany, those from 
Sweden, Norway, and Denmark make 63-69 per cent 
of the foreign-born population derived from Teutonic 
races. Eight per cent of the foreign-born came from' 
Ireland. Most of the native-born population are 
descendants of immigrants from the New England 
States, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. 
There were many Frenchmen among the earliest 
settlers (Bishop Loras preached sermons in the cathe- 
dral in French as well as in English), but there are 
now but few descendants of French families in the 
state. Prior to 1852, the immigrants from foreign 
countries were largely from Ireland and Germany, 
with the Irish in the majority; these immigrants 
settled in the eastern part of the state, and there were 
among them a large proportion of Catholics. But 
since that year the immigration has been largely 
from the Teutonic nations. The State Census of 1905 
gives the membership of the four leading Churches 
as follows: Methodist Episcopal, 162,688; Catholic, 
158,000; Lutheran, 91,889; Presbyterian, 47,765. 
According to Federal estimates in 1908, Des Moines, 
the capital and largest city, had a population of 83,- 
717; the next largest cities in order are Dubuque, 
Sioux City, and Davenport. 

An admirably organized system of public schools 
exists throughout the state, generous provision for 
that purpose having been made by the State Con- 
stitution. The schools are supported chiefly by local 
taxation and the interest on the permanent school 
fund. Education is compulsory, the parents and 
guardians of children between the ages of seven and 
fourteen years inclusive being compelled to send 
them to some public, parochial, or private school for 
at least sixteen consecutive weeks during each school 
year. By statute passed in 1909, the attendance of 
the children during these sixteen weeks is excused for 
such time as they are attending religious service or 
receiving religious instruction. The State Superin- 
tendent of Public Instruction has general supervision 
of the public schools. In each county there is elected 
a county superintendent. Some of the townships of 
the counties constitute each a single district having 
one or two central schools, but generally the town- 
ships are subdivided into subdistricts and indepemlent 
districts; where the latter consist of cities, the schools 
are managed by boards of education. No religious 
instruction is given, the Bible is not excluded from 
any public school or institution, but no pupil can be 
required to read it contrary to the wishes of his parent 
or guardian. 

In 1908 the number of schoolhouses was 13,914, 
the number of teachers 27,950, the enrolment of 
pupils .526,269, and the total appropriation for educa- 
tional purposes for the year .W,936,3G3. There are 
534 high schools in the state in which the course of 
study, generally speaking, covers four years. The 
State University, the head of the public school .system, 
is located at Iowa City. It was estalilished in 1847; 
in 1908 it had 164 professors an<l instructors, and 
231.5 students enrolled. The Stat(! also maintains 



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95 



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the College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, at 
Ames, and the Normal School at Cedar Falls. There 
are in the state 276 private denominational and 
higher educational institutions. The Juvenile Court 
Law has lieen for several years in force in Iowa. 
Under the provisions of the law, offending children 
under the age of sLxteen years are no longer treated as 
criminals, nor confined in jails. They, as well as 
neglected children, are treated as wards of the state 
and, imder the supervision of probationary officers, 
are kept in their own or other homes, or sent to the 
State Industrial Schools. Many girls are sent to the 
Houses of the Good Shepherd. 

Catholic Education. — Tlirough the unremitting zeal 
of the present Archbishop of Dubuque and his prede- 
cessors in office, and their labours among the clergy 
and people, the cause of Catholic rehgious education 
has so advanced that parochial schools exist in all the 
parishes of considerable size in the state, and are 
taught chiefly by religious orders. In the year 1909, 
there are in the state 36,942 pupils attending the 
parochial schools. These schools are supplemented 
by 36 academies and high schools in which 5812 
students are taught; and to complete the system are 
two diocesan colleges: St. Joseph's College, at Du- 
buque, with 2S0 students, and St. Ambrose College, 
at Davenport, with 167 students. At Dubuque, the 
metropolitan city of the archdiocese, where the en- 
rolled number of pupils attending the public schools 
is 4084, the number attending the parochial schools is 
3000. The city is surrounded by a cordon of Catholic 
institutions, educational and charitable, and has be- 
come widely known as a centre of Catholic education. 

History. — The first white men who saw Iowa were 
the French Jesuit Father Marquette and Louis Joliet, 
who on the 17th day of June, 1673, coming down the 
mouth of the Wisconsin River, discovered the Missis- 
sippi and faced the picturesque bluffs of the Iowa 
shore. The first landing on Iowa territory recorded 
by Father Marquette in his journal was near Mont- 
rose, in Lee County, where he had a peaceful and 
memorable meeting with the natives. One himdred 
and fifteen years passed away from the time of Father 
Marquette's discovery until the first white settlement 
was made within the limits of the state. In 1788 
Julien Dubuque, a French Canadian trader, obtained 
from the Indians a grant of land, in which to mine for 
lead; it extended seven leagues along the west bank 
of the Mississippi and was three leagues in width, in- 
cluding the territory on which now stands the city of 
Dubuque. This grant was afterwards confirmed by 
Baron de Carondelet, the Spanish governor of the 
province of Louisiana, and the strip of land became 
known as the Mines of Spain. Here Dubuque, 
with ten other Canadians, and aided by the Indians, 
operated the mines until his death in 1810, when the 
whites were driven out. Dubuque was buried on the 
top of an isolated bluff just below the present limits 
of the city of Dubuque, and a large cross marked his 
grave for many years. This became a well-known land- 
mark to river men on the upper Mississippi, and is 
mentioned in books of travel. In 1832, in the terri- 
tory east of the Mississippi, occurred the war with the 
Indians known as the Black Hawk War. This re- 
sulted in a treaty, made in the same year, by which 
the Indians relinquished that part of Iowa known as 
the Black Hawk Purchase, containing six million 
acres of land, lying immediately west of the Missis- 
sippi River, about ninety miles in width, and north of 
the Missouri State line. Although this was not the 
first concession of territory in Iowa by the Indians, it 
was the first which opened any portion of the land for 
settlement by the whites. Settlements were made in 
1833 at Dubuque and at other points near the Missis- 
sippi River. Within ten years the title to practically 
all of the state was secured by treaties with the In- 
dians. Attracted by glowing accounts of the richness 



of the soil, immigrants came pouring in from the New 
England states. New York, Illinois, Ohio, Kentucky, 
North Carolina, Missouri, and other states. 

In 1834 that part of the Louisiana Purchase now 
included in the State of Iowa was made a part of the 
Territory of Michigan, in 1836 it was attached to, and 
made a part of, the new Territory of Wisconsin, and in 
1838 was established separately as the Territory of 
Iowa. On 28 December, 1846, it was admitted to the 
Union as the twenty-ninth State, being the fourth 
state created out of the Louisiana Purchase. In 
1854 the first railroad was built from Davenport 
west, and raOroad-building then extended rapidly. 
In the same year was passed a law prohibiting the sale 
of intoxicating liquors which, with some changes, is 
still on the statute books. In 1857 the state adopted 
a revised Constitution which, with a few amendments, 
is still the law. The progress of the state was checked 
by the Civil War, at the close of which, however, 
immigration recommenced, and population and wealth 
increased. Although the population in 1860 was less 
than 700,000, the state furnished, during the Civil 
War, 75,519 volunteers. 

The Church in Iowa. — The first Mass celebrated 
within the limits of Iowa was said in the year 1S33, by 
the Rev. C. P. Fitzmorris, of Galena, Illinois, in the 
home of Patrick Quigley in the city of Dubuque, and 
the first Catholic church in the state was built at 
Dubuque by the celebrated Dominican missionary, 
Samuel Mazzuchelli, in 1836. On 10 December, 
1837, the Very Rev. Mathias Loras, Vicar-General of 
the Diocese of Mobile, Alabama, was consecrated first 
Bishop of Dubuque. Bishop Loras was a native of 
Lyons, France, and was a worthy comrade of Bl. Jean- 
Baptiste Vianney, the celebrated Cure of Ars. Going 
to France for priests and financial aid. Bishop Loras 
arrived in Dubuque with two priests and four deacons 
on the 19th day of April, 1839. His diocese included 
all the territory between the Missouri and Mississippi 
Rivers, from the northern limit of the State of Mis- 
souri to the British Possessions. In his diocese he 
found but three churches and one priest. Father Maz- 
zuchelli. The indefatigable labours of Bishop Loras 
in personally attending to the spiritual wants of the 
scattered settlers in his vast territory, in building 
churches and procuring funds, and in inducing immi- 
gration from the Eastern States and from Europe, 
have secured him a high rank among the pioneer 
missionaries and church-bviilders of this country. In 
1843, he brought from Philadelphia the Sisters of 
Charity of the Blessed \"irgin Mary, who established 
their mother-house near Dubuque and have become 
widely known as successful teachers. In 1849 he gave 
a horne to the Trappist monks from Moinit Mellcray, 
Ireland, who founded the Abbey of New Melleray, still 
in existence, twelve miles from Dubuque. When he 
died (19 February, 1858) there were within the limits 
of the State of Iowa, 48 priests, 60 churches, and a 
Catholic population of 54,000. In 1850 the territory 
north of the State of Iowa had been formed into the 
Diocese of St. Patil. He was succeeded by his coad- 
jutor, the Rt. Rev. Clement Smyth, who had been 
Prior of New Melleray Abbey. _ Bishop Smyth was a 
man of great scholarly attainments and was the 
founder of the school for young men which still flour- 
ishes in the .Abbey of Mount Melleray, Ireland. His 
uniform courtesy and gentleness won all hearts, and 
he was noted for his ardent patriotism during the 
strenuous days of the Civil War. During his short 
episcopacy he cemented and greatly extended the 
work of Bishop Loras and died 23 September, 1865, 
lamented bv priests and people. 

On 30 September, 1866, in St. Raphael's Cathe- 
dral, Dubuque, the Rev. John Hennessy, pastor of 
St. Joseph's church, St. Joseph, Missouri, was con- 
secrated Bishop of Dubuque. Bishop Hennessy was 
renowned as a pulpit orator, and was a man of rare 



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executive ability. The thirty-four years of his epis- 
copacy were an era of great progress for the Diocese 
of Dubuque. Priests and teachers, churches and 
schools were multiplied in all parts of the state, new 
religious orders were introduced, and hospitals and 
asylums foundetl. The work became too great for 
one man, and in ISSl the diocese was divided, and 
the new Diocese of Davenport founded, comprising 
the southern portion of the state. In 1S9.3 Bishop 
Hennessy was made first Archbishop of Dubuque; 
he died 4 March, 1900. 

On 24 July, 1900, Rome selected as successor to 
Archbishop Hennessy, the Most Rev. John J. Keane, 
titular .\rchbishop of Damascus, at one time Bishop 
of Richmond, Va., and first rector of the Catholic 
University of America. The results of his great 
ability and wide experience are shown in the marvel- 
lous growth of the Church within the limits of the 
state since his arrival. In the .■\rchdiocese of Du- 
buque, he has thoroughly organized his clergy, in- 
creased the number of priests and parishes, and, by 
his episcopal visitations, has become acquainted with 
all parts of his territory. The cause of religious edu- 
cation has been the object of his special care, and the 
flourishing state of St. Joseph's College and other 
institutions of higher learning, and the number of 
children attending the parochial schools demonstrate 
the success of his labours. He e.xpends all the rev- 
enues from the property of the archdiocese in the 
building of churches and schools. Among new orders 
introduced by him are: the Sisters of the Good Shep- 
herd, who have two houses, one in Dubuque, the other 
in Sioux City; the Sisters of the Order of St. Dominic; 
the Brothers of Mary. He has also organized an 
apostolate band of diocesan priests. An enthusiastic 
advocate of temperance, many temperance societies 
have been formed at his instance. At his advent, in 
the cities in the eastern part of the state, the provi- 
sions of the modified liquor law, known as the Mulct 
Law, were entirely ignored, and saloons were open on 
Sundays. Archbishop Keane, by his sermons and 
addresses, and attendance at public meetings, aroused 
public sentiment in favour of the law, with the result 
that now, in all parts of the state, the Mulct Law is 
strictly carried out, and the observance of Sundays 
enforced. In 1902, at the instance of the archbishop, 
twenty-four counties in the north-western part of the 
state were separated from the archdiocese and formed 
into the Diocese of Sioux City. 

The province of Dubuque includes the States of 
Iowa, Nebraska, and Wyoming. The State of Iowa 
is divided into three dioceses. (1) The Archdiocese of 
Dubuque occupies that part of the state north of the 
counties of Polk, Jasper, Poweshiek, Iowa, Johnson, 
Cedar, and Scott, and east of the counties of Kossuth, 
Humboldt, Webster, and Boone, and has an area of 
18,048 square miles. (2) The Diocese of Sioux City 
comprises 24 counties in the north-western part of the 
state, west of Winnebago, Hancock, Wright, Hamil- 
ton, and Story Counties, and north of Harrison, 
Shelby, Audubon, Guthrie, and Dallas Counties, its 
area being 14,518 square miles. The present Bishop 
of Siou,x City is the Rt. Rev. Philip Joseph Garrigan, 
residing at Sioux City, Iowa. (3) The Diocese of 
Davenport, with an area of 22,873 square miles, com- 
prises all tliat portion of the state soutli of tin- other 
two di(jccscs and extends from the Mississippi Itivcr to 
the Missouri River. The present Bishop of Daven- 

fort is the Rt. Rev. James Davis, Davenport, Iowa, 
n 1909, according to the Wiltzius "Official Catholic 
Directory", there were in the state .')79 churches, 492 
priests, 27 dilTerent religimis onlcrs, 2S li()s|)it;ds and 
asylums, and a total of :!7. 151 child rcii being taken care 
of in .schools and other institutions. The ( 'atholic popu- 
lation of the state is as follows: Diocese of Dubuque, 
111,112; Dioce.se of Davenport, 75,518; Diocese of 
Sioux City, .'■)4,.';43. Total (Catholic population, 24 1 ,173. 



The best of feeling exists amongst the different 
denominations, and there is but little bigotry any- 
where in the state. The Constitution provides that 
the General .\ssembly shall make no law respecting 
the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free 
exercise thereof, and that no religious test shall be 
required as a qualification for any office, or public 
trust, and no person shall be deprived of any of his 
rights, privileges, or capacities, or disqualified from the 
performance of any of his public or private duties, or 
rendered incompetent to give evidence in any court 
of law or equity in consequence of his opinions on the 
subject of religion. By statute, the disturbance of 
public worship is punished by fine or imprisonment, 
and the breach of Sunday by "carrying firearms, 
dancing, hunting, shooting, horse racing, or in any 
manner disturbing a worshipping assembly or private 
family, or buying or selling property of any kind, or 
engaging in any labour except that of necessity or 
charity" is punished by fine and imprisonment. In 
general all stores in cities and towns are closed on 
Sunday. The customary form of oath is: "I do 
solemnly swear". Placing the hand on the Bible is 
not required. A person conscientiously opposed to 
taking an oath may affirm. The use of blasphemous 
or obscene language is prohibited under penalty of 
fine and imprisonment. By custom, a chaplain is 
appointed by each branch of the Legislature, and the 
daily sessions are opened with prayer. In addition 
to Sunday, the only days which are recognized as 
religious holidays are Christmas and Thanksgiving 
Day. By statute, no minister of the Gospel, or 
priest of any denomination is allowed, in giving testi- 
mony, to disclose any confidential communications 
properly entrusted to him in his professional capacity 
and proper to enable him to discharge the functions 
of his office according to the usual course of practice 
or discipline. The statutes of the state provide that 
any three or more persons of full age, a majority of 
whom shall be citizens, may incorporate themselves 
for the establishment of churches, colleges, seminaries, 
temperance societies, or organizations of a benevolent, 
charitable, or religious character. Any corporation 
so organized may take and hold by gift, purchase, 
devise, or bequest, real and personal property for 
purposes appropriate to its creation. The corpora- 
tion shall endure for fifty years and may be then re- 
incorporated. As a rule, real estate in the State of 
Iowa belonging to the Catholic Church is held in each 
diocese in the name of the bishop. All grounds and 
buildings used for benevolent and religious institu- 
tions and societies devoted to the appropriate objects 
of these institutions, not exceeding 160 acres in extent, 
and not leased or otherwise useil with a view to pe- 
cuniary profit, are exempt from taxation. Cenie- 
teries are also exempt. The State imposes what is 
called a collateral inheritance tax of 5 per cent on all 
property within the state which passes, by will, or by 
the statutes of inheritance, or by deed to take eflfect 
after the death of the grantor, to collateral heirs or 
strangers to the blood. From this tax are exempt 
bequests or deeds to charitable, educational, or re- 
ligious institutions within the state, and, by a statute 
pa.ssed in 1909, there is also exempt from this tax 
"any bequest not to exceed $500 to and in favour of 
any person having for its purpose the performance 
of any religious service to be performed for and in 
behalf of decedent or any person nametl in his or her 
last will, or any cemetery associations ", thus exempt- 
ing bequests for Masses. Clergymen are excused 
from jury service, and the Constitution of the State 
provides "that no person having conscientious scru- 
ples against bearing arms shall be compelled to do 
military duty in time of peace." 

Prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors is 
still the law of the state, but in cities where a majority 
of the voters consent, liquors may be sold by com- 



IPOLYI 



97 



IPPOLITO 



plying with tlie "Mulct Law", the principal con- 
ditions imposed by which are: the written consent of 
the owners of property situated within fifty feet of the 
proposed place of sale; the pajinent of a tax of S600 
annually to the state; the giving of a bond of S3000. 
The liquors must be sold in one room, having but one 
exit, with no tables or chairs therein and no curtains 
on the windows to obstruct the view ; there must be 
no sales to minors or drunkards, nor after ten o'clock 
at night; the place must be closed on Sundays and 
legal holidays, and in no case shall the business be 
conducted within 300 feet of a church building or 
schoolhouse. In the statue penitentiaries, each war- 
den is required to appoint "some suitable minister 
of the Gospel as chaplain ", and all regular officiat- 
ing ministers of the Gospel are authorized to visit 
the penitentiaries at pleasure. This privilege is, in 
fact, true of all public institutions of the state. 

Marriage is regarded as a civil contract, and, outside 
of the usual degrees of consanguinity, is vaUd between 
a male of sixteen years and a female of fourteen years. 
It can be solemnized by any minister of the Gospel or 
civil magistrate. Previous to the solemnization, a 
licence must be obtained from the clerk of the dis- 
trict court of the county in which the marriage is to be 
performed. If the parties are minors the written 
consent of their parents or guardians is required. 
Divorces can be granted by the district court for any 
of the following causes: desertion, adultery, felony, 
habitual drunkenness, cruel and inhuman treatment. 
In no case can either of the parties divorced marry 
again within a year, unless specially permitted to do 
so by the decree. Any person of fidl age and of 
sound mind can make a valid testamentary dispo- 
sition of all liis property subject to the homestead and 
dower right of his wife and the pajTnent of his debts. 
But no devise or bequest to any corporation organized 
for religious, charitable, or educational purposes, or 
for any purpose of a similar character, is valid in 
e.xcess of one-fourth of the testator's estate after 
payment of debts, in case a wife, child, or parent sur- 
vive the testator. The will must be in writing, signed 
by the testator in presence of two witnesses, who 
must attest the same in writing, except that verbal 
wills of personal property to the value of three hun- 
dred dollars are valid. Associations for cemetery 
purposes may be incorporated under statutes pro- 
vided for that purpose, and the land so occupied is 
exempt from tax, but throughout the state Catholic 
cemeteries, like all other church property, is held in 
the name of the bishop of the diocese. 

For reasons, none of which had anything to do w'ith 
religion, Catholics have generally allied themselves 
with the Democratic party which has for many years 
been the minority party in the state, and therefore 
few of them have attained political eminence. The 
following Catholic lajanen have been prominent in the 
history of the state: George W. Jones, first delegate 
to Congress from Michigan Territory, introduced in 
Congress bills creating the Territory of Wisconsin and 
the Territory of Iowa, afterwards U. S. Senator from 
Iowa for twelve years, and Minister to Bogotd; 
Patrick Quigley, pioneer benefactor of the Church; 
Charles Corkery, postmaster of Dubuque imder Presi- 
dent Buchanan, and prominent in colonization work; 
D. A. Mahony, founder and first editor of the Tele- 
graph-Herald, and imprisoned in Fort Lafayette by 
order of Secretary Stanton; John S. Murphy, a bril- 
liant editor of the same paper; William J. Knight, 
one of the leaders of the Bar of the state and coinisel 
for two railways; M. J. Wade, Representative in 
Congress; M. D. O'Connell. Solicitor of the Treasury, 
Washington; Jerry B. Sidlivan, Democratic candi- 
date for Governor. 

GoE, HiBloru of Iowa (New York, 1903): Salter, Iowa 
(Chicago. 1905); De Caillt. Life of Bishop Loras (New York, 
1897); Census of Iowa. 1905 (Des Moines): Stalialicat Abstrarl 

VIII.— 7 



of U. S.. 1908 (Washington): Census of Manufactures, 1906, 
Iowa Bulletin No. SS (Washington. 1906); Climalological Ser- 
vice. Iowa Section. Report for December. 1908 (Washington): 
Crop Reporter, Department of Agriculture, December. 1908 
(Washington); Biennial Report, Department of Public Instruc- 
tion (Des Moines. 1909). 

John I. Mcll.*j>'y. 

Ipolyi, Arxold (family name originally Stummer), 
Bishop of Cirosswardein'(Xagy-Vdrad), b. at Ipoly- 
Keszi, 20 Oct., 1823; d. at Grosswardein, 2 December, 
1SS6. At the age of thirteen years he entered the 
ranks of the alunuii of the Archdiocese of Gran (Esz- 
tergom), studied two years in the Emericianum at 
Presburg (Pozsony), and later at Tyrnau (Nagy- 
Szombat), and finished at the Pazmaneum at Vienna, 
where he attended lectures on theology for four years. 
In LS-t-1 he entered the seminary of Gran, took minor 
orders in 1845, and was ordained priest in 1847. 
From 184.5 to 1847 he acted as tutor in the family of 
Baron Mednyanszky, was then curate at Komorn- 
Sankt-Peter (Komiirom-Szent-P^ter), in 1848 preacher 
at Presburg, in 1849 spent a short time as tutor 
in the family of Count Palffy, and became in this 
year parish priest of Zohor. Even before his ordina- 
tion he concerned himself with historical and art- 
historical matters. In 18.54 his "L'ngarische Mytho- 
logie " came out, as the firstfruit of his work, in which 
he treats of the ancient religion of Hungarj'. Al- 
though the work won the prize offered by the Hun- 
garian Academy of Sciences, the author afterwards 
withdrew it from the press, so that at the present 
time it is very rare. In 1860 Ipolyi became par- 
ish priest at Torok-Szent-Miklos. Accompanied by 
Franz Kubinja and Emerich Henszlmann, he made 
in 1862 a journey to Constantinople, where he dis- 
covered the remainder of the hbrary of Mattliias 
Corvinus. In 1863 he was made canon of Eger, and 
in 1869 director of the Central Ecclesiastical Seminary 
at Pesth; in 1871 he became Bishop of Neusohl 
(Besztercze-Banya), and in 1SS6 Bishop of Gross- 
wardein, where he died on 2 December of the same 
year. Ipolyi was member of the Hungarian Academy 
of Sciences, as well as a member of different learned 
societies at home and abroad. He was one of the 
founders and at first vice-president, then president, 
of the Hungarian Historical Society. His literary 
activity extended into the provinces of history, art- 
historj', arehaeologj', and Christian art. He enriched 
the Hungarian National Gallery with sLxty valuable 
paintings. He bequeathed to Grosswardein in his 
will, for the purpose of founding a museum, his collec- 
tions which had been brought together with a great 
expert knowledge of art. Of his literary works, in 
addition to his " Mj-thologie", the following are well 
known: "Biography of Michael Veresmarti", an 
author of the seventeenth century (Budapest, 1875); 
the "Codex epistolaris Nicolai Olah" in the "Monu- 
menta Hungariae Historica: Scriptorum", XXV 
(Budapest, 1876); the "Biographic der Christina 
Nyary von Bedez " (Budapest, 1887), in Hungarian; 
also the "Historische und kunsthistorische Besclirei- 
bu.ig der ungarischen Kroninsignien " (Budapest, 
1886), in Hungarian. A collection of liis lesser works 
has appeared in five volumes (Budapest, 1887). 

SzlNNYET. Leben und Werke ungarischer Schriftsteller. V, 145- 
l.'jS; PoR, Leben und TVcrke A. Ipolyis, Bischofs von Grosswar- 
dein (Presburg, 1SS6); also the memorial oration on Ipolyi by 
Fraknoi in Jahrbuch der Ung. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 
XVII, 1S8S (all in Hmigarian). 

A. Ald.^sy. 

Ippolito Galantini (Gal.vnti), Blessed, founder 
of the Congregation of Cliristian Doctrine of Florence; 
b. at Florence of obscure parentage, 12 October, 1.565; 
d. 20 March, 1619. While still a child a wonderful 
cure turned his thoughts towards the service of God, 
and he devoted himself to teaching the truths of the 
Christian religion in the Jesuit church of Florence. 
He was only twelve years old when he attracted the 



IPSUS 



9S 



IRELAND 



attention of the Archbishop Alexander de' Medici 
(afterwartls Lpo XI), who gave him the cliurch of 
Sta Lucia al Prato in which to carry on his work, 
lie diviilod his time between his trade of silk-weaving 
and the religious instruction of poor children and 
adults, and at sixteen felt impelled to found a society 
for this purpose. The opposition aroused by his 
solicitude for the poor he overcame by the exercise of 
wonderful patience, tienerous benefactors made it 
possible for him to erect an oratory, which Clement 
VIII dedicated in honour of St. Francis, in 1602, and 
in which the work begun at Sta Lucia was contin- 
ued. The foundation was called the Congregation 
of Christian Doctrine under the invocation of Sts. 
Francis and Lucy. It was divided into fifteen 
classes, according to the age and religious knowledge 
of the pupils, each class being governed by special 
rules and assisting in the instruction of the class 
below. The members of the first class were admitted 
to the congregation after a good confession. 

Ippolito was indefatigable in his work, collecting 
alms from the wealthy Florentines,which he distributed 
among the poor, founding and reorganizing branches 
of his congregation, which spread to Volterra, Lucca, 
Pistoia, Modena, etc. He introduced the practice of 
nocturnal adoration to draw the people from the 
theatre and sinful amusements. In Florence, the 
members of his congregation, by reason of their 
modesty, were called Van Chetoni. Ippolito was the 
object of violent persecution, envy and malice ac- 
cusing him of sharing the errors of Luther, of intro- 
ducing new rules and reforms. One of his spiritual 
sons accused him before the pope and Grand Duke 
Cosimo of excessive severity, but the charge was not 
sustained, and Ippolito's congregation was declared 
to be for God's glory and the public good. Shortly 
before the holy man's death the grand duke founded 
a perpetual chaplaincy for the order. Ippolito made 
a pilgrimage to Loreto to place his foundation under 
the protection of the Blessed Virgin. The statutes 
of the congregation were approved by the Congrega- 
tion of Bishops and Regulars, and confirmed by 
Leo XII in a decree of 17 September, 1824. The 
founder was beatified by the same pontiff, 13 May, 
1825. His ascetical works, written for the govern- 
ment and direction of his congregation, had been 
approved by Benedict XIV in 1747, and were pub- 
lished at Rome in 1831, together with a brief life of 
the saint by Canon Antonio Santelli. 

BrischaR in Kircheniei., s. v. Doctrinaricr. 

Blanche M. Kelly. 

Ipsus, a titular see of Phrygia Salutaris, suffragan of 
Synnada. The locality was famous as the scene of the 
great battle fought in 301 B. c. between the succes- 
sors of Alexander, in which Antigonus was slain and 
his kingdom divided between his rivals. As Ipsos or 
Hypsos the city is mentioned by Hierocles and George 
of Cyprus and in most of the medieval " Notitiae epis- 
copatuum". Le Quien (Oriens Christianus, I, 840- 
41), names four of its bishops; Lucian, at the Council 
of Chalcedon in 451; George, at the Seventh Council 
in 787; Photius and Thomas at the Councils of Con- 
stantinople in 868 and 878. The city was situated at 
the junction of two roads, one leading to Byzantium 
and the other towards Sardeis; the exact site has 
not been discovered. Modern geographers identify it 
with the ruins of Ipsili-Hi.ssar; others, like Ramsay 
("Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia", Oxford, 1897, 
748), with those of Tchai, 82 miles from Apamea. 

S. Vailhe. 

Ireland. — GBOGnAPHY. — Ireland lies in the Atlan- 
tic Ocean, west of Great Britain, from which it is sep- 
arated in the north-east by the North Channel, in the 
east by the Irish Sea, and in the south-east by St. 
George's Channel. Situated between the fifty-first 



and fifty-si.xth degrees of latitude, and between the 
fifth and eleventh parallels of longitude (Greenwich), 
its greatest length is 302 miles, itsgreatest breadth 174 
miles, its area 32, .535 square miles. It is divided into 
four provinces, these being subdivided into thirty-two 
counties. In the centre the country is a level plain; 
towards the coast there are .several detached mountain 
chains. Its rivers and bays are mnnerous, also its 
bogs; its climate is mild, though imduly moist. In 
minerals it is not wealthy like Great Britain, but its 
soil is generally more fertile, and is specially suitable 
for agriculture and pasturage. 

Early History. — In ancient times it was known by 
the various names of lerna, Juverna, Hibernia, Ogy- 
gia, and Inisfail or the Isle of Destiny. It was also 
called Banba and Erin, and lastly Scotia, or the coun- 
try of the Scots. From the eleventh century, how- 
ever, the name Scotia was exclusively applied to 
Caledonia, the latter country having been peopled in 
the sixth century by a Scottish colony from Ireland. 
Henceforth Ireland was often called Scotia Major and 
sometimes Ireland, until, after the eleventh century, 
the name Scotia was dropped and Ireland alone re- 
mained. Even yet it is sometimes called Erin — 
chiefly by orators and poets. Situated in the far 
west, out of the beaten paths of commercial activity, 
it was little known to the ancients. F'estus Avienus 
wrote that it was two days' sail from Britain. Pliny 
thought that it was part of Britain and not an island at 
all; Strabo that it was near Britain, and that its in- 
habitants were cannibals; and all that Ciesar knew 
was that it was west of Britain, and about half its size. 
Agricola beheld its coastline from the opposite shores 
of Caledonia, and had thought of acceptmg the invita- 
tion of an Irish chief to come and conquer it, believing 
he could do so with a single legion. But he left Ire- 
land unvisited and unconquered, and Tacitus could 
only record that in soil and climate it resembled 
Britain, and that its harbours were then well known 
to foreign merchants. 

But if we have not any detailed description from his 
lively pen, the native chroniclers have furnished us 
with abimdant materials, and, if all they say be true, 
we can understand the remark of Camden that Ireland 
was rightly called Ogygia, or the Ancient Island, be- 
cause, in comparison, the antiquity of all other nations 
is in its infancy. Passing by the absurd story that it 
was peopled before the Deluge, we arc told that, begin- 
ning with the time of Abraham, several successive 
waves of colonization rolled westward to its shores. 
First came Parthalon with 1000 followers; after 
which came the Nemedians, the Firbolgs, and the 
Tuatha-de-Dananns, and lastly the Milesians or Scots. 
In addition, there were the Fomorians, a people of un- 
certain origin, whose chief occupation was piracy and 
war, and whose attacks on the various settlers were 
incessant. These and the Milesians excepted, the dif- 
ferent colonists came from tireece, antl all were of the 
same race. The Milesians came from Scythia; and 
from that country to Egypt, from Egypt to Spain, 
from Spain to Ireland their adventures are recorded in 
detail. The name Scot which they bore was derived 
from Scota, daughter of Pharaoh of Egypt, the wife of 
one of their chiefs; from their chief Miledh they got the 
name Milesians, and from another chief Goidel they 
were sometimes called Gadelians, or (iaels. The wars 
and battles of the.se colonists are largely fabulous, and 
the Partholaiiiiins, N'emetlians, and Fomorians belong 
rather to mythology than to history. So also do the 
Dananns, though sonu'times they are taken as a real 
people, of superior knowledge and skill, the buihlers of 
those prehistoric sepulchral mounds by the Boyne, 
at Dowth, Knowth, and Newgrange. The Firbolgs 
however most probably existed, and were kintlred 
perhaps to those warlike Belga- of Gaul whom Ca'sar 
encountered in battle. And the Milesians certainly 
belong to history, though the date of their arrival in 



IRELAND 



99 



IRELAND 



Ireland is unknown. They wore Celts, and probalily 
came from Gaul to Britain, and from Britain to Ire- 
land, rather than direet from Spain. Under the lead- 
ership of Hcremon and Heber they soon liecame mas- 
ters of the island. Some of the Firliol^s, it is saiil, 
crossed the sea to the Isles of Arran, wlicre they Imill 
the fort of Dun Engus, which still stands and which 
tradition still associates with their name. Heber and 
Heremon soon quarrelled, and, Heber falling in battle, 
Heremon became sole ruler, the first in a long line of 
kings. This list of kings, however, is not reliable, and 
we are warned Ijy Tighearnach, the most trustworthy 
of Irish chroniclers, that all events before the reign of 
Cimbaeth (300 b. c.) are uncertain. Even after the 
dawn of the Christian Era fact and fiction are inter- 
woven and events are often shroutied in the shadows 
and mists. Such, for instance, are the exploits of 
CuchuUain and Finn Macumhael. Nor have many of 
these early kings been remark- 
able, if we except Conn of the 
Hundred Battles, who lived in 
the first century after Christ; 
Cormac, who lived a century 
later; Tuathal, who established 
the Feis of Tara; Niall, who 
invaded Britain; and Dathi, 
who in the fifth century lost 
his life at the foot of the 
Alps. 

The Irish were then pagans, 
but not barbarians. Their roads 
were indeed ill-constructed, 
their wooden dwellings rude, 
the dress of their lower orders 
scanty, their implements of 
agriculture and war primitive, 
and so were their land vehicles, 
and the boats in which they 
traversed the sea. On the other 
hand, some of their swords and 
shields showed some skill in 
metal-working, and their war- 
like and commercial voyages to 
Britain and Gaul argue some 
proficiency in shipbuilding and 
navigation. They certainly 
loved music; and, besides their 
inscribed Ogham writing, they 
had a knowledge of letters ~ 

Ireland (ardri), and suliject to him were the proviiicial 
kings and chiefs of tribes. Each of these received 
tribute from his immediate inferior, and even in a sept 
the political and legal administration was complete. 
There was the druid who explained religion, the 
brehon who dispensed justice, the brughaid or public 
hospitaller, the l)ard who sang the praises of his chief 
or urged his kinsmen to battle; and each was an offi- 
cial and had his appointed allotment of land. Kings, 
though taken from one family, were elective, the tanist 
or heir-apparent being frequently not the nearest re- 
lation of him who reigned. This peculiarity, together 
with gavelkind by which the lands were periodically 
redistributed, impeded industry and settle<l govern- 
ment. Nor was there any legislative assembly, and 
the Brehon law under which Ireland lived was judge- 
made law. Sometimes the ardri's tribute remained 
unpaid and his authority nominal; but if he was a 
strong man he exacted obedience and tribute. The 
Boru tribute levied on the King of Leinster was exces- 
sive and unjust, and led to many evils. The pagan 
Irish believed in Druidism (q. v.), resembling some- 
what the Druidism Csesar saw in Gaul ; but the pagan 
creed of the Irish was indefinite and their gods do not 
stand out clear. They held the immortality and the 
transmigration of souls, worshipped the sun and 
moon, and, witli an inferior worship, mountains, riv- 
srs, and wells. And they sacrificed to idols, one of 




St. M 
There was a high-king of 



which, Crom Cruach, tliey are said to have propitiated 
with human sacrifices. They also believetl in fairies, 
holding that the Tuatha-de-Danaiuis, when defeated 
by the Milesians, retired into the bosom of the moun- 
tains, where they held their fairy revels. One of the 
women fairies (the banshee) watched the fortunes of 
great families, and when some great misfortune was 
impending, the doomed family was warned at night by 
her mournful wail. 

E.\RLY Christian Period. — Intercourse with Brit- 
ain and the Continent through commerce and war 
sufficiently accounts for the introduction of Christian- 
ity before the fifth century. There must have Ijeen 
then a considerable number of Christians in Ireland ; 
for in 430 Palladius (q. v.), a bishop and native of 
Britain, was sent by Pope Celestine "to the Scots be- 
lieving in Christ ". Palladius, however, did little, and 
almost immediately returned to Britain, and in 432 
the same pope sent St. Patrick 
(q. v.). He is the Apostle of 
Ireland, but this does not im- 
ply that he found Ireland al- 
together pagan and left it 
altogether Christian. It is 
however quite true tliat when 
St. Patrick did come paganism 
was the predominant belief, 
and that at his death it had 
been supplanted as such by- 
Christianity. The extraordi- 
nary work which St. Patrick 
did, as well as his own attrac- 
tive personal character, has 
furnished him with many Ijiog- 
raphers; and even in recent 
years his life and works liave 
engaged erudite and able pens. 
But in .spite of all that lias lieen 
written many things in his life 
are .still doubtful and olj.scure. 
It is still doubtful when and 
where he was born, how he 
spent his life between his first 
leaving Ireland and his return, 
and in what year he died. It 
has been maintained that he 
never existed; that he and Pal- 
ladius were the same man; that 
there were two St. Patricks; again, some, like Jocelin, 
have multiplied his miracles beyond belief. These 
contradictions and exaggerations have encouraged the 
scoffer to sneer; and Gibbon was sure that in the 
sixty-six lives of St. Patrick there must have been 
sixty-six thousand lies. In reality there seems no 
solid reason for rejecting the traditional account, viz., 
that St. Patrick was born at Dumbarton in Scotland 
about 372; that he was captured and brought to Ire- 
land by the Irish king, Nial; that he was sold as a slave 
to an Ulster chief Slilcho, whom he served for six 
years; that he then escaped and went back to his own 
people; that in repeated visions he, a pious Christian, 
heard the plaintive cry of the pagan Irish inviting him 
to come among.st them; that, believing he was called 
by God to do so, he went first to the monastery of St. 
Martin of Tours, then to that of St. Germanus of Aux- 
erre, after which he went to Lerins and to Rome; and 
then, being consecrated bishop, he was sent by Pope 
Celestine to Ireland, where he arrived in 432. 

From Wicklow, where he landed, his course is traced 
to Antrim; back by Downpatrick, near which he con- 
verted Dichu and got from him a grant of land for his 
first church at Saul; thence by Dundalk, where Be- 
nignus was converted ; and to Slane, where in sight of 
Tara itself he lighted the paschal fire. The enraged 
druids pointed out to the ardri the heinousness of the 
offence, for during the great pagan festival then being 
celel)rated it was deatli to light any fire except at 



IRELAND 



100 



IRELAND 



Tara. But St. Patrick came to Tara itself, baptized 
the chief poet, and even tlie ardri ; then marched north 
and destroyed at Leitrim the idol, Crom C'ruach, after 
which he entered Connaught, and remained there for 
seven years. Passing from Connaught to Ulster, he 
went through Donegal, Tyrone, and Antrim, conse- 
crated Macarten Bishop of Monaghan, and Fiacc 
Bishop of Sletty; after which he entered Munster. 
Finally he returned to Ulster, and died at Saul in 493. 
His early captivity in Ireland interfered seriously with 
his education, and in his Confession and in his Epistle 
to Caroticus, both of which have survived the wreck 
of ages, we can discover no graces of style. But we 
see his great familiarity with the Scripture. And the 
man himself stands revealed; his piety, his spirit of 
prayer, his confidence in God, his zeal, his invincible 
courage. But while putting his entire trust in God, 
and giving Him all the glory, he rejected no human 
aid. Entering into a pagan territory he first 
preached to the cliief men, knowing that when they 
were converted the people would follow. Wonderful 
indeed was his labour, and wonderful its results. He 
preached in almost every district in Ireland, con- 
fomided in argument the druids and won the people 
from their side; he built, it is said, 365 churches and 
consecrated an equal number of bishops, established 
schools and convents, and held synods; and when he 
died the whole machinery of a powerful Church was in 
operation, fully equal to the task of confirming in the 
faith those already converted and of bringing those 
yet in darkness into the C!hristian fold. 

One of the apostle's first anxieties was to provide a 
native ministry. For tliis purpose he selected the 
leading men — chiefs, brehons, bards — men likely to 
attract the respect of the people, and these, after little 
training and often with little education, he had or- 
dained. Thus equipped the priest went among the 
people, with his catechism, missal, and ritual, the 
bishop having in addition his crosier and bell. In a 
short time, however, these primitive conditions 
ceased. About 450 a college was established at Ar- 
magh under Benignus; other schools arose at Kililare, 
Noendrum, and Louth; and by the end of the fifth 
century these colleges sent forth a sufficient supply of 
trained priests. Supported by a grant of land from 
the chief of the clan or sept and by voluntary offerings, 
bishop and priests lived together, preached to the peo- 
ple, administered the sacraments, settled their dis- 
putes, sat in their banquet halls. To many ardent 
natures this state of things was abhorrent. Fleeing 
from men, they sought for solitude and silence, by the 
banks of a river, in the recesses of a wood, and, with 
the scantiest allowance of food, the water for their 
drink, a few wattles covered with sods for their houses, 
they spent their time in mortification and prayer. 
Literally they were monks, for they were alone with 
God. But their retreats were soon invaded by others 
anxious to share their penances and their vigils, and to 
learn wisdom at their feet. Each newcomer built his 
little hut, a church was erected, a grant of land ob- 
tained, their master became abbot, and perhaps 
bishop; and thus arose monastic establishments the 
fame of which soon spread throughout Europe. 
Noted examples in the sixth century were Clonard, 
founded by St. Finian, Clonfert by St. Brendan, Ban- 
gor by St. Comgall, Clonmacnoise by St. Kieran, Ar- 
ran by St. Enda; and, in the seventh century, Lis- 
more by St. Carthage and Glendalough by St. Kevin. 

There were still bardic schools, as there was still 
paganism, but in the seventh century paganism had 
all but disappeared, and the bardic were overshadowed 
by the monastic .schools. Frequented by the best of 
the Irish, and by Ktu<lents from abroad,' these latter 
diffased knowli-dw over western I'Airopc, and Ireland 
received and mcrili'd I he liil,. ,,f Isl:,tid of Saints anil 
Scholars, 'j'hc holy men who laboured with St.. Pat- 
rick and iiMniedialely succeeded him were mostly 



bishops and founders of churches; those of the sixth 
century were of the monastic order; those of the 
seventh century were mostly anchorites who loved 
solitude, silence, continued prayer, and the most rigid 
austerities. Nor were the women behindhand in this 
contest for holiness. St. Brigid is a name still dear to 
Ireland, and she, as well as St. Ita, St. Fanchea and 
others, founded many convents tenanted by pious 
women, whose sanctity and sacrifices it would be in- 
deed difficult to surpass. Nor was the Irish Church, 
as has been sometimes asserted, out of communion 
with the See of Rome. The Roman and Irish tonsures 
differed, it is true, and the methods of computing 
Easter, and it may be that Pelagianism found some 
few adherents, though Arianism did not, nor the errors 
as to the natures and wills of Christ. In the number 
of its sacraments, in its veneration for the Blessed 
Virgin, in its belief in the Mass and in Purgatory, in its 
obetlience to the See of Rome, the creed of the early 
Irish Church was the CathoUc creed of to-day (see 
Celtic Rite). Abroad as well as at home Irish Chris- 
tian zeal was displayed. In 563 St. Columba, a native 
of Donegal, accompanied by a few companions, 
crossed the sea to Caledonia and founded a monastery 
on the desolate island of lona. Fresh arrivals came 
from Ireland; the monastery with Columba as its 
abbot was soon a flourishing institution, from which 
the Dalriadian Scots in the south and the Picts beyond 
the Grampians were evangelized; and when Columba 
died in 597, Christianity had been preached and re- 
ceived in every district in Caledonia, antl in every 
island along its western coast. In the next century 
lona had so prospered that its abbot, St. .\damnan, 
wrote in excellent Latin the "Life of St. Columba", 
the best biography of which the Middle Ages can 
boast. From lona had gone south the Irish Aidan 
and his Irish companions to compete with and even 
exceed in zeal the Roman missionaries under St. Au- 
gustine, and to evangelize Northumbria, Mercia, and 
Essex; and if Irish zeal had already been displayed 
in lona, equal zeal was now displayed on the desolate 
isle of Lindisfarne. Nor was this all. In 590 St. 
Columbanus, a student of Bangor, accompanied by 
twelve companions, arrived in France and established 
the monastery of Luxeuil, the parent of many monas- 
teries, then laboured at Bregenz, and finally founded 
the monastery of Bobbio, which as a centre of knowl- 
edge and piety was long the light of northern Italy. 
And meantime his friend and fellow-student St. Gall 
laboured with conspicuous success in Switzerland, St. 
Fridolin along the Rhine, St. Fiacre near Meaux, St. 
Kilian at Wiirzburg, St. Livinus in Braliant, St. Fur- 
sey on the Marne, St. Cataldus in southern Italy. And 
when Charlemagne reigned (771-814), Irishmen were 
at his court, " men incomparably skilled in human 
learning". 

In the civil history of the period only a few facts 
stand out prominently. About 560, in consec|uence 
of a quarrel with the ardri Diarmuid about the right of 
sanctuary, St. Columba and Rhoilanus (Heudaii) of 
Lorrha pubhcly cursed Tara, an unpatriotic act which 
dealt a fatal blow at the prospect of a strong central 
government by blighting with maledictions its acknowl- 
edged seat. Nearly thirty years later the National 
Convention of Drumceat restrained the insolence and 
curtailed the privileges of the Inirds. InOSt Ireland was 
invaded by the King of Nortlunubria, though no per- 
manent conquest followed. And in 697 the last Feis 
of Tara was held, at wliich, through the influence of 
Adamnan, women were interdicted from taking part 
in actual battle. At the same time the ardri Finac- 
tha, at the instance of St. Moling, renounced for him- 
self and his successors the Boni tribute. As the 
eighth century neared its close, religion ami learning 
still flourishe<l; but uiiexpcctcd dangers approached 
and a new enemy came, before whose assaults monk 
and monastery and .saint and .scholar disappeared. 



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These invaders were the Danes from the coasts of of others the decrees of synods were often flouted, and 
Scandinavia. Pagans and pirates, they loved plunder the new diocesan boundaries ignored. 
and war, and both on land and sea were formidable The Anglo-Nopm.\ns.— In Henry II of England an 
foes. Like the fabled Fomorians of earlier times they unexpected reformer appeared. The murderer of 
had a genius for devastation. Descending from their Thomas a Becket seemed ill-fitted for the role, but he 
ships along the coasts of western Europe, they mur- undertook it, and in the first year of his reign (1154) he 
dered the inhabitants or made them captives and procured a Bull from the English-born Pope Adrian 
slaves. In Ireland as elsewhere they attacked the IV authorizing him to proceed to Ireland "to cneck 
monasteries and churches, desecrated the altars, the torrent of wickedness, to reform evil manners, to 
carried away the gold and silver vessels, and smok- sow the seeds of virtue." The many troubles of his 
ing ruins and murdered monks attested the fury extensive kingdom thwarted his plans for years. But 
of their assaults. Armagh and Bangor, Kiklare and in 1168 Macmurrogh, King of Leinster, driven from 
Clonmacnoise, lona and Lindisfarne thus fell before his kingdom sought Henry's aid, and then Adrian's 
their fury. Favoured by disunion among the Irish Bull was remembered. A first contingent of Anglo- 
chiefs, they crept inland, effected permanent settle- Normans came to Ireland in 1169 under Fitzgerald, a 
ments at Waterford and Limerick and established a stronger force under Strongbow (de Clare, Earl of 
powerful kingdom at Dublin; and, had their able chief Pembroke) in 1170, and in 1171 Henry himself landed 
Turgesius lived much longer, they might perhaps have at Waterford and proceeded to Dublin, where he spent 
subdued the whole island. For a century after his the winter, and received the submission of all the 
death in 845 victory and defeat alternated in their Irish chiefs, except those of Tyrconnell and Tyrowen. 
wars; but they clung tenaciously to their seaport These submissions, however, aggravated rather than 
possessions, and kept the neighbouring Irish in cruel lessened existing ills. The Irish chiefs suljrnitted to 
bondage. They were, however, signally defeated by Henry as to a powerful ardri, still preserving their 
the Ardri Malachy in 980, and Dublin was compelled privileges and rights under Brehon law. Henry, on 

to pay him tribute. But, able , . his side, regarded them as vas- 

as Malachy was, an abler man sals holding the lands of their 

soon supplanted him in the tribes by military service and 

supreme position. Step by ^»^^^ "i accordance with feudal law. 

step Brian Boru had risen from M^^*^,^ ^^K. Thus a conflict lietween the 

being chief of Thomond to be yl^^HfllL tiSjti^P^ '^'^'^ system and feudalism 

undisputed ruler of Munster. H^^^Hf^^Sf^HP^^,..^ jk .M>- ^^ose. Exercising his eu)5posed 
Its chiefs were his tributaries ^^^^F^__5^^BBLl'8Bt*'Tfc^BB I'Sl''^. H'Miry divided the eoun- 
and his allies; the Danes he ^^^^^JEjirrl^K^Bil^^l j I jig^rH ''y '"'" ^° many great fiefs, 
had repeatedly cha.stised, and ^H^ fl|B%'^^Hj^HS|| ^1 SllMtll giving Mcath to de Lacy, Lein- 
in 1002 he compelled Malachy B|^^^^^^^^^^B^^WHBrJ|BMK|^^| ster to Strongbow, while de 
to abdicate in his favour. HB^SBJ^^^BBHHH8il<fc»*liMMiMiiSi Courcy was encouraged to con- 

It was a bitter humiliation B^BB^^T-' iiiiiiiiii i .iiii iiimMiiiMiM^Miii iiii quer Ulster, and de C'ogan Con- 
fer Malachy thus to lay down ^^^^^^^raw|K|^nB|^HHHHHHHH|| naught. At alaterdatethede 
the sceptre which for 600 years ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^f^^^^^^^^^H Burgos 

had been in the hands of his '^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^si Fitzgeralds in Kildan-and Des- 
family. It gave Ireland, how: Ruins of Ardfert Abbey mond, the Butlers in O.ssory. 



ever, the greatest of her high-kings and unbroken peace 
forsome years. War came when the elements of dis- 
content coalesced. Brian had irritated Leinster by re- 
viving the Boru tribute ; he had crushed the Danes ; and 
these, with the Danes of the Isle of Man and those of 
Sweden and the Scottish Isles, joined together, and on 
Good Friday, 1014, the united strength of Danes and 
Leinstermen faced Brian's army at Clontarf. The 



Discord enfeebled the capacity of the Irish chiefs for 
resistance; nor were kernes and gallowglasses equal 
to mail-clad knights, nor the battle-axe to the Norman 
lance, and in a short time large tracts had passed from 
native to foreign hands. 

The new Anglo-Irish lords soon outgrew the posi- 
tion of English subjects, and to the natives Ijecame 
tyrannical and overbearing. Ignoring the many evi- 



victory gained by the latter was great; but it was denees of culture in Ireland, her Romanesque archi- 



dearly bought by the loss of Brian as well as his son 
and grandson. The century and a half which followed 
was a weary waste of turbulence and war. Brian's 
usurpation encouraged others to ignore the claims of 
descent. O'Loughlin and O'Neill in the North, 
O'Brien in the South, and O'Connor beyond the Shan- 



tecture, her high crosses, her illuminated manuscripts, 
her shrines and crosiers, the scholars that had shed 
lustre on her schools, the saints that had hallowed her 
valleys, the missionaries that had spread her fame 
tliroughout Europe — ignoring all these, they despised 
the Irish as rude and barbarous, despised their lan- 



non fought for the national throne with equal energy guage, their laws, their dress, their arms; and, while 
and persistence; and as one set of disputants dis- not recognizing the Brehon law, they refusetl Irish- 
appeared, others replaced them, equally determined to men the status of English subjects or the protection of 
prevail. The l&sser chiefs were similarly engaged. English law. At last, despairing of union among their 
This ceaseless strife completed the work begun by the own chiefs, or of justice from Irish viceroy or English 
Danes. Under native and Christian chiefs churches king, the oppressed Irish invited Edward Bruce from 
were destroyed, church lands appropriated by laymen, Scotland. In 1315 he landed in Ireland and was 
monastic schools deserted, lay abbots ruled at Armagh crowned king. Successful at first, his allies beyond 
and elsewhere. Bishops were consecrated without the Shannon were almost annihilated in the battle of 
sees and conferred orders for money, there was chaos Athenry (1316); and two years later he was himself 
in church government and corruption everywhere, defeated and slain at Faughart. His ruin had been 
In a series of synods beginning with Rathbreasail effected by a combination of the Anglo-Irish lords, and 



(1118) and including Kells, at which the pope's legate 
presided, many salutary enactments were passed, and 
for the first time diocesan episcopacy was established. 
Meanwhile, St. Malachy, Archbishop of Armagh, had 
done very remarkable work in his own diocese and 
elsewhere. His early death in 1148 was a heavy blow 
to the cause of church reform. Nor could so many 
evils be cured in a single life, or by the labours of a 
single man; and in spite of his efforts and the efforts 



this still further inflated their pride. Titles rewarded 
them. Birmingham became Lord of Athenry and 
Earl of Louth, Fitzgerald Earl of Kildare, his kinsman 
Earl of Desmond, de Burgo Earl of Ulster, Butler Earl 
of Ormond. But these titles only increased their inso- 
lence and disloyalty. Favoured by the weakness of 
the viceroy's government the native chiefs recovered 
most of the ground they had lost. 
Meanwhile the de Burgos in Connaught changed 



IRELAKD 



102 



IRELAND 



their name to Burke, and Ijecame Irish chiefs; many 
others followed their example; even the ennobled 
Butlers and Fitzgeralds used the Irish language, dress, 
and customs, and were as turbulent as the worst of the 
native chiefs. To recall these colonists to their alle- 
giance the Statute of Kilkenny made it penal to use 
Irish customs, language, or law, forbade intermarriage 
with the mere Irish, or the conferring of benefices on 
the native-born. But the barriers of race could not 
be maintained, and the intermarrying of Irish with 
Anglo-Irish went on. The long war with France, fol- 
lowed by the Wars of the Roses, diverted the attention 
of England from Irish affairs; and the viceroy, feebly 
supported from England, was too weak to chastise 
these powerful lords or put penal laws in force. The 
hostility of native chiefs was bought off by the pay- 
ment of "black rents". The loyal colonists confined 
to a small district near Dublin, called "the Pale", 
shivered behind its encircling rampart ; and when the 
sixteenth century dawned, English power in Ireland 
had almost disappeared. Those within the Pale were 
impoverished by grasping officials and by the payment 
of "black rents". Outside the Pale the country was 
held by sixty chiefs of Irish descent and thirty of Eng- 
lish descent, each making peace or war as he pleased. 
Lawlessness and irreligion were everywhere. The 
clergy of Irish quarrelled with those of English descent ; 
the religious houses were corrupt, their priors and 
abbots great landholders with seats in Parliament, and 
more attached to secular than to religious concerns; 
the great monastic schools had disappeared, the great- 
est of them all, Clonmacnoise, being in ruins; preach- 
ing was neglected except by the mendicant orders, and 
these were utterly unable to cope with the disorders 
which prevailed. 

The Tudor Period. — Occupied with English and 
Continental affairs, Henry VIII, in the beginning of 
his reign, bestowed but little attention on Ireland, and 
not until he was a quarter of a century on the throne 
were Irish affairs taken seriously in hand. The king 
was then in middle age, no longer the defender of the 
Faith against Luther, but, like Luther, a rebel against 
Rome; no longer generous or attractive in character, 
but rather a cruel, capricious tyrant, whom it was 
dangerous to provoke and fatal to disobey. In Eng- 
land his hands were reddened with the best blood of 
the land; and in Ireland the fate of the Fitzgeralds, 
following the rebellion of Silken Thomas, struck Irish 
and Anglo-Irish alike with such terror that all has- 
tened to make peace. O'Neill, renouncing the in- 
heritance of his ancestors, became Earl of Tyrone; 
Burke became Earl of Clanrickard, O'Brien Earl of 
Thomond, Fitzpatrick Lord of Ossory; the Earl of 
Desmond and the other Anglo-Irish nobles were par- 
doned all their offences, and at a Parliament in Dublin 
(1541) Anglo-Irish and Irish attended. And Henry, 
who like his predecessors had been hitherto but Lord 
of Ireland (Dominus H ibernia;) , was now unanimously 
given the higher title of king. This Parliament also 
passed the Act of Supremacy by which Henry was in- 
vested with spiritual jurisdiction, and, in sub.stitution 
for the pope, proclaimed head of the C'hurch. As the 
proctors of the clergy refused to agree to this measure, 
the irate monarch deprived them of the right of voting, 
and in revenge confiscated church lands and sup- 
pressed monasteries, in some cases shed the blood of 
their inmates, in the remaining cases sent them forth 
homelc.ssand poor. These severities, however, did not 
win the people from their faith. The apostate friar 
Browne, whom Henry made Archbisho)) of l)ul)lin, 
the apostate Sta|>los, Bishop of Mcatli, and Henry 
himself, ^taini'il with so many adulteries and murders, 
had but poor credentials as prcach<'rs of reform; what- 
ever time-serving chiefs might do, the clergy and 
people were unwilling to make Henry pope, or to sub- 
scribe lo the varying teiK'ts of his creed. His .succes- 
sor, an anient Protestant, tried hard to make Ireland 



Protestant, but the sickly plant which he sowed was 
uprooted by the Catholic Mary, and at Elizabeth's 
accession all Ireland was Catholic. 

Like her father Henry, the young queen was a cruel 
and capricious tyrant, and in her war with Shane 
O'Neill, the ablest of the Irish chiefs, she did not 
scruple to employ assassins. She was neither a sin- 
cere Protestant nor a willing persecutor of the Catho- 
hcs; and though she re-enacted the Act of Supremacy 
and passed the Act of Uniformity, making Protestant- 
ism the state creed, she refused to have these acts 
rigorously enforced. But when the pope and the 
Spanish king declared against her, and the Irish Cath- 
olics were found in alliance with both, she yielded to 
her ministers and concluded, with them, that a Catho- 
Uc was necessarily a disloyal subject. Henceforth 
toleration gave way to persecution. The tortures in- 
flicted on O'Hurley, Archbishop of Cashel,and O'Hely, 
Bishop of Mayo, the Spaniards murdered in cold blood 
at Smerwick, the desolation of Munster during Des- 
mond's reliellion, showed how cruel her rule could be. 
Far more formidable than the rebellion of Desmond, 
or even than that of Shane O'Neill, was the rebellion 
of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone. No such able Irish 
chief had appeared since Brian Boru. Cool, cautious, 
vigilant, he laid his plans with care and knew how to 
wait patiently for results. Never impulsive, never 
boastful, wise in council and wary in speech, from his 
long residence in London in his youth he learned dis- 
simulation, and was as crafty as the craftiest English 
minister. Repeatedly he foiled the queen's diploma- 
tists in council as he did her generals in the field, and at 
the Yellow Ford (1598) gained the greatest victory 
ever won in Ireland over English arms. What he 
might have done had he been loyally supported it is 
hard to say. For nearly ten years he continued the 
war; he continued it after his Spanish allies had 
brought upon him the disaster of Kinsale; after his 
chief assistant, O'Donnell, had been struck down by an 
assassin's hand; after Carew had subdued Munster, 
and Mountjoy had turned Ulster into a desert; after 
the Irish chiefs had gone over to the enemy. And 
when he submitted it was only on condition of being 
guaranteed his titles and lands; and by that time 
Elizabeth, who hated him so much and so longed for 
his destruction, had breathed her last. 

Under the Stuarts. — James I (160.3-25) was the 
first of the Stuart line, and from the son of Mary Stu- 
art the Irish Catholics expected much. They were 
doomed, however, to an early disappointment. The 
cities which rejoiced that "Jezabel was dead", and 
that now they could practise their religion openly, 
were warned by Mountjoy that James was a good 
Protestant and as such would have no toleration of 
popery. Salisbury, who had poisoned the mind of the 
queen against the Catholics, was equally successful 
with her successor, with the result that persecution 
continued. Proclamations were issued ordering the 
clergy to quit the kingdom; those who remained were 
hunted down; O'Devany, Bishop of Down, and others 
were done to death. 'The Acts of Supremacy and 
Uniformity were rigorously enforced. The Act of 
Oblivion, under which participants in the late rebellion 
were pardoned, was often forgotten or ignored. Eng- 
lish law, which for the first time was extentled to all 
Ireland, was used by corrupt officials to oppress rather 
than to protect the people. The Earl of Tyrone and 
the Earl of Tyrronnell (liory O'Doiuiell) were so spied 
Vipon and worried liy false charges cif disloyalty that 
they fled th<' country, believing that their lives were in 
danger; and to all their pleas for justice the king's 
response was to slander their characters and confiscate 
their lands. It is indeed true that Irish juries found 
the earls guilty of high treason, and an Irish Parlia- 
ment, representing all Ireland, attainted them. But 
these results were obtained by carefully packing the 
juries, and by the creation of small boroughs which sent 



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103 



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creatures of the king to represent them in Parhament. 
And the Catholic members acquiesced under threat of 
having enacted a fresh batch of penal laws. Thus, 
aided by corrupt juries and a complaisant Parliament, 
James I was enabled to plant the confiscated lands of 
Ulster with English Protestants and Scotch Presby- 
terians. Other plantations had fared badly. That of 
Iving's and Queen's County in Mary's reign had de- 
cayed; and the plantation of Munster after the Des- 
mond war had been swept away in the tide of O'Neill's 
victories. The plantation of Ulster was more thor- 
ough and effective than either of these. Whole dis- 
tricts were given to the settlers, and these, supported 
by a Protestant Government, soon grew into a power- 
ful and prosperous colony, while the despoiled Catho- 
lics, driven from the richer to the poorer lands, looked 
helplessly on, hating those colonists for whose sake 
they had been despoiled. 

Under the new king, Charles I (1625-49), the policy 
of persecution and plantation was continued. Under 
pretence of advancing the puljlic interest and increas- 
ing the king's revenue, a crowd of hungry adventurers 
spread themselves over the land, inquiring into the title 
by which lands were heUl. A\ith venal judges, venal 
juries, and sympathetic officials to aid them, good 
titles were declared bad, and lands seizetl, and the ad- 
venturers were made sharers in the spoil. Thi' 
O'Byrnes were thus deprived of their lands in Wicklow. 
and similar confi.scations and plantations took place 
in Wexford, King's County, Leitrim, Westmeath. and 
Longford. Hoping to protect themselves against sucli 
robbery, the Catholics offered the king a subsidy of 
£120,000 in exchange for certain privileges called 
" graces", which among other things would give them 
indefeasible titles to their estates. These " graces ", 
granted by the king, were to have the sanction of 
Parliament to make them good. The money was paid, 
but the "graces" were withheld, and the viceroy, 
Strafford, proceeded to Connaught to confiscate aiicl 
plant the whole province. The projected plantation 
was ultimately abandoned; but the sense of injustice 
remained. All over the country were insecurity, 
anxiety, unrest, and disaffection; Irish and Anglo- 
Irish were equally menaced. Seeing the futility of 
appealing to a helpless Parliament, a despotic viceroy, 
or a perfidious king, the nation took up arms. 

To describe the rebellion as the " massacre of 1641 " 
is unjust. The details of cruel murders committed 
and horrible tortures inflicted by the rebels are mis- 
chievously untrue. On the other hand, it is true that 
the Protestants suffered grievous wTong, and that 
many of them lost their lives, exclusive of those who 
fell in war. The Catholics wanted the planters' lands; 
when driven away in wintry weather, without money, 
or food, or sufficient clothes, many planters perished 
of hunger and cold. Others fell by the avenging hand 
of some infuriated Catholic whom they might have 
wronged in the days of their power. Many felUle- 
fending their property or the property and" lives of 
their friends. The plan of the rebel leaders, of whom 
Roger Moore was chief, was to capture the garrison 
towns by a simultaneous attack. But they failed to 
capture Dublin Castle, containing large stores of arms, 
owing to the imprudence of Colonel MacMahon. He 
imparted the secret to a disreputable Irishman named 
O'Connolly, who at once informed the Castle authori- 
ties, with the result that the Castle defences were 
strengthened, and MacMahon and others arrested and 
subsequently executed. In Ulster, however, the whole 
open country and many towns fell into the rebels' 
hands, and Munster and Connaught soon joined the 
rebellion, as did the ( 'at holies of the Pale, unable to ol)- 
tainany toleraticjn of their religion, or security of their 
property, or even of tluir lives. Before the "new year 
was far advanced the Catholic Bishops declared the 
rebellion just, and the Catholics formed a confedera- 
tion which, from its meeting place, was called the 



"Confeileration of Kilkenny". Composed of clergy 
and laity its members swore to be loyal to the king, to 
stri\e for the free exercise of their rehgion, and to de- 
fend the lives, Hberties, and possessions of all who took 
the Confederate oath. Supreme executive authority 
was vested in a supreme council; there were provin- 
cial councils also, all the.se bodies deriving their powers 
from an elective body called the '" General Assembly ". 
The Supreme Council exercised all the powers of gov- 
ernment, administered justice, raised taxes, formed 
armies, appointed generals. One of the best-known 
of these officers was General Preston, who commanded 
in Leinster, having come from abroad with a good sup- 
ply of arms and ammunition, and with .lOO trained 
officers. A more remarkable man still was General 
Owen Roe O'Neill, nephew of the great Earl of Ty- 
rone, who took command in Ulster, and whose defence 
of Arras against the French caused him to be recog- 
nized as one of the first soldiers in Europe. He also, 
like Preston, brought officers, arms, and ammunition 
to Ireland. At a later stage came Rinuccini, the 




pope's nuncio bringing with him a supph of money. 
Meanwhile ci\il w ir riged in England between king 
and Parlnment the (io\ernment at Dublin, ill sup- 
plied from icross the C hannel w i^ ill fitted to crush a 
powerful rebelhon and m lb4t) O NeiU won the great 
victory of Benburb But the strength of which this 
victory was the outcome was counterbalanced by ele- 
ments of we ikness The Cathohcs of Ulster and those 
of the Pale did not igree neither did Generals O'Neill 
and Preston The Supreme Council with a feeble old 
man. Lord Mountgarret, at its head, and four provin- 
cial generals instead of a commander-in-chief, was ill- 
suited for the vigorous prosecution of a war. More- 
over, the influence of the Marquis of Ormond was a 
fatal cause of discord. A personal friend of the king, 
and chargeil by him with the command of his army and 
with the conduct of negotiations, a Protestant with 
Catholic friends on the Supreme Council, his desire 
ought to have been to bring Catholic and Royalist to- 
gether. But his hatred of the Catholics was such that 
he would grant them no terms, even when ordered to 
do so by His Majesty. The Catholics' professions of 
loyalty he despised, and his great dijilomatic abilities 
were used to sow dissensions in their councils and to 
thwart their plans. Yet the Supreme Council, dom- 
inated liy an Ormondist faction, continued fruitless 
negotiati(.)ns with him, agreed to a cessation when they 
themelves were strong and their opponents weak, and 
agreed to a peace with him in spite of the victory of 
Benburb, and in spite of the remonstrances of the 
nuncio and of General O'Neill. Nor did they cease 



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104 



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these relations with him even after he had treacher- 
ously surrendered Dublin to the Parliament (1647), 
and left the country. On the contrary, they still put 
faith in him, entered into a fresh peace with him in 
1648, and when he returned to Ireland as the Royalist 
viceroy they received him in state at Kilkenny. In 
disgust, General O'Neill came to a temporary agree- 
ment with the Parliamentary general, and Rinuccini, 
despairing of Ireland, returned to Rome. 

The Civil War in England was then over. The Roy- 
alists had been vanquished, the king executed, the 
monarchy replaced by a commonwealth; and in Au- 
gust, 1649, Oliver Cromwell came to Ireland with 
10,000 men. Ormond meanwhile had rallied his sup- 
porters, and, with the greater part of the Catholics of 
Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, the Protestants of 
the Pale and of Munster, and great part of the Ulster 
Presbyterians, his strength was considerable. His 
obstinate bigotry would not allow him to make terms 
with the Ulster army, and he thus lost the support of 
General O'Neill at a critical time. Early in August he 
had been disastrously beaten by the Puritan general 
Jones, at Rathmines; in consequence he offered no 
opposition to Cromwell's landing and made no attempt 
to relieve Drogheda. It was soon captured by Crom- 
well and its garrison put to the sword . A month later 
the same fate befell Wexford. Waterford repelled 
Cromwell's attack, and Clonmel and Kilkenny offered 
him a stout resistance; but other towns were easily 
captured, or voluntarily surrendered; and when he 
left Ireland, in May, 1650, Munster and Leinster were 
in his hands. His successors, Ireton and Ludlow, 
within two years reduced the remaining provinces. 
Meanwhile Owen Roe O'Neill had died after making 
terms with Ormond, but before meeting with Crom- 
well. The Catholic Bishops, however, repudiated Or- 
mond, who then left Ireland. Some negotiation sub- 
sequently between Lord Clanricarde and the Duke 
of Lorraine came to nothing, and the long war was 
ended in which more than half the inhabitants of the 
country had lost their lives. 

In the beginning of the rebellion many Englishmen 
subscribed money to put it down, stipulating in re- 
turn for a share of the lands to be forfeited, and thus 
hatred of the Catholics was mingled with hope of gain. 
The English Parliament acceptetl the money on the 
terms proposed, and the subscribers became known as 
"adventurers", because they adventured their 
money on Irish land. When the rebellion was over, 
the problem was to provide the lands promised, and 
also to provide lands for the soldiers who were in ar- 
rears of pay. It was a difficult problem. There was 
an Act for Settling Ireland, and an Act for the Satis- 
faction of Adventurers in Lands and Arrears due to 
the soldiers and other pubhc Debts; there was a High 
Court of Justice to determine who were guilty of re- 
bellion; there were soldiers who had got special terms 
when laying down their arms; and there were those 
who had never had a share in the rebellion, liut had 
merely lived in the rebel quarters during the war. 
The best of the lands east of the Shannon were for the 
adventurers and soldiers, the dispossessed being driven 
to Connaught. To determine where the planters were 
to be settled and where the transplanted, and what 
amount they were to get, there wore conunissions, and 
committees, and surveys, and court nf olaim.s. Nor 
was it till 1658 that the Cromwelliaii Settlement was 
complete, and even then many of the transplanted 
protested their innocence of any share in the rebellion, 
and many of the adventurers :md soldiers complained 
that they had been defrauded <if their due. In the 
amount of suffering it entailed and wrung iuHiclcd tlie 
whole scheme far exceeded the |)lantation of Ulster. 
But it failed to make Ireland either English or Prot- 
estant, and in setting up a system of alien huidlords 
and native tenants it proved the curse of Ireland and 
the fruitful parent of many ills. 



To the Irish Cromwell's death in 1658 was welcome 
news, all the more so because Charles II (1660-85) 
was restored. For their attachment to the cause of 
the latter they had suffered much ; and now the Cath- 
olic landlord in his Connaught cabin and the Irish 
soldier abroad felt equally assured that the recovery 
of their lands and homes was at hand. They soon 
learned that Stuart gratitude meant little and that 
Stuart promises were written on sand. Had Charles 
been free to act, the Cromwellian Settlement would 
not have endured; for he loved the Catholics much 
more than he loved the Puritans. But the planters 
were a dangerous body to provoke, sustainetl as they 
were by the English Parliament and by the king's 
chief adviser, Ormond, who indeed hated the Crom- 
wellians, but hated the Cathohcs much more. Some 
attempt, however, was made to right the wrong that 
had been done, and by the Act of Settlement six 
hundred innocent Catholics were restored to their lands. 
Many more would have been restored had the court of 
claims been allowed to continue its sittings. The 
irate planters wanted to know what was to become of 
them if the despoiled papists thus got back their lands; 
utterings threats and even breaking out into rebellion 
they alarmed the king. Under Ormond 's advice the 
Act of Explanation was then passed (1665) and the 
court of claims set up by the Act of Settlement closed 
its doors, though three thousand cases remained un- 
tried. Thus the Cromwellians who had murdered the 
king's father were, with few exceptions, left unmo- 
lested while the Catholics were abandoned to their 
fate. Before the rebellion two-thirds of the lands of 
the country were in the hands of the latter; after the 
Act of Explanation scarcely one-third was left them, a 
sweeping confiscation especially in the case of men who 
were denied even the justice of a trial. After this the 
toleration of the Catholics was but a small concession. 
Not, however, during the whole of Charles's reign; for 
Ormond, now a duke, filled the ofKce of viceroy for 
many years; he at least would maintain Protestant 
ascendancy, and exclude the Catholics from the bench 
and the corporations. In the English Council and in 
Parliament he bitterly attacked and defeated the pro- 
posed revision of the Act of Settlement. He does not 
appear to have had any sj-mpathy with the lying tales 
of Gates and Bedloe, or with the storm of persecution 
which followed, and he disapproved of the judicial 
murder of Oliver Plunket. But his aversion from the 
Catholics continued, and was in no way chilled by ad- 
vancing age. One of the last acts of Charles was to 
dismiss him from office as an enemy to toleration. 
The king himself soon after died in the Catholic Faith, 
and James II, an avowed Catholic, succeeded, the 
first Catholic sovereign since the death of Mary Tutior. 

Religious toleration had then made little progress 
throughout Europe, and England, aggressively Prot- 
estant, looked with special disfavour on Catholicism. 
In these circumstances James II should have moved 
with caution. He should have taken account of na- 
tional prejudices and the temper of the times, and re- 
spected established institutions; while conscientiously 
practising his own religion, he should have sought for 
no favour for it, at least until the nation was in a more 
tolerant and yielding mood. Instead of this, and in 
defiance of iMiglish bigotry and English law, he ap- 
pointed Calluilics to high civil and niilif;iry offices, 
opened llic ocirporalicins and the universities In them, 
had a iiap.il nuncin at liis court , anil issueil a Declara- 
tion of Indulgence suspending llic penal laws. When 
the Protestant bishdps refused to have this declaration 
read from tlu'lr pulpits he jiroseeutcd them. Their 
acquittal was the signal fur revolt, and ,I:imes, de- 
serted by all classes, fleil to France leaving the English 
throne to William of Orange, whom the Protestants 
invited from Holland. Meanwhile sweejiing changes 
had been effected in Ireland by the viceroy, the Duke 
of Tyrconnell, a militant Catholic and a special favour- 



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105 



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ite of King James. Protestant magistrates, sheriffs, 
and judges had lieen (hsplaced to make room for 
Cathohes; the army and corporations underwent simi- 
lar changes; and the Act of Settlement was to be re- 
pealed. Timid Protestants trembling for their lives 
fled to England ; others formed centres of resistance to 
the viceroy in Munster and Connaught, and, in Ulster, 
berry anil Enniskillen expelled the Catholics and 
closed tlu'ir gates against the viceroy's troops. This 
was rel>elli()n. for James, though repudiated in Eng- 
land, was still King of Ireland. In March, 1689, he 
arri\ed at Kinsale from France to subdue these rebels. 
But the task was beyond his strength. Derry and 
Enniskillen defied all his attacks, and a Williamite 
force, issuing from the latter town, almost annihilated 
a Jacobite army at Newtown-Butler. 

Disaffection became general among the Protestants 
when the Irish Parliament repealed the Act of Settle- 
ment and attainted eighteen hundred persons who had 
fled to England through fear; and when, in .\ugust, a 
Williamite force of twenty thousand landed at Car- 
rickfergus, the Prot- 
estants everywhere 
welcomed it. This 
great force, however, 
effected nothing, and 
in June, 1690, Wil- 
liam himself came 
and encountered 
James on the banks 
of the Boyne. The 
battle was fought on 
1 July, and resulted 
in the defeat of 
James. Hastening to 
Dublin he told the 
Duchess of Tyrcon- 
nell that the Irish 
soldiers had shame- 
fully run away, to 
which the lady is 
said to have rejilied : 
"But your Majesty 

won the race. " The „ ,,,„„„ 

retort was just. The Founded 1793- 

Irish cavalry behaved with conspicuous gallantry, as 
did the greater part of the infantry. Some of the 
latter ditl rim away, but not so fast as James himself, 
who fled taking the ablest of the Irish generals, Sars- 
field, with him. That the Irish were no cowards was 
soon sliown by their defence of Athlone and the still 
more glorious defence of Limerick. After being com- 
pelled to raise the siege of the latter city. King William 
left for England, committing the civil authority to 
lords justices and the military command to General 
Ginkel. In the following year Ginkel captured Ath- 
lone, owing to the carelessness of the Jacobite general, 
St-Ruth; and on 12 July, 1691, the last great battle of 
the war was fought at Aughrim. The Irish were not 
inferior to their opponents in numbers, discipline, or 
valour, and though overmatched in heavy guns they 
had the advantage of position. Nor was St-Ruth 
inferior to Ginkel in military capacity. His disposi- 
tions were excellent, and after several hours' desperate 
fighting Ginkel was driven back at every point. Just 
then St-Uuth was struck down by a cannon ball. 
Panic-stricken, the Irish fell back, allowing their oppo- 
nents to advance and inflict on them a crushing defeat. 
The surrender of Galway and Sligo followed, and in a 
short time Ginkel and his whole army were before the 
walls of Limerick. When he had effectually sur- 
rounded it and made a breach in the walls, further re- 
sistance was seen to lie hopeless, and .Sarsticld and his 
friends made terms. By the end of the year the war 
was over. King William had triumphed, and Protest- 
ant ascendancy was secure. 

The Eighteenth Century. — By the Treaty of 




Limerick the Catholic soldiers of King James were 
pardoned, protected against forfeiture of their estates, 
antl were free to go abroad if they chose. .Ml Catho- 
lics might substitute an oath of allegiance for the oath 
of supremacy, and were to have such privileges "as 
were consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as they 
did enjoy in the reign of Charles II ". King WiUiam 
also promised to have the Irish Parliament grant a 
further relaxation of the penal laws in force. This 
treaty, however, was soon torn to shreds, and in spite of 
William's appeals the Irish Parliament refusetl to rat- 
ify it, and embarked on fresh penal legislation. Under 
these new laws Catholics were exclutied from ParUa- 
ment, from the bench and bar, from the army and 
navy, from all civil offices, from the corporations, and 
even from the corporate towns. They could not have 
Catholic schools at home or attend foreign schools, 
or inherit landed property, or hold land under lease, 
or act as executors or administrators, or have arms 
or ammunition, or a horse worth £5. Neit her could they 
bury their dead in Catholic ruins, or make pilgrimages 
to holy wells, or ob- 
serve Catholic holi- 
days. They could not 
intermarry with the 
Protestants, the 
clergyman assisting 
at such marriages be- 
ing liable to death. 
The w'ife of a Catho- 
lic landloril turning 
Protestant got sep- 
arate maintenance; 
the son turning Prot- 
estant got the whole 
e :; t a t e ; and the 
Catholic landlord 
having only Catholic 
children was obliged 
at death to divide 
his estate among his 
children in equal 
shares. All the reg- 
ular clergy, as well 
as bishops and vicars- 
The secular clergy 



Ireland 



Catholic College 
general .should quit the kingdom 

might remain, but must be registered, nor coukl they 
have on their churches either steeple or bell. This was 
the Penal Code, elaborated through nearly half a cen- 
tury with patience, and care, and ingenuity, perhaps 
the most infamous code ever elaborated by civilized 
man. 

Such legislation does not generate conviction, and, 
in spite of all, the Catholics clung to their Faith. De- 
prived of schools at home, the young clerical student 
sought the halls of Continental colleges, and being or- 
dained rettirned to Ireland, disguised perhaps as a 
sailor and carried in a smuggler's craft. And in se- 
crecy and obscurity he preached, taught, lived, and 
died", leaving another generation equally persecuted 
to carry on the good fight. Poverty was his portion, 
and frequently the prison and the scaffold; and yet, 
while Protestantism made no progress, Catholicism 
more than held its own. In 1728 the Catholics were 
to the Protestants as five to one, and half a century 
later Young calculated that to make Ireland Protest- 
ant would take -1000 years. Indeed the Protestant 
clergy made no serious effort to convert the Catholics; 
nor was this the object of the Penal Code. Passed by 

.Protestants possessing confiscated Catholic lands, its 
object was to impoverish, to debase, to degrade, to 
leave the despoiled Catholics incapable of rebellion 
and ignorant of their WTongs. In tliis respect it suc- 
ceeded. A few Catholics, with the connivance of 
some friendly Protestants, managed to hold their 
estates; the remainder gradually sank to the level of 
cottiers and day-labourers, living in cabins, clothed in 



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106 



IRELAND 



rags, always on the verge of famine. Shut out from 
every position of influence, rackrented by absentee 
landlords, insulted by grasping agents and drunken 
squireens, paying titlies to a Church they abhorred, 
hating tlie Government which oppressed them and the 
law which made them slaves, their condition was the 
worst of any peasantry in Europe. From a land 
blighted by such laws the enterprising and ambitious 
fled, seeking an outlet for their enterprise and am- 
bition in happier lands. In the time of Elizabeth and 
James, and still more in Cromwell's time, thousands 
joined the army of Spain. But in the latter half of 
the seventeenth century the stream was diverted to 
France, then the greatest military power in Europe. 
Thither Sarsfield and his men went after the fall of 
Limerick, and in the fifty years which followed 450,- 
000 Irish died in the service of France. They fought 
and fell in Spain and Italy, in the passes of the Alps, in 
the streets of Cremona, at Ramillies and Malplaquet, 
at Blenheim and Fontenoy. Irishmen were marshals 
of France; an Irishman commanded the armies of 
Maria Theresa; another the army of Russia; and there 
were Irish statesmen, generals, and ambassadors all 
over Europe. Beyond the Atlantic, Irish had settled in 
Penn.sylvaniaand Maryland, in Kentucky and Carolina 
and the New England states; Irish names were ap- 
pended to the Declaration of Independence; and Irish 
soldiers fought throughout the War of Independence. 

Nor were soldiers and statesmen the only Irish ex- 
iles whom penal laws had sent abroad. The decay 
of schools and colleges continued from the eleventh 
to the sixteenth century; nor did Ireland in that 
period produce a single great scholar, except Duns 
Scotus, who was partly educated abroad. Any hope 
of a revival of learning in the sixteenth century was 
blasted by the suppression of monasteries and the 
penal laws; early in the seventeenth century, however, 
Irish colleges were already established at Louvain, 
Salamanca, and Seville, at Lisbon, Paris, and Rome. 
In these colleges the brightest Irish intellects learned 
and taught, and Colgan and O'Clery, Lynch and 
Rothe, Wadding and Keating recalled the greatest 
glories of their country's past. At home Trinity 
College had been established (1593) to wean the Irish 
from " Popery and other ill qualities" ; but the Catho- 
lics held aloof, and either went abroad or frequented 
the few Catholic schools left. The children of the 
poor, avoiding the Protestant schools, met in the open 
air, with only some friendly hedge to protect them 
from the blast; but they met in fear and trembling, 
for the hedge-school and its master were proscribed. 
Thus was the lamp of learning kept burning during tlie 
long night of the penal times. 

In the Irish Parliament meanwhile a spirit of inde- 
pendence appeared. As the Parliament of the Pale 
it had been so often used for factious purposes that in 
1496 Poyning's Law was passed, providing that hence- 
forth no Irish Parliament could meet, and no law 
could be proposed, without the previous consent of 
both the Irish and Eiijjli.sii Privy Councils. Further, 
the English Parhamcnt claimed the right to legislate 
for Ireland; and in the laws prohibiting the importa- 
tion of Irish cattle (1665), and Irish woollen manu- 
factures (1698), and that dealing with the Irish for- 
feited estates (1700), it asserted its supposed right. 
The Irish Parliament, dominated by bigotry and self- 
interest, had not the courage to protest, and when one 
member, Molyneux, did, the English Parliament con- 
demned him, and ordered his book to be burned by 
the common hangman. Moreover, it passed an Act 
in 1719 expressly declaring that it had power to legis- 
late for Ireland, taking away al.so the appellate juris- 
diction of the Irish llou.se of Lords. Tlic tight made 
by Swift against Wood's halfpence showed that, 
though Molyneux was dead, his spirit lived; Lucas 
continued the fight, and (irattan in 1782 obtained 
legislative independence. England was then beaten 



by the American colonies; an Irish volunteer force 
had been raised to defend Ireland against a possible 
invasion, and it seems certain that legislative inde- 
pendence was won less by Grattan's eloquence than 
by the swords of the Volunteers. These events 
favoured the growth of toleration. The Catholics, 
in sympathizing with Grattan and in subscribing 
money to equip the Protestant Volunteers, earned the 
goodwill of the Protestant Nationalists; in conse- 
quence the penal laws were less rigorously enforced, 
and from the middle of the century penal legislation 
ceased. In 1771 came the turn of the tide, when 
Catholics were allowed to hold reclaimed bog under 
lease. This grudging concession was followed in 
1774 by an Act substituting an oath of allegiance for 
the oath of supremacy; in 1778 by an Act enabling 
Catholics to hold all lands under lease; and in 1782 
by a further Act allowing them to erect Catholic 
schools, with the permission of the Protestant bishop 
of the diocese, to own a horse worth more than £5, 
and to assist at Mass without being compelled to ac- 
cuse the officiating priest. Nor were Catholic bish- 
ops any longer compelled to fiuit the kingdom, nor 
Catholic children specially rewarded if they turned 
Protestant. Not for ten years was there any further 
concession, and then an Act was passed allowing Cath- 
olics to erect schools without seeking Protestant per- 
mission, admitting Catholics to the Bar, and legalizing 
marriages between Protestants and Catholics. Much 
more important was the Act of 1793 giving the Cath- 
olics the Parliamentary and municipal franchise, ad- 
mitting them to the imiversities and to military and 
civil offices, and removing all restrictions in regard to 
the tenure of land. They were still excluded from 
Parliament, from the inner Bar, and from a few of 
the higher civil and military offices. 

Always in favour of religious liberty, Grattan would 
have swept away every vestige of the Penal Code. 
But, in 1782, he mistakenly thought that his work 
was done when legislative independence was concede<t. 
He forgot that the executive was still left intlependent 
of Parliament, answerable only to the English minis- 
try; and that, with rotten boroughs controlled by a 
few great families, with an extremely limited franchise 
in the counties, and with pensioners and placemen 
filling so many seats, the Irish Parliament was but 
a mockery of representation. Like Grattan, Flood 
and Charlemont favoured Parliamentary reform, but, 
imlike him, they were opposed to Catholic concessions. 
As for Foster and Fitzgibbon, who led the forces of 
corruption and bigotry, they opposed every attempt 
at reform, and consented to the Act of 1793 only under 
strong pressure from Pitt and Dundas. These F^.ng- 
lish ministers, alarmed at the progress of French 
revolutionary principles in Ireland, fearing a for- 
eign invasion, wished to have the Catholics contented. 
In 1795 further concessions seemed imminent. In 
that year an illiberal viceroy. Lord Westmoreland, 
was replaced by the liberal-minded Lord Fitzwilliam, 
who came understanding it to be the wish of Pitt that 
the Catholic claims were to be conceded. He at once 
dismissed from office a rapacious office-holder named 
Beresford, so powerful that he was calletl the "King of 
Ireland"; he refused to consult Lord Chancellor 
Fitzgibbon or Foster, the Speaker; he took Grattan 
and Ponsonby into his cunfidenee, and declared his 
intention to support Grattan's bill admitting Catholics 
to Parliament. The high hopes raised by tlieseevents 
were dashed to the earth whi'U Fitzwilliam was sud- 
denly recalled, after having been allowed to go so far 
without any protest from Portland, the home secre- 
tary, or from the premier, Pitt. The latter, disliking 
the Irish Parliament lieeause it had rejected his com- 
mercial propositions in 1785, and disagreed withhim 
on the regency in 1789, already meditate<l a legislative 
union, and felt that the admission of Catholics to 
Parliament would thwart his plans. He was jirob- 



IRELAND 



107 



IRELAND 



ably also influenced by Beresford, who had powerful On one side were eloquence and debating power, 



friends in England, and by the king, whom Fitzgil)bon 
had mischievously convinced that to admit Catholics 
to Parliament would be to violate his coronation oath. 
Possibly, other causes concurred with these to bring 
about the sudden and disastrous change which filled 



patriotism, and public virtue, Grattan, Plunket, and 
Bushe, Foster, Fitzgerald, Ponsonby, and Moore, a 
truly formidable combination. On the other side 
were the baser elements in Parliament, the needy, the 
pendthrift, the meanly ambitious, operated upon by 



Catholic Ireland with grief, and the whole nation with Castlereagh, with the whole resources of the British 



dismay. 

The new viceroy, Lord Camden, was instructed to 
conciliate the Catholic bishops by setting up a Catho- 
lic college for the training of the Irish priests; this 
was done by the establishment of Maynooth College. 
But he was to set his face against all^Parliamentary 
reform and all Catholic concessions 
did with a will. He at once re- 
stored Beresford to office and 
Foster and Fitzgibbon to fa- 
vour, the latter being made 
Earl of Clare. And he stirred 
up but too successfully the dy- 
ing embers of sectarian hate, 
with the result that the Ulster 
factions, the Protestant "Peep- 
of-Day Boys" and the Cath- 
olic "Defenders", became em- 
bittered with a change of 
names. The latter, turning to 
republican and revolutionary 
ways, joined the United Irish 
Society; the former became 
merged in the recently formed 
Orange Society, taking its 
name from William of Orange 
and having Protestant ascen- 
dancy and hatred of Catholi- 
cism as its battle cries. Ex- 
tending from LHster, these rival 
societies brought into the other 
provinces the curse of sectarian 
strife. Instead of putting down 
both, the Government took 
sides with the Orangemen; 
and, while their lawless acts 
were condoned, the Catholics 
were hunted down. An Arms' 
Act, an Insurrection Act, an 
Indemnity Act, a suspension 
of the Habeas Corpus Act 
placed them outside the pale 
of law. An undisciplined 
soldiery, recruited from the 

Orange lodges, were then let lui . 

loose among them. Martial law, free quarters, 
flogging, picketing, 



Empire at his command. The pensioners and place- 
men who voted against him at once lost their places 
and pensions, the military officer was refuseil pro- 
motion, the magistrate was turned off the l)ench. 
And while anti-Unionists were unsparingly punished, 
the Unionists got lavish rewards. The impecunious 
These things he got well-paid sinecures; the briefless barrister was 

made a judge or a commis- 




sioner; the rich man, ambi- 
tious of social distinction, got a 
peerage, and places and pen- 
sions for his friends; and the 
owners of rotten boroughs got 
large suras for their interests. 
The Catholics were promised 
emancipation in a united Par- 
liament, and in consequence 
many bishops, some clergy, 
and a few of the laity t*up]ii)rted 
the Union, not grudjiins; to end 
an assembly so bigoted and cor- 
rupt as the Irish Parliament. 
By these means Castlereagh 
triumphed, and in ISOl the 
United Parliament of Great 
Britain and Ireland opened its 
doors. 

Since the Union. — The 
next quarter of a century was 
a period of baffled hopes. 
Anxious to stand well with the 
Government, Dr. Troy, the 
Archbishop of Dublin, had 
been a strong advocate of the 
Union, and had induced nine 
of his brother bishops to con- 
cede to the king a veto on 
episcopal appointments. In 
return, he wanted emancipa- 
tion linked with the Union, and 
Castlereagh was not averse; 
but Pitt was non-committal 
and vague, though the Catholic 
Imwer. Unionists had no doubt that 

he favoured immediate con- 
Disappointment came when nothing 



cession. Disappointment came when notlnng was 

half-hanging, destruction of done in the first session of the United Parliament, and 

Catholic property and life, outrages on women fol- it was increased when Pitt resigned office antl was 

lowed, until at last Catholic blood was turned into succeeded by Addington, a narrow-minded bigot, 

flame. Then Wexford rose. Looking back, it now Cornwallis, however, assured Dr. Troy that Pitt had 

.seems certain that, had Hoche landed at Bantry in resigned, unable to overcome the prejudices of the 

1796, had even a small force landed at Wexford in king, and that he would never again take office if 

1798, or a few other counties displayed the heroism emancipation were not conceded. Yet, in spite of 

of Wexfonl, English power in Ireland would, tempor- this, he became premier in 1804, no longer an advocate 

arily at least, have been destroj^ed. But one county of emancipation but an opponent, pledged never 

could not fight the British Empire, and the rebellion again to raise the question in Parliament during the 

was soon quenched in blood. lifetime of the king. To this pledge he was as faithful 

Camden's place was then given to Lord Cornwallis, as he had been false to his former a.ssurances; and 

who came to Ireland for the express purpose of carry- when Fo.x presented the Catholic petition in 180.5, 



ing a Legislative Union. Foster refused to support 
him and joined the opposition. Fitzgibbon, however, 
aided Cornwallis, and so did Castlereagh, who for 
some time had discharged the duties of chief secre- 
tary in the ab.sence of Jlr. Pelham, and who was now 
formally appointed to the office. And then began 



Pitt opposed it. After 1806, when both Pitt and Fox 
died, the Catholic champion was Grattan, who had 
entered the British Parliament in 1805. In the vain 
hope of conciliating opponents he was willing, in 180S, 
to concede the veto. Dr. Troy and the higher Catho- 
lics acquiesced; but the other bishops were unwilling. 



one of the most shameful chapters in Irish history, and neither they nor the clergy, still less the people, 

Even the corrupt Irish Parliament was reluctant to wanted a state-paid clergy or state-appointed bishops, 

vote away its existence, and in 1799 the opposition The agitation of the question, however, did not cease, 

was too strong for Castlereagh. But Pitt directed and for many years it distracted Catliolic plans 

him to persevere, anil the great .struggle went on. and weakened Catholic effort. Further complications 



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108 



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arose when, in 1S14, the Prefect of the Propaganda, 
Quarantotti, issued a rescript favouring the veto. Ho 
acted, howe\'er, beyond liis powers in the absence of 
Pius VII, who was in France, and when the pope re- 
turned to Rome, after the fall of Napoleon, the 
rescript was disavowed. 

In these years the Catholics badly needed a leader. 
John Keogh, the able leader of 1793, was then old, and 
Lords Fingall and Ciormanstown, Mr. Scully and Dr. 
Dromgoole, were not the men to grapple with great 
difficulties and powerful opponents. An abler and 
more vigorous leader was required, one with less faith 
in petitions and protestations of loyalty. Such a 
leader was found in Daniel O'Connell, a Catholic 
barrister whose first public appearance in 1800 was 
on an anti-Unionist platform. A great lawyer and 
orator, a great debater, of boundless courage and re- 
sources, he took a prominent part on Catholic com- 
mittees, and from 1810 he held the first place in Catho- 
lic esteem. Yet the Catholic cause advanced slowly, 
and, when Grattan died in 1820, emancipation had not 
come. Nor would the House of Lords accept Plun- 
ket's Bill of 1821, even though it passed the House of 
Commons and conceded the veto. At last O'Connell 
determined to rouse the masses, and in 1823, with the 
help of Richard Lalor Sheil, he founded the Catholic 
Association. Its progress at first was slow, but gradu- 
ally it gathered strength. Dr. Murray, the new 
Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, joined it, and Dr. 
Doyle, the great Bishop of Kildare; other bishops 
followed; the clergy and people also came in; and 
thus rose a great national organization, supervising 
from its central office in Dublin subsidiary associa- 
tions in every parish; maintained by a Catholic rent; 
watching over local and national affairs, discharging, 
as Mr. Canning described it, "all the functions of a 
regular government, and having obtained a complete 
mastery and control over the masses of the Irish 
people". The Association was suppressed in 182.5 
by Act of Parliament; but O'Connell merely changed 
the name; and the New Catholic Association with its 
New Catholic rent continued the work of agitation 
as of old. Nor was this all. By the Catholic Relief 
Act of 1793 the forty-shilling freeholders obtained the 
franchise. These freeholders, being so poor, were 
necessarily in the power of the landlords and were 
wont to be driven to the polls like so many sheep. 
But now, protected by a powerful association, and 
encouraged by the priests and by O'Connell, the free- 
holders broke their chains, and in Waterford, Louth, 
Meath, and elsewhere they voted for the nominees of 
the Catholic Association at elections, and in placing 
them at the head of the poll humbled the landlords. 
When they returned O'Connell himself for Clare in 
182S, the crisis had come. The Tory ministers, Wel- 
lington and Peel, would have still resisted; but the 
people were not to be restrained: it must be con- 
cession or civil war, and rather than have the latter 
the ministers hauled down the flag of no surrender, 
and passed the Catholic Relief Bill of LS29. The forty- 
shilling freeholders were disfranchised, and there were 
some vexatious provisions excluding Catholics from 
a few of the higher civil and military offices, prohib- 
iting priests from wearing vestments outside their 
churches, bishops from assuming the titles of their 
sees, regulars from obtaining charitable bequests. 
In other respects Catholics were placed on a level 
with other denominations, and at last were admitted 
within the pale of tlir const it ut ion. 

From that hour O'CdiincIl was the uncrowned king 
of Ireland. Where he IimJ tlic people followed. They 
cheered him when he prai.sed l>(jr(l Anglesey and when 
he attacked him; when he supported the Whigs and 
when hedescrilxMl tlicni as " base, brutal and bloody"; 
when he advocitcd I lie Repeal of the Union and when 
he abandoned the Kipcal agitation; and when, after 
long years of w aiting tor conces.sions that never came, 



he again unfurled the flag of Repeal, they flocked to 
hear him, and laughed or wept with him, responsive to 
hisevery mood. Finally, to leave him free to devote his 
whole time to public affairs they sul>scril)ed yearly to 
the O'Connell tribute, giving him thus an income which 
never fell below £16,000 and often went far beyond 
that figure. And yet the legislative results of nearly 
twenty years of such devotion and sacrifice were poor. 
The National Education system, established in 1831, 
required much amendment lief ore it worked smoothly, 
and even now is far from being an ideal system. The 
Commutation of Tithes Act only transferred the odium 
of collection from the parson to the landlord, but 
gave little relief to the people. The Poor Law system, 
though it often relieved destitution, too often encour- 
aged idleness and immorality. And the Corporation 
Act, while reforming a few of the corporations, abol- 
ished many. Nor could anything be more complete 
than the failure of the Repeal agitation. The explan- 
ation is not far to seek. O'Connell had a wretched 
party, men without capacity or patriotism. His ac- 
ceptance of offices for his friends and his alliances with 
the Whigs was surely not a sound policy. And when 
he took up Repeal in earnest he was already old, with 
the shadow of death upon him. Lastly, as he neared 
the end, he lost the support of the Young Irelanders, 
the most vigorous and capable section of his followers. 
These things embittered his last days and hastened liis 
death in 1847. 

Meantime the shadow of famine had fallen upon the 
land. The potato blight first appeared in Wexford, 
in 1845, whence it marched with stealthy tread all over 
the country, poisoning the potato fields as it passed. 
The stalks withered and died, the potatoes beneath 
the soil became putrid, and when they were dug and 
the sound ones separated from the unsound ones and 
put into pits, it was soon discovered that disease had 
entered the pits. The reckless creation of forty- 
shilling freeholders by the landlords for pofitical pur- 
poses, the reckless subdivision of holdings by the 
tenants, had so augmented the population that in 1845 
the inhabitants of Ireland were well beyond 8,000,000, 
most of them living in abject poverty with the potato 
as their only food. And now, with half the crop of 
1845 gone, and with the loss of the whole crop in the 
two succeeding years, millions were face to face with 
hunger. To cope with such a calamity required heroic 
measures, and O'Connell urged that distilleries should 
be closed, the export of provisions prohibited, public 
granaries set up, and reproductive works set on foot. 
But the premier. Peel, minimized the extent of the 
famine, and Lortl John Russell, who succeeded him in 
1846, was equally sceptical. He would neither stop 
distilling nor the export of provisions, nor build rail- 
ways; and when he set up public works they were 
not reproductive, and the money expended on them, 
largely levied on the rates, was squandered by corrupt 
officials. Ultimately indeed he set up government 
stores, and in many cases food was distriljuted free. 
Charity supplemented the efforts of Government, and 
with no niggard hand. There were (Quaker, Evangeli- 
cal, and Baptist relief committees, and subscriptions 
from Great Britain and from Continental Europe, 
from Australia and from the West Indies. But 
.America was generous most of all. In every city from 
Boston to N(!W Orleans meetings were held antl sub- 
scriptions given. Philadelphia sent eight vessels 
loaded with provisions; Mississippi and .\labama large 
consignments of Indian corn; raihoads and sliip[iing 
companies carried relief parcels free; and the ( lovern- 
ment turned some of the war vessels into transports to 
carry food to the starving millions beyond the Atlan- 
tic. " Yet were the sutrcrings of the people great, and 
the number of deaths from famine and famine-fever 
appalling. Thousands lived for weeks on cabliage and 
a little meal, on cabbage and .seaweed, on turnips, on 
diseased horse and ass flesh; and one case is recorded 



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where a woman ate her dead child. Men died from 
cold as well as from hunger. They died on the roads 
and in the fields, at the relief works and on their way to 
them, at the workhouses and at the workhouse doors. 
They died in their cabins unattended, often sur- 
rounded by the dying and frequently by the dead. 
Flying from the country they died in the hospitals of 
Liverpool or Glasgow, or on board the sailing vessels 
to America. And thousands who crossed the ocean 
reached America only to die. In 1848 and in 1849 the 
famine was only partial, but in the latter year cholera 
appeared. In 1851 the famine was over, and such 
was the havoc wrought that a population, which at 
the previous rate of increase should have been 9,000,- 
000, was reduced to 6,500,000. 

The conduct of the landlords during this terrilile 
time was selfish and cruel. With few exceptions they 
gave no employment and no subscriptions to the re- 
lief funds. Unable to get rents from tenants unable 
to pay, they used their right to evict, and in thousands 
of cases the horrors of eviction were added to the 
horrors of famine. Retribution soon followed. The 
evictors, without rents and crushed by poor-rates, lie- 
came hopelessly insolvent. The British Parliament 
considered them a nuisance and a curse, and in 1S49 
passed the Encumbered Estates Act, under which a 
creditor might petition to have the estate sold and his 
debt paid. Insolvent landlords were thus sent adrift, 
and solvent men took their places, and to such an ex- 
tent that in a few years land to the value of £20,000,- 
000 changed hands. But the new landlords were no 
better than the old. They raised rents, confiscated 
the tenant's improvements, worried him with vexa- 
tious estate rules, evicted him cruelly; and from 1S50 
to 1870 was the period of the great clearances. The 
necessary result was a constant and ever-increasing 
stream of emigration from Ireland, chiefly to America. 
Nor would British statesmen do anything to stem the 
tide. Lord John Russell would not interfere \\ ith 
the rights of property by passing a Land Act. Lord 
Derby was a landlord with a landlord's strong preju- 
dices. Lord Palmerston declared that tenant right 
was landlord wrong. Nothing could be expected from 
the Irish members. Sadleir and Keogh broke up 
the Tenant Right party; Lucas was dead; Duffy in 
despair went to Australia; Moore was out of Parlia- 
ment; and from 1855 to 1870 the Irish members were 
but placehunters and traitors. In these circumstances 
the Irish peasant joined the Ribbon Society, which 
was secret and oath-bound, and specially charged to 
defend the tenants' interests. Agi-arian outrages nat- 
urally followed. The landlord evicted, the Ribbon- 
man shot him down, and theevictor fell unpitied by the 
people, who refused to condemn the assassin. After 
1860 the Ribbonmen were gradually merged in the 
Fenian Society, which extended to America and Eng- 
land, and had national rather than agrarian objects in 
view. The Irish are not good conspirators, and the 
attempted Fenian insurrection in 1867 came to notiiing. 
But the meditated assault on Chester Castle, the 
Clerkenwell explosion, and the Fenian raids into 
Canada showed the extent and intrepidity of Irish dis- 
affection. _ An increasing number of Englishmen be- 
gan to think that the rwn possumiis attitude of Lord 
Palmerston was no longer wise ; and with the advent to 
power of Mr. Gladstone in 1868, at the head of a large 
Liberal majority, the case of Ireland was taken up. 

The Catholic masses had a threefold grievance call- 
ing urgently for redress: the state Church, landlord- 
ism, and educational inequality. Mr. Gladstone called 
them the three branches of the Irish ascendancy upas 
tree. Commencing with the Church, he introduced a 
Bill disendowing and disestablishing it. Clommission- 
ers were appointed to wind it up, taking charge of its 
enormous property, computed at more than £15,000 - 
000 (.?75,000,000). Of this sum, £10,000,000, ulti- 
mately raised to £11,000,000, was given to the dis- 



established Church, part to the holders of existing 
offices, part to enable the Church to continue its work. 
A further sum of nearly £1,000,000 was distributed 
between Maynooth College, deprived of its annual 
grant, and the Presbyterian Church deprived of the 
Kcgium Donum, the latter getting twice as much 
as the former. The surplus was to be disposed of by 
Parliament for such public objects as it might deter- 
mine. This was generous treatment for the state 
Church which had been so conspicuous a failure. Sup- 
ported with an ample revenue, and by the whole power 
of the State, its business was to make Ireland Protest- 
ant and English. It succeeded only in intensifying 
their attachment to Catholicity and their hatred of 
Protestantism and England. In 1861, after the havoc 




wrought by the famine, the Catholics were seven times 
as nimierous as the members of the state Church. 
There were many parishes without a single Protestant; 
and in a poor country a Church numbering but 600,- 
000 persons had an income of nearly £700,000, mostly 
drawn from people of a different creed, who at the 
same time had their own Church to support. Yet 
there were members of Parliament who described Mr. 
Gladstone's Bill as robbery and sacrilege. The House 
of Lords, afraid to reject it altogether, emasculated it 
in committee. And Ulster Protestants declared that 
if it became law they would kick the Queen's crown 
into the Boyne. Ignoring these threats, Mr. Glad- 
stone rejected the Lords' amendments, though on 
some minor points he gave way, and in spite of all 
opposition the Bill became law. And thus one branch 
of the upas tree came crashing to the earth. The 
Land Act of 1870 was well-meant, but in reality gave 
the tenants no protection against rackrenting or e\'ic- 
tion. Two years later the Ballot Act freed the Irish 
tenant from the terrors of open voting. 

In 1873 the education question was reached. And 
first as to the primary schools. What the Catholic 
primary schools were in the early years of the nine- 
teenth century we learn from Carleton. The teacher, 
the product of a local hedge-school and of a Munster 
classical school, or perhaps an ex-student of May- 
nooth, had first been employed as a tutor in some 



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no 



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farmer's family. Then he Ijecame a hedge-school- 
master, and the manner in which he attained to this 
position was pecuHar. Challenging the schoolmaster 
already in possession to a public disputation, they met 
at the church gates on Sunday in presence of the con- 
gregation. The intellectual swordplay between the 
combatants was keenly relished, and, if the younger 
man won the applause of the audience by his depth of 
learning and readiness of reply, his opponent left the 
district and the victor was installed in his place. His 
school, built by the roadside by the people's vohmtary 
efforts, was of earthen sods, with an earthen floor, a 
hole in the roof for a chimney, and stones f or t he pu- 
pils' seats. In many districts the teacher received 
little fees, but the people supplied him lilierally with 
potatoes, meal, bacon, and turf, and entertained him 
at their houses. A centurj' before Carleton's time the 
Charter schools were established, and endowed to edu- 
cate the children of the destitute poor. They were to 
give industrial as well as literary training, and took 
religion and learning as their motto. But thej' be- 
came dens of infamy, with incompetent and immoral 
teachers, who taught the pupils nothing except to hate 
Catholicism. As such the schools were shunned by 
the Catholics, and were manifest failures, and yet till 
1832 they received government grants. Such socie- 
ties as the Society for Discountenancing Vice, the 
London Hibernian Association, and the Baptist So- 
ciety were proselytizing institutions. The Kildare 
Street Society founded in 1811, though Protestant in 
its origin, was on diiferent lines. The design was to 
have Catholics and Protestants educated together in 
secular subjects, leaving their religious training to 
the ministers of their religion outside of school hours. 
O'Connell favoured the scheme and joined the govern- 
ing board, grants were obtained from Parliament, and 
for some years all went well. But again the liread of 
knowledge given to Catholics was steeped in the poison 
of proselytism. The bigots insisted on having the 
Bible read in the schools "without note or comment " ; 
the Society was then vigorously assailed by John Mac- 
Hale, at the time a yoimg professor at Maynooth, and 
O'Connell retired from the board. 

Recognizing the failure of such a sy.?tem, Lord 
Stanley, the Irish chief secretary, passed through 
Parliament in 1831 a bill empowering the lord lieu- 
tenant to constitute a National Board of Education 
with an annual grant for building schools, and for 
payment of teachers and inspectors. Religious in- 
struction was to be given on one day of the week by 
ministers of the different religions to children of their 
own Faith. The schools were open to all denomina- 
tions, and even "the suspicion of proselytism " was to 
be excluded. But the Catholics were treated un- 
fairly. In spite of their numbers they were given but 
two of the seven members of the Board. Mr. Car- 
lisle, a Presbyterian, was made resident commis- 
sioner, and as chief executive officer appointed 
non-Catholics to the principal offices; and he and his 
fellow-commissioner, Dr. Whately, the Protestant 
Archbishop of Dublin, compiled lesson-books, in 
which the liistory of Ireland and the Catholic religion 
were treated with injustice. In a few years the origi- 
nal rules of the Board were so changed that Catholic 
priests were entirely excluded from all I"lster schools 
mider Presbyterian management. Outside of Ulster, 
a bigote<l Protestant clergyman, named Stopforil, was 
able in 1847 to abrogate the rule compelling Catholic 
children in Protestant schools to leave when the hour 
for religious instruction arrived. This left it optional 
with the children to remain, and brought much suffer- 
ing on poor Catholics at the hands of tyrannical and 
bigoted landlords. 

Among the Catholic bishops there was toleration 
rather than approval of the Xaliimal system. But 
Dr. MacIIale, who had become Arehliishop of Tuam in 
1834, opposed the system from the first, believing that 



edueat ion not founded on religion was a curse. He pre- 
ferred to have in his diocese the Christian Brothers' 
schools in which religious instruction was given the 
premier place. Dr. Murray of Dublin and Dr. CroUy 
of Armagh were not so hostile, and, when the matter 
was referred to Rome in 1841, the reply was that the 
National system might be given a further trial. The 
"Stopford Rule" strengthened MacHale's hands, as 
did a board rule in 1S45 providing that all schools 
even partially erected by a board grant should be 
vested in the Board itself, and not as hitherto in the 
local manager, who in Catholic schools was usually 
the priest. MacHale also objected to the disproportion- 
ately small representation of Catholics on the Board, 
to the char.acterof the lesson-books, to the large num- 
ber of non-Catholics in the higher positions. These 
attacks told. In 1850 the Synod of Thurles con- 
demned the National schools as then conducted. In 
1852 Dr. Murray of Dublin died, and was succeeded by 
Dr. CuUen, who shared MacHale's views. The follow- 
ing j'ear Whately's lesson-books were withdrawn from 
the Board's lists, and Wliately in consequence re- 
signed his seat. In 1860 the Board was enlarged from 
seven to twenty, and thenceforth half of these were to 
be Catholics. The "Stopford Rule ' ' and the rule regard- 
ing the vesting of schools were abrogated, and, with 
the resident commissioner a Catholic, the system be- 
came more acceptable to Catholics. For the training 
of teachers however there was only one Training Col- 
lege under non-Catholic control, but the Catholics es- 
tablished the Training College at Drumcondra, and in 
1883 that at Baggot Street, Dublin, and since then 
they have established others at Belfast, Limerick, and 
Waterford. But even as the National system stood in 
1873, Mr. Gladstone thought that the Catholics had no 
substantial grievance, and did nothing. 

Nor did he interfere with the state of things in inter- 
mediate education, though the inequality which 
existed was glaring. The diocesan free schools of 
Elizabeth, maintained by county contributions, and 
the free schools of James I antl those of Erasmus 
Smith, maintained by confi.scated Catholic lands, were 
under Protestant management and as such generally 
shunned by Catholics. Furtlier, the Protestants were 
the richer classes, and, though tlieir Church had been 
disestablished, it had been but jiartially disendowed. 
The Dissenters also had wealth and had well-equipped 
schools. But the Catholics, long prohibited from 
having any schools, got no help from the State even 
when the pressure of penal legislation had been re- 
moved. They had, however, set manfully to work, 
and, partly by private donations, principally by col- 
lections, had established colleges all over the land. 
Carlow College was founded in 1793, Navan College in 
1802, St. Jariath's College, Tuam, in 1817, Clongowes 
by the Jesuits in 1814, and others in the years that 
followed. But they could get no state assistance 
till 1879, when the Intermediate Education Act was 
passed. The J'early interest on £1,000,000 was then 
appropriated for prizes and exhibitions to pupils, and 
for result fees to colleges, and without distinction of 
creed, following competitive examinations to be annu- 
ally held. The system, depending so m\ieh on exam- 
ination and encoiu'aging cramnuug, is certainly not 
itleal, but it has lieen of enormous assistance to .strug- 
gling Catholic schools. 

It was in the field of higher education that Catholics 
suffered most. In 1795 Maynooth College had been 
founded for the education of the clergy. Its annual 
Parliamentary grant had been lost in 1869, but it 
nevertheless continued to flourish, and flourishes still 
as one of the first ecclesiastical colleges in the world. 
There were other ecclesiasrieal colleges at Carlow, 
Thurles, Waterford, and Drumcondra. But the laity 
had only Trinity College or the (Queen's Colleges. The 
former tiad first opened its doors to Catholics in 1793, 
l)ut wotild give them no share in its emoluments, nor 



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111 



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did it abolish religious tests till 1873. The Queen's 
Colleges, three in number, one at Galway, one at Cork, 
and one at Belfast, were constituent colleges of the 
Queen's University, and were meant by Peel to do for 
higher education what Stanley had done for the pri- 
mary schools. But the Catholic bishops' demand to 
have some adequate provision made for religious 
teaching, some voice in the appointment and dismissal 
of professors, and separate chairs in history and phil- 
osophy, not being acceded to, the Queen's Colleges 
were denounced by Dr. MacIIalc as godless colleges, 
and condemned by Rome as intrinsically tlangerous to 
faith and morals; and at the Synod of Thurles, in ISoO, 
it was resolved on the advice of Rome to set up a 
Catholic University. The model given was the Uni- 
versity of Louvain. A committee was then appointe<l, 
subscriptions received both from Ireland and from 
abroad, a site was purchased in Stephen's (!reen, Dub- 
lin, Dr. Newman was made first rector, profcs.sors and 
lecturers were appointed, and in 18.54 work was begun. 

But there were difticulties from the first. The na- 
tion still felt the effects of the famine, the secondary 
schools were but imperfectly organized and unalile to 
furnish sufficient students, and Dr. MacHale and Dr 
Cidlen did not agree. Dr. MacHale complained that 
the administration was too centralized, that he could 
get no details of the expenditure, that there were 
too many Englishmen among the professors. He ob- 
jected also to Dr. Newman. Though the great Ora- 
torian loved Ireland, he was an Englishman with 
English ideas, and wanted Oxford and Cambridge 
men as his colleagues. MacHale, on the contrary, 
would have the whole atmosphere of the University 
Irish, and thus, trained by Irish teachers, Irish stu- 
dents would go forth to exhibit the highest capabilities 
of the Irish character. Dr. CuUen did not fully share 
these views, and generally agreed with Newman. 
Not always, however, for he objected to ha\e .\<-\\- 
man ap]iointed an Irish bishop, and he disliked 
Newman's excessive partiality for professors trainc<l 
in the English imiversities. This want of harmony 
was not conducive to enthusiasm or efficiency, and the 
pecuniary eontribiitions obtained left the various fac- 
ulties woefully undermanned. Nor could any pro- 
vision be made for students' residence or for tutorial 
superintendence. Most fatal of all, the Government 
refused to give a charter, and students could not be ex- 
pected to freqvient a imiversity where they could get 
no degree. Unable to succeed where the elements of 
failure were so many, Newman resigned in 18.57. In 
lS(i(i the fiovernment of Earl Russell granted a sup- 
plemental charter making the Catholic University a 
const Uuent college of the Queen's University, a sort of 
fourth Queen's College, but the charter was founrl to 
be illegal. Nor did Lord Mayo's attempt to settle 
the university question in 1868 succeed, and thus the 
Catholic University struggled painfully on. 

Nor was Mr. ( Uadstonc's Bill of 1873 satisfying. 
He proposed to al)olish the Queen's University and the 
Queen's College, Galway, and to have Dublin Univer- 
sity separated from Trinity College, but with Trinity 
College, the Queen's Colleges at Belfast and Cork, 
Magee College and the Catholic University as constit- 
uent colleges. From Trinity College £r2,000 a year 
woidd be taken and given to the Duljlin University, 
which would have in all an income of £.50,000, for the 
payment of examiners and professors and the found- 
ing of fellowships, scholarships, and prizes to be com- 
peted for by students of all the constituent colleges. 
There was to be a senate, at first wholly nominated by 
the Crown and subsequently half and half by the 
Crown and Senate. The endowment of the Queen's 
Colleges would remain, though the Catholic Univer- 
sity would get nothing; nor would there be in any of 
the colleges any endowment for chairs of history, 
theology, or philosophy. This was perpetuating the 
inferior position of the Catholic University, as it was 



perpetuating the endowment of the godless colleges, 
and it would be almost impossible for the Catholics 
ever to have their proper share of representation in 
the Senate. Finally, men asked what sort of imi- 
versity that was which had no chairs of history or 
philo.sophy. The Bill in fact satisfied nobody, and 
Mr. Gladstone being defeated resigned office. 

It will be convenient here to anticipate. In 1870 
the Queen's l^niversity was aliolished and the Royal 
University took its place, empowered to give degrees to 
all comers who passed its examinations. The Queen's 
Colleges were left. In ISS'J t)ie Catholic University 
passed under Jesuit control, and of the twentv-eight 
fellowships of £400 a year founded by tlie Royal Uni- 




West Doorw-\t of Chu 



versify fourteen were given to the Catholic University 
staff. With this slender indirect endowment it entered 
the lists with the Queen's Colleges and beat them all. 
Subsequently there were two University commissions, 
one dealing with the Royal University, the other with 
Trinity College, but nothing was done. Finally, in 
1908, Mr. Birrell passed his Irish Universities Act 
leaving Trinity College imtouched. Abolishing the 
Royal University, the .Act sets up two new universi- 
ties, the Queen's University with the Queen's College 
at Belfast, and the National University at Dublin, 
with the Queen's Colleges at Cork and Galway and a 
new college at Dublin as constituent colleges. In 
these colleges there are new governing bodies, largely 
Catholic and National, but religiotis services of any 
kind are prohibited within the precincts, and t here are 
no religious tests. This change has resulted in the 
Jesuits severing their connexion with the Catholic 
University, the buildings of which have been taken 
over by the new Dublin college. 

To go back, when Mr. Glailstono was replaced by 
the Tories, in 1874, a new Irish party had been already 
formed demanding an Irish Parliament, with full 
power to deal with purely domestic matters. It was 
called the Home Rule party, Mr. Butt, a Protestant 
lawyer of great al)ility, being its chief. At the gen- 
eral election in 1874, sixty Home Rulers were re- 
turned. But Mr. Butt accomplished nothing. His 
own methods of conciliation and argument were not 



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the most effective. His party, nominal Home Rulers, 
were mostly place-hunters, and except the Intermedi- 
ate Education Act of 1878 there were no legislative 
results. Mr. Butt died m 1879, and for a brief period 
the Home Rule leader was Mr. Shaw; but after the 
general election of 1880 Mr. Shaw was deposed, and a 
younger and more vigorous leader was appointed in 
the person of Charles Stewart Parnell. There had been 
a serious failure of the potato crop in 1877 and 1878, 
but in 1879 there was only half the average yield. 
The landlords unable to get their rents began to evict, 
and it seemed as it the horrors of 1847 were to be re- 
newed. Large relief funds were collected and dis- 
bursed by the Duchess of Marlborough, the viceroy's 
wife, and by the Lord Mayor of Dublin; and Mr. Par- 
nell went to America in the last days of 1879 and ap- 
pealed in person to the friends of Ireland. He was 
accompanied by Mr. John Dillon, son of Mr. Dillon, 
the reljel of 1848. Within two months they addressed 
meetings in sixty-two cities, bringing back with them 
to Ireland £40,000 ($200,000). Nor would Mr. Parnell 
have come back in March but that the Tory premier. 
Lord Beaconsfieid, had dissolved Parliament. Ap- 
pealing to the country on an anti-Irish cry, his answer 
came in a crushing defeat, and in the return of Mr. 
Gladstone to power with a strong Liberal majority. 
Of the Home Rulers returned many were mere Whigs, 
but a sufficient number favoured an active policy to 
depose Mr. Shaw and put Mr. Parnell in his place. 

In 1879 the Tories had followed up the Intermediate 
Act by the Royal University Act, which left the 
Queen's Colleges and Trinity College untouched, but 
set up the Royal University, a mere examining board. 
But they would do nothing to restrain the landlords 
and nothing effective to relieve Irish distress. Better 
was expected from the new Liberal Govermnent which 
included, besides Mr. Gladstone, such men as Bright, 
Chamberlain, and Forster, the latter appointed chief 
secretary for Ireland. Yet the Liberals were slow to 
move, and not until evictions had swelled to thousands 
did they introduce the Compensation for Disturbance 
Bill. It was thrown out in tlie Lords and not reintro- 
duced. But the Irish peasants were in no humour to 
acquiesce in their own destruction and already a great 
land agitation was shaking Ireland from sea to sea. 
Begun in Mayo by Mr. Michael Davitt, the son of a 
Mayo peasant, and favoured by the prevailing distress 
and by the heartlessness of the landlords, it rapidly 
spread. Mr. Parnell soon joined it, and in October, 
1879, the Land League was formed, its declared object 
being to protect tenants from eviction and to substi- 
tute peasant proprietary for the existing system of 
landlordism. Extending to America, many branches 
were formed there and large subscriptions sent home. 
In November, 1879, an abortive prosecution of Mr. 
Davitt and others only strengthened the League. In 
the new year a Mayo land agent, Captain Boycott, 
roused the ire of his tenants by issuing processes 
and threatening evictions; in consequence no servant 
would remain with him, no labourer would work for 
him, no shopkeeper would deal with him, no neighbour 
would speak to him. This system of ostracism be- 
came known as boycotting, and was freely used by the 
League against landlords, agents, and grabbers, with 
the result that they were compelled to make terms 
with the people. Government was unable to aid the 
boycotted, and before the end of 1880 the law of the 
League had supplanted the law of the land. 

These events changed Mr. Forster into a coercionist. 
He prosecuted Mr. Parnell and thirteen others in No- 
vember, 1880, but failed to convict them. Then he 
asked for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. 
Mr. Gladstone reluctantly acquiesced, and early in 
1881, after a fierce struggle with the Irish members, 
the measure pas.sed. In a short time nearly two 
hundred persons were in jail without trial. Mr. 
Gladstone next passed a comprehensive Land Act, 



setting up courts to fix rents, and giving increased 
facilities to tenants to purchase their holdings. But 
the Irish meml>ers, angered because of the Coercion 
Act. received the Land Act without gratitude; and 
Mr. Parnell advised the tenants not to rush to the land 
courts, but rather go there with a limited number of 
test cases. Mr. Gladstone retorted by imprisoning 
Mr. Parnell and liis principal lieutenants. For the 
next few months terror reigned supreme. Mr. Forster 
filled the jails, broke up meetings, suppressed news- 
papers, and yet succeeded so ill in pacifying the coun- 
try that he felt compelled to ask for more drastic 
coercion. Mr. Gladstone, however, had had enough 
of coercion, and in May, 1SS2, Lord Cowper, the vice- 
roy, and Mr. Forster were relieved of office, and Mr. 
Parnell and his colleagues were set free; and by an 
arrangement often called the Kilmainham Treaty an 
Arrears' Bill was to be introduced, while Parnell, on his 
side, was to curb the agitation and gradually re-estab- 
lish the reign of law. 

On the evening of May these happy changes were 
fatally marred by the murder in the Phoenix Park, 
Dublin, of the under-secretary, Mr. Burke, and of the 
new chief secretary, Lord Frederick Cavendish. The 
assassins, entirely unconnected with the Land League, 
belonged to a secret society called the Invincibles. 
Mr. Parnell was stunned, the Irish cause grievously 
injured, and in England tliere was a cry of rage. A 
new Coercion Act was passed and vigorously enforced, 
and during the remainder of Gladstone's Parliament 
between the Irish and the Liberals there was bitter 
enmity. But meanwhile Parnell's power increased. 
In place of the suppressed Land League the National 
League was established, and spread over the United 
Kingdom and America. Mr. Parnell, while opposing 
Mr. Dillon's project of a renewed land agitation and 
Mr. Davitt's scheme of land nationalization, was aided 
by the Fenians; and though English intrigue suc- 
ceeded in obtaining a papal rescript condemning a tes- 
timonial that was being raised for him, its only effect 
was to increase the subscriptions. Being friendly 
with the Tories, he joined with them to defeat Mr. 
Gladstone in 1885, and for a brief period Lord Salis- 
bury was premier. He governed without coercion, 
and passed the Ashbourne Act, which advanced 
£5,000,000 to Irish tenants for the purchase of their 
holdings. In return, Mr. Parnell advised the Irish 
electors in Great Britain to vote for the Tories at the 
general election in October, 1885. But the Liberals 
were given a majority over the Tories, though not 
sufficient to form a government without the Irish. On 
the understanding that Home Rule was to be conceded, 
Liberals and Irish coalesced, the Tories were turned 
out, and Gladstone became premier and brought in his 
Home Rule Bill of 1886, setting up an Irish Parliament 
with an executive depenilent on it. Deserted by a 
large section of his followers under Bright, Chamber- 
lain, and Hartington, he was defeated, and going to 
the country was seriously defeated at the polls. In 
August Lord Salisbury was again in office at the head 
of the Tories and Liberal Unionists, and in overwhelm' 
ing strength. 

The rejection of Mr. Parnell's Bill of 1886 providing 
for the admission of leaseholders to the benefits of the 
Land Act of ISSl, and for a revision of judicial rents 
to meet the recent heavy fall in prices, led to the start- 
ing of the Plan of ('ampaign by Messrs. Dillon and 
O'Brien. The tenant was to offer his landlord a fair 
rent; and if it was refused he banked the money and 
fought the landlord, and was assisted by his fellow 
tenants throughout the land. The Plan was not ap- 
proved of by Mr. Parnell, and it had the unfortunate 
effect of placing the perpetual Coercion Act of 1887 on 
the Statute Book. But it caused the Government to 
pass the very measure they had so lately rejected, and 
it compelled many of the poorer landlords to make 
terms with the tenants. While on the one hand the 



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113 



IRELAND 



Plan was thus put in operation in Ireland, and on the also. In 1890, Mr. Balfour's Land Act provided £33,- 

other hand the Coercion Act, the Liberals and Irish 000,000 for Irish land purchase, and in 1891 the 

worked well together in Parliament and on British Congested Districts Board was established. In 1896, 

platforms. The London "Times", always the bitter there was an amending Land Act; and in 1898, the 

enemy of Ireland, became enraged, and in its anxiety Local Government Act transferred the government of 

to doharm published a .series of articles on Pamellism counties and rural districts from the non-represen- 

and Crime. It relied, as it pretended, on authentic tative Grand Juries to popularly elected bodies. A 

documents which connected Parnell and his colleagues further important Act was that of Mr. Wj-ndham. in 

with crime, and showed that Parnell himself con- 1903, providing more than £100,000,000 for the buy- 

doned the Phcenix Park murders. A Special Com- ing out of the whole landlord class. Mr. Wj-ndham 

mission appointed by Parliament discovered that the also favoured a policy of devolution, that is a delcga- 

chief letters were forgeries and that the "Times" had tion to local bodies of larger powers. But nothing 

been fooled by a disreputable Irishman named Rich- was done till the Liberals came into office in 1906, and 

ard Pigott. The forger confessed his crime and then they had nothing more geiierous to offer than Mr 



committed suicide, and Parnell became the hero of the 
hour. When the Special Commission issued its report , 
early in 1890, the tide had turned with a vengeance 
against the Tories. Their ma- 
jority was then seriovisly di- 
minished, and when the gen- 
eral election came it was 
certain that nothing could 
prevent the triumph of Home 
Rule. In the midst of these 
bright hopes for Ireland there 
came the mournful wail of the 
banshee, and, even before the 
Special Commission report was 
issued. Captain O'Shea had 
filed a petition for divorce on 
the ground of his wife's adul- 
tery with Mr. Parnell. There 
was no defence, and could be 
none, and the decree was is- 
sued. Mr. Gladstone evidently 
expected that Mr. Parnell 
would have retired from the 
leadership, and, finding that 
he did not, intimated that his 
continuance in that position 
would wreck Home Rule. The 
Irish party which had re- 
elected Mr. Parnell were not 
prepared to go so far, and, as 
he would not retire even for a 
day, they deposed him. A 
minority still supported him 




Birrell's National Coimcils Bill, a measure so halt- 
ing and meagre, that an Irish National Convention 
rejected it with scorn. Mr. Birrell has been more 
fortimate in his I"niversity 
Bill, which, though not estab- 
lishing a purely Catholic Uni- 
versity, provides one in which 
Catholic influences will pre- 
dominate. In recent years also 
the programmes both in the 
national and secondary 
schools have been matle more 
practical, facilities have been 
given for agricultural and tech- 
nical education, and the great 
ecclesiastical college of May- 
nooth continues to maintain 
its reputation as the first eccle- 
siastical college in the world. 

Relations between 
( HIRCH AND St.\te. — Bv the 
( Uhohc Relief Act of "1829 
legal proscription ceased for 
the (_ itholic f hurch, as did 
I gil 1 cen 1 incy for the Prot- 
tint Church by Mr. Glad- 
tone s \ct of 1869. In prac- 
tice howe\er Protestant as- 
ndincv hrgely remains stiU. 
(July withm living memory 
was the first Catholic lord chan- 
cellor appointed in the person 
of Lord O'Hagan; Catholics 



Church. Glenpalough 



and at the head of these he appealed to the Irish peo- are still excluded, except in rare in.stances, from the 
pie. Week after week he attended meetings and made higher civil and military offices; and from the lord- 
speeches. But his health, already bad, covild not stand lieutenancy they continue to be excluded by law. 
the strain; the stubborn and reckless fight ended in Ecclesiastical Org.vnization. — The Catholic 
his collapse, and at Brighton, on the 6th of October, Church, divided into four provinces, not, however, 
1891 , the greatest Irish leader since O'Connell breathed corresponding with the civil divisions, is ruled by four 
his last. archbishops and twenty-three bishops. But the 
In the years that followed faction was lord of all. number of dioceses is more than twenty-seven, for 
At the general election in 1892 the Pamellite meml^ers there have been amalgamations and absorptions. 



were reduced to nine, while the anti-Pamellites were 
seventy-two, and at the election in 189.5 there was no 
material change . To argument and entreaty the minor- 
ity refused to listen, and though the anti-Parnellite 
leaders, Mr. MacCarthy and Mr. Dillon, were ready to 
make any sacrifice for unity and peace, their oppo- 



Cashel. for instance, has been joined with Emly, 
Waterford with Lismore. Kildare with Leighlin, Down 
with Connor, Ardagh with Clonmacnoise, Kilmac- 
diiagh with Galway, the Bishop of Galway being also 
.\postolic Administrator of Kilfenora. In many dio- 
ceses there are chapters, in others none. The number 



nents rejected all overtures; and under the shelter of of parishes is 1087. A few are governed by adminis- 

Pamell's name they continued to shout Parnell's trators, the remainder by parish priests.while the total 

battle-cries. At last patriotism triumphed over fac- number of the secular clergy — parish priests, adminis- 

tion, and in 1900 Mr. ,Iohn Redmond, the Parnellite trators, curates, chaplains, and professors in colleges — 

leader, was elected chairman of the reunited Irish amounts to 2967. There are also many houses of the 

party. Much had been lost during these years of dis- regular clergy: Augustinians, Capuchins, Carmelites, 

cord in unity and strength, in national dignity and Fathers of the Holy (Shost, Dominicans, Franciscans, 

self-reliance. To faction it was due that the Liberal Jesuits,Marists,Order of Charity, Oblates, Passionists, 

victory of 1892 was not more sweeping; that, in con- Redemptorists, and Vincentians. The total number 

sequence, the Home Rule Bill of 1893 was rejected by of the regular clergy is 666. They are engaged either 

the Lords; and that, in 1894, Mr. Gladstone retired, in teaching or in giving missions, but not charged with 

baffled and beaten, from the struggle. At the elec- the go\ernmcnt of parishes. There is, however, one 

tions of 189.5 and 1900 the Tories were victorious, and exception — that of the Pas.sionists of Belfast .who have 

during their long term of power the Coercion Act was charge of the parish of Holy Cross in the city. There 

frequently enforced. But there were concessions are the two Cistercian abbeys of Mount Melleray and 
VIII.— S 



IRELAND 



114 



IRELAND 



Roscrea, each ruled by a mitred abbot, and having 
forty-three professed priests. 

Statistics. — The population of Ireland has been 
steadily diminishing. In 1861, it was 5,798,564; in 
1871,5,412,377; in 1881, 5,174,836; in 1891, 4,704,- 
751; in 1901, 4,458,775. The decrease is due to emi- 
gration, and as the great majority of the emigrants are 
Catholics, the Catholic population has suffered most. 
In 1861, it numbered 4,505,265; in 1871, 4,1.50,867; in 
1881, 3,960,891; in 1891, 3,.547,307; in 1901, 3,310,- 
028. In the period from 1851 to 1901 the total num- 
ber of emigrants, being native.s of Ireland, who left 
Irish ports was 3,846,393. No less than 89 per cent 
went to the United States, the remainder going to 
Great Britain, Australia, 
Canada, and New Zealand. 
The saddest feature of this 
exodus is that 82 percent of 
the emigrants were between 
15 and 35 years of age. The 
healthy and enterprising 
have gone, leaving the 
weaker in mind and body 
at home, one result being 
that the number of lunatics 
increased from 16,505 in 
1871 to 21,188 in 1891. In 
the latter year the total 
number of primary schools 
was 9157, of Vv-hich 8569 
were imder the National 
Board, 97 under the Chris- 
tian Brothers and other 
communities, and 471 other 
primary schools. In 1908 
the total numberof National 
Board schools was 8538 
under 3057 managers, of 
whom 2455 were clerical 
and 602 laymen. Of the 
clerical managers 1 307 were 
Catholics, 713 Protestant 
Episcopalians, 379 Presby- 
terians, 52 Methodists, and 
4 unclassed. In 1901 the 
number of pupils in all the 
primary schools was 636,- 
777, of whom 471,910 were 
Catholics. There has been 
a steady improvement in 
the matter of illiteracy. 
In 1841 the percentage of 
those above five years who could neither read nor 
write was 53; in 1901 it had fallen to 14. Of the 
whole population 14 per cent could speak Irish. In 
1901 there were 35,373 pupils in the Intermediate 
schools, the number of Catholics being -78 per cent of 
the total Catholic population. The Catholic girls in 
these schools were for the most part educated in the 
various convents. The Ijoys were educated in the 
diocesan colleges, or in the colleges of the religious 
orders, and a proportion also in the Christian Brothers' 
schools. "In Colleges of Universities and other Col- 
leges ", in 1901, there were 3192 students, of whom 91 
were females. The highest form of ecclesiastical edu- 
calion is obtained at Maynooth, other such colleges 
being .\11 Hallows and Clonliffe in Dublin, Thurles, 
Walerford, and Carlow colleges. 

Chlucii Pnoi'KHTy, Churches, Schools, Ceme- 
teries. — Church |)roperty is usually held in trust by 
the parish priest for the' parish, the bishop for the 
diocese, the religious superior for his order, and often 
associated with other trustees. In many cases the 
title-deeds h.-ive lieeri lost, but undisputed pos.session 
is considered sulhcient, and the parish-priest or other 
superior for the time being is recognized as the legal 
pwner of the church, church grounds, and cemetery. 




Tower of Ki 



if there be such. New churches are built on land pur- 
chased out, or acquired free of rent or under very long 
lease, and church and ground are exempt from taxa- 
tion. New cemeteries belong to the District Council, 
and many of the older cemeteries have been taken over 
by the same authority. Schools under the National 
Board are either vested or non-vested. If vested, 
they are held by trustees — usually the priest, who is 
manager, and two others — and in this case only two- 
thirds of the cost of building is granted by Govern- 
ment. In the case of non-vested schools, which are 
the property of the National Board itself, the full 
amount for building is granted by Government, and 
the school is also kept in repair, while in vested schools 
repairs have to be made 
by the manager. Both in 
vested and no n- vested 
schools the National Board 
regulates the programme, 
selects the school books, and 
provides for the cost of ex- 
amination and inspection. 
The appointment and dis- 
missal of teachers rests with 
the manager, from whom in 
the Catholic schools there is 
an appeal to the bishop. 
All these schools are ex- 
empted from taxation. 
Clergymen of all denomina- 
tions get loans from Gov- 
ernment on easy terms to 
build residences. These 
houses, however, are not ex- 
empt from taxation, and be- 
long to the clergyman and 
his successors, not to him- 
self personally. 

Public Institdtions. — 
Prisons are under govern- 
ment management, and al- 
ways have a Catholic chap- 
lain, when there are Catholic 
inmates. So also have 
workhouses, asylums, and 
county hospitals, which are 
inider the local authority. 
Reformatories and indus- 
trial schools in the great 
majority of cases are under 
Catholic management, but 
they must be certified as 
suitable by a government official and are subject to 
government inspection from time to time. In 1900 
there were in Ireland six reformatories and seventy 
industrial schools; the numlier of both sexes in the 
former being 624, and in the latter 8221. Both re- 
formatories and industrial schools are maintained 
partly by a government grant and partly by the local 
rates. 

Leg.\l St.-vtus of the Clergy. — The clergy have, 
with some few exceptions, the usual rights of citizens. 
They can receive and dispose of property by will as all 
others, and they can vote at elections. But they are 
excluded by law from the House of Commons, though 
not from the House of Lords; and they are excluded 
from the County and District Councils, though not 
from the various committees appointed by these 
bodies. They are exempt from military service and 
from serving on juries. Public worship is free; but 
priests may not celebrate the Mass outside the churches 
or private hou.scs, nor appear pulilicly in their vest- 
ments, nor have religious proce.ssicms through the 
streets; nor may the regular clergy go abroad in the 
distinctive dress of their order. These laws, however, 
are not enforced and not infrequently processions do 
take place through the streets, and the regular clergy 



County Mayo 







"J "rni'! 1 1 |-gl I i I p 2r^l 1 1 i 
H" sS2i.2si°oSSg2n'3Sg§ 



w <g 00 b an 



o 

a I — I 






I 



V 



g-i 



o 



o 



IRELAND 



115 



IRELAND 



do go abroad in their distinctive dress. Similarly, it is 
illegal for religious orders of men to admit new mem- 
bers; but this provision of the Catholic Relief Act of 
1S29 has never been enforced. 

Laws Relating to Ch.vsitable Bequests, Mar- 
riage, Divorce. — Generally speaking, all bequests for 
the advancement of public worship are valid; but 
bequests for superstitious uses are void. A bequest, 
for instance, to maintain a light before an image for 
the good of one's soul is void ; but bequests for Masses 
are good, vmless left to a member of a religious order 
as such, the reason being that religious orders are still 
technically illegal. For the validity of a will nothing 
is reciuired but that the testator be of sound mind at 
the time, and free from undue influence, and that the 
document be signed by two witnesses. As to mar- 
riage, it is necessary that the contracting parties 
should be free, and that the mutual consent be given 
in the presence of two witnesses and a clergyman, or 
registrar duly appointed for the purpose. In the Irish 
courts no marriage can be dissolved; only a judicial 
separation can be obtained. When such a separation 
is obtained there is no difficulty in having a Bill passed 
through Parliament dissolving the marriage. 

The Press. — There is no purely Catholic newspaper 
acting as the mouthpiece either of an individual dio- 
cese or of the Irish Church. There are, however, in 
most of the provincial towns weekly newspapers, often 
owned by Catholics, and always ready to voice Cath- 
olic opinion. In Cork and Belfast there are daily 
papers animated with the same spirit, and in Dublin 
the "Freeman's Journal" and the "Daily Indepen- 
dent ". In Dublin also is the " Irish Catholic ", which is 
a powerful champion of Catholicity; and there is the 
"Leader", not professedly Catholic, but with a vigor- 
ous and manly ( 'athnlic tone. These two are weeklies. 
Published monthly are the "Irish Monthly" under 
the Jesuits, the " Irish Rosary " under the Dominicans, 
the "Irish Educational Review", dealing with Cath- 
olic educational matters, and the "Irish Ecclesiastical 
Record", edited by Dr. Ilogan of Maynooth, under 
episcopal supervision. There is also the "Irish Theo- 
logical Quarterly ", which, as its name implies, is pub- 
lished quarterly, and conducted by the professors of 
Maynooth College with an ability, an extent of knowl- 
edge, a grasp of the subjects treated, and a vigour and 
freshness of style worthy of Maynooth College in its 
palmiest days. 

Annuls of ike Four Masters (Dublin, 1S56); Annals of Ulster 
(Dublin, 1887); Annals of Loch Ce (London, 1871); Annals of 
Clonmacnoise (Dublin, 1896); Leland, History of Ireland 
(London, 1773); Joyce, Short History of Ireland (London, 
1893); Keating. Ht8tor!/o//re!and (Dublin, 1859); Haverty, 
History of Ireland (Dublin, 1860); Febgdson, The Irish before 
the Conquest (London, 1868); Richey, Lectures on Irish History 
(London, 1869); Hyde. Literary History of Ireland (London, 
1899); D'Alton, History of Ireland (London, 1906). 

For the Fag.\n and Early Christian Periods; — Senchus 
Mot (Dublin, 1865*-1901); O'Curry, Manners and Customs of 
the Ancient Irish (Dublin, 1873); Idem, MSS. Materials of 
Ancient Irish History (Dublin. 1861); Joyce, Social History of 
Ancient Ireland (London, 1903); Jubainville, The Irish Mytho- 
logical Cycle (Dublin, 1903); Ware, Works, ed. Harris (Dublin, 
1739-64); O'Donovan, Book of Rights (Dublin, 1847); Walk- 
er, History of the Irish Bards (Dublin, 1786); Stokes, Tripar- 
tite Life of St. Patrick (London, 1887); Lanigan. Ecclesiastical 
Hist, of Ireland (Dublin. 1822): Hkat.y. Anricnt Schools and 
Scholars (Dublin, 1896); Iium, / A "■"/ \Vnli„,,s „f St. Patrick 
(Dublin, 1905); Bury, n' /■ ' ..;/-/ /.x 77,1,. ,n History 
(London, 1905); Morris, n' /■,•,„,:. .l;„,,s//, ,./ /,, /.in,/ (Lon- 
don, 1890); ZlMMFR, '■ '• (;,,„,/, a.oadun. I'JU^n .MORAN, 
Essays on the l-:<r-'; / . . . /. (Dublin, 1864); W. Stokes, 
Ireland and the i '■■' ' '■ ■ . London, 1892); Idem, Lives of 
the Saints from l/'r /... ■.. .' ....irt? (London, 1890); Idem, The 
Felireof Aengus (iJiil.hu, l.s>l)); LTsher, Works (Dublin, 1847); 
Olden. Church of Ireland (London, 1892); Adamnan, Life of 
St. Columba (Dublin, 1857); .'^rchdall, Monasticon Hibemi- 
cum (Dublin, 1873); Reeves, The Culdees (Dublin, 1864); 
Petrie, Round Towers (Dublin. 1.845); O'Flaherty, Ogygia. 
(Dublin, 1793); Halliday, Scnndinoriun Kingdom of Dublin 
(Dublin, 1882); Worsae, The Dmus ,n F.n<ihind, Scotland and 
Ireland (London, 1852); Todd. Wars „[ II,,' i:,tel and Gall (Lon- 
don, 1867); Dasent, Burnt Njal (Edinburgh, 1861); O'Han- 
LON. Life of St. Malachy (Dublin, 1859): see also (in Migne's 
Patrologia) the works of Alcuin, Bede. St. Bernard, Cogito- 
BU8, St. Columbancs, Donatus, Dungal, St. Gall, Marianos 



Scotds, ScoTtTS Eriugena: and for incidental reference-? in the 
earlier part, the works of Herodotus, Pliny, Strabo, CjEsar, 
Tacitus. Claudian, and Gibbon. 

For the Plantagenet and Tudor Periods: — Sweetman, 
Calendars of State Papers; Giraldus Cambrensis, Works (Lou- 
don, 1861-91); Lynch. CamirCTisis£»ersus(UubHn, lS51);Miss 
Stokes, Early Christian Art in Ireland (London, 1887); Orpen, 
The Lay of Dermot and the Earl (London, 1S92); Thierry. Nor- 
man Conquest (Bohn Series); Malone, Arfrian IV and Ireland 
(Dublin, 1899); Ginnell, The Doubtful Grant of Ireland (Dub- 
lin. 1899); Gosselin, Power of the Popes in the Middle Ages 
(London, 1853) ; King, Church History of Ireland ( Dublin, 1898) ; 
Gilbert, Viceroys of Ireland (Dublin, 1865); O'Connor Don, 
The O'Connors of Connaught (Dublin, 1891); Ware, Annals 
(Dublin, 1704); Gilbert, Historic and Municipal Documents 
(Dublin, 1870); Cox, Hibemia Anglicana (London, 1689); 
Ancient Irish Histories (Dublin, 1809); Lingard, History of 
England: O'Flaherty, lar Connauqht (Dublin. 1846); OnnER- 
ICUS VlTALIS, History of i:7?'7.' " .' t':.' \'. -.i^r.'/ M^..^iTi); 
Stokes, Ireland and the Angl,' \ ' I ! i-'C); 

Mant, History of the Church „j I I i ! ■• I I < . . v 

AND Dowling, Annals (Dul.lm. 1^1 i, i \, I, ,.,',,./i 

(Dublin, 1850); Grace, AnmiU iDulili.i. l.MJj, 11aiu.]m,\n. 
Statute of Kilkenny (Dublin, 1843); Davies, Historical Tracts 
(London, 1786); Meehan, History of the Geraldinc^ (Dublin, 
1878); Harris, Hibemica (Dublin, 1770); Froissart, Chroni- 
cle (London, 1895); Correspondence relating to Ireland (reign 
of Henry VIII), Hamilton's Calendars of Stale Papers (1509- 
1600): Carew Papers (1509-1624); Bagwell, Ireland under 
the Tudors (London, 1885-90); Green, Short History of tlie 
English People (London, 1878); Gasquet, Edward VI and the 
Book of Common Prayer (London, 1891); Idem, Henry VIII 
and the English Monasteries (London, 1899); Harleian Miscel- 
lany (London, 1808-13); D'Alton, Archbishops of Dwhlin 
(Dublin, 1838); Moran. Archbishops of Dublin (Dublin. 1864); 
MoRRiN, Calendar of the Patent Rolls (Dublin, 1861): Camden, 
Annals (London, 1635); Froude, History of England (London, 
1898) ; O'SuLLlVAN. Catholic History of Ireland (Eng. tr. Dublin, 
1903); Carte, Life of Onnond (London, 1736); Holinshed, 
Chronicle (London. 1574); O'Clery, Life of Red Hugh O'Don- 
nell (Dublin, 1893); Fynes Moryson, Irish Wars (London, 
1617); CuELLAR, Narrative (London, 1897); MacGeoghegan. 
History of Ireland (Dublin, 1844); Hogan, Ireland in 1508 
(Dublin, 1878); Pacata Hibemia (London, 1896). 

For the Stuart Period: — Russell and Prenderga.st, 
Calendars (1603-25); Gardiner, History of England (1884); 
Stuart Tracts (Ixindon, 1903); Meehan, Earls of Tyrone and 
Tyrconnell (Dublin, date uncertain); Hill, Plantation of Ulster 
(Belfast, 1877); Strafford, Le//ers (London, 1739); Belling, 
History of the Irish Confederation (Dublin. 1882); Hickson, 
Ireland in the 17th Century (London, 1884); Clanricarde, 
Memoirs (Dublin, 1744); Mahaffy. Calendars of State Papers 
(1625-60); Prendergast, Crotnwellian Settlement (London, 
1870); Temple, History of the Irish Rebellion (Dublin, 1724); 
Warner. History of the Rebellion (London, 1767) : Clarendon, 
History of the Rebellion (London, 1720) ; Petty, Tracts (Dublin, 
1769); CASTLEHAyEN, Memoirs (Dublin, 1.815); Gilbert, 
Contemporary History (1641-52), (Dublin, 1879): RrarrriNi, 
Letters (Dublin, 1873); Murphy. Cromwell in /-.'....n' Hi'ililin, 
1897); MoRLEY, Cromwell (London. 1900); liM . ■ ■ ' ' ..i- 
tvell (London, 1897); Idem, History of tl,- ' ''ih 

(London, 1894-1901); Cromwell's Letters ai„l . , 1. .ii- 

don, 1846); D'Alton, History of Drogheda ilKililiii. iMi); 
Lenihan, History of Limerick (Dui)lin, 1866); Ranke, History 
of England in the 17th Century (Clarendon Press); The Down 
Survey (Dublin, 1851); Mohan, Persecutions under the Puritans 
(Callan, 1903); Idem, Life of Oliver Plunkelt (Dublin. 1870); 
MouNTMORHES, Irish Parliament 1634-66 (London, 1792); 
Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn; Walsh, Irish Remonstmncc; 
Clarke, James II (London, 1816); Macaulay, History of 
England; Somers, Tracts ; Jacobite Narrative of the War in 
Ireland (Dublin, 1892); Macariae Excidium (Dublin, 1851); 
Story, Impartial History (London, 1691); Story, Continuaiion 
of the War (London, 1693); Diary of Dean Davies (Camden 
Society): Bellingham, Diary; The liawdon Papers (London, 
1819); Murphy. Our ilf artj/rs (Dublin, 1896); Meehan. i^'rare- 
ciscan Monasteries of the 17th Century (Du'olin, — ); Hogan, 
Hibemia Ignatiana (Dublin, 1880); Mason, Parliaments in 
Ireland (Dublin, 1891): Prendergast, Ireland from 1660 to 
1686 (London, 1887); King, State of the Irish Protestants (Cork, 
1768); CoLGAN, Trias Thaumaturga (Louvain, 1647); Calen- 
dars of the Stuart Papers at Windsor; Scully, Penal Laws (Dub- 
lin, 1812). 

For the Eighteenth Century: — Froude, English in Ire- 
land (London, 1895); Lecky, History of Ireland in the 18th 
Century (London, 1902) : Young, Tour in Ireland (London. 
1892); Swift, Prose H'orA-s (London, HI""' I : H^pkfi ey, H'ori-s 
(Clarendon Press, 1871); O'Callaghi- I i: ,„le in the 

Service of France; D'Awio^, King J,,,,, l '(Dublin, 

1855); Swift MacNeill. rac/ris/iP,j,.\ ,, I .;..!. m, 1888); 
MoLYNEUX. Ireland's Case Stated (Dul.li;,. iO'jNi; Lecky, 
Leaders of Public Opinion, in Ireland; Delaney, Aulobiography 
(London, 1861); Charlemont Papers and Hardy. Lord Charle- 
mont (London. ISIO); Barrincton, Rise and Fall of the Irish 
Nation (Dublin, 1853); Idem, Personal Sketches (London, 
1827); Grattan, Speeches (London, 1822); Journals of the 
Irish House of Commons; Irish Parliamentary Debates (1781- 
97); Ball, Irish Legislative Systems (London, 1888); Plow- 
den. Historical Review (London, 1803); Moore, Lord Edward 
Fitzgerald (London. 1897); Wolfe Tone, .Autobiography 
(London, 1893); Madden, United Irishmen (DubUn. 1857); 
Secret Service under Pitt (London, 1892); Hay, History of the 



IRELAKD 



116 



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Rebellion, also the Histories of Teeling, Cloney, Gordon, 
Kavanagh, and Maxwell; Fitzpatrick, Sham Squire (Dub- 
lin, 1895); loB\i, Ireland before the Union CD\ih\m,li&0): Se- 
ward, Collectanea Hibemica (Dublin, 1812); Ghattan, Ltie 
and Times of Henry Grattan (London, 1839); Macnevin. 
Pieces of Irish History (New York, 1807); Holt, Memoirs 
(London, 1838); Comu-allis Correspondence (London, 1859); 
Guillon, La France et Vlrlande (Paris, 1888); Stanhope, 
Pi« (London, 1861); AsHBonRNE, Pi(( (London, 1898); Coote, 
History of the Union (London, 1802); Castlereagh Correspond- 
ence (London, 1848). 

Period since the Union: — Mitchell, History of Ireland 
(Gl.isgow, 1869); MacDonagh, The Viceroy's Postbag (London. 
1904); Lord Sidmoulh's Life (London, 1847); Colchester, 
Diary (London, 1861); Canning, Correspondence (London, 
1887); Plowden, History. 1800-W (Dublin, 1811); Dunlop, 
Daniel O'Connell (London, 1900); MacDonagh. Daniel O'Con- 
nell (London, 1903); O'ConnelVs Correspondence (London, 
1888); Fitzpatrick, Dr. Do!/ie (Dublin, 1880); Dotle, Lf«(TS 
on the Stale of Ireland {Dublin, 1826) ; Peel. Memoirs (London, 
1856); Cloncurry. Recollections (London, 1849); Wyse, 
History of the Catholic Association (London. 1829); Sheil, 
Speeches (London. 1845); Idem. Sketches (London. 1855); 
The Annual Reqisler; O'Brien, Life of Drummond (London. 
1889); John O'Connell. Recollections (London. 1849); Halli- 
day Pamphlets; O'Rorke. Irish Famine (Dublin. 1902); 
O'Brien, Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland (London, 1885); 
O'Connor, The Parnell Movement (London, 1887); A. M. Sulli- 
van, A'eu' /rcZanrf; Greville, Memoirs (London, ISSS); Han- 
sard's Parliamentary Reports; Lucas, Life of F. Lucas (London, 
18S6); Duffy, The League of North and South (London, 1886); 
Idem, Four Years of Irish History (London, 1883); Idem, 
Young Ireland (London, 1880); Devon Commission Report 
(Dublin, 1847); Carlisle, Speeches (Dublin, 1865); O'Leary, 
Fenians and Fenianism (London, 1896) ; Butt, Land Tenure in 
Ireland (Dublin, 1866); Morley, Li/c o/ Giads(one (London, 
1905); Barry O'Brien, Lt/e o/ ParnrfZ (London, 1899); Reid, 
Life of Forster (London, 1888); Davitt, FaU of Feudalism in 
Ireland (London, 1904); Plunkett, Ireland in the New Century 
(London, 1904); O'Riordan. Catholicity and Progress in Ireland 
(London, 1905); MacCaffrey, History of the Church in the 
Nineteenth Century (2 vols., Dublin, 1909); O'Dea, Maynooth 
and the University Question (Dublin. 1903). For Statistics see 
Thorn's Directories and The Irish Catholic Directory. 

E. A. D'Alton. 

Irish LiTER,\TirRE. — It is uncertain at what period 
and in what manner the Irish discovered the use of let- 
ters. It may have been tliroiigh direct commerce 
with Gaul, Iiut it is more probable, as MacNeill has 
shown in his study of Irish oghams, that it was from 
the Romanized Britons that they first learned the art 
of writing. The Italian alphabet, however, was not 
the first to be employed in Ireland. Whoever the 
early Irish may have been who first discovered letters, 
whether from intercourse with Britain or with Gaul, 
they did not apparently bring either the Latin or the 
Greek alphabet back with them to Ireland, but they 
invented an entirely new one of their own, founded 
with considerable skill upon the Latin ; this was used 
in very early times by the Irish Celts for inscriptions 
upon pillars and gravestones. This ogham script, as 
it is called, consists of lines, straight or slanting, long or 
short, drawn either over, under, or through a given 
straight line, which straight line is in lapidary inscrip- 
tions usually formed by the angular edge of a rectan- 
gular upright stone. Thus, four cuts to the right of 
the line stand for S, to the left of the line they mean C, 
and if they pass through the line they mean E. None 
even of the oldest Irish manuscripts preserved to us is 
anything like as ancient as these lapidary inscriptions. 
The language of the ogham stones is in fact centuries 
older than that of the very oldest vellums, and agrees 
to a large extent with what has been found of the old 
Gaulish linguistic monuments. Early Irish literature 
and the sagas relating to the pre-Christian period of 
Iri.sh history abovmd with ri-feroncos to ogham writ- 
ing, which w;is almo.'^t certainly of pagan origin, and 
which coni inucd to bo employed until the Christ ianiza- 
tion of the island. It was eventually superseded liy 
the Roman letters which were introduced by the 
Church and must have been propagated with all the 
prestige of the new religion behind them; but isolated 
ogham inscriptions exist on grave stones erected as 
late as t ho year 000. When t he script was iiit rodueed 
into Ireland is uncertain, but it was probably about 
the eecond centurj'. Although it answered well, in- 
deed better than the rounded Roman letters, for lapi- 



dary inscriptions, yet it was too cumbrous an inven- 
tion for the facile creation of a literature, though a 
Erofessional poet may well have carried about with 
im on his "tablet-staves", as the manuscripts call 
them, the catchwords of many poems, sagas, and gen- 
ealogies. Over a couple of hundred inscribed ogham 
stones still exist, mostly in the south-west of Ireland, 
but they are to be found sporadically wherever the 
Irish Celt planted his colonies in Scotland, Wales, 
Devonshire, and even farther East. 

Earliest Manuscripts. — The earliest existing exam- 
ples of the written Irish language as preserved in 
manuscripts do not go back farther than the eighth 
century; they are chiefly found in Scriptural glosses 
written between the lines or on the margins of reli- 
gious works in Latin, preserved on the Continent, 
whither they were carried by early Irish missionaries, 
or written by them in the numerous monasteries 
wliich they founded in Switzerland, Germany, France, 
and Italy. The oldest piece of consecutive Irish pre- 
served in Ireland is found in the " Book of Armagh", 
written about the year 812. These early glosses, 
though of little except philological interest, yet show 
the wide learning of the commentators and the ex- 
traordinary development, even at that early period, of 
the language in which they wrote. Their language 
and style, says Kuno Meyer, stand on a high level in 
comparison with those of the Old High German 
glosses. "We find here", he writes, "a fully formed 
learned prose-style which allows even the finest shades 
of thought to be easily and perfectly expressed, from 
which we must conclude that there must have been a 
long previous culture [of the language] going back at 
the very least to the beginning of the sixth century " 
(Kultur der Gegenwart, part I, section xi, p. SO). 
These glosses are to be found at Wurzburg, .St. Gall, 
Karlsruhe, Milan, Turm, St. Paul in Carinthia, and 
elsewhere. The " Liber Hymnorum" and the"Stowe 
Missal" are, after the glosses and the "Book of Ar- 
magh", perhaps the most ancient manuscripts in 
which Irish is written. They date from about the 
year 900 to 1050. The oldest books of miscellaneous 
literature are the "Leabhar na h-Uidhre", or "Book 
of the Dun Cow", transcribed about the year 1100, 
and the "Book of Leinster", which dates from about 
fifty years later. Both these books are great miscel- 
laneous literary collections. After them come many 
valuable vellums. The date at which these manu- 
scripts were penned is no criterion of the date at which 
their contents were first written, for many of them 
contain literature which, from the ancient forms of 
words and other indications, must have been commit- 
ted to writing as early as the seventh century at least. 
We cannot carry these pieces farther back linguistic- 
ally, but it is evident from their contents that many 
of them must have been handed down orally for cen- 
turies before they were committed to writing. It must 
also be noted that a seventeenth-century manuscript 
may sometimesgive a more correct version of a seventh- 
century piece than a vellum many centuries older. 

Earliest Christian Scholars in Ireland. — It happens 
that Ireland's first great saint is also the first person of 
whom it can be said without hesitation that some at 
least of the writings ascribed to him are really his. 
We actually possess a manuscript (Book of Armagh) 
1100 years old, containing his "Confession", or 
apology. There is no reason, however, for supposing 
that it was with St. Patrick that a knowledge of the 
Roman alphabet was first brought to Irehmd. Be- 
fore his arrival there were Christians in Munster. At 
the beginning of the third century there were British 
missio!i:iries at work, according to Zimmer, in the 
.southern |)rovinee of the i.sland. Bede says distinctly 
that I'alladius w:is sent from Home to the Iri.sh who 
already believccl in Christ "ad Scottos in Christum 
credentes"(IO(cl. Hist., bk.I,xih). Pelagius, tli(-sul)tle 
heresiarch who taught with such succcssat Rome, and 



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117 



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who acquired great influence there, was of Irish descent . 
"Habet", says St. Jerome, "progoniem Scottio:i> 
gentis de Brittanorum viciuia" (P. L., XXIV, (i'^'J, 
758). He came probably from those Irish who hail 
settled in Wales and South Britain. His friend and 
teacher Celestius is said by some to have been an Irish- 
man also, but this is doubtful. Sedulius, however 
(Irish Siada!, now Shiel in English), the author of the 
"Carmen Paschale", who flourished in the first half 
of the fifth century, and who has been called the 
Virgil of theological poetry, was almost certainly an 
Irishman. Indeed the Irish geographer Dicuil in the 
eighth century calls him nostcr Sedulius, all of which 
shows that some Irish families at least were within 
reach of a cosmopolitan literary education in the 
fourth and fifth centuries and that they were quick to 
grasp it. 

Existing Manuscript Literature. — Although so many 
scholars have during the last fifty years given them- 
selves up to Celtic studies, yet it remains true that the 
time has not yet come, nor can it come for many years, 
when it will be possible to take anything like an accu- 
rate survey of the whole field of Irish literature. 
Enormous numljers of important WSS. still remain 
unedited; many gaps occur in the literature which 
have never been filled up, unless perhaps here and 
there by some short piece published in a IcarncLl maga- 
zine; of many periods we know little or nothing. 
There are poets known to us at. present practically 
only by name, whose work lies waiting to be unearthed 
and edited, and so vast is the field and so enormous 
the quantity of matter to be dealt with that there is 
room for an entire army of workers, and until much 
more pioneer work has been done, and further re- 
searches made in Irish grammar, prosody, and lexicog- 
raphy, it will be impossiljle to reduce the great mass of 
material into order, and to date it with anything like 
certainty. The exact nimiber of Irish MSS. still ex- 
isting has never been accurately determined. The 
number in the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, alone is 
enormous, probably amounting to some fifteen hiui- 
dred. O'Curry, O'Longan, and O'Beime catalogued 
a little more than half the manuscripts in the Academy, 
and the catalogue of contents filled thirteen volumes 
containing 3448 pages; to these an alphabetic index of 
the pieces contained was made in three volumes, and 
an index of the principal names, etc., in thirteen vol- 
umes more. From an examination of these books one 
may roughly calculate that the pieces catalogued 
would number about eight or ten thousand, varjdng 
from long epic sagas to single quatrains or stanzas, and 
yet there remains a great deal more to be indexed, a 
work which after a delay of very many years is hap- 
pily now at last in process of accomplishment. The 
library of Trinity College, Dublin, also contains a 
great number of valuable MSS. of all ages, many of 
them vellums, probably about 160. The British Mu- 
seum, the Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Advo- 
cates Library in Edinburgh, and the Bibliotheciue 
Royale in Brussels are all repositories of large nvun- 
bers of valuable MSS. 

Contents of tite Manuscripts. — From wliat we know 
of the contents of the existing manuscripts we may set 
down as follows a rough classification of the literature 
contained in them. We may well begin with the an- 
cient epics dating substantially from pagan times, and 
probably first retluced to writing in the seventh cen- 
tury or even earlier. These epics are generally shot 
through with verses of poetry and often with whole 
poems, just as is the case in the French chantcfable, 
"Aucassin et Nicolette". After the substantially 
pagan epics may come the early Christian literature, 
especially the lives of the saints, which are both nu- 
merous and valuable, visions, homilies, commentaries 
on the Scriptures, monastic rvdes, prayers. h\Tnns, and 
all possible kinds of religious and didactic poetry. 
After these we njiy xjlace the many ancient armals, 



and there exists besides a great mass of genealogical 
books, tribal histories, and semi-historical romances. 
.\fter this may come the bardic poetry of Ireland, 
the poetry of the hereditary poets attached to the 
great Ciaelic families and the provincial kings, from the 
ninth century down to the seventeenth. Then follow 
the Brelion laws and other legal treatises, and an enor- 
mous quantity of writings on Irish and Latin gram- 
mar, glossaries of words, metrical tracts, astronom- 
ical, geographical, and medical works. Nor is there 
any lack of free translations from classical and medie- 
val literature, such as Lucan's "Bellum Civile", 
Bede's "Historia Ecclesiastica ", Mandeville's "Trav- 
els", Arthurian romances, and the like. Fmally, 
there exists a rich poetical literature of the last three 
centuries, and certain prose works such as Keating's 
invaluable history of Ireland, with great quantities of 
keenes, hymns, love-songs, ranns, bacchanalian, Jacob- 
ite, poetical, and descriptive verses, of which thou- 
sands are still to be found, although immense numbers 
have perished. To this catalogue may perhaps be 
added the unwritten folk-lore of the island both in 
prose and verse which has only lately begun to be col- 
lected, but of which considerable collections have al- 
ready been made. Such, then, is a brief and bald 
resume of what the student will find before him in 
the Irish language. 

There may be observed in this list two remarkable 
omissions. There is no epic handed down entirely in 
verse, and there is no drama tic literature. The Irish epic 
is in prose, though it is generally interwoven with nu- 
merous poems, for though many epopees exist in rhyme, 
such as some of the Ossianic poems, they are of mod- 
ern date, and none of the great and ancient epics were 
constructed in this way. The absence of the drama, 
however, is more curious still. Highly cultivated as 
Irish literature undoubtedly was, and excellent schol- 
ars both in Greek and Latin as the early Irish were, 
nevertheless they do not seem to have produced even a 
miracle play. It has been alleged that some of the 
Ossianic poems, especially those containing a semi- 
.serious semi-humorous dialogue between the last of 
the great pagans, the poet Oisin (Ossian he is called in 
Scotland), and the first of the great Christian leaders, 
St. Patrick, were originally intended to be acted, or at 
least recited, by different people. If this be really so, 
then the Irish had at least the rudiments of a drama, 
but they never appear to have carried it beyond these 
rudiments, and the absence of all real dramatic at- 
tempt, however it may be accounted for, is one of the 
first things that is likely to strike with astonishment 
the student of comparative literature. 

Early Irish Epic or Saga. — During the golden period 
of the Greek and Roman genius no one thought of 
writing a prose epic or a saga. Verse epics they left 
behind them, and history, but the saga of the North- 
men, the sgeul or ursgeid of the Gael, was unknown to 
them. It was only in a time of decadence that a body 
of Greek prose romance appeared, and the Latin lan- 
guage produced in this line little of a higher character 
than the "Golden Ass" or the "Ciesta Romanorum". 
In Ireland, on the other hand, the prose epic or saga de- 
veloped to an abnormal degree, and kept on develop- 
ing, to some extent at least, for well over a thousand 
years. It is probable that very many sagas existed 
before the coming of Christianity, but it is highly im- 
probable that any of them were written down at full 
length. It was no doubt only after the full Christian- 
ization of the island, when it abounded in schools of 
learning, that the Irish experienced the desire to write 
down their primitive pro.se epics and as much as they 
could recapture of their ancient poetry. Inthe"Book 
of Leinster", a manu.script of the middle twelfth cen- 
turj', we find a list given of the names of 187 epic 
sagas. The nlhunh (oUav), or arch-poet, who was the 
highest dignitary among the poets, and whose training 
lasted for some twelve years, was obliged to learn two 



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lis 



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hundred and fifty of these prime sagas and one hun- 
dred secondary ones. The manuscripts themselves 
divide the prime sagas into the following romantic 
categories, from the very names of which we may get a 
glance at the genius of the early Gael, and form some 
conception of the tragic nature of his epic: — Destruc- 
tion of Fortified Places. Cow Spoils (i. e. Cattle-raids), 
Courtships or Wooings, Bat ties, Stories of Caves, Navi- 
gations, Tragical Deaths, Feasts, Sieges, Adventures 
of Travel, Elopements, Slaughters, Water-eruptions, 
Expeditions, Progresses, and ^'isions. "He is no 
poet", says the "Book of Leinster", "who does not 
synchronize and harmonize all these stories." 

In addition to the names of 187 .sagas in that book, 
there exist the names of many more that occur in the 
tenth or eleventh century tale of MacCoise, and all the 
known ones, with the exception of one added later and 
another in which there is evidently an error of tran- 
scription, refer to events prior to the vear 650 or there- 
abouts. We may take it then that tlie list was drawn 
up in the seventh century. Who were the authors of 
these sagas? That is a question that cannot be an- 
swered. There is not a trace of authorsliip remaining, 
if, indeed, authorship be the right word for what is far 
more likely to have been the gradual growth of stories, 
■woven around racial or tribal or even family history, 
and, in some cases, around incidents of early Celtic 
mythology, thus forming stories which were ever being 
told and retold, burnished up and added to by pro- 
fessional poets and saga-tellers, and which were, some 
of them, handed down for perhaps countless genera- 
tions before they were ever put on parchment or be- 
fore lists of their names and contents were made by 
scholars. Those which recount ancient tribal events 
or dynastic wars were probably much exaggerated, 
magnified, and undoubtedly distorted during the 
course of time; others, again, of more recent growth, 
give us perhaps fairly accurate accounts of real events. 

It seems quite certain that, as soon as Christianity 
had pervaded the island, and bardic schools and col- 
leges had been formed alongside of the monasteries, 
there was no class of learning more popular than that 
which taught the great traditionary doings, exploits, 
and tragedie,s of the various tribes and families and 
races of Ireland. Then the peregrinations of the 
bards and the inter-communication between their col- 
leges must have propagated throughout all Ireland 
any local traditions that were worthy of preservation. 
The very essence of the national life of the island was 
embodied in these stories, but, unfortunately, few 
only out of their once enormous number have sur\'ived 
to our days, and even these are mostly mutilated or 
preserved in mere digests. Some, liowever, exist at 
nearly full length, though probably in no case are they 
written down in the ancient vellums in just the same 
manner as they would have been recounted by the 
professional poet, for the writers of most of the early 
vellums were not the poets but generally Christian 
monks, who took an interest and a pride in preserving 
the early memorials of their race, and who cultivated 
the native language to such an amazing degree that at 
a very early period it was used alongside of Latin, and 
soon almost displaced it, even in the domain of the 
Church itsi'lf . This patriotism of the Irish monks and 
this early cult ivat ion of the vernacular are the more re- 
markable when we know that it is the very rever.se of 
what tocik (ilace throughout the rest of Europe, where 
the almost exclusive use of Latin by the Church was 
the principal means of destroying native and pagan 
tradition. In spite, however, of the irreparable losses 
inflicted ui)on the Irish race by the Northmen from 
the end of the eighth till the middle of the elev- 
enth century, and of the ravages of the Normans after 
their so-calied conquest, and of the later and more 
ruthless destructions wrought wholesale and all over 
the islaiul by the Klizabethan and Cromwellian Eng- 
lish, O'Curry was able to a.ssert that the contents of 



the strictly historical tales known to him would be suf- 
ficient to fill up 4000 large quarto pages. He com- 
putes that the tales belonging to the Ossianic and Fe- 
nian cycle would fill 3000 more, and that, in addition to 
the.se, the miscellaneous and imaginative sagas, which 
arc neither historical nor Fenian, would fill 5000, not 
to speak of the more recent and novel-like produc- 
tions of the later Irish. 

Pagan Literature and Christian Sentiment. — The 
bulk of the ancient stories and some of the ancient 
poems were probably, as we have seen, committed to 
w'riting by the monks in the seventh century, but are 
themselves substantially pagan in origin, conception, 
and colouring. And yet there is scarcely one of them 
in which some Christian allusion to heaven, or hell, or 
the Deity, or some Biblical subject, does not appear. 
The reason of this seems to be that, when Christianity 
had succeeded in gaining the upper hand over pagan- 
ism, a kind of tacit compromise jvas arrived at, by 
means of which the bard, and the J^M (i. e. poet), and 
the representatives of the old pagan learning were 
permitted by the sympathetic clerics to propagate 
their stories, tales, poems, and genealogies, at the 
price of tacking on to them a little Christian admix- 
ture, just as the vessels of some feudatory nations are 
compelled to fly at the mast-head the flag of the suze- 
rain power. But so badly has the dovetailing of the 
Christian into the pagan part been performed in most 
of the oldest romances that the pieces come away 
quite separate in the hands of even the least skilled 
analyser, and the pagan substratum stands forth en- 
tirely distinct from the Christian accretion. Thus, 
for example, in the evidently pagan saga called the 
"Wooing of Etain", we find the description of the 
pagan paradise given its literary passport, so to speak, 
by a cunningly interwoven allusion to Adam's fall. 
Etain was the wife of one of the Tuatha De Danann, 
who were gods. She is reborn as a mortal — the pagan 
Irish seem, like the Gaulish druids, to have believed in 
metempsychosis — and weds the King of Ireland. Her 
former husband of the Tuatha De Danann race still 
loves her, follows her into her life as a mortal, and 
tries to win her back by singing to her a captivating 
description of the glowing unseen land to which he 
would lure her. "O lady fair, would'st thou come 
with me", he cries, "to the wondrous land that is 
ours", and he describes how "the crimson of the fox- 
glove is in every brake — a beauty of land the land I 
speak of, youth never grows into old age there, warm 
sweet streams traverse the country ", etc. ; and then the 
evidently pagan description of this land of the gods 
is made passable by an added verse in which we are 
adroitly told that, though the inhabitants of this 
glorious country saw everyone, yet nobody saw them, 
"because the cloud of Adam's wrongdoing has con- 
cealed us". 

It is this easy analysis of early Irish literature into 
its ante-Christian and its post-Christian elements 
which lends to it an absorbing interest and a great 
value in the history of European thought. For, when 
all spurious accretions have been stripped off, we find 
in it a genuine picture of ])agan life in Eurojie, such as 
we look for in vain elsewhere. "The Cluirch adopted 
[in Ireland] towards Pagan sagas the same inK-^ilion tliat 
it adopted towards Pagim law. . . . I .see no sultlcient 
ground for douliting that really genuine pictures of a 
pre-Chri.stian culture arei)reserved tousin the indivi<l- 
ual sagas" (Windisch, JriseheTexte, I, 2.')N). "'I'hesaga 
originated in Pagan and was jimpagated in Christian 
times, and that too without its .seeking fresh nutri- 
ment, as a rule, from Christian elements. But we 
must ascribe it to the influence of (Christianity that 
what is specifically Pagan in Irish saga is blurred over 
and forced into the background. And yet there exist 
many whose contents are plainly mythological. The 
('hristian monks were cei-tairdy ""( llif first who re- 
duced theancient sagas to fixed form, but lateron they 



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110 



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copied them faithfully and promulgated them after Ire- 
land had been converted to Cliristianity " (il)id., 02). 
Irish Literature and Early Europe. — When it is un- 
derstood that the ancient Irish sagas record, even 
though it be in a more or less distorted fashion, in some 
cases reminiscences of a past mj-thology and in others 
real historical events, dating from pagan times, then it 
needs only a moment's reflection to realize their value. 
"Nothing", writes Zimmer, "except a spurious criti- 
cism which takes for original and primitive the most 
palpable nonsense of which Middle-Irish writers from 
the Twelfth to the Sixteenth century are guilty with 
regard to their own antiquity, which is in many re- 
spects strange and foreign to them, nothing but such a 
criticism can on the other hand make the attempt to 
doubt of the historical character of the chief persons 
of the saga cycles. For we believe that Meve, Conor 
MacNessa, Cuchulainn, and Finn MacCumhail (Cool) 
are just as much historical personalities as Arminius or 
Dietrich of Bern or Etzel, and their date is just as well 
determined." (Kelt-Studien. fasc. ii, 189.) The first 
three of these lived in the first century b. c, and Finn 
in the second or third century. D'Arbois de Juljain- 
ville expresses him.self to the same effect. " We have 
no reason", he writes, "to doubt of the reality of the 
principal rule in this [cycle of Cuchulainn]" (Intro- 
duction a I'etudede laJitteratureceltique, 217); and of 
the story of the Boru tribute imposed on Leinster in 
the first century he writes: "The story has real facts 
for a basis though certain details may have been cre- 
ated by the imagination"; and again, "Irish epic 
story, barbarous though it be, is, like Irish law, a 
monument of a civilisation far superior to that of the 
most ancient Germans" (L'epopee celtique en Ir- 
lande, preface, p. xli). "Ireland, in fact," writes M. 
Darmesteter in his "English Studies", summing up 
his legitimate conclusions derived from the works of 
the great Celtic scholars, "has the peculiar privilege of 
a history continuous from the earliest centuries of our 
era until the present day. She has preserved in the 
infinite wealth of her literature a complete and faithful 
picture of the ancient civilisation of the Celts. Irish 
literature is therefore the key which opens the Celtic 
world" (Eng. tr.. 1S96, 182). But the Celtic world 
means a largeportion of Europe, and the key to its past 
history can be found at present nowhere else than in 
the Irish manuscripts. Without them we would have 
to view the past history of a great part of Europe 
through that distorting medium, the coloured glasses 
of the Greeks and Romans, to whom all cuter nations 
were barbarians, into whose social life they had no 
motive for inquiriii;,. Apart from Irish literature we 
woidd have no means of estimating what were the 
feelings, modes of life, manners, and habits of those 
great Celtic races who once possessed so large a part 
of the ancient world, Gaul, Belgium, North Italy, 
parts of Germany, Spain, Switzerland, and the Briti.sh 
Isles, who burnt Rome, plundered Greece, and colo- 
nized Asia Minor. But in the ancient epics of Ireland 
we find another standard by which to measure, and 
through this early Irish medium we get a clear view 
of the life and manners of the race in one ol its strong- 
holds, and we find many characteristic customs of the 
Continental Celts, which are just barely mentioned or 
alluded to \>y Greek and Roman writers, reappearing 
in all the circumstance and expansion of ^iaga-telling. 
Of such is the custom of the "Hero's Bit", men- 
tioned by Posidonius, upon which one of the most 
famous of Irish sagas, " Bricriu's Feast ", is founded. 
Again, the chariot, which had become ob.solete even in 
Gaul a couple of himdred years before Caesar's inva- 
sion, is described repeatedly in the sagas of Ireland, 
and in the greatest of the epic cycles the warriors are 
always represented as fighting from their chariots. 
We find, as Diodunis Siculus mentions, that the bards 
had power to make battles cease by interposing with 
Bong between the comljatants. Cssar says (Gallic War, 



bk. VI, xiv) the Gaulish druids spent twenty years In 
studying and learned a great number of verses, but 
Irish literature tells us what the arch-poet, probably 
the counterpart of the Gaulish druid, actually did 
learn. "The manners and customs in which the men 
of the time lived and moved are depicted ", writes 
Windisch, "with a naive realism which leaves no room 
for doubt as to the former actuality of the scenes de- 
picted. In matter of co.stume and weapons, eating 
and drinking, building and arrangement of the ban- 
queting hall, manners ob.served at the feast, and much 
more, we find here the most valuable information " (Ir. 
Texte, I, 252). "I insist", he says elsewhere, "that 
Irish .saga is the only richly-flowing source of unbroken 
Celtism." "It is the ancient Irish language", says 
d'.\rbois de Jubainville, "that forms the connecting 
point between the neo-Celtic languages and the Gaul- 
ish of the inscribed stones, coins, and proper names 
preserved in Greek and Roman literature." It is evi- 
dent, then, that those of the great Continental nations 
of to-day whose ancestors were mostly Celts, but 
whose language, literature, and traditions have com- 
pletely disappeared, must, if they wish to study their 
owTi past, turn themselves first to Ireland, and there 
they will find the drj' bones of Posidonius and Ca'siir 
rise up before them in a ruddy covering of flesh anil 
blood, which, for the first time, will enable them to 
see what manner of men were their own forbears. 

Three Principal Saga Cycles. — There are three 
great cycles in Irish storj'-telling, two of them very 
full, but the third, in manj' ways the most interesting, 
is now but scantily represented. This last cycle is 
the purely mythological one, dealing with the Tuatha 
De Danann. the gods of good, and the Fomorians, 
gods of darkness and evil, and giving us, under the 
apparent early history of the various races that 
colonized Ireland, what is really a distorted early 
Celtic pantheon. According to these accounts the 
Nemedians first seized on the island and were op- 
pressed by the Fomorians, who are described as 
-African sea-robbers; the.se races nearly exterminated 
each other at the fight round Conning's Tower 
on Tory Island. Some of the Nemedians escaped 
to Greece and came back a couple of hundred 
years later calling themselves Firliolg. Others of 
the Nemedians who escaped came back later, calling 
themselves the Tuatha De Danann. These last 
fought the battle of North Moytura and beat the 
Firbolg. They fought the battle of South Moj^ura 
later and beat the Fomorians. They held the island 
until the Gaels, also called Milesians or Scoti, came in 
and vanquished them. From these Jlilesians the 
present Irish are mostly descended. Good sagas 
about both of these battles are preserved, each exist- 
ing in only a single copy. Nearly all the rest of this 
most interesting cycle has been lost or is to be found 
merely in condensed summaries. These mytholog- 
ical pieces dealt with peoples, dynasties, and probably 
the struggle between good and evil principles. There 
is over it all a sense of v'aguencss and uncertainty. 

The heroic cycle (or Red Branch, Cuchulainn, or 
Ulster cycle, as it is variously called), on the other 
hand, deals with the historj' of the Milesians themselves 
within a brief but well-defined period, and we seem 
here to find ourselves not far removed from his- 
torical groimd. The romances belonging to this 
cycle are sharply drawn, numerous, and ancient, 
many of them are fine both in conception and execu- 
tion. The time is about the birth of Christ, and the 
figures of Cuchulainn (CoohuHin), King Conor Mac 
Nessa, Fergus. Naoi.se (Neesha), Meadhbh (Meve), 
Deirdre, Conall Cearnach, and their fellows, have far 
more circumstantiality about them than the dim, mist- 
magnified, distorted forms of the mysterious Dagda, 
Nuada of the Silver Hand, Bres, Balor of the Evil 
Eye, Dana, and the other beings w'hom we find in the 
mythological cycle. The best known and greatest of 



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all those sapis is fho "Tdin Bo Chiiailgne", or "Cat- 
tle-Haiti of Coolcy", a district in the County of 
Louth. It gives a full account of the struggle be- 
tween Connacht and Ulster, and the hero of the 
piece, as indeed of the whole lied Branch cycle, is the 
youthful Cuchulainn, the Hector of IrelancI, the most 
chivalrous of enemies. This long saga contains many 
episodes drawn together anil formed into a single 
whole, a kind of Irish Iliad, and the state of society 
which it describes from the point of culture-develop- 
ment is considerably older and more primitive than 
that of the Greek epic. The number of stories that 
belong to this cycle is considerable. Standish Hayes 
O'Grady has reckoned ninety-si.x (appendix to Elea- 
nor Hull's "Cuchulain Saga"), of which eighteen 
seem to be now wholly lost, and many others very 
much abbreviated, though they were all doubtless at 
one time told at considerable length. 

After the Red Branch or heroic cycle we find a 
third very comprehensive and even more popular 
l)ody of romance woven round Finn Mac Cumhail 
(Cool), his son Oscar, his grandson Oisin or Ossian, 
Conn of the Hundred Battles King of Ireland, his 
son Art the Lonely, and his grand.son Cormac of the 
Liffey, in the second and thinl centuries. This cycle 
of romance is usually called the Fenian cycle, because 
it deals so largely with Finn Mac Cumhail and his 
Fenian militia. These, according to the Irish his- 
torians, were a body of Irish janissaries maintained 
by the Irish kings for the purpose of guarding their 
coasts and figliting their battles, but they ended by 
fighting the king himself anil were destroyed in the fam- 
ous <■»(/! (or battle of) (iubhra (Cowra). As the heroic 
cycle is often called the Ulster cycle, so this is also 
known as the Leinster cycle of sagas, because it may 
have had its origin, as MacNeill has suggested, 
amongst the Galeoin, a non-Milesian tribe and sub- 

i'ect race, who dwelt round the Hill of Allen in 
..einster. This whole body of romance is of later 
growth or rather expresses a much later state of 
civilization than the Cuchulainn stories. There is 
no mention of fighting in chariots, of the Hero's Bit, 
or of many other characteristics which mark the 
antiquity of the L'lster cycle. Very few pieces be- 
longing to the Finn story are found in Old Irish, and 
the great mass of texts is of Middle and Late Irish 
growth. The extension of the story to all the Gaelic- 
speaking parts of the kingdom is placed by MacNeill 
between the years 400 and 700; up to this time it 
was (as the product of a vassal race) propagated only 
orally. Various parts of the Finn saga seem to have 
developed in different quarters of the country, that 
about Diarmuid of the Love Spot in South Mimster, 
and that about GoU the son of Morna in Connacht. 
Certain it is that this cycle was by far the most pop- 
ular and widely spread of the three, being familiarly 
known in every part of Ireland and of ( iaelic-speaking 
Scotland even to the present day. It devclopeil also 
in a direction of its own, for, though none of the heroic 
tales are wholly in verse, yet the number of O.ssianic 
epopees, ballads, and ]3oems is enormous, amounting 
probably to some 50,000 lines, mostly in the more 
modern language. 

Early Chn'slian Literature. — Perhaps no country 
that ever adopted Christianity was so thoroughly and 
rapi<lly perinealed and even .saturated with its lan- 
guage and conceptions as was Ireland. It adopted 
and made its own in secular life scores and hundreds 
of words originally introduced by the Church for 
ecclesiastical puriioses. Even to the present day 
we find in Irish words like prfi/, a kiss, borrowed from 
the Latin for "[the kiss] of peace", pac[ix], Old Irish 
pdc; the word for rain, bdistcach, is from bap- 
tizare, and meant originally "the water of baptism". 
From th(^ same root comes baitheas, "the crown of 
the head ", i. c. the baptized part. A common word 
for warrior, or hero, laich, now laoch, is simply 



from laicus, a layman. The Latin language was, of 
course, the one used for religious purposes, both in 
prose and verse, for some time after the introduction 
of Christianity. In it were written the earliest 
hymns; Patrick used it in his "Confession", as did 
Adamnan in his "Life of Columcille". But already 
by the middle of the eighth century the native lan- 
guage had largely displaced it all over Ireland as a 
medimn for religious thought, for homily, for litanies, 
books of devotion, and the lives of saints. We find 
the Irish language used in a large religious literature, 
much of which is native, while some of it represents 
lost Latin originals which are now known to us only 
from the Irish translations. One interesting de- 
velopment of this class of writing is the vision- 
literature beginning with the vision of St. Fursa, 
which is given at some length by Bede, and of which 
Sir Francis Palgrave states that "tracing the course 
of thought upwards we have no difficulty in deducing 
the poetic genealogy of Dante's Inferno to the Milesian 
Fursceus". These "visions" were very popular in 
Ireland, and so numerous that they gave rise to the 
parody, the twelfth-century "Vision of Mac Con- 
glinne". More important than these, however, are 
the lives of the saints, because many of them, dating 
back to a very remote period, throw a great deal of 
light upon the manners and customs of the early 
Irish. In the first half of the seventeenth century 
Brother Michael O'Clery, a Franciscan, travelled 
roimd Ireland and made copies of between thirty and 
forty lives of Irish saints, which are still preserved in 
the Burgundian Library at Brussels. Nine, at least, 
exist elsewhere in ancient vellums. A part of one of 
them, the voyage of St. Brendan, spread through all 
Europe, but the Latin version is much more com- 
plete than any existing Irish one, the original having 
probably been lost. 

Irish Historical Literature. — Owing to the nature of 
the case, and considering the isolation of Ireland, it is 
extremely difficidt, or rather impossible, to procure 
independent foreign testimony to the truth of the 
Irish annals. But, although such testimony is denied 
us, yet there haiijiily exists another kind of evidence 
to which we may appeal with comparative confidence. 
This is notliing li'ss than the records of natural phe- 
nomena as reported in the annals, for if it can be 
shown by calculating liackward, as modern science 
has enabled us to do, that such natural phenomena 
as the appearance of comets or the occurrence of 
eclipses are recorded to the day and hour by the 
annalists, then we can also say with something like 
certainty that these phenomena were recorded at the 
time of their appearance by writers who personally 
observed them, and whose writings must have been 
actually consulted and seen by these later annalists 
whose books we now possess. If we take, let us say, 
the "Annals of Ulster", which treat of Ireland and 
Irish history from about the year 444, but of which 
the written copy dates only from the fifteenth century, 
we find that they contain from the year 496 to 884 
as many as eighteen records of eclipses and comets, 
and all these agree exactly to the day and hour with 
the calculations of modern astronomers. How im- 
possible it is to keep such records unless written 
memoranda are made of them at the time by eye- 
witn(\sses is shown by the fact that Bede, born in 
()75, in recording the great solar ecli])se which took 
place only eleven years before his own birth, is yet two 
days astray in his date; whili^ on the other hand the 
"Annals of Ulster " give, not only the correct day, but 
the correct hour, tlius showing that their compiler, 
Cathal Maguire, had access either to an original, or 
a cojiy of an original, account by an eyewitness. 
Whenever any side-lights from an external quarter 
have been thrown upon the Irish aimals, cither from 
Cymric, Saxon, or Continental sources, they have 
always tended to show their accuracy. We may take 



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it then, without any credulity on our part, that Irish 
history as recorded in the annals may be pretty well 
relied upon from the fourth century onward. 

The first scholar whom we know to have written 
connected annals was Tighearnach, Abbot of Clon- 
macnoise, who died in lOSS. He begins in Latin 
with the founding of Rome, later on he makes occa- 
sional mention of Irish affairs, and lays it down that 
Irish history is not to be trusted before the reign of 
Cimbaed, that is, prior to about the year 300 b. c, 
" Omnia moniraenta Scottorum [the Irish were always 
called Scotti till into the late Middle Ages] usque 
Cimbaed incerta erant." In the fourth century B. c. 
the references to Ireland become fuller and more 
numerous, they are partly in Latin, partly in Irish, 
but towards the end of the work Latin gives way 
to the native speech. The greatest book of annals^ 
with a few trifling exceptions also the latest, is that 
known under the title of the " Four Masters" (q. v.). 
It is evident from the entries that the compilers of the 
"Annals of LTlster" and the rest copied from ancient 
originals. In the "Armals of Ulster", for instance, 
we read under the year 439 "Chronicon magnum 
scriptum est", at the years 467 and 468 the compiler 
writes "sic in libro Cuanach inveni", at 482, "ut 
Cuana scripsit ", at .507, " secundum librum Mochod ", 
at62S, "sicut in libro Dubhdaleithe narratur", etc. 
No nation in Europe can boast of so continuous and 
voluminous a history preserved in a vernacular lit- 
erature. The only surviving history of Ireland as 
distinguished from annals was written under great 
difficulties by Geoffrey Keating, a learned priest, in 
the first half of the seventeenth century; it also is 
taken, almost exclusively, from the old vellum manu- 
scripts then surviving, but which mostly perished, 
as Keating no doubt foresaw they would, in the cata- 
clysm of the Cromwellian wars. 

Early Irish Poetry. — There is no other vernacular 
poetry in Europe which has gone through so long, so 
unbroken, and so interesting a period of develop- 
ment as that of the Irish. The oldest poems are 
ascribed to the early Milesians and are perhaps the 
most ancient pieces of vernacular literature existing. 
None of the early poems rhymed. There is little that 
we can see to distinguish them from prose except 
a strong tendency, as in the Teutonic languages, 
towards alliteration, and a leaning towards dissyl- 
lables. They are also so ancient as to be unintel- 
ligible without heavy glosses. It is a tremendous 
claim to make for the Celt that he taught Europe to 
rhyme, yet it has been often made for him, and not 
by himself, but by such men as Zeuss, the father of 
Celtic learning, Constantine Nigra, and others. Cer- 
tain it is that as early as the seventh century we find 
the Irish had brought the art of rhyming verses to a 
high pitch of perfection, that is, centuries before the 
rest of the vernacular literatures of Europe knew 
anj-thing at all about it. Nor are their rhymes only 
such as we are accustomed to in English, French, or 
German poetry, for they delighted not only in full 
rhymes, like these nations, but also in assonances, 
like the Spaniards, and they often thought more of a 
middle rhyme than of an end rhyme. The following 
Latin verses, written no doulit after his native models 
by Aengus Mac Tipraite some time prior to the year 
704, will give the reader an idea of this middle or 
interlinear rhyming which the Irish have practised 
from the earliest times down to the present day: — 

Martinus minis more 

Ore laudavit Deum, 
Puro corde cantai'it 

Atque amavit Eum. 

.\ very curious and interesting peculiarity of a 
certain sort of Irish verse is a desire to end a .second 
line with a word of a syllable more than that which 
ends the first, the stre.ss of the voice being thrown 



back a syllable in the last word of the second line. 
Thus, if the first line end with an accented monosylla- 
ble the second line will end with a dissyllal)ic word 
accented on its first syllable, or if the first line end 
in a dissyllable accented on its penultimate the second 
line will end with a trisyllable accented on its ante- 
penultimate. This is called aird-riiin in Irish, as; — 

Fall'n the land of learned m^n 
The bardic band is fallen. 
None now learn a song to sing 
For long our fern is fading. 

This metre, which from its popularity may be termed 
the hexameter of the Irish, is named Deibhidhe 
(D'yevvee), and well shows in the last two lines the 
internal rhjTnes to which we refer. If it be main- 
tained, as Thurneysen maintains, that the Irish 
derived their rhyming verses from the Latins, it 
seems necessary to account for the peculiar forms 
that so much of this verse assumed in Irish, for the 
merest glance will show that the earliest Irish verse 
is full of tours deforce, like this "aird-rinn", which 
cannot have been derived from Latin. After the 
seventh centurj' the Irish brought their rhjoning 
system to a pitch of perfection undreamt of by any 
nation in Europe, even at the present day, and it is 
no exaggeration to say that perhaps by no people 
was poetry so cultivated and, better still, so remu- 
nerated as in Ireland. 

There were two kinds of poets known to the early 
Gael. The principal of these was called the fili 
(filla); there were seven grades of files, the most 
exalted being called an oUamh (ollav). These last 
were so highly esteemed that the annalists often give 
their obituaries, as though they were so many princes. 
It took from twelve to twenty years to arrive at this 
dignity. Some fragments of the old metrical text- 
books still exist, showing the courses recjuired from 
the various grades of poets, in pre-Norse times. One 
of these, in elucidation of the metric, gives the first 
lines of three hundred and fifty different poems, 
all no doubt well-known at the time of writing, but 
of which only about three have come down entire to 
our own time. If there were seven species of file 
there were sixteen grades of bards, each with a dif- 
ferent name, and each had his own peculiar metres 
(of which the Irish had over 300) allotted to him. 
During the wars with the Norsemen the bards suf- 
fered fearfully, and it must have been at this time, 
that is in the ninth and tenth centuries, that the 
finely-drawn distinction between the poets and bards 
seenis to have come to an end. So highly esteemed 
was the poetic art in Ireland that Keating in his 
history tells us that at one time no less than a third 
of the patrician families of Ireland followed that 
profession. These constituted a heavy drain on the 
resources of the country, and at three difTerent periods 
in Irish history the people tried to shake off their 
incubus. However, Columcille, who was a poet 
himself, befriended them; at the S>-nod of Drum 
Ceat, in the sixth centurj', their numbers were re- 
duced and they were shorn of many of their pre- 
rogatives; but, on the other hand, public lands were 
set apart for their colleges, and these continued until 
the later English conquest, when those who escaped 
the spear of Elizabeth fell beneath the sword of 
Cromwell. 

Modern Irish Poetry. — Much of the ancient poetry 
of the schools was largely in the nature of a memoria 
technica, the frame in which valuable information 
was enshrined, but the bards attached to the great 
houses chanted a different strain. So numerous are 
the still surviving poems from the period of the Battle 
of Clontarf down to the sixteenth century that 
Meyer has remarked that the history of Ireland could 
be written out of them alone. When the great houses 
fell beneath the sword of Elizabeth, of Cromwell, and 



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of William, it is unnecessary to mention that the 
entire social fabric of Gaeldom fell with them, and 
amongst other things the colleges of the bards and 
brehons, which had existed, often on the same spot 
and in possession of the same land, for over a thousand 
years. The majority of the learned men were slain, 
or driven out, or followed their masters into exile. 
No patrons for the native arts remained in Ireland, 
and, worse still, there was no security for the life of 
the artist. The ancient metres, over three hundred of 
which had at one time been cultivated, and which, 
though reduced to less than a score in the Elizabethan 

Eeriod, were still the property only of the le.irned and 
ighly educated, so intricate were the verse forms, now 
died away completely. There was, perhaps, not a 
single writer living by the middle of the eighteenth 
century who could compose correct verses in the 
classical metres of the schools. 

On the other hand, however, there arose a new kind 
of poetry, in which the consonant rhyming of the old 
school was replaced by vowel chiming or vowel 
rhymes, and in which only the syllables on which the 
stress of the voice fell were counted; a splendid lyrical 
poetry sprang up amongst the people themselves 
upon these lines. The chief poets of these latter 
times were in very reduced circumstances, mostly 
schoolmasters or farmer.s, and very different indeed 
in status from the refined, highly educated, and 
stately poets who had a century or two before sat 
at the right hand of powerful chieftains advising 
them in peace and war. A usual theme of the new 
poets, who seemed to revel in their newly found 
liberty of expression, was the grievances of Ireland 
sung under a host of allegorical names, the chances 
of the Stuarts returning, and the bitterness of the 
present as compared with the glories of the past, or 
the vision of Ireland appearing as a beautiful maiden. 
The poets of the South used even to hold annual 
bardic sessions, though such attempts must always 
have been attended with great danger, for the poG- 
session of a manuscript was often sufficient cause 
for persecuting or imprisoning the possessor; many 
fine books were on this account hidden away or walled 
up lest they should bring the owner into trouble 
with the authorities. Even as late as 179S, the 
grammarian Neilson of County Down, who was a 
Protestant clergyman of the Established Church and 
perfectly loyal to the Government, was arrested by a 
dozen dragoons and accused of treason because he 
preached in Irish. 

It is very difficult to convey in the English lan- 
guage any idea of the beautifully artistic and recon- 
dite measures in which the poets of the last two or 
three centuries have rejoiced, both in Ireltiud and 
in the Highlands of Scotland, where also iiey pro- 
duced a splendid lyrical outburst, abou* the same 
time as in Ireland, and on the same lines Suffice it 
to say that most of their modern poetry was written 
and is being written to this very day upon a wonderful 
scheme of vowel sounds, arranged in such a manner 
that first one and then another vowel will strike the 
ear at skilfully recurring intervals. Some poems are 
written entirely on the se sound, others on the o, 
others on the u (oo), f (ce), or 6, (au) sounds, but most 
upon a delightful intermingling of two or more of 
them. Here is a typical verse of Tadhg Gaelach 
O'Sullivan, who died in ISOO and who consecrated 
his muse, which had at first lo<l him astray, to the 
service of religion, his poems producing a profound 
effect for good all over the South of Ireland. The 
entire poem is made upon the sounds of ^ (a;) and o, 
but, while the arrangement in the first half of the 
verse is 0/6, 6/0, 6/0, o, the arrangement in the second 
half is o. 6/0, 6/0, 6/6. To miderstand the effect that 
this vowel rhyming should produce, we must remem- 
ber that the vowels are (lw('lt upon in Irish, and not 
pas.sed over quickly as they are in English: — 



The poets we praise arc up-rn/sing the notes 

Of their lays, and they know how their tones will 
delight. 
For the golden-haired lady so graceful so poseful 

So Gaelic so glorious enthroned in our sight. 
Unfolding a tale how the soi/1 of a foy 

Must be clothed in the frame of a lady so bright, 
Untold are her graces, a rose in her face is, 

And no man so staid is but faints at her sight. 
Owen Roe O'Sullivan, the witty and facetious name- 
sake of the pious Tadhg Gaelach, is the best known of 
the southern poets, and Rafterv, who. like his famous 
Scottish contemporary Donnchadh Ban Mackintyre, 
was completely illiterate, but who composed some 
admirable religious as well as secular pieces, is best 
known in Connacht. 

Irish Folk-Literalure. — If any country in the workl 
has ever undergone an educational martyrdom it 
is Ireland. From 1649, down to almost the pres- 
ent day, her Catholic population were either denied 
education by law or given an education which taught 
them to neglect their own country. Under the care- 
fully devised system of "National" education, as it 
was called, which came into being about the year 
IS.'iO, and which supplanted the hedge schools of the 
natives, the children, who over a great part of Ireland 
were still Irish-speaking, were deprived of the right 
of being taught to read or write the language of their 
homes. Over a great part of the island, schoolmasters 
who knew no Irish were appointed to teach children 
who knew no English. Needless to say, this entailed 
a horrible amount of useless suffering all round, and 
blasted for over two generations the life-prospects of 
many hundreds of thousands of Irish children, by 
insisting upon their growing up unable to read or 
write, sooner than teach them to read and write the 
only language that they knew. Up to this period 
Irish MSS., wliich hail, on the relaxation of the 
penal laws, ceased to be dangerous possessions, were 
commonly possessed and cherished, liut from this 
time forward the peasantry began to neglect them. 
The new generation, taught in the government 
schools, conceived that Irish was the mark of the 
beast, and grew a.shamed of it, and as a natural 
consequence the MSS. perished by hundreds and 
thousands. Admirable poets existed in Connacht 
and in Ulster in the middle and at the close of the 
eighteenth century whose works have absolutely 
disappeared, except a very few that were enshrined 
in people's memories. The books that contained 
them were lost, torn up or liurned. It is only a few 
years ago that an English gentleman stopping for the 
fishing at a farm-house in a midland county found a 
whole wa.shing-basket full of Irish MSS. thrown into 
the rivi to make room on the loft for his port- 
manteau. A friend saved for the present writer 
three MSS. which he found the children tearing up 
on the floor in a house in the County Clare, one of 
which contained one of the most valuable sagas 
known for elucidating the belief i.i metempsychosis 
of the ancient Irish, one for which d'Arbois de 
Jubainville, who was aware of its existence, had 
searched the libraries of Europe in vain. 

The story continued thus imtil the rise of the 
Gaelic League and its rapid spread during the la.st 
few years. But in spite of the enormous loss of 
modern MSS. the memory of the people has preserved 
a very large quantity of excellent folk-poems on all 
the usual topics of folk -poetry, songs of religion, 
love, wine (or its Irish equivalent), and beauty; 
eulogies, laments, death-.songs, etc. The.se have only 
recently been to some exti'nt recovered. In prose 
also the ))('ople have a large unwritten literature of 
folk-stories, the equivalent of the German Marrhcn, 
l)ut as a rule much longer and better told. Many of 
these are stories of l'"inn and his Fenian warriors 
already mentioned, but many others are of pure 



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Aryan origin and have tlieir counterparts in most movement which succeeded. Certain it is that a 
Aryan literature. Of these, too, it is only recently great popular movement in favour of the language 
■■ .. ■ . 1 1 r.^1 _ ■ — ^_ and literature sprang up at the very close of the nine- 

teenth century in Ireland itself, under the auspices of 
a society called the Gaelic League, founded upon a 



that collections have been made. There is one re- 
mark which must not be omitted about this folk- 
poetry and indeed about Irish .MS. poetry as well — 
it possesses scarcely anything in the nature of a 
ballad. Lyrics couched in the most exquisitely 
artful rhyme, and <lidactic and bacchanalian and 
religious poetry of all sorts, Ireland and the Highlands 
of .Scotland imiduced in plenty, l>ut they have almost 
nothing in the nature of the splendid Lowland ballads. 
They could not tell a story in verse. With the ex- 



previous society called the Gaelic Union, which 
an offshoot from an older and still existing body, 
the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Lan- 
guage. The Gaelic League was founded in the year 
IS'.)'.',; the objects were: (1) The preservation of Irish 
as the national language in Ireland and the extension 
of its use as a spoken tongue. (2) The study and 



ception of the Ossianic poems and a few poems of publication of existing Irish literature and the cuiti- 

' .... vation of a modern literature in Irish. 

Such was the intellectual stagnation in Ireland at 
the period of this foundation tliat it would be safe 
to assert that there were not, at the time, more 
than a few hundred people living, if so many, who 
could read or write in Irish. After many years of 
silent labour and much painful uphill toil, the League 
has at last become a widely 
spread popular movement 
throughout the Irish world. 
Hundreds of l>ooks have been 
written and published imder its 
auspices, and many thousands 
of people have been taught to 
read them. It publishes a 
weekly and a monthly paper, 
and it has done a great deal 
towards collecting the rapidly 
perishing folk-lore of the 
country. The number of work- 
ing affiliated branches belong- 
ing to the League, carrying on 
educational work from week to 
week, in the year 190S, was in 
JIunster 192, in Leinster 115, 
in Ulster 113, and in Connacht 
74. There were 22 branches 
in Scotland, 11 in England, 
and a few more isolated ones 
scattered over Europe and 
America. The League is gov- 
erned by a president, two vice- 
presidents, and an annually 
elected executive of forty-five 
members, of whom fifteen must 



the classic school there was never any attempt made 
to recount a striking tale through the medium of 
verse. 

Modern Irish Printed Literature. — For long it was 
belie\-ed that the Celtic languages were connected with 
the East — with the Phcenicians, according to a fa- 
vourite theory — or at least that they had nothing in 
common with the .\ryan, or In- _^^„ 

do-European, group of tongues. 
All the scholars of the eigh- 
teenth century and of the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth took 
up thisattitude. Even the great 
German scholar Bopp excluded 
Celtic from his Indo-European 
grammar. Lhuyd, the Welsh 
antiquary, had already shown 
early in the eighteenth century 
the close co- relationship be- 
tween all the Celtic tongues, 
but it remained for the Bava- 
rian Zeuss to prove to the world 
beyond yea or nay, in his 
"Grammatica Celtica " pub- 
lished in 1853, that the Celtic 
languages were Indo-European. 
Since that day Celtic scholar- 
ship, based upon Zcuss's monu- 
mental work, has made enor- 
mous strides. The work of the 
great native Irish scliolars 
O'Curry and O'Donovan, who 
first penetrated the difficult 
language of the Brehon Laws, 
and who from their marvel- 



^ 




Left; 



Ogham Stone.s 
At KillccQ Cormac, Kildare. Inscription: 

DUFTAXO[sl SAFEI SAHATTOS, [StOne of] the 

wise Duftan 
Right: AtSt. Dogmael'.s, Wales. Sagramxi maqi 
CUNATAMI, [Stone] of Sagramn, son of Cun- 
atam 



lous and unique acquaintance with Irish manuscripts reside in or near Dublin, the rest represent 
first gave to the world a general knowledge of Irish various parts of the coimtry and Scotland and 
literature, was succeeded by the more strictly scien- England. These meet once a month in Dublin, 
tific laliours of Whitley Stokes, Father Edmund Ho- and govern the League. They controlled and paid 
gan, S.J., Robert Atkinson, and of Standish Hayes out of their own funds in 190S seven organizers for 
O'Grady (whose acquaintance with the modern and Conn's Half of Ireland (Connacht and Ulster), and 
ancient literature makes him the legitimate succes- there were forty-two district teachers working for 
sor of O'Donovan and O'Curry), of W. M. Hennessy the League in this part of Ireland. In Mogh's Half 
and Father Bartholomew MacCarthy, all in Ireland, (Leinster and Munster) there were six organizers and 
while Zeuss found a worthy successor in Ebel, who eighty district teachers. There are also si.x colleges 
published a corrected and augmented version of his connected with and practically founded by the 
"Grammatica" in 1S71. In "recent days Windisch, Gaelic League, at Ballingeary in Cork, at Partry in 
Thurneysen, Zimmer, and Kuno Meyer have done Mayo, at Cloghaneely in Donegal, at Ring in Water- 
immense work in the same field. In France, Gaidoz ford, and one each in Dublin and Belfast. The 
founded the "Revue Celtique" in 1S70, afterwards country colleges have two terms, each of which lasts 
edited by d'.\rbois de Jubainville, and of which about six weeks. The Dublin and Belfast colleges 
twenty-eight volumes have appeared; in them many are open during the winter. There were over two 
Irish texts have been published and much light thrown hundred students at each of the Cork and Mayo 
upon Clitic sulijects in general. The " Zeit-schrift fiir colleges in 1908. 

cehische Philologie" made its appearance in 1896, Scores of writers in Irish have arisen under the 

and was followed by the " Archiv fiir celtische Lexi- impetus of the new movement, scarcely one of whom, 

cographie". it is safe to say, would ever have put pen to paper in 

Up to this point, and by most of these learned men, English. Perhaps the best-known and most idiomatic 

the Irish language was regarded as a subject for pure writer in Irish at the present day is Canon Peter 



scliohirship only, and as a thing dead, havin; 
immedi:ite or necessary connexion with the country 
or the people that had given it birth. Their .scho- 



O'Leary, P.P., of Castlelyons in Comity Cork. He 
is a novelist, grammarian, and writer on miscel- 
laneous subjects. Michael Breatlmach (or Walsh), 



lastic labours, however, may to some extent have J. J. Doyle, T. Hayes, Father Dinneen, M. O'Malley. 
unconsciously prepared the way for the popular P. O'Conaire, Conan Maol (P. J. O'Shea), P. O'Shea. 



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Agnes O'Farrelly, J. P. Craig, and Michael Mac- 
Riiaidhri (Rogers) are all story writers or novelists. 
D. O'Faherty, M. Timoney, Patrick O'Leary, M. Mac- 
Ruaidhri, the Rev. Dr. Sheehan, and the O'Malley 
brothers have all been rescuing Irish folk-lore both 
in prose and verse. The League abounds in gram- 
marians, a phase of its activity which recalls to us the 
Greek renaissance of the sixteenth century. Fathers 
O'Leary, O'Reilly, Edmund Hogan, S.J., Crehan, 
Dr. Bergin, Dr. Henry, P. McGinley, J. H. Lloyd, D. 
Foley, S. O'Cathain, and J. Craig have all worked on 
grammar as well as on other scholastic and literary 
subjects; while the Rev. Dr. Henebry, Father Hay- 
den, S.J., Dr. Quiggin, and Father Mullin have written 
upon Irish pronunciation and dialects. Voluminous 
writers on history and other subjects are Michael 
Breathnach (d. in October, 190S), Eoghan O'Neach- 
tain, and Sean O'Kelly. Father Dinneen is a lexicog- 
rapher, editor of texts, and miscellaneous writer. 
Father John C. MacErlean, S.J., R. Foley, and 
Tadhg O'Donoghue are all editors of texts; the latter 
is also a poet and a miscellaneous writer. Canon 
O'Leary, Father T. O'Kelly, T. Hayes, W. Ryan, P. 
O'Conaire, Dr. O'Beirne, and F. Partridge have all 
written plays; Fr. O'Kelly has written the libretto of 
an Irish opera which was produced in 1909. 

The Gaelic League has also published editiones 
principes of the poetry of Owen Roe O'Sullivan, 
Se.-lghan Clarach MacDonnell, Pierce Ferriter, Geof- 
frey Keating, Geoffrey O'Donoghue of the Glen, 
Pierce Fitzgerald, Murphy of Raithineach, Colum 
Wallace, and others. The works of all these poets 
existed previously only scattered in manuscripts or 
in the mouths of the people until the League saved 
them. The Irish Texts Society, founded in London 
in 189S, has published ten handsome volumes of 
hitherto unprinted Iri.sh texts, including Keating's 
"History" in three volumes. T. O'Coneannon, M. 
Foley, Rev. P. O'Sullivan (a Protestant clergyman), 
P. Stanton, the late Denis Fleming, and others have 
been enriching Irish by translations from English 
and other languages. Nearly all the Catholic and 
Nationalist papers now publish more or less Irish in 
every issue, so there is little danger of the language 
ceasing to be written. Of 11,332 students who fol- 
lowed the various courses under the intermediate, or 
secondary, school system in 1908-09, 6085 took up 
Irish as one of their subjects. The language is also 
taught more or less satisfactorily in 3047 primary 
schools out of about 8538. Of the.se schools, how- 
ever, many belong to the more Protestant counties 
of the North of Ireland, and these have as yet 
had little to do with the new movement. The School 
of Irish Learning under Dr. Bergin, of which Dr. 
Kuno Meyer was the practical founder, gives higher 
university teaching in comparative philology, pho- 
nology, comparative grammar, and the reading of the 
old vellum MSS. Its courses in 1908-09 were attended 
by over 30 students, its journal "Eriu" and its 
"Anecdota Hibemica" are known to all Celtic 
scholars. 

We may now briefly sum up what we have said 
alx)ut the native Gaelic literature. The Irish probalily 
learnt the use of letters in the second century, but 
did not use the Roman alphabet till the country was 
converted to Christianity in the fourth and fifth 
centuries. The earliest existing manuscripts do not 
go back further than the eighth century, but the in- 
scrilied Ogham stones are centuries older than these. 
The early epics and sagas contain a substantially 
accurate picture of pagan times and of pagan manners 
and customs. The feeling of the Churcli was from 
the first thoroughly sympalhclic towards the native 
language and native scholarship. The number of 
existing Iri.sh maniiscripts is great, but it is difficult 
to say with accuracy what they contain, nor can they 
be certainly dated and sifted until Celtic studies have 



made further progress. The introduction of Chris- 
tianity left its mark deeply upon the people and on the 
language. The Irish annals may be substantially 
relied on from about the fourth century onwards. 
The Irish had already highly developed the use of 
rhyme as early as the seventh century, and Zeuss, the 
father of Celtic learning, Constantino Nigra, and 
others ascribe the invention of rhyme to the Celts, but 
Thurneysen and others deny that. There has been a 
great loss of manuscripts in recent times, but owing 
to the literary revival brought about by the Gaelic 
League during the last fifteen years there is small 
fear of any further losses in this direction. Under 
the stimulus of the new literary movement dozens of 
modern Irish writers have sprung up, and a new 
literature of novels, stories, dramas, history, and 
poetry has arisen. This brings the story of Irish 
literature to a close. Whether the new movement 
will be an enduring one or not, no one can yet tell, 
but in 1909 the County C'ouncils (i. e. the elective 
governing bodies) of twenty counties, including the 
whole of Munster and Connacht, 130 urban an<l 
district councils out of about 170, the general council 
of county councils (the largest really representative 
body in Ireland), the corporations of Dublin and 
other cities, and the Convention of the Irish Race, 
held in February, 1909, at which were present between 
two and three thousand delegates from public bodies, 
branches of the United Irish League, and A. O. H., 
all passed resolutions asking the Senate of the new 
National University of Ireland to make a knowledge 
of Irish an essential for matricidation. From which 
it would appear that there is up to the present no 
falling off in Gaelic enthusiasm, but rather a desire 
to rebuild the nation, if possible, upon native lines. 

Anglo-Iri.sh Literature. — When the Norman 
knights landed in Ireland they arrived speaking Nor- 
man French, but soon they dropped French, and, 
becoming assimilated with the natives, used Irish only 
as their common language. The Palesmen, however, 
and the inhabitants of some of the walled cities like 
Kilkenny must have spoken early English side by 
side with French. About the oldest book produced on 
Irish soil which contains written English is a vellum 
MS. of si.xty-four leaves in the British Museum marked 
Harl. 913, written in the first quarter of the fourteenth 
century, very probably at the Gray Abbey of Kildare, 
which contains among other writings no less than six- 
teen Old English pieces, some of which at least were 
composed in Ireland, for one is on the death of De 
Bermingham, the life-long enemy of the Irish, and 
another contains two Irish words, russin (Irish, ruisin, 
a luncheon) and corrin (Irish, cnirin, a pot or wallet). 
One piece is attributed to a Friai- Michel Kyldare, 
which would make it appear that the author was an 
Irishman. One or two other vellimi MSS. of the fif- 
teenth century also exist in English writing which 
may have been produced in Ireland, "A Conquest of 
Ireland", "Secreta Accrotorum", and the Lamhoth 
MS. 623, a kind of sixteenth-century miscellany, but 
with these very trifling exceptions, up to almost t he end 
of the sixteenth century all literature written in Ireland 
had been either in Irish or in Latin, Strange as it may 
appear, the Latin language, although it yiel<lcd to 
Irish in the eiglith century as a Uterary medium, was 
nevertlieless almost universally learned in Ireland as 
a spoken language by every one of any pretensions to 
breeding or culture. Blessed Ednunul Campion, who 
wrote his " History of Ireland" in l.')71, writes thus of 
the "raeere Irish": "Without either precepts or obser- 
vation of congruity, they speake Latine like a vulgar 
laiig\iage learned in their common schools of Leach- 
eraft and law." 

The earliest books of importance written in Ireland 
in the Krij;lish language were probably Spenser's 
" View of Hid ])resc!it stale of Ireland" and Ilanmer's 
"Chronicle". In the seventeenth century, however, 



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a poet, was Roger Boyle, Earl of Orrery, a son of the 
Earl of Cork. He was at once soldier, statesman, cour- 
tier, playwright, poet, and romancist. A bloody sup- 
porter of Cromwell, the murderer of the Bishop of 
Ross, and extirpator of the native Irish, he had the 
wit to turn with the times and under Charles II to 

exchange the rusty broadsword of 

Ohver for the puiisliod pen of the 
wit and the graceful Kibc of the 
courtier. A ditfcrcut character was 
Wentworth Dillon, Earl of Ros- 
common (1633-10S4), whom Pope 
characterized as the most correct 
writer of English verse before Ad- 
dison ; he was almost the only moral 
writer of the reign of the "merry 
monarch". Denham (1615-16GS), 
" majestic Denham ", as Pope calls 
him, was also an Irishman, and was 
in a way a forerunner both of Dry- 
den and of Pope, had much of the 
strength of the one and of the 
pointed antithesis and classic polish 
of the other. "He is one of the 
writers", says Dr. Johnson, "that 
improved our taste and advanced 
our language." His lines on the 
river Thames are widely known 
even still, though it is safe to say 
that not one in a thousand knows 
that they were composed l)y an 
Irishman. Richard Flecknoe (d. 
did Lynch, and Luke Wadding, '"""" "" 1078), whom Dryden damned as 

pride of the Franciscan Order. Of all tlie great writers being " without dispute . . . through all the realms 
and scholars of the seventeenth century Keating, of nonsense absolute", was another Irishman. So 
MacFirbis, and O'Flaherty were the only ones who were Tate and Brady, the translators of the Psalms 
remained throughout upon their native soil. During into a kind of doggerel verse, which, bad as it was, 
many years the lives of most of these men would not held its own in Protestant worship for genera- 
have been worth an hour's purchase had they been tions. So was Southern, the celebrated playwright, 
caught upon their native soil. who made seven hundred pounds Ijy a smgle play. 

It is indeed only with the advent of Molyneux (b. in while "glorious John" Dryden had to confess that he 
lC).')(i), that we find the first Irishman who used the had never made more than one hundred. SowasFar- 
ICuglish language with effect on behalf of Ireland her- quhar (1078-1707), born in Derry, one of the most 



Ireland jiroduced a more vigorous literature in English, 
wliicli liegan to be occasionallv written by natives as 
well as Ptilesmcn. Stanihurst (1547-1618), although 
ho wrote his " De rebus in Hibernia gestis" in Latin, 
was |)erhaps the first Irish-born man (he was a native 
of Dnlilin) to attempt more amljitious things in Eng- 
lish verse. He translated the first 
four books of Virgil's ^Eneid into 
" English heroieall Verse" in 15S.S, 
but only arouseil the scornful de- 
rision of his English contemporaries 
by his effort. The seventeenth 
century, however, was in Ireland 
an era of great men and great learn- 
ing, if not of great literature. It 
witnessed from start to finish a war 
of race and of religion, miserable 
anil merciless, a long drawn out 
agony. Such eras are necessarily 
fatal" to literature. During this 
century Keating and MacFirbis 
wrote in Irish, O'Mulchonry in Irish 
and Latin and trarLslated from the 
Spanish, 0'Sulle\-an Bearr wrote 
his great history of the Irish wars 
in Latin. Ussher, the renowned 
scholar and ecclesiastic, the glory 
of the Pale, wrote in Latin and 
English. Stanihurst, his uncle, an- 
swered himin Latin; Ward, Colgan, 
and O'Clery wrote in Irish and 
Latin. Ware wrote in Latin. So 




Luke Waddin 



brilliant dramatists of his age. So 
was the inimitable Richard Steele 
(1676-1729), whose delightful essays 
glorified the " Spectator". So was 
Parnell, the poet (1679-1717). Con- 
greve, too, the witty dramatist, 
though born in England, was edu- 
cated in Ireland. 

Of all these men, however, and 
many more who might lie men- 
tioned, it may at once be jiret Heated 
that though born in Ireland they did 
not draw from the land of their 
childhood any inspiration whatso- 
ever. They were in Ireland but not 
of her; England they looked upon as 
their real country; to her and her 
alone they consecrated their talents. 
But in justice to them it must be 
remembered that men who would 

^ rise by the pen or shine in literature 

summation,' three-quarters of a century later, in in the English language must look to England and 
the burning eloquence of Grattan and the humilia- to it alone, for there only was to be had a public 
tion of England. One briUiant Irish writer of this cen- who would imderstand them. It is really with 
tury. Count Hamilton (b. at Roscrea, in 1646; d. Jonathan Swift (1667-1745) that English literature 
1720), used French for his literary medium. His in Ireland for the first time allowed itself to be 
" M^moires du Chevalier de Gramont " is a delightful coloured, in part at least, by the country of its birth, 
classic, which gives a brilliant description of the Court For although the bulk of Swift's direct, lucid, power- 
of Charles II. ful, and nervous writings belong to England, yet a 

A number of poets of Anglo-Irish birth, but chiefly consideralile portion of them are the direct outcome 
of English up-bringing, whose names figure rather of his Irish life and his Irish surroundings. It is true 
prominently in the story of English literature, are that Moljmeux had preceded him as an exponent of that 
found through this and the next century. Of these, Protestant nationahsm which, by making the English 
one of the most remarkable as a man, though hardly as in Ireland as independent as possible of the English in 



self. He forms a kind of connecting 
link between the nationality of the 
Catholic and Celtic Irish, by this time 
largely banished, broken, or extermi- 
nated, and those Protestant national- 
ists who waxed ever stronger during 
the succeeding century. .\ scientific 
and learned writer of renown, a friemi 
of Locke, and lay training and incli- 
nation a philosopher, Molyneux was 
moved to write his " Case of Ireland " 
in 1698 by his indignation at tlie 
violent action of the English Parlia- 
ment in ruining Ireland by forcililv 
throttling its woollen trade to help 
the traders of England. His book 
was by order of the British Hou.se of 
Commons burnt by the common 
hangman. But it found a mighty 
echo soon after in the sceva indigna- 
lio of Swift, and its legitimate con 




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England, tended also in some measure towards the up- 
lifting of the enslaved and ilisfraneliised native Irish. 
But Molyneux did not wield the pen of Swifl . He was 
a thinker, not a stylist, a pliilosopher rather than a 
writer. Swift was both. He who in Englaixl liad lieeii 
beyond all comparison the most powerful jidHtioal 
pamphleteer of his day, the protagonist and mainstay 
of his party, be- 
came in Ireland 
the determineil 
supporter of the 
civil rights of his 
fell ow -country- 
men and their out- 
spoken champion 
againstEnglish ag- 
gression. His ser- 
vices to his native 
country rendered 
his name endeared 
to hundreds of 
thousands of the 
native Irish Cath- 
olics, men whom 
he himself looked 
on, and quite truly, 
as being powerless 
in Ireland either 
for good or evil, 
merely " hewers of 
Thomas D.^vis ^.^^ ^„^| drawers 

of water ". Indeed the dean was, like all the other Prot- 
estant dignitaries of his day, the declared enemy, if not 
of the Irish race, at least of the Irish language,whichwas 
the only one used by the great maj ority of the native in- 
habitants. At one time he thought he had a scheme 
by which the Irish language "might easily be abol- 
ished and become a dead one in half an age, with little 
expense and less trouble". "It would be", he said 
again, "a noble achievement to abolish the Irish lan- 
guage in the kingdom", but whatever his scheme 
was, he did not further enlighten the public upon it 
and it died with him. One of his own most spirited 
poems, "O'Rorke's P>ast", is a translation from the 
Irish, perhaps the first of the kind ever made in Ire- 
land. He heard it sung at a banquet in the County 
Leitrim, and was so taken by the air that he asked for 
a translation and was told that Mac(!overn, the au- 
thor, could give it to him eitlier in Latin or in English. 
Several other poems of the dean's relate to his life in 
Ireland and his surroundings there. 

It is because a certain percentage of Swift's writ- 
ings both in prose and verse are concerned with the 
people and conditions of Ireland, that he may be re- 
garded as the father of Anglo-Irish literature, a term 
which can properly be applied only to literature col- 
oured by or inspired by Ireland and Irish themes, 
written in the English language but by Irish-born 
people. If this definition of Anglo-Irish literature be 
correct it would exclude almost all Swift's predeces- 
sors and many of his successors also, for indifference 
to Ireland on the part of Irish writers of English did 
notby any means end with Swift. With thccif;htci'Mth 
century it becomes increasingly diflieult to place Irish- 
born writers, for an ever-growing nuinljer belong, like 
Swift, to both countries. It is hard to sec how l)y any 
stretch of imagination Laureiiee Sterne, the author of 
"Tristram Shandv". thougli liorn and partly educated 
in Irelanil, could l)c i-.illed an .\nglo-lrish writer. Ire- 
land, as the I'.salmist says, was not in all his thoughts. 
The .same is true of Sir Philip Francis, the rejjuted 
author of the " Letters of Junius". Even our lieioved 
Coldsmith (1728-1774), typical and altogether de- 
lightful Irishman though he was, cannot properly be 
termed an Anglo-Irish poet. His "Vicar of Wake- 
field" struck a new note in English literature and even 
profoundly afTected the rising genius of (ioethe, but 



neither it nor his plays nor his poetry concerned them- 
selves even indirectly with his native country'. What 
is true of (ioldsmifh is true to some extent even of 
Richard Brinsli'v Sheridan (1751-1816), who was of 
pure Milesian descent, and whose nature like that of 
( Jdldsniith was Irish in the extreme. Bishop Berkeley 
(l(i.S4-17.''):!), on the other hand, after whom the State 
University of California is named, is really an Irish 
writer. His wonderful " Queries " are almost as perti- 
nent to the case of Ireland to-day as they were eight 
score years ago. Edmund Burke (1730-1797), the 
profoundest and perhaps the noblest political thinker 
that the British Isles ever produced, while he was 
never for a moment forgetful of the country of his 
birth, yet belongs for the most part, as far as his writ- 
ings go, to England and English politics. 

It is apparent from what we have written that Ire- 
land gave to England in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries some of its most distinguished authors, that 
these authors, though born in Ireland and brought up 
amidst Irish surroundings, were mostly of English de- 
scent, and turned naturally for a public to the Eng- 
land of their fathers, whose language they spoke and 
wrote. It is also evident that, as time went on, an 
ever-increasing number of Irish Gaels (sti