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CATHOLICS 



AND THE 



American Revolution 



BY 

MARTIN I. J. GRIFFIN 



VOLUME I 



Back of the events which led to the formation of the Republic the Church sees the 
Providence of God leading to that issue. 

We believe that our Country's heroes were the instruments of the God of Nations in 
establishing this Home of Freedom ; to both the Almighty and to His instruments in the 
work we look with grateful reverence. 

Teach your children to take a special interest in the History of our own Country. 

We consider the establishment of our Country's Independence the shaping of its 
Liberties and Laws, as a work of special Providence ; its framers ** building wiser than they 
knew," the Almighty Hand guiding them. If ever the glorious fabric is subverted or 
impaired, it will be by men forgetful of the sacrifices of the heroes that reared it, the 
virtues that cemented it and the principles on which it rests. 

We must keep firm and solid the Liberties of our Country by keeping fresh the noble 
memories of the past and thus sending forth from our Catholic homes into the arena of 
public life, not Partisans but Patriots. 

[Pastoral Letter of the Fathers of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, December 7th 1884-] 



RIDLEY PARK, PA. 

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR 

1907 



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u^ 0^^4-1. ^>r 




JUL 10 1S26 j 



Copyright, September, 1907 
By Martin I. J. Grippin 



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DEDICATION 

TO MY GRANDSON 

Martin I. J. Griffin, III 

in the hope that he may be 

Dutiful to Church 

AND 

Devoted to Country 



No C:^.DjJ. 

of 1000 Copies 



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A MANIFESTATION 

PATRONS: 

The Contents of this book present in a more compact and ready-to-use 
form^the articles on Catholics and thb Amsrican Rbvolution which appeared 
in Thb Ambrican Cathouc Historical Rbssarchbs 1906 and 1907. 

Though somewhat disjointed in the manner of presentation they are yet 
a revelation of the activity of Catholics in the endeavor for Liberty and Inde- 
pendence and in the achievement of Freedom. 

No desire existed nor was effort made to present solely pro-Revolutionary 
matter. Such counter information which came to the surface has also been 
used if only to show that among Catholics as among all other classes of the 
colonists there existed a division of opinion. 

Laudation of "The Patriot" or condemnation of "The Loyalist" has 
not been indulged in. The only desire has been to present some of the records 
showing transactions in which Catholics were engaged without regard to the 
position which the actors held in the great struggle for political Right and 
Social Reform. 

My purpose has not been to write a connected history of the services of 
Catholics of the Revolution, but simply to supply a portion of the material for 
such a graphic and thoughtful study of the subject by those indisposed to 
seek the information from original sources or illy adapted by mental indisposi- 
tion from engaging in the tedious work of seeking it. 

This Volume, though containing so much illustrative of the activity of 
Catholics, very inadequately shows the available material relating to the sub- 
ject. The absence of any relation of the careers of Commodore John Barry, 
General Stephen Moylan and his brothers, of Captain Thomas PitzSimons, of 
Charles Carroll of Carrollton, of Kosciusko, of Oliver Pollock, of Father 
Gibault, or Colonel Francis Vigo, of General DuCoudray, and others of the 
French Officers and Chaplains and many others conspicuous for services in the 
great Battle for Freedom, as well as those of lesser but most worthy names» 
known and unknown, of our coreligionists makes this record of Catholics and 
THB Ambrican Rbvolution now presented incomplete without their services 
being presented to the country. So I must strive to complete the record more 
fully and show a more extended manifestation of the services Catholics gave to 
the winning of the Independence of our Country. 

So if God spares my life and gives me the strength to do the work, I hope 
in two years, if a patronage is given me such as this Volume has received, to 
offer to my good will friends and helpers a Second Volume on the subject. 

I express my gratitude to the Patrons of this Book. Of very many 
thousands who have been solicited to aid in publishing the work those named 
have responded. Without their support the work would not have appeared. 
With their co-operation I hope to do more that will win their approving 
encouragement. 

MARTIN I. J. GRIFFIN, 
Ridlby Park, Sept. 17, 1907. 



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CONTENTS 



1. The Antipathy of the Patriots to the Catholic Church an Active Factor 

in bringing on the Revolution 1 

2. Canada and the American Revolutionists 5 

3. Evidences of the Hostility of the American Patriots to the Church 6 

4. Anti-Catholic Address to the Soldiers of the British Army issued in 

England by the Friends of America and also sent from Washmgton's 
Army besieging Boston to the British Soldiers 11 

5. Anti-Catholic Declarations of the Continental Congress 14 

6. Congress quite different with the Canadians 17 

7. The Defenders of American Liberty Express Detestation of Catholicity . 19 

8. The Friends of America in England also Anti-Catholic 29 

9. Ireland in the Revolution. The Religious Spirit evoked 33 ^ 

10. Father Barber's relation of the Anti-Oitholic Spirit of the Revolution ... 34 * 

11. The Enemies of American Liberty became Popery Haters 35 

12. The French Alliance 39 

13. Father Lotbiniere, the Chaplain of the "Rebel" Canadians who joined 

the American Army during the Revolutionary War — ^His trials, dis- 
tresses and Piteous Appeals to Congress 41 

14. A Catholic Indian Loyalist 64 

15. Captain Hector McNeill appalls for relief to save Father Lotbiniere 

from "Want and Misery" because he took "the part of the Americans 
\in the Darkest Hour of their distress" 65 

16. The Marquis de Lotbiniere, a Supporter of the American "Rebels;" His 

Son a Captain in the British Forces, a Prisoner of the Americans . . 69 

17. Father Peter Huet la Voliniere, the "Fiery, Factious and Turbulent 

'Rebel' Canadian Priest" the Most Culpable and the Least Con- 
verted of the Priests favoring the Americans; sent to England by 
General Haldi and the Governor of Canada; His wanderings. 
His troubles while Vicar General at the Illinois 

18. Father Lotbiniere Appeals to General Sullivan to Advocate His Cause 

before Congress 92 

19. Bishop Briand kept Canada for England Orders Te Deum for Defeat 

of General Montgomery 96 

20. Father Floquet, Jesuit, "An Inveterate Enemy" of the British to whom 

he "Behavecf very badljr" while "the most dangerous supporter of 
the Rebel" Americans; suspended by Bishop Briand; His defense 
and Submission 

21. The Priest of La Prairie, Canada; one "A Jesuit, a Villain and a Tory." 

The other "A Fat Jolly Thing and a Whig." Bread and Milk ever 
ready for the Americans ; The Address of Congress to the Canadians 

21. "Congress" Own-Colonel James Livingston's Regiment 114-26 • 

22. Colonel Moses Hazen's Regiment 119 

23. Washington directs that the Religion of the Canadians be respected 

and protected and no Contempt or Ridicule be shown its Ceremonies 
or Ministers ^ 127 

24. Washington's Address to the Canadians 127 

25. Washington Rebukes Insult to the Canadian Catholics and Accords 

Public Thanks to "Our Brethren" for their Services. Pope Day . 129 * 

26. Address of the Provincial Congress at New York to the Inhabitants of 

the Province of Quebec, 1775 129 

27. The Catholic Scotch Loyalists of "the Back Settlements of the Province 

of New York." Petition of Rev. Roderick MacDonnell to be ap- 
pointed "as their Clergyman" at "their New Settlement in Canada" 131 

28- Colonel Morgan Connor 132 ' 

29. Canadians on Secret Service for Washington. Capt. Clement Gosslein . . 135 

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30. Private Pierre Cadieux; Lieutenant John Goulet 138 

31 Loyal Canadian Prisoners 139 

32. Congress Permits a Canadian Prisoner to go to Confession 142 

33. PierreHuguet;FatherBemard Well,S. J. 142 

34. French Mmtary Forces in the American Revolution 144 

35. French Naval Forces 160 

36. Address of the Canadian Clergy to Kin^ George III 

37. Circular Regarding the Canadian Militia issued by Catholic Authority in 

1775 177 

38. Catholic Hessians in the Revolution ; 172 • 

39. Father Theobald, Hessian Chaplain 174 

40. The Canadians Friendly to the Colonies but the Clergy and Nobles 

aided by the mis-conduct of the Americans kept Csmada Loyal to 
England 177 

41 . A Soldier of the Revolution, Prisoner in Canada, cared for by Nuns 181 

42. Address of the Continental Congress to the oppressed ix&iabitants of 

Canada -. 182 

43. Americans and Canadians Friends and Brothers declared the New York 

Provincial Congress 184 

44. Commissioned Officers of the Navy of the Revolution 185 

45. Patriots of New York Flv a "NO POPERY" Flag 194 

46. The Commodores of the Kavy of the United Colonies 195 

47. Washington Prohibits the "Ridiculous and Childish" Custom of 

Burning the Effigy of the Pope, 1775 211 

48. "Extraordinary Verses on Pope-Night" 212 

49. HowCanada was "Lost" 216 

50. Pelissier, Dirctor of the Iron Works at Three Rivers, Canada to the 

Continental Congress, Advising Measures for the Capture of Quebec 
and telling that some Priests has prayed that God would exterminate 
the American Troops coming to Canada ; . 223 

51. Pelissier the Foundryman of Three Rivers, Maker of Ammunition for 

the Americans attacking Quebec 229 

52. Benjamin Franklin to the Bishop of Tricome who had sought his Help in 

obtaining an American Military Commission 232 

53. Captain Dohicky Arundell, "a Foreign Papist" the First French Artil- 

lery Officer to offer services to the Continental Congress: Com- 
missioned as Captain and killed in the Battle at Gw3m's Island, 

Chesapeake Bay, July 8, 1776 233 

' 54. General John Sullivan, the Son of an Irish Catholic and Grand Son of a 
Defender of Limerick, Denounces the "Cursed Religion" of the 
Catholics of Canada as "Dangerous to the State and Favorable to 
Despotism" 242 - 

55. Address to the People of Great Britain by the Continental Congress 246 

56. Sentiments of the Continental Congress expressed in "The Address to 

the People of Great Britain Hostile to the Catholic Church" 248 

57. Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies Condemning Parliament for 

"Establishing the Roman Catholic Reli^on in Canada and sapping 
the Foimdations of Civil and Religious Liberty 250 

58. Congress Changes its Tune in an Address to the People of Quebec 251 

59! The Petition of Congress to the King 256 

60. Arnold's "Eye saw tiie mean and profligate Congress at Mass" 257 

61. Schuyler's Address to the Inhabitants of Canada 258 

62! Second Address of the Continental Congress to "The Inhabitants of the 

Province of Canada" 259 

63. The Commission sent to Canada bv the Continental Congress 261 

64. Washington's Address to "The Inhabitants of Canada" 274 

65! The Continental Congress endeavors to induce Hessians to "Quit the 

British Service," promising they shall be protected "in the Free 
Exercise of their Respective Religions" 276 

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66. Hessian and British Soldiers Married by Father Farmer of Philadelphia 278 
67 ■ "Address to Lord North" by American Supporters in England, denounce 
him for Establishing "the Romish, superstitious, idolatrous Hier- 
archy, professedly intolerant, perfidous and bloody." 279 

68. Abbe de Valent of the Diocese of Toulouse compliments General Wash- 

ington 280 

69. Charles Carroll of Carrollton advises General Washington to remove 

Army stores from Bristol, Pa., and Trenton, N. J 281 

70. Captain Juennesse of Montreal 281 

71. Jean Baptiste de Gas, the French Interpreter 284 

72. Congress Orders Pa3rments of Services of Canadians who had Aided the 

Colonies 284 

73. Jean Laugeay, Maker of Artificial Fire Works offers his Services to Con- 

fess 1776-9 286 

74. Plempotentiaries from the Pope and the Pretender to Congress 288 

75. Michael Fitzgerald "from the Kingdom of Ireland" Petitions Congress 

to give him "a Part in the Struggle against Oppression and Tyrany" 289 

76. King Louis XVI Orders the Te Deum sung in the Churches of France for 

the Victory at Yorktown 290 

77. The Victory at Yorktown. Louis XVI Orders General Rochambeau to 

have theTe Deum sung 291 

78. The Bishop of Nancy orders theTe Deum for the Victory at Yorktown . 292 

79. The Continental Congress at Mass. Requiem for General De Coudray 295 

80. Don Juan de Miralles, the Spanish Agent. His Requiem Mass at St. 

Mary's 298 

81. Tc Deum at St. Mar/s for Victory at Yorktown 312 

82. Te Deumat St. Mary's July 4, 1779 316 

83. "The First CathoUc Fourth of July" 320 

84. A Declaration Addressed in Uie name of the King of France to all the 

Ancient French in North America 322 

85. The Roman Catholic Regiment 325- 

86 The Volunteers of Ireland 340 



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INDEX 



Adams, John, 8, 17, 32, 39, 211, 309. 

Address to Soldiers, 11. 

Allen, William, 331. 

Alliance, French, 2, 39, 109. 

An til, Edward, 119. 

Arnold, Benedict, 6, 18, 109, 117, 267, 

283 284 
Arundeli, Dohicky, 233. 

Bandol, Rev. S., 317. 

Barber, Rev. Daniel, 34. 

Barry, Capt, Dennis, 147. 

Barry, Captam John, 185, 195, 204. 

Barre, Colonel, 9. 

Bayley, General Jacob, 139. 

Begin, Archbishop, 100, 216. 

Belknap, Rev, Jeremy, 308. 

Biddle, Captain Nicholas, 185. 

Bigelow, Colonel Timothy, 179. 

Boileau, Lieutenant Amable, 139. 

Bonaparte, Charles J., 185. 

Boston, Port Bill, 7. 

Boucher, Rev., 31. 

Briand, Bishop, 42. 67, 77, 80, 96-7, 

110, 139, 216-7. 
Brisson, Dr. T. A., 111. 
Bristol, Pa., 142. 

Brown, Major John, 113, 140, 178. 
Bunker HUl, 13. 
Burlington, N. J., 45, 63. 
Butler Bishop, 338. 

Cadieux, Pierre, 136-8. 

Caldwell, Colonel Henry, 43. 

Camden, Lord, 28. 

Carmichael, 27. 

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 19, 104, 

243, 260-4, 270-1, 281, 352. 
Carleton General, 20, 78. 
Carroll, Dr. W. B., 175. 
Carroll, Rev. John, 43, 63, 88. 107. 

264-5. 
Clarke, Rev. Wm. F., 314. 
Chaplams. French, 161-2-3. 
Chase, Samuel, 19, 104. 
Chatham 21, 336. 
Clifton Alfred, 327-8. 330-1. 
CUfton, WilHam, 330-1. 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 108-9, 346 
Coll, Bernard, 245. 
Columbus, Ohio, 118. 
"Congress' Own" 67, 114, 119. 
Commissioners to Canada, 19. 
Connor. Colonel Morgan, 132-4. 



Conner, P. S. P., 134. 
Council, John, 328. 
Condin, Rev. John, 216. 
Coombe, Rev. Thomas, 29. 

D'Estaing, 322-5. 

Dantermond, John, 261. . 

Deane, 17. 

Deane, Silas, 295. 

Dearborn, 179. 

Desglis, Bishop, 87. 

Deserters, 341-2. 

Desligneries, 111. 

De Gas, Jean B., 284. 

DeCourcy, Henry, 75. 

DeGrasse, Count, 86. 

Donnelly, Eleanor, C, 320. 

Dorouray, Father, J. B., 137. 

Dovle, Welbore Ellis, 346. 

Drayton, Judge, 32. 

Duane, James, 14. 

Dubois, Rev. Joseph, 112. 

Duche, Rev. Jacob, 35. 

Duchemin, Daniel, 237. 

Dumas, Alexandre, 228. 

Dunmore, Lord, 238-240. 

Dusable, Rev. L. A., 231. 

Du Calvert, Pierre, 285. 

Du Coudray, 295. 

Du Close, Alexander, 285. 

Du Vidal, Jean B., 285. 

De Valent, Abbe. 280. 

Eck, Peter, 328. 

Farmer, Rev. Ferd.. 89, 90-1, 103, 125, 

278, 310, 328. 
Fasselabord, Anth., 173. 
Ferguson, Elizabeth, 306. 
Filiau, Rev., 111. 
Fishkill, N. Y., 89. 
Fisseul, Jean. 
Fitzgerald, Michael, 289. 
Flahavan, Roger, 278. 
Floquet, Father, 104. 
Franklm, Benjamin, 5, 19, 104, 232, 

264, 269, 
Frederick, 11. 272. 

Gallowayjoscph, 341-2. 
Gamble. Thomas, 179. 
Ganss, Rev. H. G., 278. 
Germain, Lord George, 75, 343. 
Gerard, Minister, 36, 316. 



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Gordon, Rev. Wm., 26 
Gordon, Rev. Antoine, 111. 
Gordon, Father, 112. 
Gosslein, Clement, 135. 
Goulet, John, 138. 
Grave, Mons., 87. 
Guerdon, Peter P., 148. 
"Guy Fawkes Dav", 211. 
Gwyn's Island, 238, 241. 

Haldimand, General Fred., 75, 81. 

Halifax, Earl of, 5. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 334. 

Hamtramck, John, 285. 

Hancock, John, 260, 281. 

Hanrahan, James, 328. 

Harding, Father, 297. 

Hazen, Colonel Moses, 44, 61, 104, 116, 

221, 272. 
Heinrichs Captain, Johan, 327. 
Hessians, 172-3-4. 
Hillegas, Michael, 50, 58. 
Holland, John, 328. 
Hopkins, Esek, 185, 195. 
Hudson, Sergeant, 351. 
Huguey, Pere, 142. 

Ireland in Revolution, 33. 
Ireland, Volunteers of, 340. 
Irish at Savannah, 157. 
Irish Regiments, 176. 

Jamaica, Petition of, 24. 

James II, 12, 33. 

Jay, John, 17, 115. 

La Jueness, Prudent, 261, 281-2. 

Jones, John Paul, 195. 

July 4th, 1779, 36. 

Kane, Patrick, 337-8 
ICaskaskia 91 

Kemble, Colonel Stephen, 334. 
Kenmare, Lord, 33. 
Knyphausen, General, 333. 

La Prairie, 110. 

La Valiniere Father, 43. 

Landais, Peter, 186. 

Langdon, Captain John, 242. 

Langlade, Charles, 64. 

Laugeay, Jean, 286-7. 

Lee, Arthur, 34. 

Lee, General Charles, 235-6-7-9, 284. 

Lee, Richard Henry, 236-8. 

Lewis, Rev. J[ohn, 63. 

Lieber, Captain, 107. 

Lincoln, General, 303. 

Lindsay, Abbe, 67-9. 

Livingston, Major Henry, 110, 115. 



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Livingston, CoL James, 44, 67, 114^ 

117, 284-5. 
Livingston, William, 26. 
Lotbiniere, Father, 41-4, 65, 284. 
Lotbiniere, Marquis, 69. 
Lotbiniere, Captain Charles, 141. 
Louis XVI, 290-1. 
Loyalist, Indian, 64. 
Luzerne, French Minister, 301. 

MacDonell, Rev. Roderick, 13. 

McEvay, Capt., 328-336. 

MacPherson, Captain, 298. 

McKinnon, Captain John, 336-7. 

McNeill, Captam Hector, 65, 185 

McReady, Father, 89. 

Manly, Captain John, 185. 

Mansfield, Rev. Wm., 27. 

Marbois, Barbe, 90. 

Meade, George, 306. 

Meade, Thomas, 306. 

Mesplet, Fleury, 251. 

Meurin, Father, 110. 

Middleton, Henry, 252. 

Miralles, Juan de, 6. 257, 298, 305. 

Montgolfier, Vicar General, 77, 78, 88, 

106, 171. 
Montauban, Bishop, 292-4. 
Montgomery, General, 18, 96, 114, 119. 

223 254 
Monmouth, Battle of, 333-246. 
Mooers, General, 126. 
Morris, Robert, 48, 314. 
Morristown. N. J., 257. 
Mount Holly, N, J., 333. 
Mullen, Patrick, 332. 
Munroe, James, 20. 
Murray, General, 224. 

Nancy, Bishop of, 290-2. 
Nasselbend, Anthony, 173 
Navarro, Don Diego, 300. 
Newburg, N. Y., 89. 
Newport, R. I., 145. 
Nicholson, Captain James, 185 
North, Lord, 21, 279. 
"No Popery" Flag, 194. 
Nugent, Father, 90. 

O'Connor, Morgan, 132. 
O'Leary, Rev. Arthur, 36. 
O'Neill, John, 331. 
Oliver, Captain, 107. 
Otto, Consul, 90. 

Page, John, 239. 
Paine, Thomas, 10. 
"Pacinian" 319. 
Pattison, General James, 34 



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Peale, Charles Wilson, 299. 
Pepin, Andrew, 285. 
Peiissier, Christopher, 223-9. 
Pittsburg, Pa., 91. 
Plessis, Manduit, du, 47. 
Pontbriand, Bishop, 103. 
"Popery" 2-3-5. 
"Popery and Slavery," 7, 12. 
"Popery, Key to," 7. 
"Pope Day," 13, 22, 129, 211. 
Porterficld, Charles, 44. 
Pott's Grove, Pa., 281. 
Prairie du Rocher, 110. 
Rawdon, Lord, 325, 346. 
Preakness, N. J., 135. 
Prospect Hill, 13. 

Rayneval, Gerard de, 298. 
Read, Captain Thomas, 185. 
Reed, General Joseph, 9. 
Rendon, Don Francis, 299, 303. 
Regonville, Major, 140-42. 
Rensselaer, James Van, 261. 
Revolution, "Glorious." 
Rice, Patrick, 278. 
Riedesel, General, 173. 
Robertson, General James, 109. 
Roche, Major Boyle, 33. 
Rochambeau, General, 291. 
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 257, 306, 316. 
Russell, Thomas, 306. 

St. Mary's Church, Phila., 36, 257, 

297, 309, 312-16. 
St. Peter's Church, New York, 90. 
St. Pierre, Father, 91. 
Saint-Simon, Marquis, 149. 



Saltonstall, Dudley, 185. 

Schuyler, General, 114, 179, 258, 267. 

Scott, John, M., 26. 

Shahan. Rev. T. J., 214. 

Shippen, "Peggy", 308. 

Smith, William, 26, 28. 

"Sons of Liberty," 26. 

Southwick, S., 7. 

SuUivan, General John, 92, 124, 242-44. 

Sweeny, Doyle, 193. 

Sweeny, Morgan, 193. 

TheobaW, Father, 174, 
Thomas, General J., 42. 
Tricome, Bishop of, 233. 

Valiniere, Father, 43, 67, 75. 
Voir,TuetA.,285. 
Varick, Colonel Rich., 173. 
Virginia Colony, 5. 

Washington, General, 13, 14, 178, 221, 

274.307. 
Washington's order on Pope Day, 127. 
Well, Father Bernard, 142. 
Whelan, Father, 89. 
Whipple, Abraham, 185. 
Whitfiekl, George. 22. 
Wickes, Captain Lambert, 185. 
William III. 2. 
Wooster. General. 263. 
Wuregan, Nicholas, 328. 

guebec Act, 2-3-4-8-15. 
uebec, Clergy, 20. 

Zubly, Rev. John, 29. 



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PATRONS 



1 Rev. MarUn I. J. Griffin, St. Paul, 

2 Sister M. Dorothea, Philadelphia. 

3 Dr. Wm. L. J. Griffin, Phila. 

4 Philomena M. Griffin. " 

5 Hon. Jno. M. Campbell, Phila. 

6 Michael J. Ryan, *' 

7 Owen Kelly, 

8-9 Rev. P. R. McDevitt, " 
10-1 1 Thomas A. Fahy, " 

12-13 V. Rev. Thos. C. Middleton, 

O.S.A. Villanova, Pa. 
14 John M. Doyle, Philadelphia. 
16 T. E. Mullen, Phoenixville, Pa. 
16 B. L. Douredoure, Phila. 
17-18 Dr. Jno. G. Coyle, New York. 
19 Rev. A. J. ZeUer, Philadelphia. 
20-21 Rich. J. Treacy, New York. 
22 Jas. F. Brennan, Peterborough, 

New Hampshire. 
23-24 Simon Martin, Philadelphia. 

25 John J. Derham, Rosemont Pa. 

26 John T. Doyle, New York. 

27 Chas. J. McNulty, Philadelphia. 

28 to 37 A. A. Hirst, Philadelphia. 
38 Rev. L. W. Mulhane, Mt. Vemoo. 
39-40 W. J. Feeley, Providence, R. I 

41 W. J. Fitzmaurice, Philadelphia. 

42 Hon. Jas. A. O'Gorman, N. Y. 

43 M. I. Welter, Washington, D. C. 

44 Jas. F. Brennan, New Haven. 
46 Rt.Rev.N.F.Fi8her, Philadelphia. 

46 Rev. Thos. P. Phelan, New York. 

47 Rev. R. L. Burtsell, Rondout. 
48-40 Jas. F. Cox, Philadelphia. , 
50-1-2-3 RT. Rev. P. J. Garvey 

Overbrook, Pa. 
54 P. H. Quinn, Providence, R. I. 
55-6 Rev. GeraW P. Coghlan, Phila. 
57 D. J. ScuUy, Baltimore, Md. 
58-9-60-1-2 J. J. McVey, Phila. 
69 John A Coyle, Lancaster, Pa. 
64-5 Rev. M. A. Lambing, Scott- 
. dale. Pa. 



66 Samuel Byrne, Pittsburg, Pa. 

67 Patrick A. Ricards, Pittsburg, Pa 

68 Coleman Connolly, Pittsburg, Pa. 

69 Dr. George McAleer, Worcester. 

70 Rev. Patrick J. Hally, Maiden. 

71 Joseph M. Smith, Philadelphia. 

72 T. M. Conifif, Plains, Pa. 

73 John J. Keough, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
74-5-a-7 T. M. Daly, Philadelphia. 

78 Dr. J. J. Mangan, Lynn, Mass. 

79 Rev. D. J. Sadlier, Battle Creek. 

80 Thomas Plunkett, £. Liverpool 

81 N. Y. Historical Society, N. Y. 

82 Rev. P. J. McGuire, Canton, O. 

83 Patrick O'Neill, Philadelphia. 
84-^ Patrick C. Sheehan, Conneaut- 

ville,Pa. 

86 Rev. John F. Hickey, Cincinnati. 

87 Theo. Wolfram, Columbus, Ohio. 

88 Rev. Chas. J. Kemper, Dayton, O 

89 Thos. Devine, Rochester, N. Y. 

90 Rev. J. T. Smith, Omaha, Neb. 
91-2-3-4-6-6 Hugh McCaffrey, 

Philadelphia. 
97-8 P. E. C. Lally, Denison, Iowa. 
99 W. D. Dwycr, Superior, Wis. 

100 Rev. Thos. Rafter, Bay Gty. 

101 Hugh F. E. Farrell, Salem, Mass. 

102 W. A. Cartier, Ludington, Mich. 
103-4 Harvey J. Routt, Jacksonville. 

105 Dr. G. R. Maloney, Belle Plain. 

106 Hon. Wm. F. Harrity, PhUa. 
107-8 John Lilly, Memphis, Tenn. 

109 James J. Murphy, Phikdelphia. 

110 S. Edwin Megargee, Philadelphia. 

111 Rev. Walter F. Leahy, Princeton. 

112 Jas. O'Mara, Decatur, Illinois. 

113 Richard H. Mocmey, Wwcestcr. 

114 Rev. Joseph J. O'Connell, Port 

Carbon, Pa. 

116-6 Rev. Martin Mahoney, Hop- 
kins, Minnesota. 

117 Rev. Joseph McCabe, Waltham 



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118 Rt. Rev. Edw. P. AUen, Mobile. 

119 Rt. Rev. P. J. Garrigan, Sioux 

City, Iowa. 

120 Rev. M. A. Shine, Lincoln, Neb. 

121 Rev. N. J. Horan, Calais, Me. 

122 Timothy Donovan, Lynn, Mass. 

123 Rev. H. F. Foley, Baltimore, Md. 

124 Rev. Joseph A. Foley, Baltimore. 
125-6-7-8-9 W. O'Herin, Parsons, 

Kansas. 

130 Rev. Wm. Kieran, Philadelphia. 

131 D. F. Bremner, Chicago, 111. 

132 Rt. Rev. Peter Engel, O. S. B, 

CollegeviUe, Minnesota. 
133-4 Rt. Rev. Matthew Harkins. 
135 Dr. Joseph Walsh, Philadelphia. 

137 Fenelon Reading Circle, Brooklyn 

138 Mrs. Elizabeth Ford, Brooklyn. 

139 John Hoey, New York. 

140 Joseph Tynan, New York. 

141 Rev. Gerard Heinz, O. S. B, 

Atchison, Kansas. 

142 Thomas J. Carroll, York, Pa. 
143-4-5 Rev. P. F. McAllenny, 

Hartford, Conn. 

146 Mrs. Edward Morrell, Torresdale. 

147 Hon. Edward Morrell, Torresdale. 

148 Rev. E. W. J. Lindesmith, New 

Milford, Ohio. 

149 Rev. D. L. Murray, Blooming 

Prairie, Minnesota. 

150 Hugh Cunningham, Philadelphia. 

151 Dr. Edw. Evans, La Crosse, Wis. 

152 Rev. R. F. Walsh, Easthampton. 

153 Hon. Victor J . Dowling, New York. 

154 John F. Cuneen, Chicago, III 
155-6 St. Benedict's Abbey, Atchison 
157-8 Rev. Wm. D. Hickey, Da3rton. 
159-160 Wm. S. O'Rourke, Fort 

Wayne, Ind. 

161 John Lavelle, Cleveland, Ohio. 

162 M. J. O'Leary, Savannah, Ga. 
163-4 D. Delaney, Chicago, 111. 
165-6 M. F. Wilhere, Manayunk. 
167 Rev. N. A. Fitzgerald, Hartford. 
168-9 Patrick Ford, New York. 

170 Richard Kearney Philadelphia. 



171-2-3-4-5 Rev. Francis KeUey, 
Lapeer, Michigan. 

176 Robert Morrison, Prescott, Ariz. 

177 Joseph Geoghegan, Salt Lake. 

178 Alexander Sullivan, Chicago, 111. 

179 Rev. M. J. Domey, Chicago, lU. 

180 Hon. Patrick Egan, New York. 

181 Hon. O'Neill Ryan, St. Louis, Mo. 

182 St. Louis Public Library. 
183-4 Most Rev. John Ireland. 
185 Jas. P. O'Connor, Chicago, 111. 
186-7 Rt. Rev. Jas. McGohick, 

Duluth, Minn. 
188 Joseph Scott, Los Angeles, Cal. 
189-198 Hon. John D. Crimmins. 

199 Rhode Island Historical Society. 

200 Rev. J. A. Flanagan, Reading, Pa. 

201 Rev. J. F. Sheahan, Poughkeepsie 

202 Roman CathoHc High School, 

Philadelphia. 

203 Rev. Joseph A. Thie, Troy, Ind. 

204 Rev. Jas. H. O'Donnell, Norwalk, 

Connecticut. 

205 J. Ward Amberg, Chicago, 111. 

206 A. J. Gallagher, Green Bay, Wis. 
207-8 Capt. John S. Barnes, New York. 
209-10 Rev. Thos. Finn, Rockford, 111. 

211 Michael Dowd, Tacoma, Wash. 

212 Rev. J. P. Bodfish, Canton, Mass. 

213 Rev. Francis Auth, C. SS. R., 

North East Pa. 

214 Rev. Joseph Och, Columbus, O. 

215 Reverend Stephen F. Farrell, N. 

Platte, Nebraska. 

216 Jas. M. Graham, Springfield, 111. 
217-8 Rt. Rev. J. Raines, St. Francis, 

Wisconsin. 

219 Rev. J. B. Ceulmans, Rock Island 

220 R. A. Hanrick, Waco, Texas. 
221-2-3 Rev. A. A. Moore, Salem, 

Oregon. 

224 Carl Zittel, Colorado Springs, Col. 

225 Rev. Edwin O'Hara, Portland, 

Oregon. 
226-7 Rev. Jos. L. J. Kirlin, Phila. 

228 John J. Wall, Philadelphia. 

229 H. C. McNair, St. Paul, Minn. 



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230 V. Rev. Anselm MueUer, Qtiincy. 

231 Rev. C. J. Schwarz, Holton, Ind. 

232 Public Library, New York. 

233 Rev. B. Dieringer, St. Frauds, 

"Wisconsin. 

234 J. J. Murphy, Toronto, Canada. 

235 Edw. J. Hannan, Washington. 

236 Benedictine Sisters, St. Mary's. 

237 Rev. Emil Verbnigghe, Shoshone. 

238 Rev. M. J. McConnell, Belmont. 

239 J. M. Walsh, Cananea, Mexico. 

240 Rev. Edw. McSweeny, Mt. St. 

Mary's, Md. 

241 Rev. J. M. Hayes, Dallas, Texas. 

242 Rev. P. F. O'Rourke, St. Louis. 

243 Rev. E. F. Gibbons, Attica, N. Y. 

244 John S. Leahy, St. Louis, Mo. 

245 Wm. O'Herin, Parsons, Kas. 

246 And. Fleckenstein, New Castle, Pa. 

247 Joseph Hannon, New Castle, Pa. 

248 Robert L. Miller, New Castle, Pa. 

249 John J. Green, New Castle, Pa. 

250 James J. Igoe, New Castle, Pa. 

251 Rev. P. R. Cunningham, Hast- 

ings, Minnesota. 

252 Rev. Thomas C. Hanley, Anna- 

polis, Md. 

253 John F. McAlevy, Pawtucket. 

254 Frank J. Powers, Pawtucket, R. I 

255 Rev. W. A. Cunningham, Turtle 

Creek, Pa. 

256 Sister M. Victoria, Arcadia, Mo. 
257-8 W. L. Connelly, Independence, 

Kansas. 
259-268 Sacred Heart Review. 

269 T. F. La Velle, Rock Island, 111. 

270 J. F. Marron, Rock Island, lU. 

271 Dr. John T. Bottomly, Boston. 

272 Rev. F. Schneider, C. PP. S.. 

San Antonio, Texas. 

273 Rev. J. H. Sheedy, PeekskiU. 
274-5 Rev. Thos. W. Coughlin, 

Watertown, Mass. 

276 M.J. Richards, New York. 

277 Sebastian Henrich, EvansviUe. 

278 Frank M. Doyle, Boston, Mass. 

279 Rev. J. J. Burke, Bloomington. 



280 Samuel H. Connor, Manchester, 

New Hampshire. 

281 Rev. Patrick J. Meehan, Ointon. 

282 Rev. L. P. McCarthy, E. Boston. 

285 Rev. P. J. Scannell, Boston, Mass. 
284-5 Rev. Austin Dowling, Provi- 
dence, Rhode Island. 

286 Joseph R. Fahy, Philadelphia. 

287 J. D. Casey, Springfield, Mass. 

288 T. E. Eyanson, Seattle, Wash. 
289-290 V. Rev. Father Robert, C.P. 
291 Rev. Jos. Hhnmel, S. J., So. Nor- 

walk. Conn. 
293 P. J. MacCarthy, Providence, R. I. 
293-4 Brother Paul C. SS. C. Notre 

Dame, Ind. 

295 Rev. A. A. Lambing, Wilkins- 

burg. Pa. 

296 WilUam Daly, Brooklyn, N. Y 

297 Rev. Thos. C. O'Reilly, Cleveland 

298 J. D. Leonard, Washington, D. C. 

299 W. C. Barry, Rochester, N. Y. 

300 Rev. L.B. Norton, Coal Dale, Pa. 

301 Sister of Visitation, Wheeling. 

302 Rev. L. M. Langan, Escanaba, 

303 Rev. W. L. Russell, Baltimore. 

304 Rev. J. D. Shannon, Middlebury. 

305 N. A. Campbell, Northampton. 

306 Mrs. S. H. Chute, Minneapolis. 

307 Rev. Wm. Kittell, Pittsburg, Pa. 

308 Rev. P. F. McCarthy, Omaha. 

309 P. J. Kennedy, Memphis, Tenn.. 

310 Rev. L. Kennedy, Eureka, Cal. 

311 Dr. E. J. McOscar, Fort Wayne. 
312-13 P. T. Barry, Chicago, lU. 

314 John C. Carlin, New Castle, Pa. 

315 Rev. M. D. Collins, St. Mary's, 

Mo. 

316 Sisters of St. Joseph, Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia. 

317 W. A. Prendcrgast, New York. 

318 Rev. Thomas P. Fitzgerald, 

Massena, New York. 

319 Rev. Max J. Phillips, Columbus. 

320 Joseph M. FitzSimmons, Brook- 

lyn, New York. 

321 Rev. Joseph H. Gefells, Rochester^ 



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322 Rev. John M. Sailer, Cincinnati. 
323-4 Rev. Honorius Busch, O. F. M, 
Chillicothc, Mo. 

325 Joseph J. Dreher, Dubuque, Iowa 

326 V. Rev. F. J. Brune, Alton, UL 
327-8 Rev. George Winkler, Brook- 

ville. Pa. 

329 Rev. F. A. SmaUan, St. Peter. 

330 Daniel Cox, Phoenix, Arizona. 

331 Joseph J. Nulage, St. Louis, Mo. 

332 Rev. Peter E. Dietz, Oberlin, O. 

333 Rev. K. Pruente, Cape Gurar- 

deau, Missouri. 

334 Rv. George Kanbcrt, Brooklyn, 

New York. 

335 Arthur Preuss, Bridgeton, St. 

Louis, Missouri. 

336 Rt. Rev. Abbot, Charles, O. S. B., 

St. Leo, Florida. 

337 Rev, Joseph Kaup, Heckcr, IlL 

338 F. Henry J. Kaufman, Meodon, 

Michigan. 

339 St. Francis Solanus Library, 

Quincy, Illinois. 

340 John J. Mylod, Poughkeepsie. 

341 M. J. Hartman, St. Louis Mo. 

342 Public Library, Boston, Mass. 

343 F. A. Garrecht, Walla Walla. 

344 J. F. Quinn, Joliet, Illinois. 

345 Rev. Wm. A. Wachter, Phila. 

346 Rev. Joseph Kluser, Morgantown 

347 Rev. Thomas Fagan, Milwaukee 

Wisconsin. 

348 James A. Flaherty, Philadelphia. 

349 Knights of Columbus, Phila. 

350 Rev. Wm. Russ, C. PP. S., 

Wapakoneta, Ohio. 

351 Rev. Thos. Hoffman, Richmond, 

Indiana. 

352 Columbian Literary Society, 

Collegeville, Indiana. 

353 St. Procopius, Lisle, Illinois. 

354 Rev. P. Kurtenbach, St. Louis. 

355 Rev. Fred. Beuchmann, 8haw« 

neetown, Illinois. 

356 Rev. J, S. Arnold, Toledo, Ohio. 

357 Rev. J. J. Merkle, Guilfor4, Ind. 



358 Rev. Ambrose Murphy, La Crosse. 

359 Rev. O. L. Bentley, Alexandria 

Bay, New York. 

360 Dr. Wm. Carroll, Philadelphia. 

361 J. J. Boyle, Mauch Chunk, Pa. 

362 Augustine Ford, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

363 Sacred Heart College, Prairie du 

Chien, Wisconsin. 

364 Rev. Peter Wallischeck, O. F. M., 

Santa Barbara, California. 

365 Rev. J. Printon, St. Paul, Minn. 

366 Rev. J. Myers, Claremont, Minn. 

367 Rev. B. Held, O. S. B., San An- 

tonio, Texas. 
368-9, 70-1 R. E. Queen, San Fran- 
cisco, Cal. 
372-3 Rev. Chyrsostom Theobaki, 
O. F. M., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

374 Dr. Charles A. Wingarter, 

Wheeling, West Virginia. 

375 Fr. Zephyrin, O. F. M., Watson- 

ville, California. 

376 Father's Library, St. Mary's 

Seminary, Baltimore, Md. 

377 Wm. J. Onahan, Chicago, 111. 

378 Rev. G. Eisenbadier, Chicago, 111. 

379 Redemptorist Fathers, New 

Orleans, La. 

380 C. B. Hayes, Kansas City, Mo. 

381 John M. Galvin, Council Bluffs. 

382 W. J. Broderick, New Ywk. 

383 Rev. P. L. Crayton, Watcrtown, 

Massachusetts. 

384 Rev. John A. Ryan, St. Paul. 

385 Rev. J. H. Roche, Evan's Mills. 

386 A. Leo Knott, Baltimore, Md. 

387 James Reilly, Memphis, Tenn. 

388 Rev. James J. Chiltick, Hyde 

Park, Massachusetts. 

389 J. F. Healey, Thomas, W. Va. 

390 E. T. McClallen, Rutland, Vt. 

391 John J. Fitzmorris, Omaha, Nds. 

392 John P. O'Connor, St. Paul, Minn 

393 Rev. John A. Nolan, Clarksville. 

394 Hon. Morgan J. O'Brien. N. Y. 
396 Myles J. Murphy, New York. 
396 Wm. H. Bennett, Brooklyn, N. Y. 



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397 V. Rev. J. Grimes, Syracuse. 466 

398 William A. Ambcrg, Chicago, 111. 

399 Rev. Thos. C. Hanley, Annapolis. 457 

400 Jacob A. Fritz, Philadelphia. 458 

401 Rt. Rev. A. F. Schinner, Superior. 459 

402 St. Joseph's College, Philadelphia 
403-414 B. Herder, St. Louis, Mo. 460 

415 Richard M. Reilly, I^ancaster, Pa. 461 

416 David O'Leary, Philadelphia. 

417-8 Rev. E. A. Manning, Lima, O. 462 

419 J. J. Fitzgerald, Kansas City, Mo. 

420 James H. Stark, Boston, Mass. 463 

421 Lc Vega Clements, Owensboro, 464 

Kentucky. 466 

422 College of St. Elizabeth, Convent, 466 

New Jersey. 467 

423 A. J. Merkle, Savannah, Ga. 468 

424 Rev. J. W. McDowell, Madison, 469 

New Jersey. 470 

425 Wm. J. Gillin, Philadelphia. 471 

426 Rev. H. G. Ganss, CarHsle, Pa. 472 

427 Rev. Joseph B. Brock, Erie, Pa. 473 

428 Rev. Wm. Pine, Providence, R. I. 474 
429-434 D. O. Halloran, St. Paul. 475 

435 John J. Shea, Memphis, Tenn. 

436 J, M. J. Reade. Minneapolis, Ks. 476 

437 St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul, Minn. 477 

438 E. M. Gill, Appleton, Wisconsm 478 

439 Ignatius J. Horstmann, Phila. 479 

440 T. E. Fenton, Boone, Iowa. 480 

441 H. J. Desmond, Milwaukee, Wis. 481 

442 Rev. J. Hickey, Springfield, 111. 482 

443 Rev. Jas. T. Gardiner, Bowie, Md. 483 

444 Rev. Jas. Flood, Saratoga Springs 

New York. 484 

445 Franciscan Fathers, Harbor 

Springs, Michigan. 485 

446 Rt. Rev. P. J. Muldoon, Chicago. 486 

447 Rev. PhilUp J. Gallagher, Phila. 487 
448-450 Rt. Rev. I. F. Horstmann, 488 

D. D., Cleveland, O. 489 

451 Rev. George Thompson, Portland. 490 

452 Rev. Joseph Ruesing, West 491 

Point, Nebraska. 492 

453-4 Rev. E. F. Callahan, Harriman. 493 

455 Rev. Fred M. Schneider, Win- 494 

field Junction, N. Y. 495 

17 



Rev. Wm. F. McGinnis, West- 
bury, N. Y. 

Rev. J. W. Lougnot, Grafton. 

P. J. Moran, Nashua, N. H. 

Mrs. Ellen Ryan Jolly, Paw- 
tucket, Rhode Island. 

Dr. Walter ReynoWs, Atlantic 
City, New Jersey. 

Rev. John G. McCormick, Tuck- 
ahoe. New York. 

Daniel Daly, New York. 

Rev. Hugh T. Henry, Overbrook. 

Daniel Donovan, hyrm, Mass. 

Rev. L. Kutz, St. Louis, Mo. 

University Library, St. Louis. 

Rev. F J. Butler, Dorchester. 

Rev. J. J. Burke, Bloomingdale 

Rev. J. T. Coffey, St. Louis, Mo. 

J. M. Connelly, New York. 

W. Doyle, Milwaukee, Wis. 

Rev. R. CahiU, Le Suer, Minn. 

Rev. T. F. Connors, Rochester. 

Rev. Patrick J. Cherry, Port 
Washington, New York. 

Rev. J. M. Cassin, Santa Rosa. 

Rev. F Burelback, Mekose Park. 

John McNamee, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

George J. Gillespie, New York. 

Mich. B. Hallinan, Mt. Holly. 

St. Mary's Seminary, Perryville. 

T. J. Gaughan, Camden, Ark. 

Rev. Michael Huddity, Dor- 
chester, Mass. 

Rev. James T. Bray, Lewiston, 
New York. 

Hon. L. P. Callouet, Thibodaux. 

T. H. Shriver, Union Mills, Md. 

Rev. William Powers, Manchester. 

Sister M. Ludwina, Arlington. 

Michael Kearney, Philadelphia. 

Rev. J. J. Glenn, Lenox, Mass. 

Rev. P. B. Kenna, Uniontown. 

Rev. F. Eppes, Mt. Angel, Ore. 

Rev. Felix Byrne, Stanley, Wis. 

Henry A. McCarthy, Ridley Park. 

Rev. Denis F. Coyle, Amenia. 



Digitized by 



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496 J. W Dirnphy, Roxbury, Mass. 

497 St. Mary's High School, Chicago. 

498 Rev. John W. Toohill, Kingsley. 

499 St. Xavier College, Cincinnati, O. 

500 Rev. R. DeRyckere, Deer Lodge. 
601-2 St. Joseph's Academy, Chest- 
nut Hill, Philadelphia. 

603 Peter K. Guilday, Overbrook, Pa. 

604 Hon. F. J. SuUivan, San Fran- 

cisco, California. 
606 Rev. E. J. (yConnell, Caledonia. 

606 V. Rev. A. Wilson, Bencda, CaL 

607 Rev. B. J. Raycroft, Erie, Pa. 

608 Chas. H. Walsh, Washington. 

609 Rev. P. E. Mulligan, San Fran- 

cisco, CaL 

610 Rev. M. Coleman, Marysville. 

61 1 John T. Smith, New York. 

612 Sister M. Ignatius, Hyde Park. 

613 Daniel Murphy, Philadelphia. 

614 Sisters of Charity, Mt. St. Joseph. 
616 M. J. O'Brien, New York. 

616 Rev. James Coyle, Taunton,Mass. 

617 Rev. E. Stack, Good Thunder. 

618 Rev. G. Raber, Colorado Springs. 

619 Rose Griffin Bialone, Chillicothe. 
520 J. A. Roe, Detroit, Blich. 

621 Rev. D. J. Flynn, Mt St. Mary's, 

Maryland. 

622 J. I. C. Clarke, New York. 
623-4 Ursuline Academy, Geveland. 

625 PhiUip C. Walsh, Newark, N. J. 

626 Rev. P. Kohner, O. F. M., 

Omaha, Neb. 

627 John P. Donohue, Philadelphia. 
528 Mother Mary Louis, Nottingham. 

629 Michael Keating, Philadelphia. 

630 P. C. Fisher, Fort Smith, Ark. 

631 CathoUc Club, New York. 

632 Daniel J. Ryan, Columbus, Ohio. 

633 E. J. McDermott, Louisville, Ky. 

534 Dr. Chas. W. Rodgers, Dor- 

Chester, Mass. 

535 La Salette Academy, Covington, 

Kentucky. 
636 Hugh McNally, Anaconda. 
537 Patrick J. O'ReiUy, Alton, III 



538 J. J. Mclnerney, Alton, lU. 

539 J. W. Wilson, Lamar, Colorado. 

540 M. J. McCarthy. Salem, Mass. 
641 Charles J. Haag, Nome, Alaska. 
542 J. J. Richards, Providence, R. L 
643 Rev. John T. Bums, Connells« 

ville. Pa. 
644-5 The Irish World, New York. 
646 V. Rev. J. A. Connolly, St. Louis. 

Missouri 

547 Biichael Jenkins, Baltimore, Md. 

548 Father Ambrose, O. C. C, 

Englewood, N. J. 

549 Sisters of Notre Dame, New 

Orleans, La. 

550 Rev. F. Keane, Pittsburg, Pa. 

551 W. Gaston Payne, Clifton Forge. 
652 Rev. D. O'Donovan, Verplank. 
563 Rev. F. Kinzer, O. F. M., Hum- 
phrey, Nebraska. 

554 Rt. Rev. M." B. Murphy, Sacred 

Heart, Okla. 
655 Reverend C. A. S. 

556 W. F. P. Connor, New York. 

557 Henry Hillman, St. Mary's, Ind. 

558 Rev. J. A. Conlan, Meriden, Conn. 

559 Canisius College, Buffalo. N. Y. 

560 Rev. Thomas A. Hoffman, Rich- 

mond, Indiana. 
661 Catholic University, Washington. 

562 Dr. F. Gaudin, New Orleans, La. 

563 Rev. Wm. J. FiUgerald, Millville. 

564 Paul Bakewell, St. Louis, Mo. 

665 Joseph R. Allen, Columbia, S. C. 

666 Rv. Albert A. Dierckes, Cincin- 

nati, Ohio. 

567 Ralph Leigh Anderton, Jr., 

Englewood, N. J. 

568 Rev. Alfred Mayer, O. S. B., 

St. Ooud, Minn. 

569 Rev. James V. Hanrahan, Mil- 

ford, Mass. 

570 PubUc Library, Bufifalo, N. Y. 

571 Rev. Felix A. Byrne, Stanley. 

572 Rev. Arthur B. C. Dunne, Eau 

Claire, Wisconsin 

573 Daniel Colwell, New Haven, Conn 



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Google 



674 J. J. Caffrcy, Louisville, Ky. 

575 Rev. Jas. B. Fitzgerald, Wisner. 

576 Rev. A. Kuhls, Kansas City, Kas. 

577 Rev. P. J. Fahey, Morris Park, 

New York. 

578 J. Franklin, Lehigh, Ala. 

579 Rev. J. H. Gaughan, Red Wing. 

580 Frank Alvey, Beaumont, Texas. 

581 Rev. D. O. Crowley, San Francisco. 

582 Most Rev. J. J. Keane, Dubuque. 

583 Rev. Thomas Oestreich, O. S. B., 

Behnont, N. C. 

584 Miss M. M. Hawes, Morristown. 

585 Rev. P. B. Knox, Madison, Wis. 

586 F. W. Immekus, Pittsburg Pa. 

587 Dr. John F. Herrick, Ottumwa. 

Iowa. 

588 Rev. Jas. J. O'Brien, Somervillc. 

589 James B. Murrin, Carbondak, Pa. 

590 Rev. D. J. Mulcahy, Anderson. 

591 Redemptorist Fathers, Kansas 

City, Mo. 

592 D. J. Hennessy, Butte, Montana. 

593 Rt. Rev. Jas. J. Ryan, Alton, III 

594 Rev. John A. Klang, Baltimore. 

595 V. Rev. Theodore Arcntz, Fruit- 

vale, California. 

596 Joseph R. Fahy, Philadelphia. 

597 Dr. T. F. O'Brien, Charlestown. 

598 Free Library, Philadelphia. 

599 C. Corbett, Detroit. Mich. 

600 J. K. Mullen, Denver, Col. 

601 John M. Haman, Colorado 

Springs, Col. 

602 F. J. Crilly, Philadelphia. 

603 Public Library, Lynn, Mass. 

604 Rev. J. D. Tiemey, Charlestown, 

Massachusetts 

605 Rev. J. V. Byrne, TuUy, N. Y. 

606 J. B. Oelkers, Newark, N. J. 

607 Conception Abbey, Conception. 

608 George W. Gibbons, Philadelphia. 

609 Rev. J. Masterson, Peabody. 

610 Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, Balti- 

more, Maryland. 

611 Jno. H. Duffy, Wenham, Mass. 

612 "JN. D. Beck, Edmonton, Canada. 



613 Minnesota Historical Society. 

614 J. Smith, Wiknington, Del. 

615 R. G. Oellers, Philada. 

616 D. I. Broderick, CatonsviUe, Md. 

617 C. C. Shrivcr, Baltimore, Md. 

618 Rev. R. Weagle, Maiden, Mass. 

619 Public Library, New Bedford. 

620 Rev. John Kaiser, Melvina, Wis. 

621 Rev. J. H. Guendling, Peru, Ind. 

622 Rev. Mich. Dwyer, Seneca Falls. 

623 Rev. J. D. Shannon, Middlebury. 

624 John A. Kuypers, De Pere, Wis. 

625 Rev. Thaddeus Hogan, Trenton. 

626 A. M. Mumik, Eveleth, Mmn. 

627 James T. EUiott, Superior, Wis. 

628 John E. MacPartland, New Haven 

629 Rt. Rev. Chas. H. Colton, DD., 

Buffalo, N. Y. 

630 Rt. Rev. J. Schweback, La Crosse. 

631 R. O'Brien, Erie, Pa. 

632 W. T. White, Knoxville, Tenn. 

633 College St. Francis Xavier, N. Y. 

634 Rev. Fras. A. Foy, E. Nutley,N.J. 

635 James O'Sullivan, Philadelphia. 

636 Rev. J. F. McGraw, Syracuse,N.Y 

637 Rev. T. P. Linehan, Biddeford. 

638 Students' Library St. Louis Un. 

639 Rt. Rev. J. J. O'Connor, Newark 

640 Rev. M. J. Lavelle, New York. 

641 T. Hubert MacCauley, Newark 

642 Jos. F. Burke, Yeadon, Pa. 

643 Jos. P. Sherer, Zanesville, O. 

644 Franciscan Father, Paterson.NJ. 

645 Rt. Rev. Msgr. G. P. Houck, 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

646 J. J. O'Rourke, Philadelphia. 

647 Rt. Rev. Geo. McCloskey, Louis- 

ville, Ky. 

648 Rev. H. F. O'Reilly, Shenandoah, 

649 St. Bede's College, Peru, 111. 

650 A. V. D. Watterson, Pittsburg. 

651 Rt. Rev. Regis, Canevin, Pittsbgh 

652 Rt. Rev. Msgr. J. F. Keamey,N.Y 
653-4 Rt. Rev. M. J. Hoban, Scranton 
655 Rev. P. J. Durcan, E. Cambridge. 
656-7-8-9 Very Rev. D. I. McDermott, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 
19 



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Google 



660 Rt. Rev. N. F. Fisher, Philada. 

661 Rev. F. M. Schneider, VVinfield Jet. 

662 Public Library, Syracuse, N.Y. 

663 J. A. Roc, Detroit, Mich. 

664 W. P. Feder, Great Bend, Kas. 

665 Cady Hayes, Lanesboro, Minn. 

666 Rev. T. P. Ryan, Eddystone, Pa. 
667-8 M. Rev. S. B. Messmer, Milwaukee 

669 Rev. C. J. Herlihy, Roxbury. 

670 Rev. J. J. Abell, EUzabcthtown. 

671 Rev. D. J. Devlin, Pittsburgh,Pa. 

672 V. Rev. C. Wienker, Eleanor, Pa. 

673 Rev. J. Gunn, CM, Atlanta, Ga. 

674 Redemptorist Fathers, Ilches- 

ter, Md. 

675 Franciscan Father,Chillicothe,Mo. 

676 J. R. Welsh, Indianapolis, Ind. 

677 Rev. W. J. Rensmann, Portage 

des Sioux, Mo. 

678 Rt. Rev. J. S. Michaud, Burling- 

ton, Vt. 

679 H. J. Rickelman, Effingham,Ill. 

680 Rev. F.A. O'Brien, Lincohi, Neb. 

681 Rev. J. A. Schauf , Abilene, Texas. 

682 Charles J. Stubbs,Galveston.Tex. 

683 J. D. O'Sullivan, Reno, Nev. 

684 Dr. E. J. Nolan, Philada. 

685 Rev. M. A. Sullivan, Hartford,Cn. 

686 Rev. D. J. Stafford, Washington. 

687 John J. Hartigan, Troy, N. Y. 

688 Thos. J. Meighan, Preston, Minn. 

689 Jos. C. Pelletier,}Boston 

690 Rev. Jos.fM.fLangan, Escanaba 

691 Rev. E. P. Graham, Sandusky,0. 

692 Rev. L. J. Wall, Hohnesburg. 



693 
694 
695 



697 



700 
701 
702 
703 
704 
705 
706 
707 
708 

709 
710 
711 

712 

713 
714 
715 

716 

717 

718 

719 



V. Rev. F. O'Brien, Kalamazoo. 

Martin J. Griffin, Ottawa, Can. 

Rev. Rich. A. Gleeson, S. J., 
Santa Clara, Cal. 

Rev. G. Mahony, C.SS.R., Kirk- 
wood, Mo. 

Rev. J. M. Naugfaton, Madison. 

Most Rev. P. J. Ryan, Philada. 

Rev. A. Bruder, Englewood, N.J. 

Rev. John Waters, Astoria, Ore. 

Josephinum College, Columbus,0. 

W A. Hennessy, New York. 

St. Vincent's Seminary, Germt'n. 

M. J. McEnery, Philadelphia. 

Edward P. Meany, New York. 

Historical Society of Penna. 

Rt. Rev. Thos. F. Cusack, New 
York. 

Thos. R. Smith, Philadelphia. 

A B. Reid, Pittsburgh, Pa 

Rev. D. J. Duggan, Bordentown, 
N.J. 

Rev. Thos. E. Murphy, S. J., Wor- 
cester, Mass. 

L. B. Murphy, Madison, Wis. 

John C. McKenna, Madison, Wis. 

Anton L. Nussbaum, Madison, 
Wis. 

Rev. John Lindsman, Fulton, 
N.Y. 

Rev. Walter J. Shanley, Dan- 
bury, Conn. 

Rev. John J. Sprangers, Wrights- 
tovra, Wis. 

Rev. Bede Oldergeering, O.F.M., 
Washington, D. C. 



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Catholics and the American 
Revolution 



'*WE BELIEVE THAT OUR COUNTRY'S HEROES WERE THE INSTRUMENTS 
OF THE GOD OF NATIONS IN ESTABLISHING THIS HOME OF FREE- 
DOM." — [Fathers of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore.] 

THE ANTIPATHY OF THE PATRIOTS TO THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AN 
ACTIVE FACTOR IN BRINGING ON THE REVOLUTION. 

** American Independence," says Bancroft, **like the great 
rivers of the country, had many sources." 

It was not due solely to oppressive tax laws nor to restrictions 
on popular rights. Indeed though these hold the main place in 
the popular narration of causes which brought on the Revolt, it 
is a question for historical consideration whether these oppressions 
alone would have moved the body of the people to acts of resistance 
had not Religion been a moving force upon the minds of the people. 
The active malcontents or leaders of the Revolt sought to impress 
upon the people that Protestantism had been assailed and might 
in America be overthrown. 

The contest with Great Britain is called the Revolution. In 
that alone is epitomized an active principle which brought on the 
Revolt and gave it force. The overthrow of James II. was called 
*'The Glorious Revolution." The very name "Revolution" simply 



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meant that the Colonists struggled for the principles won by **The 
Glorious Revolution" of i688. The American Tories were asked 
if they had lived at that time whether they would not have been 
Revolutionists." — [Marshal's Washington, ii, p. 65, App.] 

*' William III. of England divested the Sceptre of Britain from 
a bigot and a tyrant, effected a glorious revolution in religion and 
government and laid the foundations of that perfect liberty which 
we enjoy." — [Philanthropos, Am, Museum, iv, p. 229.] 

So when the controversy with England became bitter, heated 
Americans declared they wished to preserve the fruits of the Revo- 
lution of 1688 and not to allow the King and Ministry to ** nullify 
the principles and sap the foundation of *The Glorious Revolution' 
that exalted the House of Hanover to the British throne" [Rev. 
Gordon], but to maintain that system of public and personal liberty 
secured by the Revolution ( 1 688) [Rev. Smith]. They even reminded 
King George of this and ever declared themselves Protestants faith- 
ful to the principles of the days of 1688 and to the House of Hanover 
then seated on the throne. 

That religious prejudices were a moving cause of our Revolution 
is most clearly proven by the words and conduct of the Americans 
after the passage of the Quebec Act by Parliament in June, 1774. 
This but gave vent and force to the anti-Catholic spirit already 
existing. 

When we consider the influence of Religion, whether in its truth 
or in its error, on men's actions, we may readily agree that when 
the Americans came to consider their Religion — Protestantism — 
as involved, this inspiring motive to action brought residts amazing 
in their greatness and instructive in their lessons. We will, then, 
give ample evidence that an active motive of the Americans in taking 
up arms against Great Britain was the belief of large and influential 
numbers that the Protestant Religion was being assailed and threat- 
ened with suppression, and that the fear of ** Popery" was, after 
all, the incentive which made great numbers of the Colonists take 
up arms who could not have been moved to activity by recitals 
of oppressive tax laws which affected not directly the great body 
of the people though they may have those in mercantile pursuits. 

It will be shown how self-preservation quieted these fears, 
when the hours of desolation and doubt came, and how the French 
Alliance in 1778 cheered the hearts of the Patriots, and how, even 

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with that added hope and force, many abandoned the struggle for 
Liberty rather than accept the aid of a Catholic Nation and thereby 
subject the land to the deadly influence of ** Popery." 

In all the Colonies except Pennsylvania ("the land of toler- 
ation/' Jefferson), the exercise of the Catholic religion was debarred 
or its public exercise restricted. In Rhode Iskoid no restriction 
of law existed but no Catholics are known to have been there. In 
Pennsylvania alone did real and full Religious Liberty exist. Even 
here its members were civilly restricted by oaths required by law 
of England from officials which a Catholic could not take had any 
been chosen to office. 

THE QUEBEC ACT. 

The Act of the British Parliament which brought on the actual 
war — ^the fighting — ^wasthe Quebec Act of 1774, enlarging the boimd- 
aries of the Province of Quebec so that the western section of the 
country bordering New York and Pennsylvania and a portion of 
Virginia had Canadian territory as their boundaries. This it was 
charged, was to **hem in" the Colonies. But the Quebec Act did 
worse, as the Colonists viewed it. It ' 'established Popery in Canada." 
That was but the entering wedge to establishing it over the "free 
Protestant Colonies." 

The Act, however, simply gave the Canadian Clergy the right 
they had possessed prior to 1763 when under France — ^the right 
of tithes for the support of Religion. 

This Act was **the last straw," as Henry Armitt Brown declared 
in his oration at Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, on the Centennial 
Anniversary of the Assemblying of the First Continental Congress. 

The Dissenters were **in the vast majority" in the British 
Provinces [Bancroft], They were the early and active resisters 
of England's claims and fiery dentmdators of the Quebec Act. 
'*The true cause of such violent animosity can be nothing but that 
the Americans (particularly those of New England) bemg chiefly 
Dissenters and Widgs,'*— [Address of Protestant Dissenters of all 
Denominations on Approaching Election of Members of Parliament; 
London, 1774. p. 5.] 

So when the Quebec Act aroused the anti-Catholic prejudices 
of these Dissenters "of all denominations," there "never was in 
history so general a commotion from which religious differences 



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have been so entirely excluded/' said Rev. John Witherspoon, 
signer of the Declaration and President of Princeton College, in his 
Fast Day sermon, seventeenth May, 1776. Resistance to "Popery" 
was the cementing sentiment. This Scotch Presbjrterian Minister 
also declared "the most violent persecution which many eminent 
Christians met with in England from their brethren, who called 
themselves Protestants, drove them in great numbers to a distant 
part of the world where the light of the Gospel and true religion 
were unknown." 

So the Dissenters hated Prelacy and Popery and had resisted 
all efforts to establish Bishops of the Church of England in America, 
though Sherlock, Bishop of London, in 1748, had written the King 
that such were "essential to Royal authority." [Bancroft,] Thus 
the Dissenters had "a fear of the Church of England," as John 
Adams said, as well as a hatred of Popery. They believed "the 
Almighty will not suffer Slavery and the Gospel to go hand in hand, " 
as the New York Representatives said to their constitutents in 1776. 

The Declaration of Independence is the Charter of American 
Liberty. Yet the title * * Declaration*' was taken from the * 'Declaration 
of the Lords, Spiritual and Tempoml and Commons assembled 
at Westminister," and also from the Declarations of the Estates 
of Scotland as well as similar documents during the controversy 
with James II. 

So the model, the inspirator of the American Patriots, were 
the principles of "The Glorious Revolution" which overthrew that 
King and established Protestantism in England. The Patriots 
would not brook any divergence from nor any weakening of those 
principles in America. They had been in agitation for years over 
the suggestions, if not the endeavor, to establish Bishops of the 
Church by law established in England over any of the Colonies 
in America. 

So when the Quebec Act "established," as they declared, 
"Popery" in Canada and recognized the Clergy as entitled to exact 
tithes for the support of "Popery," the Patriots simply accepted 
the so doing as evidence that soon the same nefarious coiu^e would 
be resorted to over the Colonies south of Canada. To prevent that 
they took down their guns not at first to defend their homes but 
to rush to Canada to captiu-e that coimtry, if possible, and to strive 
to gain it in alliance if not in tmion. 

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CANADA AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONISTS. 

Long before the Revolution Canada and its Catholics had been 
a source of alarm and discontent to the British Provinces. 

There were contests on the northeast as to the botmdary lines. 
In 1 749, the Earl of Halifax as First Commissioner of Plantations, 
to secure the disputed territory, endeavored to colonize Nova Scotia 
with Protestants and issued invitations to the Protestants of Europe 
to emigrate to the British Provinces. On the west to resist France, 
grants of land on both sides of Ohio were made to a Virginia Colony 
so as to take possession of the valley of the Mississippi. [Bancroft] 
In 1756 a colony was projected **ioo miles west of Pennsylvania 
to 100 miles west of Mississippi" in which "No member of the Chiu-ch 
of Rome shall be able to hold any lands or real estate in the Province 
nor be allowed to be the owners of, or to have any arms or ammunition 
m their possession on any pretence whatsoever, nor shall any Mass 
house or Popish chapels be allowed in the Province." [The Remem- 
brancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events, Part III for the 
year 1776. London, J. Almon, p. 131.] The * 'undefined state of 
the possessions between the European competitors for North America" 
prompted these colonization projects not only to secure possession 
of the land but to *' resist the inroads of Popery" from Canada. 

Thus the public mind had for a generation before the Revolution 
been concerned and agitated with respect to the Canadian Catholics. 
Hence the bitterness of heart which aroused the Dissenters of New 
England and of the Presbyterians of the other Colonies when the 
Quebec Act "established" the Catholic religion in Canada as they 
believed it did. 

With this spirit existing throughout the Colonies, we can readily 
understand that the passage of the Quebec Act by the British Par- 
liament but increased the anti-Catholic spirit, and why that Act 
was regarded as a measure for the suppression of their liberties 
and as the price paid for Catholic Canadian co-operation in the 
** enslavement of the Protestant colonies." 

Canada was always an annoyance to the British Provinces. 

WTien France held it the fears of Canadian intrigues with the 
Indians kept the colonies in agitation even when not at war. The 
colonies never were quiet from these alarms. 

As early as 1 744 Franklin in "plain truth" had asked, * * Are there 
no priests among us, think you, that might give an enemy good 

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encouragement. It is well known we have numbers of the same 
religion with those who lately encouraged the French to invade 
our mother country." 

Such, then, was the spirit of the early days of the Revolution 
and the actuating motive which largely filled the army. The Pres- 
byterians of Pennsylvania and the Congregationalists of New England 
were especially moved by this anti-Catholic antipathy. 

But the Revolution wait on moved by an anti-Catholic spirit 
until the French Alliance brought a revulsion in the mind of the 
great body of the Americans. Aid being necessary the alliance 
with a Catholic Nation was not to be despised, though very many 
deserted the cause of America on that account, solely. It formed 
one of Arnold's excuses for his treason as he set forth in his Address 
to the Soldiers of the American Army. 

After Arnold's treason he issued an "Address to officers and 
soldiers of Continental army." "Even their last stake Religion he 
represented to be in such danger as to have no other security than 
what depended upon the exertion of the parent country for their 
deliverance. In proof or illustration of that he asserted a fact upon 
his own knowledge, viz: that he had lately seen their mean and 
profligate congress at Mass* for the soul of a Roman Catholic in 
Purgatory and participating in the rites of a Church against whose 
anti-Christian corruptions their pious ancestors would have wit-, 
nessed with their blood.— [Dodsley's Register, 1781, p. 48.] 

With the Alliance came a change of attitude on the "Popery" 
point. The Congress and distinguished Patriots assisted at Te 
Deums, at Requiems and did nothing to offend the religious sensi- 
bilities of the French Ministers, Gteird and Luzerne. 

The British adherents and the American Loyalists then became 
the party charging "Popery" upon the "Rebels" and endeavoring 
to lessen their power by setting forth the direful results to come by 
the Alliance with a Nation of Catholics. They represented the 
Colonies as becoming subservient tools of the French Papists. 

EVIDBNCBS OF THB HOSTILITY OF THE AMERICAN PATRIOTS TO 

THE CHURCH. 

To sustain this view of the condition of affairs and the general 
sentiment of the people "let facts be submitted to a candid world." 

* The Mass wm tbs Requiem at St. Mary't. Philadelphia, for Don Juan de Mirallet. 

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They are herewith submitted in sufficiency to justify the view 
held as to the force and activity of a spirit of hostility to the Catholic 
Religion. Many more than those presented could be dted. 

^'At a meeting of the Delegates of every Town and District 
in the County of Suffolk Mass. [Boston] on September 6th, 1774" 
after declaring "the Torrent of Panegjrrists will roll our Reputations 
to that latest Period when the Streams of Time shall be absorbed 
in the Abyss of Eternity." 

^'Resolved, 10. That the late Act of Parliament for establishing 
the Roman Catholic Religion and the French laws in that extensive 
Country now called Quebec, is dangerous in an extreme degree to 
the Protestant Religion and to the Civil Rights and Liberties of all 
America; and therefore as Men and Protestant Christians we are 
indispensibly obliged to take all proper Measures for our Security." — 
[Journal, Congress, vol. i, p. 16, or p. 35 of new edition by the 
Library of Congress.] 

When the Bill of Parliament [March, 1774,] for the dosmg of 
the Port of Boston reached that city it was printed as a broadside and 
circulated. At the bottom of the Bill was thefollowing advertisement : 

TO BE SOI.D 

BY 8. SOUTH^\r[CK: 

A MASTER KEY TO POPERY 

In five parts, containing 300 large octavo pages, price 4 Shillings, 
being as cheap a book of the kind as ever was printed in Europe or 
America. And highly necessary to be kept in every Protestant 
family in this country ; that they may see to what a miserable state 
the people are reduced in all arbitrary and t3nrannical governments, 
and be thereby excited to stand on their guard against the infernal 
machinations of the British ministers and their vast host of tool, 
emissaries &c. &c. sent hither to propagate the principals of popery 
and slavery which go hand in hand as inseparable companions. 

[Advertisement at bottom of broadside : ACT FOR BLOCKING 
UP THE HARBOR OF BOSTON.— Du Simitiere Collection. F. 960, 
Ridgway Library, Philadelphia.] 

"Popery and Slavery go hand in hand, " said Southwick in 1774. 
His son in 1826 was editor of the National Observer at Albany, New 

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York, when he said his **good father" had published this book but 
a **new light burst on us." He found that **Catholics and the 
fighters for Freedom went hand in hand.'*— [Researches, 1904, 

p. 15.1 

The Quebec Bill was, to adopt the language of the day, an Act 
to ** establish the Catholic religion in Canada." As usual in excited 
popular controversies there was much misrepresentation and rais- 
tmderstanding of the actual scope and meaning of the Act. **More 
lies and misrepresentations concerning this Act have been circulated 
than one would think malice and falsehood could invent."— [A 
Friendly Address to all Sensible Americans, New York, 1774, 
p. 20.] 

The popular understanding was that Popery was to be 
"established" in Canada, that King George, in order to overawe 
the British Provinces had done so to secure the co-operation and 
assistance of the Catholics of Canada in his measures of oppression 
of the discontented English Colonies. '* England sought to create 
under its own auspices a distinct empire, suited to coerce her original 
Colonies and restrain them from aspiring to independence" — **The 
Roman Catholic religion was as effectually established in Canada 
as the Presb>'terian Church in Scotland." [Bancroft.] 

When the news of the passage of the Quebec Act came to an 
already excited land and the people were made to believe that it 
not only enlarged the boundaries of that country, but ** established" 
the Catholic religion, they accepted it as proof that King George 
had sought to conciliate the Canadians and make them *'fit instru- 
ments" to overawe and overpower the Colonists. 

How this Quebec Act was regarded by the people let a few of 
the almost innumerable e\ddences suffice. 

The nature and extent of the authority of Parliament over 
the Colonies was discussed every'Where, till it was discovered that 
it was none at all ; a conclusion still more forcibly impressed upon 
the people by the Canada Bill, by which the Roman Catholic religion 
and Popish Bishops were established in that province by authority 
of a British Parliament. The people said, if Parliament can do 
this in Canada, they can do the same in all the other Colonies ; and 
they began to see, and freely to say, that Parliament had no authority 
over them in any case whatsoever. John Adams to Rev. Dr. Morse. — 
[Morse's Revolution, p. 206.] 

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Besides by this Act the boundaries of the province were extended 
considerably beyond the limits assigned to it by the treaty in 1763, 
the Government of Quebec was converted into the most odious 
despotism, and the Catholic clergy placed upon a footing in direct 
hostility to the genius and spirit of the American Colonies. This 
should not fail to alarm them for the safety of the Protestant religion, 
the free enjoyment of which, according to the dictates of their con- 
sciences, had been the chief cause of the first emigrations. Hence, 
in all subsequent meetings of the people, as well as in the proceedings 
of Congress, this subject was mentioned as one of the grievances 
of wliich they had to complain. — [History of the American Revo- 
lution, by Paul Allen, Esq., vol. i. Baltimore: Printed by Thomas 
Murphy, 18 19. p. 206.] 

WTien the Bill was before Parliament, Gov. Johnstone declared 
that a principle of the Bill seemed to be "that the Popish religion 
is better than the Protestant." 

The Mayor, Alderman and Commons of London in a petition 
to Parliament declared, **the establishment of the Roman Catholic 
religion without any provision for the free exercise of the Protestant 
religion would prove injurious and oppressive to His Majesty's 
subjects." After the Bill passed they petitioned the King to with- 
hold his assent because **it established a religion known to be idola- 
trous and bloody, that His Majesty's family was called to the throne 
in consequence of the exclusion of the Roman Catholic branch of 
the Stuart Line, tmder the express condition that they should profess 
the Protestant religion and according to your coronation oath, 
you would maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the 
Gospel and the Protestant Reformed ReUgion."— [Pa. Gaz., Aug. 

24, 1 774-] 

"If you are about to raise a papist army to serve in the colonies, 
from this time all hope of peace in America will be destroyed," said 
Col. Barre.— [Aw. His. Record, vol. 11, p. 208, note.] 

"It excited as much indignation and more dread among the 
•colonies than the severe measures against Massachusetts."— [Gordon's 
History Rev., p. 484.] 

Gen. Jos. Reed said [Biography vol. i, p. 71]: "The Quebec 
Bill has proved very unpopular." In a letter to the Earl of Dart- 
mouth September 25, 1774, he said: "What seemed a little time 
since to be a spark which might with prudence have been extinguished 



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is a flame which threatens ruin to both the parent and child. The 
spirit of the people gradually rose, when it might have been ex- 
pected to decline, till the Quebec Bill set fuel to the fire. Then 
all those deliberate measures of petitioning previous to opposition 
were laid aside as inadequate to the apprehended mischief and 
danger, and now the idea of bringing down the Canadians and 
Savages upon the English Colonies is so inconsistent, not only with 
mercy but justice and humanity of the Mother Country, that I 
cannot allow myself to think that yoiu" Lordship would promote 
the Quebec Bill or give it yoiu" suffrage with such intention. People 
are generally ripe for any plan the Congress advise, should it be 
war itself ."—[vol. ii, p. 78.] 

The Quebec Act contributed more than, perhaps, any other 
meastu'e to drive the American provinces into the present rebellion. — 
[Canadian Freeholder, vol. iii, p. 6.] 

The conmiittee of New York to the Mayor, Alderman and 
Council of London, under date of May 5, 1775, named among the 
"engines of depotism" **the establishment of Popery in Canada." — 
[Niles' Acts Rev. p. 439.] 

In Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. vi, p. 103, is 
a copy of a print issued in Boston in 1775, entitled ''Virtual Rep- 
resentation,*' It represents America assailed by One String Jack, 
who demands "Deliver Yoiu" Property." An accomplice is Te 
Deum [a monk and a Frenchman]. Boston is represented in flames 
and Quebec in safety. 

Alexander Hamilton's views on the Bill were: "Roman Catholics 
by the reason of implicit devotion to their priests and the super- 
stitious reverence they bear those who countenance or favor their 
religion will be the voluntary instruments of ambition and ready 
to second oppressive designs against othfer parts of the Empire." — 
[Ham, Papers, p. 225.] 

Thomas Paine in Crisis, No. i, said: "An aim of the Par- 
liament was to subvert the Protestant Religion. . . . Our 
Religion subverted to the Roman Catholic Religion not tolerated 
but established. . . . Every engine of oppression and arbitrary 
power at work to accomplish otu- ruin. His Majesty's minions 
and instruments of slaughter are now safe ... in their sub- 
versicm of the Protestant Religion because we are tame." 

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To the King he said : * * Consider your coronation oath to protect 
the Protestant Religion." 

"The Officers, Soldiers and Seamen Who may be employed 
to butcher their Relations, Friends and Fellow subjects in America, " 
the Crisis, No. 4, reminded them that if **they could be prevailed 
on to butcher Americans they would be reduced to the miserable 
condition of being really an army of Scotch janizaries assisted by 
Roman Catholics." — [F. 960. Ridgway.] 

In Crisis, No. 5, said: "Admit that Ministry by the power 
of Britain and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbors .... 
the wealth, and we may add the men, particularly of the Roman 
Catholics, will then be in the power of your enemies." 

ANTI-CATHOUC "ADDRESS TO THE SOLDIBRS" OF THE BRITISH ARMY 
ISSUED IN ENGLAND BY THE FRIENDS OF AMERICA AND ALSO 
SENT FROM WASHINGTON'S ARMY BESIEGING BOSTON TO THE 
BRITISH SOLDIERS. 

While the British Army in Boston was besieged by Washington's 
forces Gen. Howe held Bunker Hill, the Americans held Prospect 
Hill and later Cobble Hill and Ploughed Hill. The latter was after- 
wards called Mt. Benedict. On it was erected the convent destroyed 
in 1834. 

After these two Hills had been occupied by Washington's men 
it is related that the "lines of the opposing forces approximated 
so closely that the sentries exchanged news, banter and compliments 
and deserters found an easy transit. Among the humors of the 
situa.tion the provincials availed themselves of the opportunity to 
send, on the wings of a favoring breeze, or by messengers with flags, 
large numbers of a satirical print containing a remonstrance to 
the British soldiers and a contrast of the bills of fare, the wages 
and the looked for rewards of the respective combatants on Bunker's 
and Prospect Hills. A complaint was made, by the British officers, of 
this attempt to promote desertions. In answer it was reported that 
the British had successfully decoyed two of the Provincial sentries.** 

A copy of this Address will be of interest as showing the anti- 
Catholic spirit of the early days of the Revolution. Supporters, 
in England, of the Americans prepared this Address to the Soldiers. 
The copies distributed to the British soldiers at Boston were printed 
at Cambridge. 

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ADDRESS TO THE SOLDIERS. 
Gentlemen, 

You are about to embark for America, to compel your Fellow 
Subjects there to submit to Popery and Slavery. 

It is the Glory of the British Soldier, that he is the Defender, 
not the Destroyer, of the Civil and Religious Rights of the People. 
The English Soldierly are immortalized in History, for their Attach- 
ment to the Religion and Liberties of their Country. 

When King James the Second endeavored to introduce the 
Roman Catholic Religion and arbitrary Power into Great Britain, 
he had an Army encamped on Hounslow-Heath, to terrify the People. 
Seven Bishops were seized upon, and sent to the Tower. But they 
appealed to the Laws of their Country, and were set at Liberty. 
When this News reached the Camp, the Shouts of Joy were so great, 
that they re-echoed in the Royal Palace. This, however, did not 
quite convince the King, of the Aversion of the Soldiers to be the 
Instruments of Oppression against their Fellow Subjects. He 
therefore made another trial. He ordered the Guards to be drawn 
up, and the Word was given, that those who did not chuse to support 
the King's Measiu-es, should groimd their Arms. When, behold, 
to his utter confusion, and their eternal Honour — ^the whole body 
ground their Arms. 

You, gentlemen, will soon have an Opportunity of shewing 
equal Virtue. You will be called upon to imbrue your Hands in the 
Blood of your Fellow Subjects in America, because they will not 
admit to be Slaves, and are alarmed at the Establishment of Poper>^ 
and Arbitrary Power in One Half of their Country. 

Whether you will draw those Swords which have defended 
them against their Enemies, to butcher them into a Resignation of 
their Rights, which they hold as the Sons of Englishmen, is in your 
Breasts. That you will not stain the Laurels you have gained from 
France, by dipping them in Civil Blood, is every good Man's Hope. 

Arts will no doubt be used to persuade you, that it is your Duty 
to obey Orders ; and that you are sent upon the just and righteous 
Errand of crushing Rebellion. But your own Hearts will tell you, 
that the People may be so ill treated, as to make Resistance necessar}^ 
You know, that Violence and Injury offered from one Man to another, 
has always some Pretence of Right or Reason to justify it. So it 
is between the People and their Rulers. 

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Therefore, whatever hard Names and heavy Accusation may 
be bestow upon your Fellow Subjects in America, be assured they 
have not deserved them; but are driven, by the most cruel Treat- 
ment, into Despair. In this Despair they are compelled to defend 
their Liberties, after having tried, in Vain, every peaceable Means 
of obtaining Redress of their manifold Grievances. 

Before God and Man they are right 

Your Honor, then, Gentlemen, as soldiers, and your Humanity 
as Men, forbid you to be the Instruments of forcing Chains upon 
your injiwed and oppressed Fellow Subjects. Remember that 
your first obedience is due to God, and whoever bids you shed 
innocent Blood, bids you act contrary to his Commandments. 

I am, Gentleman, 

your sincere Well-wisher, 

An Old Soldier. 

On the back of this hand-bill was printed. 



PROSPECT HILL. 




bunker's hill. 


I. Seven Dollars a Month. 


I. 


Three Pence a Day. 


II. Fresh Provisions, and in 


II. 


Rotten Salt Pork. 


Plenty. 






III. Health. 


III. 


TheSciu-vy. 


IV. Freedom, Ease, Afiiuence 


IV. 


Slavery,Beggaryan< 


and a good Farm. 







When Washington's army was besieging Boston, **a design 
was formed" to celebrate Pope Day, November 5, 1775. Wash- 
ington issued an Order forbidding it, saying: '*He cannot help 
expressing his surprise that there should be officers and men in this 
army so void of common sense as not to see the impropriety of such 
a step at this juncture, at a time when we are solicitmg, and have 
really obtained, the friendship and alliance of the people of Canada 
whom we ought to consider as brethren engaged in the same cause — 
the defense of Liberty in America. At this juncture and imder 
such circumstances, to be insulting their religion is so monstrous 
as not be suffered or excused." 

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Hiat placed the condemnation of the *'msult" to the religion 
of the Canadians solely upon the bad policy of doing it. But that 
the army intended the * 'insult " best shows the spirit in it. 

Arnold was then bearing Washington's Address to the Canadians, 
urging them **to range themselves under the standard of general 
liberty," and Congress was then sending Commissioners to Canada, 
promising **never to molest them in the enjoyment of their religion." 
Hence it was not "good sense" to **insult the religion" of those 
they were asking for help. It was indeed "monstrous" that the 
bigotry could not be kept in subjection at such a "juncture and 
under such circumstances." So "the best policy" was to keep 
quiet and not let the Canadians know of the intended "insult." 

This order of Washington's was in accord with his instructions 
to Arnold [September 14, 1775,] relative to expedition against Quebec. 
He directed "as the contempt of the religion of a country by ridi- 
culing any of its ceremonies, or affronting its ministers or votaries, 
has ever been deeply resented, you are to be particularly careful 
to restrain every officer and soldier of such imprudence and folly 
and to punish eveiy instance of it. On the other hand, as far as 
lies in your power, you are to protect and support the free exercises 
of the religion of the country and the undisttu-bed enjoyment of 
the rights of conscience in religious matters, with your utmost 
influence and authority. — [WrUings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 123-4.] 

ANTI-CATHOUC DECLARATIONS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 

In the committee of Continental Congress to state the rights 
of the Colonies violated, James Duane and John Jay, both of New 
York, were on the committee. 

"Among the subjects of debate was the question whether the 
Quebec Bill should be reported as a grievance. Duane was opposed 
to including it in the report but Lee of Virginia on territorial con- 
siderations, the eastern members on pretence of Religious uses and 
others because it would be popular to insert in both England and 
America, united and made a large majority against Duane and he 
agreed to report it imanimously." — [Doc. His, of New York, vol. iv, 
p. 1 07 1.] Lee declared, "of all the bad acts of Parliament the 
Quebec Act is the worst." 

How did Congress regard the Act? The very Congress of which 
Washington was a member and which through it "contained states- 

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men of the highest order of wisdom" they "had not wholly purged 
themselves of Protestant bigotry/' says Bancroft. 

The Quebec Act in Congress. From Journals of Congress^ 
vol. i, October 5, 1774. Committee on address to His Majesty to 
assure him that when the several (named) Acts are repealed among 
the number that for altering the Government and extending the 
Limits of Canada * * Commerce will be again restored. — [p. 23.] 
Oct. 14th.— The people of the Colonies in order that their Religion, 
Laws and Liberties may not be subverted, do Declare &c. — 
[p. 28.] 
Same day. — Resolved that the following Acts of Parliament are In- 
fringements and violations of the Rights of the Colonists. * * 
'*The Act passed for establishing the Roman Catholic Religion 
in the Province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of 
English Laws and erecting a tyranny there to the great Danger 
(from so total a Dissimularity of Religion, Laws and Govern- 
ment) of the neighboring British Colonies, by the assistance 
of whose blood and treasiu-e the said country was conquered 
from France." — [p. 31.] 
Oct. 19th 1774. — Memorial to the Inhabitants of these Colonies — 
**the present unhappy situation of affairs is occasioned by 

* * ♦ * also an Act for extending the province of Quebec, 
so as to border on Western Frontiers of these Colonies, estab- 
lishing an arbitrary Government therein and discouraging 
the settlement of British subjects in that wide extended Country ; 
thus by the influence of dvil principles and ancient prejudices 
to dispose the inhabitants to act with Hostility against the 
free Protestant Colonies whenever a wicked Ministry shall 
chuse so to direct them. — [p. 33.] 

So a Non-Importation Resolution was adopted to go into effect 

December i. 
We bind ourselves and our Constituent to adhere to this until the 

several Acts of Parliament * * ♦ And that for extending 

the Limits of Quebec are repealed. — [p. 36.] 

Signed by George Washington, ** conspicuous for wisdom and 

unquestionably tiie greatest man in Congress.'* — [Lecky.] 
Friday, Oct. 21, 1774. — ^Address to the people of Great Britain. 

* * That we think the Legislature of Great Britain is not authorized 
by the Constitution to establish a Religion fraught with san- 
guinary and impious Tenets. — [p. 39.] 

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At the conclusion of the late war which was succeeded by an 
inglorious peace framed under the auspices of a Minister, of principles 
and of a family unfriendly to the Protestant cause and inimical to 
Liberty. — [p. 40.] 

Now mark the Progression of the Ministerial plan for enslaving 
us: 

An Act was passed extending the Dominion of Canada^ 
** modelled and governed, as that by being disunited from us, de- 
tached from our interest, by civil as well as religious prejudices,, 
that by their numbers daily swelling with Catholic emigrants from 
Eiu-ope, and by their devotion to Administration so friendly to 
their Religion, they might become formidable to us and on occasion 
be fit instruments in the hands of power, to reduce the ancient, 
free Protestant Colonies to the same state of slavery with themselves. 
This was evidently the object of the Act, and in this view being 
extremely dangerous to our Liberty and Quiet, we cannot forbear 
complaining of it, as hostile to British America. — [p. 43.] 

Nor can we suppress our astonishment that a British Par- 
liament should ever consent to establish in that country, a Religion 
that has deluged your Island in blood and dispersed Impiety, Bigotry^ 
Persecution, Murder and Rebellion through every part of the World. — 

[p. 44.1 

* * Admit that the Ministry by the power of Britain and 
the aid of Roman Catholic neighbors should be able to carry the 
point of Taxation * * what advantages or what laurels will 
you reap from such a conquest? * * May such a Minister with 
the same armies enslave you - Remember the taxes from America, 
the wealth and, we may add, the men, and particularly the Roman 
Catholics of this vast Continent will then be in the power of your 
enemies. — [p. 44.] 

Lee, Livingston and Jay were the committee reporting that 
Address. It was written by Jay. — [Am, An. Register, 1 827-8, p. 2 1 7. J 

The same Committee reported An Address to the Inhabitants 
of the Colonies by which the Congress on September 5, 1 774, declared : 

"In the session of Parliament an Act was passed for changing 
the government of Quebec by which Act the Roman Catholic Religion^ 
instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the Treaty of Peace, 
is established. - - The authors of this arbitrary Arrangement flatter 
themselves that the inhabitants deprived of Liberty and artfully 

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provoked against those of another Religion will be proper in- 
struments for assisting the oppression of such as differ from them 
in modes of Government and faith. 

The people of England will soon have an opportunity of declar- 
ing their sentiments concerning our Cause - - we cannot be persuaded 
that they, the defenders of true religion and the asserters of the 
Rights of mankind, will take part against their affectionate Protestant 
Brethren in the colonies in favor of our open and their own secret 
enemies, whose intrigues for several years past have been wholly 
exercised in sapping the fotmdation of dvil and Religious Liberty." 

CONGRESS QUITE DIFFERENT WITH THE CANADIANS. 

Congress adopted another tone, however, in Addressing the 
Canadians. 

October 26, 1774, in Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, 
Congress said : What is offered to you by the late Act of Parliament 
— ^Liberty of Conscience in your Religion? No. God gave it to 
you and the temporal powers with which you have been and are 
connected, finally stipulated for your enjoyment of it. — [p. 61.] 

The Congress then went on to show the Canadians that the 
Act degraded them: **Have not the Canadians sense enough to 
attend to any other public affairs than gathering stones from one 
place and piling them up in another," referring to the power to 
assess taxes for road-making. 

An insolent Ministry persuade themselves that you will engage 
to take up arms by becoming tools in their hands, to assist them 
in taking that freedom from us treacherously denied to you, — [p. 62.] 

We are too well acquainted with Liberality of Sentiment dis- 
tinguishing your nation, to imagine, that Difference of Religion 
will prejudice you against a hearty Amity with us. You know, 
that the transcendant Nature of Freedom elevates those who unite 
in her Cause, above all such low minded Infirmities. The Swiss 
Cantons fiumsh a memorable Proof of this Truth. — [p. 64.] 

On May 26, 1775, Congress appointed Jay, Adams and Deane 
Committee on Letter to Inhabitants of Canada. They reported 
May 29, 1775: **We perceived the fate of the Protestant and 
Catholic Colonies to be strongly linked together, and, therefore, 
invite you to join with us in resolving to be Free, and in rejecting, with 
disdain, the Fetters of Slavery however artfully polished. — [p. 108.] 

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The enjoyment of 5'our v^ery Religion, on the present system, 
depends on a Legislature in which you have no Share, and over which 
you have no Controul, and your Priests are exposed to Expulsion, 
Banishment, and Ruin, whenever their Wealth and Possessions 
fiunish sufficient Temptation. — [p. 109.] We are your friends 
not yoiu- enemies." 

On July 6, 1775, Congress issued a Declaration setting forth 
Cause and Necessity of taking up arms. ** We have received certain 
intelligence that Gen. Carleton, the Governor of Canada is instigating 
the people of that Province and the Indians to fall upon us." 

That Congress in November, 1775, appointed Livingston, Paine, 
and Langdon Commissioners to secure the alliance of the Canadians. 
Their instructions were: **You may assure them that we shall 
hold their rights as dear as our own - - you may and are hereby 
empowered to declare that we hold sacred the rights of conscience 
and that we shall never molest them in the free enjoyment of their 
religion." — [Journal, i, p. 242.] 

In the Petition to the King, Congress objected to the Act for 
Extending the Limits of Quebec and establishing an absolute Govern- 
ment and the Roman Catholic Religion throughout those vast 
regions, that border on the westerly and northerly Boimdaries of 
the free Protestant, English Settlements. 

In the Address to the King, October, 1774, Congress said: We 
enjoyed our rights under the auspices of your royal Ancestors whose 
family was seated on the throne to rescue and secure a pious and 
gallant nation from the Popery and Despotism of a superstitious 
and inexorable tyrant. — [Journal, p. 69.] They * 'implored" the 
King **for the honor of Almighty God whose pure ReUgion our 
enemies are undermining," etc. 

Montgomery and Arnold were invading Canada when the 
effort to secure an alliance was made. Its possession was deemed 
necessary to thwart the designs of the Ministry and to prevent the 
Catholics from being made a military force for the oppression of the 
other Colonies. The Address of Washington published by Arnold 
said to the Canadians : The cause of America is the cause of every 
virtuous American citizen whatever may be his reUgion or his descent. 
— [Niles' Acts Rev., p. 425.] 

We know the disastrous termination of the expedition. 

Congress the following March (1776) tried Catholic influence 

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upon the Canadians by sending Charles Carroll of Carrollton as 
Commissioner with Franklin and Chase and requesting Mr, John 
Carroll to accompany them. But the Canadians gave them no 
encouragement, and but scant courtesy was shown Father Carroll 
even by his fellow Jesuits: Bishop Briand of Quebec was loyal. 
He made his priests act so and excommunicated the laity who 
aided **the Bostonnais." 

The Commissioners started in April and were back in June 
Then followed the Declaration of Independence. Even in this 
dociunent the antipathy to the Canadians was manifested in the 
recital of the wrongs of the Colonies : 

*'For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring 
province establishing there an arbitrary government, and enlarging 
its boimdaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument 
for introducing the same absolute rule in these colonies." 

*' Fit instruments." The very words of its anti-Catholic Address to 
the People of Great Britain put into the Declaration of Independence ! 

Charles Carroll of Carrollton in August, 1776, signed his name 
in support of that. 

THE DEFENDERS OP AMERICAN LIBERTY EXPRESS DETESTATION 
OF CATHOUCITY. 

A few Philadelphia instances of the anti-Catholic spirit will 
be of interest in view of the assertion that all Catholics were in 
favor of the Revolution. Could it be possible for Pennsylvania 
Catholics to take the side of those so bitterly assailing their Religion? 
What could only have been the effect of the action of Congress and 
the publication of the following extracts : 

* 'London : The Quebec Bill is of all others the most infamous and 
despotic; it makes George III. ten thousand times more arbitrary 
than Lewis XV. was when he ruled that Kingdom with a rod 
of iron." — [Pa. Journal, Aug. 17, 1774.] 

The Pennsylvania Gazette, August 31, 1774, sa3rs: "As the 
spirit of liberty in some of the colonies has given so much trouble 
to the Government, it was resolved to cherish the spirit of slavery 
in others. The French laws and Popery being most conducive to this 
end they were both adopted by our State Movers behind the scene 
as most suitable to the principles they were desirous of engendering." 

Tribunus, in London Evening Post, Jime 30, 1774, in a letter 

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to **The King: Defender of the Protestant Faith" said: *'Must 
Protestants mourn while Papists rejoice?" We believe that **to 
keep a large body of Popish Canadians in ierrorem against our 
Protestant Brethren in America the true ground and principle of 
the Bill." The Duke of Gloucester having voted against the Bill 
"deserves the thanks of the friends of Liberty and Protestantism." — 
[Pa. Gaz., Sept. i6, 1774] 

The Gazette, September 21, gave an extract from a letter of 
James Munroe, Esq., dated Paris, June 25, relating the alarm of the 
Protestants in France at the action of the Archbishop and Clergy, 
made this comment: "We shall not make any observations on the 
above but leave it to the reader to draw the parallel between the 
situation of the Papists here and the Protestants in France." 

A letter from London July 20, 1774, published in Pa. Gaz., 
September 28, said: "You are now by this time in possession of 
the infamous Popery Bill for the colony of Quebec; if this don't 
rouse the most lethargic man amongst you I shall be amazed." 

Extract from letter, Quebec September 20, 1774: "Gen. Carleton 
arrived here last Sunday afternoon and was received by all the 
French clergy at his landing when he had the honor to be kissed 
by the Bishop, and, afterwards, genteely introduced Popery by 
placing him at his right hand in the chaise. The French have said : 
"All their laws will be made by the General and the Bishop." K 
the General was a Roman Catholic he could not show them more 
respect than he does." — [Gaz., Oct. 12.] 

The following week the Gazette published an Address of the 
Clergy of Quebec to Carleton: "You will always find the clergy 
to be good and faithful subjects." Signed by John Oliver, Bishop 
of Quebec, H. F. Grave, Sup. of Seminary, Louis Aug. de Glapion, 
Sup. Gen. Jesuits, Emanuel Grespel, Sup. of Recollets. 

An Address from the Laity expressed the gratitude for the 
Act and that "no subjects were more faithful and dutiful than 
the Canadians." 

The English Inhabitants of Montreal met and resolved: "We 
shall have no seciuity for our property nor religion." They were 
all "determined to struggle to obtain a repeal of the abominable 
Act."— [Gazette, Nov. 10, 1774.] 

The Mayor of London in reply to a nobleman who desired his 
nominees for Parliament to be supported by the Mayor said, the 

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King **in establishing Popery in America would do just the same 
here when the plan in such readiness is ripe for execution/' and so 
he would not vote for his choice as they had ** voted Popery a better 
system of Religion than Protestantism as in the case of the Quebec 
Bill."— [Ga^., Nov. 23.] 

**The Quebec Bill in its establishment of Popery will serve to 
keep the other colonies in awe." Letter from London. — [Pa, Journal, 
Sept. 7, 1774.1 

Lord Chatham opposed the Bill: *'His long speech breathed 
nothing but love of country, the free principles of the Reformation 
and the Glorious Revolution. The Bill was at variance with all 
the safe guards and barriers against Popery and Popish influence 
and might shake the affection and confidence of the Protestant 
subjects." — [Pa. Journal.] 

SciPio, in Pennsylvania Journal, October 5, 1 774, * *To THE King :' ' 
"You have violated your coronation oath. From the late diabolical 
Act respecting the government of Quebec one would imagine you 
had imbibed the doctrine of Infallibilities, Purgatories, Bulls, Adora- 
tions, &c. The Act is repleted with the most direful mischiefs to 
your Protestant Subjects, openly countenancing Popish conspiracies 
and a manifest dereliction of the Protestant faith." **'Tis your 
subject's duty to endeavor to be alwajrs beforehand with the Pope, 
the Devil and all their emissaries." 

Caius, in addressing Lord North : ' 'You have made the Roman 
Catholic the established ReUgion in Canada though it is one of the 
most sanguinary of any amongst Christians and one of its cardinal 
tenets. Absolution, is totally inconsistent with all dvil government." 
--{Journal, Oct. 5, 1774.] 

A London letter August 23, 1774, expressed great admiration 
at the sagacity of the present ministry in planning the Bill. No 
political spirit of slavery is to be found in the colonies to contend 
with the spirit of patriotism. **Let us try," cries a Minister, **if 
none can be found under the doak of ReHgion." '*You will find 
it in the Chiu-ch of Rome," cries the Pope. **You will find it in the 
Chiu-ch of Rome," cries the Devil. '*I have found it there," cries 
the French King. '*Then I will seek it there," cries the English 
Ministry. '* Popery shall be established in Canada. The Tories 
here shall carry the Bill, the Pope, Devil and French King shall 
make it effectual there for my purposes." 

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In Charleston, S. C, on October 14, 1774: *'An Association 
of Protestant School Boys gave notice that they woidd, on November 
I, call at each house to receive India tea, towards making a Bonfire 
on the memorable November 5, commonly called Gunpowder Plot 
Day, when the old custom is intended to be revived of exhibiting 
a piece of pageantry to show their abhorrence and detestations of 
Pope, Pretender and such of their adherents as woidd overthrow 
our good old English Constitution."— [Pa. Journal^ Nov. 9, 1774.] 

In Newport, R. I., on November 5, 1774. 'Xast Saturday 
there were two large Popes, &c., carried about this town in com- 
memoration of the Gunpowder plot. Oil one of the stages besides 
the Devil and Pope were exhibited the effigies of L-d North and 
the old traitor T. Hutchinson, which afiforded a great satisfaction 
to all the friends of liberty in this place. In the evening images 
were burnt and with them a pamphlet with these words written on 
the cover: '*L-d Darthmouth's pamphlet in justification of Popery 
sent over the Colonies." This pamphlet was burnt to convince 
his lordship that his patronage will by no means sanctify such 
villainous productions, the tendency of which the good people of 
America can see as dearly as any of St. James cabal." — [Pa, Journal^ 
Nov. 23, 1774.] 

A Scotchman in Public Ledger [London] declared the King 
a perjurer, as he had violated his coronation oath. ** One who pre- 
tends to have an over quantity of piety gives his slavish religion 
by establishment to a province which Lord Chatham says may be 
possessed by thirty million of souls." — [Pa, Journal, Nov. 23.] 

The Journal the same day published an anecdote of Whitefield, 
the Methodist, as saying, **I never can believe that Christ would 
redeem America and have no martyrs there to seal with their blood 
the truth of His Religion." 

The Right of Great Britain Asserted, London, 1776, p. 32, 
said : * *The Act for Regulating the Govenunent of Quebec furnishes 
the Congress with an ample field for declamation. To inveigh 
against Popery and Arbitrary power has been ever a favorite topic 
with men who wish to profit by the prejudices of the people. 

**The Duke of Grafton, the Earl of Shelbume, Gen. Conway 
and several others of that **illustrous band," on whose virtues the 
Americans expatiate with rapture, approved the popish, arbitrary, 
tyrannical system of Government ; yet all these now are true Ameri- 

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cans, strenuous Protestants, whigs of the ancient mould, determined 
asserters of freedom, avowed enemies of oppression. Popery and 
arbitrary principles." **A noble Whig, the Marquis of Rockingham, 
sent a Popish Bishop to Quebec." '*The glaring inconsistency 
of Congress in addressing the people of Great Britain and of Canada 
we can scarcely ascribe to any better motive than political lunacy." — 

[p. 33] 

A Full Vindication of Measures of Congress from Calumnies 
of their Enemies, S'c, N. Y., 1774, [by Alexander Hamilton,] 
said: 

'* The afifair of Canada is still worse. The Romish faith is made 
the established religion of the land and his Majesty is placed at the 
head of it. The free exercise of Protestant faith depended upon 
the pleasure of the Governor and Coimdl. The Parliament was 
not content with introducing arbitrary power and Popery into 
Canada with its former limits, but they have annexed to it vast 
tracts that surround all the Colonies. Does not your blood run 
cold, to think an EngUsh Parliament should pass an Act for the 
establishment of arbitrary power and Popery in such an extensive 
country. If they had had any regard to the freedom and happiness 
of mankind, they would never have done it. If they had been 
friends to the Protestant cause they never woidd have provided 
such a nursery for its great enemy. They woidd never have given 
such encouragement to Popery. The thought of their conduct in 
this particular shocks me. It must shock you, too, my friends. 
Beware of trusting yourselves to men who are capable of such an 
action! They may as well establish Popery in New York and the 
other colonies as they did in Canada. They had no more right to 
do it there than here. — ^Your lives, your property, your religion 
are all at stake." — [p. 26.] 

A Tory pamphlet issued under the name of Bob. Jingle, Esq.^ 
Poet Laurate to the Congress, giving a versified report of the Associa- 
tion of the Grand Congress, September, 1 774, said : 

If Gallic Papists have a right 

To worship their own way, 
Then farewell to the Liberties, 

Of poor America. — [p. 8.] 

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Referring to Non-Importation and Non-Exportation Resolution 
it said : 

We have bound and ty'd you all 

As it were with a Rope, 
Which never can be broken by 
The Devil or the Pope. 

In versifying the Acts complained of **Bob" wrote : 

Then last, and worst of all the Pack, 
Is that vile Act about Quebec, 
An Act to make French Bougers free. 
To give them all that Liberty, 
Civil and Sacred which we hold, 
Was ever Parliament so bold? 

A Poor Man's Advice to his Neighbors ^ New York, 1774, P* S» 
said: 

The Canagans, too, whom they address 

And treat so ver>' blimt ; 
Will cry, while as they cross their breast, 

Jesu, quel gros afifront. 
If to obey King George they please. 

For what is all this fuss ? 
And love him more than Lewy Seas^ 

Pray what harm's that to us. 

The Petition and Memorial of Assembly of Jamaica, said : 

"With like sorrow do we find the Popish Religion established 
by Law which by treaty was only to be tolerated." — [p. 7.] 

In The American Aroused in A Cure for the Spleen, Representa- 
tive Puff asks : 

"Why there's the Quebec Bill; don't you think they intend 
to bring in Popery? For the Boston Minister said as how they 
did and that' every man that wouldn't turn Papist was to lose his 
land." — [p. 22.] 

Parson Sharp replied that the Minister and some others has 
much to answer for. He asked: "Has Popery spread or prevailed 
in any degree in the other colonies since the conquest of Canada — 

•LouM XVI. 

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or has our religion suflFered from the prevalency of that of the Roman 
Catholic in Maryland for many years past?" — [p. 22.] 

An Address to the People of England^ Ireland and Scotland on 
the Present Important Crisis of Affairs. By Cath. Macauley. 
London — ^Reprinted, New York, 1775, p. 10, said: 

"Though a toleration of all religions is laudable - - yet the 
establishment of Popery is a very different thing to the toleration 
of it is, for very just and wise reasons altogether incompatible with 
the ftmdamental principles of otu* constitution." 

The Canadian Freeholder: A Dialogue showing the senti- 
ments of the Bidk of the Freeholders of Canada concerning the 
late Quebec Act — declared the attempt to arm the Roman Catholics 
of Ireland for America ** would only increase the animosity and 
resentment of the Protestant colonies against Great Britain, make 
accommodation with them more difficult than before or rather utterly 
impracticable but would not much contribute to the reduction of 
them. — [p. 251.] 

The Other Side of the Question or a Defence of the Liberties of North 
America, by a Citizen, [Philip Livingston,] New York, 1774. 

'•All the bigotry, all the superstition of a religion abounding 
in both, beyond any which the world has beheld, all, all is in his 
Royal hand to be used at his Royal will and pleasure." — [p. 24.] 

To the Address to the Colonies a reply was made, entitled : 

An Englishman's Answer to the Address to the Colonies, New 
York, 1775, pp. 22-3, said: 

"I am astonished at what you tell us of the fruits of their [Cana- 
dian] religion - - we shall find by turning over the sad historic page, 

that it was the sect (I forget what they called them, I mean the 

sect which is still most numerous in New England, and not the sect 
they so much despise) that in the past century deluged our island in 
blood! That even shed the blood of the Sovereign and dispersed 
impiety, bigotry, superstition, hypocrisy, persecution, murder and 
rebellion through every part of the Empire." 

THE SPIRIT OF THE REVOLUTION HOSTILE TO THE CHURCH. 

Intelligence Extraordinary, We hear that in consequence of 
the passing of the late Acts many promotions will take place 
among which the following are said to be already d^ermined on : 

Lord North, Commissioner of Supplies to the College of Jesuits. 

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' Jeremiah Dyson, Esq., Clerk of the Holy Inquisition. 

Thomas Bradshaw, Esq., Secretary to the See of Rome. 

Charles Jenkins, Esq., Runner to ditto. 

Charles Fox, Arch Treasurer of the Holy Romish Empire. 

Lord Chatham, Superior of the Holy House of Loretto. 

Archbishop of Canterbiuy, Sovereign Pontiff. 

Mr. Home, Crucifix maker to his Most Catholic Majesty. — 
[London News in Pa. Gaz., 1774.] 

Rev. Wm. Gordon, pastor of the Third Church, Roxbury, 
Mass., in a discourse preached December 15, 1774, reierred to the 
Quebec Act as **that formal security of their reUgious liberty which 
was in no ways wanting, but is generally, I fear justly, taught with 
the base, diabolical design of procuring their assistance, if required,, 
in quelling the spirit of freedom among the natural and loyal subjects 
of Great Britain." 

The New York Associators or Sons of Liberty in addressing 
Lieutenant Governor Colden named as grievance '*the extention 
of the boundaries of Quebec, the establi^ment of Popery and the 
arbitrary form of government in that province." — [N. Y. CoL Doc.^ 
vol. i, p. 584] 

The active spirits of The Sons of Liberty were: John Moranie 
Scott, WilUam Livingston and William Smith, whom Governor Colden 
called **The Damned Triumvirate of Presbyterian Lawyers." 

March 6, 1775, the friends of freedom assembled at the liberty 
pole, New York. They carried a large union flag with a blue field. 
On one side "George III. Rex and the Liberties of America: No 
Popery." On the other the **Union of Colonies, and the Measures 
of the Congress." — [Moore's Diary Rev,, vol. i, p. 35.] 

On March 13, 1775, a broadside signed **PhilELEntheros" was 
issued in New York, headed : 

NO PLACEMEN, PENSIONERS, MINISTERIAL HIRELINGS, 
POPERY NOR ARBITRARY POWER ! TO THE FREEMEN AND 
FREEHOLDERS OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF NEW YORK. 

In **A Friendly Address to all Reasonable Americans, " issued 
in New York in 1775, it is said: **It is true the Papists of Canada 
might have had a toleration, less generous than has been granted 
them without the Parliament allowing to the clergy their tithes 
or to their parishes their churches." — [p. 21.] 

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**The Catholic Church was left almost intact in Canada, nay 
its clergy continued under British rule to gather tithes and receive 
certain traditional honors. 

This was too much for the older colonies to brook. They had 
not lavished blood and treasure for this. The very bigotry nurtured 
by English rule now turned against it. And what wonder, then, 
that New York expressed this long-cherished feeling the hatred 
of CathoUcs so long encouraged by Government. What wonder 
that the flag of American freedom that first floated to the breeze 
in New York, bore the motto, **No Popery." How little can we 
fathom the designs of the Almighty. Who looking on that flag 
could see in it a germ of a freedom of the Church which she then 
nowhere out of patrimony of St. Peter really possessed. Yet it 
was there. Down to the French Alliance, this anti-Catholic feeUn^ 
nerved the Whigs and discouraged the Friend of British rule. Then 
it changed and the Tory papers caught every occasion to show how 
zealously Protestant the British was." — [From the Catholic World 
in the Historical Magazine, Sept. and Oct., 1869, p. 232.] 

So prevalent was the spirit of hostility to "Popery" as the ally 
of the British Ministry that Rev. Wm. Mansfield, Episcopal Minister 
of Queen's Coimty, New York, on December 29, 1775, wrote to 
London that he was called a '*Tory, a Papist and an enemy of my 
coimtry" by the adherents of the ''present unnatural rebellion." — 
[Con, Doc, P. E. Church, p. 199.] 

**They may obUge us to support Popish priests on pain of 
death. They have already given us a specimen of the good effects 
of their assumed power in establishing Popery in nearly one-half 
of North America. Is this not the loudest call to arms?" shows 
the character of the sermon preached on Fast Day, 1775, by Rev. 
David Jones, at Tred3rffryn, in Chester County, Pa. 

Said Rev. John Carmichael at Lancaster Jime 4, 1775, to Capt. 
Ross' Co. of Militia in the Presbyterian church: **When England 
went to war with Prance and Spain in the time of the last reign 
they invoked the aid of the God of heaven by fasting and prayer 
and Govenunent discovered no leaning to Popery." 

He continued : * 'While His Majesty, George the Third will observe 
his own coronation oath and the principles of the Revolution [of 1688] 
for the support of which, against all Jacobite factions and the Tory 
plots of Popery, his ancestors of the illustrious house of Brunswick 

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were placed on the throne of Great Britain, do you observe your 
allegiance." — [p. 30.] 

**May God grant that out of these tumults, disturbances and 
commotions a great and mighty empire may rise upon this Western 
world for King Jesus as well as a Protestant King, built on the solid 
principles of liberty and true religion." — [Ibid,] 

**The passing of the Quebec Act (1774) afforded a pretext to 
the discontented in Montreal to lend encouragement to the Congress 
of the American Colonies, after it had met and agreed on certain 
resolutions. Montreal was evidently the focus of discontent owing 
to the large number of Americans who had settled there and the 
constant intercourse they maintained with New England. A 
deputation proceeded to Quebec, and in November, 1774, succeeded 
in introducing a number of the English speaking people to sign a 
petition to the King, in which the Act was described as one dis- 
graceful to them as British subjects and as ruinous to their interests." 
— [Report an Cancuiian Archives, 1888.] 

Lord Camden presented a petition (May 17, 1775,) to the House 
of Peers for the repeal of the Act made in the last session of Parlia- 
ment, entitled **An Act for making more effectual Provision for the 
Government of the Province of Quebec in North America" which 
was rejected. — [Gentlemen's Mag., 1775, p. 252.] 

The Rev. Wm. Smith of Philadelphia, in his address June 25, 
1775, to 3d Battalion said: '* Since the Revolution (of 1688) have 
not our avowed principles been against the raising of the Church 
above the State, jealousy of the national rights, resolute for the 
Protestant succession and favorable to the reformed religion and to 
maintain the faith of Toleration." * * Think that upon you 
may depend whether this great country in ages hence, shall be fflled 
and adorned by a virtuous and enUghtened people enjoying Liberty 
with all its blessings together with the Religion of Jesus as it flows 
uncorruptedly from His Holy oracles." 

In his sermon, February 19, 1776, in Memory of Gen. Mont- 
gomery he said : 

"When Montgomery in campaign of 1775 went to Canada little 
did those generous Americans think they were assisting to subdue 
a country which woidd one day be held up over us as a greater scourge 
in the hand of friends than ever it was in the hands of enemies." 

To the charge of the enemies of American peace that Mont. 

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gomery's expedition to Canada in 1775 was one of "hostility and 
offense," he replied, '*but when authentic proofs were obtained that 
a people preferring a religion and subject to laws different from our 
own together with numerous tribes of savages, was instigated and 
preparing to deluge our frontiers in blood, let God and the world 
judge whether it was an act of offense, or rather whether it was not 
mercy to them, to ourselves, to the whole British Empire to use the 
means in our power for frustrating the barbarous attempt." 

**The endeavor to stir up Popish Canadians and savage Indians 
against the Colonies has been productive of the taking of Ticon- 
deroga." — [Rev. John J. Zublyat opening of Provincial Congress, 
September, 1775.] 

*' Everything dear to us as Protestant and Freemen" was at 
issue declared.— [Rev. Thos. Coombe, Christ Church, Philadelphia, 
July 20, 1775, p. 16.] 

THE FRIENDS OP AMERICA IN ENGLAND ALSO ANTI-CATHOLIC. 

**The Address of People of Great Britain to the Inhabitants of 
America" said: 

**We have seen the three Addresses of your Congress, the first 
of which is directed to us, the next to you, and the last to His Majesty, 
and we wish we could add that we had not seen their Address to 
the French Inhabitants of Quebec; because it flatters them, provided 
they adopt the projects of the Congress, with the protection of a 
religion which the Congress in their Address to us, say, is fraught 
with ** Impiety, Bigotry, Persecution, Murder and Rebellion," and 
therefore complain of Parliament for protecting, and because it 
proposes a social compact with a people, whose genius and govern- 
ment the Congress in their Addresses to you and us, represent 
as incompatible with freedom. * * We address you - - not 
as Communities which would league yourselves with Frenchmen 
against us." 

The establishment of Popery and arbitrary power by a ministerial 
parliament, in Canada, the raising of Roman Catholic armies to 
butcher the Protestants into submission, demonstrate the principles 
of those who advise the present measures against America." — 
[Alman's Remembrancer, part i, p. 204.] 

"In your Majesty's justice we confide for a fair construction 
of an apprehension we have conceived, that your Majesty hath 

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been advised to take foreign troops into British pay and to raise and 
discipline Papists both in Ireland and Canada for the purpose of 
enforcing submission to laws which your Majesty's Protestant 
subjects in America conceive to be destructive of their liberties." 
— [Almon's Remembrancer, part i, p. 247.] 

Quebec Act. From **A Proposal for a Reconciliation with 
the Revolted Provinces of North America without exempting them 
from the authority of the British Parliament," as given in a book, 
entitled Additional Papers Concerning the Province of Quebec. 

'*To repeal the Quebec Act but confirming in general terms the 
rest of the laws in England except the penal laws against the exercise 
of the Popish reUgion - - but the laws of England which disqualify 
Papists from holding places of trust or profit ought still to be con- 
tinued in the provinces, though the penal laws should be abolished; 
the former laws being no laws of Persecution but of self defense. 
Yet the King might, if he pleased extend his bounty to those people 
who signed the French petition and to such other persons of that 
Roman Catholic reUgion as he thought fit by granting them pensions." 
— [Altnon's Remembrancer, part ii, 1776, p. 188-9.] 

The proposer recommended **that the Province of Quebec be 
allowed a * 'legislative Coimdl consisting of Protestants only" but 
in a general Assembly of the people he would allow ** Protestants 
and Papists indiscriminately." To this latter **but few objections 
can now be made." The English settiers were willing to have such 
an Assembly and the King and Parliament have, by passing the 
Quebec Act and permitting the Roman Catholics to hold all sort of 
oflfices, seats in the legislative Coimdl, judicial oflSces and even 
military commissions declared that they consider the old opinion that 
Roman CathoUcs were not fit persons to be invested with authority 
under the British Government as ill grounded with respect to the 
Province of Quebec." — [Almon's Remembrancer, part ii, 1776, 
p. 190.] 

** Every Canadian would have been at full liberty to be as much 
or as littie of a Roman Catholic as he pleased. This liberty would 
have operated in favor of Protestant religion as it is certain that 
terror and ** ignorance are the only means by which the Popish 
Religion is supported in any country." 

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HATRED OF POPERY MADE UNITY FOR LIBERTY. 

From The Proclamation Versified, By John Trumbull. A 
parody on prodamation of Gen. Gage, the British commander at 
Boston. 

Did not your clergy, all as one, 
Vile Protestants each mother's son, 
Tho' miracles have left in lurch 
All men but oiu" true Catholic church. 
Persuade you Heaven would help you out. 
The Historical Magazine, Jan., 1868, p. 9, says of the above lines : 
This appeal to the odium theologicum is dexterously introduced. 
If any sentiment could unite the people of New England more 
than did the love of Liberty, it must be the hatred of Popery. 

The suspicion that Gage and his employers favored the establish- 
ment of the Roman CathoUc religion— however unfounded — was 
ver\' generally entertained in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Dr. 
Langdon gave it expression in Election sermon before the Provincial 
Congress of Massachusetts two weeks [May 31] before Gen. Gage's 
Proclamation of Jime 12,1 775, when he said : 

**\Vhen we consider the late Canada Bill which implied not 
merely a toleration of the Roman Catholic reUgion (which would be 
just and liberal,) but a firm establishment of it through that extensive 

province have we not great reasons to suspect that all the 

late measures respecting the Colonies have originated from Popish 
schemes of men who would gladly restore the race of Stuart, and 
who look on Popery as a religion most favorable to arbitrary power?" 
In McFingal, an epic poem, by John Trumbull, Aide to Wash- 
ington, it is said England 

''Struck bargains with the Romish Churches 
Inf aUibiUty to purchase ; 
Set wide for Popery the door. 
Made friends with Babel's scarlet whore." 
Rev. Boucher deUvered a sermon in Queen Anne's parish. 
Prince George County, Md., in 1774, and an advertisement in the 
edition of his sermons, issued in England, to which he had fled, 
in 1796, said: "The persons in America who were most opposed to 
Great Britain had also in general distinguished themselves by being 
particularly hostile to the Catholics but then though Dissenters and 

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Republicans were their enemies those friendly to Government could 
hardly be said to be their friends." He continues : 

All that the Catholics of Maryland seem to have gained by their 
compliance is that they were not driven into exile nor their property 
confiscated. I have not heard that they had in general been trusted, 
like others by their new allies much less that they have been dis- 
tinguished by any favors. Their leader (C. C.) has been a member 
of Congress and was once employed on an embassy; a relation of 
his Cousin is now the Popish Bishop in the State. This Bishop is 
spoken of as a man of wealth, ability and some things which I have 
seen of his writing proves that he is a respectable man. Under the 
prevaiUng latitudinarian principles of the Government of Maryland 
they, like other religions are no longer molested on accoimt of their 
religion nor are they stigmatized, by any legal disqualification — 
their emancipation (the term which they were soon taught to apply 
to their being taken out of the prospect of Government Great Britain) 
has been rather nominal than real." — [244.] 

John Adams, writing to James Warren from Braintree, March 
i5» i775» said: **We have a few Jacobites and Roman Catholics 
in this town but they dare not show themselves." — [Life and Works 
of John Adams, vol. ix, p. 355.] 

John Adams, who declared ** Catholic Christianity" was "Cabal- 
istic Christianity" — [Works, vol. x, p. 100], asked Thomas Jefferson, 
'*Can a free Government possibly exist with the Roman Catholic 
Religion."— [W^orifej, vol. x, p. 398.] 

Judge Drayton, of Charleston, S. C, in a charge to the Grand 
Jury, April 23, 1776, mentioned as **one of the weighty oppressions 
suffered by the Colonies the establishing in Quebec the Roman 
Catholic Religion and an arbitrary government instead of the Prot- 
estant reUgion and a free government." 

He added that **thus America saw it demonstrated that no 
faith ought to be put in a royal proclamation, for in the year 1763 
by such a proclamation, people were invited to settle in Canada, 
and were assured of a legislative representation and the benefits of 
the common law of England and a free government. It is a mis- 
fortime to the public that this is not the only instance of the inefii- 
dency of a royal proclamation." — [Niks* Act, Revolution, pp. 73-4.] 

The Quebec Act was the first step in the emancipation of the 
Catholics (of Ireland and England). With no higher object in view 

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than to strengthen the authority of the King in America, the Quebec 
Act began that series of concessions which did not cease until the 
British Parliament itself and the high offices of administration have 
become accessible to Papists." — [Bancroft, iii, p. 156.] 

IRELAND IN THB REVOLUTION. 

That the Religious spirit was invoked in Ireland against the 
Americans there is abundant evidence. The first conciliatory Act 
of England towards the Irish Catholics was the Act of 1774, ''To 
Enable His Majesty's Subjects of whatever persuasion to testify their 
allegiance to him/* which Act the Government "not without some 
diffictdty" passed through the Irish Parliament. But Lord North 
was anxious to * 'conciliate the Irish Catholics in order to unite the 
subjects of the King in Great Britain and Ireland" and so "sent 
positive orders that some Act should be passed of conciliatory 
tendency towards the Catholics." — [Amherst's Catholic Emancipa- 
lion, p. 53.] 

On April 28, 1 775, a Committee of the Aldermen and Commons of 
Dublin drafted an Address to George III. in which they said that 
Ireland was "defenceless against our natural and hereditary enemy 
and they had the mortification to find the military force drained 
from this Kingdom to enter into an unnatural conflict with Protestant 
subjects of the same empire." — [Almon's Remembrancer, vol. i, p. 162.] 

Efforts were made to enlist the Catholics of Ireland : 

I promise to give a bounty of half a guinea to every able bodied 
man who shall enlist with Major Boyle Roche (my relation) for the 
service of His Majesty: and I fiuther declare that I will show every 
act of favor in my power to the friends of sucl\ volunteers as show 
a proper spirit on this occasion. Kenmare. 

KiUamey, August 11, 1775. 

A Protestant in sending above advertisement to Remembrancer 
says: 

Lord Kenmare is a powerful Roman Catholic Peer. King James 
M. endeavored to raise R. C. Army in England and did actually 
procure one in Ireland. Our present ministers are also endeavoring 
to raise an army of French and Irish Catholics. No one can doubt 
that their intentions against the dvil and religious liberties of the 
people are the same with those of King James. 

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There is much more available relating to Ireland and the Ameri- 
can Revolution. 

Arthur Lee, in a letter to Washington, said : 

The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany 
and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland and they 
have already experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a 
regiment raised there last year having obliged to ship him off tied 
and bound. And most certainly the Irish Catholics will desert more 
than any other troops whatsoever." 

This is borne out by one of many bits of evidence, like that of 
Major General James Pattison, when in New York as Commandant 
of the Royal Artillery in America; he, on September 5, 1779, wrote 
Major Gaieral Cleavland: "I must desire that no Partys may be 
sent to Ireland to recruit for my Battalion. I have more already 
that I could wish from that country, and I am informed by 
Captain Chapman that 49 of the men enlisted there have deserted.** — 
[Col. N. Y. His. Soc, 1875, p. 105.] 

REV. DANIEL barber's RELATION OP THE ANTI-CATHOLIC SPIRIT OP 

THE AMERICANS. 

Here is a good testimony — that of Rev. Daniel Barber, who 
became a Catholic and whose conversion and that of his family 
was an event of historical importance and is doubtless familiar to 
our readers. 

Rev. Daniel Barber was formerly Protestant Minister in Clare- 
mont, N. H. He wrote **The History of My Own Times — ^Wash- 
ington, 1827, from which we obtain the following: 

Bom Simsbury Conn. Oct. 2d 1756 He was a son of Daniel 
Barber, who was son of Sergt. Thomas Barber, who was the grandson 
of Lieut. Thomas Barber, who was one of the original proprietors of 
Simsburg. 

He (Rev. Daniel Barber) enlisted under Capt. Elihu Humphrey 

in 1775. 

He says, in page 17: *'We were all ready to swear that King 
George by granting the Quebec Bill (that is the privilege to the 
Roman Catholics of worshipping God according to their own con- 
science) had thereby became a traitor, had broke his coronation 
oath, was secretly a Papist, and whose design was to oblige, this 

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\^ 



country to submit itself to the unconstitutioiial power of the English 
Monarch, and, under him, and by his authority, be given up and 
destroyed, soul and body by that frightful image with 7 heads and 
10 horns. The real fears of Popery in New England, had its influence ; 
it stimulated many timorous people to send their sons to join the 
military ranks in the field and jeopardy their lives in the bloody 
contest. The common word then was "No King, No Popery." 
Now what must appear very singular is that the two parties, natiu-ally 
so opposed to eadi other, shoidd become even at the outset, united 
in opposing the efforts of the Mother coimtry. And now we find 
the New England people and the Catholics of the Southern States 
fighting side by side though stimulated by extremely different 
motives ; the one acting through fear, lest the King of England should 
succeed in establishing among us, the Catholic Religion; the other 
equally fearful lest his bitterness against the Catholic faith should 
increase until they were either destroyed or driven to the moimtains 
and waste places of the wilderness." 

In the final event the fears of each were most effectually put to 
rest, and their wishes crowned with success; so that, henceforth, 
never more will New England be terrified lest the King of England 
shoidd establish a Popery among them nor the Catholics be afraid 
that the same tyrannical power should destroy them for their faith." 

He became a Catholic November, 1818. 

New England Clergy. The Ministers of the Gospel instead 
of preaching to their flocks meekness, sobriety, attention to their 
different employments and a steady obedience to the laws of Britain, 
belch from tiie pulpit, liberty, independence and a steady persever- 
ance in endeavoring to shake off their allegiance to the Mother 
country. The independent Ministers have ever been, since the 
first settling of this colony, the instigator, and abetters of every 
persecution and conspiracy. — [Moore* s Diary Rev., vol. i, p. 44.] 

THE ENEMIES OP AMERICAN LIBERTY BECAME POPERY HATERS. 

After the French Alliance came a reversal of position. The 
British then became the chargers of ** Popery" as the crime of the 
Americans who became mutes, if not more tolerant in their views. 

Rev. Jacob Duche, was the Episcopalian Minister who delivered 
the First prayer in the Continental Congress. In 1776 he went over 

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to the British and wrote Washington advising him to abandon the 
Patriot cause. Under the signature of Papinian he had, from 1772, 
written Letters which have been published. In 1779 he wrote 
relating to the celebration of Jidy 4, 1779, at St. Mary's, Philadel- 
phia. This celebration was intended by Gerard, the French Minister, 
to win Philadelphia Catholics to the American cause, as the anti- 
Catholic utterances we are presenting must have prevented them 
from giving aid to the cause of Revolt. — [See Durand's New Material 
for His, Am. Rev,] Philadelphia was then a **mass of cowardice 
and toryism," according to John Adams. — \Works, ii, p. 438.] 
Duche wrote: 

"The Congress and Rebel Legislature of Pennsylvania have 
lately given the most public and unequivocal proof of their coun- 
tenance and good will to Popery. They have set an example which 
they unquestionably wish others to follow." 

Papinian continued: **In very many districts of the continent 
— and in some of New England — where Popery was formerly detested 
and scarcely a Papist was to be seen, numbers of Popish books are 
now dispersed and read with avidity." 

He dted a case of a Protestant Dissenter of New England who 
"harangued a large assembly of people on some disputed points 
between Protestants and Papists and declared he "saw nothing 
amiss or erroneous in them." Also of another who wished "A 
priest settled in every county throughout America." 

"Instead of laws to restrain, the door is thrown open to receive 
Popery. Its priests are favored and coimtenanced, they meet with 
every encouragement whilst Protestant Clergymen who will not 
perjure themselves to support the Congress are banished, imprisoned 
or otherwise cruelly persecuted." 

Luzerne succeed Gerard. He on September, 1779, reports to 
Vergennes from Boston that the people are attached to the Alliance, 
that ministers in "pulpit pray for a Catholic king once odious to 
them." — [Durand's New Material, His, Rev, p. 216.] 

In 1779 Congress published extracts from its Addresses. "Hav- 
ing the fear of M. Gerard [the French Minister] before them they 
cautiously avoided that passage of their Address to the People of 
Great Britain, dated Sept. 5th, 1774 where they tell their loving 
friends and fellow subjects : * * Nor can we suppress our astonishment 
that a British Parliament should ever consent to establish in that 

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country, a Religion that has deluged your Island in blood and 
dispersed Impiety, Bigotry, Persecution, Murder and Rebellion 
through every part of the World. — [Letters of Papinian, 1779.] 

At this time John Jay, a ** Popery" hater, was President of 
Congress. He was keen witted enough to see the ''impropriety*' 
of republishing his * 'insult*' at "that juncture ^nd under such 
circumstances." 

Father Arthur O'Leary issued an Address to Catholics of Ireland 
during the American Revolution to remain faithful to the British 
Government. — [Butler's Historical Memoirs of English Catholics, 
vol. iv, p. 90.] 

"When the French joined the Americans it was not from love 
for the Presbyterian religion." So said Rev. Father Arthur OXeary 
in An Address to the Common people of the Roman Catholic Religion 
concerning the apprehended French Invasion. — [p. 95, issued at 
Cork, Aug. 14, 1779] 

"A French officer belonging to one of the first detachment of the 
regular army sent over by the French Government," on his return to 
Paris in 1 779 reported: * *The state of things in America is alarming 

but not hopeless. The Royalist party is numerous, but passive, 

despised and only daring to work underground ; it tries to excite 
distrust among the people on account of their alliance with Papists, 
covertly circulating the idea that it is the insidious interposition of 
France which prevents peace being made, and that being the natural 
enemy of the colonies, she tries to prolong this destructive war." 

The people in general, however, long for peace. Catholics, 
Anglicans, Lutherans, and Quakers are anxious for it on account of 
their dread of Presbyterian intolerance and persecution. — [Durand's 
New Material for the History of American Revolution, pp. 25-30.] 

'Rivington's Royal Gazette, New York, March 17, 1779, thought 
it "not improper to suggest a few particulars to the Americans 
respecting the probable consequence of their alliance and connection 
witti France." If "America by the power of France and French 
troops should oblige Britain to relinquish her just claim to an equitable 
union of force and interest what advantage would the colonies reap 
from the event? Religion, with tattered garments and mournful 
eye, would lament the success which exposed her to the shackels 
of Popish superstition. - - Let us imagine ourselves reading a few 
passages of an American newspaper containing an account of some 

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other particulars which we may reasonably judge to be of the follow- 
ing nature, etc. — [Moore's Diary, vol. ii, p. 148.] 

November 11, 1789. — ^The CathoUc religion is not only out- 
wardly professed, but has made the utmost progress among all 
ranks of people here, owing in a great measure, to the unwearied 
labors of the Dominican and Franciscan friars, who omit no oppor- 
timity of scattering the seeds of religion and converting the wives 
and daughters of heretics. We hear that the building formerly 
called the Old South Meeting is fitting up for a cathedral, and that 
several old meeting houses are soon to be repaired for convents. — 
[Diary, Revolution, p. 148.] 

November 12, 1789. — ^This day being Sunday, the famous 
Samuel Adams read his recantation of Heresy, after which he was 
present at Mass and we hear he will soon receive priest's orders to 
qualify him for a member of the American Sorbonne. 

Philadelphia, November 16. — On Tuesday last arrived here 
the St. Esprit from Bordeaux, with a most valuable cargo of rosaries, 
Mass books and indulgences which have been long expected. 

On Monday next Te Deum will be celebrated in the Grand 
Cathedral, on account of a great victory obtained over the Dutch in 
Flanders. It is hoped that the Protestant heresy will be soon 
extirpated in all parts of Europe. A grand Auto de F6 is to be 
performed on Wednesday next. Father Le Cruel, President of the 
inquisition in this City, out of a tender regard for the salvation of 
mankind, has thought proper that an example should be made 
of an old fellow of the age of ninety convicted of Quakerism and of 
reading the Bible, a copy of which in the English Language was 
found in his possession. 

November 23. — ^His Majesty has directed his viceroy to send 
500 sons of the principal inhabitants of America, to be educated in 
France, where the utmost care will be taken to imbue them with a 
just regard for the Catholic faith and a due sense of subordination 
to Government. — [Moore's Diary Rev,, vol. ii, p. 145-140.] 

Rivington's Gazette, June 30, 1779, in a poem **The American 
Vicar of Bray." 

The French Alliance now came forth. 
The Papists flocked in shoals. Sir, 
Frizeur Marquises, Valets of birth, 
And priests to save our souls, Sir, 



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Our * *good ally* ' with tow'ring wing, 
Embraced the flattering hope, Sir, 

That we should own him for our King, 
And then invite the Pope, Sir. 

— [Moore's Diary Rev,, ii, p. 175.] 

THE French alliance 

Of the French AUiancethe (Tory) Pa. Ledger, May 13, 1778, said: 

Is it possible we can now wish for a final separation from Britain, 
the ancient and chief support of the Protestant religion in the world, 
for the sake of upholding a little longer, at the expense of our own 
lives and fortunes, the arbitrary power of that Congress, who without 
even asking our consent, have disposed of us, have mortgaged us Uke 
vassals and slaves, by refusing to treat with Britain and by entering 
into a treaty with that ambitious and treacherous power whose 
religious and political maxims have so often disturbed the peace 
and invaded the rights of mankind? The Congress have wonderfully 
altered their tone of late. The time was when the bare toleration 
of the Roman CathoUc religion in Canada, though stipulated for by 
the articles of capitulation, was treated as a wicked attempt to 
establish "a sanguinary faith, which had for ages filled the world 
with blood and slaughter." But now the Congress are wilUng 
to make us the instruments of weakening the best friends, and of 
strengthening the most powerful and ambitious enemies of the 
Reformation to such a degree as must do more than all the world 
besides could do, towards the universal re-establishment of Popery 
through all Christendom - - - judge then what we have to hope or 
expect from such an alUance ! We not only ran a manifest risk of 
becoming slaves oiu^elves, under the treacherous title of independency 
but we are doing everything in otu* power to overturn the Prot- 
estant religion, and extinguish every spark, both of ci\dl and religious 
liberty in the world ! — [Moore 's Diary Rev,, ii, p. 48.] 

"The Act seems to have raised the discontents in America to 
their highest pitch and to have driven even the former friends of 
Great Britain (whom the popular parties had distinguished by the 
name of Tories on account of their supposed want of zest for the 
liberties of the country) into the meastu*es of the opposite party." 
— [Canadian Freeholder, This pamphlet has much about the Act.] 

John Adams in writing to the President of Congress from 



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Braintree, August 4, 1779, as to the state of affairs in Europe so far 
as they related to the interest of the United States said : 

**The court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would be 
one of the last to acknowledge oiu- independence, if we were to solicit 
it. But Congress will probable never send a Minister to His Holiness, 
who can do them no service, upon condition of receiving a Catholic 
legate or Nuncio in return or in other words an ecclesiastical tyrant, 
which, it is to be hoped the United States will be too wise ever to 
admit into their territories. — [Works, vol. vii, p. 1 10.] 

It is a wonderful story that of the American Revolution. To 
none ought it be more thoroughly known in all its fulness and detail 
than to Catholics. Well declared was it by the last Council at 
Baltimore that the Providence of God led to the formation of this 
Republic. Our Prelates spoke with the voice of Infallible Truth, 
almost, when they enunciated these words: **We believe that oiu* 
country's heroes were the instruments of the God of Nations in 
establishing this home of freedom." 

How tndy striking is this when we remember the anti-Catholic 
spirit of the first years of the Revolt against oppression and think 
of the freedom of action that came to the Church. 

Further information concerning the subject may be found in 
Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. vi, p. 102, where many 
references are given; Dawson's His. Mag., January, 1868, p. 9; 
Columbian Mag., October, 1789; Writings of Washington, iii, p. 89; 
American CatK Quar. Rev., July and October, 1885; Appeal to the 
Public on the Quebec Act, London, 1774, No. 1144, O. Ridgway 
Library, Philadelphia; Canadian Freeholder, No. 1295, O. Ridgway 
Library; American Independence the Interest and Glory of Great 
Britain, No. 1144, O. Ridgway Library; Life of Esther de Berth 
Reed, Philadelphia, 1853; Elliott's Debates in State Convention on 
the Adoption of U. S. Constitution; Doc. Rel. to His. N. Y., vol. viii, 
p. 584; Report on Canada Archives, 1885, Haldiman Collection, p. 362 ; 
[/. S. Caih. His. Mag., January and April, 1888; Act Altering the 
Government of Quebec, by A Sincere Friend to America, New York, 
1 775 ; Instructions of Washington to Arnold in Washington *s Writings, 
iii, p. 89 ; Canada and Continental Congress, by Wm. Duane. 



40 



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41 



FATHER LOTBINIERE, THE CHAPLAIN OF THE "REBEL" 
CANADIANS WHO JOINED THE AMERICAN ARMY DUR- 
ING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR— HIS TRIALS, DIS- 
TRESSES AND PITEOUS APPEALS TO CONGRESS FOR 
HIS PAY. 

Before the capture of Ticon4eroga, before the battle of Bunker 
Hill, even before the battle of Lexington, Canada had been invited 
to send delegates to the Provincial Congress. 

The reply of some of the principal merchants of Montreal shows 
that there was at this time considerable popular S5rmpathy in that 
province with the cause of liberty; albeit it was a sympathy which 
prudently hesitated to declare itself in public. Under date of April 
28, i775i they wrote: 

. .\ '*ihe bulk of ike People, both English and Canadians, are of quite 
contrary sentiments and wish well to your cause, but dare not stir a 
finger to help you; being of no more estimation in the political ma- 
chine than the sailors are in shaping the gourse or working the ships in 
which they sail. They may mutter and swear, but must obey," etc. 

The Quebec Act had been hardly better received in Canada than 
the Stamp Act in the Southern Colonies. That very spring, in the first 
of May, people had insulted His Majesty by daubing his bust in the 
public square of Montreal with black paint and hanging strings of 
rotten potatoes round it. (Codman's Arnold's Exped. to Quebec.) 



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42 Father Lotbiniere 

From this same work (p. 297) we learn that on May i, 1776, 
Gen. John Thomas arrived before Quebec to reUeve Wooster. He 
found the Continental army shrunken to about nineteen hundred, 
with only one hundred and fifty pounds of powder and six days' 
rations, no entrenching tools and no competent engineers. The Can- 
adians would no longer accept the paper money of Congress; their 
priests refused to confess those who joined the rebel ranks, and 
although the Yankees tried to checkmate them by hiring one Lotbin- 
iere, a priest, for fifteen hundred livres per annum, and the promise 
to make him a bishop as soon as Quebec was taken, to confess all who 
applied to him, the refusal of priestly sanction and comfort continued 
a powerful factor in the subject. 

Owing to the more apparent prospect of British success, the 
Canadians had experienced plainly a change of heart, while the in- 
different success of their plans and hopes bred in the Americans a 
bitterness which made them less careful to preserve their attitude of 
friendship and conciliation. Spring was rapidly ripening the seeds 
of discontent and impatience which the occupation of the country by 
the Americans had gradually sown diuing the winter. 

**The Canadians who joined the American cause were excom- 
municated by the Bishop of Quebec and those who returned to Canada 
were denied the sacraments even on their death bed, unless they open- 
ly recognized that they had committed sin by joining the Americans. 
Christian burial was in consequence denied them and they were buried 
by the road side."* 

Thus we read that 

"The inhabitants who had sympathized with the cause of the 
Americans were compelled by the priests to do penance in public." f 

Again, that 

'^Bishop Briand worked hard and did almost as much as Gen- 
eral Carleton for the British cause." J 

Moreover, that on 

'^Sunday, June 16, 1776 (Montreal). The Canadians join our 

♦ De Gaspe's Les Anciens Canadians, p. 183-4, quoted by Shea, in Life of Archbishop Carroll, 
p. 145. Many other authorities might be cited to the same effect, 
t Jones' Conquest of Canada, p. 156. 
t Justin H. Smith^ American Historical Review, January, 1902, p. 400. 



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Father Lotbiniere 43 

people and fight with spirit becoming men inspired with a sense of 
freedom." * 

Under date of June 19, relating to the desertion of a corporal 
and three privates of those encamped on Point Levy, we read that 
they 

"were seen up the river." . . . '*The Canadians" (the Journal goes on 
to say) ''are not satisfied with their being there and will not furnish 
them with anything they can help; being much in favor of the Col- 
onies."t 

Much additional evidence of the early sympathy of the people 
of Canada with the revolting Americans could be cited. Notwith- 
standing the denunciation of the Catholic religion by Congress in its 
address to the people of Great Britain, the Canadians welcomed the 
American army. 

Father La Valiniere also attached himself to the Americans, and 
had a most eventful career in consequence. He, too, had to leave 
Canada, and became really a "tramp-priest," so far and wide were his 
wanderings: But of him another time, perhaps. Father Floquet, 
of Montreal, was also under suspicion by Bishop Briand, and had to 
make explanations and apology because of his "complaisancy" to- 
wards Rev. John Carroll during his mission to Canada on behalf of 
Congress. 

Briefly, however, we will take up the narrative of the career of 
Father Lotbiniere. A letter of Col. Henry Caldwell to General Miu*- 
ray (British), dated Jime 15, 1776, relative to the Americans in Can- 
ada, said: 

"The priests, in general, behaved well and refused to confess the 
Canadians in the rebel interest, for which they suffered persecution, 
Messire de Lotbiniere alone excepted. He they proposed to make 
Bishop." t 

In the Journal of the Most Remarkable Occurrences in Quebec 
(p. 220), by an Officer of the Garrison, it is recorded, Nov. 14, 1775, 

* Journal of Charles Porterfield, vol. vi, no. 3, p. 203, of •'Publications of the Southern Hit- 
tory Asaociation." 
fibid. 
t Historical Magazine, August, 1867, p. 103. 



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44 Father Lotbiniere 

on the authority of a deserter, that the Americans have ordered all 
the priests in Orleans who refuse to give absolution to rebellious Cana- 
^ dians to be carried to the camp. They have appointed a priest called 
Lotbiniere to absolve the people; they give him a salary of fifteen 
hundred livres and promise him a bishopric. 

Among the Canadians two regiments were recruited for the Amer- 
ican army, one under Colonel James Livingston, the other command- 
ed by Colonel Moses Hazen. These were called **Congress' Own." 
They really were but battalions. Hazen's regiment, in the spring of 
1776, had about five htmdred men. When it left Canada and got to 
Albany, New York, in August, 1776, it had less than one hundred. 
It was increased by recruiting chiefly in Pennsylvania, but as late as 
December, in 1779, it numbered about one hundred and fifty -three 
men. 

Colonel Livingston's regiment was subject to the same vicissi- 
tudes. It, too, had been formed of Canadians, and on January 26, 
Father Lotbiniere was appointed its chaplain by General Benedict 
Arnold. After the failure of the Canadian campaign, the regiment, 
greatly reduced by desertions, made its way to New York State. 
John Gilmary Shea, in his Life of Archbishop Carroll (p. 144), gives 
the name of the chaplain as Rev. Francis Louis Chartier de Lotbi- 
niere, of the Order of Malta. This is an error. It was his brother, 
Louis Eustache, who was the chaplain of the Revolutionary Amer- 
icans. Tanguay's List of Canadian Clergy gives the names of foiu* 
priests named "Lotbiniere," only two of whom, however, are within 
the possibilities of the question. One was Louis Eustache (the son 
of a priest of the same name, who, at the death of his wife in 1723, 
was ordained in 1726), who was bom August 16, 1715, ordained Sep- 
tember 23, 1741, and died at Loretto, diocese of Quebec, October 17, 
1 786. The other was Francis Louis, bom December 13,1716, ordain- 
ed the same day as his brother Louis Eustache, and died in the United 
States in 1 784. Francis Louis Lotbiniere was a Franciscan Recollect, 
and assumed the name of Father or Friar Eustache, no doubt, in 
honor of his older brother. In the valuable document given below 
it will be observed that the **reber* chaplain says he was bom in the 
"beginning of 1716." Francis Louis, we are told in Tanguay's List, 
was bora at the end of that year, while Louis Eustache was bom in 
August, 1 7 15. Dtuing his chaplaincy he signed himself "Louis." 
It is more probable, therefore, that the Canadian priest who was chap- 



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Father Lotbiniere 45 

lain in the American Army was Louis Eustache Lotbiniere. Francis 
Louis, it will be observed, died in 1784, in the United States, while 
Louis Eustache died in Canada in October, 1786. By a letter to the 
President of Congress, given below, it is shown that the chaplain 
was aUve and at Burlington, N. J., in January, 1786. As that letter 
is the last discovered record of him it is probable that after receiving 
the pay claimed he went to Canada and there died the following 
October. The following references to this chaplain are from official 
records. 

On August 10, 1776, in Congress, the Committee on Sundry Can- 
adian Petitioners reported : 

"That the Rev. Mr. Louis Lotbiniere was, on the 26th of January 
last, appointed by General Arnold, Chaplain to the Regiment under 
the command of Col. James Livingston, and acted in that capacity 
until the retreat of the Army from Canada, and was promised by Gen- 
eral Arnold the pay of j£i4.ios. per month, including Rations; and 
that there is now a balance of 124 Dollars 84-9oths due, and that the 
same ought to be paid to him and he continue a Chaplain in the pay 
of the United States." * 

On October 18, 1776, Lotbiniere was Paid by the Board of War 
of Congress $41.30 for one month's salary as French Chaplain. f 

The Journal of Congress, January 29, 1777, reports that 

"The Committee of Treasiuy reported there is due to Mons. 
Lotbiniere, a Canadian Chaplain, for his pay and rations from the loth 
of November 1776 to the loth of January, 1777, 82.60 dollars to be 
paid to Col. Smith." 

In 1777, March 14, Congress ordered 

'*That 82.60 dollars be paid by warrant to Monsieur Lotbiniere 
for two months' pay and rations as chaplain from the loth of January 
last." 

Then on May 27, 1777, Congress moved that 

"for the future there be only one chaplain allowed in each brigade of 
the Army and that such chaplain be appointed by Congress with 
same pay, rations and forage as a Colonel." 

♦ American Archives^ series v, vol. i, p. 1604. 
t/Wrf.. vol. ii, p 1407. 



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46 Father Lotbiniere 

While on July 8, 1777, Father Lotbiniere sent to Congress this 
petition : 

"to the honbl congress 
"Gentlemen 

"In consideration of my zeal for Liberty and some little indem- 
nification for my many Losses you were pleased to appoint me Chap- 
lain the ipth of August last — my salary then amounted to 41-I dol- 
lars including my Rations (every month) which with economy 
enabled me to live, but now that every necessary of life bears an 
exorbitant price you will not, I am persuaded think me unreasonable 
in sollidting an augmentation, being one of your oldest chaplains I 
hoped you would have appointed me to brigade but I have been made 
sensible that you have not a sufficient number of Catholics in your 
service to form so great a corps, besides being above three score years 
of age the fatigues of the campaign would be more than my strength 
could well bear. As general amold was an eye witness to my zeal 
and services in canada i am convinced they will, when attested by his 
excellency, plead to powerfully in my favor to admit of the least 
doubt of the success of this application from 

"gentlemen 

"your most obedient 
"humble servant 
"Lotbiniere chaplain of 
"the united States 
"Philadelphia 
"JuluSth 1777."* 

The foregoing document proves his presence in Philadelphia. 
There are no signs of his performing any religious exercises at this 
time. How could he without the proper faculties from an ecclesias- 
tical authority? All he may possibly have done was to minister to 
the Canadian prisoners captured at Three Rivers, who had been 
brought to Pennsylvania and were held at Bristol. Among the num- 
ber was one Captain Lotbinier, possibly a nephew he later refers to.f 

This appeal was promptly answered the same day, July 8, 1777, 
when Congress ordered to be paid 

* MSS. Papers of Continenul Congress. Petitions, vol. xlii, p. 142, State Dept. 
t Penna. Archives, second series, vol i, p. 420 



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Father Loibiniere 47 

•*to Monsr. Lotbiniere, a Canadian chaplain, for his pay and rations, 
from loth of June to loth of July, being one month, 41 .30-90 dollars." 

While on August 12, we read of another order to this effect, that 

'*To the Reverend Monsr. Lotbiniere, for one month's pay and rations 
as chaplain, from July 10 to the loth inst, 48 dollars, also for the differ- 
ence of pay which took place i ith of April last in the pay of chaplains, 
he having received only at the rate of 33 J dollars per month, the differ- 
ence 6-} dollars per month for three months is 20 dollars." 

Then on September 13 another: 

"That there be advanced to Monsr. Lotbiniere, chaplain in the 
service of the U. S. 48 dollars on account of his pay and rations and 
for which he is to be accountable." 

And again that Congress, on July 20, 1778, ordered 

"that a warrant issue to Mr. Lotbiniere a balance of 87.65-90 dollars 
as per account stated herewith for rations agreeably to a resolve of 
Congress of Jime last and for his pay and subsistence from the i ith of 
June to the loth of July, 1778, the sum of 60 dollars making on the 
whole 147.55-90 doEars." 

This 90th of a dollar did not mean 90 cents, as it does today. 
The figures "55-9oth" meant to show the proportion in which old 
currency then stood to new issues, because of the depreciated value 
of the old. 

The Chevalier de Manduit du Plessis, a French oflScer who em- 
braced the American cause in the Revolution, on February 13, 1778, 
wrote to Henry Laurens, President of Congress, then in Session at 
York, Pa.: 

"I have forgot to tell you at York town that the abbee or priest de 
lobiniere was a very interesting man for the affairs of Canada, he is one 
of the best and Most Riche family of noble men in that country, he is 
not attached to british government, and he has proved it, he is ennemy 
of the bishop of Montreal, and this bishop is entirely british, in one 
word he has not fanaticism " * 

This was written a few days after Congress had promoted Du 
Plessis to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. Washington, in recom- 

•MS. D. M. & Co., Nov.. 1903. 



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48 Father Lotbiniere 

mending this, said of him: "He possesses a degree of modesty not 
always found in men who have performed brilliant actions." 

By the reports of Robert Morris, in his statements of accounts 
while Superintendent of Finance, from 1781 to 1784, the name of 
"Rev. Lewis Lotbiniere" appears as being paid a quarterly salary of 
$120. 

On August 7, 1 780, the following Petition was read in Congress : 
To his Excellency the president of congress 
Sir 

I take the Liberty to addrese you this petition for congress I 
hope yotu: excellency will be so kind as to read and strengthen it 
with all his influance; no thing in it to be read but what move the 
compassion of every body if one may be sensible of never so Little. 
I am of yotu* excell. with the greatest respect the most humble and 
obedient servant 

Lotbiniere priest of canada 
gentelmens 

as you defer all my petitions to the board war which reject all 
my askings without their examining them; my Resolution was to 
wait for patiently the end of my misery which the deast [death] will 
shortly make up for and old gentelman as I am cannot keep him self 
a great while in living as I do. but as god forbid us to aim at the 
destruction of our being, I apply myself to you once for all wouchsafe 
gentalmens to hear and deceide on my fate by your self without your 
defering me, for I have to deal only but with you 
not being able to take hold of a pension at the rate of 270 doll, per 
weeke I must draw for my Lodgement 2 1 6 d ^er month from the 24od. 
I am confined to then it Remains no more for my Living and clothing 
but 24d per month, tis to say 2 sh and 3 pence per month with a Ra- 
tion, a day, of meat and bread without liquor for it was drawn 3 months 
ago as the wood and candelle last year; I die too with htmgry and 
am almost naked indeed if I would not patch myself the childrens 
would run after me when my bussiness call me abroad, be pleased 
gentalmens to remember the important service I done in canada, 
when the general amold called for me, not only I stoped the tumults 
of healthfull canadiens despaired by the bishop order but by my ex- 
hortations they became afterward zealous more than ever, be con- 
vinced I would have never begot of you any thing if you had been 



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Father Lotbiniere 49 

victorious, my place at quebec and rents and pensions afforded me 
enough to live I did not stand to be chapl^dn for it; and the conven- 
tion transacted betwen general amold and me in presence of all armys 
^officers was in case of no succes. this convention was satisfied when 
we came and Layd in your books: it was to Receive lo pounds and 
10 sh. in hard money or in money which would have the same vallour 
and not in money which would have no more but the name 
I hope gentelmens you will not keep me in so a sad misery Longer; 
and the bishop of quebec will not have the consolation to say — ^Lot- 
biniere, was in a good circonstance here both by his place, rents, and 
pensions but he did give over all for the americans, who for rewarding 
him have shaked him of, and he is dead with hungry and misery in 
the streets of Philadelphia I hope you will let me receive 14 pound 
and 10 sh. in hard money or exchange according to the convention, 
yom: ratification on't is a sacred thing and you will restore me, wood, 
candill and liquor of which I have been deprived imknowii to you and 
against yotu* consentement and the gentdman Hildago continental 
trescurer will pay me henceforth as he did formerly for the pay mas- 
ter general is a brutish man who wont pay me tho he has got money 
and I present him the board wars order that which prejudice me so 
far as I die with hungry for want money and have use me roughly if 
my misery does not strike 3^our hearts dispose gentalmens of my Life 
it is better for me to die at once then to Lead a Lingering and sade 
Life at Least I would have the consolation to say I die by the order of 
those to whose brother I have given the Life at expens of my fortune 
and my own Life 

LoTBiNiBRB priest of Canada 
[Papers of Continental Congress (No. 78, vol. xiv, p. 367).] 
To his Excdlency 

Huntington the president of Congress 
at Philadelphia. 

[Endorsed :] 

Letter from Lotbinier 

Read Aug. 7 1780 

Referred to 

Mr. Muhlenberg 

MrMatlack 

MrLovell 



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50 Father Lotbiniere 

[translation.] 
Sm: 

As you understand and read French perfectly I have taken the 
liberty to give you in French the infonnation which you ask for, 
altho I read and write English as well as I do French 

I In my petition to Congress I relate 

I — ^the agreement between General Arnold and myself was 14 
pounds 10 shillings in gold or in money which had its value, not in 
that which had only the name. 

2 — ^The important service which I rendered the Continental 
army by my presence, because the Canadians despaired (disposed) by 
the order of the bishop would have risen up again if I seemed 
to be connected with the Tories and to fall in with the army. 

3 — I represent, naturally the misery in which I am placed by the 
depression or the faU of (money) because as you know they now ask 
72 for a kind which I could only touch at 3 dollars and J crown 

4 — I represent the injustice which was done me some years ago 
by taking from me (my allowance) of wood and candles I was 
almost frozen and the miseries of the winter being passed, at Spring I 
was almost at the point of death. In the spring the took away (my 
allowance) of liquor A man of my age has need to take something 
to strengthen him 

5 The morning 5 I ended my petition by praying Congress 
to hold to the argeement of 14 pounds 10 shillings in gold or its equiva- 
lent and not to give to the Bishop of Quebec the satisfaction of say- 
ing Lotbiniere almost to spite me, my clergy, and his family (my 
brother was in London at the time) the party of Americans for the 
recompense have abandoned it and he died of misery and hunger on 
the pavements of Philadelphia so much was he at his ease at the place 
board and rent in fact I was the 2nd cure of Quebec a place which 
gives me 230 pounds sterling and more a year I send my family 30' 
poimds sterling and in rent 40 I show them in all 300 pounds. 

Finally I end my petition by praying Congress to pay me thru 
Mr Hildagos continental treasurer since I have been finished since 
last April and have nothing more to do with the war board because 
it was a misery to be paid before those two months which are due me 
I have been two months with no pay and consequently will be as 
miserable as I have been 

There sir is the infonnation you seek I flatter myself that you 



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Father Lothiniere 51 

desire to give me your help on all those occasions which present them- 
selves and you will always find me a man full of gratitude 
I have the honor to be with profound respect 
Sir. 
Your most hiunble and very obedient servant 

LoTBiNiKRB priest of Canada 
Philadelphia Aug. 12, 1780 

[Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, 371.] 

On August 30, 1780, this Petition was presented: 
Gentlemen 

On my Reading Last Week your Raising the officers, Salarys 
laid into the publik papers my heart was very griev,d not to see the 
Regiment,s chaplains included into it I can,t help thinking you had 
forgotten me and them: for you continued me in this function 1° in 
behave of my important services in canada by assisting with my 
functions against the bishop will the dying canadiens, who should 
have removed themselves if I were not declare myself to assist them, 
and made a League with the torys in order to fall upon the remains of 
the army which would have been very little by their giving it over 2° 
in behave of isnoar, ng place Estates and pensions, which amounted 
to 600 pound a year, that which was known to general amold and to 
other officers, when they dunned me to enter into thier inteaets by 
consequence I did not want to be chaplain to live 3° in behave of the 
convention (between the general amold and I) to get a month 14 
pounds and 10 shellings which would amounted now 290 pounds, or 
773 dollars and one third according to the course of congress-money 
into the publick it is to say 20 for one, in consequence your intention 
was to raise me in this hard time, for all things, above said, were laid 
the 12 august 1776 in the congress book. 

then pray gentlemen be pleased to looke kindly upon my sad condi- 
tion. I (it is true) I Receiv,d eighteen month ago sixty dollars for 
my subsistence and salarys, and one ration a month, as long as the 
Congress money has been at the rate of four, five six, seven, even ten 
for one in tmy loblickl could help me with very much ado for I did 
get at that time wood and candles but all misfortunes have at once 
fallen upon me 1° the gentleman peters against all human right be- 
reaved me of wood and candles on the sharpness of winter 2° the 
congress money came to 20 for one and all things rised to so heigh a 



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52 Father Lotbiniere 

point that I could pay pension no more, then from that time I kept 
my self in little room which I pay 12 dollars a week and I eat there in 
a great misery my only ration which I cook by myself, 
indeed how very sad is my life is it possible a man of my extraction 
sixty and three years old (for I was bom the 13 december 1716) 
should be so ill a man, say I, who long his life was attended by trhee 
servants at least; a man who has heartily sacrificed six hundred 
pounds a year, and calm life to sustain your interests : a man who has 
made himself hated by both his own famely and the Clergy and all 
Noble mens in Canada for his taken for the liberty: a man who is 
not able to receive any thing from his country : a man who despised 
for your sake, the strong attempts from the prisoner ofScers at bristol 
above all my two nepvieus to bring me back to canada : a man who 
Escaped from the jail ninteen month ago in which he has been 3 
weeks and five days; what it would not have hapen,d if I did listen 
to the favorable offers from a great many people 
I hope gentdmen you will be moved to the pity in my favour and 
you will deal with me as much kindly as you did with several who are 
in their country and never done and will never do as much services as 
I did in canada by six month remember you used me when I came 
here as a regiments major by your giving 33 dollars and one third 
with three rations that sum (which was above the convention betwen 
general amold and I since it was no more 38 doll, the rations included) 
that sum was at that time as good as silver or gold ; but you give me 
now no more but 3 dollars and one ration surely which you would 
not have proposed so trifling a sum indeed I Set a too high value upon 
your gratitude not to think you will make a- pride of your raising my 
salarys as you did when 1 came here it is to say to use me as a regiment,s 
major by giving me the Same Salarys I would be in the right to have 
the commission of brigad chaplain; since I am now, after mrs [next] 
Spring, the Eldest; butt I am to old even at the point to grow infirm, 
I hope you will receive kindly my petition and you will give me the 
same Salarys of a major 

Louis LotbinibrE priest of Canada and 
Chaplain of tmited States 

Addressed: 

To his Excellency the president and to honourable delegates of 
united States at Philadelphia 



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Father Lotbiniere 53 

Endorsed : 

Letter from Mr. Lotbiniere. Read Aug. 30, 1779. Referred to 

the board of treasury passed 2 Septr. 

[Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, 279.] 

The annexed document, the report of the committee to whom 
the letter was referred, is preserved. It reads thus : 

**The Comtee on the Letter of Mr. Lotbiniere report: 
**That the Board of Treasury be directed to make such anadjust- 
ment of the accoimt of the Rev. Lewis Lotbiniere as that he may 
receive the full Benefit of the Stipulation made to him by Gen. Arnold 
on the 26th of January 1 776 and confirmed by Congress on the loth of 
August following." * 

The following is the translation of a French letter to President 
Huntingdon of Congress : 

[translation.] 
Sir 

1 cant but to be well satisfied with the honourable congress for 
his gracious accepting of my petition, and his resolving (according 
to the decision of a committy appointed by this Respectable assembly 
on the purpose) viz that I should receive henceforth 40 dollars in 
hard money or Exchange per month; as it was transacted the 26 
januar. 1776 in Canada, between the gen. amold and me : and I would 
receive the full benefit of what I lost by the depreciation of money 
from I 7ber, untill now. indeed I Cannot never Enough shew my 
gratitude to that illustrious assembly, and to your Excellency for it. 

in that time, tis to say, the 5 7ber last the Repartition of my losts 
by the depreceiation of money was made, by a sub commissioner 
appointed by the Theseaurj-s office, and that repartition amoimted 
to 965 doll and 5 sh. which this board accepted of, and in persuance 
of it drawn up in my favour an order for mr hildegas but instead 
of their specfyn gold, or exchange according to the Resolutions of the 
Congress; that order announce that I would be paid in the Emitted 
bill even without specifying Texchange I went to the Treseaurer ; but 
this gentile man not having that money (for it is not printed yet) in 
his oflSce, he could not pay me So that my misery is stronger than 
before, for as I was almost naked, and did stand in need of both coat 

* Endorsed "Delivered Atig. 21st 1780. Passed Au«. 22, No. 51." The original is found 
in volume 3, no. 19. p. 613, of MS. Papers Congress, State Dept. 



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54 Father Lotbiniere 

Linen and hats and paying my pension from the 23 aug last untill 28 
yber last I have taken upon trust almost 100 dollars in specie but my 
creditor refuse now to advance me, and as I was in the unhappy pos- 
ture by that not to pay four Weeke of my pension, my land lord not 
only expelled me but keep my linen in that hard condition I went to 
mr hildegas, and prayed him to give me the exchange, Since thos bills 
emitted were as good as gold, he told me he cannot but if I should 
present my sade drconstance to your excellency in order to draw 
from it an order about the Exchange, he will do it, and he added that 
he did think your Excellency will do me that favour readily, since the 
resolution of congress about me was in specie or exchange I hope 
that your excellency will be moved on my misery and will not be 
contented to see me in the streets for want of being pay,d tho I have 
an order 

I am with a prof ond Respect of your excellency 
the most humble and obedient servant 

LoTBiNiERB priest of Canada and chaplain 
at Philadelphia 28 October 1780. 

[Papers of Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, p. 379.] 
Addressed: 

To his excellency the honourable Samuel himtington 

the president of the Congress 
at Philadelphia 
Endorsed : 

Letter from Lotbiniere 

Read Oct 24, 1780. 
Sir 

I am so much indebted to your Excellency for all its kind atten- 
tions for me that I am ashamed to trouble it again but as you are the 
father of the patrial abode all of those who have signalised themself 
for the common cause I cannot help having recourse to your excel- 
lency in that present time. 

it is due to me 5 month aug. sept, octob. novemb. decemb. I 
went las tuesday to the board war in order to be pay,d I was answered 
that they were to be bussy and to come again any time and I should 
be pay,d. yesterday I presented myself they told me they by Con- 
gress order. Cant, pay any body imtill a new one as the bills emitted 
of this province are not set out yet I cannot draw any money from 
the treseury with my order bearing 965 doll, and 5 sh. and I was 



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Father Lotbiniere 55 

told that they will be emitted but within a month, so that 1 am 
very puzeled not having but 200 continentales doll, for the loooo dol- 
lars which the honourable congress granted me the last 29 October 
I was obliged to pay 7500 doU. to my Creditor it did remain no 
more but 2500 to maintain my Self from that time tmtill now and I 
find that I have spared them with a great economy I hope Sir you 
will be so kind as to present to the congress whose kindness for me 1 
cannot shew enough my gratitude to, that I stand in need of the Ex- 
change of fourty dollars either on account of my order or of what is 
due to me for five month of my Salarys in order that I may live untill 
the currency of the bill emitted 

Let your Excellency be convinced that it is impossible any one 
should entertain more devout Sincere and fervant wishes for its ' 
happyness and prosperity that I do I am Sir with the utmost Respect 
the devout and humble Servent of your excellency 
Lotbiniere priest of Canada and 
at Philadelphia Chaplain of Congress 

the inst 6 januar. 1781 
Endorsed : 

Letter from Lotbiniere, Jan'y 6, 1781 Read, 11. Referred to 

the board of treasury. 
T. B. Jany 15, 1781 **Mr. Lotbiniere must have Patience until the 

Paymaster is furnished with Money. J. G." 

[Papers of Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, 405.] 
Sir 

there will be to morrow three Weeke Elapsed Since I Wrotte to 
your excellency that 1 had about me no more but 200 cont. doll, in the 
same day 1 heard that the honnourable congress was over whelm,d 
with utmost important affairs and was advised to wait, for one week, 
what I did; never the less as 200 d. were not enough to maintain 
my Self I Spent the following 2 days in running about this city for 
searching some body kind enough to lent me money : and after a long 
and true search I had the good fortune to meet with 400 dollars but 
with the interest of forty per cent: tis to say, I must, return to my 
lender 560 doll within a month 

the next week after I presented my self again to your excellency 
then you promis,d me kindly to read my Letter in the same day in 
congress assembly, what you did : but what grief was I over whelm,d 
with when your excellency told me that my letter had been defered 



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66 Father Lotbiniere 

to the treasure,s office, be pleased to remember that I answer,d 
I will not be pay,d before a month be elapsed, what I told is hap- 
pened, for from that time I convey my Self every day into either 
treasury ,s office or treascrer,s house, but all to no purpose there is 
never money, at least, for me, for I heard there was a great many who 
have been pay,d last weeke 

neverteless all my money is gone and I cant now find any money to 
be borrowed, what will become of me I want shoes and wood no 
money to buy them, even for my living, and paying my room. Shall 
I Sell my Cloths and linen and return again into the Same misery 
which I was in last summer? what benefit shall 1 reap from the pity 
which the honourable Congress took on me at the Seight of my peti- 
tion of inst 22 last aug. if its resolution is not put in execution? 
would not I have the room to think the commissionerys Laugh,d at 
me in giving me 965 doll and 5 sh. new money for depreciation, to 
think their order for it was a Stok Set on the delawr river fogs 
Since I cannot draw any money from it even from my salarys which 
is due to me five month ago. 

indeed I am in a very mist, and know no more what Course to take, 
nevertheless if your assembly is inclined to me never so little: it will 
perceive easily that two hundred dollars for five month of salary and 
965 and 5 sh from which it must draw 136 the exchange of loooo con- 
tinental dollars is not so a great Cash to be drawn from the immense 
Stok for the expenses, will perceive, say I, that I cannot perish in 
the street with hungry and misery without its good heart being 
troubled at it, that favour (granted to me), will dispose certainly with 
in the favour of those States my countrymens however angry they 
were with me at my taking the interest of american Cause. I hope 
your excellency will employ all its influence in my favour and I will 
never be able enough to shew my gratitude for it. I am with utmost 
and prof ond Respect of your excellenc}' 

the most devouted and obedient Servant 

LoTBiNiERB priest of Canada and 
at Philadelphia chaplain of Congress 

26 of januarie 1781 
Endorsed : 

Letter from Mr. Lotbiniere Read Jan'y 30, 1781 Referred to 

the Board of treasury. 

[From the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, 415.] 



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Father Lotbiniere 67 

Mr Lotbiniere Priest of Canada and the only Clergyman of that 
Countr}^ who against the will of his Bishop, his family and friends 
espoused the Cause of Liberty applied to me as having commanded 
the Army in Canada in 1 776 & revealed to him his imhappy Situation 
owing to the non payment of his Salary & of the warrant received the 
2d September Last he told me that he had in fact received the 2d 
of October last on Account of his warrant ten Thousand Continental 
Dollars money being then at 75 for one This Sum would furnished 
him with a suit of Clothes compleat Shirts, Stockings & Shoes had 
enabled him to Live till the 2d of February But after the 2d of 
february the Continental Dollars having fallen prodigiously so that 
state for Continental Dollars were 200 for one & State money at three 
for one would not furnish him, but a peruke a paire of Boots & mod- 
erate Living upon the other ten thousand Dollars which he received 
the 2d of last february would be in fact about five hundred with 
which he expected to Live one week 

In truth, the honorable place which he has occupied and the 
great revenues which he has Lost in Support of our Cause the great 
Services which he rendered to our Army in preventing the Canadiens 
who were about retiring from our Army in Consequence of the orders 
given by the Bishop to the priests to Deny fimeral Services &c the 
Sacrament to Such as Should Engage in our Army. A Service I say 
the more grand as all the Army would have been Massacrered all 
things Speak in his favor They were communicated to you by Gen- 
eral Arnold & other ofl&cers & therefore we could not without going 
contrary to Justice & without greatly disaflfecting the Clergy the 
Nobless & the Inhabitants of the Coimtry against us Abandon This 
honest Priest who had rendered himself obnoxious by espousing our 
Cause : of Course we ought to pay the Residue of his Warrant which 
Amounts in fact to 699 State Dollars & Nine Months Salary amoimt- 
ing to three hundred & Sixty Dollars 

As he Complains that the Board of War and Treasiuy have not 
Executed any of the orders of Congress upon his affair we ought to 
give a particular order either upon the Treasury or upon the pay- 
master to pay him Exactly the first of every Month for as there 
is no communication from him to Canada but is altogether cut off 
(This is not Sir the Case with the other ofi&cers who can retire to their 
families & wait for their pay or at one Stroke to cut oflf his head This 
will be according to him to rendre him Service he would prefer Such 



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58 Father Lotbiniere 

a Death to a Languishing Live which must carry him with ignominy 
to the grave I repeat Gentlemen we ought as well for the Sake of 
Justice as for engaging in our favor the Canadians who Though In- 
censed against him will not have a good opinion of our abandoning 
or not paying him. his age birth & Character is respectable & it is 
too Much for him to go thirty or forty times to obtain Nothing but to 
experience the ill Nature of the board of War and the Commissioners 
of the Treasury 

Endorsed: 

Mr. Lotbinieres Letter Translated 

2nd Endorsement: 

Letter from Mr. Lotbiniere 

May 15, 1 78 1. Referred to the board of treasury, to take Order 

Trea Board 16 May 1781. Issue a Warrant for 1 140 Dolls New 
Bills 832 41-90 in lieu of a Warrant drawn on the Treasurer the 
residue 307 49-90 Lotbiniere to be made accountable. 

[Papers of Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, p. 419.] 

Philada Feby loth 1 78 1 
This is to Certify That Monsr Louis Lotibinier has this day lodged 
in my Ofi&ce a Warrant of Congress in his favour dated the 2d of 
Septr last for Nine hundred & sixty five Dollars & 66-9oths of a dol- 
lor of the Bills emitted in pursuance of the Resolutions of Congress 
of the 1 8th of March last, in part of which have this day paid him 
agreeable to Act of Congress of the 8th Instant Ten thousand 
Dollars of the Old Emissions. 

Ml. Hillegas Cont Trear 

[Papers of Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, 427.] 

Pay office Philadelphia April 9 1781 This Certifys that Monsieur 
Lotbiniere has pay due to him from the first day of August last 

Philip Andibert A.P.M.G. 
8 months pay due 

[Continental Congress, No. 78, xiv, p. 431.] 

On December 30, 1901, while making an examination of the 
papers of the Continental Congress at the State Department in Wash- 
ington, I found these documents, and also, among "Petitions" (no. 42, 
vol. iv, p. 418) the following: 



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Father Lotbiniere 59 

MEMORIAL FROM FATHER LOUIS LOTBINIERE, 
CHAPLAIN AND PRIEST OF CANADA. 

"Gentlemen: 

** Would to God that i had never known either the general mont- 
gomery or arrived in Canada ; i would not now starve with hunger and 
cold for not being payd according to the convention made between 
general amold and me the 26 Januarii 1776 and ratified in Congress 
assembly the 12 August 1776 for long my Life; to indemnify me for 
having lost my parish of 1200 bushel of all grains, wheat, peace sat 
(?) & my herdship and two houses at quebec, the Revenue of all to- 
gether did amount to 750 pounds Philadelphia, in keeping (against 
the will of general Carloton {sic) and bishop) your army compoimded 
with 300 americans no more at that time; from being murdered by 
800 Canadiens enlisted in this army and dispirited at the order of this 
f olish Oliver briant bishop to all priests to abbandon them at the death, 
like Rebels to the romain church and to the King of England their 
very King. 

"This convention is a sacred Deed which we cannot brake with- 
out being contrary to the Law de bona fide, i am certain gentlemen 
that you never do. your good behaviour admired of all Europe above 
all france from the time of its alliance with america make myself depend 
upon it, and i may tell that i am the utmost satisfied with your kind- 
ness to me from the time i am in america. but you have given al- 
ways too much authority to the officers of your treasury, these oflScers 
think no more but of their interest, gibson and putnam have kept 
me during three years in the utmost misery, in denying to pay me 
according to the Congress order and did wait for the falling at all 
of continental money, these present ofiicers compel me to sign a 
warrant for mr. hildegras, as it were, this gentleman did pay me hie 
et mmc and did give a draft upon the receiver of taxis it is the same 
thing as it were they did give a draft upon the Delaware river fogs 
for this receiver james ewing deny to pay it, so that from the ist of 
April Last i have received 120 dolls one quarter, it is due to me from 
the first of this month 2 quarters 240 doll and i have not one penny to 
get some victual and wood in this sharp cold — some neighbors take 
me on pity and carry me some of it, without this Little secour i would 
be dead now. 

**it is a crying thing that a priest bom in the beginning of the 



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60 Father Lotbiniere 

year 1716 eaten with gout and Rumathism who has lost 750 pounds 
of pensylvania per year to save your country-fellows from the mur- 
der, perish with hunger and cold imder your eyes at 71 years old. i 
hope gentlemen it will not be so, and your bowels will be moved at 
my situation. As i am very old and my sight begin to put out, pray 
gentlemen to spare me the trouble to go to meet mr. Ewing (now 
you commissionaire) at trenton so often, Like a poor beggar as i did, 
i may Live ten years yet and certainly you will not abandon me in 
my oldness and infirmity; but it is a supposition i will never do, but 
to spare all trouble both from you and me ask two years and two 
quarters that will amoimt to twelve hundred dollars ; and to faciUtate 
my benefactors i will take paper money provided i may be payd in 
this month, then i buckle myself sincerely to death and pray God that 
state maybe sincerely with your Company imited Like it was in the 
beginning for the best prosperity of America. 

*Xouis Lotbiniere your 
"chaplain and priest of canada.'' 

The above petition is without date, but the following letter to the 
President of Congress, dated in January, 1 786, refers to the petition, 
and agrees with the chaplain's *'sharp, cold" weather. Of the wea 
ther for those years, Peirce's record says: "The winters of 1786 and 
1787 were tolerably mild. There were some cold days, of course." 

The letter of Father Lotbiniere, moreover, shows the distressed 
and disunited condition of the country just after the close of the war 
for independence. It is as follows : 

LETTER OF FATHER LOTBINIERE TO THE PRESIDENT 

OF CONGRESS. 

"January 2, 1786. 
"Sir 

"I send to your Excellency a petition for the Congress in assem- 
bly. , I hope that your Excellency will be good enough to Read it. 
I was to insert in this petition, what I writte to your Excellency in 
particulare : but this petition would be too long. 

"Sir I sie with a great great grief these united states. Respected 
of all Europe for their union; now disunited : this honourable Con- 
gress alwais prudent and wise in his actions, formely respected of 



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Father Lotbiniere 61 

these united states now dispised of these disunited states: which 
would presume to deprive this honourable assembly of all powers, 
even money, which the people give no more but to pay the debtes; 
and charges contracted with their one accord in the time of war to 
save their Estates and Lifes, it seems that they pretend to dissolve 
this respectable assembly to exerce a tiranik power, and vexe the 
people with more Liberty than they do now. indeed the frame of 
this gouvemement has been inspired by some tory in these states, 
it is a snare Laid to these imbeciUe and ignorants men who set in the 
house of these states, to make fall america in second bondage again. 

**For what will become of them? if this honoiuable assembly is 
constrained to break of for want Money to pay Either debt or charge? 
What shall they do? i° they cant depend opon one another, since 
they are disunited 2® France will turn the bake. 3° they will never 
find any good soldier, and the militia will not march, they are too 
angry for their plonderage. more Ever it is a poor troop, they will 
be cut in pice one after other, it is of the utmost consequence to 
these states to keep this honourable assembly, and to pay the respect 
due to it. Since this assembly is compounded with the delegates of 
all states ; they are reputed to be the best of Every states, then this 
Respectable body must be invested of supreme aucthority, to name 
all judges the 1° and 2d. the treasurer, the receiver of taxis the First 
and sub collectors of all towns both Large and small of these States, 
to give the order to the receiver to call to an account the collectors 
both county and sub collectors, to the treasurer to call to an account 
the receivers of taxis and the assembly general compounded with all 
judges of Every town both Large and small to call on account the 
treastu'er. then this Liberty purchased with the blood of so many 
good citizens, and so many fortune over-set, would be everlasting: 
strong enough to keep itself from the tyranik gouvemement. Like 
holland, gene, venise, but the first of the houses of town both Large 
and small in these states won't agree with it. they pretend by the 
authority they have usurped by the False votes of mob harmeless 
and Little people to plunder this money to appropriate it; and to pay 
the pubUk debts and Charges to give a small portion to the Congress 
as it were a favour from them. 

*1 explain myself better to your Excellency, the interest has 
been in all time the head of all Evils in the world; in particular in 
these countrys. (the Lawyers whose the science consist for having 



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62 Father Lotbiniere 

written 3 or four month in the office of some other Lawyer) very 
gredy and covetous ; at the time of election pretend to be president 
or mayor or alderman : bribe the votes, and it is an easy thing to 
get from the mob 5 or 600 votes with 5 or 6 gallons of rum. this Little 
people have the order to present themself the first in this house ; and 
before the honest people come, this assembly is broke of, and very 
often the most unworthy men are elected in spite of the very honest 
gentlemen, one proced to the election of county and sub-collectors, 
and they and elected after the same manner, these collector main- 
tained by this house, force the poor people to pay the taxis settled by 
this house : in putting some in jail other in Execution Lay out at 
seven per cent this pubUk money (Like Thomas Fenemore) make 
wait for the Receiver of taxis Some time two years : don't give any 
accoimt, because they agree with this house, and grow very riche in 
a Short time, the receiver of taxis, and the treasurer are Elected in 
the time of assembly after the same manner and act Like the collec- 
tors. So that it is a very plunderage, and a tour of babel, the money 
of the poor people is to make riches the treasurer, receiver of taxis 
and collectors of these States and not to pay the Charges and debt, 
they are more tory than those who did oppose to the independency, 
your Excellency may be convinced that the King of France has made 
his alliance with your honourable assembly which did at that time rep- 
resent all america, it was to humble angland whose the power would 
be too strong, if this coutone did keep these countrys yet France 
would be alwais good friend of america provided the states could 
continue to be united ; but the King is informed of their disunion 
their plonderage upon the poor people of their states and disrespect 
for the Congress, is not contented at all. the ministry of France has 
got the Catalogu of the names of thos who Compound the assembly 
general of all States the name of those who set in the house of town 
both Larger and Small the name of all treasurers, and Receiver of 
taxis of States and the name of all county and sub-collectors of these 
States, my Letter from the France ministry will be a proflf of it. 
this Letter is dated the 28th Septembre 1786 (?). when it will ques- 
tion of it I Will shew it. 

*'I hope Sir that your Excellency will urge the honourable Con- 
gress to ordo me that I maj' be paid For it is Less Crime to ordorr my 
death than to Kill me by inche in den>4ng my pay and it is due to me 
240 doll for two quarters from the first day of januarii 1786. 1 am 



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Father Lolbiniere 63 

with a profond Respect of your Excellency the utmost humble obe- 
dient servant ' 

"LomS LOTBINIERE, 

"priest of Canada, 
"at burlington [N. J.] 
"2 januarii 
"1786 
"my direction is to Reverend Louis Lotbiniere board to burling- 
ton per bristol at bristol — ." 

Of Father Lotbiniere having performed any religious ceremonies 
or administered any of the Sacraments in Philadelphia, Burlington, 
or elsewhere there appears no sign. 

We have seen that Congress ratified the appointment Arnold 
made with the priest in Canada in 1776; that later chaplains were 
only appointed to brigades; that in the army there were not enough 
CathoUcs to warrant Father Lotbiniere being so appointed, which 
meant that in no one brigade were there members of the Church num- 
erous enough to justify his appointment, and even had there been, 
that the assignment of the duty to Father Lotbiniere would not have 
been acceptable to him because of his age and infirmities. So it is 
probable he did no active duty while with the Americans, but, because 
he had forfeited so much by his adherence to the American cause 
while the army was in Canada, Congress simply retained him on the 
pay-roll as a means of support, at times too inadequate, since chap- 
lains as well as soldiers had to suffer for the need of money Congress 
could not provide. 

Whether Father Lotbiniere had the faculities to perform the 
usual religious duties while army chaplain is a question. The per- 
mission, dtuing the Revolutionary War, could have come only from 
the Vicar Apostolic of the London district, which it is improbable to 
suppose was the case, or from Rev. John Lewis, Superior of the Jesuits 
in Maryland imtil, in 1784, Rev. John Carroll was made Superior of 
the missions in this coimtry. It is very unlikely that the said Sijpe- 
rior gave permission to Father Lotbiniere to exercise the usually 
priestly faculties, as already in 1786, and maybe earlier, be had re- 
fused it to Father de la Valiniere, "a perfect rebel," who had also 
espoused the cause of the Americans and was made bitterly to suffer 
for it. When, in 1 786, it was sought to allow Father de la Valiniere 



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64 Father Lotbiniere 

to attend refugee Canadians in. New York, Father Carroll declared 
that **he had not the power." Though later he was permitted to 
minister to his countrymen there who might desire his services. So 
I am of the opinion that a similar course was ptu^ued with respect to 
Father Lotbiniere when at Philadelphia and vicinity at any time from 
1 777 to 1 786. There really was no one to give him faculties, 

[Thirteen pages of this article are from the Records, A. C. H. 
Society, March, 1902.] 



A CATHOLIC INDIAN LOYALIST. 

Charles Michel de Langlade, son of Augusti, was bom in France, 
served in French army and emigrated to Canada. 

Charles was bom at Mackinaw, near the beginning of May, 1724. 
In 1 745 he and his father removed to B^y des Puants now known as 
Green Bay. He was engaged in war with the Indians and commanded 
the inhabitants of Green Bay. In the war between France and Eng- 
land for Canada, Langlade led a party of Indians who opposed the 
English at Fort Duquesne in 1755. 

After the War had ended by the cession of Canada to England, 
Langlade became a loyal British subject. 

His services to the English cause during the Revolutionary War 
had been appreciated to secure him a life annuity of $doo besides 
three thousand acres of land on the borders of the River thames — 
then known under the name of La Trenche, in the Province of On- 
tario. — [Wis, His. Soc, Col., vii, p. 182.] 

He died in January, 1800. **The little colony at Green Bay went 
in a body to weep over his grave, which may still be seen in the old 
cemetery of the town." [p. 184.] 

Langlade was by the Indians called A Military Conqueror. Like 
his father he always showed himself a submissive child of the Catho- 
lic Church, always giving every possible assistance to the intrepid mis- 
sionaries who, from time to time, went to proclaim the gospel to the 
Canadians, half-breed and Indians, in this far-distant region. When 
he wore his British scarlet uniform, his hat and sword and a red 
morocco belt, his appearance was as becoming as it was warlike. 

We know he cultivated all those moral virtues which characterize 
the true hero. The Wisconsin His. Soc. preserves the silver buckle 
of this belt.— [Page 185 vol. vii., Wis. His. Soc. Col] 



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Father Lotbimere 66 



^ 'TEACH YOUR CHODRSN TO TAKE A SPECIAL INTEREST IN THE HISTORY 

OF OUR OWN COUNTRY. 
^'WE MUST KEEP FIRM AND SOLID THE LIBERTIES OF OUR COUNTRY 

BY KEEPING FRESH THE NOBLE MEMORIES OF THE PAST." 

—Fathers of the Third Plenary Council. 
LETTER OP CAPTAIN HECTOR McNEiLL APPEALING FOR 
RELIEF TO SAVE FATHER LOTBINIERE, CHAP- 
LAIN OF CONGRESS, FROM 'WANT AND MISERY/' 
BECAUSE HE TOOK •'THE PART OF THE AMERI- 
CANS IN THE DARKEST HOUR OF THEIR DISTRESS/' 
On January 14, 1779, while at Philadelphia, Captain Hector 
McNeill, Commander of the frigate Boston, wrote the following letter 
relative to Father Lotbinieie: 

"Sir: Although I know that your time is constantly taken up 
with matters of importance yet I cannot help begging your attention 
for a few moments to the case of a person now under distress in this 
City whose situation formerly I was well acquainted with. 

"I believe you are no stranger to the deplorable circumstances 
our army in Canada were reduced to, immediately after the death of 
General Montgomerie. 

"I mjrself am a witness of, the amazing fortitude and persever- 
ance of that handfuU which remained under Genl Arnold, who with 
a number of much less than half the Garrison, kept up the Blockade 
of Quebec for some months untill reinforcements arrived from these 
States: it was at that critical time the General stood in great need 
of the assistance, and friendship of the Canadians, who although they 



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66 Faiker LoAinun 

were well disposed towards the american army, and their cause, yet 
were frightened by their Priests, who threatened them with Excom- 
munication, and had actually refused every church privilege to any 
who served or inclined to serve on the side of the Americans; On 
this occasion the person above spoken of step'd forth, and offered 
lii« services as a dergyTmao for the Canadians, which good policy, 
and the Exigency of our Affairs, inclined the Genl to accept, and 
Mr. Lobenier was accordingly appointed chaplain to a Canadian 
Regt. much to the satisfaction of those poor men, who thought 
their etemall feUidty depended on the assistance of a Priest, etc. 

"It is beyond doubt that the part M. Lobenier had taken 
rendered him obnoxious to the Brittish, consequently, he was ob- 
liged to quit his native country with our retreating army and throw 
himself on the mercy of a people whose part he had taken in the 
darkest hour of their distress. 

"Since his arrival in this City he has enjoyed, by the Bounty 
of Congress, a small juttance which has made his exile Tollerable 
until the setting in of the present winter, but as the times grow worse 
even with those who have much greater Resources than this poor 
Gentleman can possibly have, so has it fallen heavily on him; for 
ever since the last of november he has been retrenched by fire and 
candle which at this pinching season of the year are undoubtedly 
among the Necessarys of Life; Especially to a man in his situation, 
burtbened with age, an utter stranger among us and totally unable 
even to begg in our language. 

"I know this man as a Gentleman, to belong to one of the 
Greatest f amilys in canada, and as a dergeyman I believe the only 
one of that country honoured with the Religious Cross of Malta. 
I know also that he enjoyed a Living worth between four and five 
hundred pounds sterling a year, besides a Patrimonial estate, all 
of which he has lost through his friendship for the Americans. What 
pitty it is then, that in addition to the sacrifices he hsis made for our 
sakes, he should be suffered to pine away in want and misery, 
duering his exile from his friends and Country — ^in short I am 
shocked at the idea of the consequences this man's case may pro- 
duce hereafter; a time may come once more when we may stand in 
need of the Friendly offices of the Canadians, whom I fear instead 
of trusting us, will have reason to take warning, and reproadi us 
with the unhappy fate of the Refugees from that country, many 



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Father LoAmiere 67 

of whom are now exposed to extreme poverty and littte or no notice 
taken of their sufferings. 

"I think it my Duty to make you acquainted with Mr. I/>be- 
nier's Case in particular not doubting of your disposition for doing 
all the Good you can on every Occasion. 

"I am, Sir, with due Respect & Defference 
"Your Most Obed* Serv* 

"Hector McNeili*." 

"Philadelphia, January 14th, 1779. 

[Proc. Mass. His. Soc. 1873, pp. 276-7. This letter was sold by l4bWe 
& Co., Auctioneers, Boston, May 14th 1906.] The addiess "To 
the Hon'ble. Samuel Axiams" has a pen drawn through it. The letter 
islabelled"Copy to Mr — on Lobenier's ^tuation, Jany. 14th, 1779." 

The two Canadian "Regiments" [really but BattaUons] known as 
**Cangress* Own" — ^those of Col. James Livingston and Col. Moses 
Hazen — after the retreat of the .^nericans from Canada operated in 
New York along the Hudson River. The Battle of White Plains was 
fought October 29, 1 776. On November 12,1 776, the Canadian Corps 
is noted as being at Fishkill, New York, where a priest, whose name 
is not given, attended the wounded and dying Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania Catholic Soldiers. This could have been no other than 
Father Lotbinier. Congress on August 10, 1776, had confirmed his 
appointment as Chaplain made January 26, 1776, by General Arnold 
at Montreal. 

The Abbi Lindsay, of Quebec, writes The Researches : 

The following extract from Mgr.Tetu's Les Eve ques Quebec^ Mgr. 
Briand (p. 289),will convince you that you are mistaken in some items 
regarding the U. S. Chaplain Francois Louis Chartier de Lotbinier. 
I translate for your benefit . — 

"Mgr. Briand says of him in aletter written in 1774 to FAbU de F 
Isle-Dieu: 

'Departed from Canada in 1753, at the time he was a Recollectt 
interdicted and suspended from all orders, afterwards a Cordelier, (nk» 
more, after a dangerous illness, a Recollect, after that an apostate in 
Europe, during two years; then joined the Order of Malta, without 
becoming any better; driven out of Martinique, on account of his 
disorders, by the Capuchins and the Governor, he was not ashsmtd 
to comt teCaaada^ where he wes known for aa arrant libe]ttQe,whcfe 



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08 Faiher Loibiniere 

be knew that I was Bidiop and should also have known that I was 
informed concerning his infamous doings.'" 

On his return to Quebec he was once more interdicted by his first 
cousin^ Mgr. d'Esglis, into whose hands Mgr. Briand had com- 
mitted him. He had been audacious enough to write to London 
against his Bishop. His letter had no other result than to make him 
lose a pension of one hundred ecus which the Governor had allowed 
him after his interdiction. Nevertheless, this pennon was given back 
to him owing to the pressing entreaties of Bishop Briand, who thus 
returned good for evil. ''The Abbe de Loibiniere died in the United 
States in 1784." 

This last date is taken f rom Abbe (Mgr.later)Tanguay'sJ?e/>«rf(Hrec{« 
Ckrgi, which is now, after due criticism and experience, acknowledged 
to be a nest of inaccuracies in every sense. The ex-Recollect's 
brother, Louis Eustache, who died at 1' Andenne-Lorette, nine miles 
from Quebec, in 1786, was not the Chaplain to the U. S. Army. 
The respective dates of the birth of the two brothers suffice to 
establish this fact, without having to seek for any further evidence. 



Quebec, May 17, 1906. 
Dear Sir: — In reply to yours of 14th inst., I beg to inform you : 

I. — ^That Bishop Briand, in the letter of which I sent you a quota- 
tion, couldnot allude to the rebellion of the ex-Recollect de Lotbiniere, 
because he wrote prior to the American Revolution, the letter being 
dated 1774. 

2. — ^That the Abbe de Loibiniere, who died at T Andenne-Lorette in 
1786, had been cure of that parish since 1777, and before this latter 
date, at Pointe-aux-Trembles, near Quebec (not to be mistaken for 
another parish of same name, near Montreal). Although he signs 
all the acts in the parochial register Chariier de Loibiniere without any 
surname, according to the Flench usage, in his own Mortuary act, his 
name is given as Eustache. Bishop Hubert, the coadjutor, presided 
at his obsequies, which would certainly have not been the case had 
the other one been concerned. Moreover, after such a record as that of 
the ex-friar, he would not have been entrusted with a parish. 

My appreciation of Mgr. Tanguay's Repertoire du Clergi applies 
prindpally to the second edition, far more inaccurate than the first. 
His Dictionari Genealogique, in spite of many inevitable errors. 



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Marquis Loibiniere 60 

remains a monument, unique of its kind, of indomitable, painstaking, 
and patient research, and a mine of valuable and reliable information. 

The Rev. L. St. G. Lindsay, of the Cathedral, Quebec, gives Thb 
Rbsbarchbs the information above. 

This testimony showing the wayward life of Abbe Lotbiniere 
prior to 1 774 seems to show that he was living on the pension given by 
the Governor of Canada. Captain Hector McNeil, however, declared 
that he knewthe Abbe, when he became Chaplain to the United States, 
to ''enjoy a living worth between four and five hundred pounds 
Sterling, besides a patrimonial estate, all of which he lost through his 
friendship for the Americans." 

The Abbe is also stated to have died in the United States in 1784. 
That date, taken "from a nest of inaccuracies," is now known to be 
wrong, as the Chaplain was in January, 1786, alive in Burlington, 
New Jersey, and appealing to Congress for relief. 

That he died in the United States sometime in 1786 is probable, 
for no references in the Journals of Congress appear during that or 
later years. Perhaps he died at Burlington, New Jersey, where he 
so long suffered from cold and hunger consequent upon his allying 
himself with the Americans. 

THE MARQUIS DE LOTBINIERE, A SUPPORTER OF THE 
AMERICAN "REBELS." HIS SON, A CAPTAIN|IN THE 
BRITISH FORCES, A PRISONER OF THE AMERICANS. 

The Committee of Montreal secretly favoring the American Rebeb 
wrote to the Committee of Safety of Massachusetts on April 8, 1775: 

"The bulk of the people, both English and Canadian, wish wdl to 
your cause but dare not stir a finger to help you, being of no more 
estimation in the political scheme than the sailors are in shaping 
the course or worldng of the ship. They may mutter and swear, but 
must obey. The case is quite different with their noblesse or gentry. 
The pre-eminence given to their religion, together with a participation 
of honors and offices in common with the EngUsh, not only flatters 
their mutual pride and vanity, but is regarded by them as a mark of 
distinction and merit, that lays open their way to fortune; of liberty 
or Law they have not the least notion." [Am. Arch, 4-2-306.] 

General Arnold, however, wrote Governor Trumbull June 13, 1775, 
that "no more than twenty of the noblesse" favored the Briti^ 
[ibid. 978]. 



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70 Marquis Lotbiniere 

A letter of a Continental officer at Ticonderaga, August 25, 1775, 
aaid: 

The Canadians in general are our firm and steady friends; that is to 
say, the peasants; but what they call or term in Canada the noblesse 
are for despotic measures, which prevents many from appearing more 
open than they do for us." — [Am. Ar. 4S, 3 vol, p. 433.] 

The majority of the Canadian hahUans were by all evidence now 
obtainable, undoubtedly, at first, sympathizers and helpers of the 
American "Rebels." The Clergy and **Noblesse or Gentry" were 
generally the other way. An exception among the "Noblesse" was 
the Marquis de Lotbinier, whose family name and rank by social 
position has been an honorable one. It yet exists in the town and 
county of Lotbiniere, Canada. 

The narration herewith presented shows father and son divided 
in sympathy and in action. The father active and zealous for the 
American cause, the son — Captain Chartier de Lotbiniere, serving 
Bngland. He was one of the eight officers and sixty men taken 
prisoners at Fort Chambly, November 2, 1775. [p. 1419, Am. Ar. 4-3 
Vol.], The officers were taken first to Trenton, N. J., and later 
to Bristol, Pennsylvania. He was held for a year or more, being 
allowed by Congress $2 a day for support. [Am. Ar., Vol. 3 — Series 

5— p. 1564] 

He was paid $104 for 52 weeks from November 2, 1775 to October 
31, 1776, less $14.60 received from Gen. Schuyler, by whom Trenton 
was chosen as the place of detention. The Canadian officers taken at 
St. John who were sent to A^^dham and Lebanon, in Connecticut, 
were under parole of honor not to go into or near any seaport town, 
nor more than six miles from place of detention, nor carry on any 
political correspondence whatever on the subject of dispute between 
Bngland and the Colonies, [ibid />. 1921 . Vol. y Series 4.] 

Marquis de Lotbiniere of Canada was in London June 3, 1 774, when 
the Quebec Bill was before Parliament. He was ''called in and ex- 
amined" and declared he was of the "corps of nobility" of Canada; 
that the Canadians were desirous of having an Assembly to represent 
them in the government of the Province, but had not made appeal for 
it fearing the expenses of the Government to support would be more 
than they could afford; they desired a freer government than a Gov- 
ernor with a Council; that if some of the noblesse were admitted to 
that Council they might be satisfied; that the noblesse would not 



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Marquis Lotbtniere 71 

object to an Assembly in which the Bourgeois were admitted if it 
were the King's pleasure to have it so; the Canadiatis like the English 
judication very well. [Am. Ar. Vol. 1-195 — ^4th Series.] 

The Marquis then went to Prance and there endeavored to serve 
the Americans. He was entrusted with a secret mission to them 
and in the Summer of 1776 left France for America. 

He wrote to Franklin from Chatham, Cape Cod, Massachusetts, 
November 11, 1776, saying: 

That he had arrived but two days and was on his way to Phila- 
delphia without the dangers he had been exposed to since his depar- 
ture from St. Pierre, Martinique, where he had arrived September 5th, 
from France. He enclosed a letter to his son which he asked Dr. 
FrankUn to deliver to him. He informed Dr. Franklin he had re- 
sided at Paris and Versailles above two months before he went to 
St. Malo, when he embarked for St. Pierre and Miguelin. During 
his residence at Court he had had several conferences with De Ver- 
gemies. Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as other important per- 
sonages in France who appeared to be greatly concerned in the suc- 
cess of the Americans — more concerned about it than of their own 
affairs. 

He wished Mr. Lotbiniere and daughter were with him, then he 
would act more openly than he should be able to do. He proposed 
that his son (a prisoner) be sent to Canada for his mother and sister, 
while he would fill his place in his absence. 

In the meantime he would not be sparing of his advice because of 
his zeal for the common cause and the knowledge of the places where 
these views ought to be directed as soon as the enemy were obliged 
to act on the defensive. 

The best way,he thought, was to dose them in as much as could be 
done and avoid any general action, which if lost would divide the 
American army without hope of gathering theiti in time to prevent 
disunion which he sawwas too great in the Colony attacked and upon 
which the enemy in London so much depended. It was necessary 
to act like Fabius. Keeping provisions behind and destroying the 
country they abandoned — ^thtis the enemy would be destroyed and 
not being able to refresh themselves nor recruit in the country would 
in the winter be reduced to a small number and England could not 
support the exorbitant expense to which she had been subjected 
last winter. 



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72 Marquis Lotbimere 

On the 20th of November the Marquis arrived at Boston. He 
found that Franklin had sailed for France three weeks before so he 
sent the letter to John Hancock, the President of Congress. He for- 
warded also the letter he had written to his son on November loth. 
He told the son he had come to relieve him from his captivity even 
in giving himself as hostage — ^if Congress accepted he would not be 
long in receiving his liberty. He told him if he had followed the 
advice he gave him last year he would be convinced of what has hap- 
pened and would have remained quiet in his estate and restrained the 
sallies of humor and the desire of distinguishing himself in a miUtary 
way, reserving himself for a fitter opportunity — and have spared 
himself many pains and losses and his father tiie mortal uneasiness 
for himself and the family which he had entrusted to his care, but 
whom he abandoned without knowing what might become of them 
in his absence. 

Instead of giving himself up to a bravery, foolish in the case in 
which he employed it, he should have gone to Etux>pe with his sister 
and not exposed himself to any reproaches of certain ancient offi- 
cers who have had the talent of exposing our young gentlemen to the 
danger and keeping themselves out of it. 

He told him that after many dangers and troubles he was here now 
hoping to join the family and to render the country the greatest and 
most essential services, if those who inhabit it will listen to him by 
showing them their true and only interest, which he had always done 
and at the expense of his own interest — ^though without success. 
He had particular reasons now to lay before them so they might 
renounce so tmreasonable a zeal as that they had shown. — \Am. At. 
Vol. 3— />. 642-44, 5 Series.] 

On December 24, 1776, from Boston the Marquis wrote the Presi- 
dent of Congress relating that this was the third letter he had sent 
him — ^the first being the one to Dr. Franklin,which had been forwarded 
by Captain Faulkner on the 21st of November — ^the second, written 
December 4, had been taken by the post-office on the 12th. In the 
interval he had sent by Mr. Walker going to Philadelphia with two 
French gentlemen a letter to his son. Still there was no answer from 
his son. It was cruel of Mr. Walker to deprive him of the letter. 
He had not heard from his family for two years. He declared the 
great and ardent desires of his soul were for the success of the Ameri- 
can arms; he had not been able to show the commission on which he 



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Marquis Lotbiniere 78 

came to the country — ^that he had not been backward m communica- 
ting his ideas for the preservation of the States — ^when he left Prance 
the commission he accepted could not be granted without a reserve of 
disavowing him in case things did not succeed in the manner expected. 

He had not acted with less ardour and zeal since his arrival though 
under the double risk of being disavowed by Congress and by France 
which secretly employed him as one who may and France knows could 
be of the greatest service to the Americans because of his knowledge 
of war and pohtics. 

The most dangerous enemies were the false brethren who are un- 
happily found in all the States in too great numbers, whose only 
aim and occupation is to discourage the people by deluding them. 
This enemy must be eradicated without delay by severest laws and 
striking examples, though not in great numbers. 

Though the French Court had given the strictest recommendations 
and orders to all to whom its authority extended to procure him 
every means and conveniency to this continent — ^yet these orders 
could not be kept secret here but had been pubUshed and Frenchmen 
regarded him in a superior rank to those in places where he was seen. 
In spite of all this he had been exposed and accused of being a de- 
dared enemy to the United States. Some had been so infamotis as to 
chargehim with being a British spy, so that all he did to render himself 
useful to the States has poisoned to his disadvantage and strengthened 
the suspicions against him. He did not conceal the sensibiUty and 
pain he felt at this attempt at his honor for which he could obtain 
speedy satisfaction by the power which employed him. He con- 
sidered, however, that he was now stopped in his endeavors for the 
good of the country. He sought an answer from Congress as without 
it he, his servants and baggage would be exposed on the road to Phila- 
delphia. He now saw things in "a pretty clear light" and foresaw 
what the enemy would attempt the next campaign. He had informed 
the French Court of it and if it determined to support it as he 
had mentioned, all would be ready here to concur in that system. 

The letter to the French Court he had sent by a schooner bound 
for St. Kerre — concealed— even in the master's breeches if necessary 
in case he should be taken. Another letter in cypher directed to 
Count d'Ennery, General of Hispaniola mentioned the same projects 
and ideas as the first letter. 

The letter sent to Congress by Mr. Walker gave a recital of the 



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74 Marquis Lotbiniere 

liff air which detained him five years in England, and of his incon- 
testable right to the Lordships of Dalainville and D'hocquart at the head 
of Lake Champlain extending to the lower end of New Lake George, 
to the west of the river which joins that Lake to Lake Champlain. 

The lordship of D'hocquart is situated on the east side of that river 
and begins two miles above Crown Point and extends near to the en- 
trance of Au Loutres. 

Each of these lordships has four leagues in front from north to 
south, on five leagues depth; the first to the west and the second to 
the east. He would give fuller information when he saw the Presi- 
dent, besides that given in the Memorial by which he expected to 
obtain justice from Congress as the memorial had also been presented 
to the King, his Minister, the members of Parliament and almost all 
the foreign ministers in London and to the principal persons in France. 
By that it would be seen how he had treated the British Minister and 
principal persons of the British Court whose spy they have now dared 
to call him. Unfortunately there are some, and too many, who render 
the British more service than any stranger could, however inclined. 

The letter the Marquis sent by Mr. Walker, dated Boston, Novem- 
ber 20, 1776, to his son, told him that it was too late to yield to the 
Spirit of enthusiasm by which he had been led by the persuasion of 
Longeuil and Bel-Etre. He had done no honor to his judgment in 
taking their advice in preference to that of his father. Proper re- 
flection would have made him prefer his father. Had his conduct 
been regulated by the letters he had sent from London he would have 
avoided many losses and sorrows as well as others who had followed 
the same course, would not now be exposed to the reproaches of his 
mother country in which his ancestors made a figure against which 
for sometime he had appeared in army, though he could not be 
ignorant of the interest France took in the success of the cause against 
which he was persuaded to fight. It occasioned the greatest sur- 
prise in France when they were informed that the Canadian noblesse 
had joined the Royalists in such a cause, particularly after the treat- 
ment which they had received, without the least occasjoii given 
which tended to no less than to reduce them to a lower state than their 
vassals and which they would have accomplished if they had had a 
sufBident time to execute their schemes. He closed by saying, 
"all letters from France give me the title of Marquis. You will run no 
risk in conforming to it." — [Am, Archives, Vol, 3, page I4i4-5th Series.] 

No further record of the Marquis has been fotmd. 



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Father de la Valiniere 75 

FATHER PETER HUET de ul VALINIERE, THE "FIERY, 
FACTIOUS AND TURBULENT 'REBEL'" CANADIAN 
PRIEST, "THE MOST CULPABLE AND THE LEAST CON- 
VERTED" OF THE PRIESTS FAVORING THE AMERI- 
CANS; SENT TO ENGLAND BY GENERAL HALDI- 
MAND, THE GOVERNOR OF CANADA: HIS WANDER- 
INGS. HIS TROUBLE WHILE VICAR GENERAL AT 
THE ILLINOIS. 
General Fred. Haldimand, Governor of Canada, during the Ameri* 
can Revolution, writing to Lord North from Quebec, Jtme 19, 1783, 
said : "The Jesuits are the only order of regular priests who have shown 
an attachment to the rebels during the course of the war." [Canadian 
vs. Haldimand Papers, B. 56, p. 75]. 

Of Catholic American Revolutionary historical interest is the 
recital of the career of a Priest of anotlier Order — ^the Sulpidans — 
and of his trials for being suspected of aiding the American cause by 
association with the "Rebels" and being favored by them. Because 
of this and, perhaps, by reason also of his eccentricities and instabiUty 
of mind, he became a wanderer, the first American tramping priest, 
covering the coimtry from Canada to New Orleans. 

This was the Rbverend Pierre Huet de la Valiniere, the 
''perfect rebel in his heart," as General Haldimand declared him to be 
to Lord George Germain, when he deported the Priest to England. 
Henry De Courcy, a French joumaUst, whose letters in 1855-6, to 
the Ami de Religion and other French periodicals, were translated by 
Dr. John Gilmary Shea, and, on May 3, 1856, pubUshed under the 
title of The Catholic Church in the United States: A Sketch of its 
EcclesiasticcU History, in a brief relation of the career of Father de la 
Valiniere says: **This original character deserves to be better known 
in America, for it was in consequence of his sympathy for the United 
States that the Abbe de la Valiniere was subjected to numberless 
trials during the last thirty years of his life." 

Our work now is to do this — to make him "better known" by a 
recital from original sources of some of these **trials." 



Bom January 10, 1732, at Varade, France, Pierre Huet de la 
Valiniere studied at the College of Nantes and entered the Grand 
Seminary of that city November 22, 1752. After having been or- 



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76 Father de la Valiniere 

darned sub-deacon he went to Paris, where he entered the Seminary 
of Saint Sulpice and became a member of that Congregation. 

Being endowed with great zeal and untiring energy he thought his 
vocation was for far-off missions, and leaving France April 13, 1754, 
he reached Montreal on the 9th of the following September. He 
was then ordained priest, June 15, 1755, by Bishop Pontbriand, and 
busied himself with the dffierent works of which the Seminary had 
charge, both in the dty and its neighborhood. 

It was during that time (1758) that he succeeded in rescuing from 
the liiands of the Indians, a Uttle BngUsh girl named O'Flaherty, at 
the very moment when these barbarians were about to make her 
perish by fire. "They had already tied her to the stake with Mrs. 
O'Flaherty, her mother, and were preparing to bum them both, when 
that ecclesiastic, by his prayers, his entreaties and promises, succeeded 
in delivering them from death."^ This child, whom Madam d 'You- 
ville received under her roof, devoted herself to her benefactress and 
became a Sister of Charity. Later, the priest composed, at the 
request of the saintly founders of the Sisters of Charity of Montreal, 
a Litany to the Eternal Father, which hsis been recited daily in the 
community since April 4, 1774. 

He was appointed successively to the following parishes : Riviere- 
des-Prairies, May 22,1 759 ; St. Henri de Mascouche, November 2, 1 766 
to January 3, 1769; St. Suljuce, January 30, 1769 to October 4, 1773; 
L'Assomption, November 11, 1774 to February i, 1777, and St. Anne, 
September, 1778, to October 9, 1779. He likewise attended Lavaltrie 
October 18, 1768 to November 18, 1770, while in charge of one or 
another of the above-named parishes. His restless and changeful 
nature prevented him from remaining long anywhere, — ^he was 
certainly one of the greatest travelers of his day. 

When he took possession of the Cure of I'Assomption, Abbe de 
la Valiniere seems to have foreseen the bitterness that was in store 
for him, for he writes to the Bishop as follows : 

"At the beginning of an undertaking so formidable as that which 
has been imposed on me, I resign myself to my fate, because the Lord 
hflis answered me by the voice of my Superiors: ad omnia ad quae 
miUam^ dicit Dominus ibis" And, in truth, he was not happy there, 
for, perhaps through his own fault, he was compromised and accused 

I Quoted from the Life of the Venerable Mother d*Youville by Madame Jette, wife of the 
Lieutextaat*Govemor of the Province of Quebec. 



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Father de la Valiniere 77 

cm the occasion of the mvasion of Canada by the Americans in 1775. 
According to his autobiography (which is preserved in the Seminary 
of Montreal), he has nothing wherewith to reproach himself in all 
this affair. He attended to his parish of L'Assomption, and busied 
himself only in praying to God and in preaching fidelity to the King, 
carrying his devotedness so far as to send to the army one of his 
servants and to render the Canadian officers every possible service. 
Having learned that the Abbes Robert and St. Germain were prisoners 
of the Bostoners, he went to Sorel at the peril of his life, says he, to 
rescue his two confreres and forced the general of the invading army 
to deliver Mr. Robert into his hands. To attain this desirable end, 
he had secured the services of one Durocher, a friend to Thomas 
Walker, a Montreal merchant, who lived at L'Assomption, and who 
had succeeded in inducing a certain number of inhabitants of his and 
the neighboring parishes to rebel. 

However, notwithstanding M. de la Valiniere's protestations of 
innocence, he was believed neither by General Carleton, nor by his 
Superior, M. Montgolfier, nor by his Bishop, Monsdgneur Briand. 
He was reputed to have favored tiie rebels. 
Lbttsr from Vicar General Montgolfier to Bishop Briand. 

On August 12, 1776, Monsdgneur Montgolfier wrote to Bishop 
Briand: 

"Since the departure of the rebels, we have Uved in this district in 
great tranquillity tmder the protection of an equitable government: 
probity is respected and virtue protected. All the parishes, perhaps 
without any exception, either through fear or for duty's sake, seem 
manifestly enough to me to have returned to reason; at least regard- 
ing the greater number of their inhabitants. The pastors (cures), 
conformably to Your Lordship's intentions, admit to the Sacraments 
only such as having appeared rebellious or indifferent, acknowledge 
their fault and retract it publicly by their behaviour and in all their 
words, being disposed to make all amends that may be judged 
proper and I think there are few that refuse to comply with such con- 
ditions. 

"As to the clergy, they persevere in the best dispositions regarding 
submission to legitimate authority; those who heretofore seemed to 
have deserved some blame are ashamed even to be suspected, and 
seek for testimony to prove that they have been constantly attached 
to the government. Does not such conduct imply a retraction and a 



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78 Father de la Vaiiniere 

sufficient reparation of what may have indicated a certain weakness 
in their past behaviour? Acting on that principle I have until now 
maintained a profound silence regarding the three missionaries of 
Sault Ste. Louis, of Longueuil and of V Assomption.^ Nevertheless, 
I have had the honor of unburdening my heart to General Carlet<m 
regarding the last named whom I redcon among the most guilty and 
the least converted. His excellency gave me liberty to deal 
with him as I may judge fit. The dearth of priests forces me to employ 
him, though reluctantly. Should Your Lordship judge proper to 
withdraw him, and if means could be found of providing for the 
essential needs of that large parish, I would see therein no difficulty. 
But, in that case, I would desire that subject to be removed from the 
country. He is thoroughly self-willed, and, although of good morals, 

he would infallibly cause us some other trouble " — Dated 

August 12, 1776. 

On the fifth of September following, the Abbe de la Vaiiniere 
writes to Monsdgneur Briand to complain of M. Montgolfier, who, 
says he, "has served him, after dinner, a dish as disagreeable to nature 
as it was beneficial to the spirit." His Superior rebuked him for not 
having consulted him, for having followed his own mind, for having 
favored the Bostoners. He must have had some connection with 
them to have so boldly gone to meet them at Sord. 

On the second of October M. Montgolfier writes to the Bishop: 
''M. de la Vaiiniere is keeping quiet for the present and I think he is 
checkmated. I have seen him only once since the extravagant steps 
he has taken of his own accord, and in which I know nobody that has 
shared. I have clearly notified him that I no more looked upon him 
as a member of our house, that I left him to his entire liberty and that 
I had no more advice to give him, save that I always thought he would 
do better to return to France, and that I would provide him with 
every facility for so doing. And it appears to me that he thinks no 
more of it. And if Your Lordship does not ordain otherwise, as far 
as I am concerned all will be over, and, considering the dearth of 
priests, I will leave him in his parish." 

Everything appeared to be settled; but General Carleton inter- 
venes, as is proven by the following letter of M, de Montgolfier to the 
Bishop of Quebec: 

1 The Jesuit Jote^ Huguet. th» Recdlect Claude Carpenter and Monsieur de la Valinserfb 



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Father de la Valiniere 7^ 

**I had almost fc»^tten M. de la Valiniere, and in speaking of 
Father Huguet's^ affair, His Excellency showed me that it would be 
expedient and even necesskrjr to withdraw that missionary from 
TAssomption, and, should it be thought fit to employ him elsewhere, 
at least to transfer him to another parish, and to remove him from 
this district, where he is too well known I hope Your Lord- 
ship will have the goodness to regulate his condition when the time 
has come." 

Bishop Briand ordered the Abb£ to Quebec, and while giving him 
permission to confound his calumniators, if he were able, he signified 
to him his departure from I'Assomption, and offered him to choose for 
himself among three situations, viz. : either remain definitely at the 
Montreal Seminary, or stay there until navigation was opened and 
then leave for Europe, or finally, accept some ministry in the district 
of Quebec. The prelate added: **His Excellency is informed of 
my action, the matter is settled." 

M. de la Valiniere was therefore obUged to comply and to leave 
I'Assomption for Saint-Roch-des-Aulnaies in February, 1777. His 
successor was Monsieur Petrimoult, who wrote to M. Montgolfier to 
render an account of the state of mind of the inhabitants and of the 
manner in which he had been received. The Superior of Saint-Sul- 
pice was not without anxiety; he feared that two hundred inhabi- 
tants sympathetic to the Bostoners might manifest in favor of M. 
de la Valiniere and against his successor. Nothing of the kind hap- 
pened. ' 'My taking possession, says M. Petrimoult, was as peaceful as 
might be desired, at least up to this moment. I have neither seen 
nor heard any sign of discontent." 

The year that preceded M. de la Valiniere's arrival at St. Roch des 
Aulnaies, the Abbe Bailly de Messdn,^ Chaplain to the Royalist troops, 
had succeeded with M. de Beaujeu in enlisting fifty militia men from 
Kamouraska, four from Riviere-Orelle, twenty-seven from St. Anne 
and twenty-five from St. Roch, de la Valiniere's parish. 

An engagement took place at St. Pierre (now in the county of 
Montinaguy), and the Royalists were beaten by the rebels who had 
with them 150 Bostoners. Three men were killed, ten wounded and 
a greater number taken prisoners. 

This engagement threw consternation in the surrounding parishes. 



1 AJetuit missiotuuy At Satili Ste. Louis. 

3 Who was later appoiated Coadjutor to the Bishop of Qtsehec. 



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80 Father de la Valiniere 

The f amiUes that had lost a member bitterly reproached the priests 
for having caused the departure of their sons for the army. M. de la 
Valiniere, who hadarrived after the enlistment, merited none of these 
reproaches. 

Writing to Bishop Briand, May 9, 1777, he informs him that he 
has given praise to those of his parishioners whose children had been 
wounded or who were still prisoners with the Bostoners for the service 
of the King. He even intends to preach often to inculcate the 
obedience they owe the King. 

He complains of the dilapidated state of the Church, presbytery 
and surroundings, and particularly of his own penury. 

To this latter complaint the Bishop turns a deaf ear, knowing as 
he did that de la Valiniere's pecuniary condition was far from dis- 
tressing. 

De la Valiniere managed to quarrel with a neighboring parish^ 
St. Jean Port-Joly, and in the difficulties that ensued, he threatened 
to sue the Bishop and the Seminary of Montreal for a reparation of his 
honor, of his goods and of his health, of which he had been despoiled. 
After receiving from the Bishop a letter full of kindness and good 
sense, his humor improved. In 1778 he asks the Bishop to be trans- 
ferred to the adjacent parish, and his request is granted. At St. 
Anne de la Pocatiere, his new post, new difficulties beset him and he 
spends only one year there. 

In his autobiography de la Valiniere attributes to Bishop Briand the 
following eulogy of his unworthy self: "He (de la Valiniere) is the 
priest of my diocese who knows best how to gain general affection. 
In every place, his zeal and wisdom have won for him the esteem of 
all. He possesses the gift of enriching the church-treasury; he 
preaches well, and he deserves no reproach. His talent is sdmost 
unique; he distributes abundant alms and yet he is ever ready to 
give." According to the same document, M. Smith, who was Seig- 
neur of St. Anne, was ready to give 40,000 livres as bail to prevent 
his departure. He had made the proposal to Governor Haldimand^ 
who had laid the fault on the prdate and on M. Grave, the Vicar 
General. 

Haldimand's letter (original in archives of Archbishopric, Quebec) 
shows how false is the last accusation. 



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Father de la Valiniere 81 

I^TTBR OF Governor Sir Prbdbrick Halduand to Bishop 

Briand. 
Monseigneur: 

' 'You will be so kind as to order Monsieur de la Valiniere, cure of the 
parish of St. Anne on the South Shore,^ to proceed without delay to 
this dty with all his baggage, and to take his lodging, during his stay 
here, at the Seminary or with the Jesuit Fathers, according as you 
may judge proper. 

"I leave it to you to inform him, if you think fit, that he must sail 
for Europe with the fleet that leaves the 25th of this month, and care 
will be taken to provide him with refreshments and all possible 
commodities for the voyage. You will be careful to recommend him 
particularly not to give way to his usual fits of vivacity and to be 
attentive as to his manner of acting and speaking until his departure. 

''Monsieur de la Valiniere may give his letter of attorney to the 
person he may judge proper, provided such person be one with whom 
the government has reason to be satisfied, to attend to the interests 
he may leave in this Province. 

'*I have no doubt that the clergy, recognizing the bounties of his 
Britannic Majesty, their Sovereign, towards them and towards the 
people whose souls are in their keeping, will induce the latter to give 
proofs of fidelity, of zeal and reverence, which they owe him in every 
respect, and for all sorts of reasons. 

"I have the honor to be with great esteem and consideration. 
Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant 

Frbd Haldimand. 
Quebec, this 14th October, 1779. 

To His Lordship, the Bishop of Quebec. 

But "removing^' him from one place to another seems not to have 
led to the submission of this suspected supporter of the Americans. So 
that in October, 1779, General Haldimand ordered his arrest and 
deportation to England, as the annexed document sets forth : 
GENERAL HALDIMAND DEPORTS VALINIERE. 
Lord George Germaine. Quebec, October 24, 1 779. 

My Lord: 

Having already the honor of informing your Lordship in my Letter 

1 It now bears the name of Ste. Anne de la Pocatiere. It was then called SainU Anne du 
Snd^ in order to distinguish it from the older parish of St. Anne, the celebrated pilgrimage 
then called Saintg Annt du Nord. 



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82 Father de la VaUniere 

No. 28, of my intending to send Home M. "De La Valliniere/' Cure of 
one of the parishes below the Town, upon the south side of the river^ 
I have accordingly delivered him over to Captain Hervey, command- 
ing the Convoy, that is to sail from hence the 25th instant, desiring 
at the same time, he may not be allowed to leave the ship until Gov- 
ernment gives some instructions, how he is to be disposed of. 

This gentleman is a native of France, and was, till some time in 
the year 1776, a member of the Seminary of Montreal, under whose 
patronage he enjoyed one of the best cures in the Province near that 
Town. The gentlemen of the Seminary were extremely offended 
with his behaviour during that whole winter, when he proved himself 
a perfect rebel in his Heart. On their complaint the Bishop removed 
him from his cure to one of less value, in the lower part of the Province, 
he has since quarrelled with the Bishop, and was once disposed, as I 
am informed, to sue him in our Coiuts. 

Fiery, factious and turbulent, no ways deficient in point of wit and 
parts, he was too dangerous at this present crisis to be allowed to 
remain here, and accordingly taking advantage of his disagreements 
with the Seminary of Montreal, and with the Bishop, he is now with 
consent of the latter sent home, as it rather appears that the blow 
proceed from his ecclesiastical Superiors, any noise or disturbance 
about it here is avoided, and at the same time may oblige the Clergy, 
especially the French part of them, to be careful and circumspect; 
the French alliance with the Colonies in Rebellion has certainly opera- 
ted a great change upon their minds, and it too generally runs through 
the whole body of Canadians. However disagreeable it may be, it 
is improper he should be permitted to retiun to his native country, 
I think he must either be confined, though well treated or sent prisoner 
at large to a remote part where some inspection may be had over his 
conduct, in short, there cannot be a doubt that while these troubles 
last, he will seek every opportunity of serving Prance, & of being 
of Dis-service to the British interests. I have honour to be &c.&. 

(signed) FRED HALDIMAND. 

[Canadian Archives Haldimand Papers B. 54, Pa^e 225.] 

At the time of his departure from Quebec, de la VaUniere was under 
universal condemnation. ReUgion and civil authorities, as well as 
his own Superior of Saint Sulpice, were unanimous against him. 
It would be hard to prove his innocence. 



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Father de la Valiniere 88 

The exile met with no better fortune at sea than on land. He com- 
plains that after having received the most evident marks of friend- 
ship, he was deceived and robbed of all his money. On his arrival 
at Spithead, he would have liked to sue his despoilers in order to 
recover his money, but having no papers, he was tmable to do so, and 
to crown his misforttme, he was kept for twelve months a prisoner on 
board ship. 

While at Spithead he wrote Lord Germain : 

Appbal of father Valinibrb to Lord Gbrbcain. 

Prom Spithead, on Board the Convoy, Dec. 14, 1779. 
My Lord: 

I beg you not to be angry with your servant. I know that you are 
so much occupied as to leave you no time to recall to your memory 
a poor little subject like myself; yet I am still detained on board 
awaiting your orders, and I have not yet been on shore, which is 
rather bad on a person of my age, especially as I have been very ill 
with sea sickness. I entreat you then to allow me at least to buy a 
sloop and depart with two men without setting foot on land. If 
this is not agreeable in time of war — ^for you see I take liberty of 
reasoning with you and say, either your servant is guilty or only 
under suspicion, or even innocent; if the first, he asks for trial and 
punishment if he deserves it; if the second, your self-interest accords 
with this request; if, finally, it is the third, why retain as a prisoner 
him who does not deserve to be so treated. I beg you to honor with 
a reply and a passport, if it be possible, him who has the honor to be 
Your most Humble and Obedient Servant 
P. HUET LA DE VALINIERE, Priest. 

Passport, if you please, for at least two of these four with me: 
Jas. LeOros, John Constance, Clement Coret. Thomas Gaurier. 

[Canadian Archives Series 2, Vol. 16-1, p 319.] 

Alleged Death op Father De La Valiniere. 

LORD HERVEY to lord GEORGE GERBfAIN. 

My Lord: 

On my rettun from Portsmouth, I found a letter de^ring informa- 
tion concerning Monsieur Valiniere, the Canadian Prisoner sent home 
by His Excellency, General Haldimand, with me. 

I beg leave to inform your Lordship, that he caught a bad fever 
when on board the Lenox at Cork. He was sent to Hie Hospital, on 



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84 Father de la Vaiiniere £ 

his arrival at Portsmouth, where he died soon after. 

I have the Honor to be your Lordship's 
Humble and obedient Servant, 

HERVEY. 
St. James' Square, 
Thursday Morning. 
Endorsed "No Date 
Received 17th March 1780.'* 
[Canadian Archives, Series Q, VoU ij-i, p. 80.] 
This information was not correct, for Father Vaiiniere, the "fiery, 
factious and turbulent," was "not dead yet," but lived for more than 
quarter of a century after his alleged death at Cork. 

NO OVERT ACT. 
Now the "Rebel" Priest had been brought to England what to 
immediately do with him was a matter of conjecture by the authori- 
ties in the absence of a direct charge against him. The annexed 
document shows that the Priest was so guiltless of any legal offence 
that his arrest is declared "ill advised" and his custodian may do as 
he pleases with him. 

RT. JACKSON TO (UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE?) 

22d December, 1779. 
Dear Sir: 

I cannot see any ground for detaining de la Vaiiniere, unless it be 
under the authority of the Act for securing Persons charged with or 
suspected of High Treason committed in the Colonies, 

I cannot advise Ld. Geo. Germain to commit him imder that Act, 
tmless some charge, or some cause of suspicion of High Treason be 
first distinctly alleged by somebody, however expedient it may be 
to confine the man. Perhaps Capt. Harvey or some on board his 
fleet may furnish such cause of suspicion, but I confess the Gover- 
nor's letter does not to me impart suspicion of Treason committed, 
though perhaps a very liberal expounder might construe the Behav- 
iour by which he proved himself a perfect Rebel in his Heart to an act 
overt of Treason. 

I know not what the practice under the Act has been, and will 
make some inquiry and will then trouble you with another Letter, 
but my present opinion is that it will be best for the Secretary of 



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Father de la VaUmere 85 

State to take no notice of la Valiniere, but leave the Capt, to do what 
his discretion directs him to do. 

The Governor seems to have been ill advised. 

Dear Sir, Yours Sincerely, 
ROBERT JACKSON. 

[Canadian Archives. Series, Q,, Vol. 16-2, p. 715.] 

Finally, to get rid of him, tiiey forged a document, in which they 
made him state that having been captured on a French Merchant 
Vessel he was not to be considered as a prisoner of war. He was 
allowed to reach France at his own expense. He thereupon embarked 
on French vessel the St. Antoine, which was wrecked off the coast of 
France and all that remained of the poor missionary's fortune went 
to the bottom. He was forced to travel on foot to Paris, by the way 
of Ostende. 

Although the reputation which had preceded him deterred his 
brother Sulpidans from receiving him very cordially, nevertheless, 
they lodged and boarded him at Nantes in a house (St. Clement) 
destined for the invalids of their congregation. 

While resting there, he recovered his health, collected the debris 
of a small inheritance and prepared to begin again his missionary life. 

In 1782, while there he addressed the following memorial to the 
Secretary of the Marine Department of France: 

Mbmorial to this French Marine Department. 

"To His Excellency, Monsieur de Castries, Secretary of State at 
the Marine Department." 

"Your Excellency will please excuse an old missionary of Canada^ 
who, having returned to France since nine months, has been obliged 
to observe a silence for which he ceases not to reproach himself as 
liable to cause prejudice to the State. Here is the fact : 

"A sojourn of twenty-six years in Canada, especially at the most 
critical period, under the domination of France as well as of England, 
has necessarily imparted some knowledge to a man successively 
entrusted with an Indian mission and with ten or eleven parishes at 
the two oppo^te extremities of the said country. The desire of 
making himself useful to God and to the King induced him to leam 
English, under the government of the Marquis de Vandreuil, to whom 
he rendered gratuitously the service of acting as interpreter towards 
General Abercromby. But the general esteem in which he was held 
having confided to his care several parishes whose districts, although. 



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8d Father de la VaMniere 

regulated by the court, seemed to place no obstacle in the way of the 
Bishop, who would displace them without necessity, otu: missionary 
thought it his duty to oppose such designs and by means of the law, 
he obliged the said prelate to renounce his undertaking. But alas! 
how sad it is for a priest, so far from home and under English 
domination, to defend his right against a Bishop of their naming 
and according to their taste. 

"It happened then that in 1776, the insurgents called in Canada 
the Bostoners {BostonnaiSy) having taken the country and besieged 
Quebec, during the whole winter, judged proper to detain two priests 
as prisoners at Sorel; whereupon, otu: missionary, being alone able 
to express himself in English, thought fit to use some endeavors to 
deliver them; he therefore, went to Sorel and had the good fortune 
of rescuing at least one of them whom he brought with him. But 
his request was not long in becoming suspicious to the English 
government, which, after three years of extreme persecution, made 
him leave suddenly the 25th of October, 1779, and sent him to Ports- 
mouth, with interdiction to land him without the consent of the 
ministry. He therefore, remained there during seven and a half 
months, on board ship, without having the two-thirds of a soldier's 
rations, and again later twenty days a prisoner, contrary to the rij^t 
of nations, at Alesford, whence, by means of a passport, he came as 
best he could by Ostend. But to crown his misfortune, having 
placed all that was left him in a box on board the vessel to be brought 
to Nantes, the ship was wrecked. As for himself, having traveled 
by land to Paris, he took on his arrival the Uberty of requesting in 
writing an audience of M. de Sartine, who, no doubt, had no time to 
honor me with a word of answer. 

"Since that time, that missionary has never ceased to reproach 
himself with his want of action ; having especially heard of the depart- 
ure of Count de Grasse to whom he might have been of some useful- 
ness, he cannot refrain from ofiPering the services and the experience 
of a man who will soon reach his fiftieth year, begging of Your Ex- 
cellency to honor with a word of answer him who already takes the 
liberty of calling himself 

Your most Humble and Obedient servant, 
P. HUET DE LA VALINIERE, Priest. 

The Canadian Archives Supplementary Report for 1899, p. 199, 
has thb following summary of the above recited documents which it 



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Father de la Valiniere 87 

states is in the Archives of the Ministere des Colonies in the Louvre; 
our transcript is from the Quebec Archiepiscopal Archives. 

1782 — ^Letter from Pere Huet de la Valiniere, a Priest, to M. de 
Castres, Secretary of State (a remarkable letter, artless and myster- 
ious). Returned from Canada nine months since, after a period of 
twenty-six years. 0£fers his services. Applied for an audience to 
M. De Sartines, but received no answer. Relates his history and that 
of a priest taken prisoner by the Bostonnais at Sorel, in 1776, and re- 
leased at his, the writer's, solicitation; kept in captivity by the Eng- 
lish during three years; sent to England; detained upon the vessel 
for seven months; a prisoner for twenty days at Alrrfford, &c., &c. 

De Courcy-Shea's History of the Churchy Edition 1856, p. 461, 
says : "Soon dissatisfied with his family, and meeting in consequence 
of his eccentricity, a rather cool reception from the Sulpidans at 
Paris, he resolved to return to Canada and set sail for Martinique." 

WANDERINGS OF VALINIBRB. 

Is it not more probable, however, that the Minister of Marine 
Department gave him the service applied for on one of the vessels 
going to the West Indies, the cruising ground of the French marine 
forces? That it was thus he reached Martinique and later San 
Domingo, where he was attacked by the yellow fever and on his 
recovery "took passage on a small craft, for Newbur3rport, Massachu- 
setts, where he arrived early in the Spring of 1785. From thence 
traveled on foot by way of Vermont and Lake Champlain to Montreal, 
where he arrived in June, 1785." 

As he distrusted his Montreal friends, he planned going first to 
Martinique, San Domingo, or the United States, before reaching 
Canada, which was the final object of his voyage. As a fact, he landed 
at Newbur3rport in 1785, reached Vermont, Lake Champlain and was 
soon back to Montreal. 

The first authentic news of his arrival is given in the following letter 
addressed by Bishop Desglis to Monsieur Grav6, the Vicar General^ 
dated July 25, 1785: 

"I enclose herewith an interesting document of M. Huet de la. 
Vafiniere: 

''What shall we do, my dear ^^car General, with this poor man? 
HoW|Well he bears out the portrait given by M. Montgolfier in his 



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88 Father de la Valiniere 

letter to His Honor the Lieutenant Governor; restless, turbulent, etc. I 
• "He asks me for a certificate of good standing and behaviour so as 
to go wherever the Lord calls him. Can I give him one as long as 
he will hold a conduct so much opposed to my orders? I have for- 
bidden him, as you are aware, to say Mass publicly until he has made 
arrangements with the government, and he has nevertheless officiated 
without having complied, for I don't see by all his verbiage how he 
•can prove that His Honor, M. Hamilton, allows him to remain in 
this province. God grant that for the honor of the clergy he be not 
decided to allow him to stay! I even desire that you endeavor to 
make him know that I would be very glad if he did not suffer him 
in this country " 

Evidently de la Valiniere was not very warmly welcomed by Bishop 
Briand's successor. On his part, M. Montgolfier is at a loss to get 
fid of him once more and for good, for M. de la Valiniere is determined 
to remain at the Seminary in spite of everybody. In vain do they 
offer him, for peace sake, a pension of six hundred livres, Totmois 
currency, payable yearly in Paris. The deed is drawn up, signed by 
the Sulpidans, but at the last moment, the Abb^ changes his mind 
and refuses to sign. After this he seeks the hospitality of a Confrere, 
M. Curateau, and later lodges with the Recollect Fathers. He applies 
to EngUsh lawyers, among others to M. Christie, to institute proceed- 
ings against the Sulpidans. But the lawyers will not plead without 
the permission of the Seminary priests. 

Then, after several trips to Quebec, to St. John, to I'Isle-aux-noix, 
he, in August, 1785, leaves for the United States, with a "favorable 
letter" from Uie Bishop to Rev. John Carroll. He traveled as far as 
Philadelphia, where he meets Father Carroll, the future Bishop of 
Baltimore, who received him kindly, but could not grant him faculties 
nor confide to his care the Canadian, Arcadian and French group 
settled in New York audits vicinity, as he *'had no power to do it.*' 

IN NEW YORK. 

While in New York he sent a petition to Congress then sitting in 
that Gty, stating his 'losses and sufferings." That Petition is not 
now among the papers of the Continental Congress, but its purport 
can be known by the following document: 

Office of Secretary of Congress. 

October 15, 1785. 



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-^"^^ 9^irwV/ /^r<*^ /i7W.<#t**t /i/jf ^'^^'/'^ **^** tk'i^hJ^ mf&a} •/:04^^ 
^Uta^f ?^t///^ ft*D /iii^ru^ ii^sy, h/Mf ^)}^*^ P^'W ' V **'**' '^^"^ 



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Father de la Valiniere 89 

On the petition of Peter Huet de la Valiniere, priest, chosen to be 
a general Vicar for New Skotland, which he has refused, stating his 
lo^es and sufferings, and offering his services and pra3ring for an 
answer, i. concerning some succour, 2. concerning the recovery of 
his baggage which he left last Spring at Newbury, and 3. concerning 
his being employed at Ilinois or some other place. 

The Secretary of Congress reports 

That the said petition be referred to the board of treasury to report. 

Agreed to, Sept. 17 1785. 

R. H. Sec. P. 

[No, 1 80, />.9, Reports of Secretary of Congress. In State Department in 
1901.I 

In the Pall of 1785, he was at Newburg, New York, and doubt- 
less also at Pishkill, where a number of Canadian refugees were located 
and to whom he ministered by special faculties given by Father Carroll. 

In December, if not earlier, he was in New York Gty preaching to 
the French, whom he assembled in his house. About Christmas he 
wrote Father Farmer, of Philadelphia, a letter, the purport of which 
we get to know by the letter of the latter to Rev. John Carroll, dated 
December 27, 1785, transmitting Father VaUniere's commtmication, 
saying: "It contained matters that must be laid before your rever- 
ence. It is from La Valiniere, la3ring down his reasons for sta3ring in 
New Yoik ; for collecting the Canadians and French for the purposes 
of divine service, and asking for faculties. That gentlemem was 
again, in a late letter, recommended as a zealous missionary by Fr. 
Wells (of Quebec), and I doubt not that his staying among those 
forlorn people, and preaching to them may revive their decayed 
devotion. For I have seen some instances of it two years ago in my 
own poor endeavors^ when sta3ang five days in Fishldll. My answer 
to him was, that till your pleasure be known, he might exercise at 
New York, with respect to the Canadians and French only, those 
facilities your reverence had given him. La Valiniere writeth of 
their (Fathers Whelan and McReady) expecting exhorbitant fees, 
even before the service. Another motive of allowing him to exercise 
at New York the faculties you gave him, was mentioned by himself, 
and it is that formerly in Canada he had been the ordinary pastor of 
those voluntary exiles, and may we not add to these motives, that 
he was our fellow missionary in America and that he comes with 



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90 Father de la Valiniere 

approbation from a neighboring Bishoprick. — [CampbelTs Carroll. 
U. S. C. Mag. March, 1847]. 

Neverthdess, Father Carroll did not give him facilities as we learn 
from his letter from Rocky Creek, Md. January 25, 1786, to the 
Trustees of St. Peter's Church, New York Gty, wherein he says: 
"He lamented his hands being still tied. I was prevented from 
giving full employment to M. Nugent's zeal and I must add for M. 
La Valiniere's credit, that when I declined granting him leave to 
administer the Sacraments to the Canadian refugees, it was for the 
reason, because I had no power to do it. Otherwise, I have such a 
conviction of his many quaUties that I should gladly have indulged 
the wishes of those good people who solicited and of this I beg to 
inform him." — [MSS. copy. Georgetown University]. 

Otto, the French Consul at New York, writing to Comte Vergennes, 
the Minister of France at Paris, on January 29, 1786, said: 

ASSBMBLBS THE PRBNCH 

"M. de la Valini^e assembles the French who are in his hotise. 
He preaches regularly to them every Sunday and he asstu^s me he 
is persuaded that if there were a French Church here, it would, with- 
out doubt, attract a great number of his countrymen." [Bancroft's 
Formation of the Constitution, p. 77]. 

On January 26, 1786, Father Farmer, of Philadelphia, wrote Rev. 
John Carroll, "From, or of M. De la Valini^, I heard nothing since 
I wrote to him, as I sometime ago mentioned to you." 

On February 25, 1786, Father Farmer wrote that he had trans- 
mitted to La Valini6rc, who was still in that dty, "powers to perform 
parochialia, without restrictions to the French," and this gentleman 
had informed him of the state of affairs, as he had been requested to 
do; ''that scandals had ceased and all was quiet there." 

In a letter of March 30, he mentions the intention of M. De la Vali- 
niere, to leave New York for the Illinois. With the labors of his minis- 
try he f oimd time to compose a catechism in both French and English, 
and formed numerous projects for the erection of churches and semi- 
naries in the principal cities. Having failed to obtain, through the 
influence of the French Ambassador (M. Barbe Marbois), permission 
to buy an old Protestant church in New York City, which he intended 
to use for the Catholics, he felt discouraged and adced Bishop Car- 



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Father de la Valiniere 91 

roll's leave to travel West. He was allowed to do so and was even 
invested with the faculties of a Vicar General. 



Going To The Illinois. 

Rev. Ferdinand Fanner, of Philadelphia, on April 12, 1786, wrote 
Rev. John Carroll, Superior: 'Xa Valiniere, who thinks to leave 
New York on Monday after Quasimodo, is composing a Catechism in 
English and French which my correspondent is af eard not to be suffi* 
dent concerning the BngUsh language and also perhaps to serve upon 
those of our communion he wisheth we might see it before it is put 
to press, but the time is too short. The gentleman's trunks for his 
journey to the Illinois are already here." 

The Catechism referred to was titled : 

Dialogue Curieux et Interessant entre Mr. Bondesir et le 
Dr. Brevilog, en Francais et en Anglais." 

Dr. Shea says, (History of the Church, p. 431, note) **in which the 
printer strangely Protestantized his EngUsh." It is probable, how- 
ever, that printer "followed copy," as Father Farmer's New York 
correspondent declared La Valiniere "was not sufficient in the 
English." Father La Valiniere describes himself in the title as "having 
suffered great persecution for the catise of America in the last war 
and having been obliged to take refuge in the United States." 

No copy of this catechism is in the State Library at Albany, 
nor in the New York Historical Society, nor in the Lenox Library 
of New York* 

"He came to Philadelphia and, making a brief rest at Old St. 
Joseph's with Fathers Farmer and Molyneux, he 'made his way as 
a pedestrian to Pittsburg and descending the Ohio in a batteau,' 
journeyed on to Kaskaslda, where he became in 1 786, Pastor and Vicar 
General. The register of that Old Church yet exists with his signature 
as "Pretre, Vic. Gen. Miss, de la St. Famille."— [U. 5. C. H. Mag. 
XIII, />. 43.] 

He had no sooner reached his destination than he began to wage war 
against Father St. Pierre, a discalced CarmeUte, who had served as 
Chaplain in Rochambeau's Army, and of whom TAbb^ J. H. Laval^ 
quoted by John Gilmary Shea, says that he was certainly one of the 
most remarkable priests who had administered the parish of St. 
Gabriel (in Louisiana). 

The rdation of his doings as Vicar General of Illinois may be read 
in Thb American Catholic Historical Resb arches for July, 1906. 



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92 Father Lotbiniere 

FATHER LOTBINIERE APPEALS TO GENERAL SULLIVAN 
TO ADVOCATE HIS CAUSE BEFORE CONGRESS. 
[Translation.] 
General: 

I have been an eye witness of the courage and prudence which 
your Excellency showed at Chambly and Sorel. You were the same 
in all places where you fought and your courage and prudence rightly 
gained for you the applause and esteem of all who fought under your 
orders. Your gallantry made me often wish to see your Excellency 
at the head of the army, after the death of the valiant Montgomery. 
But Congress sent (the Respectable) Woorster, who was too old to 
succeed in that capacity. Had your Excellency been sent, all Cana- 
da would have united to the United States, and the Canadian people 
who hate the English and ardently wish to throw off the Englsh yoke 
would have held the cotmtry against England and all the armies she 
might have sent. As for me I would now enjoy in peace my income 
which amotmted to 450 pounds sterling and would have kept the 
honorable position I held, instead of being adrift in a foreign country, 
always on the verge of starvation as my salary has not been paid. 

I have some reason to believe that General Arnold and other 
officers of high rank have told your Excellency of my former prosper- 
ous and honorable position ; that after the bishop, I was the foremost 
priest in the country by birth, position and income. When I took 
sides with the United States they bore witness of all those facts when 
they reached Congress, but the majority of the members of that honor- 
able assemply have not seen those facts, they formed an opinion with- 
out considering them and they looked down upon me as a poverty- 
stricken priest, who for a Uving, joined the army as chaplain. There- 
fore, they paid no attention and gave me no consideration and last 
year I received only 240 dollars a month. Besides I was paid only 
every four months. I have been on the very point of dying on the 
streets of hunger and exposure as I have had to sell my linens and part 
of my clothes to keep myself alive. Finally I resolved to declare i® 
my poverty to Congress, 2® the impossibility of borrowing or of get- 
ting anything from my country, all commuiiications between Canada 
and this country being cut off. I added that the bishop, the clergy 
and the nobility, although they were vexed at my action, would take 
the opportunity to show that one cannot rely on the Americans. 
They would say : Ix>tbiniere had an honorable position and a good in- 



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Father Lotbiniere 93 

come; he has left everything against our wishes, to side with them; 
as a reward they left him to die of hmiger and exposure in the'streets 
of Philadelphia. 

This petition was presented and Congress ordered that, money 
having depreciated in value, I should be paid 965 doll, and 5 shiU. in 
gold. Furthermore, I was to receive 40 dollars in gold per month. 
This order was taken to the office of the Treasury and the commissar- 
ies of that office gave me a warrant for 965 doll, and 5 shill. in bill 
emitted. Said warrant has been in my hands since the 2nd of Sep- 
tember last and has not been paid. I received only 20,000 continen- 
tal dollars in two payments, which make 266 dolL bill emitted, and 
5 shillings. I could not get one cent more since the first of August 
until now; therefore my salary is due for nine months which makes 
360 doll, bill emitted. 360 added to 699 doll, the balance of the war- 
rant, makes 1059, clue me. But what shall I get? The state money 
being valued at three dollars for one I shall receive only 353 doll, in 
gold and if Congress dela}^ longer that payment, I shall not see any- 
thing of it. You see. General, how I am wronged. Had I received 
that money earher, even in January, when there was not yet any 
difference between gold and bills emitted, I would have been able to 
buy the necessaries of life and besides I would have laid in a supply of 
sugar and coffee which would have saved me a lot of money. 

I thought that I would give you some explanation on this ques- 
tion and as you seem so well inclined to help me, will you kindly 
permit me to ask you to present to Congress this short address which 
will be strengthened by your powers of oratory and by your charm of 
speaking. 

Mr. Lotbiniere, a priest from Canada, and the only one of the 
clergy of that country who, notwithstanding the opposition of his 
bishop, his family and his friends, sided with the party of Liberty, 
has come to me and presented himself as the former general-in-chief 
of the army in Canada in 1 776. He told me of his poverty due to the 
fact that his salary and the warrant given him on the 2nd of Septem- 
ber last, have not been paid. He says that he received on October 
2nd last on account of his warrant ten thousand continental dollars, 
that the value of that money being at the time 75 for one silver dollar. 



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94 Father LoUnniere 

This money enabled him to buy a suit, some shirts, stockings and 
shoes and to live until the 2nd of February. But since the 2nd of 
February the continental dollars fell considerably in value ; so did the 
state money. 200 continental dollars were worth only one silver 
dollar and 3 dollars of the state money worth only one, so that he 
could manage to get only a wig and a pair of shoes and had to live very 
economically on the other ten thousand dollars, which he received 
on the 2nd of February last. Now he has only 500 with which he 
hopes to be able to live a week. 

In fact, gentlemen, the high position he held, the large income he 
gave up to join our cause, the considerable help he gave our army, 
his very presence holding back in our regiments the enlisted Cana- 
dians who wanted to leave because the Bishop had ordered all priests 
to refuse the sacraments, even at the hour of death, to all those who 
had enlisted in our army, and had they left the whole army would have 
perished ; all these considerations speak for him, they were communi- 
cated to you by General Arnold and other high ranking officers. 
Therefore, we cannot, without injustice and without incurring the 
blame of the Canadian clergy, nobility and peasantry, leave without 
help this honest priest, who would be well- to-do if he had not espou- 
sed our cause. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary that we pay the 
balance of his warrant, amounting now to 699 doll, state money and 
his nine months salary amotmting to 360. He complains that the 
war-board and the Treasury do not execute the orders they receive 
from Congress in his case. We must thererfore, give a special order 
either to the Continental Treasurer or to the pay master to pay him 
promptly on the first of the month. Every communication with 
Canada being cut off, this gentleman is unable to receive anything from 
his country and is not in the same predicament as the other officers 
who may get help from home, while waiting for their salaries. If 
we cannot do him justice let us cut off his head and end his misery ; 
he himself would prefer that way of dying to a lingering and ignomin- 
ious death. 

Gentlemen. I repeat that we owe it to justice and to the nec- 
essity of securing the goodwill of the Canadians, who, notwithstand- 
ing their f eeUng against him would not entertain a good opinion of us 
to help him out of misery and pay him promptly on the first of the 
month. His age. his noble birth, and his position command our 
respect and it is humiliating for him to go 30 to 40 times to the war 



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Father Loibiniere 95 

board or to the Treasury without getting anything but rude answers 
from the officials. 

This speech, General, enhanced by the glamor of the eloquence 
with which nature has endowed you will be irresistible. This being 
done nothing in the world will restrain me when I shall find an oppor- 
tunity of showing your Excellency the depth of my gratitude. 

LOTBINIERE, CANADIAN PRIEST AND KNIGHT OF THE 
ORDER OF MALTA. 

To His Excellency Mr. Sullivan, Major General of the Armies of 
the United States of America. 

Original in French. Papers of Continental Congress, No. 78, 
XIV, 423] 

Perhaps General Sullivan acceded to the request of Father Lot- 
biniere but perhaps not. On September 5, 1774, he wrote from 
Philadelphia to Captain John Langdon, denouncing the Quebec Bill. 
He declared the Catholic an accursed reHgion, so dangerous to the 
State and favorable to despotism "that Philadelphia will be a dty 
of refuge for Roman Catholics who will ever appear in favor of the 
prerogative of the crown, backed by an abandoned minister, aided by 
the whole force of Great Gritian and assisted by the same Indian 
nations. I am certain no God may as well exist in the universe as 
those two ReUgions where the Papists have the power to extirpate the 
profession of the other," 

Yet Sullivan was the son of an Irish Catholic. 

He may have become more tolerant of Catholics from his inter- 
course with them in Canada and his association with Father Lotbini* 
ere. When, in 1 78 1 , an effort was made in his State, New Hampshire 
to abolish the religious test for office, he drew up the report of the 
town of Durham in favor of striking out "Protestant" and inserting 
"Christian" in the Constitution of the State. 



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96 Bishop Briand 



BISHOP BRIAND OF QUEBEC ''KEPT CANADA FOR 

ENGLAND." 



Jean Oliver Briand seventh Bishop of Quebec, was bom January 
23d 1715, ordained Priest March i6th, 1739. Two years later he 
arrived in Canada as Secretary of Bishop Pontbriand and until his 
death he acted as Canon of the Quebec Cathedral. 

The See remained vacant until 1766 when Briand was appointed 
to it. He remained until 1784 when he resigned on account of age 
and infirmities, He died June 25, 1 794. ' 'At the time of the American 
invasion of 1775 it was he who by his loyalty and his authority 
kept this colony for England" says Monsigneur Tita in Mandements 
des Eveques vol. 11 p. 5, 187 quoted in Jesuit Relative vol. 71, p. 388. 

"Bishop Briand worked hard and did almost as much as General 
Carleton [the Governor] for the British cause" [Justin H. Smith in 
Am. History Review Jan. 1902. p. 400.] 

General Richard Montgomery, in his belief that "the will of an 
oppressed people, compelled to choose between Liberty and Slavery, 
must be obeyed" had on December 31st, 1775, endeavored to take 
Quebec, but lost his life in the attempt. 

A year later Bishop Briand ordered Te Deum commemoration of 
the victory of the British and the preservation of the City from 
capture by the Americans. His pastoral address to " the CATHOLIC 
PEOPLE of QUEBEC" reads: 



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Bishop Briand 97 

Bishop Briand's Pastoral Lbtter. 

ETianslatioii.] 

Jean Oliver Briand by the mercy of God and the grace of the 
Holy See, Bishop of Quebec. Suffragan inmiediate of the Holy See. 
Honorary Canon of the Metropolitan Church of Tours, etc. 

To the Catholic people of Quebec, Salutation and Benediction in 
Our Lord Jesus Christ. 

What are to-day jrour sentiments, Dearly beloved Brethren, on 
the happy and glorious event of the 31st December, 1775, of which 
the anniversary will, in three days from this date, recall the grateful 
and consoling memory? Tou looked upon it then as a singular dis- 
pensation of Providence, to be remembered and held as a debt of 
gratitude to the God of armies for all time. This was the language 
of His Excellency and of all our officers and all our men. With the 
greatest consolation did we witness on the part of all the generals 
and faithful defenders of this town manifestations of the sentiment 
and see them all combine to render homage to the Supreme Being 
for the victory of that day. Nor could we, in view of die principles 
of our holy faith, augur otherwise than favorably of the event or 
refrain from hoping for what the Lord really accomplished and what 
He never fails to perform when men are faithful in rendering to Him 
due tribute of glory and honor. He consummated His work, and af- 
ter having amid the shades of night, rescued us by a kind of miracle, 
or rather by a real miracle from the hands of our enemies, and deliv- 
ered them into our hands, when they deemed themselves victorious, 
that God of goodness, against whom neither science, nor wisdom,nor 
strength, nor craft, nor knavery can prevail, restored to us and not 
only to us but to the whole colony, the blessing of liberty. 

And here perhaps I should enumerate and set before you in de- 
tail all the marvels which the Lord has accomplished in our behalf, 
in order to convince you that it is your most strict duty to give him 
thanks and sing His praises: CafUaU Domino canticum norum qua 
mirabilia fecU But you have well weighed and appreciated these 
wonderful mercies of God and times beyond number have I been 
delighted to hear you proclaim it, in accents which faith alone can 
i nspire. It was God and God only, who restored to us H. B. Monsieur 



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98 Bishop Bfiand 

Carkton. He it was who covered him with his shadow, who guided 
his footsteps, and brought him safely through the netwoiic of most 
vigilant sentinels specially posted at every point of vantage in order to 
capture him and carry him off; it was God who enabled our illustrious 
Governor to put courage in every heart, to tranquiHze the minds of 
the people and to reestablish peace and union in the town. It was 
God himself who imparted and preserved unanimity and concord 
amidst a garrison consisting of men of different ranks, characters, 
interests and religions. It was God who insjrired that brave and 
glorious garrison with the constancy, strength, generosity and attadi- 
ment to their king and their duty, which enabled them to sustain a 
long and painful sdge during the severity of a Canadian winter. 
Did you not also recognise a further evidence of the q)ecial pro- 
tection of Divine Providence in the matter of the failure of fire-Aip 
which would in all probability have reduced to ashes the whole of the 
lower town? What more need I say? The arrival of help from 
Burope at a most opportune moment and but a few hours in advance 
of the assistance which reached the enemy; the tenor manifested by 
the enemy on seeing His Bxcellency outside of the walls with a small 
immber of men; the affair of Three-Rivers; the precipitate flight of 
the enemy on the approach of our troops; the victories won on lake 
Champlain; was not all this the work of Divine Providence and do not 
these wonderful mercies call for our gratitude? CamtaU Dommo 
canHcum Nomm qui mirabilia fecU. Let us then Dear Brethren most 
joyfully chant a hymn of rejoicing and gratitude to our God, who 
has worked so many wonders in our behalf. Let us sing it, our illus^ 
trious Governor, who is of one mind with us in this matter asks 
for it. Your brave commanders, under whom you have w(m so much 
glory, have asked that it be done, and begged of us to chant a sokma 
Mass, in order to testify before Almijj^ty God by that august saom* 
fice, in a manner more worthy of Him and in better keyring with 
their sentiments, to their heartfelt and boundless gratitude. 

Wherefore, after having conferred in this matter with the clergy 
of our episcopal city, we have resolved to celebrate, at or about nine 
of the dock, on Tuesday next, 31st December, in our Cathedral 
Church a solemn mass in Thanksgiving, after which we shall,'in Pon* 
tifical Robes, chant the Te Deum, whereat our clergy secular and 
regular shall attend. We exhort and nevertheless enjoin upon all the 
people to attend thereat, in so far as it can be done, in good faith and 



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Bishop Briand 99 

before God. We should not consider as being exempt from ^ those 
who through ill will or a spirit of criticism and disobedience, and 
for no other reason absent themselves therefrom. The Te Deum is 
to be followed by Benediction oi the most Holy Sacrament, and we 
grant an indulgence of forty days. 

(Mven at Q^bec, under our hand, the seal €i our Arms and the 
signature of our Secretary, this 39th December, 1776. 

T J. 01/., Bishop of Qubbbc. 
Par Motiseigneur, 
FR8. Perrault, Priest, Secretary. 

We read in the Biographical Notice of Mgr. Briand by BIgr. Henri 
T€ta. frhe Bishops of Quebec p. 345.] 

"December 31, 1776, the Bishop (Mgr. Briand) ordered a Te Deum 
in thanksgiving for ttit deliverance of Quebec and of all the colonies. 

"The ceremony in the Cathedral was most solemn. After the Ponti- 
fical Mass, the Bidiop intcuaed the hymn of Thanksgiving, the cannon 
boomed on the ramparts and at the door o! the church the armed 
Cathdic militia fired numerous charges (salutes). Twelve Canadian 
imsoners who had taken arms against the King, were freed after 
having made *'amende honorable* the day before in the prison, and 
on this day having been brought to the cathedral at the end of the 
ceremonies to ask full pardon for the scandal which they had given 
were then sent to their homes each one being (u-dered to make 
further aipends in his own pari^ church.'' 

Mgr. Tetu gives as his authority a letter of Mother Marie-Catherine 
de Saint Ignace of the General Ho^tal, Quebec. [BuUetm des 
Historiques Recherches], 

1776, Dec. 31. Te Deum at Quebec for defeat of Montgomery 
a year before. Services in the Cathedral by the Bishop, and eig^t 
Canadians had to do open penance with halters around their necks 
and beg pardon of God, the Churdi and King George for having 
helped the Americans.— [Lowell's Hessians, p. 124-5.] 

On November 24th, 1 784 Bishop Briand of Quebec wrote Governor 
Hamilton giving "notice of his determination to resign his c^ce, 
on account of a malady which is inctuable, and transfer it to Us 
worthy coadjutor, given him by His Majesty, and whom he had con- 
secrated twelve years ago by permission of Mr. Cramahe, then 
Lieutenant Governor. For twenty years he has preserved the people 
of his diocese in fidelity and impressed on them that they could 



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lOo Bishop Briand 

neither be Christians nor true Catholics if they were not faithful to 
their oaths, and subject to the power whom the providence oi God 
had placed over them. Recommends the appointment of a coad- 
jutor to his successor who is in his 75th year, involving a danger of 
losing both, which terrifies his people. Recommends this as the 
last and most important affair whose success can interest him." 

Governor Hamilton replied expressing his sorrow at the cause of 
his resignation of an office which his Lordship had so worthily filled, 
and the regret with which the whole Providence would learn of his 
resignation. Will transmit immediately His Lordship's Letter to 
the Secretary of State and communicate the answer. 

(Canadian State Papers Q. 24-1, or Canadian Archives Report 1891, 
State Papers p. 147). 

On January 1900 an article appeared in The Semaine Rdigieuse 
de Quebec, published without "the approbation of Archbishop Begin 
which was "regrettable and in the opinion of French Canadians 
both lay and clerical uncalled for at any time." It was commented 
on in "a despatch from Ottawa" published in The Herald of Mon- 
treal in a manner "besides being a tissue of historical errors "was 
''most insulting to the Archbishop of Quebec." 

It was replied to by Archbishop Paul Bruchesi of Montreal on 
January 12th, 1900 in which he said, respecting the loyalty of the 
French Canadians. 

Read the Episcopal documents that have appeared since Canada 
became a colony of England; read the instructions that have been 
given since then to the people by their dergy and discover, if you can, 
one word to substantiate the accusation of our dislo3ralty. We have 
always been lo3ral, and we intend to be ever so. We love France, 
and what Eng^sh speaking person would dare upbraid us for so doing. 
Stilt we consider England as a generous, a powerful nation, and 
under her sheltering flag Providence has placed our holy religion and 
liberty. 

The foreigner who wrote the article in question states that England 
oppresses us. We deny the assertion most emphatically. We are 
proud of our allegiance to England. We hope England will msititain 
her exalted position in the world, because we firmly believe that the 
Almighty has great designs upon her, and that our French Canadian 
nation, small as it is ,wouId have all to suffer if her prestige was in 
any measure diminished. 



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Bishop Btiand. loi 

To this Archbishop Begin of Quebec wrote Archbishop Bnichesi 
saying. 

"Need I recall here Mgr. Briand, who, occupying the See of Quebec 
at the turning point in the history of New Prance, Uving alternately 
under the banner of the Fleur de lis and again under the British 
standard, loyal at first to the former until, when on the plains of 
Abraham, all, save honor, was lost, and then generously transferring 
to the latter the homage of entire loyalty, used all his sacred influence 
during the terrible days of 1775 to keep Canada faithful to her new 
masters. And, nevertheless, God knows how great the temptation 
must be to the children of France in America to unite their fate to 
that of the children of Albion (England), less scrupulous, less loyal 
and more easily pardoned for a revolt, real and efficacious, than we 
are to-day for a fanciful disloyalty. If the Catholic emissaries of 
the United States, if the impassioned appeal of the French officers 
who served the cause of American Independence could not triumph 
over the last revolt of the Canadian people, it is because the voice of 
the head of the Church of Quebec, invoking the sacred principles 
of respect due to the ruling authority, and stigmatizing with the name 
of "rebels" those who allowed themselves to be allured, opposed to 
the Revolution an insuperable oarrier. And England, already de- 
spoiled of the richest portion of her heritage in America, owed to a 
French Bishop the conservation of the country of Canada — one of 
the most precious jewels in the imperial crown.'' 

So to Bishop Briand is it mainly due that ''Canada was lost" tp 
the United States and not to John Jay's anti-Catholic utterances 
in the address to the people of Great Britain which the Continental 
Congress issued, October 21st, 1774, declaring the Catholic "a religion 
fraujj^t with sanguinary and impious tenets" — ''A Religion that has 
deluged your Island in blood and dispersed Impiety, Bigotry and 
Persecution, Murder and Rebellion through every part ot the world." 

Bishop Briand was right. England had acquimi Canada in 1763 
by the surrender of France at its defeat at Quebec by the army of 
General Wolfe and the capitulation of the French forces under Mont^ 
calm. England became the authority to be recognized— Allegiance 
was then due to her. 

When the revolt of the Americans came on and they had taken 
up arms in defense of the "rights" they daimed which at different 
times were set forth in various argumentative ways. England offset 



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I02 Bishop Briand 

the demands of "the Protestant Colonies" by giving the Canadians 
in May, 1775, Thb Qubbbc Act which "established Popery," said 
the Revolter but which simply restored to the Canadians the eccles- 
iastical laws under which they had lived during the French regime. — 
The right of the clergy to collect tithes, being the most important in 
its effects upon the people and an effective cause of the favorable 
attitude of the mass of the people towards 'the BosUmnais*' on their 
arrival in Canada. 

The clergy, of course, with very few exceptions — ^Father Flogoet 
a notable instance — ^rejoiced at the restoration of their old privileges. 
The People — ^where we can get record of their sentiments — appeal: 
very largely, not to have been so well pleased at the return of the 
tithe system. They also appear through natural love oi France, and 
detestation at being a conquered people, to have had a fuU-hearted 
sjrmpathy with the Americans who had come as an armed force into 
their country. 

But it is very plain that though Congress had addressed the "In- 
HABiTAKTs OP Canada" "that the enjoyment of their very Religion 
depends on a Legislature in which you have no share and over which 
you have no control and your priests are exposed to expulsion, 
Banishment and Ruin, whenever their wealth and possessions furnish 
sufficient temptation," and also that the Conunissioners of 1775 — 
tivingstone, Paine and Langdon— were empowered to ded&re to 
the Canadians*' we hold sacred the right of conscience and shall 
never molest them in the free enjoyment of their Religion," yet the 
men of thearmy, a few months later, under Generals Montgomery 
and Arnold could not, and did not, supi»ess the feelings of hostility 
to the religion ot the Canadians, but gave too frequent evidences 
of it when in that country. 

Few of the Canadians knew of the addresses of Congress, but 
they knew as they felt, the keenness of the antipathy manifested 
iowBxda their faith, and its practices. The invaders were first wel- 
comed then became abhorred, because of the evidence of this con- 
tempt of and for their Religion. 

To uphold their own rights in their own Colonies, the ''Protestant 
Colonies" seized arms and invaded Canada to either ally it forcibly 
or to h(dd it as a hostile country so as to prevent its inhabitants 
being used by Bngland to * 'impose Popery" on "the Protestant 
Colonies" to the Southward. 



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Bishop Briand 103 

Bishop Briand was the successor of Bishop Pontbriand, who ditd 
June 8, 1760, but he did not succeed him until March i6th, 1766, 
nearly six years later. In the interim England had suj^lanted 
Prance in the possession of the Country, A successor to Bishop 
Pontbriand had to be appointed by Rome, with the approbation ot 
England. So Bishop Briand entered on "his office" — given him by 
"ISs Majesty." With the QUEBEC Act passed Canada then had no 
cause to revolt They had not been oppressed by England. Their 
reUgious instincts were like wise averse to resisting the lawful authori- 
ties of their Country. They who might cast off this restriction simply 
were resisters of the power ordained by God. The priests too, kept 
the people obedient to Authority and Bishop Briand kept the priest 
subject thereto as well. But above all stands the potent and impress- 
ive fact, that Canada had n6 just cause to enter upon a Revolution 
ot to aid or assist Rebellion. 

It is worthy of mention that Bishop Briand was, on September ist, 
i77i> given by the propaganda faculties by Rome to administer Con- 
firmation in "Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia and other conter- 
minous places." The documents did not reach Quebec until the 
foQownig Summer. On October 15th, 1772, the Bishop wrote Car- 
dinal CasteUo that "as soon as the Governor of Quebec returns from 
I/mdon, I shall endeavor to obtain his permission to go to Mary- 
land or Philadelphia and do my best to fulfil the mission which it 
pleases His Holiness to honor me. Meanwhile I shall write to some 
missionary in those countries to forewarn them." 

He wrote to Pitther Farmer of Philade^dda who, April 22nd, 1773, 
wrote th^ Bishop that his coming would "create great disturbances, 
with the danger of depriving us of the paltry privileges we are now 
enjoying, espeeiaWy in Maryland." 

This was becattse of the agitation that had, since 1763^ been going 
on relative to the attempt of the Church of England to establish 
the l^MScopate in this country. This was resisted very generally 
by the Dissenters. It really was <»ie (^ the many causes of the Revol- 
lution. No tokiation wotdd have been given Bishop Briand had he 
oome. The very title "Bishop" would have incensed the peofde 
beyond the power of restnunt. 



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I04 Father Floquet 

FATHER FLOQUET, JESUIT. "AN INVETERATE ENEMY" 
OF THE BRITISH TO WHOM HE "BEHAVED VERY 
BADLY" WHILE '^THE MOST DANGEROUS" SUPPORTER 
OF THE "REBEL" AMERICANS. SUSPENDED BY 
BISHOP BRIAND ; HIS DEFENSE AND SUBMISSION. 

Rev. Pierre Ren6 Floquet, S. J. bom at Paris, September 12th, 
1716; entered the Society of Jesus August 6th, [or 14th] 1735. Ar- 
rived in Canada August 17th, 1744 ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ J^ i^th, 
1752, and died at Quebec, October i8th, 1782. In 1757, he became 
Superior at Montr^. When in 1776, Rev. John Carroll, at the re- 
quest of Congress, accompanied the Commissioners sent to Canada 
to arrange terms of neutrality, if alliance could not be effected, it 
was beUeved by Congress that, although the first Congress had de- 
clared the Religion of Father Carroll to be a religion "fraught with 
sanguinary and impious tenets" "A Religion which has deluged 
your island [England] in blood and dispersed Impiety, Bigotry, 
Persecution, Murder and Rebellion throughout every part of the 
world," [October, 21st, 1774], nevertheless his sacerdotal association 
with the Jesuits of Canada, would enable him to be helpful in pro- 
moting the endeavors of the Commissioners, Benjamin FrankHn, 
Charles Carroll of Carrollton and Samuel Oiaae. 

The American Commissioners arrived in Montreal, 29th April 
1776, and lodged at Mr. Walker's an ardent sympathizer with the 
Americans. Father Carroll visited Father Floquet. But the Bishop 
of Quebec, "forbid his dergy to have any intercourse with Father 
Carroll" [De-C. & Shea, 47.] So he was received by his brethren 
with scant courtesy. He was permitted to say Mass in the house of 
Father Floquet, who had, ''offended the government by speaking 
in favor of the American Colonists" [ibid]. "For a supposed infringe- 
ment of Bishop Briand's order, Fatiier Floquet was su^)ended and 
summoned to Quebec" from Montreal, [ibid.] 

Fathbr FtoQUET Called Col. Hazbn's "Chaplain." 

Col. Moses Hazen at Montreal 20th Ai»il 1776, reported: "General 
Wooster has ordered me to join him at Quebec witii the handful 
of men I have, calling it a regiment, not considering, I am sure, the 
situation I am in; a sample of it you see by Bradinoor's company 
when nine out of twenty-two deserted on their way down. It will 
not do to break faith witii the Canadians, and I know it is impossible 



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Father Floquet 105 

to march from this until they are paid. Indeed, in all appearance 
it has been in all difficulty that I have prevailed on them thus far 
to their duty, in which Sier Floquet has assisted by giving them 
absolution when every priest in the country refused. He has now 
the name kA my Chaplain. 

"I have necessary intelligence through that quarter. Indeed I 
have laid myself out for it and believe I have got what may be de- 
pended on.'' [Canadian Archives: Haldemand Papers, B. 27, p. 398.] 

That is American testimony to the friendly helpfidness of Father 
Floquet. A bit of British evidence may now be cited. 

"Thb Most Dangerous" 

The following is an extract of a letter from Monf orton to Ceres 
dated 33d September 1778. 

(Translation.) 

"This idol to which they have sacrificed so many innocent victims 
has far more adorers in this part of America than it ought to have 
and among them Father Floquet. If he is guilty of any treason, 
he has undoubtedly been the most dangerous because his correspond- 
ence has been too long kept secret in this instance. Those who have 
any knowledge of the institute of the Society of Jesus ought to be 
aware of the difference between a frank Jesuit and a free Jesuit; and 
Mr. Carleton's conduct in this matter is a very striking illustration 
of the idea I mean to express regarding the Government's mildness, 
Ifis Excellency having taken no other step at so critical point but 
to recommend him to the Bishop's care. 

"The zeal with which his Lordship and his respectable clergy have 
endeavored to encourage the faithful, to reassure the hesitating and 
reclaim those who had gone astray, convinces his Excellency that 
no further fear need be entertained of Father Floquet and is cer- 
tainly calculated to remove from the minds of the public the un* 
fortunate prejudices which he had planted in a credulous and ignorant 
population, of whom a large part will now be kept on our side by the 
dibiing example of the nobility and the better element generally 
in Canada, whom honor alone has led to take up arms in defense 
of their Prince." [Canadian archives : Haldimand Papers B. 122 p.164] 
He thus defended himself in a letter to the Bishop June 15, 1776: 



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io6 Father Floquet 

Dbfbnce op Father Floqubt. 

15th June 1776. 
MYIX)RD: 

M. Montgolfier read to me yesterday some fragments of one 
of your letters. I could see between the lines that your heart still 
loved, and that your paternal Iritidness still feared to find guilty, 
him whom you had to judge according to his merits. Grievot^y 
accused, guilty or not, more or kss guilty, he consents, my Lord, to 
receive from your tribunal the sentence which shall best conduce 
to the public, and above all, to the spiritual, welfare (^ your diocese. 
If I could serve God and my neighbor in one of your smaUest parishes, 
one the least lucrative and the most distant from the towns and public 
highways, but at the same time the easiest to serve, (for I am grow- 
ing infirm and heavy), the charge the least sought for, the most 
shunned, would henceforth please me better than Montreal. 

If I must be banished from the Province, I hope I may go forth 
furnished with a certificate of life and conduct, which your Lord- 
ship's charity will accord to me, so that I may be in a position to 
do better el^where than I have done in this country. 

Here is my public confession — I do not like the Quebec Bill and I 
have said so too openly. This has made enemies for me of all those 
who are responsible for it. 

I treated the BosUmnais considerately from human respect. If 
I had been as violent against them as many others were, the whole 
fury of the storm would have fallen on my head; I being the only 
Jesuit at Montreal, I would have served as an example to others, 
and perhaps have caused a persecution of out missionaries in Penn- 
sylvania and in Maryland. 

After the departure of the King's ttoops, the Montreal deputies 
promised the Bostonnais a true or else a false and deceptive neutrality. 
I believed they promised a true one and one to be kept. Ikept4t,and 
advised others to do so; this made me tolerant to both parties in 
the tribunal of penance. The Bostonnais Colonel Hazen commanded 
for some time at Montreal. He restored to me the portion of our 
house which Mr. Murray had turned into a prison. I accepted this 
favor, which I had not sought, and thanked the bestower of it. Mr. 
Haten sent me a written invitation to dinner. I dined with him oiace, 
accompanied by an Irish royalist priest who lived in our house and 
who had formerly been on intimate terms with Mr. and Mrs. Haxen« 



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Faiher Floquet 107 

At the dose of the winter, the Americans raised two companies: 
of Canadian militia, Lieber and Oliver. The new recruits were on 
garrison duty at Montreal when the Paschal season opened. Ok 
being adced to hear their confessions, I consented to receive them, 
if I cottld be assured that they would not go to besiege Quebec, and' 
would merely do peaceful duty at Montreal. On Mr. Oliver assuring 
me of this I yielded. On Easter Tuesday, in the afternoon, I began 
to hear the least bad, but was far from approving them. Those who 
received permissUm to communicate mingled with the crowd in the 
parish church until Low Sunday inclusively 

On Tuesday after Quasimodo pLow Sunday], three tardy miUtia- 
men received absolution from me, and presented themselves at the 
parish church. They were publicly refused. I consoled them and 
communicated them in private, [junuis dausis.] 

Sudi my Lord, are my prindpal acts during last Winter and 
Spring and they have called down upon me suspidcm, exagger- 
ation, maHdous interpretations, detraction, calumny and the ani- 
mosity of many persons. In truth, in consdence, and before God 
am I or have I been a BosUmnais rebd? No, My Lord. 

Last Fall, when the loyal inhabitants assembled at Montreal for 
an expedition which f ail^, no one received them better, confessed 
and communicated more, than I did. I told those who consulted 
me that they did wdl to volunteer for the King's service and that 
these who rebelled against orders did wrong. I have never ceased 
dianting tlie Dominie Sahum and have offered the prayer for the 
Kmg. 

One Father Carroll, a missionary ftom Maryland, having come to 
Montreal with two members of Congress, presented a letter from 
Father Farmer, first missionary at PhUaddphia. The Seminary 
saw this letter which contained nothing objectionable. Neverthe- 
less I did not answer it. Father Carroll did not lodge with me, 
and dined with me but once. He said Mass in our house by Monsig- 
nor Montgolfier's permis^m. 

I have never said, written or done anything in behalf of Congress 
or the United Colonies, nor have I reodved anything from them, 
except our dilapidated house. 

I have been offered two pieces of advice, dther of which if followed 
woiild kad to my condemnation. One is to quit the Province on 
the retreat of the Bo jimnaif ; the other is to make from the pulpit, I do 



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io8 Father Floquet 

not know what retraction of my errors, and reparation for my faults. 
I have rejected the first suggestion and do not know what to da 
about the second. 

I am at your disposal, my lord. You will find me very submissive 
to the orders, advice and wishes of your I/>rdship. 
I am, my Lord 

Your very humble and obedient servant, 




Submission of Father Floqubt. 

Notwithstanding the explanation and avowments of this letter 
Bishop Briand placed Father Floquet under an interdict. In a few 
months, however, the condemned Priest made his submission in 
these words, 

MY LORD: To satisfy my conscience, I the undersigned, confess 
that the grievous drctunstances in which I found myself last Winter 
in Montreal, have been to me the occasion of many faults of which 
I dncerely repent. I humbly supplicate your Lordship to pardon 
me, and to remove the interdict which my misdoings have drawn 
down on me. If I obtain this favor of your goodness, my Lord, 
I hope that my conduct will convince my Superiors and the public 
that I wish to yield and to endeavor in my sphere to make others 
yield to Caesar tiiat which is Caesar's and to God that which is God's. 

P. R. FLOUfiUET, S. J. 

QUEBEC, 29th November 1776. 
[Archives of Quebec.] 

After Arnold's treason, while at New York, on July 26th, 1781, 
he gave information to General Clinton the British Commander, 
that he "remembered but one suspected person in Canada — a Jesuit 
at Montreal, whose name is Pierre and the only one of that Sect 
there. He is a very sensible shrewd man." [Pa. Magi. Oct. 1884.} 

The statement has been frequently made that Arnold, the Traitor, 
after going over to the British violated the confidence reposed in 
him by persons residing within the British lines while he was in the 
service of Congress. 

By the correspondence between Governor-General Haldiman of 
Canada with Sii Henry Clinton commander of the British forces at 



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Father Floquet 109 

New York it appears that oh November i6t]i, 1780, Haldimand 
wrote CUnton saying: "Arnold in his military capacity had disting- 
tdshed himself at the siege of Quebec and in other parts of the prov- 
ince by which he had acquired the perfect confidence of the dis- 
affected inhabitants and of course took advantage of retaining them 
as emissaries in the Rebel interest. I have suspected many persons 
to be concerned in this business" "but by the arts of secrecy of those 
employed and many of them being under the irtflcifnre of religion 
an my efforts to discover them have been ineffectual and though I 
have confined some upon well founded suspicion yet I cannot obtain 
proofs sufficient to justify my making an exampk. 

''Before the French alliance I suspected the Jesuits and some few 
of the clergy— since I am confident that the greatest part of them 
have entered warmly into the interests of the Americans and it is 
much to be feared, find means to correspond with the enemy, lir. 
Arnold I should think will not hesitate candidly to give every infor- 
mation in his power by wnich a discovery may be made and a stop 
put to the intercourse which certainly sustains between this province 
and the principals in the Rebellion." 

This letter^nor Ensign Drummer sent with it did not reach Clinton. 
Bnsign Prentice was sent Feb. 7th, 1781, with another of similar 
import. 

Neither had reached Clinton up to July 23rd, 1781, when he re- 
ceived from Haldiman, a letter of June 6th telling of the two des- 
patches and saying: ''One of my letters was to request you would 
procure from Arnold some information of the disaffected persons 
in this province of whom he must have a thorough knowledge. It 
would be of infinite use as the secrecy of the Jesuits baffles all my 
endeavors to discover them." 

A memorandum dated July 26th, 1 781; in Arnold's handwritings 
says: "Lieut. General de Rddesd will be so good as to acquaint Gen- 
eral Haldiman that General Arnold having had all his papers taken 
can only remember one suspected person in Canada — a Jesuit at 
Montreal, whose name is Pierre and the only one of that sect there. 
He is a very sensible shrewd man." 

General James Robertson on October 31st 1781, wrote to General 
Haldiman "General Arnold saysPire Floquet is an inveterate enemy. 

On November 12, 1781, Sir Henry Clinton wrote Haldiman 
'General Arnold says Monsieur du Calvert, Piere Floquet were 



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no Priests of Laprairie 

friends to the Rebels." [Pa. Mag. His. & Biog. Oct. 1905 
p. 500-1O 

Bishop Briand m writmg on 27th, of April 1777, to Father Meurin, 
S. J. at Prairie-durRocher in the Illinois (now Randolfdi County^ 
State of Illinois) in answer to his letter of 23d Ifay 1776, said : 

"Father Floquet has behaved very badly in the recent troubles, 
HefavonrstheBojIafHtat^. The people of Massachusetts stand firm; 
they are strong in numbers, and whkt is more in the nature of their 
surroundings. There still remains in our country many Bostannais 
hearts. Some even betray themselves by their conduct." 

This letter did not reach Father Meurin while he was aUve. He 
died Pebnuuy 23 1777. Age 71 years. Another account gives 
August 13th as date of death. 

He was the last of the Canadian Jesuits in the West subject to 
the Bishop of Quebec, to whom he became subject in 1774, after 
the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, by Clement XIV. 

THE PRIESTS OF I^APRAIRIE, CANADA, 1775— ONE A'7ES- 
UIT, A VILLAIN AND A TORY"— THE OTHER "A FAT 
JOLLY THING AND A WHIG." BREAD AND MILK EVER 
READY FOR THE AMERICANS— THE ADDRESS OF CON- 
GRESS TO THE CANADIANS. 
The Journal of Major Henry Livingston of Third New York Regi- 
ment under Col. James Clinton of the expedition of General Mont- 
gomery published in The Pennsylvania Magasrine of History and Bio- 
graphy, 1 898, records : 

Oct. 19, 1775. The village of Laprairie contains about thirty 
houses, small and great— stands on bank of River St. Lawrence. 
Tlie Chnrch in it is pretty altho far from being handsome. The 
chancel is highly finished; the architecture truly grand; every part 
of it was brought from France many years ago. They have two ex- 
cellent pictures in it, one of the Virgin Mary presenting a rosary to 
St. Francis and the other the same St. Francis preaching to the 
Japanese. The main body of the church occupied by the audience is 
as rudely finished as ever a rude Canadian could wish, [p 20]. 

The urbanity of the peasants is very singular. The meanest of our 
soldiers that entered on^ of the houses was instantly regaled with a 
large bowl of bread and milk or any other eatables their houses affor- 
ded, and although our soldiery ^dom made them any gratuities 



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Priesis of Laprairie iii 

tlidr khidsiess was still tmremitted. But attbough their hearts are 
good their economy is by no means so. After a peasants house is 
once built and the rain shut out, no more water ever touches their 
floors save a little holy water every morning which follows a partial 
sweeping. Just by the bedside ol each master ol a family is placed 
a crucifix, generally a foot <x foot and a half kmg, some very coarse 
and ill made, others gilt and pretty. I never saw a b^ bed in Canada. 
All their religion consists in going very regularly to Church every 
Sunday and as regularly horseradng, boxing, wn^tling and gaming 
between services. Sunday with them is the merriest day in the week. 
Sincere piety and rational devotion is too little known among them. 
Yet I never saw people so generally, old and young, attend divine 
service, or more soknmly go thro' the round of foIUes their absurd 
religion calls upon them to attend. I inquired if there was not some 
Protestants in this part of the country but could not hear of a single 
family. ThereUved at Laprairie two ministers. One an old Jesuit 
and Rector of the parish, an arch Villain and a Tory. The other 
iat jolly thing pf a Curate who did all the preaching and pra}dng and 
a thorough Whig. The peof^ were very much averse to the Act of 
Parliament enforcing the French laws— and hated Governor Carleton 
with perfect hatred. It appeared amazing to me how he could have 
the effrontery to tell the ministry or their master that he could arm 
and bring into the field 10,000 Canadians when at the same time he 
must have been sensible he could not arm and produce ten wiUing 
men in Canada. 



Dr. T. A. Brisson of Laprairie for the Rector Rev. H. R. Lamarche 
sui^dies the following recited information concerning the Church and 
priests of 1775. 

That very year is marked by an inter-ieign in the pastorship of 
Laprairie, caused by the death of the Rev. Jacques Marchand-Des- 
ligneries, which occurred March 30, 1775. Pew weeks before. Rev. 
Father Antoine Gordon, a Jesuit missionary, came to assist him in 
the performance of his ministry and continued, after that date, to act 
as ofilciating minister of Laprairie, as late as October 8, of the same 
year, when Rev. Filiau took charge of the parish as appointed rector. 

Father Gordon came to Canada in August 1748, and died at St. 
Regis, in 1777, according to Bidiop Pkssis. H. Noiseux says he died 
July 29, 1779- 



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1X2 Priests of Laprairte 

After October 8, 1775, he may have remained some time at La- 
prairie, but not likely very long, because we find only one act of his 
in the registers, dated October loth. 

Rev. Piliau, (Joseph-Hyppolite Filiau-Dubois), son of Ftancois 
Filiau and Therese Vige, was bom at Montreal, November 13, 1734, 
was ordained November 30, 1757, and appointed as curate of Pointe- 
I^vis, where he lived until 1767. Then he was sent to Soiel as parish 
priest until 1777, and to Laprairie from October 1775 to Mardi 6, 
1788, date of his death. 

As to the old pictures, we have them yet, but they are deposited 
in the loft of the church. In fact, there is no picture at all, old or 
new, in our church, which is besideB a magnificent one. It was built 
in 1840 and replaced the old one existing in 1775. 

Very truly yours. 

Dr. T. a. Brisson. 

So Father Gordon, the Jesuit, was the Tory and so Major livings- 
ton thought him "an arch villain"; the ''fat jolly thing" whom the 
Major thought the Curate seems to have been Father Filiau. He no 
doubt did the "preaching and the praying" because he was the Rector 
and not the ' 'curate" as the Major supposed because he had but lately 
come and Father Gordon had not as yet gone away. "A village of 
thirty houses" required but one priest. 

Letter from Laprairie, November 3, 1775, said: 

The Canadians, in general, on this side the St Lawrence, are very 
friendly to us; ahnost unanimously so along the River Sorel; where 
they are actually embodied, and in arms altogether to the number of 
more than loob. 

' About this place they are not quite so active. Though I think they 
are now beginning to stir. More hospitable people I never saw; you 
cannot enter into a peasants house at anytime of day but they set a 
loaf of bread and a pan of milk before you. 

In October 1775, the five hundred Americans stationed at La- 
prairie were attadbsd by British forces but repulsed. 



Concerning the Address to the Canadians a letter from Montreal, 
March 24, 1775, relates; 

"The Address from the Continental Congress attracted the notice 
of some of the principal Canadians; it was soon translated into toler- 
able French. The decent manner in which religious matters were 



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Priests of Laprairie 113 

touched; tlie encomiums on the French Nation, flattered a people 
fond of compliments. They begged the translator, as he had pro- 
ceeded so well to try his hand on that Addrbss to thb People 09 
Great Biutain. He had equal success in this and read his perfor- 
mance to a numerous audience. But when he came to that part which 
treats of the new modeling of the Province; draws a picture of the 
Catholic Religion, and the Canadian manners, they could not contain 
their resentment, nor express it but in broken curses: 'Oh ! the per- 
fidious, double*faced Congress; let us bless and obey our benevolent 
Prince, whose humanity is consistent and extends to all Religions; 
let us abhor all who would reduce us from our loyalty, by acts that 
would dishonour a Jesuit, and whose Addresses, like their Resolves, 
are destructive of their own objects f [Am. Ar. 4-2 — 231. J 

Of course, they did not speak these words. They were simply used 
to show the spirit of detestation manifested by the Canadians on dis- 
covering that the Great Continental Congress was not above duplicity, 
that that body could blow hot or coM as would be likely to serve its 
purposes. 

Major John Brown writing to the Committee of Correspondence in 
Boston from Montreal, March 29, 1775, said: 

"The French people are (as a body) extremely ignorant and bigoted, 
the Curates or Priests having almost the entire government of their 
temporal as well as spiritual affairs. In Laprairie, a small village 
about nine miles from Montreal, I gave my landlord the letter of 
address, and their being five Cure^ in the village praying over the dead 
body of an old Friar, the pamphlet was soon handed them who sent a 
messenger to purchase several of them. I made a present of each of 
them one, and was desired to wait on them in the nunnery of the holy 
sisters. They appeared to have no disposition unfriendly towards the 
colonies but choose rather to stand neutral." — [Am. Ar. 4-2, p. 244.] 

The ''letter of Address" given the landlord was no doubt, one of the 
Addresses issued by Congress. 

By the letter of Dr. Brisson the date of death of ''the old Friar"— 
Father Desligneries, occurred on March 30. But Brisson's letter of 
29th speaks of him as then dead and, seemingly, as if he had been 
dead several days. 



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114 ^'Congress' Own'' 

"CONGRESS RETAINS A LIVELY SENSE OP THE SERVICES THAT THE CANA- 
DIAN OFFICERS AND MEN HAVE RENDERED THE UNITED STATES 
AND THEY ARE SERIOUSLY DISPOSED TO REWARD THEM FOR THEIR 
VIRTUOX7S SUFFERINGS IN THE CAUSE OF UBERTY/'—f^^^'*'^^''*^ 

April 23, 1783I. 

"CONGRESS* OWN/' 



COLONEL JAMES LIVINGSTON'S REGIMENT. 

When, in the Pall of 1775, the Americans under Generals Schuyler, 
Montgomery and Arnold invaded Canada with the purpose of holding 
it by conquest or to insure its neutrality, the great body of the Cana- 
dian people, undoubtedly, welcomed the "Rebels/' aided by the ready 
sale of supplies, though of course, all increased prices as a more active 
demand had arisen, and also cooperated in various ways in helpful- 
ness to those who had, though as an armed body, come to their coun- 
try. This spirit of good will was in a short time destroyed by the 
course of conduct of the Americans and by the Canadians, the ex- 
pected failure of the expeditions. 

However, while the good will spirit existed and many were joining 
the several corps as volunteers. Congress resolved, on January 20, 
1 776, to organize two Regiments of Canadians. As they were not to 
be attached to any of the States they became known as CONGRESS' 
OWN Regiments. The First was organized by Colonel James Living- 
ston. Though one of the well known Livingston family of New Yotk 
he was by birth a Canadian. He was bom in 1747 and died at Sara- 
toga, New York, November 20, 1832. 

His father was the youngest son of Robert of Stillwater, New Yoric, 
His mother, Catharine, daughter of General Abraham Ten Broeck of 
Canada. He married Elizabeth Simpson of Montreal. 

General Richard Montgomery had married into the Livingston 
family of New York. When he was preparing for the invasion of 
Canada James Livingston, then at Montreal succeeded in enlisting the 
services of over 300 Canadians in and about Montreal. These he 
hurried to New York when they joined Montgomery's army. 

This band of refugee recruits greatly aided Montgomery in the cap- 
ture of Montreal, St. John and other points along the St. Lawrence 
River and were with Montgomery in the assault on Quebec, Decem- 
ber 31, 1775. 

General Montgomery appointed Livingston a CoLONBtr. On Aug- 
ust 15, 1775, Congress confirmed the appointment and directed that 



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'^Congress* Own** 115 

a conmussion should be given him as Colonel with authority to enlist 
as many Canadians as desired to engage in the service. 

Captain Wright at this time had been sent to New York State to 
gather recruits. Livingston wrote John Jay, President of the New 
York Provincial Council, requesting aid to promote Wrij^bt's purpose. 

On November 7, 1775, Congress ordered commissions to be sent 
General Schuyler for all officers of I4vingston's Regiment who served 
in Canada. 

Major Henry Livingston enlisted a Company at or near Rhinebeck, 
New York and on August 8, 1775, reported the completion of his 
quota to the New York Congress where it was on August 12, 1775 
read. Here are a few Irish named among those he enlisted — ^possibly 
some were Catholics or ought to be so. John Rogers (Corporal), 
John Moody, M. M'Donnell (drummer), John Rogers, Jr., Bphraim 
Welsh, James Sullivan, John FUnn, John Casey, Thomas Quinn, 
Michael W. Carter, David Bums, John Bradie, William Kearney. 
{Am. Arch., 4 S, 3 v, p. 67I. 

' 'We are much in want of dothes, arms, shoes, &c. , " he wrote, though 
supplies were then on their way to him. All he got was a "coat and 
blanket for each man; no hat, shirt, waistcoat, breeches, stockings or 
shoes." This "want of clothing" he thought "will obHge many to 
desert the service who have engaged in it from principle and from the 
sole view of extracting the country from its present difficulties." 
[ibid, p. 79l. 

The Major did so well in Canada that on December 11, 1775, the 
Continental Congress ordered "a Sword, of the value of one hundred 
dollars be presented to Captain Henry B. Livingston as a testimony 
of their sense of his services to this country and that they will embrace 
the first opportunity of promoting him in the Army." — [ibid 1950]. 

On April 15, 1776, the time of about two hundr^ of Livingston's 
Canadians expired. "Pew if any will reengage," wrote Col. Hazen 
to General Schuyler, April i. 

Congress August 21, 1776. A Petition from Preudhome la Jeu- 
nesse was presented and read and referred to the Board of War. 
It is in Papers of Congress No. 41, IV, p 376. 

The Board reported That the Petition be granted and a Commis- 
tion be given him to be a Captain of a Company of Canadians, Aca- 
dians and French to belong to Col. Livingston's Regiment and to 
join the army at Ticonderoga as soon as may be. 



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ii6 "Congress^ Own'* 

It was ''ordered to lie" (on table). The report, in the writing of 
Richard Peters is in the Papers of Congress, No. 147, i, folio 3. 

In Congress, August 29, 1776, It being represented by Dr. Benja- 
min Franklin, one of the late Commissioners to Canada, that Mons. 
Bernard Mousac de la Marquisie, had a commission given him by the 
said Commissioner, to be a Captain and l^gineer in one of the regi- 
ments to be raised there, but that he lost his commisnon, with his 
baggage, at Chambly; it was thereupon Resolved that a new com- 
mission be granted to him. 

At this time also had Col. Moses Hazen, Commander of the Second 
Canadian Regiment, as well as Colonel Livingston, authority of Con- 
gress to enlist men in any of the States. Livingston and Hazen en- 
deavoring to recruit in New York interfered with the filling of the 
five Battations at Albany and neighborhood so that the Provincial 
Congress informed Washington that it was owing to this that the delay 
in completing New York's quota was due. — [Am. Ar. 4-3 — 1221-1264.] 

Col. Livingston and his Canadians were at this time in service under 
General Mongtomery. 

On September 28, 1775, General Montgomery wrote General Schuv- 
ler. 

"Livingston has a considerable body of Canadians in arms; is very 
active and they have great confidence in him, I believe. I wish to 
have him taken notice of by Congress, in a manner suitable to his 
services and the risk he runs." 

"Should things not go well I tremble for the fate of the poor Cana- 
dians who have ventured so much. What shall I do with them, 
diould we be obliged to evacuate the country? though I hope this will 
not be the case." — [Am. Ar.^ 4-3 — 954.] 

Col. James Livingston at Fort Chambly, October 26, '75, de- 
manded from General Montgomery a Court Martial or Court of In- 
quiry—because of complaints by some Canadians. He had detected 
two or three in cutting the sails of vessels at St. Johns and many other 
things belonging to the garrison. 

He named Dungan and Maynard as having joined in a damnable 
scheme to prejudice Montgomery against him. 

"As for the Canadians not one of them disapproved of my conduct 
except a few villainous thieves. It has been my constant study to 
please them." 

After the defeat of Montgomery, Congress on January 20, 1776, 



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''Congress' Own'' 117 

lesolved to raise two Regiments of Canadians. That appears to 
have meant that all the Canadians now in the service should be the 
nucleus of two Regiments under Livingston and Hazen who already 
were Colonels and that endeavors should be made to fill up the quota 
of four Battalions in each Regiment. 

Col. Livingston and his Canadians retreated from Canada with the 
American forces. So many of the Canadians seeing that their coun- 
try was being abandoned deserted and remained at home. 

Livingston, and such Canadians as remained, came to Northern 
New York. New recruits were obtained wherever possible. 

In August 1780, Livingston's Regiment was on duty along the 
Hudson protecting the passes of King's Perry and Verplanck's Point 
Washington from PeekstdU on August 3, 1780, directed "Col. James 
Livingston to garrison the redoubts at Stony and Verplanck's 
Point." 

Arnold was at this time in command of West Point. Investiga- 
tion clearly shows that the frustrating of Arnold's treason — the sur- 
render of West Point — ^was due to the vigilance and prompt and inde- 
pendent action of Col. James Livingston commanding at Velplanck's 
Point. He had watched passing events with suspicion and questioned 
the propriety and motive of the flags of truce from the British to 
Arnold. With seemingly prudent instinct he applied to Major John 
Lamb for ammunition for the only gun Arnold had forgotten and left 
with him. He got it September 20, 1780, The next day the gun 
was tested. It struck the VuUwre, which had brought Andre to 
confer with Arnold 

This caused the VuUnre to slip anchor and drop down to Tarry- 
town. This obfiged Andre to travel by land while Arnold escaped on 
the VuUure. Wa^iington arrived on 25th and notified CoL Lamb: 
''It is my wish to see Col. James Livingston to-night." It is possible 
that while on duty alcmg the Hudson that Father Lotbiniere, known 
in Canada as Chaplain of Hazen's Regiment and whose career has been 
narrated, may have ministered to the Canadians in Livingston's 
Regiment as well. No evidence of his presence has been found but 
it is a suggestive inference that while paid by Congress as Chaplain he 
endeavored to perform such sacerdotal duty as the drcumstanoes 
permitted thou^ faculties do to so may have been wanting. 

After the War, Col. Livingston remained in New York and from 
1784 to 1791 was a member of the New York Legislature. 



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ii8 "Congress' Own'' 

On April 23rd, 1783, the following resolution was passed by Con* 



** Resolved, That tlie memorialist be informed that Congress retains 
a lively sense of the services the Catiadiati officers and men have ren- 
dered the United States and that they are seriously disposed to reward 
them for their virtuous sufferings in the cause of liberty. 

That they be further informed that whenever Congress can 
consistently make grants of land they will reward in this way as 
far as may be consistent the officers, men, and other Refugees from 
Canada." 

On April 13, 1785, the refugees from Nova Scotia were promised 
"whenever Congress can consistently make grants of land they will 
reward in this way, as far as may be consistent, the refugees from 
Nova Scotia as may be disposed to live in the Western Country." 

On April 7, 1798, An Act was passed by which the Rdugees 
from Canada and Nova Scotia might present "a just and true account 
of their claims to the bounty of Congress." 

It was not until February 18, 1801, that land was assigned for 
claimants 

When the tract of land to be appropriated was determined upon, it 
was found that it was located in the then wilderness of central Ohio, 
unsurveyed and uninhabited and of no known value. 

The land set aide by this Act was four and a half miles wide from 
the line of present Fifth Avenue to Steelton in the dty of Columbus, 
Ohio, north and south, and east from the east bank of the Scioto 
river about forty-eight miles. It was intended to extend to the west 
line of the division of land known as the "Seven Ranges," but it was 
never surveyed that far for refugee purposes. The tract as surveyed 
for that purpose contained 130,240 acres. The part in Franldin 
County was all embraced in Montgomery and Truro Townships. 
These two townships extend from the east bank of the Scioto to the 
east line of Franklin County and were four and one*half miles wide 
from north to south. Both of these townships were named by refugee 
influences; that of Montgomery by Judge Edward C. livingston, 
whose father [Col. James Livingston] as has been stated was with 
General Montgomery when he fell at Quebec and who was a refugee 
from Canada; and Truro by Robert Taylor who came from Truro, 
Nova Scotia, and was the fourth settler in Truro Township. — [Ed- 
ward Livingston Taylor in The Ohio Arch. His. Q., July, 1903.] 



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''Congress* Own** 119 

^CONGRESS' OWN/' 



COLONEL MOSES HAZEN'S REGIMENT. 

"Ths hand of Providbnce has bbbn so conspicuous that hs 
must bb worsb than an infidbl who lacks faith and morb than 
wickbd who has not gratitudb bnough to acknowlbdgb his 

OBLIGATION" WASHINGTON TO GBN. NBLSON, FROM WhTTB PLAINS 

Aug. 2 1ST. 1778. [Writings Vol. VI. p. 36.] 

The "Sbcond Rbgimbnt" of Canadians was commanded by Col. 
Moses Hazen. It was formed in pursuance of the authority of Con- 
gress, January 20th, 1776, though under way prior to that date. 
On January sand, 1776, Congress elected Hazen Colonel and Edward 
Antin, Lieutenant Colonel. 

Nearly 500 Canadians had enlisted under Hazen and did good 
service at Chambly and St. John's at which many Canadians were 
taken prisoners. On the evacuation of Canada the Regiment had 
80 mudi decreased that on its arrival at Albany, in August 1776, 
it had been reduced to about one hundred men — ^yet ''calling it a 
Regiment." Hazen and Antill came to Congtess sitting at Philadel- 
phia, and reported the condition of the Command. It was agreed 
to continue the "Regiment" on its old foundation but to enlist 
recruits from any state. Col. Hazen thereon engaged in recruiting 
service in New York State, while Lieut. Col. Antill did like duty 
thnmghout New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and "N^ginia. 

Col. Hozes Hazen April ist. 1776 wrote Gen. Schuyler : 

''You are not unacquainted with the friendly disposition of the 
Canadians when General Montgomery first penetrated into the coun- 
try. The ready assistance which they gave on all occasions, by men, 
carriages and provisions was most remarkable. Even when he 
was before Quebec many parishes offered their services in the re- 
duction of that fortress, which was at that time thought unneces- 
aaiy But his most unfortunate fate, added to other incidents, hat 



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I20 ''Congress* Own** 

caused such a change in their disposition that we are no more to look 
upon them as friends, but on the contrary, waiting an opportunity 
to join our enemies. That no observation of my own may remain 
obscure, I beg leave to observe that I think the clergy, or guardians 
t>f the Souls and the conductors of the bodies of these enthusiasts 
liave been neglected, perhaps in some instance ill used. Be that as it 
may, they are unanimously (though privately) against our cause, 
and I have too much reason to fear many of them, with other people 
*of some consequence, have carried on a correspondence the whole 
winter with General Carleton, in Quebec, and are now plotting our 
destruction. The peasantry, in general, have been ill used. They 
have, in some instances, been dragooned, at the point of the basronet, 
to furnish wood for the garrison at lower rates than the current 
price, also carriages and many other articles furnished. Certificate 
given not legible, with only half a signature and of consequence 
rejected by the Quarter Master General. It is true they are promised 
payment from time to time, yet they look upon such promises as 
vague, their labor and property lost, and the Congress or United 
Colonies bankrupt; and in a more material point, they have not 
seen a sufficient force in the country to protect them." 
[Lossin^s Life of Schuyler i — ^46.] 

On 15th April the Soldiers who wintered in this country will be 
free and in my opinion, neither art, craft or money will prevail on 
many to reenUst to serve in Canada. 

Col. Livingsiton's regiment consisting of about 200 Canadians will 
be free on the same day. Very few of them if any will reengage. 

Hazen wrote ''of my intended Regiment I have about 250." 

General Schuyler wrote to Washington from Port George, April 

27, 177^ 

The licentiousness of our troops both in Canada and in this quarter 
is not easily to be described nor have all my efforts been able to put 
a stop to the scandalous extremes. 

The Commissidners sent by Congress to Canada wrote Congress 
on the deplorable condition of the army in Canada — ^no money — or 
credit; ''our enemies take advantage of their distress, to make us look 
contemptible in the eyes of the Canadians, who have been provoked 
by the violence of our military in exacting provisions and services 
from them without pay. A conduct towards a people who suffered 
us to enter their country as friends, that the more urgent necessity 



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^'Congress' Own'* 121 

can scarce excuse, since it has contributed much to the change in 
their good disposition towards us into . enmity and makes them 
wish our departure 

In Congress July 30th, 1776. Resolved: That General Schuyler 
be desired to enquire into the conduct of Colonel Hazen, who is charged 
with having beaten and ill-treated Prands Cuillot de la Rose, a 
continental Captain of Canadian Militia, and also to have ill-treated 
Charles Robert de la Fontaine, a Canadian, at Champly, and put such 
conduct into a proper channel for trial and punishment. 

A letter of Colonel Hazen dated Montreal 20th, April 1776, relates 
the situation at that time. 

MoNTREAi., 20th April, 1776 

I have your letter of the loth, current by Gen. Arnold. Am sorry 
to hear of your ill-luck in recruiting. You have long since heard 
of lir. Goddard Walker's and Lorrimer's exit. The last mentioned 
rascal was at the Cedars with your batteaus and a party of soldiers 
from Auswegatin enlisting men and stirring up the Indians to cut 
our throats here assuring them that eight hundred Indians with 
the garrison of Detroit, Niagara, etc., together with all the French 
Inhabitants in that country, would be at the Cedars in twenty days 
from that time, which has caused great convulsions in that part of 
the country. Indeed, there is nothing but plotting and preparations 
making against us throughout the whole district. The Priests are 
at the bottom. I have good intelligence, and you may depend upon 
what I say to be a fact. lir. Lorrimer has returned with his batteaux 
laden with provisions. On this information I ordered Col. Birle, 
with a detachment of his regiment, who was then just arrived at 
St. John's, to march immediately and take post at the Cedars, in- 
tending also to establish another at Carringnon. Gen. Arnold soon 
after arrived, and much approved of this measure, as it will totally 
cut oflf all communication with the upper country. 

I have been very attentive in my endeavors to secure the Indiiuf 
nations at Caughnawago, Canasedage, St. Regis and St. Francois in 
our favor, and hope we shaU succeed. Indeed, I have so far as to in-' 
duce the Caughnawago tribe to call together the heads ct those othef 
nations in General Congress. We must, at any rate, have them in our 
interest, after which we shall have nothing to fear ftom the upper 
country. Fxobisher is returned. His bu^ness is referred to a Con- 
mittee of Congress, who is supposed now to be at Fort George. Gen. 



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122 ''Congress' Own*' 

Thomas is said to be at or near that place on his way to take command 
in Canada. Gen. Howe, with his whole army, has left Boston. You 
will remember my remarks to Congress with respect to this matter. 
We have no certain accounts of Lake George being open, but I take 
it for granted that it is before this, consequently the arrival of our 
army before Quebec will depend on wind and weather, as is all 
water carriage. You cannot now expect them at Quebec before 
the 5th or loth of May. Gen. Wooster has ordered me to join him 
at Quebec with the handful of men I have, calling it a regiment, 
not considering I am sure the situation I am in, a sample of it you 
see by Brandinoor's company, when nine out of twenty-two deserted 
on their way do¥m. It will not do to break faith with the Canadians, 
and I know it is impossible to march from this until they are paid. 
Indeed, in all appearance, it has been in all difficulty that I have 
prevailed on them thus far to their duty, in which ''^er Floquette'' 
has assisted by giving them absolution when every priest in the coun- 
try refused. He has now the name of My Chaplain. 

I have neccessary intelUgence thro' that quarter. Indeed, I have 
laid myself out for it, and believe I have got what may be depended 
upon. A stroke must by and by be struck here. I only wanted 
force to put it into execution before this. I have been free in reveal- 
ing secrets. Your prudence will manage them in a proper manner. 

Yours, etc., etc., etc., 

MOSES HAZBN. 
Canadian Archives, Haldimand Papers, B. Page 398. 

In Congress September 24th, 1776. 

Committee on petition of Colonel Hazen reported, the same as 
taken into consideration Whereupon RESOLVED 

That Colonel Hazen and Lieutenant Colonel Antill be continued 
in their offices, in the army of the United States and that they re- 
cruit their regiment to the number of a battalion on the Continental 
establishment. That the settlement of Colonel Hazen's accounts 
of monies advanced by him for the service of the United States in 
Canada be referred to the Commissioners appointed to audit the 
northern department. That one thousand and ninety -five dollars 
be paid to Colonel Hazen, in full satisfaction for his neat cattle, 
Aeep, swine, poultry, hay and other articles alleged to have been 
taken and used for the benefitof the Continental army near St. John's; 
which sum, together with 533^ dollars already received by him of 



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''Congress' Own** 123 

the said articles, as estimated by commissioners appointed by Gen- 
eral Wooster for that purpose pursuant to an order of Congress: 
That the damages done to his buildings, farms &e. by our troops 
or those of the enemy, ought not to be^paid, unless general provision 
be made for compensating all others, who, by means of war, have, 
in like manner, been damnified, which may be a subject to be con- 
sidered after the dose of the war. 

Pbnnsylvanians in Hazbn's Rbgimbnt. 

Under authority to recruit in any State Col. Hazen's Regiment, 
by December 29th 1779, had obtained 153 Pennsylvanians. Among 
them were the following of Irish-Catholic names. All may not have 
been of the faith their names imply, but others, of not so distinc- 
tively Irish-Catholic names though they may have been Catholics, 
do not appear on the list. 

Edward Bradley enlisted February 19th 1777. Wounded at 
Germantown; discharged April 23d 1782. Died at Cariisle February 
7th 1786, leaving a widow Sarah. Daniel McAuky resided at Mech- 
knberg Co., North Carolina, in 1834. That being a strong Presby- 
terian Settlement; Daniel may have been one of them and not one 
of Ours. Hugh Bamett. Domis Bohan, enUsted April 13th 1777. 
Dennis Brian, transferred to the sappers and miners; James Car- 
roll; John Demullen (may have been John D.); Edward Dougherty, 
December 14th 1776. So he may have joined in Canada. Daniel 
Duff, April 17th 1777; Ridiard Kimis, April 16, 1777; T^^Uiam Fit«- 
gibbon; James Gibbon; David Gray; Joseph Hannegan, died in 
Indiana March, 1833; James Hayes, March i, 1777, discharged 1781, 
resided in York Co., in 1808; Michael Hilands, March 2d 1777, died 
November 13, 1780; JamesHughes, November 15, 1776. So he too may 
have joined in Canada. He was transferred to Washington's Guard; 
David Kelly ; Robert Kelly, Timothy Kelly, January 18, 1777 ; Michael 
Leary, Mardi 29, 1777; Hugh lizzey; Stephen Lyon, December 12, 
1776. So he may have joined in Canada. Arthur Martin, March 29, 
1777; John Martin; Samuel Martin; Moses McCann;Th<Mnas McClean; 
Hugh McClelland; John McClelland; Charles McCune; Owen Mc- 
Glaughlin; Patrick McGlaugfalin; James McMuUen; John McNeal; 
Michael Ifitchell; James Norton, June 9, 1777, lesided in Lancaster 
Co., Pa. in 1835, age 99. "^^^IHam Norton, June 5th, 1777, resided 
in Columbia Co., Pa., in 1835 age 100. Most likely they were bro- 
thers. Dennis O'Brien, Oct. 7,1776— perhaps a recruit in Canada; 



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124 "Congress* Own** 

Morris Roach; James Shields, May 26, 1777, wounded and discharged 
1783, resided in Blacklist Township, Indiana Co., in 1835, age 90. 
John Sweeney, taken prisoner at Brandywine and escaped. Edward 
Thompson; Michael Tmynor, December 6, 1776; Thomas Welsh. 
[Pa. Archives, Pa. in Rev. Vol. 11] 

A company under command of Captain Bums was in December 
1776 stationed at Chester, Pa. Under date of December 24th, he 
advertised a list of deserters offering ten dollars reward for the cap- 
ture of each. [Pa. Gaz.] Among the deserters were James McDonald, 
James Rogers, James Brinck, Patrick Bradley, Nicholas Still, Wil- 
liam Wilson, Jomes Robinson, In the Pennsyhcmia Journal, March 
26, 1777, ei{^t deserters from Hazen's Regiment are advertised. 
Seven are described as "natives of Ireland." Ten dollars over the 
reward given by Congress was offered for their capture. 

On November: 29th 1779, Colonel Hazen sent a Memorial to Gen- 
efal Washington from Peekskill, New York, stating that the Regi- 
ment was raised by order of Congress January 20th 1776, to com- 
jMise four battalions of 250 men; that 477 men were enlisted; that 
want of money to pay the bounty prevented the Regiment bdng 
filled up at that time and in that country; that the Regiment has been 
employed in hard services in the course of the contest; a part of it 
was at the blockade and assault of Quebec; that part of the officers 
and men raised in Canada retreated with General Sullivan's army 
on June 17th 1776, from Canada; that on October 23rd 1776, con- 
gress ordered the Regiment to be kept on original foundation and 
to be recruited; that it entered the campaign of 1777 with 720 men; 
that it was with General Sullivan in the action at Staten Island, 
August 22d, 1777; at Brandywine nth September and at German- 
town October 4th following, "in all of which it acquitted itself with 
honor and was in the last engagement amongst the troops that 
were rewarded with your Excellency's Thanks,*" that in these three 
engagements it lost in killed, wounded and taken prisoners, 15 com- 
missioned officers and 133 non-commissioned officers and men. 

The Regiment was recruited from Canada to North Carolina; 
that Congress, March 15th, 1779, had ontoed that the several States 
be given credit for these recruits; that the Regiment had 16 offi- 
cers and III non-commissioned officers and privates from Canada 
for whom no kind of provision had been made; that the 
Canadian soldiers are not inferior to any in the Regiment, in point 



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''Congress^ Own*' 125 

of Morality, Bravery, or attachment to the cause and services in 
which they are engaged; a proof of which is one Canadian only has 
deserted since the Regiment retreated out of Canada, nine different 
detachments were sent into that Country the last Summer for intel- 
Hgence and the greatest part of the other Canadians in sight of and 
not more than one day's march from their own country, families, 
friends, connections and estates. 

There are now 471 non-commissioned officers and privates on 
the muster-roll; 460 enlisted on twenty dollars bounty; not a man 
has received either town or State bounty. It is as good a corps as 
any in the army. 

Colonel Hazen sought to have his command placed under an estab- 
lishment by which they could enjoy the same rights as other com- 
mands. 

He closed by saying: It is hoped and really wished for that the 
period may not be too far off when this Regiment may be adopted 
by their own the Fourteenth State in America, "meaning thereby 
the hope that Canada would soon be joined with the Thirteen other 
States. [Pa. Ar. 2d S-8-17-19.] 

When, in 1778, it was designed to send an expedition of 5000 men 
under Lafayette into Canada, he, January 26, 1778, wrote Henry 
Laurens, President of Congress, then at York, Pa., he mentioning 
Regiments that would probably be in the invading force, "and above 
all Col. Hazen, with his Canadians, are, I believe, to fill up the list." 
[So. Car. His. Mag., VII, p 128.] 

Lafayette added: "Amongst Canadians, I shall be obliged to 
fiandse myself and speak much about the French blood to gain the 
heart of the Canadians."— [/6t(/.] 

On Octobers, 6 and 7, 1781, Father Ferdinand Farmer of 
Philadelphia, was at Fishkill, New York. During these dajrs he bap- 
tized fourteen "children and infants." He also blessed the marriages 
of "a son of Joseph and Mary Ursula [Knbair] Charti^ and Mary, 
daughter of James and Mary Frances [Chandron] Robinet, and Francis 
Guilmet and Mary Frances Chandron. [Registers at St. Joseph's 
Records. A.C. H.S. 11, p 305.] 

These were undoubtedly Canadians of the encampment of 
* ' Congress' Own" The Marquis de Chastellux visited Fishkill, Decem 
ber 21, 1780. Her elates that four or five milesawayin the woods was a 
camp of "some hundreds of invalid soldiers" — ^but "it was their clothes 



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126 "Congress* Own*' 

were truly invalid. Theae honest fellows were not covered even with 
rags;but their steady countenances and their arms in good order 
seemed to supply the defects of clothes and to display nothing but 
their courage and their patience."H!^^^''^'^II]« 



Frisnds and Brothbrs. 

The New York Provincial Congress on June 2, 1775, issued an 
Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec in whidi it was said: 

"The Parent oiF the universe has divided this earth among the 
diildren of men and drawn out the line of their habitations. The 
great God having ordained that all our joys and sorrows here below 
should proceed from the effect of human actions upon human beings, 
our situation has drawn together this great bond of natural depen- 
dence, and enabled us to deal out injuries and kindness to each 
other. We consider you as our friends and fed for you the affection 
of brothers.* ♦ ♦ 

''Avoid those measures which must plunge us both into distress, 
and instead of consenting to become miserable slaves, generously dare 
to participate with your fellow subjects in the sweets of that security 
which is the glorious lot of freedom." — [Am. Ar., 4 S., Vol. 2, p 893]. 



General Mooers, who died February i8th 1783, aged eighty years 
was adjutant of Col. Hazen's Regiment. In July 1783 with ten men, 
eight bdng Canadians, went to Point au Roche, Canada. The British 
held Point au Pair at the north end of Grand Isle opposite Point au 
Roche. Col. Hazen arrived there in September 1783. 

After the disbandment of the Army the Acts of Congress relative 
to the services of Canadians applied, of course, to Col. Hazen's Regi- 
ment as well as the Col. Livingston's. 



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Washington's Address to Canadians 127 

WASHINGTON DIRECTS THAT THE RELIGION OP THE 
CANADIANS BE RESPECTED AND PROTECTED AND NO 
CONTEBIPT OR RIDICULE BE SHOWN ITS CEREMOK- 
lES OR MINISTERS. 

Among Washmgton's instructions to Arnold on his departure on 
the expedition to Canada was this: 

14. As the contempt of the religion of a country by ridiculing any 
of its ceremonies, or affronting its ministers or votaries, has ever been 
deeply resented, you are to be particularly careful to restrain every 
officer and soldier from sudi imprudence and folly, and to punish 
every instance of it. On the other hand, as far as Ues in your power, 
you are to protect and support the free exercises of the religion of the 
country, and the undisturbed enjojrment of the rights of conscience 
in religious matters, with your utmost influences and authority. 

Given under my hand, at headquarters, Cambridge, the 14th day . 
of September, 1775. 

WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS TO THE CANADIANS. 

The following Address to thb iNHABtTANTs op Canada was 
issued by General Washington from Cambridge, Ifass., on the setting 
out of General Arnold's expedition to Canada. It was printed in 
French and in English for distribution in that country. 

By his Excellency Gborob Washington, Esquire, Commander-in' 
Chief of ike Army of the United Colonies of North-America. 
To the Inhabitants of Canada: 

Friends and Brethren: The unnatural contest between the 
English Colonies and Great Britain has now risen to such a height, that 
arms alone must decide it. The Colonies, confiding in the justice of 
their cause and the purity of their intentions, have reluctantly ap- 
pealed to that Being in whose hands are all human events. He has 
hitherto smiled upon their virtuous efforts. The hand of tyranny 
has been arrested in its ravages, and the British arms, whidi have 
shone so much splendor in every part of the globe, are now tarnished 
with disgrace and disappointment. Generals of approved experience, 
who boasted of subduing this great Continent, find themselves cir- 
cumscribed within the limits of a single City and its suburbs, suffering 
all the shame and distress of a siege, while the freebom sons of Ameri- 
ca, animated by the genuine principles of liberty and love of their 
Country, with increasing union, firmness, and discipline, repel every 



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laS Washington's Address to Canadians 

attack, and despise every danger. Above all, we rejoice that our 
enemies have been deceived with regard to you; they have persuaded 
themselves, they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not 
capable of distinguishing between the bks^ngs of liberty and the 
wretchedness of slavery ; that gratifying the vanity of a little circle of 
nobility would blind the eyes of the people of Canada; by such arti- 
fices they hoped to bend you to their views, but they have been de- 
ceived; instead of finding in you that poverty of soul and baseness o! 
spirit, they see with a chagrin equal to our joy, that you are enUght- 
ened, generous, and virtuous; that you will not renounce your own 
rights, or serve as instruments to deprive your fellow-subjects of 
theirs. 

Come, then, my brethren, tmite with us in an indissoluble union ; 
let us run together to the same goal. We have taken up arms in de- 
fence of our Uberty , our property, otu' wives, and our children ; we are 
determined to preserve them or die. We look forward with pleasure 
to that day, not far remote, we hope, when the inhabitants of America 
shall have one sentiment, and the full enjojrment of the blessings of a 
free Government. Incited by these motives, and encouraged by the 
advice of many friends of liberty among you, the grand Atnertcan 
Congress have sent an Army into your Province, under the command 
of General Schuyler, not to plunder, but to protect you; to animate 
and bring forth into action those sentiments of freedom you have dis- 
closed, and which the tools of despotism would extinguish through the 
whole creation. To co-operate with this de^gn, and to frustrate 
those cruel and pa^dious schemes which would deluge our frontiers 
with the blood of women and children, I have detached Colonel 
Arnold into your Country, with a part of the Army under my com- 
mand. I have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will con- 
aider himself, and act as in the Country of his patrons and best friends. 
Necessaries and accommodations of every Idnd which you may fur- 
nish he will thankfully receive, and render the full value. I invite 
you, therefore, as friends and brethren, to provide him with such 
supplies as your Country affords; and I pledge myself not only for 
your safety and security, but for ample compensation. Let no man 
desert his habitation. Let no one flee as before an enemy. The cause 
of America and of liberty is the cause of every virtuous American 
dticen, whatever may be his religion or his descent. The United 
Colonies know no distinction but such as slavery, corruption, and 



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Wnshingtl^n Fotbids '*Pope Day'' 119 

arbitrary dondnation, may create. Come, then, ye generous citi- 
zens, range yourselves under the standard of general liberty, against 
which all the force and artifice of tyfanny will never be able to prevail. 

GborgiS Washington. 

(Am. Ar., 4 Se., 3 vol., p. 764). 

This address issued in September, 1775, when Arnold's expedition 
went to Canada. 



WASHINGTON REBUKES INSULT TO CANADIAN CATHO- 
LICS AND ACCORDS PUBLIC THANKS TO **OUR BRE- 
THREN" FOR THEIR SERVICES. 

The soldiers of Washington's army near Boston in 1775 prepared 
to celebrate "Pope Day" November 5, to commemorate the alleged 
Gunpowder Plot. 

The General issued this order dated that day : 

As the commander-in-chief has been apprised of a design formed 
for the observance of that ridiculous and childish custom of burning 
the effigy of the Pope, he can not help expressing his surprise that 
there should be officers and soldiers in his army so void of common 
sense as not to see the impropriety of such a step. 

At such a juncture and in such circumstances, to be insulting their 
religion is so monstrous as not to be suffered or excused; indeed, in- 
stead of offering the most remote insult, it is our duty to address 
public thanks to these our brethren, as to them we are so much in- 
debted for every late happy success over the common enemy in 
Canada. 



ADDRESS OF THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS AT NEW 
YORK TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE 
OF QUEBEC, 1775. 

[MS. Canadian Archives, Series Q. Vol. ii,p. 233.] 

In Provincial Congress, 
New York, June 2d, 1775. 
Friends and Countrymen, 

The parent of the Universe, hath divided this Earth among the 
children of men, and drawn out the line of their habitations. This 
great God, having ordained that all our joys and sorrows here below 



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I30 Address of New York Congress to People of Quebec 

should proceed from the effect of human actions, upon human beings, 
otir situation has drawn together this great bond of mutual depend- 
ence and enabled us to deal out injuries and kindness to each other. 
We consider you as our friends, and we feel for you the affection 
of Brothers. 

The great question between Britian and her Colonies, is, whether 
they are subjects or whether they are slaves. 

The rights delivered down to us by our forefathers, the venerable 
Laws of our Country, have subjected our own property to our own 
disposal, nor hath any earthly power a right to take it away. Man- 
kind ought to be governed by the dictates of Justice, and not by the 
hand of oppression. The peaceable enjoyment of what we yet call 
our own, and that Liberty, which confers on every man the right of 
adoring his God in the manner which he humbly thinks most agreeable 
to the divine nature ; these are the objects of all our labors and of all 
our cares. 

Ministerial tyranny hath endeavotued throughout all these Col- 
onies to rend from us the dearest rights of humanity, and in the 
defense of those rights, some persons have taken certain forts in this 
Colony, which are near yoiu: Frontiers. 

We have heard that others have made an attack upon the Post 
of St. John's, an attempt without our Council or participation, and 
altho' we have taken meastues for the defense of our own Fortress, 
yet our only Intention is, to prevent any hostile inctu^ons upon, 
by the Troops in your Province . 

Confident that the enemies of our King and his people will take 
every opportunity to excite Jealousies and discord amongst tis, we 
beseech you not to be imposed on by their artifices, but call to your 
remembrance the complicated horrors of a barbarous war, avoid 
those measures which must plunge us both into distress, and instead 
of consenting to become miserable slaves generally dare to partici- 
pate with your fellow subjects, in the sweets of that security, which 
is the glorious lot of Freedom,. 

We are with sincere affection, 
Your brethren and friends, 

P. B. V. LIVINGSTON, Presid'L 



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Scotch Cephalic Loyalists 131 

THE CATHOLIC SCOTCH LOYALISTS OF "THE BACK SET; 
TLEMENTS OP THE PROVINCE OF NEW YORK." PETt 
TION OF REV. RODERICK MacDONELLTO BE APPOINT- 
ED "AS THEIR CLERGYMAN" AT "THEIR NEW SET- 
TLEMENT" IN CANADA, 1785. 

[Canadian Archives, Series Q. Vol. 24, p. 279.] 

Whitehall, 24 June, 1785. 
Lieut. Gov. Hamilton, Quebec. 

Sir: 
Having laid before the King a memorial of Mr. Roderick Mac 
DoneU, stating that at the solicitation of a considerable number 
of Scots Highlanders, and other British subjects of the Roman 
Catholick Persuasion, who, prior to the last war, were Inhabitants 
of the Back Settlements of the Province of New York, and to whom 
in consideration of their Loyalty and services, Lands have been 
lately assigned in the higher parts of Canada, he is desirous of joining 
them in order to serve them in the capacity af a clergyman, in the 
htmible hope that, on his arrival at their Settlement he shall be 
allowed by Government an annual subsistence for the Discharge 
of that Duty. I enclose to you the said Memorial, and am to signify 
to you the King's Commands that you do permit Mr. MacDonell 
to» join the aforementioned Settlers, and oflSdate as their clergyman; 
and with respect to the allowance to be made to him, I shall take an 
early opporttmity of commtmicating to you His Majesty's Pleasure. 

I am &c., 

SYDNEY. 
Mbmorial of Rodbrick MacDonbll. 

[Canadian Archives, Series Q. Vol. 24, p. 280.] 
The Memorial of Mr. Roderick MacDonell 

Most Humbly Sheweth, 

That a considerable number of Scots Highlanders, and other 
British Natives, who, prior to the last war, were inhabitants of the 
Back Settlements of the Province of New York, adhering strictly 
to their Duty and Allegiance, until, being unsupported, they were 
overwhelmed by the numbers of the enemy, then retiring through 
the woods to Canada, they served in the 84th Royal Yorkers, and 
other Regts upon the different expeditions from that Province until 
the peace, as Sir Guy Carleton, Lieutenant General Haldimand, 



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I3S CeUmd Marfan dnmer 

Biigadkr Gen. Maclean, Sir John JohMon and oilier officers can 
tettafy. 

Yet on June 27th the dame Provincial Congress declared: 
As the free enjoyment of the rights of Conscience is of all others 
the most valuable branch of human tiberty, and the indulgence and 
establishment of Popery along all the intericM- confines of the old 
Protestant Colonies tends not only to obstruct their growth, but to 
weaken their security, that neither the Parliament of Great Britain 
nor any other earthly legislature or tribunal, ought or can of right 
interfere or interpose in any wise howsoever in the religious and 
ecclesiastical concern of the Colonies. [Amar. 4S. 2 Vol. p. 1327] 
This resolution had been under debate on June 12th. It was 
then adopted as part of a plan of Accommodation with Great Britain, 
by which peace would be secured. The vote was 18 for and 9 against. 



COLONEL MORGAN CONNOR AND OTHERS, IN PENNSYL- 
VANIA, DURING THE REVOLUTION. 

Martin I. J. Griffin, Esq., 

Philadelphia. 
My dear Sir: 

In your note of the nth instant, you ask — ^Who was the Morgan 
Connor Adjutant General on the 8th of May 1777, who then issued 
the order of General Washington against Gaming? — Answer: He 
was the same person who, in 1773, was Uving in Douglass Township, 
Berks County, Pennsylvania, and is rated on its Tax List as a "single 
man." The next year, I find he had a warrant for Three Hundred 
Acres of land in Turbut Township, Northumberland County, Penna. 
In 1775, July 17th, he was commissioned ist Lieutenant in Captain 
George NageVs company of Riflemen raised in Reading, Berks Co. 
Penna. Commissioned Captain on January the 5th, 1 776 ; March 9th, 
called from camp by Congress and sent into the Southern Depart- 
ment and appointed Brigade Major to General Armstrong, in South 
Carolina; May 8th, 1777, as Adjutant General, issued Washington's 
orders against gaming, as you mention above. In line rank he was 
lieutenant Colonel Commandant of the 7th Pennsylvania Regiment. 

Morgan Connor (O'Connor in full) served with credit from the 
opening of the Revolutionary war down to some time in the year 
1779, when having fallen into ill health, he was forced to request 



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Cokmel Morfon Camnor 133 

ii^-leaw, whiob being gmiUd, he started on % voytgt to the West 
Ijl4k# ff^m wtacb be never returned, as th^ ^p wa^ lost at aea. 
114$ tn^tSQie^y death alone prevented bis furtha- promotion, for it is 
evidiefft that he wias a man of good parts— tuttive and acquiiied; in a 
ktta-, to President Reed, of Pennsylvania, dated Sept. 5th, 1780, 
General Arthur St. Clair thus speaks of him — "I entirely agree with 
you abo\it Colonel Connor*'*''*^ was a Person esteemed by all his 
acquaintanoes, and allowed to be a y^y des^'ving officer." 

Letters of Admanistratioqs in the estate of Lt. Colonel Morgan 
O'Connor (in whi^ his surname is spelled ''Conner/' a variant in 
frequent use) were granted to Dennis McCarthy, Sept. Sth, 1780 
(Vol. I, p. 31, No. 47. Reg. of Wills Office, Phila.)— Dennis McCarthy 
and Bryan O'Hara, with Patrick. Byrne, give bond to the amount 
of three thousand pounds. — D. McC. charges expenses to Yorktown 
and Cumbtfland ''in transacting business for deceased:" since there 
were Connors living m both Yotk and Cumberland, Penna., the metx- 
tion of those place-names by McCarthy is very suggestive; in short, 
I infer that his vidts may have been to those Connors, as relatives 
and op-heirs of the late Colonel. "York Town" was an old designa- 
tion for York the present city of York County, Penna. 

In the 2d Seasipn of the nth Omgress the heirs of the said Lt. 
Colonel Morgan Connor petitioned for arrears of pay said to be due 
him at the time of his death (Journal, p. 176); in 1810, Jan. 31st, 
the Committee on Claims reported adv^^ely and the matter seems 
to have been dropped — who were these heirs? probably mere col- 
laterals; but if their names could be discovered, the particular family 
of O'Connor to which Morgan bek>nged mif^t be revealed with cer- 
tainty. 

You also ask if Morgan Connor was a Catholic: I think he was, 
otherwise could he have been godfather to the children of Catholics? 
— that (godfather) he certainly was although by proxy, his absence 
with the army preventing his presence at the christening in St. 
Joseph's Church, Philadelphia;— I give below the entries from the 
church's Baptismal Register fiH* the years 1776 and 1777 as printed 
on pp. 237 and 239, Vol. 2, "American Catholic Historical Society's 
Records." 

"A. D. 1776,— Cullen, Thomas, of Thomas and Sabina Cullen« 
bom November 7th, baptized November iSth, qxmsor Michael 
Connor (for MorgM Conm^), at Pottsgrove." (Now Pottstown, Pa.) 



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.134 Colonel' Morgan Connor 

•*A. D. 1777 — Connor, John 6f Michael and Mary Connor, bom 
Feburary 19th, baptized March 5th, sponsor John Cotringcr(for 
Morgan Connor) and Catharine Cotringer." — ^The child John, after- 
wards known as John M. Connor (the "M" standing for Michael or 
Morgan as I suppose; but I know not which) lived in Philadelphia, 
dying about the year 1830. That the Morgan Connor of the church 
entries was he of the Continental Army need not be doubted; for 
besides the evidence to that effect afforded by the necessity of em- 
ploying a proxy, noted above, I will state that the said officer is 
the only Morgan Connor that I have found mentioned in any of the 
various records of Provincial Pennsylvania. — As for Michael Connor, 
the father of John, he was the Loyalist of that name whose estate 
was confiscated in the Revolution. — Referring to his last male de- 
scendant the above John (otherwise John M. Connor, who died in or 
about 1830, as stated before), I will mention that his portrait, painted 
by the artist Neagle, was in the possession of his (J. M. C.'s) relative 
Miss Mary King Lenthall, of Washington, with one, also of John's 
sister Anna Maria, Mrs Joseph Eck; I saw these likenesses in 1885. 
The portraits are remarkable, for each one gives a distinct Irish type 
occurring in children of the same parentage — ^remarkable yet not 
very infrequent, as I have observed; viz., the florid, and the dark, 
Gaelic Celt. John is fair, blue-eyed and ruddy, while his sister is 
pale, black-eyed and black-haired. In expression the man is 
affable, gracious; the woman grave to sternness. 

Judging from the church entries given, I infer that Colonel Morgan 
Connor must have been a friend of Michael Connor and, probably, 
a kinsman ; but, as to the latter, I have no proof. 

Both men are interesting characters in the Philadelphia of Revolu- 
tionary times, standing as each did for one and the other of the two 
great principles that divided the people — Midiael for Royalty, Mor- 
gan for Republicanism. 

Believe me, very truly yours. 

Philip S. P. CoNNKt. 
Member Perma. Historical Society^ American Catholic Historical 
Society, and Penna. Genealogical Society of Philadelphia. 
Rowlandsville, Cedl County, Maryland. 
June i8th, 1906. 

Mr. Conner is the son of Commodore D. Conner, Commander 
of the Home Squadron in the war with Mexico. 



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Canadians on Secret Serviu 135 

CANADIANS ON SECRET SERVICE FOR 
WASHINGTON. 

Id 1779-80, an expedition for the invasion of Canada with an army 
under Lafayette was projected. To gain information of the condition 
of Canada, the sentiments of the people and the possibilities of success, 
Canadians of Col. Moses Hazeh's regiment were sent into Canada. 
Prom the papers of General Washington, we discover that these 
agents, or spies, were Captain Clement Gosselin, Lieut. John Goulet, 
Privates Pierre Cadieux, who went twice, and Noel Belonge, who 
made three trips. All were of the Second Regiment of Conorbss' 
Own, originally composed of Canadians. 

CAPTAIN CLEMENT GOSSELIN. 

On July 3, 1780, Captain Gosselin, of Col. Hazen's Regiment, 
and seven men started from Preakness, N. J., on a tour of observa- 
tion in Canada to obtain information. They returned in September 
and reported to General Jacob Bayley, commanding the New York 
militia, then at Newbury, Vermont. He, on September 7th, reported 
to Washington, then at Steenrapie, N. J., that "Capt. Gosselin and 
party had returned from their hazardous tour and will deUver inform- 
ation in person; he believes them truthful; thinks no time should 
be lost in securing Upper Canada; can hardly expect to take Quebec 
this year; occupation of the Three River districts and Montreal will 
secure supplies for a spring campaign against Quebec; passage way 
through St. John's could be had for heavy artillery; can keep that 
part (rf the country if arms for the inhabitants can be found; then 
if peace comes will have some daim against the Quebec Bill; present 
is the best time for action; every support for an army is here; people 
are free to advance provisions and personal services; enemy have 
small parties out, but alertness of inhabitants prevents them from 
doing much damage. 

Captain Gosselin, in January, 1781, reported to Washington 
from New Windsor, N. Y., regarding conditions in Canada; 420D 
troops in Canada; 1800 English; 1200 Germans and 1200 Tories, 
located at Point, Levis ; 2000 at Quebec, and remainder between 
Quebec and Isle de Noix; he described the defences of Quebec and 
Point Levis; transportation facilities; available supplies; landing 



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1^ CoModians on Secret Service. 

of troops; majority in Canada favor French and Americans; except 
English, well disposed toward America; Indians may be won thro^gji 
Jean Vindent, ducif <>f the Himms; Montgomery's example may be 
followed. 

On January i8, 1781, Captain Gosselin certified to Washington 
that Pierre Cayen (Cadieux), a volunteer, had, in execution of orders 
from Wadiington, done his duty honestly and in good faith. 

On May 2, 1781, Capt. Gosselin, then at New Windsor, N. Y., 
wrote Gen. Bayley, then at I^ishkUl^ that he had no wish to receive 
more money than will compensate him for actual expenses of his 
Canadian trip; the honor and privilege of serving a noble cause are 
sufficient reward for his own services; for the money he advanced 
it is only just that he should be compensated; presents account of 
his expenses incurred on the expedition. 

This amounted to I305, Contanental citmilcy, covering expenses 
of himself and seven men since leavii\g Preakness^ July 3, 1780. 

In General Edward Hand's report to Washington of the killed 
and wounded at the siege of Yorktown, Virginii^, from Sept. a8th to 
Oct. 14th, 1731, appears the name of Capt Gosselin, of Col. Hazen's 
regiment. 

A genealogy of the Gosselin family of the Island of Orleans will 
be found in Report of Canadian Ardiives, for 1905, Vd. II, pp. 
162-168. 

Major Edmond Mallet of Washington, D. C, in The U. S. 
Cdtholic HtsioriccU Magazine, Vol. II, p. 177, gives the foUowitig 
information: 

Clement Gosselin, son of Gabriel Gosselin and Genevieve Cr^- 
peau, was bom at Sainte Famillei, on Isle Orleans, Province of Que- 
bec, June 12, 1747. 

In 1770 he married, at Sainte Annede la Pocatiere, Bfarie Beure 
Dionne, daughter of Germain Dionne and Marie Ixmise Bemier. He 
had been previously married to Charlotte MonHmete, then deceased. 
In 1791, he married Catherine Monty, by whom he had issue, a daugh- 
ter, baptized September 20, 1804. 

Among those who offered their services to General Montgomery 
was Gosselin, who soon had an opporttmity of showing his devotion 
to the American cause at the Battle of Riviere du Sud, when the 
Seigneur de Beaugen,who was hastening to the relief of Quebec with 
a strong detachment of Canadians, was entirely routed by a squad 



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Ccmadiams on SeorH Sentice. 137^ 

of Americans and Canadians. Goaselin, taken prisoner, was confined 
at Quebec tiU the spring of 1778. He struck through the woods, 
wd kept down the Connecticut River with his brother, Louis Gosse- 
Un^ and his father-in-law, Germaine Dionne, and an Indian guide. 
He joined Washington's army at White Plains, New York. He 
was commissioned Captain of a Company in Hazen's Regiment. 

Washington confided several important secret commissions to 
him. He traversed Canada in 1870, entering by way of Lake Cham- 
plain and Richelieu River and retiuning through the uninhabited 
woods of Maine. 

At the battle of Yorktown, Hazen's Regiment was reduced to 
250 men. Captain Gosselin was wounded. When, in 1783, the army 
disbanded he was appointed Major and honorably discharged. 

After the war he and hundreds of C>anadians received certifi- 
cates for land in the vindnity of Lake Champlain. In 1789 he sold 
1000 acres in Champlain Town to James Rouse. 

On November 8, 1791, Major Gosselin married Marie Cathe- 
rine Monty, daughter of Prands Monty, an officer in livingston's 
Regiment of "Congkbss* Own." 

The marriage was at Chazy, before James Murdock McPherson, 
a Justice of the Peace. TX^shing to have the marriage blessed by 
the Church, he had this done May 12, 1792, by dispensation, 
granted April 5th, by Rev. J. B. Dorouray at St. Hyadnthe, Cana- 
da. He returned to the valley of Lake Champlain and died, March 

9. iai6. 



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138 Canadians on Secret Service 

PRIVATE PIERRE CADIEUX. 

Cadieux was a private in Hazen's regiment. On January 17, 
1 781, from De-hoe-pointe (near West Point) he sent a petition to 
Lafayette stating that he had been selected to make a trip to Canada 
on public service, to obtain information; went tmder command of a 
Lieutenant of his regiment, making the trip in winter; another 
jotuney for the same purpose made under command of Capt. Clement 
Gosselin ; for neither of these expeditions did he receive any compen- 
sation and begs the General to aid his endeavors to obtain the amount 
due. 

He and Goulet left for Canada, August 10, 1779, to carry the 
news of the declaration of the French King. 

Ensign Amable had received orders from Washington and La- 
fayette to go to Canada for information, but being taken sick, August 
5th, had to remain by the River St. Lawrence. Goulet went in his 
stead. Goulet spent 3 louis on the expedition. In October, 1780, 
Goulet and Cadieux went on an expedition from Coos, N. H., to Al- 
bany, taking nine da}rs, costing for provisions seven "piastres." 
On the expedition in August, 1779, Goulet supplied 30 livres, which 
had not been repaid up to October, 1780. 

Of Noel Belonge, who made three secret trips to Canada, no other 
information appears among the Papers of Washington. 

LIEUT. JOHN GOULET. 

Lieut. John Goulet, of Col. Hazen's regiment, entered Canada 
four times seeking information for Washington. 

August 10, 1779, Goulet and Pierre Cadieux left for Canada 
to carry the news of the declaration of the French King. Lieut. A. 
Ferrio went to the parishes of St. Charles and St. Denis, and in 
October, 1780, certified that Goulet furnished 30 livres, which had 
not been repaid. 

October 19, 1779, Brigadier Gen. Jacob Bayley, at Newbury, 
Vermont, gave instructions to Lieut. John Goulet to take two men 
and proceed to Canada; to capture some British soldier and deliver 
him to Bayley or the commanding officer at Upper Coos, N. H. Was 
instructed to kill no person except in self-defence and to avoid dis- 
turbing the people. 

In January, 1781, when at Fishkill, N. Y., Goulet sent petition 
to Washington, then at Morristown, N. J., stating that he was a refu- 



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Loyal Canadian Prisoners 139 

gee from Canada after the fall of General Montgomery ; that he 
has been employed with Capt. Clement Gosselin and Lieut. Amable 
Boileau for 2} years in gathering information in Canada and has re- 
ceived no pay; his family have suffered heavily since the retrea^; 
his house has been plundered and his papers burnt; prays that the 
matter be taken into consideration and justice done hini. (p 169). 
Among the MSS. of Washington is certificate of Jacob Bayley, 
brig, general of New York militia, September, 1780, that Lieut. John 
Goulet had entered Canada four times for information and that Noel 
Bdonge had entered three for the same purpose; that both had be- 
haved with " stability to the United States, and merit the esteem of 
all Americans, and are now on their way to join their regiments by 
order of Col. Moses Hazen" — (Cal. Washington Papers, p 162). 

LOYAL CANADIAN PRISONERS. 

Though there is abundant testimony that at the entrance of the 
American armies under Generals Schuyler, Montgomery and Arnold 
into»Canada, the people, very generally, welcomed "the Bostonnais" 
and accorded them the friendship due to those with whom they 
sympathized. That all this, later, changed was owing to unhappy 
circumstances. The lack of S)mipathy upon the part of the Americans 
with the Canadians because of their religion, the endeavors of the 
dergy, by command of Bishop Briand, to be faithful to the reigning 
authority, and the inabiUty of the Americans to hold the country they 
intended to occupy, are the main causes of the change of heart. 

But on the other hand there were many Canadians who from the 
first were obedient to the lawful authority, dvil as well as religious, to 
whidi their allegiance was due. 

On September 3, 1775, Congress resolved that General Schuyler 
should be written to concerning the allegation that baggage of the 
Canadian officers taken at St. John and Chambly had been pltmdered. 

On September 7, 1776, paid — "To Lieutenant Simon Evans, a 
prisoner sent from Canada to Reading, for expenses from Albany to 
Reading, and allowance, from February loth to 23d of August, is 
twenty-eight weeks, at $2.00 per week, is $56.00. 

To Canadian prisoners at Bristol, viz, Mons. St. Ours, Hervieux 
Heuiimont, de Chambault and la Marque, from the 3d of November, 
1775, the time they were taken, to the 30th of August, indusive, is 
forty-three weeks, each at $2.00 per week, $430.00. 



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I40 Loyai Canadkm Prisoners 

Ia Congress, Septeoabcr 13, 1776: 

The Committee of the Treasmry reported that there is due— T^ 
Major RegonviUe, Captain Ducheue, Lieutenant Smith, and lieu- 
tenant Demuraux, Canadian prisoners, for their aUowance from 
November 3, i775f to September 6, I776». induslye, is forty-four 
weeks, at $2.00 a week, is $352, and that the same be paid to Mons. 
Regonville. 

In Congress, September 25, 1776: 

The Committee on the Treasury rc^rted there is due— To 
Messrs. St. Luke la Com, Major Can4>beU and Captain Frazier, pris- 
oners from Canada, for their allowance, at $2.00 per week each, and 
for their three servants at $1.00 per week each, from the 8th of July 
to the 23d of September, 1776, inclusive, being eleven weeks, $90. 

Not only were enlisted men made captives, but also women and 
children, lliose taken by General Sdiuykr were, in October and 
November, 1775, brought to New York City, thence to Amboy, then 
to Bordentown and from there by the Delaware River to Philadelphia, 
and from there sent to Reading or other places. — [Am. Arch., 4 5., 
Vol. III-1588]. 

Many of these were enrolled in the British forces. 

At Qiambly, October 18, 1775, Major Brown, with 150 Americans 
and 300 Canadians, made prisoners of eight officers, 73 privates, 35 
women and 35 children. — [Am. Ar., III-1207J. They were sent to 
Hartford, Conn. 

St. John was taken November 2, 1775, with 600 prisoners. 

These victories caused General Washington, at Cambridge, on 
November 14, to issue an order: 

"The Commander-in-Chief and army will show their gratitude 
to Providence for thus favoring the cause of Freedom and America 
and by their thankfulness to God, their zealous perseverance m this 
righteous cause, continue to deserve future blessings. — [Am. Ar. 4, 
Vol. Ill— 1613]. 

Many of the prisoners were sent to New Jersey and Penns^vania. 
Those sent to Pennsylvania were held at Reading and Bristol. Others 
sent to Trenton, New Jersey, were there held until the approach of 
General Washington's army pursued by the British forces under 
Generals Howe and Comwallis, when they were sent to Bristol, Penn- 
sylvania. 



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Loyal C^madum Pfisoners 141 

In Omgrese, Augu^ 7, 1776: 

The Board of War reported that there is due to Messrs. Giasson, 
Hertd and de la Magdelaide, Canadian prisoners at Bristol, for their 
board and lodgmg from the 15th of November to the 31st of July, 
last, being thirty-seven weeks, each at $3.00 per week, the sum of 
$222, and that the same ought to be paid to John (keen, their 
assignee. 

Ordered that the same be paid. 

August loth. Daniel Smith was paid the weekly allowance of 
prisoners of war. James Hughes, town Major of Montreal and Cap- 
tain Duncan Campbell, from the X9th of January to the i8th of July, 
last, is 24 6-7 weeks, at $2.00 a week eadi, is $99.38. 

On October 10, 1776, Congress ordered all inhabitants of Canada 
held as prisoners of war should be released except St. Luke la Come 
and Mons. Rouvillee, the elder, in condition that they sign parole not 
to take up arms against the United States, or give intelligence to the 
enemy of these States. — {Journal V/-865]. 

On October 30, the Committee on Treasury reported due to 
Mons. Pierre Gamelin, a prisoner from Canada, the allowance from 
March 26, to October 28, thirty-one weeks, $62. To Marcus Lucul- 
lus Ryan, nine weeks, $18. 

November 8th., the allowance of two dollars a week ordered to 
be paid Captain Chartier de Lotbinere from November 2, i775i to 
31st of October, 1776, fifty-two weeks, $104. M. Tonancour, the 
same. M. Dechambault, M. Fleuromont, M. St. Ours, paid from 
August 31st, to November 8th, ten weeks, $20. — [ibid, p 935]. 

On November 13th, the Committee reported there was due to 
Mons. La Marque, twenty dollars, to be paid Mons. de la Magdalaine. 

On December 6, 1776, the Board of War directed that the pris- 
oners at Bristol be removed from thence back into the country. — 
[ibid, p 1002]. The British and American Armies were approaching 
and the Trenton campaign coming on, so the safety of the prisoners 
required their removal. 

On December 10, 1 776, St. Luke la Come was paid for himself and 
servant from September 24th to December 3d. 



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142 Canadian Prisoner Goes to Confession 

CONGRESS PERMITS A CANADIAN PRISONER TO GO TO 

CONFESSION. 

Among the Canadians captured by the Americans Nov^nber 3, 
1775, was Major Regonville, **one of the King's Legislative Council." 
He was brought with others to Trenton, New Jersey. That he was a 
Catholic — a practical one — is shown by his desire to perfcum his 
Christmas duty. He applied to Congress on December 21, 1775, for 
permission to come to Philadelphia ''to confess himself to a Priest." 
Leave was granted (Diary of Rich. Smith), The Journal of Congress 
adds "and there await the orders of Congress." 

Later Major RegonviUe was removed with others to Bristol, Pa. 
On September 13, 1776, Congress ordered that he and three others be 
paid "their allowance from November 3, 1775 to September 6, forty- 
four weeks at $2.00 a week, or Three hundred fifty-two dollars, all 
to be paid Regonville." 

RegonvUle had been Major of the Corps of Canadian Militia which 
General Murray had sent to Upper Canada during the Indian War. — 
[Am, Ar., 4 S., Vol. II, p 403]. 

PERE HUGUET. 

Edward Foy, D. A. G., wrote to General Maclean on August 21, 
1777, that General Guy Carleton " is concerned at the return of the 
Indians" — to find whellier the report of their conferring with rebels be 
true — ^to consult with Pere Huguet, the Jesuit, to whom he wrote at 
Sault St. Louis to ascertain the cause of the dissatisfaction of the 
Indians with Burgoyne's army. — [Haldimand Collection, B 39, 1885J. 

On June 20, 1783, General Haldimand, Governor General of 
Canada, wrote to Lord North : The Jesuits have sided with the rebels. 

FATHER BERNARD WELL, S. J., GIVES DISSATISFACTION. 
At Montreal, General Haldimand, Governor of Quebec, on Feb- 
ruary 15, 1779, wrote Father Montgolfier, Superior of the Seminary 
of St. Sulpice, Montreal, that he is persuaded the Bishop has com- 
municated respecting Father Well and the notice to the Jesuit 
Fathers. Hopes these gentlemen will in future give no reason for dis- 
satisfaction with their conduct. — {Report on Canadian Archives, 1886, 
P469]. 



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Father WeU 143 

^hat Father Well did favorable to the Americans or the Cana- 
dians who joined the *' Rebel" forces does not appear. His name 
appears among those whose conduct did not please the Governor. 

He signed B. Well, and not Jean Bap. (See autograph letters of 
this father dated 17th Oct, 1759, in the archives of the UrsuUnes at 
Quebec). Moreover in the Catalogue 1757-58, he is set down as 
"Pere Bern. Well— Miss. Gallo-belg." He was bom on the 2d Dec- 
ember, 1724. [Jesuit Relations f Vol. 71, p 387, sajrs December 8th]. 
Entered the Society of Jesus, 29th Sept., 1744. Arrived in Canada, 
1757. Died in Montreal, 1791, toward the end of March or the 
beginning of April. 

He appears in the catalogue for the first time in 1757-58; more- 
over Brother Jean Rene Duval, who had formerly been in Canada 
(in the year 1738), and who was assistant proctmitor of the North 
American Missions, wrote from Paris on the 25th March, 1758, to the 
Ursulines at Quebec: "I have put in your aforesaid case, a little box 
for the Rev. Father Well, to whom I pray you, Madam, to be kind 
enough to give it." Father Well was Chaplain to the General Hospi- 
tal at Quebec, from 1757 to 1758. 

Rev. Bernard Well, S. J., was the last Jesuit of the Montreal 
House, which stood on what is now the Champ de Mars. After the 
suppression in 1773 of ^he Society in Europe, the communities in 
Canada were allowed to die out. In 179 1, Father Well was the only 
representative of his Order in Montreal, while the Community in 
Quebec numbered but two. Fathers Casot and Girault de Launai. 
On the death of Father Well, toward the end of March or the be- 
ginning of April, X79i» Father Casot came up to Montreal and antic- 
ipated the cupidity of the English Government by giving away in 
charity every movable possession of the Montreal Jesuits. 



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144 T'*^ FfBndi. Forces 

FRENCH MItrrARY FORCES IN THE AMERICAN REVO- 
LUTION. 

"A people wbich takes no pride in the noble achievenients of re- 
mote ancestors will never achieve anything worthy to be remem- 
bered with pride by remote descendants.*^ 

Washington, in replying to the "Address of the Roman Catho- 
lics" on his accession to the Presidency, said: "I presume that 
your fellow citizens of all denominations will not forget the im- 
portant assistance which they received from a nation in which the 
Roman Catholic faith is professed." 

Hence it is proper to enumerate among the Catholic elements in 
the Revolution the Army and Navy of France. The soldiers and 
sailors having any reUgion at all professed the Roman Apostolic 
Catholic Faith. 

FRENCH MILITARY FORCES. 

**lF WE DO NOT HAVE MONEY AND SOLDIERS FROM FRANCE, OUR 

CAUSE IS LOST." — Wdshington. 

The Army of Rochambeau. 

Eling Louis XVI, on the urgent persuasion of Lafayette and his 
friends, who had come to America as volunteers, determined to send 
an army. It was not an allied army; it was nearly an American 
corps d' armie. The chief would be under the orders of Washington, 
and the French officers would yield precedence and command to 
American officers of the same rank. 

The army assembled at Brest in April, 1780, under the command of 
Count Rochambeau, but of the six regiments which comprised it, 
only four, by reason of insufficient transports, could be embarked. 

The regiments which came to America on this expedition were, 
the BouRBONNAis, the Soissonnais, the Saintonge, the Royal 
Deux-Ponts. To these were added the Legion of Lauzun, 600 
men; Cavaliers, 300; Artillery, 700. 

Sappers and miners of Corps of Engineers. Reinforcements from 
the Regiments of Neustine and D'Anhalt were sent, and the total 
of each regiment finally reached 1300. 

This army of Rochambeau embarked on seven vessels, two frigates 
and from twenty-five to thirty transports. 



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The French Forces 145 

The fleet arrived oflf Newport, Rhode Island, in the middle of July, 
having suffered severely by the long voyage and bad weather. Of 
5000 men, 800 were ill. 

The American army had to struggle against numerous difficulties, 
volunteers were hard to obtain and money was needed. In order to 
depreciate the paper money the English counterfeited it. Three 
boxes were captured at Newport on the Polly, containing $500,000. 
The two armies were employed in organizing during the first month 
after the arrival of the French. From the first it became necessary 
for Rochambeau to occupy himself with the financial question. All 
that was consumed by the army was paid for in coin. King Louis XVI, 
made a gift of six million livres and a present of money to Rocham- 
beau. 

In addition to the regiments and detachments above named, 
France also sent the Regiment Ag6nois, a part of which embarked 
on D'Estaing's fleet in 1779, took part in the siege of Savannah, then 
returned to the Antilles, where it had its garrison. The entire regi- 
ment embarked on Count de Grasse's fleet and took part in the siege 
and victory at Yorktown ; 

The Regiment Touraine, which Cotmt de Grasse brought from the 
Antilles, and was engaged at Yorktown ; 

The first battalion of the Regiment Hainaut, was at Savannah in 
1779, with Count D'Estaing; 

Some companies of the Regiment Foix, which were also at Sav- 
annah in 1779 ; 
<*« The firstlbattalion of the Regiment Dillon, which was at Savannah ; 

The second battalion of .the Regiment Walsh, which was at Sav- 
annah ; 

Two companies of Lancers, two companies of Hussars of the 
Legion of Lauzun, which made the entire campaign in the army of 
Rochambeau; 

The second battalion of the Regiment D'Auxonae (artillery), 
which was part of Rochambeau's army ; 

Four companies of the Regiment Metz (artillery), also attached to 
Rochambeau. Two of these companies left France in 1 780 ; the others 
in 1781. 

The company of Captain Savourin, of the Regiment Grenoble, 
(artillery), also of Rochambeau's army. 



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146 The French Forces 

The Regiment de Royal Deux-Ponts. 

This regiment was raised by the Duke of Deux-Ponts, by virtue of a 
commission dated April i, 1757. 

It was one of the four regiments which the Cotmt de Rochambeau 
conducted to the United States. It distinguished itself greatly at 
Yorktown, October, 1781, and especially on the 14th, in the attack 
on the redoubts, where it rivalled in bravery with the Gatinais (Royal 
Auvergne) regiment. 

Washington, in the name of Congress, offered to each of these regi- 
ments three pieces of cannon which they had taken from the enemy. 
It was Colonel commanding Count de Forbach, of Royal Deux-Ponts, 
who in the assault had the glory to enter first the EngUsh entrench- 
ments. Arrived on the summit, he offered his hand to a grenadier 
to help him up; the grenadier fell at his feet mortally wounded; the 
Colonel presented his hand to another with the utmost coolness. 
This brave officer who was slightly woimded by the bursting of a shell, 
arrived at Brest on the frigate Andromaque, charged by the Ameri- 
can Congress to present to the Eling some of the flags taken from the 
army of Lord Comwallis. The regiment returned to France in 
July, 1783. 

Its Colonel was Comte Christian de Forbach de Deux-Ponts. Its 
second Colonel, Guillaume le Vicomte de Deux-Ponts. 

Among its Captains was De Stack and of its Sub-Lieutenants, de la 
Roche, both Irish descent. 

A son of General DeKalb was a First-Lieutenant. 

Regiment D'Agenois. 

The first colonel of this regiment was the Marquis de Crillon, April 
18, 1 776; Baron de Cadigan, bom January 28, 1738, was the second 
November 1 1 , 1 776. He died June 22,1 779. The Count d* Autichamp, 
October 3, 1779, the third, and the Marquis de Rouge succeeded July 

I, 1783. 

The first and second battalions were at the Antilles in 1779, when 
a part of the regiment embarked with the fleet of Count d'Estaing, 
and took a glorious part in the siege of Savannah. Lieutenant Blan- 
dat was kiUed in the sortie of September 24th. Captain Barry and 
three sub-lieutenants were woimded in the furious attack made on 
the entrenchments, October 9th. 



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The French Forces 147 

The regiment assembled at Martinique in 1 781, and embarked with 
the fleet of the Comit de Grasse, to reinforce the army which Count 
Rodiambeau commanded in America. It arrived August 15, with 
the Gatinais and Touraine regiments in the Chesapeake Bay, at the 
moment General ComwaUis was surrotmded in his entrenchments at 
Yorktown by Washington and Rochambeau. The Marquis de Saint 
Simons, who conducted this reinforcement, landed September 2d, at 
the head of the James River, marched to Williamsburg the 4th, where 
he joined the Marquis de Lafayette, who commanded a corps of 
Americans. October 3d two companies of grenadiers and Chasseurs 
d'Agenois attacked the British pickets and forced them to fall back 
upon the main fortifications. The tranche was opened on the 
night of the 6th; on the 15th this regiment repulsed a sortie and on 
the 19th ComwaUis surrendered. 

On the 5th of November the regiment embarked for Martinique. 

Captain Denis D'Imbert du Barry, bom at Languedoc, February 
II, 1742, on April 19, 1782, was given a pension for his wounds 
at Savannah. 

Regiment De Gatinais. 

On March 25, 1776, the Regiment D'Auvergne was divided. The 
first and third battalions retained the name. The second and fourth 
were called the Regiment de Gatinais. The Colonels during the 
Revolution were the Marquis de Caupenne, April 18, 1776; the Count 
de Briey de Landres, May 9, 1778; the Marquis de Rostaing, October 
27, 1778; the Viscotmt de Rochambeau, July i, 1783. 

The Regiment, to distinguish itself from Regiment D'Auvergne, 
adopted a yellow collar and white buttons. Its colors were black 
and violet. 

In 1779 it embarked in the fleet of Cotmt d'Estaing and from Sep* 
tember 15th to October 20th, was at the siege of Savannah. The 
company of Chasseurs covered themselves with glory, the 9th of 
October, in the attack on the entrenchments. The sub-lieutenant 
Levert was the first to enter the entrenchments, whose defenders, 
astoni^ed at such audacity, fled, throwing away their guns. The Eng- 
lish returned more numerous and the brave companies, without support, 
having lost the half of their number, were obUged to retire. They 
withdrew in good order, carrying off their dead and wounded, among 
whom was Viscoimt de Bethizy, second colonel, with three wounds; 



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148 The French Forces 

Captain Sireuil, wounded in the side; Captain de Foucault, wounded; 
Lieutenant de Justamont, killed; Chevalier de la Roche-Negley, 
wounded in the head ; Chevalier de Tourville, wounded by a ball 
which passed from the right breast to the shoulder. Sub-lieutenant 
Levert had his clothes riddled with bullets. 

In 1 781 the regiment was made part of the corps d'armee which 
the Marquis de Saint Simon led to the United States to Rochambeau. 
It took a glorious part in the siege of Yorktown and the capitulation 
of Lord Comwallis. On October 14th, with the Royal Deux-Ponts 
and tmder Lieutenant Colonel de Lestrade, it attacked with extreme 
bravery and carried at the first onset two redoubts on the left of the 
works. Captain Sireuil, of the Chasseurs, was again wotmded, this 
time very seriously, with two other officers. After the victory, 
Washington, in expressing his admiration to the French Generals, 
begged them to oflfer, in his name, to the regiments and Royal Deux- 
Ponts, the three pieces of cannon which they had captured from the 
redoubts. The Regiment embarked soon after and returned to Saint 
Domingo. On July 1 1, 1 782, in recognition of its splendid conduct in 
America the name of the regiment was changed to the Royal-Au- 
vergne. That favor was accorded at the request of Count Rocham- 
beau, who, at the siege of Yorktown, at the moment of a decisive at- 
tack, addressing himself to the Grenadiers de Gatanais, said: "Boys, 
show that Gatinais and Auvergne are one." The grenadiers swore to 
be slain, even to the last man, to merit that they be given back the 
title of "Auvergne". 

In "Campagnie la benigue" was Peter Patrick Guerdon, bom in 
Normandie, 1752. entered the service June 20, 1775, and died July 12, 
1782. 

Joseph Perry, bom in Bretagne, 1756; entered the service April 17, 
1 780 ; died January 20, 1 782 ; was private in Campagnie de Chaumont . 



Regimbnt De Touraine. 

Was reorganized April 16, 1775, after having been divided into two 
regiments, one of which kept the name and colors of Touraine; the 
other took the title of Savoie-Carignau. 

The first Colonel was Marquis de Laval, April 26, 1775. His suc- 
cessors, during the Revolution, were: the Marquis de Saint Simon 
Maubl^i, June 29, 1775; the Vicount de Pourdeux, April 13, 1780. 



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The French Forces 149 

In April 1779, the Regiment sailed from Brest for America. On 
April 12, 17S0, it left with Agenois, and Gatinais Regiments, with the 
fleet of Coimt de Grasse to reinforce the army of Rochambeau 
aromid Yorktown. Marquis de Saint-Simon commanded. It em- 
barked August 5th and arrived on the 15th in the Chesapeake Bay. 
It took part in the siege of Yorktown, then returned to the Antilles. 
After a short stay at Martinique it re-embarked with the fleet of Count 
de Grasse and arrived January, 1782, in sight of the Island of St. 
Christopher. It contributed to the capture of Brimstone Hill. Re- 
turned to France in 1783. 



Regiment D'Hainault. 
[A Battalion]. 

Named after the province of Hainault, December 10, 1762. The 
Colonel was Cesar due de Vendome. Jean Baptiste Laplin was Lieu- 
tenant Colonel. 

A battalion embarked with Cotmt d'Estaing in 1779 and distin- 
guished itself at the capture of Grenade in 1 779 ; took part July 6, 1 779, 
in the naval combat against the fleet of Admiral Byron and partici- 
pated in the siege of &ivannah in October. It returned to Martin- 
ique and remained there tmtil peace was declared. 

Amongthe privates was Martin Barry of Campaignie Lombard, bom 
at Marseilles, 1751, entered service July 25, 1777, died in America 
December 23, 1779. 

Rbgimbnt De Fodc. 
A battalion formed of detachments taken from the Regiment de 
Foix embarked with the fleet of Count d'Bstaing in 1779, took part in 
the siege of Grenade in naval combat July 6, 17791 with Admiral 
Byron; then at siege of Savannah in September 1779, then placed on 
board Le Magnanime, was engaged in the affairs of 9th and 12th of 
August, 1782, against Admiral Rodney. Returned to France after 
the Peace. It was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Marc Antoine 
du Chastelet. 



REGIBfENT D'AUXONNE. 

In the commencement of the war in America the second battalion 
embarked at Brest with the army of Rochambeau. Jean-Pierre 
Goulet de la Tour, Lieutenant Colonel, commanded. 



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150 The French Forces 

^ The battalion returned to France in 1783. Vincent Martin, of tliis 
battalion, bom in Lorraine, 1761, entered the service October 13, 
1779; died at the hospital at Yorktown, February 28, 1782. 



Regimbnt De Mbtz. 

In 1777 the second battalion of this Regiment was sent to the 
Antilles. 

Two companies of the first battalion were sent to America in April, 
1780, and two others followed in 1781. 

This regiment had ten companies in Rochambeau's army; the 
others were stationed at Saint Domingo and in the different isles of 
the Antilles. 

The Chevalier Pierre de Gimel, bom at Rudeil, January 28, 1728, 
Lieutenant Colonel, conmianded. 



Rbgibient Db Walsh. 

Of this Regiment the names of the officers only are given : 

Major Thadee O'Brien; Quartermaster Charles BanceHn. Cap- 
tains, Thomas de Fitzmaurice, Chevalier Charles Walsh, John O'Neil, 
James de Nagle, John O'Brien, James D'Arcy. 

Second Captains, Edward Stack, Lawrence Bellew, Charles O'- 
Croly, James O'Driscol, Chevalier Armand O'Connor. 

Lieutenants, Francis Plunkett, James O'Riordan, William Keat- 
ing, Richard Barry. 

Second Lieutenants, James O'Sheil, John Baptist O'Meara, 
Charles O'Gorman, George Mdghan, Eugene MacCarthy. 

SuB-LiEUTENANTS, John Keating, James Cruice, Felix O'Crowley, 
Philip Darell, James O'Flynn, William Barker, Thomas Traut,David 
Barry, Louis O'Cahill, James ToWn. 



Regiment De Dillon. 

Of this regiment, unhappily, only the list of officers is recorded in 
Les CombaUanls Francois de la Guerre Americame, 

Colonel, Count Arthur Dillon ; Second Colonel, Chevalier Theo- 
bald Dillon; Lieutenant Colonel Barthelemy Dillon; Major James 
O'Moran; Quartermaster, Moncarelly. 

Captains: Gerard Moore, Simon Purdon, Thomas Bancks, Anselme 



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The French Forces 151 

Nugent, Paul Swigny, Robert Shee, William Moore, Bernard O'Neill, 
Michael O'Bevin, Laurence Taaffe. 

Sbcond Captains: James de Mandeville, PhiUp Macquire, Thomas 
Macdermott, John O'Reilly, William Kelly, Christopher Novolan, 
Denis O'Doyer, Isidore Lymk, Terence Coghlan. 

LiBUTBNANTs: John BemaJtl Greenlaw, Thomas Dillon, Patrid: 
O'Keefe, Qaude O'Parel, Bernard de Macdermott, Michael Welsh, 
Nicholas Ervin, Joseph Commerfort, John Browne, John Duggan. 

Second LiEinrBNANTs, Louis Darcy, William Fitz Harris, Thomas 
Browne, Christopher Taafe, John Fennell, John Hussey, le Cheval- 
ier Nicholas Wyhte Seyslip, Edmond Swigny, Emanuel O'Farrell, 
James O'Farrell. 

SuB-LiEUTBNANTs: James Madoskey, John Baptiste de Morgan, 
Patrick MacSherry, Edward Fitzgerald, William Shee, Emanuel 
O'Farrell, Joseph Fitzmaurice, Charles O'Reilly, John Baptiste Mac- 
donald, Daniel O'Meara, Louis Khnopff, William Sheldon, Charles 
O'Moran, Henry Owens, Patrick Strange, Henry Purdon, Patrick 
Murphy, Thomas Dehays. 

Irish Officers. 

From Steven's Facsimilies of Documents Relating to America, 1773- 
1783, No. 1836, we learn that Lord Stormont, the English Ambassa- 
dor at Paris, wrote Lord Wejrmouth on January 24, 1 778 : 

"I am informed that Doctor Franklin, with the secret approbation 
of this Court, has engaged between thirty and forty of the Irish o£Scers 
in this service to go and serve in the Rebel Army. Several of these 
are Captains, but there are some above that rank. They are to assem- 
ble in the Isle of Rhe, where Dillon's Regiment is garrisoned at pres- 
ent, and embark there for North America. I cannot absolutely an- 
swer for the truth of this intelligence, yet as it comes to me through 
several channels, some of them very good ones, I am much inclined to 
credit it." 

On February 6th, 1778, France and the United States concluded a 
Treaty of Alliance. 

IJ^)^ Irish Regiments in French Service. 

From Facsimilies No. 1872, page i, we learn that Lord Stormont, at 
Paris, wrote to Lord We3naiouth, London. Most confidential. February 

25, 1778: 



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152 The Regiment of Dillon 

**There is reason to suspect that the Irish Regiments in this service 
are designed for some expedition and that it is with that view they 
are quartered in the Isle de Rhe and along the coast of Britanny. I 
know, my Lord, that some of the oflScers themselves have this sus- 
picion, and I have been assured that M. de Maillebois, whose character 
your Lordship is no stranger to, and who is one of our bitterest and 
keenest enemies, has secretly employed a Mr. O'Connel to go round to 
many of these officers and try and reconcile them to the idea of going 
to America, to which they are very averse. Were they to be sent at 
present they would probably be ordered to the French West India 
Islands and from thence to North America, but it seems more likely 
that they will not embark till war is declared and then be sent either 
to our West India Islands, North America, or to Ireland, as shall be 
thought most advisable at the time." 



The annexed accotmt of the American services of the Regiment 
DE DUrLON was given by The Gaelic American, New York, August 
II, 1906, reprinted from The Journal of the Royal United Service In- 
stUution, 

I^DnxoNS AT Grenada. 

In the beginning of 1779, Count Arthur Dillon having requested 
that his regiment might be permitted to serve in America against the 
English, the First Battalion, completed to a strength of 1,400 officers 
and men by large drafts from the Second Battalion, embarked on 
March 27th for Martinique, where it arrived six weeks later. The 
Berwick and Walsh (Ormond's) Regiments were embarked for the 
West Indies at the same time, a certain number of men from each of 
these regiments being distributed among the ships of the fleet, where 
they acted as marines. On the arrival of these reinforcements, the 
Count D'Bstaing, who was in supreme command of the French naval 
and military forces in the West Indies, and who, up to that time, had 
not felt himself sufficiently strong to take the offensive against the 
English, now determined to carry out his long-meditated design of 
seizing the Island of Grenada. On 30th of Jtme, having embarked 
700 men from the regiments of Champagne, de Foix, d'Auxerrois, 
and de Hainault, with the whole of Dillon's in the ships of his squad- 
ron, he weighed from Martinique, anchored off Grenada on the 2d of 
July and immediately landed his force, the English garrison, tmder 



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The Regiment of Dillon 1 53 

Lord Macartney, which numbered only some 700 men, retiring to a 
strongly fortified position on an eminence known as the Mont de 
THopital. This height, which commanded the town and harbor, be- 
sides being very steep and rugged by nature, was further strengthened 
by walls of stone, raised at intervals, behind which was a strong pali- 
sade and three entrenchments, rising one above the other. The 3d 
was spent by D'Bstaing in reconnoitring, but being afraid that Ad- 
miral B3nx)n might arrive with his squadron to relieve Macartney, 
and having no artillery with him, he determined on carrying the posi- 
tion by a om/xie main; and he accordingly arranged that on the night 
of the 3d-4th the attempt to storm shotdd be made. The attack was 
delivered by three columns, two of which were furnished by Dillon's, 
and were under the command of Count Arthur and his lieutenant- 
colonel, Edward Dillon, respectively, D'Estaing himself being in 
supreme command and, sword in hand, heading the first column. In 
spite of the gallant resistance of the small garrison, the position was 
carried at the point of the bayonet, Dillon's, as usual, distinguishing 
itself by the fury of its attack; **Le regiment de Dillon," reported 
D'Bstaing, "quoique maltrait6 par le feu ne ralentit pas un instant 
son attaque." Lord Macartney, 700 ofl&cers and men, three colors, 
102 guns and 16 mortars, were the trophies of this brilliant little ex- 
ploit, while over thirty vessels, twenty of which were richly laden 
merchantmen, were captured in the harbor. 

Learning that Byron was approaching, D'Estaing, leaving three 
hundred and fifty of Dillon's to garrison the town and citadel, re- 
embarked the remainder of his troops, and on the 6th of July engaged 
Byron off the island, who had with him eighteen sail-of-the-line and a 
frigate, with which he was convo)dng a number of transports with 
troops to reinforce Macartney, as he thought, being unaware of his 
surrender. D'Estaing had twenty-five sail-of-the-line under his flag, 
and the result of the action was, that the British Admiral, in conse- 
quence of the disabled condition of his fleet, found it necessary to take 
shelter under St. Christopher's, where he remained, awaiting reinforce- 
ments, leaving the French for the time masters of the sea. 

D'Estaing Wounded. 

After vainly trjdng to draw Byron from his safe anchorage in Basse 
Terre Roads, D'Estaing determined to attempt the capture of Sav- 
annah. Disembarking his troops on the 12th of September at Blow- 



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154 ^^ Regiment of Dillon 

lay, in Georgia, some twelve miles from the town, he effected a junc- 
iton with a force of 3,000 Americans, tmder General Lincoln. Four 
days later, he laid siege to the town, but the place was strong and little 
progress was made, while his troops, who were encamped without 
tents in the swamps, with continual rain, sufiFered much from the ex- 
posure, while, owing to their distance from the fleet, on which they 
were dependent for supplies, rations were very irregularly served out. 
As the season when operations were possible was coming to a close, 
D'Estaing determined to attempt to carry the town by assault at 
daybreak on the 9th of October, The assault was headed by D'- 
Estaing and Lincoln in person, while Cotmt Dillon, with his regi- 
ment, was directed to move rotmd the edge of the swamps and attack 
the rear of the British lines. But both the direct and flank attacks 
were met with so heavy and well-directed a fire that the columns 
could make no headway, and were eventually driven back with a loss 
of some 1,200 killed and wounded, of whom eighty were officers, 
among whom was the intrepid D'Estaing himself, who was wounded 
in three places, Dillon's, as usual, losing heavily. Count Arthur Dil- 
lon assumed the command .in D'Estaing's place, and the next day, 
unmolested by the enemy, he raised the siege, and withdrawing his 
guns and baggage, reembarked his troops and sailed on the 21st for 
Grenada, which was reached twelve days later. 

During 1780, Dillon's remained at Martinique, but a detachment, 
with a draft from Walsh's, was embarked on board some of the ships 
of the Count de Guichen, who had now reUeved D'Estaing, and took 
part in the actions of the 17th of April, and 15th and 19th of May, 
with the English fleet tmder Rodney. 

On the I St of March, 1780, Coxmt Arthur Dillon was appointed 
Brigadier, while retaining the proprietorship of his regiment, but in ac- 
cordance with a royal decree of the 5th of April, 1780, his title of 
colonel was changed to that of Mestre de camp. In the following 
month he transferred the command of the Regiment to Count Theo- 
bard Dillon, who was killed at the siege of Lille in 1792. 

In the early part of 1781, 700 men of Dillon's were embarked on 
board the Ville de Paris, the flagship of the Cotmt de Grasse, and took 
part in the action of the 3d of May, ofif Martinique, between the 
French fleet and the English, under the command of Sir Samuel Hood. 
They were next landed on the Island of Tobago, where the Regiment 



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The Regiment of Dillon 155 

of Walsh had also been disembarked, and the two corps took a lead- 
ing part in the final conquest of the island in June, by the Marquis de 
6ouill6, who had assumed command of the land forces in the West 
Indies. Both regiments then returned to Martinique. 

With the Marquis De Bouille. 

On the 15th of November of the same year the Marquis, who had 
determined to turn to account the absence of the EngUsh fleet to 
attempt the reconquest of the Island of St. Eustache, embarked 
twelve hundred men from the Regiments of Dillon, Walsh, Auxerrois 
and Royal-Comtois with three hundred Grenadiers, and arrived off 
the back of the Island on the night of the 25th-26th of November, a 
point where no danger of a hostile landing was feared by the Gov- 
ernor and garrison, owing to the natural difficulties of the coast and 
the strong currents. Immediate preparations were made by De 
Bouill6 for disembarking his troops, and he, with Count Arthur Dillon, 
who was his Brigadier, and some four htmdred men succeeded in 
landing by 4 A. M., a little before daybreak, but by this time the wind 
had freshened so much that his ships could no longer keep in to the 
shore, and the sea also getting up, the boats were driven on to the 
rocks and smashed up, the Marquis thus finding himself cut off from 
his fleet, with only a fourth of his troops with him and no artillery. 
There was no possibiUty of extricating himself from his dangerous 
position, except by advancing at once and trusting to surprising the 
enemy before they awoke from their fancied security and became 
aware of the presence of the French. Encouraging his troops, he had 
at once moved forward, Count Dillon and the Irish leading; the dis- 
tance to be traversed before arriving at the fort was some six miles, 
which was covered, in spite of the difficulties of the country, by 6 A. 
M. ; a part of the garrison was on the parade ground at drill, but the 
surprise was complete, and although the alarm was at once given, the 
French rushed the fort before the drawbridge could be raised, and the 
rest of the garrison, with the Governor, finding resistance hopeless, 
surrendered. The French loss is said to have been only ten men, and 
these were drowned ; while, in addition to several killed and wotmded, 
850 English troops were made prisoners and four colors captured. 
A valuable amount of booty was secured by the victors, including a 
large sum of money, each private soldier receiving 100 crowns, in 
addition to which several vessels were captured, which were lying in 



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156 The Regiment of Dillon 

the roads. The followmg day the adjacent islands of Saba and St. 
Martin, with their small garrisons, also surrendered. In his report to 
the King, the Marquis de Bouill£, while stating his inability to do 
justice to the gallantry and discipline of his troops, alleged of Count 
Arthur Dillon: **Le Comte de Dillon a donne de nouvelles preuves de 
son z^le et de son activity extremes.'' Among the English prisoners 
were 350 Irish Catholic soldiers, who enlisted voluntarily in the Dillon 
and Walsh regiments, which were by now sadly reduced in their 
numbers. 

Early in 1782, Dillon's was employed in the expedition made by 
De Bouill^ to capture the Island of St. Christopher, and took a promi- 
nent part in the capture of Brimstone Hill, styled the "Gibraltar of 
the Antilles," whidi surrendered after a siege of thirty-one days. 
Count Arthur Dillon was appointed Governor, and proved himself so 
well qualified for the task that when the island was restored to Eng- 
land at the conclusion of war in 1783, all his regulations and ordi- 
nances were confirmed, and he was officially complimented by the 
English Government for the eminent administrative ability he had 
displayed, his regiment remained to garrison it, a small detachment 
of fifty men being drafted for service as Marines in De Grasse's fleet, 
in which they were present in the battle of the 12th of April of that 
year, when De Grasse was defeated by Rodney. At the same time, 
six hundred men of the Second Battalion, the date of whose arrival 
from France is not given, were sent to garrison San Domingo. 

The Brigade at Martinique. 

Towards the end of the 3rear, the Second Battalion of the Regi- 
ment of Berwick arrived at Martinique, but the war was now drawing 
to a dose, and on peace being signcKl on the 3d of November, 1783, 
the First Battalions of the three Regiments of Dillon, Walsh and Ber- 
wick appear then to have returned to France. With this war ter- 
minated the strictly military career of the Irish Brigade in the service 
of France, although the complete break up of the national element in 
the different regiments still existing did not occur until 1 791, after the 
outbreak of the French Revolution. 

Like so many others, the gallant Count Arthur Dillon fell a victim 
to the Revolution. In 1 786 he became Governor of Tobago, where he 
remained three years, when he retiuned to France as Deputy to the 
States General in 1789, in which capacity he was a steady defender of 



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The Regiment of Dillon 157 

the Colonial interests. When war broke out in 1792, and France was 
invaded by the Austrians and Prussians, he was made a General of 
Division and appointed to the Command of the Army of the Ardennes, 
where he shared with Dumouriez the honor of driving back the in- 
vaders. In 1793, h^ was appointed to the command of the Army 
of the Rhine, but being denotmced as a RoyaUst and Aristocrat, was 
summoned to Paris, where after trial he was guillotined on the 14th 
of April, 1 794. His name was engraved on the Arc de Triomphe and 
his portrait hangs in the gallery at Verseilles. 

**It is painful reading," says The Gaelic American, "to learn that the 
Regiment and the remnant of the Irish Brigade, which had been 
taken into the service of France in 1688-9, was absorbed in the 
British army." 

In September, 1794, William Pitt, desiring to draw the Irish Bri- 
gade from the service of France to that of England, entered into re- 
lations with the Brigade through Count O'Connell, a Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral of France, who had emigrated. These negotiations were con- 
tinued by the Duke of Portland, who, in the name of the King, for- 
mally invited the Duke of Fitzjames — the grandson of the great Duke 
of Berwick, great-grandson of James II, and titular commander of the 
Regiment of Berwick — ^into the English service, "with the Regiment 
of the Marshal de Berwick, and with the Irish Brigade, on the same 
footing that it had been in the service of his Christian Majesty," and 
he stated that it was the intention to add a fourth regiment to the 
Irish Brigade and place it under the command of O'Connell, one of 
the most distinguished officers in the old French Army, who had ac- 
companied the Bourbon Princes into exile. The offer was accepted, 
and the Brigade was brought over by the Duke of Fitzjames. 

More particular recital of the services of the Regiment at the siege 
of Savannah is given in the annexed account from The Irish World, 
December 17, 1798: 

The Irish At Savannah. 

Sandy plain arotmd the dty was turned to skillful account by the 
4,000 French and Irish troops, who, with the 3,000 Americans tmder 
Gen. Lincoln, invested the place and prepared the way for attack on 
its skillfully drawn line. The winds, so favorable to British forttme, 
became strong as the French and Americans commenced to draw close 
to Savannah, and D'Estaing began to get alarmed for the safety of his 



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158 The Regiment of Dillon 

fleet, which lay at anchor at the mouth of the river eighteen miles 
away. A storm might drive his ships of war on the low and swampy 
coast of Georgia. And this fear of disaster at sea tempted the gen- 
erally prudent D'Estaing to dare fate in the hazard of a direct attack 
before his investing lines were drawn dose enough around the Geor- 
gian stronghold. 

Let us see what our English authority, Serjeant Lamb, who was 
present at the fight, says of what happened on this disastrous day: 
**The French, Irish and Americans," he said, "resolutely marched up 
to the lines, but the tremendous and well-directed fire of the batteries, 
joined to that in a cross direction from the galleys, threw their whole 
column into confusion — ^not before, however, they had planted two 
standards on the British redoubts." Ta Dillon and his Irish was as- 
signed the task of passing the edge of the swamps, the redoubts, the 
batteries, and attacking the rear of the British lines. His troops, 
eager to leap the barriers which divided them from the enemy they 
had so often chastised before, were in motion long before dayUgfat, 
feeling their way over the ground. 

The fog that enveloped the garrison that October morning, as Dillon 
and his men groped their way panting for the orders to the escalade, 
befriended the British, as winds and tides had often befriended them 
before. It lifted just in time to enable the defenders of Savannah to 
see Dillon and his men coming to the assault the while they were ex- 
posed to the sweeping cross fires from the ditches, endent and counter- 
scarp, which raked the advancing Irish with destructive hail. In 
vain the men tried to move forward through the showers of grape 
which fell on their rushing lines, and gallantry only meant slaugh- 
ter to those who pressed madly toward the slopes of the works before 
them. The grenadier company made a heroic effort to reach the 
sides of those deadly angles, and a spray of thdr skirmishers dashed 
against the counterscarp, only to be thrown back with a loss of 63 out 
of 84 of thdr men. 

The Light Company of Dillon's mounted thdr companions' shoul- 
ders when their scaling ladders were splintered in their hands, and 
pawed their way up the sides of the endent, only to be crushed back, 
overwhelmed by numbers and driven out by masses of men who de- 
fended t^e British lines. Dillon's voice was hoarse with shouting en- 
couragement, and as his sword was broken in his hand he placed his 



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The Regiment of Dillon 159 

headdress on the jagged edge of the blade and leaped and stumbled 
over the bodies of his men to the front of the fighting line. 

On his right he heard the brave Pulaski and his 200 horse galloping 
over the ground in a desperate effort to leap a barrier before them, 
and the voice of the gallant Pole was then heard , for the last time, 
urging his men with his well known battle-cry, **Forwarts, brudem, 
forwarts!" But it was all no use; the stubborn British could not be 
moved that morning, and disaster was inevitable. The victors of 
Grenada were obliged to retire before the fire-edged walls they could 
not escalade, and 700 French and Irish soldiers, out of a total of 4,000, 
told how they fought to reach this enemy that disastrous day. 

Count de Segur tells some interesting incidents of the coolness and 
the heroism of the Irish at Savannah, particularly of his ''friend 
Lynch," and if unsuccessful, the Irish troops of the French army were 
not without reaping some honor from out the jaws of defeat, as they 
had done before at Blenheim, Ramilles and other disastrous battles. 
But they were soon fiunished another opportimity of meeting their 
enemy. The following year the regiments of Walsh and Dillon were 
among those represented by detachments serving tmder the French 
Admiral, the Count de Guichen, in the West Indies. 

After the victory at Yorktown the French Army remained 
there until June 23, 1782, when, under Major General Chevalier de 
Chastellux, it marched northward to join Washington and Rocham- 
beau at Newburgh, New York. Marching by night and resting by 
day the heat was avoided. At Baltimore the army remained over 
a week. 

Lauzun's Legion was under command of Robert Dillon, and 
after crossing the Delaware, on September 6th, the main body of the 
army marched behind the cover of the Pompton Hills, while Dillon's 
command marched at the foot of their eastern slope on a parallel 
line, watching the movements of the British in New York. — [Am, 
His. Mag.; July 1881 ; p. 9.] 

This Robert Dillon, not being mentioned as an officer of Regi- 
ment de Dillon, he, doubtless, was second in command of the Due 
de Lauzun's Regiment, an independent command organized in this 
country. 



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i6o The French Naval Forces 

THE FRENCH NAVAL FORCES. 

**To perpetiiate the memory of the men, who, by their services or 
sacrifices during the War of the American Revolution, have achieved 
the work of Independence." 

The King of France and his Ministry sent four fleets to America 
to aid the battling Americans. 

They were, the fleet under Coimt D'Estaing, the fleet successively 
commanded by Temay, Destouches and Barras, the fleet of 
Count de Guichen and the fleet of Count de Grasse. 



THE FLEET OF COUNT DE GRASSE. 

Several of the vessels of the fleet of Count de Guichen of the An- 
tilles were sent to reinforce the fleet of Coxmt de Grasse, so that we 
may well count four French fleets as directly aiding to win American 
Independence. The vessels of Count de Guichen not sent to De Grasse 
did eflfective service where stationed, which was helpful to the move- 
ments of the naval forces operating in American waters. 

A recapitulation of the record of these vessels directly engaged along 
the coast of the United States is herewith represented being taken from 
the work published by the French Government in 1902, and reprinted 
by order of the United States Senate of December 18, 1903, and pub- 
Ushed in 1905. It is titled Les Combattants Francais de la Guerre 
Americaine, 1 778-1 783. 



THE FLEET OF COUNT D'ESTAING. 

Five weeks after the signing of the Treaty of Friendship between 
the United States and France, Admiral D'Estaing, on April 13, 1778, 
left Toulon with a fleet of twelve vessels and four frigates. On 
July 8th, he arrived off Delaware Bay, but the British being in posses- 
sion of Philadelphia and several of the British men-of-war being in the 
Bay, Admiral D'Estaing sailed northward and forced the passage of 
Newport Harbor, Rhode Island, where the English, surprised, burned 
five of their frigates and two corvettes. As Admiral Howe advanced 
to the support of the English forces, D'Estaing prepared for battle, 
but a violent tempest separated the fleets. D'Estaing was obUged 
to retire to Boston. The Americans evacuated Rhode Island. This 
first effort of the French obliged the EngUsh to act on the defensive. 



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The French Naaxd Forces x6i 

D'Estaing havinf repaired his vessels sailed on November 4, 1778, 
for the Antilles to watch the Goglish fleet under Byron though not 
strong enough to force him to fight, twt joined by the squadron of 
ChevaUer de la Motte-Piquet, he found himself, July 5, 1779, at the 
head of twenty-five vessels of the line. He attacked the Baglish in 
Grenada waters and so much damaged eight of their ships that they 
beat a retreat. D'Estaing then anchored in the harbor of St. Georges. 
On July 22, he again offered to r^oew the combat, but the BngUsh 
fleet having anchored, broadsides on, in the harbor of Basse-Terre, be 
made sail for the coast of Georgia, United States. 

Savannah had been strongly f cnrtified by the English. The Franco- 
American forces did not time well their attack. A vigorous attack 
was made; the Americans and French rivaled each other in ardor and 
bravery. The Americans retired to South Carolina with the loss of 
400,11 the French to their ships, losing 700, Count D'Estaing being 
among the wounded. 

Though defeated, the unexpected arrival of the French naval forces 
stopped the proposed offensive movements of the English against 
the Southern States. General Clinton caused Rhode Island to be 
evacuated with so much haste that the garrison at Newport aban- 
doned all its heavy pieces and a large quantity of munitions of war 
on October 27, 1779. 

The fleet of D'Estaing was composed of Lb Langubdoc, Capt^ 
Commandant de Boulain Villiers. On this ship there were two Chap- 
lains : Abbes Bandol and Marazel. Bandol became later the Chaplain 
of the Fl'ench Ministers, Gerard and Luzerne, residing in Philadelphia. 

Lb ZblE, commanded by Captain de Barras. Its Chaplains were 
Abbes Stanislaus, Roux, Recollet, and Daumas Bemardy. 

Le Fantasque, Captain Pierre Andre de Suffren-Saint Tropez, bom 
January 1 3, 1 72 9, died in Paris, October 8, 1 788. Became Vice Admiral. 

Abbe Urbain Ardouvire, Recollet, was Chaplain of this vessel. 

Lb Magnifiqub, Captains Milton de Genonilly and Macarty de 
Martdgue. The Chaplains were Abbes Casimir, Recollet, Duran- 
deau and Bourdy, Recollet. 

Lb Tournant, Count de Breugnon, Chief of the fleet, and Comte 
de Bruyeres, Captain of the ship. 

The Chaplain was Abbe Wenceslas Signoret. 

Lb Protsctbur, ChevaUer D'Apchon, Commandant. 



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1 62 The French Naval Forces 

The Chaplain, Abbe Policarpe Rochansson, RecoUet. 

Le Fibr [Jirne 1778- July 1780], Chevalier de Turpin. 

Chaplains, Abbe Aime, Alexis de Brossac. 

La Provencb [March 1778- December, 1779]. Captains de Cham- 
pordn and Chevalier de Saint Antomn. 

Chaplain, Abbe Gabriel de Lorme. 

L'Artbsien (i 778-1 781), Captain de Peynier. 

Chaplains, Abbes Jean Francois Darguene, Eloi Bemardj'^Recol- 
let, Cordelier Warmer, who died in the hospital at Guadeloupe, May 4, 
1780; Grassieus, Recollet. 

I/B GuERRiER [April, 1778], Captain de Bourgainville. 

Chaplain, Abbe Giraud. 

L'Amphion [February, 1779-March 1781], Captains Femon de 
Quengo and de Saint-Cesaire. 

Chaplains, Abbe Bemardin Fortin and Cordelier Grandmougin. 

Le Marseillais (1778-9], Captain de la Poype-Vertrieus. 

Chaplain, Abbe Giraud. On this vessel was seaman Peter Maccoy, 
who died November 11, 1779. 

Le Cesar or Cezar [i 778-1 779]. Commandant, Jean Joseph de 
Rafelis, Cotmte de Broves. Lieutenant of the naval forces, March 
I, 1779. Bom July 8, 1775. Died November 12, 1782. 

Chaplain, Abbe Bonice, RecoUet. 

Le Vengeur [i 778-1 781]. Commandant le Chevalier De Retz. 

Chaplains, Abbes \^ctor Pichet and Perrot. 

L'Annibal [i 779-1 781]. Admiral de Temey and La Motte-Kc- 
quet. Chief of the fleet. Commandants. 

Chaplains, Abbes Quemel and Maccabe. 

La Prudente [May 1778- June, 1779, when she was captured by 
the English]. 

M. Le Vicomte D'Escars, Commandant. 

Chaplain, Abbe Andre Corsin-Duport. 

La Concorde [January, 1778-March, 1779]. Captain Gardeur 
de Tilly. 

Chaplain, Gabriel Montillet. 

La Chdcere [March, 1778-March, 1780]. Captain M de Saint- 
Cezaire. 

Chaplains, Valerian Durand and La Roghe, 



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The French Naval Forces i^ 

Father Durand on October lo, 1778, at Chester, Pa., baptized Eliz- 
abeth, daughter of John and Bridget Scantlen. He was a Francis- 
can. 

L'Alcemenb [i 778-1 779]. he ChevaKer de Bonneval, Captain. 

Chaplains, Jean Francois Quentin, and £lz6ard Bonnaud, Recollet. 

L'Etourdia [i 778-1 779]. M le Marquiesde Montbas, Commandant. 

Chaplain, Abbe Felix, Recollet. 

yAiMABLE [1778-1779]. Commandant, M de Saint-Cosme-Sainte 
Eulalie. 

Chaplain, Damaze, Recollet. 

L'ANDROifAGUK [April 15, 1778-July 11, 1779]. Commandant, 
M De Buort de la Chanali^. 

Chaplain, Roger Morisson. 

La Blanche [1778-79]. Lieut. Commanders, M. Boucault, M de 
la Galissonniere. 

Chaplain, De Saint-Xavier, Carmelite. 

Le Fendant [i 778-1 781]. Captain, M Arquis Vaudreuil. 

Arrived on coast of Georgia, September i, 1 779. Sailed northward 
October 26th, anchored in Chesapeake Bay, November 11, 1779, to 
Yorktown, November 20th, left there January 25, 1 780 ; arrived at Port 
Ruxil, February 16, 1780. 

Battles with the English on April 17th, May 15th, May 19th; re- 
turned to Port Royal May 2 2d, continued cruismg tmtil its arrival 
at Brest, France, January 3, 1781. 

Its Chaplains were. Abbe Nicolas, Capuchin, who died on board, 
February 2, 1780. Abbe Boucher took his place. 

L'Alerte, cutter. [January i, 1779-February i, 1780]. Command- 
tmt, Le Chevalier de Capdlis. 



FLEET OF COUNT De GRASSE. 

Large ships had been built at Brest, Toulon and Rochefort. In 
three years more than twenty vessels of the line had been constructed 
or put in condition to go to sea. Some of these had been given to 
Count D'Estaing. 

Count De Grasse, with twenty-six vessels and several frigates, sailed 
from Brest, March 22, 1781, in command of the second expedition 
to the United States. 

He had orders to go to the Antilles, thence to follow the coast of the 



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B6ifi The French Naval Forces 

United States from Savannah to Rhode Island to give assistance to 
the army of Wadiington and Rocfaambeau. De Grasse profited by 
his stay in the Antilles to obtain from the Governor 3,400 men as re- 
inforcements for Rochambeau. 

By the good will of the Spanish Governor of Habana, he obtained a 
loan of I » 200,000 Uvres, for which he give his private fortune asse* 
curity. 

It was De Grasse who chose the Chesapeake as the point of concen- 
tration with the armies of Washington and Rochambeau, which, by a 
forced march of 220 miles in eleven days, reached White Plains and 
then by accompUshing marches of 60 miles a day joined De Grasse at 
WiUiamsburg. There they found I/afayette, who had resisted the 
attacks of Arnold and Comwallis with his own troops and the 3400 
under Count Saint Simon which De Grasse had brought from the 
Antilles. 

During their operation the KngGsh squadrons of Admirals Hood and 
Graves joined at New York and on August 31 st, set sail for Chesapeake 
Bay. 

De Grasse, on September 5th, signaled the enemy and gave orders 
to prepare for the combat. His orders were executed with so much 
celerity that, notwithstanding the absence of 90 oflScers and 1 500 men 
employed in the embarkment of the army, the French fleet was under 
sail in less than an hour. 

The action began at 4 o'clock and lasted until night. De Grasse the 
next four days endeavored to force battle, but contrary winds forced 
him out of sight of the English and the English fleet was too disabled 
to attempt to renew the fight. 

The squadron of De Grasse returned to Chesapeake Bay. The 
army of ComwalUs was thus blocked from the seacoast and so the 
victory at Yorktown was assured. The town was already surround- 
ed by the French and American troops and De Grasse added 400 men 
from his vessels. 

On October 19^ 1781, Comwallis was forced to surrender to the 
Americans under Lafayette and the French under Rochambeau and 
both under the supreme command of General Washington. 

The precision with which the plan of campaign had been arranged 
and executed excited admiration. Washington and Rochambeau 
had arrived at the mouth of the Elk River an hour after the 



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The French NavcU Forces 165 

Anival of the messeotger ansKHUiaiig the arrival of the fleet of De 
Grasse at the entrance to the Chesapeake 

''It is perhaps/' said Rochambeau, "the inost extraordiiiary chance 
that the expeditions coming from the North and from the South 
should arrive at the rendezvous in the Bay at an hour's interval" 

The siege of Yorktown marked the end of Bng^ resistanoe io 
American Independence. 

The vahie of the services of Count De Grasse are not sufficiently 
recognized nor the importance of his course displayed for the consid- 
eration of the thoughtful and patriotic. His selection of the place of 
action alone manifested a keen perception of the possibiHties of the 
occasion and by the result of his course testified to its highest wisdom. 

Francois Joseph Paul, Comte De Grasse, Marquis de Tilly, 
Lieutenant General of the French naval forces, was bom at Valette 
(Province) in 1723, died at Paris, January 11, 1788. Tak^i prisoner 
on the "Villa de Paris" by the English in the combat of April 12, 1782. 
Liberated shortly before Peace. 

La VillB-de-Paris. Ccwnmanded by M. de Latouche-Tr^ulle, 
under orders of Count De Grasse. 

Chaplains, Abbes Fimion, Capuchin of d' Amiens, and Berigne, Car- 
melite. 

L'AiGRBTTB [September 12, 1781-March 31, 1782]. Commanded 
by Chevalier De Cambis. 

Chaplain, the Capuchin Movin. 

Le DiAD^tfK [February, 1789- January, 1781]. Captain Dam- 
pierre. 

Chaplains, the Capuchin Remy, who died August 25, 1799, the 
Carmelite Picard Durango and the Augustinan Augmon. 

L'Engageante [January, 1781-Janauryi 17S3]. Commandant 
De Kergarion. Chaplain, Byssieve. 

La Concordb [January, 1 781 - May, 1 782}. Commanded by Cheval- 
ier de la Tanouavie. Chaplain, Cdestin Bureau. 

Lb Magnanime [March, 1781-September, 17821]. CotBmander, 
Comte De Begue. Chaplain, Stanislaus. 

LlvSLLY, Commanded by Chevalier Durumaki. 

Chaplain, Abbe Bartholeom6 Omahony. There is no nriwtalring Ut 
sationahty by birth or descent. Among the ofibsers and crew of this 
vessel no other name appears suggestiipe of Ifdaad. 



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1 66 The French Naval Forces 

Le Northumberland, commanded Mm de Briqueville le Chevalier 
de M6dine, de Saint-C^zaire, under the orders of Marquis De Vau- 
dreuil, Lieutenant General. 

Chaplain, Abbe Baratciard. 

I/E Scipion: [March-October, 1781]. Captains, M. de Clavel 
and M. Grimouard. Chaplain, Abb^ Roux. 

Le Sceptre [January 1781-Abril, 1783]. Comte De Vaudreuil, 
and M. D. Lap^rouse, Captains. Chaplain, Tibure Cloupet. 

La Couronne ET Le Pluton. [October 1 781 -June, 1783]. Cap- 
tains De Riverre, Mithon de Genouilly under order of de la Motte- 
Picquet. Chaplains, Abbes Macabe and Boucher. 
^Ta Bourogne [1781 and 1783, wrecked February 4, 1783]. Cheval- 
lier De Charvitte, Captain. Chaplain, the Capuchin Onesime, lost 
in the wreck, February 4, 1783. 

La Gu)rieux [i 781-1782]. Commander Vicomte D'Escars. In 
the combat April 12, 1782, this vessel was captured by the British. 

Chaplain, the Capuchin Zephiren. 

Le Caton [i 779-1 782[. Comte De Pramond, Captain. 

Chaplain, Abb6 Le Sr. Renedy. 

L. AuGusTE [1781-1783]. Commander M. De Barrcus-Saint-Lau- 
rent. Chaplains, the Capuchin Dorothe, the Promontr6 Morel and 
the Secular Charles Joseph Prospere, of Roubuix. 

L'Hector [i 781 -1 782]. 

Chaplains, the Capuchin Bemardin De Villars; Abbe Potterie, 
secular ; Abb^ Momay, secular. 

Le Sagittaire [January, 1 781 -September, 1782]. Commandants 
M. de Castelanne Majastre, M. de Montluo de la Bourdonnaye. 

Chaplains, Bemaid, Demare, Recollet; Bamabe, Capuchin, died 
July 9, 1 781. Frederic, Capuchin, of Bourges 

Le Serpent, cutter, June 1780- June, 1782]. Commandant Ame- 
dda Laune. He was wounded in tihe combat of September 25, 1780, 
as^were Lieutenants Vannot, Tostain and Dubourg Affroy. 

Had no Chaplains. 

La Dn^iGENTE [1781-1782]. This vessel was wrecked February 3, 
1782, oflf Cape Henry. The Chevalier De Colonard, Lieutenant 
Commander. No Chaplain. 

Le Saint Espirit [i 781 -1782]. Marquis de Chabert, commander. 

Chaplain, Bertimineux, Morel, Pr6niontr6 Bonice Thomas, R&ollet. 



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The French Naval Forces 167 

L'ABiAZONE. From January i, 1781 to July 29, 1782, when taken 
by the EngUsh, and retaken the next day to August 3, 1783. 

Commanders, Chevalier de Villages, Captam, De Monguiot Lieu- 
tenant and De Gaston Lieutenant. 

Chaplain, John Machung [probably John MacKeon or Macewen]. 

L' Experiment, April 1780- August, 1783. Commanders, De Mar- 
telly Chautard, Chevalier De M^dine. Lieutenant de Langle, Cheval- 
ier De Coates. Chaplain, Bonice Tancas. 



THE FLEET OF COUNT Bn GUICHEN. 

The fleets of D'Estaing and De Grasse operated in American 
waters and so directly contributed to American independence. But 
all French fleets and armies elsewhere also contributed, though not 
personally engaged on American soil or American water, and so aided 
perhaps as much as those engaged on the Chesapeake or at Yorktown. 

When D'Estaing set sail for America the French fleets on the coast 
of Europe had splendid combats of which the duel of the Belle Poule 
and the AreUmse and the combat at Ouessant remain famous episodes 
and which weakened Great Britain and gave great aid to the Colonies. 

So the fleet of Count de Guichen, who fought in the Antilles, and 
was there in constant contact with the fleets whose operations were 
carried on on the other side of the Atlantic, gave indirect cooperation 
to the effort of the French in America. Besides several of De Guich- 
en's vessels were added to the fleet of De Grasse and so directly 
aided, in American waters, the defeat of Comwallis at Yorktown 

These vessels were, L'Indien Devenu Le R^echy. Commanders, 
De Balleroy, De Boudes, Bernard De Mariquy. Chevalier, De M6- 
dine. 

Chaplain, Dieudinne, Dupont, Sebashan De Rosey, Panous, all 
Capuchins. 

liE Marsbillbs [i 781-1782]. Marquis de Castellane Wajastre. 

Chaplain, The R^collet Damas. 

Lb Citoybu. Captain, D'Ethy. Chaplains Dieudonne, Damas, 
Capuchins. 

L'AcTiONNAiRB, Captains H. de L'Archantel. Chevalier De Bot- 
deru. Chaplain, Jean Francois de Ville franchie. 

Lb Vaiixant. Chevalier De Cany, Commandant. Chaplain, 
Capucdn Marc. 



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i68 The French Naval Forces 

Le Souvbrain, Chevalier De Glaix^leT^ Commander. 
Chaplain, Le S. Moullet. 
HqrculbS, Vicountde Turpin. Chevalier Pugot Bras. 
Chaplains, Severin Calvet Ren£ Potier. 



THE FLEET OF Db TERNAY, DESTOUCHES AND 
IteBARRAS. 

This fleet brought Rochambeau's Army to Rhode Island. It was 
commanded by Charles Henri d'Arsac the ChevaUer, De Temay, who 
died off Newport, Rhode Island, on December 15, 1780. He was 
succeeded by Chevalier Destouche and he by Count De Barras. 

They commanded the iM Due Db Bourgoynb. The Chaplains 
were. Abbes Queruesle and Meumay. 

Lb Jason [i 779- January, 1781]. M de la Marthonie, Commandant. 

Chaplains, Didier and J^ome Audibert. 

From January 1781 to 1782, when in De Grasse's fleet, it had for 
Commander M. de la Clocketerre, and Chevelier de Villages. 

The Chaplains were, Abb6 Dowd of Irdsmd, the Capuchin Ftederic 
of Borges and the Capuchin Maurice. 

La Provbncb, Commandant M. de Lombard. Chaplain, the 
R^coHet Le Roy. 

L'EvBiLLB, Commandant, Le Gardeur de Tilly. 

Chaplain, Roger Morisson. 

Lb Conqubrant, Captain Grandi^. Chaplain, Abb6 Routel. 

L'Ardbnt, Chevalier Bernard De Marigny. 

Chaplains, Germaine, and Athanare Surigneau. 

Lb Nbptunb, Mon. Destoucher, Chevalier De M^dine, Captains. 

Chaplains, Abb6's Meumai and Queruche. 

In July, 1780, the army of Rochambeau had arrived at Newport, 
the fleet being commanded by De Temey. After his death Destou- 
ches took command of Hie fleet. 

In March, 1781, Admiral Hood, commanding the Englidi fleet at 
New York, left there for the Chesi4)eake Bay. 

On learning this, Destouches made sail for the Bay with the| in- 
tention of disputing the entry of the English fleet. He had eight 
vessels, having captured I3ie Romulus. Hood's fleet was numerically 
equal, but superior in artillery. Destouches attadced it on March i6th, 
notwithstanding the disadvantage of wind. The battle was furious 



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The French Naval Farces ir6g 

and three of Hood's sbips were disabled. The advantage was with the 
French, but because of head winds, could not follow the enemy and 
prevent him from entering Chesapeake Bay. The French squadron 
returned to Newport. 

Though the expedition had failed the moral efifect was considerable. 
Washington, on April 3d, wrote Rochambeau, sending him an account 
given by the enemy of the combat. "From his confession three of 
his vessels were dismantled and as they do not brag, as they are al- 
ways disposed to do, to have obtained any advantage it is evident, in 
their own opinion, that they have nothing about which to glorify 
themselves.'' Congress voted its particular thanks to Chevalier Des- 
touches and to the ofBcers and crews under his orders for the "bravery, 
firmness and valiant conduct which they manifested in the last enter- 
prise against the enemy, notwithstanding that unexpected events 
have prevented the execution of the project, the vigorous combat of 
against the enemy's superior force, does honor to the arms of his 
Very Catholic Majesty and is a happy presage of decisive victories 
for the United States." 

The French loss, 51 killed and 41 wounded on the Conqu^ant's; 
19 killed and 35 wounded on the Ardent ; 5 killed and i wounded on the 
the Jason; 6 killed and 5 wounded on the Due de Bourgoynei 4 killed 
and 2 wounded on the Neptune; 2 killed and i wotmded on the Rom- 
ulus; I killed and 3 wounded on the UEveiUe; i killed and 7 wounded 
on the Pronnnre. The L'EveiQe, commanded by M. De la Villebrune, 
particularly distinguished itself whenihit London of 98 guns, attempt- 
ed to cut the French line the L'Bveille, of but 64 guns, prevented 
Admiral Hood from executing his manoeuvre. 

While all these events were going on. Count de Grasse was fitting 
out an expedition. It sailed from Brest, March 22, 1 781 . 



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lyo Canadian Clergy to George HI 

ADDRESS OF THE CANADIAN CLERGY OF QUEBEC TO 
KING GEORGE III. 

(Canadian Archives, Series 2, vol. II, p. 23.) 

To His Most Excellent Majesty George III, King of Great Bri- 
tain, Prance and Ireland, Sovereign Lord of Canada, etc., etc, etc. 

If your Most Excellent Majesty designs to allow that 

We the most submissive and faithful Canadian subjects of your 
Most Excellent Majesty, of the dty and district of Quebec, take the 
liberty to prostrate ourselves at the foot of the Throne, there to oflf er 
otu" most humble thanks for the Royal approbation which it has 
pleased your Most Excellent Majesty to give to the Act most solidly 
regulating the government of our province. 

We make bold to assure you, our hearts are full of the liveliest 
gratitude and most profound respect, that we, as well as our posterity, 
will never forget the paternal treatment with your Most Excellent 
Majesty and 3rour august Parliament have deigned to favor us, in 
assuring to us the free exercise of our religion, our ancient laws, cus- 
toms and usages, security in the possession of our property, the ex- 
tension of our botmdaries and of our commerce, and the enjoyments 
of all the rights, prerogatives and advantages of British subjects. 
By this equitable Act, we no longer have reason to fear the jealousy 
of the neighboring Provinces, and we pay no attention to the com- 
plaints of the very small number of former subjects residing in this 
Province who seem chagrined at our future well-being. We entreat 
your Most Excellent Majesty to deign to be persuaded that if any 
among us have been, through tmtoward drcumstanoes, drawn into 
their party, their hearts have no part therein. 

Will your Most Excellent Majesty allow us sdso to return you 
our most humble thanks for having restored to us according to our 
wishes General Carleton, whose wisdom, prudence, equity and kind- 
ness lead us to hope that he will indeed, in accordance with the good 
intentions of your Majesty, make us enjoy the favors that it has pleas- 
ed you to grant us^ 

We will never cease, as it is our duty , to send up prayers to heaven 
for the preservation and prosperity of your Most Excellent Majesty, 
of the whole Boy*l PunHlv. and of the Crown of Great Britain. 



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Canadian Militia 171 

CIRCULARS REGARDING THE CANADIAN MILITIA ISSUED 
BY CATHOLIC AUTHORITY IN 1775. 
[From Quebec Archives,] 
Sir: — Translation. 

Always careful to load the Province confided to him with honors 
and benefits, His Excellency General Carleton today adds a new favor 
to those already conferred by him by the re-estabUshment of the 
militia in this province. This is an efficacious means of maintaining 
order in our parishes and polity among our country people ; and it is 
at the same time a mark of esteem and confidence in which he honors 
every individual of the Province, and, above, all those whom he 
appoints to military situations he does not wish to choose except 
inasmuch as his choice may be agreeable to the public. I do not 
doubt but that this occasion will imprint on every heart a gratitude 

proportionate to the benefit conferred and worthy of the 

Canadian reputation. 

This is what you must be careful to impress upon them aU in 
reading on the first Holy Day, at the close of the parochial Mass, 
and in affixing to the door of the church in the accustomed manner, 
the proclamation and the letter which are addressed to you by His 
Excellency. 

I am with respect. Sir, yours etc. Montgolfibr. 

Montreal, 13, Jime 1775. 

[Montgoffier was Superior of the Jesuits. He had been, after 
the capture of Canada by England, elected Bishop of Quebec to suc- 
ceed Bishop Pontbriand, who died during the War. He went to 
England, but was not permitted to go farther to be consecrated.] 

[MSS. copy in French of above in the American Catholic His- 
torical Society of Philadelphia.] 



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I72 * Catholic Hessians 

CATHOLIC HESSIANS IN THE REVOLUTION. 

From ''The Hessians and the other German Auxiliaries of Great Brir 
tain,'* by Edward J. Lowell, we learn: 

**In the War of the American Revolution six German rulers let out 
their soldiers to Great Britain. There were Frederick II, Landgrave 
of Hesse-Cassel; WUUam, his son, an independent Count of Hesse- 
Hanau; Charles I, Duke of Brunswick; Frederick, Prince of Waldedc; 
Charies Alexander, Margrave of Anspach-Beryreuth; and Frederick 
Augustus, Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst. 

The most important was Frederick II, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel. 
The Prince was the Catholic ruler of a Protestant people. His first 
wife had been an English princess, a daughter of George II. She had 
separated herself from the Landgrave on his conversion to Catholic- 
ity and retired to Hanau. At the time of the American Revolution 
the Landgrave was living with his second wife. He was about sixty 
years old and one of the least disreputable of the princes who sent 
mercenaries to America. 

Sixteen thousand, nine hundred and ninety-two men he sent to 
America. "The answer to the treaty was the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence." 

His son, William, and heir apparent, governed the independent 
country of Hanau. He was the first to offer in August, 1 775, a regiment 
to George III. He obtained a higher price per man than any one of 
his competitors except his father. He sent two thousand, four hun- 
dred and twenty-two men to America. Duke Charles I reigned over 
Brunswick-Luneburg. He sent five thousand, seven hundred and 
twenty-three. 

Margrave Charles Alexander governed Anspach and Bayreuth and 
sent two thousand, three hundred and fifty-three men. 

The Prince of Waldeck sent one thousand, two hundred and twenty- 
five. 

Frederick Augustus, Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst, sent one thousand, 
one hundred and sixty. 

Hesse-Hanau sent two thousand, four hundred and twenty-two. 

Waldeck sent twelve hundred and twenty-five. 

The total was twenty-nine thousand, eight hundred and seventy- 
five. Of this number twelve thousand, five hundred and sixty-two 
did not return to Germany. Some were killed of wounds or sidoiess, 



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Gaelic Hessians 173 

others deserted and some remained in America after peace had been 
dedared. 

Most of these poor fellows did not fight for pay at all, but fought 
because they could not help it. 

The shame belonged to their princes aiKl not to themselves. Many 
of them became, in the end, citizens of the Republic they were sent to 
destroy. 

ENLISTMENT RECORD OP A CATHOLIC HESSIAN. 

From the Papers of General Washington, in the Library of Congress, 
Vol. I, page 303: 

CAPITULATION. 

His Serene Highness, the Duke of Brunswick, having thought fit to 
complete and strengthen his Serene Dragoon Regiment, aU his In- 
fantry Regiments and his Rifle Corps and committed the recruiting 
to me, the subscriber, Colonel Riedesel, Lord of Eisenback, and me, 
thereimto authorizing. Therefore, have herewith engaged Anthony 
Nasselbend, bom in Elirchshagon, age 21 3rears — months. Religion, 
Catholic ; measuring 5 feet, 7 inches, as a Ranger of horse, and promise 
him his usual Brunswick pay and more than double the pay in case 
of a March, besides bread and other emoluments and capitulation of 
six years, after which determination he shall be discharged without 
hindrance. 

Given at Headquarters, Wolfenbutte, January 20, 1776. 

RIEDESEL, 

Colonel and Chief of a Dragoon and Independent Regiment. 

Translation from the original in the German language. 
Copy. Richd. Varick, Junr. 



THREE thousand CATHOLIC HESSIANS. 

From Washington's Papers, Vol. XI, p 304. 

The examination of Anthony Fasselabord of Colonel Riedesel's Reg- 
iment of Dragoons, who deserted at Montreal, the 24th of June with 
nineteen others, but does not know what became of them. 

Says that in February, 2000 Hessians, 3000 Brunswickers, and 3000 
Westphalians, the latter all Roman Catholics, embarked on board 
forty-six Dutch vessels at Staad in Hanover and sailed for America. 
That forty-three of these arrived at Quebec the 27th of May. the other 
three being blown oflF from the fleet in afternoon about Easter and 



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174 Catholic Hessians 

supposed to be lost. That some time in June, the whole marched for 
Montreal where they arrived the latter end of the same month. That 
500 Westphalians and Brunsw. troops were drafted as Dragoons, 
horses purchased in Canada and daily trained for that purpose, 500 
more were drafted as riflemen. The whole are new recruits from 1 6 to 
22 years of age. Quartered at Longuieul opposite Montreal under the 
command of Col. Belvnik of the Brunswick Troops. 

That at Quebec, ten of the Germans had deserted. One was after- 
wards taken and at Languieul was ordered to run the gauntlet through 
300 men, but the whole of the German troops mutinied, owing to their 
not receiving their pay and provisions as promised them, refused to 
inflict the punishment and were going to murder the General, but Col. 
Belvnik quieted them with promises of their receiving their allow- 
ances regularly for the future. 



On October 17, 1777, General Burgoyne's Army surrendered at 
Saratoga to General Gates. The Brunswick Hessians taken prisoners 
were sent to Winter Hill near Cambridge, Massachusetts, where they 
remained until November, 1778, when they were obliged to march to 
Charlottesville and Statmton and Winchester, Virginia, where they 
arrived the middle of January. Most of them remained until the end 
of the war in these localities. The camps were under the superinten- 
dency of Col. Bland of Virginia. 



FATHER THEOBALD, HESSIAN CHAPLAIN. 

The following letter is from the Bland Papers in possession of the 
Bland family of Virginia, published at Petersburg, "Wrginia, in 1840. 
It is written in French and addressed to General Washington. It is 
doubtful if it ever reached Washington. It was probably given to 
Col. Bland, who had the superintendency of the Hessian Prisoners in 
Virginia, to forward to Washington. That it was among his Revolu- 
tionary Papers indicates its non-delivery. 

The name of Chaplain Theobald does not appear in the list of Chap- 
lains given in Rosengarten's German Allies. 

The records do not show whether the Chaplains whose names are 
given were Catholics or Protestants. As there were many Catholic 
among the Hessians — three thousand among the Westphalians — a 
Chaplain was as necessary for them as were any of the other Chaplains 



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Catholic Hessians 175 

for the Protestants. Perhaps the nearly twenty-five hundred sent 
from Hesse-Hanau were Catholics and so justified a Chaplain. 

The letter too was written in French. It speaks of a cui6 ofiFered 
him two years before at Albany. This may have been to minister to 
the Canadians in the two Regiments of Congress' Own, commanded 
by Col. Livingston, which guarded the Hudson River, or that of Col. 
Moses Hazen, which in 1777, was engaged in Gen. Sullivan's cam- 
paigns. For either or both of these Regiments Father Theobald may 
have been invited to attend the Canadian and Irish soldiers. 

Nothing further has been discovered concerning this Hessian chap- 
lain. 

Chariottesvillb, 1779. 
It is now the fourth year that I have been engaged in the regi- 
ment of Hesse-Hanan, which is at present in captivity in Virginia. 
While in capacity of Chaplain to that Regiment, I have been exceed- 
ingly maltreated by my commander, from the very commencement 
of my service to the present time. And on that account, I felt myself 
obliged to apply for my dismissal to my prince; which I have done 
at different times, but still in vain have expected an answer. The 
situation in which I find myself at present — overwhelmed with cha- 
grin, without resources and almost without hope of again soon revisit- 
ing my native country; all this compels me to have recourse to your 
Excellency, and to beg you to grant me permission to go away from 
this place to Albany, and to accept there a cur^ that was offered me 
two years ago. Your Excellency may be assured that I am not a man 
of false principles, who makes prof esson to one and deserts to another. 
On entering his service I did not take the oath of allegiance to his 
Brittanic majesty and therefore can quit it with a clear conscience. 
In the hope of a favorable answer, I am your Excellency's very humble 
servant, etc. — [Bland Papers, p 144 vol. i. Petersburg, Va. 1840.0 

HESSIANS AT CHARLOTTESVILLE. 

Parolb of Dr. W. B. [ OR A. B.] Carroll. 
I do hereby promise and declare, on my parole of honor and on 
the faith of a gentleman, that I will not during my journey from the 
post at Charlottesville to Charles Carroll's Esq, near Annapolis, by 
any means, directly or indirectly, by word, writing or [ in any man- 
ner] say or do anything to the prejudice of the United States of Ameri- 
ca, or any one of them, or the inhabitants thereof, that I will not hold 



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176 Irish Regiments in BriUsh Sendee 

conversation in order to obtain a knowledge of the situation or state 
of the armies, encampments, fortune or finances oi the United States, 
so that I may communicate intelligence thereof to the enemies of the 
United States, that I will on my arrival put myself under the guidance 
and direction of his Excellency, Governor Johnston, and not exceed 
such limits dtuing my residence in Maryland, or on my return to the 
Continental army, as he shall prescribe to me ; and on my arrived 
at Charles Carroll's Esq, I will announce it to his Excellency, the 
Governor of Maryland and deliver to him a copy of this, my psuDle. 

W. B. CARROLL, JR., 20th Reg't. 

It is difficult to determine to which Charles Carroll this Dr. 
Carroll was on his way to. There were at that time three of the name 
in Maryland and two at or near AnnapoUs. Of the latter, Charles 
Carroll [of CarroUton] lived at AnnapoUs, and Charles Carroll, the 
barrister-at-law, a Protestant, lived in the same county and probably 
''near Annapolis.'' So it is likely the Doctor from the Hessian camp 
was on the way to the latter. 

Were they related? Dr. Carroll signing **20th Regiment" and 
giving a parole shows he was in the British service. 



Irish Rbgimbnts in British Service. 

On June 20, 1776, the President of the French Navy Board, 
at Versailles, wrote to M. de La Touche that the Journal of M. de 
Montazeand , which he had received , showed he had met not far 
from San Domingo an English fleet under Admiral Porter. His 
presence in these regions might cause uneasiness. But there is no 
doubt this admiral was carried away to the South by incidents in 
his navigation — that he was really going to Virginia or the Caroli- 
nas. Little to hear from San Domingo, as Parker's fleet, which 
sailed from Cork, only conveyed a few Irish regiments. "Cannot 
understand how the officers of this squadron could know that 6,000 
Hessians had gone into England's pay to serve against the English 
Colonies as this arrangement could not be known in Ireland when 
Parker's squadron sailed/' — Canadian Archives, 1905, p. 421. 



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The Canadians Friendly to the Colonies 177 



THE CANADIANS FRIENDLY TO THE COLONIES, BUT 
THE CLERGY AND NOBLES AIDED BY THE MIS- 
CONDUCT OF THE AMERICANS, KEPT CANADA 
LOYAL TO ENGLAND. 

There is ample testimony to show that the Canadians were not 
only not hostile to the cause of the Americans, but where they were 
not neutral they were avowed supporters of the ''Bostonnais." 

Though the Quebec Act, "Establishing Popery in Canada/* 
as it was said, gave the Canadians the benefit of their former laws of 
France respecting the Church it also imposed the tithe system for 
the support of the Church on the people. That was one cause of 
dissatisfaction, and so of favor toward the Americans, though pos- 
sibly it may not have been the reason for the disapproval of that 
Act by Father Floquet. Indeed it is probable that it was the chief 
cause, adding to the hope of a possible restoration of the rule of 
France when England was restoring some of the laws of that country 
and one which imposed a legal obUgation to support the Chtu'ch. 

A few citations of testimony showing their favorable attitude 
toward the Americans may be presented as indicative of the force 
of many. 

John Duguia, who had lived in Canada for sixteen months, made 
oath at Philadelphia, August 2, 1775, that the ''Canadians will 
not take up arms on either side, but wish to remain neutre; that 
when the officers appointed by Governor Carleton attempted to 
force the Canadians to take up arms^ about 3000 of them assembled 
and obliged the officers to quit their purpose and return home, that 
the son of Dr. Chambeault, one of the principal seigneurs of Canada, 



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178 The Canadians Friendly to the Colonies 

had a commissioii to raise men, but attempting it was disarmed by 
tbe people and escaped to Montreal ; that his father came next day 
and was obUged to go thither likewise; that the Canadians were 
headed by M. L. Artifice; that they have arms but no ammunition 
but what they got from the merchants. 

The Canadians about Quebec were disposed to be neutral, as 
well as those about St. John, but that the priests and seigneurs were 
stimulating them to take up arms against the Colonies ; that on ac- 
count of the new laws, which imposed the same taxes that were levied 
by the King of France, the Canadians were very much disobliged 
and declare they will oppose the taxes to the utmost. — [Am. Ar., 
Vol. 3, p. 13 — ^4th Series.] 

Major John Brown wrote to Governor Trumbull, from Crown 
Point, August 14, 1775: 

*'Now is the time to carry Canada. It may be done with great 
ease and Uttle cost, and I have no doubt the Canadians would join 
us. There is great defection among them. They have lately raised 
a mob. Fired on the French oflBcers lately appointed and taken 
away their commissions. — [Am. Ar., Vol. 3, p. 136. Series 4.] 

A letter from Ticonderoga, August 4, 1775, said: 

The Canadians are determined not to fight against us tmless 
forced by a formidable army. About three weeks ago an attempt 
was made to force the Canadians to take up arms, and they were about 
to hang some in every parish, when the Canadians rose in a body 
of near 3000 men, disarmed the officer that was after recruits, and 
made him flee, being determinded to defend themselves in the best 
manner they could by a full resistance, rather than be forced to arm 
against the Colonies. The common people there cannot bear to 
have the old French laws take the place again among them, as they 
will be thereby plunged into enormous taxes. — [Am. Ar., Vol. 3, p. 
26, 4th series.] 

"As to the Acadians, I have dwelt among them nearly twenty 
3^ears and am well acquainted with their manners and ways. They 
are to a man wholly inclined to the cause of America." — [Sparks' 
Writings of Washington. Vol III, p. 336. Note.] 

General Washington to Gen. Schuyler, Cambridge Camp, Au- 
gust 15, 1775: 

''Several Indians of the tribe of St. Francoiscamein yesterday 
and confirmed the former accounts of the good dispositions of the 



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The Canadians Friendly to the Colonies 179 

Indian natives and Canadians to the interests of America." — [Am. 
Ar,, 3 Vol., p. 144— 4th Series.] 

Gen. Schuyler at Ticonderoga received from James Livingston 
a letter dated at St. Terese, Sept. 8, 1775, saying: The Canadians 
su% all friends. 

A letter from Quebec, August 20, 1775, to a gentleman in 
Scotland said: There is no persuading the coimtry people here. 
Emissaries from the Rebels have made them beUeve that they are 
only come into the country to protect them from heavy taxes 
whichParhamentdesignstolay upon them. — [Am. Ar., Vol. 3, p. 211. 
4th Series.] 

Thomas Gamble, writing from Quebec, Sept. 6, 1775, to Gen. 
Gage, the British Commander at Boston, said: The Canadians' 
minds are all poisoned by emissaries from New England and the 
damned rascals of merchants here and at Montreal. General Carle- 
ton is, I believe, afraid to order out the militia lest they should re- 
fuse to obey. In short, the Quebec Bill is of no use ; on the contrary 
the Canadians talk of that damned word. Liberty. — [Am. Ar., 3, p. 
963. 4th Series.] 

The Journal of Captain Henry Dearborn in the expedition 
against Quebec, 1775, records: 

Nov. 5th. The people are very ignorant, but seem to be very 
kind to us. 

6th. The inhabitants appear to be very kind, but ask a great 
price for their victuals. 

1 6th. Three quarters of a mile from the Walls of Quebec. We sent 
a company of men today to take possession of the General Hospital, 
which is a very large pile of buildings about three quarters of a mile 
from the Walls of Quebec. In this building is a nunnery of the first 
order in Canada, where at present there are about thirty-five nuns. 
The Canadians are constantly coming to us and are expressing the 
greatest satisfaction at our coming into the country. — (p. 14.) 

19th. We . . . .marched up to Point Aux-Trumble, about seven 
leagues from Quebec. There are a number of handsome chapels by 
the way. We found the people very kind to us. 

2 1 St. The Curate of the Parish dines at headquarters today. 
—{Pro. Mass. Hist. Soc, 1886.] 

Col. Timothy Bigelow, of 15th Mass. Reg't, wrote from Chan- 
dler Point, Oct. 28, 1775: "We have this minute received news 



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i8o The Canadians Friendly to the Colonies 

that the inhabitants of Canada are all friendly and very much re- 
joiced at our coming." — [Page 29 of Ceremonies at Ded. of Bigelow 
Monument. Unveiled April 19, 1861.] 

Letters from parish of St. Thomas, 12 leagues below Quebec, 
Jan. 27, 1776: 

''The inhabitants of the country are enlisting and are to a man 
for the Americans, and say that if the army is not able to take 
the town they will do it themselves, for if it is not taken that 
in the Spring they will be ruined by the English for doing what they 
have. "^Pa. Journal, Mar. 20, 1776.] 

The address of the general officers to the soldiers of the Grand 
Continental Army, issued at Cambridge, Nov. 24, 1775, said: 

Canada, from whence your tyrants proposed to pour forth whole 
hosts to your destruction, keeps pace with, if not surpasses, the Eng- 
lish Colonies themselves, in Zealand ardour for the common rights 
of America 



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Soldier of the Revolution i8l 

A SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION, PRISONER IN CANADA, 

CARED FOR BY NUNS. 

[From Pro. Delaware Hist. Soc. ; Vol. i., p. 28.] 

Extracts from diary of Gen. Francis Nichols, captured during 
Gen. Arnold's expedition against Quebec : 

Nichols was 2d Lieutenant of Capt. William Hendrick's Co., 
transferred to ist Penna., and left service as Major of 9th Regt. 
Died at Pottstown, Pa., February 13, 1812. 

March 10, 1776, was removed to the Hotel Dieu, sick of the 
scarlet fever, and placed under the care of the Mother Abbess, where 
I had fresh provisions and good attendance. For several nights the 
ntms sat up with me, four at a time, every two hours. Here I feigned 
myself sick after I had recovered, for fear of being sent back to the 
Seminary to join my fellow'K>fficers, and was not discharged until 
I acknowledged that I was well. When I think of my captivity I 
shall never forget the time spent among the nuns who treated me 
with so much humanity. 

June 28th. The Bishop and merchants of the city subscribed a 
sum of money for our relief, but our pride would not allow us to ac- 
cept it. When the Lieutenant Governor heard of it he was much 
displeased, as he was fearful the news would get to England that we 
had so many friends in the city. 

July 2d. For some time past we have had the privilege of walk- 
ing in the Bishop's garden and to the wall, where we had a pros- 
pect of the shipping in the harbor and the lower town. On General 
Carkton's leaving the city the command devolved. on the Lieuten- 
ant Governor, who issued the order depriving us of these privileges 
and forbidding our conversing with any persons except in the pres- 
ence of the officer of the guard. 

[Later Gen. Carleton rettuned from Montreal. Nichols speaks 
of him as ''the only friend we had in the city." All accounts of the 
captives in Canada agree that General Carleton was kind and careful 
to the prisoners and treated them with the best possible humanity.] 

When granted a parole, Gen. Carleton sent supplies for tibe 
journey home. The Bishop also presented us with two casks of 
wines, eight loaves of sugar and several pounds of green tea. We 
declined, as we had resolved before leaving home not to use it 
during the contest, and coffee was sent in lieu of it. 



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1 82 Address of the Continental Congress 

ADDRESS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS TO THE 
OPPRESSED INHABITANTS OF CANADA. 

Monday, May 29, 1775. 

The Congress met according to adjournment. 

The Committee to whom the Letter to the Inhabitants of Canada 
was recommitted, brought in a draught, which was read, and ap- 
proved, and is as follows: 

"To the Oppressed Inhabitants of Canada. 

"Fribnds and Countrymen :— Alarmed by the designs of an 
arbitrary Ministry to extirpate the rights and liberties of all 
America, a sense of common danger conspired with the dictates of 
humanity in urging us to call your attention, by our late address, 
to this very important object. 

** Since the conclusion of the late war, we have been happy in 
considering you as fellow-subjects; and from the commencement 
of the present plan for subjugating the Continent, we have viewed 
you as fellow-sufferers with tis. As we were both entitled by the 
botmty of an indulgent Creator to freedom, and being both devoted 
by the cruel edicts of a despotick Administration, to common ruin, 
we perceived the fate of the Protestant and Catholick Colonies to 
be strongly linked together, and therefore invited 3rou to join with 
us in resolving to be free, and in rejecting, with disdain, the fetters 
of slavery, however artfully polished. 

''We most sincerely condole with 3rou on the arrival of that 
day, in the course of which the stm could not shine on a single free- 
man in all 3^0^* extensive dominion. Be assured, that 3rour un- 
merited degradation has engaged the most unfeigned pity of your 
sifter Colonies; and we flatter ourselves you will not, by tamely 
bearing the yoke, suffer that pity to be supplanted by contempt. 

"When hardy attempts are made to deprive men of rights be- 
stowed by the Almighty, when avenues are cut through the most 
solemn compacts for the admission of despotism, when the plighted 
faith of Government ceases to give security to dutiful subjects, and 
when the insidious stratagems and mamruvres of peace become 
more terrible than the sanguinary operations of war, it is high time 
for them to assert those rights, and, with honest indignation, oppose 
the torrent of oppression rushing in upon them. 

"By the introduction of 3rour present form of Government, or 



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Address of the Continental Congress 183 

rather present form of tyranny, you and your wives and your chil- 
dren are made slaves. You have nothing that you can call your own, 
and all the fruits of your labour and industry may be taken from 
you whenever an avaricious Governor and a rapacious Council may 
incline to demand them. You are liable by their edicts to be trans- 
ported into foreign Countries to fight battles in which you have no 
interest, and to spill your blood in conflicts from which neither 
honour nor emolument can be derived: nay, the enjoyment of your 
very Religion, on the present system, depends on a Legislature in 
which you have no share, and over which you have no control, and 
your priests are exposed to expulsion, banishment, and ruin, when- 
ever their wealth and possessions furnish sufficient temptation. 
They cannot be sure that a virtuous Prince will always fill the throne 
and should a wicked or careless King concur with a wicked Ministry 
in extracting the treasure and strength of your Country, it is im- 
possible to conceive to what variety and to what extremes of wretch- 
edness you may, under the present establishment, be reduced. 

*' We are informed you have already been called upon to waste 
your lives in a contest with us. Should you, by compljdng in this 
instance, assent to your new establishment and a war break out 
with France, your wealth and your sons may be sent to perish in 
expeditions against their Islands in the West Indies, 

''It cannot be presumed that these considerations will have no 
weight with you, or that you are so lost to all sense of honour. We 
can never believe that the present race of Canadians are so degener- 
ated as to possess neither the spirit, the gallantry, nor the courage 
erf their ancestors. You certainly will not permit the infamy and 
disgrace of such pusillanimity to rest on your own heads, and the 
consequences of it on your children forever. 

**We, for our parts, are determined to live free, or not at all; 
and are resolved, that posterity shall never reproach us with having 
brought slaves into the world. 

"Permit us again to repeat that we are your friends, not your 
enemies, and be not imposed upon by those who may endeavor to 
create animosities. The taking of the fort and military stores at 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the armed vessels on the lake, 
was dictated by the great law of self-preservation. They were in- 
tended to annoy us, and to cut off that friendly intercourse and 
communication, which has hitherto subsisted between you and us. 



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184 Address of the Continental Congress 

We hope it has given you no uneasiness, and you may rely on our 
assurances, that these Colonies ^ill pursue no measures whatever, 
but such as friendship and a regard for our mutual safety and in- 
terest may suggest. 

**As our concern for your welfare entitles us to jrour friendship 
we presume you will not, by doing us injury, reduce us to the dis- 
agreeable necessity of treating you as enemies. 

"We yet entertain hopes of yoiu* uniting with us in the de- 
fence of our common liberty, and there is yet reason to believe, that 
should we join in imploring the attention of our Sovereign to the 
unmerited and unparalleled oppressions of his American subjects, 
he will at length be undeceived, and forbid a licentious Ministry 
any longer to riot in the ruins of the rights of mankind." 

Ordered, That the above Letter be signed by the President. 

Ordered, That Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Mifflin be a Committee 
to get the Letter translated into the French language, and to have 
one thousand copies oi it, so translated, printed, in order to be 
sent to Canada, and dispersed among the inhabitants there. 



FRIENDS AND BROTHERS. 

The New York Provincial Congress on June 2, 1775, issued an 
Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec in which it was said : 

"The Parent of the universe has divided this earth among the 
children of men and drawn out the line of their habitations. The 
great God having ordained that all our joys and sorrows here below 
should proceed from the effect of human actions upon human beings, 
our situation has drawn together this great bond of natural depen- 
dence, and enabled us to deal out injuries and kindness to each 
other. We consider you as our friends and feel for you the affection 
of brothers.* ♦ ♦ 

"Avoid those measures which must plunge us both into distress, 
and instead of consenting to become miserable slaves, generously dare 
to participate with your fellow subjects in the sweets of that security 
which is the glorious lot of freedom." — [Am, Ar., 4th S., Vol. 2, p 893]. 



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Commissioned Officers of the Navy 185 

COMMISSIONED OFFICERS OF THE NAVY OF THE 

REVOLUTION. 

The following document does not wholly relate to Cathoucs 
AND THE Revolittion, but OS it is an original manuscript not before 
published it is of historical importance. No such complete list of 
the Continental Navy officers has heretofore been published, as The 
General Register of the United States Navy, by Hamersly, is incom- 
plete and Goldsborough's Naval Chronicle, Vol. I, contains the same 
list. The list herewith given contains the names of forty-five cap- 
tains and commanders, one hundred and thirty lieutenants, and one 
hundred and thirty-four marine officers. 

This record was obtained from the Navy Dbpartment 
Library and Navai, War Records. It was sent The Researches 
by direct personal order of Hon. Charles J. Bonaparte, when Secretary 
of the Navy, to whom application had been made. 

A list of the Commissioned Officers who served in the Navy of 
the United States in the late war, 1 775-1 783. 

Copied from the original manuscript list sent to President 
Washington by Secretary-at-War Knox and now preserved with 
letters, records and papers of General Washington tlmt form part of 
the National Archives in the custody of the Department of State : 

CAPTAINS AND COMMANDERS. 

Ksek Hopkins He was Commander-in-Chief and 

was suspended in March, 1777. 

James Nicholson 

John Manly Dead. 

Hector McNeil Dead. 

Dudley Saltonstall Broke by Court Martial Oct. 1779. 

Nicholas Biddle Blown up in the Randolph Frigate, 

March, 1778. 

Thomas Thompson Broke by Court Martial, July 1778. 

John Barry 

Thomas Read Dead. 

Thomas Gtmnel Dead. 

Charles Alexander Dead. 

Lambert Wickes Lost in the Reprisal, Oct. 1777. 

Abraham Whipple 

John B. Hopkins Suspended in May, 1778. 



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i86 Commissioned Officers of the Navy 

John Hodge 

William Hallack 

Hoysted Hacker 

Isaiah Robinson Dead. 

John P. Jones Dead. 

James Josiah 

Elisha Hinman Broke. 

Joseph Ohiey Suspended in 1779. 

James Robinson Dead. 

John Young Lost in the Saratoga, March 1781. 

Elisha Warner Dead. 

The rank of the above 24 Captains was fixed in the order in which 
they stand by Act of Congress of the loth October, 1776. 

Peter Brewster Supposed to be lost at sea. 

Samuel Nicholson 

John Nicholson 

Henry Johnson 

John P. Rathbon Dead. 

Peter Landais Broke by Court Martial in 1780. 

Daniel Waters 

Thomas Simpson Dead. 

Samuel Tucker 

Samuel Chew Dead. 

William Pickles Dead. 

John Green 

John Skimmer Dead. 

William Burke Resigned. 

Seth Harding 

Silas Talbot 

Gustavus Cunningham 

Benjamin Dtmn 

John Ayres Dead. 

William Stone 

John Hazard 

LIEUTENANTS. 

Thomas Albertson Dead. (These three lieutenants 

John Baldwin Dead, were appointed to 

John Stevens comnmnd vessels.) 



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Commissioned Officers of the Navy 187 

John Angus Resigned. 

James Armitage Discharged. 

Blaney Allison Dead. 

Joseph Adams Deserted. 

Rhodes Arnold 

Robert Adamson 

Jacob Brooks 

Philip Brown 

Joshua Barney 

John BaUenger Discharged 

Ezekiel Burroughs 

John Brown 

Benjamin Bates 

Isaac Buck 

William Barnes Lost in the Randolph. 

George Batson Dead. 

Christ. Bradley 

Elijah Bowen 

Samuel Cardal 

David Cullam 

John Channing 

Silas Devol 

Arthur Dillaway Dead. 

James Degge 

Peter Deville 

Richard Dale 

William Dunlap 

William Dennis Resigned. 

Patrick Fletcher 

Robert French 

John Fanning 

Joshua Fanning Lost in the Randolph* 

Nichs. E. Gardner 

Joseph Greenway 

William Gamble Resigned. 

Simon Gross 

Stephen Gregory 

William GrinneU 

Robert Harris He lost an arm and is now a pen- 
sioner of the United States. 



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1 88 Commissioned Officers of the Navy 

John Hennesey Broke. 

James Handy Quit the service without leave. 

George House 

Stephen Hill Deserted. 

Abra'm Hawkins 

EUjah HaU 

Esek Hopkins, Jr Resigned. 

Robert Hume 

Aquilla Johns Resigned. 

John Kemp Discharged October 15, 1779. 

Michael Knies Dead. 

John Kerr Ran oflf with a prize. 

Benjamin Knight 

Edward Leger Discharged. 

William Leeds 

John Lewis Resigned. 

Muscoe Livingston Resigned July 27, 1778. 

Richard Marvin 

Luke Mathewman Dead. 

John Mclvers Resigned March 11, 1777. 

William Moran 

Robert Martin 

Jonathan Malbee 

Alex. Murray 

John McDougal Lost in the Randolph. 

William Mollison 

Robert Pomeroy Deserted. 

David Porter Resigned. 

Jonathan Pitcher 

David Phipps 

Benjamin Page 

William Potts 

James Pine Lost in the Saratoga. 

James Robertson Dead. 

John Rodez 

Benjamin Reed Resigned. 

Peter Rosseau . . 

Peter Richards 



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Commissioned Officers of the Navy 189 

Robert Soott Discharged September 19, 1776. 

Peter Shores Disgraced. 

John Sleymaker 

Joshia Shackford Resigned 

John Scott 

Robert Saunders 

Matthew Tibbs 

Adam W. Thaxter Dead. 

Joseph Vesey Dead. 

Thomas Vaughan Dead. 

Richard Wickes Killed on board the Reprisal. 

Robert ^S^lson Resigned April 8, 1777. 

James Wilson Dead. 

David Welch 

Hezekiah Welch 

John Wheelwright 

Jacob White 

Hopley Yeaton 

Samuel York Resigned July 8, 1779. 

Josiah Audibert 

William Barron 

Daniel Bears 

Benjamin Barron 

Edward Burke Deserted. 

Charles Bulkley 

Seth Clarke 

George ChampUn 

William Dupar 

Joseph Doble 

Wilford Fisher 

James Grinwell 

William Hopkins 

Christr. Hopkins 

William Ham 

George Lovie 

John Margisson 

John Moran 

William Morrison 

Cutting Lunt 



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I90 Commissioned Officers of the Navy 

Henry Lunt 

Isaac Olney 

James Sellers 

Daniel Starr 

Benjamin Seabury 

John Scranton 

Nicolas Scull 

James Stephens 

Marie Sevel Doric 

John Robinson 

Jacob White 

Thomas Weaver 

Daniel Vaughan 

MARINE OFFICERS. 

Captains. 

Samuel Nicolas Major of Marines. 

Edward Arrowsmith 

Seth Bexter 

Abraham Boyce 

Isaac Craig Resigned. 

Benjamin Dean Resigned July 12, 1777. 

James Disney 

William Holton Broke December 11, 1778. 

Joseph Hardy 

WUham Jones 

Dennis Leary 

Robert Mullen Dead. 

William Morris 

Geo. Jerry Osbom 

Andrew Porter Resigned. 

Richard Palmes 

Matthew Parke 

Gilbert Saltonstall 

Elihu Trowbridge Deserted. 

Miles Pennington Dead. 

John Hazard 

John Welch 

Samuel Shaw Lost in^the Randolph. 



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Commissioned Officers of the Navy 191 

John Stewart 

Joseph Shoemaker 

John Elliott Dead. 

John Trevitt 

William Mathewman 

\^lliam Nicholson 

Robert Elliott 

— '• Rice 

Spence 

MARINE OFFICERS. 

Lieutenants. 

Peter Bedford Resigned July 5, 1779. 

Gurdon Bill 

David Bill Dead. 

William Barney Dead. 

Peregrine Brown 

James Cokely Resigned. 

John Chilton Dead. 

David Cullam 

Panatier De la Falconier 

John Fitzpatrick Dead. 

Thomas Elwood 

William Gilmore Went into the land service. 

Samuel Gamage Resigned. 

Peter Green 

Benjamin Huddle 

Daniel Henderson Lost at sea. 

Richard Harrison 

James Hamilton 

Samuel Holt 

John Harris 

William Jennison 

David Love 

James McChire Resigned. 

Abel Morgan Resigned. 

Hugh Montgomery Resigned. 

Robert McNeal Resigned April 5, 1778. 

Stephen Meade 



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192 Commissioned Officers of the Namy 

William Morris 

Alexander NeUson Refligned April 5, 1778. 

Samuel Powars 

Thomas Pownal 

Samuel Prichard 

Thomas Plunkett 

Avery Parker 

Jerry Reed 

Franklin Reed 

Jabez Smith Dead. 

Daniel Starr 

Walter Spooner 

George Trumbull Discharged March 4, 1778. 

Nathaniel Twing Resigned. 

Thomas Turner 

Zebulon Vamam 

Abraham Vandyke 

Jacob White 

James Warren 

William Waterman 

Wadsworth 

James Warren 

Jonathan Woodworth 

Samuel Wallingsworth 

James H. Wilson 

Abraham Boyoe Afterwards appointed Captain of 

Marines. 

William Barney 

Henry Becker 

James Connolly Dead. 

Seth Chapin 

Jsunes Clark 

Robert Cummings 

Henry Dayton 

Robert Davis 

John Dimsdell 

William Cooper 

Benjamin Catlin 

Thomas Etting If] 



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Commissioned Officers of the Naty 193 

Stephen Earl 

Thomas Fitzgerald , 

William Fielding 

Zebadiah Famham 

John Guignace 

Samuel Hempsted 

John Harris 

William Hamilton 

Jonas Hamilton . . 
Roger Haddock . 
WilHara Huddle . 
Robert Hunter . . 
Eugene McCarthy 
Peter Manifold 

Jonathan Mix 

Richard McClure ... 
Charles McHarron . . 

Kelly 

Daniel Longstreet 

William Radford 

Alpheus Rice 

Nathl. Richards 

I. M. Strobach . 

Benjamin Thompson 

Edmund Stack 

Lewis De La Valette 

Hugh Kirkpatrick 

No regular record appears to have been kept 01 the appointments 
made in the Marine Department, and it is not to be wondered at when 
it is considered how many persons and boards were vested with 
authority to make appointments. 

The foregoing list is formed from the Minutes of the Marine 
Committee and Navy Boards, and from the rolls of the several ves- 
sels; many of the Officers served only for a Cruise. 

(Signed) DOYLE SWEENY. 

Treasury Department, 
Auditor's Office, 
March 18, 1794. 

Doyle Sweeny was a Catholic and a brother of Morgan Sweeny, 



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194 Commissioned Officers of the Navy 

who also was a clerk in the United States Treasury Department, 
who died June 3, 1799, and was buried in St. Mary's graveyard tlie 
next day. Doyle Sweeny's son Philip was baptized at St. Mary's 
October 11, 1794. His son Edward was baptized by Rev. C. V. 
Keating February 11, 1792. 



PATRIOTS OF NEW YORK FLY A "NO POPERY" FLAG. 

New York, March 9, 1775. — Early on Monday morning prepara- 
tions were made for the meeting at the Exchange. A Union flag, with 
a red field, was hoisted on the Liberty pole, where at 9 o'clock the 
Friends of Freedom assembled, and having got in proper readiness, 
about II o'clock, the body began their march to the Exchange. 
They were attended by music; and the standard bearers carried a 
large Union flag, with a blue field, on which were the following in- 
scriptions: On one side, "George III, Rex" and "The Liberties of 
America. No Popery;" on the other, "The Union of theColonies" 
and "The Meastu^es of the Congress." — The New York Journal, March 
9, I775» and quoted in Historical Magazine, May, 1868. 

This "No Popery" referred to the provision of the Quebec 
Act, passed by the British Parliament in 1774, hy which the former 
religious rights of the clergy of Canada in the collection of tythes, 
which they had held under French domination, was restored to them. 
This was considered by the "Protestant Colonies" as "establishing 
Popery in Canada," with the design of using the Canadians as "fit 
instruments" to oppress the "Protestant Colonies." 

It was really this feature of the Quebec Act that brought on the 
conflict. Since the conquest of Canada, propositions to introduce 
"prelacy" had been made and advocated. The Colonists not of the 
Church of England resisted these endeavors. There was for years 
much controversy on the subject by means of the newspapers and 
pamphlets. 

Samuel Adams, on behalf of the House of Representatives of 
Massachusetts, wrote to the London agent of that Province in 1768 : 

"The establishment of a Protestant Episcopate in America is also 
very zealously contended for, and it is very alarming to a people 
whose fathers, from the hardships they suffered under such an es- 
tablishment, were obliged to fly their native country into a wilderness. 
We hope in God such an establishment will never take place in 
America." — [Wells' Life of Samuel Adams, Vol. I, p. 157.] 



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The Commodores of the Navy ^95 

[ReprinUd, by permissum^ jrom Appleton's Magasine, November, 1005.] 

THE COMMODORES OF THE NAVY OF THE UNITED 

COLONIES 

HOPKINS, JONES, BARRY. 

When the Colonies by successive acts of the King and Ministry 
were forced, by the logic of events proceeding from their rejected 
appeals for redress, to take up arms to resist the oppressive measures 
of Great Britain, naturally, of course, their resistance took the form 
of a military or army force by the organization of companies or regi- 
ments eflfective for defense. 

When this armed resistance had become so strong that the army 
of Washington besieged the British forces in Boston, just as naturally 
also came the purpose of preventing the besieged from being reen- 
forced with provisions or ammunition by vessels bringing such sup- 
plies from across the ocean. 

Rhode Island in those days was an important maritime colony. 
Its chief port — Newport — was the seat of a more important trade 
than even New York. 

Resistance, not only by protest but by action, had early mani- 
fested itself in that colony and always by decisive proceedings 
against British vessels. 

Thus Rhode Island by its maritime prominence and its many 
men of the sea sailing to and from its ports recognized, sooner than 
the other colonies, the war force of the sea and the power it could 
be in upholding the claim of the colonies. That colony early in the 
struggle maintained, as did Washington in the later years of the war, 
that only by an efficient sea force could the colonies continue suc- 
cessfully the resistance they were making and would make against 
Great Britain. 

The Continental Congress had been maintaining an armed force 
on land under General Washington and so had been giving its at- 
tention to army matters throughout the colonies. In the early days 
nothing of record appears to show that any consideration was given 
by the Congress to the organization of a naval force until October 3, 
1775, when the Representatives of Rhode Island presented the res- 
olution which that Assembly on August 26th had adopted declar- 
ing: "This Assembly is persuaded that building and equipping an 
American fleet, as soon as possible, would greatly and essentially 



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196 



The Commodores of the Navy 



conduce to the preservation of the lives, liberty, and property of 
the good people of these colonies, and therefore instruct their dele- 
gates to use their influence at the ensuing Congress for the building 
at Continental expense of a fleet of sufficient force for the protection 




ESEK HOPKINS, OF RHODE ISLAND 

of these colonies and employing them in such a manner and places 
as will most effectually annoy our enemies and contribute to the 
common defence of these colonies." 



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The Commodores of the Navy 197 

The subject was brought up for consideration on October 7 th. 
John Adams tells us that some thought the project **the maddest 
idea," that when Rutledge, of South Carolina, moved the appoint- 
ment of a committee to prepare a plan and estimate of a fleet, timid 
ones made the proposition a subject of such ridicule that Gadsden 
had to protest against his associates doing so. Silas Deane advised 
Congress to give it * 'serious debate." He did not consider it "ro- 
mantic." 

The thought of fitting out a fleet to combat the powerful sea 
force of Great Britain did, indeed, seem, even to resolute defenders 
of Liberty, a most foolhardy undertaking. 

Deane, Langdon, and Gadsden were appointed the committee. 
On the 13th, Congress, "taking into consideration the report of the 
committee appointed to prepare a plan for intercepting vessels coming 
out with stores and ammunition, and after some debate, resolved" 
that two vessels, carrjdng one f oiuteen, the other ten guns, a propor- 
tionable number of swivels and men, should be fitted out. 

On the 30th the committee reported and Congress resolved to 
fit out "two other armed vessels," one not exceeding twenty gims, 
the other not exceeding thirty-six. 

The committee was increased from three to seven. The added 
members were Stephen Hopkins, Joseph Hewes, Richard Henry 
Lee, and John Adams. 

Thus was begim the Navy of the United Colonies. The 
committee on November 23d "brought in a set of rules for the govern- 
ment of the American Navy" which on the 25 th were adopted under 
the title : Rules for the Government of the Navy of the United 
Colonies. 

Captain Esek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, through the influence 
of his brother, Stephen Hopkins, a member of the committee, was, 
on November 5, 1775, appointed Commander-in-chief of a fleet to be 
organized and of the expedition on which it would be sent. 

Who was this Commander-in-chief, ' * Admiral, " or " Commodore , ' ' 
as he was by courtesy called? — the first of oiu* naval commanders 
to be thus titled, though not so by official designation, as these terms 
"Admiral" and "Commodore" became official only during oiu* Civil 
War. 

Esek Hopkins was bom April 26, 1 718, at (now) Scituate, R. I. 
Prior to the beginning of hostilities with "the Mother Country" 



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198 The Commodores of the Navy 

Hopkins had been engaged in the merchant sea service as captain 
of Rhode Island vessels. 

In July, 1775, Captain James Wallace of the British fleet threat- 
ened Newport with assault unless he was furnished supplies. A 
town meeting ordered fortifications to be built. On August 29th 
Hopkins was appointed by the Town Meeting to direct a battery at 
Pox Hill to command the harbor. On October 4th, Hopkins was 
appointed Commander-in-chief with the rank of Brigadier-General. 
This commission he held two months and eighteen days — thus being 
a "General" and a '^Commodore" at the same time, as it was not 
until December 22, 1775, that Congress approved of his appointment 
as Commander-in-chief. 

He arrived at Philadelphia, January 14, 1776, in the Providence, 
formerly the Katy^ of the Rhode Island fleet. 

The day of Hopkins' arrival at Philadelphia is believed to be 
the day Lieutenant John Paul Jones ** hoisted by my own hand," 
as he wrote, **the first American flag," when Hopkins came on board 
the flagship Alfred, commanded by Captain Saltonstall. 

Detained by the ice in the Delaware and an epidemic of smallpox 
among the crew, Hopkins' fleet — the first American naval expedi- 
tion — did not sail imtil February 17, 1776. Though it had been or- 
ganized mainly to assist Charleston, S. C, yet the necessity for doing 
it so late did not exist. The expedition sailed further southward 
to the Bahama Islands, where, at New Providence, a descent was 
made, arms and ammunition so sorely needed by Washington's army 
were taken, and the Governor and other inhabitants seized as host- 
ages. The fleet sailed homeward on St. Patrick's day, 1776, the day 
Washington was driving the British out of Boston — a somewhat 
remarkable coincidence and one worthy of being remembered on 
each annual recurring anniversary of Ireland's patron saint. 

On the way homeward Hopkins, off Long Island, encoimtered 
the Glasgow, a British man-of-war. An engagement took place, 
but, notwithstanding the superiority of Hopkins' fleet, the Glasgow 
succeeded in escaping when, in the opinion of those not witnesses of 
the engagement, she ought to have been captured. 

At any rate the result was not regarded by the Continental au- 
thorities as satisfactory, so that after Hopkins' arrival at New Lon- 
don, Conn., although he still retained command, he was not again 
employed in any naval ventures. Though not formally tried nor 



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The Commodores of the Navy 199 

"dismissed," as some assert, the Marine Committee of Congress 
adopted the plan of a reorganization of the navy and on October 10, 
1776, presented Congress a list of appointed Captains among which 
the name of Esek Hopkins did not appear. 

Thus without glory, January 2, 1778, and "dismissed," dis- 
appeared the first "Commodore" — the native-bom American — Esek 
Hopkins. 

^^/^ XU^ mt^-^ ,*»wi^ y'^.r^^ ^:<^.^ ^^ 



',JK-^ 



-^ 







FIRST ORDER ISSUBD TO AN OFFICER OF THE COLONIAL NAVY ON ACTIVE 

SERVICE 

In the popular mind all other active commanders in the navy 
of the colonies are unknown, save John Paul Jones. 

Bom in Scotland, and in youth known as John Paul, he, on set- 



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200 The Commodores of the Navy 

tling in America two years before the outbreak of hostilities, added 
"Jones" thereto. 

The first mention on the records of the nation presents his name 
to Congress on December 22, 1775, as first on the list of lieutenants 
of the new navy reported by the Marine Committee for confirmation. 
His biographers usually state that this was the day of his appoint- 
ment. Jones, however, records that he was appointed on December 
7th. Concerning his appointment as Lieutenant and not a Captain, 
Jones recorded, in 1783, that he had been offered a captaincy, but he 
did not consider himself ** perfect in the duties of a Lieutenant." 
He W8LS appointed to the Alfred, commanded by Captain Saltonstall. 
It was the flagship of the Commander-in-chief. 

The incident of raising the flag on the Alfred is always related 
with patriotic glamour as though the present Stars and Stripes was 
"the American flag" hoisted by Jones and the first occasion of its 
display as has often been stated. 

Jones considered the act as "a slight circumstance," though he 
was always proud of it , as he had * * chosen to do it with his own hands. ' ' 

The Alfred carried two flags when she sailed southward. Which 
one did Jones hoist? It is generally stated that it was the Rattle- 
snake and Pine-tree flag. There was no such flag. There was a 
Pine-tree flag. There was another, the Rattlesnake flag. This lat- 
ter was the personal ensign of Hopkins, indicating the ship from 
which he commanded the expedition. Jones speaks of "the Ameri- 
can flag*' as the one he hoisted. In January, 1776, that was the 
Union flag which Washington had raised at Cambridge, January i, 
1776 — the thirteen stripes with the English cross where now are the 
stars. This, undoubtedly, was ' ' the American flag " hoisted by Jones. 
No other could in 1783 be referred to as "the American flag." 

Biographers place the time at periods from November 25, 1775, 
to January 14, 1776, but the latter seems the most probable, as on 
that day Hopkins, the Commander-in-chief, arrived at Philadelphia 
and took command of the fleet. So it is reasonable to conclude that 
on his coming on board the Alfred the new flag, the flag of Washing- 
ton, was raised. That was the flag the Alfred carried when she 
sailed on the expedition southward. 

Lieutenant Jones thus began his naval services. There is no 
official record of any duties performed prior to those on the Alfred 
— no Committee on Naval Affairs being appointed as early as June 



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The Commodores of the Navy 201 

— no consultation with such a committee which, it is said, had sent 
to Jones, the Virginia planter, to come to Philadelphia and select 
vessels for naval operations. These and many other alleged services 
are without foimdation. 

After the expedition had returned and the fleet had entered the 
harbor of New London, G^nn., Jones was, on May 10, 1776, appoint- 
ed by Hopkins to the command of the Providence, Later transferred 
to the Alfred^ on which he did good service on the northeastern coast, 
he was successively assigned to eight other vessels. 

**Will posterity,'* he wrote in 1783, ** believe that ten commands 
were taken from me and that the best vessel my country ever gave 
me was the Ranger f' He underscores ''my country,'' as if to show 
that with all the many commands given and taken from him, but one 
was a vessel of such build and force as to enable him to do service 
in accord with his spirit of adventure. 

In the Ranger he had, in the English Channel and tributary 
waters, captured the Drake and many other prizes and created con- 
sternation in mercantile and marine circles of England. Yet the 
Ranger y on his entry to Brest, was taken from him, while he was 
soothed at its loss by being told that the Indien, building at the Texel, 
Holland, would be assigned him ; but, alas ! he never got the command 
owing to compUcations regarding her building having arisen between 
England and Holland. 

All this while Jones was in France, moving from Brest and 
L'Orient to Paris and Passy, interviewing Franklin and seeking court 
influences reaching to the King, Louis XVI, striving to have a ship 
given him and so give his active spirit an outlet. 

Franklin was unable to sectu-e him an American vessel. But 
for the Kling*s action of taking the French ship Due de Duras, mak- 
ing needed repairs, and changing her name to the Bonne Homme 
Richard in compliment to Franklin's character of Poor Richard, it 
is probable that Jones would to-day be little known. 

Jones sailed as the nominal G^mmander-in-chief or "Commodorie" 
of a fleet of five armed ships of which but one, the Alliance, was of 
American build, and that was commanded by Pierre Landais, a 
Frenchman, erratic, if not of infirm mind. 

The expedition sent out by the French King to keep up *'a plan 
of annoyance" which had been arranged to harass English commerce, 
was a French enterprise, but one wholly in accord with the energies 



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202 



The Commodores of tlie Navy 



and spirit of Jones, who chaffed at the eight months' idleness to which 
he had been subjected. He seems to have started on this expedition 
with an acute and sensitive spirit, determined to encounter, and 
not evade, a force double his own, as he expressed, in order, as it 
were, to convince his country, and especially its naval authorities, 
who had treated him so shabbily. 

View as we may with candor and yet with that partiality which 
ever causes us to honor as meritorious those who have well served 




From an old liihonraph. 



BARRY RECEIVING HIS COMMISSION FROM WASHINGTON. 

our country, especially those heroes who aided in placing ours among 
the nations of the earth, many who have studied his career do not 
escape the conviction that Jones was of that class to whom the term 
** adventurer" in the common mind best conveys the idea which 
study embodies. That seems to a great degree to be decided to be 
correct by his letter to Lady Selkirk, in which he said : * 'I am not in 



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The Commodores of the Navy 203 

arms as an American. I profess myself a citizen of the world, totally 
unfettered by the little mean distinctions of climate or country which 
diminish the benevolence of the heart and set bounds to philan- 
thropy." 

Jones fought valiantly and well for America and was a power- 
ful factor in upholding and winning the cause of the colonies. Yet 
with equal fadUty of action and, doubtless, with equal fervor, he. 
entered the service of Russia and served her with as strong a devo- 
tion. 

But our coimtry at the time — 1788 — had no navy, no use for 
Jones or other naval commanders. Jones, by taking service in the 
Russian navy as Rear Admiral, believed he was again perfecting 
himself in knowledge which might sometime be useful to our, if not 
his, country. He was serving, not forsaking, the country. He ever 
held the "glorious title of a citizen of the United States," though but 
a decade before he had proclaimed he strove for it not as an American 
but "as a citizen of the world." 

Now our country hails him as Founder or Father of the American 
navy. This is, again, going to the opposite extreme. History, 
moving our country to do exact and equal justice, will, and perhaps 
before long, place Jones in his true historical position where fame 
will ever rightly guard his name untainted by "romantic literary 
productions," but in proper "proportion to the real magnitude of 
his achievements," which ended with his death in Paris in 1792. 
The Scotchman, the "foreigner," as John Adams classed him, was 
faithful to America. 

Of all the naval commanders of the navy of the colonies it can 
truthfully be claimed that John Barry was the most conspicuous 
for length of service and continuous employment in the several duties 
assigned him. Indeed, a critical examination of the records will 
prove he was the most trusted as well as a most faithful officer. Im- 
portant commands were assigned him. Missions fraught with serious 
consequences were given him to fulfil, and these, successfully per- 
formed, were more important than battles won or prizes captured. 
Indeed, he was commanded, at times, not to make captures, lest so 
doing would delay or endanger the missions upon which he was sent. 
He was always on duty. He was the first to begin under Continental 
authority and the last to cease operations — fighting the last battle 
of .the Revolution and commanding the whole Navy of the new United 



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204 The Commodores af the Navy 

States and its last, as it was its best, vessel of the United Colonies' 
navy. When the new navy of the United States was founded in 
the administration of Washington, in 1794, ^^ ^1 the living command- 
ers of the Revolutionary navy, the first President of our country 
chose John Barry to be Number One in rank as the head or ranking 
officer of the new Navy and its first Commodore in command of its 
first fleet in naval operations. 

Like other officers of the navy of the colonies he has been over- 
shadowed by John Paul Jones, whose one most brilliant and certainly 
most startling action has caused the practical obliteration of all other 
names from the public mind. 

Yet it is becoming clear, by the consideration of the services 
of John Paul Jones, that if the title Father or Founder of the 
American Navy may rightly be bestowed upon anyone, it is justly 
due to John Barry, as was declared by Editor Dennie of the Port- 
folio in 1 81 3. This is true whether we consider his services in the 
navy of the United Colonies or in the navy of the United States. 
These, separately or combined successively, must be regarded as the 
The American Navy. In each and in both John Barry stands 
conspicuous for fidelity. He alone in the number of later distin- 
guished officers of the navy who were trained under him must truly 
be declared Father, for none other had such a number of young 
officers who later merited the renown won by services for our country. 

John Barry was a native of the County Wexford, Ireland, where 
he was bom in 1745. Coming to Philadelphia in early manhood, 
he, from 1766, was actively engaged in the merchant marine service, 
mainly to and from the West Indies, until in 1 774, in the Black Prince, 
the finest and largest of the American commercial fleet, he made a 
voyage to Bristol and London. Affairs in the colonies were becom- 
ing more and more strained with England. A Congress of the col- 
onies met at Philadelphia. The non-importation resolve debarred 
for a time the return of Barry's ship until, observing the trend of 
events after the battles of Lexington and of Bunker Hill, he deter- 
mined, in September, 1775, to return to Philadelphia. He arrived 
home on October 13, 1775, the very day Congress had resolved 
to fit out two armed cruisers of fourteen and of ten guns — of nine- 
pounders. This was done on recommendation of a committee ap- 
pointed October 3d. Two vessels were obtained. They were named 
the Lexington and the Reprisal, The former, the heavier armed, 



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The Commodores of the Navy 



205 




THB STUART PORTRAIT OP BARRY 



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2o6 The Commodores of the Navy 

was given to Captain John Barry, the latter to Captain Wickes. 
Barry's vessel was named after the first battleground of the Revo- 
lution and was the first fitted out — and Barry the first appointed 
officer. Selected prior to that date he was appointed Captain on 
December 7, 1775. " ^ 

Barry not only prepared the Lexington for service, securing for 
her the only nine-pounders in the city, owned by his former em- 
ployers. Willing & Morris, but he did, says Cooper's ** History of 
the Navy," "shore duty" during the winter of 1775-76. These 
duties kept him engaged until, at the end of March, 1776, he sailed 
down the Delaware and on April ist put to sea. On the 7th, off the 
Capes of Virginia, he captiu*ed the Edward, tender to His Majesty's 
ship of war the Roebtick, which cruised off the Delaware Bay. Barry 
had succeeded in getting to sea, and with his prize succeeded in en- 
tering the bay and returning to Philadelphia on April nth, bringing 
to Congress his first prize captured under Continental authority 
and rejoicing the hearts of the patriots so much that John Adams 
gleefully wrote: **We begin to make a show in the navy way." 

Later assigned to the command of the Effingham by the reor- 
ganization system of October 10, 1776, Barry became Senior Com- 
mander at the Port of Philadelphia. When, in December, the Bri- 
tish advanced on Philadelphia, Barry organized a company for land 
service and engaged in the Trenton campaign, in which he served as 
an aide to Washington, who placed him in charge of a body of Hes- 
sian prisoners sent to Philadelphia. 

When, in 1777-78, the British held possession of Philadelphia, 
Barry, from the upper Delaware, below Bordentown, set in opera- 
tion the plan of firing the British shipping by projectiles concealed 
in floating enclosures — the famous * * Battle of the Kegs," which caused 
so much consternation among the naval officers of the enemy. At 
this time all the American vessels in the upper Delaware were ordered 
by the Marine Committee of Congress and by General Washington 
to be sunk. Barry protested against this, as he had been appointed 
to command the Effingham, not to sink her. In his vehement 
objections against the sinking he offended Mr. Hopkinson, of the 
Naval Committee, who reported Barry to Congress as guilty of dis- 
respect. Of this he escaped censure by a tie vote. Barry soon gave 
effective evidence of his worth by his services on the lower Delaware 
while yet the British remained in Philadelphia. He captured many 



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The Commodores of the Navy 207 

prizes carrying supplies to the British. He sent much of this captured 
stores to Washington, then at Valley Forge in destitution of supplies. 
Washington wrote congratulations on his services, expressing the hope 
that **a suitable compensation would ever attend your [his] bra- 
very." His services, alone, on the Delaware entitle him to com- 
memorative praise. To have lightened the heart of Washington at 
that dire period so as to gain his hearty commendation alike sets 
forth his bravery and his prudence in relieving the wants of the suflFer- 
ing army. 

Assigned to the Raleigh, he prepared her for sea, but being pur- 
sued by two British cruisers of much superior force, he was obliged 
to beach his ship after a most heroic defense, to save her from cap- 
tiu*e by setting her on fire. But in this he was not successful, owing 
to the treachery of the one entrusted with the firing. He was then 
made Commander of the naval forces intended to cooperate with 
the army against East Florida. This was abandoned because the 
British sent reenforcements from New York to Savannah and 
Charleston. 

No other vessel being available for Continental commission, 
Barry took service in the Delaware under private commission of 
Pennsylvania, and in that cruiser did valiant service in capturing 
prizes. He so continued until sent to superintend the building of 
the America at Portsmouth, N. H., on which service he continued 
until the arrival at Boston of the Alliance, commanded by the er- 
ratic Frenchman, Pierre Landais, who was at once relieved of the 
command. It was given to Captain John Barry, who was succeeded 
at Portsmouth by John Paul Jones. 

Barry in the Alliance rendered the most efficient service. He 
took Col. John Laurens to France to procure money to move the 
French army to Yorktown. He took Lafayette to France after the 
Battle of Yorktown to secure additional, especially naval, aid. While 
returning he captured a number of prizes. His most notable en- 
gagements during this cruise were with the Mars and the Minerva 
and with the Atalanta and the Trepassy, capturing two armed ships 
in each battle. Barry was wounded. 

A later and a most memorable event, though not of common 
knowledge, is that Barry fought the last battle of the Revolution 
when, on March 10, 1783, he encountered the Sybille, an English 
warship, while convoying the Due de Lauzan, both bringing specie 
on Continental account from Havana. 



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2o8 The Commodores . of the Navy 

He remained in command <rf-the Alliance and vnXjii Xht Deane, 
the only ship of the United Colonies, and thus had under him the 
whole navy of the United States at the dose of the war, as Washing- 
ton had command of the army. He so continued until both ships 
were, by order of Congress, sold. The famous Alliancey the pride 
of the navy, which had on her appearance at French ports excited 




ADMIBALTT tJKAL. 

\ Jtmmmb ^C^mgrmt, t., S77. Tbc thrM comaiiMiopwn wwa Mck A- 

lo««d ■ ymM\s Mlary of fearlan tho««sd doDut, Coatia«iiUl Booqr, mpai*' 

aknt, at that tiiM, to abont mt«b hoadrad dollara hard monajr. Tba aom. 

iaal anooal ofthi* uhry waa to ba Tariad aeeotdiac to tha gtato of tba pa- 

canaoejr. Thair aaciatarjr waa Jobn Browa, whoM aaoa appaaia at 




ad to a» c ow — ■io M waoaJ dariag tha aethra aiktaaea of tba boaid. Oi 
tba fowth of Majr. 1710, tha board lapoftad a davtca for aa adnifaKr aaal (Ma 
Elpaca) m feOowa i tbirtaao bara,mataany aapportiac aacb othar, akara 
aia rad aad wbila, hi a blaa Said, aad •araMMatiag aa anchor propar. Tha 
ciaat, a thip aadar huL Tha notto, SmMtmuum tt iMMraiaiMai-^ Saalaiah^ 
aad Saatained.'* Tba tagaad, tt A JL J^ iVkaaL Twaaty aoatht aariiar 
thaa tWa a t a i am i tt aa waa appaialod to -prapara a aaal for tba Tiaatatj 
aad V aTjr." 1 hava aavar laaa aa laapraaawa of tba fonaar, t it waa avH 
owdai ThaahotcbofthaadnirakjrMalciTaaOBtbaiwstpi^lBadafraa 
aa iapraMioa a tt a ch ad to a eemmiMJoa iMoad hi ITSl, aad now ia poaaaa- 
•iaa of Paler Porea. ie«^. of Waahh|gto« Citjr. 



SBAL ATTACHBD TO BARRY'S COMBITSSION 

t he admiration of all seafaring men and shipbuilding experts, became 
a merchant vessel. Commodore John Barry had commanded the 
first Continental cruiser — the Lexington — and had in her made his 
first captiu-e under Continental authority. He closed his Revolu- 
tionary career in command of the finest vessel of the United Colonies 



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The Commodores of the Navy 209 

— after fighting, the last battle of the Revolution and commanding 
the whole navy, small as it was. 

When the depredations of the Algerians became unbearable 
and the Government decided it were better to build ships to fight 
these preyers upon our commerce than to pay millions in money as 
tribute to secure immunity, John Barry was again, in 1794, the 
first called into service by the supreme authority. Washington 
appointed him Captain and as Number One on the ranking list. He 
was appointed to superintend the building of the first frigate, the 
United States, constructed by Joshua Humphreys, the first Naval 
Constructor. Under Barry's direction she was built and on May 10, 
1797, launched at Philadelphia, amid the loud and proud acclaim of 
the entire city, which crowded to the wharves to see the first war 
cruiser enter the placid waters of the Delaware. 

When ready for service the Untied States was commissioned to 
stop, not the Algerines, but the French from spoliations on our com- 
merce. In that vessel he made successful cruises and as Commodore 
commanded the fleet sent to the West Indies to protect our merchants. 
Details of his operations in this war with France need not be entered 
upon as we have not done so with his career dtuing the Revolution- 
ary War. These recitals would take too much space, though es- 
sential to all who wish to become ftdly informed of the zeal and fidel- 
ity of this Irish-bom hero to liberty. Animated by that racial love 
for liberty, and moreover, by its intense quickening when stirred 
to activity against the oppressor of his native land, Americans need 
not be told that John Barry must have loved and labored in the cause 
of American independence with a heartfelt intensity that none 
could surpass. 

He served steadily, continuously, from the first to the very 
last. The Continental authorities seem never to have doubted him, 
never distrusted him, did not make frequent changes in commands 
given him nor keep him in idleness for long periods. Barry was al- 
ways doing. Each assignment had its known cause and each was a 
betterment until the very best vessel the colonies ever had was given 
him, and it remained ever in his command while the Continentals 
owned it. It had really but two commanders, Landais and Barry, 
though Jones was in charge of her while Landais was, in response 
to summons, at Paris accounting for his erratic conduct in firing at 
the Bonne Homme Richard instead of into the Serapis dtuing that 
famous engagement off Flambough Head, on September 23, 1779. 



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2IO 



The Commodores of the Navy 



Barry died September 13, 1803. He is buried in St. Mary's 
Cemetery, Philadelplhia. 

Commodore John Barry is The Father op the Navy by reason 
of his early emplo3rment — the very first vessel — his continuous and 
meritorious service — his steady employment by Congress — his several 
promotions — his commissions on special and most important voyages 
— his selection as commander of the expedition to Bast Florida, 
though it was later abandoned by Congress — his command of the 
best vessel of the new Republic, and when otu- present navy was found- 
ed, his selection as its chief by President Washington, who well 
knew his Revolutionary services and so selected him out of all the 
survivors to be the head of the new navy, commissioned him to build 
its first armed battleship and placed all others under his command, 
as did his successor, President Adams, when operations against the 



■ |W<^f^//»: 



zz~sr':^=^Xcr 







Y^//n^i^^ 




SIGNATURBS OP THB NAVAL COMiaTTBB TO BARRY'S ORDBRS 

French were ordered. So the very first record book of our Navy 
Department has for its initial entry that a commission had been 
delivered to Commodore John Barry to make seizures of French 
ravagers upon our commerce. 

Obscured as have been all the officers of the Revolutionary navy 
by the brilliancy of the one exploit of John Paul Jones, made famous 
because all the world witnessed it, John Barry has not received that 
recognition which his merits and his services should have secured, 
and had he had biographers even in lesser numbers than Jones, his 
fame would have been more prominent than it has been. 

But America is ever generous to those who serve her. Our 
President has recognized the worth of both and recommended public 
monuments to commemorate their valor. 



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Burning the Effigy of the Pope 211 

GENERAL WASHINGTON PROHIBITS THE "RIDICULOUS 
AND CHILDISH CUSTOM OF BURNING THE EFFIGY 
OF THE POPE' —1775. 

Prior to the Revolution Pope Day, November 5th, was annually 
very generally celebrated throughout New England. It was a day 
known in England as Guy Fawkbs Day, intended to commemorate 
"The Gunpowder Plot," 1588, or the Papists' Conspiracy, when 
it was alleged ''some Roman CathoUcs" had made preparations to 
blow up the Parliament House when the King, James I, with the 
Lords, would be present, but the plot, it was alleged, was discovered 
by means of a letter to a Catholic Lord, warning him not to be 
present. The vaults were searched and the gunpowder discovered, 
of course, and Guy Fawkes, the chief conspirator, seized and executed. 

This "fiendish plot" and "providential delivery" was not so 
generally celebrated in the other Colonies as in New England, though 
there are records showing **the timely discovery of the plot" was not 
passed by in the southward colonies. 

When John Adams, on the evening of July 2, 1776 (not 4th), 
wrote his wife that the Resolution for Independence had that day 
been passed, he prophesied that the day, 2d, would be celebrated 
by bonfires, fireworks and other demonstrations of delight; he was 
but transferring the carryings on of November 5th each year at Boston 
to the day he believed would be commemorated as the Day of Ameri- 
can Independence. But the Day of the Declaration, July 4th, and 
not the Day of the Resolution, became the Day of Independence. 

However, the boys' antics on July 4th are but the coimterpart 
of the doings of the 'prentice boys of Boston and elsewhere, before 
Independence came. 

"Boston being a dty of great cultivation and refinement took 
the lead in celebrating Pope Day. An efl&gy of the Pope was made 
and generally one of the devil ; these were placed on a platform and 
carried by the crowd, who kept firing crackers, home-made at first, 
but when New England enterprise opened with China the Chinese 
firecrackers were imported for use on Pope Day." — [U, S. C. H, Mag,, 
Vol. II, p. 3]. Our illustration is a broadside in the Library of 
Congress. 



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South 
End 

ForeveF< 





('■> 




BRSfl^^^^Bv ^^^^^v^ ^ ~ /f 






^H 


■^^^^ 


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North 
End 

Foreycfc 



Extraordinary VERSES on POPE-NJOHt^, 

Ot^ A CoQunaDOfatioD of the Fifth of NwM^iik^^ ^ving a Hifton" '^"^ ^ ' 
Ananpc, OMdeby tbi' 9^/9^/, tabtow up KING and PA&UAM^NT. A. . 
together tvhh fome Account of di^.|P07£ himfclf^ and \a^'i&6.*J^lifAN^ wU 



orber Things mrthy of Npdce; too*t6 




H' 



E A f bavt Bo^ 



CM^iWt 



How cliev fOKiher lif tfadr Hcadi^ 
ToplotapoiibaTMcf i* 
t. Ibbloir up lONG and PAIUlAMENir 

ToFIktRi* KMaadcora: « A 
mmmm 0^ f Vmifrimr PMf , >bM Ik P/ltf» 

^ Ycc» toe upon thiiluQayiSbigtb 

IVi got ttgedier Mv I 
AaAkadbeiAfls Wd bmi a Rcsna 

At bid as t*odMr #«a.' 
4iCanMQn, bnveYoudis diagoayawiy^ 

'Uetfrehkfi^htfulPliiat . 
tai$ view. iMtFcract roiiftli aadAcrac^ 



ortedloinii; » huge and I 

So nonibly ditu up ' 
Tvould ptazle Niw^ir*s Scirto-ttll» 

The JD— — / Ifoin the Pimc 
C See I bow He Shakes Kb touring Head 

And knocks Ml pdTy Knees I 
APkoofA^&che StsrlitHn^, 

AadgocthelbulDiftaft. 

am ^MrnJk ..T.'lili d> H^ 1--* «-l 

^ BBOSC IBrnDie IvT Up OCnOKl* 

He Slinks naich worle then Rom: 
HcN^ 900 behoU ^Fifi, and here 

OU^ienj in his Rmn. 
9. irveidk whT £«f«iScaodskbW? 

Btftn he doift noc go, 
Bicaufe has Pride woo*c kc him Scoop, ' 

To UfitheP^yc*/ great Toe. 
9^ Otf ^, and young, be Suit obftm 

The Ftfth Day ^Hmtrnka i 
yntu tho* k isa tby apaft ? 

You ftiU cink r emcmbef . 

(M^ TbefictkP*^ they iB^ out Fvft, 
Wkbfiokteney BOTs.- 
laFMkks they arq foU of Gale 
/ Andhu^bkigflaakeaKoife. 
^ II. TkeGidinB oottofiedieSigb^ 
The Boyi cka ev'ry one I 

( wkh CruuMa^t G^ oa. ' • 
ft* tVgte Ones ncnn out, and mqifct 

IRfidifnanyaSraaR Keboh 
Thiy^ haird aiongfpm Sirtec toSDaci 
Abo call hatd Nanses enough* 

la lboft.die Nuofar of hb NaoMTs^ 



i4.«lbv 




it his Grhf 






Qiflni^ ib tornM to Fan? 
iaKage W-dvioar oat FTis Aa 

i^HcMiakd^bistnppKcSow! 
}; AndwiaiH^io^l&LK;'''a:.. 

iUVl <nijithelUbb)e, TSaWay 
• ifHc'd run totrfl hb WtTc 
C : !>.'[ Some.Wks begin ID ^U here 
w. I N And bughingieem to dom* 

■8 ■ 




a) notalooei 



jbd toka raji W^ /# Death, Ijfta// 
triiscird alive. '' 



*«£(i«ri< 



11. 



iawitwit& oyJSj/i, 



% 



W^J}uihmc% 

: 

t ta7«« cry's, •* ^urr^>^^ 5;r ^ 

• • Ttufwrtfy ma/miftake ik Cj/i» 

'• Vou Fool ! 1 U^ 
^ » Icannotbedetdv'd. 
» » Tii, htu Tm ttli me9thtrlU^^ 
; •* Sight wij/l «Mi if htBev'd. ''* 
«}. A(bam*d, inngrd, and mad, aoJ vcx'd, » 

He mutters ten Times njorc, 
** rUmaktslBQ\i.aidmy He-Cow 
'• SbuUbeUns^ putUMdn^r. •* 

13. Oh ! P«^,^e pity thy fid Cafe, 
Sodifmalandfortem! 

We know that thou a Cmtk§U art, 
Forthou haft manv an Henk 

14. And tktfev^H Heads br Ivu alfa 
Tbo* but Mf on him fticks • 

^mHtnuht in his Ptfrib// puts. 
And Hmds no left than fix. 
ymS 25. His Pnkas hiU of Heads and //crm, 
J[^ In'sHaaiheltokisluslCotfi 
« S> So down He bends beneath tlieir Wdghl, 
; ? ; With Age, Shame and Diiialc. 
: S L 26. His End ib near, each Cardinal 
'i^* Quite«Uhimielfwouldfdgni 
• ^ He tries toftaap and eomgh that he 
Might his SucceiTor rpgo. 
And* now, their Frolick to compktf* 
They to tlic A&UDam go & 
Bum Him to Nothing firf^ andifaea 

Phwgt Hifl) the Wafts wia 
tt. But CO canrtade, from whatwe^n boIlL 
With Pleafive fcnre the Kkf t 
not Fntrndert^ PspJkt^ 




«V:^-ft*V!**<vt !;««!& 



Extraordinary Verses on Pope Night 213 

The Revolutionary War brought not only Civil Liberty, but 
Religious liberty as well. So Washington, who won both for the 
Nation, was the destroyer of Pope's Day by his General Order of 
November 5, 1775, prohibiting his soldiers from celebrating it and 
rebuking them as **devoid of common sense," for tmdertaking to do 
so at that time. His order reads : 

"November 5, 1775. — As the Commander-in-Chief has been 
apprised of a design formed for the observance of that ridiculous and 
childish custom of burning the effigy of the Pope, he cannot help 
expressing his suprise that there should be officers and soldiers in this 
army so void of common sense as not to see the impropriety of such 
a step at this juncture; at a time when we are soliciting, and have 
really obtained the friendship and alliance of the people of Canada, 
whom we ought to consider as brethren embarked on the same cause — 
the defence of the Liberties of America. At this juncture and tmder 
such circumstances to be insulting their religion is so monstrous as 
not to be suffered or excused; indeed, inst^ui of offering the most 
remote insult, it is our duty to address public thanks to these our 
brethren, as to them we are indebted for every late happy success 
on the common enemy in Canada." 

So not afterwards did the boys and senseless men demo0<strate 
by public manifestation that they continued to 

''Remember, remember. 
The fifth of November." 

In course of time, one quarter of Boston thought itself badly 
treated in the arrangements for the procession. Then North End 
and South End each had a Pope and the processions generally met on 
Union street, where a fight took place for the possession of all the 
figures, the North Enders burning them on Copp's Hill if they won 
.the day; while their antagonists, when successful, burned the Pope 
on the Common.— [17. S. C. H. Mag., Vol. II, p. 3]. 

In 1745 : — ^Tuesday last being the Anniversary of the Gunpowder 
Plot, two Popes were made and carried through the streets in the 
evening, one from the North, the other from the South end of the 
town, attended by a vast number of negroes and white servants, 
armed with dubs, staves and cutlasses, who were very abusive to 
the inhabitant, insulting the persons and breaking the windows, etc., 
of such as did not give them money to their satisfaction, and even 



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214 Extraordinary Verses on Pope Night 

many of those who had given them liberally; and the two Popes 
meeting in Cornhill, their followers were so infatuated as to fall upon 
each other with the utmost rage and fury. Several were sorely 
wounded and bruised, some left for dead and rendered unfit of any 
business for a long time, to the great loss and damage of their re- 
spective masters. — [U. S. C. //. Mag,, Vol. II, p. 4]. 

Charleston, S. C. — "We had a great diversion the 5th instant. 
The Pope and devil, which were erected on a moving machine, and 
after having been paraded about the town all day, they were in the 
evening burnt on the Common, with a large bonfire, attended by a 
numerous crowd of people. — New York Journal, Dec. 15, 1774, 
quoted in U. S. C. H. Mag,, Vol. II, p. 6]. 

Other instances, cited by Rev. T. J. Shahan, D. D., now of the 
CathoUc University, may be read in the United States Catholic His- 
torical Magazine, April, 1888]. 

After Washington's exorcism of **The Pope and devil," the prog- 
ress of the war debarred a continuance of so ridiculous, childish and 
senseless a custom. The Canadians were so friendly, in 1776, that 
continuance would have been damaging to the endeavor that year to 
secure an alliance or their neutrality. When the alliance with 
France was secured, a renewal of the folly would have been resented. 
So ceased "The Pope and the devil" effigy btuning and head breaking 
encounters of the unruly upholders of the Act of Parliament which 
declared "The Gunpowder Plot" to have been caused by "many 
malignant and devilish Papists, Jesuits and Seminary priests, mudi 
enjoying the true and free possession of the Gospel by the Nation, 
under the greatest, most learned and most religious monarch who 
had ever occupied the throne." 

In ''Reminiscences of Gen. Wm. H. Stunner" in the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 8, April, 1854, P- ^Q^i it is 
related concerning John Hancock, when Governor of Massachusetts, 
"respecting his great zeal, before the Revolutionary War, to do away 
with the animosity which subsisted in Boston between the North and 
Southerners, who, on Pope day, used to have a regular battle, the 
ill-blood arising from which continued through the year, and showed 
itself in almost every private as well as public transaction. The 
Governor, wishing to h^ this difference, and thinking it essential to 
a successful resistance to British aggression, exerted himself in every 
possible way to effect it, without any avail. He then gave a supper at 



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Extraordinary Verses on Pope Night 215 

the Green Dragon Tavern, which cost him $1000, at which he invited 
aU the leading men of both the Pope parties to be present. He ad- 
dressed them at the table in an eloquent speech and invoked them, 
for their country's sake, to lay aside their animosity, and fully im- 
pressed upon them the necessity of their united efforts to the success 
of the cause in which they were engaged. There is nothing more 
productive of domestic union than a sense of external danger. With 
the existence of this the whole audience now became fully impressed 
and shook hands before they parted, and pledged their united exer- 
tions to break the chain with which they were manacled. The 
happiest results attended this meeting, and since that time the North 
and South Popes have not showed their heads in the streets, and a 
custom and a celebration, in which all the town participated and 
which had long been established, was broken, as it were, by a charm, 
making the stories related of it by our fathers, who themselves were 
engaged in it, hardly credible by their children. 



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2i6 How Canada was Lost 

HOW CANADA WAS "LOST." 

AlrMIGHTY AND EVERLASTING GOD, IT WAS ThY WISDOM THAT 
LAID THE FIRM FOUNDATION OF THIS MIGHTY REPUBLIC. — [REV. 

John Condin, S. J. Benediction July 4, 1906, at Independence 
Hall, Philadelphia.] 

*' England, already despoiled of the richest portion of her heri- 
tage in America, owed to a French Bishop [Briand] the conservation 
of the country of Canada — one of the most precious jewels in the 
imperial crown. — [Archbishop B6gin, of Quebec, to Archbishop Bru- 
ch^si, of Montreal, January 15, 1900, published in La VirStS, of 
Quebec, January 27, 1900.] 

Charges of disloyalty against the Catholics of Canada having 
appeared in the Herald of Montreal, in an article on the **Semaine 
Religteuse de Quebec," the Archbishop of Montreal, in a letter to 
the Herald, dated January 12, 1900, in replying, said: 

**Read the episcopal documents that have appeared since 
Canada became a colony of England; read the instructions that have 
been given since then to the people by their clergy, and discover, 
if you can, one word to substantiate the accusation of our disloyalty. 
We have always been loyal, and we intend to be ever so. We love 
France, and what EngUsh-speaking person would dare upbraid us 
for so doing? Still we consider England as a generous, a powerful 
nation, and tmder her sheltering flag P^vidence has placed our holy 
religion and liberty." 

Archbishop B^gin of Quebec, in a letter to Archbishop Bru- 
ch^ of Montreal, said: 

**It is truly deplorable that the history of our coimtry should 
be so little known. Does not a century and a half of open and un- 
changeable loyalty to the British crown suffice to convince our 
coimtrymen of English extraction of our attachment to the flag 
which shelters us? 

"O, the loyalty of the Canadian French Bishops and Priests! 
It is written in letters of gold, in fiery characters on the scrolls of his- 
tory, and all the sovereigns, all their representatives who have been 
successively here since the cession of Canada to England — even 
those among the latter, against whom it was necessary to contest 
legally in the courts in defense of most lawful rights — all these have 
given the most solemn and most cordial testimony. 



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How Canada was Lost 217 

"Need I recall here Mgr. Briand, who, occupying the See of Que- 
bec at the turning point in the history of New France, living alter- 
nately under the banner of the Fleur-de-lis and again under the Bri- 
tish standard, loyal at first to the former until, when on the Plains 
of Abraham, all, save honor, was lost, and then generously trans- 
ferring to the latter the homage of entire loyalty, used all his sacred 
influence during the terrible days of 1775 to keep Canada faithful 
to her new masters. And, nevertheless, God knows how great 
the temptation must be to the children of France in America to unite 
their fate to that of the children of Albion (England), less scrupu- 
lous, less loyal and more easily pardoned for a revolt, real and effi- 
cacious, than we are today for a fanciful dislojralty. If the Catholic 
emissariesof the United States, if the impassioned appeal of the French 
officers who served the cause of American Independene could not 
triumph over the last revolts of the Canadian people, it is because 
the voice of the head of the Church at Quebec, invoking the sacred 
principles of respect due to the ruling authority, and stigmatizing 
with the name of ** rebels" those who allowed themselves to be al- 
lured, opposed to the Revolution an insuperable barrier. And Eng- 
land, already despoiled of the richest portion of her heritage in Amer- 
ica, owed to a Fench Bishop the conservation of the country of Cana- 
da — one of the most precious jewels in the imperial crown." 

How widely asunder are these statements and those current 
among Catholics of the United States, whose ** histories" tell that it 
was the ** bigotry" of John Jay, of the Continental Congress, whose 
address to the people of Great Britain, written by him, denounced 
the Catholic as a ** religion fraught with impiety, rebellion and mur- 
der in every part of the world" — that this address, read to the Cana- 
dians, turned them from the American cause, and so *' Canada was 
lost." 

Yet the same ** histories" delight to tell us that in the Colonies 
revolted ** every Catholic was a Whig" — an upholder of independence 
— that there were no Catholic traitors; that ** unanimously and irre- 
sistibly" our brethren were battlers for American liberty — and yet 
Congress, with George Washington a member, had denounced their 
religion. 

Strange that they did not love the faith as well as their Cana- 
dian brethren. 
The American Revolution was, indeed, a wonderful event. Long 



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2i8 How Canada was Lost 

and constant research under the surface among the papers and doc- 
uments of the time, and an aknost daily study of its events, has 
convinced me that God rules the affairs of nations as of men; that 
He guided the fathers of the Republic amid all their blunders, errors, 
mistakes, and even ** bigotry;" that He let them show the height 
of their human wisdom, and how inad^uate it was to direct the 
affairs in their charge; that His adorable will was manifested in a 
manner contrary to the judgment of men; that even enmity to His 
Church was made the foundation for its greatest prosperity; that 
the judgment of Catholics, no less than that of those who despised 
their faith, alike misjudged, and that God guided all. It was indeed 
His wisdom that laid the firm foundation of this mighty Republic. 

It is a truth the Fathers of the last Baltimore Council spoke 
when they declared the Foimders of our Republic were 'Instruments 
of the Almighty." 

"God sometimes uses men as instruments in works they do 
not fully understand the import of. In shaping the course of 
events out of which this Republic grew, He used as instruments 
men who were unconscious of or adverted not to His designs, and 
yet they did their parts to the consummation of the result as 
surely as Moses did his in obedience to the Voice from the btuning 
bush. Jefferson and the other Fathers of the Republic were near 
that fire and received more reflected light from it than they wot 
of. They were providential men, who, aside from their own per- 
sonal motives, did their part in the unfolding of a Divine plan, as 
Constantine did in his time and Charlemagne did in his." — [Rev. L. 
A. Lambert, in Freeman's Journal (N. Y.), July 20, 1901.] 

So we Catholics love to believe that our brethren in the **day8 
that tried men's souls" were all upolders of the cause Washington 
led. 

Why should that be? How could that be? On what public 
measure— even those directly concerning the Church — have wc 
Catholics been a unit — a solid body? When, too, have we been 
allies en masse of those who publicly branded our Religion as an im- 
pious, rebellious and murderous one? 

Think you that could be possible of the Catholics of Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland — the only Colonies having Catholics countable? 
So how could it be reasonable to think that Canada would join in 
the revolt? The historical truth is that, save that Canada had 



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How Canada was Lost 219 

been *' conquered" a few years before from France, Canada had no 
real cause for revolt. That conquest was suflSdent for the people. 
They would have been moved to organized action, as they very 
generally welcomed the American armies under Montgomery and 
Arnold, but that the Americans hadn't sense enough to keep their 
detestation of the Catholic religion' in control, and so on that 
account soon turned the Canadians from their helpfulness to the 
armies. 

You remember that Washington, while besieging Boston, had, 
in November, 1775, to rebuke his soldiers for showing the same 
bigotry on *'Guy Fawkes Day," and plainly telling them that, while 
the American army was in Canada and being well received, was no 
time to be insulting the religion of the people of that country. 

But the main cause, the great reason why Canada did not join 
in the Revolution was, as the Archbishop of Quebec now declares, 
Bishop Briand was loyal to England. He had to be. Duty required 
it. England wouldn't allow a bishop to be appointed who was not 
of the right spirit toward her. She would soon have throttled Bishop 
Briand if he had shown cotmtenance to the Americans or did not 
punish his priests and people who aided or favored them. 

The people who favored "the Bosionnais," as he called them, 
were excommunicated. Those who repented had to do public pen- 
ance, and some, there is testimony, with ropes around theirnecks, 
at the altar. 

So the people were kept in order and loyal; though, of course, 
some revolted against the Church as well as against England. Bishop 
Briand, of course, you may be sure, kept the priests in obedience 
to him. The least sign of favor toward the Americans brought them 
under discipline — most noted are the cases of Fathers Floquet, 
Lotbiniere and De la Valiniere, as these pages have shown. 

Bishop B^gin now declares that England owed to a French bishop 
(Briand) tibe preservation of Canada, and that's a truth not pala- 
table today. And yet it ought to be. It proves that the opposition 
of Bishop Briand was not God-directed How could it be, when 
British ministry controlled him? We now believe ''His wisdom 
laid the firm fotmdation of this mighty Republic." The "bigotry" 
of the Americans, aroused to action by the Quebec Act of 1 774, but 
proved the foundation of the creation of a Nation in which, above 



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220 How Canada was Lost 

all others, the Church of Christ should have the largest liberty and 
most complete freedom yet given her to do her beneficent work. 

Had the opposition of Bishop Briand and the power of England 
been strong enough to suppress ''the unnatural and unholy rebel- 
lion," would the Church today, even in Canada, enjoy the freedom 
she now has? 

Here and there we have yet bits of bigotry to contend with, but 
what are these to the huge boulders of it which would have blocked 
the path of the Chtu-ch in Canada and in this Country as well? 

Here, then, all htunan judgment went astray. The Catholics 
in Canada, or in the Provinces, who opposed the cause of the Colonies 
were really opposing the design of the Almighty for the betterment 
of His Chtu-ch as well as of His people. The bigots of Congress, the 
warriors who rushed to Canada to prevent, as they beUeved, Eng- 
land organizing the CathoUc Canadians as a force to come down 
upon the Colonies to "impose Popery" on them, were also astray. 
Their hostility to the Church was the fotmdation of a sanctuary and 
home for the Church they hated. In it she enjo3rs a freedom and 
prosperity nowhere else equalled. 

Though there was justifiable resistance to unjust laws about to 
be imposed upon the Colonies, these did not move the great body of 
the people. But when the Quebec Act was passed, andthey were told 
by their preachers that it * 'established Poperjr" in Canada, and that 
it was the design of the ministry to use the Canadians "as fit instru- 
ments" (to use the words of the Declaration of Independence), then, 
the people rushed to their guns and then rushed to Canada. When 
they couldn't capttuie it, they adopted a softer tone, and sent Charles 
Carroll of Carrollton and two others to Canada to negotiate even for 
neutrality. Congress actually voted to ask a "Popish" priest. Rev. 
John Carroll, to go up there with the commissioners. Scant cour- 
tesy the clergy of Canada gave their Jesuit brother on such a mission. 
Those who simply were "complaisant," as Father Floquet, had to 
make explanations to Bishop Briand of thieir conduct. 

Canada was "lost" because she had no just cause to revolt. 

Canada was "lost" because Bishop Briand kept the Priests and 
people loyal to the Civil authority. 

Canada was "lost" because the Americans did not know how to 
behave themselves and were not strong enough in force to hold the 
country. 



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How Canada was Lost 221 

Combine tliese and you have *'why Canada was lost." 
Canadians — ^the Catliolics especially — would today oppose annexa- 
tionto the United States. 

A few citations win show how the Americans contributed to 
destroy Canadian confidence: 

'*The Canadians taking up arms so early against us is of the 
most important consequence. We have ourselves brought about 
by mismanagement what Governor Carleton himself could never 
effect."— [Col. Hazen to Gen. Schuyler, Vol, III, p. 364: Writings of 
Washington.] 

General Washington wrote Gen. Sullivan from New York on 
June 16, 1776: 

"I am convinced that many of our misfortunes are to be attrib- 
uted to a want of discipline and a proper regard to the conduct 
of our soldiery. Hence it was, and from our feeble efforts to pro- 
tect the Canadians, that they had almost joined and taken pcut 
against us." — [Ibid., Ill, p. 423.] 

Col. Hazen, on April 20, 1776, from Montreal, wrote that all 
'*the ill luck in recruiting, and the plottings and preparations mak- 
ing against us throughout the whole district, was because the 
Priests are at the bottom of it." — [Haldimand Papers, B. 27, p. 398.J 

General Philip Schuyler, writing to General George Clinton, 
said: 

"Our affairs in Canada are far from being in such a situation 
as I could wish; the scandalous licentiousness of our Troops, the little 
care that has been taken to conciliate the affections of the Canadians, 
the jealously that weighs between the Troops from different Colo- 
nies, the cool treatment which Arnold has experienced from Gen. 
Wooster, who, good man, is led by a petulant youth, go much against 
us. I hope, however, that the presence of the Commissioners and 
General Thomas* prudence will change the face of things. The 
latter is a sensible, discerning man and does not appear to have 
any prejudices about him. 

Col. Moses Hazen wrote Gen. Schuyler from Montreal, April i, 
1776: 

"You are not unacquainted with the friendly disposition of the 
Canadians when General Montgomery first penetrated into the 
country; the ready assistance wluch they gave on all occasions, by 
men, carriages or provisions, ¥ras most remarkable. Even when 



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222 How Canada was Lost 

he was before Quebec many parishes offered their services in the 
reduction of that fortress, which were at that time thought unneces- 
sary. But his most unforttmate fate, added to other incidents, has 
caused such a change in their dispositions that we no longer look 
upon them as friends, but, on the contrary, waiting an opportunity 
to join our enemies. 

"That no observation of my own may remain obscure, I beg 
to observe, that I think the clergy, or guardians of the souls and 
the conductors of the bodies of these enthusiasts, have been neglect- 
ed, perhaps in some instances ill used. Be that as it will, they are 
unanimous, though privately, against our cause, and I have too 
much reason to fear many of them, with other people of some con- 
sequence, have carried on a correspondence the whole winter with 
General Carleton in Quebec and are now plotting otu: destruction. 
The peasantry in general have been ill used. With respect to the 
better sort of people, both French and English, seven-eighths are 
Tories, who would wish to see oiu- throats cut and perhaps would 
readily assist in doing It." — [Vol. Ill, p. 362 : Wriiings of Washing- 
ton.] 

"The Church did not prove ungrateful to England for the favors 
of toleration and freedom which had been conferred at the Conquest. 
In 1775, Bishop Briand issued a mandement denotmdng the **per- 
nisdous design" of the invaders tmder Montgomery and Arnold, 
praising the magnanimity and kindness of the King toward his 
French subjects, and urging the defence of homes and frontiers and 
religious interests against the Continental troops. During the trou- 
bles preceding the War of 181 2 Mgr. Plessis took still stronger 
ground, and in a long and eloquent mandement, issued on September 
16, 1807, and based on the principle of **Fear God and honor the 
King,'' he urged loyalty to Great Britain and denounced as tm- 
worthy the name of Catholic or Canadiain any individual who was 
not ready to take up arms in opposing a possible American invasion. 
A little later, when American missionaries began to stir up the people 
with promises of what republican liberty would do for them, he is- 
sued a letter of concise and stringent instructions to all Catholics 
of his diocese regarding the necessity of inculcating loyalty." — 
[The Story of the Dominion, by Hopkins; p. 80.] 



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Pelissier's Plan to Take Quebec 223 

Pelissier, Director of the Iron Works at Three Rivers, 
Canada, to the Continental Congress, Advising Meas- 
ures FOR the Capture of Quebec and Telling That Some 
OF the Priests Had Prayed That God Would Exterminate 
THE American Troops Coming to Canada. 

Forges of St. Maurice, January 8, 1776. 

Sir: — In December last, General Montgomery acquainted me 
with his Intention of calling an Assembly in this Colony, to the End 
that Deputies might be chosen to join the Continental Congress. 
He engaged me to use my Endeavors to accomplish this Affair; but 
not finding it then practicable, I went to the Camp to confer with 
him on the proper Measures to be taken hereafter, for that purpose. 

From the Informations he had received, and those I had ob- 
tained, we were both of Opinion, that this Convention ought not to 
be attempted till after the Reduction of Quebec; as the Royalists, 
who were numerous in the Towns of Montreal and Three Rivers, 
were continually intimidating the People with supposed Conse- 
quences, and giving them odious and contemptible Ideas of the 
American Confederation. 

This brave General, impatient to forward the Designs of the 
Congress, resolv'd to remove all Difficulties & Obstacles, by a bold 
Stroke in Assaulting the City of Quebec. He did not succeed, and 
had the Misfortune there to finish his Days. He fell much regretted 
by all those who were persuaded that noble and generous Motives 
alone had determined him to engage in the Service of his Country. 

This Repulse has in no wise altered the good Dispositions of 
the Friends of America here, tho' they are a very small Number, but 
it has made the Royalists more audacious than ever, particularly 
those who are in the Pay of the Government. They already cry 
victory. But I flatter myself that they are grossly mistaken, for 
if Quebec is attack' d according to the Rules of War, on the Side of 
the Palace Gate, no Season, in my opinion, can prevent the City's 
being taken in a few Days. 

[There follows a particular Description of the Walls and De- 
fences on that Side, with the proposed Method of Ruining those 
Works, & making a Breach; written with an Appearance of Skill 
in practical Engineering.] 



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224 Pelissier's Plan to Take Quebec 

The writer goes on : 

I imagine, that if the Congress continues to afford us its gen- 
eral Assistance, and the above methodical Plan of attacking Quebec 
is put in Execution, that City must soon be taken; the Royalists 
will then be confounded, the Just will prevail over the Unjust, the 
timid Canadians will be encouraged & emboldened to join in Prep- 
arations for opposing the Parliamentary Forces, which may arrive 
this Year, with a Design to execute the Resolutions taken long since 
to reduce to a State of Servitude all the Inhabitants of North 
America. 

I cannot but observe upon this Head, that when the Ministry 
determin'd to abolish the Privileges of Massachusetts Bay, they 
endeavored to save appearances at least, by creating a Cause of 
Quarrel in Imposing a Duty upon Tea. But they fancied they might 
enslave the Canadians without so much Ceremony. They even 
presumed they could persuade us it was for otu* good, and that we 
owed them, for so much Kindness, everlasting Gratitude. I own 
they must have had a wretched opinion of us, to think of thus treat- 
ing us. It was the height of Contempt. But they were mistaken. 

When in 1765, General Murray, under the specious Pretense of 
forming an Assembly of Representatives who should all be Cana- 
dians, intended to reestablish the Government on the same footing 
it had been under France, it was easy to conclude it a Plan of the 
Ministry, and that the Promises made us, & which had been confirmed 
by the ICing's Proclamation in 1763, were no longer to be considered 
as binding. General Murray not being able to carry this Plan into 
Execution, was removed. Ministry substituted Gen. Carleton 
who in the same views sounded the Sentiments of the Canadians, 
and omitted nothing to persuade them, that their ancient Laws, 
Customs & Usages would be most suitable and convenient for them, 
but having met with Opposition among those who knew the Differ- 
ence between Liberty & Despotism, he no longer communicated 
with, or took into his Confidence, any but some Canadian OflScers 
& the Clergy. In them he found all he wanted, that is to say. Cour- 
tiers, who pleas'd with the Hope of seeing a Return of the Times in 
which they might domineer over the People, served him in every 
thing he desir'd, and in consequence, addressed a Petition to the 
King, in the Name of all the Inhabitants of the Province of Quebec, 



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Pelisster's Views 225 

to have the wise British Constitution withdrawn, which in Effect 
was asking Chains for their Fellow Citizens. 

It ought not to be supposed that the Canadians in general were 
so base. Some Flatterers, and some Ignorant People bigoted to 
ancient Customs, signed this shameful Petition, without being au- 
thorized by any but themselves, to the Number of 65 only. 

It was upon this bespoken Petition, that the Ministry, who had 
their Views in obtaining it, seiz'd with Eagerness the Opporttmity 
of establishing arbitrary power in this Country by the Quebec Act. 
All the Good People of this Province would have fotmd themselves 
subjected to it, if the neighbouring Colonies had not pitied their 
unhappy Fate, and lent their Assistance to throw off the odious Yoke : 
for which we ought to be forever gratified. But it cannot and ought 
not to be concealed, that this good disposition & these good Senti- 
ments may be corrupted in some, if the Precaution is not taken of 
purging the Colonies of all those Flatterers who receive Pay from 
the Government. It may be considered as certain, that if they are 
suffered to remain here, they will work a Division that may be prej- 
udicial to all the United Colonies. They are already doing it, by 
insinuating to the People, that a large Army will be here next Spring 
from old England, and that being guilty of Rebellion, they will have 
no other Resotu-ce then joining that Army to obtain their Pardon, 
without which their Houses will be pillaged & burnt, and themselves 
punished with Death. Such are the Discourses daily held to a Peo- 
ple nattmdly too credulous. If this Evil is not soon cut up by the 
Roots, it may become incurable; for Impressions of this Nature 
become in time like the Prejudices of Infancy: very difficult to re- 
move. Besides, by the abusive and contumelious Epithets they 
make use of in speaking of our good Neighbours who come to suc- 
cour us, they endeavour to render them, together with Liberty it- 
self, contemptible in the Eyes of the Canadians. These base Prac- 
tices cannot but produce a bad effect; and are so much the more 
dangerous and serious, as upon the Precautions to be taken with 
regard to them, depends greatly the Preservation of the Province. 

If, as it may be presumed, no Agreement should take place be- 
tween the Colonies & Britain, before the Spring it is probable that 
she will send a Force into the River St. Lawrence, for the purpose 
of Penetrating the other Colonies, by the Aid of the Canadians, 
brought again under her Yoke thro' Menaces or Promises. It seems 



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226 Reeomntendations of Pelissier 

to me, that to render such an Expedition fruitless, there are two 
principal Means which deserve particular Attention. The first 
would be to support & retain the Canadians; the second to hinder 
Fleets coming up the River, or passing above Quebec. 

The Circumstances necessary for retaining & supporting the 
Canadians, are, i. That proper Precautions be taken for securing 
the Persons salaried here by Government, the other Royalists, and 
particularly all the Military. 

2. Altho* it is reasonable that the Canadians should pay their 
Proportion of the Charges of the War, I imagine it would be proper 
to delay levying it for some time, as this People having never been 
accustomed to pay any Tax but by way of Duties on Importation 
& Exportation, would fancy they had been deceiv'd & that they 
were conquered merely to be taxed, and made to pay all the Expense 
of this War, as the Royalists endeavour to persuade them 

3. That they may not be alarmed, it is necessary to leave them 
in Possession of their Bishops, their Priests, & the free Exercise of 
their Religion. It is true that some of the Curates have made public 
Prayers during nine Days that God would exterminate the Troops 
that our good Neighbours have kindly sent to assist us; but Pru- 
dence requires that no Notice should be taken of that Conduct. 

As to the Meastu-es to be taken for hindering a Fleet's passing 
above Quebec, it seems to me that the most expedient for Persons 
who, jealous of their Liberty, ought not to risque too much upon 
the Chance of a Battle, would be to bum it. 

[The writer then goes on to describe very particularly the 
Places where it should be attempted, and the Manner he proposes 
of doing it, which may properly be submitted to the Consideration 
of the General.] 

He concludes his Letter thus. 

If I have taken the Liberty to communicate to you my Senti- 
ments thus on the Attack of Quebec & Defence of the Colony, it is 
because persuaded as I am of the Justice of the Cause of America, 
no one desires more than myself to see her succeed in her most laud- 
able Enterprise. 

I shall esteem myself very happy, if my Reflections may Oc- 
casion the Use of some Means that may turn to her Advantage. 



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Who Was Pelissierf 227 

I have the honour to be with |)effect Consideratioti, Sir, 
Your most humble & most obedient Servant, 

PBUSSIER, 
Director of the Iron Works near 
the 3 Rivers. 

Postscript, 28 January, 1776: — 

I am now at Montreal, where I have an Opportunity of making 
some Observations, which I think I ought to communicate to you. 

I have found the Nimiber of Royalists muth more considerable 
here than I imagined. If they are not bridled it is to be feared they 
may change the good disposition of the Country People. I believe 
that if the Reinforcements destined for Canada arrive soon, and are 
quartered in the Country, that may be a means of Stopping the prog- 
ress of the bad Discourses. There is time yet to do it, and the 
People will not dislike it. 

[The rest of the Postscript contains some additional particu- 
lars relating to the Attack of Quebec; and recommends the sending 
up some heavy Cannon, and good Engineers to direct the Works.] 
Endorsed: "Translation of Monsr. Pelissier's letter concern- 
ing affairs in Canada, 1776." 

(Notes in brackets are by Franklin.) 
(From Continental Congress Papers, 78, XVIII, 43, Library 
of Congress.) 

Here are a few items about Pelissler supplied by Mr. L. P. 
Sylvain, Library of Parliament, Ottawa, Canada : 

In 1767 Pelissier, a merchant of Quebec, organized the company 
of the St. Matuice Iron Works in order to continue the operations 
of the mine with more vigor. In 1771 the company was reorgan- 
ized, with Pelissier as director of same. 

Pelissier (Christophe) was bom at Lyons, France, in 1730, and 
called himself **eMvain", when he got married, at Quebec, on the 
i6th of October, 1758, to Martha Beaudoin, who died in 1763, after 
having four children. 

On March 8, 1775, Pelissier was married, for the second time, to 
Catherine Delezenne, who had been courted by fvaterri^e. 

Pelissier helped the invading American army during the occupa- 
tion of Three Rivers, which lasted from November, 1775, to June, 
1776. On the 7th of June, he started from Three Rivers, leaving 
his wife at the iron works (aux forges). He passed through Sorel, 



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228 How Canada was Lost 

St. John, and made a stay at Carillon, where he was employed by 
the Americans as an engineer. From there he went to the Congress 
and succeeded in obtaining indemnity for certain losses, and then 
started for France. 

In the spring of 1777 a power of attorney from Pelissier was 
sent to a friend at Quebec, dated from Lyons, for the sale of the 
iron works, but nothing was done. The iron works at St. Maurice 
were royal property. In August, 1778, Pelissier was back at Quebec, 
having come with General Haldimand, who belonged to Burg03aie's 
Anny, in 1778. Pelissier and Laterriere settled their accounts to 
their mutual satisfaction, and Pelissier kept the iron works, but 
Laterriere seems to have kept Pelisser's wife with him for his share. 
Then Pelissier managed to get hold of his wife, hid her in Quebec, 
and threatened to put her in a convent in France. In the autumn 
Laterriere discovered the retreat of la Belle Catherine, and carried her 
away to Besausour Island, where he was living. 

In the autumn of 1778 Alexandre Dumas, trader at Quebec, 
bought out Pelissier's rights in the iron works, and Pelissier sailed 
for Prance with the children from his first wife. Laterriere was ar- 
rested by Haldimand for having conspired with the Americans and 
was kept a prisoner from February, 1779, to November, 1782. In 
the meantime Mme. Pelissier was keeping house for him and lived 
quite comfortably. 

Laterriere had three children from Madame. On the loth of 
October, 1779, at Quebec, Laterriere was married to Mme. Veuve 
Pelissier. 

Her husband must have died in France shortly before. Laterriere 
died in 1815, and his widow in 1830. 



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Pelissier The Foundryman. ^29 



PELISSIER, THE FOUNDRYMAN OF THREE RIVERS, 

CANADA. MAKER OF AMMUNITION FOR THE 

AMERICANS ATTACKING QUEBEC. 

Trcris Rivieres, January 30, 1907^ 

His Grace the Bishop of Trois Rivieres gives this information 
about PeUssier, manager of the foundry at St. Maurice, near Trois 
Rivieres, who sent a letter to Congress, in 1776, showing how Quebec 
could be seized: — 

Christophe PeUssier was bom at St. Peter, Lyons, Department 
of Lyons, in 1730, an issue of the marriage of Francois PeHssier and 
Agathe Larigandiere. He married Marthe Beaudoin, who died in 
1763. He had four children — Pierre, Maurice, Jean, Giuillaume and 
Catherine Madeline. 

At the time of the conquest, in 1760, 1 believe that he was a very' 
active merckant in Quebec. In those days the foundries at St. 
Maiuice, which were situated about seven miles to the northwest of 
the dty of Trris Rivieres, were very busy and brought gr^t promts 
to the owners. These had been in existence from 1 730, and had been 
worked up to 1763, and were then idle imtil 1767. 

Christophe Pelissier, then formed a company and applied for 
the foundry at a moderate rent. He was successful and an announce- 
ment was made en June 9th, that Messrs. PeUssier, Alexander Dumas, 
Thomas Dunn, B^jamin Price, Colin Drummond, Dumas St. Martin, 
Georges Allsop, Jimes Johnston and Brooke Watson had taken the 
foundries for a term of sixteen years, paying an annual rental of 
twenty-five louis. 



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ajO Pelissier The Fowndryman, 

The company did a very large business. The manager at Quebec 
was Dr. Pierre de Sales Laterriere, who Pelissier made inspector at the 
foundries in 1775. 

That year the Bostonians made an invasion of Canada, Chris- 
tophe Pelissier, manager of the foundries at St. Maurice, had a weak- 
ness for the Americans and hoped for the success of their enterprises. 

** However, still very reserved," says Dr. Laterriere in his Me- 
moires which bave oome down to us, "he only assisted at the assem- 
blies and councils since the arrival of Generd Wooster in Trois Riv- 
ieres in winter quarter^. These new comers having known him as a 
man of great talents engaged him to visit General Montgomery at 
the Holland House near Quebec. Prom that time, he was recognized 
and d^iouiiced by the spies of General Carlton as an adherent of the 
Aj»erk»sis» a»d therefore^ a daag^tms enemy to Great Britain. The 
Q^^er officers of the ''Cyclops,'' m3rself. Inspector Pickard, the Book- 
l^eep^, Voligni, the mate, were denounced because it was naturally 
supposed that we drank of the poison of the rebellion out of tlie same 
glass/' 

Pelissier seemed to take pleasure in compromising himself, and 
this is pretty well shown by the foct that he counted on the success 
of tlid Boatoeians. He was not afraid to go near Gen^^ M ontgom- 
ory. and lie aiipplied a groat qiu^tity of things and munitions of war 
to the American Army. In the foundry, which bdot^ged to the Brit- 
ish Crowti^ he made bonbs and bullets, destined to bombard Quebec 
and to destroy the British Army. 

The Americans having been defeated at Quebec, rettuned to 
Trois Rivieres, of which they had easily taken possession, and then 
went to Sorel. At this new disaster to the American Army, the 
QgemA-VicBase 81. Ooge of Trois Riviepes sent a short note to Pelis- 
sier warning him that His Excettency, General Carleton, would not 
he very twch pleased ta find him there while passing through. 
PeUisier wa9 90 terrified that he jumped into a boat and was secretly 
conveyed by two men to Sorel. From there he went to St. John and 
to Carillon (Ticonderoga). For a time he acted thei« as an engineer, 
but he and the engineer-in-chief could not get abng together, he 
than went to urge Congress to pay in advance the American Army, 
and then he went ta France, to Lyons where his family was. Some- 
time later he sent a power-of -attorney to a Mr. P^rras of Quebec so 



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PeUssier The Foundryman. 231 

that he could manage all his affairs in his name. The sum advanced 
to the Army by Congress was 2000 louis. 

When peace had been made, M. PeUssier returned to Quebec for 
a short time; he fixed up his affairs with Laterriere, who had taken 
the management of the foundry, and then returned to France. He 
▼as a friend of Governor Haldimand — yet he could not live in Canada 
alter his conduct during the American invasion. He married a 
sex>nd time, towards 1775 when he was sixty-six years old. Marie 
Catherine Ddezenne, his second wife, was fourteen years old. Dr. 
Literriere, who had similiar intentions in regard to the same young 
wcman, tried to make out the marriage was null and void on account 
of (efect of consent of the **infant" who had been forced by her par- 
ents to such an ill-mated marriage. 

Prom the time of the departure of <Ad PeUssier the Doctor ''in- 
herited" the management of the foundries, and the young' wi£e, 
by wom he had several children, as he bluntly remarks in his Me- 
moire^ 

I lave the honor to be. Sir 

Your most obedient servant, 

(REV.) L. A. DUSABLON, 

Secretary — Archivist. 
Diocese "rois Rivieres, January 30, 1907. 

The 'ontinental Congress on July 29th, 1 776, resolved : 
ThatVIons. Christophe PeUssier, who has suffered considerably 
by warml)espousing and taking an active part in thecauseof America 
in Canada,be appointed an engineer in the service of the United 
States, witJthe pay of 60 dollars per month, and rank of Ueutenant 
colonel ; an that he be directed to repair to New York. 

A year ter he presented the annexed Petition to Congress. 



TO THE H(}^ORABLE, THE DELEGATES OF THE UNITED 
&ATES OF AMERICA IN CONGRESS. 

Christoph PeUssier humbly begs leave to represent, that having 
been honor'd ^th a Commission, appointing him an Engineer with 
the rank of Lut. Colonel, has to the utmost of his AbiUties dis- 
charged the Dues of his Station at Ticonderoga, as became a Man 
of honor truely tach'd to the Rights of the States, under the Com- 
mand of Major ^eral Gates and desirous of the power to demon- 



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232 Franklin to the Bishop of Tricomie, 

strate his Zeal, and promote the Service, which he judges he cannot 
more effectually, than by requesting to be appointed Engineer in 
Chief at Ticonderoga, with the Rank attached to that Employ. 

That a Company of Pioneers immediately imder the Command 
of the Engineer in Chief is essential for the good of the Service, whom 
duely trained would serve as aids in assisting and overseeing the 
different partysemploy'd on that Service, and would remove the manr 
difSculties that result by employing dayly different Officers. 

Your Petitioner flatters himself your honors will take into cot- 
sideration the Alteration that has taken place since the appointmeit 
of the more early Commissions, which by the late regulations doi/t 
appear Noticed for the department wherein your Petitioner has He 
honor to Serve. 

Humbly submitting the contents to the mature deliberatoi of 
your honors your Petitioner as in duty bound will ever pray. 

PELISSIER 
Philadelphia, January 17th, 1777. 

From the Washington Correspondence, Vol. 90, folio 8, Li- 
brary of Congress. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO THE BISHOP OF TRilOMIE 
FRANCE, WHO HAD SOUGHT HIS HELP IN OBTAIN- 
ING AN AMERICAN MILITARY COMMISSION 

Passey, April 25 i777- 
Rev'd Sir, — Mr. Merdey, whom your Reverence mentions as hav- 
ing made Promises to Monsieur your Brother, was empbyed as a 
Merchant to purchase some military Stores for the Confess, but I 
know of no Authority he had to engage Officers of the Mtrine, or to 
make any Promises to such in our Behalf. I have not myself, (as 
I have already had the Honour of telling your Revererfe) the least 
Authority from the Congress, to make Promises to Oficers to en- 
courage their going to America; and since my arriva/ in France I 
have constantly dissuaded all who have applied to m^ from under- 
taking the Voyage, as I knew how difficult it would )e for them to 
find Employment, a few Engineers and Officers 0/ the Artillery 
excepted, who are gone. Nevertheless, if 3roiM- Br/ther continues 
resolv'd to go thither at his own Expence, and the ^^ue of finding 
or not finding Emplo3rment, which I cannot advise pm to do, I will 

/ 



/ 



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Captain Dohicky Arundel. 233 

give him Letters of Introduction to Gentlemen there, recommend- 
ing him to their Civilities; but I must at the same time caution him 
against having any Reliance on these Letters as a means of procur- 
ing him a Command in our Armies, since I am by no means sure they 
will have any such Effect. I will, if you please, give him a Letter 
to Gen. Washington; but then I should have the State of his Ser- 
vices to enclose; and if accompanied with Recommendations from 
some General OflBcers of Note, it will be so much the better. My 
Door is never shut to your Reverence when I am at home, as I am 
almost every Evening. 

With great Respect I have the Honour to be 
Your Reverence's most obedient & most humble Servt, 

B. F. 

Bishop of Tricomie. 

—[From Franklin Papers, in Library of Congress, Fol. 353. 



CAPTAIN DOHICKY ARUNDEL, "A FOREIGN PAPIST," THE 
FIRST ''FRENCH ARTILLERY OFFICER" TO OFFER SER- 
VICES TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS; COMMISSION- 
ED AS CAPTAIN AND KILLED IN THE BATTLE AT 
GWYN'S ISLAND, CHESAPEAKE BAY, JULY 8, 1776. 
"That thou wilt hallow with a blessing the graves of those who 
'fought the good fight' — who found death sweeter than dishonor and 
prized Life less than Liberty." — (Rev. F. J. McArdle, prayer at Inde- 
pendence Hall, July 4th, 1903.) 

The Journal of the Continental Congress for January 16, 1776, 
records: "A letter from Mr. [Francis] Lewis, dated January 8th, 
being read recommending a stranger to the notice of Congress. 

"Ordered that the same be referred to the Committee on the 
qualifications of persons applying for offices.'' 

Francis Lewis was one of the delegates from New York. 
That this "stranger" was a French Artillery officer, appears 
from the diary of Richard Smith, delegate from New Jersey. He 
reports under date of January 17th: 

"A report from the Comee about a French Artillery officer who 
offers his services and brought a certificate from the Military School at 
Strasburg, and two Commissions of Lieutenancy from the King of 
France, was referred to Dr. Franklin and Col. St. Clair to examine 
his abilities." — [Am. His. Rev. Vol. i. p. 493.] 



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234 Captain Dohicky Arundel. 

An artillery officer was a great addition to the army. General 
Charles Lee in writing ta Robert Morris from Washington's army at 
Cambridge on July 4, 1775, said: 

''We were assur'd that we should find an expert train of artillery. 
They have not a single gunner." — [Lee Papers, — 188]. 

Col. St. Clair was attached to General Schuyler's army and was 
at Philadelphia in connection with the projected invasion of Canada. 
A month later, February 16th, he was with General Schuyler. Con- 
gress directed he should send his battalions to Canada as fast as the 
companies could be got ready. 

The Journal of Congress for February 5th, records: 

Resolved: That Mr. Dohicky Arundell, who was recommended 
to the notice of Congress by Mr. (Francis) Lewis, be desired to repair 
to General Schuyler, and that General Schuyler be directed to ex- 
amine him, and if he finds him capable, and suitably qualified, to 
employ him in the artillery service in Canada." 

Gmeral Sdiuykr was then in Albany engaged in preparing an 
expedition for the invasion of Canada. 

That the **stranger" the *'Frendi artillery officer" recommended 
to Congress by Mr. Lewis was a Catholic, appears also from the diary 
of Richard Smith who under date of February 5th, 1776, records: 

Feb. 5th. "The Foreigner whom Dr. Franklin and St. Clair were 
to examine as to his Proficiency in the knowledge of Artillery was now 
recommended to General Schuyler fen- Preferment, tho' some members 
Paine and Sherman in particular, did not approve oi employing in our 
Service Foreign Papists." — [Am. His. Rev. Vol. i, p. 499u] 

On February 8th, Congress resolved: 

That the sum of one hundred dcdlars be paid to Mr. Dohicky 
Arundel, and that he be directed immediately to repair to General 
Schuyler. 

Smith's diary under same date records : 

Feb. 8th. "100 dollars ordered to be presented to the French 
Artillery Officer to bear his charges to Albany. [Ibid.] 

So Dohicky Arundel was a ^'French Artillery officer," and a 
"Papist," whom Robert Treat Paine, delegate from Massachusetts 
and Roger Sherman of Connecticut "in particular" objected to em- 
plojdng as he was a "foreign Papist." 

Dohicky ArundeU seemeth not to be a French name. Arundel 
is that of a noble English family of staunch Catholics one of whom 



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Captain Dohicky Arundel. 235 

Lord Arundel of Wardour was associated with the settlement of 
Avalon and of Maryland, and in 1630 with Lord Baltimore was given 
a grant of land south of Virginia. '*Ere William fought or Harold 
fell there were Earls of Arundel." The Duke of Norfolk is now 
the Earl of Arundel. Lord Arundel of Wardour died December, 
1906. 

Was this volunteer one of that family who, debarred by English 
law from serving in the army of England, entered that of France and 
becoming proficient as an artillerist, came to America, the first to 
offer his services to the Colonies? It does not seem so as the name 
does not appear in the Early Genealogical History of the House of 
Arundel, by John Pym Yeatman. 

There is a village or hamlet named Arundell in Normandy. Per- 
haps Dohicky Arundell came from there. 



In Bigelow's edition of the complete works of Benjamin Frank- 
lin, volunie 6, there is a letter from Benjamin Franklin to General 
Charles Lee, which contains the following reference to Arundd: 

''Philadelphia, n February, 1776. 

"Dear Sir : — ^The bearer, M. Arundel, is directed by the Congress, 
to repair to General Sdiuyler, in order to be employed by him in the 
artillery service. He proposes to wait on you upon his way, and haa 
requested me to introduce him by a line to you. He has been an 
officer in the French service, as you will see by his commissions; and, 
professing a good will to our cause, I hope he may be useful in instruct- 
ing; our gunners and matrosses." 

It may also be found in The Lee Papers, Vol. i, p. 284, published 
by the New York Historical Society in 1 871-2. 



General Charles Lee was then in New York preparing to take 
command of an army for the second invasion of Canada. On Feb- 
ruary 17th, Congress directed him to "immediately repair to Canada 
and take command of the army of the United Colonies in that Pro- 
vince." 

General Schuyler at Albany was directed to repair to New York 
and take command of the forces there. 

But on March ist. General Lee was notified by President Han- 
cock that Congress "after a warm contest" had superceded the orders 
given him to proceed to Canada and had come to a Resolution that 



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236 Captain Dohicky Arundel. 

he should take command of the Continental forces in the Southern 
Department which comprehended Virginia, North and South Caro- 
lina and Georgia. 

Captain Arundell was then in New York awaiting marching order 
into Canada, but on March 18, 1776, Congress 

Resolved. That Monsieur Arundel be directed to repair to the 
Southern department and put himself under the command of General 
Lee; and that General Lee, if he find him capable, be directed to em- 
ploy him in the artillery service. 

On March 19th, Congress 

Resolved. That Monsieur Dohicky Arundel be appointed a cap- 
tain of Artillery in the Continental service. That General Lee be 
directed to set on foot the raising of a company of artillery, and it be 
recommended to the Convention or Committee of Safety of Virginia, 
to appoint the other officers of said company of artillery. 

Congress, March 30, 1776: 

Resolved. That sixty dollars be advanced Monsieur Arundel to 
be deducted out of his pay and that he be directed immediately to 
repair to the Southern Department, and put himself under the direc- 
tion of General Lee. 

The same day two Engineers for the Southern Department were 
elected. [Baron] Marsenback and John Stadler were chosen. 

On April ist, Congress 

Resolved. That Captain D. Arundel be allowed 48i dollars, in 
full for pay and subsistence of a Captain from February 8th, the time 
he was recommended to General Schuyler, to the 19th of March, when 
he received his commission. 



On April i, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, delegate in Congress from 
Virginia, wrote General Charles Lee then at Williamsburgh, Va., 
notifying him of the appointment of the two Engineers and also 
saying: 

* 'Congress have also appointed Monsieiu: Dohicky Arundel (who 
I expect will deliver this), a Captain of Artillery in the Continental 
service with the following resolve: 

That General Lee be directed to set on foot the raising of a Com- 
pany of Artillery, and that it be recommended to the Convention or 
Committee of Safety of Viriginia to appoint the other officers of said 
Company of Artillery." 



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Captain Dohicky Arundel, 237 

President Hancock that day also wrote General Lee saying: 

'*The Congress having appointed Mr. Dohicky Arundel Captain 
of an Artillery Company, in the Continental Service, and directed 
him to repair to the Southern Department, and there put himself 
under your command, I have it in charge from that body to inform 
yovi that you are directed to set on foot the raising of a company of 
artillery. This you will endeavor to accompUsh as soon as possible, 
being very sensible the service calls for such a company that we may 
be the better enabled to defend ourselves and annoy the enemy." 

On April 2, 1776, 

A petition from Daniel Duchemin, praying for a Ueutenancy in 
the company of Captain D. Arundel, being presented to Congress and 
referred to the delegates of Virginia, the said delegates brought in 
their report which was read. Agreed to as follows : 

That Daniel Duchemin be appointed a lieutenant of the artillery 
company to be raised in Virginia in consideration of the scarcity of 
artillery officers in that colony and that two months pay be advanced 
to him to carry him to Virginia. 

This action, however, for some reason not on record, was set aside 
and the report of the committee was recommitted. The above set 
forth record is stricken out of the original manuscript Journal of 
Congress by lines drawn through it. Evidently the report was in 
conflict with the Resolution that Virginia should appoint all officers 
subordinate to Captain Arundel. 

General Lee wrote to the President of Congress from Williams- 
burg, April 19, 1776, saying: 

"I shall make Monsieur Arundel accountable for the sixty dollars 
but at the same time beg leave to submit to the consideration of the 
Congress whether the expenses of his journey should not be allowed; 
indeed, the pay of the Artillery officers and Engineers is so wretched 
that I do not see any chance of procuring men fit for the service on 
the terms and if they are to proceed; they cannot possibly subsist un- 
less the expenses of their frequent journeys are paid. I forgot to 
mention that I advanced at New York to Monsieur Arundel fifteen 
dollars to carry him to Philadelphia." 

The formation of another company of artillery was undertaken 
byjthe Committee of Safety of Virginia under Captain Innis, **who," 
wrote General Lee to the President of Congress, "professes himself 



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238 Captain Dohicky Arundel. 

utterly ignorant of this particular branch," but was *'a man of great 
zeal, capacity and merit." 

Richard Henry Lee wrote General Lee April 22d, saying: 
"It was certainly the idea of Congress and it is so expressed in 
their resolve, that you should raise a Company of Artillery for Mon- 
sieur Arundel and the Convention or Committee of Safety to appoint 
the inferior oflScers." 

On May 7th, General Lee in writing to President Hancock, stated : 
* 'Colonel R. Henry Lee informs me that it was not the intention 
of the Congress that Captain Innes's Company should be reduced to 
make way for Arundel, but that both should be established. Captain 
Innes who must I am siu-e be an excellent officer in any other depart- 
ment professed himself ignorant in this branch — ^his officers were 
equally ignorant. Arundel has got possession of the company and by 
his activity and knowledge, will, I am persuaded, make 'em fit for 
service — ^indeed, to estabUsh an Artillery Company, Captain, sub- 
alterns and non-commissioned officers, being entirely composed of 
novices, can answer no end or purpose; it is my opinion therefore, 
that instead of these two companies proposed, that the addition of 
thirty or forty men to Captain Arundel's and two subaltern officers 
will not only be better, but that it promises more advantage to the 
service. Now I am on the subject of Captain Arundel, I beg leave 
to remind the Congress of what I mentioned on the subject of his 
expenses on the road." 

At this time Lord Dimmore, the British Commander was ravag- 
ing the coast of Virginia and the several tributary rivers, along the 
James River was a scene of activity. The British cruisers were des- 
tro)dng crops and carrying oflf the slaves. Under General Lee these 
incursions were being opposed. He had occupied Gwyn's Island in 
the Chesapeake. Charles Henry Lee wrote General Lee from Wil- 
liamsbiu-g, Va., July 6, 1776, "Lord Dunmore still remains on Gwin's 
Island where, caterpillar Uke, we hear he has devoured everything in 
that place, so that it is probable force of some kind or other will 
shortly drive him thence." Two days later the endeavor to "drive 
him" oflf was successfully made. At which, though a victory for 
the Americans, resulted in the death of Captain Arundel. 



An account of the battle of Gwyn's Island is to be found in the 
Virginia Gazette, for July 19, 1776. 



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Captain Dohicky Arundel. 239 

According to the description in the paper, the Virginia forces 
reached the island at eight o'clock on the morning of July 8th, and 
began to fire with two batteries upon the British ships and fortified 
camp. The Dunmore was injured • and obliged to haul off and the 
Otter also retreated. General Lewis attacked the British camp the 
next day, but the enemy had retreated. **In this affair we lost not 
a man killed, but poor Captain Arundel, who was killed by the btu^- 
ing of a mortar of his own invention ; although the general and all 
the oflficers were against his firing it. His zeal for the service lost 
him his life." 



John Page, Vice-president of the Committee of Safety, writing to 
General Charles Lee, (then in South Carolina), from Williamsburg, 
Va, July 12, 1776, relates "the expedition against Gwyn's Island" — 
that Brigadier General Lewis attended by Colonels Woodford, Step- 
hen, Buckner, Weedon and some others, intending to examine the 
strength of the enemy and submit the propriety of an attack to a 
Council of War found the OUer British vessel was in the very place 
they had been preparing a battery for her. At 8 A. M., Captain 
Anmdel and Lieutenant Denny saluted the Dunmore and Otter with 
two 18 Pounders — ^the very first shot at the Otter, though a full mile 
from our battery, struck her, as is supposed, between wind and water, 
for she did not return the fire, but was towed off on the careen. The 
Dunmore fired a broadside and then was towed off, having received 
four shots through her sides, whilst she was in tow she received a 
fifth through her stem, which raked her. Scarcely a shot was fired 
which did not do execution in some part of the fleet. A schooner lost 
one of her masts * * *. 

We are now in possession of the Island. 

Oiu: men behaved well. Oiu" artillery was admirably served and 
we have disgraced and mortified our enemies. In this affair we lost 
not a man — but, most unhappily poor Captain Arundel was killed 
by the blunting of a wooden mortar he was endeavoring to throw 
shells into the fleet from. His loss is irreparable ! He behaved with 
great spirit and activity and was so hearty in oiu* cause that he is 
universally lamented. — [Lee Papers 11, p. 132.] 

Colonel Adam Stephen in writing to General Lee from WiUiams- 
burg, 13 July, 1776, said: 



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240 Captain Dohicky Arundel. 

"Poor Arundel has knocked himself in the head by trying ex- 
periments." 

Lord Dunmore was building houses, ovens and windmills in the 
Island. You may call them castles in the air. — \ibid 138.] 

On Gwyn's Island at the time of the encounter were two French 
gentlemen — one the Chevalier De St. Aubin — ^who were bringing pow- 
der, arms and medicines, but were captured by Lord Dunmore and 
treated very roughly. When the British fleet was forced to retire they 
concealed themselves from the British when they were flying from 
the Island and by that means made their escape and delivered them- 
selves up to the Americans. The Chevalier agreed to assist in train- 
ing a troop of horse and to act as cadet till he proved his abiUties 
and right to expect some sort of rank. The other French gentleman 
determined to retiun to Martinique. — [ibid 216.] 

Heitman's Register of officers of the Continental A rmy has this : 
Arundel, Dohicky (Va.) Captain of a Company of Virginia 
Artillery, commissioned 5th February, 1776; killed in the action at 
Gwyn's Island, Chesapeake Bay, 8th July, 1776, by the bursting of 
a cannon." 

Thus died in defense of American Liberty within six months after 
offering his services, the * 'foreign Papist" objected to by Paine, Sher- 
man and others of the Continental Congress. The first Frenchman 
to offer his services and the first to give Ws life for our country. May 
he rest in peace. 

The ledger of the Commissioners for the War Department con- 
tains entries relative to Captain Arundel's accounts. The earliest 
record is that of March 5, 1776, and the latest April 7, 1776. It is 
contrary to the Rules of the Adjutant General's oflSce to give for pub- 
lication any records. So the accounts of Captain Arundell who gave 
his^life for our country's freedom, cannot be made manifest by a 
Department of the Government he aided in establishing. 

On February 12, 1838, a Virginia Revolutionary land bounty 
warrant was issued for 4,000 acres and for 1,092! acres additional 
to James Stollings as heir of Dohicky Arundel for services as Captain 
in the Continental Line from March 18, 1776, — \Sec, Va. His. Soc] 

The Virginia Land Registry also shows that an exchange war- 
rant for 500 acres was also issued. 



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Captain Dohicky Arundel. 241 

From the Virginia Land Registry records, Book No. 3, were ob- 
tained the following documentary recitals: 

Executive Department, 

Richmond, February 10, 1838. 

The heirs of Dohickey Arundel are allowed land Bounty for his 
services as a Captain in the Continental Line from the 19th March, 
1776 to the 3rd Novanber, 1783. 

The Register will issue a warrant accordingly if not heretofore 
dravm, deducting the quantity heretofore received. 

John B. Richardson. David Campbbll. 

On the 1 2th February, 1838, two warrants, viz. No. 8487 for 812 
acres and 8488 for 2703 acres to James StoUings, heir to D. ArundeL 

The vouchers as to the 4000 acres were not on file. 

No. 3 pr. 567. 500 acres to Charles L. Alios, Esq., Atto in 
fact of Vespasim Ellis who was the Atto-in-fact of J. S. StoUings, only 
heir of Dohickey Arundel, Captain the Continental Line. 

The location of the land is not given, it seldom is. In earlier 
grants they were frequently located in Kentucky. 

"Gwynn's Island in the Chesapeake, to the east of Matthew's 
County, and separated from it by a strait. 

In Safifell's Records of the Revolution p. 411 : 

"Arundell, Dohickey, Captain, Virginia, killed July 8, 1776." 
By reference to Virginia Land Registry it is found : 

Arundel, Dohickey, Book No. 3, p. 437, 4000 acres. 
*' heirs ** *' p. 437, 1083J acres. 

** " Exchange Warrant, Book No. 3, p. 567, 500 acres. 

I am indebted to Mr. Stanard, Librarian of Virginia State Li* 
brary and to Mr. R. A. Brock of Virginia for information. 



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242 General John StUlivan. 

GENERAL JOHN SULUVAN, THE SON OF AN IRISH 
CATHOLIC AND GRAND SON OF A DEFENDER OF 
LIMERICK DENOUNCES THE "CURSED RELIGION" 
OF THE CATHOLICS OF CANADA AS "DANGEROUS 
TO THE STATE AND FAVORABLE TO DESPOTISM." 

Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. 
Sir: — ^Your favor came safe to hand by Mr. Wharton, am much 
obliged for the seasonable hint you have given respecting masts. I 
should gladly give you an account of our proceedings but am under 
obligations of secrecy, except with respect to the general non-impor- 
tation and non-exportation, the former to take place on the first of 
December next, the latter in September following. We have selected 
those Acts which we determine to have a repeal of or forever restrain 
our trade from Great Britain, Ireland and the West Indies, among 
which acts is Canada Bill, in my opinion, the most dangerous to Amer- 
ican liberties among the whole train, for when we reflect on the dan- 
gerous situation the colonies were in at the commencement of the 
late war with a number of those Canadians on their backs, who were 
assisted by powerful Indian nations, determined to extirpate the race 
of Protestants from America to make way for their own cursed relig- 
ion, 90 dangerous to the State and favorable to despotism and con- 
template that by the late Act their territory is so far extended as to 
include by far the greater part of North America : That this will be 
a dty of refuge for Roman CathoUcks who will ever appear in favor of 
prerogative of the Crown, backed by an abandoned minister, aided by 
the whole force of Great Britain and assisted by the same Indian na- 
tions, we must suppose our situations to be infinitely more dangerous 
now than it was then, for while we are engaged with the Canadians on 
our frontiers, our seaports must yield to the ministerial fleet and the 
army, if they once prevail no man must expect safety until he pro- 
fesses that Holy Religion which our Sovereign has been pledged to 
establish. I am certain that no God may as weU exist in the universe 
as those two Religions where the Papists have the power to expirate 
the profession of the other. We can easily discover the designs of the 
Act and are determined to counteract it in all events. I hope to have 
the pleasure of seeing you in a few days after this letter comes to 
hand and give you a particular account of our proceedings in the in- 
terim. I am yours, respectfully, 

JOHN SULLIVAN. 
Capt. John Langdon. 



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General John SuUivan, 243 

[Letters by Josiah Bartlett, Wm. Whipple and others. Written 
before and during the Revolution. Philadelphia, 1889, p. 5.] 

Such was the bitterly hostile sentiments to the religion of his 
fathers of the '*man who, in all the American provinces, was the first 
to take up arms against the Kling" at Fort William and Mary, at New 
Castle N. H., December 14, 1774. Within a year Sullivan and the 
like of him were seeking the aid — and getting it too — of these 
*Tapists" professing the "Holy Religion" the Kling was charged 
with '^establishing " and if he "prevailed" the Americans could not 
Uve in safety unless they "profe^ed." 

The letter well illustrates the violent temper of the times among 
the Colonists on the passage of The Quebec Act. It aroused the 
passion of the people and inflamed their minds beyond conception 
in our days. It was the active cause of the beginning of hostilities. 
The invasion of Canada well shows the fear the colonists had that the 
King and Ministry would make that country the "fit instrument" of 
imposing "Popery and Slavery" upon the "Protestant Colonies" — 
So they rushed northward to capture the country and hold it to pre- 
vent England making it a field of hostility against the Colonies to the 
South. And strange to record though their Religion had been de- 
nounced by the Continental Congress itself, Washington a member, 
as one "fraught with Impiety, Rapine and bloodshed in every part of 
the world, and had deluged England in blood," the Canadian people 
— ^not the clergy or noblesse — not knowing of *hese sentiments, aided 
in all ways to support the "Rebels" who had invaded their country, 
professing to be without hostility to their Religion. 

But the Americans when in Canada lacked as fully as the soldiers 
of Washington's army around Boston, the good sense not to know 
they were injuring American interests by exhibiting, as they did, 
their venom against the "Holy Religion" the Canadians professed. 

But in 1776 the "Rebels" sang another tune and actually elected 
a Catholic, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, though not a member of 
Congress at the time, one of the Commissioners to go to Canada to 
conciliate the Canadians and requested him to get a Priest — mind you 
a Priest of the "cursed Religion" of the Canadians — to go to Canada 
to help win the Clergy and people professing that "Holy Religion" 
to either stand neutral or to help the "Rebels" who had but lately 
howled so vigorously in condemnation of their Faith. Philadelphia 
then was what Sullivan had feared it would become, a "City of refuge 



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244 General John Sullivan, 

for Roman Catholics," for Congress was not only eager to secure the 
aid of the Canadians but was actutOly seeking an alliance with Prance, 
"a, nation in which the Roman Catholic ReHgion" was *'professed" as 
Washington in 1790, reminded Americans, had performed an im- 
portant part **in winning their Freedom." 

SulHvan himself later was not loath to get a "loan" from one of 
the "cursed ReKgion" and thus bring his name into disrepute as "a 
pensioner" of Prance. 

Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. X, page 502, in re- 
lating the articles of Peace with Great Britain said "That New Hamp- 
shire abandoned the claim to the fisheries was due to Sullivan, who, 
at the time was a pensioner of Luzerne," the Prench Minister to the 
United States. On page 452 he stated that "Sullivan was in the pay 
of Prance." 

This charge came out of a letter of Luzerne's to Count Vergennes, 
the Prench Minister of State, in which he related that in 1 780 Sullivan, 
a member of Congress, being in need he had, "under the appearance 
of a loan," given him sixty-eight guineas, and, after six months, he 
asked authority to charge the sum to "extraordinary expenses." 
Permission to do so was given. 

John SuUivan was the grandson of Major PhiUp O'SuUivan, one 
of the defenders of Limerick, who went with his regiment to Prance 
after the surrender. His family was one of the most distinguished 
in the south of Ireland. His father was Owen O'SulUvan, who was a 
teacher in New Hampshire for over fifty years. He contributed four 
sons, all of whom became commissioned officers, to the Continental 
army. Two of these later became Governors, respectively, of New 
Hampshire and Massachusetts. John Sullivan, when the trouble first 
began, was an attorney with an established reputation and with a 
lucrative practice. On the authority of John Adams, he was worth 
ten thousand pounds when he cast his lot with the advocates of inde- 
pendence. He held the commission of major in one of the provincial 
regiments. 

He had seen no active service, but possessed a good theoretical 
military education from a dose study of all available works relating 
to the art of war. His ability was recognized by all his associates. 
He was chosen delegate from his town to the first Provincial Congress 
of New Hampshire, and was selected by that body to represent his 



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General John Sulhvan. 245 

native province in the First Continental Congress which met in Phila- 
delphia in 1774. 

Then it was he wrote Captain Langdon also of New Hampshire, 
that "cursed religion" letter. 

Bernard Coll of Boston, author of The Ancestors of General 
Sullivan in a letter to the American Catholic Historical Re- 
searches [April, 1 901] says, General Sullivan's father was bom and 
educated a Catholic but did not practice his religion after he arrived 
at York, Maine, in 1723, when he was about 33 years of age. 

He was a '*Redemptioner" — a servant bound out for a term of 
years to pay his passage money. So was his wife. He was a school- 
master. For a number of years it is said the schoolmaster refused 
to attend any church, but as a schoolmaster he had to read Protestant 
prayers at times and thus drifted away from whatever Catholicity 
he had in him. His wife Margaret or Margery as she was generally 
called, could not have had much or any knowledge of her religion, 
and being without any education except what the schoolmaster 
thought fit to give her, she naturally drifted off from the Mother 
Chtu-ch too. So you can see that although both parents were prob- 
ably Catholics, they had no chance to practice their religion, if they 
cared about it, and when their children were being reared, all went 
with the Protestant people around them. She was a strong-minded, 
courageous, hard-working woman, who toiled in the field while her 
easy-minded husband taught school and acted as a scribe for the 
neighborhood. They were married about 1734, and lived together 
over 60 years. She was full of spirit, and if she had been brought up 
a Catholic she would have stood out for her religion, no doubt. 

But the schoolmaster — ^the father of General Sullivan — had 
been ''educated a Catholic" and had sufficient knowledge of his 
faith to have cherished it. But the absence of Priest or chapel or 
assembled faithful did its destructive work in the lessening and the 
final loss of Faith by himself and wife and even in their lifetime their 
son declared their early Faith to be ''a cursed Religion." The same 
destructive force is working today. 



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246 Address to People of Great Britain, 

ADDRESS "TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN" 
By the First Continental Congress Denounces the Cath- 
olic Religion as one of "Impiety, Bigotry, Persecution, 
Murder and Rebellion Through Every Part of the World" 
AND the Canadians as '*Fit Instruments to Reduce the 
Protestant Colonies to Slavery." 

On Friday, October 21st, 1774, the Continental Congress adopt- 
ed an Address to the people of Great Britain in which the senti- 
ments herewith annexed were expressed. It was written by John 
Jay a delegate from New York, but being adopted and sent out by 
the Congress he alone is not to be condemned as has been the prac- 
tice among CathoUcs. The ADDRESS stated : 

That we think the Legislature of Great Britain is not authorized 
by the Constitution to establish a Religion fraught with sanguinary 
and impious tenets, or, to erect an arbitrary form of government, in 
any quarter of the globe. These rights, we, as well as you, deem 
sacred. And yet sacred as they are, they have, with many others, 
been repeatedly and flagrantly violated. That relating to the pass- 
age of the Quebec Act which enlarged the boundaries of that Pro- 
vince and also, as the Colonies — **the Protestant Colonies" as they 
were declared to be believed — ''established Popery in Canada" by 
giving the clergy the rights in the collection of tj^es which they had 
had under the French dominion. 

After showing that the "Proprietors of the soil of Great Britain 
are Lords of their own property" and asking *'why the proprietors 
of the soil of America were not so regarded and were so discriminated 
against by Parliament," the Address continued: 

"Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions and free- 
men can never perceive their propriety. And )^t, however chimer- 
ical and imjust such discriminations are, the Parliament assert, that 
they have a right to bind us in all cases without exception, whether 
we consent or not; that they may take and use our property when 
and in what manner they please; that we are pensioners on their 
bounty for all we possess, and can hold it no longer than they vouch- 
safe to permit. Such declarations we consider as heresies in English 
politics, and which can no more operate to deprive us of our property 
than the interdicts of the Pope can divest Kings of sceptres whidi the 
laws of the land and the voice of the people have placed in their 
hands." 



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Address lo People of Great Britain. 247 

The Address in enumerating ''the progression of the ministerial 
plan for inslaving us/' stated: 

And by another Act the dominion of Canada is to be so extended, 
modelled and governed, as that by being disunited from us, detached 
from our interests, by civil as well as reUgious prejudices, that by 
their numbers daily swelling with Catholic emigrants from Europe, 
and by their devotion to Administration, so friendly to their religion, 
they might become formidable to us and on occasion, be fit instru- 
ments in the hands of power, to reduce the ancient free Protestant 
Colonies to the same state of slavery with themselves. 

This was evidently the object of the Act: And in this view, 
being extremely dangerous to our liberty and quiet, we cannot fore- 
bare complaining of it as hostile to British America. Superadded 
to these considerations, we cannnot help deploring the unhappy con- 
dition to which it has reduced the many English settlers, who, en- 
couraged by the royal Proclamation, promising the enjoyment of 
all their rights, have purchased estates in that country. They are 
now the subjects of an arbitrary government, deprived of trial by 
jury, and when imprisoned cannot claim the benefit of the habeas 
corpus Act, that great bulwark and palladium of English liberty. 
Nor can we suppress our astonishment, that a British Parliament 
should ever consent to establish in that country a religion that has 
deluged your island in blood and dispersed impiety, bigotry, perse- 
cution, murder and rebellion through every pert of the world. Thii 
being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what 
end they lead. .^ 

Admit that the Ministry, by the power of Britain, and the aid 
of our Roman Catholic neighbors, should be able to carry the point 
of taxation and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery. 
Such an enterprise would doubtless make some addition to your 
national debt which already presses down your liberties and fills yott 
with pensioners and placemen. We presume, also, that your com- 
merce will somewhat be diminished. However, suppose you should 
prove victorious— in what condition will you then be? What ad- 
vantages or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest? 



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34^ Address to People of Great Britain. 

SENTIMENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS EX- 
PRESSED IN THE ''ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF 
GREAT BRITAIN" HOSTILE TO THE CATHOLIC 
CHURCH. 

Parliament assert, that they have the right to bind us in all 
cases without exception, whether we consent or not; that they 
may take and use our property when and in what manner they please ; 
that we are pensioners on their bounty for all we possess, and can 
hold it no longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations 
we consider as heresies in English poUtics and which can no more 
operate to deprive us of our property than the edicts of the Pope 
can divest Kings of sceptres which the laws of the land and the 
voice of the people have placed in their hands. 

At the conclusion of the late war — a war rendered glorious by 
the abilities and integrity of a Minister, to whose efforts the British 
Empire owes its safety and its fame: At the conclusion of this war, 
which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the aus- 
spices of a Minister of principles and of a family unfriendly to the 
Protestant cause and inimical to Liberty. We say at this period and 
under the influences of that man, a plan for inslaving your fellow 
subjects in America was concerted and has since been pertinaciously 
carried into execution.*** 

Now mark the progression of the ministerial plan for inslaving 
ttsI***And by another Act the dominion of Canada is to be so ex- 
tended; modelled and governed, as that by being disunited from us, 
detached from our interests, by civil as well as religious prejudices, 
that by their numbers daily swelling with Catholic emigrants from 
Burope, and by their devotion to Administration so friendly to 
their religion, they might become formidable to us, and on occasion, 
be fit instruments in the hands of power to reduce the ancient free 
Protestant Colonies, to the same state of Slavery with themselves. 

This was evidently the object of the Act**Nor can we suppress 
our astonishment, that a British Parliament should ever consent to 
establish in that country a religion that has deluged your island in 



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Address to People of Great Britain. 249 

blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder and re- 
bellion through every part of the world. This being a true state of 
facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead. 

May not a Ministry with the same armies inslave you? It may 
be said, yoU will cease to pay them, but remember the taxes from 
America, the wealth, and we may add, the men, and particularly the 
Roman Catholics of this vast continent will then be in the power of 
your enemies, nor will you have any reason to expect, that after 
making slaves of us, many among us should refuse to assist in re- 
ducing you to the same abject state. 

The Address was drafted by John Jay, one of the delegates from 
New York, but amendments were made in Congress so that it is not 
known whether the anti-Catholic sentiments were original with Jay 
or inserted by Congress. 

In the following year, on July 7th, 1775, Congress issued another 
Address To the Inhabitants of Great Britain. After detailing 
evidences of the ** wanton exercise of arbitrary power" it con- 
tinued: 

Shall the descendants of Britons tamely submit to this? No, 
Sirs, We never will while we revere the memory of our gallant and 
virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those glorious privileges 
for which they fought, bled and conquered." 

That referred to the ** Glorious Revolution" in England in 1688- 
9, which was the foundation of the rights the colonists claimed. So 
they said. The Address continued: 

*'When the Powers vested in the Governor of Canada, gave us 
Reason to apprehend Danger from that Quarter, and we had frequent 
intimations, that a cruel and savage Bnemy was to be let loose upon 
the defenceless Inhabitants of our Frontiers; we took such measures 
as Prudence dictate as Necessity will justify. We possessed our- 
selves of Ticonderego and Crown Point. 

The day before, July 6, 1775, the Congress issued a Declara- 
tion Setting Forth the Causes and Necessity op Taking up 
Arms." One of the causes mentioned was: **For erecting in a 
neighboring province (Canada) acquired by the joint arms of Great 
Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence 
and secured by Acts of its own Legislature solemnly confirmed by 
the Crown." 



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250 To the Inhabitants of the Colonies. 

MEMORIAL TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE COLONIES— 

Condemning Parliament for ** Establishing" the Roman 

Catholic Religion in Canada and Sapping the Foundations 

OF Civil and Religious Liberty. 

On the same day, October 21st, 1774, that Congress addressed 
**The People of England," it adopted a Memorial **To the In- 
habitants OF THE Colonies." After detailmg several * 'outrageous 
proceedings", the Memorial continued: 

To promote these designs another measure has been pursued. 
In the session of Parliament last mentioned, an Act was passed for 
changing the government of Quebec, by which Act the Roman Cath- 
olic religion, instead of being tolerated as stipulated by the treaty of 
peace, is established, and the people there deprived of a right to an 
assembly, trials by jury and the English laws in civil cases abolished, 
and instead thereof, the French laws established in direct violation 
of his Majesty's promise by his royal proclamation, under the faith 
of which many English subjects settled in that province and the 
limits of that province are extended so as to comprehend those vast 
regions, that lie adjoining to the northerly and westemly boundaries 
of these colonies. 

The authors of this arbitrary arrangement flatter themselves 
that the inhabitants, deprived of Uberty, and artfully provoked 
against those of another religion, will be proper instruments for as- 
sisting in the oppression of such as differ from them in modes of 
government and faith. 

Prom the details of facts herein before recited, as well as from 
authentic intelligence received, it is dear beyond a doubt, that a 
resolution is formed and is now carrying into execution to extinguish 
the freedom of these colonies by subjecting them to a despotic 
government. 

The people of England will soon have an opportunity of declar- 
ing their sentiments concerning our cause. In their piety, generosity 
and good sense, we repose high confidence, and cannot, upon a re- 
view of past events, be persuaded that they, the defenders of true 
reUgion and the asserters of the rights of mankind, will take part 
against their affectionate Protestant brethren in the colonies, in 
favor of our open and their secret enemies, whose intrigues, for several 
years past have been wholly exercised in sapping the foundations of 
dvil and religious Uberty. 



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Address to the People of Quebec. 251 

CONGRESS CHANGES ITS TUNE IN AN ADDRESS TO THE 
PEOPLE OF QUEBEC, 

The same day, October 21st, 1774, that Congress declared these 
sentiments hostile to the Catholic Religion in these two public papers, 
It was 

Resolved. That an Address be prepared to the People of 
Quebec. 

Ordered. That Mr. (Thomas) Cushing, Mr. (Richard Henry) 
Lee and Mr. Qohn) Dickinson be a Committee to prepare the 
above Address. 

The Committee reported a draft of the Address on Wednesday, 
October 26th. After being debated by paragraphs and amended, 
it was approved. Original copies of the Address printed, October 
i774> by William and Thomas Bradford, are in the Pennsylvania 
Historical Society at Philadelphia, and in the John Carter Brown 
Library at Providence, R. I. 

The Address was translated by Mr. Pierre Eugene du Simitiere, 
of Philadelphia, who charged eight dollars; two thousand copies 
were printed of which three hundred were sent to Boston on Novem- 
ber 1 6th by Pierre Eugene du Simitiere. 

It was printed by Fleiuy Mesplet, also of Philadelphia. Copies 
are in the Library Company of Philadelphia, John Carter Brown 
Library and the Library of Congress. The illustration of the title 
page is from this latter mentioned copy. It was also printed in 
German by Henry Miller, of Philadelphia, but no copy seems to be 
now known as in existence. It was also printed in English by 
John Holt, in Dock street, Philadephia, in 1774, but the date is given 
as September 5th, 1774 — ^the day the Congress assembled. No 
copy of this edition appears to be in existence. 

The Address was printed in The Pennsylvania Packet for Novem- 
ber 14, i 774. It was addressed * 'TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE 
PROVINCE OF QUEBEC." 

After referring to the rights without which a people cannot be 
free and happy and under the protecting and encouraging influence 
of which these Colonies have hitherto so amazingly flourished and 
increased," the Address continued: 



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252 Address to the People of Quebec. 

** These are the rights you are entitled to and ought at this mo- 
ment in perfection to exercise. And what is offered you by the late 
Act of Parliament in their place? Liberty of Conscience in your 
religion? No, God gave it to you, and the temporal powers with 
which you have been and are connected, firmly stipulated for your 
enjoyment of it. If laws, divine and human, could secure it against 
despotic carprices of wicked "men, it was secured before. Are the 
French laws in civil cases restored? It seems so. But observe the 
cautious kindness of the Ministers, who pretend to be your benefactors. 
The words of the statute are that those '*laws shall be the rule, 
until they shall be varied or altered by any ordinances of the Gov- 
ernor and Council." * * * Such is the precarious tenure of mere will 
by which you hold yovix lives and religion. The Crown and its Min- 
isters are impowered, as far as they could be by Parliament, to es- 
tablish even the Inquisition itself among you. * * * 

We are too well acquainted with the liberality of sentiment dis- 
tinguishing your nation, to imagine, that differences of religion will 
prejudice you against a hearty amity with us. You know, that the 
transcendant nature of freedom elevates those who unite in her 
cause, above all such low-minded infirmities. The Swiss Cantons 
furnish a memorable proof of this truth. Their union is composed 
of Roman Catholic and Protestant States, living in the utmost con- 
cord and peace with one another, and thereby enabled, ever since 
they bravely vindicated their freedom, to defy and defeat every 
tyrant that has invaded them. 

This Address was signed by Henry Middleton, President of the 
Congress; the Delegates from Pennsylvania had it translated, pub- 
lished and dispersed; the Delegates from New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts and New York being requested by Congress to assist in for- 
warding the dispersion of the Address. ' 'The Congress then dissolved 
itself." 



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L E T T R E 

ADRESSE!^ 

■ 

UX H AB I TANS 

D-E LA. PROVIl^ C£ 




U E B E 

3DeUpsirtdu Congees 'Gemeral ilc rAme* 
" riqtfe. Septeitrionate , tenu a Philaddphic. 






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!r:^rii^ if pifSSe far Ordrt dH- Oagrit » 



M, L>CC, LKXt\r. 



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254 Address to the People of Quebec. 

That was a very proper thing to do after having given an exhi- 
bition of duplicity which justified the alleged exclamation of the 
Canadians of ' ' Perfidious Congress T when they had had read to them 
the Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain in which their 
Religion was denounced as one fraught with sanguinary and impious 
tenets. Yet they were, by the same Congress, lauded as so *'\ih&ral 
in sentiment" as to beUeve that the *' difference in reUgion'* between 
the * 'inhabitants of Canada" and the **Protestant Colonies" would 
not ** prejudice" the Canadians against **a hearty amity with" the 
bigots who yet told the Canadians how insecure were their ** lives 
and religion" under the laws of England which only * 'seemed" to 
restore the French laws which protected both against **the despotic 
caprices of wicked men." How concerned they were that such a 
religion was **insecure." And yet The Quebec Act which they de- 
clared to the Canadians only ** seemed" to protect their religion, was 
the very Act that same Congress demanded the repeal of and de- 
nounced so viciously and was so ** astonished" to see by that Act, the 
British Minister ** establishing" as it had **deluged " England in 
blood and had dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution and murder 
throughout every part of the world, and, so had made these Cana- 
dians **fit instruments to reduce the ancient free Protestant Colon- 
ies to the same state of slavery with themselves." Congress did well 
to adjotun after doing all this. It could no further go in duplicity. 

Yet in the composition of its members that was the best Congress 
of the Continent that ever met. Washington was the foremost 
member of it. 

Before two years there assembled a Congress that, after the de- 
feat of General Montgomery at Quebec, December 31st, 1775, and the 
failure of the campaign in Canada, sent a Commission to Canada to 
promise these **fit instruments of Slavery" the full and unrestricted 
enjoyment of the very religion the Congress of 1774 had denounced 
so vehemently as totally unfitting its believers for Freedom. They 
did more, they elected Charles Carroll of Carrollton, before he was a 
member of the Congress, one of the Commissioners to go to Canada 
and endeavor to secure the assistance or even the neutrality of these 
people, and they requested him also to get a priest. Rev. John Car- 
roll, to assist in the endeavor. 

Oh ! Congress from its anti-Catholic pride and bigotry had had 
a comedown when disaster came to its army and the outlook had 



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Address to the People of Quebec. 255 

darkened. Then it sought and got the assistance of France — '*a 
nation in which the Roman Catholic ReUgion" was professed, as 
Washington afterwards declared he hoped his countrymen would 
not cease to remember. 

But Glory be to God ! These men of 1774 knew not what they 
did. They declared the Roman Catholic ReUgion one of dvil and 
religious Slavery unfitting its believers for freedom. And yet, they 
were, as time has now revealed to us, but laying the foundations for 
the Catholic Church in our Country doing it more effectively too, 
than her own Ministers would have or could have done; giving the 
Church the best opportunity it ever has had to manifest how it can 
thrive and prosper and grow strong and reliant and do the work 
Christ established it to do — ^save souls — ^in the land of Freedom that 
it is in itself the embodiment of Liberty, possessing as it does the 
Liberty wherewith Christ made us free. 

True indeed is it, even historically considered, as the Fathers of 
the Cotmdl of Baltimore declared — these men of 1774 and later 
years were but the instruments of Providence in establishing the 
freedom of our country and thus founding a Sanctuary for the Church. 
God does, indeed, move in mysterious ways His wonders to 
perform. 

Think you there is no Religious Faith inculcated or strengthened 
by the study of History? Do not all of God's works tend to His 
glory and does He not make men, even His enemies or the enemies of 
Christ's Church, give testimony to His truths and bring all things to 
Himself? Oh, yes, and History of our country affords no more evi- 
dent proof of Uiis to the thoughtful than the, to men, despicable 
course of the Congress of 1774 ai^d yet to the eye of God, but begin- 
ning the firm establishment of the very Religion they denounced 
King and Ministry for giving a measure of freedom to, although it 
was one of **sanguinary and impious tenets they believed." 

Yet these same men declared Liberty of conscience to be a God 
given and not a man founded right and that it was but a * 'low-minded 
infirmity" to manifest prejudice because of differences in rehgion, 
at least it would have been so for the Canadians. So Congress re- 
minded them of the liberality of sentiment which distinguished them 
and so did not expect them to avoid **amity" with them because 
they were Protestants yet they themselves showed no ** liberality of 
sentiment" on the score of Religion but manifested that very "low- 



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256 Petition of Congress to the King. 

minded infirmity" which they in reality feared the Canadians would 
show towards them. 

Yet Bancroft and other would have us believe that Americas 
History teaches that Protestantism is Freedom and yet History shows 
it was but Slavery — slavery of mind, slavery in prejudice, slavery in 
a low-minded infirmity, slavery in bigotry, most infamous — and yet 
God made it all serve His purpose — to give mankind its last chance 
to self -govern, to establish a government of the people, by the people 
and for the people and to give His Church its safest security in the 
freedom of the country and in the hearts of the people — the people 
free — the Church free — both subject alone to Him and His duly 
constituted Ministers in Church and State all deriving their just 
powers and authority from Him. 

And for all this: Glory be to God. 



THE PETITION OF CONGRESS TO THE KING. 

At the same session Congress adopted: A Petition to the King. 

Congress mentioned the Acts of the last session of Parliament 
to which they objected. One was the **Act for extending the limits 
of Quebec," abolishing the English and restoring the French laws, 
whereby great numbers of British freemen are subjected to the latter, 
and establishing an absolute government and the Roman Catholic 
religion throughout those vast regions, that border on the westerly 
and northern boundaries of the free Protestant English settlements. 
An accident happened to the Petition that made it unfit to be 
presented. Another had to be prepared and sent from America. 
Benjamin Franklin waited five times on Lord Hillsborough to arrange 
for the presentation to the Eling but the Minister having declared 
that he who would propose the repeal of the Acts complained of de- 
served to be b«nged, Franklin thought "it best to wait a little longer." 



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What Arnold's Eye Saw. 257 

ARNOLD'S "EYE SAW THE MEAN AND PROFLIGATE 
CONGRESS AT MASS." 

After his treason, Arnold issued a Proclamation "to the Officers 
and Soldiers of the Continental Army who have the real Interest of 
their Comitry at Heart and who are determined to be no longer the 
l^ools and Dupes of Congress or of France." 

It contained this sentence : 

**Do you know that the esre which guides this pen lately saw 
your mean and profligate Congress at mass for the soul of a Roman 
Catholic in Purgatory and participating in the rites of a Church 
against whose anti-christian corruption your pious ancestors would 
bear witness with their blood?" 

Copied from the original broadside in the Library of Congress. 

The Congress at Mass was at St. Mary's Church, Philadelphia, 
at the Requiem Mass for soul of Juan de Miralles, the Spanish Agent 
who died at Washington's Camp at Morristown, N. J., on April 
28th, 1780. 

Chevalier Luzerne, the French Minister through his Chaplain, 
Abbe Bandol, had Requiem services at St. Mary's, on Monday, M^y 
8th, 1780. 

The invitation of the French Minister to the members of Congress 
and other celebrities in the City, reads in the one sent Dr. Benjamin 
Rush. 

The French Minister has the honour to inform Dr. Rush that on 
Monday, next, there will be in the Catholic Church, a divine service 
for the rest of the soul of Don Juan de Miralles at 9 o'clock in the 
morning. 

Doctor Rush endorsed his invitation: 

"Received May 6th, 1780, but declined attending as not com- 
patible with the principles of a Protestant." 

That you can see the original of among the Rush manuscripts 
at the Ridgway Branch of the Philadelphia Library. 

Arnold was present at the Mass in St. Mary's. In a few months 
he betrayed his Country and "hi^ name remains for ensuing ages 
abhorred." 

St. Mary's still stands — Requiem Masses are yet celebrated there, 
but '* Arnold" means Infamy. 



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258 Schuyler's Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec. 

SCHUYLER'S ADDRESS TO THE INHABITANTS OF CANADA, 

SEPTEMBER sth, 1775. 

Friends and Countrymen: The various causes that have drove 
the ancient British colonies in America to Arms have been so fully 
set forth in the several petitions, papers, letters and declarations, pub- 
lished by the grand Congress; that our Canadian brethren, at the 
extirpation of whose liberty as well as ours the nefarious schemes of a 
cruel ministry directly tend, cannot fail of being informed thereof, 
and pleased that the grand Congress have ordered an Army into 
Canada to expell from thence, if possible, those British tnx>ps, which 
now acting tmder the orders of a despotic ministry would wish to en- 
slave their countrymen. This measure necessary as it is, the Con- 
gress would not have entered on, but in the fullest confidence, that 
it would be perfectly agreeable to you. For judging of your feelings 
by their own, they could not conceive, that anything but the force 
of necessity could not induce you tamely to bear the insult of igno- 
miny, that is daily imposed on you, or that you could calmly sit by 
and see those claims forging, which are intended to bind you, your 
posterity and ours in one common and eternal slavery. To secure 
you and ourselves from such a dreadful bondage; to prevent the 
eflFects that might follow from the ministerial tnx>ps remaining in 
Canada; to restore you those rights, which every subject of the Brit- 
ish Empire from the highest to the very lowest order, or whatever his 
religious sentiments may be, is entitled to, are the views of Congress. 

In these sentiments you will readily believe that they have given 
me the most positive orders to cherish every Canadian, and every 
friend to the cause of liberty and sacredly to guard their property. 
And such is the confidence I have in the good disposition of my army, 
that I do not believe I shall have occasion to punish a single offence. 

A treaty of friendship has just been conduded with the six na- 
tions at Albany. I am furnished with an ample present for their 
Caghnawaga brethren and the other Canada tribes. If any of them 
have lost their lives, I sincerely lament the loss. It was done con- 
trary to orders and by scoundrels ill affected to our glorious cause, 
and I shall take great pleasure in burying the dead and wiping away 
the tears of their surviving relations, which you will communicate 
to them. Signed P. SCHUYLER & c. 

Me au Noix, September 5, 1775. 

Washington Papers, No. 89 25. A Copy. Chas. Thomson. 



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Second Address te the Canadians. 259 

SECOND ADDRESS OF THE COhfTINENTAL CONGRESS 'TO 
THE INHABITANTS*OF THE PROVINCE OF CANADA." 

After the defeat and death of General Montgomery in the at- 
tempt to capture Quebec, December 31st, 1775. 

Congress on January 24th, 1776, issued the following Letter to 
the Canadians. 

The Committee appointed to prepare a letter to the inhabitants 
of Canada reported a draught which being read and considered, was 
approved as follows: 

THE LETTER TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE 
OF CANADA. 

FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN: Our former address to 
yoo pointed out our right and grievances, and the means we have in 
our power, and which we are authorized by the British Constitution 
tB use in the maintenance of the former and to obtain a redress of 
the latter. 

We have also shown you that your liberty, your honor, and your 
hajqiiness are essentially and necessarily connected with the unfaa^»y 
contest, which we have been forced into for the defence of our dear- 
est privSeges. 

We see with inexpressible joy the favourable manner in which 
joa have received the just and equitable remonstrance of your friends 
and countrymen, who have no other views than those of strengtiien- 
ing and establishing the cause of liberty. The services you have al- 
ready rendered the common cause deserves our acknowledgments, 
and we feel the just obUgation your conduct hsis imposed on us to 
make our services reciprocal. 

- The best of causes are subject to vicissitudes and disappointments 
have ever been inevitable. Such is the lot of human nature. But 
generous souls enlightened and warmed with the sacred fire of liberty 
become more resolute as difficulties increase and surmount with ir- 
reiistable ardor every obstacle that stands between them and the 
favored object of their widies. 

We will never abandon you to the unrelenting fury of your and 
our enemies. Two batallions have already received orders to nuurdi 
t0 Canada, a part of which are now on their route. Six additional 
batallions urt raising in the United States for the same service and 



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a6o Second Address io the Canadians. 

will receive orders to prpceed to your province as soon as possibk. 
The whole of these troops will probably arrive in Canada brfore the 
ministerial army mider General Carlton can receive any succors. Ex- 
clusive of the forces before mentioned, we have directed that measures 
be immediately taken to embody two regiments in your country. 
Your assistance in the support and preservation of American Uberty 
affords us the most sensible satisfaction and we flatter ourselves that 
you will seize with zeal and eagerness the favorable moment to co- 
operate in the success of so glorious an enterprise, and if more con- 
siderable forces should become requisite, they shall not fail being 
sent. 

At this period you must be convinced that nothing is so essential 
to guard our interests and liberty, as efficacious measures to combine 
our mutual forces in order that by such a Union of succour and coun- 
cils, we may be able to baffle theendeavors of an enemy, who to weak* 
en may attempt to divide us. To this effect we advise and exhort 
you to establish associations in your different parishes of the same 
nature with those which have proved so salutory to the United Colon- 
ies; to elect deputies to form a provincial Assembly, and that said 
Assembly be instructed to appoint delegates to represent them in 
this Congress. We flatter ourseh^es with the prospect of the happy 
moment, when the standard of tyranny shall no longer appear in thk 
land, and we live in full hopes that it will never hereafter find shelter 
in North America. 

Signed in the name and by the Order of Congress, 

JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
Philadelphia, January 24, 1776. 



"Whilst our country preserves her freedom and independence! 
we shall have a well-founded title to daim from her justice, the equal 
rights of citizenship, as the price of our blood spilt under your eyes, 
and of our common exertions for her defense under your auspidout 
conduct — rights rendered more dear to us by the remembrances of 
former hardships." (Address of Catholics to Washington, March» 
1790, and signed by Charles Carroll of CarroUton and Rev. John 
Canroll of the Commission to Canada.) 



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Commission to Canada. 261 

THE COMMISSION SENT TO CANADA BY THE 
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 

In February, 1776, Pruxdent La Jeunesse and John Danter- 
mond arrived in Philadelphia from Canada to confer with the mem- 
bers of Congress relative to affairs in that comitry. The Journal o{ 
Congress for February 12th, 1776, records: 

\ ''The Congress being informed that a gentleman was arrived 
from Canada who had some matters of consequence to communicate. 

Ordered, That the Committee of Correspondence do confer 
with him and report to Congress. The Committee met. The visitors 
presented passports from General Wooster in command of the Amer- 
ican forces in Canada after the defeat and death of General Mont- 
gomery, and also from General Schuyler in command of the North- 
em Department, at Albany, New York. The passports read : 

Head Quarters, Monti., Jany 20th, 1776 

The Bearer, Mr. Prudent La Jeuness is hereby permitted to pass 
from this place to Philadelphia without Molestation he having been 
in the American Service in this Country and is to be Facilitated in his 
intended Journey with Provisions and Carriage at the Publick Ex- 
pence. 

By order of General Wooster, 

JAMES VAN RENSSELAER, Aid DeCamp. 

To all concerned. 

From the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 22, folio 213. 

Head Quarters, Albany, Feby ist, 1776. 

Sir: The Bearers hereof, Monsrs. Prudent La Jeuness and 
John Dantermond, have my Directions to join your party and pro- 
ceed to Philadelphia. You'll be pleased to furnish them with the 
Necessaries requisite to perform that Journey; they are not prisoners. 

I am, Sir, Your Hmble Servt, 

P. SCHUYLER. 

To Lieutenant Brasier. 

From the Papers of the Ccmtinental Congress, No. 22, folio 215. 



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2^ Commisswn ia Canada. 

Others from Canada on a mission, also came to Congress. Gen- 
eral Charles Lee at New York, preparing for an expedition to Canada, 
reported to Congress on February 27, 1776 that ''Messrs. Price, 
Walker and Bonfield are arrived from Canada. They are able to 
give the best intelligence and commmiicate the necessary lights on 
the measures to be adopted with respect to that cotmtry." 

Lee was so impressed by the account of these EngUshmen of 
Canada, who represented the few supporters of the Colonies among 
their members in Canada, that "witiiout waiting for orders from 
Congress" he took ''the Uberty to contract for 4000 barrels of pork 
and a quantity of Rum" and did other acts of urgency. 

General Lee suggested sending a Priest to Canada by the Con- 
gress. In a postscript to the above letter he stated: "I should 
think that if some Jesuit or ReUgeuse of any other Order (bat he 
must be a man of Uberal sentiments, enlarged mind and a manifest 
friend to Civil Liberty) could be fotmd out and sent to Canada, he 
would be worth batallions to us. This thought struck me some time 
ago, and I am pleased to find from the conversation of Mr. Price and 
his fellow travelers that the thought was far from a wild one. VLt. 
Carron has a relative who exactly answers the description." 

The "thought" of General Lee expressed on February 28th, 
had become action two weeks before that date, as it was on February 
15th that three Commissioners were elected and Father Carroll re- 
quested to go with them. But Price, Walker and Bonfield had no 
interview with Congress until after the Commissioners had been 
chosen. So the sending of Commissioners is due mainly to the com- 
ing of Jeuness and Dantermond. 

It may be mentioned that General Charles Lee, the second in 
command to Washington is now regarded as a traitor more infamous 
than Benedict Arnold. When the next year taken prisoner by the 
British — wilKngiy it would now seem — he, while in New York as a 
prisoner, prepared the plan for the capture of Philadelphia, the plan 
by whidi the British in September, 1777 did take the city. His 
conduct at the Battle of Monmouth when leading his men to de- 
struction, so exasperated Washington that he is reported to have 
sworn — swore with an oath — when he detected the movement and so 
saved the whole army from destruction or captiu-e. Lee was court- 
martialed and suspended for a year but he never served afterwards. 



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Commission to Canada. 363 

His **plan" was discovered in 1858 by Librarian Moore of the New 
York Historical Society. It proves his treason. His name is worthy 
of the abhorrence covering that of Arnold's. He loved dogs, hated 
Presbyterians and despised ''Scotch Irish." 

Let us follow Jeuness: 

The JouRNAi, of Congress for February 14th, 1776, records: 

The Committee of secret correspondence report that they have 
conferred with the Person just arrived from Canada, and find that 
he was furnished with a Passport from General Wooster, contain- 
ing Orders for his Traveling at the Publick Expence; with another 
pass from Gen. Schuyler to the same purpose, and one from the Com* 
mittee of Elingston, who sent a Guide with him hither. That he has 
been engag'd in the American Service ever since the Appearance of 
our Forces in that country, of which he is a native; and being as he 
says well acquainted with the Sentiments and way of Thinking of his 
Countrymen, his Intention in undertaking this joiuney was to give 
the Congress true Information on that Subject. He says that when 
the Canadians first heard of the Dispute they were generally on the 
American side; but that by the Influence of the Clergy and the 
Noblesse, who have been continually preaching and persuadxng 
them against us, they are now brought into a State of Suspense or 
Uncertainty which side to follow. That papers printed by the Tories 
at New York have been read to them by the priests, assuring them 
that our Design was to deprive them of their religion as well as their 
Possessions. That the letters we have addressed to them have made 
little impression on the common people being generally tmable to 
read, and the Priests and Gentry who read them to otlms, explafai 
them in such a Manner as best answers their own purpose of pre- 
judicing the People against us. That he therefore thinks it would 
be of great Service if some Persons from the Congress were sent to 
Canada, to explain viva voce to the People there the Nature of our 
Dispute with England which they do not well understand, and to 
satisfy the Gentry and Clergy that we have no Intention against their 
Interests, but mean to put Canada in full Possession of Liberty de- 
siring only their Friendship and Union with us as good Neij^bors 
and Brethren. That the Clergy and Gentry might, he thinks, by 
this means be bnmght over, and would be followed by all Cana^. 
And unless some such Measure is taken, he is of the Opinion our Af- 
fairs there will meet with continual DiflSculty & Obstruction. 



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3tt4 Commission to Canada. 

He left Montreal, the 20th, past; says our Troops continued to 
invest Quebec; that he had heard of no Sally made by the Garrison, 
but was inform'd by an Ecdesiastick who came out of the town 15 
Days before, that the Inhabitants were in great Distress for Fewel, 
and reduc'd to one Fire for 6 or 7 Families. That Flesh and Flour 
was also scarce ; but they had plenty of com, which not having Means 
to grind they boil'd to subsist on. That on his Route he met several 
Parties of our Reinforcements marching towards Canada. That 
Lake Champlain is frozen and passable, but Lake George not yet. 
He adds that there is great Jealousy in Canada, of our Paper Money. 
He offers to carry safely any Despatches the Congress may have to 
tend into that Country. 

The above report was written by Benjamin Franklin. It is in 
the Papers of the Continental Congress , No. 22, foUo 211. Copies of 
the passports are in the same volume, folios 213 and 215. 

On hearing the report of the Committee on Correspondence, 
Congress 

Resolved, That the consideration of it be referred till tomorrow. 

The next day, 15th February, 1776, it was Resolved on the re- 
port of the Committee of Correspondence, that a Committee of three 
(two of whom to be members of Congress) be appointed to proceed 
tm Canada, there to pursue such instructions as shall be given them 
iby Congress. 

The members chosen. Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Mr. Samuel Chsise 
and Mr. Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 

Resolved, That Mr. Carroll be requested to prevail on Mr. John 
Carroll to accompany the Committee to Canada. 

Resolved, That this Congress will make provision to defray 
any expense which may attend this measure to asdst them in such 
matters as they shall think useful. 

So it was the statements of the two gentlemen from Canada 
that induced Congress to appoint the Committee to go there. 

The provitton in the resolution that the Committee should have 
but two members of Congress on it was intended to allow the ap- 
pointment of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, as he was not then a 
member of the Congress and also by appointing him to strive, 
through him, to get Rev. John Carroll to go with the Committee 



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Commission to Canada . 265 



• 



to visit Canada. Father Carroll was then living with his mother at 
Rock Creek, Maryland. 

The Journal of February 20th, 1776, records: 

Resolved, That an order be drawn on the treasurers in favor 
of Monsr. La Jeunesse, for the sum of 250 dollars, for his services in 
behalf of the United Colonies. 

On March 4, 1776, letters from Generals Wooster, Arnold, Lee 
and Schuyler were presented to Congress. They were referred to the 
Committee appointed to prepare instructions for the Commissioners 
going to Canada. On the 8th, the Committee on consideration of 
the letters reported; whereupon Congress directed that **the gentle- 
men who are appointed to go into Canada be desired to enquire into 
the cause of the imprisonment of the Militia in that country and 
others and take such measures in concert with the commanding 
officers of the Continental forces there, for their enlargement or con- 
finement as BXt consistent with the principles of justice and the 
safety of the United States. 

Wednesday, March 20, 1776. 
The Congress resumed the consideration of the instructions and 
commission to the commissioners appointed to go to Canada, which 
being debated by paragraphs, were agreed to as follows: 

INSTRUCTIONS. 

Gentlemen: You are with all convenient despatch, to repair 
to Canada, and make known to the people of that country, the 
wishes and intentions of the Congress with respect to them. 

Represent to them that the arms of the United Cotonies, having 
been carried into that province for the purpose of frustrating the 
designs of the British court against our common liberties, we expect 
not only to defeat the hostile machinations of Governor Carleton 
against us but that we shall put it into the power of our Canadian 
brethren to pursue such measures for securing their own freedom and 
happiness, as a generous love of fiberty and sound policy shall 
dictate to thenu 

Inform them that in our judgment, their interests and ours urt 
inseparably united: That it is impossible we can be reduced to a 
servile submission to Great Britain without their sharing our fate : 



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266 Commission to Canada, 

And on the other hand, if we shall obtain, as we doubt not we shall, 
a full estabUshment of our rights, it depends wholly on their choice, 
whether they will participate with us in those blessings, or still re- 
main subject to every act of tyranny, which British ministers shall 
please to exercise over them. Urge all such arguments as your pru- 
dence shall suggest to enforce our opinion concerning the mutual 
interest of the two coimtries, and to convince them of the impossi- 
biHty of the war being concluded to the disadvantage of these col- 
onies, if we wisely and vigorously co-operate with each other. 

To convince them of the uprightness of our intentions towards 
them you are to declare, that it is our inclination, that the people of 
Canada may set up such a form of government, as will be most likely 
in their judgment to produce them happiness: And you are, in the 
strongest terms, to assure them, that it is our earnest desire to adopt 
them into our union, as a sister colony, and to secure the same 
general system of mild and equal laws for them and for ourselves 
with only such local difference? as may be agreeable to each colony 
respectively. 

Assure the people of Canada, that we have no apprehension that 
the French will take any part with Great Britain ; but, that it is their 
interest, and we have reason to beHeve their inclination to cultivate 
a friendly intercourse with these colonies. 

You are from this, and such other reasons as may appear most 
proper to urge the necessity the people are under of immediately 
taking some decisive step, to put themselves under the protection of 
the United Colonies. For expediting such a measure, you are to ex- 
plain to them our method of collecting the sense of the people, and 
conducting our affairs regularly by committees of observation and 
inspection in the several districts, and by conventions and committees 
of safety in the several colonies. Recommend these modes to them. 
Explain to them the nature and principles of government among 
freemen: developing in contrast to those, the base, cruel, and in- 
sidious designs involved in the late Act of Parliament, for malHpg a 
more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec. 
Endeavor to stimulate them by motives of glory, as well as interest 
to assure a part in the contest, by whch they must be deeply affected ; 
And to aspire to a portion of that power, by which they are ruled ; and 
not to remain the mere spoils and prey of conquerors and lords 



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Commission to Canada, 267 

You are f tirther to declare that we hold sacred the rights of con- 
science and may promise to the whole people, solemnly in our name, 
the free and undisttu-bed exercise of their reUgion ; and, to the clergy, 
the full, perfect and peaceable possession and enjoyment of all their 
estates; That* the government of everything relating to their reUgion 
and clergy, shall be left entirely in the hands of the good people of 
that province and sudi legislature as they shall constitute: provided, 
however, that all other denominations of Christians be equally en- 
titled to hold offices and enjoy civil privileges and the free exercise 
of their religion and be totally exempt from the payment of any 
tythes or taxes for the support of any reUgion. 

Inform them, that you arc vested, by this Congress, with full 
power to effect these purposes; and therefore press them to have a 
complete representation of the people assemble in convention, with 
all possible expeditiousness to deliberate concerning the establish- 
ment of a form of government, and a union with the United Col- 
onies. As to the terms of the union, insist on the propriety of their 
being similar to those on which the other colonies tmite. Should 
they object to this, report to this Congress these objections, and the 
terms on which alone they will come in to this Union. Should 
they agree to our terms you are to promise in the name of the 
United Colonies, that we will defend and protect the people of Can- 
ada against all enemies, in the same manner as we will defend and 
protect any of the United Colonies. 

You are to establish a free press and to give directions for the 
frequent publication of such pieces as may be of service to the cause 
of the United Colonies. 

You are to settle all disputes between the Canadians and the 
Continental troops and to make such regulations relating thereto, as 
you shall judge proper. You are to maJce a strict and impartial en- 
quiry into the cause of the imprisonment of Colonel Du Fee, Lieuten- 
ant Colonel Nefeu, Major St. George Du Pres and Major Gray, officers 
of the militia, and of John Frazer, Esq. late a judge of the poKce of 
Montreal and take such orders concerning them as you shall judge 
most proper. 

In reforming any abuses you may observe in Canada, estabUsh- 
ing and enforcing regulations for preservation of peace and good order 
there and composing differences between the troops of the United 



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268 Commission to Canada 

Colonies and the Canadians, all officers and soldiers are required to 
jdeld obedience to you: and, to enforce the decisions that you or 
any two of you make, you are empowered to suspend any military 
officer from the exercise of his commission till the pleasure of the 
Congress shall be known, if you or any two of you shall think it ex- 
pedient. You are also empowered to sit and vote as members of 
cotmcils of war, in directing fortifications and defences to be made, or 
to be demolished by land or water ; and to draw orders upon the pres- 
ident for any sum of money, not exceeding one hundred thousand 
dollars in the whole, to defray the expenses of the work. Lastly, 
you are by all the means you can use, to promote the execution of the 
resolutions now made, or hereafter to be made in Congress. 

On motion made Resohed, That the following additional In- 
structions be given the Commissioners aforesaid: 

You are empowered and directed to promote and encourage the 
trade of Canada with the Indian nations and to grant passports for 
carrying it on as far as it may consist with the safety of the tnx>ps, 
and the public good. You are also directed and authorized. to as- 
sure the inhabitants of Canada, that their commerce with foreign 
nations shall in all respects be put on an equal footing with, and en- 
cotu-aged and protected in the same manner, as the trade of the 
United Colonies. 

You are also directed to use every wise and prudent measure to 
introduce and give credit and circulation to the Continental money 
in Canada. 

In case the former resolution of Congress respecting the English 
American troops in Canada, has not been carried into effect, you are 
directed to use your best endeavors to form a batallion of the New 
York troops in that country, and to appoint the field and other 
officers out of the gentlemen who have continued there during the 
campaign, according to their respective ranks and merit. And if it 
should be found impracticable you are to direct such of them as are 
provided for in the four batallions now raising in New York, to re- 
pair to their respective corps. To enable you to carry this resolution 
into effect you are furnished with blank commissions, signed by the 
president. 

Resolved, That the memorial from the Indian traders residing 
at Montreal, be delivered to the Commissioners going to Canada. 



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Commission to Canada. 269 

rhe draft of the commission to be given being taken into considera- 
tion and debated by paragraphs was then agreed to. It stated the 
members were appointed **to promote or to form a union between 
the Colonies and the people of Canada." 

Robert Morris in writing from Philadelphia, April 6th, 1776, to 
General Gates said : *'I suppose you know that Dr. Franklin, Chase 
and two Mr. CarroUs are gone to Canada and I hope a sufficient force 
will be there to put Quebec tmder their direction, for I agree in opin- 
ion with you, that Country must be ours at all events; should it fall 
into the hands of the enemy they will soon raise a nest of Hornets 
on our backs that will sting us to the quick. (Lee Papers, 1 — 388.) 

Concerning the selection of Charles Carroll of CarroUton, John 
Adams, on February i8th, 1776, wrote: 

He is not a member of Congress, but a gentleman of indepen- 
dent forttme, perhaps the largest in America, a hundred and fifty or 
two htmdred thousand pounds sterling; educated in some University 
in France, though a native of America; of great abilities and learn* 
ing, complete master of the French language and a professor of the 
Roman Catholic religion; yet a warm, a firm, a zealous supporter 
of the rights of America in whose cause he has hazarded his all." 
.. The Commissioners left New York for Canada on April 2d, 1776. 
They arrived at Montreal on 29th. Mr. Carroll kept a Journal of his 
trip which has been published by the Maryland Historical Society 
and also has been reprinted in Miss Rowland's Life op Carroll, Vol. 
I, Appendix B. 

On May nth, the Journal records: Dr. Franklin left Montreal 
to-day to go to St. John and thence to Congress. The Doctor's de- 
clining state of health and the bad prospects of our affairs in Canada 
made him take this resolution. 

Yet the Doctor's health continued good enough for him to later 
go to France, do the great work he there did for the Colonies and re- 
turn home engaged in political duties as President of Supreme Execu- 
tive Committee of Pennsylvania and live until 1790. 

On May 12th, 1776, the Journal states: Mr. John Carroll went 
to join Dr. Franklin at St. John's, from whence they sailed the 13th." 

Dr. Franklin, at New York, May 27, 1776, on his return, record- 
ed his indebtedness to Father Carroll: ''As to myself, I find I grow 
daily more feeble and think I could hardly have got so far but for 



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270 Commission to Cancuia. 

Mr. Carroll's friendly assistance and tender care of me." [Works 
VIII— 183. Spark's Ed.] 

The entry of Charles Carroll and also of Franklin speaking of 
"Mr. John Carroll" is but another evidence of many of the times that 
Priests were then not very generally, nor for fifty years afterwards 
spoken of as Father. Congness csJkd him Mr., so did his cousin 
Charles of CanoUtorL So did his associate priests and the people. 

The companion^p of Franklin and {Rev. John Carroll on the 
journey to and from Canada is thought by some to have been helpful 
when Franklin was Minister to France, in securing Father Carroll the 
appointment of Prefect ApostoUc and later that of Bishop, but that 
is only true in S9 far as that Franklin could give the Papal Nuncio at 
Paris personal information concerning Carroll and so enaUe him to 
endorse his selection. But neither Franklin's published correspon- 
dence nor the unpublished as far as investigations have gone, ^bow 
any special intimacy or friendship between the Philosopher-Diplo- 
mat and the Priest. 

Beyond the expression "bad prospects of our affairs in Canada" 
nothing can be gleaned from Carroll's Journal as to the doings of the 
Commissioners to bring about the union of Canada and the Colonies. 

Chase and Carroll got back to Philadelphia on Jtme 11, "at two 
o'clock in the morning" having left Bristol, Pa., at nine o'clock and 
were rowed down the Delaware to Philadeli^a." 

The only account of Father Carroll's Journal which has come 
down to us is the armexed extract from a letter to his Mother sent 
from Montreal, May i, 1776. He wrote: 

We have at length come to the end of our long and tedious jour- 
ney, after meeting with several delays on accotmt of the impassable 
condition of the lakes; and it is with a longing desire of measuring 
back the same ground that I now take up my pen to inform you of 
my being in good health, thank God, and wishing you a perfect en- 
joyment of yours. 

We came hither the night before last, and were received at the 
landing by General Arnold, and a great body of officers, gentry and 
saluted by the firing of cannon and other military honors. Being 
conducted to the General's house, we were served with a glass of 
wine, while people were crowding in to pay their compliments, which 
ceremony being over, we were shown into another department and 



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Commission to Canada. 271 

unexpectedly met in it a large ntimber of ladies, most of them French. 
After drinking tea and sitting some time, we went to an elegant sup- 
per, which was followed with the singing of the ladies, which proved 
very agreeable and would have been more so if we had not been so 
much fatigued with our journey. The next day was spent in re- 
ceiving visits and dining in a large company with whom we were 
pressed to sup, but excused ourselves in order to write letters, of 
which this is one, and will be finished and dated tomorrow morning. 

I owe you a journal of our adventures from Philadelphia to this 
place. When we came to Brunswick in the Jersey government, we 
overtook the. Baron de Woedtke, the Prussian General, who had 
left the day before us. Though I had frequently seen him before, yet 
he was so disguised in furs that I scarce knew him, and never beheld 
a more laughable object in my life. like other Prussian officers, he 
appears to me as a man who knows little of polite life and yet has 
iricked up so much of it in his passage through France as to make a 
most awkward appearance. 

When we came to New York, it was no more the gay polite place 
it used to be esteemed, but it was almost a desert, unless for the troops 
The people were expecting a bombardment and had therefore re- 
moved themselves and their effects out of town; and the other side, 
the troops were working at the fortifications with the utmost acti- 
vity. After spending some disagreeable days at this place, we pro- 
ceeded by water up to Albany, about one hundred and sixty miles. 
At our arrival there, we were met by General Schuyler and enter- 
tained by him during our stay with great politeness and very gen- 
teelly. I wrote to you before of our agreeable situation at Sara- 
toga and of oiu- journey from thence over Lake George to Ticondero- 
ga; from the latter place we embarked on the great Lake of Cham- 
plain, about one hundred and forty miles to St. John. We had a 
passage of three days and a half. We always came to in the night 
time. Passengers generally encamp in the woods, making a cover- 
ing of the boughs of trees and large fires at their feet, but as we had 
a good awning to our boat and had brought with us good beds and 
plenty of bed clothes, I chose to sleep aboard. [American Archives. 
4SerVol. 5. p. 1167] 

It is regrettable that Mr. Force did not give, if he had it, the whole 
of the letter, from which the above ** extract" was taken. What a 



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272 Commission to Canadfi, 

treasure would be the letter from Saratoga relating the ** agreeable 
situation" there and the entertainment of General Schuyler and 
doubtless making mention of his two black-^yed daughters, Betsy 
and Peggy. Where are those letters now? What became of his 
personal letters before he became Prefect Apostolic? 

Father Carroll had accompanied the Commission that he might 
have influence with the clergy helpful to the mission on which Frank- 
lin, Carroll and Chase had been sent. But as within two weeks **the 
bad prospects" became evident to the Commissioners, it is no less 
certain that Father Carroll's endeavor, whatever they may have 
been, were not wholly successful. A general view of his situation 
has been shown in the account we have given of the case of Father 
Floquet, of Montreal, to whom Father Carroll presented a letter of 
introduction from Father Farmer of Philadelphia, which, said 
Father Floquet in letter to Bishop Briand, June 15th, "contained 
nothing amiss." 

Father Carroll did not lodge with Father Floquet and dined 
with him but once. He said Mass there by permission of Mont- 
golfer, Superior of the Seminary. 

Colonel Hazen of the same Regiment of Canadians — Congress' 
Own — on the capture of Montreal by the Americans, restored Father 
Floquet's house to him, which General Murray, the British command- 
er had ** turned into a prison," said Father Floquet to Bishop Briand, 
who had ''forbid his clergy to have any intercoiu-se with Father 
Carroll." So Father Floquet was "suspended and summoned to 
Quebec." He declared he "was complaisant to the Americans out 
of human respect" for had he been "as violent against them as many 
others were, the whole brunt of the storm would have fallen on my 
head as I was the only Jesuit in Montreal. I would have served as 
an example to others and perhaps occasioned a persecution of my 
confreres in Pennsylvania and Maryland." 

So Father Carroll was powerless to promote a union of those 
who were obedient, as Catholic principles required, to the Authority 
ruling them in Civil affairs and were also distrustful of the Americans 
who, claiming to be stalwart Protestants, vilely and falsely denounc- 
ed as iniquitous-the ReUgion of the one hundred and fifty thousand 
Catholic Canadians, among whom there resided but three hundred 
and sixty Protestants or adherents of the Church of England. 



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Commission to Canada, 273 

So the Catholic Priest and the ''unsectarian" Philosopher re- 
turned home, the Priest to remain quietly at Rock Creek, serving the 
Catholics of the region, now partly occupied by the Catholic Univer- 
sity and affiliated institutions of Religion and Learning and the Phil- 
osopher to enter upon a career of activity and usefulness, crowning 
a life of devotion to Country and Mankind. 

So the mission to Canada, though half of the seekers and striv- 
ers were CathoHcs, the foremost in the land — was a failure. 

Even after the Alliance with France, though an expedition under 
Lafa3^tte was projected, yet it had to be abandoned. Spies like 
Captain Grosslein and others mentioned, reported conditions in 
Canada which brought distress to the councils preparing for the in- 
vasion, eager though Lafaj^tte was to lead an army there, believ- 
ing his French nativity and position would rally the French Canadians 
to his standard. But the Catholic Canadians when they could not 
aid — as they did in the beginning — stood resolute against taking 
arms to subdue the ''Rebels'* though they had been illy requited for 
their services and their Religion scorned. 

Thus their neutrality was an effective and powerful force in the 
successful struggle the Colonies made. So that but for them and 
their brethren of kindred blood across the sea, the present British 
Minister's conjecttu^ of ' 'what might have been" had not the Declara- 
tion of Independence been adopted, would now be a realization, per- 
haps, of his surmises of how things would be. 

Authority was, as ever, the stronger for the preservation of 
Canada to England, though Bigotry made its force the easier to move 
the people to be dutiful to Church and to State. Many were rebel- 
lious to both, and, singularly, it now appears, these are those most 
honored by Catholics of our country, who proclaim so steadfastly of 
the services Catholics gave to the Liberty and Independence of the 
Country, even though the struggle began in open hostility to our 
Faith and was only made successful by the aid of a "Nation profess- 
ing the Roman Catholic Religion," as Washington declared as well 
as by the cooperation of Catholic Spain. Even the Catholics of 
Canada did not become a hostile force against the Colonies as was 
feared ; those who did not take up arms for the Colonies did not join 
the army of the oppressor and England had to bring her Hessians 
and Highlanders to hold the Country secure^ though Bishop Briand 
was worth many batallions in making that effective. 



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274 Washington's Address to Canadians. 

WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS. 
*'T0 THE INHABITANTS OF CANADA." 

Friends and Brethren: — ^The unnatural contest between the 
English Colonies and Great Britain has now risen to such a height 
that arms alone must decide it. The colonies confiding in the justice 
of their cause and the piuity of their intentions, have reluctantly ap- 
pealed to that Being, in whose hands are all human events. He has 
Mtherto smiled upon their virtuous efforts, the hand of tyranny has 
been arrested in its ravages, and the British arms, which have shone 
with so much splendor in every part of the globe, are now tarnished 
with disgrace and disappointment. Generals of approved experience, 
who boasted of subduing this great continent, find themselves cir- 
cumscribed within the limits of a single city and its suburbs, suffering 
all the shame and distress of a siege, while the free-bom sons of Amer- 
ica, animated by the genuine principles of liberty and love of country, 
with increasing union, firmness and disdpUne, repel every attack 
and despise every danger. 

Above all we rejoice that our enemies have been deceived with 
regard to you. They have persuaded themselves, they have even 
dared to say that the Canadians were not capable of distinguishing 
between the blessings of Liberty and the wretchedness of Slavery, 
that gratifying the vanity of a little circle of nobility would blind 
the people of Canada. By such artifices they hoped to bend you to 
their views, but they have been deceived instead of finding in you a 
poverty of soul and baseness of spirit, they see with a chagrin equal 
to our joy, that you are enlightened, generous and Virtuous; that 
you will not renounce your own rights, or serve as instnunents to 
deprive your fellow subjects of theirs. 

Come then, my brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble imion, 
let us run together to the same goal. We have taken up arms in 
defense of our Liberty , our property, our wives and our children; 
we are determined to preserve them or die. We look forward with 
pleasure to that day, not far remote, we hope, when the inhabitants 
of America shall have one sentiment, and the full enjoyment of the 
blessings of a free government. 

Incited by these motives and encouraged by the advice of many 
friends of Liberty among you, the grand American Congress have 
sent an army into your Province, under the command of General 
Schuyler, not to plunder, but to protect you; to animate, to bring 



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Washington's Address to Canadians, 275 

into action those sentiments of freedom you have disclosed, and which 
the tools of despotism would extinguish through the whole creation. 
To cooperate with the design and to frustrate those cruel and perj&- 
dious schemes, which would deluge oiu* frontiers with the blood of 
women and children. I have despatched Colonel Arnold into your 
country, with a part of the army tmder my command. I have en- 
joined it upon him and I am certai|vthat he will consider himself, and 
act, as in the cotmtry of his patrons and friends. Necessaries and 
accommodations of every kind which you may furnish, he will thank- 
fully receive and render the full value. I invite you, therefore, as 
friends and brethren, to provide him with such supplies as yotu* coun- 
try affords; and I pledge myself, not only for yoiu* safety and secu- 
rity, but for an ample compensation. Let no man desert his habita- 
tion; let no one flee as before an enemy. 

The cause of America and of Liberty, is the cause of every vir- 
tuous American citizen; whatever may be his religion or descent, 
the United Colonies know no distinction but such as slavery, corrup- 
tion and arbitrary dominion may create. Come then, ye generous 
dtizens, range yourselves under the standard of general Liberty, 
against which all the force and artifices of tyranny will never be 
able to prevail." 

This Address was printed in September, 1775, in hand-bills be- 
fore Arnold left Cambridge. A copy is in the Library of Congress. 
They were sent after Arnold and distributed in Canada. 



Different Language with Regard to the Roman Catholic 

Religion. 

In the Congress of the Confederacy of the United States, Septem- 
ber 19^ 1783, James Madison called attention to a petition present^ 
by Henry Laurens, when a prisoner in the tower of London, dated 
December i, 1780, which he thought * 'wounded the honor and dignity 
of the United States in such a manner that he was no longer fit to be 
entrusted with the character of a pubUc minister much less to be 
soUdted to continue his services as negotiator of a peace. Mr. Rut- 
ledge, however, declared that "the tenor of the petition was such as 
not to give offence and to obtain what he wanted." ^ , 

In this view it is proper and warranted by former proceedings^ <jf 
Congress. Here he instanced the different language held by Congregs 
with regard to the Roman CathoUc Religion in the "Address to t|ie 
People of Great Britain" and that to "The Inhabitants of Canada.^ * 



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276 The Hessians. 

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS ENDEAVORS TO INDUCE 
HESSIANS *'T0 QUIT THE BRITISH SERVICE," PROM- 
ISING THEY SHALL BE 'PROTECTED IN THE FREE 
EXERCISE OF THEIR RESPECTIVE RELIGIONS." 

The annexed Resolution of Congress adopted August 14th, 
1776, was addressed to the Catholics among the Hessians as weU as 
to those of other forms of religious beliefs. 

Of the 29,875 Hessians sent to America, 12,562 did not return. 
Many deserted and remained in this country, their descendants, in 
many instances, now occupy a high social distinction. 

Wednesday, August 14, 1776. 

The committee appointed to devise a plan for encouraging the 
Hessians and other foreigners, to quit the British service, brought in a 
report, which was taken into consideration. Whereupon, the Congress 
came to the f oUowing resolution : 

Whereas it has been the wise policy of these States to extend the 
protection of their laws to all those who should settle among them, 
of whatever nation or religion they might be and to adjust them to a 
participation of the benefit of civil and religious freedom; and the 
benevolence of this practise, as well as its salutary efifects, have ren- 
dered it worthy of being continued in future times. 

And whereas, his Britannic majesty, in order to destroy our 
freedom and happiness, has commenced against us a cruel and un- 
provoked war, and, unable to engage Britons sufficient to execute his 
sanguinary measures, has applied for aid to certain foreign princes 
who are in the habit of selling the blood of their people for money 
and from them has procured and transported hither considerable 
numbers of foreigners. 

And it is conceived, that such foreigners if apprised of the prac- 
tise of these States, would chuse to accept of lands, liberty, safety 
and a communion of good laws and mild government, in a country 
where many of their friends and relations are already happily settled 
rather than continue exposed to the toils and dangers of a kmg and 
bloody war, waged against a people guilty of no other crime, than 
thAt of refusing to exchange Freedom for Slavery; and that they 
*will do this the more especially when they reflect^ that after they 
alMtll have violated every Christian and moral precept, by invad- 



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The Hessians. 277 

ing and attempting to destroy, those who have never injured 
them or their country, their only reward if they escape death and 
captivity, will be to return to the despotism of their prince, to be 
by him again scAd to do the drudgery of some other enemy to the 
rights of mankind. 

And whereas the Parliament of Great Britain have thought fit 
by a late action not merely to invite our troops to desert our service, 
but to direct a compulsion of our people, taken at sea to serve against 
their country. 

Resolved, Therefore that these States will receive all such for- 
eigners who shaU leave the armies of his Britannic majesty in Amer- 
ica, and shall chuse to become members of any of these States; that 
they shall be protected in the free exercise of their respective reK- 
gions and be invested with the rights, privileges and immunities of 
natives as established by the lawsof these States; and moreover, that 
this Congress will provide, for every such person 50 acres of unap- 
propriated lands in some of these States to be held by him and his 
heirs in absolute property. 

Resolved. That the foregoing resolution be committed to the 
committee, who brought in the report and that they be directed to 
have it translated into German, and to take proper measures to 
have it communicated to the foreign troops. In the meantime that 
this be kept secret. 

Resolved. That Dr. (Benjamin) Franklin be added to the said 
committee. 



Benjamin Franklin writing to Gtoeral Gates from Philadel- 
phia 28th August, 1776, said: "Congress being advised that there 
is a probability that the Hessians might be induced to quit the 
British service by offer of land came to two resolves which being 
translated into German and printed are sent to Staten Island to be 
distributed, if practicable, among these people. Some of them 
have tobacco marks on the back, the so tobacco being put into 
them in small quantities as the tobacconists use, and suffered to 
fall into the hands of these people, they might divide the papers as 
plunder, before their officers could come to a knowledge of the con- 
tents and prevent their being read by the men. That was the first 
resolve. The second has since been made to the officers them- 
selves." 



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278 Hessians Married by Father Fanner. 

HESSIAN AND BRITISIJ SOLDIERS MARRIED BY FATHER 
FARMER OF PHILADELPHIA. 



On February 20th, 1778, while the British were in possession of 
Philadelphia, Michael Ruppert of Aschaffenburg, of the Hessian 
Regiment of chasseurs, was married by Father Ferdinand Farmer to 
Catharine, widow of Michael Kellerman, also of the Regiment of 
chasseurs. The witnesses were John Farber, Ignatius Limbeck and 
Anna Maria Farber, all of the same Regiment. 

This record affords evidence, in addition to many others avail- 
able, that many of the Hessians were accompanied to this country 
by their wives. 

On May 5th, Ignatius Schneider, of Vienna, Austria and of the 
Seventeenth Regiment, was by Father Farmer, married to Catharine, 
daughter of Christopher and Catharine Viel ; witnesses Hector Miller 
and Elizabeth Catharine his wife. 

On December 13, 1777, Thomas Sullivan, a soldier of the 49th 
Regiment, was married by Father Farmer to Sarah Stormont; wit- 
nesses Daniel McCarthy and Elizabeth Mealy. 

On March 12th, 1778, Robert Rollo, a substitute in the Reg- 
iment, and Ann Allen were married by Father Farmer; witnesses. 
Patrick BjoTie, Roger Flahavan, Patrick Rice and others. 

On May ist, John George Bauer and Elizabeth Reinhart, who 
"had already been married in Germany but without due observance 
of the decrees of the Council of Trent" says the register made by 
Father Farmer had the conditions fulfilled; witnesses, Adam Maver 
and John Manderfield. 

Perhaps other of the marriages recorded may have been of Brit- 
ish or Hessian soldiers though not so stated on the register. 

Many of the Hessians while prisoners were retained at Carlisle, 
Pa. Rev. H. G. Ganss, historian of the Church there says, **Our 
cemetery gives evidence that some of them either by birth or conver- 
sion were Catholics and their bodies lie interred in consecrated ground. 
(Records A. C. H. S. VI. p. 316.) 



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Address to Lord North. 279 

"ADDRESS TO LORD NORTH," BY AMERICAN SUPPORTERS 
IN ENGLAND DENOUNCE HIM FOR ESTABLISHING 
'*THE ROMISH, SUPERSTITIOUS, IDOLATROUS HIER- 
ARCHY, PROFESSEDLY INTOLERANT, PERFIDIOUS 
AND BLOODY." 

The Pennsylvania Ledger, of February ist, 1775, reprinted from 
the London Evening Post an ** Address to Lord North," in which 
it was declared: 

The Constitution of yotu* country and the principles of the Re« 
volution have been the invariable nde of your political conduct. 
You have erected in the heart of every American a monument of 
gratitude more durable than brass or marble. 

Then follows a few of the ''glorious acts of your administration, 
and the numerous experiences which you have industriously employ- 
ed to drive a brave and lojral people into overt acts of resistance." 
Among these this was stated : 

''The Romish, superstitious, idolatrous hierarchy, professedly in- 
tolerant, perfidious and bloody, to the eternal disgrace of otu- Monarch, 
dishonor to God and infamy of the Bishops, established by a solemn 
Act of your unprincipled legislature, ditmietrically opposite to his 
Majesty's coronation oath, the principles of the Revolution and Re- 
formation, in a vast part of the British dominions, with the perfidious, 
vindictive, Jesuitical design of making a niu'sery for arbitrary power 
and arming Papist against Protestant, to control the spirit of Ameri- 
can freedom." 



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28o Abbe de Valent to Washington, 

ABBE DE VALENT OF THE DIOCESE OF TOULOUSE, COM- 
PLIMENTS GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia will boast of having been besieged many times, but 
never taken, its subjugation was not accomplished by several great 
commanders, it was kept to crown your prudence, your perseverance 
and your bravery. 

In this now famous expedition, the conquered and the conquerors 
each found an advantage. 

Philadelphia will be greatly obliged to you if you will have pass- 
ed a law to unite the provinces which only seek their liberty and you, 
Sir, have found in its vigorous and determined resistance and in the 
conquests you have made all that could flatter the nohle ambition of 
a great warrior and the glory of the Nation. 

The laurels which your Excellency has gathered are of sucLa 
nature that they will never fade; there always will be time for you to 
make new crowns also, I dare, after a number of appreciations and 
best wishes of the highest order which you have received to offer you 
mine from this comer of Gascogne. It is indeed sincere and inspired 
by the humblest and most respctful affection. 

Count de Lowendal honored me with a letter after the taking of 
Bergopsom (Berg-op-Zoom) on account of the best wishes I sent him, 
I ind^ would be greatly flattered by having one from your Excell- 
ency I will pray the King of Kings that He will preserve you for long 
years to overcome the enemies who have sought to take by force the 
provinces of which you are the upholder and the protector, 

I am with profound respect of your Excellency, Sir, your most 
humble and obedient servant, 

THE Abbe db Vai^ent, priest, grand chanter of the 
Chapter of Lilw-Jourdain of the diocese of 
t0uu>use on the way to auch. 
Lille Jourdain, March 20, 1778. 
^j SWashington MSS. Library of Congress.] 



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Charles Carroll of Carrollton to Washington. 281 

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON ADVISES WASHING- 
TON TO REMOVE ARMY STORES FROM BRISTOL, PA., 
AND TRENTON, N. J. 

Pott's Groves, 226, Septr., 1777. 
Dear Sir: — I would just suggest the propriety of sending Some 
active persons to Bristol and Trenton to impress wagons to remove 
what Continental stores are at those places and may be carried 
thither from Pha in consequence of your orders to Colo. Hamilton. 

This measure is the more necessary as the order of Congress for 
removing these stores is suspended till their meeting at Lancaster 
may not be for some days. Mr. Smith one of our Delegates being 
returned home I must proceed to Congress to keep up a representa* 
tion from our State. I desire my compliments to the gentlemen in 
your family and wish your Excellency health and success against our 
common enemy. I am with great esteem 

Yr most obdt hum Servt, 

Ch. CarroU/, op CaRROU/TON. 

His Excellency, General Washington. 

Washington Papers, No. 16, foUo 160. 
Pott's Groves is now Pottstown, Pa. 

CAPTAIN JEUNESSE OF MONTREAL. 

Prudent [Preudhome] la Jeunesse, in February, 1776, came from 
Canada to confer with the members of Congress, and succeeded in 
having the Commissioners composed of Benjamin Franklin, Samuel 
Chase and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, with Rev. John Carroll ap- 
pointed to go to Canada to promote the interests of the revolting 
Cotonies. 

On August loth, 1776, Congress directed that "La Jeunesse" 
receive a present of 40 dollars and be discharged. 

On August 2i9t, 1776, A Petition from Preudhome la Jeunesse 
was presented to Congress and read. 

The petition is in Papers of the Continental Congress No. 41, 
IV folio 376. 

The Petition reads: 

To the Honorable John Hancodc, Esquire, President 

The Memorial of Preudhome La Jeunesse of Montreal, in Canada, 



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2S2 Captain Jeunesse, 

humbly sheweth that by his great Zeal for the Axnerican Cause in 
the late expedition of Canada he was much distinguished by the Com- 
manding OflScers of the Continental Army, but after their retreat he 
could not be of further use and was directed to oflfer his Services to 
the Honorable, the Continental Congress. That he has been in Phila- 
delphia upwards of Six weeks inactive and much desirous to enter 
into the Continental Service daily pressed upon by his own Country- 
men and other Prendimen or persons who understand French, wip- 
ing to be employed under your Memorialist of whom he might have 
50, or more if he had a Commission to inUst them, and who will cer- 
tainly diperse if they have not soon an Answer. 

That his said Countrymen and more especially your Memorial- 
ist can never retiun to their Homes whilst a Sling's Grbvemor is in 
full possession thereof, But whenever it should be thought proper for 
the Continental Army to reenter Canada, yotu* Memorialist thinks, 
that Corps of Canadian Frenchmen and others who speak French 
might be of great use in that Service. Your Memorialist once more 
prayeth that his Case may be considered and that the Honorable, the 
Congress would be pleased to grant him a Commission of Captain of 
a Corps of Canadians, Acadians, French and others who speak French, 
And Yotu* MemoriaUst as in duty bound &c. 

PREUDHOME LA JEUNESSE. 
Philadelphia, August 21, 1776. 

Prom the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 41, folio 376. 

The same day the Committee reported **That the petition of 
Preudhome la Jeunesse be granted and a commission be given him 
to be a Captain of a Company of Canadians, Arcadians and French, 
to belong to Col. Livingston's Regiment and to join the army at Ti- 
conderoga as soon as may be." 

The report was "ordered to lie." Itisthe handwritingof Richard 
Peters and is in the Papers of Congress, No. 147, I, folio 3. 

On Novenmber 4th, 1778, another Petition from la Jeunesse 
was presented to Congress: 

To the Honourable, the Congress of the United and Independent 
States of America. 

The Petition of Prudent la Jeunesse heretofore OflBcer Volunteer 
ft the American Army in Canada, humbly Sheweth That your Peti- 



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Captain Jeunesse. 285 

doner was employed as an Officer Volunteer in the Army of the 
United States in Canada during the space of Eighteen Months under 
the command of the Deceased General Montgomery, General Wooster 
and General Arnold and was at the Expeditions against St. Johns, 
Chambly, Mountreal and the Ceders. That at the retreat of that 
Army yoiu- Petitioner was also obliged to retire from Canada his 
Native Country, and take refuge amongst the United States to avoid 
the Persecutions he should have suffered. That your Petitioner has 
not yet been Able to procure any Pay or reward for his said ser- 
vice. And finding himself destitute of Friends and Acquaintances 
in this, to him, a strange Country, and unable to procure himself a 
support, he has recourse to the Honourable the Congress, and hum- 
bly intreats they would be pleased to grant him his Pay or such 
other relief as in their Wisdom they may think proper. 
And yoiu" Petitioner will ever Pray, &c. 

Prudent La Jeunesse. 

This may Certify that Monsr. Prudent la Jeimesse Commanded 
a Number of Volunteer Canadians in Canada, and From his Attach- 
ment to Our Army and having taken an Active Part against the Eling 
was under the Necessity of qtdting the Country with oiu* Army. 

B. ARNOLD, 

This Memorial is endorsed: ** Petition of Prudent la Jeunesse, 
Read 4 November, 1778. . Referred to the Board of War, who are 
directed to take such measures thereon as to them may seem expe- 
dient 

War Office, November 16, 1778. 

The Board not having been properly ascertained of the Length 
of Time which the Petitioner served, or in what Rank, if any, and not 
having it certified from the proper Officer whether or not he received 
all or any Part of his Pay are not possessed of sufficient Evidence 
whereupon to found a Report to Congress on the Petitioner's Case." 

Vrom the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 42, IV. folio 9. 



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ft84 De Gas, The French Interpreter, 

JEAN BAPTISTE DE GAS, THE FRENCH INTERPRETER. 

General Charles Lee, in writing from New York, February i4tli, 
1776, to the President of the Provincial Council of the Colony of New 
York, said : 

"I take the liberty of sending the case of Jean Baptiste De Gas, 
a Canadian, submitting to the consideration of the Provincial Con- 
gress whether it would not be proper to furnish him with a necessary 
sum of money to enable him to proceed to Mr. Hancock to whom he 
has been recommended. 

The Case of this Canadian was this: General Wooster employed 
Jean Baptiste Dagas, the 4th of January, 1776, as conductor and in- 
terpreter to the prisoners who were sent from Montreal to Albany. 
General Wooster advanced him no money, but he received from 
Lieutenant Cook, at Ticonderoga, twenty-two shillings, New York 
currency; that this is the only money he has received; that as Gen- 
eral Montgomery had promised to recommend him to Congress for a 
commission in a regiment of Canadians, to be raised for the Continent- 
al service; and as General Wooster assured him that he had written 
in his favor to Mr. Hancock, he thought both his interest and his duty 
obliged him to proceed to Philadelphia in order to make application 
to the gentlemen of the Congress for their favour and protection; 
but at Poughkeepsie he fell sick, where, having no money, he was 
obliged to sell part of his clothes to pay his doctor and the expenses 
of his living." [Lee Papers i — 298.} 



CONGRESS ORDERS PAYMENT FOR SERVICES OF 
CANADIANS WHO HAD AIDED THE COLONIES. 

Saturday^ August loth, 1776. 
The Committee on sundry Canadian petitioners, reported. That 
the'^everend Mr. Louis Lotbinieie was, on the 26th, of January last, 
appointed by General Arnold chaplain to the regiment under the 
command of Colonel James Livingston, and acted in the capacity, 
until the retreat of the army from Canada, and ^dio was promised by 
General Arnold, the pay of ;£i4 10 per month, including rations; and 
that there now is a balance of £46 17 — 144 84 90 dollars due and 
that the same ought to be paid to him and that he be continued a 
chaplain in the pay of the United States: 



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De Gas, The French Interpreter, 285 

That Jean Fisseul receive nine months' pay as a private, and a 
present of 20 dollars for particular services the whole equal to 80 
dollars and that he be permitted to inlist in the artillery at New York. 

That Pierre du Calvert receive 106$ dollars for 8 months pay as 
ensign, and a commission as a brevet first lieutenant. 

That Alexander du Clos receive 33^ dollars for 5 months' pay 
as a private and be discharged, with permission to inlist again in the 
service, at his election. ' 

That Jean Baptist du Vidal receive 56 dollars for seven months' 
pay a ser jeant and be discharged, or continued in the service at his 
tkcdon. 

That Louis Russe receive 32 dollars for his •ervices as nurse 
and attendant on the sick and a present of 40 dollars on account of 
his humanity to them. 

pf That Juet a Voir receive a present of 10 dollars and be dis* 
charged, or continued in service, at his election. 

That La Jeunesse receive a present of 40 dollars and be dis- 
charged. 

That John Hamptrenk (Hamtramck) receive 186$ dollars as 
deputy commissary from the 15th of September to the 5th of Febru- 
ary, and 164 dollars for his pay as a Captain from the 5 th February 
to this day, being 6 months and five days ; the whole being 350 60-90 
dollars. 

That Andrew Pepin receive 33 30-90 dollars, for 5 months' 
pay as a private for his services as a volunteer, and that he be con- 
tinued in pay as a lieutenant. 

That all persons who have acted as volunteers in Canada, and 
nstreated with the army be referred to General Schuyler, and that he 
be directed to enquire into their services and characters and to order 
them such rewards and wages as shall appear to have been merited. 

That 300 dollars be advanced to Colonel James Livingston, and 
his general account against Congress be referred to the inspection and 
determination of General Schuyler. 



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286 Laugeayj the Fireworkman. 

JEAN LAUGEAY, MAKER OF ARTIFICIAL FIRE WORKS, 
OFFERS HIS SERA'^ICES TO CONGRESS IN 1776 AND 1779. 

The Journal of Congress for August 28th, 1776, records a peti- 
tion from Jean Laugeay presented to Congress and read. The Peti- 
tion stated: 

To the Honorable The Continental Congress, 

Honorable Sirs: Your Petitioner Jean Laugeay, French Man, 
has been brought up to the Art of Artificial Fire Works in France; 
an Art so necessary to make Signals and render lights, both to the 
Navies, and Armies in Camp, at the time of Night, as to be looked 
upon by most Nations in Europe as a considerable Branch of the Art 
of War; the Importunes [Importance] whereof being so little known 
in this part of the World, has induced the Petitioner to offer his Ser- 
vice to the Honorable the Continental Congress of America; to be 
employed by them in the Art of Fire works, and in such a Station 
as they may on enquiring into his Character and abilities judge 
him most capable of. 

Should This Honourable House think proper to employ the Peti- 
tioner in Their service, he shall by every Means in his Power en- 
deavor to discharge the Duty entrusted to him with every mark (rf 
Honesty and Fidelity. I am, Honorable Sirs, With the Utmost 
Duty & Respect, 

Yoxu- most obedient and Most Humble Servant, 
[Signed] JEAN LAUGEAY. 

From the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 42, IV folio 96. 

That Jean Laugeay was engaged by Congress to display Fire 
Works at a July Fourth celebration is shown by his petitiim of 
1779. 

To His Excellency the President and the Hon'ble Representa- 
tives of the United States in Congress assembled : 

May it please the Honorable Congress, Commemorating great 
and important Events has been an established Custom in all Nations, 
in all Ages. 

The noble emulous Spirit it infuses and the happy Influence it 
generates in the minds of succeeding Generations often produce Ac- 



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Laugeay, the Ftrewarkman. 2S7 

tions that prove very beneficial to the People who practise it. Heav- 
en certainly approves; for none but Tyrants wish to suppress it. 

The glorious Emancipation of this happy Land, on the ever 
memorable fourth day of July, 1776, stands foremost in Magnitude 
and Admiration, in the Annals of the World. 

That great and remarkable Era, the auspicious Harbinger of 
America, first usher'd in the pleasing prospect of securing Happiness 
to our latest posterity; and ought ever to be acknowledged with 
Gratitude as a celestial Blessing, and annually celebrated with effu- 
sive Joy by the inhabitants of the United States to the End of time. 

Presuming with some degree of Confidence that it would be 
agreeable to the Honorable Congress, before whom I have had the 
Honor of exhibiting Fire Works on the like Occasion, I have got 
ready a large Collection of various sorts significantly designed, for 
part of the Celebration of the approaching Anniversary of our free- 
dom and Independence. I therefore humbly pray that the Honor- 
able Congress would be graciously pleased to signify their Appro- 
bation of my Design, by ordering me to exhibit the same on Monday 
. Evening next, at such place as you may be pleased to appoint. Any 
directions the Honble Congress shall give relative to the Exhibi- 
tion I will faithfully observe and execute. 

I have the honor to be with the most profoimd Respect and 
Deference 

Your Excellency's & your Honours much obliged and devoted 
Hble Servant 

[Signed] JEAN LAUGEAY. 
Fire Worker. 
Philadelphia, July ist, 1779. 

From the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 41 , V. folio 208. 

To his Exceflency the President & the Honourable Members of 
Congress: 

The Petition of Jean Laugeay, Fire Worker, Most respectfully 
& humbly sheweth. That on the evening of the Day appointed for 
celebrating the late Anniversary of the Freedom and Independence 
of the United States, your Petitioner had the honour to eihibit a 
large Collection of fireworks, which he had prepared for that Occasion. 

That the Materials, Composition, & Exhibition were attended 
with considerable Expence and trouble. 



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288 Laugeay, the Fireworkman. 

That your Petitioner being a poor Blan and having a family 
solely depending for support on what he can earn by his knowledge 
and Ingenuity in this Art, he takes the Liberty of applying to the 
Honorable Congress humbly begging that they would be pleased to 
give Orders for payment to your Petitioner of the Amount of the 
Expence he has been at on this occasion, or of such Sum as to the 
Honorable Congress may seem proper, And your Petitioner as in 
Gratitude bound, will ever pray for the prosperity and Happiness of 
the United States, &c. 

[Signed] JEAN LAUGEAY. 
Philadelphia, July 23d, 1779. 

FromthePapersof theContinental Congress, No. 42, IV. folio 204. 



PLENIPOTENTIARIES FROM THE POPE AND THE PRE- 
TENDER TO CONGRESS. 

"Extract of a letter from Philadelphia dated 26th instant: 
"Last evening two persons who had landed at Baltimore with 
a large Retinue arrived in this city, escorted by some of the Light 
Horse: Lodgings were immediately provided for them and Cen-' 
tries placed at their Doors. You will easily conceive that the citi- 
zens were extremely anxious to know who these Personages were, 
and the Endeavours of Congress to keep their Characters Secret 
have like to have occasioned very serious consequences, and Con- 
gress seemed to have dreaded would arise from a Discovery, and 
which will very shortly arise if the Citizens adhere to what they 
publicly declared on its being made known who these gentlemen 
were; and I dare say you will be stuprised when I tell you that 
one is a Plenipotentiary from the Pope and the other from the 
Pretender, with o£fers of Assistance Offensive and Defensive; on 
this being declared numbers cried out that they now only waited 
one from the Prince of Darkness to make the Alliance complete. 
Congress in order to appease the People gave out that they did not 
expect these gentry, and that an Alliance of this Nature has not 
been sought after. But I am well informed by a Gentleman who 
has had a sight of the Treaties formed with the French King that 
he guarantees the Assistance of these two Powers; the other fol- 
lows of course. O poor Britain, you have now to fight against the 
French King, the Pope, Pretender and Congress." — [N. Y. Gaz. , 
Aug. 8, 1778] 



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Michael Fitzgerald. 2^9 

MICHAEL FITZGERALD "FROM THE KINGDOM OP 
IRELAND'? PETITIONS CONGRESS TO GIVE HIM 
"A PART IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST OPPRESSION 
AND TYRANNY." 

To The Honourable the Congress, for the United States of 
America the Humble Address of Michael Fitzgerald Humbly Shew- 
eth; that your Petitioner from the Kingdom of Ireland and last 
from Havre de grace, having been Cruelly and unjustly persecuted 
in his Native Country, by the present enemies of these States, is 
heartily willing to bear a part, in the present glorious Struggle 
Against Oppression and tyranny; and having served Seven years 
in a Military capacity in a foreign Kingdom, would request this 
Hon. Board to place him in Such a Situation as to have it in his 
power to merit a character among them, and Shew his talents in 
the Military line, as he did not think it necessary to bring recom- 
mendations from his friends, nor would they have Countenanced 
his coming over, at such a juncture; your Petitioner, for reasons 
which most strangers after expensive travelling may readily ad^ 
duce, would begg to be taken notice of as soon as possible, and he. 
promises, by a strict attention, to the duties of his Station, to en- 
deavor to merit the esteem of his Superiors, and to look for ad* 
vaiicement, only as his Character and Conduct may appear to de> 
serve it. 

With HumiUty and Defferenee, the Petitioner is buoyed with 
hopes This Honble Board, will take his case into their serious coo* 
sideration, with that expedition that can be allowed an Humble 
Soldier waiting for Orders. 

[Endorsed: Read September 2, 1776, Referred to the Board 
of War.] 

Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 42 f III folio 9. 

The Board of War seems not to have reported on the Petition. 
Surely Michael Fitzgerald must have been given a Commission but 
alas, no records have been discovered showing this to be so, nor does 
any further reference to this seven years trained Soldier appear. 



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290 King Louis XVI Orders the Te Deum Sutig in the Churches 

KING WVIS XVI ORDERS THE TE DEUM SUNG IN THE 
CHURCHES OF FRANCE FOR THE VICTORY AT YORK- 
TOWN. 

King's lettbr to His Lordship, Bishop op Nancy. 

My Dear Lord: — 

The success of our armies flatters me as being a preparatory 
measure to peace. It is in this point of view, that I am glad to look 
at the result of this campaign. My navy, commanded by the Comte 
de Grasse, Lieutenant General after having defeated the English in 
the Antilles, and taken from them Tabago Island, went to Virginia 
sea-coast in order to oblige them to retire from this province. An 
English fleet came to attack him but was defeated and obliged to 
retire in its ports. At last an English army in Yorktown was 
attacked by our army united with American army under the leader- 
ship of General Washington, and Count Rochambeau General Lieu- 
tenant of my armies and it has been made captive. In looking at 
these events, and appreciating the skill of our generals and the valor 
of our soldiers, my principal aim is to excite in every heart as well as 
in mine, the deepest gratitude for the Giver of all prosperity. I 
write you this letter to inform you my intention is to have the 
"Te Deum" sung in all the churches of your diocese with all the re- 
quisite ceremonies and that you invite to be present all who will 
find it convenient to attend. Hoping, Dear Lord, that my request 
will be granted, I pray God to have you under His holy protection. 

LOUIS. 

Written at Versailles, November 26, 1781. 

To Mgr. the Bishop of Nancy, Counsellor of Consultors. 

Sequr. 

[Translation from the original in Library of Congress.] 

The English version given in the Pennsylvania Packet May 
7, 1782, reads: 



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The Victory at Yorktown, 291 

THE VICTORY AT YORKTOWN— KING LOXHS XVI ORDERS 
GENERAL ROCHAMBEAU TO HAVE THE TE DEUM 
SUNG. 

M. Thb Count de Rochambbau : 

The success of my arms will never be pleasing to me, but as they 
ftunish the means of obtaining a speedy peace. Under that hope, I 
review with pleasure the happy events of the campaign. 

My naval force, commanded by the Comte Grasse, Lieutenant 
General, after having defeated that of the British near the Leeward 
Islands, and in their presence captured the island of Tobago, sailed 
afterwards for the coast of Virginia to compel them to evacuate that 
State: the enemy's fleet, whidb arrives on that coast to attack my 
naval force, is beaten and obliged to return into port ; and, at length, 
a whole British army, shut up in the town of York, besieged by my 
troops, in conjunction with those of the United States of America, 
under the command of General Washington and yourself, have been 
forced to surrender themselves as prisoners of war. 

In calling these events to the mind, and acknowledging how 
much the abilities of General Washington, your talents, those of the 
general officers employed under the orders of you both, and the 
valor of the troops, have rendered this campaign glorious. My chief 
design is to inspire the hearts of aU as well as mine, with the deepest 
gratitude toward the Author of all prosperity, and in the intention of 
addressing my supplication to Him for a continuation of His Divine 
protection, I have written to the Archbishop and Bishop of my King- 
dom to cause the Tb Dbum to be sung in the churches of their Dio- 
ceses, and I address this letter to you to inform you that I desire it 
may be likewise sung in the town or camp where you may be with 
the corps of troops, the command of which has been entrusted to 
you, and that you would give orders that the ceremony be per- 
formed with all the public rejoicings used in similar cases, in which 
I beg of God to keep you in His Holy protection. 

Done at Versailles, the 26th of Novemebr, 1781. 

[Signed] LOUIS. 

[Penna. Packet, May 7, 1782.] 



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2gd Te Deum ordered by the Bishop of Nancy. 

CIRCULAR OF THE BISHOP OF NANCY, PRIMATE 
OF LORRAINE. 

Orders the Te Deum for the Victory at Yorktown. 

Orders that1he*'TU DEUM" be sung in every Church of his diocese 
as Thanksgiving for the success and prosperity of the King's Armies 
in America. 

Louis-Appollinaire de la Tour-Dupin Montaubau by the 
GRACE of God and the Authority of the Holy See first bishop of Nancy, 
primate of Lorraine, to the secular and regular clergy, to all the re- 
ligious societies, to all the parishioners of our diocese, we wish salva- 
tion and benediction through our Lord. 

My dear Brethren, a brilliant success in America has made the 
abiUty and the efficiency of our generals renowned and has rewarded 
the valor of our soldiers. Such an important advantage is the result 
of the most thoughtful plans. It has been marked by good feeling and 
humanity and ranked higher than those memorable but bloody victo- 
ries whose brilliancy was almost lost in a general mourning, but in this 
case the blood of our allies and compatriots has been spared. More- 
over, we observe with great pleasure that the armies of our enemies 
have been weakened, their e£forts frustrated and the result of their 
immense expenses has been made void; all this without a drop of 
blood lost on their part, and without desolating their country by 
making the wives of today, unhappy widows and unfortunate mothers 
of tomorrow. The happy events that we are requested to announce 
to you are worthy of our deepest gratitude towards the Giver of 
prosperity for whatever might be the wisdom of the plans, God is the 
supreme dispenser of events; He who desires to be called the God of 
armies is consequently the only One to give victory; He it is who 
gives courage to the conquerors and every Christian soldier must 
say with David, ''Blessed be the Lord my God who guides my hands 
in the battle and my fingers to carry the sword." 

Then you will thank God, dear Brethren, for the success of our 
armies; but there is another benefit more worthy of our joy, not on 
accotmt of a transient event but to see a King who is flattered by the 
success of his armies only because it is a preparatory measure to peace ; 
to see our beloved King, who far from abusi ig this victory, is not 
dazzled by the prosperity; this is a precious gift given by God. 



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Te Deum ordered by the Bifko.p of Nancy. 



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MAHBEMENX 

L'EViQUE DE NANCY, 

FRIMAT D£ LORRAINE , 

^t/"/ qrdonne que U TE DEUMy^ra ch ante dans tomes 
les Egllfes de Jon Dlocefe y en Aoliom de graces de 
la profperiti des Armees du Rot en Amerique. 

OUIS-APOLLINAIRE DE LA TOUR- 
DUPIN-MONTAUBAN, par la grace de 
Dieu & TAutprit^ ,da St. Sicgc Apoftdique , 
premier Evfique de Naney , Primat de Lorraine : 
Au Clerg^ S^culier & Regulier , aux Ccmmunautes 
foi-difanc exemptes& non-exemptcs , & a tons les Fideles de notre 
Diocefe , Saluc & Benedidion en notre Seigneur> 




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3<M. Te Deum erdered by the Bishop of Nancy. 

What a powerful consolation for the people who have to tuffer the 
mevitabk misfortunes of a war and to achieve the victory, to be 
assnred that never again desire for f^ory win seduce our King and en- 
gage him in war. We must thank God for having given us a King 
who does not allow hatred and ambition to enter his mind, and whose 
concern only aims at giving joy and comfort to his subjects. Let 
us thank God once more dear Brethren, for He holds the hearts of 
kings in His hand, and has inspired our august monarch with such 
straightforward and peaceful intentions, that will give us happi- 
ness upon earth. 

For this, after having held council with our Dean, and Canons 
and cathedral Chapter, we order that the ''Tb Dbum" the anthems 
"Domine salvum fac Regem.*" the prayer for Peace and the Verses 
and Oremus, be said at the end of the Vespers, next Sunday, the 25th 
of December as thanksgiving for the success of the armies of His 
Majesty, the same will be sung on the feast of St. Stephen, December 
26, in every parish of the dty and suburbs of Nancy and the next 
Simday that follows the receiving of our circular in all the chtu'ches 
of our diocese. This ceremony will be announced on the eve at six 
o'clock at night by the chime of all the bdls of the dty, which will 
be rung on the following day at noon and at four o'dodc in the 
afternoon dtuing the **Te Deum." 

This circular shall be read at the High Mass and in every religious 
Sodety. Given in Paris, in our palace, where we are kept by the 
affairs of otu* diocese — December 10, 1781. 

[Signed] LOUIS APOL, Bishop of Nancy, 

Primatb of Lorraine. 

By MsGR. DuPUY. 

Nancy. Henri Hanri. Printer to the King and to the Bishop. 
Rue St. Dijier (?) No. 337. 



[Translation of original in Library of Congress.] 



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The CofUinenial Cengress at Mass. 295 

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS AT MASS— TWO TE DEUMS 
AND TWO REQUIEMS, AT ST. MARY'S, PHILADELPHIA. 
WASHINGTON AT A CATHOLIC BURIAL SERVICE AT 
MORRISTOWN, NEW JERSEY. 

The Continental Congress went to Mass on four occasions — ^two 
Te Deums and two Requiems. On each of these occasions the 
services took place at St. Mary's Church, Philadelphia. The Te 
Deums were— the Celebration of July 4, 1779, ^^^ the Te Deum for 
the Victory at Yorktown, November 4, 1781. The Requiems were 
on September 18, 1777, for General Du Coudray, a French officer, and 
on May 8, 1780, for Don Juan de Miralles, Spanish "Agent." 

These events were, alternately, typical indeed, of the contest 
then going on — sorrow and rejoicing — Death and Victory. 

THE REQUIEM FOR GENERAL DU COUDRAY. 

1777. — In May, 1777 a body of twenty-nine officers and twelve 
Sergeants of artillery arrived in this country from France to assist 
the colonies. They came in consequence of an agreement relative to 
rank and pay made at Paris with Silas Deane, tiie Commercial and 
Political Agent of the United States. 

Silas Deane, in a letter from Paris, November 28, 1776, to Com- 
mittee of Congress said, ''Mons. Du Coudey will be with you by the 
receipt of this, with stores complete for 30,000 men. The extraor- 
dinary exertions of this Gentieman and his Character entitie him to 
much from the United States, and I hope the sum I have stipulated 
with him for, will not be considered extravagant when you consider 
it is much less than is given in Europe." — [Pa. Magazine, July, 18879 
p. 204.] 

But our purpose is here, not to give a detailed account of the 
career of General Du Coudray, but to make reoard of the Requiem 
services on the occasion of his interment. 

On September i6th, Du Coudray was drowned while crossing the 
ferry at Schuylkill river, Philadelphia, where the Market street bridge 
now crosses the river. He was on horseback on the ferry scow. The 
horse becoming frightened, jumped overboard. 

The annexed extract from the journal of Jacob Hiltzheimcr of 
Philadelphia, is of interest: 

1777 — September |i6tli— Tuesday, — Ckmdy and some ram* 
About II o'clock General Coukie set off with nise Ftencb oiEoefB 



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i96 IRequiem for Gen, Du Coudray 

towards the camp over Schuylkill; but he, the said French General, 
kept on his horse on the boat, crossing; his horse leaped overboard, 

^and thereby drowned the General. In the evening I went to Schuyl- 
kill, and saw the said General taken up out of the water." 

''In crossing the Schuylkill his horse leaped out of the boat with 

' him, who was foolishly in the saddle — and so was drowned yesterday." 
(Papers of Gov. Langdon, Letter Jas. Lovell, M. C, to Gen. Whipple 
September, 17, 1777) 

On the 1 6th, September, 1777, Monsieur de Coudray, an officer 

' of rank and distinction in the Fl^ch service and acting as a volunteer 

' 'in our army, having occasion to cross the Schuylkill ferry, rode a high- 
qririted horse into the boat, which taking fright leaped into the river 

' and the rider was unfortunately drowned. Congress resolved that 
the corpse of Monsieur de Coudray be interred at the expense of the 
United States and with the honor of War. — Thaicher's Miliiary 
Journal Rev., p. 117. 

On September 17, 1777, Congress resolved: 

Whereas, Mons. Du Coudray, Colonel-Brigadier in the service 
of His Most Christian Majesty, the King of France, and Commander- 
in-Chief of the artillery in the French Colonies of America, gallantly 
'6ff^red to join the American Army as a volunteer; but on his way 
thither, was most unfortunately drowned in attempting to cross the 
Schuylkill. 

Resolved, That the corpse of Mons. Du Coudray be interred at 
the expense of the United States, and with the honors of war, and that 
the town Major carry this order into execution. 

The next day. Congress adjourned to Lancaster as the British 
' were likely to capture Philaddphia, '*one of its last acts was to attend 
the funeral of Du Coudray, at St. Joseph's Church," says Westcot^s 
Hirtory of Philadelphia.— [Sunday Dispatch, Chapter CCXLV]. 

In John William Wallace's "Biography of Cotenel Wm. Brad- 
' fOrd,"'there is much about this officer and his services in erecting the 
fortifications on the Delaware, in which Bradford himself took oon- 
' ^WfcWible part. The death by drowning of Du Coudray is spoken of, 
and Mr. Wallace sa)rs: "Congress passed resolutions of respect to his 
"ifiteidry tmd he Was buried in one of the two graveyards of St. 
"' J6ife^h's ChiirdH, With fhete)nOrs of war, at the public expense.'* 



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Requiem for Gen. Du Coudray 197 

This shows neither of these writers knew where General Du- 
Coudray was buried. It is wholly unlikely that he was intared in 
the ground near the old chapel of St. Joseph's. There really were not 
**two graveyards of St. Joseph's Church" — ^nor was there such a 
"church." 

After its erection in 1763, St. Mary's was the Church of Phila- 
delphia. In its graveyard, bought in 1758 for burials, it is most 
probable the General was buried and the Requiem Mass was cele- 
brated in "New Chapel" of St. Mary's which was the parish church — 
the Sunday Church — ^the place used on all special occasions. 

We know of no interments at the old Chapel ground other than 
priests after St. Mary's was built. As Father Harding was, however, 
buried at St. Mary's in 1772, it is more probable that Du Coudray 
was tikewise interred there. In our mind there is no doubt of it. 

But no matter where buried the location itself is unknown. 

No accotmt of the Requiem services or of the burial is now 
known. All was in confusion in Philadelphia at the time. The 
British Army was approaching. Congress hastily left the dty on 
September 20th and tiie British took possession on the 27th. The 
career of this distinguished officer whose services for the freedom 
and independence of the country, though of a brief space of time — 
May to September, 1777 — yet, were most helpful to the American 
"Rebels" will be more fully related hereafter. 



A Dole For the Tories. 

PubUshed in London at early part of the American Revolution, 
contained this verse : 

With Popery and Slavery 

America they treat 
And swear they will dragoon them all 
If they will not submit. 
(Copy in MS. Division, Library of Congress). 



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39^ Dan Juan De MiroUes. 

DON JUAN DE MIRALLES, THE SPANISH AGENT. HIS 
REQUIEM. 

Early in 1778 Don Juan De Miralles from Havana arrived in 
Philadelphia. While here he was known as the Spanish Agent or 
Resident. He was not formally accredited to the Congress and 
Congress had no ofiSdal relations with him. He was here, however, 
in the interest of the. revolting Colonies. 

**He came," says Bancroft (Vol. X, p. 157, ed. 1874) **as a spy 
and an intriguer ; nevertheless, Congress with unsuspecting confidence 
welcomed him as the representative of an intended ally" though no 
official recognition was given. 

John Gilmary Shea in Vol. 11, p. 165 {His, Catholic Church) says 
Spain *'sent a representative to the American Congress in the person 
of Senor Miralles. Thus the first diplomatic circle at the American 
seat of government was Catholic and openly so, for these envoys (of 
France and Spain) celebrated great events in their own countries or 
in the United States by the solemn services of the Catholic Church, 
to which we find them inviting the members of Congress and the high 
officers of the Republic." 

This is incorrect as applied to Miralles. He was not **sent" by 
Spain and Congress declined to have official relation with him, be- 
cause not officially appointed to them. Nor did he ever invite Con- 
gress to attend any ''solemn services of the Catholic Church." The 
French Minister, Luzerne, alone did that. 

On April 24, 1778, Gerard de Rayneval, the French minister, 
presented to Congress the Memorial of De Miralles, dated the 21st, 
relative to two Spanish ships captured by American privateers and 
their cargoes condemned. 

In Philadelphia Miralles lived at one time in Mr. Chew's house on 
Foiuth street, below Walnut, east side. Then he removed to Capt. 
MacPherson's mansion. Mount Pleasant, which is still standing in 
Fairmount Park and is called, "Thb Dairy." There he remained 
tmtil it was purchased by General Benedict Arnold, March 22d, 1779, 
as a marriage gift to Miss Peggy Shippen whom he married April 8, 
1779. After Arnold's treasonf it was confiscated, October 1780, and 
rented to Baron Steuben. 

Miralles the first year here lived on High street. After his death 
President Reed of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania 



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D&n Juan de MiraUes. 299 

sent to Don Francisco Rendon, the Secretary of Don MiraUes, a hill 
of rent. (Pa. Arch. 1781-3, p. 196). 

Extracts from the Diary of the Moravian Congregation at Bethle- 
hem, Pa. 

1778, Nov. 25. ''This afternoon the French Ambassador 
(Gerard), Don Juan de MiraUes a Spaniard, and SUas Dean arrived 
from Philadelphia to see the sights here." 

Nov. 26. "Bishop Ettwein took them to Christian's Spring and 
Nazareth (Moravian settlements north from Bethlehem), and in the 
evening they attended a concert we had arranged for them." 

Nov. 28. 'Our distinguished visitors returned to Philadelphia 
to-day." 

Henry Laurens wrote to Bishop Ettwein. Nov. 23, 1778, saying: 

"Monsr. Gerard, the Minister Plenipotentiary of France wiU be, 
provided he meets no obstruction on the Road, at Bethlehem on 
Wednesday, the i25th inst., about mid-day. His worthy character 
merits regard from aU the Citizens of these States. An acquaintance 
with him wiU afford you satisfaction. Don Juan de MiraUes a Span- 
ish Gentleman highly recommended by the Governor of Havanna, 
wiU accompany Mr. Gerard. The whole suite may amount to six 
gentlemen and perhaps a servant to each." 

Gerard visited Bethlehem again June 25, 1779. 

In January 1779 Washington came to Philadelphia and remained 
two weeks. During his stay he was entertained by the distinguished 
citizens among whom is named "Mirales, a Spanish gentleman of 
distinction and amiable character." 

The Supreme Executive Coundl of Pennsylvania requested 
Washington to aUow his portrait to be taken by Charles Wilson Peale. 
This was done. De MiraUes ordered five copies "four of which, we 
hear, are to be sent abroad" said the Pennsylvania Packet, February 
4, 1779 [Moore's Diary of the Rev., p. 126.] 

The original portrait was destroyed in September 1781, by 
loyaUsts who in the night, entered the Coundl chambers. 

Though Bancroft caUs MiraUes "a spy and intriguer" he gives 
nothing to sustain the charge. De MiraUes was evidently maintain- 
ing his private character tmtil Spain could openly take the side of 
the colonists. John Jay was sent in 1779 as Minister to Spain and 
by his instruction of September 28, 1 779, he was authorized to obtain 



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■ 300 Don Juan de MiraUes, 

ft subsidy and loan. During this time MiraUes was promoting the 
interest of the colonies. 

That Bancroft's judgment is too harsh, if not inaccurate, the 
opinion of Washington and the general respect in which the character 
of MiraUes was held may be cited. 

The following letter is from Washington : 
To Don Diego Joseph Navarro, Governor of Havanna. Head- 
quarters, MiDDLEBROOK, 4 March, 1779. 
Sir: — A journey to Philadelphia in the winter procured me the 
honor of your ExceUency's favor of the nth of March last, by Don 
Juan MiraUes, and the pleasure of that gentleman's acquaintance. 
His estimable qualities justify your recommendation, and concur 
with it to estabUsh him in my esteem. I doubt not he wiU have 
informed you of the cordial and respectful sentiments, which he has 
experienced in this country. On my part, I shaU alwa)rs take pleasure 
in convincing him of the highest value I set upon his merit, and of 
the respect I bear to those who are so happy as to interest your 
ExceUency's friendship. I can only express my gratitude for your 
poUte offer of service, by entreating you to afford me opportunities 
of testifying my readiness to execute any commands with which you 
shall please to honor me. With my prayers for your health and 
happiness, I have the honor to be, &c. Washington's Writings, 
Vol. VI, p. 186-7. 

"Don Juan MiraUes was recommended by the Governor of Hav- 
anna, as a gentleman of fortune, who resided in that dty, but who, 
wMle on a voyage to Spain, had been compeUed by some accident, 
that happened to the ship in which he was embarked, to enter the 
harbour of Charleston, in South Carolina. The Governor wrote also 
that Don Juan MiraUes, being dispirited by his misfortune at sea, had 
resolved to remain in the United States tiU he should find a safe 
opportunity to return to Spain, and requested in his behalf the dviH- 
ties and protection of General Washington. 

The truth is, however, that MiraUes was an unofficial agent of 
the Spanish Government, and was introduced in this way, that he 
might obtain a knowledge of the affairs of the United States, and 
communicate it to the ministers of the Spanish Court. Spain was 
not yet ready to take an open and decided part ; nor indeed was she 
ever ready to regard the American people as an independent nation, 



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Dan Juan de Miralles, 301 

till circumstances made it an imperious necessity." Washington's 
Writings, Vol. VI, Page 187 [NoU.] 

"Respecting the Spanish agent, Don Juan Miralles, it was un- 
certain how far he acted under immediate authority of the Spanish 
government. A letter from Luzerne to Vergennes throws some light 
on the subject. Luzerne wrote that Miralles confessed to him, that 
he had no instructions directly from the court of Spain ; that his cor- 
respondence was with the Governor of Havana; that the Spanish 
ministry had signified their general approbation of his conduct down 
to the end of August last ; that he had received from M. Galvez stating 
that he would be appointed Minister to the United States when the 
King should think pn>per to send one. 

Congress showed every mark of respect to this agent which was 
due to his personal character but carefully avoided treating with him 
in any pubUc capacity, except through the intervention of the French 
Minister. Congress would not commit themselves by treating with 
a person who was not empowered directly by the Spanish Court. 

[MS. Letter from Luzerne to Vergennes, March 13th, 1780. 
Washington's Writings, Vol. VI, p. 478. Note.] 

In April 1779, Miralles and Luzerne visited Washington, at 
Morristown, N. J., when the army was viewed by them. They left 
Philadelphia, April 27th, lodged at Trenton and next day arrived in 
camp. (Spark's Letters, Greene to Washington.] 

C. W. Reale, P. Bailey and Edward Pole invited the President 
and Council of Pennsylvania to attend the celebration of July 4, 1 779, 
at the German Church and requested that ''you invite,if it ^U seem 
proper to you, his Excellency, Don Juan de Miralles, a Spanish 
gentleman, resident in this dty." — [Pa. Ar. X, p. 162.] 

On the 27th of February, 1780, Washington wrote to Don Juan 
de Miralles from Headquarters at Morristown acknowledging receipt 
of letter of 1 8th, announcing the capture by Spain of the British Forts 
at Baton Rouge and Natchez. 

Washington stated, ''I shall with the greatest pleasure comply 
With yoiu" request for information of all movements of the enemy, that 
come to my knowledge which may in any manner interest the plans 
of your court." [Washington's Writings, Vol. VI, p. 477.] 

[Morristown, 19th April, 1780.II The ChevaHer de la Luzerne, 
mteister of France, with another French gentleman and Don Juan de 
Miralles, a gentleman of distinction from Spain, arrived at head- 



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302 Don Juan ie MiraUes. 

quarters, from Philadelphia, in company with his Excellency General 
Washington. — [Thatcher's Journal, p. 191.] 

On the 25th the whole army was paraded under arms to afford 
M. de la Luzerne another opportunity of reviewing the troops; after 
which he was escorted a part of the way to Philadelphia. Hie Span- 
ish gentleman remained dangerously sick of a pulmonic fever at head- 
quarters, and on the 28th he expired. 

29th April, 1780. I accompanied Doctor Schuyler to head- 
quarters, to attend the funeral of M. de MiraUes. The deceased was 
a gentleman of high rank in Spain, and had been about one year a 
resident with our Congress from the Spanish Court. The corpse was 
dressed in a rich state and exposed to public view as is customary 
in Europe. The coffin was most splendid and stately, lined through- 
out with fine cambric and covered on the outside with rich black 
velvet and ornamented in a* ^perb nianner. The top of the coffin 
was removed to display the pomp and grandeur with which the body 
was decorated. It was a splendid full dress, consisting of a scarlet 
suit, embroidered with rich gold lace, a three cornered gold-laced hat, 
and a genteel cued wig, white silk stockings, large diamond shoe and 
knee buckles, a profusion of diamond rings decorated the fingers 
and from a superb gold watch set with diamonds, several rich seals 
were suspended. His Excellency, General Washington, with several 
other general officers and members of Congress, attended the fuineral 
solemnities and walked as chief mourners. The other officers of the 
army and numerous respectable citizens, formed a splendid procession 
extending about one mile. The pall-bearers were six fidd officers, 
and the coffin was borne on the shoulders of four officers of the artil- 
lery in full tmiform. Minute guns were fired during the procession, 
which greatly increased the solemnity of the occasion. A Spanish 
priest performed service at the grave in the Roman Catholic form. 
The coffin was inclosed in a box of plank, and all the profusion of 
pomp and grandeur were deposited in the silent grave in the common 
burying ground, near the Church at Morristown. 

A guard is placed at the grave lest our soldiers should be tempted 
to dig for hidden treasure. It is understood that the corpse is to be 
removed to Philadelphia. This gentleman is said to have been iti 
possession of an immense fortune, and has left to his three daughters 
in Spain, one hundred thousand pounds sterling each. Here we 
behold the end of all earthly riches, pomp and dignity. The ashes of 



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Don Juan de MiraUes. 303 

Don MiraUes mingle with the remains of those who are clothed in 
humble shrouds, nnd whose career in life was marked with sordid 
poverty and wretchedness. — Dr. James Thatcher, Surgeon in the 
Revolutionary Army. Journal, p, 193. 

His Secretary, Don Prandsco Rendon, accompanied Rev. Sera- 
phin Bandol, Chaplain of the French Minister, to Morristown and Mir- 
aUes "received the last Sacraments with great piety and contrition." 
[Shea, II, p. 178.] 

On AprU 23d between six and seven in the evening De MiraUes 
summoned Luzerne, Baron Steuben, Alexander Hamilton, aid de 
camp to Washington, Lieut. Col. Robert H. Harrison, Barbe de Mar- 
bois, CoundUor in Parliament and secretary to Luzerne, to *'his bed- 
side" and in their presence dictated his wiU, which was written in 
French by Marbois. By it he directed that Don Frandsco Rendon, 
his secretary, and Luzerne should take charge of aU his papers and 
pubUc correspondence as weU with the Spanish Ministry as with the 
Governor of Havanna and Don Frandsco was to consult with Luzerne 
as to his proceedings thereon. The remainder of the papers were to 
be burnt except recdpts or papers necessary for his heirs. 

He acknowledged owing Luzerne 3594 Livers Toumais for tran- 
sactions between himself, Luzerne and Gerard. This he directed 
Robert Morris to pay. His accounts with Morris should be settled 
at amount Morris should daim. His affairs with George Meade & 
Co., *'in the same manner agreeable to accounts they wiU furnish." 

The Loan OflSce certificates taken in Charles Town CaroUna in 
February and March, 1778, to be deUvered by his hdrs to whom they 
thought proper to coUect interest due thereon. 

The Loan Certificates for $26,600 dated February 1778, on which 
no interest had been paid to be disposed in the same manner. 

He had a bill of Exchange for $140,650 drawn by General Lin- 
coln on the President of Congress and accepted by the Boar^ of Trea- 
sury. Had also a schooner sailed from Martinico which, by bad 
weather, put into Charleston loaded on his account with 40 hhds. of 
molasses, 20 hhds. of sugar. Mr. Peter Barrier was concerned in this, 
"for 10 per cent of which I made advances which is to be reimbursed." 
Cargo in hands of Daniel HaU & Co., of Charlestown had sent 140 
hhds. of rice in said vessel to the Capes on his account. Had a half 
concern in brigantine Fox loaded by J. Dorsey & Co., of Baltimore 
with 91 hhds. of tobacco. Half of vessel and cargo "my sole property." 



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304 D<^ Juan de MiraUes. 

To each servant he gave a new coat. His Scotch boy, Angus, 
held for a term of years, was to be free at his death. His Nq;io 
Raphael, wife and children to be given their freedom at the Havanna 
and two cavalleries of land where his *'wife and family think proper." 

He ratified the will which he made at the Havanna, December, 
1 777, and approved the charges for fees and medicines which might be 
made by Dr. Cochran whom he directed to settle the fees of the 
other doctors who attended him. 

The will was brought to PhiladelfAia and on May 4th presented 
for record with the certificate of Paul Fooks, interpreter to Congress 
and the State of Pennsylvania that the translation from the French 
was a true copy. Luzerne and Aforbois certified as attending wit- 
nesses. Letters of administration were issued to Don Prandsco and 
Robert Morris on May 5, 1780. (Will Book R. p. 283.) 

**The remains of Don Juan de Miralles are to be interred this 
afternoon at Morristown. The funeral procession will move from 
headquarters between four and five o'clock. It is his ExceUencys 
desire that all officers who can attend consistent with the safety and 
poUce of the camp should be invited to the funeral. He wishes to 
show all possible respects to the memory of a very respectable sub- 
ject to the King of Spain." — [Col. Scammel to Gen. Irvine.] [Pa. 
Mag., April, 1891, p. 65.il 

The remains were interred in the Presbyterian cemetery at 
Morristown and after the Revolutionary War removed to Spain it 
is said but more probably to Havana, where his wife remained. 

Lafayette writing to Count Vergennes, the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs at Paris from **Waterbury on the Boston Road," May 6, 1780, 
said, *'Don Juan de Miralles established for some time past at Phila- 
delphia and who knows M. D'Arando, has died at PhiladeljAia (?). 
He has been buried with great ceremony. — [Stephen's Facsimilies, 
Nov. 1624.] 

Luzerne was in Philadelphia, at the time of the death of Miralles. 
On April 29th, 1780, (the day after the death.) he wrote Washington 
saying: 

**I have received with all gratitude the news which your Excel- 
lency has been plaesed to give me of Don Juan. I begin to flatter 
myself that the cares he received from you and all those who surrotmd 
him will re-establish him." — (Spark's Letters of Washington, 11, />. 442.) 



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Don Juan de MiraUes, 303 

Rivington's Royal Gazette^ of New York, May 3, 1780, said* 
"It is reported from New Jersey,, that the minute guns heard last 
Friday were in honor of Mons. Luzerne the person who succeeded 
Gerard, and passing tmder the appellation of the French Ambassador 
and that he died suddenly in the rebel camp in the mountains by the 
hand of Violence; others say that the explosions were at the inter- 
ment of another adventurer, called the Spanish Ambassador." 
[Moore's Diary of Revolution, Vo. 11, p. 267.] 

The New Jersey Gazette, May 3d, 1780, said, "Friday last dide at 
Morristown, in New Jersey, Don Juan de Miralles, a Spanish gentle- 
man of distinction. His corpse is to be removed to Philadelphia, 
where it is to be interred with those marks of respect due to gentle- 
riien of his dignified rank and fortune." — [Moore's Diary of Revolu- 
tion, Vo. II, p. 267.] 

Washington, to Don Diego Joseph Navarro, Governor of Cuba. 

Morristown, 30 April, 1780. 

Sir : I am extremely sorry to communicate to your Excellency, 
the painful intelligence of the death of Don Juan de Miralles. This 
unfortunate event happened at my quarters the day before yesterday, 
and his remains were yesterday interred with all the respect due to his 
character and merits. He did me the honor of a visit, in company 
with the Minister of France and was seized on the day of his arrival 
with a violent bilious complaint, which, after nine days' continuance* 
put a period to his life notwithstanding all the efforts of the most 
skilful physicians we were able to procure. Your Excellency will 
have the goodness to believe, that I took pleasure in performing every 
friendly office to him during his illness and that no care or attention, 
in our power, was omitted towards his comfort or restoration. I the 
more sincerely sympathize with you in the loss of so estimable a 
friend, and, ever since his residence with us, I have been happy in 
ranking him among the number of mine. It must, however, be some 
consolation to his connexions to know, that in this coimtry he has 
been tmiversally esteemed and will be universally regretted. 

May I request the favor of your Excellency to present my re- 
spects to the lady and family of our deceased friend, and to assure 
them how much I participate in their affliction on this melancholy 
occasion. — [Washington's Writings, Vol. VII, p. 27.] 



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3o6 Don Juan de AfiraUes. 

Madame Miralles is named, on July 2, 1780, as ^onsor with 
TlK>mas Meade (of Montserrat), Thos. Russell and Elizabeth Pergu- 
sofi for George, son of George and Constance Meade, bom June 4, 
17S0. [Records Am. Cath. His. Soc. Vol. 11, p. 265.] 

Luzerne arranged for a Mass of Requiem at St. Mary's Church. 
He issued invitations to the Members of C(nigress and distinguished 
citizens. 

|f^ I copy from the original addressed to Dr. Benjamin Rush, now 
preserved in the Rush MSS. Department of the Ridgway Library. 

"The French Minister has the honour to inform Dr. Rush that on 
Monday next, there will be in the Catholic Church a divine service for 
the rest of the soul of Don Juan de Miralles at 9 o'clock in the morn- 
ing." . 

This invitation was endorsed by Dr. Rush, "Received May 6, 
1780, but declined attending as not compatible with the principles of 
a Protestant." 

May 6th was Saturday. So the Requiem Mass was on Monday, 
May 8th. The Chaplain of the French Minister was Abbe Bandol. 
Perhaps he celebrated Mass and defivered the funeral discourse also. 

The invitation reads *'in the Catholic Church." That was St. 
Mary's. It was the church of those days. 

It is singular that no report of the services is mentioned in any of 
the Patriot journals and that to Rivington's Royal Gazette of New 
York, of May 20, 1780, are we indebted for an account for whidi 
allowance must be made for its style of narration. The reason of 
this was that after the French Alliance British adherents were zealous 
in endeavoring to disseminate a beUef that Congress had become 
"Papist," that the success of the Revolutionary cause would mean the 
triumph of "Popery." On the other hand as the Patriots were, in 
1774-5, bitter anti-Popery asserters they were, after the Alliance, not 
at all anxious that when they did a "Catholic" act in complaisance to 
the French Minister that it should become generally known to the 
people, for some, Uke the Shippen family, into which Arnold had 
married, had become less earnest in the cause. The French Alliance 
is given by Arnold as one of the justifications of his treason. 

The account of the Requiem Mass as published by Rivington was 
copied by the London Chronicle, June 17-20, and by the Scot's Maga- 
zine of Edinburgh, June 1780, and perhaps by other British papers. 
The report reads thus: 



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Don Juan de MiraUss. y^y 

**New York, May 20, 1780. On Monday the 4th inst., was cele- 
brated at Philadelphia, the funeral of the Spanish Resident, who 
lately died at Morristown. The following was the order of the pro- 
cession: 

The Bier covered with Biack Cloth, 
MoNs. Lucerne, the French Resident 
The Congress, 
The General Officers, 
The CrrizENs. 

When the procession arrived at the Roman Catholic Chapel, the 
Priest presented the Holy Water to Mons. Lucerne ; who, after sprinkl- 
ing himself presented it to Mr. Htmtington, President of the Congress. 
The Calvinist paused a considerable time, near a minute ; but at length 
his affection for the great and good ally conquered all scruples of 
conscience and he too besprinkled and sanctified himself with all the 
adroitness of a veteran CathoUc, which his brethren of the Congress 
perceiving they aU without hesitation followed the righteous example 
of their prosel3rtized President. Before the company which were 
extremely numerous, left the Chapel, curiosity induced some persons to 
uncover the Bier; when, they were highly enraged at finding the 
whole a sham, there being no corpse tmder the cloth, the body of the 
Spanish gentleman having been several days before interred at Mor- 
ristown. The Bier was surrounded with wax candles, and every 
member of this egregious Congress, now reconciled to the Popish 
Communion carried a taper in his hand.'' 

The date given as the 4th is an error. It should have been the 
8th. 

This was the Mass the traitor Arnold attended a few months 
before his treachery. In his address to the o£Scers and soldiers of the 
Continental Army, dated October 20, 1780, he says-: 

**Do you know that the eye which guides this pen, lately saw 
your mean and profligate Congress at Mass, for the soul of a Roman 
Catholic in Purgatory and participating in the rites of a Church, 
against whose anti-Christian corruptions your pious ancestors would 
have witnessed with their blood." 

Arnold was at the time of the Mass a resident of Philadelphia and 
meditating his treason by seeking the command of West Point. He 
remained in the dty until **the middle of July." He had, on April 



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3o8 Don Juan de MiraUes. 

8, 1779, married Margaret ["Peggy"] Shippen, who lived on Fourth* 
Street (West side nearly opposite WiUing's Alley, the entrance to the 
**01d Chapel" of St. Joseph's), between Wahiut and Pruan Street, 
(formerly known as Shippen Street, then Pruan, and Prune and now 
Locust) not a square from St. Mary's. 

Arnold on June 2, 1780, advertised a reward of $500 for his 
runaway negro, Punch, and a strayed cow. 

Though the reward was Continental money it was but a few 
months later that Congress would have given many thousands for the 
capture of the runaway traitor. 

That this Requiem was the occasion referred to by Arnold, when 
he '*saw the mean and profligate Congress at Mass," is proven by the 
fact that after his marriage he was in the dty until the middle of 
July 1780, during which time he was court-martialed and acquitted. 
He was seeking the command of West Point that he might betray it. 
On May loth, only two days after the Requiem he wrote the Trea- 
sury Board, opposing certain decisions in his case and desiring to 
appeal to Congress. — (Washington's Writings, Vol. VI, p. 530.) 

Ebenezer Hazard, a Philadelphian, writing to Rev. Jeremy 
Belknap, of Boston, from Jamaica Plains, June 27, 1780, says: 

**At Philadelphia I met with the most striking instance of Catho- 
licism I ever saw, A Spanish gentleman of Eminence, called Don 
Juan de Mirallez, died at Morristown, whither he accompanied the 
Minister of France, on a visit to General Washington and the Army. 
Soon after the Minister's return to Philadelphia, he (not the Spanish 
gentleman) sent cards to a ntmiber of gentlemen, informing them 
that, on such a day, * 'there would be a Divine Service at the Romish 
Church, for the rest of the soul of Don Juan de Merallez." As I had 
never seen even the inside of a Popish Church and the ceremony was 
to be performed on a Monday, I determined to attend and, upon 
going into the church, I fotmd there not only Papists, but Presbjrteri- 
ans, Episcopalians, Quakers, &c. The two dhaplains of Congress 
(one a Presbyterian and the other a Churchman) were amongst the 
rest. I confess I was pleased to find the minds of people so imfettered 
with the shackles of bigotry. The behaviour of the Papists in time 
of wordiip was very decent and solemn, vastly more so than among 
the generality of Protestants, there was not a smiling nor even disen- 
gaged countenance among them. Some of the Protestants behaved 
irreverently. The pageantry and pomp of Popery is admirably 



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"Dan Juan deMiroUes. 309 

cal«iil«ted, ad capUandum vidgus ; but itis to be lamented that human 
treason should be 90 weak, in any instance, as to prove an insufficient 
guard against such delusions.'' 

How true» alas, it is yet, that '*some of the Protestants behave 
irreverently" when visiting Catholic Churches. 

Above the Altar in the Romish Chapel in Philadelphia, is the 
picture of a crucifixion, which appears to me a very fine piece of 
painting. — [Belknap Papers, pages 61 and 62. Mass. His. Soc. Col.] 

This picture of the Crucifixion engaged the attention of John 
Adams, when, in company with Washington, they on Octob^ 9, 
1774, when delegates to the Continental Congress, visited St. Mary's 
at Vespers. Adams at once wrote his wife Abagail : 

'This afternoon, led by curiosity and good company, I strolled 
away to mother Church or rather grandmother Church; I mean the 
Romish Chapel. 

I heard a good, short moral essay upon the duty of parents to 
their children, fotmded in justice and charity, to take care of their 
interests, temporal and spiritual. This afternoon's entertainment 
was to me most awful and affecting; the poor wretches fingering their 
beads, chanting Latin, not a word of which they understood; their 
Pater N osiers and Ave Marias] their holy water; their crossing them- 
selves perpetually; their bowing to the name of Jesus whenever they 
heard it ; tiheir bowing and kneeling and genuflecting before the altar. 
The dress of the priest was rich white lace. His pulpit was velvet 
and gold. The altar-piece was very rich, Uttle images and crucifixes 
about, wax candles lighted up. But how shall I describe the picture 
of our Saviour, in a frame of marble over the altar, at full length upon 
the cross in the agonies and the blood dripping and streaming from 
His wounds ! The music, consisting of an organ and a choir of singers, 
went all the afternoon except sermon time, and the assembly chanted 
most sweetly and exquisitely. Here is everything which can lay 
hold of the eye, ear and imagination— everything which charm the 
simple and ignorant. I wonder how Luther ever broke the spell." 
[Page 45 of **Familiar Letters of John Adams to his wife, Abigail, 
during the Revolution." By Charles Francis Adams, New York: 
1876.] See also his Diary. Works Vol. 11 p. 365. 

The Reqtdem for Doi^ Juan de Miralles was the ''Example 
referred to by a correspondent of The Royal Gazette of December 11, 
1782, who, writing from Fishkill, December i, 1782, said: 



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310 Z>M» yiMm (h Miroiks, 

"It is said many grow jealous of the French aad its stnaige wliat 
foioB sone take to reconcile people's tempers to the Frendi ma i n ei i 
and evdn to their religion. What a noise was made but a few yeais 
Ago about Popery being tolerated in Canada by the British Oovein- 
ment. Would any one then have believed that even the Clergy and 
selectmen of Boston would parade tlmmgfa the streets after a Crucifix, 
and joined in a procession for praying a departed soul out of purga- 
tory ; and for this they gave the escample of Congress and otha- Ameri- 
can leaders on a former occasion at Philadelidiia, some of whom in the 
height of their zeal went so far as to sprinkle themselves with what 
they can holy water. 

And what a fuss and bother has been made on the news of the 
birth of a Dauphin of France; if a promised King of America had been 
bom, there could not have been a greater outward rejcridng." 

The correspondent may have on October 6th and 7th, 1781, seen 
Rev. Ferdinand Farmer, of Philadelphia, at Fishkill, bless the mar- 
riage of "a son of Joseph and Mary Ursula (Enbair) Chartier and 
Mary, daughter of James and Mary Frances (Chandron) Robinet, and 
Francis Guilmet and Mary Frances Chandron. [Records American 
Catholic Historical .Society, Vol. 11, p. 305.] On October 5th, 6th, 
and 7th Father Farmer records 14 baptisms "of children and infants" 
as "near Fishkill" (ibid 274-5.) 

No doubt there were Canadians of the encampment of the Amer- 
ican army stationed there. In the winter of 1780 the Marquis de 
Chastellux visited Fishkill, December 21, 1780, and after relating 
about the encampment there relates that four or five miles inway in 
the woods was a camp of "some hundreds of invaUd soldiers," but it 
was "their clothes were truly invalid. These honest fellows were not 
covered even with rags but their steady cotmtenances and their arms 
in good order seemed to suf^ly the defects of clothes and to display 
nothing but their courage and their patience. (Travels, Vol. 11.) 

The following poetical extract refers to the Requiem at St. 
Mary's CSiurch, Philadelphia. 

"rivington's reflections." 

(Rivington was pilbli^er of the Royal Gazette in New York while 
the British were in possession. The "Reflections" were his assumed 
musings after the evacuation.) 



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D^n^ Juom d$ MirmOm. 311 



In truth, I have seed of a waaimon of test. 

And here to remain might suit me the best; 

Philadelphia in some things would answer as well, 

(Some Tories are there and my paper might sdl) 

But then I should Hve amongst wrangling and strife. 

And be forced to say Credo the rest of my fife; 

For their sudden conversion I 'm much at a loss — 

I am told they bow to the wood of the cross 

And worship the refiques transported from Rome, 

St. Peter's toe-nail and St. Anthony's comb. 

If thus the true &ith they no longer defend. 

I scarcely can think where the macfaiess will end 

If the greatest among them submit to the Pope, 

What reason have I for indulgence to hope? 

If the Congress themselves to the chapel did pass, 

Ye may swear that poor Jemmy would have to sing Mass 

From "Poems of Philip Freneau, of New Jersey" (Monmouthi 
1795.) 



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312 The Te Deum ai'St Marys for YorkUrwn, 

THE TE DEUM AT ST. MARY'S^ PHILADELPHIA FOR THE 
VICTORY AT YORKTOWN. 

OnlSunday November 4, 1781, a Mass of Thanksgiving was cele- 
brated at St. Mar3r's church, Phialdelphia, to give public thanks to 
Almighty God, for the victory at Yorktown by the combined armies 
of the United States and France. Abbe Bandol delivered an * 'Ad- 
dress to Congress, Supreme Executive Council and the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania who were invited by His Excellency, the Minister of 
France, in thanksgiving for the capture of Lord Comwallis." 

The following is the discourse of the Abbe Bandol: 

Gentlemen: — A numerous people assembled to render thanks to 
the Almighty for his mercies, is one of the most affecting objects, and 
worthy the attention of the Supreme Being. While camps resound 
with tritmiphal acclamations — ^while nations rejoice in victory and 
glory, the most honourable office a minister of the altars can fill is to 
be the organ by which public gratitude is conveyed to the Omnipo- 
tent. 

Those miracles, which he once wrought for his chosen people, are 
renewed in oiu* favour; and it would be equally ungrateful and im- 
pious not to acknowledge, that the event which lately confounded our 
enemies, and frustrated their designs, was the wonderful work of that 
God who guards your liberties. 

And who but he could so combine the circumstances which led 
to success? We have seen our enemies push forward, amid perils 
almost innumerable, amid obstacles almost insurmountable, to the 
spot which was designed to witness their disgrace : yet they eagerly 
sought it, as their theatre of triumph ! 

Blind as they were, th^y bore htmger, thirst, and inclement skies, 
poured their blood in battle against brave republicans, and crossed 
fanmense regions to confine themselves in another Jericho, whose walls 
were fated to fall before another Joshua. It is he, whose voice com- 
mands the winds, the seas and seasons, who formed a junction on the 
same day, in the same hour, between a formidable fleet from the south, 
and an army rushing from the north, like an impetuous torrent. 
Who, but he, in whose hands are the hearts of men, could inspire the 
allied troops with the friendships, the confidence, the tenderness of 
brothers? How is it that two nations once divided, jealous, inimical, 
and nursed in reciprocal prejudices, are now become so closely united, 



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The Te Deum at St. Mary's fer Ydrktawn, ^13 

fts to form but one? Worldlings would say, it is the wisdom, ,the 
virtue; and moderation of their chiefs ; it is a great national intesost 
wUdi has performed this prodigy. They will say, that to the skilLof 
the generals, to the cotuuge of the troops, to the activity of the whole 
army, we must attribute this splendid success. Ah! they are ignor- 
ant, that the combining of so many fortunate circumstances, is an 
emanation from the all perfect mind; that courage, that skill, that 
activity, bear the sacred impression of him who is divine. 

For how many favours have we not to thank him during the 
course of the present year? Your union, which was at first supported 
by justice alone, has been consolidated by your courage : and the knot, 
which ties you together, is become indissoluble, by the accession of 
all the states, and the unanimous voice of all the confederates. You 
present to the universe the noble sight of a society, which, founded in 
equality and justice, secures to the individuals who compose it, the 
utmost happiness which can be derived from human institutions. 
This advantage, which so many other nations have been unable to 
procure, even after ages of efforts and misery, is granted by divine 
providence to the United States; and its adorable decrees have 
marked the present moment for the completion of that memorable 
and happy revolution which has taken place in this extensive con- 
tinent. While your counsel were thus acquiring new energy, rapid 
and multiplied successes have crowned your arms in the southern 
states. 

We have seen the unfortunate citizens of these States forced from 
their peaceful abodes; after a long and cruel captivity, old men, 
women and children, thrown, without mercy, into a foreign country. 
Master of their lands and their slaves, amid his temporary affluence, 
a superb victor rejoiced in their distresses. But Philadelphia has 
witnessed their patience and fortitude ; they have found there another 
home, and, though driven from their native soil they have blessed 
God that he has delivered them from their enemies, and conducted 
them to a country where every just and feeling man has stretched 
out the helping hand of benevolence. Heaven rewards their virtues. 
Three large States are once wrested from the foe. The rapacious 
soldier has been compelled to take refuge behind his ramparts; and 
oppression has been vanished Uke those phantoms which are dissi- 
pated by the morning ray. 

on this solemn occasion, we might renew our thanks to the God 



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314 Tk€ Te Dmm at St. Mary's fer Yorkiown. 

tH battles, for the success he has granted to the arms of your attks, 
and your friends, by land and by sea, through the other parts of dbe 
globe. But let us not recall those events which too clearly prove Immt 
much the hearts of our enemies have been obdurated. Let us pros- 
trate oursdves at the altar and implore the God of mercy to suqiend 
his vengeance, to spare them in wrath, to inquire them with sei^- 
ments of justice and moderation, to terminate their obstinacy and 
error, and to ordain that your victories be followed by peace and tiaa- 
quility. Let us beseedi him to continue to shed on the councils of 
the king of your ally, that spirit of wisdom, of justice, and of courage, 
which has rendered his reign so glorious. Let us intreat him to main- 
tain in each of the States that intelUgence by which the United States 
are inspired. Let us return him thanks that a faction whose rebellion 
he has corrected, now deprived of support, is annihilated. Let us 
offer him pure hearts, unsoiled by private hatred or public dissention; 
and kt us with one will and one voice, pour forth to the Lord that 
hymn of praise, by which Christians celebrate their gratitude and His 
glory. — [American Museum, p. 28-9, Vol. IV. July, 1788.) 

''Thatcher's Military Journal of the Revolution, sa)rs of the service : 

**The occasion was, in this hemisphere, singular and affecting; 
and the discourse itself is so elegant and animated in the French, so 
warm with those sentiments of piety and gratitude to our Divine 
Benefactor, in which good men of all countries accord, and so evident- 
ly dictated by the spirit of that new friendship and alliance from 
which such important advantages have been derived to the rights of 
America, as must give pleasure to every serious and candid friend to 
our glorious cause." 

The Diary of Robert Morris, the Financier of the Revolution, 
now in the Library of Congress, under date of November 3, 1781, 
records: 

'*This day on the invitation of his Excellency, the Minister of 
Prance, I attended the Romish Church; a Te deum sang on account 
of the capture of Lord Comwallis and his army (Pa. Mag., July, i904» 
p. 280.) 

This is the TE DEUM at which, CathoUc historical writer and 
speakers declare, "Washington was present as well as Lafayette,'' as 
De Courcy — Shea, Dr. Murray and many others record, and at which 
"Washington, Lafayette and the Counts Rochambeau and De Grasse 
were present" according to Rev. Wm. F. Clarke S. J., in a discourse 



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The Tt Dtum at Si, Mary's far YarkUnm. 515 

At Old St Joseph's, July 4, 1876, thougli he put the event as ia "1780 
after the surrender of Comwallis." 

The Centennial of the TE DEUM was commemorated at Old St 
Joseph's, October 23, 1881, when Rev. Wm. F. Clarke, S. J., again 
delivered the disooiu-se but said that "Washington and Lafayette were 
not present/' but "both were on December 13th," following, or the 
day of general thanksgiving appointed by Congress. But this latter 
statement had, in 1883, to be modified by excluding "Lafayette" who 
was then in Boston and by supposmg that Washington was at a ser- 
vice at St. Joseph's because he was in the dty on December 13th, 
when there is no evidence of any special service in the Catholic Church 
of Philadelphia, whether it be called St. Joseph's or St. Mary's, or 
that Washington attended divine service anywhere on that day. 

The historical truth is, that on Sunday, November 4, 1781, the 
Mass of Thanksgiving was offered at St. Mary's; that Congress and 
the prominent men then in the dty were invited to attend and are 
therefore presumed to have generally accepted ; that ndther Washing- 
ton and Lafayette or others of distinction in the army or navy were at 
the celebration, but were busy in Virginia ; that Washington did not 
leave Yorjrtown until Monday, November 5th, the day after the 
T£ DEUM that the romances about Washington and Lafayette 
having "crossed swords in front of St. Joseph's altar," and the poems 
and "historical accotmts" that have been given of the event are all 
founded on the imagination. — ^The services took place in St. Mary's 
and not in St. Joseph's little chapel. 



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3i6 The Te Deum at St. Mar/s, Jidy 4/fc, .1779. 

TftE TE DEUM AT ST. MARY'S, PHILADELPHIA, JULY 4th, 

1779. 

Though the Continental Congress in 1774-5 declared the Roman 
Catholic Religion to be one "fraught with impious tenets'' and one 
which had **deluged England in blood and dispersed impiety, bigotry, 
murder and rebellicm, throughout every part of the world," [Address 
to the People of Great Britain] yet when the French Alliance was 
. formed in the dark and sad da3rs of VaUey Forge, when nakedness and 
starvation threatened to destroy more than Britain's arms, could 
gain a change of sentiment and action became necessary and methods 
more complaisant to the French Minister essential. Tben it was the 
Continental Congress again '*went to Mass." 

On July 1 1, 1778, Gerard, the first French Minister to the United 
States arrived in Philadelphia. The day before he had landed at 
Chester with Silas Deane, the American Commissioner to Prance. 
Deane delivered "the turf and twig" to Gerard as a token of mutual 
amity and assistance. 

When the Fourth of July 1779, came near, Gerard arranged to 
have a religious commemoration of the day at St. Mary's Chtuch. 

Accordingly on July 2d, (Friday) he issued the following request 
to the members of Congress, the President and Supreme Executive 
Council of Pennsylvania and prominent gentlemen. 

Vous etes prie de la part du Ministre Plenipotentiarie de France 
d' assister au Tb Dbum qu'il fera chanter Dimanche 4 de ce Mois, d 
midi dans la Chapelle Catholique neuve pour celebrer rAnniversaire 
de r Independance des Etats Unis de I'Amerique. 

A Philadelphie, le 2 JuiUet, 1779. 

(Translation.) 

You are requested, on behalf of the Minister Plenipotentiary, to 
assist at the Te Deum which will be celebrated on Sunday, 4th of this 
month at noon, in the new Catholic chapel, to commemorate the 
anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America. 

At Philadelphia, July 2d, 1779. 

The original of this invitation can be seen at the Ridgway Branch 
of the Philadelphia Library, in the collection of papers belonging to 
Dr. Rush, signer of the Declaration of Independence. It is No. 1 5001 . 

The late Lloyd P. Smith, Librarian of the Library, made known 



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The Te Deum at St, Marys, July 4th, 1779. 317 

to us the existence of this invitation and it was first made public in 
Tbb I. C. B. U. Journal of February ist, 1884. 

"The new Catholic chapel," was St. Mary's and 90 is proven, once 
for all, that that Church was the scene of all Revolutionary events 
history has assigned to the modem Old St. Joseph's — which had no 
distinct existence. 

The Reverend Seraphin Bandol, Recollet, was the chaplain of 
the French Embassy. By a strange typographical error his name 
appears as Bandog on the copies of the discourse as printed by order 
erf Congress. 

The Pennsylvania Packet, July 10, 1779, reported the occurrence 
thus: 

On Sunday last (being anniversary of the independence of Ameri- 
ca) his Excellency the President, and the honorable the members of 
Congress, attended divine worship in the forenoon in Christ .Church, 
where an excellent sermon, suitable to the occasion, was preached by 
the Rev. Mr. White, rector of the Episcopal churches in this city, and 
one of the chaplains to Congress. 

At noon the President and members of Congress, with the Presi- 
dent and chief magistrates of this State, and a number of other 
gentleman and their ladies, went, by invitation from the honorable 
the Minister of France, to the Catholic chapel, where this great event 
was celebrated by a well-adapted discourse, pronounced by the Min- 
ister's chaplain, and a Te Deum, solemnly sung by a number of good 
voices, accompanied by the organ, and other kinds of music. 

From the *'United States Magazine," of 1779, page 313, is ex- 
tracted the following: 

The address of the Chaplain of his Excellency, the Minister of 
France, on Sunday, the Fourth of July, the anniversary of our Inde- 
pendence, at the new CathoUc chapel, just before the Te Deum was 
performed on the occasion, when were present, agreeably to the invita- 
tion of the Minister, His Excellency, the President of the State, the 
Honorable, the Council ofScers, civil and mihtary, and a number of 
the principal gentlemen and ladies of the city. 
{Translated from the French.) 

'-Gentlemen: — We are assembled to celebrate the anniversary of 
that day which Providence had marked, in His eternal decrees, to 
become the epoch of liberty and independence to the. thirteen United 
States of America. 



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3x8 The Te Deum at St, Mary's, July ^ih, 1779. 

''That Bdngwhose almighty hand holds all existence beneath its 
dominion undoubtedly produces in the depths of His wisdom those 
great events which astonish the tmiverse and of which the most pre- 
sumptuous, though instrumental in accomplishing them, dare not 
attribute to themselves the merit. But the finger of God is still more 
peculiarly evident in that happy, that glorious revolution which calls 
forth this day's festivity. He hath struck the oppressors of a free 
people — ^f ree and peaceful, with the spirit of delusion which renders 
the wicked artificers of their own proper misforttuies. Permit me, 
my dear brethren, citizens of the United States, to address you on this 
occasion. It is that God, that all powerful God, who hath directed 
your steps; when you were without arms fought for you the sword 
of justice; who, when you were in adversity , poured into your hearts 
the spirit of courage, of wisdom, and fortitude, and who hath, at 
length, raised up for your support a youthful sovereign whose virtues 
bless and adorn a sensible, a fruitful and a generous nation. 

''This nation has blended her interests with your interest and her 
sentiments with yours. She participates in all your joys, and this 
day unites her voice to yours at the foot of the altars of the eternal 
God to celebrate that glorious revolution which has placed the sons 
of America among the free and independent nations of the earth. 

"We have nothing now to apprehend but the anger of heaven, 
or that the measure of our guilt ^ould exceed His mercy. Let us 
then prostate ourselves at the feet of the immortal God, who holds 
the fate of Empires in His hands, and raises them up at His pleasure, 
or breaks them down to dust. Let us conjure Him to enlighten our 
enemies, and to dispose their hearts to enjoy that tranquility and 
happiness which the Revolution we now celebrate has established for 
a great part of the human race. Let us implore Him to conduct us 
by that way which His Providence has marked out for arriving at so 
desirable an end. Let us offer tmto Him hearts imbued with senti- 
ments of respect, consecrated by religion, humanity and patriot- 
ism. Never is the august ministry of His altars more acceptable to 
His Divine Majesty than when it lays at His feet homages, offerings 
and vows, so pure, so worthy the common offerings of mankind. 

"God will not regret our joy, for He is the author of it ; nor wiU he 
forget our prayers, for they ask but the fulfillment of the decrees He 
has manifested. Pilled with this spirit, let us, in concert with each 
other, raise our hearts to the Eternal ; let us implore His infinite mercy 



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The Te Deum ai St. Mary's, July 4th, 1779. 3^9 

to be pleased to enspire the rulers of both nations with the wisdom 
and force necessary to perfect what He hath be^n. Let us, in a 
word, unite our voices to beseech Him to dispense His blessings upon 
the counsels and the arms of the aUies and that we may soon enjoy 
the sweets of a peace which will soon cement the Union and establish 
the prosperity of the two empires. 

**It is with this view that we shall cause that canticle to be per- 
formed, which the custom of the Catholic Church hath consecrated 
to be at once a testimonial of public joy, a thanksgiving for benefits 
received from heaven, and a prayer forthe continuance of its mercies." 

Rev. Jacob Duche, the Episcopalian traitor-Minister, who de- 
livered the first Prayer in Congress in 1774, wrote in his Papnian 
Letters: 

Letter of Papinian (N. Y. 1779) says, **The Congress and Rebel 
Legislature of Pennsylvania, have lately given the most public and 
unequivocal proof of their Countenance and good will to Popery. 
They have set an example which they tmquestionably wish others to 
follow." [Then follows the Packefs account.] 

**I shall leave you to make your OMrn reflections at this most 
edifying exhibition. Charles I, was called a Papist for permitting 
his Queen who was bred a Roman Catholic, to attend Mass. What 
are we to think of the American Rulers who not only permit their 
wives to attend Mass, but attend it themselves in person and offer 
up their devout orisions in the language, service and worship of Rome. 

Whatever may be the opinion of some to the contrary it is ab- 
solutely certain that on the part of many, the present is a Religious 
War. — Letters of Papinian, F 2420, Mercantile Library, Phila- 
delphia.] 

Gerard reported to the French government saying: 

"It is the first ceremony of the kind in the thirteen States and it 
is thought that the eclat of it will have a beneficial effect on theCath- 
lics, many of whom are suspected of not being very much attached 
to the American cause. My Chaplain delivered a short address which 
has obtained general approbation, and which Congress has demanded 
for publication." 

This was the first Fotuth of July celebration by Catholics. Con- 
cerning it the gifted Philadelphia Poet, Miss Eleanor C. Donnelly, 
contributed this poem in commemoration. 



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320 The Te Deum at St. Mary's, July 4*, 1779. 

THE FIRST CATHOLIC FOURTH OF JULY, 
St. Mary's Church, Philadelphia, A. D., 1779. 



BY ELEANOR C. DONNELLY. 



'Twas in our Lady's old and hallowed fane, 

A golden century ago, and more, — 
Back in the shadow of a dread campaign, 
Before we burst the last links of our chain, 

In the Revolutionary days of yore — 

High festival was held one summer mom. 
To celebrate, with sacrifice and prayer, 

The day whereon our liberty was bom ; 

And cheer with sweetest song those hearts forlorn 
That languished in the thraldom of despair. 

An august throng was gathered at the Mass — 

All Philadelphia's gallant sons and tme ; 
As history uplifts her magic glass. 
Along the solemn aisles we see them pass. 
To crowd the nave and fill each narrow pew. 

Here kneels Gerard, the French Ambassador, — 
Our Congress there, our Coundl's President, 

With the Supreme Executive, adore. 

The Son of Mary — hark ! that orator 
Is Abbe Seraphia, the eloquent.* 

In gold-wrought stole and surplice of fair lace, 
The preacher from his velvet pulpit bends; 
All eyes are cenj^ed on his grave, dark face. 
The while he wins, with words of power and grace, 
Ahke both secret foes and loyal friends. 

The open windows court the soft warm air. 
The song of wild birds in the waving trees. 

Faint murmurs from the fields, the Delaware, 
And all the sounds that freight a summer breeze ; 

For much of rural loveliness Ues spread 

Around St. Mary's in these days, long-dead. 



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The Te Deum at St. Mary's, July ^ih, 1779. 321 

With myriad lights the lovely chancel glows, 
Flowers and incense scent the atmosphere ; 
Majestic music from the organ flows, 
And voices, sweet as bells at evening's close, 
Ring out the glad Te Deum high and clear! 

But o'er the altar, in its marble frame, 
A pictured Calvary* surmotmts the shrine: 

The pale Christ hangs upon His cross of shame. 
The blood drops falling from His wounds divine, 

While Mother Mary, in the gloom below. 

Hides in her veil her weight of wordless woe. 

Oh I how the hearts of these old patriots swell 
With mingled tremors of delight and doubt ! 
Tho' grateful hopes their sinking hearts compel. 
They dream, perchance, of freedom's ftmeral-kn«U, 
In fancy see the allies put to rout. 

Throes of desire, yet dread tmcertainty. 

Attend upon this festival sublime, 
This consecration of o\xr Liberty 
By heaven's highest, holiest mystery, 

Upon an altar of the olden time. 

The altar of our Queen. O sacred fires 
That deathless light St. Mary's temple gray ! 

O patriots at prayer! O sweet-voiced choirs! 

Ye show us how our grand old Catholic sires 
First celebrated Indbpbndbncb Day! 

[By Permission.] 

♦John Adams mentions this picture in his* *Fawi/iar Letters" to his 
wife, as having been much impressed by it when he and George 
Washington attended Vespers at St. Mary's on Sunday afternoon, 
October 9, 1774. — A. C. H. Researches. 



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322 A Declaration of Louis XVI. 

A DECLARATION ADDRESSED IN THE NAME OF THE KING 

OF FRANCE TO ALL THE ANCIENT FRENCH IN NORTH 

AMERICA. 

The original document with the above title, was printed in French 
on board the Languedoc, for the Count d'Estaing, October 28, 1778. 
It was translated from the French, and published in the Massachu- 
setts Spy at Worcester, Massachusetts, December 10, 1778. 

The undersigned authorised by His Majesty, and thence cloathed 
with the noblest of titles, with that which effaces all others; charged 
in the name of the Father of his Country, and the benefident protector 
of his subjects, to offer a support to those who were bom to enjoy the 
blessings of his government — 

To all his Countrymen in North America. 

You were bom French; you could never cease to be French. 
The late war, which was not declared but by the captivity of nearly 
all otu- seamen, and the principal advantages of which our common 
enemies entirely owed to the coinage, the talents, and the numbers 
of the brave Americans, who are now fighting against them, has 
wrested from you, that which is most dear to all men, even the name 
of your country. To compel you to bear the arms of Parraddes 
against it, must be the completion of misfortunes: With this you 
are now threatened: A new war may justly make you dread being 
obliged to submit to this most intolerable law of slavery, it has 
commenced like the last, by depredations upon the most valuable 
part of our trade. Too long already have a great number of unfor- 
tunate Frenchmen, been confined in American prisons. You hear 
their groans. The present war was declared by a message in March 
last from the King of Great Britain to both houses of Parliament; 
a most authentic act of the British soverdgnty, announcing to all 
orders of the State, that to trade (with America) though without 
exduding others from the same right, was to offend; that frankly to 
avow such intention was to defy this soverdgnty; that she would 
revenge it and defer this only to a more advantageous opportunity, 
when she might do it with more appearance of legality than in the 
last war:— For she declared that she had the right, the will, and the 
ability to revenge; and accordingly she demanded of parliament the 
supplies. 

The calamities of a war thus proclaimed have been restrained 
and retarded as much as was possible, by a Monarch whose pacific 



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A Declaration of Louis XV I. 323 

and disinterested views now reclaim the marks of your former attach- 
ment, only for your own happiness: Constrained to repel force by 
force, and multiplied hostilities by reprisals, which he has at last 
authorised, if necessity should carry his arms, or those of his allies 
into a country always dear to him, you have not to fear either burn- 
ings or devastations: And if gratitude, if the view of a flag always 
revered by those who have followed it, should recall to the banners of 
France, or of the United States, the Indians, who loved us, and have 
been loaded with presents by him, whom they also call their Father; 
never, no never shall they employ against you their too cruel methods 
of war. These they must renounce, or they will cease to be our friends. 

It is not by menaces that we shall endeavoiu* to avoid combating 
with oiu- countrymen, nor shall we weaken this declaration by in- 
vectives against a great and brave nation, which we know how to 
respect, and hope to vanquish. 

As a French gentleman, I need not to mention to those among 
you who were bom such as well as myself, that there is but one august 
house in the universe, under which the French can be happy, and 
serve with pleasure; since its head, and those who are most nearly 
allied to him by blood, have been at all times, through a long line of 
monarchs, and are at this day more than ever delighted with bearing 
that very title which Henry IV regarded as the first of his own. I 
shall not excite your regrets for those qualifications, those marks of 
distinction, those decorations, which, in oiu* matter of thinking, are 
precious treasures; but from which, by our common misfortunes, the 
American French, who have known so well how to deserve them are 
now precluded. These, I am bold to hope and to promise, their zeal 
will very soon prociwe to be diffused among them. They will merit 
them when they dare to become the friends of our allies, 

I shall not ask the military companions of the Marquis of Levi ; 
those who shared his glory, who admired his talents and genius for 
war, who loved his cordiality and frankness, the principal character- 
istics of oiu* nobility, whether there be other names in other nations, 
among which they would be better pleased to place their own. 

Can the Canadians, who saw the brave Montcalm fall in their 
defence, can they become the enemies of his nephews? Can they 
fight against their former leaders, and arm themselves against their 
kinsmen? At the bare mention of their names the weapons would 
fall out of their hands. 



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324 A Declaration of Louis XVI. 

I shall not observe to the ministers of the altars, that their 
evangelic efforts will require the special protection of Providence, to 
prevent faith being diminished by example, by worldly interest, and 
by sovereigns whom force has imposed upon them, and whose political 
indulgence will be lessened proportionably as those sovereigns shall 
have less to fear. I shall not observe, that it is necessary for reUgion 
that those who preach it should form a body in the state ; and that in 
Canada no other body would be more considered, or have more power 
to do good than that of the priests, taking a part in the government ; 
since their respective conduct has merited the confidence of the people. 

I shall not represent to that people, nor to all my coimtrymen 
in general, that a vast monarchy, having the same religion, the same 
manners, the same language, where they find kinsmen, old friends, 
and brethren, must be an inexhaustible source of commerce and 
wealth, more easily acquired and better secured, by their union with 
powerful neighbors, than with strangers of another hemisphere, 
among whom everything is different, and who, jealous and despotic 
sovereigns, would sooner or later treat them as a conquered people, 
and doubtless much worse than their late coimtrymen the Americans, 
who made them victorious. I shall not urge to a whole people that 
to JOIN with the United States is to secure their own happiness ; since 
a whole people, when they acquire the right of thinking and acting 
for themselves, must know their own interest: But I will declare, 
and I now formally order in the name of His Majesty, who has author- 
ized and commanded me to do it, that all his former subjects in North 
America, who shall no more acknowledge the supremacy of Great 
Britain, may depend upon his protection and support. 

Done on board his Majesty's ship, the Languedoc, in the harbour of 
Boston, the twenty eighth day of October, in the year one thousand seveu 
hundred and seventy eight. ESTAING. 

BiGREL De Grandolos, Secretary appointed by the King, to the 
Squadron commanded by the Count D'Estaing. Printed on board the 
Languedoc, by P. P. Demauge, printer to the King and the Squadron. 

' [Mag. Am. His., November, 1889, by Henry T. Drowne from 
The Spy copy. His brother Rev. Dr. T. Stafford Browne having an 
original.] 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment 325 

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC REGIMENT. 

Bancroft's History of the United States, volume X, page 1 75, says : 

*'Wliile it was no longer possible for the Americans to keep up 
their army enlistments the British gained numerous recruits from 
immigrants. In Philadelphia Howe had formed a Regiment of 
Roman Catholics. With still better success Clinton courted the 
Irish. They had fled from the persecutions of inexorable landlords 
to a country which offered them freeholds. By flattering their 
nationality and their sense of importance attached to their numbers 
Clinton allured them to a combination directly averse to their own 
interests and raised for Lord Rawdon a large Regiment in which 
ofBcers and men were exclusively Irish. Among them were nearly 
five hundred deserters from the American army." 

This statement has been of concern to those interested in the 
CathoUc and in the Irish element participating in the Revolution. 
It conveys to the mind a belief that as a Regiment consists of one 
thousand that that number of recruits was obtained by the British 
while in possession of Philadelphia for a distinctively titled and organ- 
ized body of a thousand Catholic men of the City and vicinity who 
were willing to uphold England's cause and rally to her standard, 
upheld in the ** Rebel" Capital by General Howe, and that his suc- 
cessor, Sir Henry Clinton, His Majesty's commander-in-chief not only 
raise "a large Regiment for Lord Rawdon," an Irish officer, but that 
of the great number enlisted ** nearly five hundred were deserters 
from the American army," under Washington. 

Were this all true as an exact statement or a correct inference 
drawn from it as it stands, it would Httle matter historically. Were 
it a fact to the extent declared and the belief impressed, it would not 
surpass the knowledge which events of our own times have brought to 
all — that England has ever used the Catholic name and the Irish 
sentiment to promote her own interests and has had a support, more 
or less powerful, from those moved by the name or the sentiment but 
yet not of those who are true and earnest believers or representatives 
of either. England has ever had Catholics and Irish to give help to 
her endeavors against others even to those battling for Liberty as the 
recent Boer War has given ample demonstration. 

When England got into active trouble with her American Colon- 
ies, '*the free Protestant Colonies," as they seem to have loved to 



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326 The Roman Catholic Regiment: 

designate their character, she sought to keep the Catholics of Canada 
from being helpful to the malcontents, who soon became to her but 
'* Rebels engaged in an unnatural rebellion against the Mother Coun- 
try." She may be said to have succeeded by the powerful influence 
and the authority of the Clergy and nobles of that Country and by 
the open bigotry and insolence as well as the lack of sufficient mili- 
tary force of these "Rebels." 

She, in Ireland, began to **ease up" on the Irish by relaxing or 
repealing penal laws and, in a short while, gave that Country such a 
measure of legislative power and authority that the brief period of 
its existence remains to Ireland to this day as an inspiration in her 
present day struggles for Home Rule. 

It was ever thus with England. She would not omit the same 
course in America to arouse religious sensibilities and racial aspirations 
to serve her purpose. How fa- she succeeded will be briefly shown 
in this relation of the whole record. It passes all human belief that 
CathoUcs, as such or as a distinct body in the life of the Colonies or 
as individuals, could have ** spontaneously, universally and ener- 
getically given their adhesion to the cause of America and when the 
time came to American Independence ; that there was no faltering, 
no division ; that every Catholic was a Whig ; that in the list of Tories 
and LoyaUsts not a name of a Catholic can be found ; that there were 
no Catholic Tories" as Dr. John Gilmary Shea asserted in ** Catholics 
and Catholicity in the Days of the American Revolution" before the 
United States Catholic Historical Society of New York in 1885. 

Is it possible for Catholics to be unanimous about any affair of 
human concern especially of a political character? 

Hence there is no reason to expect that the ** cause of America" 
received * *universally and energetically" Catholic support. Catholics 
were divided as others were. Peace professing Quakers became 
warriors and even the Presbyterians though they more than other 
sects gave an almost unanimous support to the Cause of America 
and made it their own as against the Catholics, yet had Loyalists 
among them. It is not in human nature for Catholics, any more 
than others, to rush to the side of those denouncing them as the early 
Patriots did. We might as well have expected our fathers to have 
become allies of the Know Nothings or ourselves to have been cowork- 
ers with the recent A. P. A. 

So the truth of the attitude of Catholics in the Revolution lies 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment. 327 

between the statemdit of Dr. Shea and that of Mr. Bancroft. The 
surprising fact really is that any Catholics became * 'Rebels." Those 
who did well served though unknowingly the Church. Those who 
did not, though acting knowingly in doing so as being in obedience to 
the dvil government which they had been taught, if resisted, brought 
damnation on their souls, were really but hindering the will of the 
Almighty who was but using the "Rebels" as instruments of His 
Divine Will to prepare for His Church a sanctuary of Freedom for it 
and his people of all tribes and nations. This was recognized by the 
Fathers of the Third Plenary Council when they advised. : * * Catholic 
parents teach your children to take a special interest in the history 
of our own country.* * We must keep firm and solid the Liberties 
of our Country by keeping fresh the noble memories of the past." 



When the British captured Philadelphia, September 1777, Gen- » 
eral Howe gave authority for the formation of three Regiments of 
Loyalists and appointed Colonels Allen, Chambers and Clifton as 
commanders. 

When Howe took possession of Philadelphia there were found, 
on October 9th, 1777, a total of 21, 767 inhabitants although 10,000 
had quitted the city just before the entry of the British Army. ' 

This census taken under the direction of James Galloway, who . 
had abandoned the American cause, showed the males under 18 years 
to number 4,941 and those over 18 and under 60 to be 4,482. There 
were 12,344 females. [Steven's FacsimUie Documents Vol. 24.] 

From these 9,423 males in the dty and the deserters from the 
American Army, first at White Marsh and later at Valley Forge, may 
have been the expectation of obtaining recruits for the three Loyalist 
Regiments authorized by General Howe, though the enumeration 
included male infants and youths. There were not over 5,000 
eUgible males to recruit from, and but a very small number of these 
were Catholics. 

Captain Johann Heinrichs of the Hessian Jager Corps, Philadel- ' 
phia, January i8th, 1778. 

**Call it not an American Rebellion. It is nothing more nor less 
than an Irish-Scotcb Presbyterian Rebellion. During the course of j 
this winter we have organized two Regiments of Foot, one of which j 
is wholly made up of Roman Catholics. [Pa., Mag, 1898, p. 141-3] j / 



V 



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328 The Roman Catholic Regiment. 

In the Journal of Captain John Montresor, * 'Chief engineer of 
America" he records under date of November 15th, 1777, **Three 
Regiments of Provincials raising , viz. Allen's, Chalmer's and Clif- 
ton's. The latter as Roman Catholic. H 

One of these Regiments was called The Roman Catholic Vol- 
unteers. Its officers in 1778 as given in the *'List of General and 
Staff Officers of the Several Regiments serving in North America,** 
printed by James Rivington, New York, were : 

Lieutenant-Colonel, Alfred Clifton. 




Major, John Lynch. 

CAPTAiNS,-Keneth Mc Culloch, Mathias Hanley, Martin McEvoy, 
Nicholas Wuregan, John McKinnon. 

LiEUTENANTs,-Peter Eck, John Coimell, Edward Holland, 
James Hanrahan, Ebenezer Wilson, John O'Neil. 

ENSiGNS,-John Grashune, Arthur Bailie, Thomas Quinn, 
Edward Gadwin. 

Chaplain, Frederick Farmer, [ought to have been Ferdinand 
Farmer, one of the pastors of St. Mary's.] 

Quarter Master., John Holland. 

Though Father Farmer's name is given as Chaplain, it is not 
probable that he accepted the position. 

On March 2d, 1 778, Father Farmer wrote to a priest in London : 
**Perhaps it will please you to hear that your British General on ar- 
riving here upon my waiting on him, proposed the raising of a Regi- 
ment of Roman Catholick Volunteers. Mr. Clifton, an English gentle- 
man of an Irish mother, is the Lt. Col. and commanding of it. They 
desire me to be their Chaplain which embarrasseth me on account of 
my age and several other reasons." [Woodstock Letters. Vol. 
XIV., p. 196.] 

That this embarrassment had prevented his acceptance from 
September, 1777, to the date of his letter may be accepted as evidence 
that he did not do so in the three months later when, in June, 1778^ 
the British evacuated the dty. It was proper of course, for Father 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment. 329 

Farmer to call on General Howe on his arrival but this courtesy it 
is evident did not require his acceptance of the Chaplaincy offered 
him nor is there evidence that he did accept in the brief period after 
his telling a fellow priest of the "desire'* to have him act as Chaplain 
of these Loyalist CathoUcs 

Up to this time Father Farmer had not taken the oath of allegiance 
to Pennsylvania. This he did, the following year, after the British had 
left, when he became a Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania. 
Father Molyneux was entitled, under the law, to serve as he was the 
** senior pastor of the Roman Catholics" but he was either averse to 
taking the oath or to serving as Trustee. 

Dr. John Gilmary Shea in Life of Archbishop Carroll, p. 170, in 
his brief mention of this ** Regiment'* states that the officers of the 
Regiment were Protestants as British law did not permit Catholics 
to be military officers. This law applied only to the chief commands 
— General and Colonels. It may be noticed that Alfred Clifton was 
neither but was the Lieutenant Colonei^ by title and rank though 
he was ** commanding *' the *' Regiment of Roman Catholic Vol- 
unteers" 

"Our brethren may now serve in the army" was one of the 
reasons Pius VI had, for afterwards declaring the authority of 
George III, "as full of mildness to Catholics, " and for which he 
was "the best of sovereigns" and for which this "benefident 
monarch" had "shown his goodness" and towards whom he incul- 
cated "obedience." — [Montor p. 474.] 

England was in such straights that the enlistment of Catholics ] 
and the appointment of Catholics as officers was specially authorized. I 
In December 1777, The Royal Gazette of New York announced 33,000 
new troops were to be enlisted of which 5,000 were Irish Roman 
Catholics. 

On March 21st, 1778, it announced ; * *The following Roman Cath- 
olic Regiments are to be raised in Ireland for the American service; 
two of foot of two battalions each, the command of which is given to 
Lords Kenmare and Cahar and a regiment of light horse to be com- 
manded by George Gould Esq., of Cork. These gentlemen have en- 
gaged to raise their regiments by the first of April. The officers are 
to be Roman Catholics and the Colonels are to appoint them. Proper 
persons are said to be at work to raise subscriptions in Ireland for 
the purpose of recruiting men for service in America." 



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330 Tlie Roman Catholic Regiment. 

So General Howe was ooly doing in Philadelphia what British 
law authorized and under it the special recruiting of Roman Catholics 
was going on in Ireland as it was attempted in Philadelphia. 

The organization of a distinctly Roman Catholic Regiment 
in Philadelphia during British occupancy was in full accord with the 
poUcy of the government. The eflfort was made where the only 
chance of the most success was possible — ^in Peimsylvania under 
British control — where CathoUcs were the most numerous. 

** Pennsylvania" wrote the Chevalier de Fleury to the French 
Minister i6th November, 1779, when he sent a '* Summary of the 
Political and Military Conditions of America'* — **Pennsylvaina is 
the province most infected with Loyalists. The Quakers, Methodists, 
Anglican and other sects which have a sort of aflSnity with monarchy 
are intestine but paraljrtic enemies." 

Arthur Clifton — the commander of the Roman Catholic Regi- 
ment was a Philadelphia Catholic. He lived in a large two story 
brick house on the east side of Second between Mulberry and Sassa- 
fras at Comer of Clifton Alley. It was one of the first to have lighted 
lamps placed before it at night. [Watson's Annals.] Mulberry St. 
is now called Arch and Sassafras is now known as Race Street. Clif- 
ton's Alley is now Drinker St. — so named after the Drinker family, 
Quakers, who occupied the property after the Cliftons. 

William Clifton advertised this house for sale in the Pennsyl- 
vania Packet of November 26th, 1776. That was after the Declara- 
tion of Independence when many who had upheld the colonies be- 
came Loyalists. 

The Clifton family owned also **The Cherry Garden" on 
Society Hill described in Watson's Annals [i — ^494] as ' *a large garden 
fronting on Front Street, vis-a-vis to Shippen Street occupying half 
the square and extending down to the River. It had an abundance 
of every shrubbery and greenhouse plant." 

Alfred and William Clifton accepted British allegiance on the 
capture of Philadelphia. William was given an office for on Novem- 
ber ist, 1777, he advertised ''hands to cut wood for the use of the 
army during the winter. Application to be made to him in Hickory 
Lane." [F. 394, Ridgway Library.] 

Alfred was appointed by General Howe, Commander of The 
Roman Catholic Volunteers — to be. 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment, 331 

On May 28th, 1778, Alfred and William Clifton were by the 
Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvaijia proclaimed ** traitors" 
and ordered to surrender before June 25th — an order of the ** rebels" 
neither complied with. They fled with the evacuating British who 
left Philadelphia June i8th. Alfred Clifton is in Act of Attainder 
called ** gentleman." 

Soi\yvas!s Loyalists says Alfred Clifton was a ** prominent member 
of his religious community." It errs however in stating **he resided 
in either Delaware or Maryland." His name appears on the bap- 
tismal or marriage registers at Old St. Joseph's on February ist, 1773, 
August 9th, 1774, July 3d, 1775, August 12th and November 15th, 

1777. 

Sabine's Loyalists states fiuther. *' Clifton's success does not 
appear to have been great in inducing his Countrymen to bear arms 
on the side of the Crown." 

Major John Lynch was also a CathoUc. On Aug. 13th, 1777, 
about a month before the British took the city, his son John, bom 
June 8th, was baptised. The male sponsor was Alfred Clifton. 
Thus they are proven to have been intimate friends. Mary Barrett 
was sponsor with Clifton. On May 27th following, (British still in 
city) Mary Barrett's son Edward, bom in February, was baptised 
and John O'Neill [Lieutenant] was a sponsor. 

The attempt to raise this Regiment says Dr Shea, was an ** utter 
failure." Tme, but not wholly by reason of the Whiggery of the 
Catholics. The other Loyalist Regiments attempted by Howe were 
also "utter failures," inasmuch as they did not obtain sufficient re- 
cmits to constitute a Regiment and so, later, were merged after getting 
to New York. 

General Howe, in his Narrative, appended to ''Observations on 
a Pamphlet,'' (by James Galloway) pp. 51-3 says : That on his taking 
possession of Philadelphia, he appointed William Allen, Mr. Chambers 
and Mr. Clifton, the chief of the Roman CathoUc persuasion of whom 
they were said to be many in Philadelphia as well as in the Rebel 
army serving against their inclinations" to "receive and form for ser- 
vice all the weU affected that could be obtained. And what was the 
result? In May when I left America, Col. Allen had raised only 152, 
rank and file, Col. Chambers 336 and Col. Clifton 180." 

So here were 180 "Catholic Tories" banded together as "well 
affected" towards British power. 



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332 The Roman Catholic Regiment 

The following transcripts of ofSdal proceedings while the 
British occupied Philadelphia show the continuance and discipline 
of the Roman Catholic Regiment or Battalion as it came to be 
officially regarded : 

** Court Martial at City Tavern April 19th, 1778, William Smith, 
private Soldier in the Provincial Corps of Roman Catholic Volunteers 
tryed by Coiut Martial for attempting to cross the Schuylkill with 
an intent to desert to the Rebels is found not guilty and therefore 
acquited. The Commander in chief confirms the above sentence.'* 
[Kemble Papers, Vol. i N. Y. His. Soc. Col. 1883, p. 570.] 

''May 6th, 1778, Lieut. Col. Allen's and Lieut. Col. Clifton's 
Battalions are to be in readiness to embark at the upper Coal Yard to 
move with their field equipage and one week's provisions. Brig. 
Gen. Leslie is appointed to the Command of all the troops in the 
Jerseys." [ibid p. 577.] 

This order was issued for the expedition which on May 7th under 
Major Maitland went up the Delaware to White Hill, one mile below 
Bordentown, and destroyed "twenty-one or more" American vessels 
there lying. This was done in retaliation for the destructive opera- 
tions of Capt. John Barry in the lower Delaware while his vessel the 
Effingham of 28 guns was foe-bound at White Hill. 

On May i6th, 1778, Patrick Mullen of the Roman CathoUc Vol- 
unteers tried by Court Martial for desertion and attempting to cross 
the River Schuylkill in order to join the Rebel army is found guilty 
of Desertion and sentenced to receive one thousand lashes in the usual 
manner. The Commander-in-chief confirms the above sentence and 
orders Patrick Mullen to receive his punishment at the discretion of 
his commanding officer. It was inflicted on the Commons, now the 
City Hall Plaza. 

Captain Montressor's Journal records on May 7, 1778* 'Allen's 
and Clifton's Regiment of Provincials crossed over into the Jerseys 
to join the 55th and 63d Regiments posted opposite this City [Phila- 
delphia] for the protection of the wood cutters." 

General Howe was recalled and Sir Henry CUnton on May 24th, 
1778 took his place. 

On May 30th, Sir Henry Clinton, the new Commander ordered: 

**No Corps to entertain Irish Recruits except the Queen's Ran- 
gers, the Roman Catholic Volunteers and the Volunteers of Ire- 
land. [Kemble Papers.] 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment 333 

''Similarity of faith may have suggested the order says Charles 
Wilson Sloane. [His Studies, Oct, 1900.] 

Racial afi&nity perhaps had also an influence. 

The British evacuated Philadelphia June i8th, 1778. 

On 2 1 St the army was at Mt Holly, New Jersey, where Sir Henry 
Clinton, the successor of General Howe issued orders how the army 
would march next morning. 

He mentions Col. Allen's Loyalist Corps and orders, *'the remain- 
der of the army will receive orders from Gen. Knyphausen." — the 
Hessian Commander. 

By that it is probable that Col. Clifton's Roman Catholic Battalion 
was under command of Knyphausen. On June 23d, Knyphausen's 
2d Corps was at Crosswicks, New Jersey, above Bordentown, New 
Jersey, with orders to march at 4 o'clock in the morning. On June 
27th Knyphausen was at Freehold with orders to march at 3 o'clock 
next morning. The next day — Sunday 28th — ^was fought the Battle 
of Monmouth. 

The daily movements of Knyphausen's Corps may be traced in 
Lieut. Kraflft's Journal in N. Y. His. Soc. Collections for 1882. 

On Sunday June 28th Washington with his Valley Forge Army 
met the British fleeing to New York, at Monmouth. 

There that hot June Sunday he fought and but for the treachery 
of General Charles Lee as is now known, he would, doubtless, have 
destroyed the British forces. 

No wonder perhaps, that Washington swore, **a tremendous 
oath" when disaster had almost came upon him by the treason of his 
chief General. 

Dr. Scopflf, Surgeon of the Anspach, Beyreuth Troops stated in 
The Climate and Diseases of America During the Revolution (p. 12) 
**The Battle near Monmouth was remarkable from one circumstance 
which has not its parallel in the history of the New World; fifty-nine 
men fell on our side solely from the extraordinary heat and fatigue of 
the day and many of the rebels succumbed from the same cause. 
The heat continued from 90° to 96® for eight days. 

Knyphausen protected the British baggage train of twelve miles 
from the assault of Washington's men. 

The day after Monmouth's Battle, Sir Henry CUnton issued the 
following order: 



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334 ^^ Roman Catholic Regiment. 

Camp near Middletown, N. J., 29th June, 1778. 

"The heavy artillery and baggage of the army will move to 
Middletown at 5 this afternoon under the escort of Clifton's and Allen's 
Corps and the New Jersey Volunteers. The rest of the army will 
move at Daybreak tomorrow morning. [Col. N. Y. His. Soc. 1883, 
p. 600. Kemblb Papers.] 

Colonel Stephen Kemble commander of 60th Foot Regiment. Sir 
Henry Clinton in his report of the Battle of Monmouth made to Lord 
George Germain from New York July 5th, 1778, says he evacuated 
Philadelphia at 3 o'clock on the morning of June i8th; that on the 
23d the army crossed the bridge at Crosswick. 

"One column under the command of His Excellency Lieut. 
General Knyphausen, halted near to Emlay's-town and as the pro- 
vision train and heavy artillery were stationed in that division the 
other column under Lieut. General Earl Comwallis took a position 
at Allen's town which covered the other encampment En- 
cumbered as I was by an enormous provision train &c., to which im- 
pediment the probability of obstructions and length of my march 

obliged me to submit I could only suppose that General 

Washington's views were directed against my baggage and in which 

part I was indeed vulnerable The approach of the enemy's 

army being indicted I requested General Knyphausen to take the 
baggage of the whole army under the charge of his division consisting 
of the troops named in the margin." [Here he mentions Hessian 
Yagers, a brigade of Hessians, Pennsylvania Loyalists, West Jersey 
Volunteers and Maryland Loyalists.] "I desired General Knyphaus- 
en to move at break of day on 28th I was convinced that 

our baggage was their object ... I sent for a brigade of British 
and the 19th light dragoons from General Knyphausen .... Oiu: 
baggage had been intercepted by some of the enemy's light troops 
who were repulsed by the good dispositions made by General Knyp- 
hausen and Major Grant. I took advantage of tlie moonlight to 
rejoin General Knyphausen who had advanced to Nut Swamp near 
Middletown." [New York His. Soc. Collections. Lbb Papers 
Vol. II. pp 463-5] 

Alexander Hamilton writing to Elias Boudinot said: "America 
owes a great deal to General Washington for this day's work. A 
general rout, dismay and disgrace would have attended the whole 
army in any other hands but his. By his own good sense and ford- 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment. 335 

tude he turned the day. He brought order out of confusion, animated 
his troops and led them to success." 

He related the actions of General Charles Lee. '*This man is 
either a driveler in the business of soldieringship or something much 
worse." [It is now known he was '^something much worse."] 

**I can hardly persuade myself to be in good humor with success 
so far inferior to what we in all probability should have had not the 
finest opportunity America ever possessed been fooled away by a man 
in whom she has placed a large share of the most ill-judged confidence." 

Eighty years afterwards, in i860, the treachery of General Lee 
was proven to the world. Moore's Treason op Lbe — ^has abundant 
proof in Lee's hand to link the names of Arnold and Lee in eternal 
infamy. 

Again was it manifested that *' Heaven was determined to save 
the Country" as the, almost traitor Conway declared when conspir- 
ing at Valley Forge to oust Washington from command. 

The Battle of Monmouth also proved that Washington was not 
* *a weak General" and had no * *bad counsellors" as Conway wrote his 
fellow caballer Gates. 

Lord ComwaUis commanded the left wing of the army encamp- 
ed near Monmouth Court House. The right wing under General 
Knyphausen lay beyond the Court House in the road to Middletown. 
It was 8,000 strong and convoyed the immense baggage train. 

During the Battle on Sunday in 96^ in any shade to be had, Knyp- 
hausen made haste to Middletown and encamped on its heights. 
At day break on Monday General Clinton joined him having escaped 
an intended movement on both flanks by Washington. 

The Roman Catholic Battauon thus appears to have been at 
Monmouth under the Hessian Knyphausen and with the Hessian 
troops. 

The British Army, worsted but not destroyed at Monmouth, 
succeeded in gettinii: to New York at the beginning of July 1778. 

Beatson's Memoirs Naval and Military, Vol. VI, p. 205, states 
that General Klnyphausen commanded "the Provincial Corps" on 
their entry into New York. 

That The Roman Cathouc Battauon existed at New York 
as a distinct organization appears from the following atjvertisement: 



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336 The Roman Catholic Regiment. 

For the Encouragement op all 
GENTLEMEN VOLUNTEERS, 

WHO ARE WILLING TO SERVE HIS MAJESTY'S REGT. OF 

ROMAN CATHOLIC VOLUNTEERS 
Commanded by 
Lieut. Col. Commandant, 
ALFRED CLIFTON 
During the present wanton and unnatural Rebellion 
AND NO LONGER 
The sum op FOUR POUNDS 
will be given above the usual Bounty, 
A suit of new CLOATHS 
And every other necessary to complete a Gentleman Soldier. 
Those who are willing to show their attachment to their King 
and Country by engaging in the above regiment, will call 
at Captain McKinnon, at No. 51, in Cherry — Street, 
near the Ship Yards, or at Major John Lynch, 
encamped at Yellow Hook, where they will 
receive present pay and good quarters. 
N. B. Any person bringing a well bodied loyal subject 
to either of the above places shall receive ONE 
GUINEA for his trouble. 
GOD SAVE THE KING. 
(iV. Y. Gazette and Weekly Mercury July 13th and 20th, 1778.^ 

In the manuscript Orderly Book of Captain Robert Clayton of 
the 17th Foot Regiment of the British Army for 1777-8 now at the 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, under date of ** Headquarters, New 
York, 26th October, 1778, has this entry: 

*' Captain John McKinnon of his Majesties Battln of Roman 
Catholic Volunteers tryed by the General Court Martial of which 
Lt. Col. Ludlow is President for ungentlemanly like behavior: ist. 
plundering in the Jerseys: secondly by suffering himself to be kicked 
by Captain McAvoy, of the same Corps on a parade without properly 
resenting it is found guilty & sentenced to be dismissed his Majesties 
service. 

The Commander-in-chief confirms ye above sentence. 

Captain Martin McAvoy of the Roman Catholic Volunteers tryed 
by yt above Court Martial for plundering in ye Jerseys in taking 



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The Roman Catholic Regiment. ^7 

h&TBt and oow & behaving indecently on the f»mAt is found fiiil^ 
wd sentenced to be dispiissed from his Majesties service. 

The Commander-in-chief confirmed ye above sentence." 

Captain McKinnon may have been the fonner I^ieoteuMtof the 
76th Highland Regimrat appointed December i^th, i777* cfxfxuntmA' 
ed by Lieutenant Colonel John Macdonnel. These Hi|^htenders my 
be counted as Catholics. 

At the date of the confimvition of these sentences the Roman 
Cathouc Rbgimqnt had no existenoeas its few men bad been meqg^ 
into the Volunteers of Irblanp. 

Sir Henry Clinton in reporting tp Lord George Cennaia, in re- 
sponse to his advice of Mardi jBtb, I77^> to eiykavor "Ip dmw oiprr 
from the Rebels the Europeans in their service'' lebted the orjBMW* 
tion of Thb V0LUMTBER6 OP iBMifKsj} stated: "The advMta^^e^ at- 
tending this Corps led me to streqgtben it with ncs»r ei|g;bty men iwm 
the Regiment of Roman Caihouc Vowvi'mifm which fwm the mt- 
tentioq of the ofiScers to the terms of their wanjmt and their utter 
disr^grd of all discipline, I found it necessary tp neduoe." 

That ended Tbus Roman Cathouc VohVfumVBS. Tbs "Biqpi- 
ment/' by name, which Bancroft states had been "formed" iMcyer 
exceeded one hundred and eighty men and 3t its reductipn in October 
I77g, numbered but *'neax eighty men." 

Its officers at this time as given in the List of General mA Stsff 
Others for 1779 page 64, where it is recorded as the I>TE Smiam 
Cathouc VoLUNTEBRS were: 

lieutenant Colonel — Alfred Clifton. 

Major — John Lynch, 

Captain — Mathias Hanely, Nicholas Wiergan, Thomas Silverton. 

Lieutenant— John Peter Eck, John O'Neil, Patrick Kane, 

Quarter Master — ^John Newlan. 

It will be noticed that Captain McCullock, of 177S, had been De- 
placed by Captain Silverton ; McKinnon and McAvoy had been dis- 
missed in disgrace. Captains Hanley or Hanely and Wuregap or 
Wiergan remained. 

Lieutenants Eck, and O'Neil of 1778 alone remained at the merg- 
ing of the * 'eighty men" into The Volunteers of Ireland. 

Father Farmer's name does not appear as Chaplain. 

Lieutenant Patrick Kane the only new Lieutepant did not stay 
with The Volunteers op Ireland. It is probable he deserted aa 



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338 The Roman Catholic Regiment, 

he returned to Philadelphia and must have given a fairly satisfac- 
tory reason for doing so. The record made in the Pennsylvania Ar- 
chives for 1 779 reads : 

**The town major brought before the Council Patrick Keane, 
Lieut, of the Roman Catholic Regiment of Volunteers in the British 
service and he being examined it was ordered that Col. Nichola be 
desired to closely observe the conduct of Lieutenant Keane." 

Keane may have shown the Council of Safety that he had aban- 
doned England's cause, and thus was permitted to remain in Phila- 
delphia under the eye of the Marshal. 

What became of Lieutenant Colonel Alfred Clifton commander 
of The Roman Catholic Volunteers? He was commandant at 
the reduction, October 1778, but what later became of him years of 
diligent and special search have not revealed. The Army Lists do 
not show his transfer to other Regiment, his name has not been dis- 
covered among the United Empire Loyalists Colonists of Canada, 
composed 6f the 25,000 Loyalists who went there during and after the 
war; nor has it been found among the number of Loyalists who in 
England or elsewhere made daim for compensation for losses or for 
services. 

Nothing further is known of Major John Lynch or of the other 
officers save Lieutenant Kane. Lieutenant Edc, doubtless, was of 
the well known Catholic family some of whose descendants are now 
in Philadelphia. 

Many may to-day be disposed to censure these officers and men 
for giving support to En^nd, but we see the situation differently 
now. They had known, and perhaps felt, the anti-Catholic bowlings 
of the Patriots in the early days of the Revolt, may have accepted in 
its fullest sense and in obedience the teaching of their religious 
instructors that England was the authority to which their dvil al- 
legiance was due; that they but wrecked their spiritual welfare by 
endeavoring to overthrow it when, in accord with these teachings, as 
given even in our own day, there was not a reasonable hope of suc- 
cess in so striving. 

Bishop James Butler, whose Catechism American youth, until 
a few years ago, taught Catholic American children, being taught the 
history of the Revolution of their own country, that resistance to 
the powers that be brought damnation, during the Revolutionary War 
''preached loyalty" and, said he, "in 1778, we preached it when every 



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The Raman CcUholdc Regiment 339 

sinew of the disabled and distracted British army was enfeebled by 
a long struggle for the sovereignty of America." [Renahan's CoU. 
Irish Ch. 1-353] 

Father Arthur O'Leary in 1777 issued '*An Address to the Com- 
mon People of the Roman Catholic Religion" when it was feared the 
French would invade Ireland and if 30,000 came ** Protestants would 
make up half of the number" and in that event **every Catholic who 
possessed a feather bed would join his Protestant neighbors ini their 
mutual defense, that any that of those who would aid the French 
* * those who would be strung up after the war and give the occasion for 
charging the whole body of Roman CathoUcs with the treachery of 
its rotten members." But above all, save your souls, which would 
be lost without recourse, for among the crimes that exclude from 
the Kingdom of Heaven, St. Paul reckons ' 'Sedition and what greater 
sedition than to rise up against your King and country and to defile 
your hands with the blood of your fellow subjects?" 

But we now know Father O'Leary was in the pay of the Brit- 
ish government for keeping the Irish loyal. 

At all events a study of the Revolution will undoubtedly lessen 
an almost natural antipathy to those who were Loyalists and cause 
their course to be viewed without passion or resentment. 

As the remnant of the alleged *' Regiment" had dwindled to 
"near eighty men" and these, ahnost disgraced by the conduct of 
their officers, had been merged with Tre Volunteers op Ireland, 
without doubt, mainly if not wholly, composed of Irish Catholics by 
nativity or descent a brief relation of the formation and career of this 
Regiment may properly come within the scope of this work in its 
recital of Catholics and the Abcerican Revolution and as a proper 
sequel to the recital of the record of The Rob^an Catholic Regi- 
ment. 



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340 ^*^ Vohnleers pf Ireland- 

THC volunte:cr3 qf ircland. 

Bancroft's History of the United States sBiys: 

"The cause of the United States was the cause of Ireland. Yet 
such is the sad complication in human nature that the people who 
of an others should have been found taking part with America sent 
some of their best troops and their ablest men to take the field against 
the defenders of their own rights. Irishmen fought in the British 
ranks at Eutaw. (X — 494.) 

In Philadelphia, Howe had formed a regiment of Roman Cath- 
olics. With still better success Clinton courted the Irish. They 
had fled from the persecutions of ine^raUe Umdlords to a country 
which offered them freeholds. By flattering their nationality and 
their sense of importimce attached to their numbers Clinton allured 
them to a combination directly averse to their own interests and raised 
for Lord Rawdon a Utrge regiment in which officers and meii were 
exchisivdy Irish. Among them were nearly five hundred deserters 
from the American army. (Bancroft's His. U. S. X p. 175.) 



After the British took possession of Philadelphia, September ^otk 
1777, the formation of three Regiments of Provincial Loyalists WM 
ordemd by General Howe. The endeavor hiui but a limited success, 
gs but 668 recruits were secured for the three. Diuring this time 
Washington's army was at Valley Forge. Desertions were frequeiit, 
largely of those not natives of the country. The situation of affairs 
at Valley Forge and the ccmdition of the deserters is thus set forth by 
the British organ, the Pennsylvoma Post, of January 3d, 1778. 

The numbers of deserters that have been coming for some time 
past, is astonishing, some who have been forced to take up arms, 
others who had voluntarily entered into the rebellion, but, tir^ of the 
tyranny of their leaders, have again returned to this dty, and to en- 
joy the sweets of liberty and good government. The accounts they 
gave of the rebel army must make the most hardened heart fed for 
them, without shoes, stockings or indeed, dothing of any kind ; sick 
and in want of every kind of medicine, care and nourishment ; they 
are ready to perish, yet such is the hardened obstinacy of their leaders, 
that with the most crud vigor, they endeavor to keep them together 
and would suffer them to perish by piece-meal rather than fail in 
their selfish ambitious views. 



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Th^ Valunte9rs of ItHfJmd. 341 

It is ft fact thftt the officers and privates of dragoons upon the 
Irish estafaitshment have vohtntarily offered to serve in America as 
infantry, and upon common pay, until the present unnatural rebelUon 
shall be quelled. And Lord Bellamont and Moiva, with several 
other noblemen are raising ten Roman Catholic battalions, of one 
thousand men, each at their own expense, to serve in America during 
the present rebellion. 



''Deserters always had their arms and which they were allowed 
to dispose of ; they were almost naked and generally without shoes — an 
old dirty blanket around them, attached by a leather belt around the 
waist. They were led off to the Superintendent (Galloway) and 
officers of the new Corps were generally on the lookout to get them 
to enlist." [Watson's A nmifc, 11 p. 287.] 

Thus, mainly, were the 668 recruits obtained, while the numbers 
of natives of Ireland who were received by Galloway as deserters 
from Washington's army and the River Galleys numbered 649. So 
we might as well count all the deserters as entering either Allen's, 
Chambers' or Clifton's Roman Catholic Regiments or Rawdon's 
Volunteers of Ireland. 



Joseph Galloway, who had been speaker of the Pennsylvania 
Assembly, accepted British allegiance and was by General Howe, 
appointed Superintendent of the City. Of the deserters from Wash- 
ington's army brought to him, he took down the names and places 
of nativity. It is his testimony which is relied on to sustain the 
statement that one-half of Washington's army were natives of Ire- 
land. In his examination before a Committee of the House of Com- 
mission 1780, when asked the nativity of the deserters said he could 
answer with '*t)recision" as he had kept the records. From these he 
* 'judged" one-half were Irish. His recollection was not quite ac- 
curate, however, as the following document No. 2094 in Volume 24 
of Sheven's Facsimilie Documents Relating to America 1773-1783- 
shows that he made this report to the Earl of Dartmouth : 

**An account op the number op deserted Soldiers, and 

GaLLEYMEN of the rebel ARBfY AND FLEET WHO HAVE COME INTO 
PHILADELPHIA & TAKEN THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE WITH A PARTICU- 
LAR ACCOUNT OF THE PLACES IN WHICH THEY WERE BORN." 



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342 The Volunteers of Ireland. 

Philadelphia, March 25th, 1778. 

Total Soldiers to this day — 1134. Of which were bom in Eng- 
land 206; in Scotland 56; in Ireland 492 ; in Germany 88; in America 
283; in Canada 4; in France 5. 

Total Galleymen to this day — 354. Of whom were bom in Eng- 
land 69; in Scotland 22; in Ireland 157; in Germany 16; in America 
65; in France 15. 

This shows the whole number of deserters 1488 of whom 649 were 
Irish. 

Document No. 2078 is a letter of Galloway to the Earl of Dart- 
mouth. It is dated January 27th, 1778 — during British occupancy 
of Philadelphia. In it he sajrs: '*As a proof the aversion of the na- 
tives of America to the present rebellion the rebels are not one in ten 
of their whole army who are not either English, Scotch or Irish but 
by far the greater number of Irish." 

On the 4th of March 1 778, he wrote to the Earl. (See Document 
No. 2090.) 

"From the begixming there has been a reluctance in the natives 
in America to enter into the regular service of the Rebellion. They 
have been forced out in the militia by heavy fines for a few month's 
only. The English, Scotch and Irish by far the most part of the latter 
have principally composed the rebel regular army." 

Joseidi P^ll, Jr., an ofiBcer in the British army., 1776-7 states: 
He recorded: ''the rebels consisted diiefly of Irish redemptioners 
and convicts, the most audacious rascals existing." [Mag. Am.. 
His. Jan. 1878.] 

Amlnose Serie writing to the Earl of Dartmouth from New Yoric^ 
25th September 1 776, said : ' 'Great numbers of emigrants particular- 
ly Irish are in the Rebel army, some by choice and many for mere 
subsistance." Steven's Documenis Vol. 24, No. 2043.) 

So if the Irish were suchalarge part of the rebel Army as the British 
datmed, they were entitled without special dishonor, to the greater 
proportion of the desertions. But the purpose of all such testimony 
was to cause it to be believed that the natives of America were not 
the rebellious, that they were content but that the Irish, the "Euro- 
peans" who had no stake in the country were the rebellious. But our 
purpose now is not to enter upon the consideration of this matter 
further than as a preliminary to account for the formation of the 
VoLUNTEBRS OP IRELAND Regiment by the British and into which 



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The Volunteers of Ireland, 343 

were m^ged ''near eighty men" of the Roman Catholic Volun- 
TBBRS. It is the Cathouc feature of the Revolution and not solely 
the Irish, we have in view. 

The annexed documents are taken from Steven's Fac SimiUe 
Documents, 



On March 8, 1778, Lord George Germain wrote Gen. Sir Henry 
Clinton, commander of the British forces in America: 

''I think it proper also to suggest to you the great advantages 
which must follow from drawing over from the Rebds the Buropeans- 
in their service. Especial encouragement ^ould be held out to them 
to desert, and join the King's forces, whether they bring their arms 
or come without them; and all apprentices and indented servants 
who desert us, should be assured that when the war is over at- 
tention will be given to their circumstances, and that their Loyalty 
will not be suffered to go unrewarded." 

Here is the reply of Gen. Clinton — 

New York, October ^3, 1778. 
My Lord — 

In your Lordship's instructions to me dated the 8th of March^ 
I find myself directed to try all means which should appear to me 
likely to draw off from the American Army the number of Europeans 
whidi constituted its principal Force. 

It was difficult to hold forth terms of sufficient advantage to 
excite /those people to Defection from the Rebels, without giving 
cause of dissatisfaction to such of the natives of the country as had, 
tminvited by reward, manifested their attachment to their King by 
taking up arms in the first Provincial Corps that were formed. 

The Emigrants from Ireland were in general to be looked upon 
as our most serious antagonists. They had fled from the real or 
fancied oppression of their Landlords. Thro' dread of prosecution 
of the riots which their idea of that oppression had occassioned, they 
had transplanted themselves into a country where they could live 
without oppression and had estranged themselves from all solicitude 
of the welfare of Britain. From their numbers, however, national 
customs were kept up amongst them, and the pride of having sprung 
in the old country notwithstanding the connection of interests, pre- 
vented them from entirely assimilating with the Americans. To 
work upon these latent seed of national attachment appears to me 



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344 The Votunieers of Ireland. 

tlMf only mmm at indthig these refugees to a measure, cotttntry per- 
liMpB to tfee (Mfftiettittr interests of most of them. On this ground I 
fonned the plan of raising a regiment, whose ofBcers as well as men 
Aw M he entkefy Irish. Lord Rawdon being the person of that na- 
tion of this army whose situation pointed him out the most stron^^y 
for the command, I placed him at the head of the corps. He was 
flittered with the preference, and, happy in contributing to the pubUc 
service, undetook it with zeal. Oreat pains have been taken to prop- 
agate the advertisement of this new establishment among the enemy 
afld they have not beien unsuccessful. Under many disadvantages of 
sttttttion above 380 deserters from the Rebel army have been col- 
lac to el, and are now in arms in that regiment contented with their 
sftmMion and attached to their officers. I may assure jrour Lordship 
that they are a fine body of men, zealous on service and notwith- 
standing the short time they have been embodied, perfectly obedient 
and weU disciplined. They were with Lord Comwallis in Jersey, and 
were honored by his Lordship with the advance posts, both in camp 
and in march. His Lordship has complimented their behavior in 
both situations. 

Their loss by desertion was very trifling; and one man being 
tAen in the attempt, the vigorous punishment which his comrades 
iflilcted upon him showed the abhorrence in which his crime was 
held by the generaUty of the Battalion. The advantages attend- 
ing this corps kd me to strengthen it with near Somen from the regi- 
ment of Roman Catholic Volunteers, which from the inattention of 
the officers to the terms of their warrant and their utter disregard of 
aM discipline I found it necessary to reduce. 

The regiment has been clothed and is now completely appointed, 
at the sole expense of the officers. The commissions have btcn filled 
in a manner very different from what had been adopted with regard 
to other corps of the Provincial establishment. This corps has been 
officered principally from the regular regiments one step alone of 
promo ti on being allowed except in the case of the Lieut. Colonel 
Who was only Captain Lieut, in the 55th regiment. My motive for 
permitting so many regular officers to serve in this regiment will I 
trust be approved by His Majesty, as the present didpline of this 
regiment will answer that those officers could not have been more 
serviceably employed. Some commissions have been filled from the 
Provincial Line; and as those officers were chosen for meritorious 



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The Volunteers of Ireland, 345 

service, their appointment will I hope be thought no bar to the appli- 
cation I am about to make. From the particular circumstances of 
this corps, I beg leave to submit to your Lordship whether the es- 
tablishing it as* a regular regiment may not be a mark of approbation 
which would be attended with very beneficial consequences. There 
are many reasons to be urged in favor of the measure. The motives 
on which it was levied, and the light in which it stands, speaks strong- 
ly for it. The expense of appointing the regiment so as to have 
taken the field within four months after the date of their warrant, 
has been very heavy upon the oflScers. The discipline and serviceable 
state of the corps argue a strict attention of duty. And the promo- 
tion in general has not been extravagant. All the officers have 
shown themselves equal to the duties of the ranks they hold. The 
Colonel and the Lieut. Colonel only cannot from their former situa- 
tions have any expectations of being confirmed. The latter would be 
highly contented with the rank of Major; the former will not apply 
for an3rthing himself. He would think himself favored in being ap- 
pointed Lieut. Colonel to it. But would not be disappointed were 
the post otherwise disposed of. The regiment is regarded by the 
other Provincials as upon so different a footing from their's that its 
establishment could create no murmurs. Inclose to your Lordship 
a list of the officers by which your Lordship will see that some have 
resigned their commission in the regular service, in consequence of 
my ordering such officers of the regiments under General Grant as 
held Provincial commissions to decide by which they would abide. 
It would be a powerful temptation to the Irish, were I authorized to 
hold forth to them his Majesty's- pardon for all crimes heretofore com- 
mitted by them in Ireland, except murder. The prospect of return- 
ing home without apprehension to their families, might have very 
extensive influence and under such restrictions as your Lordship may 
judge adviseable, I humbly conceive could produce no evil to the 
state. 

There may be objections to this measure which do not immediate- 
ly occur to me. I only state it as a hint which may suggest to your 
Lordship, further and more determinate ideas on the subject. Both 
this and the expediency of establishing the volunteers of Ireland I sub- 
mit with great deference to your Lordship. In the meantime I shall 
give all encouragement to the recruiting of that corps, which I think 
may probably increase to a second battalion. 



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346 The Volunteers of Ireland, 

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect, your Lord- 
ship's most obedient and most humble servant. 

H. CLINTON. 

The source of the above is Stephen's Fac-Simile Documents Re- 
lating to America, 1 773-1 783, in 25 volumes. The extract is from 
Document No. 1 162. The letter of General Clinton is No. 1 190. 

But the ** establishing" or incorporation of The Volunteers 
OF Ireland into the regular army seems not to have been favorably 
regarded by the authorities at London. 

Sir Henry Clinton writing to William Eden, who had been one of 
the so-called Peace Commissioners sent to America in 1778, said : 

'Tis pity Government does not establish the Volunteers of 
Ireland; it will be really saving so many men to the State, the corps 
is well officered, their officers have been taken great pains, many of them 
have quited equal rank with the regular troops. Lord Rawdon has 
the greatest merit in the care he has taken and he has been at enormous 
expense, his Lieutenant Colonel though he was only Captain-Lieuten- 
ant in the 55th Regiment has had a principal merit in the making the 
Regiment what it is ; he does not expect any other rank than that of 
Major. I can't see any reason why it should not be established when 
I hear of others that axe. I cannot flatter myself that my wish to 
have it done will operate in the least, but I now repeat that merely 
for the good of the Service I most cordially wish it would be so/* 
[Steven's Fac-Similies, Nov. 13. p. 3.] 

As late as 1 782 after the Volunteers had done good service the 
Regiment had not yet been ''established" for William Eden writing 
to Lord Loughborough from DubUn Castle, 22d January, 1782, 
stated he had dined with Lord Rawdon ; that his * 'services have been 
most highly praised, but Lord Amherst still hesitates about putting 
his Regiment on the establishment tho he has expended near 700 
pounds on the Regiment in the King's service." [ibid. No. 1049.] 

The Volunteers op Ireland were formed in Philadelphia 
during British cccupancyand retreated therefrom on its evacuation^ 
engaged in the Battle of Monmouth and proceeded to New York. 

The ofl5cers of the Regiment as ^own by the Army List of 1779^ 
were: 

Colonel: — Rt. Hon. Lord Rawdon, Adjutant General to Gen- 
eral Clinton. 

Lieutenant Colonel: — Welbore ElUs Doyle. 



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The Volunteers of Ireland, 347 

Major : — John Despard. 

Captains: — John Campbell, John Doyle, James King, William 
Barry. 

Captain-Lieutenant: — David Dalton. 

Lieutenants: — Charles Vallency, Charles Bingham, Thomas 
Proctor, Samuel Bradstreets, Hugh Gillespie, Henry Munro, James 
Moffat, Harman Black, John Jewell. 

Adjutant: — John Jewell. 

Quartermaster*^ — Hugh Stuart. 

Surgeon: Armstrong, 

Ensigns: — Edward Gilboume, Thomas Hyn, Hugh Stuart, 
George Cunningham, John Thompson, Davies Whitely, John Wilson, 
H. P. Sergeant, Mark Ransford. 

Chaplain : . 



On St. Patrick's Day, 1779, the following advertisement appeared 
in The Royal GazeUe, of New York: 

All Gentlemen Natives of Ireland are invited to join the VOLtJN- 
TEERS OF IRELAND, commanded by their Countryman 

LORD RAWDON. 
A Corps in which every Recruit is sure of finding Townsmen or 
Relations. Tlie terms of enlistment are for Three Years or during 
the war. Every Recruit shall on his enlistment receive 30 s. sterl- 
ing and be equipped in the most complete manner. Those who 
wish to distingui^ their attachment to their country by entering 
in this Corps are desired to apply at the quarters of the regiment in 
the Bower Lane, New York, or to Lieut. Col. Doyle's quarters, 
No. 10 Wall Street. 
The same day the Volxtntebrs of Ireland celebrated THE 
DAY. The report in The Royal GaaeUe of March 20th and the New 
York Gazette, March 2 2d reads: 

Last Wednesday the anniversary of Saint Patrick, the Tutelar 
Saint of Ireland, was celebrated by the Natives of that Kingdom, with 
their accustomed Hilarity. The Volxtntbbrs op Irbland, preceded 
by their Band of Music, marched into the City and formed before the 
House of their Colonel, Lord Rawdon, who put himself at their Head 
and after paying his Compliments to his Excellency, General Elnyp- 
hausen, and to General Jones, accompanied them to the Bowery, 
where Dinner was provided, consisting of five hundred covers; 



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34* The Volunteers of Ireland. 

after the Men were seated, and had proceeded to the en jojrment at the 
noMe Banquet, the Officers rettinied to Town and dined with his 
Lordship. The soldierly Appearance of the men, their Order df 
March, Hand in Hand, being all Natives of Ireland, had a striking 
Bffect; and many of their Countrymen have since joined them. 

This single Battalion, though only formed a few months ago, 
marched four hundred strapping Fellows, neither influenced by 
Yankee or Ague. A Number perhaps equal to all the Recruits forced 
into the Rebel Army in the same Space of Time; which shews how 
easily Troops may be formed on this Continent, from the People who 
have been seduced into America; providing proper Measures are 
fcdlowed and they are headed by Men of their Choice: And also that 
such Men, however long they may have remained in the Haunts of 
Hypocrasy, Cunning and Disaffection, being naturally gallant and 
loyal, crowd with Ardour to stand forth in the Cause of their King, 
of their Country and real honest general Liberty whenever an Op- 
portunity offers. 



**As early as March 8th, 1778, it was King George's intention to 
have an attack made on the Southern provinces with a view to the 
conquest of Georgia and South Carolina" and for this purpose he 
directed Lord George Germain to endeavor **to embody the well 
affected inhabitants by a militia" and to plan ''to draw from the 
Rebel forces Europeans, apprentices and indented servants." 

On August 14th, 1779, three deserters from "The Loyal VdL- 
XTNTEERS OF IRELAND" arrived in Philadelf^iia from New York. [Pa, 
Ar, VII— 646.] 

In November, 1779, The Volunteers of Ireland, a Regiment 
of Hessians and other detachments aggregating 1800 men were sent 
to the Chesapeake Bay and River to destroy vessels and stores. 
They wrought much destruction but had no engagement with **the 
Rebels." They returned to Staten Island, New Yoric, after an ab- 
sence of twenty-four days. [Siedman's History of the War 1 1-136.] 



Here is how the Volunteers of Ireland celebrated St. Patrick's 
Day, 1780. 

March 18, 1780. — A munificent entertainment was given by 
Lord Rawdon, Colonel of the Volunteers of Ireland, to his regiment, 
quartered at Jamaica, Long Island, in honor of St. Patrick, tutelar 



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The Volunteers of Ireland. 349 

Saint of that Kjuagdom. Song by Barney Thompson, piper to the 
regiment, Tune, Langolee: 

Success to the Shamrogue and all those who wear it, 
Be honor their portion wherever they go ; 
May riches attend them, and store of good claret. 
For how to employ them sure none better know. 

Every foe survejrs them with terror, 

But every silk petticoat wishes them nearer; 

So Yankee keep off, or you'll soon learn your error, 

For Paddy shall prostrate lay every foe. 

This day, (but the year I can't rightly determine,) 
3t. Patiick the vipers did chase from this land. 
Let's see if, like him, we can't sweep off the vermin 
WbQ dare 'gainst the sons of the Shaouogue to stand. 

Hand in band, let's carol this chorus 

"As long as the blessings ot Ireland hang o'er us, 

The crest of Rebellion shall tremble before us, 

like brothers, while thus we march hand in hand!" 

St. George, St. Patrick, St. Andrew, St, David, 
Together may laugh at all Europe in arms. 
Fair Conquest her standard has o'er their beads waved, 
And Glory has on them conferr'd all her charms. 

War's alarms! to us are a pleasure. 
Since Honor our danger repays in full measure, 
And all those who join us shall find we have leisure. 
To think of our sport ev'n in war's alarms. 

On Christmas Pay and the day following, Sir Henry Clinton 
bad sailed from New York on an expedition against Charleston, 
leaving The Voluntbbrs op Ireland on duty at New York. On 
March 93d, 1780, orders were given to the Voluntebrs to proceed to 
the South. They embarked on April 4th and set sail on the 7th 
leacbing Clinton's camp before Charleston, on April ^ist, 1780. 



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350 The Volunteers of Ireland, 

The Volunteers were assigned to Lord Comwallis' Corps. On 
the night of the 23d they with the New York Volunteers and the 
CaroUna Loyalists passed over the Cooper River under Comwallis, 
who took command of all the forces there, expecting to soon be * * mast- 
er of all the enemy's communications and means of escape by land" 
records Captain Peter Russel/of Cork, of the 64th Regiment. [Am. 
His. Reg. IV— 499.] 

Comwallis pursued Morgan into North Carolina, leaving Rawdon 
to command in South Carolina with headquarters at Camden, coming 
in Comwallis' rear while Sumter and Marion **cooped up the gar- 
rison at Charleston, intercepting supplies and surprising posts." 

In June, 1780, Lord Rawdon with the Volunteers of Ireland 
and a detachment of Cavalry entered the Waxhaw Irish Presbyterian 
settlement and paroled the inhabitants *'an obligation they readily 
violated when called to arms by the American commander" recorded 
Rawdon. 

No Irish settlers recruited the Volunteers on that expedition 
but many of the Volunteers, perhaps, some of the former Romian 
Catholic Volunteers, deserted. So numerous were the desertioiiis 
from Rawdon at this time that while at Camden, South Carolina, on 
July I St, 1780, he directed Major Rugely, who commanded the out- 
lying districts, to deal severely with all who harbored deserters and 
to "use invariable severity towards everyone who shall show so crim- 
inal a neglect of the public interests." 

Concerning The Volunteers of Ireland, he offered: 

**I wiU give the inhabitants ten guineas for the head of any de- 
serter belonging to The Volunteers of Ireland and five guineas 
only if they bring him in alive. They shall likewise be rewarded, 
though not to that amount, for such deserters as they may secure be- 
longing to any other Regiment. [Hartley's Life of Marion, p. 130.] 

Washington made the letter a subject of complaint to Lord Com- 
wallis who applied to Rawdon for an explanation. He did so to this 
purport. 

Lord Comwallis had sent Rawdon and The Volunteers of 
Ireland to the Waxhaw ** thinking" wrote he to Comwallis **in 
December" that as it was an Irish corps it would be received with a 
better temper by the settlers of that district who were universally 
Irish and universally disaffected.* * *Yet I had the fullest pro6f 
that the people who daily visited my camp not only held constant 



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The Volunteers of Ireland. 351 

correspondence with the rebel militia, but used every artifice to 
debauch the minds of my soldiers and persuade them to desert from 
their colors." 

The Volunteers of Ireland were marked more strongly than 
others because it was my own Regiment and partly because incite- 
ment to desertion had been more particularly appHed to them." 
[Comwallis' Correspondence I — Appendix 501.] 



The Volunteers of Ireland participated in the Battle of 
Camden August i6th, 1780. The report of the Volunteers engaged 
flhowsit had in the engagement: i Colonel; 4 Captains; 4 Lieuten- 
ants; 6 Ensigns; i mate; 23 Sergeants; 11 Drummers; 253 rank and 
file. [Beaton's Memoirs, VI — Ap. 211.] 

llie Volunteers lost in the battle 17 rank and file killed, and x 
Lieutenant, 3 Ensigns, 2 Sergeants, i Drummer, 64 rank and file 
wounded. [Tarleton's Campaigns i — 136.] 

For bravery at the Battle of Camden, Sergeant Hudson was pre- 
sented with a medal of honor. It had the Irish Harp in an open 
wreath of laurel with the motto: It Calls to Arms. [MedalUc 
lUms, of Great Britain, by Hawkins, Franks and Grueb, London, 18S5, 
p. 268.] 

He probably "prostrate laid every foe" as he had sung on St. 
Patrick's Day. 

At Camden, Rawdon ''lost so many men that he was afraid of 
differing himself to be again shut up, and therefore after setting 
fire to the town he quitted it and retired towards Charleston. 
Greene pursued him some distance but judging it more important to 
break up the enemy's posts he invested forts Granby, Motte and 
others." [Charles Thomson Papers. N. Y. His. Col. 1878 p. 47.] 

The figures show 303 officers and men. Allowing for desert- 
ions from time of organization in Philadelphia early summer of 1778 
and the possible number of recruits obtained in New York it may be 
set down that at no time did the **Regment" ever exceed five hundred 
including the **near eighty men" of the Roman Catholic Volun- 
teers whose merging into the Volunteers op Ireland is the sole 
cause of this brief narrative of the career of the so-called ** large Regi- 
ment" in a work relating to the Catholics and the American Revo- 
lution. 



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35? T'fce Volunteers of Ireland. 

Another engagement in which The Voluntbers op Irelanp 
partidpated was that of Hopldrk's Hill. 

Thereafter the Volunteers remain undistinguished in reports. 
Losses and desertions no doubt reducing the ''Regiment" to but a 
remnant of its original force. The few Volunteers who may have 
remained in the ranks of the British were surrendered at York* 
town. The Volunteers of Ireland were on the Army List as the 
105th Regiment. 

There is lack of evidence that the ** Regiment" ever numbered 
five hundred men, even if all were deserters from the American Army 
Bancroft seems to have spoken in exaggeration. It little mfittanp 
however, as the Regiments recruited in Ireland fully supplied amy 
deficiency in the numbers of The Volunteers op Ireland. 



WHY CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON SIGNED THE 

DECLARATION. 

When I signed the Dedaratkm of Independence, I had in view 
not only our isdepoidenoe of fogland, but the tokmXkm of aH teda 
profeMing the Christian religion, and communicating to then all 
equal rights. Happily this wine and salutary measure has taken place 
for eradiating reUgious feuds and persecution, and becoming a luef^I 
lesson to afl governments. Reflecting on the diaatriUties, I may truly 
say of the proscription of the Roman Catholics of Maryland, you will 
not be surprised that I had much at heart, this grand design founded 
on mutual diarity, the basis g( our holy religion. [Charles Carroll of 
Carrdlton, to Geo. Washington P. Curtis, Baltimore, 20th February 
1829.— Prom (N. Y.) Truth TeUer March 1*29, Vol. V., p. €7, 2A 
column.] 



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