m
•i
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE:
\l\
Jt Jftonthlp JJtriobical
DEVOTED TO THE
LITERATURE, HISTORY, ANTIQUITIES,
FOLK LORE, TRADITIONS,
SOCIAL AND MATERIAL INTERESTS OF THE CELT
AT HOME AND ABROAD.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A, SCOT,,
Author of " The History and Genealogies of the Clan Mackenzie'" ; " The History of
the Macdonalds and Lords of the Isles" ; " 7 he History of the Camerons" ; " The
History of the Mathesons" ; " The Prophecies of the Brahan Seer" ; " The
Historical Tales and Legends of the Highlands" ; " 7 he History of the
Highland Clearances" ; " The Social State of the Isle of Skyt in
1882-83"; &c-> &c-
VOL. IX.
INVERNESS : A. & W. MACKENZIE, 25 HIGH STREET.
1884.
All Rights Reserved.
INVERNESS : PRINTED AT THE COURIER OFFICE.
DA
-fSO
C3
LIBRARY
728816
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
CONTENTS.
PAC3K
Tho History of the Camerons.-By the Editor. 1, 49, 97, 145, 193, 245, 293,
341, 393, 463, 493, and 554
Legend of Girnigoe. — By H.R.M. ... ... ... ... ... 13
e Lower Fishings of the Ness, II.— By C. Fraser-Mackintosh, F.S.A. Scot., M.P. 18
Departure of an Emigrant Ship ... ... ... ... ... ... 23
The Ethics of Political Economy.— By Malcolm Mackenzie ... 24, 72, and 132
The Name Riach or Reoch. —By Thomas Stratton, M.D. ... ... ... 27
A"Run Through Canada and the States. — By Kenneth Macdonald, F.S.A. Scot.
28, 85, 180, and 217
The Literature of the Crofter Question ... ... ... ... ... 35
Celtic Mythology.— By Alexander Macbain, M.A. 36, 65, 124, 167, 210, 275,
323, 427, and 460
The Crofter Royal Commission ... ... ... ... ... ... 44
" Peermen " and their Relations. — By Mary Maekeilar ... ... ... 45
A Tale of the Strathnaver Clearances. — By Annie Mackay ... ... 57
Sutherland Evictions and Burnings — Testimony of Living Eye-witnesses 60, 112, and 173
Inverness Scientific Society and Field Club ... ... ... ... 80
A Tradition of Lochaher. — By Mary Mackellar ... ... ... ... 81
Proposed Testimonial to Professor Blaakie ... ... ... ...90and482
Celtic and Literary Notes ... ... ... ... 94, 138, 178, 290, and 392
The Highland Bagpipe— By H.R.M. ... ... ... ... ... 109
Ancient Celtic Tenures. — By H. C. Macandrew, Provost of Inverness 116 and 157
The Glasgow Lochaber Highlanders ... ... ... ... ... 131
Woods, Forests, and Estates of Perthshire, by Thomas Hunter — A Review ... 140
The Highland Land Law Reform Association of London ... ... ... 175
Highlaniiers of New Zealand and tbeir Distressed Countrymen at Home ... 177
Lays of Hame and Country, by Alexander Logan — A Review ... ... 179
The Highlands and Highlanders of Scotland, by James Cromb — A Review ... 187
Lays of Leisure, by William Allan — A Review ... ... ... ... 189
Golden Wedding of Cluny Macpherson, C.B. .. ... ... ... 190
Proposed Scottish Highlander ... ... ..' ... ... 192, 226, an. 1 292
The Feather Bunnet and the Highland Regiments ... ... ... 206
Fairies in Sutherland. — By Alexander Mackay ... ... ... ... 207
An Awkward March.— By H.R.M. ... ... ... ... ... 227
The Gaelic Society of Inverness — 12th Annual Dinner — Full Report ... 231
Do. do. — 13th Annual Assembly — Full Report ... 474
The Origin of Three Gaelic Proverbs.— By H.R.M ... ... ... 255
The Disarming Act and the Proscription of .the Highland Dress. — By J. G.
Mackay ... ... ... ... ... ... 257 and 310
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., F.S.A. Scot.— A Biographical Sketch. — By
A.M. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 265
Do. do. —A Portrait ... ... 358
Henry George at Inverness ... ... ... ... ... ... 283
The English Poetical Works of Evan MacColl— A Review ... ... ... 286
The History of Civilization in Scotland, by John Mackintosh — A Review ... 288
Donald Og MacAulay. — By Maclain ... ... ... ... ... 315
More About Sellar and the Sutherland Clearances ... ... ... 319
Macdonald of Scotus and his Son in 1745 ... ... ... ... 322
Old Highland Remedies. — By H.R.M. ... ... ... ... 330 and 354
The Chief of Grant and the Seafield Estates ... ... ... ... 334
Dugald Buchanan's Spiritual Songs, translated into English verse, by L. Mac-
Bean — A Review ... ... ... ... ... ... 336
Crofter Eloquence in the Isle of Skye ... .. ... ... ... 337
Joseph Anderson, LL.D., on Early Celtic Art "• ... ... ... 357
Report of the Royal Commission (Highlands and Islands) — An Analysis. — By
A.M. 35'9, 406, 445, and 504
Dissents from do., by Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and Loohiel ... ... 383
Dr Mackenzie Chisholm ... ... ... ... 391
iv. Contents.
PAOK
Royal Recognition of a Gaelic Bard ... ... ... ... ... 392
" Nether- Lochaber" ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 392
The Queen's New Book in Gaelic ... ... ... 434
Gae'ic in Schools ... ... .. ... : ... ... 435
Royal Reasons for adopting the Catholic Religion ... ... ... ... 439
The Greenock Telegraph, on Mackenzie's Analysis of Report of Croftor RoyM
Commission ... ... ... " ... ... ... "... 444
Historic Scenes in Glendochart.— By Coir-an-t-Sith ... ... ... 483
A Legend of Ardnamurchan.— By H.R. M. ... ... ... ... 488
Henry George on the History of the Highland Clearances ... ... ... 489
Boyd's Vi-iti>rs' Guide to Obnn, by " Stravaiger. '—A Review ... 490
Anecdotes of the Highland Regiments. — By William Mackenzie ... ... 491
Poem*, by John Campbell — A Review ... ... ... ... 492
The Translator of the New Testament into Gaelic ... ... 513
The Gaelic Origin of Local Names.— By A. M. ... ... ... ... 517
" Taillear Dunh na Tuaighe " — A Cameron Wanior. By t!i« Rev. Professor
Male ;lm Campbell Taylor, I). D. ... ... ... ... 525 and ")''>.">
" Colonel Ann " Mackintosh and Cumberland ... .. .. ... 530
An Incursion of the Frasers to Athole.— By H R.M. ... ... ... 531
The Scottish Review on the Report of the Crofters' Commission
The Toronto Calodonian Society ... .. ... ... ... 535
Suaicheantas nan Gael, or the Badges of the Highland Clans in Gaelic and
English ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 5o6
Land Law Reform Demonstration in Dingwall ... ... ... 537 and 572
Miscellaneous Notes ... ... ... ... ... ... 53S>
John Mackintosh, author of "The History of Civilisation in Scmlari'l." — A
Biographical Sketch ... ... ... ... ... ... 541
The Seaforth Highlanders. — First Offence in the Ranks ... ... ... 547
Bruce and the Brooch of Lorn.— By the Rev. Allan Sinclair, M.A. ... ... 548
The Legend of Cumyn's Cairn.— By H.R. M. ... ... ... ... 5b2
To the Reader ... ..." ... ... ... ... ... 571
The Killin Collection of Gaelic Songs and Music ... ... ... ... 57b'
Administration of Justice in the Isle of Skye ... ... ... ... 580
Glencairn's Duel. — By M. A. Rose ... ... ... ... ... 584
CORRESPOND ENCE.
The " Clachnahagaig " Stone. — By Angus Mackintosh ... ... 83 and 144
Feudal Relation* "f Landlord and Tenant. — By John D. Macpherson ... 84
The Rev. Donald Mnnro, M.A., High Dean of the Isles. — By Alexander Ro*s 142
Historical Chairs.— By C. B. Strutt ... ... ... ... ... 282
Peermen ami their Relations. — By James Linn ... ... ... ... 285
Murder of Colin Campbell of Glenure. — By Nether-Lochaber ... ... 352
The Last of the MacMartin Camerons. — By Colin Chi>holm ... ... 442
The Dance of "Seann Triubhain." — By Kenneth Matheson, jun. ... ... 443
The Camerons of Letterfiulay. — By Catherine Cameron ... ... ... 516
POETRY.
A Canadian Farewell to Lord Lome.— By William Murray ... ... 17
Orati Ceilidh, le Mairi Nic Edair ... ... ... ... ... 48
Marbh-rann do ('halum Kualh MacCoinnich ; le Ruairidh, a Bhratbair ... 92
The Highland Widow. — By Kenneth MacLachlan ... ... ... 165
The Last Sabbath in Strathnaver before the Burnings. — Bv Annie Mackay ... 228
To the Gael. --By William Allan ... ... "... ... ... 264
Tuireadh air son Prionnsa Donnachadh Diuc Albani, le Mairi Nic-Ealair ... 335
The River Beauly.— By Evan MacColl ... ... ... ... ... 390
Belle Borne Brook.— By Dr J. Murdoch Harper ... ... ... ... 426
Oran do'n Ridire Coinneach MacCoinnich, Triath Ghearrloch, le Mairi Nic-
Ealair ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 480
Cumha do Dh-Fh«ar Lonndabhra, le Ailean Dall ... ... ... 514
The Sailor'a Return. -By Kenneth MacLachlan ... ... ... ... 523
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. XCVII. NOVEMBER 1883. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
X.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued. — REMARKABLE INCIDENTS
IN HIS EARLY CAREER.
LOCHIEL, having returned to Lochaber, found Macdonald of
Glengarry and Keppoch willing to join him in the common
defence of their properties ; and for this purpose they met at
Glenturrit, when they agreed to raise their men and meet upon
a moor above Aberchalder, a few miles from Fort-Augustus,
whenever they heard of the enemy's advance. Lochiel, in the
meantime, allowed most of his men to separate and go home,
but hearing of the approach of the English sooner than he
expected, he determined to march for the place of rendezvous
with about four hundred of his followers whom he had still about
him, thinking that, by the assistance of Glengarry and Keppoch,
he might be able to engage the enemy successfully. On his
arrival he was disappointed to find only Keppoch there in terms
of the agreement previously come to, and that Glengarry was
" walking and discoursing with the English Commander in the
very centre of his troops," encamped on the plain below, and
numbering 1500 men and several troops of horse. Lochiel
2 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
became exasperated, and expressed his suspicions even of Kep-
poch's fidelity, with the result that the latter resented the charge
by leaving the field and marching his men home.
The English soon after raised their camp and marched for a
wood at the end of the Pass of Clunes, where they halted, and
their Commander, Colonel Brayn, sent a messenger to Lochiel
requesting permission to walk peaceably through his country,
assuring him that he had no design of injuring either himself or
his people, if he was not provoked by their conduct to attack
them. Lochiel was personally in favour of attacking the English
in the Pass, where he would have great advantages over them
and could keep them until more of his men should arrive from
their homes. His leading men strongly advised him against this
course, and they were supported in their views by General
Drummond, who accompanied Lochiel, with the view, it is
said, to command the confederated clans when they met, to
prevent disputes among themselves; and Lochiel, unwillingly,
gave way to the counsel of his friends. He, however, closely
watched the movements of the enemy, who, after encamping for
a night at Inverlochy, began a return march to Inverness, neither
inflicting nor receiving any injury in the district of Lochaber
during their long march there and back.
In consequence of Glengarry's defection on this occasion,
Lochiel and he were never afterwards completely reconciled.
When the estates of Glengarry were subsequently forfeited, Argyll
got a gift of it, and gave it afterwards to Lochiel, who, notwith-
standing the old difference, granted it in turn entire to its original
owner.* After this Lochiel joined Glencairn's army, and took
part in several lively skirmishes between him and the English
soldiery in which the young chief and his followers displayed
their usual gallantry, but nothing specially remarkable is recorded
of them at this period.
In 1654 General Middleton arrived from Holland, and
succeeded Glencairn in the command of the King's troops, where-
upon he at once wrote to Lochiel as follows : —
" HONOURED SIR, — The King is very sensible of your affection to him, and I am
confident how soone he is in a capacity, will liberally reward your services. I doe
* The author of Locliiers Memoirs says, "Argyll's disposition of it to Lochiel is
still extant, and is to be seen in the hands of M'Kenzie of Rose-End."
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 3
not at all doubt of your constant resolution to prosecute that service vigorously with
all your power for the King's interest and your country's honour, and I doe assure you
that no man shall be more ready to assist you in anything than, &c.
(Signed) "JOHN MIDDLETONE.
" TOUNG, March 1654."
" P~S. — I expect that you, with your friends, will not faill to come considerably,
to join me, as soon as you are advertized by the Earl of Glencairn of his march
towards me."
Lochiel soon after joined Middleton "with a full regiment
of good men," whom he almost immediately led into action,
maintaining their previous renown for intrepidity and courage
against the enemy.
By General Monk's tactics, who arrived in the North in
April 1654, Middleton's forces were reduced to very severe
straits, being hemmed in on all sifles, without provisions, and
having no garrison or safe place of retreat. They were thus
constantly obliged to fight and defend themselves in the open
country, occasioning many severe conflicts between them and the
English. On these occasions young Lochiel was always to the
front, and often signally distinguished^ himself. " His men seemed
to be spirited by his example, and in the end became so hardy
and resolute that they despised all danger while he was at their
head. There was little blood drawn during that campaign where
he was not present, for he chose to be in that part of the army
that opposed General Morgan, who, being an active and brave
officer, seldom allowed rest to his enemies." Lochiel was thus
gaining in reputation every day, becoming almost adored by his
trusting followers.
Monk used every means in his power — terrorism or concili-
ation, as best suited the circumstances — to divide and break up
the Highland army, and, having succeeded with many of the other
chiefs, he was naturally anxious to secure Lochiel, the most dis-
tinguished for bravery and courage of them all. He spared no
temptation to bribe him into submission, and made him so many
insinuating offers and proposals "that several of his best friends
were surprised that he so much as hesitated to accept them.
Among others he offered to buy the estate of Glenlui and Loch-
arkaig for him ; to pay all his debts ; and to give him whatever
post in the army he pleased." All this, however, proved ineffec-
tual, and Monk determined to plant a strong garrison at Inver-
4 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lochy, in the very heart of the Cameron country, so that Lochiel's
estate would thus be entirely at his mercy, or he would force
the Chief and his men home to defend it. He succeeded in the
latter, for Lochiel, hearing of Monk's intention, marched straight
into Lochaber, where he raised additional men, determined to fight
the enemy on their way from Inverness, whence, he was informed,
they were coming across the country. Meanwhile, however, on
the advice of Argyll, who supplied men to pilot them, the English
came round by sea, in five ships, and landed safely at Inverlochy,
in their own boats, with a year's provision and ample materials
to construct a fort. Colonel Brayn, who had led the English
through the same country the previous year, was appointed Gover-
nor of the garrison, which consisted of 2000 effective troops,
commanded by the most skilful and resolute officers in Monk's
army, and attended by a large following of workmen, servants,
their wives and children.
The extensive woods which then abounded in the district
furnished the Governor with such plentiful material that, in less
than twenty-four hours after landing, he had his troops fully
secured against all danger from attack. Lochiel arrived in the
neighbourhood next morning, and, having personally reconnoitred
the situation from a neighbouring eminence, he satisfied himself
of the impossibility of successful attack, and resolved to retire
westward to the woods of Achadalew, three miles from the garri-
son, on the northern shore of Lochiel. Having taken counsel
with his friends here, he resolved upon dismissing his men for a
few days to enable them to remove their cattle further away from
the enemy, and to obtain provisions for themselves, which, in con-
sequence of their long absence, became quite exhausted. He
only kept thirty-two young gentlemen and his own servants about
him as a body-guard, numbering in all thirty-five, or, as another
authority says, thirty-eight persons. He could not have fixed
on a more suitable place to await the return of his followers, not
only having, where he halted, a means of safe retreat into the
wood, in case of a sudden surprise, but having the English garri-
son so well in view that the smallest party could not be sent out
of it without his having timely notice of its proceedings. At the
same time, he managed to get spies admitted into the garrison
who kept him fully informed of everything that took place,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 5
though by their cunning familiarity with the soldiers, and frank
offers of their services in any capacity in which they could be of
use, they were never in the least suspected.
Through these emissaries he received private notice that the
Governor, encouraged by Lochiel's dismissal of his men, was that
very day, the fifth after his arrival, to send out a detachment of
300 men, attended by several workmen, to bring in some fresh
provisions, as well as to fell a quantity of old oak trees, which, he
was informed, were to be found in great numbers on both sides
of Lochiel. Though the Chief was displeased at himself for
dismissing so many of his men, yet, pushed on by curiosity, he
ascended an eminence, from whence he had a full view of all the
enemy's proceedings, and soon after he discovered two ships, full of
soldiers, sailing towards the wood, where he and his men were
concealed. These vessels, as he afterwards found, each contained
an equal number of troops. One of them anchored on his, and
the other on the opposite, shore of the Loch. Resolving to have
a nearer view, he, under cover of the wood, managed to post him-
self so near the spot where they landed, that he was able
to count them as they drew up, their number being about 140
men, besides officers and workmen with axes and other instru-
ments. Having thus fully satisfied himself, he returned to his
friends, and asked their opinion as to what was best to be done,
" now that such a party of the enemy had offered their throats to
be cut," as he expressed himself. The majority of his party were
young men, fiery, hot-headed, full of vigour and courage, and
fond of every opportunity of pleasing their brave Chief, whom
they almost adored. These youthful spirits, discovering his in-
clinations, were for attacking the English at once at all hazards ;
but the few older and more experienced attempted to dissuade
him from this by all the arguments they could suggest. They said
that the great inequality of their number rendered the attempt
mad and ridiculous ; that, supposing the enemy to be cowards,
yet they were strangers, and the very despair of the impossibility
of escaping in a strange country by flight would oblige them to
fight desperately for their lives ; and, being more than four to
one, it would be surprising if they did not surround their assail-
ants and cut them to pieces ; but in this particular case the com-
bat would be still more hazardous and desperate, for the enemy
6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
were all choice old troops, hardened and inspirited by long prac-
tice and success in war, and commanded by experienced officers,
who knew well how to employ these advantages ; that it would
be a sufficient proof of their own courage to fight such an enemy
upon equal terms ; upon the whole, that their best advice was
immediately to dispatch such persons as their Chief should fix
upon to call in the assistance of more men, and on the arrival of
these to fight when they had a reasonable chance of success on
something like equal terms.
A few were present who had served under Montrose, and
Lochiel asked their opinion separately, but they declared that
they never knew even Montrose to engage under so great a dis-
advantage as to numbers ; besides, they looked upon this enemy
as far superior to any that Montrose ever had occasion to fight ;
for, though he seldom fought but where there were some
regiments of old soldiers against him, yet the greater portion
were generally such as enlisted not out of zeal for the Covenant,
but were otherwise forced, and, therefore, not to be compared
with veteran troops.
But, notwithstanding all this, Lochiel was so determined
that he would not be dissuaded from the hazardous attempt.
" Whether impelled by an excess of courage, or by a youthful
spirit of emulation (for he had Montrose always in his mouth),
it is certain that he never appeared absolutely inexorable but on
this occasion." He upbraided his friends as enemies to his and
their own glory, in magnifying danger, where, he said, there was
so little reason ; and alleged that he had allowed the same
enemy to escape on a previous occasion, at the Pass of Clunes,
by their advice, when he had an opportunity of cutting them to
pieces ; and that, had they been then treated as they ought to
have been, and as they deserved, they would neither have had
the boldness to fix themselves in the heart of his country nor
the insolence to cut down his woods without his leave ; but they
should not again have one tree of .his without paying for it with
t! eir blood ; that if they were not chastised, the Camerons, who
were now the only free people within the three Kingdoms, would
soon find themselves in a miserable state of servitude, at the
n.ercy of bloody enthusiasts, who had enslaved their country and
iirbrued their impious hands in the blood of their Sovereign, and
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 7
still thirsted for that of his few remaining subjects ; that, however
they magnified the enemy's courage, yet it might be remembered
by several of those present, that they had oftener than once tried
their own with success in conflicts more hazardous ; and, par-
ticularly, at Braemar, where he himself defended a pass with a
handful against an army of English. He further pleaded,
that the enemy, being in absolute security, would be so con-
founded and stupified by a bold, sudden, and unexpected attack,
that they would imagine every tree in the wood a High-
lander holding a broad-sword in his hand, and cutting their
throats ; that the enemy had no other arms but their heavy
muskets, which would be useless after their first fire ; and that
it would be the Camerons' own faults if they allowed the English
time to fire a second time ; that supposing he and his party
should be obliged to retreat, which was really the worst that
could happen to them, it was easy for them to retire further into
the wood, through which the enemy dare not follow them for fear
of ambush ; and even though they should, yet the Highlanders,
who were much nimbler, had the neighbouring mountains for
security ; that, as to the proposal of sending for more men, they
knew that to be impracticable, for those living in the neighbour-
hood were now in the remote mountains with their cattle, and
the rest lived at too great a distance to afford assistance on such
short notice ; but that he truly believed there was no need of
their aid, for if every one there would undertake to kill his man,
which he expected each would do with his shot, he would person-
ally answer for the rest !
Lochiel delivered himself of this oration in such a manner
that none of his party made any further opposition to his wish.
They all declared that they were ready to march whenever he
should command them, though it were to certain destruction,
on condition that he and his younger brother Allan, who was
yet but a stripling, would agree to absent themselves from
danger, as all the hopes of the Clan depended on their safety ;
so they entreated him to be prevailed upon in what they urged
was so reasonable a request. Lochiel could not patiently listen to
the proposal regarding himself, but commanded that his brother,
who would not otherwise keep out of the fray, should be bound
to a tree ; and, that since he could not spare any of his men, a
8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
little boy, who came accidentally among them, should be left to
attend him. These orders were executed ; but the brave youth
soon forced the boy to unloose him, and subsequently had the
good fortune to save his brother's life.
In the meantime Lochiel's scouts brought him word that the
enemy, having continued for a short time where they landed,
marched slowly along the shore about half-a-mile in a westward
direction, and were now at the village of Achadelew, where they
were pillaging the houses and capturing the poultry. Lochiel,
judging this, while they were in disorder, the proper moment for
attacking them, drew up his men in a long line, one deep, and
desired them to march slowly, sc as not to disorder themselves,
while entangled among the trees, till they came in view of the
enemy, and not to fire a shot until they touched the breasts of
the enemy with the muzzles of their pieces. About half his men
had bows, and were excellent archers. To these he gave similar
orders, and mixed them with his musketeers. But his men were
too young and too forward to observe the first part of these
orders with the necessary exactness. They marched so quick,
or rather ran at such a pace, that Lochiel, who, by some accident
or other, was obliged to stay a little behind, ran a great risk,
before he could overtake them, of being shot from a bush, where
one of the enemy lurked ; but his brother Allan luckily came up
at the very moment and shot the fellow dead while he had his
gun to his eye, levelled directly at Lochiel, who had never ob-
served him.
The English, who, it seems, had been warned in time by
some of their own stragglers, were in good order when the Came-
rons came in view, and they received them somewhat rashly with
a general discharge of their muskets, but at such a distance that
they did no harm, and the Highlanders were up with them before
they could load a second time, pouring their shot into their very
bosoms, and killing more than thirty of them on the spot. They
then fell on them plying their broadswords with incredible fury.
The enemy sustained the shock with great bravery, though with
little success.
This manner of fighting was new to them. At first they
acted entirely on the defensive, and, by holding their muskets
before their foreheads, endeavoured to defend themselves from
the terrible blows of the broadsword. But the Highlanders strik-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 9
ing them below, they were soon obliged to change that method.
Some of them used their swords, and struck at their enemies with
strength and fury, but their blows were mostly ineffectual. The
Highlanders received them on their shields, and the mettle and
temper of the enemy's blades were so bad that they bent in their
hands and became useless, thus exposing them to certain death.
Others of them thrust their bayonets into the muzzles of their
pieces, as the custom then was, but they were no less unsuccessful,
for the more violently they pushed the more firmly their weapons
entered and stuck in the Highlanders' leathern targets, and left
their users naked and defenceless. Those that clubbed their
muskets did more mischief, but fared little better in the end, for,
though they made some sure blows, yet the firelocks were at that
time so clumsy and heavy that they seldom could recover them
for a second stroke ; besides, the Highlanders, covering them-
selves with their targets, generally broke the force of the blow.
But the superiority of their numbers gave the enemy such an ad-
vantage as to keep the conflict for a long time in suspense.
Though their ranks were often pierced, disordered, and broken,
yet they as often rallied and returned to the charge, which ex-
ceedingly surprised the Highlanders, who were not accustomed
to such long and doubtful actions, and it is more than likely that,
had the English weapons been equal to the courage of those who
wielded them, the Highlanders would have paid dear for their
rashness.
But the numbers of the enemy at last decreasing by the
slaughter of their best men, they began gradually to give ground,
but not to run, for, with their faces to the Camerons, they still
kept retreating in a body, though in disorder, and fighting with
invincible obstinacy and resolution. But Lochiel, to prevent
their escape to their vessel, fell upon the following strategem : —
He commanded two or three of his men to run in advance of the
retreating enemy, and from a bush to call out so as to make
them imagine that another body of Highlanders was intercepting
their retreat. This took so effectually that they stopped, and
animated by rage, madness, and despair, they renewed the
fight with greater fury than before. They were still superior
in numbers to the Camerons by more than half, and wanted
nothing but good weapons to make Lochiel repent that he had
intercepted their escape. They had no longer any regard for
io THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
their own safety, and with their clubbed muskets delivered such
strokes as would have brought their enemies to the ground, if
they had been aimed with as much discretion as they were
forcibly applied. But this served only to hasten their destruction,
for, exerting all their strength in giving these ineffectual blows,
the sway of their heavy muskets, which generally struck the
ground, rendered them unable to recover themselves. The High-
landers made use of the advantage and stabbed them with their
dirks or poniards while they were thus bent and defenceless,
whereby they quickly diminished their numbers, and forced them
again to flee as best they could.
Being thus broken and dispersed, " they fled as fear or chance
directed them. The Highlanders pursued with as little judg-
ment. In one place you might have seen five Highlanders
engaged with double that number of Englishmen ; and in another,
two or three Englishmen defending themselves against twice as
many of their enemies." But the greater number made to the
shore, where we shall leave them for a moment and follow the
young Chief, who in the meantime had a most curious adventure.
He followed a few that fled into the wood, where he killed
two or three with his own hand, no one having pursued in that
direction but himself. The officer who commanded the invaders
also fled in the same direction ; but, concealing himself in a
bush, Lochicl did not notice him, and, observing that he was
alone, started suddenly out of his lurking-place, attacked Lochiel
on his return, and threatening, as he rushed furiously upon him,
sword in hand, to revenge the slaughter of his countrymen by
the Chiefs death. Lochiel, who also had his sword in his hand,
received him with equal resolution. " The combat was long and
doubtful ; both fought for their lives, and as they were both ani-
mated by the same fury and courage, so they seemed to manage
their swords with the same dexterity. The English gentleman
had by far the advantage in strength and size ; but Lochiel, ex-
ceeding him in nimbleness and agility, in the end tripped the
sword out of his hand. But he was not allowed to make use of
this advantage, for his antagonist, flying upon him with incredible
quickness, they closed and wrestled till both fell to the ground in
each other's arms. In this posture they struggled and tumbled
up and down till they fixed in the channel of a brook, between
two straight steep banks, which then, by the drought of summer,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 11
happened to be dry. Here Lochiel was in a most desperate situ-
ation, for, being undermost, he was not only crushed under the
weight of his antagonist (who was a very big man), but also
badly hurt and bruised by the sharp stones in the bed of the
rivulet. Their strength was so far spent that neither of them
could stir a limb ;" but the Englishman, being uppermost, at last
recovered the use of his right hand, seized a dagger that hung at
his belt, and made several attempts to stab his adversary, who
all the time held him fast ; but the narrowness of the place where
they were, and the posture they were in, rendered the execution
very difficult and almost impracticable while he was so closely
embraced. He, however, made a most violent effort to disengage
himself, and in that act he raised his head and stretched his neck,
when Lochiel, — who by this time had his hands at liberty — with
his left suddenly seized his opponent by the right, and with the
other by the collar, and, jumping at his extended throat, which
he used to say God put in his mouth, he bit it quite through, and
kept such hold of it that he brought away his mouthful ! " This,"
he said, " was the sweetest bite he ever had in his life !" The
reader may imagine in what a state he would be after receiving
such a gush of warm blood in the face as naturally flowed from
such a wound. However, he soon had an opportunity of wash-
ing himself, for, hastening to the shore, he found his men chin-
deep in the sea, endeavouring to destroy the remainder of the
enemy, who still attempted to recover their vessel, at anchor near
the shore ; and, wishing to save the few remaining of the foe
after such a victory, he, with great difficulty, staid the fury of his
men, and offered quarters, when all, being about thirty-five
in number, submitted. The first that delivered his arms
was an Irishman, who, having briskly offered his hand to
Lochiel, bade him adieu, and ran away with such speed that,
though he was hotly pursued, he managed to effect his escape
to Inverlochy, three long miles from the village where they first
engaged, while he had also the river Lochy to cross before
he was in complete safety. It is said of this fellow that, when
saying his prayers, " which every soldier in those religious times
was obliged to do," remembering the danger from which he
had escaped, always put up the petition — " That God, in his
mercy, would be pleased to keep him out of the hands of Lochiel
and his bloody crew !"
12 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Before the others gave up their arms one of them attempted
to shoot Lochiel, who, having by good fortune, observed him
while he had his gun to his eye, plunged himself into the sea at
the moment when the ungrateful rascal drew the trigger. This
the Chief the more easily effected, as he was already chin-
deep in the water ; but even then his escape was so narrow that
a part of the hair from the back of his head was shot away, and
the skin a little ruffled by the ball.
After this the Camerons showed no further mercy. They
flew upon the enemy like tigers, cutting them to pieces wherever
they came at them. In vain did Lochiel interpose his authority ;
they were deaf to everything but the dictates of fury and revenge.
Nor, indeed, did the English, after so manifest a violation of the
laws of war, seem to expect anything else, for one of them,
whom the Camerons supposed from his dress to be an officer,
having got on board the ship, resolved to accomplish what the
other had failed in, and that he might take surer aim, he rested
his gun upon the side of the vessel. Lochiel noticed him, and,
judging that he had no chance of escape " but by ducking, as he
did before, kept his eye fixed upon the finger that he had at the
trigger. But his foster-brother, who was close by, happening at
the same time to take notice of the danger his Chief was in, and
preferring his safety to his own, immediately threw himself before
him, and received the shot in his mouth and breast. This is per-
haps one of the most astonishing instances of affection and love
that any age can produce. If fortitude and courage are qualities
of so heroic and sublime a nature, what name shall we invent for
a noble contempt of life, generously thrown away in preservation
of one of a much greater value ?" Lochiel immediately revenged
the death of this brave youth with his own hand, and, after the
utter destruction of the whole party, excepting the Irishman and
another man, whom we shall have occasion to mention hereafter,
he carried his body three miles on his back, and interred him
in the burial-place of his own family, in the most honourable
manner he could, in the circumstances, contrive. Lochiel only
lost four men, and his devoted foster-brother, who sacrificed his
own life to save that of his Chief, during the whole of this re-
markable engagement. A few more interesting details connected
with it must be left over until our next.
(To be continued.)
13
A LEGEND OF GIRNIGOE.
TOWARDS the middle of the i/th century the family of Sinclair,
who were Earls of Caithness, lived in a castle about two miles
from the spot where the town of Wick now stands. This castle,
which took its name from the family to whom it belonged, was,
from the effects of time, tempest, and siege, rapidly falling into
decay, and it was quite evident that it would not be habitable
much longer. The inmates of Castle Sinclair, at the time of our
tale, were the Earl and Countess of Caithness', a son about five
years of age, several domestics, and about two score men-at-
arms.
The Countess of Caithness was the daughter of Sir Hugh
Oliphant of Oldwick Castle, and had been wedded to the Earl at
the early age of eighteen, but not early enough to prevent her
from giving her heart to another. Whilst in her father's castle,
Sir Dudley Merton, a young English Knight, was cast ashore by
a storm upon the coast of Caithness, and was hospitably enter-
tained by Sir Hugh. An intimacy was formed between Sir
Dudley and the daughter of his host, which soon ripened into
love, but Sir Hugh, though hospitable, was ambitious, and wished
to see his daughter some day Countess of Caithness, so that
when Sir Dudley asked the hand of the Lady Norna from her
father, he was met with a scornful refusal, and ordered at once to
leave the castle. The disappointed lover said a sorrowful fare-
well to the lady, and departed southwards. Soon after, the
Earl of Caithness, a stern, morose man, about fifty years of age,
sought the Lady Norna's hand in marriage, and much against
her will she was wedded to the Earl, and her father's ambitious
hopes were fulfilled.
Transported to the Earl's dark and gloomy residence she
pined for her first and only love, the young Southron, and until
the birth of her son, which took place about a year after her
marriage, she lived a melancholy and lonely life. The Earl
cared little for his young wife, whom he had married merely to
strengthen his power with the family of Oliphant, and her days
were spent in a chamber assigned to her, with no company save
H THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
that of her little son, William, whom she idolised, and an old
man-servant, named Rory Gunn, whom she had brought with
her from Oldwick Castle, and who was devotedly attached to his
young mistress. The Earl spent most of his time in making
forays upon the neighbouring coasts in a large galley which he
possessed.
On one occasion he had been absent upon an excursion of
this sort for several days, and the Countess was seated at her
window in a turret of the castle, watching the sun as it sunk
down towards the horizon, when the door of her chamber opened,
and gave admission to a young stranger. He was encased in a
complete suit of chain armour, which showed off his lithe and
sinewy figure to perfection. His head was protected by a steel
casque, the vizor of which was raised, exposing a countenance at
once manly and good-humoured. The Countess in her pre-
occupation had not heard him enter, but on the word " Norna "
being pronounced by the stranger, she turned round quickly, and
ejaculating " Dudley," fell senseless to the floor. Her little son,
who was playing on the floor when Sir Dudley entered, now ran
to the aid of his mother, and she soon came to herself, and
entreated Sir Dudley to depart from the castle at once, ere the
Earl should return. The Knight disregarded her entreaties, and
related how he had travelled there alone that he might claim his
Norna, and take her to his English home as Lady Merton.
" Sir Dudley," said the Countess, " I am the wedded wife of
another man, and nothing more must pass between us. Leave
the castle, I beseech you, or the consequences will be terrible."
In the excited state she was in the Countess had not heard
the scraping of the galley upon the shingle outside, as it was
drawn up on dry land, nor the voices of the rowers as they put
away their oars and lowered the mast of the galley. Sir Dudley,
moved by her entreaties, was saying farewell to the Countess,
and was on his bended knee before her, in the act of kissing her
hand, when a heavy step came up the stairs, the door of the
chamber flew open, and the Earl entered.
" Ha ! " he cried, " so this is the way you take advantage of
my absence ! By Saint Andrew, you shall not do so again.
What, ho ! men-at-arms ! "
At these words several armed men poured into the chamber,
A LEGEND OF GIRNIGOE. 15
and stood like statues, awaiting further orders. Sir Dudley had
drawn his sword, and was ready to act on the defensive. The
Countess had fainted, and was in blissful unconsciousness of what
was happening around her, whilst the little boy stood crying
beside the prostrate form of his mother.
"Seize that fool," cried the Earl, pointing to Sir Dudley,
"and keep him a close prisoner till I have prepared his doom.
As for the Countess, I will deal with her."
The men-at-arms dashed at Sir Dudley, who made good
-play with his sword, and for a few minutes the chamber rung
with the clash of steel, but, at length, Sir Dudley's sword was
knocked out of his grasp, and he was seized and hurried away,
leaving, however, two of his assailants bleeding on the floor.
The Earl then imprisoned his lady in her chamber, of which
he kept the key himself. He took his little son out with him
upon his excursions in the galley, the lad bidding fair to become
as great a pirate as his father. Removed from the gentle care of
his mother, he soon forgot all she had taught him, and the Earl
became proud of his young cub, as he called him.
Soon after the event narrated here, the Earl procured the
services of Queen Mary's architect to plan a new castle for him.
The spot chosen for the site of the proposed castle was an im-
mense point of rock called Girnigoe, a little distance from Castle
Sinclair, bounded on one side by the open sea, and on the other
by a " geo " or deep gully, up which the sea rushed with the
speed of a mill-race. The Earl immediately impressed into the
work all the retainers upon his property, and the work was corn-
menced by the building of a dungeon on the face of the rock to-
wards the sea. The walls of this prison were nearly a yard thick,
and it was entered by a steep and narrow stone staircase, at the
foot of which was a deep slit in the wall to admit light to it.
To the right was a thick door, which gave immediate access to
the dungeon. The interior was lighted also by a loophole in the
wall, but the small portion of light which it admitted served only
to show the darkness. On the completion of the dungeon, the
Earl ordered them to place the unfortunate Sir Dudley in it, and
leave him to his fate, whilst they proceeded with the remainder
of the castle. Into this hole, therefore, was Sir Dudley thrust,
-and abandoned to a most terrible death. When he felt the
16 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
approach of the grim despoiler, he exerted his remaining strength
to scrape with a nail upon the wall of his tomb the words,
" 1635 NAE HOPE,,' and these words are still to be seen by the
traveller who inspects the ruins of Girnigoe Castle, if he has the
courage to descend into the dungeon with a light.
In the course of two or three years, the new castle was
finished, and it was far larger and stronger than the old one.
The unhappy Countess, who had been a close prisoner in Castle
Sinclair ever since the fatal day when she was discovered with
her old lover, was now transported to a chamber in Girnigoe
Castle.
Amongst other improvements which the architect had intro-
duced into the building of the castle, was a secret staircase lead-
ing down through the rock to the sea, and at the bottom of this
staircase, in a deep, dark cove, was moored a small boat. This
was intended to facilitate the escape of the inmates of the castle,
if at any time it should be surrounded by enemies. The Countess's
old servant, Rory, who was still retained in the castle, was con-
stantly revolving plans in his head for getting his mistress out of
it, and back to Oldwick, where she would gain her father's
protection. But the Earl always kept the key of her chamber
in his belt, except when food was sent up to her, when it
was intrusted for the time to the care of a man-at-arms. At
last a brilliant idea struck Rory, and he determined to lose no
time in putting it into execution. One evening the Earl was
coming downstairs from the top of the turret, where he had been
taking a survey of the neighbouring coast, when Rory came up
the stairs, and pretending to slip on a step, stumbled against the
Earl, nearly knocking him down. Rory instantly recovered himself,
and humbly begged pardon for his awkwardness, but in that short
minute, when he fell against him, he had managed to abstract
the key from the Earl's girdle unnoticed. Giving him a few hearty
curses, the Earl went out of the castle and set out in his galley,
and Rory knew that he would not return till morning, should
he not discover the loss of the key. No time was to be lost ;
Rory immediately liberated the Countess ; and taking her unseen
outside the castle, brought her to the secret staircase. Here they
descended, and after placing the lady carefully in the stern of
the boat, he took the oars, and speedily rowed away from the
CANADIAN FAREWELL TO LORD LORNE. 17
castle. The night was dark and cloudy, and the wind was rising
fast. The little boat began to pitch wildly about on the crests of
.the waves. Still Rory kept on rowing, until the wind had in-
creased almost to a gale. His hands were now powerless with
exertion, and he let the boat drift as it would. Suddenly a
vivid flash of lightning illumined the scene, and exposed to his
eyes the form of the Earl's galley, not a hundred yards away,
whilst at the same time the Earl himself, who was standing at
the helm, observed the boat with Rory and the Countess.
Muttering a deep curse, he steered straight for the boat, and
watched with a pitiless and malignant eye the remains of the
little craft, with his much-wronged wife and her faithful servant,
disappear beneath the keel of his galley. H. R. M.
A CANADIAN FAREWELL TO LORD LORNE.
God bless and prosper thee, Lord Lome !
Whate'er thy new career
Right well and nobly hast thou borne
Thy princely part while here.
Placed high in this conflicting land
O'er Party's surging roar,
With skilful and impartial hand
Thou hast controlled thine oar.
Succeeding, as thou didst, a chief
Unmatched with us before,
No wonder had'st thou struck a reef
Ere thou had'st reached the shore.
But thou has weathered rocks and tide,
Pleased Colony and Crown,
And filled all Highland hearts with pride
O'er thy well-earned renown.
Return to our beloved Queen,
Receive her thanks with ours,
And give her, what we ne'er shall screen,
Our loyal love in showers.
And thou, too, Princess, still shall reign
In each Canadian heart ;
" Soft winds soon waft thee back again,"
We utter as we part.
God bless you both in heart and home,
Wherever you may dwell.
Our hearts are yours where'er you roam,
And so we say FAREWELL !
WILLIAM MURRAY.
ATHOLE BANK, HAMILTON,
ONTARIO, October 1883.
B
iS Tilt: CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE LOWER FISHINGS OF THE NESS.
BY CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, F.S.A., SCOT, M.P.
II.
///. Minor Disputes. — Of old the Coble proprietors acted
together in the letting of their fishings. The late H. R. Duff
of Muirtown, in 1822, declined concurring with his co-coble
brethren, the result being that it was found he could not be com-
pelled to concur.
In course of the Canal operations the river was much
interfered with, temporary embankments and channels being
necessary. Immense damage was done to the river bed, the
dykes, cruives, etc., at the Islands by a sudden and great flood,
on the 1 1 th December 1809, carrying from Dochgarroch down-
wards these temporary embankments, and " fir and forest trees
of very great growth cut in the woods of Borlum for Canal pur-
poses." Thomas Davies, residing on the Green of Muirtown ;
William Hughes, then presently residing at Dochgarroch; and
Matthew Davidson, residing at Clachriaharry, were proceeded
against, and had some difficulty in arranging with the Heritors,
and with Messrs Forbes, Hoggarth, & Co. of Aberdeen, and Mr
James Richardson of Perth, their Tacksmen.
The following is part of the complaint of the tacksmen of
the fishings : —
'•'lhat the petitioners are tacksmen of, and in possession of, the salmon fishiugs
on the River Ness, comprehending the cruive fishing, and fishing by net and coble on
and in the island opposite to the lands of Mr Grant of Bught. and which fishing has
been supported and upheld principally by means of two extensive dykes forming a
bulwark fence on the north and south side of the said island, from the west extremity
thereof, and thereby taking the water in a great body off at the west extremity, and
discharging it towards, and at the east through the cavities of the said bulwark
gradually into the body of the river, and thereby excluding the free access of the
salmon westward. That the respondents (Davies, Hughes, and Davidson) sometime
ago entered into a contract or agreement with the Commissioners for making the
Canal in the County of Inverness, or agents employed by them, for altering the course
of the River Ness, running between the lands of Borlum and Dochgarroch, and they
accordingly employed a great number of people, and formed a channel principally
through the lands of Borlum, under fir and forest trees of very great growth, and
about the end of November or beginning of December finished the acqueduct, and
closed up the old channel of the river, and introduced the water into this new channel.
THE LOWER FISHINGS OF THE NESS. 19
That the trees which were cut on the said lands of Borlum, were partly employed in
bounding the banks of the aforesaid acqueduct, and closing up the old channel of the
River Ness, and the trunks of these trees were left in the channel of the said acqueduct
to be disposed of as the elements would direct.
"That on the eleventh day of December last, or some day in that month, a con-
siderable flood came into the River Ness, the consequence of which was that owing to
the insufficiency of the aforesaid embankments of the river in the aforesaid situation,
the same gave way, and the water carried down not only all the wood used in the
embankment, but also the trunks of the aforesaid trees, wantonly and improperly left
in the aforesaid acqueduct or channel, and carried along with it the gangways used
in the operation, and which was also improperly left after the operation in which they
were used, had been finished. That these trunks of trees, log;:, and spars of v\ood,
with the stones and shingle in the embankment, and the said gangways having, by
the violence of the water been carried down to the lands of the Bught, they received
a re-inforcement by breaking the works at the mills of the Bught, all which were
thrown on the cruives, dykes, and carries in the aforesaid island, whereby the great
dyke separating the south run of water, running along the said island, from the main
body of the river, was broke, and an opening of about ten feet made opposite to the
west corner of the lands of the Haugh. And the same dyke was broken, and an
opening of about forty feet made nearly opposite the bridge on the Altnaskiach Burn,
whereby the greatest part of the water in the foresaid run came in torrents in these
channels. That another part of the said trunks of trees, logs of wood and timber,
gravel and stones that accompanied them, made their \vay to the north of the said
island, and, near to the house therein, broke the dyke dividing the north channel oi
the river from the main body of it, and made an opening of about ten feet in it. And
in like manner broke the said dyke opposite to the cross road separating the Infirmary
lands from those of Ballifeary, and the consequence of this uas ihat the body o! tiie
water of the said north channel rapidly discharged itself in these places. That besides
this the said dykes are daily giving way from the effects of the said body of trunks of
trees, logs, wood, and rubbish coming with violence upon them. "
IV. The Lower Heritors and the Dukes of Gordon. — The
contentions twixt these parties lasted over half a century. The
fishings belonging to the Castle of Inverness were commonly
called the Castle Shot, and of old the Fore Shot. Without
going further back than the original Charter of the Castle Lands
to the Earl of Huntly in 1 509, it is found that the description of
these fishings is " cnmpiscariis sub Castello de Inverness dictis terns
spectan." The ordinary and plain significance of the word " sub "
is "under," and as the bounds of the Castle were well defined,
being surrounded with a wall, it might have been thought the
limits of the fishing, viz., ex adverso of the river wall, could not be
seriously questioned. But this was not to be. In 1/24, Alex-
ander, second Duke of Gordon, setting forth that he stood
heritably infeft, and seized in "All and Haill the Castle Lands of
Inverness, with the fishing under the Castle Wall of Inverness,
20 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lying within the Sheriffdom of Inverness," raised process of
declarator against the Heritors of fishings, to have it found and
declared that he had the only good and undoubted right to the
said fishing under the Castle Wall of Inverness, and that the
same extends on the water of Ness the full length of the banks
thereof, as the same is meithed and marched by the pursuer's
lands above mentioned, and possessed by him and his prede-
cessors past all memory of man, and that the Heritors on the
Ness and their predecessors have done wrong in their violent
molesting and impeding the pursuer and his tenants from the
said fishing under the Castle Wall of Inverness in 1714 and 1715.
A lengthened proof took place, in which the Heritors contended
at first that the Castle Shot was included in the Charter of 1591,
at least that possession had followed ; but by the evidence it
appearing, that the Heritors had no exclusive possession, and in
particular, that in 1688, when the deceased William Mack-
intosh of Borlum was Bailie to the Duke of Gordon, and
living in the Castle of Inverness, he, Borlum, had fished that part
of the river under the Castle Wall of Inverness, and that " the entry
to the said fishing was from the south end of the Castle Wall, to the
end of Bailie Fowler's house, now possessed by Jonathan Thomson,
near the Bridge," the Heritors did not contest the matter further,
though they thought some of the expressions used in reference
to the extent of the Duke's rights, were too vague. The Duke
of Gordon got decree with .£5 of expenses, and the Heritors
having thereafter agreed to lease the Castle Shot for one year,
matters stood over for about forty years. In 1766 the war broke
out with great violence in the time of Alexander, 4th Duke.
First an attempt was made, and processes intent to show that
the one year's Jack had been continued tacitly, with the view of
saddling the Heritors with the arrears of the Castle Shot rent for
forty years. This was resisted at once successfully by such
of the Heritors of 1766 as were singular successors, and finally
with equal success by the heirs of the Heritors of 1724. Next a
process was raised in which the Duke, altering the words in his
charter from " under the wall of the Castle," to " opposite the wall
of the Castle," and for which he was severely called to account,
claimed the West bank also of the river, which would have had
the effect of destroying the Trot Shot.
THE LOWER FISHINGS OF THE NESS. 21
The fishing heritors, founded on the ancient charters to the
Town by Kings William, Alexander II., and David, whose char-
ters were confirmed by James III. in 1464, and so anxious, it was
stated,
"Were our Sovereigns to preserve the privileges of the burgh, particularly the
fishings, that in March 1474 King James granted a deed, whereby he appointed a
particular miln upon the river to be demolished, as destructive to the Burgh's fishing
on that river, and in place of that miln made a grant of his own milns."
They go on to say that,
" The Castle Shot appears to have been originally an encroachment upon the
Town's right, but to which it is probable the townspeople at first submitted ex gratia
for the accommodation and pleasure of the Constable or heritable Governor of the
Castle and his family while residing there, and which indulgence has given occasion
to the family of Gordon, who held the office of Hereditary Keeper of the Castle, as
well as heritable Sheriff of the County of Inverness, to get a grant of this fishings of
the Castle Shot, inserted in their charters, posterior to many of the ancient grants of
the fishings in general made to the Town of Inverness."
The following reference to the fabrics of the Castle is worthy
ot preservation : —
"About the year 1724, it is stated, or soon thereafter, the Government thought
fit to build a fort where the old Castle stood, which occasioned much stones and
rubbish to be thrown down into the river under the Castle wall, and the rebells in the
1745, having taken and blown up that fort, still more rubbish was thereby thrown
into the river."
The view of Inverness in Sclezer's work, was probably
copied from some work published abroad, and as it shows
Cromwell's fort entire, must have been taken twixt the
years 1651 and 1661. The Castle there shown is a tall,
handsome structure. In Sandby's publication about 1744,
a copy of which is in possession of Mr No^e, Inverness, tne
elevation is quite different, and no doubt depicts the Castle
erected in 1724, destroyed 1745-6. At the small cost of two
shillings and fourpence, we lately became possessed of a view of
Inverness in 1747, wherein the Castle is shown unroofed and dis-
mantled, but a great portion remains, and is much more like the
earlier structure shown by Sclezer than the later by Sandby.
In this contest, the Duke was most properly unsuccessful.
Again, the Duke attempted to extend his fishing rights ex adverse
of the Haugh lands, and would thus have the river from the
Stone Bridge to the extremity of Wester Haugh, at the spot
where once stood the little public-house near the Islands. In
22 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
this severely fought action, the Duke was again unsuccessful in
every point. The extent of the Castle bounds was well known,
being 4 acres, 2 roods, 30 falls Scots -measure, its South-West
boundary being a line drawn from the present principal entry at
the head .of Ca;tle Street to the river. Immediately adjoin-
ing, and now forming part of the Castle enclosures was the
Balloch Hill, belonging to the Town, and having a certain front-
age to the river, so the Duke necessarily failed in establishing a right
opposite that part. Old views of Inverness show a depression
where the Castle and Balloch Hills met, long obliterated ; and the
cutting out of View Place, and artificial sloping south-westward,
has so completely altered the appearance of the Balloch Hill,
that it is not now a distinctive object. Latterly the Balloch Hill
was used as a horse market. All this locality has been much
altered. Anciently, Domesdale Street, afterwards called Castle
Street, did not terminate as at present, one branch leading
to Culduthel, etc., the other to the Haugh by View Place.
Neither did the old Edinburgh Road turn off abruptly as at pre-
sent from the Culduthel Road. Two at least of the houses at
the top of Castle Street on the east side stand on Castle precincts,
and the old Edinburgh Road struck off from Castle Street
behind those houses, joining the present road near Clay Potts.
Adjacent to the Balloch Hill came the two Haughs —
Easter and Wester — these being divided by the burn of Altna-
skiali. The Duke founded on Charters of 1662 and 1684,
wherein, in the list of Castle lands, occurs the word " Haugh,"
and that they were really, though not nominally, included
in the Charter of 1309 ; but the fishing Heritors, though several
decrcets \\cre pronounced against them, fought with do termina-
tion, and proved beyond doubt ultimately that the lands of Haugh
were not expressly or by implication included in the original
Charter to the Earl of Huntly in 1 509, though they surreptitiously-
found a place among the Castle lands in the Charters of 1662
and 1684, and de facto did not belong to the Gordons until long
after the date of the Town's Golden Charter of 1591.
The fir>-t noted mention regarding Haugh, which appears to
have been a six merk land, and to have been possessed along with
Knockintinnel and Culcabock, occurs in an instrument of sasine
in favour of Alexander Hay of Mains, dated ;th November 1498.
THE LOWER FISHINGS OF THE NESS. 23
In 1532, William Hay of Mains sold the lands of Haugh to John
Grant of Culcabock and of Glenmoriston. Grant's descendant
sold Haugh to the Earl of Huntly in exchange for the undoubted
Castle lands of Meikle and Little Hilton. Grant's charter to
these excambed lands is dated I2th May 1623, and some time
thereafter they were, inter alia, acquired by the Robertsons of
Inshes. The Duke of Gordon had, as these facts were clearly
proven, to submit ; further discredit being thrown on his Charters
of 1662 and 1684, in respect they still comprehended Hilton,
though Inshes had been some time in possession, and his charters
confirmed by the Crown.
In 1796, the Duke of Gordon sold to David Davidson, first
of Cantray, for £10,500, with the exception of the Castle Hill,
the last shreds remaining of the great Castle lands, originally a
magnificent estate within the parishes of Dalarossie, Dunlichity,
Dores, Bona, and Inverness, then belonging to him, viz., Porter-
field, parts of Altnaskiah, Haughs, the Castle Shot Fishings, all in
the parish of Inverness ; Bunachton, in Dores ; and Drumboy, in
Dunlichity ; the present annual pecuniary value of the property
belonging to the Gordons in this quarter having dwindled to one
penny Scots for the blench superiority of the Castle Hill.
C. ERASER-MACKINTOSH.
DEPARTURE OF AN EMIGRANT SHIP.— The following is a graphic
description of a scene at the Pier of Hehnsdale in the beginning of January 1841, on
the departure of an emigrant ship : —
" As the morning waned, every moment added to tlie throng t, at crowded the pier;
party after party arrived with their rriei.ds, and the whole of the inhabitant-* nf H> Ims-
dula seemed to have assembled to witness the <!eparture. It was a bustling, > et
melancholy, sight. The emigrants were taking leave ->f friends they could never
expect to meet again — of a country they could never expect to wee. The n-iv-us
agitated looks of the men, the short, qu.uk, broken st«i,>, the conferences r. s les ly
broken, and as restlessly renewed, ail told of the deup agonising feelings they were in
vain striving 10 overcome. The grief of the women was loud ami open ; clinging to the
relatives tliey parted from, they poured forth, in almost unmul igible ejaculations, their
ayrony at leaving the ^len.s where thf-y were bom, and where they hoped to die,
mingl ng in the swme iaeat.h their blessings and their prayers for tho.-e fthoui, although
they could never more See, they could never forgot ; wi.ila tue children, btup.fied
and bewildered at the scene around them, clung t<) their mothers, ami wept wuh
them. But the tide served, and the boatmen were impatient. Au tff rt was made t<»
thr,>w some appearance of heartiness and good spirits into the last moments m..ny w< re
to spend on Scottish ground. Hands weie wrung, and wr"i,g a-ain ; bumper* of whi-ky
tossed wildly off ami at, ehei rs and shouts ; the women were forced almost faming into
the boats, and the crowd up<>n the shore burst inl.o a lone, l»ud cheer, in which cv> n t, e
phlegmatic Dutchmen joined ; and they were under war, while the poor fors..ken dogs
stretched their lioad« after their masters and howled piteuu.ly. Again and again was
that cheer raised, and rei-ponded to from the boaf, while bonnets were thrown ii.to tl e
air, handkerchiefs waved, and last words of adieu shouted to the receding shore ; while,
high above all, the wild notes of the pipe were heard pouring forth that by far the finest of
pibroch tunes, ' Cha, tile sinn tuillie' (we return no more)," — lucernes* Courier,
24 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
PEASANT PROPRIETARY.
IT is due to the readers of this patriotic magazine to explain that
a short absence from home prevents me from sending a conse-
cutive chapter for the present number. In addition to this, the
subject matter of it — the component parts of profit, and the cause
and laws of interest — requires careful examination and extensive
reference, as the subjects themselves, and those connected with
them, have not only been a great difficulty to all authorities on
political economy, but are still unexplained, owing, I think, to
not being referred to fundamental natural law.
After the elucidation of the fundamental laws which consti-
tute political economy a science — and the most important of all
sciences — practical politics will naturally follow in a subsequent
part of these papers ; but in the meantime, and as the subject is
an urgent one in connection with the Highlands, I would repro-
duce in these pages the following letter which I addressed to the
Editor of the Glasgow Herald. The question of paying off the
National Debt, and replacing it by a National Land Fund
has been for some time the subject of my thoughts, and I am
convinced that, socially and financially, its importance cannot be
over-estimated : —
THE HIGHLAND CROFTERS.
SIR, — Kindly permit me to make a few remarks which have been sv^ested by
the leading article in your issue of the and August relative to the case of the Highland
crofters. Being entirely of your opinion as to the worthlessness of the theories of
political economists, 1 prefer to look at the case of the Highlands as a matter of
practical business a light, indeed, in which the judgment of your Glasgow readers is
of the shrewdest and best.
The most striking and instructive fact that has come to light in the evidence taken
by the Royal Commission is the contrast between the condition of the freeholders
of Orkney and that of crofters and tenant-farmers. There, in the very north of Scot-
land, exists the same state of comfort and contentment as obtains in these beautiful
Channel Islands, our most southerly group. The opening of the Fisheries Exhibition
— mainly through the excellent influence of our Royal Princes— may be regarded as a
most useful and significant event at the present time, by which the attention of the
country is directed to the importance of this national industry, and I observe that one
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 25
of the main complaints of the crofters is the want of harbours. Now, in this little
island of Guernsey we have a population of freeholders and traders numbering nearly
35.000, or over 1200 to the square mile, and, instead of being ''congested," labour i^
both dear and scarce. Sutherlandshire has a " congested " population of just 12 to
the same area, and no harbours. Here we have the best harbour of refuge in the
English Channel, built at a cost of over ,£300,000 by the inhabitants. The amount
required was over-subscribed for, and with the balance they built a beautiful market
at a cost of ^"30,000. It is estimated that the average wealth per head of the popula-
tion is double that of the United Kingdom.
The part of your temperate article to which I desire to direct particular attention
is the felt difficulty as to the " remedy. " Allow me to quote your remarks on this'
important subject, not for the purpose of animadversion, but with a view, if possible,
~to throw a gleam of light upon a very difficult problem. You say : — " Mr Ferguson
points for a solution to the few yeomen in Orkney who own their holdings, and have
no cares and no grievances. A very pleasant idyllic picture was certainly presented
to the Commissioners, which shows us what thrift, and industry, and long possession
of small farms with prudence can do. But the State did not buy their farms for these
happy Orcadians, and did not supply the stock for them. How are we to provide the
crofters of Lewis and Skye with equally free lands, well stocked, and with the same
thrift and prudence? It is all very well to say here is the solution, but how is it to be
applied ? Is the State to buy out the landlords, and give sufficient farms to the
crofters, stock the farms for them, and set them agoing rejoicing as small and inde-
pendent lairds? The working men of the country in that case will have to pay for
making the crofters happy and prosperous, and probably working men will ask whal
have the crofters done that we should so handsomely provide for them. If, on the
other hand, the crofters are to pay back the money advanced by the State, the State '
will become the landlord and the receiver of the rents. What advantage will that
be ?" Pardon me for saying so, but if you had more faith in the Highlanders you
would not think so much of the "hill Difficulty."
I am very much mistaken if the consent of the British workman, to whom you
point, and very justly so, as the most interested outside party, is not the easiest part
of the business. I should like to feel equally certain about the consent of the House
of Lords The " farmers' friends," who now find that the current of public opinion
and feeling is running strongly against them, and seeing that no permanent relief can
be extended to agricultural industry without some extensive scheme of finance, are
taking the British workman into their confidence, and are acting upon his fears by
shedding crocodile tears over him. We do not hear very much about him from that
quarter when Afghan, African, and Egyptian wars are to be waged. The twenty
millions that were spent on the Afghan wars is more than what may be required to
expropriate Highland proprietors en bloc for constituting the remnanf of the gallant
Gaelic race into freeholders. We must therefore ask the British workman if he is
equally willing to advance twenty millions, not as a gratuity, but at 3 per cent., on
the security of the Highlands. Hard-pressed as the poor fellows have been, the
crofters are not much in arrears for rack rents, and, perhaps, less so than large far-
mers, whilst many of them, I am glad to know, have money on deposit in the banks,
which, as well as their labour, they are not free to deposit in a much safer bank — the
soil of their country for fear of confiscation.
The economic law to which you refer in another part of the article, as having
brought about the present crisis, does not appear to have affected freeholders. Does
26 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
this not prove that it is not an economic but a very wasteful law? The answer comes
readily enough to everybody's lips, " It is the rights of property." But in what do
these consist ? If landlords are supposed to be carrying on a business, the only com-
mercial definition I can give of them is that they are land usurers— a thing that has
been hateful to God and man since the world began. By the operation of this econo-
mic law sheep-farming paid the landlord better than a peasantry, and now deer forests
pay better than farming. Therefore it will pay the proprietors of Lewis (to which
island, by the way, Mr Gladstone was so thankful for defending him from the waves
of the Atlantic -a piece of good luck which was hardly vouchsafed to the Royal Com-
missioners) to convert it entirely into a deer forest and grouse moors, and get the po-
pulation to emigrate. I'ut then its trade with Glasgow would cease, and Stornoway
would dwindle down to the size of Ullapool. Under these circumstances to expect
that landlords will meet the demand of the crofters by enlarging their holdings is
hopeless, and it is equally hopeless to expect that any measure on the lines of the Irish
Land Act will meet the case.
Of course, it would he foolish to expect that the crofters could at once by a
coup d etat be placed in equally comfortable a position with the freeholders of Orkney
and the Channel Islands, or that they could get land without paying for it. You are
supposing a case which they themselves do not suppose or anticipate. There are
crofter-fishermen in the Island of Lewis who are able to pay down for as much land as
they care to occupy. The price at which that estate was bought was under ten
shillings an acre. Supposing it to have doubled in value, a crofter could have ten
acres of moor land for ten pounds, which, by the labour of himself and family, he
would in the course of time raise to the value of twenty pounds per -icre. It will not
pay the capitalist to do it, but it will pay the poor man handsomely if he can call it
his own for ever, but not otherwise. The reason is apparent. The capitalist has to
pay for adult labour, whereas the labour of the crofter's wife and children is as effective
as his own in removing peat banks and clearing the ground of stones They will be
able to stock and improve their own farms if they get what they want — more ground
and elbow-room -and in course of time there is no reason why they should not be as
comfortable as the freeholders of Orkney.
But in order to accomplish so desirable an object, they must be made freeho'ders
ut a quit-rent, after the manner of the Prussian legislation ; and, to go on the lines of
the British Constitution, it is only necessary to put the ancient prerogative of the
Crown in motion by resuming the Highlands as a State domain for the purpose of re
colonisation in freehold, after the example of Frederic the Great, father of his coun-
try. Why should not we have a Victoria the Great, the mother of her country? In-
deed, it would be but a well-deserved tribute of respect to her personal worth to se-
cond her well-known affection for the Highlands and to confer freedom upon that por-
tion of her people. Let Caledonia be free ! Freedom and security in perpetuity will
act like magic, as it has done elsewhere, in calling forth industry and producing thrift.
In a condition of freedom the bones and sinews of Highlanders \vill exert themselves
as well in peace as in war, and no better security, in both fields, can the British work-
man find anywhere, whilst the certain future "'unearned increment" will go to reduce
his taxes Nor is it the crofters alone who stand in need of this blessing. The large
farmers have had as little security for their capital in improvements as the crofters
have h:id in respect of their labour, and the houses of the former are perhaps as much
in want of repairs as those of the latter.
What I should propose to the British workman is to make it a test question at
THE NAME 'RIACH OR REOCH. 27
the next election that a bill for the resumption of the Highlands in the name of the
Crown he brought into Parliament, under which the Government should expropriate
all landlords except those who farm, or are willing to farm, their estates by means of
paid labour, leaving their manorial residences, home farms, and policies to large
owners. That a loan bearing 3 per cent, interest be issued to the public as the open-
ing of a gen.ral national land fund capable of any expansion that may from time to
time be found necessary for enabling farmers to become freeholders of their holdings.
If the Highland landlords should stand too much on the validity of their original titles,
on examination it may be found that most, if not all of them, are very largely tainted
with fraud, force, and high treason. — I am, &c.
Guernsey. MALCOLM MACKENZIE.
THE NAME RIACH OR REOCH.— In the Celtic Magazine, Oct. 1883, is
a query about this name. The Gaelic Riabhach means greyish. It was applied to
some one, say Donald Macgregor, when he arrived at the age of forty or fifty, to dis-
tinguish him from some younger person bearing the same Christian name, and also a
Macgregor. In English the name is spelled Riach, Reoch, Reik, Reikie : near Dun-
keld a resident there is satisfied with spelling it Rake. Rough (Perthshire) is perhaps
the same. The clever and popular writer, Angus B Reach, was a Riach. Perhaps
some of those called Rich belong to this name What is the best way to spell the
name in English ? As Riach is nearer Riabhach, it is bttter than Reoch. When our
Scotch names go south across the Border, they suffer many things : the natives there,
with a real or a pretended inability to sound ch guttural, make it either a k or ch soft ;
sometimes they drop it altogether. Thus Tulloch is altered to Tullock and to Tulloh.
Kinloch is made Kinlock. Strachan is made Straghan and Strahan. Murdoch is
turned into Murdock and Murdo. Rolloch was made Rollock and Rollo. Malloch
appears as Mallock. Are the Riachs a clan ? This question is asked by your corre-
spondent. The descriptive word Riabhach was used in the same way as Dubh, dark ;
Donn, brown-haired ; Ban, light-haired ; Buidhe, light-haired ; Gorm, having blue
eyes ; Mor, More, big, tall ; Beag, Begg, short ; Kitto, Ciotach, left-handed ; Cam,
deformed ; Borrie, Bodhar, deaf ; Glas, grey, pale ; Og, young. Several others
might be added. When a person lived in a district where all were Macgregors, and
many of them named Donald, people got tired of giving a person any more names
than his Christian name and his name of description. If he emigrated lie might go
on with the name of Donald Riach, leaving out his family-name or clan-name of Mac-
gregor. It would be a mistake to suppose that Riach is a clan name. In theory all
Macgregors are related to each other. Calling the number of clans twenty, you may
have twenty groups of Riachs who are riot related to each other. I apologise for
making this note so long, and for telling many readers what they knew before. Frag-
ments about Scotch national matters and family-names are read with interest by Scoto-
Australians, and in many a Canadian log-house the exile from Lochaber has his
youth renewed by the matter in the Celtic Magazine. I know that many are very
sensitive about remarks made on the spelling of their names. I cheerfully take the
risk. I have never observed the name connected with Ireland. "Riabhach" might try
to discover in what localities in Scotland the name is found, and put the same on re-
cord My own district is the triangle formed by Dunkeld, the parish of Caputh, and
the town of Perth. There are some instances in Perth and at Birnam, but the name
is rather rare.
Devonport, Devon. THOMAS STRATTON, M.D.
28 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
A RUN THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES.
BY KENNETH MACDONALD, F.S.A., Scot.
IX. — CHICAGO.
SHORTLY before reaching Chicago — which we did between eight
and nine in the evening — a gentleman decorated with a stout
leather strap, on which some fifty or seventy brass checks were
strung, asked each passenger to what Hotel he proposed going,
and on being told, handed him one of the checks and demanded
fifty cents in return. He was the agent of an Omnibus Company
in Chicago which carries passengers and their baggage to any of
the Hotels in the city, however near or distant, for a uniform
charge of half-a-dollar. As things go in Chicago, the charge is
not unreasonable, and the arrangement is convenient, especially
for strangers. On the advice of my friend, the Inspector, I chose
the Grand Pacific Hotel, and when we got into Chicago I handed
my baggage check to one of the Hotel Porters, and thus relieved
by the admirable system of American' railways in dealing with
baggage, of all impedimenta, I soon found myself in my room in
the Grand Pacific — a large and finely appointed house in the
centre of the business portion of the city. On the table lay a
history of the great Chicago fire and of the rebuilding of the city,
and near the window hung a patent fire escape, consisting ap-
parently of a block and tackle enclosed in a- linen or canvas bag,
on the outside of which directions for its use were printed. I
afterwards ascertained that every bedroom in the house was
similarly furnished.
Chicago, the busy, aggressive, prosperous Chicago, is not to
be seen by night. A walk through the city after ten o'clock dis-
closed this much. The men who have made Chicago are not
then about. Public Drinking-bars, Singing and Dancing Saloons
there are, however, in plenty, and well patronised, too, by all ap-
pearance. Poverty and wretchedness manifest their presence as
elsewhere. A two hours' walk through the streets disclosed the
fact that unless a stranger chooses to go deeper into Chicago night-
life than is safe, he will learn little of the city by wandering about
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 29
after dark. As I came to this conclusion, the row of Electric lamps
in front of the Grand Pacific showed me where my temporary home
was, and I made for it. An hour spent in the large entrance
hall of the Hotel, studying American Hotel life, and moving about
among the two hundred or so guests, who are scattered about in all
sorts of attitudes smoking and talking, is much more pleasant,
and probably more profitable, than an hour abroad in the streets
at night. Right in front is the Hotel office, where the clerks
stand behind the counter on which lies the Hotel Register. To
the left is the Tobacconist's counter, where a brisk business is
being done ; and further on the Barber's shop, in front of which
is a Hosier's shop, also entered from the Hotel. To the right of
the entrance, and inside the Hotel, is a small office where carriages
can be hired, and round a corner, and further in on the same side,
is a shop where all the newspapers and magazines of the day can
be purchased. Liquors can probably be had, but the Bar is not
in sight. None of the smokers are drinking — drinking is not a
feature of American Hotel life. In the Hall there is a fountain
where iced water can be had by turning on a tap. This, is occa-
sionally resorted to by the thirsty, but apparently nothing else is
drunk. At the Bar counter, had I seen it, I should probably have
seen, as I did elsewhere, a few thirsty souls, but they are the
minority. The American makes his Hotel his home for the time,
and he does not think it his duty to drink there oftener than he
would at home. The absurd idea, so common on this side of the
Atlantic, that he is bound to drink for " the good of the house,"
does not seem to occur either to him or his host. I do not say
that Americans drink less than we do, probably they do not, for
their public drinking bars are numerous, and apparently well
patronised, but in their principal hotels the sale of drink is in
practice kept apart from the ordinary business of the house, and
the guest who wishes to have a drink is expected to go to the Bar
for it.
Before going to my bedroom I visited the Reading-room — a
large hall on the first floor over the entrance Hall — and looked
through that day's Chicago newspapers. American journalism
I was not unfamiliar with, but the freedom with which the
Chicago editor expresses himself is enough to send a cold shiver
down the back of one accustomed to the " pink of propriety"
30 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
journalism of Great Britain. A " leading" paragraph in the
Chicago Herald of that day, referring to a series of evangelical
services to be held in a few weeks, said the " regular army" was
to be reinforced by eleven hundred clergymen from other parts —
that a reconnaissance had been made of Satan's intrenchments,
and Chicago had been found the weakest point. Ecclesiastical
meetings, of which a considerable number were reported in one
of the papers, were dealt with in a manner more amusing to the
general reader than to the gentlemen who took part in them.
Ministers had just returned from their holidays, and if the re-
ports were to be judged from, reverend gentlemen had a woful
tendency to get up in the middle of an anxious discussion on a
difficult question of Church policy, and make a speech on the
number and size of the fish they had caught on the river or lake
near which they had spent their holidays, or on any other subject
than the one under discussion.
In the morning one of a series of tramway rides brought me
to the Chicago river, where among the crowds of ships, barges,
and boats, a little squat-looking steamer — cargo or tug-boat I
know not which- presented what I thought at the time a per-
fect type of the city to which she belonged. She came up the
river puffing and snorting and making a noise which, even in the
incessant din all around, stood out prominently as the greatest of
all ; rushing along at a rate which seemed perilous to herself and
to the other craft on the river, and yet so skilfully navigated
that she left them all behind without injury to herself or them.
Such a tub of a thing she was too, no fine lines or attempt at
beauty about her, simply an ugly boat with a good engine and
boiler inside, and a man in charge who was determined to go
ahead. After watching her until she disappeared round a curve
in the river, I mentall> ejaculated, " Well done, Chicago !"
After a while I found myself near the shore of Lake Michi-
gan, with a net-work of railway lines in front, a canal or dock
beyond, and some ten or a doxen Elevators on the other side. To
get to the Elevators was my object, and after dodging two or
three trains and a number of unattached cars, I managed it. The
Elevator is a Warehouse furnished with certain machinery. The
machinery is merely a feature of the warehouse, but so important
a feature that urain warehouses with an elevating arrangement
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 31
arc known throughout Canada and the States as " Elevators."
The manner in which grain was received and disposed of at the
Elevators, had been repeatedly described to me, but it was still
somewhat of a mystery, and I wanted to see the system in opera-
tion. I selected one of the largest Elevators in the neighbour-
hood, a building apparently between 120 and 150 feet in height,
and on making my wish known to the gentleman in charge, he
very courteously took me over the building. It was my good
fortune to see a train of grain-laden cars delivering their contents
at the Elevator, and a ship being loaded with grain. The cars,
"which were loaded in bulk, were drawn up in front — a long shoot
was lowered from the Elevator into the first car, the machinery
inside was set in motion, and in an incredibly short time the car
was empty. The other cars were treated in the same way, and
in almost less time than it takes to tell it the contents of that train
were inside the Elevator. Inside, the grain is first received into a
weighing bin, where it is weighed so carefully and accurately that
the shortage on a train load of grain delivered in bulk at Chicago,
after a journey of a thousand miles, is seldom more than a few
pounds. From the weighing bin the grain is transferred to im-
mense storage bins, some of which are fifty to sixty feet in depth.
There the grain, if in good condition when received, will be kept
for the first ten days for a cent and a quarter per bushel, while for
each additional ten days, or part of that time, the charge is half-a-
cent per bushel. Thecharge forstoring condemned or unmerchant-
able grain is two cents per bushel for the first ten days, and half-a-
cent for each five days or part thereof afterwards. Erom the
middle of November to the middle of April the charge is limited
to four cents per bushel, if so much is incurred, so long as the
grain remains in good condition.
The delivery of grain from the Elevator is equallyexpeditious.
The ship or car to be loaded is brought to the Elevator, the shoot
is lowered, the bins deliver their contents, and the loading is
done so expeditiously that a locomotive bringing up a train of
empty cars may wait while they are being filled.
It may be said that this system makes no provision for
keeping one man's grain apart from another man's. Well, neither
it does, but that is of no consequence, so long as the grain in each
bin is of one " grade." All grain coming into Chicago is, before
32 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
being received into an Elevator, examined by a State Inspector
and graded. The best quality is "No. I," the next, " No. 2;"
and grain which is not up to the standard of one of the numbered
grades (which in the case of barley run as low as No. 5), is
graded as " Rejected." The Certificate of the Inspector is pre-
sented at the Elevator, and the grain received and stored in bins,
containing, or ready to receive, other grain of the same grade.
A purchaser does not see the grain he buys in bulk, nor does he
even see a sample. Does he want Wheat, he buys " No. 2 Spring ;"
Corn, " No. 2 Yellow," and so on ; in every case he knows exactly
what he has bought, and has no occasion to see it. Upon this
system of State Inspection the grain trade of Chicago depends,
to the Inspectors Chicago has entrusted her commercial honour,
and her success proves that they have faithfully discharged their
trust.
Shortly before noon I went to the Board of Trade building
with Mr Bird, a member of the Board, to whom I had been at
my own request introduced. Mr Bird procured me admission to
the portion of the building sacred to members of the Board — a
place where no dweller in Chicago other than members may
penetrate. It was a long, well-lighted room, in which were per-
haps from two to three hundred gentlemen walking about.
There were three parts of the room where apparently something
more lively than a conversation was being conducted. I went to
the nearest of these, and found it something like a square plat-
form with the centre scooped out. Three or four steps led up
from the floor along the whole length of its four outward sides,
and a similar number of steps led along the whole length of each
of its inward sides, down to the floor level, a small square piece
of the floor being visible in the centre. On the top and inside
steps were a number of men gesticulating in a somewhat lively
manner, and addressing each other in tones so loud and emphatic
that I at first thought there was a fight. But they were only a
few of the Bulls and Bears trying to make or break the market.
Down in the centre, on the floor level, was one man who, with
his coat over his left arm and his white hat in his left hand, was
wielding his right hand, in which he held a few slips of paper,
like a pump handle, and crying out as rapidly as he could utter
the words, " I sell September," " I sell September," " I sell
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 33
September three-eighths ;" and he continued to yell these words
until, with the perspiration running down his face and his voice
gone, he retired to make room for somebody else who took up
the same cry. All this time some fifty others, and sometimes
double that number, were standing on the steps and all round on
the floor outside yelling, " I sell September," " I sell October," " I
sell year ;" or, " I buy September," " I buy October," or, " I buy
year," with some fraction added. Occasionally one of the crowd
would retire to recruit, but his place was not left vacant for a
moment — a fresh comer took up the cry and the fearful din went
on undiminished. After a while I sought out my friend to tell
me what all this meant. His explanation was that to sell or buy
" September " or " October " was to sell or buy grain deliverable
at any time during the month named, the particular time being
in the option of one of the parties — whether the seller or pur-
chaser I forget. In selling or buying " year," delivery is to be
taken before the end of the year, the option being as before.
The fraction named in the offer is the fraction of a cent, and is
used for brevity, the whole number of cents in the price per
bushel being understood ; usually, if not invariably, it is the
number of whole cents in the last quoted price. The hours for
business in the Board of Trade are from 10 or 1 1 A.M. till I P.M.,
and transactions entered into during that time have certain
privileges in the way of dispensing with formalties which other
transactions have not. When a broker wishes to buy, he selects
one who is offering to sell for the month in which he wants
delivery, looks at him as he yells and holds up his finger, the
other stops his cry and holds up his finger too, the buyer says,
" How much ?" the seller says, " five," " fifty," or " a hundred," as
the case may be, according to the quantity he wishes to sell —
thousand of bushels being understood. Suppose the seller says
" a hundred," and the buyer wants only fifty thousand bushels, the
latter says, " I take fifty ;" each makes a note on one of the slips of
paper he holds in his hand, and the bargain is closed. A bargain
of this kind, to be enforced by the Courts, must have been trans-
acted in Board hours. At any other period of the day a trans-
action of similar magnitude would require the ordinary legal
formalities. When delivery comes to be taken the thing is
arranged with equal simplicity. The purchaser hands his cheque
C
34 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
for the price to the seller, and receives in exchange — his grain do
you suppose ? Not at all, — an Elevator certificate or delivery order
is what he obtains. This he gives to the agent of the Railway or
Shipping Company which is to carry the grain to his customer in
the Eastern States, or to New York, Montreal, or Boston, for ship-
ment to Europe. The Company presents the certificate, gets the
grain, and carries it to its destination, and the whole thing is done.
Thus without ever seeing the grain purchased, or even a sample
of it, the Chicago broker buys in the course of a year hundreds of
thousands of bushels of all sorts of grain and ships it to his cus-
tomers in all parts of the world, without the slightest fear that
anything less valuable than he has bought and paid for will be
delivered to him. And his confidence is amply justified.
Towards one o'clock the din increases to such an extent that
conversation in even the most distant part of the large room could
onlybecarried on byaseries of shouts. Newcomers were constantly
arriving and hurrying to one or other of the centres of disturbance,
and as if there was not sufficient noise there already, the younger
arrivals signalised their arrival by a leap as far into the crowd as
they could propel themselves, and a whoop which sounded like a
reminiscence of the not long past time when the site of the city
was the heritage and possession of the Red Indian. A minute or
two after one, the day's transactions are posted up in the Board
room, and to one who has seen nothing but gesticulation, and
heard nothing but yells of " I sell" and " I buy," their magnitude
is a surprise. In the course of the year 1881 Chicago received
by rail and ship about one hundred and forty million bushels of
various kinds of grain, besides about five million barrels of flour;
and its shipments in the same year amounted to over one hundred
and thirty million bushels of the former, and over four and a-half
million barrels of the latter. In addition to this there is an im-
mense businessdonein Lumber, Seeds, Hides, Butter, Cheese, Cattle,
Sheep,and Hogs — the shipmentsof Hog Productsaloneduring the
year mentioned considerably exceeding one thousand million
pounds. When it is remembered that not only is the bulk of this
business done in the Board of Trade, but in addition to it a
practically incalculable amount of speculative business, which is
never represented by receipts or deliveries of anything more sub-
stantial than the amount of the wager — that is the difference be-
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 35
tween the price at the date of sale and that of delivery, it will
readily be understood that during the few hours in each day
when regular business is done, the Board of Trade is a lively
corner. And it is a lively place. The Paris Bourse is a peaceful
retreat compared with the Chicago Board of Trade when there is
a " corner in wheat." Yet in the middle of their greatest excite-
ment, they are ever ready for fun. If an unfortunate stranger in
the balcony set apart for visitors who are not taken on the floor
by a member commits the mistake of throwing himself back on
his seat and putting his feet on the railing in front of him (a
favourite attitude with Americans) every Broker on the floor
forgets business, and turns round to yell " Boots, boots, boo-boo-
boots !" until the astonished visitor, who usually has no concep-
tion that this is not a part of the mad performance he has been
previously watching, either, more by accident than design, shifts the
offending members to the floor, or, keeping them too long in the
objectionable position, is gently but firmly expelled, for shocking
the feelings of the gentlemen beneath. Such is the Chicago
Board of Trade as it struck a stranger ; but what of Chicago
itself? We shall see in our next.
K. M'D.
(To be continued.)
THE LITERATURE OF THE CROFTER QUESTION.-In Good Words Sheriff
Nicolson gives a graphic sketch of "The Last Cruise of the Lively;" and we note with
special satisfaction the kindly and sympathetic tone in which he speaks of the crofters.
Their representatives everywhere, be says, with occasional exceptions, merited the
compliment which was paid to their predecessors by Sir John M'Neill in 1851, when he
reported that they gave their evidence "with a politeness and delicacy of deportment
that would have been graceful in any society, and such as, perhaps, no men of tbeir class
in any other country could have maintained in similar circumstances. ' Sheriff Nicolson
says " the only persons whom the chairman of the Commission had to admonish anywhere
for objectionable expressions were not crofters but educated men." Yet it is this valu-
able class of the community upon whom a leading Liberal journal [the Scotsman] is con-
stantly pouring contempt and scorn, and who are driven to such extremities by
the Highland lords of the soil, that there is no alternative for them save starvation or
exile. "The I&le of Skye in 1882 and 1883," a new volume by Mr A. Mackenzie, of
Inverness, gives a detailed account of evictions in that island which affected directly
no fewer than seven hundred families, each, on an average, representing at least five
persons, thus making a grand total of more than 3500 souls, not less than two thousand of
whom were evicted, during the last half century, from the property of Macleod of Mac-
leod. "What physical misery," exclaims Mr Mackenzie, "what agony of soul, these
figures represent, it is impossible even to imagine !" Nor does this exhaust the woeful
story; for a terrible amount of suffering has been inflicted, apart altogether from the
cases of expatriation, on the hundreds of poor people removed from one portion of the
island to another — many of them robbed of their hill pasture, and left to comparative
starvation, with their cattle, on wretchedly small and unprofitable patches among the
barren rocks on the sea-shore. And all this misery and agony have been inflicted to
gratify the inhuman selfishness of some two or three persons, who, by the mere accident
of birth, enjoy a power which they could never have otherwise secured for themselves. —
Christian Leader.
36 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A.
VII. — DRUIDISM — (Continued.)
SUCH is the history of Druidism in Gaul and early Britain : of
its course in Ireland we have no direct information. It is only
when Christianity has been long established, and Druidism a
thing of the remote past, that we have writers who speak of the
Druids ; and in their eyes the Druids were but magicians that
attended the courts of the pagan kings. The lives of the pioneer
saints, Patrick and Columba, are full of contests between them-
selves and the royal magicians, who are called in the Gaelic
Druid and. in the Latin versions Magi. But in all the numerous
references to them in Irish chronicles and tales there is no hint
given of Druidism being either a system of philosophy or re-
ligion : the Druids of Irish story are mere magicians and diviners,
sometimes only conjurors. But as such — as magicians — the
Druids play a most important part in Irish pagan history, as
chronicled by the long posterior Christian writers. From the
primaeval landing of Partholan with his three Druids, to the days
of Columba, we have themselves and the bards exercising magic
and divining powers. The second fabled settlers of Ireland, the
Nemedians, meet the invading Fomorians with magic spells ; but
the fairy host of the Tuatha De Dannan are par excellence the
masters of Druidic art. Their power over the forces of Nature —
over sea, wind, and storms — shows them plainly to be only de-
graded gods, who allow the sons of Miled to land after showing
them their power and sovereignty as deities over the island. The
kings and chiefs had Druids about them to interpret omens and
to work spells ; but there is no reference to these Druids being a
priestly class, and their power was limited to the functions of
mere divination and sorcery. Two of the most famous Druids
were Cathbadh, Druid of Conchobar Mac Nessa, the instructor of
Cuchulain, who, among many other things, foretells the fate of
Deirdre and the sons of Uisnach, even before Deirdre was born ;
and Mogh Ruith of Munster, who single-handed opposed Cor-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 37
mac and his Druids, and drove them by his magic fire and storm-
spells out of Munster. The Druids of King Loegaire oppose St
Patrick with their magic arts ; one of them causes snow to fall
so thickly that men soon find themselves neck-deep in it, and at
another time he brings over the land an Egyptian darkness that
might be felt. But the saint defeats them, even on their own
ground, much as Moses defeats the Egyptian magicians. St
Columba, in Adamnan's life of him, is similarly represented as
overcoming the spells of the Northern Druids. Broichan, Druid
to King Brude, caused such a storm and darkness on Loch-Ness
that the navigation appeared impossible, until the saint gave
orders that the sails should be unfurled and a start made. Then
everything became calm and settled. We are also told in many
instances how the Druids worked these spells. A wisp of hay,
over which an incantation was made, when cast on a person,
caused idiocy and deformity. The Druidic wand plays an im-
portant part, a blow from it causing transformations and spells.
It must be remarked, too, that the wood used for wands and
Druidic rites and fires was not the oak at all, as in Gaul : sacred
wood among the Irish Druids would appear to have been the
yew, hawthorn, and, more especially, the rowan tree. Divination
was an important feature of Druidic accomplishments, and there
were various forms of it. Pure Druidic divination sometimes
consisted in watching the Druidic fire — how the smoke and flame
went. Sometimes the Druid would chew a bit of raw flesh with
incantation or " oration" and an invocation to the gods, and then
generally the future was revealed to him. Sometimes, if this
failed, he had to place his two hands upon his two cheeks and
fall into a divine sleep, a method known as " illumination by the
palms of the hands." Fionn used to chew his thumb when he
wanted any supernatural knowledge. The bards, too, were di-
viners at times, a fact that would appear to show their ancient
connection with the Druids. The bardic divination is known as
" illumination by rhymes," whon the bard in an ecstatic state
pours forth a flood of poetry, at the end of which he brings out
the particular fact that is required to be known. Connected with
this is the power of poetic satire. If a man refused a gift, the
bard could satirise him in such a way that personal injury would
result, such as blisters and deformities.
38 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Irish Druidism consists, therefore, merely of magic and
divination ; it is not a philosophy, nor a religion, nor a system.
It is quite true that we have, at least, an echo now and then of
the time when Druidism in Ireland and Scotland was something
different, and when even human sacrifices were offered. Columba,
in commencing the building of his church at lona, addressed his
followers in words which clearly point to human sacrifice. " It is
good for us," says he, " that our roots should go under the earth
here ; it is permitted that one of you should go under the clay of
this island to hallow it." The story goes on to say that Odran
arose readily, and spoke thus : " If thou shouldst take me, I am
ready for that." Columba readily accepted his offer, and " then
Odran went to heaven, and Columba founded the church of Hi."
It is said that a human being was slain at the foundation of
Emain, the mythic capital of Ulster ; and in Nennius we have
a remarkable story told of King Vortigern. He was trying to
build a castle on Snowdon, but somehow, though he gathered
ever so much material, every time it was " spirited" away during
the night. He sought counsel from his " magi" (the Irish trans-
lation calls them Druids), and they told him that he must find a
child born without a father, and must put him to death, and
sprinkle with his blood the ground where the castle was to stand.
Nor is tradition of the present time silent on this matter. It is
said that Tigh-a-chnuic, Kilcoy, in the Black Isle, had its founda-
tion consecrated by the slaughter of a stranger who chanced to
be passing when the house was to be built, but unfortunately his
ghost used to haunt the house until he was able to disburden his
woes to somebody, and he then disappeared.
The sum and result of our inquiry into Druidism may be
given in the words of Professor Rhys : — " At the time of Caesar's
invasions, they were a powerful class of men, monopolizing the
influence of soothsayers, magicians, and priests. But in Gaul,
under the faint rays of the civilization of Marseilles and other
Mediterranean centres, they seem to have added to their other
characters that of philosophers, discoursing to the youths, whose
education was entrusted to them, on the stars and their move-
ments, on the world and its countries, on the nature of things,
and the power of the gods." Whether the doctrine of the trans-
migration of souls was really of native origin or borrowed from
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 39
the Greeks, must remain an open question. Some think it un-
likely that the central doctrine of Druidism should have been
derived so late in the history of the nation, or derived at all, from
a foreign source, and they appeal to the fact that Britain was the
home of Druidism, a country which could have had little inter-
course with Marseilles. But in connection with this idea of its
British origin, it must be remembered that at a certain stage of
culture, nations are apt to consider their neighbours, provided they
are in a lower stage of civilization, much more religious than
themselves. The Romans always believed the Etrurians to be
more versed in religious matters than themselves. So, too, the
Gauls probably looked on British Druidism, with its "pristine
grimness" of practices, as the source of their own, while in reality
their own was doubtless an independent but more enlightened
development. Professor Rhys considers Druidism to be of a
non-Aryan character, and calls it the religion of the pre-Celtic
tribes, from the Baltic to Gibraltar. Now, in what we have left
us recorded of Druidism there is absolutely nothing that can be
pointed to as non- Aryan. The strong priestly caste presented
to us in Caesar, as divided off from the nobles and the commons,
can be somewhat paralleled in the Hinduism of India with its
rigidly priestly caste of Brahmans, who monopolised all religious
rites. And Brahmanism is an Aryan religion. Among the
Gauls, from the superstitious cast of their minds, a priestly class
was sure to rise to a position of supreme power. Their human
sacrifices can be matched, in some degree, by actual instances of
such, and by rites which pointed to them as previously existent,
among other Aryan nations, including those of Greece and Rome ;
only here, as before, the impressionable and superstitious charac-
ter of the Gauls drove them to greater excesses. The doctrine
of the transmigration of the soul is a tenet of both Brahmans
and Buddhists, of Aryan India, and it found its classical develop-
ment in the views of the Greek Pythagoras. The position and
fame of the Druids as magicians is, as Pliny points out, of the
same nature as those of the Magi of Aryan Persia. Some again
think it absurd that if the Druids were such philosophers, as they
are represented to have been, they would be so superstitious as
to practise human sacrifices, and other wild rites. But there is
no incongruity in at once being philosophic and superstitious ;
40 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the human mind is very hospitable in its entertainment of quite
opposite opinions, especially in moral and religious matters ; for
there is a wide difference between theories of the intellect and
practices prompted by the emotions.
CELTIC RELIGION IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
In tracing the history of Celtic religion, we have established
that the religion of the Gauls fully represents the pagan religion
of both the great branches of the Celtic race — the Brythonic
(Gauls and Welsh) and the Goidelic (Gaelic races). From
Caesar's account of the religion of the Gauls to the first native
notices of even the history of Celtic Britain and Ireland, there is
practically a period of a thousand years. During the interval,
Christianity had established its sway, nominally at least, over
the whole land, and paganism was for centuries a thing of the
past. It may, however, be remarked that one or two Latin eccle-
siastical histories appeared in the eighth century — notably the
works of Adamnan and Bede, but we in vain scan the pages left
us of their works for any definite information as to the previous
religion. Gildas, a century before either of these writers, makes
only a passing reference to the old faith. " I shall not," says he,
" enumerate those diabolical idols of my country, which almost
surpassed in number those of Egypt, and of which we still see
[circ. A.D. 560] some mouldering away within or without the
deserted temples, with stiff and deformed features as was cus-
tomary. Nor will I call out upon the mountains, fountains,
or hills, or upon the rivers, which now are subservient to the use
of men, but once were an abomination and destruction to them,
and to which the blind people paid divine honour." Our know-
ledge of the local development of Celtic religion in Britain and
Ireland cannot be obtained directly from contemporary history:
we have, it is true, some British inscriptions of the Roman period,
which give, mid a host of minor and local deities, one or. two
important gods. But our information must be drawn, nearly all,
from the heroic poems and tales, which do not date much earlier
than a thousand years ago ; and most are far later than this period.
For information as to the ritual of the old religion, local customs
and superstitions — Beltaine bannocks and Samhuinn fires — form
our only guides.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 41
It will also be necessaryto discuss separately the remainsof the
religion of the early Welsh and the early Gaels. The religion of the
former we shall name " British," of the latter, " Gaelic." And it
must be remembered that the Welsh are doubtless the remnant
of the Gaulish population which, about the time of the Roman
conquest, must have occupied England (except Cornwall and
Wales) and Lowland Scotland. Gaul and England had, there-
fore, practically the same people and language in the first century
of this era, and there now remain of them still speaking the
language, the Bretons of France and the Welsh of Wales, from
which country they drove out or absorbed the previous Gaelic
population in the fifth century of our era, or thereabouts. The
" Gaelic Religion " will include the early religion of Ireland and
the Highlands of Scotland.
BRITISH RELIGION.
The gods of Britain suffered what appears to have been the
" common lot " of gods ; they were changed into the kings and
champions, the giants and enchanters, of heroic tales and folk-
lore. In the words of the poet : —
" Ye are gods, and behold, ye shall die, and the waves be upon you at last.
In the darkness of time, in the deeps of the years, in the changes of things,
Ye shall sleep as a slain man sleeps, and the world shall forget you for kings."
The great deity, " Belinus," appears in the pages of Geoffrey, of
Monmouth, as a mere mortal conqueror. In company with his
brother, Brennius or " Bran," he marched to the siege of Rome,
when " Gabius and Porsena " were consuls ! Gargantua appears
twice as a British King, under the title of Gurgiunt. Camulus, the
war-god, who gave his name to Camulodunum, now £0/-chester,
is presented as Coel Hen, " Old King Coul " of the song, who
gave his name to the Ayrshire district of Kyle. The god,
" Nodens," is the Nudd of Welsh, and King Nuada, of Irish story;
and Lir, the sea-god, is immortalised in the pages of Shake-
speare as an old British king. Some of the gods fight under
Arthur's banner, and perish on the battlefield of Camlan, along
with him. There is, consequently, a considerable amount of con-
fusion in the Welsh tales, which does not appear in the more
consistent tales of Ireland. Probably, there were kings of the
names of Beli, Coel, Urien, and Arthur, and there certainly were
42 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
kings and chiefs, of the names of Brennus, Cassibelaunus, and
Caractacus, but their history is irretrievably mixed up with that
of deities and demigods, possessed of similar names. Thus, Bran
the Blessed, is a son of Lir, a -personage of such gigantic pro-
portions that no house could hold him, and evidently a degraded
god, possibly a war-god. He next appears as father of Caradoc
for whom he is sent as hostage to Rome, when the latter is con-
quered by Claudius. In Rome he is converted to Christianity,
which he introduced into Britain, and hence his name of " Bran
the Blessed." And again he is brother of Belinus, and the same
as the Brennus of the Roman historians, who sacked Rome in B.C.
390. It is, therefore, a matter of great difficulty to take either
history or myth out of the confusion in Welsh poetry and tradi-
tion, caused by a little knowledge of classical and Biblical history,
a history which is interwoven with native myths and facts.
The inscriptions of Roman times show that the religious
condition of Britain then differed in no respect from that of Gaul.
The local deities were assimilated to the corresponding deities
of Rome, and we have in Britain combinations like those met
with in Gaul : the Roman deity has the corresponding British
name attached to him on the votive inscription by way of
epithet. Thus, at Bath, altars are dedicated to Sul-Minerva,
Sul being a goddess unknown elsewhere. On the Roman wall,
between the Forth and Clyde, the name of Mars-Camulus ap-
pears on the inscriptions, among many others to the "genii" of the
places, the spirits of "the mountain and the flood," and to "Sancta
Britannia" and " Brigantia," the goddesses of Britain and the land
of the Brigantes respectively. The most interesting inscriptions
were those found in the temple of a god discovered at Lydney
Park, in Gloucestershire, One inscription bears to be to the
" great god Nodon," which proves the temple to have been dedi-
cated to the worship of Nodon, a god of the deep sea, figured on
a bronze plaque as a Triton or Neptune borne by sea-horses and
surrounded by a laughing crowd of Nereids. This deity is identi-
fied with the legendary Nudd, known in Welsh fiction only as
the father of famous sons and in Irish story as King Nuada of
the Silver Hand, who fought the two battles of Moytura, and
fell in the second before " Balor of the Evil Eye," the King of
the Fomorians.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 43
Passing, however, to the Welsh legends and myths preserved
in the " Ancient Books of Wales" and in the prose " Mabinogion,"
we can easily eliminate three principal families of deities, the
children of " Don," of " Nudd," and of " Lir." Of these the first
are purely Welsh, the second — the children of Nudd — have Irish
equivalents both in name and office, while the children of Lir
belong equally to both nations. The family of Don is evidently
connected with the sky and its changes. He has given his
name in Welsh to the constellation of Cassiopeia, called Llys
Don, the court of Don. The milky way is named after his son,
Gwydion, Caer Gwydion, the city of Gwydion ; and his daughter
Arianrhod, "silver-circled," inhabits the bright circle of stars
which is called the Northern Crown. With the name Don may
be compared that of the father of the Irish hero Diarmat, son of
Donn. Gwydion is the greatest of enchanters — a prince of the
powers of air. He can change the forms 'of trees, men, and
animals, and along with " Math, the son of Mathonwy," his master,
styled by Professor Rhys, the Cambrian Pluto, though rather
a god of air than earth, he forms a woman out of flowers.' "They
took the blossoms of the oak, and the blossoms of the broom,
and the blossoms of the meadow-sweet, and produced from them
a maiden, the fairest and most graceful that man ever saw."
Amaethon, the son of Don, is a husbandman — doubtless a god
of weather and crops. He has a fight with Arawn, king of
Annwn, or Hell, for a white roebuck and a whelp, which he had
carried off from the realms of darkness. The battle is known as
the " battle of the trees," and in it Gwydion, by his divinations,
won the victory for his brother, for he guessed the name of the
person in the ranks of his opponents, which had to be guessed
before either side won.
Nudd, like Don, is eclipsed by his family. He appears to
have been god of the deep and its treasures. His son Gwynn,
known always as Gwynn ap Nudd, is the Welsh king of the
Fairies in the widest sense of the word. It would appear that
Gwynn is no less a person than the god of the next world for
human beings. He answers, therefore, to the king of " Tir-nan-
og," " Land of Youth" of the Irish legends, and " Tir-fo-Thuinn"
of the Gaelic stories — the land below the waves. The son of the
deep-sea god is naturally enough made lord over the happy realm
44 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
under the waves of the West. Christian bias, however, gave
Gwynn a more sinister position. We are told that God placed
him over the brood of devils in Annwn, lest they should destroy
the present race. A Saint of the name of Collen one day heard
two men conversing about Gwynn ap Nudd, and saying that he
was King of Annwn and the Fairies. " Hold your tongue
quickly," says Collen, " these are but devils." " Hold thou thy
tongue," said they, " thou shalt receive a reproof from him."
And sure enough the Saint was summoned to the palace of
Gwynn on a neighbouring hill top, where he was kindly received,
and bid sit down to a sumptuous repast. " I will not eat the
leaves of the trees," said Collen ; for he saw through the enchant-
ments of Gwynn, and, by the use of some holy water, caused
Gwynn and his castle to disappear in the twinkling of an eye.
The story is interesting, as showing how the early missionaries
dealt with the native gods. Gwynn, according to St Collen, is
merely a demon. His connection with the lower world is brought
out by his fight with Gwythyr, the son of Greidwal, for Cordelia,
the daughter of Lir or Lud. She is represented as a splendid
maiden, daughter of the sea-god Lir, " a blossom of flowering
seas," at once a Venus and a Proserpine, goddess of the summer
flowers, for whom there is a fight between the powers of the
worlds above and below the earth respectively. Peace was made
between these two deities on these conditions : " that the maiden
should remain in her father's house, without advantage to either
of them, and that Gwynn ap Nudd, and Gwythyr, the son of
Greidwal, should fight for her every first of May, from thence-
forth till the day of doom, and that whichever of them should be
conqueror then, should have the maiden."
THE CROFTER ROYAL COMMISSION has completed the taking of evi-
dence throughout the Highlands, finishing up in Glasgow and Edinburgh. Whatever
may be the outcome of its labours, so far as the Report and proceedings thereon in
Parliament are concerned, the Commission has already done unspeakable good, by
exposing the evils of Highland estate management to the world. The Report will be
looked forward to with great interest, but whatever it may recommend, public opinion
will assuredly force a very great and early change in the relationship between landlord
and tenant in the Highlands, to the advantage of both.
45
"PEERMEN" AND THEIR RELATIONS.
I THINK it may be useful to follow up Mr Linn's delightful
paper with the little knowledge I possess on this head. I
have a right to speak on the subject, seeing that in my very early
life — when about six years of age — I acted the " Peerman " often
when living at my grandfather's house in Corriebeag. I have
held the fir torch in the byre when the servant was milking
the cows, and I have accompanied her to the river, holding it
when she went for her stoupfuls of water. At the slack time of
the year the men of each household went to dig the roots of the
fir trees out of the bogs, and they were placed uncut to dry, on
what was called a "farradh." When winter came and lights
were required, stock after stock was taken down and cut into
neat, small candles, and if there was a very knotty stock it was
called " stoc suiridhich," and carefully laid aside, to be given to
some young man when his patience as a husband was to be
tested, by the calmness he manifested over this very trying and
difficult ordeal. A " leus," or torch of fir, was a sure protection
against ghosts or evil spirits.
When, at that time I referred to, I lived at Corriebeag,
Locheil-side, the nearest house to us was occupied by a woman
who was considerably above a hundred years old. She had all
her faculties and the force of a young woman until within three
days of her death.
She was not an amiable woman, her temper was something
awful, and she could improvise and compose verses of the most
sarcastic and scurillous sort up to the last day of her life. When
the centenary of Prince Charles Stuart's raising his standard at
Glenfinnan was held at that historic spot, the ladies and gentle-
men driving past little dreamed that in a little hut by the road-
side a withered old crone lived who actually remembered the
gathering they commemorated, and who had seen Bonnie Prince
Charlie at the head of his men. This old woman's grandson and
his wife lived with her, and when the great-grandchildren were
born she was sorely exercised on their account, in case the fairies
might steal them, and among the other spells used by her to save
her descendants from so sad a fate, she charred a piece of fir in
46 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the fire, and made the sign of the cross with it daily on the infant.
At the Dark Mile near Loch-Arkaig there are two hillocks, called
respectively Tor-a-Mhuilt and Tor-a-Chronain. The low wailing
sounds heard there — the sobbing of the winds, the rustling of
the leaves, the wimpling of brooks, and the waving of the branches
of the trees, made the poetic and imaginative people of the
country think they were hearing the dead holding converse in
low whispering tones with one another.
They put it thus in a saying that has been handed down —
"Tor-a-Mhuilt is Tor-a-Chr6nain,
Far am bi 'na mairbh a comhradh."
The road leads between these low hills, and one night when a
man was passing there, carrying the head of an enemy he had
slain, a voice came to him alternately from each hill, saying " Fag
an ceann," " Leave the head ;" to which request he each time
replied, " Cha'n fhag mi 'n ceann," " I will not leave the head.'
At length the cry from each hill was " Mur bhi' dhomhsa an leus
giubhais tha os do chionn dh'fhagadh tu da cheann," " If it
were not for the fir torch you hold above you, you would leave
two heads." That meant, of course, that he would leave his own
head as well as the other. But he had taken the precaution of
having a fir torch to light him on his way, as well as to protect
him from harm, and his faith had its reward.
I have seen the bark of the birch used for light. They did
not go to the wood to seek it for that purpose, but if a birch
tree was being used, the bark was retained for light, along with
the fir, or alone. The bits were dipped in grease or oil, each
being called " beileag."
The Gaelic name for the "roughy," or " ruffy," is "buaichd,"
and I have often seen one made to give light during supper and
the reading of the chapter ; it was, of course, blown out when all
knelt in prayer. Another improvised light of this sort is the
" coinneal ghlas." The grease is placed in a piece of old white
cotton, and rolled into the shape of a candle. It gives a splendid
light, but does not last long. I heard the following anecdote
told about the " coinneal ghlas," or " grey candle:" — Some Eng-
lishmen were passing the night at King's House, in the Black
Mount, and were complaining bitterly of the miserable light
afforded them by one lean, sputtering tallow candle, when a
"PEER-MEN," AND THEIR RELATIONS. 47
Highlander joined them. He, too, said he thought they were
badly used in being supplied by this light, that only made the
darkness visible, and on going out for a moment, he asked the
landlady to make six large candles of the " coinneal ghlas" kind,
and bring them to him all lighted when he called for them. He
returned to the Englishmen ; and, by-and-bye, they rose to go
to bed, and the Highlander said he had to sit up late, having
some writing to do ; and added — " I must get better light."
" If you can," said one of the strangers, with a sneer. The
Highlander forthwith ordered in " six candles with the wicks on
-the outside." " Candles with the wicks on the outside," echoed
all the Englishmen simultaneously in great surprise, and when
they saw the blaze that surrounded the Highlander with those
candles on his table, they went off to bed muttering something
worse than " Well, I never." They did not know that the candles
were blown out the moment after they left the room, nor how
short a time they would last, even if they were left lighted.
The lowest form of artificial light in the Highlands was the
following : — When the fire was getting spent, two or three fresh
peats were put on, and when the side next the fire of those got
charred, the cry " Tiondaidh foid," " Turn a peat," was given to
the person most conveniently situated for that performance.
Even that was better than the contentment with total darkness
that existed in some districts. I have heard it said that in Blar-
macfaoildeach, in Lochaber, when supper was ready, that the
goodwife of the house used to go about groping for a hand, say-
ing " Fair do lamh ;" and having found the searched-for member,
she placed a bowl in it, saying " So do shuipeir." Verily, it
might be said of each one who partook of that meal, " Great is
thy faith."
It is interesting to know., that it was cannel coal that Robert
Burns used, and that by its light he wrote the greater number of
his poems. The iron with which he used to break off the charred
parts, in order to get a fresh blaze, was long in the possession of
an old lady who is a personal friend of mine. She spent some
years of her girlhood with Bonnie Jean, as companion to the
poet's grand-daughter Sarah, and she gave this interesting bit of
iron to some museum — I think in Jedburgh.
MARY MACKELLAR.
48 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ORAN CEILIDH.
LE MAIRI NIC-EALAIR.
O seid a suas, a phiop nam buaclh,
'S gu'n toir sinn cuairt air clannsa,
Oir ged tha fuachd a' gheamhraidh cruaidh.
Gu'm faigh sinn duais 'san t-samhradh.
O cairich m6ine, a bhean ch£>ir,
Air cagailt mhoir gun ghainntir,
'S bidh 'chuideachd 6g a' toirt le deoin
Duinn orain a bhios seannsail.
Gheibh sinn sgeul, air laoich na Feinn',
'S mu dhaoine treun ar seorsa,
'Ni 'sinn le cheile Ian do dh-eud,
'Sa ni air euchd sinn deonach.
Is gabhar leinn ar n' orain bhinn,
Is cha bhi sinn fo anntlachd,
'S mur cheileir seinn aig eoin a' ghlinn',
Bidh 'ribhead ghrinn a' channtair.
'S ged nach 'eil flxir, air gleann no stic,
'S na h-eoin gun durd 's na cranntan,
Is glasan iir gu daingean, dlu,
A' ceangal lub gach alltain.
Ged a tha gach gleann co fas,
Is sneachda ban air beanntan,
Thig fraoch fo bhlath, is coill fo bharr,
A nuair thig blaths na Bealltuin.
'S bidh eoin nan geug le coireal reidh,
'Cur surd air seisdean bainnse,
'S bidh torman ciuin le 'orain for',
Aig sruthain dhlii nan ailtan.
O biomaid. aoibhneach, cridheil, caoimhneil,
Fad na h-oidhche gheamhraidh.
Gun gh6, gun fhoill, mar eoin na coill,
A' feitheamh soills' an t-samhraidh.
Cuir tuille moine, a bhean ch6ir,
Air cagailt mhoir gun ghainntir,
Is bidh 'sinn comhla Ian do sholas,
'S ni sinn ceol is clannsa.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. XCVIII. DECEMBER 1883. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XI.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued. — REMARKABLE INCIDENTS
IN HIS EARLY CAREER.
LOCHIEL having disposed of the enemy at the battle of Achada-
lew, as described in our last, proceeded to count the number of
his opponents slain, and found not less than one hundred and
thirty-eight lying dead on the scene of the conflict, not a soul hav-
ing escaped except the Irishman already mentioned, and another
who subsequently became Lochiel's cook, and acted most loyally
as his servant ever after. Lochiel having lodged the night after
the battle in the house of a woman on Lochiel-side, whose son was
among the few slain of Sir Ewen's followers, took his prisoner
along with him, when the woman, taking into her head that the
stranger, who accompanied Lochiel, was the man who had killed
her handsome and brave son, immediately attacked him, and
would have strangled him had not Sir Ewen interposed, separat-
ing them, and sending his prisoner, under guard, to another
house for the night. He found him ever after most zealous and
trustworthy, ready to do anything his master required of him,
often at the risk of his own life. The author of the Memoirs
C
50 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
relates two stories which well illustrates the difference between
the ideas and tempers of the two classes of men — the Highlanders
and their English enemies. The courage of the Southrons, he says,
was merely mechanical, flowing from discipline and habit, and serv-
ing simply for their bread, while that of the Highlanders, was " from
the notions they have of honour and loyalty, and of the services
which they think they owe to their Chief, as the root of the family,
and the common father and protector of the name. As this has
something of greatness and generosity in the principle, so the
actions flowing from it participate of the same spirit. Of this we
have already had an illustrious example [in the case of Lochiel's
foster-brother] ; and, indeed, the almost unparalelled bravery of
the Camerons, during the terrible and extraordinary skirmish
described, exemplify the same in a number of persons. Nor did
it less appear in the generous emulation that inspirited them to
exert the utmost efforts of their strength and courage before their
young Chief. One of them having shot an arrow at too great a
distance, and Lochiel observing that it did not pierce deep enough
to kill the man, cried out that ' it came from a weak arm,' at
which the Highlander thought himself so much offended that,
despising all danger, he rushed among the thick of the enemy,
and recovering his own arrow, plunged it into the man's body to
the feathers. This action would have cost him his life if Lochiel
had not quickly detached a party to his relief." The character
of the English soldiery our author illustrates thus : — " After
their defeat, being hard put to it by the pursuing enemy, they
plunged into the sea in hopes of recovering their ships. One of
them, observing that a piece of beef and some small biscuits had
dropped out of his pockets by the floating of the laps of his coat,
he, preferring the recovery of his provisions to the safety of his
life, fell a-fishing for them, and had his head divided into two
parts by the blow of a broadsword as he was putting the first
morsel of it into his mouth." Not one of them, however, called
for quarter, and in the confusion of retreat not one parted
with his arms, but with his life. " They were pitied more than
blamed. They did all that men could do in the circumstances
they were in. Not a single man of them betrayed the least
cowardice, but fought it out with invincible obstinacy while any
of them remained to make opposition, and their frequent attempts
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 51
on the Chiefs life, even after quarters were offered, show that
their fortitude and courage remained so firm to the last, that
they disdained to be survivors of a defeat which they looked
upon as shameful and ignominious. In short, they were not
conquered, but destroyed." This proves that the Highlanders
had a very sturdy enemy to deal with, apart altogether from the
great inequality of numbers they had to contend against.
Colonel Bryan, Governor of Inverlochy Castle, was quite
oblivious of what was taking place within some three miles of
his garrison, until a few of the workmen, who had fled from Ach-
adalew, when the fight commenced, had reached the Castle ; but
before the garrison could turn out the Irishman, already referred
to arrived, and informed the Colonel that the whole of his party
had been cut to pieces. The men in the other ship — which during
the engagement had been on the opposite shore, a little westward
of Achadalew — discovered that their friends had been engaged
with the Camerons, and they thereupon sailed in the direction of the
scene of carnage, but did not go ashore until Lochiel had retired
with his men, when the English landed " and beheld the dismal
fate of their countrymen, whose bodies they put on board the
other empty vessel, which they hauled along with them to Inver-
lochy." On their arrival they were met by the Governor and his
officers, whose astonishment, upon seeing the dead bodies ex-
posed, was inexpressible. Our author informs us that " the deep
wounds and terrible slashes that appeared on these mangled car-
cases seemed to be above the strength of man. Some had their
heads cut down a good way into the neck ; others had them
divided across by the mouth and nose ; many, who were struck
upon the collar-bone, showed an orifice or gash much wider than
that made by the blow of the heaviest hatchet ; and often the
shearing blade, where the blow was full, and met with no extra-
ordinary obstruction, penetrated so deep as to discover part of
the entrails. There were some that had their bellies laid open,
and others with their arms, thighs, and legs lopped off in an amaz-
ing manner. Several bayonets were cut quite through, and
mu.skets were pierced deeper than can be well imagined. The
Governor and many of his officers had formerly occasion to see
the Highlanders of several clans and countries, but they appeared
to be no extraordinary men, neither in size nor strength. The
52 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Camerons they had observed to be of a piece with the rest, and
they wondered where Lochiel could find a sufficient body of men
of strength and brawn to give such an odd variety of surprising
wounds. But they did not know that there was as much art as
strength in fetching these strokes, for, where a Highlander lays
it on full, he draws it with great address the whole length of the
blade, whereas an unskilful person takes in no more of it than
the breadth of the place where he hits. He is likewise taught to
wound with the point, or to fetch a back-stroke as occasion offers,
and as in all these he knows how to exert his whole vigour and
strength, so his blade is of such excellent temper and form as to
answer all his purposes." This is how the terrible nature of the
wounds were accounted for. When the actual facts regarding
this sanguinary conflict became known, the conduct of the High-
landers became the subject of admiration throughout the whole
kingdom. " Lochiel was by all parties extolled to the skies as a
young hero of boundless courage and extraordinary conduct.
His presence of mind in delivering himself from his terrible
English antagonist, who had so much the advantage of him in
everything but vigour and courage, by biting out his throat, was
in every person's mouth." The devoted self-sacrifice of his young
foster-brother, to save the life of his Chief, was also the theme of
admiration and astonishment among those unacquainted with
the affection and devotion of the Highlanders to their chiefs,
especially in the case of a foster-brother.
Mrs Mary Mackellar, so well acquainted with the history and
traditions of her native district of Lochaber, relates the following
curious incident : — Sir Ewen used to say that the only time he
ever felt the sensation of fear was in connection with the incident
of biting out the Englishman's throat in the ditch at Achadalew.
"When at Court in London, many years after this, he went into
a barber's shop to have his hair and beard dressed, and when the
razor was at his throat the chatty barber observed — " You are
from the North, sir." " Yes," said Sir Ewen, "I am ; do you
know people from the North?" "No," replied the irate barber,
" nor do I wish to ; they are savages there. Would you believe
it, sir ; one of them tore the throat out of my father with his
teeth, and I only wish I had the fellow's throat as near me as I
have yours just now." Sir Ewen's feelings may be more easily
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 53
imagined than described as he heard these words and felt the
edge of the steel gliding over the part so particularly threatened.
He never after entered a barber's shop.*
Almost immediately after the Achadalew affair, Lochiel
resolved to join General Middleton, requesting those of his people
who lived near Inverlochy to make peace with the Governor, who
demanded no other terms than that they should live peaceably
towards himself and his garrison. This agreement was soon
arranged, and the people thereby secured from ruin during their
leader's absence from the district. The Governor was put off his
guard, and he began to send out parties for wood and other
materials to strengthen his fortifications. Lochiel, however, was
kept well informed of what was being done, and, returning to the
district, he, one day, posted himself with a body of his most
resolute followers, less than half-a-mile to the westward of the
stronghold. He was not long here, when, the same morning, a
body of two hundred men were sent out from the garrison in
Lochiel's direction. On observing them he detached twenty of his
men to a secret place to their rear — between them and the
garrison — with orders to rush out and meet them in case
they should retreat, as they naturally would, in that direction,
after they were attacked in front by the Camerons. They
marched in good order to the village of Achintore, when Sir
Ewen and his band furiously rushed forward, scattering them
in all directions ; for the memory of Achadalew was enough to
strike terror into their hearts, when they were so suddenly and un-
expectedly attacked by a force the strength of which they could
not know. The men in ambush rushed out to meet the flying
enemy, gave them a full charge of their firelocks in front, and
then charged them with their broadswords, killing at least half
their number. The remainder who escaped were pursued to the
very walls of the fort, while many of them were taken prisoners
and distributed among such of the Camerons as lived a consider-
able distance from the Castle.
Lochiel with his devoted and gallant band then returned
northwards, and found General Middleton, by whom they were
received with great demonstrations of delight and triumph.
Nothing of importance took place for a considerable time after
* "Guide to Fort-William, Glencoc, and Luchaber,'' p. 54.
54 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
this. Lochiel was, however, constantly in action, daily becoming
a greater terror to the enemy. Middleton was anxious to force
on a battle, but his principal officers openly opposed him, and
ultimately his army almost melted away.
Meanwhile Lochiel received intimation that the Governor of
Inverlochy was taking advantage of his absence, and, for the
purpose of providing the garrison with an ample supply of fuel
for the incoming winter, was cutting down a considerable portion
of the Lochaber woods. Annoyed at these proceedings Sir
Ewen asked and received permission from General Middleton
to return home with about a hundred and fifty of his men, leaving
the main body of his followers at head-quarters, to avenge the
conduct of the Governor in stealing his wood. He started at
night, marching by unfrequented paths through the mountains,
and soon arrived in the neighbourhood of the English garrison
without his movements having been discovered by the enemy,
and he was soon informed by his friends of circumstances which
enabled him successfully to execute his designs of revenge with-
out any delay.
The woods on which the English were employed were on
the shoulder of Ben Nevis, about a mile eastward from the garri-
son. Lochiel marched to this place, called Strone-Nevis, early
next morning after his arrival, posted his men, and gave them
the necessary instructions. He kept sixty of them under his
own immediate command, placed in a tuft of wood at a point
opposite where the soldiers sent out from the garrison, with the
hewers of the wood, always took up their position. Two other
bodies of thirty men each he told off to his right and left, respec-
tively, in places where they were completely concealed, command-
ing them to rush forth as soon as they heard the concerted signal,
which was to be a great shout of " Advance, Advance !" as if the
wood was full of men. The remainder of his men took up their
position in a pass between the wood and the garrison, where they
were to lay in ambush, and not to move unless they saw that the
enemy were making a strong resistance when attacked by the
Highlanders in front ; but if they noticed them running away
they were to rush forward to meet them and place them between
two fires, give them a volley in front, and then attack them with
their swords, killing as many of them as they could, but giving
quarter to any who threw down their arms.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 55
About four hundred of the English marched forth from the
garrison, and took their usual position, quite innocent of the
danger which immediately awaited them. Everything turned
out as Lochiel anticipated, and a general slaughter at once
ensued. The Highlanders, issuing forth from their places of
concealment, made a great noise, which was loudly echoed by the
surrounding mountains. This, accompanied by the simultaneous
sounds of a great number of bagpipes, frightened the enemy so
much that they made no resistance ; for they thought themselves
surrounded by large bodies of Highlanders pouring in upon them
from all sides, and they resolved that the best way to save them-
selves was by flying at their highest speed. More than a hundred
of the English were killed on the spot, and the remainder, having
been attacked by those lying in ambush, between them and the
garrison, a second slaughter at that point was the result. Not
more than a third of the four hundred men escaped ; and these
were pursued to the very walls of the fort, all in such a short
time that it was matter of history before the Governor actually
knew that his men had even been attacked. Not a single Eng-
lish officer escaped, the reason being that they were the only
persons who had the courage to offer any resistance to the High-
landers. Among them was a great favourite of the Governor,
who became so exasperated at the loss of his friend and that of
his men that he was furious with rage, and swore immediate
revenge upon Lochiel and his clan.
For this purpose he next morning ordered out his whole
garrison, consisting of about fifteen hundred men. Lochiel had,
as usual, timely notice of his movements, and, betaking himself
to stronger and higher ground, kept in view of the enemy, as he
himself marched round the mountains with pipes playing and
colours flying. He tried to induce the English commander to
follow him and so get entangled in the woods or in the nar-
row paths and other obstructions abounding in the neighbour-
hood, where Lochiel could successfully attack, but the Governor
was too wary. After traversing many difficult and rugged
paths he returned, and by the help of good guides, found his way
to the garrison, with all his men, but heartily fatigued and dis-
gusted with his fruitless expedition. The Camerons, who closely
followed, repeatedly insulted them, and whenever the nature of
56 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the ground favoured them, and they came inconveniently near,
they invited them to " advance," for their Chief was there ready to
receive their Governor, if he wished to speak to him ; and such
other tantalising and insulting remarks.
The name of the young Chief had now become such a terror
that the men of the garrison were careful to give him as few oppor-
tunities as possible of annoying them, though he occasionally
managed to capture or kill small parties of them. Many amusing
and curious adventures, in which he took the leading part, are still
the talk of the District, and the following, recorded by his biogra-
pher, is worth giving : — " A good part of the revenue of his estate
being paid in cattle, and commonly sold to drovers, who disposed
of them to others in Lowland markets, he employed a subtle
fellow, who haunted the garrison, to whisper it adroitly among
the soldiers, that a drove belonging to him was on a certain
day to pass that way, and that, Lochiel himself being now re-
turned to General Middleton, it might easily be made a prize of.
The fellow managed it so that it came to the Governor's ears,
who gave private orders to seize the cattle. Against the day
prefixed, Lochiel ordered some cows with their calves to be
driven with seeming caution and privacy to a place at a proper
distance from Inverlochy ; but before they came there the calves
were taken from their mothers, and driven separately a short way
before them, though always in their sight. This, as it gave
from a distance the appearance of two droves, occasioned a reci-
procal lowing and bellowing, which, being reverberated by the
adjacent hills and rocks, made a very great noise. The soldiers
were quickly alarmed, and ran, without observing much order, as
to a certain prey ; but Lochiel, who lurked with his party in a bush
of wood nearby, rushing suddenly upon them, with loud cries, had
the killing of them all' the way to the garrison." The Governor
became so enraged at the frequent tricks played upon himself and
upon his men by Lochiel that he set such a close watch on him
that he narrowly escaped being killed or captured on repeated
occasions soon after. A few of these hairbreadth escapes, and
how he finally arranged favourable and highly honourable terms
with the Governor of Inverlochy, will be detailed in our next.
(To be continued,)
57
A TALE OF THE STRATHNAVER CLEARANCES.
MY great-grandfather, Roderick Mackay, rented the fertile farm
of Mudale, at the head of Strathnaver. It was a beautiful spot
by the side of the river, and the home was endeared to my an-
cestor by its being the place where his father and father's fathers
had lived and died for generations. The house was comfortable
and substantial, and it was famed far and near for its hospitality;
no stranger having ever been turned from its door without having
his wants supplied. Nor did this kindness overtax them, for
they had food in abundance. They had flocks and herds, and
lived in ease and comfort.
It used to be told of him that, instead of a regular stock-
taking, he once a year gathered his sheep, cattle, and horses into
a curve of the river, and, if the place was anything well filled, he
was content that he had about the usual number, and did not
trouble about figures. He went with his surplus stock occasionally
to the southern markets, and was entrusted with buying and
selling for his neighbours as well — not on the "commission
agent " system of the present day, but as an act of goodwill and
friendship.
My great-grandmother was a " help-meet " in all things to
her husband. They had one son and two daughters, the youngest
of whom was my grandmother. They were honest, God-fearing
people, loved and respected by all who knew them, and leading
a life of peace and contentment, expecting to end their lives
among their friends, in their dear home, as their forefathers
had done. A small cloud, not bigger than a man's hand, was
hanging, alas ! over Strathnaver. Practical men from other lands
were scouring hill and dale, and casting covetous eyes upon the
beautiful and fertile valley, while accepting the hospitality of the
noble people whose destruction they were planning. The small
cloud spread with frightful rapidity, and a storm burst over
Strathnaver that laid happy homes in ruins, extinguishing the
light of joy for evermore in hundreds of human hearts. My
great-grandfather, being a rather extensive landholder, was the
first to suffer, and his death-warrant could not have caused him
58 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
greater dismay than the notice to quit his home. His flocks were
scattered, and had to be sold for whatever they could realise.
His house — the home of his ancestors — was burned before his
eyes. His effects were turned out to the roadside, and his wife
and family left without shelter. By permission of the incoming
tenant they were allowed to take possession of a small sheep-cot
near their former happy home. My great-grandmother, a brave
woman, did all she could to cheer her husband in his sorrow, and
the son strove to save all he could from the wreck, but the old
man would not be comforted. He went about in a dazed condi-
tion, which was most pitiful. He would neither eat nor drink,
and continually asked if they thought he would get leave to be
buried in Mudale, beside his people. Nothing could rally him,
and in a short time he died. His wife then broke down com-
pletely, and did not survive him long. They both died in that
small sheep-cot, or as I used to hear my grand-aunt, their
daughter, put it, " Ann am bothan fail." They got their wish as
to their last resting-place, for they sleep in peace with those who
went before them, ere the inhuman laws of men made that beauti-
ful valley what it now is — a wilderness.
My grandfather, Ian Ban Mackay, lived in Rhiphail, about
twelve miles further down the glen, and he also, like the rest of
his kith and kin, was doomed. He had served in the Reay
Fencibles, and for his good conduct was made confidential ser-
vant to the Colonel of the regiment, who was himself a Mackay.
When my grandfather was evicted my mother was twelve years
of age, and she vividly remembered the incidents as long as she
lived. The family were shifted from one place to another, until
in two years they had no less than five removals. Ever as they
went the black flood of eviction followed them, until at last they
landed, or stranded rather, on the stony braes of Tongue. There
they had to build some kind of abode and subsist as best they
could. Their eight milk cows had dwindled down to one ; for
they had to part with them from time to time to obtain the bare
necessaries of life.
A short time after their settlement at Tongue the potato
crop failed, and the grain crops as well, when the ever-to-be
remembered famine set in with all its horrors. The disasters and
miseries of that time have been described bv several — foremost
STRATHNAVER CLEARANCES. 59
among them the great Hugh Miller. I only relate what con-
cerned my own immediate relations, as I often heard it told,
amidst tears, at our own fireside. My grandfather found it hard
to provide for his family in these times, and at last it became
impossible. It was reported that relief came, and that at Tongue
House, a mile distant, there was food enough for all who required
it. My grandfather was urged to go to the factor for assist-
ance, but he was a Mackay and a soldier, and the bread of charity
was to him a bitter morsel. One morning, however, things came
to a crisis — the last spoonful of meal had been made into gruel
for a sick child, the last fowl was killed and cooked for the
family, and starvation stared them in the face.
My grandfather had then no alternative but to go to Tongue
House. He found, however, that the corn there had more re-
strictions than that of Egypt. He found the factor did not
believe in giving charity in a charitable manner. He was severely
examined as to his character and conduct, as to his present
ability or future prospects of paying for the meal. If he could
not pay it then, the factor demanded a guarantee that he would
pay it in future. At last he consented to give one boll of
meal to my grandfather, and in exchange he was to get the one
milk cow of the family. The cow was named " Shobhrag " or
" Primrose," from her yellow colour. Owing to the scarcity of
food, she had to be milked many times in the day, and so one of
the children, a precocious little girl of seven, called her " Shobhrag
nam beannachd " (the Primrose of blessings). The name stuck
to her, for she was dearly beloved by the family. She was a gentle
creature, who did not run away or get into trouble like other cows;
and she was petted and made of by the children, whilst to the
parents she was the one link that bound them to happier times.
No wonder if the father's heart was heavy as he thought of his
sad bargain, and wondered how he could break the news to the
family. On his way home he met the Rev. Hugh Mackenzie,
minister of the parish, who, on hearing the sad story, went and
paid for the meal, and so " Shobhrag " was spared to them in their
grief. Mr Mackenzie sent also seed corn and potatoes, and gave
his own horses to plough their land, while he personally attended
the family when afterwards stricken with fever — the sure concomi-
tant of famine. Every member of the family hovered for a time
60 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
between life and death. The good clergyman supplied wine and
other articles of nourishment, and gave medicine, of which he had
considerable knowledge. There did not seem much to live for ;
but then, as now, people were tenacious of life, and in course of
time the family recovered. Better times came ; but too late for
the head of the house ; he never recovered from the shock of his
severe trials, and he died a comparatively young man.
I remember my grandmother, a sadly depressed woman,
with a world of sorrow in her faded blue eyes, as if the shadow of
the past was always upon her spirit. I never saw her smile, and
when I asked my mother for the cause, she told me that that
look of pain came upon my grandmother's face with the fires of
Strathnaver. Strange to say, when even my mother was in her
last illness in May 1882 — when the present was fading from her
memory — she appeared again as a girl of twelve in Strathnaver,
continually asking, " Whose house is burning now ?" and crying
out, now and again, " Save the people."
Edinburgh. ANNIE MACKAY.
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS AND BURNINGS.
TESTIMONY OF LIVING EYE-WITNESSES.
MR JOHN MACKAY, C.E., Hereford, the well-known friend of the
Highlanders, himself a native of Sutherlandshire, sends us the sub-
joined important documents. He writes in the following terms :
— " While at Bettyhill in August last, during the sitting there of
the Royal Commission, I had the pleasure of meeting several old
men in the neighbourhood. On entering into conversation with
them, upon the subject of the Strathnaver Clearances, I found
their recollection of them so vivid, and their relations so truthful
— none of them would say anything more than he himself saw —
that I thought it was worth something to have them taken down
there and then ; but not having sufficient time at my disposal,
and being informed that there were many more in the parish who
had been eye-witnesses of those scenes, I got Mr Angus Mackay,
Divinity Student, Farr, to take down the evidence for me, and
have it attested." The statements, in all cases, were carefully
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS. 61
taken clown in Gaelic, translated into English, read to the de-
clarant again in Gaelic and English in the presence of the wit-
nesses who attest them, and who understood both languages ; the
statements were then signed by the cross or name of each declar-
ant in presence of the witnesses, who there and then attested each
document on the date recorded upon it, in presence of the declar-
ant. Mr Mackay has since presented them to the Royal Com-
mission as part of his evidence in Edinburgh. They are as
follows : —
RODERICK MACLEOD, 78 years of age, crofter and fisherman, Skerray,
Parish of Tongue,
I was born at Grumb-mhor, where I lived for eight years, and now occupy a small
croft near the edge of the cliffs at Skerray. I was working at a read that was being
made on Strathnaver, a good few years after I was driven from the Strath myself,
when I saw the following townships set on fire : —
Grumb-mhor, with 1 6 houses. | Achmhillidh, with 4 houses.
All the houses in these two places were burnt, with the exception of one barn, which
was left to be used as a store by those working at the road.
I recollect of Branders, who had the charge of Sellar's burning gang, coming to
one house there, where an old woman and her daughter-in-law lived. The woman
was very old and frail, and had nowhere to go at such a short notice. Branders,
therefore, as Sellar himself was not present to see, taking compassion on her, gave her
permission to remain for a night or two longer in the house, until she could get some
bothy beyond Sellar's satrapy, where she would be at liberty to live or die.
Few, if any, of all those families burnt out knew where to turn their head, or from
whom or where to get the next meal, after being thus expatriated from the homes to
which their hearts so fondly clung.
It was sad to witness the heartrending scenes that followed the driving away of
these people. The terrible remembrance of the burnings of Strathnaver will live as
long as a root of the people remains in the country. Th<i people when on Strathnaver
were very comfortable.
I declare this statement of mine is true. RORY MACLEOD.
Witnesses, \ WILLIAM SUTHERLAND.
30th Aug. 1883. \ MURDO MACKAY.
WILLIAM MORRISON, 89 years of age, crofter, Dalacham, Farr.
I was born at Rossal, on Strathnaver, and remember well of seeing the following
townships on fire : —
Rossal, with about 20 houses. Dalvina, with 2 houses.
Dalmalarn, with 2 houses. Achphris, with 2 houses.
The people as a rule were, in these townships, expected to be away from their houses
before those employed in burning came round. This was generally done, but in a
certain house in Rossal there lived an old woman who could not remove with the rest
of the neighbours. She could not build another house were she to remove. To this
poor person's house came the cruel burners in their turn, and set fire to it in two
places, heeding not her pitiful cries. The burners, however, treated her kinder than
62 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
was their wont, for they carried her out of the burning house, and placed her on the
grass with some of her own blankets about her.
I cannot say what became of her afterwards, but surely it was cruel enough that
she should be thus left exposed to wind and weather, deprived of all shelter and desti-
tute of all means. For people to say that there was no cruelty or harshness shown the
people when they were burnt off Strathnaver, is a glaring lie which no amount of
flowery language can hide. Sellar's son can, no doubt, wield the pen well, but he
will find he has undertaken an impossibility when he tries to prove that his father was
a good man. Most assuredly he was a cruel tyrant.
I declare this statement of mine is true. WILLIAM MORRISON.
Witnesses, ( DONALD MACKENZIE, Minister, Free Church, Farr.
2$th Aug. 1883. j ANGUS MACKAY, Divinity Student, Farr.
GRACE MACDONALD, 88 years of age, Armadale, Farr.
I was born on Strathnaver, in a place called Langall, and was nineteen years of
age when we were evicted from the Strath I remember well the burning of the
house;>. I saw the following five townships burnt by Sellar's party : —
Langall, with 8 houses. Ealan & Challaidh, with 2 houses.
Totachan, with 2 houses. Sgall, with 4 houses.
Coile an Kian, with 2 houses.
There was no mercy or pity shown to young or old — all had to clear away, and those
who could not get their effects removed in time to a safe distance had it burnt before
their very eyes.
On one occasion, while Sellar's burning party were engaged in setting fire to a
certain house in Langall, a cat belonging to the premises leapt out of the flames. Some
one of the party seized the half-smothered cat and threw him back into the flames,
where it was kept till it perished.
The evicted people had to go down to the bleak land skirting the sea-shore, and
there trench and reclaim land for themselves.
They got no compensation or help from the proprietor, and some of them suffered
very much from want of food the first winter. They were happy on Strathnaver, with
plenty to take and give, but are all very poor now.
The unsatiable greed of Sellar was the cause of all this.
I declare this statement of mine is true. GRACE MACDONALD.
Witnesses, ( MURDO MACKAY.
29th Aug. 1883 ( MARY MACLEOD..
Widow BETSY MACKAY (Drover), 86 years of age, Kirtomy, Parish of Farr.
I am a native of Strathnaver, and saw some of the burnings that took place there.
I was born at Sgall, a township with six houses, where I lived till I was sixteen years
of age, when the people in the township were driven away and their houses burnt.
Our family was very reluctant to leave this place, and stayed for some time after
the summons for evicting was delivered. But Sellar's party came round and set fire
to our house at both ends, reducing to ashes whatever remained within the walls. The
occupants had, of course, to escape for their lives, some of them losing all their clothes
except what they had on their backs. The people then had plenty clothes (home
spun), which they made from the wool of their sheep.
The people were told they could go where they liked, provided they did not en-
cumber Sellar's domain, the land that was by rights their own. The people were
driven away like dogs who deserved no better fate, and that, too, without any reason
in the world, but to satisfy the cruel avarice of Sellar.
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS. 63
Here is an incident that I remember in connection with the burning of Sgall.
My sister, whose husband was from home, was delivered of a child at Grumb-mhor
at this time. Her friends in Sgall, fearing lest her house should be burnt, and she
perish in her helpless condition, went to Grumb-mhor and took her with them in very
cold weather, weak and feeble as she was. This sudden removal occasioned to her a
fever, which left its effects upon her till her dying day.
I declare this statement of mine is true. BETSY MACKAY.
Witnesses, \ ALEXANDER MACKAY.
29th Aug. 1883. \ MURDO MACKAY.
WIDOW DAVID MUNRO, Strathy, regarding Ceann-na-Coille
I was seven years of age when this portion of Strathnaver was cleared. There
were six families in the township: — Hugh Mackay, J. Campbell, Angus Mackay, John
Mackay (Macrob), William Mackay. and my father, William Sutherland. I remember
distinctly the position of the houses. Our family consisted of six girls and one boy.
We received orders to quit our abode on term day. All the men of the village were
away except my father, who had removed his furniture to an out-house before Sellar
arrived. He was an intelligent man, sometimes acting as teacher, and when the com-
pany arrived to set fire to the house, he requested that, in consideration of his services
to the House of Sutherland, by going with the rents of the townships to Dunrobin,
etc., etc., they would be good enough to spare the out-house, whither he might retire
during the night ; and that he himself would set fire to it next morning. This was
ruthlessly refused, and we had to remain all night on a green hillock outside, and
view our dwelling smouldering into ashes.
I declare this statement of mine is true. MRS DAVID MUNRO.
Witnesses, \ ADAM GUNN.
i8th Aug. 1883. | ALEX. MUNRO, Strathy West.
BELL COOPER, 82 years of age, Crask, Farr.
I was born at Achness on Strathnaver, where I lived till I was eleven years of
age. All the people in the township were then removed and their houses burnt.
Our family had to leave with the rest, but we were allowed to build a house on the
other side .of the river, at a place called Riloisgt. Here we were allowed to live for five
more years, and then were evicted a second time.
During these five years Sellar was busily engaged working out the desolation of
the east side of the Strath, and I was an eye witness of the burning of all the houses
between Rossal and Achcaoilnaborgin. I cannot say how many houses there were
in the district between these two places, but I saw them all burnt myself. I am sure
there would be between two and three score at the least.
The west side was left unmolested, while the east side was being burnt, as Sellar
was unable to stock both sides of the Strath at once. By the end of these five years
he grew richer, and was able to manage both sides. Accordingly, he came again
with his burning gang and commenced the destruction of the west side of the Strath.
This he succeeded in doing, and the house in which I lived with my father was the
first set on fire.
For some days after the people were turned out, one could scarcely hear a word
with the lowing of cattle and the screaming of children marching off in all directions.
Sellar burnt everything he could lay his hands upon — in some cases the very hens in
the byres were burnt. I shall never forget that awful day.
I declare this statement of mine is true. BELL COOPER.
MURDO MACKAY' Student"
64 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
GEORGE MACDONALD, 84 years of age, crofter and mason, Airdneskich, Farr.
I was born in Rossal on Strathnaver, and was about fifteen years of age when
that township was burnt. Every house was burnt to the ground. I cannot remem-
ber the number of houses in Rossal, but I would say there were about twenty. There
were four other townships near this, each with abo>ut the same number of houses, all
of which were burnt on the same day ; but I remember of seeing none of these houses
actually on fire except one, for I was away driving the cattle at the time, though I
saw the burnt ruins a few days after.
The house which I saw set on fire was that of one Chisholm, who lived in Badin-
loskin. Sellar and his party approached this house and told Chisholm that, if he
would not make off with his family and all that belonged to him, they would soon
give them a hot bed. Chisholm refused to leave, and Sellar himself, who was pre-
sent at this instance, urged his followers to help him in putting the house on fire.
His orders were immediately obeyed, and in a few minutes the house was all ablaze.
Chisholm's mother-in-law, a very old woman, was confined to bed through infirmity,
and was unable to leave the burning house along with the other inmates. Although
Sellar and his men well knew that she could not move, they took no notice of the
poor wretch, and had not some of her own friends rushed in and rescued her, when
already the bed-clothes were on fire about her, she would have certainly perished on
the spot. The woman never thoroughly recovered, and a few days thereafter died
from the effects of the fire and the fright she took. My father, when his own house
was set on fire, tried to save a few pieces of wood out of the burning house, which he
carried to the river, about half-a-mile away, and there formed a raft of it. His inten-
tion was to float the wood down the stream, and build a kind of a hut somewhere to
shelter his weak family ; but Sellar's party came the way, and, seeing the timber, set
fire to it, and soon reduced the whole to ashes.
When the people came down from the Strath to the sea-shore, where their de-
scendants are living now, they suffered very much the first winter from the want of
houses. They hurriedly threw up earthen walls, stretching blankets over the top to
shelter them, and, cooped up in a small place like this, four or five families spent the
following winter. No compensation was given for the houses that were burnt, neither
any help to build new ones. Having brought with them large flocks of cattle, and
there being no food for them, they almost all died the first winter. Strathnaver was
not all cleared the same year, but the people were burnt out from year to year, just
as Sellar was able to take and stock the places — first the east side of the Strath, and
then the west side. Some people were removed three or four times, always forced
farther down, until at last the sea-shore prevented them from being sent any farther,
unless they took ship for the Colonies, which many of them did. I was a neighbour
of Donald Macleod, who wrote a book on the Strathnaver Clearances, and can con-
scientiously say that he was a truthful and honest man. His book, I am sure, con-
tains the truth, having read some of it myself, most of which I could substantiate.
I declare this statement of mine is true GEORGE MACDONALD.
w> I DONALD MACKENZIE, Minister, Free Church, Farr.
!, A iR«* ' DONALD M 'DONALD, Aird.
OOJl ( ANGUS MACKAY, Divinity Student, Cattlefield, Farr.
(To be continued.)
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A.
VIII. — BRITISH RELIGION — (Continued.)
WE have thus discovered in Don and his children the powers
of sky and air, answering to Jove and his Olympians of Classical
Mythology; in Nudd and his son Gwynn we have probably
found the powers that rule over the land of "shades," correspond-
ing to Pluto or Dis ; and we now come to consider the third
family of British deities, Lir and his children, whom we shall
find to be the British and Gaelic equivalents of Neptune, the sea-
god, and Aphrodite, "daughter of the foam." Lir, or as the
Welsh spell the name, Llyr, is the same as the Gaelic tear, found
in the Ossianic poems, and signifying the " sea." Lir is there-
fore the personification of the sea — the sea deified. He is a deity
common to both Britons and Gaels ; indeed, it may rather be
said that he is more properly a deity of the Gaels transferred
into the British pantheon. The epithet Llediaith, or "half-
speech," that is, " dialect," which is attached to his name, goes to
show that he was not a deity of native British origin. We are
therefore justified in considering Lir as the sea deity of the
ancient remnant of the Gaels still surviving and maintaining
their ground in Wales in the fifth century, and represented as
then expelled by Cunedda and his sons. They were, however,
more probably slowly absorbed by the Welsh, who were then
pressed westwards by the Saxons. All the legends preserved in
Welsh, connected with Lir and his family, point to a strong
Gaelic influence, if not to a Gaelic origin. Of Lir himself no-
thing is said in the Welsh legends beyond his being the father of
so many children ; in Ireland he is represented as striving for
the sovereignty of the Tuatha-De-Dannan, the Gaelic gods, with
Bove Derg, son of the Dagda, and, when defeated in his aspira-
tions, as retiring to Sidh-Fionnachaidh. Here he leads the life
of a provincial chief, and all else that we know of him is the
cruel transformation of his four children by their wicked aunt
and stepmother. Lir has also another name ; at least he must
have had another name, or else Mannanan, his son, and Cordelia,
his daughter, must each have had two fathers. In some tradi-
D
66 . THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
tions they are both represented as the children of Llud. The
same confusion, of course, appears in the Irish genealogy of Man-
nanan ; for the most part he is known as the son of Lir, but in
the genealogies he is set down as the son of Alloid, doubtless the
original, or, at least, the equivalent of Llud. Professor Rhys
thinks that Llud stands for Nudd, the N changing into LI, be-
cause Llud also received the title of Llaw Ereint, "silver-
handed," just as the Irish King Nuada did ; and the principle of
alliteration required the changing of Nudd Llaw Ereint into
Llud Llaw Ereint. And Nudd, besides, was somehow a god of
the sea ; what was the necessity of two chief sea-gods ? We
have interpreted Nudd as a god of the " land under the waves,"
and not as the sea-god proper ; and, again, the Irish Alloid is
distinctly against any such change of letters as Nudd into Llud,
besides its being otherwise far from probable that such a change
should occur on any principle of alliteration. Lir, under the
name of Llud, is, in the histories and tales, the brother of Cassi-
belaunus, Caesar's opponent, and in his reign Britain was
troubled with three direful plagues : the Coranians, a people
" whose knowledge was such that there was no discourse upon
the face of the Island, however it might be spoken, but what, if
the wind blew it, it was known to them ; " second, a shriek that
occurred every May eve, that created all kinds of terrors and
horrors ; and, third, the king's winter provisions disappeared
every year when stored. From these plagues the wisdom of his
brother Llevelys freed King Llud. Lir appears in the pages of
Geoffrey of Monmouth as an old British king, who reigned long
before Llud, and who had three daughters, whose story forms
the groundwork of Shakespeare's tragedy of King Lear.
Mannanan, the son of Lir, is in the Welsh Myths one of the
seven — that mystical number, so common in the old Welsh
poems — who escaped from Ireland on the death of his brother,
Bran, the blessed, king of Britain. Returning with the head of
Bran, the seven heroes found the throne usurped by Cassibel-
aunus and retired to Harlech, where the birds of Rhiannon kept
them enchanted by their music for seven years ; and after this
they feasted for eighty years more at Gwales in Penvro, from
which place they set out to London and buried Bran's head
with its face to France. As long as Bran's head was left there
facing France no invasion of Britain could be successful. Un-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 67
fortunately Arthur exhumed the head, declaring that he would
maintain the country against any foe without need of super-
natural safeguard. In his subsequent career Mannanan is seen
to be a deity who presides over arts and commerce, a god who
is " deep in counsel." He and another of the mythic seven
wander about doing artificers' work ; he successively tries saddle-
making, shoemaking, and shieldmaking, trades in which he
out-distances all competitors as a matter of course. From the
Irish accounts of him, Mannanan Mac Lir, appears to be a god of
sea and wind. Cormac, Archbishop of Cashel, of the ninth
century, describes him in his glossary like a true Euhemerist, as
" Manannan mac lir, a renowned trader who dwelt in the Is-
land of Man. He was the best pilot in the west of Europe.
Through acquaintance with the sky he knew the quarter in
which would be fair weather and foul weather, and when each of
these two seasons would change. Hence the Scots and Britons
called him a god of the sea, and hence they said he was son of
the sea, that is, mac lir, ' son of the sea.' " Mannanan is other-
wise represented as one of the Tuatha-De-Dannan chiefs. He
was the possessor of that wonderful steed mentioned in the story
of the " Children of Tuireann." Luga of the Long Arms " rode
the steed of Mannanan Mac Lir, namely Enbarr of the Flowing
Mane : no warrior was ever killed on the back of this steed, for
she was as swift as the cold clear wind of spring, and she
travelled with equal ease on land and on sea. He wore Man-
nanan's coat of mail ; no one could be wounded through it, or
above it or below it. He had on his breast Mannanan's breast-
plate, which no weapon could pierce. Mannanan's sword, The
Answerer, hung at his left side ; no one ever recovered from its
wound ; and those who were opposed to it in the battle-field
were so terrified by looking at it that their strength left them
and they became weaker than women." In the curious story
called the " Sick-bed of Cuchulainn," Mannanan is represented
as a fairy chief who deserts his fairy bride Fand, but Fand is
helped and loved by Cuchulainn, mortal though he was. Man-
nanan on discovering this, returns to his wife and shakes his magic
cloak between her and Cuchulainn, so that they should never
meet again. This magic cloak had also the effect of producing
forgetfulness of the past. Of Mannanan, Mr Elton says: "In
him we see personified the splendour and swiftness of the sun ;
68 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
• the god rushes over the waves like a ' wheel of fire ' and his
three-legged shape recalls the giant strides of Vishnu. He was
the patron of traffic and merchandise. The best weapons and
jewels from across the sea were, thought to be gifts from the god."
Branwen, " white-bosom," the daughter of Lir, is the central
figure of the most tragic of Welsh myths. She is married to
Matholwch, King of Ireland, who treats her badly. Her brother
Bran, coming to know of it, invades Ireland. The Irish yield,
and build a house big enough for Bran to enter into, a thing he
never hitherto could get, so enormous was his size. But the Irish
had decided to murder their guests at the first feast in the great
house. The cleverness of one of Bran's men foils their purpose ;
there is, however, a general slaughter, in which the Irish have at
first the best of it, for they possess a cauldron, into which, when
any one is dipped that is dead, he comes to life hale and sound.
But the cauldron is discovered by the already-mentioned one of
Bran's men, and he breaks it. Bran is killed, and only seven re-
turn of his people to Wales. The story as a whole is a very
widely-spread one ; it appears in about a dozen forms in Teutonic
lands — the Volsung Saga and the Nibelung story being the most
famous forms of it. Probably there are in the myth the evidences
of a time when Celt and Teuton lived not too amicably together
on the banks of the Rhine, a supposition which would obviate the
necessity of supposing the Celtic version a borrowed one, inferior
though it may be in some details. Another legend represents
Branwen or Brangwaine as helping the loves, illicit though they
be, of Tristram and Iseult. It is she that hands to Tristram
the fateful love-potion which binds him irrevocably to Iseult.
Hence Mr Elton considers her the Venus of the Northern Seas.
Indeed, the sea was poetically named " the fountain of Venus,"
according to the lolo MSS.; and a verse in the " Black Book of
Carmarthen " gives this stanza : —
' ' Accursed be the damsel
Who, after the wailing,
Let loose the Fountain of Venus, the raging deep."
From this we can easily understand how Branwen may be Venus
and daughter of the sea-god as well, ju.st as Aphrodite was sprung
from the foam of the sea. Cordelia, another daughter of Lear
or Llud, has already been mentioned as the resplendent summer
goddess for whom the powers of air and the shades fight every
May-day till the day of doom,
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 69
In the remarkable Mabinogion entitled " Kilhvvch and Olvven,"
so full of mythologic lore, we can see the true character of at
least one of Arthur's knights. This is his seneschal Kai. From
the references in this mythic tale, it could alone be proved that
Kai was no less than the British Vulcan, the fire-god. " Kai,"
says the tale, " had this peculiarity, that his breath lasted nine
nights and nine days under water, and he could exist nine days
and nine nights without sleep. A wound from Kai's sword no
physician could heal. Very subtle was Kai. When it pleased
him he could render himself as tall as the highest tree in the forest.
And he had another peculiarity : so great was the heat of his
nature that when it rained hardest, whatever he carried remained
dry for a handbreadth above and a handbreadth below his hand ;
and when his companions were coldest he was to them as fuel
with which to light their fire." Such was Arthur's steward !
Hephaestus and Vulcan do equally mean duties in the halls of
Olympus. The gods laugh heartily at the limping gait and un-
gainly appearance of Hephaestus as he hands round the cup of
nectar. So is Kai often the butt of Arthur's knights. Another
of Arthur's knights may be mentioned as probably .a degraded
war deity. Owain, the son of Urien Rheged, is never mentioned
in the older poems and tales without reference to his army of
ravens, " which rose as he waved his wand, and swept men into
the air and dropped them piecemeal on the ground." We are
here reminded of the Irish war goddess who so often appears as,
and is indeed named, the "scald-crow" (Badb}. Odin, too, has
his ravens to consult with, and to act as his messengers. Many
others of Arthur's heroes partake of the same mythical type ;
of Arthur himself we shall speak again in considering the Celtic
hero-tales. At present, it is sufficient to say that Arthur is, at
least, as mythical as any of the rest we have mentioned.
Nor must we overlook Caridwen, who is considered, even by
the Welsh themselves, their goddess of nature. She is possessed
of a cauldron of " inspiration and science," which, as Mr Nutt
points out, may be regarded as a symbol of the reproductive
power of the earth. It is doubtless this same cauldron that has
appeared in the story of Branwen the daughter of Lir : when the
dead heroes were plunged into it they were resuscitated. The
Tuatha-De-Dannan were possessed in Scythia of a similar
cauldron, similarly employed. Caridwen, the tale says, set her
70 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
cauldron to boil, and placed Gwion Bach, the dwarf, and the
blind Morda to watch it, charging them not to suffer it to cease
boiling for a year and a day. Towards the end of the year,
three drops of the boiling liquor spluttered out upon the hand of
Gwion, and suddenly putting his hand in his mouth because of
the heat, the future and present were revealed to him. The cauld-
ron burst, the fairy returned, and Gwion had to run for his life.
Pursued at once by Caridwen, he changed himself into a hare and
fled. But she changed herself into a greyhound and turned him.
And he ran towards the river and became a fish ; she took the
form of an otter and gave chase. He then became a bird, and
she a hawk, and as she was swooping down upon him he fell
among a heap of wheat and became one of the grains. She,
however, became a high-crested black hen, scratched the heap,
found him, and swallowed him. He was thereafter born as a
beautiful boy, whom Caridwen had not the heart to kill. She
put him in a leather sack, and cast him into the sea. Being
washed ashore, he was discovered, and brought to Prince Elphin,
to whom he immediately, child though he was, began to sing
most elegant poetry. This youthful poet was none else than
Taliesin, " prince of song, and the chief of the bards of the west."
The poems ascribed to Taliesin have been called the romance of
metempsychosis. " The Druidical doctrine of the transmigration
of souls is thought to be hidden in the poet's account of his
wonderful transformations." A specimen or two out of many
such may be quoted. —
" I have been in a multitude of shapes,
Before I assumed a consistent form,
I have been a sword narrow, variegated,
I have been a tear in the air ;
I have been the dullest of stars,
I have been a word among letters,
[ have been a book in the origin."
And again —
" I have been a sow, I have been a buck,
I have been a sage, I have been a snout,
I have been a horn, I have been a wild sow,
I have been a shout in battle."
Evidently there is in these poems of Taliesin the broken-down
remembrance of the old Druidic cult. True enough the poet
does show a wonderful and suspicious acquaintance with the
" Metamorphoses" of Ovid and his account of Pythagorean doc-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 71
trines, as he also does with even Irish mythology, for he speaks
of his place in S. Caer Sidi, doubtless the Irish Side, thus —
" Complete is my chair in Caer Sidi,
No one will be afflicted with disease or old age that may be in it."
Yet for all this, for all his mingling of Greek, Roman, and
Jewish history and myth, we may believe that there is at
bottom a germ of genuine Druidic influence, and of genuine
Welsh myth. As a matter of fact, the tale of the cauldron
appears in the history of the Gaelic counterpart of Taliesin
— in the closing scenes of Ossian's career, and not at the
beginning, as in Taliesin's case. Ossian, old and blind,
tried to recover his youth by magical means. He now lived
among little men who could not give him food enough, and
consequently he had a belt round his waist with three skewers —
dealg- -in it to tighten his stomach. He went out one day with his
gillie to hunt, and by some supernatural means brought down
three remarkable deer. These he took home and put in a cauld-
ron to be cooked, bidding his gillie watch them, and on no
account to taste any of the food. All went right for a time ; the
deer were cooked ; Ossian ate the first and let out one skewer ;
he ate a second and let out a second skewer ; but as misfortune
would have it, while the third deer was simmering in the cauld-
ron a drop of the broth spurted out on the gillie's hand, which he
instantly put into his mouth. Ossian ate the third deer and let
out the third skewer, but no youth returned to him. The licking
of the little drop of broth had broken the spell. The super-
natural knowledge and power gained by Gwion Bach do not, of
course, appear in this tale, but it may be observed that Finn
gained his knowledge of futurity in a manner which, though dis-
similar in details, is yet the same in result. Following a strange
woman that he saw one day, he came to a hill side, where she
entered by a concealed door. Finn attempted to follow her
inside, and had his hand on the door-post, when the door suddenly
shut on him and jammed his thumb. With difficulty extricating
his thumb, he very naturally shoved the hurt member into his
mouth, when, lo ! he found himself possessed of the gift of seeing
future events. This gift, however, he possessed only when he
bruised his thumb in his mouth.
( To be continued.)
72 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
THE ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
IX. — DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE (Continued.)
OF PROFIT AND INTEREST. — i. Having, in the last chapter,
treated of labour and capital, and shown that they are of the same
generic nature, inasmuch as they are both force in the work of
production, it will be more consecutive to inquire now into the
correlative subjects of profit and interest, before entering on the
consideration of power and wealth. Interest has already been
defined as the wages of capital, and I mentioned that the funda-
mental cause of it must be referred, to the natural phenomenon
of depreciation. On further reflection, and by the examination
of other causes, I believe I have made a discovery, the quest of
which has occupied and perplexed abler inquirers. The subject
is not only still involved in obscurity, but from the want of a
proper understanding of its cause and laws, the same assaults
are being made upon it, and upon the rights of capital, by some
writers, as are being made upon land and rent.
2. The subject of the cause of interest has been treated of
by David Hume, the historian, in one of his philosophic essays,
with, perhaps, more research and acuteness of perception, as well
as greater felicity of expression, than by Adam Smith. In-
terest being so immediately connected with the use of money in
its three-fold function, namely — (i) real value, as a pruduct of
labour ; (2) as representing the value of the things exchanged ;
and (3) as the standard or instrument by means of which the
exchange is effected — the fundamental cause of it has hitherto
not been discovered, owing, perhaps, to vagueness of ideas regard-
ing collateral primary causes, as the attention of the economists
was so concentrated on science that they excluded the light of
philosophy from their minds. The subject being one of great
practical importance, as well as of philosophic interest, I must
ask the reader's thoughtful attention and patience while examin-
ing, at some length, the arguments of Smith and Hume.
3. At this stage, it is essential that the component parts of
profit should be stated. These are — (i) the wages of the capi-
talist, who works, or superintends his own business ; (2) interest,
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 73
which I have termed the wages of capital ; (3) risks, which are
now usually covered by insurance ; and (4) and most important,
depreciation, which is sometimes called " tear and wear ;" but it
must be observed that depreciation takes place in things forming
capital which are not subjected to " tear and wear."
4. Adarn Smith devotes considerable space to the discussion
of the changes in the rate, and to 'the probable causes of these
. changes, with his wonted clearness of exposition ; but he did
not enter upon the inquiry as to the fundamental cause of the
phenomenon itself; considering, probably, that David Hume
had discussed the question with as much ability and research as
- he himself could bestow upon it. A few extracts from the works
of these great authors will fully show the reader the nature
of the question —
ADAM SMITH — " Accordingly, therefore, as the usual market rate of interest
varies in any country, we may be assured that the ordinary profit will vary with it,
must sink as it sinks, and rise as it rises. The progress of interest, therefore, may
lead us to form some notion of the progress of profit.
37th of Henry VIII. all interest above ten per cent, was declared un-
seems, was sometimes taken before that. In the reign of Edward VI.
religious zeai prohibited all interest. This prohibition, however, like .others of the
same kind, had no effect, and probably rather increased than diminished the evils of
usury As riches, improvement, and population, have increased
interest has declined. The wages of labour do not sink with the profits of stock. The
demand for labour increases with the increase of stock, whatever be its profits ; and
after these are diminished, stock may not only continue to increase, but to increase
much faster than before. It is with industrious nations who are advancing in the
acquisition -of riches as with industrious individuals. A great stock, though with
small" profits, generally increases faster than a small stock with great profits. Money,
says the proverb, makes money. When you have got a little, it is often easy to get
more. The great difficulty is to get that little The diminution of the
capital stock of the society, or of the funds destined for the maintenance of industry,
however, as it lowers the wages of labour, so it raises the profits of stock, and conse-
quently the interest of money In countries which are fast advancing
in riches the low rate of profit may, in the price of many commodities, compensate the
high wages of labour, and enable those countries to sell as cheap as their less thriving
neighbours, among whom the wages of labour may be lower Mr
Locke, Mr Law, and Mr Montesquieu, as well as many other writers, seem to have
imagined that the increase of the quantity of gold and silver, in consequence of the
discovery of the 'Spanish West Indies,' was the real cause of the lowering of the
rate of interest through the greater part of Europe. Those metals, they say, having
become of less value themselves, the use of any particular portion of them necessarily
became of less value too, and consequently the price which could be paid for it. This
notion, which at first sight might seem so plausible, has been so fully exposed by Mr
Hume that it is perhaps unnecessary to say anything more about it."
74 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
DAVID HUME — " Nothing is esteemed a more certain sign of the flourishing
condition of any nation than the lowness of interest, and with reason, though I believe
the cause is somewhat different from what is commonly apprehended
An effect always holds proportion with its cause. Prices have risen near four times
since the discovery of the Indies, and it is probable gold and silver have multiplied
much more ; but interest has not fallen much above a half. The rate of interest,
therefore, is not derived from the quantity of the precious metals.
" Money having chiefly a fictitious value, the greater or less plenty of it is of no
consequence if we consider a nation within itself ; and the quantity of specie, when
once fixed, though ever so large, has no other effect than to oblige every one to tell
out a greater number of these shining bits of metal for clothes, furniture, or equipage
without increasing any one convenience of life If gold and silver
have increased in the state together with industry, it will require a greater quantity of
these metals to represent a great quantity of commodities and labour. If industry
alone has increased, the prices of everything must sink, and a small quantity of specie
will serve as a representation.
" It may be proper to observe on this head that low interest and low profits of mer-
chandise are two events that mutually forward each other, and are both originally
derived fiom that extension of commerce which produces opulent merchants, and
renders the monied interest considerable. Where merchants possess great stocks,
whether represented by few or many pieces of metal, it must frequently happen that
when they either become tired of business or leave heirs unwilling or unfit to engage
in commerce, a great proportion of these riches naturally seeks an annual and secure
revenue. The plenty diminishes the price, and makes the lenders accept of a low
interest. This consideration obliges many to keep their stock employed in trade, and
rather be content with low profits than dispose of their money at an undervalue. On
the other hand, when commerce has become extensive, and employs large stocks, there
must arise rivalships among the merchants, which diminish the profits of trade at the
same time that they increase the trade itself. The low profits of merchandise induce
the merchants to accept more willingly of a low interest when they leave off business
and begin to indulge themselves in ease and indolence. It is needless, therefore, to
inquire which of these circumstances, to wit, low interest or low profits, is the cause,
and which the effect. They both arise from an extensive commerce, and mutually
forward each other. No man will accept of low profits where he can have high in-
interest, and no man will accept of low interest where he can have high profits. An
extensive commerce, by producing large stocks, diminishes both interest and profits
and is always assisted in its diminution of the one by the proportional sinking of the
other. I may add that, as low profits arise from the increase of commerce and in-
dustry, they serve in their turn to its farther increase by rendering the commodities
cheaper, encouraging the consumption, and heightening the industry. And thus, if
we consider the whole connection of causes and effects, interest is the barometer of the
State, and its lowness is a sign almost infallible of the flourishing condition of a
people Those who have asserted that the plenty of money was the
cause of low interest seem to have taken a collateral effect for a cause, since the same
industry which sinks the interest commonly acquires great abundance of the precious
metals But it is evident that the greater or less stock of labour and
commodities must have a great influence, since we really and in effect borrow these
when we take money upon interest. It is true when commerce is extended all over
the globe the most industrious nations always abound most with the precious metals,
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 75
so that low interest and plenty of money are, in fact, almost inseparable. But still
it is of consequence to know the principle whence any phenomenon arises, and to
distinguish between a cause and a concomitant effect. Besides that, the speculation is
curious ; it may frequently be of use in the conduct of public affairs. At least, it
must be owned that nothing can be of more use than to improve by practice the
method of reasoning on these subjects, which of all others are the most important,
though they are commonly treated in the loosest and most careless manner."
5. The nature of the question has now been fully stated, and
as a preliminary remark to all that follows, and as complimental
to Hume's observation, that " an affect always holds proportion
with its cause," let it be carefully observed that the price of all
commodities depends upon abundance or scarcity in proportion
to the consumption. The English economists have coined a
solecism in the expression " demand and supply " of which the
Scotch logicians could hardly be guilty. These are not correlative
terms, for there can be no ratio between a demand, which is a
request or desire, and a supply which refers to commodities.
The word demand is, by itself, a correct enough expression, but
its correlative is response, or satisfaction, and not supply, the
correlative of which is outlet or consumption. It is the high
or low price which regulates the production of any particular
commodity which is not limited in nature. It is thus with regard
to diamonds, which are so much prized for their brilliance as
ornaments. They are scarce in nature and require great search
and labour to procure them in small supply ; but if the supply
could be greatly increased, their price would fall so much that,
probably, it would not pay for the necessary labour to procure
them. Although so much prized for their brilliance and rarity,
yet it is the labour bestowed in digging for them that constitutes
their value. It is the same with gold and silver. Gold being
adopted with us, and now with almost all European nations, as
the standard of value, the price of all other commodities will rise
or fall in relation to it, as the supply of it exceeds or falls short
of the proportion in which it is required to meet the wants of an
increasing commerce ; and it has lately been very shrewdly, and
with great probability of truth, surmised by Mr Goschen, that it
has appreciated, owing to the diminished output of the mines.
Although the yield of silver is very large, it is not improbable
that its fall in price, in relation to gold, may be partly due to an
actual appreciation of our standard. This appreciation of gold,
76 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
if it has actually taken place, would seriously affect farmers, who
have to pay fixed rents, as the effect would be to depress the
price of their produce.
6. It must not be supposed, however, as has been very
clearly shown by Hume, that the ordinary rate of interest de-
pends upon the quantity of the precious metals. It is also
necessary to keep in view that the fluctuations in the rate of
discount at the Bank of England arise from a different cause.
The rate of discount at the Bank is sometimes above and some-
times below the ordinary rate of interest, just the same as the
price of any other commodity sometimes exceeds and sometimes
falls below its natural value. This is due to its function as an
instrument for adjusting international balances, and sometimes
the activity of the internal trade, or exchanges (which is of the
same nature as the international cause), as well as a feeling of
distrust in commercial circles, may force up the rate of discount
to an abnormal extent. To illustrate this use of money, as of
real value, and as a standard or instrument, let us suppose that
in a town or country, there should be a class of dealers, whose
business consisted in providing expensive measures for corn, oil,
wine, cloth, and the like, for lending or hire. Any sudden de-
mand for these commodities would, naturally, occasion a great
demand for the measures, as every holder of such stocks would
be anxious to take advantage of the market, and would conse-
quently give an increased rate for the use or hire of the instrument,
or of the commodity, in case of his not having another convertible
commodity to meet the demands of his creditors.
7. But money forms part of the stock or capital of every
country, and, as such, is dealt in by bankers as an equivalent as
well as measure of value ; but the banker does not lend his own
capital. He is invariably an intermediate party. There is thus
an illusion produced on the mind by not realising the fact that,
when we lend or borrow money, we really lend or borrow some-
thing else which it represents ; for the banker very often gets
back the same day from one person the identical money which
he had lent to another for six months or a year. We must not,
therefore, confound money, as a currency and instrument, with
those things which are in reality lent and yield wages, which
wages constitute interest. For instance, I borrow money for
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 77
investing in horses and ploughs, in fishing boats and nets, or in a
ship or steamer. I do this in order to earn wages for myself ;
but it is clear that I must pay the lender or banker the wages
which these things earn.
8. The misconceptions regarding interest have arisen from
the circumstance that the consideration of it has been mixed up
with the study of the currency, which is a very recondite and
difficult subject. Even Adam Smith and David Hume did not
entirely escape from involving the consideration of it too much
with the discussion concerning the value of money, relative to
other commodities, or the purchasing power of money, and they
failed altogether to perceive that it forms the principal com-
ponent part of profit, especially in businesses which are con-
ducted on a large scale. Regarding it as such, it is, therefore,
clear that, if profits fall interest must fall, and if profits rise
interest must rise, for this is virtually saying that when interest
rises interest rises ; when interest falls interest falls, and so with
the general rate of profits. We then see that capital becoming
abundant, its wages, interest, must fall, as it depends like every
thing upon abundance or scarcity, in proportion to population.
9. It remains, however, to be proved that interest is wages,
and in proving that it is, to justify it, and to show that capital is
the labourer's collaborateur and best friend. It has already been
repeatedly stated that the wages of labour have a ratio with pro-
fits ; consequently labour must have a ratio with capital, for in
proportionals'there must be four terms at least, and, let it be care-
fully observed, 'that no ratio can subsist or be established between
things which are not of the same kind. Euclid's definition is
as follows : — " Ratio is a mutual relation of two magnitudes of
the same kind to one another in respect of quantity." " Magni-
tudes which have the same ratio are called proportionals. When
four magnitudes are proportionals it is usually expressed by saying,
the first is to be second, as the third is to the fourth." The
reader must also be cautioned against confounding the abstract
ratio of figures or numbers with the ratio of things. The import-
ance of these, distinctions will appear subsequently, when I come
to deal with the sophistries and inversions of the materialistic
English economists, who have perverted human reason by the
misapprehension and misuse of words and terms.
78 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
10. In the previous chapter it has been shown that labour
and capital are of the same generic nature, because they are both
force. The natural man, being endowed with an inventive genius,
has, as it were, formed another man in his own image — the
automaton or mechanical man, which we call capital. This
mechanical man is, like his prototype, liable to the same acci-
dents, and subject to the same law of decay and death. The
individuals die, but the race increases and leads a continuous life.
It is so with the antitype capital. As phenomena of natural and
mechanical force they are correlative and homologous. The soul
is the reality, and man is but a walking shadow : labour is the
reality, and material is but the outward form.
For example, let us instance, firstly, living force in the
case of the horse. In his wild native state he has no value, and
until lately in Brazil the only value he had was the labour of
catching and taming him. It is just the same with regard to
the domesticated horse. His value consists in the labour be-
stowed on the soil to raise food for him, the labour expended on
stables for housing him, and the labour of grooming and attend-
ance. But as he exerts more force, and has greater fleetness than
man, his day's wages are more than that of a day labourer.
ii. It may be said it is because he requires food to repair
his system ; but under the law of depreciation — decay and death
— what is there which does not require the repairing of its sys-
tem ? Does the ship not require repairs ? Do the nets, sails, and
boat not require repairs? Does not the steam engine require
repairs, cleaning, and lubricating ? What is the food of man but
repairs ? That part which is assimilated by the human body is
but a film as compared with the amount of oil and tallow which
are required by the steam engine. Now, it is just for the self-
same reasons that the labourer is worthy of his hire. The com-
mand has gone forth to man to replenish the earth and subdue
it — to make Nature captive to his will — to modify her asperity
and to enhance her beauty ; but the individual man, whilst sub-
ject to the sentence of depreciation — decay and death — and dur-
ing his struggle with the necessities of his environment, is working
out " whatever end he means " by bringing to his own relief
mechanical forces. If he were not under this sentence there
would not be any necessity for labour, and possibly no increase
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 79
of population. But, seeing that capital performs more effectively
the purposes of humanity in the development of force for repro-
duction, as well as for overcoming time and distance, and in that
way administering more largely to our varied wants and plea-
sures, it is most obvious that its wages are justified on the same
ground as those of the labourer, and that the cause of interest is
derived from the cause of wages.
1 2. We see, then, that labour and capital are correlative and
homologous. But, if there be a ratio between wages and profits,
they must also be correlative and homologous in every particular.
The four component parts of profit have been stated. The
question, then, becomes, are the wages of labour made up of the
same component parts ?
It requires no further demonstration than the mere state-
ment of fact, as already illustrated in the previous chapter, that
the capitalist who conducts his own business deserves wages
according to his culture and skill. That rule holds good with
regard to the labourer. It has been demonstrated in the last
chapter that part of the wages of skilled and professional labour
represents capital deposited in the human brain, which is the
highest and most valuable form of capital devoted to the service
of humanity. But it will be asked how does interest enter into
the wages of, say the common field labourer? My answer to this
is that, unless he receives a modicum to represent the value of
intellect in its simplest form in the use of the pick and spade or
plough, he is underpaid, and placed on a level with the brute
creation, or in the condition of a slave, who requires the super-
intendence of the lash. The interest in the labourer's wages
is freedom's premium ! With regard to the component of risks,
to the honour of the British Parliament be it said, the Employers'
Liability Act throws compensation for accidents upon employers,
which acts in an inverse ratio ; but if wages were enhanced, and
that the employed formed an insurance fund for themselves, it
would then be in a direct ratio. But how does depreciation enter
into wages ? My answer to this must be the same as that given
concerning interest, or the wages of capital. Unless the wages
of labour are high enough to repair the human capital in rearing
children, providing something for old age, and, finally, for funeral
expenses, the wages are too low.
8o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
13. I have now demonstrated, not only the cause of interest,
wherein consists its justification, but also that distributive justice
proceeds in accordance with the law of geometrical proportion,
the perfection of which consists in a mean between two ex-
tremes, as I shall subsequently show. It must be observed in
the meantime, however, that a dual system of agriculture does
not conform to the laws of free industries, nor to geometrical
proportion. Interest, although analagous to rent, is not Jiomolo-
gous with it, because interest is the wages of capital, which is the
creation of labour. Rent, on the other hand, is in respect of
land ; which is not the creation of labour (except in respect of
its ameliorations, which must always be considered as capital),
and is, therefore, not homologous with interest.
It is of prime importance that the industrial classes should
be thoroughly convinced that the regular rate of interest is not,
like rent, a tax on labour, except the interest on the National
Debt, which of course is not capital, and the interest of which
ought, in justice, to fall exclusively on land, as the Debt was
incurred, if not for the defence of the land, it was in order to
secure high rents by such questionable means as taxing the
American Plantations, and preserving the balance of power on
the Continent ! Those wars were waged in the interests of land-
lords alone, who benefited very largely in enhanced rents, whilst
the trade and commerce of the country is saddled with the in-
terest on the Debt. It must also be borne in mind that the
absorption and destruction of a vast amount of capital had
brought upon the country a state of distress of which the present
generation has had no experience, and hardly a conception.
( To be concluded in our next.)
INVERNESS SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY AND FIELD CLUB.— The Inverness
Scientific Society and Field Club opened its winter session on the evening of the ijth
November with the annual meeting. The president, Mr Jas. Fraser, C.E., occupied the
chair. The office-bearers for the ensuing year were then elected : — President, Mr E.
H. Macmillan ; vice-presidents, Sheriff Blair and Wm. Mackay, F.S.A. Scot., solici-
tor ; secretary, Mr T. D Wallace, F.S.A. Scot. ; treasurer, Mr Jas. Ross ; librarian,
Mr James Barren, F.S.A. Scot. : curator, Mr George Reid ; members of council,
Messrs C. R. Manners, C.E. ; Geo. Robertson, Alex. Mackenzie, F.S.A. Scot., Celtic
Magazine; Alex. Ross, P'.S.A. Scot. ; and Dr Aitken, F.S.A. Scot. The syllabus
for the ensuing session contains the following subjects :— " Travelled boulders of Loch-
aber,"by Mr Colin Livingston, Fort-William; " Old iron works at Lochmaree," by Mr
John H. Dixon, supplemented by Mr John E. Marr ; "Plants of Palestine," by Mr
Alex. Ross; "Electrical Measurements, and the theory of the Dynamo, by Mr M'G.
Ross, Alness; &c.
8i
A TRADITION OF LOCHABER.
ON the banks of the River Spean, and nearly opposite Keppoch,
stands the farm house of " Inch " — " Tigh na h-Innse." At the
time of which I write, the tacksman of this place was Ronald
Macdonald, a cadet of the house of Keppoch. He was a brave
young fellow, of a most soldierlike appearance, and of a high and
noble spirit. He fell in love with the daughter of the chief of
the MacMartin Camerons of Letterfinlay, " Eili na Leitreach"—
as she was called — and the maiden responded to his affection with
her whole heart. MacMartin, however, made an excuse of her
extreme youth to delay their betrothal, but Ronald feared that
the father was hoping to get a richer suitor for his beautiful
daughter.
One day Ronald was out deerstalking, and towards night,
when preparing to return home, he heard a woman's shriek on
the mountain side. The men who were with him got frightened,
thinking it was the cry of the " Bean-Shith," but Ronald knew
the voice of his beloved. " Follow me," he cried hastily to his
men, and before many minutes were over he overtook a gen-
tleman of the clan Mackintosh, accompanied by some of his
followers, carrying off Eili, who shortly before had utterly
refused his offer of marriage. Ronald fought like a hero, and at
last delivered his beloved from the rough hands that held her in
bondage ; she clung to him in gladness and joy ; together they
returned to her father's house, and as soon as Eili was in safety,
he fell fainting on the floor. His brow had been cut in the most
dreadful manner, and the blood streaming from the wound had
been blinding him all the way down the hill, although he had
said nothing to the maiden about it. He lay ill for a long time
after, in Letterfinlay House, and when he returned home to
Inch he took his bride with him. She could not bear to be
again separated from him, and her father admitted that he had
nobly earned her.
The young pair were as happy as such lovers could be, and
before they were married a year a daughter was born to them.
Shortly after the birth of their child, Ronald found he had to go
E
82 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to the South on business, and though he felt sorry to be even so
short a time parted from his wife, he cheered her with hopes of
a speedy return. A young relative of his own, named Coll, was
standing, holding the infant in his arms, as Ronald left the
house. If I do not return, whether will you marry my wife or my
daughter ? asked Ronald laughingly. " Both perhaps," replied the
lad. The time appointed for his return came, but no Ronald,
and for many a weary night Eili sat up waiting to hear his well-
known foot approaching the house, but all in vain. Months passed
and years rolled on, but he came not, and then they ceased to
expect him. Coll remained at Inch, faithful always to the lady
and her young daughter, protecting them in every possible way.
Mackintosh began to make proposals again to Eili ; she felt
sorely afraid of him, and as a protection against him, as well as
to reward Coll, she made up her mind rather to marry her faith-
ful friend who had managed everything so well for her during
the years of her desolation. Her daughter was now upwards of
fifteen years of age, and needed a guardian who could act with
the authority of a father. The marriage was duly arranged, and
all their mutual friends thought it a very wise step for both to
take. On the wedding day a wearied traveller came to the dis-
trict, and on calling for a glass of water at a house by the road-
side, he was told of the cause for the appearance of festivity about
the house of Inch, when he said the following words, which
have been handed down : —
" Chunnaic mi smilid do thigh na h-Innse,
'S bha mi cinnteach gu'r smm'd bhainns'i,
'S tha mi 'n duil a Righ na Soillse,
Gur aim learns' tha biadh na bainnse."
He went on to the house and asked for food, which was placed
before him in abundance. He inquired if the marriage ceremony
was over, and he was told that it was. Then he said — " Will
you ask the bride to do me the grace of giving me a glass of
whisky out of her own hand, and I will give her my blessing.
The bride came, still looking youthful and lovely. She filled the
glass, and gave it to the stranger, who rose, and stood looking at
her in silence, as if preparing to say words that refused to come.
He took of his bonnet, and running his fingers through his hair,
exposed his brow. The lady looked, and saw the mark of the
THE "CLACHNAHAGAIG" STONE. 83
gash that had been made on her husband's brow on the night on
which he had saved her from Mackintosh. She looked into his
eyes, and crying aloud, " My darling, my darling," she fell on his
bosom. It soon became known to the guests that the marriage
ceremony of the morning was null and void, and no one was
better pleased at the return of the long lost one than the
generous-hearted Coll. "Come here my friend," said Ronald,
"you cannot have my wife. I have, however, heard to-day
of your faithfulness, and you shall have my daughter." The
priest was called forthwith, and Coll was married to young
Mariot, who had secretly loved him, and sorrowed over his
marriage to her mother. " By my garment," cried Ronald, " you
kept your word. You said if I did not return you would marry
both my wife and daughter, but it was too bad to marry them
both on the same day."
Ronald never told what kept him away those fifteen years.
It was known that a tale of wrong and suffering could be related
about his absence, and that Mackintosh was to blame for it. If
Ronald would tell all, he said, the fiery cross would be out at once
to gather the Macdonalds to avenge his wrongs ; and having got
home again he wished to live a life of peace. The happy pair
had several children after that, and their grandchildren and their
own played together round the same hearth in peace and
happiness. MARY MACKELLAR.
THE "CLACHNAHAGAIG" STONE.
SIR, — I have read with much interest the papers by that distinguished antiquarian,
Mr Ftaser-Mackintosh, on the "Lower Fishings of the Ness;" but with respect to
one remark which occurs in the first paper (in your October No. ) I should like, with
your permission, to say a few words.
After reciting the terms* of the Golden Charter of James VI. giving the right of
fishing to the Town of 'Inverness, "betwixt the Stone called Clachnahagaig and the
sea," Mr Fraser-Mackintosh proceeds to state that " the exact site of Clachnahagaig
has been questioned, but unnecessarily," and he explains that the
stone was " usually and exactly termed Clachnahalig." I submit, sir, that no evi-
dence whatever is produced to show that the "Clachnahagaig" of King James'
charter, and the " Clachnahalaig " of certain plans, titles, &c., are one and the same.
Any person, or persons, founding rights on the charter are bound to show the " Clach-
nahagaig " march stone of King James' time ; and that might easily be done had the
latter stone and its actual position have been guarded with equal care as its confrere,
the "Clachnacudain," has been.
84 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
It is urged that " Clachnahalig " is marked in a plan by May of 1762, and in one
by Home of 1774. This, however, is no evidence as to " Clachnahagaig."
Again, the paper describes the Upper Fishings as terminating at the " Town's
lands of Drumdivan, near Balnahaun of Holm." I hold part of the lands of Drum-
divan, which comprise the Fortalice of Drumdivan, just above Holme House ; the
house and lands of Burnside (now acquired by Mr Gordon) and Slacknamarlach :
but Drumdivan never, as I understand, went down to the river ; the very name, I
believe, signifies in Gaelic " The edge of the ridge," as distinguished from the low
" Holme ground."
When Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, moved by antiquarian zeal, erected the monumental
stone " In memory of Clachnahagaig," we are told that one Charles Fraser, a crofter,
"audibly declared" that the stone was "truly placed," which, of course, is evidence
quantum vahat.—\ remain, &c., ANGUS MACKINTOSH.
FEUDAL RELATIONS OF LANDLORD AND TENANT.
WASHINGTON, U.S.A., September 25, 1883.
SIR,— In your February number, at page 192, is a report of some remarks of Mr
Mackay on the relationship that of old existed between landlord and tenant. He
says : — " The feudal system, about which one hears a great deal of nonsense now-a-days
spoken, was established in the Highlands as early as the thirteenth century, since
which time the chiefs have held the lands as absolute proprietors under written titles,
in terms similar to those which were common over the rest of Scotland." This pro-
position appears to include all the chiefs and all the lands, and in that sense is at
variance with history. Mr Burton tells us (vol. II., p. 57) that feudal institutions were
established formally throughout Scotland before the close of the thirteenth century,
but that Celtic customs prevailed in the North ; and (vol. VI., p. 35) that in the year
1597 Parliament required the chieftains and leaders of clans to attend at Edinburgh
and produce their titles to their lands, but the response was meagre, because such
titles did not exist. I think Mr Burton elsewhere explains that the Highlanders had
a great repugnance to sheepskin titles, which, in an age when the laity had little
knowledge of letters, gave opportunity for fraud and imposition ; but I have no note
of the passage.
It was a fundamental idea of the feudal system that all titles were originally
derived from the king. The injustice was in treating this legal fiction as a solid fact,
and claiming for the king all lands to which the occupants did not show a paper title.
This fiction should, in reason, have been neutralised by another fiction — or rather a
legal presumption — that, when one has been in long, uninterrupted, and notorious
possession of land, he had received a grant from the proper authority, but had lost it.
Human nature is the same in all ages ; and when the United States acquired
California from Mexico in 1848, Congress did just what the Scottish Parliament did in
1597 — required all persons occupying land to show their paper titles, and if they could
show none, their land was declared to be public property. Thus, not only the wild
tribes of Indians, but many Christianised and semi-civilised communities had their
lands sold from under their feet, and in many cases they were expelled from fields,
gardens, and pretty houses, — I am, yours, &c.,
JNO, D. MACPHERSON.
A RUN THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES.
BY KENNETH MACDONALD, F.S.A., Scot.
X. — CHICAGO — Continued.
WALKING along the regularly laid out and spacious streets of the
city, and watching the busy crowds passing to and fro, I could
hardly realise that fifty years ago the city had no existence ; that
little more than sixty years ago its site was unbroken prairie, on
which the Red Indian hunted the white man and the buffalo.
Yet so it was. This city of half-a-million inhabitants has living
in it now, or had until recently, a gentleman who came to the
place where the city now stands when there were only two houses
on it. In 1833 a village was organised, and four years later
(1837) the city Charter was obtained. A local census taken in
1837 showed the population of the new city to be 4179, of whom
only one man was reported as having no regular employment,
and he was denominated a " loafer." Unfortunately, the propor-
tion of " loafers " in the population of Chicago has increased with
the growth of the city. Until 1848 there was nothing in the
progress of Chicago to excite special remark, but in that year the
first of those lines of communication which have contributed so
materially to the progress of the city was completed. This
was the Illinois and Michigan Canal, connecting Lake Michigan
with the Illinois River, and so with the Mississippi. This canal,
with which the main branch of the Chicago river is connected,
has been so deepened that it draws the water out of the Lake,
so that, as the Illinois river flows into the Mississippi, the waters
of Lake Michigan have been made to flow, as it were, " up-hill,"
and find their way into the Gulf of Mexico. In the pre-
vious year — 1847 — the first railway entering the city, the Galona
and Chicago Union, was begun; and so timid were its projectors,
that they had a clause inserted in their Charter authorising them
to make a turnpike instead of a railroad if they saw fit. By the
end of 1848 they had laid only ten miles of line. This modest,
and, at the outset, timid enterprise, has now grown into the
Chicago and North-Western Corporation, which now owns nearly
three thousand miles of railway. In 1852 rail communication
86 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
was opened with the East. From that time the progress of
Chicago was rapid. Between 1840 and 1850 the population had
increased from 4479 to 28,963 ; in 1853 it had increased to
59,130; in 1855 it had risen to 83,509; and in 1871 the local
census gave a population of nearly 350,000.
An English writer who visited Chicago in 1867, describes it
as being one of the handsomest and best built cities in the
United States, superior in many respects to New York. He
says, " There are many beautiful private dwellings in the princi-
pal streets, which would be a credit to the West End of London ;
in fact, there is nothing in London, except a few great mansions,
superior to them. The Churches are large and handsome, built
for the most part of stone, and the public buildings are not only
thoroughly adapted for the purposes for which they are designed,
but they are also very imposing in appearance. Birmingham
and Glasgow are, compared with Chicago, what the back streets
of London are compared with Belgravia. There is no theatre in
England, except Covent Garden, so spacious and so commodious
as the Opera House here. Some of the streets are built upon for
a distance of three miles ; they are half as broad again as Regent
Street, and as the city grows they may be carried as far out to the
West as the inhabitants please, for there is only the prairie
beyond It is impossible to place a limit upon the
future growth of this remarkable city. There is an unbounded
trade at the back, and the people have done, and are doing, their
utmost to entice it here. Two thousand miles of inland naviga-
tion are controlled from Chicago, and all the rich country of the
West passes its treasures into it." Such was Chicago in 1867,
and for four years longer it continued without interruption its
remarkable progress onwards. Beautiful buildings, of Athens'
(Illinois) marble — says a writer in one of the American maga-
zines— nearly white, rose on all side^, and additions were daily
made to their number. The situation and conformation of the
city do not differ greatly at present from what they were then.
It extends along the Lake shore, which here runs north and
south, and, of course, gives it a long eastern water front. The
Chicago river, which empties into the Lake, forks very near its
mouth ; the north branch extending north-westerly, and the south
branch first southerly, and then a little south of west. Bounded
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 87
on the north by the short main river, on the west by the north-
and-south portion of the south branch, and on the east by
the Lake, lay — and lies — the most important business section.
Bridges were originally built across the river, at intervals of two
blocks ; but as the draws were frequently open, and great delays
ensued, a tunnel was constructed in 1869 to connect the south
and west divisions, and another in 1871 to connect the north and
south sides. Many as had been, up to 1871, the solid and stately
buildings erected, there remained interspersed among them many
more of the wooden structures of former days. For a great
many miles the sidewalks, too, were of wood. In the early days
of October 1871, the city of Chicago was as active and bustling
as at any time in its history. The preceding months had been
very dry throughout the North-western country, and farmers
were complaining ; but the city people generally were hopeful
and contented, and, as usual, absorbed in their occupations and
industries. Nothing could have seemed more improbable than
that a few hours would send this vast, strong, resolute population
from prosperity to ruin, from happiness to despair. Yet, on
Sunday evening, October 8, some one, as the story goes, upset a
lighted Kerosene lamp in a small wooden building in De Koven
Street, on the west side. A gale was blowing from the south-
west, and in a few hours the most terrible conflagration known in
modern times was fiercely raging. During the whole of that
night and the greater part of the next day, the fire continued to
rage. The city fire department, although efficient, was exhausted
by a large fire on the previous Saturday, and the fire soon outran
their efforts to check it. In the division where it originated it
burned over 194 acres, reduced 500 buildings to ashes, and made
2500 people homeless. Crossing to the south division, it swept
over 460 acres, and destroyed over 1600 stores, 28 hotels, 60
manufacturing establishments, and the homes of some 22,000
persons. Rushing across the main river, it attacked the north
side. In a short time, in an area of 1470 acres, where had been
the dwellings of 75,000 people, 600 stores, and 100 manufactories,
there was left out of 1 3,300 buildings, just one. The fire was at
last stopped by blowing up with gunpowder a line of houses to
the south of the fire, while on the north it only ceased its ravages
when there was nothing more to burn. The direction of the
88 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
wind prevented the fire from spreading to the westward. Over
98,000 people were rendered homeless, and nearly all the public
buildings in the city — Custom-Houses, Post-Office, Court-House,
Churches, Hotels, Theatres, Banks, and Railway Stations — were
destroyed. The area over which the fire extended, and which it
burnt out, was about four miles in length by from one to one
and a-half miles in width, the estimated amount of street
frontage destroyed being 73 miles.
If it was difficult to realise that only fifty years ago Chicago
was a mere hamlet, it was almost more .difficult to realise
that only eleven years had elapsed since such a dire calamity
overtook the city. Her rivals thought the blow which fell on the
city in 1871 would crush her, and that before she rose from her
ashes her commerce would be gone. But the men who had
made Chicago were not to be crushed. Before the ashes of the
burnt city were cool the work of rebuilding was commenced.
Fortunately the records of the titles by which the building lots
in the city were held were saved from the fire by the courage and
determination of their custodier, so that legal difficulties which
might otherwise have arisen were avoided. Every man, whatever
his station, put his hand to the work that was to do. Merchant
princes might be seen in their shirt sleeves digging among and
clearing away the ruins of their business premises, that new ones
might be reared in their place. In the course of the first year
after the fire, buildings representing when finished, a value of
over eight millions of pounds sterling, had been either erected or
started, and within three years the city had been provided with
buildings equal in capacity to, and double the value of, those
destroyed by the fire. Never for a moment did Chicago stop its
onward progress. In 1872 the population had increased to
367,000 ; in 1874, to 395,000 ; and at present it is believed to be
over half-a-million. It is now the most beautiful city in the United
States, and probably in the world ; and year by year, as the rich
country behind it is opened up and settled, its commerce and its
riches increase.
Before leaving Chicago I had the pleasure of meeting a son
of the Rev. Mr Sage, the first Free Church minister of Resolis, in
Ross-shire, and one of the leaders of the Evangelical party in the
Church of Scotland, prior to and at the Disruption. Mr Wm. M.
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 89
Sage is General Freight Agent on the Chicago, Rock Island, and
Pacific Railway, one of the largest systems running out of
Chicago, and I afterwards heard from a countryman in Min-
nesota, who was unacquainted with him except by name, that he
was the most popular Freight Agent in Chicago. The name of
Mr Sage, of Resolis, is still a household word in the Highlands
of Scotland, and Highlanders everywhere will be gratified to
know that his son occupies so prominent and important a posi-
tion in the West, and with so much acceptance to those with
whom he comes in contact.
I left Chicago with regret, although I felt somewhat unhappy
in being a mere onlooker among all the bustle and hurry around
me. In the early evening we steamed out of Chicago on towards
the Mississippi, which the beautiful Albert Lea Route crosses at
Rock Island. The city of Saint Paul was my immediate desti-
nation, but
" The best laid schemes o' mice an' men
Gang aft a-gley. "
Early in the morning the conductor of the Pullman car called all
the passengers, and told them if they wanted breakfast they
must look sharp, as the dining-room car would be detached at
West Liberty, which we were timed to reach at seven o'clock.
A hurried toilet and a hurried breakfast were accomplished be-
fore West Liberty was reached, and there we found that not only
were we to lose the dining-room car, but the sleeper as well.
These went on to the west, while our route was to the north,
Those of the passengers who were going in the latter direction had
unwillingly to move into the rear cars. The transference brought
me into contact with passengers who had joined the train during
the night. To one of these my tongue betrayed me. He was a
sharp-looking young gentleman, with fair hair and beard, and
when he had passed me several times, looking sharply into my
face each time, as I sat on the arm of one of the seats speaking to
a lady and her child who had been my fellow-travellers over
night, the extensive experience I had acquired during my two or
three weeks' sojourn on the Continent enabled me to set him down
at once as a Yankee, and, I was more than half inclined to add
(to myself of course), an impudent one. I was never more mis-
taken. A more genuine and genial son of Scottish soil never
9o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
existed. While I was smoking on the platform of the car early
in the forenoon, my " Yankee " friend joined me, and in a quiet and
kindly tone asked me whether I was from the " old country." These
are talismanic words away from home, and after I had satisfied
my curiosity by finding out that I had betrayed my nationality
by my pronunciation of Chicago (which it seems the Americans
pronounce " Shicago"), my Yankee friend and I exchanged bio-
graphies. His name is Millar, a native of Caithness, for some
time resident in Invergordon, and now having his home in Min-
neapolis. He came to America some thirteen years ago, went in-
to a New York drapery house, doing an extensive wholesale
business, and he now represents the house in the State of Iowa.
When I met him he was on his way to his home in Minneapolis,
which is two or three hundred miles from his business head-
quarters, to see his wife, who was in delicate health. With my
newly formed acquaintance the day passed very pleasantly, and
as we approached Minneapolis, my friend invited me to stay over
night in the city, and make his house my home. I agreed to the
first part of the proposal, but not to the second ; and accordingly,
on our arrival at Minneapolis, I sent on my baggage check, and
found my way to the Nicolette House, the principal Hotel in
Minneapolis, where, through the good offices of my friend, I ob-
tained accommodation. K. M'D.
(To be continued.)
PROPOSED TESTIMONIAL TO PROFESSOR BLACKIE.
THE readers of the Celtic Magazine are aware that a proposal was made some time
ago in these pages to recognise in some public manner the services of Professor
Blackie to the cause of our Gaelic language and literature, and more particularly
his great and successful efforts for establishing r. Celtic Chair in the University of
Edinburgh. The present, just when the new Celtic Professor has begun his public
labours, is a most opportune time for giving effect to the proposal. With that
object in view, the Gaelic Society of Inverness have communicated with several
influential Highlanders for active support ; and all lovers of our Gaelic mother-
tongue will be pleased to learn that, among others, the following noblemen and
gentlemen have agreed to act as a Provisional Committee to promote the proposed
testimonial, viz. : — The Right Hon. the Earl of Breadalbane ; Sir Kenneth S. Mac-
kenzie of Gairloch, Bart., Lord Lieutenant of Ross-shire ; Cluny Macpherson of Cluny
Macpherson, C.B. ; Lachlan Macdonald, Esq. ofSkeabost; Charles Fraser-Mackintosh,
Esq., M.P. ; the Right Rev. Angus Macdonald, Bishop of Argyll and the Isles ; Alex.
Nicolson, Esq., M.A., LL.I)., Advocate, Sheriff-Substitute of Kirkcudbright ; Donald
Mackinnon, Esq., M.A., Professor of the Celtic Languages and Literature in
TESTIMONIAL TO PROFESSOR BLACKIE. 91
the University of Edinburgh; H. C. Macandrew, Esq., Provost of Inverness;
Kenneth Macdonald, Esq., F.S.A. Scot., Town-Clerk of Inverness; John Mackay,
Esq., C.E., Hereford ; Major Colin Mackenzie, Seaforth Highlanders ; Rev. Donald
Macdonald, Glenfinnan; Bailie Macdonald, Aberdeen; Ex-Provost Simpson, Inverness;
Councillor W. G. Stuart, Inverness ; and the Council of the Gaelic Society of Inverness,
which consists for the current year of - The Right Honourable The Earl of Dunmore,
chief; Messrs Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A. Scot., editor of the Celtic Magazine;
John Macdonald, merchant, Exchange ; and Alexander Macbain, M.A., head-
master of Raining School, Inverness, chieftains; William Mackay, F.S.A. Scot.,
solicitor, honorary secretary ; William Mackenzie, Drummond Street, secretary ;
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of Scotland, treasurer ; Bailie Mackay, and Messrs George
I. Campbell, solicitor ; Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage ; J. Whyte, librarian ; and
A. R. Macraild, writer, Inverness, members of council. Other gentlemen willing to
join the Committee should intimate their wish to the Secretary.
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, Esq., M.P., has consented to act as honorary
treasurer. Mr William Mackenzie, Secretary of the Society, will act in the same
capacity for the Committee.
A circular, setting forth the object in view, is now in course of being issued, and
as it is impossible to send a copy of it to every one, we would urge on all who wish
to co-operate in promoting the laudable object the Committee have in view, to com-
municate with the Secretary ; or to send their subscriptions to the Honorary Treasurer
at his residence, 5 Clarges Street, London, W.
In particular it is impossible to send, the circular to many Highlanders in the
Colonies, and elsewhere out of Scotland. We would, therefore, especially commend
the matter to our leading countrymen abroad and in the South, and respectfully
suggest to them the formation of Committees in the principle centres among High-
landers all over the world. Several subscriptions from ten guineas down to half-a-
crown have been already intimated.
In his excellent inaugural address, Professor Mackinnon referred to Professor
Blackie's labours in connection with the Celtic Chair in the following happy
manner : —
" We owe it especially to the founder of the Chair, that no effort will be wanting
on our part to prove that upon scientific, as well as upon patriotic grounds, the
Chair fills a gap in our national system of education. It was founded as probably
never Chair was founded before. When the history of the movement comes to
be written, it will be found that the work was the work of one man. Professor
Blackie undertook the duty when others failed. With a large faith, a firm purpose,
a loving heart, and an eloquent tongue, during all these years he never lost sight
of the object to which he devoted himself. He called himself the Apostle
of the Celts ; and he was ready to become all things to all men, that he might win —
subscriptions. And subscriptions he did win — from high and low, rich and poor; from
the student of science and the votary of commerce ; from the peer and the peasant ;
from the Queen upon the throne and the poorest of her Highland subjects. . . .
He has made the language of the Celt classical within these walls of learning. To
use his own words, he has placed it
' With Greece and with Rome in the schools of the wise.'
And shall we not say to him in the old language of this land,
' Buaidh is piseach air a cheann'.
'An la a chi 's nach fhaic. ' "
And so say we.
Gu'm bu fada beo an skr ghaisgeach.
92 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
MARBH-RANN DO CHALUM RUAUH MACCOINNICH :
LE RUAIRIDH, A BHRATHAIR.
[THE following elegy was composed by Roderick Mackenzie, heir-male of the Old
Mackenzies of Applecross, to his brother Malcolm Roy. The author composed
several other very beautiful pieces, but few, if any, of them have been preserved. He
had emigrated to Nova Scotia early in the century, leaving the devoted Malcolm be-
hind him in this country. We are indebted for the manuscript, which is phonetically
written, to Mrs Leed, Fairfield Road, Inverness, herself a near relation, and a direct
descendant of the author, through her mother, Mrs Farquhar Macrae, Strome Hotel
(North Side), Lochcarron.]
A Righ, gur mis' tha bochd, truagh,
'S trie deoir air mo ghruaidh,
'S m6 's trie mi ri luaidh mo dh6ruinn,
'S mi ri cumhadh 'n fhir ruaidh,
Dh' fhag mi thall thair a' chuain,
Far nach cluinn mi, a luaidh, do chomhradh.
'S e mo chridhe 'tha bruit',
'S trie snidh' air mo shuil,
'S thuit m' inntinn gu tuirs' a's br6n domh ;
'S ann agam tha'm fath,
'S mi 'chaill mo dheas-laimhy
Mo thasgaidh, 's mo bhrathair ro-mhath.
Aona bhrathair mo ghaoil,
Dh'fhag cho muladach mi,
'S nach urrainn domh inns' mo dhoruinn ;
'S ann domhsa tha buan,
H-uile mionaid is uair,
A bhi cuimhneachadh buaidhean t'oige,
'S cha'n 'eil lighich fo'n ghrein,
A leighseas mo chreuchd,
An taobh-sa Mhac Dhe na Gloire ;
Bho'n thainig gun dail
Ort sumanadh bais,
Thuit mo chridhe fo shail mo bhroige.
Sid am bks 'thig gu teach,
Air sliochd Adhaimh fa leth,
Bho rinn 'Namhaid ar creach 's ar spuilleadh.
Mur be 'n Ti le mh6r ghras,
Gu'n do sheas E na'r n-ait,
Bhiodh sinn' uile baite cdmhladh ;
Tha mi 'n d&chas, a ghraidh,
Gu'n d' rinn creideamh thu slan
Anns an Ti am beil fath nar dochais ;
'S cha'n 'eil teagamh 'n am chriclh,
Nach eil t-anam an slth,
Mar-ri ainglibh a' seinn nan oran.
MARBH-RANN. 93
Bu mhi d' Oisean bochd, truagh,
'S mi 'dh'fheudadh a luaidh
Gu 'm bu diombuan, neo-bhuan do sheorsa :
Bha iad foghainteach, garbh,
'S bha iad math air ceann airm,
'S bu mhath cuid diubh gu sealg fear cr6ice ;
Chunnaic mise thu fein,
Nach fhaicinn air feill,
No 'n co-thional cheud aig Ordugh,
Na bu smearaile ceum,
'Gabhail beachd ort na d' dheigh,
'S tu 'g amharc fo t'eudadh D6mhnaich.
Thigeadh feileadh nam ball,
Air a phreasadh gu teann ;
"Se nach fheumadh 'bhi gann da dheanamh ;
Gartan craobhach, caol, daight',
'S osan gearr do'n ch!6 bhreac,
Bho laimh taillear bu mhath gu fhiaradh.
Air an iosgaid ghil, dhluth,
Bu ro-shoillear fo'n ghlun,
Air an dearcadh gach suil air lianaig :
'S cha bu chladhaire thu,
'N fhuair a chuirt' thu gu d' chul,
'S cha robh taise 'n ad ghnuis gu striochdadh.
Mo ghradh an spalpaire grinn,
Air an laidheadh na rainn,
Air nach d' rainig an aois mhor bhliadhnaibh
Dha 'n robh cridhe neo-thoinnt',
Leis nach d' rugadh an fhoill,
Pairteach, furanach, fialaidh, foirmeil ;
Fear modhail 's e ciuin,
'S fiamh a' ghair' air a ghnuis,
'S e na labhairt cho muint ri maighdinn ;
Anns gach cruadal a's tuirn,
'S tu nach teicheadh air chul,
'S bha thu fearail an cuisean saighdeir.
Gur e 'n t-eug bha gun bhaigh,
Bhuail e palsaidh na d' laimh ,
'Chaidh le sumanadh bais g'ad iarraidh ;
Is maor le 'n teidear an t-aog,
Nach gabh cumha no els,
Ach bhi umhailt' gach'taobh g'an iarr e ;
'S maor e 'bhagras gach righ,
Anns gach cath agus stri
Chumadh cogadh fad mhiltean bliadhna ;
Bha e treun anns gach blar,
A's lann gheur 'na|dheas*laimh,
Do 'm feum uile shiol Adhaimh striochdadh.
94 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Bho'n thainig mi'n nuadh-dhuthaich,
lomallaich, fhuair,
Fhuair mi carrachdainn cruaidh gu leor innt';
Bho 'n dh'eug Mairi mo ruin,
'Sa chaill mi fradharc mo shul,
'S m6r gum b'fhearr learn 'bhi 'n duthaich m' eolais ;
Gu'm beil m' aigneadh gach uair,
'Ruith a null air a* chuan,
'S mi ri cumha Chaluim Ruaidh, 's nach beo e :
'S mi mar dhuine gun cholg,
Dheth a spuillteadh 'chuid airm,
'S gur e cumha nam marbh a le&n mi.
Tha gach fear 'thig as ur
'G inns' a chorr dheth do chliu,
De na thainig an taobh so dh' fhairge ;
'S bi gach fear a tha thall
'Cur an aonta na cheann,
Nach deach aon ni 'chur meallt' na mharbhrainn,
Mu'n laoch mhisneachail, threun.
Do 'n robh gliocas le ceill,
Anns gach subhailc bha ceutach, ainmeil ;
'S bho 'n bharc ort an t-eug,
Thuit an cul as mo sgeith,
'S mi gun bhrathair 'n ad dheigh bho 'n dh'fhalbh thu.
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES.
IT is our purpose in future to devote a small portion of our space to the recording, in
the form of short notes, of important events of a Celtic character, especially such as
bear upon the language and literature of the Gael. We shall be glad to receive con-
tributions from friends who may have any facts to communicate which they consider
would add to the freshness and interest of this department. Announcements of forth-
coming Celtic works, intimations of the formation of Celtic Societies, or of the incep-
tion and progress of any movements for preserving the records and traditions, or
promoting the use of the language, of the Gael, are the description of notes which we
specially invite.
A resolution was come to by the Gaelic Society of Inverness last winter, of estab-
lishing a class for the teaching of Gaelic. We hope the suggestion will be cordially
taken up now that the Society has entered on its winter work, and that a flourishing
class will be the result.
Two rare and important Highland works are about to be re-issued, namely,
"Martins Western Islands of Scotland," and Dean Munro'swork on the same, subject
at an earlier period. Both works have long been scarce and difficult to procure, and
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES. 95
we have no doubt many will gladly avail themselves of this opportunity of securing
them.
We are glad to observe that the veteran Lochfyne bard, Mr Evan MacColl, is
about to give to the world a new, enlarged, and revised edition of his sweet lyrics,
both English and Gaelic. We bespeak for the volumes a reception worthy of a true
and genuine poet, as well as a warm-hearted and manly Highlander.
The Earl of Seafield has recently issued, for the private use of friends and con-
nections of the Family of Grant, the history of the "Chiefs of Grant," in three
magnificent volumes. The work of compiling the history was intrusted to Dr William
Eraser, of the Register House, Edinburgh, a fact, which in itself, guarantees its
complete and thoroughly trustworthy character. The wide ramifications of the history
of the Grant family, and the important share which they have always taken in the
stirring event of past times in the Highlands, must of necessity render the work one
of outstanding value to the student of Highland history. As an expression of his
interest in Inverness and its institutions, the Earl of Seafield has presented a copy of
" The Chiefs of Grant " to the Public Library.
"Woods, Forests, and Estates of Perthshire," is the title of a most charming
book by Mr Thomas Hunter, editor of the Perthshire Constitutional. One does not
know whether to admire most Mr Hunter's interesting pedigrees of the trees and
forests of Perthshire, or his lively and enthusiastic pictures of the estates which have
reared them. Mr Hunter is almost entitled to the description applied to the natural-
ist of old, who "spake of trees, from the cedar tree that is in Lebanon, even unto the
hyssop that groweth out of the wall." We shall avail ourselves of an early opportunity
of giving this book a more extended notice.
The Rev. Mr Maccallum, of Arisaig, has published a small collection of Gaelic
verses under the title of " Sop as gach Seid ;" but beyond the fact that the booklet
is tastefully got up, and clearly and pretty correctly printed, there is not much calling
for praise. Mr Maccallum has done much meritorious work in other spheres, and is
capable of doing more — poetry is, however, not his forte. The time required to produce
the Gaelic rhymes before us may be described as wasted on the profitless occupation
of "trusadh nan Sop 's a' leigeil nan boitean leis an t-sruth," while more import-
ant work lies to Mr Maccallum's hand all around him. It requires something more
than poetic licence to justify our author, when he makes the sun rise on Christmas
Eve. The astronomical phenomenon is thus referred to on page 1 1 : —
" Furan's failt' ort, Oidhche Nollaig !
Deonach molam fein thu ;
Soills' na Grein rinn sinne sona,
Roimhe ortsa dh' eirich."
Messrs Maclachlan & Stewart, Edinburgh, are about to publish a large collection
of Highland dance music. The tunes are arranged and selected by Mr James
Stewart-Robertson of Edradynate, a gentleman of wide experience in this department
of science and art. The collection will consist of no fewer than 800 tunes. The same
publishers have also in the press another musical work, namely, a collection of Gaelic
songs, with airs and English translations, edited and arranged by Mr Charles Stewart
of Tigh-an-duin, whose name is sufficient guarantee that the work will be all that good
taste, wide and correct knowledge, and hearty Highland enthusiasm can make it. ,
The third volume of Mackintosh's " History of Civilisation in Scotland" has just
96 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
been issued, and it fully justifies the high anticipations excited by the former volumes.
This volume is devoted to an account of the Union of the Crowns in 1603, the Cove-
nanting struggle, the Commonwealth, the Restoration, the Revolution, the Risings,
and the social and literary history of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
work, when completed, as it is expected to be by the publication of a fourth volume,
will form a monument of faithful and painstaking labour. No Scotchman's library
can be complete without it. We only say this much at present, as we purpose to
review the volume before us more fully on an early occasion.
A deputation of gentlemen interested in the promotion of the study and intelligent
use of Gaelic in Irish schools, recently waited upon the Secretary to the Lord-Lieuten-
ant, with the view of enlisting his aid in the accomplishment of their purpose. What
the prospects held out to them were we know not, but we mention the fact as an ex-
ample and incentive to the friends of the Gaelic language in Scotland to bestir them-
selves in a similar manner. The concession made in the Code a few years ago in
favour of the movement amounts to no more than a recognition of its reasonableness.
Its practical value is infinitesimal, and therefore we trust our societies will buckle on
their armour once more for further demands, and raise the question to the position of
a test one on the hustings, in view of the extension of electoral power to the mass of
the Highland population.
One of the most important events in the history of the Celtic languages, and one
likely to exert a weighty influence on their future preservation and utilisation,
occurred recently at Edinburgh. We refer to the inauguration of the Chair of Celtic
Languages, History, Literature, and Antiquities. The inaugural address delivered
by Professor Mackinnon, is now before us, and the highest praise which we can
bestow upon it is to say that it was eminently worthy of the occasion. It bears evi-
dence of being the work of one who can apply to the unique and all-important labours
on which he has entered, those qualities, in a very high degree, which are necessary
for the effective discharge of the duties of his office. In Mr Mackinnon's address,
the field to be brought under cultivation is first sketched. In doing so he evinces an
extensive and minute acquaintance with all the available historical and philological
sources of information. To this is added a thorough knowledge of the vernacular,
and he brings to bear upon the work a spirit of admirable candour and impartiality,
that enables him to address himself to it in a truly philosophic spirit, willing
to receive light and teaching from the endless variety of dialectic differences which
prevail in the domain of the Gaelic tongue, instead of dogmatically elevating the
patois of a district into the position of an infallible standard. Mr Mackinnon adopts
as the principle of his conduct that of the apostle, and also that of science and com-
mon sense, " Prove all things ; hold fast that which is good."
In connection with the work of the Celtic Chair, Mr Mackinnon is preparing a
series of Gaelic Reading Books, the first of which is now in the press ; and, judging
from advanced sheets which have been sent us, the work is done in a thorough and
accurate manner. We are certain that the preparation of these manuals alone will
lead to a renewed interest in the teaching of the language, not merely in connection
with the University classes in Edinburgh, but over the length and breadth of the
Gaelic world. There are at present in existence no class-books that could be made
available, and thus a great desideratum will be supplied; and did Professor Mackinnon
accomplish nothing else, he would, even for this act alone, have deserved well of the
youth of his country.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. XCIX. JANUARY 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XII.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued. — REMARKABLE INCIDENTS
IN HIS EARLY CAREER.
LOCHIEL, shortly after the incident described in our last, received
a message from General Middleton that he had been defeated by
General Morgan at Lochgarry, where he was surprised and had
many of his men killed, at a time when he thought himself quite
free from all danger at the hands of the enemy. In consequence
of this defeat, Middleton, who had previously invited the King to
come over from France in the following spring, promising His
Majesty that the country as one man would rise to support him,
gave up all hopes of success for the Loyalists, and he sent express
instructions to Lochiel to come to him, not so much with the
view of continuing the war, as to concert the best means of giving
it up on the best and most honourable terms which in all the cir-
cumstances they could secure.
Lochiel proceeded on this journey with three hundred of his
followers through the most secret and inaccessible mountain
paths, but the Governor of Inverlochy heard of his movements,
and advised General Morgan of his departure, pointing out
F
98 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to him the great service that he would render to the State if he
captured him dead or alive. The young Chief, however, soon
managed to reach Braemar. Here he took up his quarters for
the night in a small shealirig, greatly fatigued, where he slept
soundly in his plaid on a bed of heather. He was disturbed
early next morning by a peculiar dream, which, according to his
biographer, was the means of saving his life. He imagined that
a grizzly-bearded man, of disordered countenance and low stature,
came where he was, and, striking him smartly on the breast,
exclaimed in a loud voice, " Lochiel, get up, for the Borrowing
days will soon be upon you."* Being no believer in dreams, the
Chief immediately fell asleep; the grizzly little man repeated his past
performance, calling out louder than before. Lochiel thought that it
was merely a trick played upon him by one of his own retinue, who
slept with him in the bothy, and, after chiding him for his inter-
ference, and getting a denial, he again fell asleep ; but no sooner
had he done so than the little man again appeared, doubling the
force of his blow, and crying aloud, as if in terror, " Arise quickly,
Lochiel, arise, for the Borrowing days are already upon you."
The Chief immediately started from his bed, and before he was
able to get on his hose, he was informed that the ground round
about was literally covered with horse and foot, and that some of
them were already almost at his bothy's door. He instantly fled to
the top of the nearest hill, and there, looking behind him for the first
time, he beheld a whole regiment of dragoons, and several com-
panies of foot, from the Castle of Kildrummie, sent by General
Morgan to capture him, on receipt of the message from Inver-
lochy that he had started on his way to meet General Middle-
ton, promising the officer in command a rich reward if he brought
him in either dead or alive.
The Camerons must have felt themselves in perfect security,
for they were completely off their guard. They lost all their
baggage, among which, it is said, were many valuable things,
including a " quantity of unset diamonds, besides a dozen of
silver spoons curiously wrought, and on which the whole deca-
* These are the last three days of March, which, being generally tempestuous,
often prove fatal to sheep, lambs, and cattle, weakened, when badly fed, by the
severity of the preceding winter. The three days are said to be borrowed from
April, whence they are called the " Borrowing days."
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 99
logue was engraved with great art." All these fell into the
hands of the enemy. Next night Lochiel slept on the top of a
mountain where no horse, and scarcely any foot, could reach
him. During the succeeding day he arrived safely at General
Middleton's headquarters. Here he remained for a few days,
taking part in a Council, at which it was resolved to discontinue
the war, and to have the army broken up, each shifting for him-
self as best he could, the season being so far advanced that
they could no longer keep in the open field. Middleton, with a
few of his officers, resolved upon retiring to the Western Isles,
while others accompanied Lochiel to Lochaber, whither they
secretly found their way. Cromwell, now finding that he required
to direct his attention more to his English subjects, was anxious to
come to terms with the Scottish Loyalists, intimated to the High-
land Chiefs, through secret agents, that he would accept their
submission, and that upon laying down their arms, and returning
to their homes, they would be restored to their fortunes and
estates ; and this, in the unpromising nature of their prospects,
naturally induced many of them to accept terms and give up
the war, at least until there should appear a better prospect of
carrying it on more successfully.
During the winter Lochiel and his guests visited General
Middleton at Dunvegan Castle, in the Isle of Skye, where the
General and many of his officers found shelter. Several other
chiefs also attended, and after long deliberation it was resolved
that they should all submit, before they were completely ruined,
finding the King quite unable to support them with men, money,
or arms. Middleton escaped to France. A few days before he
left he handed Lochiel a document, in which he recounted his
services on behalf of the King, especially referring to his
never having submitted to the enemy, and to his having given
frequent proofs of his fidelity, courage, and conduct, standing
out to the very last, notwithstanding all difficulties, concluding
thus : — " And withal, I do hereby allow and desire him to take
such speedy course for his safety, by capitulation, as he shall see
fit, seeing inevitable and invincible necessity has forced us to lay
aside this war, and that I can do nothing else for his advantage."
The document is signed and sealed " Att Dunvegan, the last day
of March 1665," by "Middletone." Thus, in the meantime
ioo THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ended the war, and we shall next follow our hero into the more
peaceful paths of diplomacy, a field in which he seems to have
been as distinguished as in that of war.
During his absence in the Isle of Skye, the officers at Inver-
lochy arranged several hunting parties, accompanied by consider-
able bodies of troops, at first keeping well together when out in
Lochiel's forest, but as they became better acquainted with the
ground, and. more assured of their safety in the absence of the
Chief, they became bolder, and hunted separately. On one
occasion many of the principal officers from the Castle were out
for a grand match, each having a small party of soldiers in
attendance. They agreed to meet at a spot near the garrison, at
night, and march in together. Lochiel was kept well informed
of their movements from day to day, and on this occasion he
divided his men in small parties, with instructions to follow each
officer's party at a proper distance, until they found a convenient
opportunity to attack it with success, with the result that most of
the officers were killed, and the rest taken prisoners. Such a
loss o his principal officers filled the Governor with sorrow and
feelings of revenge. The hunting matches were at once stopped.
He at once adopted means for obtaining intelligence of Lochiel's
movements through " men of desperate circumstances, whom the
hopes of gain, and the security of living safe from the prosecutions
of their defrauded creditors, allured from all parts of the kingdom,"
and formed the nucleus of the village of Fort-William, which,
our author says, "would have soon increased into a tolerable
market town in those remote parts, if the restoration of the
Royal Family had not put a stop to it. It was no great diffi-
culty for the Governor to find, among such a confluence of des-
peradoes, many bold, cunning fellows, proper enough for spies
and intelligencers. Lochiel no sooner met with them, as he
often did, but he commanded them to be hanged without delay."*
In consequence of all this, Lochiel was so sharply looked after that
he soon found it dangerous to remain near the garrison, though
he had arranged a set of spies of his own, through whom, on
several occasions, he managed to escape capture.
Not long after this he called together the principal gentle-
men of the clan, and intimated to them his intention of giving up
* Lochiel's Memoirs, p. 139.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 101
the war, as every chance of success had entirely vanished, and
their present mode of life, wandering in the hills, had become
well-nigh intolerable. He was determined to secure honourable
terms of peace for himself and for them, and had formed his
plans accordingly, but he expressed a desire that they should
trust him with all the details, without in the meantime disclosing
them. Such was their confidence in him, that they agreed to
leave everything in his hands, and asked him only to command
them, and that they would do his bidding and execute his orders.
He picked out about a hundred from amongst them, and told
them to be in readiness to join him at any moment.
He had just received a communication from the Laird of
MacNaughten, in* Cowal, — a near relative of his own, and a
Loyalist, who had in consequence to live in the hills to escape
the Marquis of Argyll — that three English and one Scotch Colonel
were surveying the district by orders of General Monk, and that
if he came with a few brave followers they might easily be
captured and kept as hostages until he could secure favourable
terms of surrender. Lochiel was delighted on receiving this intelli-
gence, and he proceeded with his brave followers, keeping the high
ground night and day, so as to avoid detection on his march.
He met MacNaughten at the appointed place, and was informed
of the whereabouts of the Colonels. They then arranged the
best plan by which to secure them, after which he marched alone
with his men, during the night, to a village within four miles of
Inveraray, where he arrived about one o'clock in the morning.
He then told his followers the object of his visit, and directed
them how to proceed. He informed them that at a small inn
close bye the Colonels lay asleep that night, without any appre-
hension of danger. " It is probable they may have a sentry at
the door, and some officers and servants lodged with them in the
house, and, therefore, to prevent resistance, I have contrived the
following stratagem, which may be executed quickly, easily, and
without danger of alarming their guards. The house being built
of lime and stone it will be no easy matter to break through the
wall or to force open the door ; we must, therefore, steal softly to
it, and after seizing the sentry, if there be any, we must each of
us take hold of the timber or kebbers that support the roof at
the back side of it, and pulling all at once there will be an open-
102 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ing large enough for us all to jump in at the same time, and to
make every person in the house our prisoners, without distinc-
tion. If we fail in this we must put fire to the thatch of the
roof, by which we will either destroy them or become masters of
their persons. If their guards are alarmed, which is the worst
that can happen, I expect that you will behave after your
ordinary manner ; but be sure to make as many prisoners as you
possibly can, that being the chief thing I presently aim at." The
plan was successfully carried out, and the four Colonels were
taken alive. Among them was Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell,
a Highlander, with whom Lochiel had been previously well
acquainted. They were hurried away in a boat provided and kept
in readiness by MacNaughten, ferried across to the other side, and
then marched, without a halt, until Lochiel had them in a place
of security on his own property. They were perfectly horrified
on finding themselves in the power of one whom they had learned
to look upon as a mere savage and blood-thirsty barbarian, but
his considerate and civil treatment soon induced them to look
upon him in a very different light. Though their lodgings were
not of the best, they were otherwise well provided for and enter-
tained. Their rank was acknowledged, and the only real cause
of complaint they had was the loss of their personal liberty.
They were confined on an island in Locharkaig, where they
secured an ample supply of delicate fish. " At the head of it is a
large forest of red deer, where there is, besides, great abundance
of other game. Lochiel, who omitted no civility that he thought
would add to the pleasure of his guests, carried them to the head
of the loch in a boat, where he was met by some hundreds of his
men, whom he had ordered to be convened for that purpose.
These people, stretching themselves in a line along the hills, soon
enclosed great numbers of deer, which, having driven to a place
appointed, they guarded them so closely within the circle which
they formed round them, that the gentlemen had the pleasure of
killing them by their broadswords, which was a diversion new and
uncommon to them." They spent several days in this way re-
galing themselves with every variety of venison and wild fowl.
" They were much diverted with the activity and address of the
Highlanders in all their exercises, and instead of the barbarians
they were represented to be, they found them a quick and in-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 103
genious people, of great vigour and hardiness." They were even
more pleased with Lochiel himself. His politeness, good sense,
modesty, and wit ; his vivacity and cheerfulness, and his constant
anxiety to entertain them, deeply impressed them. They
strongly urged upon him the propriety of coming to terms with
the Government, now that he was the only chief in the Highlands
who held out, urging that he had already gained glory enough in
the field as well as for his devotion to the exiled dynasty. This
was the very thing Lochiel desired to bring about ; he, however,
wanted to be advised and courted into it, but pretended that
nothing was further from his intentions, saying that no wise man
would trust himself in the hands of their Protector, " whose whole
life was one continued scene of rebellion, ambition, hypocrisy,
avarice, and cruelty." He charged him with all the blood spilt dur-
ing the Civil Wars, with the murder of the King, and numberless
other crimes. He would have no dealings with such a man ; for
" it was still in his power to preserve his conscience and honour
unstained, and to continue in that innocence, loyalty, and in-
tegrity of character" which was the duty of an honest man and a
good subject He, however, in time began to give way, especi-
ally to the reasoning of his old friend Colonel Campbell, and
ultimately acknowledged that it might be for his interest and
that of his people to submit, " provided they could procure
such articles as would suit with their honour and the ad-
vantage of their country ; but that for his own part, before
he would consent to the disarming of himself and his people,
and to involve them in the horrid guilt of perjury, by
abjuring the King, his master, and taking oaths to the
Usurper, that he was resolved to live as an outlaw, a fugitive,
and a vagabond, without regard to the consequences." To this
Colonel Campbell replied that, if Lochiel expressed an inclination
to submit, no oath would be required from himself or from his
followers ; that he should virtually get terms of his own making ;
and that he himself would undertake to see the conditions per-
formed, concluding his appeal with the remark, that the most
powerful of European monarchs "do not think it below their
dignity to court our friendship, and yet the chief of a Highland
clan thinks it a stain upon his honour to embrace the peace and
friendship that is offered upon terms of his own making."
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Lochiel at last promised to consult his friends, and submit a
copy of his proposals next day. This he did, and appointed
Colonel Campbell to carry them to General Monk, when they were
finally adjusted. Colonel Campbell in due time returned with a
letter from Monk, dated " Dalkeith, igth May 1665," in which
the General says, " I have this day agreed upon such articles as I
shall grant for the coming in of yourself and party, upon the
powers you gave to Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan Campbell to
treat for you ... In case you shall declare your approba-
tion of these articles within fourteen days of the date hereof, I
am content they shall stand good, and be performed to you,
otherwise not." Scarcely any alteration was made on the articles
submitted by Lochiel. The complete details of this remark-
able treaty cannot now be given, the document itself having been
burnt, with many other valuable records, in Lochiel's house —
accidentally burnt — but the most important conditions contained
in it may be gathered from General Monk's letters to the Chief
himself. They were as follows : —
1st. Lochiel, for himself and in name of his whole clan was to submit and to live
in peace on condition that his Excellency demanded no oaths or other assurances but
Lochiel's word of honour.
2nd. That the Chief and all his friends and followers of the Clan Cameron should
be allowed to carry and use their arms the same as before the war broke out, they be-
having themselves peacefully, subject to these two conditions— ist, That Lochiel's
train, when he travelled out of the Highlands, should not exceed twelve or fourteen
armed men, besides his body servants, without a permit from the General, or from his
successor in that office ; and 2nd, That the gentlemen of the clan should not travel
anywhere out of their own country with more than a certain number of armed men, to
which they were limited, and they were not to go from home, armed in company,
above a restricted number.
3rd. Lochiel and his clan were to lay down their arms, in the name of Charles II.,
to the Governor of Inverlochy, and take them up again immediately in name of the
States, without any reference to Cromwell.
4th. Lochiel bound himself to pay the public burdens, suppress tumults, thefts
and depredations, from and after the date of the treaty.
It was agreed that he should receive compensation for the wood
destroyed and used by the Governor of Inverlochy from the date
of the agreement. He was also granted a free and full indemnity
for all riots, depredations, crimes, and everything of the like nature,
committed by him or by his men during the late wars, and pre-
ceding the treaty. It was also agreed that reparation should be
made to such of his clan and following as had suffered anything
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. , 105
at the hands of the soldiers in garrison ; and he and his tenants
were discharged of all the cess, tithes, and public burdens which
they had left unpaid since the war began, but they were to pay
these, in all time coming. Another article, the eleventh, was
in regard to the dispute which had so long subsisted between
Lochiel and Mackintosh. It provided "that the said General
Monk shall keep the Laird of Lochiel free from any by-
gone duties to William Macintosh of Torecastle, out of the
lands pertaining to him in Lochaber (not exceeding the sum
of five hundred pounds sterling), the said Laird of Lochiel
submitting to the determination of General Monk, the Marquiss
of Argyll, and Colonel William Bryan, or any two of them, what
satisfaction he shall give to Mackintosh for the aforesaid lands in
time coming." There were, besides, several other articles, all in
favour of Lochiel.
The next step was to carry out this important and
highly honourable treaty within the specified date, and Lochiel
immediately set his prisoners free, at the same time asking
them the favour of accompanying him to Inverlochy that they
might see and testify to his ready and free compliance with at
least one of the principal clauses of the treaty, in laying down his
arms. This, in the most agreeable manner, they consented to do.
Lochiel, having convened all the members of his clan that lived
within a reasonable distance of the garrison, placed himself at
their head, and marched to Inverlochy, accompanied by his late
prisoners. His men were dressed in their usual warlike array ;
told ofif in companies under command of the chieftains or cap-
tains of their respective tribes whose place it was to lead them
in war, all armed, as if marching to battle, with pipes play-
ing, and colours flying. The Governor marched out all his
troops to the plain in front of the garrison to meet them, where
they were placed in proper order. The Camerons drew up in two
lines in front of the garrison troops. The Governor and Lochiel
saluted one another; the manner of the ceremony was agreed upon;
the articles of the treaty were read, amid loud huzzas, with every
appearance of satisfaction and demonstrations of joy on both
sides. Lochiel and his men formally laid down their arms in
name of the King, and immediately took them up in name of
the States ; a magnificent entertainment was provided for the Chief
and his principal officers, while his men were supplied with an
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excellent dinner on the plain where they stood. He would
not allow his followers to mix with the English for fear that they
might quarrel and produce fresh disturbance. One of his officers,
however, had a dispute over the wine with a Lieutenant-Colonel
Allan, which was afterwards amicably settled by the intervention
of the Governor. With this single exception the whole proceed-
ings passed off in the most satisfactory manner. Lochiel wrote
the same day to General Monk intimating his compliance so far
with the conditions of the treaty. The General sent for him to
Dalkeith, whither he started next morning. On his arrival Monk
expressed his great pleasure at what had been done, and gave
him a letter to that effect, dated Dalkeith, 5th June 1655.
Thus a treaty was arranged and carried out between the powerful
Government of Oliver Cromwell and a Highland chief upon
terms so highly honourable to the latter as to be scarcely credible
in the present day.
Almost immediately after these proceedings had been con-
cluded, no end of prosecutions were raised against the Camerons
for offences committed even so far back as the wars of Montrose.
But General Monk continued Lochiel's friend, and he wrote to
the Judges desiring them not to move in any actions raised for
crimes committed prior to his capitulation. It was not long,
however, before an action was raised against him before the
Sheriff of Inverness, when Monk procured an order from the
Privy Council " discharging that judge to sustain process for any
crime committed preceding the first of June 1655;" and after this
the Camerons were allowed for many years to live at peace.
Lochiel received many favours from the Government. Among
other privileges he secured the management of the public re-
venues of his district* About this time he turned young
* " 1st, Lochiel (after he had closed his capitulation with the usurpers) entered into
so strict a league and friendship with them, that for his cause they divided Lochaber
and the places adjacent from the Shires of Inverness and Perth, and made the said
Lochiel both Sheriff, Commissary, Commissioner, and Justice of the Peace of these
places, who thereby not only enriched himself, but also did the usurpers several good
offices, by helping to reduce the Highlanders under their obedience : 2nd, He was
assisted in all lawsuits against Mackintosh by the usurpers. So as Mackintosh and
his whole kin and friends were forced to deliver their arms to the garrison at Inver-
ness, but Lochiel and the whole name of Clan Cameron were tolerated to bear arms
in any part within the kingdom, except only within the garrisons." — The True Infor-
mation of the Respective Deportments of the Lairds of Makintoshe, and of Evan
Cameron of LofJizictd, in Reference to the Late Unnatiirall Warrs,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 107
MacMartin of Letterfinlay out of his property, and forced him
to leave the country. Old MacMartin and his people sided with
the Camerons. Monk intervened ; Lochiel arranged with the
heir of Letterfinlay, whom he ultimately restored to his rights ;
and the General was so satisfied with his conduct that he con-
tinued a friendly correspondence with him until the Restoration.
Lochiel clearly had no great faith in the Presbyterian clergy of
his day, for, though he was anxious to have a minister placed among
his people that he " might be of service in reclaiming them,"
yet "the turbulent tempers of the clergymen of these times,
joined with their stupidity and ignorance, their avarice, pride,
and cruelty," gave him so bad an opinion of them that he was
afraid to admit any of them into his country. Ultimately, how-
ever, he agreed to admit the clergy into Lochaber, the Council
providing him with eighty pounds yearly for each of two
parishes.
Lochiel, now able to live at home in peace, married a young
lady to whom he had been for some time engaged, Mary,
daughter of Sir Donald Macdonald, eighth Baron, and first
Baronet of Sleat The wedding is said to have been memorable
for its magnificence, and on his return to Lochaber he was enter-
tained and " complimented by his Clan with a sum equal at least
to all the charges of that expensive wedding." His biographer
records an incident, which occurred on the occasion, of so interest-
ing a nature that we shall reproduce it in his own words : —
" At this meeting he was agreeably entertained by a Highland
bard, who sung or recited his verses after the manner of the
ancients, and who inherited no small portion of their spirit and
simplicity. He laboured under the common misfortune of the
brotherhood of Parnassus, and came all the way from Braemar,
or thereabout, to petition for three cows that had been taken from
him in the late wars. He artfully introduced himself by a pane-
gyric on the Chief ; and while he magnified his power, he in-
geniously complimented his Clan, whose friendship and protection
he begged. He made frequent mention of those qualities
that were most favourable for his purpose, with cunning
enough; for as pity, generosity, and compassion are virtues
inseparable from great souls, so they answered his aim in open-
ing the hearts of those whom he petitioned. The poem is
written in a strong, nervous, and masculine style, abounding with
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thoughts and images drawn from such simple objects as he had
either seen or occasionally heard of ; but expressed in a manner
peculiar to the emphasis and genius of the Gaelic, for he under-
stood no other language. Here is no ostentation of learning, no
allusions to ancient fable or mythology, no far-fetched similes,
nor dazzling metaphors brought from imaginary or unknown
objects. These are the affected ornaments of modern poetry,
and are more properly the issue of art and study, than of nature
and genius. But the beauty of this consists in that agreeable
simplicity, in that glow of imagination and noble flame of fancy,
which give life and energy to such compositions." Our author
gives an English translation of the poem, which, he says, no more
resembles the original " than the naked and disfigured carcase of
a murdered hero does a living one in full vigour and spirit ; for
the Gaelic has all the advantages of an original language. It is
concise, copious, and pathetic ; and as one word of it expresses
more than three of ours, so it is well-known how impossible it is
to preserve the full force and energy of a thought or image in
a tedious circumlocution." We regret being unable, for want
of space, to give the English version. It by no means lacks
" vigour and energy," and we shall print it in " The History of the
Camerons," when publishing it in a separate form. The English
extends to no less than seventy-six lines of vigorous verse, and
if the Gaelic original was so far superior to it as our authority
would have us believe it must have been a very highly successful
effort indeed.
Macaulay, — who can never be fairly charged with undue
praise to his Highland countrymen — in his History of England,
refers to this poem, and the occasion of it, in the following terms.
Of Lochiel, whom he describes as the " Ulysses of the High-
lands," and of it he says — " As a patron of literature, he ranks
with the magnificent Dorset. If Dorset, out of his own purse,
allowed Dryden a pension equal to the profits of the Laureateship,
Lochiel is said to have bestowed on a celebrated bard, who had
been plundered by marauders, and who implored alms in a pathetic
Gaelic ode, three cows and the almost incredible sum of fifteen
pounds sterling." We shall next follow the famous chief through,
perhaps, the most interesting period of his career, from the
Restoration to the Revolution.
(To be continued.)
109
THE HIGHLAND BAGPIPE.
" Will you play upon this pipe ?
Give it breath with your mouth, and it will discourse
Most eloquent music."
HAMLET — Act iii., Scene 2.
IT is not proposed to give in this article a description of the con-
struction of the bagpipe, but merely a short sketch of its history,
gleaned from a variety of sources, the principal among these
being Logan's invaluable work. Dion Chrysostom, a Greek
writer, informs us that the Emperor Nero played upon the flute,
with a leather bladder under his arm. This, undoubtedly, was a
primitive form of bagpipe, and it is said that its music afforded
the Emperor great pleasure. It was called tibia utricularius by
the Romans. Nero had the figure of a man playing upon this
instrument impressed upon several of his coins, a few of which
are still in existence. There is also preserved in the Palace of
Santa Croce at Rome, a fine Greek marble, upon which is repre-
sented, in basso relievo, a man playing upon something strongly
resembling a bagpipe. The Roman Catholic Church has gathered
round itself some strange traditions, but perhaps the most curi-
ous of all is, that the shepherds who first received the news of
Christ's birth, signified their joy by playing a salute upon the
bagpipe, and Albrecht Durer, the great engraver, has worked out
this idea in a woodcut of the " Nativity." In the library of
King's College, Old Aberdeen, there is an old Dutch missal, the
illuminator of which has actually ventured to pourtray one of
the appearing angels playing upon that instrument.
The introduction of the bagpipe into Scotland is a point
which has given rise to much discussion. In a book entitled the
" National Music of Ireland," by Michael Conran, it is said that
the Romans took it from the Greeks, and afterwards introduced
it into Scotland, where, from its warlike sound, it was quickly
adopted by the people, who used it as an incentive to battle ; and
it soon became the national instrument of Caledonia.
In the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
for 1879-80, we are told that in 1362 forty shillings was paid to
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the King's pipers, and mention is also made in that work of a set
of bagpipes belonging to Mr Robert Glen, bearing date 1409.
James I. of Scotland writes in his " Peblis to the Play" as
follows : —
"The bagpype blew and they outhrew
Out of the townis untald,
Lord, sic ane schout was thame among
Quhen their were owre the wald."
And again, in the same poem : —
" With that Will Swane come sueitand out,
Ane meikle miller man,
Gif I sail dance have done, lat se
Blaw up the bag-pyp than."
In 1 598, the then minister of Logic wrote, in a poem on the fate
of the Spanish Armada : —
" Cans michtelie the weirlie nottes breike,
On Heiland pipes, Scottes and Hybernicke."
After the Reformation, the Scottish Reformers held the bag-
pipe to be the devil's own musical instrument, and in consequence
pipers were severely persecuted, especially from 1570 to 1624.
In the Highlands, however, where scarcely any other music was
known, the bagpipe was esteemed highly, and the tail of no chief
was complete without the piper and the piper's servant, the
former of whom was higher in rank than any of the other re-
tainers, and was entitled to the name of a gentleman. Logan
gives a number of very good anecdotes of pipers, one or two of
which we may be permitted to give. At a dinner given by a Mr
Thomas Grant at Cork, several years ago, MacDonell, the famous
North of Ireland piper, was sent for to entertain the company. Al-
though MacDonell was quite entitled to a place at the dinner-table,
the master of the house had a table and chair placed for him on the
landing, outside the room. A bottle of claret and a glass were put
on the table, and a servant stood behind the chair. MacDonell
arrived, looked at the refreshment set apart for him, rilled up a
glass of claret, stepped to the door of the room where the company
were assembled, said, "Mr Grant, your health and company!"
and drank it off. He then threw half-a-crown upon the little
table, saying to the servant, " There, my lad, is two shillings for
my bottle of wine, and sixpence for yourself," and he immediately
THE HIGHLAND BAGPIPE in
ran down stairs, mounted his horse, and rode off, followed by his
groom.
At one time a Captain of the 42nd Highlanders had re-
ceived instructions from headquarters to provide a drummer for
his company, in addition to the customary piper. In obedience
to this order a drummer was soon procured, and he took his
place beside the rival musician. Here, however, came the tug-
of-war, for each wanted to be on the right hand of the other,
and a heated dispute arose between them. Ultimately, to avoid
a hand-to-hand fight, the Captain interfered, and, after hearing
both parties, decided the knotty point in favour of the drummer.
This decision injured the feelings of the piper so much that he
exclaimed, with unfeigned disgust, " The devil, sir, and shall a
little rascal that beats upon a sheepskin take the right hand of
me, who am a musician ?"
At the battle of Vimiera, while the /ist were gallantly
charging the enemy, one of their pipers was disabled by a bullet
in the leg. Unable to advance any further, he sat down upon
the ground, and arranging his pipes, shouted out as the final
columns swept past him, " Weel, lads, I'm sorry I can gae nae
further wi" ye, but de'il hae ma saul gin ye sail want music,' and
immediately struck up a lively pibroch, thinking more of his
comrades' glorious charge than of his own wound.
After the suppression of the Rising in 1745, a great number
of pipers belonging to the Prince's army were taken prisoners,
and at their trial they invariably urged in defence that they had
not borne arms against the House of Hanover. But the Govern-
ment acted in no spirit of mercy at that time ; the bagpipe was
declared an instrument of war ! and the poor pipers in many
cases paid a heavy penalty for their loyalty to a fallen House.
The bagpipe still continues, and we hope will long continue,
to be the national musical instrument of Scotland ; and at
all our Highland gatherings at home and abroad, its music
occupies the most prominent place. The power which pipe-
music has over the minds of Highlanders in every part of the
world is well known, and a piper is very often engaged in autumn
to play in the harvest field for the purpose of cheering and en-
couraging the reapers in their work. Every Highland regiment
has its company of pipers, and in time of war their thrilling
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music has almost invariably struck terror into the hearts of the
foe, who knew full well that in a few moments the red line of
kilted heroes, with waving feathers and tartans, and gleaming
bayonets, would spread carnage and dismay among their ranks.
Amid the din of the battle, high above the roar of artillery, the
rattle of musketry, and the shouts of the combatants, is still
heard the triumphant sound of the bagpipe, leading the Highland
regiments to victory or a glorious death, like the exultant scream
of the mountain eagle, as he swoops down with unerring aim
upon his quarry. It was the bagpipe that cheered the hearts of
the beleaguered British in the Residency of Lucknow, as the
gallant Havelock and his brave Highlanders marched through a
storm of shot to the relief of their countrymen ; and it was the
bagpipe that led the Highlanders over the parapet at Tel-el-
Kebir, to put to flight the swarthy legions of Egypt.
Long may it exist to lead Highlanders to victory !
H. R. M.
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS AND BURNINGS.
TESTIMONY OF LIVING EYE-WITNESSES — (Continued),
WIDOW JOHN MUNRO, Strathy, go years of age.
I am over ninety years of age. I was born in Rhihalvaig, a small township on
the east side of Lochnaver. The families in the place were those of my grandfather,
William Mackay, and of Roderick Macleod, and Robert Mackay. There were no
middlemen above Achness. All the townships elected men to go with their rents
to Golspie ; and the last mentioned crofter lost a son, Donald Mackay, while on his
way to Dunrobin with the rents of the village. He perished in a wreath of snow at
the back of Ben-Clebrig. He refused to delay going till the storm would abate, lest
he might be too late in arriving with the rents of the township.
We were removed to make room for Marshall, and my father got a croft in
Badanchavag, above Mudale, where we lived for some years till we were evicted the
second time to make room for Sellar. I viewed from the side of Ben-Hee, the
smoke of the houses burning at Grumb-mhor and Grumb-bheag. The distance would
be about ten miles. These townships were evicted before the heights, where we lived,
were cleared. In this last place we had not much arable land, but kept a large stock
as our hill pasture was extensive.
The rent we paid was ,£5 sterling, and we found no difficulty in paying it. I
remember that on one particular occasion, the expenditure we had lo meet between
groceries, rent, etc., amounted exactly to ,£20. My father, having gone to the hill
with a cattle-dealer, returned in the evening and told my mother that since he had
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS. 113
left he got by selling only horses, and a cow, what would meet this expenditure, " and
one pound for snuff to the bargain." MRS JOHN MUNRO.
Witnesses, ( ADAM GUNN, Student, Strathy.
20th Aug. 1883. | JOHN MACKAY, Strathy.
ROBERT MACKAY, Strathy, regarding Rhinnirie.
I was about seven years of age when the township was burnt. When Sellar's
men arrived, my father and mother happened to be in Caithness-shire, laying down
the crops in Latheron, which was to be their future home. An old woman, my aunt,
remained with me and my sister at Strathnaver. We began early in the day to re-
move our effects to the hill-side, in anticipation of their visit ; but, before we had
finished, they were upon us, and set fire, first, to the byre which was attached to the
dwelling-house. This made us redouble our efforts, as the flames were making rapid
progress. I remember we encountered serious difficulty when we came to remove the
meal-chest. To ask the assistance of Sellar's men would be absurd ; but we succeeded
at last by removing the meal in small quantities to the hill-side on blankets. We then
made a ring of the furniture, and took our station inside, from which we viewed the
flames. Here we slept all night, wrapped in woollen blankets, of which we had
plenty; and I remember very vividly the volumes of flame issuing from our dwelling-
house, and the crackling sounds when the flames seized upon the fir couples and
timber supporting the roof of turf. At the same time, also the three remaining houses
in the township were fired.
I declare this statement of mine is true. ROBERT MACKAY.
Witnesses, I ADAM GUNN, Student, Strathy.
20th Aug. 1883. | ROBERT MACKAY, Strathy.
GEORGE MACKAY, 80 years of age, crofter, Airdneskich, Farr.
I was born at Ridsary on Strathnaver, and was about 16 years of age when that
part of the Strath where my father lived was depopulated, and our habitations burnt to
the ground. I saw these four townships all in flames on the same day : —
Ceann-na-coille, with 7 houses
Syre, with 13 houses.
Kidsary, with 2 houses Langall, with 8 houses.
I saw in all thirty houses burning at the same time.
When this was taking place, I was leading two horses up the Strath, to carry from
Kidsary some of our furniture, which was left by my father near the place, when we
were evicted from our home a few days previous to this. As the houses were all
covered with dry thatch, dwelling places and steadings, the crackling noise as well as
the fire and smoke were awful. I noticed one house at Langall, having a good stack
of peats beside it, which the burning party, on coming round, put to the same fate as
the houses, and if any other thing remained in or near the premises it was at once
consigned to the flames.
It may be mentioned that the inhabitants left these houses a day or two before
they were, set on fire, being ordered off the ground by Sellar. It was heartrending to
hear the cries of the women and children when leaving their happy homes, and turn-
ing their faces they knew not whither. The most of our cattle died the first winter,
as we had no provision for them. We got no compensation for our burnt houses, nor
any aid to build new ones, or trench land.
I declare this statement of mine is true. GEORGE MACKAY.
Witnesses I ALEXANDER GRAHAM.
3oth Aug. 1883. I MURDO MACKAY, Student.
G
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WILLIAM MACKAY (Ban), 80 years of age, army pensioner and crofter, Achina, Farr.
I am a native of Rossal on Strathnaver, and now living at Achina. One morn-
ing in May, when I was about twelve years of age, I went up to Achcaoilnaborgin to
see Sellar's party putting the houses in that township on fire, as I, like a child,
thought it grand fun to see the houses burning. The burning party was under the
leadership of one Branders. When I reached the place the houses were ablaze, and
I waited till they were all burnt to the ground, six in number. Then I accompanied
the burners to Achinlochy, where six more houses were reduced to ashes.
In one of these houses I saw an old man, Donald Mackay (Mac William), who
was over 100 years of age, lying in bed. Branders and his men, on coming to this
house, glanced at the old man in bed, and then set fire to the house in two or three
places, and the poor man, who could not escape, was left by them to the tender mer-
cies of the flames. The cries of the sufferer attracted the attention of his friends,
who, at their own peril, ran in and rescued him from a painful death. It can be said
with certainty that the terror and the effect of the fire on his person tended to hasten
the man's death.
I may state that I have travelled a large portion of the four quarters of the globe,
lived among heathens and barbarians, where I saw many cruel scenes, but never wit-
nessed such revolting cruelty as I did on Strathnaver, except one case in the rebellion
of Canada.
I knew Donald Macleod, the author of " The Gloomy Memoirs of Sutherland,"
to be honest and truthful, and what I read in his book was nothing but the simple truth.
I declare this statement of mine is true. WILLIAM MACKAY.
Witnesses, I WILLIAM CAMPBELL.
3oth Aug. 1883. I MURDO MACKAY.
ANGUS MACKAY, 89 years of age, crofter, Leadnagiullan, Farr.
I spent twenty-three years on Strathnaver, in my birthplace Ceann-na-coille, and I
am confident they were the happiest days I ever spent. We were very happy and
comfortable on the Strath.
There were seven houses in Ceann-na-coille, which I, with a sad heart, saw burnt
to the ground. I saw Rossal, with upwards of twenty houses, also burnt. Sellar's
orders to the people were to have their furniture, and whatever else they wished to
bring with them, removed from these townships before a certain day. My friends,
and several of the townspeople endeavoured to obey this cruel summons, and carried
their effects down to the river's side. Here they formed a kind of raft, whereon was
placed all their furniture, farm implements, clothes, etc., in fact all their worldly
possessions, except their cattle. Then they took shelter, and anxiously awaited the
rising of the river to enable them to float the raft down the stream towards their new
home.
Soon, however, the furious burners came, and in spite of the poor people's en-
treaties and promises, the raft was easily set on fire, and before the party left the
ground it was all in ashes along the banks of the river.
Nor did the ruthless work of Sellar's party end here. They now turned their
course to the township of Baclinleathaid, and there commenced the burning again. In
a certain hut there, there was an old woman who, perhaps, had none of her friends
alive, or at least at hand, to be of any help to her in the hour of need. The party
came to the hut of this friendless woman, set fire to the house, and instantly marched
off, leaving the poor decrepit woman, who was within the house, to burn. It is true
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS. 115
the woman's body was taken out by some neighbours who, too late, knew what was
taking place, but death relieved her from pain ere they carried her across the thres-
hold of her burning house.
I was well acquainted with Donald Macleod, who wrote " The Gloomy Memoirs
of Sutherland," and always found him to be a truthful man. I heard some parts of
his book read, and can emphatically say from my own experience, which now extends
over a period of eighty-nine years, that it states the truth. Macleod only wrote what
hundreds could testify to ten years ago, but now almost all the people who knew much
about the Strathnaver cruelties are dead, and the young generation, though they have
heard of these things from the lips of their fathers, cannot testify to them as eye-wit-
nesses could. People now-a-days cannot imagine the awful cruelties perpetrated on
Strathnaver by Sellar and his minions. •
I declare this statement of mine is true. ANGUS MACKAY.
Witnesses, ( ANN MACKAY.
2gth Aug. 1883. \ MURDO MACKAY.
HUGH MACDONALD, 83 years of age, fisherman and merchant > Armadale, Farr.
I was born in Dal-Langall, near Strathy, but went when a young boy to Achness,
on Strathnaver, to live with an aunt of mine. I remained in Achness till some time
in the beginning of the year 1810. I was then about ten years of age. I then came
down to the foot of the Strath, where I stayed some time.
I am not aware of seeing any of the houses on Strathnaver actually burning,
though the people who were pouring down the Strath from time to time always told
of the awful scenes enacted up. That the houses were burnt I have not the least
doubt ; but I cannot speak as an eye-witness. I remember one morning, when on
my way to school, seeing a very thick smoke blown by the wind7 down the Strath,
which I was told arose from the burning houses up that way. Next day I heard that
some boats which had been to sea fishing that evening lost their course while making
for the Inver-Naver bay, owing to the denseness of the smoke. I know that hundreds
of families were turned off Strathnaver by Sellar and his gang, and that their land
was formed into a sheep farm for Sellar. By these means he got a farm over forty
miles long.
The people were very happy on the Strath, and very obedient to their superiors —
in fact, " ower simple ;" that was how they were turned away so easily. I am sure
the present generation would have fought and died sooner than suffer such cruelties.
Old as I am myself, I think I would be disposed to fight.
I declare this statement of mine is true. HUGH MACDONALD.
Witnesses, J WILLIAM M'DONALD.
29th Aug. 1883. I MURDO MACKAY.
( To be continued.)
SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF SCOTLAND.— Mr Alexander Macbain,
M.A., author of the valuable papers on "Celtic Mythology," appearing in these
pages, was, last month, elected a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
u6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES.
BY H. C. MACANDREW, PROVOST OF INVERNESS.
IN the earliest condition of our race of which we have any know-
ledge, the only bond of union between men was blood relationship.
Every man was to every other a blood relation or an enemy. The
earliest political organisation was the tribe, a number of families
associated together for defence and other purposes, and bound to-
gether by their belief in a common ancestor. When, however,
the tribe ceased to be a wandering body, and settled on some fixed
and defined area as its permanent residence, and still more when
it ceased to be entirely pastoral, and commenced to till the land,
it is obvious that a new relation of man to man was created, and
the foundation laid of a great revolution in the idea as to what
constituted the bond of social and political union. How great a
revolution has taken place we may see when we consider how, in
civilised communities, common residence in the same place has
come to be regarded as almost the only foundation of political
organisation — when we consider, for instance, the readiness with
which the crowds of various races who are annually pouring into
the United States become Americans. The tribal or race idea
has, however, always died hard, as we shall see later on when we
come to consider the condition of the Scottish Highlands — and in
Eastern and Central Europe, it is a question of moment at the
present time whether the inhabitants are not to break up into
new states and associate themselves according to real or supposed
community of race.
The relation which a people once settled on, and perman-
ently occupying land, bore to that land, and the change which
the mode of the use and occupation of it produced in their re-
lations to each other, and in their social and political organisa-
tion, must always be questions of the greatest interest to the
student of history. And there is nothing that strikes one more
than the circumstance that the further we trace back the history
of the various families of the Aryan race, the stronger becomes
the similarity of their laws and customs, the stronger the evi-
dence that they are a common family. Whether in the Hindoo
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 117
village community of the present day we see an organisation to
which our remote ancestors were accustomed before they left
the cradle of the race and the traditions of which they carried
with them in their wanderings, is a question which cannot yet be
answered ; but it certainly is very remarkable how, in all families
of the race, communities remarkably similar uniformly developed
themselves. To trace any of the land systems of the European
nations to their source, and to consider their relations to each
other, is, however, a subject too wide for this paper, and what I
purpose to do at present is to consider the system of land tenure
in this country and in Ireland at the time when we first have any
authentic history of these countries, to endeavour to describe the
stage at which it had then arrived, and to glance shortly at the
survivals of the system which we still have in our own country.
This enquiry, limited as it is, is especially interesting on these
grounds, that long after the contact of the Saxons with the
Roman organisation, which they found in England, had pro-
duced the manorial system, and after the fusion of the Roman
and barbarian systems on the Continent had produced the feudal
system, Scotia, as Ireland was then called, and Albyn remained
almost entirely unaffected by any foreign influence, and con-
tinued to develop in their own way, and that there remains to us
a great body of the customary law of the peoples which inhabited
these countries.
At the time of which I write, Ireland and Scotland (Scotland
or Albyn at that time being the country north of the Firths of
Forth and Clyde) were inhabited by two races — the Picts and
the Scots. The Picts inhabited all Scotland and the North of
Ireland, and the Scots the rest of Ireland — there being, probably
in both countries, and certainly in Ireland, considerable survivals
of earlier races. I accept the theory that both these peoples were
of kindred race, and that they spoke dialects of the same
language. This I know is disputed, but whether it is true or not,
I think that there can be no doubt that at the time the Irish
were converted to Christianity the people of the two countries
had much intercourse, and the same political and social organ-
isation ; and I accept the picture of that organisation as given
in the Brehon Laws as equally applicable to both.
The Brehon Laws are singularly interesting and valuable, in
ii8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
as much as they profess to be not a system of law enacted by a
legislature, but a record of the customary law of the people
handed down from the remotest antiquity. They are called the
Brehon Laws, because they were preserved and administered by a
hereditary caste of lawyers called Brehons, who seem to have
taken the place in Christian times which the Druids occupied in
heathen times, and who were the judges and arbitrators of the
tribes. What we know of these laws is derived from a number
of manuscript tracts preserved in various libraries in Ireland, and
a number of which have recently been translated and published.
None of the manuscripts are older, I believe, than the I3th
century, but as they all give the text of the laws followed by
glosses, commentaries, and explanations, it is evident that the
laws are older than the manuscripts. The most important of the
tracts which has been published is the Seanchus M6r, and in it
it is stated that the laws which it contains were compiled and
written down in the time of St Patrick, and there can be no
doubt that these tracts represent the customary law of the people
as it existed at or about the time of the introduction of Christi-
anity. They continued to be the law of Ireland beyond the pale,
until they were abrogated by a decision of the Irish Supreme
Court in the time of James the Sixth of Scotland and First of
England and Ireland.
These laws nowhere contain any description of a system of
land tenure, and what the system of land rights was which
existed at the time they represent is only to be gathered from
what may be almost called incidental references. These are not
at all times easily to be reconciled, and accordingly very opposite
opinions have been formed as to the state of matters represented.
Some writers contend that under these laws the land continued
the common property of the tribe, and was periodically divided
among the free tribesmen ; others maintain that they exhibit a
state of things in which there existed all the elements of the
Feudal System, while others, and I think correctly, hold that
they represent society as in a transition state, the customs repre-
sented in some of the tracts being older than those represented
in others.
The political unit, according to these laws, was the tuath.
This word originally, I believe, meant a tribe, and afterwards it
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 119
came to mean the territory possessed and occupied by a tribe.
Over the tuath in Ireland was the Ri-tuath or king. Next
above the tuath was the Mor-tuath or great tuath, embracing
several tuaths, with its Ri-Mor-tuath. Above that the provincial
king, and over him the Ard-righ, or supreme king of Ireland. In
Scotland the ruler of the tuath was called the Toseich or Toiseach,
the next in rank above him was the Mormaer ruling a province,
and above these were the kings of the northern and southern
Picts, ruling, the one at Inverness and the other at Scone.
It is in the internal organisation of the tuath, however, that,
as might be expected, we find traces of the actual relation of the
tribesmen to the land. And when we examine this, we find the
tribe divided into a number of grades or ranks, the Fer-midba, or
lowest grade of free tribesmen ; the Bo-aires or cow-lords, of whom
there were several classes, and whose rank was derived from their
wealth in cattle ; the Aire-desa, of whom also there were several
grades, whose rank was derived from the possession of land, up
to the tanist, or elected successor to the king, and the king him-
self. The office of king was not hereditary, the law which
regulated it being that of tanistry. By this law or custom a
successor was always elected to the king in his lifetime, and was
called the tanist. To each of these there was apportioned a part
of the tribe land as deis or mensal land, and this land always
passed to their successors undivided. Here, then, is a first indica-
tion of separate property in land and succession to it, although at
first at least the title was official. The Aire-desa, as I have said,
took their rank from the possession of deis or property in land.
They were of the same grade or class as the king and tanist,
being chiefs or flaths, and the distinctions in rank among them
consisted in the number of ceile or tenants whom they had on
their land. Thus the Aire-desa simply, or lowest grade, had ten
ceiles, five bond and five free, while the Aire-forgaile, who ranked
next to the tanist, had forty ceiles, twenty bond and twenty free.
The Bo-aire possessed a house and homestead, and he seems also
to have had a certain definite portion of land allotted to him, for
it is stated that when a Bo-aire possessed the land which had been
possessed by his father and his grandfather, then he became an
Aire-desa. The relation which these Aires bore to their tenants
seems to have been as follows — and it strongly indicates to what
120 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
an extent the ideas arising out of the purely pastoral state of the
tribe still existed: — In addition to giving to his ceiles the use
of land, the Aire or Flath also gave them a stock of cattle,
and for these they rendered certain services and homage, and
in the case of bond tenants, paid him in kind a food-rent, and
the number of cattle which he gave to his ceiles; and the food-
rent and services which he received from them in return, were
regulated according to the rank of the Aire. What the exact
distinction between the free ceiles and the bond ceiles was it is
very difficult to learn. It was probably this, that the free ceile
had stock of his own, as well as the stock which he received from
his chief, and could terminate the contract with his chief at any
time; while, on the other hand, the bond ceile received all his
stock from the chief, and was bound at least for a certain number
of years. It seems clear, however, that the bond ceile was a
tribesman, and had certain tribal rights, and was in no sense a
serf or bound to the soil. Of serfdom, or villenage, as it existed
in England, and afterwards in the portions of Scotland which
submitted to Saxon customs, there appears to be no trace in
Celtic law.
In addition to the ceiles or tribal tenants, there were two
other classes who appear to have lived on the land of the chiefs
in a state of more or less dependence — the cottars or Bothacks,
and the Fuidir. The former appear to have been poor tribesmen,
and the latter were broken men and strangers from other tribes
whom the chiefs took into their service and settled on their land
as tenants-at-will. The service required of them, and their con-
dition, is thus described : — " A Fuidir tenant is of this kind —
however great the thing may be which is required of him, he
must render it, or return the stock or quit the land, and how-
ever long he may have been in the service he must quit the land
at length." Even this class, however, after nine generations, be-
came free, and entitled to the rights of tribesmen. In the case
of the flaths or chiefs, the contracting of the relation of ceileship
was voluntary, but in the case of the Ri or King it was not.
Every tribesman — even the flath — was bound to take stock from
his king, and thus to become bound to do him service and hom-
age ; and the Ri-tuath was bound to take it from the Ri-M6r-
tuath, and so upwards ; and in some tuaths we are told that
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 121
there were no flaths holding ceiles under them, but that all took
stock from the Ri or King.
The classes of whom we have been treating, the Aires, were
the privileged classes of the tribe, the Bo-aires being the lowest in
rank who possessed full political rights ; that is, who were entitled
to be witnesses and compurgators, to be sureties, to sue, and to
make contracts ; but it must be obvious that there must have
been large numbers of men who were members of the tribe who
were below the privileged classes, and it becomes most interest-
ing to enquire what relation they bore to the land. It seems
quite clear that every free tribesman had a right to a share of
the tribe land. We read that the Corns-feine law or Sept law
" divides the land among the natural tribesmen ;" and again it
is asked, what is the Corns-feine law ? And the answer is, among
other things, " tillage in common " Again we read of the Aire-
echtai, who was the representative of a community of five or
more persons possessing among them the wealth sufficient to
constitute an Aire, and who associated themselves together in
order that they might be so represented, or who were, perhaps,
associated in this way for purposes of taxation, and military and
other services. It is particularly to be remarked, too, that this class
were ranked among the landed class or flaths, and that they
were elected and held office for a time only. Thus, in one of the
tracts we read as follows : — " The true knowledge of a flath, viz.,
a flath from a Deis to a King. How many grades of distinc-
tion are these divided into? — Seven. Which are they? — Aire-
desa, Aire-echtai," and so on ; and again, " Aire-desa, why so
called ? Because of the fact that it is according to his property
in land that his Dire is regulated. Not so the Bo-aire, it is
according to his cows his Dire is regulated." And again, "Aire-
echtai, why so called ? Because it is the Aire of five men, he is
assigned to perform his function, to enforce the observance of the
peace for a month."
At the time we are treating of, a very powerful factor in the
national development had been introduced into Ireland, and
afterwards from Ireland into Scotland, viz., the Christian Church.
At a very early period, and before the mission of Saint Columba
to the Northern Picts, the Celtic Church had become monastic
in its organisation — that is to say, its clergy principally consisted
122 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of communities of monks living together, and owning land
granted to them by the King's Mormaers, or Toiseachs. Of such
grants the examples are numerous, but it may be sufficient to
quote one, which is all the more interesting that its place is the
East of Scotland, and that the record of it is the earliest example
of written Scottish Gaelic which has yet been discovered. The
book in which it occurs is itself a part of the Service Book of the
Monastery of Deer, in Buchan, and contains the Gospel of Saint
John, and parts of the other gospels, in Latin ; and part of an
office for the visitation of the sick, in Gaelic ; and, on the mar-
gins, records of the various gifts to the Monastery, commencing
with the legend of the foundation, which I may read. —
Columcille and Drostan, son of Cosgrach, his pupil, came from I (font), as God
had shown to them unto Abbordoboir, and Bcde the Pict was Mormaer of Buchan
before them, and it was he that gave them that town in freedom for ever from Mor-
maer and Tosech. They came after that to the other town, and it was pleasing to
Columcille because it was full of God's grace, and he asked of the Mormaer, to wit Bede,
that he should give it to him, and he did not give it ; and a son of his took an illness
after refusing the clerics and he was nearly dead. After this the Mormaer went to
entreat the clerics that they should make prayer for the son that health should come
to him, and he gave in offering to them from Cloch in tiperat to Cloch pitte mic
Garnait. They made the prayer, and' health came to him. After that Columcille gave
to Drostan that town, and blessed it, and left as his word, " Whosoever should come
against it let him not be many yeared or victorious." Drostan's tears (deara) came in
parting with Columcille. Said Columcille let Dear be its name henceforward.
There are records of similar grants down to the time of King
David I., to whom the book was produced in evidence of the
rights of the monks, and who confirmed these rights.
The picture, then, which we have of the condition of a tuath,
or tribe territory, at the time which we are considering, seems to
be this : The land was divided into (first) the Mensal lands of
the kings, and, in some cases, of the inferior chiefs, who had
established septs ; (second) into land possessed as property by
the Flaths, and occupied partly by themselves, as demesne lands
cultivated by Bothacks and Fuidirs, and partly by their Ceiles,
whether bond or free ; (third) the land granted to the church
and occupied by the monastic community, and tilled partly by
them, and partly by their Ceiles, Bothacks, and Fuidirs ; (foiirth)
the common tribe land, to which every free tribesman had a
right ; and (fifth) the waste land of the tribe, over which all the
members of the tribe had a common right of pasturage, the num-
ber of cattle or other stock which they were entitled to graze being
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 123
apparently regulated by their rank in the tribe. The common tribe
land was probably divided periodically. As population increased
new portions of the waste and unoccupied land would naturally
be appropriated to the common occupation, and, as I take it, this
land would be mainly occupied by communities of families living
together in a sort of co-partnery, dividing the arable land among
them at stated intervals, and regulating the division, perhaps,
according to the varying number of families ; and having an
elective head man to represent them in the assemblies of the
tribe, to make contracts for them, and to be witness, surety,
suitor, and defendant for them in law-suits — points to which
apparently very great importance were attached.
The tie which bound the inhabitants of these territories
together was certainly first tribal — the belief that they were all
of one kindred — but second, there were . certain tributes and
services which each tribesman seems to have owed, either in
virtue of his membership of the tribe, or of his consequent
possession of a part of the tribe land. These services were
mainly four — First, a certain tribute in kind, which, in Ireland
was called bestighi, or house tax, in Scotland cain or can.
Second, the right of the chief or lord to entertainment for
himself and his followers in the house of his tenant for so many
nights in the year. This, in Ireland, was called coshering, and
in Scotland conventh, or cuddicht. There are numerous rules
in the Brehon laws intended to prevent the abuse of this right,
and prescribing the number of followers for which each rank was
entititled to demand entertainment, and the kind of entertain-
ment they were entitled to receive. Thus, of one rank it is
provided that his feeding is to be " new milk and groats, and of
corn meal and butter on Sunday. He is entitled to seasoned
fowl, dulesc (that is dulse), onions, and salt." Of another that
his company is seven, and that he " gets butter, with condiments,
and bacon and ale, and new milk, for he is entitled to them on
the second, on third, on fifth, on ninth, on tenth, on Sunday." The
third and fourth services were attendance on the king on internal
and external expeditions, and assistance at building his dun or
fort. When there were intermediate chiefs they appear to have
been responsible to the king for the services of all those living
under them.
(To be continued.)
124
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
IX.— THE GAELIC GODS IN HISTORY.
MATERIAL for reconstructing the Olympus of the Gaels is not at
all so scanty as we have found it to be in the case of the Welsh.
There is, it is true, no general description of the Irish Olympus,
but references to particular deities are not uncommon. The
earliest reference to any Irish gods occurs in one of the oldest
monuments we possess of the Gaelic language ; a manuscript of
the St Gall Monastery contains incantations to the powers Dian-
cecht and Goibniu. This manuscript Zeuss sets down as of the
eighth century, and it is, therefore, eleven hundred years old.
Cormac's glossary, originally composed in the ninth century,
mentions as deities Art, Ana, Buanann, Brigit, Neit, and Manan-
nan. Keating quotes from the Book of Invasions a poem that
makes the Dagda " king of heaven," and he further enumerates
Badb, Macha, and Morrighan as the three goddesses of the
Tuatha-de-Danann. The Tuatha-de-Danann themselves appear
often in the tales as the fairy host, the Side that dwell in the
Land of Promise ; they interfere in the affairs of mortals long
after they are represented as having been expelled from Ireland,
thus, if not actually mentioned as having been the pagan gods of
the Gael, yet, despite the rampant Euhemerism of Irish tales and
histories, implicitly considered as such. And again, by adopting
the same method as in the case of the Welsh myths, we shall
make the Irish myths and histories, with their imposing array of
invasions and genealogies, deliver up the deities they have con-
signed to the ranks of kings and heroes.
We must, however, first briefly indicate the leading points
of early Irish history, as set down in the sober pages of their own
annalists. Forty days before the flood the Lady Caesair, grand-
daughter of Noah, with fifty girls and three men, came to Ireland.
This is reckoned as the first " invasion" or " taking" of Ireland.
Of course she and her company all perished when the flood came
— all, with one doubtful exception. For some legends, with more
patriotism than piety, represent Fionntan, the husband of Caesair,
as actually surviving the flood. The way in which he accom-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 125
plished this feat is unlike that of the ancestor of the Macleans,
who weathered the flood in an ark of his own. Fionntan, when
the flood began, was cast into a deep sleep, which continued for
a year, and when he woke he found himself in his own house at
Dun-Tulcha, in Kerry somewhere (for O'Curry has not been able
exactly to localise this important event). He lived here con-
temporaneously with the various dynasties that ruled in Ireland
down to the time of Dermot in the sixth century of our era. He
then appears for the last time, " with eighteen companies of his
descendants," in order to settle a boundary dispute, since he was
the oldest man in the world, and must know all the facts. This
~story is not believed in by the more pious of the historians, for
it too flagrantly contradicts the Scriptures. It, therefore, falls
under O'Curry's category of "wild stories ;" these are stories which
contain some historic truth, but are so overloaded with the fictions
of the imagination as to be nearly valueless. The Irish historians
have as much horror of a blank in their history, as nature was
once supposed to have of a vacuum. The Lady Caesair fills the
blank before the flood ; Partholan and his colony fill the first
blank after the flood. He came from Migdonia, the middle of
Greece, " twenty-two years before the birth of Abraham," and
was the ninth in descent from Noah, all the intermediate names
being duly given. He was not in the island ten years when the
Fomorians, or sea-rovers, disturbed him. These Fomorians were
a constant source of trouble to all succeeding colonists, and some-
times they actually became masters of the country. Some three
hundred years after their arrival, the colony of Partholan was cut
off by a plague. Plagues, and eruptions of lakes and springs, fill
up the gaps in the annals, when genealogies and battles are not
forthcoming. For thirty years after the destruction of Partho-
lan's colony, Ireland was waste. Then came Nemed and his
sons, with their company, from " Scythia," in the year before
Christ 2350. They were not long in the island when the Fomo-
rians again appeared, and began to harass the Nemedians. Both
parties were extremely skilled in Druidism, and they opposed
each other in a fierce contest of spells as well as blows. The
Fomorians were finally routed. Nemed was the 1 2th in descent
from Noah. He had four sons — Starn, Jarbonnel, Fergus, and
Aininn. Some two hundred and sixteen years after coming to
126 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Ireland, the Nemedians were overthrown by the Fomorians and
the plague together, and only thirty escaped under the leadership
of the three cousins, grandsons of Nemed, Simeon Breac, son of
Starn ; Beothach, son of Jarbonnel ; and Britan Mael, son of Fergus.
Simeon Breac and his party went to Greece, and after eleven
generations returned as the Firbolgs. Beothach, with his clan,
went to the northern parts of Europe, where they made them-
selves perfect in the arts of Divination, Druidism, and Philo-
sophy, and returned eleven generations later as the Tuatha-de-
Danann. Britan Mael, with his family, went to Mona, and from
there poured their descendants into the island, which is now
called Britain, after their leader, Britan Mael. The Firbolgs,
the descendants of Starn, son of Nemed, being oppressed in
Greece, much as the Israelites were in Egypt, returned to Ireland,
and took possession of it. " They were called the Firbolgs," we
are told, " from the bags of leather they used to have in Greece for
carrying soil to put on the bare rocks, that they might make
flowery plains under blossom of them." The Firbolgs held Ire-
land for thirty-six years, and then they were invaded by their
1 2th cousins, the Tuatha-de-Danann, the descendants of Jarbon-
nel, son of Nemid. Next to the Milesian colony yet to come,
the Tuatha-de-Danann are the most important by far of the
colonists, for in them we shall by-and-bye discover the Irish gods.
What the annalists tell of them is briefly this. They came from
the north of Europe, bringing with them " four precious jewels ;"
the first was the Lia Fail, the Stone of Virtue or Fate, for where-
ever it was, there a person of the race of Scots must reign ;
the sword of Luga Lamfada ; the spear of the same ; and the
cauldron of the Dagda, from which " a company never went away
unsatisfied." The Tuatha landed in Ireland on the first of May,
either 1900 or 1500 years before Christ, for the chronologies
differ by only a few hundred years. They burned their ships as
a sign of " no retreat," and for three days concealed themselves
in a mist of sorcery. They then demanded the Firbolgs to yield,
which, however, they would not do, and the great battle of Moy-
tura South was fought. The Firbolgs were routed with immense
slaughter. Nuada, leader of the Tuatha-De" in the battle, lost
his hand in the fight, but Credne Cerd, the artificer, made a silver
one for him, and Diancecht, the physician, fitted it on, while
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 127
Miach, his son, infused feeling and motion into every joint and
vein of it. For thirty years the Tuatha held undisputed posses-
sion of Erin, but the Fomorians, who were continually hovering
about the coast, now made a determined effort to conquer them.
The battle of Moytura North was fought between them. In
it Nuada of the Silver Hand fell, and so did Balor of the Evil
Eye, leader of the Fomorians. He was slain by his grandson
Luga of the Long Arms, who was practically leader of the Tuatha,
and who succeeded to the kingship on the death of Nuada. After
a reign of forty years Luga died, and was succeeded by the Dagda
Mor, the central figure of the Tuatha-de-Danann, and in the pages
of our Euhemerist annalists, an inscrutable and misty personage.
O'Curry ventures even to call him a demigod. The Dagda was
the twenty-fourth in descent from Noah ; let it be observed that
Nemid was the twelfth in descent. The Firbolg chiefs also were
in the twenty-fourth generation from Noah. Among the leading
personages of the Tuatha were Manannan, the son of Alloid or
Lir ; Ogma, son of Elathan, and brother of the Dagda, surnamed
" Sunface ;" Goibniu, the smith; Luchtine, the carpenter; Danann,
mother of their gods ; Brigit, the poetess ; Badb, Macha, and
Morrigan, " their three goddesses," says Keating The Tuatha
held Erin for nigh two hundred years, but when MacCuill, Mac-
Cecht, and MacGreine, who were so called " because Coll, Cecht,
and Grian, the hazel, the plough, and the sun, were gods of wor-
ship to them," were ruling over Ireland with their respective
queens Banba, Fodla, and Eire (three names of Ireland), the last
colony of all appeared on the southern coast. These were the
Milesians or Gaels from Spain and the East. They were in no
respect related to the previous races, except that they were equally
with them descended from Noah, Golam Miled, after whom they
were called Milesians, being the twenty-fourth from Noah in
direct descent. They were also called Gaels or Gaidels from an
ancestor Gadelus, the seventh in descent from Noah, and son of
Scota, daughter of Pharaoh. The family lived for the most part
in Egypt, but Golam Miled, who was also married to a second
Scota, daughter of Pharaoh, settled in Spain. The sons of Miled,
to avenge a relative's murder, resolved to invade Erin. Under
the leadership of Heber, Heremon, and Amergin, and accom-
panied by Scota, a vast army in many ships invaded Ireland.
128 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
No resistance was offered at first. The Milesians arrived at Tara,
and there met the three kings and queens of the Tuatha-de-
Danann. The latter complained of being taken by surprise, and
asked the Milesians to embark again on board their ships and
allow them have a chance of opposing their landing. The Mile-
sians assented, entered their ships, and retired for " nine waves "
on the sea. On facing about again no Ireland was to be seen !
The Tuatha by their sorcery had made the island as small as a pig's
back, and the Milesians could therefore not see it. In addition to this
they raised a violent storm on the sea, with clouds and darkness
that could be felt. Many Milesian ships were lost, and the
danger was brought to an end only when Amergin, who was also
a Druid, pronounced a Druidic prayer, or oration, evidently
addressed to the Tuatha De", and the storm ceased. They then
landed peaceably; but they did not get the island without a few
battles of a very hazy sort, indeed. It probably at first was
intended to be shown that the Tuatha allowed them to land, and
themselves retired to the Land of Promise — the country of the
Side — where they still took an interest in mortal affairs, and often
afterwards appeared in Irish history and tales. The Milesians, or
Gadelians or Gaels, are a purely mortal race ; they were, in fact,
the dominant race of Ireland in historic times. Their history and
full genealogies from some thirteen hundred years before Christ
till the introduction of Christianity, are gravely told in the
Annals of the Four Masters and Keating's Ireland ; every king
has his pedigree given, and many are the details that are recorded
of their doings in war and in peace, in society, and in the chase,
in law, and in the care and seizure of land and of cattle.
Mythic persons constantly flit across the page ; the demigods
become mere mortal chiefs, and the " last reflections " of the
sun-god appear in the features of Cuchulainn and Finn.
There are many interpretations put upon the history that we
have just summarily given. Naturally enough, ethnological
theories form the greater part of such explanations. The leading
invasion's of the Firbolgs, Fomorians, Tuatha-de-Danann and
Milesians, are made use of to refute or support some favourite
theory about the various races that go to compose the Irish nation.
Two hundred years ago an Irish genealogist, of the name of
Dubaltach MacFirbisigh, advanced the theory, doubtless sup-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 129
ported by tradition, that " every one who is white-skinned, brown-
haired, bountiful in the bestowal on the bards of jewels, wealth,
and rings, not afraid of battle or combat, is of the Clanna-Miled
(the Milesians) ; every one who is fair-haired, big, vindictive,
skilled in music, druidry, and magic, all these are of the Tuatha-
de-Danann ; while the black-haired, loud-tongued, mischievous,
tale-bearing, inhospitable churls, the disturbers of assemblies, who
love not music and entertainment, these are of the Feru-bolg and
the other conquered peoples." Skene, in modern times, gives this
theory of MacFirbisigh in our modern terms : the Firbolgs be-
long to the Iberian or Neolithic and pre-Celtic tribes ; the Celts
themselves are divided into Gaels and Britons ; the Gaelic branch
is again subdivided into (i) a fair-skinned, large-limbed, and red-
haired race — the Picts of Caledonia and the Tuatha-de-Danann
of Ireland ; and (2), a fair-skinned, brown-haired race, " of a less
Germanic type," represented in Ireland by the Milesians, and in
Scotland by the band of invading Scots. We have already pre-
sented the best modern scientific views on the ethnology of these
islands ; there would appear to have been three races — (i), A
primitive small, dark, long-headed race, of the Basque type in
language and Iberian in physique ; (2), a fair, tall, rough-featured,
round-headed, and rough-limbed race, also pre-Celtic, which we
called the Finnish ; and (3), the Celts, fair, straight-featured,
long-headed and tall, and belonging to the Aryan family. We
might equate the Firbolgs with the dark Iberian race ; the
Tuatha-de-Danann with the Finnish race ; and the Milesians
with the Celts. The legendary and traditional account can
easily be fitted into the present scientific view of the subject. But,
after all, the truth of such a theory must be gravely doubted ;
even its agreement with proper scientific methods in such cases
must be questioned. We may grant that the strong contrast
between a small dark race and a tall fair race might give rise to
a myth like that of the Firbolgs and Tuatha-de-Dananns. But
in Wales, where the contrast is even stronger, no such myth
exists. Again, the Milesians were really fair-haired and not
brown-haired ; the heroes of Ulster are all fair or yellow-haired,
and so are the Feni. It is best, therefore, to adopt a purely
mythological explanation of the matter. Despite its pseudo-
historical character, the whole history of the invasions of the
H
130 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Firbolg, De-Dananns, and Fomorians appears to be a Gaelic
counterpart of what we see in Greek mythology, the war of the
rough and untamed powers of earth, sea, and fire, against the
orderly cosmos of the Olympians ; the war, in short, of the giants
and Titans against Zeus and his brothers. The Firbolgs may be,
therefore, looked upon as the earth-powers ; too much stress need
not be laid on the fact that they and their brethren, the Fir-
Domnans, were wont to dig the soil, make pits, and carry earth
in bags to make flowery plains of bare rocks ; but it should be
noticed that they always meet the Tuatha-de-Danann as natives
of the soil repelling invaders. The gods of the soil often belong
to a pre-Aryan people, while the greater gods, the Olympians
and the Tuatha-de-Danann, are intrusive, the divinities of the
new-comers into the land, the patrons of warriors and sea-faring
men. Behind these last there often stand deities of older birth,
those who had been worshipped in ancient days by the simple
and settled folk of the land. Such were Pan or Hermes of Arcadia,
Dionysus of Thrace, and Demeter and Dione. The Firbolgs
may, therefore, be looked on as either the homely gods of pre-
ceding tribes of the non-Aryan races, or as answering to the
giants and Titans of kindred Aryan races. " The King of the
Feru-Bolg," says Mr Fitzgerald, " Eothaile — whom we shall find
reason to suspect to be a fire-giant — fled from the field when the
day was lost, ' in search of water to allay his burning thirst,' and
by the water of the sea he fell on Traigh-Eothaile, ' Eothaile's
Strand,' in Sligo. His great cairn, still standing, on this strand
was one of the wonders of Ireland, and though not ap-
parently elevated, the zvater could never cover it" If we turn
to the Fomorians, we shall find quite as easy an explanation.
The meaning of the word is " Sea-rover ;" it has always been
derived from the words "fo," under, and "muir," sea, and the
meaning usually attached to the combination has been " those
that rove on the sea." The Fomorians are, therefore, sea-powers:
the rough, chaotic power of the Atlantic Ocean. They meet the
Tuatha-de-Dannan in the extreme West of Ireland, on the last
day of summer, that is, November eve : the fierce ocean powers
meet the orderly heaven and air gods on the Atlantic borders
when winter is coming on, and the latter do not allow the former
to overwhelm the country. Balor of the Evil Eye, whose glance
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 131
can turn his opponents into stone, and who, in some forms of the
legend, is represented as having only one eye, is very suggestive
of Polyphemus, the giant son of the Grecian ocean god. To this
we may compare the Gaelic tale of the Muireartach, where
the Atlantic Sea is represented as a "toothy carlin," with
an eye in the middle of her forehead. The Tuatha- de-Dan -
anns will, therefore, be simply the gods that beneficially
direct the powers of sky, air, sea, and earth ; they will cor-
respond exactly to Zeus, Poseidon, Pluto, and the rest of the
Grecian god-world, who benignly rule over the heavens, the sea,
and the shades. The Milesians will accordingly be merely the
main body of the Gaelic people, whose gods the Tuatha-de-
Danann are. Why there is jio more open acknowledgment of
the Tuatha-de-Danann as the pagan gods of the Gael may easily
be accounted for. The accounts we have are long posterior to
the introduction of Christianity ; and it was a principle of the
early Christian Church to assimilate to itself, following the true
Roman fashion, all native religions. The native gods were made
saints (especially the female divinities, such as Brigit), fairies,
demons, and kings. Christianity was about five hundred years
established before we have any native record of events ; the
further back we go the nearer do the Tuatha-De come to be
gods. Even in the 8th century an Irish monk could still invoke
Goibniu and Diancecht, the Tuatha gods answering to Vulcan
and Arsculapius, for relief from, and protection against, pain.
(To be continued.)
THE GLASGOW LOCHABER HIGHLANDERS.— The fifteenth annual
meeting of the Natives of Lochaber, and their friends, was held in the Queen's
Rooms, Glasgow, on Friday, I4th December, Mr Charles Eraser- Mackintosh, M.P.
(who delivered a very interesting address on Lochaber, its history and people), in the
chair. On the platform were the Rev. L. Maclachlan, of St Columba ; Rev. William
Thomson, Greenock ; Donald Macphee, Procurator- Fiscal, Glasgow, and President
of the Association ; Hugh Austin, Vice-President ; Alex. Mackenzie, Editor of the
Celtic Magazine ; Alex. Kennedy and A. C. Macintyre, Joint Secretaries ; A. W.
Macleod and Hugh Macleod, representing the Skye Association; Henry Whyte,
Charles M. Ramsay, of the Citizen, and Peter Stewart, representing the Inverness-
shire Association ; and several others. Mr Mackenzie and Mr Macphee delivered
short addresses, the former speaking both in Gaelic and English.
I32 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
Concluded.
X. — DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE.
OF RENT AND TAXATION. — i. In the introduction to his Manual
of Political Economy, Mr Fawcett remarks : — " Political economy,
if kept within its proper limits, does not provide a code of social
ethics which will enable us to decide what is right or wrong, and
what is just or unjust." It is, perhaps, as difficult to define the
limits of political economy as it might be to write a code of social
ethics, and as the principles of the former science do not com-
mand universal assent, it may be safely asserted that the politics
of the country are likely to be shaped in future more for the
public benefit, if governed without such aids, by a mere sense of
what is right or wrong, and what is just or unjust. If such claims
of exactness and accuracy were not put forward in support of a
science which has been thrown into confusion by unsettled
theories, it might appear an ill-natured remark to make, that we
should not regret the absence of a code of ethics if it supplied a
good system of logic. The introduction of a false theory into the
reasoning of political economy is like a repeating error in a
mathematical computation ; it vitiates every conclusion. The
Ricardian theory of rent, of which Mr Fawcett is a very stout
advocate, is one of these confusing hypotheses, but as I have dis-
cussed it at some length in a former article, I shall now merely
point out the remarkable way in which Mr Fawcett applies it.
He says —
" From Ricardo's theory of rent there can be adduced the very important pro-
position, that rent is not an element of the cost of obtaining agricultural produce. A
no less eminent writer than the late Mr Buckle has assured his readers that the
proposition just stated can only be grasped by a comprehensive thinker ; we, however,
believe that it may be made very intelligible by a simple exposition. If rent is not an
element of cost of production, food would be no cheaper if all land were arbitrarily
made rent full."
It is not necessary to quote the argument at greater length, as the
last sentence embodies the whole substance of it. The reader will
remember that Mr Buckle referred to the passage in the "Wealth
of Nations," where it is stated that rent " enters into price" or
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 133
forms a component part of it, and he (Mr Buckle) mentioned that
the question was the corner stone of political economy. We
could hardly charge Mr Fawcett with a wilful misrepresentation
of eminent authors, and must suppose that a zealous adherence
to this theory led him into an unconscious error. As rent is a
surplus over the " cost of production," it is a self-evident fact that
it cannot form a part of the cost. If I heap a bushel of corn, and
draw the roller over it, the surplus cannot be contained in the
measure. The surplus constitutes the rent that the producer can
afford to pay, and if this is the important conclusion that may be
drawn from the theory, it only prov«s that land affords a rent,
and shows how well its advocates can argue in a circle. This is
putting the case as it stands between the landlord and the farmer,
with regard to whom the question does not assume all its im-
portance. It must be observed that price and " cost of produc-
tion" are not synonimous terms, and do not represent the same
class of individuals, as the producer and consumer are not, in
political economy, the same person. It is the consumer who
pays the price which includes cost of production and also rent,
and what the school to which Mr Fawcett belongs really wants
to prove is that rent does not form a component part of price,
because, as these economists say, if all land were arbitrarily
made rent-free, it would not make the price of produce any
lower, and there they are satisfied to leave the question. But
what Mr Buckle actually did say is as follows : —
" I may mention the theory of rent, which was only discovered half a century
ago, and which is connected with so many subtle arguments that it is not yet generally
adopted, and even some of its advocates have shown themselves unequal to defend
their own cause."
2. This theory is not so well known to the ears of general
readers as the Malthusian theory of population. These theories
favour the materialistic views of economists who regard the phen-
omena of nature and of human life as resulting from mere physical
causes, and it would seem to be repugnant to the science, and
perhaps to their own notions, to rise to the contemplation of pre-
established laws of design, as manifested in the adaptation of
external nature to the wants of man, on the one hand, and on
the other they overlook those intellectual and moral attributes
which are so liable to be affected for good or evil by political
i34 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
institutions. But whilst the Malthusian theory of population has
been so eagerly seized upon, and applied in a way which that
celebrated and humane author little thought of, his theory of
rent has been considered so little scientific that it has been
relegated to ethics, of which political economy takes no account!
Mr Malthus says : —
" It seems rather extraordinary that the very great benefit which society derives
from that surplus produce of the land which, in the progress of society, falls mainly to
the landlord in the shape of rent, should not yet be fully understood and acknowledged.
I have called this surplus a bountiful gift of Providence, and am most decidedly of
opinion that it fully deserves the appellation."
3. It is clear from the reasoning of Aristotle in his chapter
on distributive justice, referred to in a former article, that he
regarded the rent of land as common property, and refers to it
as a mean proportion. —
"Now, it is clear," he says, "that disjunctive proportion implies four terms;
but continuous proportion is in four terms also ; for it will use one term in place of
two and mention it twice ; for instance, as A to B so is B to C ; B has, therefore,
been mentioned twice. So that if B be put down twice, the terms of the proportion
are four."
Political economy might be more accurately termed the
Science of Social and Economic Ratios, for society is naturally
constituted by gradations of ranks and positions. The reward of
every man must clearly be in some proportion to worth, and
Adam Smith made labour, or human effort, the foundation and
only real standard of value. Now, with regard to rent, it is
obvious that the misconception of the economists arises from not
recognising the truth that the world of man, and its government,
must conform to the pre-established law which awards nothing to
the idler in respect of the soil, for it is impossible to believe that
benificent nature could have made an exception, without the privi-
lege becoming a burden upon society in some form or other.
This surplus, or residuum, arises from trade and commerce, for
which man was designed, and of which Price is the collective expres-
sion, or Mercury, and it has always been regarded in every age
of the world as the revenue of the State, and appropriated for the
support of the Church and civil administration. From the above
reasoning, it appears that rent is a mean proportion, which is in
ratio with cost of production, and capable of bearing the same
ratio with Price, or cost of living to the whole of society. When
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 135
it accrues to the Sovereign (whose throne is the seat of justice
and mercy) it is a mean of justice which is capable of adjusting
the extremes according to the law of geometrical proportion.
But when appropriated by a privileged class it is clear that it
enters into price, from the fact that the indirect taxation, which
has been substituted for it, enters into the cost of living, and from
this it appears that it is a mean proportion, and homologous with
taxation. Then if all taxation were commuted into a rent charge?
it would become a mean of justice, and society^as a whole, would
enjoy this " gift of Providence."
4. I feel very confident in making the assertion that, in
respect of the first principles of the science, where Adam Smith's
expositions have been traversed, it will eventually be found that
he was correct in his deductions, and that such hypotheses as
have been added since his time, and are not already exploded,
will receive their quietus at the hands of posterity, if not in our
own time. It is true he did not completely eliminate rent as a
labour residuum, nor point it out exclusively as the revenue of
the Sovereign, but it must be admitted that he came so remark-
ably near it as to leave very little excuse for his successors in
departing so widely from his doctrine. He considered the ratio
of rent to the cost of production to range between one-fourth
and one-fifth of the gross rental, and as late as 1775 (the date of
the publication of the " Wealth of the Nations") he stated the
question as it then stood with reference to taxation, as follows : —
" In the present state of the greater part of the civilised monarchies of Europe,
the rents of all the lands in the country, managed as they perhaps would be if they
belonged to one proprietor, would scarce, perhaps, amount to the ordinary revenue
which they levy upon people even in peaceable times. The ordinary revenue of
Great Britain, for example, including not only what is necessary for defraying the
current expense of the year, but for paying the interest of the public debts, and for
sinking a part of the capital of those debts, amounts to upwards of ten millions a-year.
But the land-tax, at four shillings in the pound, falls short of two millions a-year.
Both ground rents and ordinary rent of land are a species of revenue
which the owner, in many cases, enjoys without any care or attention of his own.
Though a part of this revenue should be taken from him in order to defray the ex-
penses of the State, no discouragement will thereby be given to any sort of industry.
The annual produce of the land and labour of the society, the real wealth and revenue
of the great body of the people, might be the same after such a tax as before. Ground
rents and the ordinary rent of land are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue
which can best bear to have a peculiar tax imposed upon them."
Keeping in view that the author of the above placed all ex-
i36 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
change value in labour, and made it the foundation of all created
wealth, the phenomenon of rent ought to have appeared to him in a
stronger light, and it must be admitted that the case is stated with
too much indecision. The important scientific inquiry, in its practi-
cal bearing, is, manifestly, to estimate, or ascertain, whether in
every civilised and industrial nation, land yields a sufficient
revenue for all the ordinary pacific purposes of State, in excess
of the wages of labour and profits of capital, originally bestowed
upon the ameliorations. The valuation upon which the two
millions were assessed was made in 1692, and it has been gene-
rally supposed (as we may readily believe), that it was much
below the real value at that period. In 1775, after the lapse of
83 years of great commercial activity, and a large increase of
population, it is, perhaps, not too much to estimate the lands of
the United Kingdom to have trebled that valuation. This would
give a revenue of six millions. Now, the interest on the public
debt in 1775 was nearly four and a-half millions, and we cannot
suppose that a natural law would provide for a war fund. De-
ducting this from the total revenue there would be left only five
and a-half millions as the ordinary expenses of Government,
on a peace footing, which would be more than covered by a land-
tax, or rent, at the supposed increase in the value of land. If we
deduct the interest of the public debt from our present heavy
expenditure, the ordinary expenses of the State would probably
be covered by ground- rents and the ordinary, or natural, rent of
land. But as nations are armed to the teeth, we are hardly in a
position, perhaps, to judge what the ordinary expenses on a peace
footing would be. It may be fairly concluded, however, that in
every civilised and industrial nation this " gift of Providence" is
sufficient to meet the expenses of the State, for the civil and
moral government of society.
5. In support of the views of Adam Smith, I quote another
eminent economist of great weight and authority. Dr Chalmers
wrote, just fifty years ago, as follows : —
" The commutation of taxes into a territorial impost, will be the work of a later
age ; though we should rejoice, even now, did we witness a commencement, however
humble, an approximation however slow, to this great political and economical
reform. "
In reference to a question of such deep import, where vast
ETHICS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. 137
interests are involved, confiscation is not an appropriate word to
be bandied about during a period of public excitement, and our
notions on the subject are liable to be further confused by the
expression: " The nationalisation of the land." We could hardly
imagine the land to be denationalised except by conquest,
or by the introduction of another race of inhabitants ; and
what those reformers really mean, as a practicable* measure,
is the nationalisation of rent, which is a much more intel-
ligible expression, besides which, there is the great advantage
of having a constitutional precedent to go upon, as well as the
opinions of philosophers and economists, who were certainly not
second to men of the present day in either of these departments
of human knowledge, and who did not discuss politics minus a
code of ethics, or a sense of right and wrong, of justice and in-
justice.
Although the corrupt and servile Parliaments of last century
practically voted themselves free of the land tax, and threw the
taxation of the country upon the commercial and industrial
classes, it is still an inalienable right of society to reimpose it.
On the passing of the Commutation Act, Mr Pitt entered a
caveat to the effect that the Act was not to preclude that or any
other Parliament from reimposing it ; and after so long enjoy-
ment of an ever increasing increment it is evidently absurd to
regard an equitable adjustment of taxation as confiscation. What
may truly be regarded as unjust is to confiscate part of the hard-
won earnings of the working classes. For instance, a crofter from
Tiree goes to town to sell the produce of his labour, and, among
other things, buys, say I Ib. tea, 2s. 6d.; I Ib. coffee, is. 6d.; I
Ib. tobacco, 43.; and a bottle of whisky, 33. 6d.; in all iis. 6d.
Out of this portion of his wages the Government confiscates no
less than 53. pd., just the one-half; so that the Duke of Argyll
may appropriate the sea-weed, and permit it to be worked on the
" truck system."
Unjustly, however, as the burden of taxation falls on the
working classes, it is, perhaps, not so much in that respect that
the country suffers, as by the restraints that are imposed upon
agricultural industry and individual freedom, resulting in the dis-
location of society by driving the rural population into towns, to
overstock the labour market, and swell the pauper roll Recent
I38 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
legislation, and the discussions which proceeded upon it, have
clearl^shown that all attempts to adjust equities between land-
lord and tenant can only result in a flood of litigation, and post-
pone a more radical reform. The natural position of the
agriculturist and house-owner is to own the lands which they
occupy, irrespective of the size of holdings. This is to be a
freeman, which is an essential condition to every progressive
and harmonious society. It is an essential of liberty that a man
should be as free to remain in his locality as to leave it. If
under the necessity to place himself in the bondage of a lease to
another man he is no longer a freeman. The nature of the land,
as well as the principle of liberty, does not sanction the unnatural
relationship. The private appropriation of the gift of Providence
to society, and using this privilege as an instrument of power and
oppression, is an evident transgression of a moral-physical law,
which receives not the sanction of nature or of human nature.
Guernsey. MALCOLM MACKENZIE.
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES.
WE observe with sincere pleasure that, through the liberality of friends of the Celtic
Chair, a considerable sum has been provided for distribution a? prizes at the close of
the first session. Professor Blackie has himself contributed £2$, with promise of
other £2$ ; the Inverness, Ross, and Nairn Club, £10 ; and the Edinburgh Suther-
land Association, .£5. 55. A fund has also been set on foot for the purpose of
establishing travelling scholarships in connection with the Chair, to which the fol-
lowing sums have already been devoted, viz:— £12. I2S. from the Heather Club,
Edinburgh ; .£10 from Mr Shepherd, Burntisland ; ^100 from a Highland land-
owner ; and ^25 from Mr Ralph Carr Ellison of Dunstanhill, Newcastle. Nothing
could be better calculated to give a healthy stimulus to the work of the Celtic classes
than such incitements as these rewards afford, and we earnestly hope that the
better-to-do friends of the Gael, in all parts of the world, will follow the good
example shown in this very encouraging beginning. An admirable medium through
which such aid might be applied, would be the movement now a-foot under the guid-
ance of the Council of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, for the collection of a fund in
recognition of the unprecedented labours of Professor Blackie, in establishing the
Chair. The proposed Testimonial will, in the main, in terms of the Professor's own
desire, assume the form of rewards and incitements to the students of the Gaelic
language and literature in connection with the Celtic Chair.
An association with objects quite kindred with the bursary and scholarship
scheme of the Celtic Chair, and one the importance of whose good work in this field
cannot be over estimated, is the Ladies' Highland Bursary Association, which held its
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES. 139
annual meeting in Edinburgh in the month of November, under the presidency of
Principal Tulloch. The general object of the Association is to give tangible en-
couragement to Gaelic students prosecuting their studies with the v;ew of entering the
ministry of the Church of Scotland. The Rev. Mr Mackenzie, of Kingussie, the inde-
fatigable Secretary of the Association, presented the Report, which testified to a very
large amount of successful work. It gives us pleasure to note that the capital «of the
scheme seems quite appropriately to be centred in the Capital of the Highlands.
Out of sixteen bursars to be provided for, no fewer than thirteen are attending Rain-
ing's School, Inverness. It were well that in other populous centres in the Highlands
there should be similar auxiliaries in the work of preparing students for the more
systematic studies of the Celtic Chair.
Much as the gradual decay of the Gaelic language is to be observed on every
hand, there is no agency to which even the present hopeful condition of things, and
the great interest taken in the cause of that language and its literature, are more largely
attributable than to the labours of the late venerated Dr Norman Macleod of St
Columba's, Glasgow. It was, therefore, most appropriate that the centenary of his
birth should not be allowed to pass without some demonstration. Accordingly there
was held in the City Hall, Glasgow, on the 4th of December, a gathering of some
2000 of the friends and admirers of " Caraide nan Gaidheal," presided over by the
energetic and genial minister of St Columba, Mr Maclachlan. Among those who
took part in the meeting were Dr Macleod's youngest son, the Editor of Good Words ;
his nephews, Dr Norman Macleod, of Edinburgh, and Dr John Macleod, of
Govan ; Professor Blackie, Sheriff Nicolson, the Rev. Mr Blair, and others. In our
day of cheap postage, easy communication, and literary activity, it is not easy to
realise even the mechanical difficulties of conducting single-handed, as Dr Macleod
did, such an enterprise as the " Teachdaire Gaidhealach," which made its visits
regularly month after month among our hills and glens, carrying its budget of sweet
and racy anecdote, ancient history and lore, and its eagerly-looked-for items of con-
temporary intelligence.
No less pleasant are the reminiscences still fresh among us of the period, some
dozen years later, when " Cuairtear nan Gleann," under more encouraging physical
circumstances, but in greatly more troublous times, made its welcome visits. To
these two agencies are particularly due any measure of romance attaching to Gaelic
literature in Scotland, as well as the wonderful state of preservation in which we have
the language still among us, notwithstanding the cold and repressive attitude of
School Boards and teachers.
To Dr Macleod also we credit the fact that, notwithstanding the paucity of
the remains of ancient Gaelic in Scotland as compared with Ireland, the modern
literature of the Scottish dialect is largely in excess in point of quantity, and we
venture also to say much superior in literary and classical excellence, to the productions
of the present day Celts of the sister island. All honour, then, to the memory of
Dr Norman Macleod, of St Columba. The bright halo of the good man, and the
healthy influence of his handiwork, have passed down from generation to generation
of the sons of the Gael, and even yet in a foreign land how many a hearth is cheered
HO THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
with a rehearsal of what the fathers have told of the times and tales of the
" Teachclaire," and " Cuairtear."
" The page may be lost, and the pen long forsaken,
And weeds may grow wild o'er the brave heart and hand ;
But ye are still left when all else hath been taken,
Like streams in the desert sweet tales of our land."
WOODS, FORESTS, AND ESTATES OF PERTHSHIRE, WITH
SKETCHES OF THE PRINCIPAL FAMILIES OF THE COUNTY,
By THOMAS HUNTER. Perth : Henderson, Robertson, & Hunter. 1883.
NEXT to Mr Hunter's "pleasure in the pathless woods" will be the delight of every
reader of this charming book. It consists, as he tells us in his preface, of sketches which
originally appeared in the Perthshire Constitutional, of which Mr Hunter is the ac-
complished editor and part proprietor. In an introductory chapter, the author dis-
courses pleasantly on the impressive effects produced by the appearance of a woody
landscape, and the important part which the trees of the forests play in the economy
of Nature. After placing the poets, sacred and profane, under tribute in illustrating
his essay, he sums all up as follows: — "All our 'ideas of beautiful scenery are
associated with woods. The landscape that is destitute of trees presents a barren and
uninteresting appearance, while a country that is rich in arboreal features is as re-
freshing to the eye as is a sheet of water in an arid land. The majestic oak with its
grey rifted trunk and its dark indented foliage, and the equally majestic beech with its
fine silvery bark and pale green leaves add dignity and grace to the well-kept ancestral
park. The light graceful birch which overhangs the mountain stream, imparts to the
landscape that fairy-like charm, which is so attractive to the lover of the picturesque ;
while the pine with its straight tall stem and evergreen foliage clothes the landscape
with a pleasing uniformity."
The commercial importance of tree planting is strongly presented ; and this is
a feature of Mr Hunter's work which cannot be too much laid to heart by proprietors
and administrators of Highland property. Even to those who devote their attention
to the rearing of game, no condition of country is more profitable than that which
affords the most cover, while it is well known that its grazing capacity and the shelter
it supplies against the winter's storms is highly favourable to the raising of stock. It
can thus be found that successful cultivation and abundant game are not at all so
inimical to each other when properly regulated as might be supposed.
A second chapter of a general character is devoted by Mr Hunter to a comparison
of the past and present arboreal character of the county of Perth. We are also
furnished with an interesting table, showing the acreage under trees in all the counties
of Scotland. Taking the Highland counties we find that Inverness tops the list with
162,201 acres ; Perthshire comes next with 94,563 ; Ross and Cromarty, 43,201 ;
Argyle, 42,741 ; Sutherland, 12,260; Nairn, 13,241; Bute, 3,454; and Caithness,
210 acres, respectively. The woods of Perthshire Mr Hunter estimates at ^"35 per
acre, showing a total value for the county of nearly three and a half millions sterling.
Proceeding to details, he devotes his next chapter to a description of Athole,
with its gigantic forests and its stately trees. He goes in a similar manner over all
the important districts of the county, leaving scarce a tree unvisited. His pages teem
with entertaining gossip, about not merely the trees and woods, but the people and
WOODS AND FORESTS OF PERTHSHIRE. 141
their history as gathered by him in the course of his enthusiastic rambles. Visiting
Glenlyon, for example, he makes a discovery which may well surprise the natives of
that respectable neighbourhood. It is no less a fact than that Pontius Pilate of
evil memory was actually born in the parish. Let Mr Hunter state his grounds for,
this astounding assertion in his own words. He says, page 430 :- —
" The story told concerning it being the birthplace of the Roman Governor of
Judea in the days of our Saviour is very circumstantial, and there is no reason to
believe that it may not be absolutely true. We are told that a short time previous to
the birth of Christ, Caesar Augustus sent an embassy to Scotland, as well as other
countries, with the view of endeavouring —what has been so often tried since — to effect a
universal peace. The Roman ambassadors are said to have met Metellanus, the
Scottish King, in this region, one of the ambassadors being the father of Pontius
Pilate. As the story goes, a son was born to the ambassador at Fortingall while he
was sojourning there on his laudable mission, and it is asserted that the son was the
veritable Governor of Judea whose name is handed down to us in Holy Writ. It is,
at all events, certain that such a mission was sent to Scotland by Caesar Augustus
about the time of the birth of Pontius Pilate, and that Metallanus received the ambas-
sadors at Fortingall, where he was hunting and holding Court. The ambassadors
brought rich presents with them, and the Scottish King, who was desirous of friendly
relations with the Masters of the World, sent valuable gifts to the Emperor in return,
and was successful in obtaining ' an amitie with the Romans, which continued betwixt
them and his kingdome for a long time after.' The tradition may, therefore, be per-
fectly true. The remains of the Roman Camp are pointed out by the natives, with no
small pride, although it requires some examination to trace its outline —
' No towers are seen
On the wild heath, but those that fancy builds,
And, save a fosse that tracks the moor with green,
It nought remains to tell of what may there have been.
And yet grave authors, with no small waste
Of their grave time, have dignified the spot
By theories to prove the fortress placed
By Roman hands to curb the invading Scot.'
The camp is traditionally said to have been formed by Agricola, who fought a battle
with the Caledonians in the neighbourhood. Many interesting Roman remains have
been found from time to time in and about the site of the camp. Of these may be
mentioned a Roman standard, the shaft of which encloses a five-fluted spear, and
which is preserved at Troup House. In the praetorium of the camp was found a vase
of curious mixed metal, and in shape resembling a coffee-pot. This was found about
1733, and is preserved in Taymouth Castle. Of late years a number of urns and flint
arrow-heads have been picked up in and around the camp. The camp is situated
about a quarter of a mile west of the village, the outline of the camp being about one
and a-half acre. The ramparts are almost entirely levelled with the ground, but can
still be traced. The praetorium is remarkably complete, as also the marks of a deep
fosse, which is supposed to have surrounded Agricola's headquarters. The ditch or
outer trench is now in many places filled in, so that its course is not so easily
followed."
Space prevents our quoting further from this delightful book. It will amply
repay perusal by the general reader, while it will prove an invaluable and
reliable guide to the local historian, and pre-eminently so to the connoisseur in
arboriculture and estate management.
Books reviewed, or noticed in our " Literary Notes," or indeed any book, will
be supplied, to order, from the Celtic Magazine Office at the published prices, and
sent by Parcels or Book Post to any address.
H2 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE REV. DONALD MUNRO, M.A., HIGH DEAN
OF THE ISLES.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — I am glad to see from the Celtic for November, just to hand, that you have
resolved to publish a new edition of Dean Munro's "Description of the Western
Islands of Scotland." As you are aware, I am engaged in compiling a History of the
Clan Munro, or Rothaich, and have been successful in collecting a considerable
amount of matter relative to the Clan and individual members of it. The following
are all the " Notes," respecting Dean Munro, I have as yet succeeded in unearthing ;
and I submit them to the readers of the Celtic, in the hope that those of them who
may be in possession of any further information concerning the Dean, or, indeed, any
member of the Clan Munro, will communicate with me, and thereby render valu-
able assistance : —
Donald Munro was the eldest son of Alexander Munro of Kiltearn, by his wife,
Janet, daughter ofFarquhar Maclean of Dochgarroch. Alexander was fourth son of
Hugh Munro I. of Coul, in the palish of Alness, who was second son of George
Munro, tenth Baron of Fowlis, by his second marriage with Christian, daughter of
John Macculloch of Plaids, who was Bailie of the " Girth," or Sanctuary " of Sanct
Duthouis of Tayne" in 1458.
Donald Munro, like his uncle John (from whom the present family of Teaninich
in the parish of Alness is descended) became a churchman. His place of education
is not recorded, but as he was a Master of Arts, it must have been at one of the three
Universities then existing in Scotland, probably at King's College, Aberdeen, where
most of the northern students then generally resorted.
His earliest ecclesiastical preferment, hitherto ascertained, was the Archdeaconry
of the Isles, to which he was nominated in, or shortly after, 1549. The Arch-
deacon in 1544 was Roderick Maclean, in whose favour Bishop Farquhar of the Isles
then resigned his See ; and in 1548, Queen Mary presented " Master Archibald
Munro, Chaplain, to the Archdeaconry, when it should become vacant by the de-
mission of the venerable clerk, Master Roderick M'Clane :" the latter, however, was
not confirmed as Bishop of the Isles by Pope Julius III. till the 5th of March 1550,
and he died in 1553-
Dean Munro visited most of the Western Isles in 1549, and wrote an interesting
account of them in the Scottish dialect, which was first printed from his own MS. at
Edinburgh in 1744, I2mo., pp. 67, with the title, "A Description of the Western
Isles of Scotland, or Hybrides, in 1549, with Genealogies of the Chieff Clans of the
Isles ; by Mr Donald Munro, High Dean of the Isles." Only fifty copies of the work
were printed, and, as it had become scarce, editions of it were reprinted in 1805 and
1818. These are now quite out of print, and it is a work well deserving of being
re-edited, with more care than has hitherto been shown. Buchanan, who was a con-
temporary of his, as also, it is said, a correspondent and acquaintance, mentions the
Archdeacon of the Isles with praise, as "Donaldus Monrous, homo doctus et piusqui
eas Ebrides omnes et ipse peragnavit et oculis per lustravit " ; that is, Donald
Munro, a pious and diligent person (or learned man), who travelled in person over all
those islands, and viewed them exactly."
THE REV. DONALD MUNRO, M.A. 143
In 1563, a charter by Alexander Bain of Tulloch, in the parish of Dingwall, is
witnessed by " Donald Munro, Archdeacon of the Isles."
In "The Register of Ministers and thair Stipendis, sen the Yeir of God 1567,"
preserved in the General Register House, at Edinburgh, and which was printed as a
contribution to the Maitland Club at Glasgow, by Mr A. Macdonald, in Edinburgh,
in 1830, under the " Ministers in Ros," is found " Mr Donald Monro, Commissionar
to plant Kirkis in Ros, and to assist the Bischope of Caitnes in semlable planting
(similar labours), to begyn at Lambmes (ist August) 1563 . . . iiijc merkis " ;
and in the " Register of Ministers and Readers in the Kirk of Scotland," from the
MS. "Booke of the Assignatione of Stipendis" for the year 1574, and printed in
1844, in volume I. of the " Wodrow Society," ably edited by the late David Laing,
under the "Diocie of Ros," occurs, as Commissioner of Ross, "Master Donald Monro,
minister," but his stipend is not specified. At the same time he was minister at Al-
ness, Kiltearn, and Limlair, with a stipend of £66. 135. 4d. Scots, or £$. I is. sterling,
and the kirk lands.
The date of his appointment as parson of Kiltearn was apparently between 1560
and 1563 — that church, as well as those of Alness and Limlair, being Prebends of
the Cathedral of Ross — his total stipend being then £2!. 155. 8d.
In " The Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland," printed in 1839 by the Mait-
land Club, occur the following notices of the Commissioner of Ross, on pages 34, 40
51, 63, 175, 257, and 282 respectively : —
"June 26, 1563. — Commission was given to Mr Donald Monro to plant kirks
within the bounds of Rosse ; to endure only for a year."
On the 27th December following, the General Assembly found that "it was com-
plained that he (Donald Munro) was not so apt to teach as his charge required," and
certain clergymen were " ordained to take a tryall of his gift, and to report to the
Assemblie."
" June 3Oth, 1564. — Mr Donald Munro his commission to plant kirks within Rosse
was continued for a year. "
On the 28th of June of the following year, complaints were given in by Mr Munro
against the Ross-shire ministers for non-residence at their kirks.
The General Assembly, on the 5th of July 1570, ordered assistance to be given
him as Commissioner of Ross, because he " was not prompt in the Scottish tongue" —
the Gaelic language.
On the 6th of March 1573, "the Assemblie, for certain causes moving them,
continued," among other ministers, " Mr Donald Munro in the office of Commission-
arie to plant kirks till the next General Assemblie " ; and his appointment as Com-
missioner of Ross was renewed for the last time at Edinburgh, on the 6th of August
I573) "till the next Assemblie."
A successor was appointed on the 6th of March 1575 ; and it is probable that he
died about the same time, and certainly before the year 1589, when his successor,
Robert Munro, third son of John Munro II. of Balconie, grandson of Hugh Munro I.
of Coul, was parson of Kiltearn.
Tradition states that Donald Munro lived at Castle Craig (the ruins of which still
remain), on the opposite side of the Cromarty Firth, which he crossed by boat, and
preached on Sabbaths in one of his churches — Kiltearn, Alness, or Limlair. He was
evidently a man of some eminence in his time, and inclined to literary pursuits, and
topographical as well as genealogical research. At first he was doubtless a priest of
the Roman Catholic Church, but on the dawn of the Reformation he followed the
144 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
example of his relative and chief, Robert Munro, XV. Baron of Fowlis, and became
a Protestant, when he must have been a man of middle age. It is much to be
regretted that a fuller account of his career is not now available, or known to exist.
The Rev. Dr John Kennedy of Dingwall, in his "Fathers of Ross- shire," page 4,
has the following reference to Commissioner Munro : — " It was in 1563 the first ray
of Reformation light broke through the darkness of Ross-shire. By the General
Assembly of that year, Mr Donald Munro was appointed ' Commissioner of Ross. '
The Lord came with him to his work, and before seven years had passed, the cause
of truth had made such progress in Easter Ross, where he chiefly laboured (?), as to
attract the notice of ' Good Regent Murray ;' who presented to the people of Tain a
pulpit for their church, as an acknowledgment of their zeal." — I am, yours, &c.,
Milnton Cottage, ALEX. ROSS.
Alness, November 1883.
THE "CLACHNAHAGAIG" STONE.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — As I find that the conclusion of my argument respecting the above Stone
has been omitted in the letter you were good enough to publish in your last number,
may I request the favour that you will next month find a corner for what follows : —
The ground I took up in my former letter was that there is no evidence that the
" Clachnahagaig" of James VI. 's Charter was the same as the Clachnahalaig Stone
mentioned on the plans and in title-deeds ; but I intended further to show ttiat, even
as to the position of the latter stone itself, there is much room for difference of opinion;
and at the end of my letter, as it appeared, I adverted to the evidence adduced by Mr
Fraser- Mackintosh in reference to the erection of the present stone on the Canal Bank.
I intended, however, and now wish, to cite important evidence in favour of my
latter contention. In Decree of Special and General Service of Isabella Rose or
Innes and others, dated 7th June, recorded in Chancery 8th June, and in Register of
Sasines 1 2th July 1869, the Dunain Salmon Fishings are described as "on the water of
Ness and Lake of Ness or Loch Ness, from the March Stone called Clachnahalig,
at and in the said Loch." (The italics are mine.) This is from the title of the vendors
of the Estate of Dunain, from whom Sir John Ramsden acquired it, which, therefore,
regulated his rights. In conveying the fishings, however, which he sold to Mr
Fountaine Walker, Sir John inserted the following description of the site of Clach-
nahalig, which, I believe, I am fully justified in saying is not to be found anywhere
in his own titles. He assumed to give "the sole and exclusive right of fishing for
salmon and all other fish in the River Ness, ex adverse of that part of the northern
bank thereof formerly part of the said lands and Estate of Dunain, but now the
property of the Caledonian Canal Commissioners, extending from the Stone called
Clachnahalig, situated at the point where, prior to the formation of said Canal, the
lands of Dunain marched with the lands of Bught, up the river to a point now indi-
cated by a march stone recently erected by me directly opposite the centre of the
mouth of the Laggan Burn."
As the above facts are, I conceive, most important as traversing Mr Fraser-
Mackintosh's assertion that the site of Clachnahalig has been unnecessarily questioned,
my reply to that assertion cannot be complete without their publication. — I am, &c.,
London. ANGUS MACKINTOSH.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot
No. C. FEBRUARY 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XIII.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued. — FINAL SETTLEMENT OF
THE ANCIENT FEUD WITH MACKINTOSH.
LOCHIEL and his clan lived in peace during 1659, though con-
siderable commotion was going on at headquarters. When his
good friend, General Monk, resolved upon supporting the Scot-
tish Parliament against the English Generals, Lochiel determined
to join him, and accompanied him in his famous expedition to
Engi nd, which resulted in the Restoration of Charles II. in
1660. f His reputation had preceded Lochiel in the south, and he
was treated with the greatest civility and consideration, wherever
he went, by the English people, who came in crowds to meet the
Scottish Army, expecting deliverance at their hands, praying for
their success, and petitioning for a free Parliament in England.
Lochiel, who was the guest of Monk during the celebrated march
to London, was carefully provided for in suitable quarters on his
arrival. The General had him along with himself on all occa-
sions where there was opportunity of doing him honour, and
when the King made his triumphant entry to the city, "the
I
146 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
General desired Lochiel to keep all the way as near to him as
he possibly could ; and when his Majesty alighted, it was his own
fault but he held the King's stirrup, as he had an inviting
opportunity. The effect of his modesty, or rather bushfulness,
he had some reason to repent of, for another, who had more
assurance, got before him and performed that office, for which he
was royally rewarded." He was, however, afterwards introduced
to kiss the King's hands ; when he was received very graciously,
the General having previously made known who he was, and the
nature of his merit and services to the Crown. He was also
introduced to the Dukes of York and Gloucester. General
Middleton had already made the former fully acquainted with
Lochiel's position and past history, especially as to the incident
of biting out the Englishman's throat at Achadalew, which had
become a leading subject of conversation in Court circles. The
Duke of York especially received him most graciously, with marks
of esteem and favour, and on several occasions he took pleasure in
chaffing him about the famous mouthful, and other incidents
of his early life.
The garrison at Inverlochy was ordered South, when by an
order of General Monk to Colonel Hill, then governor, the
houses and all the material which could not be shipped was
granted to Lochiel ; while, at the same time, the key of the
fortress itself was given up to him. The order is dated, i8th of
June 1660, at Cockpitt, where General Monk then resided. But
while Lochiel was thus in favour at Court, he was not yet
destined to be free from trouble in his own country, though, for
a time at least, his quarrels were not of a sanguinary nature.
The Marquis of Argyll having been brought to trial before
the Scottish Parliament, condemned and executed, in 1661,
turned out most unfortunately for the Camerons. Lochiel's
uncle, Donald Cameron, who had been his tutor during his
minority, and two others of his relations, having advanced to
Argyll, between 1650 and 1660, the sum of 16,345 merks, ob-
tained a mortgage from him of a certain property which had
been forfeited by the Marquis of Huntly and granted to Argyll,
and as an additional security, he gave them a warranty over the
estates of Suinart and Ardnamurchan, then Argyll's property.
Having been duly infefted in these lands, his relatives made them
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 147
over to Lochiel. On the death of Argyll, Huntly had the estates
regranted to him free of all the debts, and Lochiel was thus left
with nothing but his claim upon Suinart and Ardnamurchan.
Parliament acknowledged this claim, and recommended that a
charter of tl ic lands should be granted to him "suitable to the
extent of the sum" advanced by his relatives, but in consequence
of the crafty and able tactics of his great enemy, the Duke
of Lauderdale, he was unsuccessful in the end, though Monk, now
Duke of Albemarle, Middleton, and the Crown were all in his
favour. " The King, being perpetually dunned by the continued
application of the greatest men of his Court, at last ordered
Lauderdale to present the signature or grant of these lands to be
superscribed by his Majesty, according to the usual form ; and
this being part of his office, as principal Secretary of State, he
was obliged, after repeated orders, to comply at last. But when
the grant came to be laid before the King, he took care that there
should not be as much ink in the pen as would suffice to write
the superscription, so that when his Majesty had wrote the word
' Charles' he wanted ink to add ' Rex,' and though the King often
called for more," not another drop could be procured at the time,
and the matter was left in that incomplete state, while Lauder-
dale induced several of Lochiel's enemies to raise actions against
him for old scores, thus for the time skilfully diverting his atten-
tion from his claims on the lands in question.
The Earl of Callender succeeded in getting Parliament
to grant him a claim against Lochiel for acts committed before
the Restoration, but our hero was afterwards acquitted, the Earl
being unable to substantiate the details of his claim before a
Commission appointed for the purpose.
About the same time Mackintosh again began to press his
ancient claims to the lands of Glenlui and Locharkaig. With
the nature of this claim the reader is already acquainted.
On the advice of Lauderdale, Mackintosh, in 1661, petitioned
Parliament, and ultimately obtained a decree adjudging the lands
to him, and ordering Lochiel not only to divest himself of the
property, but to find security that neither he nor his clan should
for the future molest Mackintosh nor his tenants in the peace-
able possession thereof, under a penalty of 20,000 merks. This
happened in Lochiel's absence, he being at the time at Court in
148 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
London, pushing his claims to the lands of Suinart and Ardna-
murchan, and to a pension of £300 sterling per annum which
the King agreed to grant him, but never effectually carried out.
The action of Parliament in this matter the Court of Session held
to be an encroachment upon its privileges. The Chancellor, Lord
Glencairne, wrote a letter to the " Lord President and Lords of
Session, now sitting at Edinburgh," dated London, ?th June 1661,
to the following effect : —
" Since I came to this place, I understand his Majesty has taken such notice of
the Laird of Lochiell his faithful service done to him, that he has proposed a way
for composing the difference betwixt Mackintosh and him, which will shortly come to
your hands: * I shall desire you, therefore, if Mackintosh offer to take advantage of
Lochiell his absence, or to prevent his Majesty's commands by insisting in action
before you against Lochiell, now in his absence, that you continue the action until you
know his Majesty's further pleasure, which will be signified to you by my return.
This being all at present.— I am, my Lords, &c.,
(Signed) "GLENCAIRNE."
The Lords of Session at once intimated the receipt of
this letter to the Parliament and Privy Council, with the result
that nothing was done until July 1662, when Mackintosh ob-
tained a Decree of Removal against Lochiel and his clan from
the lands in question, based on the sentence of Parliament of the
previous year. The question was debated before the Lords of
Session by the ablest men at the bar, and reasons given on both
sides, for which much could be said ; but legally, Lochiel had the
worst of it, and decree went against him. He had, however,
great influence at Court, and he determined to use it in this
emergency. He at once petitioned the King, who gave him a
private audience, and listened patiently to all he had to say.
Lochiel urged upon his Majesty to interpose his authority, and
compel Mackintosh to accept a sum of money in lieu of his
claim for restitution of the lands ; pointing out that, as the
Camerons were, and had been, in possession for centuries,
they would never give up the lands and their dwellings without
great bloodshed. He foresaw the consequences of attempting to
remove them by force, and he had good reasons to conclude that
this would be the last occasion on which he himself would have
the honour of seeing his King. " He had," he said, " been a
great part of his youth a fugitive and outlaw for his attempting
to serve his Majesty ; but that gave him no great pain, because
HISTORY OF THE CAMKRONS. 149
he suffered in a glorious cause, and only shared in the common
calamities of his country, but henceforth he must resolve to live
among hills and deserts, a fugitive and vagabond, merely
because he was the Chief of a clan for whom, though he was
bound by the law, he was sure he could not answer when they
came to be dispossessed by the ancient enemy of his family."
To this his Majesty replied — " Lochiel, I know that you
were a faithful servant to the Crown, and that you have often,
with great bravery, hazarded your life and fortune in that
cause ; fear not that you shall be long an outlaw, whatever shall
happen in that quarrel, while I have the power of granting a re-
mission ; but as to the affairs of law and private right, I will not
meddle with it, but shall write to my Council to endeavour to
compromise matters, so as to prevent public disturbance. In
the meantime, I think it your interest to hinder Mackintosh's
attaining to possession ; and I assure you that neither life nor
estate shall be in danger while I can save them." Lochiel felt
naturally much encouraged by the reception he had received,
and by the encouragement given him by the King. He informed
the Duke of Albemarle of what had passed between them, and
urged upon him to do all in his power to keep Mackintosh from
getting into favour at Court. His Grace promised every assist-
ance. The Duke of York, to whom Lochiel was previously
known, used his influence with the King in his behalf. His
Royal Highness had also recommended him to the Earl of
Clarendon, then Prime Minister, and to several others of the
leading men at Court, but the Earl of Lauderdale still continued
his implacable enemy, and went the length of opposing the King
writing to his Commissioners in Scotland in Lochiel's favour, as
long as he could; but his Majesty having determined that his
wishes in this should be at once carried out, the following letter
was addressed " To our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved
Cousin and Counsellor, the Earl of Middleton, our Commissioner
to our Parliament in Scotland": —
" CHARLES REX,
"Right Trusty and Well-beloved Cousine and Counsellour, wee
greit yow well. — We haveing formerly written to our Privy Councill about the differ-
ence likely to arise betwixt the Lairds of Macintoish and Locheill, we are still of the
same opinion that though we will not meddle in the point of law or right, which (we
are informed) is already determined, yet we have thought fitt to recommend to your
1 50 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
care, to endeavour so to settle and agree them as the peace of those parts be not dis-
turbed. Given att Hampton Court, the 3Oth May 1662, and of our reign the I4th
year.
" By his Majesty's command. (Signed) " LAUDERDAILL."
Lochiel returned from London, and arrived in Edinburgh
about the same time as this letter, when he found that a warrant
for his seizure and imprisonment had been obtained by Mackin-
tosh during his absence. He at once petitioned the Privy
Council for protection. His request was granted, but it was
only available to the 24th of June immediately following. Dur-
ing this interval he married his second wife, a daughter of Sir
Lachlan Maclean of Duart ; and having done all he could to secure
the active interest of his friends in Parliament and in the Privy
Council, he left Edinburgh before his order of protection had
expired, and in due time arrived with his young lady safely in
Lochaber, to the great joy and gratification of his devoted clans-
men.
Through Lauderdale's influence in the Privy Council, the
King's letter was not read until the 4th of September following,
and in the interval Mackintosh petitioned for a Commission of
Fire and Sword against Lochiel and his friends. Through the
influence of the Commissioner and Chancellor, Mackintosh, on
this occasion, failed in his object; but in 1663 he was more suc-
cessful, and obtained a warrant charging Lochiel to appear before
the Council within fifteen days, upon certification that, if he did
not, their Lordships would issue a Commission of Fire and Sword
against him. He received information of what had occurred
through his friend the Chancellor, but resolved not to appear,
and the commission against him was issued. Among those
named and authorised to execute it were the Marquis of Mon-
trose, the Earls of Caithness, Murray, Athole, Errol, Marshall,
Mar, Dundee, Airlie, Aboyne, and several others of the leading
men in the Lowlands as well as in the Highlands. Letters of
Concurrence and Intercommuning, or Outlawry were issued
against Lochiel, and the whole Clan Cameron ; while all the men
between sixteen and sixty years of age in the Counties of In-
verness, Ross, Nairn, and Perth, were ordered to convene in
arms, and put the law in execution against "these rebels and
outlaws," whenever Mackintosh should consider it fit to call
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 151
them together for that purpose. On his return to Dunachton,
Mackintosh wrote to each of those named in the Commission, and
afterwards visited them in person, urging upon them the neces-
sity of preparing to carry out the Council's commands, but not
one of them would move. On the contrary, they strongly opposed
the action which he proposed, and urged upon him to accept the
money payment which Lochiel was willing to give in satisfaction
of his claim. Mackintosh then resolved to punish the Came-
rons by his own clan, with any of the neighbours which he could
induce to join him. In this he was also unsuccessful, and Lochiel,
in the meantime, to show his determination and ability to fight,
sent several parties to the enemy's country, with instructions to
carry away the cattle of such of the Mackintoshes as were still
willing to follow their Chief on the proposed expedition to Loch-
aber. Mackintosh showed fight, and at once sent a party of his
men on a similar expedition to Lochaber. Ultimately he
arranged with his followers by granting them several demands
which he had previously refused them, and so induced them
to agree to follow him — going the length, in the case of the
Macphersons, of granting " a renunciation of any title or pretence
he had to the Chiefship, and a premium of £100 sterling" for their
services on this occasion.
Lochiel was able to keep himself fully informed of his
enemy's proceedings, and being so far in favour with the princi-
pal Lords of Parliament and of the Privy Council, he succeeded
in procuring an order, signed by the Duke of Rothes, then —
January 1665 — the King's Commissioner to Parliament,command-
ing Mackintosh to appear in Edinburgh within a certain number
of days, and directing him not to put his Commission of Fire
and Sword in force until the pleasure of the Privy Council was
made further known to him. Mackintosh reluctantly obeyed,
but complained bitterly of the action taken against him. To this
he received no reply but a peremptory command to remain in
the city until Lochiel, who had also been sent for, should arrive.
On the appointed day a meeting of the Privy Council was held,
at which the Commissioner, Chancellor, all the principal Officers
of State, and others in authority, were present. Both Lochiel
and Mackintosh put in an appearance, and the King's letter
was read in their hearing. The Chancellor stated that his
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Majesty's zeal for the welfare and happiness of his people, and
the particular commands which he had in consequence laid upon
his Parliament and Council to endeavour to bring about a recon-
ciliation between the parties by way of compromise, could not
but have its due influence, and dispose them " to agree to such
measures as should be agreeable to justice and the wisdom
of his Majesty's Council." In answer to the questions put to
them, both answered that they were willing to submit the dispute
between them to the arbitration of the Privy Council. A few
days later they were again called before the Council, when it
was intimated to them that the Council had satisfied themselves
as to the value of the lands in question, and the nature of all the
questions in dispute. After a long argument the Chancellor re-
commended that they should, by the aid of friends, agree upon a
price to be paid by Lochiel, stating at the same time that,
failing this, the Council would proceed to settle the question.
Lochiel and Mackintosh, with the aid of powerful friends and
lawyers on either side, tried to come to an agreement, but they
still differed so much that there was not the least probability of
any terms being agreed upon. Within eight days they were
again called before the Council, when it was declared, through
the Chancellor, as their unanimous decision, that a sum of
72,000 merks paid by Lochiel to Mackintosh would be a just
amount between the demands of the one and the offers
of the other, and the Council decreed accordingly. Mack-
intosh would scarcely listen to this proposal, and he resolved
to remove privately out of the city, without coming to any
arrangement. His intentions were, however, discovered, and just
as he was leaving he was arrested by order of the Council, and
detained captive until he found security that he and his clan
and followers should keep the peace. He finally offered volun-
tarily to delay the execution of his Commission against Lochiel
for a year longer, on condition that the Council would agree to
dispense with his finding caution for any but his own tenants.
Lochiel and the Council agreed, and Mackintosh was allowed to
return home. He, however, no sooner reached his destination
than he called all the leaders of his clan to an entertainment,
with their friends and followers, at his own house, and by granting
such demands as they had been for some time making upon him,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 153
induced them to subscribe a bond, obliging them to follow him
in an expedition to Lochaber whenever he might call upon them
to do so.
Lochiel, who was kept fully informed of what Mackintosh
was doing, wrote to his friend, the Earl of Moray, then Sheriff of
Inverness-shire, asking his lordship to hold his usual Circuit
Courts in Badenoch, Strathspey, and neighbouring districts —
where the Macphersons, and others, who usually followed Mack-
intosh, resided — and as his vassals were bound to attend the Earl
on such occasions, they would not be able to follow Mackintosh.
This plan was at once adopted by Moray, after which he marched
to Inverness, to settle some disputes there between the Town
and the Macdonalds.
At this time attempts were made among certain of his own
friends to dissuade Mackintosh from proceeding to extremities,
but he would listen to nothing but the carrying out of his own
views ; and he finally marched, at the head of an army of 1 500
men to Lochaber, reaching the plain of Clunes, on the west side
of the River Arkaig, where he encamped.
In connection with this expedition, we are informed that,
" Lochiel, having heard that Mackintosh was on his march, thought
it full time to provide for his defence, and in a few days he got to-
gether his whole clan ; who, having been prepared beforehand, and
willing for the service, were sooner with him than he expected.
He was likewise joined by a small party of the Maclans of
Glencoe, and another of the Macgregors, who offered their
services as volunteers ; and found, upon the muster, that he had
got 900 armed with guns, broadswords, and targes, and 300 more
who had bows in place of guns ; and it is remarkable that these
were the last considerable company of bowmen that appeared in
the Highlands. With these he marched straight to Achnacarry,
and encamped on the bank of the River Arkaig," immediately
opposite the Mackintoshes, thus securing the only ford on the river.
Here they remained facing each other for two days, after which
Mackintosh moved his men two miles further west along the side
of Loch- Arkaig. Lochiel, after throwing up an embankment at the
ford, left it in charge of fifty doughty fellows, moved his main
body westward, and took up his position opposite the Mackin-
toshes. Here he called a Council of War, and informed his
154 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
friends of his determination to settle the long-standing feud now,
once and for all, by the sword. He expressed his full confidence
in his men, and told them that as he had the King's promise of a
remission, he had no apprehensions as to the result; concluding
by telling them " that if any of them wanted inclination to engage,
and had not put on a fixed resolution to die or conquer, he begged
of them to retire, and he would afford them such opportunities
as would save their honour." Such a cowardly action was
spurned by every one present, and Lochiel determined to exe-
cute his plans that very night. In the meantime, John Camp-
bell, younger of Glenurchy, afterwards First Earl of Breadalbane,
who had been sent by the Earl of Argyll, arrived, and presented
himself to Mackintosh with proposals of peace. A prelim-
inary conference was arranged. The first day's deliberations
produced no result. At a second meeting certain proposals
were made to which the friends of both parties agreed, but
Mackintosh rejected them, declaring that he would rather hazard
his whole fortune than consent to such terms. His leading
followers rebelled, refused to fight under existing conditions,
but Mackintosh continued unbending. Next morning, however,
his friends found him more willing to listen to reason. They
offered to make up the difference in .money themselves, and
finally succeeded in inducing him to consent to the absolute
sale of the lands to Lochiel on the terms previously offered, and
now repeated by him, namely, 72,500, or just 500 merks more
than the sum named as a fair compromise by the Privy
Council a few years before. Mr Mackintosh - Shaw de-
scribes the final settlement in the following terms, which are
quite consistent with the more detailed account given in
" Lochiel's Memoirs " : — While Mackintosh was undergoing the
persuasive attempts of his friends, young Glenurchy had arrived
at the Clan Chattan camp, and had shown additional reasons
why those attempts ought to succeed in a force of 300 men which
accompanied him, and in a written order from the Earl of Argyll
to employ all the power of the latter, if necessary, to bring the
dispute to an end. Campbell's arrival, and Mackintosh's assent,
seem to have taken place at an opportune moment, as Lochiel
had concocted one of the surprises for which he was famed, and
in which he was generally successful. On the preceding night
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 155
he had dispatched Cameron of Erracht, with a body of picked
men by boats, to the northern side of Loch-Arkaig, there to re-
main concealed until an opportunity should present itself of
taking the enemy by surprise. He himself was, in the meantime,
to make his way with the main body by the head of the
loch to the same place, a distance of some eighteen English
miles. He had not advanced far on his march when he
was met by young Glenurchy, bringing back with him Er-
racht and his party. It was only by advancing the same
cogent reasons which he had already urged upon Mackintosh
that Glenurchy could prevail on Lochiel to give up his inten-
tion of righting, and to consent to the agreement into which
his opponent was now willing to enter. On the following day
(Monday, i8th September), a formal contract was drawn up and
signed, on the one hand binding Mackintosh to sell Glenlui
and Locharkig to Lochiel, or any person he might nominate,
and on the other binding Lochiel and six others to pay to Mack-
intosh 12,500 merks of the price in the town of Perth on the
1 2th of January 1666, and at the same time to give sufficient
security for the payment of the remainder of the price at the
Martinmas terms of 1666 and 1667. On the 2oth, Lochiel
crossed the Arkaig, and met his late enemy at the house of
Clunes. Both were attended by their principal friends and
clansmen. They " saluted each other," says the Kinrara MS.,
" drank together in token of perfect reconciliation, and exchanged
swords, rejoicing at the extinction of the ancient feud." The feud
had raged for three centuries and a-half, during which time, says
tradition, with its usual looseness of expression, a Mackintosh and
a Cameron had never even spoken together.*
The author of the Memoirs informs us that " Lochiel,
though much fretted at the disconcerting of his measures, was
still resolved to fight the enemy the very next day [after his
arrival], and to continue his march, but Breadalbane [Glenurchy]
told him roundly that he was equally allied to them both ; that
he came there to act the part of a mediator ; and whoever of
them proved refractory, he would not only join with the other
against him, but also would bring all the power that Argyll was
master of, with his own, into the quarrel ; and he thereupon
* " History of the Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan," pp. 381-382.
156 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
showed a communication he had from the Earl of Argyll to that
purpose. Lochiel found himself under the necessity of consent-
ing ; and his firm resolution of fighting had this good effect that
it hastened on the agreement, and in a manner compelled Mack-
intosh, who was pushed on by his people, to consent to these
very proposals that had been formerly made by the Privy Council
and afterwards by the Earl of Murray," on Lochiel's behalf.
This agreement was concluded on the 2Oth of September
1665, about 360 years after the commencement of the quarrel,
which was, perhaps, one of the longest duration mentioned
in history, and, considering the strength of the parties, as
bloody as any that we have any record of. Though Mack-
intosh gained nothing, Lochiel lost largely by it in men
and property, and the final settlement was considered as
favourable by the Camerons and their friends as they could
possibly expect in the circumstances, though during the long
period of the dispute they, in defence of their claim and
position, "gave away or abandoned their original inheritance,
which was four times above this in value, as their original char-
ters from the Lords of the Isles, all confirmed by King James
IV., with the charters granted by succeeding Princes, erecting the
whole into a free Barony, with many powers and privileges, testify
to this day ; and all this, besides the loss of the pension of three
hundred pounds sterling per annum," already mentioned, and of
Suinart and Ardnamurchan, which now belonged to the Earl of
Argyll, with the rest of his father's forfeiture, by a grant from the
Crown.
(To be continued.)
TO THE CLAN CAMERON.— The Editor of the Celtic Magazine will esteem
it a favour if members of the Clan Cameron will communicate with him, on an early
day, with the view of completing full and correct genealogies of the respective branch
families of the name, for his forthcoming "History of the Camerons." It is im-
possible for him to include the living and later members of the various branches in
the work unless he is supplied, at least, with particulars as to the present generation.
This has been already done in several cases. The complete work will contain, in ad-
dition to the General History of the Clan, Biographies of General Sir Allan Cameron
of Erracht ; Colonel John Cameron of Fassiefern ; Dr Archibald Cameron ; and
other distinguished gentlemen of the Clan, and will be published by subscription,
during the year, in a handsome volume of about five hundred pages, uniform with the
author's " History of the Mackenzies," and his " History of the Macdonalds and
Lords of the Isles. The Camerons of Glennevis, Erracht, Callart, Strone, Fassiefern,
Clunes, and others, will be noticed at length under separate headings, while a gene-
alogy of the Lochiel family will be brought down to date, in connection with the
general history of the family.
157
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES.
BY H. C. MACANDREW, PROVOST OF INVERNESS.
II.
THE law of succession is of course a powerful factor in regulating
the development of any society. In the cases of the Mensal
land of the chiefs there were instances of undivided succession ;
in the case of the Church lands there were instances of corporate
and continuous possession. In the case of the families of the
Flaths or chiefs there is described a very artificial and compli-
cated system of a family of seventeen persons, consisting of three
groups of four and one of five, and representing the relations
of the chiefs in four different degrees, he himself being the fifth
member of one group. These had certain complicated rights
of succession among the groups on the extinction of any of
them, which it is very difficult to understand, and which could
hardly have been long in practical operation. Apart from this, the
rule seems to have been that of gavel-kind, as it is called in Eng-
land ; that is equal distribution among children, and under this
custom in Ireland, daughters might succeed if there were no sons;
and there was a certain power of bequest.
If I am at all correct in the picture which I have here given,
it is clear that there was a state of society in which the idea of
individual property in land, or of the exclusive right to the
possession and enjoyment of land, had gone a considerable way,
and if further evidence of this were wanting, numerous instances
could be given of regulations for the letting of land on hire. On
the other hand, there are many provisions showing that the power
of dealing with land was limited by the rights of the tribe and of
the family, and although in the Book of Armagh, whose date is
about the year 800, there is a case of a sale of land recorded in
the following terms : — " Cummin and Brethan purchased Ochter-
n-Achid with its appurtenances, both wood and field, and plain
and meadow, together with its habitation and its garden " — this
seems to be a solitary instance of a direct sale, while it seems to
be an excellent description of the early settlement. While thus
158 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
we have individual rights limited by tribal and family rights, it
must always be kept in mind that there existed the undoubted
right of the free tribesman to a share of the common tribe land
and grazing on the tribe waste or common.
In the case of Ireland, outside the pale, as I have said, the
Brehon Law continued in force until the time of James the First,
when, by a decision of the Court, it was abolished, and the law
of England imposed on the country, and, as a consequence, all
rights subordinate to those of chiefs ignored. The state of
matters which then existed on land which had not previously
been forfeited and granted to Englishmen is thus described by
Sir John Davis, Attorney-General for Ireland, in 1606. In
speaking of M'Guire's country, he says : — "Touching the free land,
we found them to be of three kinds : (i) Church lands, or termon
lands as the Irish call it ; (2) the Mensal lands of M'Guire ; and
(3) land given to certain septs privileged among the Irish, viz.,
the lands of the chroniclers, rimers, and gallowglasses " — the last
representing, as I take it, the free tribesmen.
There is no existing evidence that any such code of laws as
the Brehon Laws was ever committed to writing in Scotland,
but there is, I think, ample evidence that the picture I have
attempted to draw was as applicable to Celtic Scotland previous
to the time of Malcolm Canmore as it was to Ireland. In the
Book of Deer we have mention of gifts by Toseichs, Mormaers,
and chiefs of clans ; and we have grants by these showing that
they had each certain rights in the land, or rights to certain
duties and tributes out of it. Thus, grants are given free of
Mormaer and Toseich, that is free of the payments and services
which these could exact. There is mention also of Brehons or
Judges, and in old charters and other records we find numerous
mention of duties and services, exactly analogous to those of the
Brehon Laws existing in Scotland, to comparatively recent dates.
To adduce proofs of this would occupy much too great a space
for our present purpose, but those who are interested in the
subject will find it fully discussed in the third volume of Skene's
" History of Celtic Scotland," and in his appendix to the second
volume of " Fordun's Chronicle," recently published.
The ancient law of Scotland was not, as in Ireland, all at
once abolished by statute or by decision of a court or of a king;
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 159
but from the time of Malcolm MacKenneth it was subjected to
contact with, and the influence from, other systems, which gradu-
ally obliterated all its distinctive features. This began with the
acquisition of Lothian in 1018, and increased with the accession
of Malcolm Canmore and his marriage with the Saxon Princess,
Margaret. And1 during his time, and the times of his immediate
successors, Saxon language and Saxon law and customs spread
over the country outside the Highland line. With the Norman
conquest of England, Norman and Feudal ideas began to pene-
trate into Scotland, till in the time of David I. the country
became a Feudal Monarchy ; and it was assumed, although never
formally enacted, that all the land in the country belonged to the
King, and that there could be no legal title to land except a grant
from the King, or from some person holding a grant from him.
Under these influences, the Mormaers became earls, and ultimately
the earldoms all became feudalised, although there long — down, at
least, to the time of the War of Independence — remained a distinc-
tion between the ancient earldoms of Scotland and the newerfeudal
earldoms created by the kings. The Toseichs became Thanes,
and a number of Thanages existed for a very considerable time
principally on the borders of the Highlands, and never penetrat-
ing far within the Highland line, but these gradually were lost
or were converted into Feudal Baronies — the only one where
the name is retained, so far as I know, being Cawdor — the lands
possessed by Lord Cawdor being still designated in his charters
as the barony, or, perhaps now, the earldom and thanage of
Cawdor.
From the time of David First it may be said that the Feudal
Law was the law acknowledged by the supreme power, and in
the parts of the country where the Saxon language prevailed, it
was the law in practice as well as in theory, although vestiges of
the old Celtic usages lingered long, especially on the lands held
by the Church, and on the lands which remained in the hands of
the Crown.
In the district of the country where the Gaelic language pre-
vailed, however, older ideas remained, and had vital force until
the power of the central government became supreme after the
last rebellion, and feudal ideas made their way very slowly,
although there is no doubt that they were gradually penetrating.
160 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
The vigour with which the tie of kindred remained in force is in-
stanced by the Clan system itself, and by the superiority which
the tie of clanship bore to any tie arising from mere relationship
arising out of the land. Of this there are instances without
number : Landed gentlemen who held their land on the same
tenure as the chiefs themselves — that is, from the Crown or from
some intermediate superior — followed the chief rather than the
feudal superior. Tenants who held their lands from alien land-
lords followed the chief to whom by blood they owed allegiance.
Of this, too, there are numerous and well-known instances. That
there remained an idea of a right to land better and older than
any feudal title, is likewise proved by many well-known instances.
Dunmaglass was purchased by the family of Cawdor from
William Menzies in 1419, but the Macgillivrays possessed it
then, and had possessed it from time immemorial, and continued
to possess it until after 1621, when they acquired first a wadset,
and afterwards a feudal right. Before they acquired a written
title they held by " Duchus " or native right, but they were in law
only tenants of the Thane of Cawdor. But while he held by
" Duchus," and when he was a feudal vassal of the Thane, the head
of the house of Macgillivray was an important member of the Clan
Chattan, and commanded the clan at Culloden, although his
feudal superior was a Whig. Lochiel held Glenlui and Loch-
Arkaig for 360 years in spite of written charters in favour of
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, and only acquired a written title in
1666, and by a transaction which was carried through in front of
two hostile armies which were met to contest the right. The
Macdonalds of Keppoch fought the last clan battle in the year
of the great Revolution in defence of their native right to the
ancient habitation of the tribe, as against the paper right of the
Mackintosh ; and in 1745, when the head of the sept was in law
only a tenant of Mackintosh, he led his tribe to Culloden in the
following of his natural chief, Glengarry. On the other hand,
it cannot be doubted that the legal possession of land tended
more and more to become a powerful factor in the development
which was going on. The Erasers of Lovat were a Norman
family who came to this country and acquired land in quite
historic times, and yet they very shortly became the heads of
a powerful and united clan. Whether the founder of the
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 161
Chiefship of the Mackenzies was a Fitzgerald or native High-
lander, he also, in comparatively recent times, rose to power,
and became the head of a, so to speak, homogeneous clan. It is
evident, however, that all the Frasers, or all the Mackenzies, could
not be blood relations of the chief, and that the tie of clanship
arose, to some extent at all events, out of the possession of land ;
but the readiness with which the belief in community of race was
accepted is, perhaps, as strong a proof as any of the strength of
the tribal idea. The people could not think of the tie between
Chief and clan as arising out of anything but common origin, and
when such common origin did not exist, the fiction that it did
was accepted as a belief.
While, therefore, the ancient ideas continued to have force in
the Highlands, they worked, so to speak, under the ever-deepen-
ing shadow of the feudal system, and what resulted after the
break up of the great tribal organisations represented by the
Mormaerships, and afterwards by the Celtic earldoms, and later,
as it appears to me, by the descendants of Somerled, who, for
several centuries exercised so singular a power in the Western
and Central Highlands — a power which, as I think, can only be
accounted for on the supposition that they were believed to be
the representatives of the ancient order of things — was the clan
system. The value of feudal titles was very early seen, and
when we come to have an intimate knowledge of the country in
later times, we find that it was all, like the rest of Scotland,
held under feudal tenure, although, as I have said, the feudal
right of the stranger was often disputed by the ancient possessor.
But while it is not to be forgotten that feudal rights became
general, it is always to be borne in mind that the fact that the
Chiefs or landowners had obtained feudal titles to their land did
not in any way affect the position, or, according to their view, the
rights of those who occupied under them; that it was only after a
time, and then by slow degrees, that the feudal titles would be
put forward as the foundation of rights which the ancient customs
did not warrant, and especially that it was only with the increase
of the power of the central authority to enforce its law that the
worth of a clansman, as such, came into competition with his
worth as a tenant or contributor of rent to the Chief.
The Clan system, although waning, existed, as we know, till
K
162 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the great rebellion of 1745-6, and then it succumbed, notlo the
force of any law directly abolishing it, but to an Act abolishing
heritable jurisdictions and certain incidents of feudal holding, and
which, by converting the Chiefs into mere modern landlords, de-
prived them to a great degree of the interest which they had
formerly had in their clansmen, and deprived the clansmen of all
value to them except as contributors to their revenue.
We have recently had it laid down that the clan never was
an institution recognised by the law, and that there now exists no
means of deciding in what membership of a clan consisted. The
clan, however, was till recently a very potent fact. It is beyond
doubt that it was a survival from an earlier state, and it becomes
interesting to enquire to what extent we can find in what existed
before the final break up of the clans traces of the much earlier
social and political condition represented in the Brehon Laws.
What I say on this subject must, in the first place, be very
short ; and in the second place must be more or less speculative,
for the history of the social condition and progress of the High-
land people has yet to be written. Still, the view I take seems
to me to represent so very much what we might expect from
what we know of the causes at work, that it presents itself to my
mind with considerable force.
In the first place, then, it appears to me that in the Chief of
a clan we have the representative, if npt always the successor, of
the Ri-Tuath or Toseich, the head of a tribe. The Flaths, or
subordinate Chiefs of families and septs, are represented by the
heads of the smaller septs in clans, such as the Clan Chattan, by the
smaller landed proprietors owning a clan allegiance to a superior
chief, and by the great gentlemen tacksmen holding large tracts of
land with numerous sub-tenants. All these, I think, represent the
sept or family within the clan in different stages of development.
Those septs which had been longest in existence, and were the
more numerous and powerful, would naturally trace descent from
their immediate founder, and look on themselves as a sub-race-
When feudal ideas began to make way, the larger proprietors, or
holders of separate portions of land, would naturally seek to ob-
tain feudal rights in their own favour ; and on the other hand, as
we have seen that all Flaths, or minor chiefs, were more or less
in a sense ceiles of the? Ri-Tuath or Toseich, inasmuch as they
ANCIENT CELTIC TENURES. 163
were bound to submit to the relation implied in taking stock
from him, it would naturally follow that when the Toseich ob-
tained a feudal right to the whole tribe land, the Flaths would
come to be regarded by him as his tenants, and would ultimately
come to regard themselves as such. That the giving of stock by
the superior to the inferior survived in the custom of Steelbow
tenancy, is, I think, beyond question. In the more or less inferior
septs which we find attached to some clans, and having no Chief of
their own, we see, I think, the descendants of Fuidirs, or strangers
and broken men whom the Chiefs had settled on their land,
although instead of employing them as cultivators, the circum-
stances of the country rendered it more convenient for the Chiefs
to employ them as cattle lifters. The Macphies, for instance,
dwelt on Lochiel's land, and owned him as their Chief, but they
did not suppose themselves to be of his blood or lineage, and if
tradition does not belie them, their principal employment was to
be his thieves. In Donald Bain Lean, in " Waverley," we have
a modern instance of the Fuidir as employed in the Highlands.
The most interesting question, however, is that as to where
we are to look for the representatives in modern times of the
great body of free tribesmen too poor to be privileged or to be
much noticed in records or in history, yet inheriting the right of
free tribesmen to a living on the tribe land. To me it seems be-
yond all doubt that these are found in the townships and club
farms which were once so numerous all over the Highlands, and
which, in a modified, and, it appears to me, somewhat degraded
form, exist in the crofter communities of to-day. I am aware it
has been contended, on the evidence of old rentals, that this class
of small tenants is a modern development, and we are told that
because they are not to be found in the rentals of the larger pro-
prietors they did not exist. But it is to be kept in mind that the
large tacksmen were to a great extent middlemen, and that such
communities would in later days hold under them, and would
not appear in the proprietor's rental. That such communities
were numerous in all parts of the Highlands every one who
travels over the country may see. That they might exist with-
out appearing in the proprietor's rental one instance may be suf-
ficient to show. My friend, Mr William Mackay, has kindly
shown me an extract which he made from the records of the
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Baron Bailie Court of The Chisholm in 1657, where it is set forth
that upwards of eighty persons were fined in one day for various
offences. These persons are all described in groups as tenants in
such and such a place, yet none of them appear in the rent roll
of the proprietor. That such communities are ancient, may, I
think, fairly be inferred from the fact that on the lands held by
Macdonald of Keppoch, the last in Scotland which submitted to
the feudal laws, there are several of them existing till this day.
If any one should contend that such communities are a result of
the modern relation of landlord and tenant, it is only necessary
for the refutation of such a contention to read the account which
Mr Carmichael has given of certain townships still existing in
North Uist, and which is embodied in the third volume of Skene :
"The townland of Hosta is occupied by four, Caolas Paipil by six, and the
island of Heisgeir by twelve tenants. Towards the end of autumn, when harvest is
over, and the fruits of the year have been gathered in, the constable (Constabal,
Foirfeadeach) calls a meeting of the tenants of the townland for Nabachd (preferably
Nabuidheachd, neighbourliness). They meet, and having decided upon the portion
of land (Leob, Clar) to put under green crop next year, they divide it into shares
according to the number of tenants in the place, and the number of shares in the soil
they respectively possess. Thereupon they cast lots (Crannachuradh, Cur chrann,
Tilgeadh chrann, Crannadh), and the share which falls to a tenant he retains for three
years. A third of the land under cultivation is thus divided every year. Accord-
ingly, the whole cultivated land of the townland undergoes redivision every three
years. Should a man get a bad share he is allowed to choose his share in the next
division. The tenants divide the land into shares of uniform size. For this purpose
they use a rod several yards long, and they observe as much accuracy in measuring
their land as a draper in measuring his cloth. In marking the boundary between
shares, a turf (Tore) is dug up and turned over along the line of demarcation. The
' tore' is then cut along the middle, and half is taken by the tenant on one side and
half by the tenant on the other side, in ploughing the subsequent furrow ; similar care
being afterwards exercised in cutting the corn along the furrow. The tenant's portion
of the runrig is termed Cianag, and his proportion of the grazing for every pound he
pays, Coir-sgoraidh."
This, obviously, is a survival of a very ancient community, and it
appears to me that wherever there are traces of land having been
held in runrig, we have traces, of a portion of the ancient free
tribeland, with its grazing rights attached, common to the
inhabitants of the township, and perhaps to them in common
with the inhabitants of other townships, held anciently by the
tribesmen in right of their membership of the tribe, and subject
only to the dues and services which, as tribesmen and house-
holders, they owed to their tribal or family chief. And wherever
THE HIGHLAND WIDOW. 165
there is such a holding the individual property of any one, we
have an instance of the absorption — if we may not use a stronger
word — of tribal rights ; accomplished, no doubt, through the course
of centuries, and latterly, at all events, acquiesced in by the people ;
for by the time of the breaking up of the Clan system the pos-
sessors of such holdings seem in common with the larger holders
to have accepted the position of tenants, either under lease or at
will. The last relic of the tribal right to land we have, I think,
surviving, is the dislike to leases which the crofters of this day
exhibit ; and this dislike can only, I think, have originated in the
idea that by accepting a lease they relinquish an older and more
permanent right.
THE HIGHLAND WIDOW.
In a sheltering nook, from the tempest and rain,
Stood the widow's lone cot, like a grotto so clean ;
There her cow and her croft were the last to remain
Of all the rude grandeur her fathers had seen ;
And the cliff of the mountain towered high overhead,
Where fortune her life's humble portion had laid.
She sprung from a line who were chieftains of old,
And ranked with the fierce and the valiant of yore,
Faced the barbarous Cumyns, the bloody and bold,
And wielded like giants the cleaving claymore ;
"Gainst the power of oppression their banner was borne,
In the ranks of the Bruce crushed the champion of Lome.
No grasping, luxurious, degenerate race,
The rights of their clansmen like brothers would shield ;
They merrily joined them in sports of the chase,
And valued them not as the beasts of the field ;
Nor their country a people-less desert was then,
When our kings cried for aid from the bravest of men.
She had seen a wide region of hamlets in flames,
And her kinsmen sent out mid the mountains to die.
Still, the tyrants, remorseless as fiends to their pains,
Though the heavens should rend and the desolate cry,
Stood callous, unmoved at the shrieks of despair,
With adamant hearts, for no pity was there.
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With the armies of India and legions of Spain,
They, sturdy of limb, ever stood to the foe ;
They were still with the conquerors again and again,
Where a Briton would dare, there a clansman would go ;
In the tumult of danger they ever have been,
Gaining laurels of war for our Empire and Queen.
For such they had reaped the abundant reward
Of the howl of the tiger, while hunted to shame ;
For such did their forefathers die by the sword,
Exalting their lordlings to honour and fame ;
The savage, she thought, gave a home to their kind-
Seemed the warmer of heart, though the dormant of mind.
For the exiled her prayers still fervently rose,
Like the incense of balm from her garden of flowers ;
Her riches was love in a soul of repose,
Not the wealth that embitters the while it empowers ;
And she thought of the brave who had gone in their prime,
Like the beauty that's lost in the vista of time.
Their letters, like heirlooms, she read and re-read,
As her memory lingered o'er happiness gone,
Then her tears o'er the doom of her country were shed,
Where she drooped like a briar in a desert alone ;
Where clansmen once lived in contentment and cheer,
Were the wandering flocks and the homes of the deer.
The great ones on earth are not always the blest :
The blest are the nearest the Heavenly Throne ;
For that land by her son was her head laid to rest,
In the land she had cherished and loved as her own ;
And that son, who for long did her absence bewail,
For a home far away left the land of the Gael.
And the avalanche fell from the mountain of snow,
And the once cosie cottage in ruins was laid,
And the owl nightly cries with his sad plaint of woe,
And the croaking dark ravens their pinions have spread
Where the notes of the pibroch was borne on the gale,
And the song of the maiden gave joy to the vale.
O land of my sires, like a land of the dead,
Thou art silent and dreary, a wilderness sad,
With the grandeur around thee that nature has spread,
Where once were the tribes in frugality glad.
To the festival joys, and the dance on the green,
Return, oh return, and enliven the scene !
Greenock. KENNETH MACLACHLAN.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
X. — GODS OF THE GAELS.
WHATEVER interpretation we give to the Feru-bolg and the
Fomorians, there can be little question as to the fact that the
Tuatha-De-Danann are the Gaelic gods. The Irish historians,
as we saw, represent them as kings with subjects, but even they
find it difficult to hide the fact that some of these kings and
queens afterwards appear on the scene of history in a super-
natural fashion. The myths and tales, however, make no scruple
to tell us that the Tuatha-De-Danann still live in Fairyland, and
often take part in human affairs. In a very ancient tract which
records a dialogue between St Patrick and Caoilte Mac Ronain,
they are spoken of as "sprites or fairies, with corporeal and
material forms, but indued with immortality." Their skill in
magic, shown in their manipulation of storms, clouds, and dark-
ness, is insisted on in all the myths, and is a source of trouble to
the historians and annalists, who regard them as mere mortals.
" They were called gods," says Keating, " from the wonderfulness
of their deeds of sorcery." To them is first applied the term
Side, which in modern Gaelic means " fairy," but which in the
case of the Tuatha-De-Danann has a much wider signification,
for it implies a sort of god-like existence in the " Land of
Promise." The Book of Armagh calls the Side " deos terrenos,"
earthly gods, whom, we are told in Fiacc's hymn, when Patrick
came, the peoples adored — " tuatha adortais Side." Sid was a
term applied to the green knolls where some of these deified
mortals were supposed to dwell : the word appears in the modern
Gaelic sith and sithean, a mound or rather a fairy mound. The
Tuatha-De-Danann were also called " Aes Side," aes being here
used in the sense of " race" and not of " age." We may remark
that the Norse gods were also known as the Aes or Aesir, one of
the many remarkable coincidences in words and in actions
between the Irish gods and the deities of Asgard.
In attempting to reconstruct the Gaelic god-world from the al-
most hopeless ruins in which piety and time have laid it, we must
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not merely remember the Aryan character of it, but also Caesar's
brief account of the Gaulish Olympus. There can be little doubt
but that the Gaelic and Gaulish Olympi were similar in outline,
and probably also in details. We shall, therefore, expect Mercury
to be the most important of the Gaelic deities, whi.le Apollo,
Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva take rank after him. These deities
and others, as was pointed out, represent the personified powers of
nature — the wind, the sun, the storm, the sky, and the moon. Not
only are these elements personified-as deities and so worshipped, but
we also find the elements in their impersonified state, as it were, in-
voked for aid and for good faith. The classical examples of this
are extremely numerous. One instance will suffice : In Virgil,
^Eneas and Latinus are represented as swearing by the sun, the
earth, the sea, the stars, by the Almighty Father and his Spouse,
by Mars and Janus, by the spring and rivers, the ether and the
deities of the sea. The first instance of such an oath in Irish
history is when Breas, the Fomorian, swore by " the sun and the
moon, by the sea and the land, and by -all the elements, to fulfil
the engagement" which Luga imposed on him. Vows to the
heavens and the earth, to day and night, to the rain, the dew and
the wind, are exceedingly common, appearing even in historic
times both in Ireland and Scotland ; among the Picts and Scots
in the 4th century, in Ireland in the 5th, as when Loegaire was
made to swear by the elements that he would never again de-
mand the cow-tribute, and with M'Conglinne in the 8th century.
It is said that Loegaire forgot his oath, and thus met with an
evil end, for " it was the sun and the wind that wrought his death,
because he had violated their sanctity ; " so say the Four Mas-
ters, good Christians though they were ! The divine elements
are known in Gaelic as duli, and one of the oldest and most
favourite epithets of the Deity is " rig na n-dul," the King of the
Elements, to which may be compared " Dia nan dul " of the
Gaelic Psalms : the word for Creator in old Gaelic is Dulem, the
genitive of which is Duleman.
Our description of the Gaelic gods will naturally begin with
the Jupiter of the Gaels. This honour belongs most probably to
the Dagda, " inDagda mor," "the great good one" (?) as Mr Fitz-
gerald explains his name. Some interpret the name as the
" good fire." In any case, dag signifies " good," appearing in
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 169
modern Gaelic as deagh, but what da means is yet undecided.
Though the Dagda is very often mentioned, yet little information
is given about him. He was one of the leaders of the Tuatha-
De-Danann from Scythia to Ireland, and he brought with him from
" Murias " a magical cauldron capable of satisfying the hunger of
everyone. He is the most renewed of all the Tuatha for his skill
in Druidism. With Luga he makes and carries out all the
arrangements of the second battle of Moytura, in which, how-
ever, he was wounded with a poisoned weapon by the amazon
queen Cethlenn. The venom of that wound caused his death
1 20 years later. For eighty years previous to his death, he ruled
the Tuatha as king. There is little in these meagre details to
help us to a true notion of the character of the Dagda. It is in
the epithets attached to his name, and the incidental references
to him, scattered through many tales, that we can hope to under-
stand his position among the gods. He is called Eochaidh
Ollathair, that is, Chevalier All-father, and, further, Ruadrofhessa,
" the red one of all knowledge." The epithet " Ollathair " — All-
father — puts him on a level with Jupiter, Zeus, and Odin ; he is
the father of gods and men, king of heaven and earth. Zeus, we
know, is the sky-god, the beneficent power of light and life, who re-
gulates the atmosphere and its phenomena — notably, the thunder
— for the good of men : Odin is, however, a wind-god more than a
sky-god, answering rather to the Roman Mercury and the Greek
Hermes than to Jove and Zeus. Is the Dagda a wind- god or a
light-god or a fire-god ? Mr Fitzgerald classes him with
Odin as a sky- and wind-god, and appeals to the epithet
" Eochaid " — horseman -as confirmation ; for horseman and
huntsman are nearly allied, and seem rather to belong to
the wind deity, as in the case of Odin they do so apply.
Mr Elton makes the Dagda a spirit of heat who ruled all fires
in earth and heaven, for he interprets the name after O'Donovan
as signifying "the great good fire." The view which we will
adopt on the matter differs from both the foregoing. The
Dagda represents rather the sky-god, exactly the Roman Jove.
He is the All-father ; he is the Red-one — the sky in certain states
being so, just as at other times he is said to be "greyer than
the grey mist" — who is all-wise ; he is the Dag-da, the good-
father or good-one, the deus optimus maximus, the benign provi-
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dence, who arranges, provides, and superintends everything. His
cauldron is interpreted by some as the canopy of heaven ; like
the thunder-god, Thor, he possessed a hand-stone which returned
of itself to the place from which it was thrown, just as Thor's
hammer — the thunder-bolt — did.
The most important deity in the Gaelic pantheon must have
been Mercury : which of the Tuatha-De-Danann was he ? The
honour of being the god most worshipped by the Gael must fall
to Manannan, the son of Lir, whose attributes we have already
discussed. Manannan is always a deity ; he is never a mortal
hero like the others. We represented him as god of sea and wind,
as opposed to Mr Elton's view, who made him a sun-god. There
is little doubt but Manannan is a wind-god : he possesses all the
prominent requisites of such a deity. He is the owner of the
wonderful steed, Enbarr, of the flowing mane, who is swift as the
cold clear wind of spring ; his also is the sword, Frecart, the
answerer, from whose wound there was no recovery ; and he
possessed the curious mantle that will cause people never to meet
again. The three characteristic possessions of Odin are his sword,
his mantle, and his horse Sleipnir. The sword is the lightning;
the mantle is the air and clouds, and the grey horse Sleipnir is
the rushing grey cloud driven by the wind. Odin is, as already
said, mostly a wind-god ; so, too, is Manannan. Both deities,
however, usurped features belonging to more departmental
gods, in proportion as they took the first place in the worship
of the people. Manannan also possessed the wonderful canoe
which could hold any number of people, suiting its size to
them, and which obeyed the will of those it bore, and swept
over the ocean as fast as the March wind. He, too, instituted
the " Feast of Age," known as the feast of Gobnenn the smith.
Whoever was present at it, and partook of the food and drink,
was free ever after from sickness, decay, and old age. The Land
of Promise is often identified with Inis-Mhanann, or Isle of Man,
which was ruled over by Manannan, but his connection with the
land of promise is rather more like that of Mercury with the land
of shades ; he would appear to have been the psychopomp — the
conductor of the shades of men to the happy Isles of the West.
He was, as we saw, god of merchandise and also god of arts for
he is represented as teaching Diarmat in all the arts when he
was with him in Fairyland. Why the Celts and Teutons made
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 171
the wind deity their chief god is fairly clear. The atmospheric
conditions of Western and Northern Europe make the wind and
storm powers of comparatively more importance than they are
in sunnier lands, where the gods of light on the other hand are
supreme. Manannan is further very properly denominated the
" son of Lir," the son of the sea, for sure enough where else does
the wind come from in these .islands of ours but from the sea ?
There is little trouble in settling the identity of the Gaelic
Apollo. This is Luga Lamfada, surnamed the Ildana ; Luga of
the Long Arms, the many-arted one. He appears with a stately
band of warriors on white steeds, " a young champion, tall and
comely, with a countenance as bright and glorious as the setting
sun." But more definite still is the reference to his sunlike coun-
tenance ; in another place the Fomorian champion, Breas, is
made to say in reference to the approach of Luga from the west :
" A wonderful thing has come to pass to-day ; for the sun, it
seems to me, has risen in the west." " It would be better that it
were so," said the Druids. " The light you see is the brightness
of the face and the flashing of the weapons of Luga of the Long
Arms, our deadly enemy." He also possessed the swiftness and
keenness of the ocean-wind-god Manannan, for we are told that
he rode Manannan's mare Enbarr of the flowing mane, that is,
the driving wind ; his coat of mail — the clouds ; and he is further
represented as having Manannan's sword, the lightning flash.
But this last is doubtful, for two of the precious jewels that the
Tuatha-De-Danann took from the east are Luga's sword and his
spear " Gae Buaifneach," tempered in the poisoned blood of
adders. These weapons are merely the flashing rays of the sun,
just as Luga's helmet, Cannbarr, glittered with dazzling bright-
ness, with two precious stones set in it,, one in front and one
behind. Whenever he took off the helmet, we are told that his
" face shone like the sun on a dry summer day." His deeds are
also " sunlike" in their character. He first frees the Tuatha from
the hated tribute which was imposed on them after a temporary
success on the part of the Fomorians. We are told that he put a
Druidical spell on the plundered cattle, and sent all the milch
cows home to their owners, leaving the dry cows to cumber his
enemies. The cows of the sun-god .are famous in all mytho-
logies ; they are the clouds of heaven that bring rain and
moisture to men, when shone upon by the rays of the sun.
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Luga's greatest feat is the overthrow of the Fomorians at
Moytura. For years he had been preparing for this great fight.
He summoned all the artists and artificers of renown and got
arms in readiness. He himself lent his help to each tradesman,
for he was a skilled carpenter, mason, smith, harper, druid,
physician, cup-bearer, and goldsmith, " one who embodied in
himself all these arts and professions," as he described himself on
one occasion. When the sons of Turenn slew his father, he
made them procure for him as " eric" or fine, several weapons of
importance and several salves, with a view to using them in the
great struggle against the stormy ocean powers. Such were the
apples of Hisberna, which could cure any sickness and would
return to the owner even when thrown away ; the pig's skin whose
touch made whole ; the spear — "the slaughterer" — whose fiery
blazing head was always kept in water ; the steeds and chariot of
Dobar — the steeds which travel with equal ease on land and sea;
the pigs of Asal — " whosoever eats a part of them shall not suffer
from ill health" — even when killed to-day they are alive to-
morrow ; and the hound-whelp Failinis, that shines like the sun
on summer day — before him every wild beast falls to earth
powerless. In the battle of Moytura, he killed Balor of the Evil
Eye. That worthy had already turned Nuada of the Silver
Hand into stone, and many more De-Danann, and just as he was
opening it on Luga, the latter flung a " sling stone" at it, which
passed through it and Balor's brain. Now Balor was his grand-
father, and it had been foretold that he should be slain by his
grandson. In view of this he kept his only child, a daughter,
Aethlenn, secluded in a tower, where man and the idea of
" man" were to be strictly excluded. But in vain. She became
the wife of Cian, the son of Diancecht, the physician, and Luga
was the offspring. We must note his connection with the god of
healing ; that god is his grandfather. In Greek mythology,
Aesculapius is the son of Apollo. The name Luga, too, is sug-
gestive ; it is doubtless from the root luct to shine, and it is
interesting to observe that the Norse fire-god, also master of
many arts, though evil arts, is called Loki. The epithet Lamfada,
long arms, reminds us of the far-darter Apollo, and refers to the
long-shooting rays of the sun — a most appropriate epithet.
(To be continued.)
173
SUTHERLAND EVICTIONS AND BURNINGS.
TESTIMONY OF LIVING EYE-WITNESSES — (Continued).
HUGH MACKENZIE, Strathy, go years of age
I am nearly 90 years of age. I remember the clearances on Strathnaver from
beginning to end. The work was done piece-meal. My father's croft was in Dal-
malart, near Achness, and the first part of Strathnaver from which the people were
ejected lies on the east side of Lochnaver, viz. : — The townships of Clebrig, Rhihal-
vaig, Achool, Achness, Coirre-na-fearn, Coirre-chuiran. Alt-nan-ha, and Halmadary.
The reason why so many places were made desolate, was to make room for a south-
country farmer of the name of Marshall.
We were allowed the produce of hill and loch, and I remember it was Sellar
personally who cut to pieces the creels with which we caught the salmon on the water-
fall of Achness. My father, who was on the lower side of the water of the Malert,
was not removed at that time. At a subsequent period, the west side of Lochnaver
was cleared, including the townships of Grumb-mhor, containing about 16 crofters ;
and Grumbeg, 5 crofters, and Sellar obtained the land. My father wished to be re-
moved as far as possible from the large farmers, and he obtained a croft near the sea-
side. Another succeeded him, and took possession of his old croft at Dalmalart, but
he was not allowed long to remain there, as Sellar was by no means satisfied. All the
people from Malart to Rhifail —about 10 miles — were shortly after removed, and their
houses fired. This was the second period when clearances on a large scale took place.
Sellar also received the land, and put it under sheep. The remaining portion of
Strathnaver, from Rhifail to the foot of the Strath, was not removed so long as Mr
Dingwall was minister of Farr, who acted as a check upon the wholesale clearances.
When the Rev. David Mackenzie succeeded him, he was not opposed to the work; so
the people did not dare to resent. By this means the people in the lower part were
ejected, and Sellar was again the new occupant. I may mention that the Rev. Mr
Mackenzie was allowed 50 sheep on Sellar's farm at Skelpick ; that, irrespective of
his glebe, he got a park of 5 miles in circumference, cut off from the poor crofters' hill-
ground, and a man having a salary of £10 to keep the dykes in repair.
When Sellar was setting fire to the house of William Chisholm, spoon-maker,
Badinlosgin, he was told that Chisholm's mother-in-law was inside and bed-ridden.
He told his men, however, to proceed with the work, saying with an oath — " Let the
old wilch burn." There was no house in the place but his own, and owing to his
trade, Chisholm could not afford to remain long at home. Eric, his wife (the old
woman's daughter), happened to be from home at the time the house was fired ; but
she shortly after, and with the help of some people who had come upon the scene,
rescued the old woman from the flames. I knew the man Chisholm well.
HUGH MACKENZIE.
ADAM GUNN.
Witnesses i RODERICK MACKENZIE.
ANN MORRISON, 79 years of age, Dalacharn, Farr.
I was born at Direadh Meidigh, where I lived till I was seven or eight years of
age, and then was evicted to Dalacharn, where I now live. I saw the following
townships burnt by Sellar's party : —
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Dalnadroit, with 10 houses. | Skelpick, with 12 houses.
Dunviden, with 6 houses.
Thus I can testify to seeing 28 houses burning on the same day. A strong breeze of
wind sprang up the night before these townships were set on fire, and next morning
"when the burning commenced smoke and sparks were carried down the Strath for a
long distance.
The houses in Achina and Dalacharn, which were a good distance away from the
scene of the fire, were in imminent danger of taking fire too ; the sparks were so
thick. All the steadings and dwelling places in the above mentioned townships were
reduced to ashes, and in many places the heather caught fire, which added to the
awfulness of the scene.
The houses, too, were thatched with dry, loose straw, and this rendered them
the more liable to catch fire.
Some of the poor people who came down from Strathnaver lost the most of their
furniture and bed-clothes in their burnt houses, and were in a miserable condition
during the ensuing winter. They had to spend the winter in hastily-erected bothies,
without much clothing, while the rain and snow came in through the openings in the
turf walls. As they had no hill pasture or provision for the winter, the most of the
cattle which they had brought with them died of starvation.
I declare this statement of mine is true. ANN MORRISON.
Witnesses, j DONALD MACKAY.
2oth Aug. 1883 1 MURDO MACKAY. •
ABSTRACT OF THE FOREGOING TESTIMONY.
The places seen on fire —
By George Macdonald, Airdneskich, were —
Badinlosgin, with I house i
By George Mackay, Airdneskich —
Ceanncoille, with 7 houses
Kidsary, with 2 houses
Syre, with 13 houses
Langall, with 8 houses
By Rory Macleod, Skerray —
Grumb-mhor, with 16 houses
Achmhillidh, with 4 houses
20
By Grace Macdonald, Armadale —
Langall, with 8 houses
Na Totachan, with 2 houses
Ealan k Challaidh, with 2 houses
Sgall, with 6 houses
Coille an Kian, with 2 houses
20
By Wm. Mackay (Ban), Achina —
Achcaoilnaborgin, with 6 houses
Achinlochy, with 6 houses
Brought forward 83
By Bell Cooper, Crask —
All the houses in the district
between Rossal and Achcaoilnaborgin,
about 55 55
By Angus Mackay, Leaduaginllan —
Ceanncaoil, with 7 houses
Rossal, with 20 houses
Badinleathaid —
By Ann Morrison, Dalcharn —
Dalnadroit, with 10 houses
Skelpick, with 12 houses
Dunviden, with 6 houses
By Widow B. Mackay, Kirtomy —
Skall, with 6 houses '
By Wm. Morrison, Achina —
Rossal, with about 20 houses
Dalmalart, with 2 houses
Dalvina, with 2 houses
Achphris, with 2 houses
27
28
26
Carry forward 83 Total.. 225
[Taking the average number in each family at five persons, which is far below the
average in the Highlands, we have here one thousand one hundred and twenty-five souls
burnt out of their homes in Strathnaver alone, in addition to those who lived in the
houses referred to by Hugh Mackenzie in a district extending from Malart to Rhifail,
a distance of ten miles, thickly populated !]
175
THE HIGHLAND LAND LAW REFORM ASSOCIATION
OF LONDON.
THE following documents have recently been issued by this influential and energetic
Association. The Address to the Crofters is issued also in excellent Gaelic : —
I.— TO THE PUBLIC.
Although it is only recently that acute distress and the disturbances in Skye
attracted public attention to the depressed condition of the Highlands, the system,
which in so many instances either expatriated or drove the people from fertile straths
and glens to barren holdings on the sea-shore, began upwards of a century ago.
The story of Highland Clearances, detailing the process by which sheep, grouse,
and deer have been substituted for the gallant race to whose forefathers the chiefs
owed their chieftainship, and Britain the successful issue of many a hard-fought
battle, is a harrowing record of cruelty and oppression. The remains of ruined houses,
the dismal desolation of many a once-fertile strath, and the depressed condition of the
few who are now permitted to live on, but do not derive their subsistence from the
soil, testify too eloquently of a system which has uncompromisingly sacrificed the
rights and welfare of the people for the purpose of sport.
The net result of the game-preserving mania is, that vast tracts of country, fit for
cultivation, or suitable for grazing sheep and cattle, are reserved in unproductive idle-
ness as the rearing-ground of game ; while the crofters, liable to capricious eviction,
with no incentive to industry, year by year having their holdings curtailed, and
subject to the arbitrary rule of landlords' representatives, are living from hand to
mouth on insufficient patches of the worst soil.
Long and patiently Highlanders have endured a policy which has either crushed
out or pauperised the rural population; but the recent destitution and the growing
discontent are ominous indications that an equitable reform of the Highland Land
Laws cannot with safety be much longer delayed. This Association in contending
for reform, as laid down in Article 2 of its Constitution, will proceed strictly on con-
stitutional lines, and disclaiming any political bias, will endeavour to carry on its work
irrespective of party politics. Whatever wrong-doing and injustice may be attributed
to individuals, it is the system which permits wrong-doing and injustice that shall be
attacked; and although it may sometimes be necessary to cite as illustrations the doings
of individuals, anything tending to excite class prejudices shall be carefully avoided.
On the support accorded the Association will depend the vigour and extent of its
operations, and the Committee earnestly appeals for sympathy and support not only
to Scotsmen, but to those who are interested in the welfare of a loyal people, and to
all who are concerned in preserving the Highlands as a national health resort.
II.— TO THE HIGHLAND CROFTERS.
The appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into your grievances is a
tardy, though hopeful, acknowledgment on the part of the Government that the con-
dition of the Highlands is not satisfactory. But, however fully you may justify your
complaints and prove your case, the history of all great reforms should teach you that
the changes necessary to promote your welfare will not be conceded without earnest
effort and a well directed agitation on your patt.
176 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
We would suggest for your consideration the following remedial reforms as the
object to which your agitation should be directed, viz. : —
Such changes in the Land Laws as will secure —
(1) A Durable Tenure, under which the power of landlords to evict the people
capriciously shall be abolished.
(2) Fair Rents, fixed, wnerever necessary, by a Land Court.
(3) Due Compensation to Tenants for their improvements.
(4) Such a re-appointment of the land as shall admit of its being used for the
production of food for man, instead of allowing it, as at present, in so
many instances, to lie waste for sporting purposes.
(5) A well-considered scheme, by which tenants shall, under equitable con-
ditions, be assisted to become owners of their holdings and all waste lands
capable of improvement shall be reclaimed and rendered productive.
Your protests and complaints have hitherto been unheeded by Parliament, be-
cause a privileged body of landlords — hereditary and irresponsible — has been supreme
in the Legislature, and in the Courts of Justice, in making and interpreting the law;
but, above all, because you yourselves have hitherto had no voice in choosing your
legislators. But ere long you will be enfranchised, and you should lose no time in
preparing for the next general election, so that you may be able to return such men to
Parliament as will interest themselves on your behalf.
The treatment to which you have been subjected in the past has been arbitrary
and oppressive, because you have not been united; but now you must organise, be
earnest of purpose, and prepared to work, and, if necessary, make sacrifices on behalf
of the cause of Land Law Reform.
We would, therefore, suggest that your first duty now is to form, as soon as pos-
sible, Associations, through which you could speak and act and make your grievances
known.
In forming a District Association, you might first convene a public meeting to
discuss your affairs, resolve that an Association be formed, and appoint a provisional
secretary and small committee. Then, the townships included in the district might
each, under the direction of the committee, choose representatives, and these repre-
sentatives, at a convenient time and place, might meet to frame a constitution and
elect office-bearers.
An organization embracing the whole of the Highlands should be aimed at, in
which each one has assigned him his place and work ; so that an injustice done to one
may be deemed an injustice to all, and the many united may be prepared, at what-
ever sacrifice, to support the righteous cause of individuals or communities whose
rights are assailed.
Your cause has many influential well-wishers. This Association, for instance,
includes among its adherents a goodly number of Members of Parliament, private
gentlemen, clergymen, doctors of medicine, barristers, professors, and others, who
will earnestly support your efforts ; but on your own unity and determination success
will chiefly depend; for, in the words of the old proverb, " God helps them that help
themselves."
Any assistance or advice that this Association can give shall be readily rendered,
and it is earnestly hoped that you will give the foregoing suggestions your serious con-
sideration, and take such action as may be necessary without delay.
In an address, addressed specially
HIGHLANDERS OF NEW ZEALAND. 177
III.— TO SCHOOLMASTERS,
The Secretary says : — The reform of the Land Laws is a SOCIAL QUESTION, and
it is not only desirable, but essential to the success of the movement, that differences of
opinion as to Political and Church matters should not be permitted to create disunion
in the ranks of the Land Law Reformers.
The Highland Land Law Reform Associations already formed, may at least lay
claim to having aims and objects at once definite and intelligible ; and the number
and influence of the gentlemen who have sc disinterestedly espoused the cause of
the Crofters, should be an encouragement and incentive to those who are more im-
mediately concerned in effecting Land Law Reform, to organise similar associations
in every Highland parish.
The battle of Land Law Reform can only be won by earnestness of purpose and
unity of action on the part of the Crofters and their friends ; and this Association ven-
tures to hope that your influence will be exerted in promoting the social emancipation
of the people amongst whom your lot is cast, and their education in the duties of
citizenship, on the same lines and unller the same name as this Association.
PALACE CHAMBERS, 9 BRIDGE STREET,
WESTMINSTER, LONDON, S.W.
HIGHLANDERS OF NEW ZEALAND AND THEIR
DISTRESSED COUNTRYMEN AT HOME.
IN addition to the sums already acknowledged, the Editor of
the Celtic Magazine has received another draft from the High-
landers of Invercargill, New Zealand, for £33. is., to be dis-
tributed at his discretion among destitute people in the North
West Highlands and Islands. This makes a total sum remitted
to him by our patriotic countrymen, in that district, of £181. ios.;
for which, in the name of the Highlanders at home, we heartily
thank them. Our good friends will be glad to learn that now no un-
usual destitution exists. It is, therefore, thought best to apply most
of the money on hand to the supply of corn and potato seed in
the Spring. Sufficient provision has been already made for the
Strome Ferry fishermen. The following is the letter accompany-
ing the remittance, with a list of the subscribers : —
o
INVERCARGILL, NEW ZEALAND, 8th Nov. 1883.
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, Esq., Dean of Guild, Inverness.
DEAR SIR, —We have now the pleasure to enclose draft en London for the sum of
,£33. is., being the third instalment towards the fund for the relief of our distressed
countrymen in the North. Enclosed please find list of the contributors, and we shall
thank you to give it publicity as you have done in the case of our former remittances.
We note with pleasure (by your letter of a8th August that appeared in the Invernest
Courier] the alacrity displayed by you in the distribution of the funds in hand ; and
i;8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
although the value dispensed to each claimant may not be intrinsically much, still, the
knowledge that their comparatively prosperous countrymen in this distant part of the
world have not forgotten them, may make the gift doubly valuable to them. As yet
we have not heard as to the results of the Royal Commission, and presume that their
labours are not yet finished. Much sympathy is expressed here by a number of the
contributors to this fund, on behalf of the Strome Ferry fishermen, who were wrong-
fully imprisoned for conscience sake ; and we leave it to your discretion as to whether
a portion of these funds should be applied in their case.— Yours faithfully,
D. L. MATHESON.
RODERICK MACLEOD.
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS.
Duncan Matheson, Waikaia ... ... ... ... ... £2 2 o
D. N. Fitzgerald, do 220
Henry Wilson, do. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 220
Angus Macdonald, Nokomai ... ... ... ... 200
Hugh Mackenzie, Ronald Macdonald, and Finlay Murchison, Waikaia ;
Alex. Mackay, Tapanui ; and J. T. Martin, Invercargil, one guinea
each 55°
James Grant, Miss Gunn, and Kenneth Maccrimon, Waikaia ; James
Macdonald and K. Mackinnon, Tapanui ; A. Cameron, Nokomai ;
Donald Kellie, Gore ; and John Macgibbon, Mataura, £i each ... 800
Joseph Davidson, Waikaia ; Rev. A. H. Stobo, Invercargill ; J. G.
Bremner, N. Simmonds, N. Colquhoun, W. T. Macfarlane, James
Main, William Fraser, R. Elliott, James Duncan, Neil Gillies, Thos.
Logan, and Hugh Mackay, Tapanui; Angus Cameron, Miss Wallace,
and Job Coulam, Nokomai ; Hugh Stewart, Gore ; and Dugald
Livingstone, Lochiel, IDS. each ... ... 900
R. Crawford, D. Maccoll, D. Mackenzie, and T. Buchanan, Tapanui ;
J. Dean, W. Fyfe, New Zealander, Miss Hamer, J. G. Brown, and
Patrick Maher, Waikaia, 53. each ... ... ... 2 10 o
£33
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES.
AN interesting feature has recently been introduced into the Pictou Newst Nova
Scotia, its conductors having added a Gaelic department to its columns. The super-
intendence of this portion has been intrusted to the accomplished hands of the Rev.
A. MacLean Sinclair, Springville, N.S., well-known to the readers of the Celtic
Magazine, Colonial and other Highlanders should extend to the Pictou News
the encouragement which so patriotic and interesting a step as this deserves at their
hands.
Another adminicle in the evidence of a decided Gaelic revival comes to us in the
form of an announcement that the energetic and large-hearted Celt who holds the
office of Minister of St Giles' in Edinburgh, is about to make the experiment of having
Gaelic services, conducted by Highland clergymen of all denominations, as part of
the non-canonical ordinances of the Cathedral. We have no doubt that this new de-
parture by Dr Cameron Lees will be beneficial in many ways, and one of these may
LAYS O' HAME AND COUNTRY. 179
be the promotion, in a greater degree, of intercommunion between the Gaelic member-
ship of the various denominations.
There is no department of Gaelic worship where improvement could be
introduced with greater advantage than in that of music. Without even approaching
the subject of organs in public worship, there can be no question that there is room
for vast improvement in our Gaelic praise. Our beautiful musical language is often
twisted and tortured to suit ill-adapted and ill-sung Lowland and foreign tunes. We
would direct the attention of Dr Cameron Lees and his Highland musical friends to
the question, in the hope that some improvement may in this respect result from his
new departure. It is scarcely a matter for congratulation that our native country can-
not at present be charged with being a region
" Where men display, to congregations wide,
Devotion's every grace except the heart."
Another intimation of the extension of the area of Gaelic activity comes from
Chicago. A Gaelic congregation is about to be established in the " Empire City"
under the pastorate of the Rev. Dr Campbell, of Collingwood, Ontario. We trust
that under such able and experienced superintendence, the Gaelic congregation of
Chicago will be a large and prosperous one.
The Scottish Review for December last contains a very interesting and import-
ant article on "The Irish Language," with incidental references to Scottish Gaelic.
Students of Celtic philology will find in it a careful and intelligent survey of the
field, and a description of the available adjuncts and implements for its cultivation.
What promises to be a sumptuous book, has been announced by Messrs Black-
wood. We refer to "The Old Scottish Regimental Colours," by Andrew Ross,
S.S.C., Honorary Secretary to the Old Scottish Regimental Colours Committee.
Mr Ross deems the present time a fitting one to place on record the "spirit-stirring
deeds " of the Scottish Regiments, public interest having recently been pointedly
directed to the subject in connection with the imposing ceremonial enacted in St
Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh, on the occasion of depositing in that ancient shrine the
emblems of Scotland's military renown. The work is to be illustrated with a series
of full-page representations of the old colours, and, judging from advanced plates
with which we have been favoured, this part of the work will be a perfect luxury o
chromo-lithographic art, apart altogether from the historical narrative, and the in-
trinsic interest attaching to the venerable and battle-stained subjects which these
illustrations represent.
LAYS O1 HAME AND COUNTRY. By ALEXANDER LOGAN.
Edinburgh : Oliphant, Anderson, & Ferrier. 1883.
A NEW volume of Scottish poetry by the author of "Poems and Lyrics," needs no
commendation from us. The present volume completely bears out the author's pre-
vious character as a tender and sympathetic exponent of the voices of the "soul in
nature." It were difficult to select specimens surpassing the others, where most, if
not all, are so full of delicate and pleasing beauty. We prefer to put our commend-
ation in the form of advice by telling all " brither Scots," to get the book and enjoy
it as we have done. The volume is tastefully got up and admirably printed.
i8o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A RUN THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES.
BY KENNETH MACDONALD, F.S.A., Scot.
XI. — MINNEAPOLIS.
MINNEAPOLIS was. in high festival. The annual fair was in pro-
gress, and the Hotel was crowded. In the large entrance hall an
auctioneer disposing of the stakes for next day's events had an
audience of over a hundred well-dressed people. The scene was
a lively one, but somewhat unintelligible to me, and after finish-
ing my home letter I sauntered out. The main thoroughfares
were brilliantly lighted by electricity, while tram-cars ran up and
down the centre of the streets almost continuously. But yet the
city is only in process of making. Lines of handsome buildings
have been run up facing each other with intervals of from sixty
to a hundred feet of open space between. On each side of this
space wooden footways have been hastily thrown up, and in the
middle, on what, for aught that appears, may be the original sur-
face of the prairie, two double lines of iron have been laid down
for tramway traffic. The scene all round was a busy one. Ruts
and dents a foot deep did not seem to offer any impediment to
the numerous carriages, buggies, and " sulkies" which trundled
along over the soft dusty streets, at a pace which would be fairly
described as rattling had there been anything to rattle. But
there was no rattle, and at a corner just off the principal thorough-
fare, a peripatetic professor of figures, in black gown and trencher,
was able from the top of a barrow to discourse on a new system of
arithmetic to an audience of some hundreds, and to sell them his
book (price half-a-dollar — I have a copy) without any interrup-
tion from the noise of the traffic. It would be a mistake, however,
to judge Minneapolis hastily from the state of her streets. Her
people believe she is to be a great city, and the fact that between
1860 and 1870 the population increased from less than 6000 to
18,000, and between 1870 and 1880 from 18,000 to nearly 47,000,
while in 1882 the estimated population amounted to over 76,000,
affords fair ground for their belief. To make the city worthy of
her destiny is the object of the people, and many things which in
the early days were made hurriedly and unsubstantially, they
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 181
have resolved shall be re-made. This re-making process was in
operation while I was there, and is probably in operation yet, but
a few years will see the principal streets of Minneapolis as hand-
somely finished as those of any city of similar size in the Union.
Early in the morning, my friend Mr Miller called for me, and
together we proceeded to Minneapolis' twin sister, the city of Saint
Paul, twelve miles distant by rail. Our stay in Saint Paul was
necessarily short, and as the city was visited for purely business
purposes, I saw little of it. What I saw, however, afforded evi-
dence of the same spirit of progress, the same faith in the future,
which is visible in almost every city in North America. The
natural levels of the site of Saint Paul do not please its people,
and millions of dollars are being spent in pulling down large and
handsome buildings, and re-erecting them on a different level, and
in driving piles into low-lying sections of land preparatory to
raising their level to suit the general plan of the city.
On our return to Minneapolis, my friend hired the only
available conveyance — an open carriage, with a team of mules —
to drive us round the city. A most pleasant drive it was, not-
withstanding the occasional chaff which our long-eared team
evoked. After visiting the outside of a fair number of the sixty
odd churches which Minneapolis contains, and seeing something
of the other public buildings, we drove to the river side — the
Milling quarter. It is here the heart of Minneapolis beats.
Without its water-power the city would never have existed ; on
its continuance the future of the city mainly depends. It may
seem curious to speak of the continuance of a water-power fur-
nished by one of the largest rivers in the world, as if it were a
thing about which there could be any uncertainty. Yet at one
time the loss of this power seemed a mere question of time. At the
Falls of St Anthony, which furnish the water-power of Minneapolis,
the bed of the Mississippi is formed of a hard, bluish-grey limestone,
which rests upon a bed of soft sandstone. The erosive action of
the water upon the sandstone is rapid, and when it is worn away
from under the superincumbent limestone, the latter falls down in-
to the bed of the stream. The banks of the river show that in
this way the Falls have receded upwards of ten miles already.
In 1851 about ninety feet of the limestone gave way at once, and
as only 1 200 feet more of it remained above the present site of
182 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the Falls, Minneapolis was threatened with the complete loss of
her water power. To avert this, a tunnel was run through the
soft sandstone behind the Falls, and filled up with concrete,
while the surface was protected by a strong apron of timber.
These works, which were executed at a cost of between three-
quarters of a million and a million of dollars, have stopped the
recession of the Falls, and assured the prosperity of Minneapolis.
The loose blocks of limestone scattered over the river bed below
the Falls, the great rafts of timber, and the mass of floating saw-
dust and broken wood, do not by any means add to the beauty
of the " Father of Waters" at this point, but the busy scene on the
banks, where some twenty-two flour mills, capable of manufac-
turing over twenty-five thousand barrels of flour daily, and sixteen
timber mills, which in the previous year had turned out over two-
hundred and thirty million feet of timber, more than compensated
for any lack of natural beauty in the surroundings.
In the afternoon our mule-team was exchanged for Mr
Miller's pony and carriage — the former a Shetland of rare
beauty, and not much bigger than a full grown Newfoundland
dog. The carriage was of a size to match; and as I drove Mrs
Miller into the Fair-ground, our turn-out attracted even more
attention — this time of a different kind — than our morning
equipage had.
A few trotting matches, a ten mile bare- back race between
" Bille Cook of California" (who on the previous day had beaten
Espinosa " the Mexican Dare Devil " in a twenty mile race),
and " Little Cricket," in which the former won, after a brilliant
and keenly contested race, satisfied us with the Fair, and after an
hour or two pleasantly spent with my newly-made friends, speak-
ing of the old home so far away, I returned to the city, when
between 9 and 10 P.M. I took my seat in the car which was to
carry me on to Manitoba.
For an hour or more the cars were pretty well filled with
farmers and other families returning home from the Fair, and a
happy and prosperous lot they all looked. Immediately on
leaving Minneapolis I got into conversation with a farmer and
his wife from the shores of Lake Minnetonka. They were past
middle life, good, honest-looking, and decidedly " sonsy." The
description that honest couple gave of the beauties of their home
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 183
and of the lake by which it stood was very enthusiastic, and
much as their appearance favoured them, I was inclined to
accept their statements with some reservation, but later on I
learned from other sources that the country round Lake Minne-
tonka is rarely beautiful, and leaves little to be desired, either in
natural beauty, fertility, or climate.
When we had got rid of our local passengers and settled
down, I secured a sleeping berth; but I had fallen among a lot of
farmers who were migrating westwards. One of them — a tall,
raw-boned, leather-hided Yankee, who had sold out his farm in
Iowa, and was now on his way to take final possession of a free
homestead grant which he had chosen six months before in
Dakota — lectured his fellow traveller on the relative advantages
and disadvantages of selling out farms in the older settled States
for a handsome price, and moving to the free lands in the West,
and he wound up with " Yer keant of course hev yer orchards
and sich like comforts in Dakeota as y'had at home ; but what's
that to the chief object of life ? " This sentiment sent me to bed,
and to think of the charming candour of this raw-boned pioneer
of civilisation. Money-making is the chief object of life with
ever so many of us, but how few will be found to avow the fact
so unreservedly as this honest though rough piece of humanity
did. That was my last sight of him. Before I was up in the morn-
ing he had left us, and gone westward.
From morning till night our route lay along the fertile
valley of the Red River of the North. Away on either side of
us, as far as the eye could reach, stretched rolling prairie lands,
millions of acres of which are waiting for the settler. As we
rushed over the small streams and creeks, or by the banks of the
Red River, the richness and depth of the soil were apparent, but
on the unbroken plain the scene was desolate enough. Here
and there a log house was erected, and the farmer and his family
were busy leading their crops to the stack-yard, but for miles
there was at times no sign of human habitation in this, one of the
richest agricultural valleys in the world.
Between four and five in the afternoon we crossed the
International boundary at St Vincent, and in a few minutes we
were at the " Gateway City" of Emerson. According to our ideas,
Emerson would be called a very small town, but cities are easily
1 84 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
made in America ; and Emerson, with a population of not more
than 3000, but with unlimited faith in its own future, calls itself,
and is entitled to call itself, a city.
Somewhere about 7 P.M. we steamed into Winnipeg, and
having found my way to one of the two " good" (save the mark)
hotels in the place, and enjoyed a cup of tea, I sauntered out —
it was Saturday night — to have a look at the place by gas-light.
Shortly after my arrival in Canada, I learned from the
Montreal Herald that the Civic Assessment of Winnipeg for
1882 was 30,000,000 dols., while in the previous year it amounted
to only 9,000,000 dols. In the same period the population was
said to have increased from 10,000 to 25,000. I naturally, there-
fore, expected to find in the city evidences of rapid progress, and
I was not disappointed. Winnipeg, at the time of my visit, was
not a comfortable place to move about in, according to our old
world ideas of comfort. The streets are wide and straight, and
like all new towns in America, they all run parallel, or at right
angles to each other, but there had as yet been little attempt to
make good travelling roadways of them. The original tough,
clayey soil still formed the surface of the parts of the street de-
voted to carriage traffic. The side walks were of timber, and
were raised sometimes as much as five or six feet above the level
of the portion of the carriage-way immediately outside them.
This rendered walking rather risky on a dark night in such
poorly lighted streets as those of Winnipeg then were, but the
nature of the subsoil is such that the surface-water can only be
carried away by deep side drains. The form of the carriage-way
was almost semi-circular, the sides being several feet lower than
the centre. The footways were built up to about the same level
as the centre of the carriage-way, and their bare, unprotected
edges, towering so high above the street beneath, gave them a
dangerous look to a stranger.
The principal street of Winnipeg is Main Street, which runs
from beyond the Canadian Pacific Railway Station at one end of
the town, to Fort-Garry at the other, considerably over a mile, I
should say, judging from the time it takes to walk it. Running
parallel with, and on either side of Main Street, are other streets
of less importance, which were being rapidly covered with build-
ings— principally dwelling-houses. The intersecting streets were
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 185
also being built upon, the portions near Main Street being de-
voted to shops and warehouses. The whole town was littered
with bricks and timber, and other building material, and buildings
were being rushed up with marvellous rapidity. Bricklayers and
carpenters were having a fine time of it, their wages ranging from
twelve to over twenty shillings of our money per day. The cost
of living was rather high, and house rents very high. The Win-
nipeg Sun, an evening paper, was then publishing a series of
papers by a special reporter who was interviewing some of the
mechanics who had migrated from Ontario to Winnipeg. These
all agreed that, notwithstanding the increased cost of living in
Winnipeg, they were better off than they had been in the older
province. One man, a carpenter, with a wife and seven children,
was reported to have said that although he paid 35 dols..a-month
of rent for a house he would only pay 7 dollars for in Ottawa, he
had been able to save 50 dollars every month since he came to
Winnipeg nearly a year before. But then he added that he
could not do this and pay a rent of 5 dols. a-month for every room
in his house unless he rented his rooms or took boarders. He had
boarders, and in that connection he said — " I and my wife have
figured it down pretty closely, and we find that our boarders just
pay for the food consumed by all of us, my family included."
A single man could board for five dols. a week, which left a
pretty wide margin for saving, or he might, if he preferred it,
live in a tent during the summer months, as many were doing
in Winnipeg at that time.
Writing from Winnipeg to the Inverness Courier, in Sep-
tember 1882, I said —
How long this state of things will continue in Winnipeg it is impossible to say.
So long as men are found to invest money in buildings things will go on smoothly
enough. But Winnipeg will not continue tojncrease as it has done in the past if its
capitalists are to build nothing besides hotels, shops, and houses, and mainly the last.
Even now, indications are not wanting that a present limit is being reached. Many
houses are vacant, and one of the Winnipeg papers, the Times, devoted a leader this
week to soundly rating landlords for demanding rents which give them a return of
twenty per cent, on their outlay, and letting their houses stand vacant rather than
reduce rents.
When we consider that ten years ago all that existed of the City of Winnipeg was
Fort-Garry, a Hudson Bay Company's trading station, we cannot help being impressed
by the change which has transformed the lonely prairie into a busy town, and the .
people of Winnipeg are entitled to great credit for what they have done and are doing.
1 86 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
But Winnipeg looks forward to being, within a very few years, a much more important
place than it now is, and it was this expectation that gave rise to the famous boom of
last spring, when the prices of building lots in Winnipeg went up to a fabulous figure.
And yet it looks as if Winnipeg is not doing what it might to secure its growth into a
large city. A few miles east of Winnipeg is the eastern limit of the fertile belt Be-
yond that the country, for hundreds of miles, consists of rock and swamp. To the
north, along the Red River Valley, the soil, though rich, is low, and will probably
not be much more thickly peopled than it is, so long as better land can be got in the
west, which will be for many years to come. To the south, or south-west, lies the
" Gateway City" of Emerson, close to the International boundary, and its people do
not look as if they intended to let Winnipeg become supreme in the North- West with-
out a struggle. They are so situated, too, that they have competing lines of commun-
ication with the markets of the world to which they are at present nearer than Winni-
peg. To the west and north-west are millions of acres of fertile land, some of it
being, according to report, the most fertile in the world, and this land is being rapidly
settled. It is in this direction that Winnipeg must look for her customers ; it is to
serve this district, and make herself indispensable to its people, that she should
now lay herself out. But this she does not appear to be doing, or to have
any intention of doing. Winnipeg is fmll of shops and warehouses where
goods can be purchased wholesale and retail, and the people think that the future
trade of Winnipeg will be a wholesale one — importing goods from the East
and distributing them throughout the West and North-West. Well, this may be, but
there are other towns further west, notably Portage la Prairie and Brandon, going into
the same trade, and as they have the advantage of being nearer the consumer than
Winnipeg, and seem determined to make a fight for the trade, they may run Winnipeg
a close race. The only manufacturing industry of any importance in Winnipeg is a
lumber mill. Although the whole country from which Winnipeg will draw its busi-
ness is a grain-producing one, there is not a grain elevator or a grist mill in the city.
There may be a great future in store for Winnipeg, but if there is, her citizens
must work — a policy of waiting for something to turn up will not do. Even building
speculators will not make a city. On the contrary, they may, by giving the place a
reputation for dearness, tend to unmake it. There is one scheme on foot which, if
carried out, will have an important bearing on the future of Winnipeg — that is, the
proposed line of communication with Britain by Hudson's Bay. Looked at on a flat
map, it does not look as if Hudson's Bay was nearer Britain than New York, but so it
seems it is. I had an interesting conversation with the manager of one of the banks
in Winnipeg on this subject, and from him I derived my information. There are two
proposals made, and two companies have obtained charters. The one proposes to
build a railway from Winnipeg to Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, a distance of between
600 and 700 miles. The other scheme, and the one which is supported by the best
men, is to utilise the water communication by the Red River and Lake Winnipeg, and
have a railway from the end of Lake Winnipeg to Churchill, a distance of about 360
miles. It is claimed for these routes that either of them would bring Winnipeg and
the North-West Territory about a thousand miles nearer Liverpool than the present
route by Duluth and the Lakes, and between 500 and 600 miles nearer than by the
Canadian Pacific through line when complete. If this is so, and if either of the two
schemes should be carried out, Winnipeg would probably become the great centre of
the grain trade of the Canadian North-West, and indeed the natural point where all
the trade of that immense territory would be transacted. Meantime, Winnipeg goes
THE HIGHLANDS AND HIGHLANDERS. 187
forward with a light heart, introducing the electric light, enlarging her Town Hall at
a cost of 60,000 dols., laying drains, and wondering what she will do to make her
streets passable after a shower of rain — borrowing a few hundred thousand dollars here
and there where they can be got, without waiting to think how they are to be repaid
— in short, playing to perfection the role of Micawber among Western cities.
It is a very safe rule never to " prophesy unless you know,"
but however fond one is of the rule as a guiding principle,
he is sometimes tempted to disregard it. This was my case in
Winnipeg. Its whole method of going to work appeared to me
to be unsound. No business is more precarious in a new town
with new towns rising on every side of it than " shopkeeping,"
and yet Winnipeg seemed to me to pin its faith to its counters.
Speculative house and shop building, the only other form of
industry extensively carried on in the city, was, if anything,
worse than shopkeeping. The Hudson Bay Railway and Naviga-
tion scheme will, however, if practicable and carried out in time,
save Winnipeg, and if coupled with energy on the part of her
citizens make her a great city. Without it she will become, on
the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, little more than
a roadside station on the route to the great West. K. M'D.
(To be continued.)
THE HIGHLANDS AND HIGHLANDERS OF SCOTLAND: PAPERS
HISTORICAL, DESCRIPTIVE, BIOGRAPHICAL, LEGENDARY,
AND ANECDOTAL. By JAMES CROMB, Author of "Working and
Living, and other Essays." Dundee : John Leng & Co.
THIS is a most attractive and readable book, written by a Low-
lander about- the Highlanders. It is a sign of the times when a
" Sassenach " writes in such a pleasing, almost flattering,
manner of the hereditary enemies of his forbears. No Celt
could have paid a warmer tribute to the many excellencies of the
Celtic character than Mr Cromb has done in this book, and we
heartily thank him for it. We have our faults, and Southern
scribblers have not failed to present them to the world in their
worst aspects and to greatly magnify them without any reference
to the other side. Mr Cromb perhaps leans a little too much to
virtue's side, but such a book as his was wanted, and it will do
much good. The work treats of the Highland dress, the
Highlander's love of country, Highland Bards, Pipers, Music,
i88 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Tartan, Superstition, Feuds, Fidelity; with special chapters de-
voted to each of the Massacre of Glencoe, Rob Roy Mac-
gregor, Sir Evven Cameron of Lochiel, Montrose, Viscount
Dundee, President Forbes, Prince Charles, and Flora Mac-
donald; and it is very nicely illustrated with lithographs and
drawings by a Dundee artist, Mr Martin Anderson. The
chapter on Highland Fidelity is particularly good. We should
like to quote it at length, but even did our space admit that
would be unjust to the author. No Highlander should be
without a copy of the book, and we feel safe in predicting that all
who peruse it will feel a glow of gratitude to its author.
The "Introduction" is worthy of the book. After describ-
ing the mistaken opinions held regarding the Highlanders of
the past by their Southern neighbours, the author proceeds —
" When they became known, they were found to be honourable
and brave men — devoted to those to whom they owed allegiance,
and regarding their life as of less value than their integrity."
Of their leaders he says : —
The Chiefs, whose dignity of manner was not equalled by accomplished courtiers,
were hospitable and kind, and the good things of their table were as freely offered
to the wandering stranger or the meanest of their clan as to the King or his Councill-
ors. The meanest of them could boast a line of ancestry sufficient to put an English
baron to the blush ; and while their occupation was. war, and their delight to be war-
like, they had sentiments in their bosom deep and tender as any breathed from
Southern maiden's lips.
After telling us that the fidelity of the clansmen to these Chiefs,
and of Highland soldiers to their officers, was one of the most
distinctly marked characteristics of the Gael, and that selfish-
ness was foreign to their nature, he states, with evident regret,
how in recent years —
They have suffered vicissitudes which call forth the sympathy of all who are ac-
quainted with their independent character and self-denying lives. Neither their
tastes, habits, nor traditions have been respected. The country has been invaded by
bands of pleasure-seekers, and the young and the old sent forth from the happy homes
in which they lived in contentment and peace. Brave men and virtuous women have
had to seek a home beyond the seas, that room might be made for sheep and deer
and Cockney sportsmen. The day may come when we shall go to the glen to pipe,
and find no one to dance ; we may be in need of bold hearts and lusty arms, and
when we turn to the mountains and cry for help, no response but the echo of our own
voice will break the silence We cannot refrain from expressing the
opinion that it is not good for the people nor for the country that the Highlands
should be made first a sheep run, then a mere hunting and pleasure ground. Perhaps
there is exaggeration in the statements regarding the extent of ground wasted for the
breeding of game. Thousands of acres in the Highlands are scarcely fit for any other
purpose. Many who have been compelled to leave their native glens, and seek homes
in the south, or beyond the seas, have, however severe the wrench to sentiment,
really benefited themselves from a material point of view. Yet it is unquestionable
LAYS OF LEISURE. 189
that the country, as a whole, is capable of sustaining in comfort a much larger popula-
tion than it does. There are fertile valleys, remote glens, and cheerful straths, rich
in mingled green and purple, from which no smoke ever rises, and where the eye
cannot find a habitation. Traces there are of cold hearth - stones, and of a.
people who are gone, yet who lived pleasant and happy lives amid these fair
surroundings. But sheep, deer, and grouse have hustled them out, and the
country is the weaker and the poorer. The sporting craze is. besides, demoral-
ising the people. Does anyone think that the boatman or gillie of to-day,
who carries his gun and bag over the hills, or rows his boat over the loch, is a fair
representative of the clansman who responded a century and a half ago to the call of
his Chief ? Not a bit of him. He is often cringing and servile, and this cringing
servility is a condition of obtaining employment. Buggins from the City demands it,
pays for it, and the poor Gael must give it. We do not blame him. It is the lesson
he has learned from contact with the South The general influence
of the Saxon on the Gael is to '' unman " him. And that is not all the evil. This
grouse and deer rearing is a loss to the nation. Can deer, costing ^100 per head
to rear, and sometimes a great deal more, or grouse, often from £,1 to ^5 a brace,
ever be profitable for any one concerned, either in breeding or killing them ?
These quotations from the Introduction will indicate the nature
of the book, and the warm-heartedness of its author.
LA YS OF LEISURE : POEMS AND SONGS. By WILLIAM ALLAN.
London : Simpkin, Marshall, & Co. 1883.
AN old Highland proverb says, "An uair a bhios Murachadh na 'thamh bidh e
'ruamhar" (when Murdo is resting he will be delving), a remark which may be appro-
priately applied to the author of this work. The publication not many months ago of his
"After-Toil Songs," and now the issue of the present volume show that the author does
a fair share of "delving" in the fields of poetry and literature in his leisure hours; and
the quality of the crop satisfies us that his croft is truly on some well-favoured spot on
the slopes of Parnassus itself. Nay, it would appear that he has been fortunate
enough to secure "fixity of tenure" on those classic grounds. While saying this,
however, we are not sure that the last season has been quite so propitious as former
ones. The present volume consists of a rather mixed variety, alike in point of subject
and merit. The "Lays" are characterised by much of the native force which Mr
Allan infuses into his productions, and there are not wanting many of the more deli-
cate touches which his hand can so well impart. His genius is like one of his own
Nasmyth hammers, which, in the hand of the mechanic, can be made to come gently
down on an egg, and barely crack its shell, or, with a force that can crush to atoms a
mass of solid oak. Very musical and pretty is that short piece, " The Bell in the
Valley." Right bold on the other hand, like its fearless subject, is the poem entitled
" Rob Roy's Death," which appeared some time ago in our own pages. A longer
poem, which also appeared in the Celtic Magazine, is " Drumclog," in which our
author breathes the old sturdy Presbyterianism of his native country. Perhaps,
however, the most powerful and vivid in the collection is that entitled " The
Preacher of Portree," which, notwithstanding a considerable amount of meta-
morphosis, his readers will recognise as the anonymous metrical tale which
appeared some months ago under the title of " St Michael and the Preacher."
Mr Allan, now that he avows the paternity, prefers that it should appear in a
Scotch garb. He has also shorn it of a good deal that was gruesome in its
former aspect, but here it is with its " natural force" not one whit abated. The
poem of the " Preacher" is one of Mr Allan's most powerful and successful attempts,
and contains pictures that would have done no discredit to the author of "Tarn o'
Shanter." Its subject is Highland landlord oppression, clerical indifference and
sycophancy, and their ultimate reward ; and the treatment of it is quite in keep-
ing with the theme. We c'ordially commend the " Lays of Leisure ;" and the best
we can say of them is that they wear the impress of the powerful hand and 4arge
warm heart of the true Scot that every one knows Mr William Allan to be.
190 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
GOLDEN WEDDING OF CLUNY MACPHERSON, C.B.
IT will be remembered that on the 2Oth of December 1882, a
great gathering took place at Cluny Castle, on which occasion
Cluny and his lady were presented with addresses from almost
every representative Society in the County of Inverness, in
celebration of their Golden Wedding. A strong desire has since
been expressed that a record of the interesting proceedings
should appear in a more enduring form than newspaper re-
ports. We have the result before us in a beautifully printed
brochure of 96 pages, containing all the addresses presented to
the grand old Chief and his lady, and life-like portraits of both.
It also contains a list of the subscribers to the magnificent Centre-
piece, formally presented on the 2Oth of December 1883, with a
genealogical account of the family from Macgillicattan Mor to
the present day. The whole has been prepared and edited by
Mr Alexander Macpherson, banker, Kingussie, Honorary Secre-
tary to the Testimonial Committee, and it does no small credit
to his good taste, from a literary as well as from an artistic
point of view. The readers of the Celtic Magazine do not at
this time of day require that we should refer at any length to
Cluny's unblemished life and record as a Highland Chief. A
sketch of himself and his career appeared in these pages a few
years ago, which has since been re-printed and circulated by the
Testimonial Committee among the subscribers ; and it is quoted
in the " Golden Wedding," by Mr Macpherson.
The presentation to Cluny and his lady consists of a
massive silver Candelabrum, or Centre-piece, manufactured by
Mr James Aitchison, Edinburgh, weighing about seven hundred
ounces. A sturdy oak tree, springing from the heather and
bracken, forms the stem, from which radiate nine branches,
fitted for crystals or candles, and in the centre a richly cut dish
for fruit or flowers. In front of the tree is placed a group repre-
senting one of the most interesting and characteristic incidents
in the history of the famous Chief of 1745, for whose capture
the Government of the day offered a reward of a thousand
guineas and a company in one of the regiments of the line, to
any one who would bring him in dead or alive. The incident is
thus described in a letter by his son, Colonel Duncan Macpher-
GOLDEN WEDDING OF CLUNY. 191
son of Cluny, to Colonel Stewart of Garth, author of the Sketches
of the Highlanders, dated "Cluny House, pth June 1817:" —
On another occasion, when my father was at Cluny, in a small house inhabited by
the family after the Castle was burnt, the house was suddenly surrounded by a party
of soldiers (redcoats, as they were then called,) commanded by Ensign Munro, whose
information was so correct, and managed matters so secretly that there was no possi-
bility of my father making his escape ; but, on the emergency, his presence of mind
did not forsake him, and he stood firm and collected in himself, and although he saw
himself on the brink of destruction, and ready to fall into the hands of his persecutors,
by which he must suffer an ignominious death, he deliberately stepped into the kitchen,
where a servant man was sitting, and exchanged clothes with him, all of which was the
work of a moment ; and when the officer commanding the party rode up to the door,
he, without any hesitation, ran out and held the stirrup while dismounting, walked
the horse about while the officer was in the house, and when he came out again, held
the stirrup to him to mount, on which the officer asked him if he knew where Cluny
was ; he answered that he did not, and if he did, he would not tell him ; the officer
replied, " I believe you would not ; you are a good fellow, here is a shilling for you."
Unfortunately no authentic portrait of Cluny of the 'Forty-
five exists, and the artist, Mr Clark Stanton, A.R.S.A., has,
most appropriately, adopted the features of the present sturdy
Chief. The conception is a happy one, but we cannot help feel-
ing a slight regret that the incident illustrated should have
necessitated such a prominent position for Ensign Munro, while
Cluny himself, in whose honour the design is got up, should
hold such a comparatively subordinate place ; but we presume
this could not be avoided, without sacrificing the historical value
of the illustration. Suspended on the trunk of the oak, and
serving to break the line, are a target and other warlike accoutre-
ments. The base has been designed as far as possible in keeping
with the Celtic sentiments of the occasion, and bears on one side
the combined arms of Cluny Macpherson and Davidson, with
the supporters, crest, and motto ; and on the other a shield, bear-
ing the following inscription (in Gaelic and English): —
PRESENTED,
ALONG WITH AN ILLUMINATED ADDRESS,
TO
CLUNY MACPHERSON, C.B., AND LADY CLUNY,
ON THE OCCASION OF THEIR
GOLDEN WEDDING,
BY
THEIR FRIENDS AND CLANSMEN.
2OTH DECEMBER 1882.
No other Chief in the Highlands better deserved this honour ;
and we heartily wish our good friend and his lady many years of
health and happiness to enjoy it, with the good wishes and,
indeed, affection of the Highland people.
192 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The following Circular is in course of being issued by A. & W. MACKENZIE,
Publishers, " Celtic Magazine" Office, 25 Academy Street, Inverness: —
PROPOSED HIGHLAND NEWSPAPER,
TO BE CAL.LEB
"THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER,'
WE have for some time been strongly urged, from influential quarters at home and
abroad, to take the necessary steps for starting an Independent Weekly Newspaper
in Inverness, for the special purpose of advocating the claims and promoting the in-
terests of the Highland people.
It has been suggested that the present time is specially opportune for a move-
ment in this direction; and that our Mr Alexander Mackenzie's special knowledge of
his countrymen, their history, and wants in the present crisis, points to him as the
most suitable to conduct such a paper; the marked success of the Celtic Magazine,
under his guidance, when all similar attempts by others failed, being an earnest of his
ability to prove equally successful in conducting a Highland newspaper.
To embark in the direction proposed is a serious undertaking, both as regards
its financial responsibilities and the labour and energy necessary to make the paper in-
fluential and prosperous. Very liberal support has been already offered, and nothing
is wanting to induce us and Mr Mackenzie to move in the matter, but a certainty that the
paper shall be widely and energetically supported by Highlanders, and by their numer-
ous friends at home and abroad.
To test the feeling existing among those specially interested, and to put the matter
beyond question, the present Circular is issued, as the most practical means, to enable
all who are willing to support a Highland Newspaper to do so in a substantialfo rm,
by subscribing, and agreeing to pay a year's subscription in advance ; the money not
to be paid until it is finally decided to issue the paper.
Should the result prove satisfactory, steps will at once be taken to start a paper
of eight pages, at one penny. If, on the other hand, such interest is not shown,
in the manner indicated, as will secure a certain subscribed circulation to begin with,
of at least five thousand copies, it will not be deemed prudent to proceed any further
in the matter at present. Whether or not the Highlanders shall have a represent-
ative paper is thus left in their own hands ; and they should, in a matter of this kind,
remember that " Heaven helps those who help themselves."
All who feel interested regarding the position and prospects of the Highland
people ; and who care for the Language, Literature, Traditions, and the Material
interests of a noble but ill-used race, will, it is hoped, aid us in securing the necessary
support for carrying out the object aimed at.
It is believed that the manner in which the Celtic Magazine has been conducted
to such a successful issue, will be accepted as a sufficient guarantee that the same pru-
dence, firmness, and energy which secured that success will be applied with even
greater results, to the conduct of such a Newspaper as is now proposed.
The leading friends of the Highland people are fully satisfied — however favour-
able the Report of the Royal Commission may be that the real work of those who
demand and will insist upon a change in the present Land Laws will only begin in
earnest when the nature of the Report becomes known. This points strongly to the
necessity of Highlanders having a special organ of their own to advance their claims.
A Gaelic department will form a feature of the paper ; and special attention
will always be given to Local News from every Strath, Glen, and Hamlet, where
Highlanders are to be found.
A. & W. MACKENZIE.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CI. MARCH 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XIV. -v
SIR EWEN CAMERON— Continued. ;.
LOCHIEL'S settlement with Mackintosh was for him, in the ex-
isting circumstances, a most favourable one; for not only did the
yearly rents of the lands far exceed the interest of the money paid
to Mackintosh, but there were oak and fir woods on both sides
of Loch-Arkaig, and on other parts of the lands in question, worth
more than four times the sum paid for the whole. Lochiel, how-
ever, overlooked to make provision in the agreement for the
arrears of rent due since the mortgage on the estate was redeemed
in 1639, and this cost him afterwards, in 1688, no end of trouble
and annoyance. He is said to have entertained the leading
men of the two clans — his own and the Mackintoshes — in his
house for several days after the agreement was completed, when,
to all appearance, they parted fully satisfied with the arrange-
ment come to.
The Marquis of Athole offered Lochiel the money to pay
the sum awarded to Mackintosh. Argyll offered it on some-
what easier conditions, but still conditions which, in future,
would secure to him and to the House of Campbell the superi-
N
194 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ority of the lands. There was to be no interest payable for
the money itself, but Lochiel consented to hold the lands
from Argyll as superior, to pay him a feu-duty of one hundred
pounds Scots per annum, and to grant him the service of one
hundred men-in-arms whenever he should require them. These
conditions later on landed Lochiel in a very difficult position,
in connection with a dispute which arose between Argyll and
the Macleans of Duart, to whom Sir Ewen was closely con-
nected by marriage and consanguinity. Lochiel took the
part of the Macleans in this quarrel, having, after visiting
Argyll at Inveraray, and leaving him without notice, hastened
back to Lochaber, where, being joined by the Macdonalds of
Glengarry, Keppoch, Glencoe, and others, he marched into Mull,
and prevented the intended invasion by Argyll for that year.
To have men in arms without authority was an offence of a
very serious character, and to punish Sir Ewen, Argyll applied
to the Privy Council, who, on the 29th of July 1669, issued
a proclamation, wherein, among others, Lochiel, Maclean,
and several chiefs, including Argyll himself, are ordered to
find annual caution to keep the peace. He had, however, pre-
viously secured the necessary legal authority for punishing the
Macleans, and, consequently, the proclamation only affected his
opponents, impartial though it at first appeared by the inclu-
sion of his own name. At the same time Argyll had a warrant
against Lochiel for money due by him. Sir Ewen, however,
started for Edinburgh in the most secret manner, and, notwith-
standing Argyll's opposition, who was there before him, and was
himself a member, the Privy Council, on the 28th October, granted
Lochiel a personal protection. He remained in Edinburgh
most of the succeeding winter; and he is said to have been so
exasperated at Argyll's conduct towards him and his friends the
Macleans, that he would have shot his Lordship on a certain day,
as he was stepping into his carriage to attend a meeting of the
Privy Council, had not Lochiel's servant, who stood at his
master's back, wrested the pistol out of his raised hand, as he was
about to shoot him.
Lochiel resided in Mull during summer, for the succeeding few
years, and Argyll remained at home. In the Spring of 1674, he
was taken dangerously ill with a " bloody-flux " — the only ill-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 195
ness he had during his whole career — occasioned by cold and
fatigue endured while supporting the Macleans. His com-
plaint, which was so severe that his physicians despaired of his
life, lasted for a whole year, but even while ill, he was still able to
render great service to his friends by his wise counsel. Ultimately,
however, Argyll succeeded in bringing about an arrangement, in
terms of which Lochiel agreed to visit him at Dunstaffnage Castle,
whither he set out in June 1675. Mutual explanations were made,
and Argyll satisfied Lochiel that he was prepared to arrange the
matter in dispute with the Macleans on favourable terms, pro-
vided that he accompanied him to Mull with fifty men, that the
whole question might be submitted to certain friends for their
award. This Lochiel agreed to, and it was ratified by a contract,
dated the 5th of June 1675.
The long-vexed question between them having thus been
settled, Argyll invited Lochiel to spend a few days with him at
Inveraray. Shortly after their arrival, Argyll suggested that
his guest should have himself shaved by his Lordship's valet,
a Frenchman, who, he said, was an adept at his art. Lochiel
agreed. While the operation was going on, two stalwart Cam-
erons of the Chief's retinue, who were in the room, were noticed
standing close together, their backs pressed firmly against the
inside of the door, one having his eyes fixed on Argyll, the
other on the valet. After some chaffing remarks between the
Chiefs as to the suspicious-looking action of the two men,
Lochiel requested the Earl to ask themselves to explain their
conduct. In reply, one of them at once answered, " That
knowing well there had been a difference between his Lordship
and their Chief, on account of the assistance he had given to the
Macleans, they suspected, when the valet was called for, that
there might be a design of murdering their Chief under cover of
that service, seeing that he had a servant of his own who used to
perform it, and that, therefore, they were determined, if their
suspicion proved true, first to dispatch his Lordship, and then the
valet." Being asked, " What they thought would have come
of themselves in such a case as that ?" they replied, " We did
not think about that, but we were resolved to revenge the murder
of our Chief." Argyll praised them highly, and gave them
money, at the same time telling Sir Ewen that he believed no
Prince in the world had more faithful and loving subjects.
196 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Soon after this Lochiel had occasion to visit Edinburgh,
when he had the good fortune to meet his Royal Highness the
Duke of York, afterwards James II. The Prince not only.,
received him with every mark of attention ; but, in a full Court,
honoured him specially with his conversation, questioning him in
the most agreeable manner about the adventures of his youth.
He openly congratulated him upon having arranged a settle-
ment of the ancient dispute between him and Mackintosh, and
upon its happy issue, stating, at the same time, that even if his
brother the King had gone the length of purchasing these lands
for him, since they were so long in his family and so conveniently
situated for his clan, it would be but a small reward for the great
services which he had rendered to the Royal House. The
Prince, at the close of this address, asked for Lochiel's sword,
which the Chief at once handed to him, but the Duke was unable
to draw it from the scabbard ; for the weapon, it seems, " was
somewhat rusty, and but little used, as being a walking sword,
which the Highlanders never make use of in their own country.
The Duke, after the second attempt, gave it back to Lochiel, with
the compliment that his sword never used to be so uneasy to draw
when the Crown wanted his service. Lochiel, who was modest
even to excess, was so confounded that he could make no return
to so high a compliment ; and knowing nothing of the Duke's
intention, he drew the sword, and returned it to His Royal
Highness, who, addressing those about him, said smiling —
' You see, my Lords, Lochiel's sword gives obedience to no hand
but his own,' and thereupon he was pleased to knight him."*
*The version in the text is that given by the author of the " Memoirs of Sir Ewen
Cameron," who knew Lochiel personally. Sir Walter Scott " improves" it by making
the Duke the King, and by other embellishments, as follows : — After the accession of
James II., Lochiel came to Court to obtain pardon for one of his clan, who, being in
command of a party of Camerons, had fired by mistake on a body of Athole men, and
killed several. He was received with the most honourable distinction, and his request
granted. The King, desiring to make him a knight, asked the Chieftain for his own
sword, in order to render the ceremony still more peculiar. Lochiel had ridden up
from Scotland, being then the only mode of travelling, and a constant rain had so
rusted his trusty broadsword that, at the moment, no man could have unsheathed it.
Lochiel, affronted at the idea which the courtiers might conceive from his not being
able to draw his own sword, burst into tears. " Do not regard it, my faithful friend,"
said King James, with ready courtesy, "your sword would have left the scabbard of
itself, had the Royal cause required it." With that, he bestowed the intended honour
with his own sword, which he presented to the new knight as soon as the ceremony
was performed. — Tales of a Grandfather.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 197
These expressions of favour from the Prince were soon imitated
by his courtiers, and Lochiel was highly complimented by them
all on his past exploits and his loyalty to the Crown. His visit
to Edinburgh on this occasion was in connection with the case of
two soldiers who had been killed in Lochaber by some of his men.
There was no word about their trial while the Royal Duke re-
mained ; but as soon as he left, proceedings were commenced.
Lochiel, however, was again successful. He told off some of his
friends to get at the prosecution witnesses, with orders to fill
them with drink ; the result being that they were all sound asleep
in an obscure out-of-the-way house, when they should have been
ready to be sworn and examined as witnesses in the case, and
Lochiel's friends were dismissed, in the absence of any evidence
against them, to the great regret and disappointment of his
enemies.
The following extracts from Fountainhair s Decisions evi-
dently refers to, and further explains, this incident : — "November
I4th, 1682. — Complaints being exhibited against Cameron of
Lochiell and some of his clan for sorning, robbing, deforcing, and
doing violence and affronts to a party of the King's forces, who
came there to uplift the cess and taxation : The Lords ordained
them to be presently disarmed of their swords, pistols, and skien-
durks, and to be securely imprisoned." " November 3Oth, 1682. —
At Privy Council, Cameron of Lochiell, mentioned I4th
November 1682, is fined, as the head of that clan, in £100
sterling, for the deforcement and violence offered by his men to
the King's forces, when they came there to exact the taxations,
and three of them are referred to the Criminal Court to be pur-
sued for their lives, as guilty of treason, for opposing the King's
authority ; the Clerk-Register became cautioner for Lochiel.
This was done, as was thought, to cause him give way to
Huntley's getting a footing in Lochaber."
In August of this year a Commission under the Great
Seal was issued, renewed by Proclamation from the Council in
1685, to the Sheriff of Inverness-shire, to hold Circuit Courts
throughout the Highlands for the trial of various offences.
Among other places the Sheriff visited Lochaber, where his
presence was anything but agreeable to Lochiel, who had
arranged, and carried out pretty successfully, a plan of his own
ip8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
for punishing offences among his people. The Sheriff having
arrived in the district, with a following of seven hundred men to
protect him on his journey, not only proceeded to try and punish
offences covered by his Commission, but also crimes and delin-
quencies committed during the late civil wars. Even Lochiel
was summoned to the Court, when he presented himself before the
Sheriff with a following of four hundred men, on the pretence of
guarding his Lordship, but really with the object of saving his
own people from what he considered the exercise of a severe
oppression and injustice. "He foresaw that the Sheriff's haughty
and tyrannic procedure would be attended with trouble ; and to
prevent it he could fall upon no method so effectual as that of
dismissing the Court by some political contrivance or other. He
singled out three or four of the most cunning or sagacious, but
withal the most mischievous and turbulent, among his followers.
Under pretence of enquiring into their conduct with these he
walked a short way from the place where the Court was sitting,
and, pretending to be very thoughtful and serious, he dropped
these words in their hearing, as if he had been meditating and
speaking to himself; 'Well, this Judge will ruin us all ! He must
be sent home ! I wish I could do it ! Is there none of my lads so
clever as to raise a rabble and tumult among them, and set them
together by the ears? It would send him a-packing. I have
seen them raise mischief when there was not so much need of it!'
The fellows I have mentioned caught at those expressions with
great greediness. They quickly mixed among the Sheriff's train,
and in three moments thereafter, Lochiel had the pleasure of
seeing that vast crowd of people in an uproar. The cries of
murder and slaughter resounded from all quarters. Several
thousands of swords and dirks were drawn, and yet none knew
the quarrel, and such a dreadful noise and confusion of tongues
ensued, with the rattle of swords and other weapons striking
against one another, that the meeting resembled a company of
Bedlamites broke lose from their cells, with their chains rattling
about them." The Sheriff and the members of his Court got
into a state of great terror, and seeing Lochiel coming in their
direction, at the head of his men, with drawn swords, they ran
to meet him, craving his protection. This Lochiel at once
granted, and afterwards convoyed the Sheriff and his whole
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 199
retinue, at their own request, safely out of his country, a service
for which his Lordship subsequently procured for him the thanks
of the Privy Council. After all the noise and uproar, only two
men were killed, and a few wounded. The Sheriff was never
able to discover how the row began, or who was responsible for
it, for the fellows who started it stole quietly away, and rejoined
Lochiel and a body of his followers at a distance, whenever they
saw the sparks taking- effect, and that the desired blaze was sure
to follow. The Sheriff never after held a Court in Lochaber, and
Lochiel, as usual, succeeded most effectually in gaining his object
by clever strategy.
To add to the general confusion, the Earl of Argyll landed
with an expedition from Holland in May 1685. The King imme-
diately sent for Lochiel, and had a long conference with him on the
subject in his private Cabinet. The Committee in Edinburgh
advised that his Majesty should send Lochiel home to assist in
suppressing the Rebellion. The brave Chief at one expressed his
willingness to do anything in his power, and offered alone, with
the assistance of his friends, the Macleans, to be responsible for
Argyll and his rebellion. The King replied that the chief com-
mand had been already entrusted to the Marquis of Athole, by
the Privy Council. Lochiel returned to Scotland, receiving his
Commission from the Council on the 2Oth of May. He was soon
with Athole, at the. head of 300 of his followers, while as many
more were commanded to follow him to Inveraray as soon
as they could get ready. There were, however, more men
than were required, for Argyll had only about 1500 followers
altogether, and Lochiel sent some of his men back to their
homes. The offer by Lochiel to attack the enemy with the Mac-
leans alone offended the Marquis of Athole, and produced so
much friction and noise in the camp, that, it is alleged, he sent
word to the Council of suspicions of Lochiel's loyalty, who
he feared was in concert with Argyll. An unfortunate incident
followed which gave strength for a time to this unfounded
suspicion. Lochiel was ordered out to reconnoitre, without hav-
ing been informed as to other parties that had been sent
earlier. He mistook one of these for the enemy, one of whom
rushed forward and fired his pistol, wounding one of the
Camerons. Lochiel's followers thereupon fell upon the whole
200 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
party, and would have cut them all to pieces, had not Mr
Cameron of Callart recognised a Mr Linton of Pendrich lying
on his back, defending himself by his blunderbus from the broad-
sword of one of the Camerons. This discovery saved the
remainder, but four or five of the party were killed, and several
wounded, before Callart came up. Lochiel was extremely
sorry for the accident ; and he soon had reason to regret it
very seriously. The Marquis of Athole called a Council of war
to consider Lochiel's conduct, and to decide upon the proper
action respecting it. " This accident," says our authority, "joined
with the malicious report already stated, so far confirmed many
in their suspicions of treachery, that some had the rashness to
propose the ordering out a strong detachment of the troops, and
to make Lochiel and his men all prisoners ; and the Lord
Murray, the Marquis's eldest son, offered to perform that service,
but Mr Murray of Struan being present in the Council, opposed
the motion, as not only dangerous, but destructive of the King's
interest ; ' For/ said he, ' such a man as Lochiel, at the head of
such a body of men, will not be easily made a prisoner by force.
The Macleans and Macdonalds will probably join him ; whereby
the King will not only be deprived of the services of his best
troops, but a division made in the army, of which the common
enemy will, no doubt, take the advantage. Besides, it would not
only be unjust, but even barbarous, to condemn so many people,
who came there to serve their Prince, without being heard ; and
it is more than probable, that when the matter comes to be dis-
covered, it will come out to be wholly an accident occasioned
by some mistake or other.' This opinion prevailed, and the
Council broke up without coming to any violent resolution.
Lochiel, all this while, kept his men aside, and was joined by the
Macleans. After the first emotions of his passion were over, he
began to deliberate on what he should do, and soon determined
that he would not be made prisoner. If he was to suffer, he
resolved that it should be by the sentence of his master and
Sovereign, who had hitherto honoured him with his Royal favour.
The Macleans encouraged him in this resolution, and generously
offered to stand by him in all fortunes. He advanced near to
the camp, that he might the more easily inform himself of what
passed, and drew up his men in two lines, with orders to the left
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 201
to wheel about in case of being attacked, in order that, being
thus joined back to back, they might make two fronts. In this
posture they stood all that night and for most of the following
day ; and towards the evening they had orders to join the army,
with a full assurance of safety ; for by this time the Marquis had
informed himself fully of the matter, which he owned to Lochiel
to be a mere accident, for which he was not to be blamed, and
signified as much in a letter he wrote on that subject to my Lord
Tarbat, who intimated it to the Council." Lochiel after this
brought in a few prisoners. Argyll was captured near Glasgow,
sent on to Edinburgh, where he was beheaded, without trial, on
his old sentence, for High Treason. The army was disbanded on
the 2ist of June, and Lochiel, with the other leaders, received a
communication conveying to them the thanks of the Privy
Council for their hearty concurrence in the King's service, and
authorising them to disband their men.
The execution of Archibald, ninth Earl of Argyll, on the
3Oth of June 1685, proved most troublesome and unfortunate
for Lochiel, in its ultimate results, as one of his vassals. The
Duke of Gordon, obtained a gift of the superiority of that
portion of Lochiel's lands which he held from Argyll, and he
had himself duly infefted in it. The Duke of York, having pre-
viously expressed himself in favour of Lochiel, the latter proceeded
to Court, with the view of securing the superiority for himself,
which not only was promised to him, but also the lands of
Suinart and Ardnamurchan, so soon as the necessary documents
could be completed. But, through an error of his own agents in
drawing out the deeds, and in consequence of the King's death
before new ones could be completed, Lochiel was again disap-
pointed.
Returning south, great honours were conferred on the
Marquis of Athole. He was admitted a Member of the Privy
Council, made Keeper of the Great Seal, and appointed to several
other important offices. Though he had at the time professed
himself quite satisfied as to Lochiel's innocence of the charges of
disloyalty made against him at Inveraray, no sooner did he get
into power than he proceeded to bring him to trial for his
alleged misconduct ; and by transmitting most unfavourable mis-
representations to the King, he secured a warrant for his
202 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
apprehension. For this purpose, he dispatched Captain Mac-
kenzie of Suddie to Lochaber, on the pretence of putting down
some local squabbles in the district, but with private orders to
seize Lochiel, and bring him to Edinburgh. This, as usual, was
easier said than done. His eldest daughter, Margaret, was at the
time in Edinburgh ; and she, obtaining secret information of
Athole's designs upon her father, at once dispatched a
soldier of the name of Cameron, in the City Guards, to apprise
him of his danger. Lochiel removed meanwhile out of the way,
and, on the arrival of Captain Mackenzie in Lochaber, he
set out for Edinburgh, consulted his friends there, posted to Lon-
don, and arrived there before his enemies were actually aware that
he had left home. On his arrival, he found that the grossest mis-
representations had been sent in advance of him, and his old
friends became so convinced of their truth, that not one of them
could be induced to introduce him to the King, who, they antici-
pated, would leave him to be dealt with, for his alleged crimes,
according to the law ; and this notwithstanding that Robert
Barclay of Ury, the famous Quaker, and great favourite of the
King, wrote several letters to the English nobility in his
favour. Ultimately, however, Viscount Strathallan undertook
to inform the King that Lochiel was in the city. He kept his pro-
mise, adding that he had been in town for several days, and that
all his old friends refused to introduce him. The King sent word
to Lochiel, commanding him to see him next morning in the
Royal dressing-room, at the same time requesting Lord Strath-
allan to tell him that "he needed no one to introduce him to us,
and that we expected the first visit." Sir Ewen was naturally
highly pleased on receiving the Royal message. He punctually
obeyed the King's commands, and on his arrival threw himself at
his Majesty's feet, saying, " that he came there as a criminal with
a rope about his neck, to put himself and all he possessed in his
Royal mercy." The King extended him his hand to kiss, and,
commanding him to rise, told him that he had heard of his mis-
fortune, at the same time adding, " that accidents of that nature
had often fallen out among the best disciplined troops," and
that nothing but actual rebellion would ever convince him
that he could be disloyal. Sir Ewen expressed his great grati-
tude for the Royal favour, in the most modest manner, carefully
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 203
avoiding to make any disparaging reflection on his bitterest
enemies.
The most curious incident in connection with this interview
was yet to come. The King, having completed his toilet, com-
manded Lochiel to follow him closely behind, and then, fol-
lowed by Sir Ewen, walked right into the middle of the Chamber
of Presence, crowded by a very splendid and numerous Court,
whom his Majesty gaily addressed : — " My Lords and gentle-
men,— I advise you to have a care of your purses, for the
King of the Thieves is at my back ;" then, turning to Lochiel,
he told him, in the hearing of all present, that he would be
glad to see him often during his stay in town, at the same time
thanking him, before the whole Court, in audible terms, for his
services during the late rebellion. " Never," says his biographer,
" was there a brighter example of the servile complaisance of
courtiers than Lochiel had on this occasion ; for he now had them
all about him, congratulating him upon his Majesty's favour, and
offering him their services, though, the very day before, he
could find but one among them that would serve him so far as
barely to mention his name to his Majesty. The King, on his
part, let slip no opportunity of testifying his esteem. Sir Ewen
never appeared in Court during this visit to London but his
Majesty spoke two or three words to him ; and if he chanced to
meet with him elsewhere, he had always the goodness to enquire
about his health, and now and then to put some jocose question
to him, such as, if he was contriving how to steal any of the fine
horses he had seen in his Majesty's stables, or in those of his
courtiers ?" Such compliments were no doubt considered a little
curious in such august company !
The Duke of Gordon, during Lochiel's absence, raised an
action against him in the Court of Session, to annul his rights and
titles to the whole of the Cameron estates, in virtue of the Duke's
titles to the superiority of the Mam-Mor portion, and his having
obtained, as he alleged, the superiority of the other portion on
Argyll's forfeiture. To both these the Duke had secured grants
at different periods from Kings Charles and James ; that from
the latter dated, 2pth of January, 1686. James knew nothing of
Lochiel's interest in the superiorities, and expressed himself highly
indignant at having been imposed upon by the Duke of Gordon,
204 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
when he came to know the facts. Lochiel complained bitterly
of the manner in which he had been treated, and forcibly argued
that, if the Duke could prevail against him in such an
action, he would be worse punished for his loyalty than the
other leaders had been for their rebellion. The King promised
him full reparation, sent for the Duke of Gordon, and severely
reprimanded him for making his King the author of such a bar-
barous injustice, by the surreptitious grants he had obtained from
him of Lochiel's estates, and he insisted upon the whole question
being left to his own disposal as arbitrator. To this peremp-
tory demand the Duke felt bound to consent, and he signed
articles accordingly. Gordon had also taken proceedings against
Lochiel, in conjunction with a Mr Seaton, for a debt due
to the forfeited Earl of Argyll. The King opposed this
claim also, and the result in both cases was communicated to
the Commissioners of the Treasury in a letter dated 2ist of
May 1688, in which the King intimates— " Our Royal will and
pleasure, that Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel should have new
rights and charters of the property of his lands, formerly held by
him of the late Earl of Argyll, and fallen into our hands by
reason of his forfeiture, renewed and given by George Duke of
Gordon, our donatory in the superiority thereof, for a small and
easy feu-duty, not exceeding four merks for every 1000 merks
of free rent." Respecting the debt, the letter concludes, that
Lochiel " be fully exonered and discharged for the same at all
hands, and in all time coming, notwithstanding of any procedure
that may have already, or hereafter may be made against him at
the instance of any person whatever." In addition to this the
King subsequently declared " that he would not have Lochiel
nor any of his people liable to the Duke's courts, for he would
have Lochiel master of his own clan, and only accountable to
him or his Council, and to have no further to do with his Grace
than to pay him his feu-duty." A formal deed embodying these
conditions was drawn up, but the Duke still attempted to avoid
signing the necessary charter, and in fact refused to do so until
compelled by the King himself, which happened two days after,
when he was obliged to sign in his Majesty's presence ; and
Lochiel was then, for the first time, legally the absolute and
independent master of his own clan.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 205
Shortly after this, however, he is again in difficulties. Mac-
kintosh determined to invade Keppoch, in Lochaber, to eject the
Macdonalds for non-payment of rents which Mackintosh claimed
as legal superior of their lands. Lochiel tried to arrange matters
between them, but failed in doing so, and immediately afterwards
he proceeded to Edinburgh. In his absence, the Macmartin Cam-
erons, who were closely related to the Macdonalds of Keppoch
by frequent intermarriages as well as being otherwise on friendly
terms with them, finding that Lochiel had left home without ex-
pressing any views on the question, or leaving any instructions
as to what his followers were to do, offered their services to
Keppoch. Mackintosh marched to Lochaber with about a thou-
sand of his own men, and a company of the King's troops, under
Captain Mackenzie of Suddie, by order of the Privy Council.
Keppoch, with about half the number of the invaders, defeated
Mackintosh and took him prisoner, while many of his followers
were slain, including Captain Mackenzie, who was mortally
wounded*. Before releasing his prisoner, Keppoch compelled
him to renounce his claims and titles to the lands in dispute.
Lochiel was held responsible by the Privy Council. for the con-
duct of his vassals on this occasion. He, however, managed to
escape in a very clever manner. Viscount Tarbat, a member
of the Council, was a friend and relative of Lochiel, and he
agreed, if the Council should decide against Sir Ewen, to make
a certain sign to him from the window of the Council Chamber.
Lochiel was accused not only as accessory to Keppoch's con-
duct, but as principal author of the bloodshed, " in so far that it
was notorious that Keppoch durst not have attacked Mackintosh
with his own followers without the assistance of the Camerons,
for whose crimes Lochiel was obliged to answer." It was carried
* Scott gives the following account of Captain Mackenzie's death : — "He was
brave, and well armed with carabine, pistols, and a halbert or half-pike. This officer
came in front of a cadet of Keppoch, called Macdonald of Tullich, and by a shot
aimed at him, killed one of his brothers, and then rushed on with his pike. Notwith-
standing this deep provocation, Tullich, sensible of the pretext which the death of a
Captain under Government would give against his clan, called out more than once,
' Avoid me, avoid me.' ' The Macdonald was never born that I would shun,' replied
Mackenzie, pressing on with his pike ; on which Tullich hurled at his head a
pistol, which he had before discharged. The blow took effect, the skull was fractured,
and Mackenzie died shortly after, as his soldiers were carrying him to Inverness." —
Tales of a Grandfather,
206 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
in the Council, by a majority, that he should be at once arrested
and committed to prison for further trial, and a warrant was
issued for his apprehension forthwith.
Lochiel was prepared. Lord Tarbat made the preconcerted
signal ; and after some difficulty as to where he would conceal
himself, the happy thought occurred to him of retiring into the
City jail, under pretence of visiting one of the prisoners. No one,
he correctly conceived, would ever dream of his having gone to
such a place to hide himself, and he knew that a clansman of his
own, on whom he could rely, held a position of trust in the prison.
This man, James Cameron, who was jail clerk, favoured his de-
signs ; and, remaining in the prison until after dark, Sir Ewen
stole out of the City as privately as he could, and, with his usual
dexterity and good fortune, soon arrived safely among his friends
in Lochaber. Shortly after, in the month of October, he received
intimation from the Chancellor that the Prince of Orange was
preparing to invade the kingdom with a great fleet, and request-
ing him to march into Argyllshire, withes many men as he could
get together on such short notice. This message was confirmed
by the Privy Council in a second order, dated the 4th of the
same month, and it was at once obeyed. Lochiel and Sir John
Drummond, with a force of about 1200 men, kept that
county from rising, until they received intimation from the
Chancellor that the King had been betrayed and deserted
on all hands, and that he had fled to France. While on this
service Lochiel was put in possession of Suinart and Ardna-
murchan by the Lord Lieutenant, in terms of a warrant from the
Earl of Balcarres, dated the 3rd of October 1688. He received
a new grant of these lands from the King himself on his arrival in
Ireland soon after ; and no more is heard of the action raised
against him by the Privy Council in connection with the Keppoch
affair.
( To be continued.)
THE FEATHER BONNET AND THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.—
The Inverness Town Council, on the motion of Provost Macandrew, seconded by
the Editor of the Celtic Magazine, on the 4th of February, petitioned the House of
Commons and the War Office in favour of the retention of the Feather Bonnets in
the Highland Regiments, it having been one of the leading features of the dress of the
Highland soldier for more than a hundred years. The modern " tailoring " propen-
sities of the War Office were severely condemned.
2O7
FAIRIES IN SUTHERLAND.
TOWARDS the north end of the hamlet of Swordly, in Suther-
landshire, there is a conical hill called CatJiair RJii MJirail, upon
the summit of which the fairies were wont to hold their nightly
revels in days gone by. Upon the north face of the hill is a
small cleft, which, it is said, served the purpose of an entrance
and exit to and from the interior of the hill for its uncanny
inhabitants. Near to this hill, and on the edge of a burn, there
stood a mill, which was owned by a stalwart fellow known as
" Adhamh Mbr" to whom the fairies were often a source of great
annoyance. . One Saturday, having occasion to be in the mill till
a late hour, he took his shaving utensils along with him; for in
those parts no one, among the peasantry at least, was ever known
to shave on Sunday. When well on in the night, and when all
the rest had left the mill, Adhamh placed a skillet with water on
the fire to heat it for shaving, and just then a little, ill-favoured
female entered the mill and took a seat at the fireside opposite
to him. She sat for some time in silence, but every time Adhamh
looked at her, she made wry faces at him, which annoyed him
very much. At length she broke silence by asking " C' ainm a
ttioirt?" He testily replied, " Mi-fhein" At last he could stand
the annoyance no longer ; the water in the skillet was boiling, and
lifting the vessel off the fire, he threw its scalding contents in her
face. She ran out, howling dismally, and immediately there
came a voice from across the burn, " Co rinn, co rinn?" to which
she could only answer " Mi-fhein^ Mi-fJiein" The voice replied —
" Na'm b'e neach eile dheanadh,
'S raise gu'n dioladh."
Adhamh lost no time in turning off the water and closing the
mill. He made his way home and went to bed, and when he rose
next morning, the mill was razed to the ground. It was not re-
built, but its site and the course of the lade are still discernible.
After the middle of last and during the early part of the
present century, the distillation of illicit whisky was carried on in
the Highlands to an extent which would now be scarcely credited,
and nowhere was the trade carried on so long or to the same
extent as on the heights of the parish of Reay. The following
verse is the only one that I now remember of a song composed
during the time that the trade was in full swing : —
208 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" Leann gu Ie6ir an Ach-a-Reasgair,
Leann a' nasgaidh 'sa Chnoc-Fhiunn ;
Leann gu Ie6ir 'san Airidh-shleibhe,
'S ann is eigin dhql a" dhanns'. "
One afternoon near the Christmas time two men left Strathy
for this "Airidh-shleibhe" to procure illicit spirit, but when they
got there they had to remain for some hours until the people
around retired for the night. It may be surmised that, as the
Gaelic phrase has it, " nach robh an cridhe air an oidhche,"
while waiting. They left the bothy about midnight with an
anker of whisky, and as they were ascending Druim-Hollistan,
they heard the sound of distant pipe music, saw lights, and
people dancing, some distance in front of them. They approached
the spot, and so enticing was the music that the man who carried
the anker could not resist joining in the dance, and he soon dis-
appeared in the throng. His companion, after waiting for him
some time, impatiently exclaimed, " Dhia beannaich mise, gu de
so?" (God bless me, what's this?) Immediately the name of the
Deity was pronounced, all was silent, and the man was alone.
He went home and told how he had lost his companion, and was
told, " Fuirich lath' is bliadhna," (Stay for a year and a day),
and this advice he followed, going to the spot when the time had
expired, but without effect. Seven years waiting was the next
advice, and sure enough the scene was then re-acted. He waited
until the course of the dance brought his long lost friend in front
of him, with the anker of whisky still upon his shoulder. He then
caught him by the coat, and dragged him out of the circle, when
the dancer exclaimed, " Dhia beannaich mi 'dhuine, leig dhomh
crioch a chur air an ruidhil !" (God bless me, man, let me finish
the reel !) The sacred name had the same effect as on the pre-
vious occasion, the dancers disappeared, and the rescued and the
rescuer went home together; but/ when examined, the cask was
found to be empty.'
One of the survivors of the band of men raised by the first
Lord Reay to assist Count Mansfeldt in Austria, returned to
v Strathy, married, and had a family. After some years of matri-
mony, however, he greatly annoyed his wife by leaving the house
at night, and going away, no one knew whither, despite persua-
sion, entreaty, or threats. If they attempted to restrain him, he
always managed to escape, and did not return till early morning.
The neighbours came to the conclusion that he was keeping
FAIRIES IN SUTHERLAND. 209
company with the fairies, and one night his wife got two stalwart
friends to attempt to keep him in. Accordingly, his wife and
family retired to rest as usual, but he stayed chatting with his
friends at the fireside. As it approached midnight, his com-
panions took hold of him on each side in a manner which made
escape almost impossible, but all at once he fell down between
them apparently dead. Thinking it only a feint, to put them off
their guard, they redoubled their vigilance. Immediately the
cock crew, he revived, and was soon on his legs, when his friends
commenced to jest with him, saying he had missed his company
for that night. He, however, assured them that this was not the
case, that he had been all the way to Durness, a distance of forty
miles, with his unknown companions. His neighbours laughed
at him, saying that he had been lying between them all the time,
But to prove the truth of his statements he said, " Mar dhearbh-
achd air na tha mi 'g radh a bhi fior, mharbh sinn fiadh a'm
Beallach-na-fe'ith an Duirinis, ach, thanaig a 'chuis cho teann
oirn, 's gun d'fhag sinn a chore leis an do bhruan sinn e an sas
ann." That is, that they had killed a deer in a certain place in
Durness, and had left the gully with which they had stabbed it,
in the carcase ; and on enquiry this was found to be- the fact, for
a deer's carcase was found at the place specified, with a gully
sticking in it.
The last person on record in Sutherlandshire that was liftea
by the fairies was a Macdonald, who resided at a wild, lonely
spot called Polcriskaig, and was known as " Bodach a Phuill."
One night about Hallow-tide (Samhuinn) he went out to look
after his horse, and, not returning, his wife and son went in
search of him, but he was not to be found, for it is said that about
the time his wife began to wonder at his long absence, he was
carried away and dropped by the fairies on a hillside in Strath
Halladale, a place wholly unknown to him, and about sixteen
miles from his own home. He found his way to a house near at
hand, and, surprising its inmates by asking if he were in Scot-
land, immediately fainted. Next day he was able to go home.
He lived to an extreme old age, but ever after this incident he
was somewhat facile, a common thing, it was said, with people
that had been borne off in that manner.
Edinburgh. ALEXANDER MACKAY.
O
210 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
XI. — GODS OF THE GAELS — (Continued}.
CORMAC informs us in his Glossary that Neith was the god of
battle among the pagan Gael, and that Nemon was his wife, in-
formation which is repeated in other and later manuscripts with
some variations and additions. We are vouchsafed no further
information as to Neith's character or actions ; only he appears
in some of the inevitable pedigrees, and we are told that Neit,
son of Indu, and his two wives, Badb and Nemain, were slain at
Ailech by " Neptur (!) of the Fomorians." With Nemain may be
compared the British war goddess Nemetona, whose name appears
on an inscription along with that of Mars Lucetius. There
would appear to have been more than one war goddess ; the names
Badb, Nemain, Macha, and Morrigan, constantly recur as those
of war deities and demons. Badb signifies a scald-crow, and
may be the generic name of the war goddess rather than a proper
name. The crow and the raven are constantly connected in .the
Northern Mythologies with battle-deities. " How is it with you,
Ravens?" says the Norse " Raven-Song," "whence are you come
with gory beak at the dawning of the day. There is flesh cleav-
ing to your talons, and a scent of carrion comes from your mouth.
You lodged last night I ween near where ye knew the corses
were lying." The greedy hawks of Odin scent the slain from
afar. The ravens also protect and assist heroes, both in Irish
and Norse myth. It was a lucky sign if a raven followed a
warrior. Of Macha, the third goddess mentioned, little need be
said ; she appears afterwards as a queen of Ireland, under the
title of Macha Mongruad, or Macha Red-Mane. The goddess
Morrigan was also a war deity to all appearance. The name
signifies " great queen," and may be, like Badb, a generic name.
She is represented as first resisting and afterwards assisting the
hero Cuchulainn, appearing to him in various forms. O'Curry
makes her the wife of the Dagda, and she is often equated with
the goddess Ana. The name is doubtless the same as that of
Morgan le Fay, the fairy queen and Arthur's sister. It may be
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 211
remarked that Morgan le Fay is also wife of Urian Rheged, who
and his son Owen, with the army of ravens, are clearly war deities.
The goddess Ana or Aine (gen. Anann) has been called the
queen of heaven, and connected with the worship of the moon.
Cormac describes her as " mater deorum Hibernensium" — mother
of the Irish gods. "Well she used to nourish the gods," he adds,
and in another place he says, "As Ana was mother of the gods, so
Buanann was mother of the Fiann (heroes)." Camden found in
his time survival of moon-worship. " When they see the moon
first after the change," he says, " commonly they bow the knee
and say the Lord's Prayer, and then, with a loud voice, they
speak to the moon, thus — ' Leave us whole and sound as thou
hast found us.'" Keating gives the name of this goddess as
Danann, and explains the Tuatha-De-Danann as the worshippers
of the gods of Danann, the gods of Danann being, according to
him, Brian, lucharba, and luchar. These three gods are known
in other myths as the "children of Turenn," slain, as Keating him-
self says, by Luga Lamfada. The goddess Buanann, mentioned
in connection with Ana or Anann, appears in the story of the
great Druid Mogh Ruith as his patron, to whose Sid he fares to
consult her in his difficulties.
Minerva is the fifth and last deity mentioned by Caesar as
worshipped by the Gauls — their goddess of arts and industry.
A passage in Solinus, and another in Giraldus Cambrensis, enable
us to decide, with absolute certainty, what goddess answered
among the Gaels to the position of Minerva. Solinus (first
century A.D.) says that in Britain, Minerva presides over the hot
springs, and that in her temple there flamed a perpetual fire,
which never whitened into ashes, but hardened into a strong
mass. Giraldus (i2th century A.D.) informs us that at the shrine
of St Brigit at Kildare, the fire is allowed never to go out, and
though such heaps of wood have been consumed since the time of
the Virgin, yet there has been no accumulation of ashes. " Each
of her nineteen nuns has the care of the fire for a single night in
turn, and on the evening before the twentieth night, the last nun,
having heaped wood upon the fire, says, ' Brigit, take charge of
your own fire, for this night belongs to you.' She then leaves
the fire, and in the morning it is found that the fire has not gone
out, and that the usual quantity of fuel has been used." This
212 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sacred fire was kept burning continually for centuries, and was
finally extinguished, only with the extinction of the monasteries
by Henry VIII. Brigit, therefore, is the Gaelic Minerva. She is
goddess of the household fire ; her position is that of the hearth
goddess Vesta, as much as that of Minerva, for evidently she is
primarily a fire-goddess. Her name is probably from the same
root as the English bright, Gaelic breo. The British goddess,
Brigantia, is doubtless the same as the Irish Brigit. Mr Whitley
Stokes picks out the following instances in proof of her character
as a fire-goddess ; she was born at sunrise ; her breath revives the
dead ; a house in which she stays flames up to heaven ; she is fed
with the milk of a white red-eared cow; a fiery pillar rises from her
head, and she remains a virgin like the Roman goddess, Vesta,
and her virgins — Vesta, whom Ovid tells us to consider " nothing
else than the living flame, which can produce no bodies." Cor-
mac calls her the daughter of the Dagda. "This Brigit," he says,
" is a poetess, a goddess whom poets worshipped. Her sisters
were Brigit, woman of healing; Brigit, woman of smith work ; that
is, goddesses ; these are the three daughters of the Dagda." Doubt-
less these three daughters, thus distinguished by Cormac, are one
and the same person. Brigit, therefore, was goddess of fire, the
hearth and the home.
The rest of the Gaelic pantheon may be dismissed in a few
sentences. Angus Mac-ind-oc, " the only choice one, son of Youth
or Perfection," has been well called the Eros — the Cupid — of the
Gael. "He was represented with a harp, and attended by bright
birds, his own transformed kisses, at whose singing love arose in
the hearts of youths and maidens." He is the son of the Dagda,
and he lives at the Brugh of the Boyne ; in one weird tale he is
represented as the son of the Boyne. He is the patron god of
Diarmat, whom he helps in escaping from the wrath of Finn, when
Diarmat eloped with Grainne. The River Boyne is also connected
with the ocean-god Nuada ; it was called the wrist of Nuada's
wife. The literary deity was Ogma, brother of the Dagda, sur-
named "Sun-face"; he invented the alphabet known as the Ogam
alphabet, and, as was pointed out already, he is mentioned by
Lucian as the Gaulish god of eloquence. Three artisan gods are
mentioned : Goibniu, the smith, invoked in the St Gall Incanta-
tions of the 8th century; Creidne Cerd, the goldsmith; and Luch-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 213
tine, the carpenter. These three made the Tuatha arms ; when
the smith finished a spear-head, he threw it from his tongs to-
wards the door-post, in which it stuck by the point ; the carpenter
had the handle ready, and threw it accurately into the socket ;
and Creidne Cerd pitched the nails from his tongs into the holes
in the socket of the spear. Thus was the spear finished in less
time than we can describe the process. Diancecht was the
physician of the gods ; at Moytura battle he prepared a medical
bath, into which he plunged the wounded, and they instantly
came out whole again, and returned to the fight. The three De-
Danann queens, Eire, Fodhla, and Banbha, gave their names to
Ireland, but the first is the one which is usually recognised. It
may be observed that these names, and those of some others of
the gods are scattered widely over the topography both of Ire-
land and Scotland. In the latter country we meet with Eire, and
its genitive Erenn in river and district names ; Fodla forms part
of Athole, Ath- Fodhla, probably; Banba appears in Banff;
Angus the Beautiful gave his name to Angus ; Manannan's
name appears in the Isle of Man, and as the old name of the dis-
trict at the mouth of the Forth, still seen in Clackmannan.
THE CELTIC ELYSIUM.
All the Aryan nations originally believed in the existence,
after death, of the human soul. This belief had its root in the
" animism " of a more barbaric period of their existence, and held
its place in the remnants of ancestral worship we meet with in
Rome and Greece, and in the many myths bearing on the land
of shades. Evidently, too, the pre- Aryan tribes of Europe were
strong believers in the future existence of man's second self, his
soul. Their barrows, dolmens, and stone-circles point distinctly to
their reverence for the dead, and theirbelief in their continued exist-
ence in another sphere of nature, from which they visited, helped
and admonished their living representatives. Ancestor worship
clearly was their main creed. Hence the vividness of the belief
of the early Northern Aryans — Celts and Teutons — in future
existence, and their clinging to ancestor worship so long, may
arise from their mingling with a people who was in that stage of
belief ; whereas, at the dawn of our era, in Greece and Rome, the
whole doctrine of a future state belonged to the region of languid
214 THE CELTIC MAGAZINES.
half-belief. The aristocracy and the philosophers entirely dis-
believed it. Caesar, as supreme pontiff of Rome, declared, in
his place in the senate, his utter disbelief in another life, and the
stern Cato but mildly replied that their ancestors, men, perhaps, as
wise as Caesar, believed that the guilty, after death, were sent to
noisome abodes, full of all horrors and terrors. But the classical
belief, even at its best — in the poems of Homer — gives but a poor,
shadowy, comfortless existence to the spirits of the dead. They
lived in Hades, a country which comprised various districts of
woe, and of bliss such as it was. The ghost of Achilles says to
Ulysses : — " Rather would I live on earth as a poor man's hire-
ling, than reign among all the dead." The gods lived on the
heights of Olympus, aloft in heaven, and far apart from the hated
abode of the dead, which lay under the earth and ocean. Mortals
were all consigned to the grisly realm of Pluto ; even the demi-
god Hercules, though living in Olympus, had his ghostly mortal
counterpart in Hades. Among the Romans, ancestor worship
had a stronger force than in Greece ; their feast of the dead was
duly celebrated in the latter half of February, when chaplets were
laid on their tombs, and fruit, salt, corn soaked in wine, and
violets, were the least costly offerings presented to them. The
deification of the Emperors was merely a further development
of this ancestor worship. The remembrance of the festival of
the dead is still kept up in the Roman calendar as the feast of
All Souls. The Celts of Brittany preserve still the remembrance
of the ancestor worship on this day ; they put cakes and sweet
meats on the graves, and at night make up the fire and leave the
fragments of the supper on the table, for the souls of the dead of
the family who will come to visit their home.
The Celts would appear to have had a much more vivid
belief in future existence than either the Greeks or the Romans.
We may pass over the Druidic doctrine of transmigration ; it was
doubtless not the popular view of future life. We know as much
from some side references in one or two classical writers. So
realistic was the Celtic belief in existence after death that money
loans were granted on the understanding that they were to be
repaid beyond the grave ! Valerius Maximus laughs at the
Gauls for " lending money which should be paid the creditor in
the other world, for they believed that the soul was immortal."
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 215
Mela tells us one of the Druidic doctrines that was publicly
preached and nationally believed in, namely, that the soul was
eternal and that there was another life in the land of shades.
"Accordingly," he adds, "they burn and bury along with the dead
whatever was once useful to them when alive. Business accounts
and debt claims used to be transferred to the next world, and
some even willingly cast themselves on the funeral piles of their
relatives under the impression that they would live with them
hereafter." Diodorus Siculus informs us that at the funeral of
their dead some threw letters addressed to their defunct relatives
on the funeral pyre, under the belief that the dead would read them.
This intense belief in the reality of future existence must have
removed the Celtic other-world from the unreal and shadowy
Hades of Greece and Rome. What the exact character of this
other world was among the Gauls we cannot well say ; but the
later legends in France, Wales, and Ireland go to prove that it
partook of the nature of an Earthly Paradise, situated in some
happy isle of the West. The pseudo-Plutarch introduces a gram-
marian Demetrius as returned from Britain, and saying " that
there are many desert islands scattered round Britain, some of
which have the names of being the islands of genii and heroes.
The island which lay nearest the desert isles had but few inhabi-
tants, and these were esteemed by the Britons sacred and
inviolable. Very soon after his arrival there was great turbulence
in the air and portentous storms. The islanders said when these
ceased that some one of the superior genii had departed, whose
extinction excited the winds and storms. And there was one
island where Saturn was kept by Briareus in a deep sleep,
attended by many genii as his companions." The poet Claudian
evidently records a Gaulish belief in the Island of Souls in the
lines : —
" Est locus extremum pandit qud Gallia litus,
Oceani praetentus aquis, ubi fertur Ulixes
Sanguine libato populum movisse silentem.
Illic umbrarum tenui stridore volantum
Felebilis auditur questus. Simulacra colon!
Pallida defunctasque vident migrate figuras."
Beyond the westernmost point of the Gallic shore, he says, is the
place where Ulysses summoned the shades (as Homer has it.)
There are heard the tearful cries of fleeting ghosts ; the natives
see their pallid forms and ghostly figures moving on to their last
216 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
abode. The traditions of Brittany, with true Celtic tenacity, still
bear traces of this belief ; at the furthest extremity of that dis-
trict, where Cape Raz juts into the Western Sea, lies the Bay of
Souls, where departed spirits sail off across the sea in ghostly
ships to the happy isles. Procopius, in the 6th century, enables
us to understand what the peasants of Northern Gaul believed
in regard to the Happy Isles, and to Britain in particular. He
confuses Britain with a fabulous island called Brittia, one half of
which is habitable ; but the other half, divided off by a wall, is set
apart to be the home of ghosts. The fishermen on the continent
opposite to Brittia performed the functions of ferrymen for the dead.
" At night they perceive the door to be shaken, and they hear a
certain indistinct voice summoning them to their work. They
proceed to the shore under compulsion of a necessity they cannot
understand. Here they perceive vessels — not their own — appar-
ently without passengers. Embarking, they take the oars, and
feel as if they had a burden on board in the shape of unseen pas-
sengers, which sometimes sinks the boat to within a finger-breadth
of the water. They see no one. After rowing for an hour, they
reach Brittia, really a mortal journey of over twenty-four hours.
Arrived at Brittia, they hear the names of their passengers and
their dignities called over and answered ; and on the ghosts all
landing, they are wafted back to the habitable world."
So far we have discovered among the early Celts an intense
conviction in a personal existence in another world, where they
" married and gave in marriage," and into which business trans-
actions of this world might be transferred. Its locality was to
.the west — an island in the land of the setting sun, or possibly a
country under the western waves, for the traditions of Brittany,
Cornwall, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland continually insist on the
existence of such a land. Buried cities are recorded as existing
to the westward of every prominent Celtic cape ; that sunken
district of Lyonesse which appears in all Brythonic traditions.
The very earthly character of the Celtic world of the departed is
seen in the surviving remembrances of it still existent, despite all
the Church's efforts, in the mythic tales ; an Earthly Paradise it
truly was. We do not find much in Welsh myth bearing on the
matter ; it is in Irish and Gaelic tales that we have the material
for judging of the character of the Celtic Elysium.
(To be continued.)
A RUN THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES.
BY KENNETH MACDONALD, F.S.A., Scot.
AFTER spending a few days in Winnipeg, I went westward to
Portage-la- Prairie, seventy miles by rail from Winnipeg, and
during the journey I was much struck with the difference in the
character of the soil within a comparatively short area in this
continent of rich land. The surface in the neighbourhood of
Winnipeg consists of fine black loam, averaging, where I examined
it, from eighteen inches to two feet in thickness. Under this
there is a very deep deposit of clay, which, it is said, will yield as
good crops, if turned over, as the black soil on the surface. In
places this clay is ninety feet in depth. The people of Manitoba
do not, therefore, use an extravagant figure of speech when they
say that the Red River Valley is capable of producing rich crops
for a century without manure. The drawback of the valley, how-
ever, to the agriculturist, is its very slight elevation above the
river, rendering it subject to floods, and its flatness, which, with
such a non-porous soil, renders drainage extremely difficult. On
account of these drawbacks, portions of the valley which were
settled over thirty years ago, were abandoned, and are now gone
out of cultivation. When the river rises above its banks, it ne-
cessarily covers a great extent of land, where for miles there is
not twelve inches of difference in the level of the surface. But
fortunately floods have not been of frequent occurrence, and they
are likely to be of even less frequent occurrence in the future than
in the past, as the river is gradually deepening its bed, and there-
by increasing its capacity to contain within its banks the water
of the large territory forming its drainage area.
Westward from Winnipeg, however, the character of the soil
changes. At High Bluffs there is what in that country passes
for a considerable elevation, and from there westward the soil is
rich, porous, and well drained. At Portage-la-Prairie the black
soil forming the surface extends commonly to two feet in depth.
For all practicable purposes it is as rich as the soil at Winnipeg,
and it is much more easily worked. It has enough of sand in it
to make it sharp, and not so much as to make it poor. At Win-
218 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
nipeg a shower of rain converts the whole surface into a slippery,
tenacious, paste, which, when it dries, is baked into a hard
crust At Portage-la-Prairie no such effect follows. A few hours
after a shower the land is dry and open as ever, and yet not
parched, the clay subsoil forming a reservoir of moisture which
continues to feed the crop above.
A few weeks before my visit, Portage-la-Prairie had been
visited by a large number of gentlemen connected with the Press,
who were shown over the whole country as far as the south end
of Lake Manitoba, and while I was in the town one of the lead-
ing citizens informed me that these gentlemen had expressed the
opinion that the wheat crops they saw between Portage and Lake
Manitoba would yield an average of forty-five bushels to the
acre.
While I was in Winnipeg I had the good fortune to make
the acquaintance of Mr J. R. Martin, a member of a firm of
barristers in Hamilton, Ontario. From him I received a note
introducing me to Mr Nicholas Garland, of Portage-la-Prairie.
The history of Mr Garland, which I got from himself, and -verified
otherwise, is a striking example of the rapidity with which
fortunes are occasionally made in the West. In the month of.
September 1881, Mr Garland, who had for twenty-six years
carried on business as a dry goods merchant in Caledonia, near
Hamilton, Ontario, visited Manitoba, and formed the opinion that
Portage-la-Prairie was a " good thing." He returned to Cale-
donia, sold his business there, and went again to Portage-la-
Prairie in March 1882, where, in course of one day, he invested
69,400 dollars in real estate in and near the town. Between that
time and the date of my visit in September of the same year, he
had sold portions of his land, realising by the sales upwards of
100,000 dollars, and he still held a number of lots for which he
expected to get a long price. I was very fortunate in meeting
Mr Garland, for he not only enabled me to obtain a mass of in-
formation in the short time at my disposal, but he contributed to
the pleasure of my visit by driving me round the town and
neighbourhood in his buggy — a vehicle which is much more
common in Canada than the gig or dog-cart is at home.
Writing to the Inverness Courier, a few days after I visited
Portage-la-Prairie, I said —
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 219
The people of Portage-la-Prairie are taking a somewhat different method of
building up their town and making it prosperous from that pursued by some of their
neighbours. What Winnipeg is doing you already know. The methods pursued
by others are sometimes of the same kind and sometimes not. Dominion City, for
instance, between Emerson and Winnipeg, has obtained a charter as a city, while as
yet its whole promise of future greatness consists of a few wooden shanties, a wooden
railway depot, and a drinking place, which is dignified with the name of saloon.
Dominion City, however, trusts to a fine name and extensive advertising, and I regret
to say that too many places in the West with fine sounding names have little else to
recommend them. Portage-la-Prairie, however, is endeavouring to lay a substantial
foundation for future prosperity. Two years ago it consisted of only two or three
houses, now it has a population of between 5000 and 6000. The assessed value of
property, as ascertained in February and March 1881, was 800,000 dols., in 1882 it
amounted to 7,400,000 dols., and since the present year's assessment was made the
place has increased very much. Now, this progress is in its way as striking as that of
Winnipeg, and it is certainly at least as healthy. In the first place, no discount has
to be made for a floating population, such as accounts for a great part of the increase
in size of Winnipeg ; and in the second place, no part of the assessed value of the
town is based upon the apparent value of vacant buildings. The increase of the town
is to be accounted for by its natural advantages and the enterprise of its inhabitants.
A lumber mill of considerable sizotis already in full operation, and a paper mill is so
near completion that operations will be commenced within a few weeks. Both these
establishments belong to a gentleman who came to the West a few years ago to teach
a school at a very small salary, and who, as my informant put it, had not then ten
dollars to the fore. He is now worth from 50,000 to 100,000 dollars. A large grain
elevator is approaching completion, and has already a considerable quantity of wheat
stored in it. A grist mill which will turn out 150 barrels of flour a day is nearly
ready to begin work — the machinery being all on the ground and most of it in the
building, and a biscuit factory has just begun to work. A company has been formed
to build and carry on a knitting factory ; most of the building material is on the
ground, and the building will be proceeded with early next spring. The town forms
the starting point of the Portage, WTestbourne, and North Western Railway, which
already runs as far as the town of Gladstone, and is being rapidly pushed forward.
This railway will, when completed, open up one of the richest districts in the North-
West, and Portage-la-Prairie is preparing to make itself the centre of the trade of
that district. Next year is bound to see a large increase in the population of the
town (the paper-mill alone will employ seventy hands to commence with), and yet
not only is there no speculative building of dwelling-houses, but no sufficient accom-
modation has yet been provided for the workmen who must necessarily be employed
in the various establishments approaching completion.
One of the largest American Railway Corporations has recognised the growing
importance of the town by offering, if a charter can be obtained, to construct and
work a railway connecting it directly with Emerson, near the International boundary,
and so with the railway system of the United States, in this way avoiding the long detour
round by Winnipeg. But such a line would tap the traffic of the Canadian Pacific
Line, and the granting of such a charter would be an infringement of the monopoly of
the Syndicate building that line. The people of Portage, however, talk of an act of
the local Legislature, authorising the construction of the line, the time for vetoing
which has expired. This subject is one, however, upon which no one seemed
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to be able or willing to give any definite information, even the Speaker of the
Manitoba Legislatnre, to whom I spoke on the subject, not knowing how the matter
stood. Should such a line be constructed, and it would be an inexpensive one to
construct, an immense impetus would be given to the prosperity of Portage-la- rrairie,
and it would probably for a time— that is until the completion of the Canadian
Pacific Line from Mattawa to Thunder Bay—have the effect of making Portage the
resting-place of a large portion of the floating population which now finds its way to
Winnipeg.
My stay in Portage was short but enjoyable. When I left
my friend Mr Martin, in Winnipeg, I understood him to say that
Mr Garland would take me to the top of the Hill and show me
the country. When I stepped off the railway carriage on to the
platform at Portage, I looked about for the Hill, but I saw no
land so high as the platform itself, which was about four feet
above the level of the rails. After driving all through and round
about the town, down to a brick field, walking through the lumber
mill, biscuit factory, and the unfinished grist and paper mills, Mr
Garland proposed we should go to the top of the Elevator- -from
70 to 90 feet high, I would think — to have a look at the country.
From this point of vantage on a clear day the south end of Lake
Manitoba, forty miles away, can be seen. After a stiff climb up
the narrow stairs and many raps (to me) against low-set rafters,
we reached the top. To say the prospect was beautiful might be
misleading, and yet it had a beauty all its own. There, for forty
miles on every side as far as the eye could reach, lay the prairie,
its general appearance being that of flatness, and yet with rolling
hillocks like a sea suddenly arrested and turned into dry land
before its waves had time to subside.
I had now reached the furthest point westwards to which the
time I had allowed myself would permit me to go, and after
spending a very pleasant and instructive day, I returned to
Winnipeg, and from thence to Toronto, doing the whole distance
by rail — the time occupied on the journey being from the after-
noon of Tuesday to the afternoon of the following Friday, travel-
ling continuously day and night. After a few days spent in
Toronto I went to Ottawa, the capital of the Dominion, a com-
paratively small, and, apart from its political position, unimportant
town. While there I made the acquaintance of Mr A. M. Burgess,
a young Highlander, who had then, at the age of little more than
thirty, and after only a few years service of the Canadian Govern-
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 221
ment, and these years principally under the political opponents of
the party who had appointed him, attained to the important
office of Permanent Secretary of the Interior Department, and
who has since then, and while still under 35 years of age, been pro-
moted by his political opponents, if a civil servant of his rank can
be said to belong to any political party, to the position of Deputy-
Minister of the Interior of the Dominion of Canada, a position of
responsibility and power to which so young a public servant was
never before appointed in the Dominion.
With Mr Burgess I went through and around the Canadian
Houses of Parliament and the public offices connected therewith.
The surroundings of the Canadian member of Parliament, while
attending to his legislative duties, are comfortable, not to say
luxurious; and the situation of the Parliament Buildings is, so far
as the natural beauty of the site is concerned, one of the finest in
the Dominion. The Legislative Chambers are, however, already
too small, and the architect does not seem to have contemplated the
growth of the two representative bodies which must necessarily
follow upon the settlement and organisation of the enormous
territory which Canada has acquired in the North-West.
The Parliament Buildings stand on the top of a hill of
moderate size, which is ascended by a gentle slope from the city,
but which presents to the River Ottawa, flowing at its foot on the
other side, a precipitous front. Here art has been called in to
soften Nature's rugged face. The steep rocky face fronting the
Ottawa river has been planted with trees and shrubs at every
point where a hold could be obtained for their roots, so that
while the native grandeur of the site has not been detracted from,
its immediate surroundings have been softened and beautified.
While going through the Government Buildings I was intro-
duced to Mr Lowe, of the Department of Agriculture, who had
just returned from visiting his farm. It may interest farmers in
this snug little Island to know that Mr Lowe's farm — known as
" The Lowe Farm " — is situated near the town of Morris, Mani-
toba, so that when Mr Lowe wished to visit his farm, he had, and
will have, until the Canadian Pacific Railway runs from Ottawa to
Thunder Bay, to travel a distance of close on two thousand miles,
a journey occupying as nearly as may be four days and three
nights' continuous travelling. That is if he wishes to travel by
222 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
rail. If he chooses to go by the Lakes he may decrease the dis-
tance, while he will increase the time. But then Mr Lowe's farm
is a somewhat large one, and worth going a pretty long way to
see. Its extent is 18,000 acres, or rather more than 28 square
miles. In course of my conversation with Mr Lowe, he spoke
with justifiable pride of the achievements of his steam travelling
plough — a new one. The original inventor had failed in working
out his idea, but another had taken it up, and worked it out success-
fully, and Mr Lowe was one of the first to make use of the per-
fected invention. The plough travels at the rate of two miles an
hour, turns over ten (I think) furrows at a time, and, while passing
over the ground, not only turns over and cuts the turf, but sows
the seed and harrows and rolls the ground. All this is done in
one journey, and thirty acres are treated in this way daily by the
one plough. For a farm of the size of the Lowe Farm, one
plough, even with this capacity for work, would not go far. If
ever Mr Lowe were to plough up his whole farm, even this
" Polyglot " plough would take something like two years to do
the work, working all the year round, from Monday to Saturday,
at the rate of thirty acres a day. Mr Lowe had hitherto, how-
ever, cropped only a portion of his land, but the result was so
eminently satisfactory that he meant to increase the quantity the
following year. In examining the crop of oats which had just
been reaped, he found the stalk between 5 ft. 6 in. and 6 ft. high,
while the leaf of each stalk, measured by rule, was one and one-
sixteenth inch across. There were in many cases fourteen stalks
to one seed, and an average of eighty grains on one stalk. This is
the sort of crop that the virgin soil of the Red River Valley pro-
duces in a good season. The pity is that all seasons are not
good.
Before leaving Ottawa, I had the pleasure of making the
acquaintance of Mr Alexander, then Speaker of the Manitoba
Legislature, who was in the Capital on the business of the Pro-
vince. Mr Alexander was very much interested in the Mani-
toban Land Question, for Manitoba has a land question already.
When the Dominion Government took over the North-West
.territory, large tracts of land were set apart as Indian Reserves,
as Hudson Bay Company's Lands, and as School Lands. Then
came the Syndicate who undertook to build the Canadian Pacific
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 223
Railway, and they obtained as part of their price a large grant
of land on either side of the Railway. Up to this point nobody
complained. But then in the wake of the Railway Company
came land speculators, singly and in companies, from all parts
of the world, who, finding the Dominion Government willing
to sell land on easy terms as to money, provided certain con-
ditions as to residence or colonisation were fulfilled, obtained
conditional grants of whole sections of the best land in the terri-
tory. In this way hundreds of thousands of acres of land were
tied up in the hands of strangers whose only interest was to
make profit by a. re-sale, while the settler who, accepting the invi-
tation of the Government, came to settle on a free homestead, had
to move further on, and make his selection where he would find
land which had not been given away to speculators in London
or Edinburgh. The hardship to the settler was not the only
thing, however. Settlers in the neighbourhood of the lands so
granted away found the progress of the district retarded, and its
ultimate success endangered by the compulsory prevention of
settlement, while the Dominion and the Province lost many
settlers, who, finding that in Dakota, over the International
boundary, land could be had without all this trouble, crossed
over, became citizens of the United States, and obtained a home-
stead without difficulty.
It so happened that one of the instalments of the price
payable by the Land and Colonisation Companies for their lands
in the North- West, fell due on the day before my arrival in
Ottawa, and a large number had failed to pay. The universal
desire in Manitoba seemed to be that these Companies should not
get a second chance, but that having failed to pay, the forfeiture
clause in their contracts should be enforced, and pressure was
evidently being brought to bear on the Government with this
object. What the result was I cannot say. It would be well,
however, for persons on this side, who think of investing in shares
of a Canadian Land or Colonisation Company, to ascertain the
exact terms of the Company's contract with the Government.
Failure to pay an instalment may infer a forfeiture, not only of
the land grant, but of all sums already paid. Another frequent
stipulation in Government contracts with these companies is that
on failure to colonise within five years, the land shall revert to
224 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
the Government, and I have little doubt, from the temper in
which the people of the North-West have taken up this question,
that they will compel the Government to enforce this stipulation
rigidly when the times comes, so that the bona-fide settler may
not be excluded by the mere land speculator. Companies or in-
dividuals who have entered into contracts for the purchase of
lands from the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, run no such
risk of forfeiture, but then they pay a much higher price for their
lands — usually at least double the price of Government land.
A day or two spent pleasantly in Montreal, where I had the
pleasure of making the acquaintance of Mr D. Macmaster, Q.C.,
M.P. for the County of Glengarry, a rising young member of the
Canadian Bar, who, I believe, will ere long take a high position
in Canadian politics ; of Mr Thomas White, M.P., Editor of
the Montreal Gazette, a gentleman of considerable ability, of
genial manners, and withal a keen politician, who was thrice
beaten by majorities of seven, five, and three respectively
before he succeeded in winning his present seat ; and, last, though
by no means least, of Mr Richard White, of the Montreal Gazette,
brother of the M.P., who did much to make things pleasant for
me, and wound up by taking me to see my first Lacrosse match.
One person I missed, much to my regret, both on this occasion
and when I returned from New York a week later — Mr John
Macdonald, Accountant, a native of our Scottish Highlands.
After my return I learned that Mr Macdonald had called for me,
only to find that I had left for home the previous evening.
From Montreal to New York was a night's journey. In
New York I met Mr Duncan Macgregor Crerar, of whom I had
heard long before from the Editor of the Celtic Magazine. With
Mr Crerar I soon felt at home, and before I had been with him
many hours I looked upon and talked to him as an old friend.
A Scotchman, and better still, a Highlander, Mr Crerar, through
all the ups and downs of life, has never lost his native simplicity
of character and warmth of heart. He made my stay in New
York exceedingly pleasant. Of him I say no more than that our
friendship did not cease when I left New York, but has been con-
tinued until now, and I trust will long continue. Through
Mr Crerar I made the acquaintance of Mr John S. Kennedy,
banker, New York, one of the Syndicate who undertook the
THROUGH CANADA AND THE STATES. 225
construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and like several
other members of that body, a Scotchman, and a successful one.
In Mr Kennedy, Scotchmen in New York find a generous
friend, and to those who are willing to help themselves he is
always ready to give a helping hand. I had a very interesting
conversation with Mr Kennedy, on the subject of the Canadian
Pacific Railway, and the threatened " tapping" lines in the North-
West, in course of which he said that if the Company were re-
lieved of their obligation to construct a Railway along the north
shore of Lake Superior, they would at once give up their mono-
poly in the North-West. Another Scotchman, whom I met in
New York, was Mr John H. Strahan, a Scotch lawyer, who, a
good many years ago, went to the Empire City, studied American
Law, and is now in the front rank of his profession. Before I
left New York, Mr Strahan drove me through the Central Park,
and round a large part of the outskirts of the city, but New York
has become so familiar to readers on this side of the Atlantic, that
it is unnecessary to attempt a description of it, or of its magnificent
Park.
Another day in Montreal, and a pleasant evening to wind up
with in the house of my friend Mr Burns. A journey on the night
express to Quebec, and in the morning, five minutes after the
tender put us on board, the Allan Mail Liner " Circassian" steamed
down the Saint Lawrence. An uneventful voyage of ten days
across the Atlantic ; a rapid run from Liverpool to Inverness,
and I found, when I had leisure to make the calculation, that in
my two months' holiday I had travelled over eleven thousand six
hundred miles.
Impressions of America ! If by impressions you mean
opinions, I had no time to form any. I had only time to see,
and what I saw I have told.
KENNETH MACDONALD.
FOUR PAGES extra are given this month to enable us to
present our constituents with a full report of the speeches delivered
at the Annual Dinner of the Gaelic Society of Inverness last
month without encroaching too far on our usual space.
P
226 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE PROPOSED "SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."
THE following are two of many gratifying letters received from
influential gentlemen who take an interest in the present con-
dition of the Highland people : —
5 CLARGES STREET,
LONDON, W., nth February 1884.
MY DEAR SIR, — In the present highly critical times as concerns Highland
views, aims, and aspirations, I am glad to see that one so intimately acquainted with
them, and who is held in such favour and confidence by the people, proposes estab-
lishing a newspaper specially devoted to their interests. I know no one so well
adapted to step to the front, or more deserving of every support in the important
matters to be dealt with.
This I say, while with pleasure recognising to the fullest the support — and that
a growing one — now given to these matters by several existing newspapers. — Yours
faithfully, C. FRASER-MACKINTOSH.
ALEX. MACKENZIE, Esq.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
HEREFORD, 5th February 1884.
DEAR SIR, — I am delighted to hear that a people's paper is likely to appear in In-
verness, under the banner of the "Scottish Highlander." I trust that Highlanders
generally, throughout Great Britain and the Colonies, shall rally round it, and make it
a success. The want of such a paper is felt at home and abroad. Within the last three
months numerous representations have been made to me by Highlanders, in Scotland
and England, of the necessity of establishing a publication devoted to the wants, require-
ments, and interests of the Highland people, the columns of which would always be
open to them for exposing their grievances, advocating their rights, and demanding
redress for oppressive wrongs. A general complaint pervaded these communications, of
the partiality of the Northern Press, with one or two honourable exceptions, in discus-
sing questions bearing upon the interests of the people, and in the way Editors treated
communications sent them, making it an urgent necessity to establish a people's paper
for the people, as the best means by which they could give free expression to their own
ideas upon the circumstances by which they are surrounded.
There is no doubt of the truth of these statements. There can be as little doubt
of the urgent necessity of a weekly paper being established as early as possible.
My reply to my correspondents was, that I was ready to assist whenever a suffi-
cient number of Highlanders combined to make the matter feasible, and certain of
success, and I take this opportunity of appealing to all Highlanders to combine, and
subscribe to have a publication of their own, devoted to their interests and their as-
pirations. The want of it being so much felt, and so widely acknowledged, leads me
to think that all real Highlanders have, at least, come to the conclusion that combina-
tion amongst themselves is the only way to success, and that shoulder to shoulder is
the only mode of attaining the desired end, and of securing the object we all have in
view — the amelioration of the condition of the people. — Yours very faithfully,
JOHN MACKAY,
AN AWKWARD MARCH. 227
The Perthshire Constitutional, the county Conservative paper, in a review of the
Celtic Magazine for February, says: — "Messrs Mackenzie, we notice, are to start a
newspaper, to be called the 'Scottish Highlander.' Few men, if any, are better
qualified than the editor to conduct a paper treating of the ' Language, Literature,
and Traditions' of his race; and we hope that, whilst vigorously urging the real rights
of the crofter, he will, with the common-sense and the patriotism which he possesses,
avoid theories which, under specious names, lead to Socialism. If so, we predict a
great success to his paper."
The Christian Leader, referring to the same subject, says: — "A proposal is
being urged upon Mr Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A. Scot., of Inverness, to undertake
the editing and publication of a weekly journal to be called the ' Scottish Highlander;'
and we are glad to hear that the scheme is taking practical shape. No man is better
qualified than the editor of the Celtic Magazine to produce a newspaper thoroughly
representative of the Highlands, or more likely to further the interests of the High-
land population."
AN AWKWARD MARCH. -
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL JAMES FERGUSON was one of the most
distinguished officers under the great Duke of Marlborough, and
was remarkable for the readiness with which he could find an
expedient, even in the most difficult and adverse circumstances.
There is a good example of this faculty of his given in a foot-
note in the History of the House and Clan of Mackay. While the
British army were in Flanders, they had a large number of
prisoners on their hands, whom it was desirable to get rid of as
soon as possible. Accordingly, orders were given to conduct
them to a place several miles away from the encampment,
but as their number was so great, and as only a very few men
could be spared to guard them, considerable hesitancy was ex-
perienced before an officer volunteered to command the small
party to be sent in charge for fear the prisoners might overpower
them. Ferguson, however, then a major, accepted the responsi-
bility; the whole camp turned out to witness the departure of the
party, and to see how he would deal with his troublesome
charge. Ferguson proved equal to the occasion. He drew up
his prisoners in line, and sent a serjeant along behind them,
with orders to cut ttie suspenders of each man's trousers.
These garments began to drop, a misfortune which could
only be obviated by each prisoner using one hand at
least to hold them up. The ingenious Major then put his com-
pany in order, gave the command to march, and in this guise
set off, amidst the mingled admiration and amusement of
the spectators. The expedient proved quite successful. With one
or both hands holding up his breeches, no prisoner could do any
mischief, and, on the other hand, if he let them go they would
get entangled about his ankles, and render him unable to move.
Thus the Major got to his destination without the loss of a single
prisoner. H. R. M.
228 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE LAST SABBATH IN STRATHNAVER BEFORE THE
BURNINGS.
By ANNIE MACKAY.
'Twas not the beacon light of war,
Nor yet the " slogan " cry,
That chilled each heart, and blanched each cheek,
In the country of Mackay,
And made them march with weary feet,
As men condemned to die.
Ah ! had it been their country's foe
That they were called to brave,
How loudly would the piobrachd sound,
How proud their " bratach " wave ;
How joyfully each man would march,
Tho' marching to his grave.
No ! 'Twas a cruel, sad behest,
An alien chiefs command,
Depriving them of house and home,
Their country and their land ;
Dealing a death-blow at their hearts,
Binding the "strong right hand."
Slowly and sadly, down the glen
They took their weary way,
The sun was shining overhead
Upon that sweet spring day,
And earth was throbbing with the life
Of the great glad month of May.
The deer were browsing on the hills,
And looked with wondering eye ;
The birds were singing their songs of praise,
The smoke curled to the sky,
And the river added its gentle voice
To nature's melody.
No human voice disturbed the calm,
No answering smile was there,
For men and women walked along,
Mute pictures of despair ;
This was the last sad Sabbath they
Would join in praise and prayer.
And men were there whose brows still bore
The trace of many scars,
Who oft their vigils kept with death
Beneath the midnight stars,
Where'er their country needed men,
Brave men to fight her wars.
STRATHNAVER BEFORE THE BURNINGS. 229
And grey-haired women tall and strong,
Erect and full of grace,
Meet mothers of a noble clan,
A brave and stalwart race,
And many a maiden young and fair,
With pallid, tear-stained face.
They met upon the river's brink,
By the church so old and grey,
They could not sit within its walls
Upon this sunny day ;
The Heavens above would be their dome,
And hear what they would say.
The preacher stood upon a bank,
His face was pale and thin,
And, as he looked upon his flock,
His eyes with tears were dim,
And they awhile forgot their grief,
And fondly looked at him.
His text : " Be faithful unto death,
And I will give to thee
A crown of life that will endure
To all eternity."
And he pleaded God's dear promises,
So rich, so full, so free ;
Then said " Ah friends, an evil day
Has come upon our Glen,
Now sheep and deer are held of more
Account than living men ;
It is a lawless law that yet
All nations will condemn.
" I would not be a belted knight,
Nor yet a wealthy lord,
Nor would I, for a coronet,
Have said the fatal word
That made a devastation worse
Than famine, fire, or sword.
" The path before each one of us
Is long, and dark, and steep ;
I go away a shepherd lone,
Without a flock to keep,
And ye without a shepherd go,
My well beloved sheep.
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" But God our Father will not part
With one of us, I know,
Though in the cold wide world our feet
May wander to and fro ;
If we like children cling to Him,
With us He'll ever go.
" Farewell my people, fare ye well,
We part to meet no more,
Until we meet before the throne,
On God's eternal shore,
Where parting will not break the heart.
Farewell for ever more. "
He sat upon the low green turf,
His head with sorrow bowed ;
Men sobbed upon their father's graves,
» And women wept aloud,
And there was not a tearless eye
In that heart-stricken crowd.
The tune of " Martyrdom" was sung
By lips with anguish pale,
And as it rose upon the breeze
It swelled into a wail,
And, like a weird death coronach,
It sounded in the vale :
"Beannaicht" gu robh.gu siorruidh buan
Ainm glormhor uasal fein
Lionadh a ghloir gach uile thir
Amen agus Amen, "
And echo lingering on the hills
Gave back the sad refrain.
Methinks there never yet was heard
Such a pathetic cry
As rose from that dear, hallowed spot
Unto the deep blue sky,
'Twas the death wail of a broken clan —
The noble clan Mackay.
And ere another Sabbath came,
The people were no more
Within their Glens, but they were strewn
Like wreck upon the shore,
And the smoke of each burning home ascends
To heaven for ever more.
[The text given and Psalm sung are all as it happened, and in a short time after
a crow built her nest in the deserted church.]
231
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS— TWELFTH
ANNUAL DINNER.
ON the evening of the 2gth of January, the usual annual dinner of the Gaelic Society
was held in the Caledonian Hotel, when about fifty members and their friends sat
down to an excellently served dinner, under the presidency of Henry Cockburn
Macandrew, Esq., Provost of Inverness. The Chairman was supported right and
left by Captain O'Sullivan, Adjutant of the I.A.V.; Councillor Alexander Ross,
William Mackay, solicitor ; Hugh Rose, solicitor ; Robert Grant, of Macdougall and
Go's. ; Dr F. M. Mackenzie, Dr Ogilvie Grant, Bailie Mackay, and William Morrison,
Rector, Dingwall Academy. The Croupiers were Alexander Mackenzie, Editor of the
Celtic Magazine: and Alexander Macbain, M.A., Rector, Raining's School, Inverness.
Among the general company were — Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage ; James Barron,
Ness Bank; Duncan Campbell, Ballifeary ; Dr D. Sinclair Macdonald, James
Gumming, Allanfearn ; Councillor W. G. Stuart, Councillor James Macbean, John
Davidson, merchant ; A. K. Findlater, of Macdonald & Mackintosh ; Alexander
Mactavish, of Mactavish & Mackintosh; John Maedonald, merchant, Exchange;
Eraser Campbell, draper ; John Whyte, librarian ; William Gunn, draper ; James
Mackintosh, ironmonger; Alex. Macgregor, solicitor; Duncan Chisholm, coal-
merchant ; Alex. Ranaldson Macraild, writer ; D. Maclennan, commission agent ;
D. K. Clark, of the Courier; Hector R. Mackenzie, Town-Clerk's Office; William
Mackenzie, Secretary of the Society; Alex. Ross, of the Chronicle; William
Cameron, The Castle ; Mr Macdonald, do. ; F. Mackenzie, Mr Menzies, Blarich,
Sutherlandshire ; D. Nairne, &c.
Apologies for inability to attend were read by the Secretary from the following : —
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.; Cluny Macpherson of Cluny, C.B. ; John
Mackay of Hereford ; Mackintosh of Mackintosh, A. R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail ;
John Mackay of Hernesdale ; W. M'K. Bannatyne, Bridge of Allan ; D. Forbes of
Culloden ; Thomas O'Hara, Portarlington ; Field-Marshal Sir Patrick Grant, F.
Macdonald, Druidaig ; &c.
The Earl of Dunmore, Chief of the Society, writing from Algiers, said —
Dear Sir, — I beg to express, through you, my regret to the members of our
Society at being unable to take the chair at this our annual meeting, but, owing unfor-
tunately to the delicate state of my wife's health, we have been ordered here to Algiers
for the winter, and as the distance is very great, it has been a matter of impossibility for
me to get over in time to occupy that chair to which I had the honour last year to be
appointed. But believe me when I tell you that my heart is with you on this occasion,
and, although many hundred miles of ocean roll between us, there is no distance,
however great, that cannot be bridged over by that bond of sympathy that unites the
hearts of all true Highlanders. And it is thus I would have you think this day ; that,
although absent in the body, I am with you in the spirit, wishing you every success
in your great undertaking ; that your efforts may continue to meet with that success
they so justly deserve, and that the end will be the bringing about the one thing so
dear to all of us — namely, the preservation, in all its purity, of our most beautiful and
ancient language, its literature, poetry, music, legends, and traditions — (cheers)— and,
more than all, the preservation of that feeling of clanship and brotherhood which
should always exist among Highlanders of all classes — high and low, rich and poor —
that feeling which has for ages and centuries existed ; that feeling which has gone
far towards making our beloved country take the high place she does among the
nations of the world by reason of her sons being the bravest, staunchest, and most
232 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
loyal adherents to their Sovereign and the land that gave them birth. (Cheers.)
With regard to the present state of affairs in the Highlands, it would ill become me
to make many remarks until after we have the report of the Royal Commission —
(hear, hear)— but this I will venture to think — that, had the Gaelic tongue been
taught in the high-class schools as a requisite language for those who reside in Gaelic-
speaking districts, we should have heard little of discontent, and still less of a Crofters'
Commission. Surely it must be more desirable to teach a boy his native tongue than
to cram his brain with Greek mythology and a lot of rubbish that can be of little or
no use to him in after life. (Applause.) And yet I have often been asked by some
people what use is there in knowing Gaelic, or, as they facetiously term it in their
painful ignorance, "That defunct barbarian lingo." (Laughter.) But if we are to
deplore the non-existence of the Gaelic language amongst some of the landed gentry
in the Highlands, what condemnation can be too severe for those men of the educated
classes familiar with the language who have taken advantage of it to feed the flame
of discontent amongst the ignorant and uneducated by applying the mischievous
bellows of agitation? (Laughter.) I say the Gaelic language has never been
put to more unworthy and unpatriotic or wicked use than when it was employed, not
as a means of tranquilising the poor people by reasoning with them in a spirit of
pacification and conciliation in their own tongue, but, on the contrary, in urging them
to rebellion and crime. (Cries of ' ' Rubbish. ") Who are the most guilty, the preachers or
the disciples ? Let us hope that the year 1884 may be a happier one for all of us in the
Highlands, and that the seeds of discontent may not have taken deep root in the
hearts of our people, but that peace, quietness, and plenty may in future take the
place of restless discontent and poverty ; and that Providence in His goodness may
see fit to bestow these blessings on our beloved country is, I am sure, the earnest wish
of all of us. (Cheers.) Wishing the Society, in conclusion, every success. — I remain
yours truly, DUNMORE, Chief of the Society.
The Chairman, who was warmly received, then proposed " The Queen " in the
following interesting terms : —
He said, among the many claims to our loyalty which Queen Victoria possesses,
there are two which I have not seen noticed before, and which, it appears to me, may
be very appropriately noticed in proposing this toast at a meeting of a Gaelic Society
in the Town of Inverness. About thirteen hundred years ago a very remarkable and
interesting event happened in this city, which was then the capital of the Pictish
kingdom of Albyn. I allude to the visit of St Columba to Brude, the King of the
Picts, when the Saint persuaded that monarch to embrace Christianity, and formed
with him that friendship which appears to have lasted while they lived. Now I think
we have good reason for believing that her Gracious Majesty is of the blood of both
the principal actors in that memorable scene. We do not know accurately the pedi-
gree of the Pictish Royal Family, because succession, according to the Pictish law,
was through females ; the Kings never have the names of their fathers, and they seem
to have been succeeded, not by their own sons, but by the sons of sisters, who appear
always to have had foreign husbands. We know, however, that, according to their
law, there was a regular succession for a very long time. For some time before the
establishment of the Scottish Monarchy by Kenneth Macalpine there was a period of
great confusion, but we know that Alpine, Kenneth's father, was the son of a Pictish
mother, through whom he claimed the throne. From Kenneth the Queen's pedigree
is clear. I think, then, we have fair historical probability in the statement that the
Queen is of the blood of the ancient Pictish Royalty, and that she is the descendant,
as she is the political representative, of the royal race who had their seat at Inverness.
(Cheers.) As to the other proposition that she is of the blood of Saint Columba, we
know that about 850 Kenneth Macalpine re-established the Columban Church in Scot-
land, that when so doing he gave the primacy to the Abbey of Dunkeld which he
there founded, and that he then removed to Dunkeld the relics of Saint Columba. I
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 233
cannot give you the pedigree of the Abbot to whom the government of the Abbacy of
Dunkeld and the Primacy of the Scottish Church at this time was given, but we know
that the law of succession in the early Celtic Abbacies was that the Abbot was always
appointed from the family of the Saint if there was any person of the family qualified.
At this time, and for 100 years after, there were Abbots of Saint Columba's family in
the Monastery at lona and in other Monasteries of his foundation, and we may fairly
presume that on the primacy of his church Kenneth would have chosen an Abbot of
the Saint's family. In the course of time what happened in other Celtic Monasteries
happened at Dunkeld. The Abbots abandoned the practice of celibacy, the office
became hereditary in their family, and ultimately the Abbots ceased to be priests and
lay lords. In the time of Malcolm, the Second Crinan, Abbot of Dunkeld, was a very
powerful man. He married the daughter of Malcolm, and the fruit of the marriage
was "the gracious" Duncan, father of Malcolm Canmore, and ancestor of the Queen.
(Cheers.) Here again I say that there is fair historical probability that the Queen
is of the blood of Saint Columba, and that she is thus a descendant of Niall of the
nine hostages who was supreme King of Ireland in the end of the fourth century.
This is truly a good and Royal Celtic ancestry, and I now give you the health of
Queen Victoria, the descendant of the Royal race who ruled at Inverness, and the
representative of the Royal Saint and bard who converted our ancestors. (Loud and
continued cheers.)
After similar honours were paid to the Prince and Princess of Wales and the
other members of the Royal Family,
Mr William Mackay, solicitor, proposed the "Navy, Army, and Auxiliary Forces. "
He said — This toast is usually given from the chair, but as our Chairman this evening
is a distinguished officer in the citizen army, I have been done the honour of being
asked to propose- it. (Cheers.) It is with great pleasure I do so, although I
feel I am able to do but scant justice to my glorious theme. Fortunately for me,
however, the subject is one not requiring words of eloquence to commend it to you,
for, no matter where Highlanders meet, they loyally remember the guardians of their
native land. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, although in the far off olden time
western waves were ploughed by the fleets of the Lords of the Isles and other Island
chiefs, we Highlanders cannot as a race boast of any great exploits on the ocean, and
we have not to any appreciable extent contributed to the glorious history of the British
navy. That history, we must confess, is the special property of the Saxon, who, of
all nations, makes the best and bravest sea-soldier. But in this matter we have
learned to rejoice in the Saxon's triumphs, and to look back with feelings of pride
and pleasure on a long roll of naval victories in which we took little or no part.
(Cheers. ) In regard to the army we are on a different footing, for our forefathers
were naturally men of war, and Highland soldiers have added lustre to British arms
in all quarters of the globe. (Applause. ) The author of a recent pamphlet has ques-
tioned the military ardour of the old Highlander, and he more than insinuates that
the "hardy and intrepid race," whom the great Pitt and his successors called forth
from our Northern glens, were forced, in press-gang fashion, into the ranks of the
British army. It is true that, about the commencement of the present century, Celts
as well as Saxons were, under the Army Reserve Act, subject to a kind of conscrip-
tion for home service, and it may also be true that it occasionally happened in the
past, as it sometimes happens now, that a man found himself in possession of the
King's shilling who did not want to fight, but it is as absurd as it is contrary to fact to
say that the thousands of clansmen who fought Britain's battles from Fontenoy to
234 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Waterloo were impelled by any force stronger than the freedom of their own will.
(Applause.) No, gentlemen. It was long ago said of Highlanders that they could be
led, but not driven ; and we may safely assume that driven Highlanders could no
more have swept the slopes of Killiecrankie, or climbed the heights of Abraham, or,
as Sir Colin Campbell's thin red line, turned the Russian horse at Balaclava, than
could the unwilling wretches who are at this moment goaded on by Egyptian officers
to meet the False Prophet of the Soudan. (Hear, hear.) The fact is that, although
Highlanders now find it pays better to follow the more peaceful pursuits of life, down
to the beginning of this century they were essentially a fighting people. I need not
tell you of their own internecine feuds in the olden times, or how, when they could
not fight at home, they joined the ranks of Gustavus Adolphus, or of the Kings of
France ; but I may mention that, on recently going over certain Church records of
the seventeenth century, I was simply astonished at the frequent mention therein
made of Highland soldiers, who are described as being absent in France and in
Germany, and some of them even in Russia. We cannot conceive that these men left
their native land perforce, or under any other influence than that of love for war.
(Hear.) Permit me, before I sit down, to refer in one word to the proposal now
made to do away with the graceful feather bcnnet of our Highland soldiers. It is not
what may be called an original Highland head-dress. It was worn first by the old
Fraser Regiment, and it has since continued the distinguishing head-dress of the
Highland regiments, outside the tartan. (Hear, hear.) I would suggest that the
Gaelic Society take up this question as they did the question of the tartans. (Cheers.)
I trust you will join in resisting the proposal to the utmost — (applause)— and although
it does seem hopeless that we shall ever be able to teach the War Authorities the
difference between one tartan and another, or between our martial feathers and a
policeman's helmet, if we are firm in our present opposition, I am satisfied that our
reward will be the same success that three years ago crowned our efforts on behalf
of the tartan. (Applause.) But I must conclude, and ask you to drink, with all
enthusiasm, to the Navy, Army, and Reserve Forces. (Loud cheers.)
Captain O'Sullivan replied for the Army. He said — I don't think the Gaels have
been cured of their warlike propensities yet. (Cheers.) I am sorry to see another
of those tailoring changes being attempted by the Government — I refer to the High-
land feathered bonnet— and with all due respect to my superior officers, I am of
opinion that the War Office have many other more important matters to take up their
time with than the turning of a military button or the changing of a regimental head-
dress. (Hear.) It was a most serviceable, and, in the end, an inexpensive one. It was
sometimes said that Germans and other foreigners laughed at the dress of the
British soldier ; but on the occasion of a review at Aldershot I remember a German
lady exclaiming, on seeing the Scottish regiments approach — "Why not dress the
whole of your infantry like that?" And there was no doubt that for a soldier's dress
nothing was more perfect on parade than the Highland garb. (Applause. )
Dr Ogilvie Grant, Surgeon to the Naval Reserve, replied for the Navy; and
Major Ross I.A.V., replied for the Auxiliary Forces.
At this stage, Mr William Mackenzie, the Secretary, read the annual report,
which reviewed the work performed by the Society during last year — work which was
of an exceedingly useful character, and eminently calculated to advance the objects for
the promotion of which the Society was formed. During the year the Society had
initiated a movement to get a Civil List pension conferred on Mrs Mary Mackellar,
the Bard of the Society — (cheers) — and had gone thoroughly into the proposal to
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 235
acknowledge Professor Blackie's great services to Celtic language and literature —
(applause) — two movements which the Society hope to see crowned with success.
(Cheers.) It is proposed that the acknowledgment of Professor Blackie's services
should take the form of a bust or portrait, with Blackie bursaries, in connection with
the Celtic Chair in the University of Edinburgh. (Hear, hear.) There is at present
no one receiving a pension from the Civil List for Gaelic literature, and the Society
considered that Mrs Mackellar had very high claims. (Applause.) This view had
been concurred in by many other societies, who have signed a memorial, promoted by
the Inverness Society, to the First Lord of the Treasury. Many influential gentle-
men had also, as individuals, signed it, including all the members of the Royal
Commission, except Lord Napier. Money for the Blackie testimonial was now in course
of being received by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., hon. treasurer to the fund, and
by the Secretary of the Society. During the year the membership of the Society had
been considerably thinned by death, but the acquisition of fresh members had more
than counterbalanced the loss in this way, the number of new members enrolled dur-
ing the year being 25. Financially the position of the Society was highly satisfac-
tory. The income during the year, including the balance from last year, was £88
l8s. 8d., while the money paid out amounted to £59. us. 8d., leaving a balance of
£29. 75. to be carried to next account. (Applause. )
The Chairman next proposed " Success to the Gaelic Society" of Inverness, and
said — I am sure you have all been gratified to learn, from the report which the Secre-
tary has just read, that this Society is still flourishing. (Cheers.) I regret exceed-
ingly that the chair is not occupied on this occasion by Lord Dunmore, whose
presence would have been so acceptable to us all. He is a nobleman whose heart
is in the Highlands', and who lives, as much as his wife's health will allow, among
and with his people. In wishing success to this Society, there are various aspects of
its usefulness which may be referred to and commended. As Lord Dunmore has said,
such a Society is of great advantage in preserving the language, the literature, and the
traditions of the Gael. I have remarked more than once on previous occasions that
unless we can also preserve the Gaelic people we are not doing much. (Loud
cheers. ) But if we try to preserve the Gaelic people we must try to preserve them
with the language, the traditions, and the habits which made them what they are.
(Cheers.) I take it broadly that the objects of this Society are to preserve among us
all those elements in the life of the past which were good and beautiful. We are
inclined to look for a golden age in the past. I may be wrong in so thinking, but I
cannot help thinking that there was a great deal that was more beautiful and joyous
in the life of the past than in the life of the present— (hear, hear) - and there are two
aspects of that life on which I will venture to dwell for a few moments. We are told
that the Highland people ought not to continue to exist in any great numbers on their
native soil, because they cannot maintain themselves there otherwise than in poverty.
Now, I was much struck with a remark which I read lately, and which was to this
effect, that inasmuch as the earth does not produce very much more than food enough
for all the people on it, the great majority of the people must always be poor. In
new countries this evil may be corrected in a town, and so long as the population is
sparse ; but population is always pressing on the limits of the supply of food, and I
fear it will always be the case that the great majority will be poor. One of
the great evils of the present day is, I think, that poverty is coming to be looked on
as synonymous with misery. Now this is an evil from which, a few generations ago,
our ancestors were in a great measure free. (Hear, hear.) And this, I think, was
236 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
due to the habits of frugality which certain circumstances have made part of their
lives, and to the fact that they were led to value themselves more in other qualities
than with reference to what they ate and what they drank, and wherewithal they were
clothed. (Hear, hear.) A few generations ago there was in one aspect very much
more poverty than there is now ; that is to say, articles in the shape of food and cloth-
ing, which are now considered necessaries by the poorest, were not then attainable
even by the well-to-do, but we look in vain in the contemporary records of our
ancestors for any evidence that poverty was then considered as, in any sense, a
degradation either by those who endured it or by those above them. (Cheers.) On
the contrary, I think we have abundance of evidence that life was then more free from
care than it is now, and that among those who had little choice of food — and some-
times but little enough of it —there was much less care for the morrow than there is
now. As an illustration of the frugality of our ancestors, I may quote a passage from
the ancient Irish laws prescribing the kind of food which foster-parents were bound
to give the children entrusted to them to be fostered. "What are their victuals ?
Porridge is given to them all ; but the flavouring which goes into it is different, i.e.,
salt butter for the sons of the inferior grades, fresh butter for the sons of chieftains,
honey for the sons of kings. The food of them all is alike until the end of a year, or
of three years, viz., salt butter, and afterwards fresh butter, i.e., to the sons of chief-
tains, and honey to the sons of kings. Porridge made of oatmeal and buttermilk or
water is given to the sons of feini grades, and a bare sufficiency of it merely, and salt
butter for flavouring ; porridge made in new milk is given to the sons of the chieftain
grades, and fresh butter for flavouring, and a full sufficiency is given to them, and
barley meal upon it ; porridge made in new milk is given to the sons of kings, and
wheaten meal upon it, and honey for flavouring." Surely what was good enough for
the sons of kings in the grandest period of our race, might be good enough for the sons
of peasants now. (Hear, hear.) And if this Society can aid in leading us back to
the simple life of our ancestors, it will do much to make life happier, and to do away
with the brooding feeling of discontent with their lot among the poor, which is one
of the great evils of our time. Another aspect of the life of the past which we have very
much lost is its joyousness. (Hear, hear. ) We are often told, particularly by the Scotsman,
that our ancestors were in great misery. No doubt the people who say this believe it,
but I think the belief springs from the grossness of their own minds — (hear, hear) —
which teaches them to think that because people had only the simplest food, and
sometimes not quite enough of it, and lived in bothies, they must have been miser-
able. In reading such records of the past as we have, however, the impression left
on my mind is that life was then a joyous, free, happy life. Take, for instance, that
most delightful of books, Mrs Grant's " Letters from the Mountains." Mrs Grant was
not brought up in the Highlands, and when she settled at Laggan, she wrote many
accounts of her life and of the life of those about her to her friends in the South, and
the distinct impression they leave on the mind is that in those days Laggan was a sort
of Arcadia. Roups lasted for a fortnight, weddings for three or four days, and if the
minister and his wife did not join in the dancing, they were present and encouraged it.
I was much struck recently with one expression of Mrs Grant in describing her life.
She says — " Haymaking is not merely drying grass ; it is preparing a scene of joyous
employment and innocent amusement for those whose sports recal to us our gayest and
happiest days." (Cheers.) That life among the old Celts was one of much enjoy-
ment we may judge from the following passage in the Irish laws giving the occupa-
tions of a king : — "There are now seven occupations in the corus-law of a king —
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 237
Sunday for drinking ale, for he is not a lawful chief who does not distribute ale every
Sunday — (laughter) — Monday for judgments for the adjustment of the people ; Tues-
day for chess ; Wednesday seeing greyhounds coursing ; Thursday, the pleasures of
love ; Friday at horse-racing ; Saturday at giving judgments." But since Mrs Grant's
time we have had two or three generations of excellent and well-meant clergymen,
who have lived in the belief, and preached it, and enforced the practice of it, that all
sports and amusements, music and dancing, and all those modes by which the ex-
uberance of healthy animal sports finds expression, are sinful. The result is that they
have killed joy out of the lives of the people — (hear, hear) — and I believe this is one
great cause of the discontent with their lot which is now so noticeable a feature among
the peasantry. (Cheers.) It has even become a burning question, as we see by the
papers, whether it is lawful to play shinty. (Laughter.) It appears to me that if the
worthy gentlemen who preach against the game would only join their parishioners in
playing it, and would encourage this and other similar healthy and innocent amuse-
ments, as the more robust clergy of the good old times did, the people would be
happier and the grosser vices less common than they are. (Cheers.) Let us hope
then that in all its efforts, and especially in its effort to restore the contentment, the
simplicity, and the joyousness of the life of the past, this Society may continue to
prosper, and let us drink the toast with full bumpers. (Loud cheers.)
Mr John Macdonald, Exchange, proposed the " Members of Parliament for the
Highland Counties and Burghs." He said — The toast I have been asked to propose
is always well received by the Gaelic Society. If it can be true anywhere, it is true
of us, that Whig and Tory all agree in our meetings. And, I think if this is true of
Scotland generally, it is most true of the Highlands. There are many things that we
might expect Parliament to help us in— education, for instance. Then there is the
fishing industry. They might urge the Government to give a grant to aid in the pro-
secution of this important industry. I think that we might fairly ask them to do some
thing for us in this way. I am afraid that it is, perhaps, the case that the services of
Members of Parliament are not appreciated and recompensed by the people as they
should be. I have lately had the privilege of visiting the House of Commons, and
it requires that we should see the order ol business there before we can form a full
estimate of the work of the Members. (Hear, hear.)
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., Raining's School, proposed the " Language and Liter-
ature of the Gael." He said — Patriots of a generation or two ago used to claim for the
Gaelic language an antiquity coeval and even superior to the Hebrew ; but in the
present day — these days of science and accurate thinking — we can claim for the Gaelic,
on true scientific grounds, antiquity in Europe greater than any of its sister languages,
and rank equal to the best of them. (Applause.) It is well ascertained now that of
the so-called Aryan race, the Celts were the first to enter Europe, and of these Celts
themselves, the Gaelic branch was the first — the pioneer of all the civilisation of the
East. (Hear, hear.) Nor must we think that these early Gaels were savages — far
from it. They were even a civilised people, having homes and families, houses and
domestic animals, knowledge of metals and agriculture. They had, too, a highly
organised language — a language that then was superior to Latin in inflectional power,
and superior to Greek in flexibility of structure. For the last two thousand years it
has not fared so well with our mother tongue. It has been sadly shorn of its inflec-
tions in the struggle which the European languages entered on in the middle ages to
get rid of all grammar. Nor have we kept up to the old literary forms of our
ancestors. The old Gaels must have possessed a vast and important literature. We
238 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
see that from the Irish. They preserved much of it from the wreck of time through
their monasteries and men of learning and leisure, and valuable MSS. still exist of
poems, which, through the ravages of time, have just escaped the epic power and the
reputation of Homer. Our language here is, however, more popularised and less
learned. We have but scraps of the old literature and the old inflections ; we are in
consequence more homely and more near the heart both in language and literature,
for both are a people's tongue, as opposed to a mere literary instrument. We may
console ourselves in this matter by the reflection that the English would have been
the same had it not stolen 29,000 Latin words — two-thirds of its vocabulary ! Our
literature and language are therefore of the people and for the people, and for every
individual of it. (Hear, hear.) The extent of our literature in such circumstances is
not great, but its depth is great -it is steeped in the feelings of the people ; it is com-
posed mostly of songs and elegies and lyrics that gush from a nation's heart, warm and
instinct with life. (Applause.) It is, therefore, concrete and personal ; laudations of
persons living, or some dear one recently dead, are found in the language ; these
laudations and praises are extended also to natural objects — a hill, a river, or a vale,
and their description is entered into with a minuteness and gusto that is quite dis-
tinctive of the Gael. No language can express better strong emotion ; the passionate
outburst of the lover or the pathetic wail of the widowed and distressed. We must
not expect in such a literature Matthew Arnold's "Criticism of Life" to enter very
much ; we do not claim any philosophical or learned height for Gaelic literature. It
expresses the feelings, aspirations, and wishes of the people much as Burns' poems do
those of the Lowland Scotch, rising at times to heights such as Burns attained in his
" Cottar's Saturday Night" or his " Mary in Heaven," equal to him in the love songs,
and, I venture to say, superior to him in satiric power. Satire is a special feature of
Gaelic literature. The prose literature naturally runs into the groove of conversations,
as popular prose compositions must do ; but the literature in popular tales is something
to boast of. Campbell's collection of Highland tales is the envy of every nation in
Europe. They cannot beat us on that point, not even in Germany. (Applause.)
I cannot but refer to the recent opening of the Celtic Class in Edinburgh. (Cheers.)
We may congratulate ourselves in the choice made, for, judging from the start
Professor Mackinnon made in his excellent address, we may have every confidence in
his success. That speech, which in pamphlet form makes thirty-six pages, and which
travelled over the whole Celtic ground, ethnologically and philologically, is an ad-
mirable specimen of accuracy and learning. I do not believe that one error can be
pointed out in it — a new thing almost in Scotland for a man to speak an hour on
general Celtic subjects, and make no rash assertions. For, if anything, we are too
inclined not to study our language, our literature, and our history with that care
which modern science insists on, and without which 'we are laughed at beyond our
own borders. We have done all that can be done in a popular way. We must now
submit to scientific treatment, and we shall find our language and literature will stand
that too. But we are not here in Inverness quite idle in this matter. (Applause.)
No man has been busier or more successful than the gentleman with whose name
I have the honour to couple this toast, Mr Alexander Mackenzie of the Celtic Magazine.
(Cheers) Not to speak of the success and excellence of his histories of several of the
Highland clans, and of his collections of traditions, the Celtic Magazine is itself a
monument of his industry and genius. (Applause.) Now in its looth number,
having thus lived longer than any other previous Gaelic or Celtic periodical, or truly
Highland paper, it happily augurs the success of his forthcoming paper — "The
Scottish Highlander." (Loud cheers.)
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 239
Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Editor of the Celtic Magazine, in reply, said — I need
not tell you that I feel very highly honoured in being asked to respond to this
important toast ; and especially so, proposed as it has been, by a gentleman like Mr
Macbain, whose information in the Celtic literary field is very extensive, and who treads
very closely, in the matter Celtic scholarship, on the heels of the foremost men of the
day. (Hear, hear.) It is gratifying that we should have, in the Highland capital,
a man of that stamp. (Applause.) He has the advantage of many men who dabble
in this question, in his having an intimate knowledge of the classical languages —
Latin, Greek, Sanscrit, and Old Irish, which, I need hardly say, is of immense value
in pursuing Celtic studies. I am not going to inflict a speech upon you, but referring
shortly to other matters, I may be allowed to say how pleased I am to see you, sir,
occupying that chair ; and let me say that I never heard you speaking at a gathering
of this kind, but I admired the fine Celtic spirit which always pervaded your speeches.
(Applause.) At the same time, I may be permitted to say that the Society ought to
feel pleased that perhaps the only peer of the realm who can speak the Gaelic lan-
guage correctly and fluently, holds the position of present chief of the Society.
A Member — Sir Kenneth speaks Gaelic.
Mr Mackenzie — He is not yet a peer, however. (Laughter.)
A Member— Lord Lovat, the Duke of Athole, the Duke of Argyll
Mr Mackenzie — We will take " him" some other time. (Laughter and applause.)
Well, I think it is a good thing to have such a man as the Earl of Dunmore as our
chief, and I am quite satisfied that he will not make the same use of his Gaelic as he
infers others have been making of their knowledge of it recently in the Highlands —
(laughter) — and especially in the Western Isles ; but this is a matter to which I need
not here further refer. I will not say that I am, in one sense, very sorry that we have
not his lordship here to-night, because I think we have quite as good- a man in the
chair as we could possibly wish to have— (hear, hear)— and one who has done more
in the Celtic field than most people are aware of. (Applause.) I may tell you in that
connection that considerable additions have been made to our store of Celtic literature,
even within the last twelve months. A volume of Gaelic poetry has been issued, since
our last meeting, by Mr Neil Macleod, a native of Glendale — (cheers)— where we
had some good men. Neil's uncle left that famous glen some years ago as a common
soldier, and has recently retired, with honours, as Major Macleod of the Royal
Artillery. (Applause. ) I have no hesitation in saying that Neil Macleod's volume
is about the most correct specimen of Gaelic printed in modern times — (hear, hear)
— and not only so, but that the volume, notwithstanding the great discussion which is
reported to have taken place at a recent meeting of the Celtic Society of Edinburgh—
(laughter) — contains sentiments, beautifully and poetically expressed, equal to some of
the best poets of a bye-gone age. (Applause. ) I had also a very handsome volume of 500
pages sent me only last week from the City of Toronto, the compositions of a bard
famous in this country so long ago as 1838 - Evan Maccoll, the " Bard of Loch-Fyne,"
who was described by Hugh Miller, in the Inverness Courier at the time, as "The
Moore of Highland Song." (Cheers.) Another poet, who started under very dis-
advantageous circumstances, from Argyle-shire, some years ago for South Australia
has also issued a volume of poems, printed in Australia. It will thus be seen that
the field of Celtic literature is expanding ; that the labourers in it are increasing
at a very rapid rate. (Hear, hear.) I have not included the excellent volume by
Mary Mackellar, our own Society Bard, as it was published in the previous year.
We shall soon, if I may be permitted to let let you into a dead secret — (laughter) —
240 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
have a new addition to Celtic literature in the town of Inverness, my friend who has
asked you to drink this toast having a work in the press, which we shall have the
honour of presenting to the public at no distant date. (Loud applause.) Another
most important addition to our store of Highland literature, which we are expecting
soon, and which members of this Society had a hand in preparing, is the forthcoming
volumes of the evidence taken before the Crofter Royal Commission — (laughter) —
and the report of the Commissioners on the present state of the Highlands. (Laugh-
ter and cheers.) I well believe, sir, that this will prove to be the most important
addition made to the literature of the Highlands for the last century at least. (Hear,
hear.) There is a fallacy existing about Celtic literature even in Inverness, which will
by-and-bye be removed. There are more people taking an interest in that subject in
the town than the public are aware of. Large numbers now not only read but study
it carefully ; and they are willing even to pay a good price for the pleasure of perusing
contributions on the subject, many of which emanate, though in general anonymously,
from members of the Society that I am now addressing. Kindly reference has been
made to my own little venture in the Celtic field, the Celtic Magazine. (Cheers.) I
lay little claim myself to the good which it has admittedly done. Through it I have
been able, however, to give many writers, among whom are the leading authorities of
the day, an opportunity of expressing their views on Celtic questions. I have been
able to present them, as it were, with a focus, and thus we are together able to show
the world that there is a Celtic literature and some little ability in our midst. (Applause. )
The little craft, you will be glad to hear, is at present in excellent order, and there is
not the slightest fear of its usefulness being in any way impaired — (hear, hear) — for
it was never so able to weather the storm as at the present moment. (Laughter and
applause.) The Celtic Magazine is now longer in existence than any Celtic
publication ever published in this country, and I can assure you that there is not the
slightest fear of any mishap or rocks ahead at present. (Laughter and applause.) I
am very much obliged to you for the kind way in which you have responded to the
toast of Celtic Literature, as well as for your reception of the name of the Celtic
Magazine and the looming "Scottish Highlander," which I hope to succeed in
making a worthy labourer in a congenial field not very far removed from that of his
elder brother. (Loud cheers.)
Councillor Alex. Ross proposed the Agricultural and Commercial Interests of
the Highlands, and the toast was acknowledged by Mr Robert Grant of the Royal
Tartan Warehouse.
Mr John Whyte, Librarian, proposed Kindred Societies, and mentioned the great
advantages to be derived from being associated with Societies such as the Field
Club, the Literary Institute, and the Mutual Improvement Society. Many old Inver-
ness boys, who had distinguished themselves 'n afterlife in their several spheres, had
got their early training at similar Societies. The toast was coupled with the name of
Mr Findlater, President of the_ Mutual Improvement Society, who made a very
appropriate reply.
Mr Duncan Campbell, of the Chronicle, proposed Highland Education; to which
Mr Wm. Morrison, Dingwall Academy, who was well received, replied as
follows : —
Having adverted to that clause of the constitution of the Society which set forth as
one of its aims the vindication of the rights and character of the Scottish Highlander,
he proceeded— I think the latter might safely be left to the testimony of individuals
who come in contact with the Gael, and to the verdict of history. They were character-
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 241
ised by that apostle of culture, Mr Matthew Arnold, in his. attempt to account for the
presence of so much colour and feeling in English literature not to be found in its
purely Saxon origin, as invested by a spirit of idealism — a spirit for ever struggling
with the matter-of-fact realities of life, and which he termed a spirit of Titanism.
That might do well for a theory of the natural history of poetry in Britain, but it will
scarcely square with the known facts of history that Highlanders who have had the
advantage and aid of the intellectual implements and tools, which it is the birthright
of every free-born subject of this realm to have placed in his hands, have shown chat
they have played no mean part in the extension and consolidation of the mighty
fabric of the British empire over all the habitable globe. (Applause.) As for the
vindication of their rights, it is the duty, as well as the interest of such a Society as
this to defend such rights when assailed. (Hear, hear.) The greater part of our
kinsmen, ignorant of the English language, cannot formulate their grievances so as to
reach the understandings and touch the hearts of the rest of their fellow-subjects con-
versant with that language — (hear, hear) — and when they are encouraged by sympa-
thisers, they are reproached as "being put up to it;" so the callous and unfeeling
phrase it. Our duty, then, is to see that at least the means of expressing themselves
in the English language be put within their reach, and we may be sure they will not
require adventitious aid to plead their own cause in clear and forcible terms. (Cheers.)
They will plead, then, to use Shakespeare's language —
" Trumpet tongued
Against the deep damnation of their taking-off. "
Hence, the sooner this power is given them, the better will it be for all who profess
to admire a noble but ill-used race. (Cheers.) The cause of school education in the
Highlands at present requires all the enlightened aid and sympathy which this and
kindred societies can render it. I refer particularly to the cause of education in purely
Gaelic-speaking districts. (Hear, hear.) The point ever contended for by this
Society — that of employing Gaelic as the medium of instruction in schools in districts
where English is not the tongue known to the people — has recently been held pro-
minently before the public. Mr Mundella — (cheers) — with the frankness of an Eng-
lishman, admitted the force of the arguments used by the deputation of gentlemen
interested in this question who waited upon him lately in Edinburgh, and what is of
more importance, he promised to consider the means to be used to further the object
of that deputation. (Applause.) The problem is, doubtless, hedged round with diffi-
culties—not the least of these being the apathy of Gaelic-speaking parents, and what
is worse, the opposition of men in power who ought to know better what their duty
in this matter should be. After Mr Mundella's admission that he was convinced that
knowledge in a foreign tongue can only be acquired through the medium of the one
known, we shall hear less of this opposition. So long as Mr Mundella represents the
Education Department, so long will effect be given to that conviction. The Minister
of Education, backed up by the omnipotent power of the money grant, need fear no
opposition to his views. So true is it that force is a remedy, pace Mr Bright. Pascal,
who is believed to have had as keen an insight into human nature as our great financial
reformer, uttered no idle words when he said — La force fait F opinion. I never could
understand the mental attitude of those who oppose the use of the vernacular in purely
Gaelic-speaking districts as an instrument of education. (Hear, hear.) They allege
such an instrument to be unnecessary, seeing that English is making its way among
the people. I admit the fact, but question whether the process might not be more
rapid and more lasting were the language of the people made use of as a medium of
Q
242 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
instruction. I refuse to term the process " Education." ft is not so etymologically
or psychologically. (Hear, hear.) You may charge the memory with meaningless
symbols, but that is scarcely " Education." You can educate a man only by taking
out whatever is good in him, but how that can be done without getting at the man
through the medium of his understanding is a process known only to the opponents
of Gaelic in the schools, and of those Rosicrucians whom Hudibras averred —
" Understood the speech of birds
As well as they themselves did words." (Cheers.)
They possibly have an exaggerated idea of the mental equipment of the young High-
lander. They surely do not imagine that Highlanders have access to a royal road to
knowledge denied to the rest of mankind. If not, why use an argument which, if
applied to the acquisition of French and German by an English speaking youth, would
be scouted as unworthy of any one outside the bounds of Bedlam. To add anything
further would be to throw words away on "a self-convicted absurdity." I shall waste
no words in defending an opinion fortified as this one now is by common sense and the
"sinews of war." (Applause.) I ever held that the problem of how best to extend
education in the remote parts of the Highlands was one that money mainly could solve.
I say mainly, for there is an alternative method to which I shall presently refer. To
take a concrete case, I shall refer to the Lews as fairly typical of what obtains in other
parts of the Gaelic area. Here we have a school-rate which for amount is not equalled
by that of any part of the British Dominions, so far as I know. What would be said
of a tax of IDS. in the £i, as in the parish of Barvas two years ago, and this year of
6s. 8d.? or even of 53. 6d., as is the case in the parish of Lochs? The answer would
perhaps be much like that of the Lancashire gentleman who exclaimed, when I told
him of this monstrous tax, levied on a poor peasantry — " Why don't the people kick?"
I reply — " They don't know whom to kick, and they are afraid of making a mistake." .
(Hear, hear.) Unfortunately, they are kicking against the pricks, and, of course, to
their own hurt. I am informed that the whole School Board system is viewed by them
with hostility as a new form of intolerable oppression. The tax is levied for most with
the rent by the estate, and this perhaps accounts for the silent patience with which the
burden is borne. I should rather say the sullen patience under which they bear up
the load. Or their silence may be owing, however, to that "nice backwardness of
shame" to speak against a cause intrinsically worthy of all support. That dreadful
load of taxation should, in the name of honour and justice, be lightened. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) The other difficulty is that of securing teachers for remote dis-
tricts with a knowledge of Gaelic. A knowledge of Gaelic is not made an indispen-
sable condition in the appointment of teachers. Permissive legislation has done that.
The best class of Gaelic-speaking teachers naturally go where the best salaries are '•>
begot; the worst are dear at any price. (Hear.) I must say that the class of teachers
secured by such Boards as that of the Lews, to the best of my knowledge, is one which
any district in Britain might be proud of. They have obstacles to surmount before
which many men, who plume themselves as their superiors, would quail, and that they
successfully meet these obstacles, so far as is possible in the peculiar circumstances of
their case, one need only look at the high results tabulated by H.M. Inspectors in their
annual reports. How many or how few of these excellent teachers make use of Gaelic
in their work I cannot say. Some Boards insist upon the teacher giving Scripture
first in Gaelic and the next day in English, with the double view, as it is expressed, of
"helping the children to learn and nnHorcton^ both their Bibles and English better."
Some teachers, I am informed, allege that this plan does not work well, as the children
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 243
needed to begin with Gaelic primers, and required Bibles with Gaelic and English on
alternate pages or in alternate columns. I may quote the words of a Lews gentleman,
an enlightened and patriotic School Board member, who wrote me the other day on
this question. Referring to the difficulty of procuring Bibles such as I have mentioned,
he says — " It occurs to me that the difficulty would vanish were Government to concede
a grant for Gaelic teaching, and supply means to print suitable bi-lingual extracts of
Scripture, polyglot-fashion, with Gaelic and English on opposite and alternate pages."
This gentleman goes on to suggest that the Society for Propagating Christian Know-
ledge might be induced to provide this want, seeing they are ready to endow the
teaching of Gaelic, when essential, to the amount of £1$ or ^20 per annum to each
such school. "This bonus," he continues, "small though it be, we hope to hold out
in future where vacancies demand candidates professing Gaelic among their classical
attainments. " (Applause. ) I suggested that even on present terms, Gaelic-speaking
teachers of a more aspiring class than can now be induced to take service under High-
land School Boards might be secured if arrangements were made to permit them to
attend University classes with a view to graduation, or to pass even to other professions,
providing always that trained substitutes were secured for the schools in their
absence. My correspondent agrees with me in this view. I am persuaded that were
School Boards in purely Gaelic districts to see their way to adopt such a plan, they
would have command of the very best class of Gaelic-speaking teachers, even with
the moderate salaries given. Such an arrangement would also put heart into many
Gaelic-speaking teachers now engaged under these Boards. The hope of rising in
their profession with more rapidity than is now possible would make their existence
brighter than it can otherwise be, chained as they are to the oar to the end of the
voyage of their life. What the existence of "an open career to talent" has done in
other professions can do in this profession with the most beneficial results to the
public, as well as to the individual immediately concerned who is pushing his way
upwards in life. There are prizes in the teaching profession, but the way to them is
not so open as it should be. The loss will ultimately fall upon the public that this
path should not be cleared of unnecessary obstacles. We speak of the importance of
educating our Highland people, and we declaim upon their hard lot, while few voices
are raised to suggest practicable means to alleviate their miseries, much less to use
effective measures to put into their hands those instruments which an English edu-
cation alone can give to enable them, not only to hold their own in competition with
their more fortunate fellow-subjects, but to give scope to those talents and capacities
which, when developed, prove that the Scottish Highlander is often more than a
match for any man of his height and weight from any nation under the sun. (Cheers.)
Now that Latin is no longer the avenue to the storehouses of wealth in European
literature, the advocates for the retention of this noble language in schools, are con-
strained to find some plausible grounds for such retention. The knowledge of Latin,
in and by itself, is not necessary towards the acquisition of English as is commonly
held. In fact the spirit of the age is rather against a style of English formed upon a
training in Latin. The study of Anglo-Saxon and our English classics is recom-
mended by our best scholars as more conducive to that end than the study of the
ancient tongues. The advocates for the continued use in the schools of Latin and
Greek are forced therefore to maintain that the logical training acquired in analysing
the grammatical structure of those learned languages is worth all the pains bestowed
upon them. I am not disposed to cavil at this argument. I admit its force, but I do
not see why, if that be the chief reason for so using these time-honoured instruments
of culture, the claims of Gaelic, as a language of logical texture and philogical wealth,
244 sTHE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
should be ignored — (cheers) — especially in districts where it is endeared to the pupils
as the language associated with that which is after all the well-spring of all that is
highest and noblest in man — the emotions of his soul. (Applause.) As for the
destiny of Gaelic as a spoken language, I may venture to express the hope of the
Moidart bard, Alexander Macdonald ("Mac Mhaighistir Alastair"), in his poem in
praise of Gaelic —
"Mhairif6s,
'S cha te"id a gl&ir air chall,
'Dh 'aindeoin g6
A's mi-rdn m6r nan Gall." (Loud cheers.)
Dr F. M. Mackenzie proposed the " Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of
Inverness ;" replied to by Provost Macandrew.
Mr Colin Chisholm proposed the " Non-Resident Members," numbering, he said,
about four hundred, and representing all ranks and conditions of Scotsmen in the
Pulpit, in the Army, and in the Navy— in all parts of the world. (Cheers.) The
Non- Resident Members were in fact the largest and most important portion of the
Society. (Hear, hear.)
Mr Morrison, Dingwall, replied in a humorous and laughable speech.
Councillor Stuart proposed the " Clergy of all Denominations," but there being
no clergyman present to reply, that duty was well performed by
Mr Hugh Rose, solicitor, who also proposed the " Press," coupled with Mr D.
K. Clark, of the Inverness Courier.
Mr Alexander Mactavish proposed the "Chairman," saying that the Society had
just spent one of its happiest and best evenings under his presidency. The toast was
drunk with full Highland honours and great applause.
Provost Macandrew, in reply, said— I am more than obliged to you for the way
in which you have drunk my health. I was born a Highlander. I could speak the
Gaelic language once, but I have lost it now. If Providence gives me the life of some
of my forbears, I may, however, yet learn to speak it as I did before. (Cheers.)
Bailie Mackay, in proposing the " Croupiers" said — I may be allowed to say that I
think the Committee of the Society have made a very good selection in their choice
of Croupiers. One of them, Mr Mackenzie, I may call the father of the Society, and
the other, Mr Macbain, is a very promising son. (Cheers.)
Mr Alexander Mackenzie replied, and referring to his having occupied the same
position for the last two years, stated that at the meeting for the nomination of
Office-bearers for next year, held the week before, he refused to be nominated
again for the office, it being best, in his opinion, that no one should occupy the
highest positions in the Society too long. Mr Macbain also replied.
The evening was enlivened by songs and recitations by Councillor Stuart, Capt.
O'Sullivan, Bailie Mackay, William Mackay, Colin Chisholm, Fraser Campbell, and
John Whyte.
The Secretary carried out the arrangements for the dinner in a most satisfactory
manner, and the meeting was, in every respect, a decided success.
NEW WORK BY PROFESSOR BLACKIE. -Professor Blackie has at
present in preparation, and expects to publish in May, a work entitled, " The
Scottish Highlanders and the British Land Laws." The present time is peculiarly
opportune for the publication of such a work as Professor Blackie may be expected to
produce on this subject.
"Celtic and Literary Notes" and other Contributions, including a Notice of
" The History of Civilisation in Scotland," by Alexander Mackintosh, are crushed
out by the report of the Gaelic Society.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CII. APRIL 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XV.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued.
LOCHIEL, after hearing 5rom the King, as described in our last,
spent the following winter projecting measures for a Confeder-
ation of the Clans, in the interest of James, from whom he received
another letter, dated the 29th of March 1689, after his Ma-
jesty had arrived in Ireland, requesting him, his friends, and fol-
lowers, to be ready to take the field, at a place to be 'appointed,
whenever called upon to do so. The King also gave strong
assurances of his devotion to the Protestant Religion ; stating
that he would respect the liberty and property of the subject ;
that he would re-imburse any outlays to which Lochiel might be
put ; and send him at the proper time commissions, signed, with
power to him to fill them in, and name his own officers. On
receipt of the document, he visited all the Chiefs near him, and
wrote to those at a distance, seeking their co-operation ; and he
found them all heartily willing to join in any efforts to restore
the King. They subsequently convened, in general meeting, and
agreed so well among themselves as to the details of what they
were to do, that they arranged to rendezvous on the I3th of May
R
246 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
following at Dalmucomer, near Lochiel's residence, and com-
municated their resolution to the King, requesting him to send a
suitable person to lead them, and promising to hazard, if neces-
sary, life and fortune in his cause. Matters, however, soon took
another and unexpected turn.
The Privy Council, unanimous in favour of James, made
preparations for war, and expressed their gratitude for the services
offered by his friends ; but when William of Orange arrived in
London the Council hesitated for a time, and ultimately the
Convention resolved to offer him the Scottish Crown, though
Viscount Dundee, Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, and a
few others, opposed it with great power and eloquence. What
followed is so well known to the student of Scottish history that
it shall here be passed over, except where Lochiel comes promin-
ently on the scene. After Viscount Dundee had left the Con-
vention he sent an express to Sir Ewen Cameron for information
as to the state of feeling in the North. This communication was
at once intimated to the other Chiefs in Lochiel's neighbourhood,
and they agreed without delay to dispatch eight hundred men
under Macdonald of Keppoch to convey Dundee to Lochaber ;
but his Lordship meantime made a detour into the Highlands,
on the way getting many to agree to join him, immediately
they were called upon to serve their King. He received a most
favourable communication from Lochiel, for himself and the other
Chiefs, informing him of their having sent Keppoch to meet him
to the borders of the Highlands. Anxious to meet his friends in
the North as soon as possible, Dundee changed his course, and
marched for Inverness, where he found Keppoch, who, instead of
executing his commission, laid siege to the town, arrested the
magistrates and the most wealthy of the citizens, compelling
them to pay a heavy ransom before agreeing to set them at
liberty. Dundee rebuked him so severely for his bad conduct,
that Keppoch retired to his own country, instead of conducting
Dundee, in terms of his commission, from the other Chiefs. This
proved a bad beginning, for his Lordship had to return to the
South, where he found letters awaiting him from the King, and a
Commission appointing him Commander of his Majesty's troops
in Scotland. He also received letters and commissions for the
Highland Chiefs, which he at once dispatched to them. He was
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 247
strongly urged, in letters from Lochiel, to visit Lochaber, and he
finally decided upon doing so, marching straight through Ran-
noch. When he arrived he was received by Sir Ewen and his
people with every possible honour and consideration, and was
furnished with a place of residence about a mile distant from
Lochiel's own house. Having received full assurance from the
other Chiefs of their readiness to join him at the appointed place
of rendezvous, he wrote, intimating all this to the King, who was
then in Ireland, praying him to come to Scotland and command
them in person, promising that he would have the support of the
people generally in regaining the throne of his ancestors.
General Mackay, who commanded for King William, made
every effort to induce Lochiel to join him, offering him a large sum
of money, the government of Inverlochy, and the command of a
regiment, with whatever titles of honour and dignities he might
chose, assuring him that these offers were made with William's full
authority. Lochiel, in characteristic fashion, handed Mackay's
letter unopened to Dundee, requesting that his lordship would
be good enough to dictate the proper answer.
Dundee soon found himself at the head of a small following
of 1800 horse and foot, " whereof one-half belonged to Lochiel,"
and with these he marched to meet Colonel Ramsay, one of
Mackay's lieutenants, on his way from Athole to join his Chief at
Inverness. Hearing of Dundee's advance, he blew up his ammuni-
tion, and marched at his best speed, night and day, until he was
clear out of the country. In May 1689, Dundee marched back
to Lochaber, when Lochiel invited him to his old quarters at
Strone, his lordship having dismissed his men for a time in con-
sequence of the scarcity of provisions, but on condition that
they would at any time return on a day's notice to join his
standard.
While here, Macdonald of the Isles joined him with about
seven hundred men, and, being thus strengthened, Dundee pro-
posed, to a Council of War, that they should employ their time
until the arrival of the other clans, in disciplining their troops.
The younger Chiefs and the Lowland officers highly approved
of this proposal, but Lochiel, now an experienced officer, in the
sixtieth year of his age, held an opposite opinion, and expressed
himself to the Council in the following eloquent and telling
248 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
terms : — " That, as from his youth he had been bred among the
Highlanders, so he had made many observations upon the natural
temper of the people and their method of fighting; and to pretend
to alter anything in their old customs, of which they were most
tenacious, would entirely ruin them, and make them not better
than newly-raised troops ; whereas, he was firmly of opinion
that, with their own Chiefs and natural Captains at their head,
under the command of such a General as Viscount Dundee, they
were equal to a similar number of the best disciplined veteran,
troops in the kingdom; that they had given repeated proofs of
this during the wars and victories of Montrose ; and that in the
skirmishes wherein he himself had been engaged, he had in-
variably the good fortune to rout the enemy, though always
superior to him in numbers. Besides, in all his conflicts with
Cromwell's troops, he had to do with old soldiers whose courage
had been fatal to the King and Kingdom." Having described an
instance of the bravery and success of the Macleans against the
enemy in a recent skirmish, he proceeded : — " That since his lord-
ship, and, perhaps, few of the low-country gentlemen and officers
in the Council never had an opportunity of being present at a
Highland engagement, it would not be amiss to give them a
general hint of their manner of fighting. It was the same as that
of the ancient Gauls, their predecessors, who had made such a
great figure in Roman history ; he believed all the ancients
had used the broadsword and targe in the same manner as the
Highlanders did then, though the Romans and Grecians taught
their troops a certain kind of discipline to inure them to obedi-
ence. The Scots, in general, had never made such a figure in the
field since they gave up these weapons. The Highlanders were
the only body of men that retained the old method, excepting in
so far as they had of late taken to the gun instead of the bow to
introduce them into action ; that so soon as they were led against
the enemy, they came up within a few paces of them, and having
discharged their pieces in their very breasts, they threw them
down and drew their swords ; the attack was so furious that
they commonly pierced the enemy's ranks, put them into dis-
order, and determined the fate of the day in a few moments ;
they loved always to be in action ; and they had such con-
fidence in their leaders that even the most daring and desper-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 249
ate attempt would not intimidate them if they had courage
enough to lead them on, so that all the miscarriages of the High-
landers were to be charged to some defect of conduct in their
officers, and not for want either of resolution or discipline on the
part of the men. He further added, that as a body of High-
landers conducted by their own Chiefs were commonly equal to
any foot whatever, so when they came to be disciplined in the
modern manner, and mixed with regular troops under strange
officers, they were not one straw better than their neighbours ;
and the reason he assigned for this change, was that being turned
out of their ordinary method, and not having the honour of their
Chief and clan to fight for, they lost their natural courage, when
the causes that inspire it were removed. Besides, when by the
harsh rules of discipline, and the savage severity of their officers
in the execution of them, they came to be reduced to a state of
servitude, their spirits sank, and they became mere formal
machines, acting by the impulse of fear. However military dis-
cipline might do in standing armies, yet, since it was not proposed
that theirs was to continue any longer than the then position of
affairs rendered it necessary, they had not time to habituate the
men to it, so as to make it easy and useful to them ; and, therefore,
it was his opinion that, in all events, it was better to allow them to
follow the old habit in which they were bred, than to begin to teach
them a new method which they had not time to acquire." This
was the address of a wise and far-seeing General, founded on actual
experience ; and we are not surprised to learn that " Lochiel's
opinion determined the Council ; and my Lord Dundee, recollect-
ing all that he had said, declared that as he was certain of victory
from men of so much natural courage and ferocity, he would
not have made the proposal had he been as well acquainted with
them as Lochiel had now made him ; and that, as everything he
had advanced carried conviction along.with it, so, though it had
not, yet as there is no argument like matter of fact, he thought
himself obliged to take them on the word of one who had so long
and so happy an experience;" and so the Highlanders were allowed
to continue their ancient tactics.
While waiting for the return of those of his followers
who had been permitted to go home for want of provisions, as
already stated, and for others who were to be with him by the
250 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
date of the appointed rendezvous, a. characteristic incident oc-
curred, which, but for Lochiel's prudence, might have terminated
the war before it had scarcely began. A party of Camerons
resolved to be avenged on the Grants of Glen-Urquhart, who had
recently hanged two or three of their men on what was considered
a slight provocation given in a trifling quarrel. They were of
opinion that neither Lochiel nor Dundee would be very much
opposed to their expedition, especially if they succeeded in
bringing in supplies for their half-starved followers. They
would not, however, run the risk of the Commander's re-
fusal by asking permission to attack the enemy, but marched
privately to the Glen, where they found the Grants fully
armed ready to oppose them. One of the Macdonalds of Glen-
garry, who lived in the Glen, thought that his name and the clan to
which he belonged was not only sufficient to secure him from
personal attack, but that his relationship to his chief was
enough to protect the Grants, among whom he resided, from the
revenge of the Camerons. Confident of this, he boldly marched
up to meet them, and, intimating his name and genealogy, desired
that, on his account, they would peaceably depart, without
injuring the inhabitants, his neighbours, and friends. It was re-
plied that, " if he was a true Macdonald, he ought to be with his
Chief in Dundee's army, in the service of his King and country ;
that they were at a loss to understand why they should, on his
account, extend their friendship to a people who had, but a few
days before, seized on several of their men, and hanged them
without any other provocation than that they served King
James, which was contrary to the laws of war as well as of
common humanity ; that as they esteemed him, both for the
name he bore and the gentleman to whom he belonged, so they
desired that he would instantly separate himself and his cattle from
the rest of his company, whom they were determined to chastise
for their insolence ; but Macdonald replied that he would run
the same fate with his neighbours ; and, daring them to do their
worst, he departed in a huff." The Camerons, without further
preliminaries, attacked the Grants, killed many of them, and
dispersed the remainder. They then seized their cattle, and
drove them to Lochaber in triumph. Dundee and Lochiel con-
nived at their conduct, as they expected ; but Glengarry became
furious about the death of his clansman, who had been slain
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 251
among the Grants, and he demanded satisfaction from Lochiel
and his clan. Macaulay refers to this episode in the following
terms : — " Though this Macdonald had been guilty of a high
offence against the Gaelic code of honour and morality, his kins-
men remembered the sacred tie which he had forgotten. Good
or bad, he was bone of their bone ; he was flesh of their flesh ;
and he should have been reserved for their justice. The name
which he bore, the blood of the Lords of the Isles, should have
been his protection. Glengarry in a rage went to Dundee and
demanded vengeance on Lochiel and the whole race of Cameron.
Dundee replied that the unfortunate gentleman who had fallen
was a traitor to the clan as well as the King. Was it ever heard
of in war that the person of an enemy, a combatant in arms, was
to be held inviolable on account of his name and descent? And,
even if wrong had been done, how was it to be redressed. Half
the army must slaughter the other half before a ringer could be
laid on Lochiel. Glengarry went away raving like a madman.
Since his complaints were disregarded by those who ought to
right them, he would right himself : he would draw out his men,
and fall sword in hand on the murderers of his cousin. During
some time he would listen to no expostulation. When he was
reminded that Lochiel's followers were in number nearly double
that of the Glengarry men, 'No matter,' he cried, 'one Macdon-
ald is worth two Camerons.' Had Lochiel been equally irritable
and boastful, it is probable that the Highland insurrection would
have given little more trouble to the Government, and that all
the rebels would have perished obscurely in the wilderness by
one another's claymores. But nature had bestowed on him in
large measure the qualities of a statesman, though fortune had
placed those qualities in an obscure corner of the world. He
saw that this was not a time for brawling : his own character for
courage had been long established ; and his temper was under
strict government. The fury of Glengarry, not being inflamed
by any fresh provocations, rapidly abated. Indeed, there were
some who suspected that he had never been quite so pugnacious
as he had affected to be, and that his bluster was meant only to
keep up his own dignity in the eyes of his retainers. However
this might be, the quarrel was composed ; and the two chiefs met
with the outward show of civility at the General's table,"* and
* History of England, pp. 340-342, Vol. iii., 1855.
252 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the parties were soon as good friends as ever. Macaulay, who
adapts the story from "LochieFs Memoirs," does not tell us that,
when Glengarry declared that the courage of his men would
make up for the disparagement of numbers between them and
the Camerons, "Lochiel laughed at the remark, and said merrily
that he hoped a few days would give Glengarry an opportunity
of exerting that superiority of valour he boasted of so loudly
against the common enemy, and that he would be exceedingly
well-pleased to be out-done in the generous emulation " on such
an occasion.
Nothing could better illustrate the peculiar character of the
material of which Dundee's army was composed than this
squabble between two of his bravest and most distinguished
leaders. This is how matters stood with the Highlanders
about the middle of July 1689. Mackay soon after marched
north to Athole, and Dundee, at the head of about 1800 High-
landers, proceeded south to meet him, leaving orders for the
others to follow him as quickly as possible, as soon as they could
be got together — though the day arranged for the general gather-
ing had not yet arrived. Lochiel, at this time, had only his
Lochaber men with him, numbering about 240, but he dis-
patched his eldest son, John, and several others to Morvern,
Suinart, Ardnamurchan, and the surrounding districts to bring
up his followers from these places with all speed. Dundee,
however, was so anxious to have Lochiel with him that he
requested him to join him with the small body of men he had,
leaving orders for his son to follow with the others as soon as he
could get them together. Lochiel, with his small band over-
took Dundee just before he entered Athole, where they were
soon joined by 300 Irish, under Major-General Cannon. They
then proceeded on their way, and arrived at Blair Castle on the
27th of July, where they obtained intelligence that Mackay had
entered the Pass of Killiecrankie. Dundee at once called a
Council of War to consider whether they should stop where
they were, or proceed to engage the enemy before he could
extricate himself from the Pass. It was a serious question,
for his main body had not yet come up, the appointed day
of rendezvous being still in the future. The old officers, who
had been bred to the command of regular troops, were all in
favour of waiting, as their force was only about half the number
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 253
of the enemy, and the result of the campaign, they urged, might
depend upon whether they should win or lose the first battle.
The Highlanders, though hardy and brave, these young gentle-
men alleged, were only raw and undisciplined troops, who had
not seen blood ; that they were much fatigued by the want of food,
and by their long and rapid march ; not having had even the
common necessaries of life. Various other reasons were urged
for continuing on the defensive where they were for the present,
and their arguments were stated with so much plausibility and
apparent conclusiveness that they were silently and generally
accepted, until Alexander Macdonald of Glengarry spoke out,
and declared that though it was quite true that the High-
landers had suffered on the march, as had been so eloquently de-
scribed, yet these hardships did not affect them as they would
soldiers who were bred in an easier and more plentiful mode of
life ; they would be able and willing to engage the enemy at
once, for nothing delighted them more than hardy and adventur-
ous exploits. If they were kept back until attacked by the
enemy they would lose that spirit and resolution which invariably
characterised them when they were the aggressors. The High-
land chiefs generally concurred in Glengarry's remarks, but
Dundee, observing that Lochiel had still continued silent, with-
held his own opinion until he heard what the experienced Chief
of the Camerons had to say on the all-important subject un-
der discussion. " For he has not only done great things him-
self, but had such great experience, that he cannot miss to make a
right judgment of the matter, and, therefore, his views shall deter-
mine mine." Lochiel, in reply, depreciated what he himself had
done in the past, and modestly urged that no example could be
taken from his experience. The reason why he had not spoken
during the discussion, was that he had already determined to sub-
mit to his lordship in all things, as his conduct was so well adapted
to the genius of the Highlanders, but as he commanded him to ex-
press his opinion it was in one sentence. " To fight immediately,
for our men are in heart ; they are so far from being afraid
of their enemies, that they are eager and keen • to engage
them, lest they escape from their hands, as they have so often
done. Though we have few men, they are good, and I can assure
your Lordship that not one of them will fail you." He strongly
urged the propriety of fighting at once, even though he might
254 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
only have one man to the enemy's three, and, addressing Dundee,
he said — " Be assured, my Lord, that if once we are fairly engaged
we will either lose our army or secure a complete victory. Our
men love always to be in action. Your Lordship never heard
them complain of hunger or fatigue while they were in chase of
their enemy, which at all times were equal to us in numbers.
Employ them in hasty and desperate enterprises, and you will
oblige them ; and I have always observed that when I fought
under the greatest disadvantage as to numbers, I had still the
completest victory. Let us take this occasion to show our zeal
and courage in the cause of our King and country, and that we
dare attack an army of fanatics and rebels at the odds of nearly
two to one. Their great superiority in numbers will give a neces-
sary reputation to our victory ; and not only frighten them from
meddling with a people conducted by such a General, and
animated by such a cause, but will encourage the whole kingdom
to declare in our favour." Such a spirited and warlike oration
naturally pleased the brave Dundee, whose eyes brightened with
a sparkle of satisfaction and delight during its delivery; and
he pointed out to the other officers that the sentiments and
arguments expressed by Lochiel were those of one who had
formed his conclusions and judgment from the infallible test of
long experience, and an intimate acquaintance with the people
and the subject upon which he had so eloquently addressed
them. No further objections were offered to the course urged
by the brave Sir Ewen, and it was unanimously agreed that
they should fight at once, a resolution received with exclama-
tions of joy by all the Highlanders, to the great gratification of
their General. Before the Council of War separated, however,
Lochiel begged to be heard once more while he addressed a few
words to Dundee himself, which he did in these terms : — " My
Lord, I have just now declared, in presence of this honourable com-
pany, that I was resolved to give an implicit obedience to all your
Lordship's commands ; but I humbly beg leave, in name of these
gentlemen, to give the word of command for this once. It is the
voice of your Council ; and their orders are that you do not
engage personally. Your Lordship's business is to have an eye
on all parts, and issue your commands as you think proper ; it is
ours to execute them with promptitude and courage. On your
Lordship depends not only the fate of this brave little army, but
•ORIGIN OF THREE GAELIC PROVERBS 255
also of our "King and country. If your Lordship deny us this
reasonable demand, for my own part, I declare that neither I, nor
any that I am concerned in, shall draw a sword on this important
occasion, whatever construction may be put upon my conduct."
In this appeal Lochiel was supported by the whole Council, but
Dundee asked to be heard in reply, addressing them thus : —
" Gentlemen, as I am absolutely convinced, and have had repeated
proofs of your zeal for the King's service, and of your affection to
me, as his General and your friend, so I am fully sensible that my
engaging personally this day may be of some loss if I shall chance
to be killed ; but I beg leave of you, however, to allow me to give
-one harvest-day to the King, my master, that I may have an
opportunity of convincing the brave Clans that I can hazard my
life in that service as freely as the meanest of them. Ye know
their temper, gentlemen, and if they do not think that I have
personal courage enough, they will not esteem me hereafter, nor
obey my commands with cheerfulness. Allow me this single
favour, and I promise, upon my honour, never again to risk my
person while I have the honour of commanding you." Finding
him so determined, the Council gave way, and at once broke
up to prepare for immediate action.
(To be continued.)
THE ORIGIN OF THREE GAELIC PROVERBS.
THE origin of the many proverbs, of which the Gaelic language
furnishes such a store, is often a most interesting and instructive
study, affording, as it does, so many glimpses into the character
and customs of the ancient Highlander. We venture to present
the reader with three little stories which have been the founda-
tions of the same number of Gaelic proverbs.
There lived in Islay a certain farmer, who, at one time,
decided to remove to another dwelling. On the day before he
intended to flit, he invited some of his neighbours to a farewell
gathering. His house was small, and while the, feast was pro-
ceeding, the guests suffered some inconvenience from overcrowd-
ing. Seeing this, their host told his son, a boy about ten years
old, to take his meat away to a corner, so as to give the rest more
room. In rather reluctantly obeying this order, the boy, acci-
256 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
dentally or intentionally, spilt a portion of his victuals upon the
floor, and, being rebuked for his carelessness, he replied — " Is
iomadh ni a chailleas fear na h-imrich" (Many things are lost by
him that removes.) The force of this observation, in his own
circumstances, so struck the father that he resolved not to re-
move after all, and the boy's words have passed into a proverb,
which is often applied to those about to make a flitting.
Another common saying is — " Thugadh gach fear coin a
cragaibh dha fein " (Let every man take birds from rocks for
himself), and it is said to have originated as follows : — Two men
went out one day to catch sea-birds. One of them passed a
rope round his body, and the other dropped him down over the
edge of the rocks where the birds nested. The man at the top
held the rope, and the other crept along the ledges and caught
the birds. When he had secured as many as he could carry, he
shouted to his companion to pull him up. The other cried out,
and asked what was to be his share of the birds. The reply
came up in the words of the proverb. " Well, well," said he who
held the rope, " let every one hold a rope for himself," and
letting go his hold, his companion, with the birds, fell to the foot
of the rocks, where he was instantaneously killed.
The well-known Alastair MacCholla Chiotaich, who fought
under Montrose, is credited with being the first to utter the
proverb — " 'S truagh nach bu cheaird gu leir sibh an diugh " (I
wish you were all tinkers to-day.) At the battle of Auldearn,
Macdonald was cut off from the rest of his men, and surrounded
by a number of the enemy in a small sheep fold. It would have
gone hard with him but for a poor tinker from Athole, named
Stewart, who, seeing Macdonald's plight, rushed gallantly to his
rescue, and used his broadsword to such effect that the enemy
fled. Alastair thanked his preserver, asked him who he was, and
where he came from. The poor man, ashamed to avow his occu-
pation, replied that he was not worth asking about, nor, indeed,
worthy of being called a man at all. Macdonald assured him
that what he had done that day would make up for anything else,
and after much pressing, Stewart told him his name and occupa-
tion ; upon which Macdonald made the observation, which has
been handed down to posterity in the words quoted.
H. R. M.
257
THE DISARMING ACT AND THE PROSCRIPTION
OF THE HIGHLAND DRESS.
BY J. G. MACKAY.
I.
WE often hear the question asked, Why have the Highlanders
discontinued to wear their own national dress? There are many
Cockneys who even yet imagine that in Scotland the people still
wear nothing but tartan, speak but a barbarous language which
no one can understand, and eat only Scotch haggis, and drink
whisky. When, therefore, they invest their brawny limbs in the
costume of the clans, and start out to "do the Highlands," imagin-
ing themselves the prototype of Roderick Mhic Alpein Duibh, or
some such Highland chief, and find themselves the only repre-
sentatives of the typical Highlander, while every one around
them has his limbs encased in the ordinary habiliments of the
rest of the world, they think they have made a discovery that the
whole thing is a delusion, the mendacious fabrication of some
modern London Celt, anxious to get up the name of his country
by palming his own fanciful invention on a credulous public as
the garb of his race. The dress is, therefore, pronounced a fancy
dress, and of modern invention. There are now even many
Highlanders who know so little about it that they cannot name
the various articles constituting the dress, while there are very
few who know the tartan of their own clan, or the cause of the
dress being discontinued.
To give an account of the Disarming Act and the proscrip-
tion of the dress, it is necessary to go back to the time of the
rebellion of 1715. The Highlanders played such a prominent
part both in that and the previous struggle, and proved such
powerful antagonists, that the Government found it necessary to
devise some means of reducing them to order.
In 1718 an Act was passed "declaring it unlawful for any
person or persons (except such as were therein described) to
carry arms within the shires of Dumbarton, Stirling, Perth, Kin-
cardine, Aberdeen, Inverness, Nairn, Cromarty, Argyll, Forfar,
Banff, Sutherland, Caithness, Elgin, and Ross ;" but that Act not
being sufficient to accomplish the ends desired, it was further
258 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
enforced by an enactment made in the year 1726, "for the more
effectual disarming of the Highlands, in that part of Great Britain
called Scotland." This Act of 1726 was only intended to remain
in force for seven years, " but the purpose being still unattained,"
the Government came to the conclusion that more stringent
means must be adopted. This impression turned out too true,
when, on the landing of Prince Charlie, in 1745, many of the
Highlanders again joined the Standard, and the country that
was supposed to be completely stripped of its armour, was found
bristling with steel, "frae Maiden Kirk tae John o' Groat's."
The Highlanders did not see the force of giving up their much-
loved weapons, which they expected to be of use to them again.
All the serviceable arms were carefully secreted, and the old and
useless given up, so that the second rebellion found them as well
prepared as the first.
Most readers will be familiar with the history of that un-
fortunate but brilliant attempt made to reinstate Prince Charlie
on the throne of his fathers. Several of the clans took up arms
on his behalf, and after a short career of the most extraordinary
successes, having penetrated to the very heart of England, they
may be said to have shaken the British throne to its very founda-
tions. When by some ill-advised policy they retreated to Scot-
land, then began their troubles ; the good fortune which formerly
smiled upon them now forsook them altogether, till on the disas-
trous field of Culloden their last ray of hope was extinguished
for ever. It was now that the poor Highlanders began to realise
the penalty they were to undergo for doing what they considered
their duty. They were always supporters of the Stuart family,
whom they considered to be of their own race, and their chival-
rous spirit could not brook the idea of their being defrauded of
their just rights. When, on the field of Culloden, the followers
of Cumberland found victory on their side for the first time, their
Commander gave them unlimited license to murder and pillage.
Their feelings having been wrought up to the greatest fury, they
determined to have revenge ; having suffered defeat so often at
the hands of the "half-naked savages," as they termed the High-
landers, now that fortune had turned in their favour, they
were determined to appease their blood-thirsty appetites to the
uttermost. " This fiendish conduct of the English soldiers," re-
marks Sir Walter Scott, formed such a contrast to the gentle
THE DISARMING ACT. 259
conduct of the Highlanders, as to remind him of the Latin pro-
verb, " That the most cruel enemy was a coward who had ob-
tained success." The Duke of Cumberland and his subordinates
showed little discrimination in the choice of their victims, bring-
ing their ruthless vengeance to bear on Chief and people alike.
Guilty or not, it mattered little, if the unfortunate wretches bore
sufficient evidence of Highland origin, or could not plead their
own cause in English. But terrible as were these trials, and severe
as were the persecutions they had to undergo, these alone would
never have broken the independent spirit of the Gael. They
were accustomed to war and all its consequences, its successes
_and reverses, so that Cumberland, with all his bloodhounds at his
back, could not have succeeded in bringing them into entire
subjection.
Parliament, however, set itself to design means by which to
assimilate the Highlands with the rest of the country, and deprive
the Highlanders of the power to combine against the Govern-
ment It was felt that such a measure must be resorted to as
would make it impossible for a repetition of these offences ever
to occur again, and certainly they could not have hit upon a more
successful course than the one adopted. Under the system of
clanship existing in the Highlands in these days, every man was
trained to the use of warlike weapons ; each clan lived a separate
community by itself, bound together by the ties of clanship
whose rights they were bound to support, "come weal, come
woe." Chief and people being clad alike in their own distinctive
tartan, they were able at a glance to know friend from foe, and
act with all the advantages of military discipline. " It affords,"
says Dr Johnson, " a generous and manly pleasure to conceive a
little nation gathering its fruits and tending its flocks with fearless
confidence, though it is open on every side to invasion ; where,
in contempt of walls or trenches, every man sleeps securely, with
his sword beside him ; and where all, on the first approach of
hostility, come together at the call to battle, as the summons to
a festival show, committing their cattle to the care of those whom
age or nature has disabled to engage the enemy with that com-
petition for hazard and glory which operate in men that fight
under the eye of those whose dislike or kindness they have
always considered as the greatest evil or the greatest good."
The previous Act for disarming the Highlanders not having
260 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
been found sufficient, Government was now determined to take
most stringent measures, immediate action being necessary from
the fact, to quote the words of the Act, " That many persons
within the said bounds and shires still continued possessed of
arms, and that as a great number of such persons had lately
raised and carried on a most audacious rebellion against his
Majesty in favour of a Popish Pretender, and in prosecution
thereof did, in a most traitorous and hostile manner, march into
the southern parts of this kingdom, took possession of several
towns, raised contributions upon the country, and committed
many other disorders, to the terror and great loss of many of his
Majesty's faithful subjects." The Statute 2Oth, Geo. II., chap.
5 1, was enacted. It was entitled — " An Act for the more effectual
disarming the Highlands in Scotland, and for more effectually
securing the peace of said Highlands, and for restraining the use
of the Highland dress," etc. This time there was no evading
the law ; a certain day was appointed on which they were bound
to give up all the. arms in their possession. It was enacted —
That, from and after the first day of August 1746, it shall be lawful for the
respective Lord-Lieutenants of the several shires above recited, and for such other
person or persons as his Majesty, his heirs, or successors shall, by his or their sign
manual, from time to time, think fit to authorise and appoint in that behalf, to issue
or cause to be issued, letters of summons in his Majesty's name . . . command-
ing and requiring all and every person and persons therein named, or inhabiting
within the particular limits therein described, to bring in and deliver up, at a certain
day . . . and a certain place ... all and singular his and their arms and
warlike weapons unto such Lord- Lieutenant or other person or persons appointed by
his Majesty, his heirs or successors ; . . . and if any person or persons in such
summons mentioned by name, or inhabiting within the limits therein described, shall,
by the oaths of one or more credible witness or witnesses, be convicted of having or
bearing any arms or warlike weapons after the day prefixed in such summons .
every such person or persons so convicted shall forfeit the sum of fifteen pounds ster-
ling, and shall be committed to prison until payment of the said sum ; and if any
person or persons, convicted as aforesaid, shall refuse or neglect to make payment of
the foresaid sum of fifteen pounds sterling, within the space of one calendar month
from the date of such conviction, it shall and may be lawful to any one or more of his
Majesty's Justices of the Peace, or to the Judge Ordinary of the place where such
offender or offenders is or are imprisoned, in case he or they shall judge such offender
or offenders fit to serve his Majesty as a soldier or soldiers, to cause him or them to
be delivered over (as they are hereby empowered or required to do) to such officer
or officers belonging to the forces of his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, who shall
be appointed from time to time to receive such men to serve as soldiers in any
of his Majesty's forces in America ; . . . and in case such offender or offenders
shall not be judged fit to serve his Majesty as aforesaid, then he or they shall be im-
prisoned for the space of six calendar months, and also until he or they shall give
THE DISARMING ACT. 261
sufficient security for his or their good behaviour for the space of two years from the
giving thereof.
The Highland ladies had espoused the Jacobite cause .so
heartily that they came in for a special clause — " If the person con-
victed shall be a woman, she shall, over and above the foresaid fine
and imprisonment till payment, suffer imprisonment for the space
of six calendar months, within the Tolbooth of the head burgh
of the Shire or Stewartry within which she is convicted." Things
had certainly come to a sad pass when the most stringent clause
of the whole was reserved for the weaker sex ; but the Legisla-
ture saw the great power wielded by the Jacobite ladies, many of
whom, when their husbands were either too irresolute, or too
careful to risk the chance of offending the reigning powers, raised
the clansmen, and led them in person to the standard of the
Prince. But the harshest clause of all is to follow ! It was hard
enough to deprive Highlanders of their much-loved weapons —
the trusty claidheamh-mor, in which they took such a pride, which
had been their constant companion since ever they were able to
wield it. In many cases it was a sacred heirloom, handed down
from father to son, and its well-tempered blade showed by its
numerous notches the many deadly struggles in which it had
been engaged. But the Highlander must throw aside his
national garb — the very type of his own free, manly spirit, " a
dress which had been handed down to him from a period reach-
ing beyond either history or tradition," and confine himself in the
contemptible garb of his enemy. So it was further enacted —
That from and after the first day of August 1747, no man or boy within that part
of Great Britain called Scotland, other than such as shall be employed as officers and
soldiers in his Majesty's forces, shall, on any pretence whatsoever, wear or put on the
clothes commonly called Highland clothes— that is to say, the plaid, philabeg, or little
kilt, trowse, shoulder belt, or any part whatsoever of what peculiarly belongs to the High-
land garb ; and that no tartan or party-coloured plaid or stuff shall be used for great
coats or for upper coats ; and if any such person shall presume, after the said first day of
August, to wear or put on the aforesaid garments, or any part of them, every such
person so offending, being convicted thereof by the oath of one or more credible wit-
ness or witnesses, before any Court of Justiciary, or any other or more Justices of the
Peace for the Shire or Stewartry, or Judge Ordinary of the place where such offence
shall be committed, shall suffer imprisonment, without bail, during the space of six
months, and no longer ; and, being convicted for a second offence before a Court of
Justiciary or at the Circuits, shall be liable to be transported to any of his Majesty's
plantations beyond the seas— there to remain for the space of seven years."
This was a bitter pill to swallow, for, as to the clause for-
bidding the carrying of arms, the Highlanders could not but see
s
262 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
that the Government was acting according to the dictates of
common prudence, but to interfere with a matter so simple and
personal as their dress was clearly carrying the thing too far ; it
seemed as if the Government wished to degrade and insult them
to no purpose. They had already paid dearly for their un-
fortunate allegiance to the fallen cause, and could not see the
purport of this silly oppression. " Had the whole race been
decimated," remarks General Stewart, " more violent grief, indig-
nation, and shame could not have been excited among them,
than by being deprived of their long inherited costume." If we
may judge the feelings of the people by the productions of the
bards of the day, they were certainly bitter enough. In the song
" He 'n clo dubh," by Alexander Macdonald, this feeling is very
clearly shown. A few of the verses run thus: —
Shaoil leis gun do mhaolaich so
Faobhar nan Gaidheal tapaidh,
Ach's ann a chuir e geur orr'
Ni 's beurra na deud na h-ealltainn.
Dh-fhag e iad Ian mi-ruin
Cho ciocrasach ri coin acrach ;
Cha chaisg deoch an iotadh,
Ge b' fhion i, ach fior fhuil Shasuinn.
* * * *
Ge d' chuir sibh oirnne buarach,
Thiugh, luaighte, gu'r falbh a bhacadh,
Ruithidh sinn cho luath,
'S na's buaine na feidh a ghlasraidh.
In that excellent book by Professor Blackie, " The Language
and Literature of the Scottish Highlands," there is an English
translation of some verses of this song. The following afford a
good example of its spirit : —
A coward was he not a king who did it,
Banning with statutes the garb of the brave ;
But the breast that wears the plaidie,
Ne'er was a home to the heart of a slave.
Let them tear our bleeding bosoms,
Let them drain our latest veins,
In our hearts is Charlie, Charlie !
While a spark of life remains.
Donachadh Ban sings with equal bitterness when he says—
O tha na briogais liath-ghlas
Am bliadhna cuir mulaid oirnn,
'Se 'n rud nach fhacas riamh oirnn,
'S nach iniann leinn a chumail oirnn ;
THE DISARMING ACT. 263
'S na 'm bitheamaid uile dileas
Do 'n righ bha toirt cuireadh dhuinn,
Cha 'n fhaicte sinn gu dilinn
A striochda do 'n chulaidh so.
If this punishment had been confined to the clans that took
part in the rebellion, it would not have been so cruel, but friend
and foe were treated alike — with equal severity. It was very hard
for those clans who remained faithful to the Government, that
they should have io suffer this degradation' and shame as the re-
ward of their fidelity — not only to lay aside the swords they had
used on behalf of the Government, but compelled to carry the
brand on their very backs ; it looked as if it were more the inten-
tion to outrage their feelings as a race than the act of a wise and
just administration. " It is impossible to read this Act," says Dr
Johnson, " without considering it rather as an ignorant wanton-
ness of power, than the proceeding of a wise and beneficent
Legislature." Rob Donn expresses the sentiments of his
countrymen when he says in
ORAN NAN CASAGAN DUBHA,
Lamh Dhe leinn a dhaoine
C' uime chaochail sibh fasan,
'S nach 'eil agaibh de shaorsa
Fiu an aodaich a chleachd sibh,
'S i mo bharail mu'n 6ighe,
Tha 'n aghaidh feileadh a's osan,
Gu'm bheil caraid aig Tearlach,
Ann am Parlamaid Shasuinn.
Faire Faire ; 'Righ Deorsa,
'N ann a spors' air do dhilsean,
Deanamh achdachan ura,
Gu bhi dublachadh 'n daorsa,
Ach on 's balaich gun nails' iad,
'S fearr am bualadh no'n caomhnadh,
'S bidh ni's lugh g' ad fheitheamh,
'N uair thig a leithid a ri'sd oirnn.
Ma gheibh do namhaid 's do charaid,
An aon pheanas an Albainn,
'S iad a dh-eirich 'na t-aghaidh
Rinn an roghainn a b' fhearra dhiubh.
Rob Bonn's countrymen took up arms on behalf of the Gov-
ernment, both in 1715 and in 1745, and it was certainly galling
to be subjected to such treatment as this for their pains.
(To be continued.)
264 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
TO THE GAEL.
I'll sing a song to Highlanders, wherever they may be,
A song of love and friendship to my kinsmen o'er the sea,
A thousand joys I wish to all who claim the mountain land,
A thousand times I'd love to shake each honest Highland hand ;
Our Caledonia silent sits upon her mountains lone,
Dark mists and tempests wild rage still around her rocky throne,
Her fountains pour their music hoarse, her rivers sweetly sing,
Her heather-bells in beauty still their 'fragrant blossoms fling.
Come sing a song for Caledon ! the home we love so well,
In every distant cot or hall her strains of beauty swell,
Howe'er oppressors crush our race, our hearts are ever true
To Caledonia's lonely glens and rocky mountains blue.
Her wintry blasts sweep loudly o'er her children's lowly graves,
'Mid ruined cots their melody in sorrow's cadence raves,
Her summer winds the thistles kiss, and sigh in sad despair
For stalwart men and bonnie maids who once were dwelling there ;
Her glens are green ; but, oh, it is the verdure of the tomb !
Cold desolation spreads around its dark and deathly gloom,
The laverock's lilt e'en seems a song of anguish or of pain,
And Caledonia weeps for days that ne'er will come again.
But sing a song for Caledon, &c.
Her waves still leap with joyous pride around her rocky shore,
Or break their swelling, foamy crests in anger's sullen roar
That rolls to heaven, and tells the tale of tyranny and blood,
Which clings to Caledonia's name and cheerless widowhood ;
Her sons that dwell around her now no more are tartan clad,
The maidens that adorn her still are songless now and sad.
The love which once imbued their hearts is quenched by Saxon scorn,
And chiefless now they tread her hills forsaken and forlorn.
But sing a song for Caledon, &c.
Denied by landlord strangers harsh, the simple right to live,
In distant lands they seek the joys that willing toil can give,
And tho' afar from hills and glens their love they ne'er forget,
Around each hearth is heard the songs of Caledonia yet ;
Then tho' our Fatherland is reft of ancient might and worth,
We aye will show that Highlanders are foremost on the earth.
Our love of home can never die, as Gaels our boast appears, —
Where'er we live we proudly stand as Freedom's pioneers.
Come sing a song for Caledon ! the home we love so well,
In every distant cot or hall her dear old music swell,
Howe'er oppressors crush our race, our hearts are ever true
To Caledonia's lonely glens and rocky mountains blue.
Sunderland. WM. ALLAN.
265
CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P., F.S.A., SCOT.
BIOGRAPHICAL Sketches of prominent Highlanders have from
time to time appeared in these pages. It will be very generally
conceded, whatever differences of opinion may exist on minor
matters of detail in his public career hitherto, that the sub-
ject of the present sketch is a very prominent Highlander, and
that he well deserves a very high, if not the leading place among
those who will have left their mark on the history of the High-
lands, politically and socially. A notice of his career will be
specially interesting at the present juncture, when the labours and
the result of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the state of the
Highlands, in which he has taken such a distinguished part on
the side of the people, is placed before the country, and that quite
independently of whether the result of the Inquiry is considered
satisfactory or the reverse.
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh was born on the 5th of June 1828 at
Dochnalurg, on the estate of Dochgarroch. His father, Alex-
ander Fraser, a cadet of the family of Fraser of Kinneries, was
born so far back as 1764. His great-grandfather, also named
Alexander, lived in 1708 at Achnabodach, now Charleston, on
the property of Kinmylies, and is on record as having paid a
sum of money to the Town Council of Inverness for the free-
dom of toll over the old stone bridge, carried away by the flood
of 1849, for himself and for his heirs for ever. Two of his sons,
having been "out" in 1715, were among the first Highlanders
who emigrated to South Carolina ; and from them sprung the
numerous and wealthy Frazers (for so they spell their surname)
who, for the last century and a-half, have held such influential
positions in the city of Charleston, and were so prominent in the
late Federal and Confederate war in the United States of
America.
Alexander Fraser, Dochnalurg, married Marjory, daughter
of Captain Alexander Mackintosh, only son of William, only son
of Duncan, a Captain in the Mackintosh Regiment of 1715, and
third brother of Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum, who com-
manded the Highlanders in the first Stuart Rising. Among the
issue of this marriage was our present subject, Mr Charles Fraser-
266 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Mackintosh, M.P., F.S.A., Scot. His grandfather, Captain Alex-
ander Mackintosh, above named, married his cousin, Janet, eldest
daughter of Charles Maclean of Dochgarroch, the head of a
family for several generations prominent in the immediate
vicinity of Inverness, descended from Sir Charles Maclean of
Urquhart, after whom they were styled Clan Tearlaich.
Mr Eraser-Mackintosh received his early education under
the private tutorship of the Rev. A. Watson. Later, from 1836
to 1840, he was under the tuition of Mr Forbes, of Dochgarroch
School, an eminent classical scholar, who did such justice to his
charge that in his eleventh year he gained prizes at a great High-
land competiton, held in 1839 in Inverness, for Latin and Greek.
After leaving Dochgarroch School Mr Eraser-Mackintosh at-
tended for one year Messrs Gair's Seminary at Torbreck.
It had been first intended that he should seek hisTortune
abroad, but an elder brother having then recently died in Calcutta,
while another was at sea, and his mother having the bones of one
uncle and of three brothers resting in foreign lands, it was finally
resolved that young Mr Charles should seek his fortune at home,
in the legal profession. In 1842, in his fourteenth year, he en-
tered the office of Mr John Mackay, solicitor, Procurator- Fiscal
for the county ; and in 1 844 he was indentured as an apprentice
with the late Patrick Grant, Sheriff-Clerk for the county of Inver-
ness, with whom he remained for three years. From 1847 to
1849 he served with the late Mr Charles Stewart of Brin, after
which he went to Edinburgh, where he served in the office of a
Writer to the Signet, meantime attending the classes of Civil
Law, Scots Law, Conveyancing, and Rhetoric, taking an honour-
able position in nearly all of them. He passed as a Notary Public
in May 1853 ; and in the following month, in the 25th year of
his age, was admitted a Procurator at Inverness. He soon made
for himself a good position in his profession at the head of an
extensive and lucrative practice.
In 1857 he appeared prominently for the first time in pub-
lic life, acting as one of the agents of Alexander Campbell of
Monzie, who in that year unsuccessfully contested the Inverness
Burghs as an Advanced Liberal, against Mr (now Sir) Alexander
Matheson, the sitting member.
In the same year his uncle, Eneas Mackintosh, formerly an
CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P. 267
officer in the Royal Navy, who died in August 1857, by his
settlement — proceeding on the narrative that he was the last de-
scendant of Duncan Mackintosh, third son of William Mackin-
tosh of Borlum, and for the keeping up of the family name —
requested his nephew, the subject of these remarks, to assume
the additional surname of Mackintosh, to whom the Royal license
for that end was duly granted.
The same year, he was urged to become a candidate for
the Town Council, and he stood for the Third Ward, when he
was returned at the top of the poll, very much in consequence of
his energetic and warm advocacy of the popular Parliamentary
candidate, Mr Campbell of Monzie, in the recent contest; and this
position he always maintained until he finally retired from the
Council in 1862, where he had invariably supported the advanced
popular and reform party, then, and for several years after, in a
minority.
In 1859 he again supported the advanced Liberal party in the
Burghs in their second attempt to return Mr Campbell of Monzie,
on this occasion giving his services as agent gratuitously, and
subscribing £100 towards the expenses of the contest.
In 1860 he was elected Captain of the 4th Inverness Com-
pany of Rifle Volunteers, and continued in command for the next
ten years, when he had to resign in consequence of other press-
ing engagements.
In 1 86 1 he was associated with Messrs G. G. Mackay, C.E.,
Donald Davidson, and Hugh Rose, solicitors, in bringing about
the most important improvement that was ever made in the town
of Inverness — the great Union Street Scheme, which has so
largely benefited and beautified the town, and proved so lucrative
to the projectors. In 1863 he bought the estate of Drummond
in the neighbourhood, which had once belonged to his great-great
uncle, Provost Phineas Mackintosh; and in 1864 that of Balli-
feary, both now important and populous suburbs of Inverness.
In May 1867 he retired from the legal profession, when he
was entertained to a public dinner by his brother townsmen, and
from June in that year until July 1868, he travelled all over
Europe. On his return home he consented to act, for a limited
period, as Commissioner for the late Mackintosh of Mackintosh,
but he gave up that position in 1873, when he was entertained to
268 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
a public dinner by the tenantry, at which the late Chief and
several of the leading farmers and smaller tenants spoke of his
estate management in the highest and warmest terms.
In 1873 many electors in Inverness thought that a change
from a Whig representative to one who would more distinctly
and actively represent the real opinions of the Burghs had be-
come necessary in their political life. About fifty of these met
together, and after a consultation among themselves and with Mr
Eraser-Mackintosh, it was resolved to test the feeling in the con-
stituency in favour of a change, more decidedly, by a requisition
in his favour, he meantime agreeing to contest the next vacancy,
should the requisition prove satisfactory. The proposal was
found to be most popular, and in a few days a requisition, signed
by about six hundred electors, was presented to him, when he at
once finally consented to stand as an Independent candidate at
the end of the existing Parliament. In the meantime he pro-
ceeded to Algiers, where he remained until Parliament was dis-
solved in 1874. After a keen contest in the four Burghs, he was
elected, much to the surprise of the old Whigs, by the substantial
majority of 255, and has continued to represent the Burghs
with increased activity, usefulness, and popularity, without a con-
test, ever since. In the first speech which he delivered, as a
candidate to represent the Burghs in Parliament, on the 28th
of August 1873, he declared — "I claim your suffrages as a
Highlander — speaking and familiar with the Gaelic language, and
ready to advocate in the highest quarters all the legitimate
requirements of the Highland people — many of which have
hitherto been entirely neglected, and grievously overlooked and
ignored."
Before dealing with his Parliamentary career, and the
manner in which he carried out this pledge, it is right to state
that he had already made for himself a place and a name in the
literature of his country. In 1865 he published his " Antiquarian
Notes," a most interesting and valuable addition to the literature
of the Highlands, and now so rare that scarcely a copy can be
procured second-hand at four or five times its original published
price. In 1866 he issued " Dunachton Past and Present ;" and in
1875 appeared his " Invernessiana," being " Contributions towards
a History of the Town and Parish of Inverness, from 1160 to
CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P. 269
1599," illustrated by excellent engravings and lithographs of
some of the most interesting buildings and antiquarian relics in
or connected with the town. The work is invaluable to all who
take any interest in the early history of the Highland Capital,
and it is already becoming rare. Mr Eraser-Mackintosh informs
us in the preface that he was induced to perform this important
service to his countrymen " from a desire to honour Inverness,
for," he says —
' I take pleasure in her stones, and favour the dust thereof ;'
and also from having been favoured with a perusal of many valu-
able old papers connected with the burgh — in their original
language and caligraphy unintelligible to ordinary readers — and
which are nearly all unknown to the public, having never before
appeared in print." The work occupied his intervals of relaxation
during a period of eight years, engaged in other arduous occupa-
tions, by which he preserved many valuable literary relics and
memorials of Inverness and the North, which would otherwise, in
course of time, be for ever lost.
In 1876 he had placed a notice of motion on the Books of the
House of Commons in favour of teaching Gaelic in Highland
schools, but as he was only able to secure for it a second place,
and in consequence of the motion having precedence of it lead-
ing to a long debate, he was unable to bring it on. Mainly,
however, through his efforts the Education Department in 1877
reluctantly agreed to issue circulars to Highland School Boards
containing queries : — (i) As to whether or not the School Boards
were disposed to take advantage of Gaelic ; (2) whether or not
Gaelic teachers could be got ; and (3) the number of children
that would probably attend these schools. These circulars
having been returned in 1877, were printed, and the result
was considered highly satisfactory to the advocates of Gaelic
teaching in the schools ; especially so, as they showed that there
would be no difficulty in getting a sufficient number of teachers
to teach the language. On the strength of this return, Mr Eraser-
Mackintosh set again to work, with the result that in the Code
for 1878, Gaelic was recognised to the extent of permitting it to
be taught for at least two hours a-week, and might be used as a
means of instruction in other branches. Unfortunately, however,
the Highland School Boards took no advantage of the concession
secured, and, notwithstanding Mr Eraser-Mackintosh's continued
270 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
efforts, little actual progress has been made beyond the advance-
ment of public opinion, and, to all appearance, the conversion
of the present Minister for Education to common-sense views,
on which it is hoped action will soon fellow, by having
Gaelic placed at least in as good a position as foreign languages.
On the 1 3th of March 1878 he delivered a paper to the Gaelic
Society of London, urging the necessity of combination among
Highlanders and Celtic Societies to advocate the common in-
terests of the race, which gave an impetus to, if it did not practi-
cally originate, the movement which soon after brought about
the Federation of Celtic Societies, an Association which, in some
important respects, has in the past done good service in the
people's cause.
Curiously enough, at a meeting on the same evening, the
Gaelic Society of Inverness resolved to recognise in some public
manner the services rendered by Mr Eraser-Mackintosh in con-
nection with Highland education, by presenting him with an
address and entertaining him to a public dinner in Inverness.
This was done on the 24th of April following, when what has
been correctly described as a " great Celtic demonstration " took
place in the Capital of the Highlands, attended by representatives
from nearly all the Celtic Societies in Britain. A meeting took
place at noon in the Town Hall, when Provost Simpson, who
presided, made an excellent speech, in presenting the address in
name of the Celtic Societies, in which, after enumerating Mr
Eraser-Mackintosh's services, he said, amidst enthusiastic cheers —
"All this shows a growing sense of the importance of the subject
you have done so much to promote, which has earned for
you the well-deserved and honoured designation of the ' Member
for the Highlands.' I trust that the marked success which has
attended your efforts in the past will stimulate you to continue
the good work — if your true Highland heart needs any stimulus
but your inborn love for the good of your native North. I do not
think it does ; still one enjoys success, and others, seeing yours,
will more readily also put their hands to the work."
The Provost then read and handed the following address
To Charles Fraser- Mackintosh, Esq. of Drummond, M.P.
SIR, — We beg to congratulate you on the marked success which has attended
your efforts since you entered Parliament to secure for the Gaelic-speaking children of
the Highlands the use of, and instruction in, their native tongue in our national schools.
You have this session obtained a recognition in the Education Code for Scotland
CHARLES ERASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P. 271
of the principle that the language should be taught in the schools and paid for out of
the school rates. This we value as a most important admission by Government of the
educational requirements and claims so long contended for by the Gaelic-speaking
people of the Highlands ; and as a valuable concession that places the teaching of
Gaelic in the hands of the School Boards, which is practically to give^to the ratepayers
the power to enforce the teaching of that language wherever they desire it. We trust
that this is only the beginning of what you may yet be able to accomplish, if properly
supported by the united efforts of those who take a real and earnest interest in the
education of our Highland youth.
You well deserve the honourable designation so happily accorded you — "the
Member for the Highlands." On the question which we, as representatives of the
Celtic Societies throughout the country, have most at heart — the interests of the Gaelic
people — you are undoubtedly entitled to that designation, and so long as you, the only
Gaelic-speaking Member in the House of Commons, continue our representative, and
act in the interests of the Highland people as you have done hitherto, you will always
secure the sympathy and support of every genuine and true-spirited Highlander.
We desire on this occasion to extend to you our hearty sympathy in your valuable
advocacy of the Gaelic cause, and to offer you every encouragement in our power to
persevere, until Gaelic shall, at least, occupy that place in our educational system
which is already accorded to other ancient and modern languages, and until Highland
education, as a whole, shall be such as to fit our youth for that position, both in our
own and in other lands, which they are entitled to occupy.
We tender you our hearty and sincere thanks for what you have already accom-
plished for your Highland countrymen, and wish you long life and happiness, and that
you may for many years to come be able to discharge the important duties of your
position.
These expressions of thanks and continued confidence we now most heartily accord
to you, in the name and on behalf of our respective Societies ; and we remain, Sir,
your obedient and faithful servants,
(Signed) ALEXANDER SIMPSON, Chieftain of the Gaelic Society of Inver-
ness, and Provost of the Burgh.
WILLIAM MACKENZIE, Secretary of the Gaelic Society.
COLIN CHISHOLM and
A. MACKENZIE, for the Gaelic Society of London.
DAVID MACDONALD, for Aberdeen Highland Association.
A. MACPHAIL, Secretary for the Aberdeen Highland Association.
A. MACKENZIE, for the Hebburn Highland Association."
DONALD MACRAILD, Chief of the Greenock Ossianic Club, and
Vice-President of the Greenock Highland Association.
JOHN MACPHERSON, for the Edinburgh University Celtic Society.
HENRY WHYTE, for Commun Gaidhealach Ghlaschu.
WILLIAM SUTHERLAND, Vice-President of the Glasgow Suther-
land Association.
G. J. CAMPBELL, for the Edinburgh Sutherland Association.
D. MACLACHAN, Secretary of the Ardnamurchan, Morven, and
Suinart Association.
ALEX. MACKENZIE, for the Glasgow Gael Lodge (Masonic), and
for the Glasgow Lewis Association.
Dr Macraild, who represented the Greenock Highland So-
ciety, and the Greenock Ossianic Club, gave expression on the
occasion, not only to the sentiments of his own constituents, but
to those of all present and those they represented, in the follow-
ing terms : — " I have the honour," he said, " of conveying to you,
Mr Charles Eraser-Mackintosh, their deep sentiments of gratitude,
affection, and esteem for having exerted and distinguished your-
self so signally in their behalf in your political capacity, your zeal
for the honour and well-being of their country, and your lofty en-
272 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
thusiasm for preserving and cherishing the ancient language
which records the exploits of their heroic ancestors and must
always remain the social tie of the Highland race. They also
congratulate you on the fact that, in the face of difficulties and
impediments where success would appear to be most unlikely, you,
by your force of genius and tact, stimulated by genuine patriotism,
conducted your undertaking step by step to a triumphant success."
Immediately after the presentation of the address, Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh presided at a meeting of the Representatives
present, at which the " Federation of Celtic Societies " was in-
augurated, and in the evening he was entertained to a public
dinner by the leading citizens, without distinction of political
creed, under the presidency of the Provost of Inverness, who
again complimented him upon his valuable services to the whole
Highlands of Scotland.
On the 25th of July 1881, a special return was ordered by
Parliament, on his motion, of the number of Gaelic-speaking
people in Scotland. The Gaelic census of that year itself had
not been secured without considerable pressure beforehand, and
though the result is not nearly so accurate and full as it would
have been had the Government listened to his original applica-
tion in August 1880, it is very important, and deserves recognition.
While addressing his constituents at Inverness on the I7th
of October 1 877, he was asked by the writer of these lines if, in
the following session, he would move for a Royal Commission to
inquire into " The impoverished and wretched condition, and, in
some places, the scarcity of men and women in the Highlands ;
the cause of this state of things ; and the most effectual remedy
for ameliorating the condition of the Highland crofters generally? "
He replied that if such a demand " was strengthened by a general
expression of feeling in its favour throughout the country," and
" so pave the way for such a motion, he would be glad to make
it." The Gaelic Society of Inverness took up the question on the
5th of December following, discussing it at length on that evening,
and at their next meeting on the I2th of the same month, when a
motion was carried in favour of inquiry. The minute, as printed
in the "Transactions of the Society," vol. vii., page 52, has now
become interesting, and is as follows : — " Mr Alexander Mac-
kenzie moved — ' That the Society petition Parliament for a Royal
Commission to inquire into the condition of the Crofters in the
CHARLES ERASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P. 273
Highlands and Islands of Scotland, with a view of devising means
for its amelioration.' Mr Wm. Mackay moved, as an amendment,
— ' That in the meantime, and until further information is gathered
as to the condition of the crofters, and until the Society is pre-
pared to indicate what steps, if any, ought to be taken, the So-
ciety do not petition Parliament' A vote having been taken, the
Chairman, Mr Mackay of Benreay, declared Mr Mackenzie's
motion carried by a large majority." This, the first petition on the
subject, was duly presented to Parliament by Mr Eraser-Mackin-
tosh, and from that day until the prayer of the petition was
granted, he did everything in his power to obtain it.
All this time petitions were being sent in from all parts of the
Highlands in support of a Royal Commission to inquire into the
state of the crofters. A large public meeting was held in Inver-
ness, in December 1880, in favour of the movement, when Mr
Eraser-Mackintosh occupied the chair, and made a telling
speech in support of such an inquiry. Both in 1881 and
1882 he gave notices of motion on the subject in the House of
Commons, but failed to secure a suitable opportunity of formally
moving them. He, however, constantly persevered, publicly and
privately, to gain the object he had laid out for himself.
He tried, in the House of Commons, to obtain trial by jury
for the Braes crofters charged with deforcing the Sheriff-
officers sent to remove them ; and, failing in this, he, with Dr
Cameron and five other Scottish members of Parliament, on the
9th of May 1882, addressed a powerful protest to the Times news-
paper, against the conduct of the Crown authorities, in which it is
declared that " many persons, who sympathise with the men, and
desire that their case shall be fairly heard, openly accuse the Exe-
cutive of resorting to unworthy means to obtain a conviction," and
concluding by saying that the refusal of a trial by jury, " in this
particular case, on grounds of public policy, seems particularly
regretable, and we beg publicly to protest against it." In that
act, it may be said, without the slightest fear of successful contra-
diction, that he had the full sympathy and approval of the whole
people, outside landlord and official circles.
On the 22nd of February 1883, Mr Eraser-Mackintosh got
up a memorial to the Home Secretary, in which, referring to
what had recently occurred in the Isle of Skye, it is urged "that,
i under existing circumstances, it is most important that a Royal
274 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Commission of Inquiry into the condition of the crofter and
rural population of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland should
be granted by the Government without delay." This memorial
was signed by twenty-one Scottish Members, Mr Fraser-Mack-
intosh being the only Highland representative whose name was
adhibited, though all the others had an opportunity to sign it. It
was sent to the Home Office on the following day, accompanied
by a long letter urging, for reasons stated, that a Commission
should be granted at once. This expression of opinion had the
desired effect, and intimation was given that a Royal Commission
would be immediately granted. Mr Fraser-Mackintosh was, as
a matter of course, a member of it; and the manner in which he
justified that position by his subsequent action, in the interest of
the Highland people, is so fresh in the memory of all, that any-
thing like detailed reference here is quite unneccessary. No one
knows better than the present writer the great anxiety and
difficulty of Mr Eraser-Mackintosh's position, and the endless
trouble and i'nconvenience to which he was put to enable him to
get at the facts, from witnesses, most of whom were afraid to tell
what they knew ; but the time has not yet arrived for stating
these difficulties in detail. This much, however, may and ought
to be said, — (i) that to him credit is largely due for securing that
the stories of the Crofters themselves were so fully brought out,
and presented in their simplicity to the Commission ; (2) that
the effect of hostile questions was generally neutralised by re-
examination ; and (3) that the carefully prepared rebutting state-
ments of factors and other estate officials, who generally managed
to secure the great advantage of having the last word, were, then
and there, inquired into, and had their general one-sidedness and
inaccuracy exposed.
If no other immediate good should come of the Commission,
and of Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's labours, than the mere placing
of the evidence taken before the world, the author of it will have
made for himself a name in the history of the country, and will,
more than ever, deserve his well-earned titles of " The Member
for the Highlands," and The Crofter's Friend.
In July 1876 he married Eveline May, only child of Richard
D. Holland, of Brooklands, Surrey, and of Kilvean, Inverness,
by his late wife, Helen, daughter of John Macgregor, for many
years resident in Charter House Square, London. A. M.
275
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
XII. — WELSH AND GAELIC ELYSIUM.
THE Welsh Hades was known as Annwn. It possessed kings,
chiefs, and commons, somewhat like those of this world, only
vastly superior — " the comeliest and best equipped people ever
seen." Pwyll, Prince of Dyved (South-west Wales), while one
day out hunting, lost his companions in his eager pursuit of a
stag. Hearing a cry of hounds near him, he approached, and saw
the stag brought down by other dogs than his own. " Then he
looked at the colour of the dogs, staying not to look at the stag, and
of all the hounds that he had seen in the world, he had never seen
any that were like unto these. For their hair was of a brilliant
shining white, and their ears were red ; and as the whiteness of
their bodies shone, so did the redness of their ears glisten." He
drove them from the stag, and set on it his own dogs. Immedi-
ately there came upon him a man dressed all in grey and mounted
on a grey horse, and he reviled Pwyll for his discourtesy in turn-
ing off his hounds. Pwyll offered to make reparation, and his
offer was accepted. The stranger said that he was Arawn, King
of one-half of Annwn, and he was at war with Havgan, the other
King. Pwyll, if he liked, could overthrow Havgan, who was to
come exactly a year thereafter against Arawn. Would Pwyll
change places with him and meet Havgan? He would give him
his own personal appearance, and assume Pwyll's, and they could
govern each other's kingdoms for a year. This was agreed on.
Pywll took the form of Arawn, and came to Annwn. He never
saw anything like the beauty of Arawn's city and the appoint-
ments of his court, " which of all the courts on earth was the best
supplied with food and drink, and vessels of gold and royal
jewels." Suffice it to say that he ruled well during the year, and
at the end of it slew Havgan, " at the ford," in single combat,
and thus made Arawn undisputed master of Hades. Arawn had,
meanwhile, conducted the kingdom of Dyved as it never had
been before ; his wisdom and justice were unsurpassable. And
276 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
these two kings made an eternal bond of friendship with each
other, and Pywll was called " Chief of Annwn " henceforward.
The dogs of Annwn, mentioned in the above tale, are a com-
mon feature in mythology. Ossian, on his way to Tir-nan-og,
saw a hornless fawn bounding nimbly along the wave-crests
pursued by a white hound with red ears. The Wild Huntsman
and his dogs of Teutonic myth belong to the same category ; and
these dogs of Annwn were similarly said to rush through the air,
and evil was the omen. These are, undoubtedly, the wind-dogs
of Hermes, the conductor of souls ; the Wild Huntsman is none
other than Odin,* sweeping up the souls of the dead in his path.
Annwn, or the Lower Regions, possess, in the myth, the same
characteristics as this world ; only things are on a grander scale
there altogether. The other reference of importance to this
Earthly Other-world is in the story of Arthur. Dying on the
battle-field of Camlan, he is carried away to heal of his wounds to
" the vale of Avilion," which Tennyson, catching the true idea of
the Welsh mythic paradise, describes thus : Arthur, dying, speaks
to Bedivere ;
" I am going a long way —
To the island-valley of Avilion ;
Where falls not hail, or rain, or any snow,
Nor ever wind blows loudly ; but it lies
Deep-meadow'd, happy, fair with orchard lawns
And bowery hollows crowned with summer sea."
And here Arthur still lives on, destined one day to appear and
set free his Cambrians from the hateful yoke of the Saxon.
The myths in Ireland bearing on the existence of a happy
western land are very numerous and important. The names
given to this land vary, but they have a general reference to
happiness, all save the name Tir-fa-tonn, the %" Under-wave
Land." The names generally met with are Tir Tairngire, "Land
of Promise"; Mag Mell, "Plains of Happiness"; Tir-nam-beo,
" Land of the Living "; Tir-nin-og, " Land of the Young "; and
O'Breasail, " ^reasal's Isle." Whether there is any distinction
implied in the^e names cannot well be said. There would seem
to be somethi ^ of a difference between the Under-wave Land
and the Plains o" Happiness; the latter may have rather been
the abode of the- gods, where Manannan lived with Fann his
wife, as the myths have it. Tir-fa-tonn looks rather like the
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 277
Gaelic Hades, the abode of the dead. The Gaelic version of
Diarmat's sojourn there gives strong colour to such a supposition,
and the early Middle Age. legends in regard to St Patrick's
Purgatory below Lough Dearg — the precursors of Dante and
Milton's descriptions — lend great countenance to such a distinc-
tion between Tir-fa-tonn and Mag Mell.
The myths may be grouped in three divisions. There are,
first, the myths where a mortal is summoned, in an enchanting
song, by a fairy being who has fallen in love with the mortal, to a
land of beauty and happiness and ever-youthful life ; second,
there are myths which tell how a hero has, Ulysses-like, paid a
business visit to the other world ; and, thirdly, the accounts of
many voyages of discovery in search of the Happy Isles, and the
" Traveller's Tales " of the wonders seen. To the first class
belong three very remarkable Irish myths: the Courtship of
Etain, the Story of Condla Cam, and Ossian in Tir-nan-og
The outline of the story is as follows : — There suddenly appears
before a kingly company a fairy being who chants, for some
particular person in the company loved by the fairy, a song de-
scriptive of the glories and pleasures of the Land of the Ever-
young. The person so addressed cannot choose but love the
fairy, and go to the wonderful land. In Ossian's case alone have
we got an account of the career of the enchanted one in Tir-nan-
og. Niam of the Golden Hair suddenly presents herself before
the Feni, tells her love for Ossian, and says: " I place you under
obligations which no true heroes break through — to come with
me on my white steed to Tir-nan-og, the most delightful and
renowned country under the sun. Jewels and gold there are in
abundance, and honey and wine ; the trees bear fruit and blos-
soms and green leaves all the year round. Feasting and music
and harmless pastimes are there each day. You will get a hun-
dred swords, and robes of richest loom; a hundred steeds, and
hounds of keenest scent; numberless herds, and sheep with
flecres of gold ; a hundred maioens merry and young, sweeter
of mouth than the music of birds; a hundred uits of armour,
P
and a sword, gold handled, that never missed a stroke. Decline
shall not come on you, nor death, nor decay. ' ihese, and much
more that passeth all mention, shall be yours and myself as your
wife!" Needless is it to recount how O ;;m went, the wonders he
T
278 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
saw by the way, and the feats he did; how he found Tir-nan-og all
that it was painted by the Princess Niam; how, after three hundred
years, he returned to earth on the white steed, from whose back
he was forbidden to dismount; how he fell from the steed when
helping the poor weakly mortals that he found then on earth to
raise a huge stone ; and how the steed rushed off and left him,
old and withered and blind, " among little men."
Visits of the nature of that undertaken by Ulysses, in
Homer, to the Land of Shades, were made by at least three
great champions of the Gael. These are Cuchulainn, Cormac
Mac Art, and Diarmat O' Duinn. We have already referred to
Cuchulainn's helping of Fand, wife of Manannan. The story
says that, like a wise man, Cuchulainn, when invited to assist
Fand, deserted as she was by her husband, sent his charioteer
Loeg to " prospect " and report as to the safety of such a journey.
Loeg and his fairy guide " proceeded until they reached the side
of the island, when they saw the bronze skiff waiting for them.
They then stepped on to the ship and landed on the island."
There they found Fand and her father waiting them. Professor
Rhys very properly compares this passage to the well-known
boat and ferry of Charon in classical mythology. " There can be
no mistake," he says, " as to its [the Isle of the Blest] being the
Elysium of the dead, and that going into it meant nothing less
than death to ordinary mortals ; it was only by special favour
that a mortal might enter it otherwise." Passing over Cormac
Mac Art's visit to Manannan, and rescue from death of his wife
and two children, we find a double account of Diarmat's visit to
Tir-fa-tonn — one Irish, one Gaelic. The Irish one is in its main
features the counterpart of the Welsh Mabinogion, " The Lady
of the Fountain." Diarmat fights with the Knight of the
Fountain, and in wrestling with him they both fall into the
fountain. Diarmat, arriving at the bottom of it, finds himself in
a most beautiful territory, where he does many deeds of valour,
and helps a distressed prince to a throne. The Highland tale
represents him as sheltering a loathly creature that turns out to
be a most beautiful lady under spells. She is the danghter of
the King of the Land under the Waves. After presenting
Diarmat with a fairy castle, and living with him some time, she
left him for her own country, a slight quarrel having occurred.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 279
He followed her, crossed on the " Charon " boat, much as already
described in Loeg's case, and arrived at an island, where down
went the boat to a land under the sea ! Here Diarmat found his
love, but she was deadly sick, to be cured only by a drink from
a magical cup in the possession of the King of Wonderland.
This he procured by the help of "the messenger of the other
world," who advised him to have nothing to do with the King's
silver or gold, or even with the daughter, an advice which Diarmat
took, for after healing her, " he took a dislike to her." Diarmat,
therefore, was allowed to return from the realms of death.
The " Voyagers' Tales " of Ireland can compare for sensuous
imagination very favourably with any other country's "Travellers'
Tales." Naturally enough, the tales deal altogether with sea-
voyages, generally to some western islands, and they must and
do contain many reminiscences of the Happy Isles, where the
dead live and the gods reign. Despite the monkish garb they
at times assume, for two of the most important are undertaken
by monks, the old heathenism peeps out at every turn. Some-
times we hear of a man living in a happy island with the souls of
all his descendants as birds giving music around, him. Some-
times we get a glimpse of the earthly paradise, where the travel-
lers saw, " a great number of people, beautiful and glorious-look-
ing, wearing rich garments adorned and radiant all over, feasting
joyously and drinking from embossed vessels of red gold. The
voyagers also heard their cheerful festive songs, and they mar-
velled greatly, and their hearts were full of gladness at all the
happiness they saw and heard. But they did not venture to
land." They pass occasionally into the regions of spirits, and are
brought into contact with the living and the dead. The wonders
they meet with often point a moral, for there are punishments
for wickedness. On one island was found a man digging with a
spade, the handle of which was on fire, for on earth he was accus-
tomed to dig on Sunday. On another island was found a burly
miller feeding his mill with all the perishable things of which
people are " so choice and niggardly in this world." Islands of
lamentation and islands of laughing are visited ; gorgeous palaces
and towns, both above and below the waves, are seen, and duly
described. The principal voyagers \\ ere St Brendan, the sons of
Ua Corra and Maelduin.
No argument as to the character or the inhabitants of the
280 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
next world can be drawn from the modern names given to it.
Flaithemnas or, Gaelic, Flaitheamhnas, meant "glory" in its
original sense, being derived from the word " Flaithem," a lord,
with the abstract termination — as. " Innis," an island, forms no
part of the word, so that the old derivation and its consequent
theories — " Island of chiefs " — fall to the ground. In the same
way do the many weird speculations upon the place of pain, fail.
Uffern, in Welsh, and Ifrinn or lutharn, in Gaelic, are both
borrowed from the Latin word, Infernum, much to the misfortune
of those Druidic theories that make the Celtic hell an " Isle of
the Cold Waves." Both Flaitheamhnas and Ifrinn are Christian
ideas, and have no counterpart in the Pagan Mythology of the
Celts. Our Celtic myths warrant us to speak but of an earthly
Paradise, a home of sensuous ease for the departed soul. The
glimpses of places of woe in the " Voyagers' Tales" are too much
inspired by Christian thought to render speculation upon the
Celtic "prison-house" for the soul possible.
What character of body did the spirits of the dead possess,
according to the opinions of the Celts? The sensuous paradise
argues a material body capable of both physical enjoyments and
sorrows. The gods, of course, had bodies somewhat analogous to
those of men ; these bodies were celestial, but yet quite as sub-
stantial as human bodies. The difference was that they were not
subject to the trammels of gravitation and visibility, unless they
chose. Their persons were more beautiful and majestic than
those of men; a "sublimated" humanity characterised them.
They appeared among mortals — sometimes all of a sudden in the
midst of an assembly; ate, drank, and acted, like mortals, in every
respect. Sometimes they were seen only by one person in the
company, though heard by all, as in the story of Condla Cam,
whom the fairy enchanted and abducted. These are, however,
the Pagan gods as seen in Christian myth. Yet we find the
ghosts of departed heroes appearing in much the same way as the
Side and Tuatha-De-Danann. The ghost of Caoilte is met with in
one or two myths representing different times — in St Patrick's
time and King Mongan's time — and on each occasion he appears
in "his habit as he lived," full of life and colour, not pale and
shadowy. Besides, these ghosts can appear in the day time, as
Caoilte used to do. The great poem of the Tain Bo Chuailgne
had been lost by the 6th century and it could be recovered only
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 281
by raising its composer, Fergus MacRoy, from the dead. And
this the Saints of Erin were able to accomplish. " Fergus him-
self," we are told, "appeared in a beautiful form, adorned
with brown hair, clad in a green cloak, and wearing a collared
gold-ribbed shirt, a gold-hilted sword, and sandals of bronze."
He was evidently a very substantial apparition! St Patrick was
also able, though indirectly, to raise the spirit of the great
Cuchulainn himself, to meet King Loegaire. The famous cham-
pion appeared to him one morning splendidly dressed, with his
chariot, horses, and charioteer, the same as when alive. All is
minutely described : the charioteer, for instance, was a " lank,
tall, stooped, freckle-faced man. He had curling reddish hair
upon his head. He had a circlet of bronze upon his forehead
which kept his hair from his face ; and cups of gold upon his poll
behind, into which his hair coiled ; a small winged cape on him,
with its buttoning at his elbows ; a goad of red gold in his hand,
by which he urged his horses."
The substantial ghosts of dead he'roes are in the myths
generally classed as Side, among whom also the gods were classed.
This, of course, arose from a confusion. The Side,\ take it, were
the ghosts of the glorious dead dwelling in their barrows or
tumuli (the sid.} At these barrows, doubtless, they were wor-
shipped in accordance with the customs of ancestor worship.
This cannot be proved with satisfaction from the Gaelic myths
alone, but if we refer to the belief and rites of the Norse peoples,
we shall see plenty evidence of the worship of the dead in their
barrows. In the Land nama-bok we read that at one place
" there was a harrow (' high place ') made there, and sacrifices
began to be performed there, for they believed that they died unto
these hills." The editors of the lately published work " Corpus
Poeticum Boreali " bring forward quite an array of evidence in
proof of the sacredness of these " houses " and barrows, and the
belief that dead ancestors lived another life there, and took an
interest in the living. " Of the spirit life and the behaviour of
the dead," they say, " there is some evidence. In the older ac-
counts they are feasting happily, and busying themselves with
the good of their living kindred, with whom they are still united
in intense sympathy Of the ritual names of the
worshipped dead, the oldest we know is ' Anse,' which survived
in Iceland into the Middle Ages, in the sense of guardian spirit
282 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
or genius of a hill. ' Elf is another name used of spirits of the
dead — of divine spirits generally — as the ' Anses ' and the ' Elves '
of Loka-Senna. Later, in Christian times, it sinks in Scandinavia
to mean ' fairy.' .... There were evil spirits — spirits of
bad men — and even vampires and the like, such as the dreadful
glam and unhallowed spirits and monsters." We may thus
argue that the Side or Aes-side (compare Anse or Aesir above)
were properly the divine ancestors, and that the gods, originally
in Pagan times quite distinct from them, were afterwards confused
with the " side," as we have them in the myths. But a still
greater confusion overtook these names and ideas as time and
Christianity advanced. The " side " got mixed up with the
"elves," the earth and wood powers, just as they did among the
Norse ; and the modern " sith " is a mixture of tumulus-dweller
and wood-nymph. The gods have almost entirely left the
scene ; only the Lares — the Gruagachs and Brownies are left. Of
old, among the Pagan-Gael, there were, doubtless, ghosts some-
what analagous to those of present superstitions, but they were
clearly those of unhallowed men, as we have seen in the case of
the Norse beliefs. The modern ghosts follow the analogy of the
dwellers in the Greek Hades, and not of the inhabitants of the
Earthly Paradise of the Gaels, that " Land of the Leal " where
the sun sinks in the west. They grew up during the Middle Ages
under the shadow of the Roman Church.
(To be continued.)
HISTORICAL CHAIRS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — Will you kindly enable me to ask, through the columns of your journal, for
descriptive particulars, with engravings, drawings, or photographs of celebrated chairs
in family residences of the nobility and gentry ; with information, also, of notable
chairs in cathedrals, churches, colleges, town-halls, and public institutions at home or
abroad. I am preparing an illustrated account of Historical Chairs, from available
literary sources, but knowing that there are many interesting ones which have
escaped my search, as well as some others in private possession but little known, and
wishing to make the proposed work as copious as possible, I thus beg your esteemed
assistance on that behalf, with my best thanks for such valuable favour.
Letters to be addressed to
C. B. STRUIT,
34 East Street, Red Lion Square, London, W.C.
283
HENRY GEORGE AT INVERNESS.
DEAN OF GUILD MACKENZIE, anticipating that his position and
remarks, as chairman at Mr Henry George's recent lecture in
Inverness, would be misrepresented by interested parties, took
the precaution to secure a verbatim report of what he said from
two professional reporters. In the circumstances, he thinks it
best that this report should be placed at the disposal of the
readers of the Celtic Magazine. Mr Henry George's views are
already before the public ; and it is to be hoped that the action
of the Highland proprietors will be wisely guided in such a direc-
tion as will make the adoption by the people of such extreme
remedies as he purposes, not only impossible, but quite un-
necessary. Introducing the Lecturer, Mr Mackenzie said : —
Gentlemen, — I have been pressed to take the chair. (Cheers.) Highlanders were
always celebrated for their hospitality— (applause) — they have always shown the greatest
courtesy and civility to strangers coming amongst them. (Applause.) I am satisfied
that I need not ask an Inverness audience — the men of the Capital of the Highlands —
to extend these characteristics of the race to the gentleman who is about to address us.
Mr George is a gentleman who has the distinguished honour of having been highly
abused by almost everybody — at any rate, on one side of the house — from the Marquis
of Salisbury down to the lowest rag of newspaper in the country. (Applause and
hisses. ) But abuse is not confined to that side ; we have had abuse from very dis-
tinguished gentlemen on the other bide. (Hear, hear.) I think it may fairly be
assumed that when a gentleman — whoever he may be— succeeds in bringing upon
himself the abuse of such great men, and such a large number of them, it is unmistake-
able proof that he is distinguished, and is doing some good. (Applause.) A man, of
whose book, " Progress and Poverty," a quarter of a million has been sold in about a
year — a number of any book, I believe, almost unprecedented in Great Britain —
(Hear, hear, and cheers) — must be a man worth listening to, whether we agree with
him or not. (Cheers.) It is possible that Mr Henry George is an extreme man on
one side of the house, and we have gentlemen of extreme opinions on the other side ;
but here (pointing to himself) is the happy medium for you. (Applause, laughter, and
hisses.) I beg to introduce to you Mr Henry George. (Loud cheers, and slight hisses. )
In moving a vote of thanks, the Chairman said —
Gentlemen, — I think that you will all agree that we have just listened to a very
powerful and interesting address. (Cheers and hear.) I am quite sure that whatever
our opinions may be, we will all admit that the address was interesting, and calcu-
lated to lead to thoughtfulness on the question discussed. There are many here who
possibly came to be instructed ; others, as they thought, to be amused. (Laughter.)
Perhaps the lecturer has not converted the whole of us. (Laughter.) [Mr George —
I hope you will convert yourselves.] (Cheers.) Mr Mackenzie — But at any rate,
ladies and gentlemen — for I am glad to see a few ladies present- (cheers) — I think
284 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
you will all admit that you have heard a discussion which is worthy of the considera-
tion— the weighty and careful consideration — not only of every one here but also of
every one who has arrived at maturity throughout the whole Highlands of Scotland.
(Cheers.) Mr George appears to me to be like some of those pioneers who have pre-
ceded great events in the history of this country. (Cheers and interruption. ) I have
already said, in my opening remarks, that he has secured for himself the abuse of both
sides of the house, and of almost every newspaper in the country and, I say again,
that the man who has succeeded in doing that must be doing some good — (cheers) —
and I must confess that I greatly envy him that position. (Laughter.) I consider
that a man who has attained to such a position is, depend upon it, a felt power in the
country — (cheers) — and a power which I would strongly urge upon my friends, the
Highland lairds, to take very carefully and very seriously into their consideration —
(cheers) — because I know that nothing would please men of his calibre — of the
earnestness and intellectual power that you have seen displayed this evening —
I say that there is nothing in the world men like Mr Henry George would like
so much to see as the Highland landlords being stubborn and shutting their
eyes to what is going on, until that revolution, which has become inevitable, shall
come upon them when they least expect it. If the landlords would only take my
advice, which, I fear, they are not at all likely to do— (laughter) — I would strongly
advise them to come my length at once, or else the probability is that before many years
they will have to go the length of Mr Henry George. (Hear, hear. ) Look at what is
going on around us. To me it appears as clear as the sun at noonday that there is no
question whatever that something will have to be done. (Cheers.) But I hold that
it is fair and just that compensation should be given if it be found necessary to take
the land in the interest of the whole public. Many of us are of that opinion now, but
if the landlords hold out and refuse to make concessions, I have no hesitation in pre-
dicting that the great mass of the people will not stop where they now are,
but will go over and follow Mr Henry George. (Cheers and hisses.) I would
fain hope to get a little of the ear of even the Highland proprietors on this question
before the people are carried any further. The atmosphere is being cleared in a great
measure. (Cheers.) I have had it dinned into my ears over and over again during
the last fortnight that Mr Henry George was advocating the proposal of having the
land divided into squares — (laughter) giving a square to this man and that man, but
as Mr George himself told you to-night he proposes to do nothing of the kind. That
would be an insane proposal — (hear, hear) — and in Mr George's case that false view
of his position is only derived from those absurd one-sided newspaper articles, written
by people who never read his great book, and which cannot be depended upon, and a
class of one-sided reports which no one here has suffered from more than I have done
myself — (cheers and laughter)— reports where you only get the bit that tells against
you, or what suits the view of newspapers looking at the subject from a different stand-
point. They just report what suits them or what makes the speaker appear ridiculous.*
Mr Henry George tells you that he does not want to take the land from the landlords.
(Oh, and laughter.) What he wants is that the increased revenues produced by your
energies in town and country should be directed from the landlords and made the pro-
* When the above statement was spoken it could not be anticipated that it would
be so soon and so completely illustrated and confirmed by the one-sided reports which
appeared in our local party papers of the political meetings recently held at Stornoway,
and the angry correspondence, from the various persons aggrieved, addressed to the
respective editors. And yet the public are expected not only to pay for these partisan
reports, but also to continue to believe them and those who supply them ! The prac-
tice is becoming lamentably common amongst us.
HENRY GEORGE AT INVERNESS. 285
perty of the people who produce the wealth of the country. Take as an illustration the
neighbourhood of Inverness. The landed estates in the immediate vicinity are
improving in value every day, by and through the enterprise of the citizens of
Inverness extending the town in every direction. Who should reap the benefit
of this increased revenue, those who create it — the people of Inverness — or the
proprietors of land in the neighbourhood? — (hear, hear)— asks Mr Henry George.
They should not get it he says ; it should all go to the reduction of the taxes to the whole
of the people of Inverness who have created it — in the form of reduced rates. (Cheers. )
This may be right or it may be wrong, but as I apprehend it, this is what Mr Henry
George wishes us to understand. (Applause ; and indications of assent from Mr
George. ) And, now, permit me to say, and I think you will admit it, that it requires a
great deal of moral courage on my part to stand where I stand to-night. (Hear, hear,
cheers, and laughter.) I know that there are many here — prominent citizens, too—
who are far more extreme on this question than I am, but who are afraid of their
shadows, and dare not give public expression to their opinions. (Laughter and cheers.)
This state of matters will continue, unless leaders are backed up by Associations, and
by public opinion. I, myself, even had considerable hesitation in taking the chair
this evening, but I am now glad that I have done it -(loud cheers) — and I say with-
out hesitation that any man in trade taking this position would almost be certain to be
ruined in his business, if landlord influence, and lawyer influence, speaking generally,
coulddoit. (Cheers.) But thank goodness they cannot touch me in my business (Cheers.)
I hope that we shall be a little more outspoken in future. As you all know, I am suffer-
ing persecution at this moment at the hands of landlord representatives and agents in
the Town Council of Inverness, admittedly because of the position I have taken up —
because of the stand I have made — in connection with the condition of the Highland
people. (Hear, hear.) But let them persecute me till they are black in the face.
(Cheers.) The more they try to put me down, the more determinedly and the more
strongly I shall speak out on this question, in the interest of my fellow countrymen.
(Loud cheers.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I ask you to join in according a most
hearty vote of thanks to Mr Henry George. (Loud and prolonged cheers.)
PEER MEN AND THEIR RELATIONS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — I have just been reading "The Gaelic Etymology of the Languages of
Western Europe, etc.," by Dr Charles Mackay, and I find under the word Hearse
the following : — " The origin is the French herce, a harrow, an instrument which in
France is made in a triangular form. Hence the name of /terse or herche was given
to a triangular frame-work of iron for holding a number of candles at funerals and
church ceremonies."
Now, I must claim this herse — this " triangular frame-work of iron for holding a
number of candles"— as a relation of my " Peer Men." I would greatly like to get
more information about this instrument, and if possible to see one, if any be still in
existence. I don't know where I am more likely to get the information I want about
the herse or herche than from the readers of the Celtic Magazine, so as you have
befriended the " Peer Men" before — both Mrs Mary Mackellar's and mine — I am
sure, if you have space at all in the Celtic Magazine for March you will let this short
appeal for "more light" appear. — lam, &c., JAMES LINN.
Geological Survey, Keith, I4th February 1884.
[This letter was crushed out of the March issue.]
286 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
THE ENGLISH POETICAL WORKS OF EVAN MAC COLL, Author of
" Clarsach nam Beann," with a Biographical Sketch of the Author, by A.
MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot. Toronto : Rose & Co. Edinburgh : Maclachlan
and Stewart, Inverness : A. & W. Mackenzie.
HIGHLANDERS have so long been familiar with the name of Evan MacColl, " the Loch-
fyne Bard, " that it will, no doubt, create surprise in the minds of many readers to be
informed that this is a complete collection of his English poems, issued under the impri-
matur and the careful revision of the veteran poet himself, who still, in his seventy-
sixth year, we are pleased to say, enjoys the "gloaming of life" in happy content
in the bosom of his family in the great Dominion of Canada. It is interesting to note
that Mr MacColl is the only member now living of that galaxy of Gaelic poets whose
productions found a place in John Mackenzie's great and excellent collection of Gaelic
poetry, " Sar Obair nam Bard Gaidhealach. " The compiler of that work very highly
appreciated the poetic gifts of our author, and, speaking of his compositions, pays him
the following high tribute, to which we subscribe our hearty amen : —
" MacColl ranks very high as a poet. His English pieces, which are out of our
way, possess great merit. . His Gaelic productions are chiefly amorous, and indicate a
mind of the most tender sensibilities and refined taste. The three poems annexed to
this notice are of a very superior order ; one of them comes under that denomination
of poetry ca.\\e& pastoral or descriptive, and evinces powers of delineation, a felicity of
conception, and a freshness of ideality not equalled in modern times. The second is
an elegiac piece, before whose silver, mellifluent tones we melt away, and are glad to
enjoy the luxury of tears with the weeping Muse. The love ditty is a natural gush of
youthful affection, better calculated to show us the aspirations of the heart than the
most elaborate productions of art. MacColl imitates no poet, he has found enough in
Nature to instruct him — he moves majestically in a hitherto untraversed path ; and,
if we are not continually in rapture with him, we never tire — never think long in his
company. But we are reminded that praise bestowed on a living author subjects us
to the imputation of flattery — long may it be ere Evan MacColl is the subject of any
posthumous meed of laudation from us !"
The panegyrist in this extract dismisses the English pieces as being "out of his
way," but in the work before us now it is the English productions of Mr MacColl
alone that are in our way, and we could scarcely express our opinion of them in more
appropriate terms than the talented and tasteful editor of the " Beauties " applied to
the Gaelic poems which evoked his enthusiastic admiration. In saying this, we do
not wish to imply that all the pieces found in this collection are up to the high stand-
ard which Mr MacColl has fixed for himself, and which he so frequently attains to.
A number of them are mere ephemeral and impromptu rhymes called into existence by
some event of comparatively little importance, and probably considered by his muse
unworthy of her wonted attention. There are, however, in the book a very large
number of compositions of great merit, some of which are worthy of living side by
side with the shorter compositions of Shelley and the lyrical effusions of Burns. Mr
MacColl's poems belong more to the subjective school than those of Highland poets
in general. Their works are, for the most part, descriptive or hortatory in their
character ; Mr MacColl's are of a much higher order, and are, in a great degree, a
reflex of the thoughts and feelings of a mind strung to a high pitch of admiration of
the works of Nature and an appreciation and assimilation of the lessons of all that is
beautiful and true and good in the world-life around him.
There are various pieces in the book which we might point out as exemplifica'
tions of his style, but we should prefer that the reader should procure the book for
POETICAL WORKS OF EVAN MACCOLL. 287
himself. Mr MacColl has travelled much in all parts of the Highlands of Scotland,
and there is scarcely a quarter of the country that has not furnished some scene to
move his harp strings. The Findhorn receives neat and graceful treatment in a short
and musical composition, designed for the album of Lady Gordon-Gumming of
Altyre. Here are some of its stanzas : —
" Findhorn the Beautiful !
Fain would I sing thee ;
Praise is the dutiful
Homage I bring thee.
' ' Child of the Mist and Snow,
Nursed 'mong the mountains,
Well loves the red deer to
Drink at thy fountains.
" Glassing the skies above,
Yonder thou glidest ;
Now, in some piny grove,
Sudden thou hidest.
r
" Here, with a rushing might,
Rocks thou art rounding ;
There, like a flash of light,
Over them bounding !"
Glen-Urquhart justly evokes intense admiration, but it is scarcely fair to depreciate
Stratherrick to supply a dark background for setting off the author's fairy picture.
Addressing the Glen, he says —
" Hail, thou Arcadia of the North !
Glen-Urquhart lovely, well I trow
Yon sun above thee ne'er looked forth
On any landscape fair as thou.
" When Nature's seeming negligence
Left rough Stratherrick what we see,
Meseems as if in recompense
She made a paradise of thee !
When admiring the beauties of his native Highlands, Mr MacColl does not forget
her worthy sons. In verses addressed to Mr J. F. Campbell of Islay, our poet
compliments that worthy Celt in language that is as true in fact as it is beautifully ex-
pressed : —
" What though a stranger lords it now
O'er that fair isle so dear to thee,
Still lord o'er all its hearts art thou —
The land alone hath he.
" Fortune hath wronged thee much — yet still
A heritage more rich remains
Than any subject to her will —
Thy place in Thought's domains. "
The gem of Mr MacColl's book we take to be its opening piece, "A May Morning in
288 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Glen-Shira." True to her Celtic character his muse seems to revel with special de-
light among the scenes of the poet's early youth. We give a few stanzas : —
" Lo, dawning o'er yon mountain grey
The rosy birth-day of the May !
Glen-Shira knoweth well 'tis Beltane's blissful day.
" Hark ! from yon grove that thrilling gush
Of song from linnet, merle, and thrush !
To hear herself so praised, the morning well may blush.
" O May ! thou'rt an enchantress rare —
Thy presence maketh all things fair ;
Thou wavest but thy wand, and joy is everywhere.
" Thou comest and the clouds are not —
Rude Boreas has his wrath forgot —
The gossamer again is in the air afloat.
" The foaming torrent from the hill
Thou changest to a gentle rill—
A thread of liquid pearl, that faintly murmurs still.
" Around me in this dewy den
Wild flowers imparadise the scene-
Some look up to the Sun — his worshippers, I ween."
The volume is prefaced by a short biographical sketch of the author by the Editor of
the Celtic Magazine. The pleasing fact that Mr MacColl is alive and hearty, leaves the
biography happily unfinished. Long may it be ere any equally enthusiastic admirer
will be called upon to add the final chapter. The volume is very neatly got up,
and is one that ought to be in every Highlander's library. The author deserves it ;
the poetry merits it; and the book will be in every respect an ornament, and ought
to be a treasure in the possession of the sons of the Gael wherever located. We trust soon
to welcome .a complete collection of Mr MacColl's Gaelic poems, now, we understand,
passing through the press.
THE HISTORY OF CIVILISATION IN SCOTLAND. By JOHN
MACKINTOSH. Vol. III. Aberdeen : A. Brown & Co.
MR MACKINTOSH, in the third volume of his " History of Civilisation in Scotland,"
deals practically with the seventeenth century epoch, the period between the union of
the Crowns and the union of the Parliaments. He does, indeed, give the History of
Scotland down to the end of the Rebellion of 1745, because he believes the separate
" political " history of Scotland ends there ; and in the next, which is also the last
volume, he will deal only with the social, religious, and philosophical aspects of
Scottish history. At the period at which Mr Mackintosh takes up the thread of his
narrative in this volume, King James the VI. was firmly established on the
CIVILISATION IN SCOTLAND. 289
English Throne. The kingdom had passed through the struggle between the King
and the oligarchy, which almost all the European nations of Aryan descent had to
undergo, but without the kingly power yielding finally to the power of the nobles.
In fact, under James, the Royal prerogative was more firmly established than ever.
This was due to the despotic power bequeathed him by the Tudors from the ex-
hausting Wars of the Roses ; a power which he extended over Scotland from his
wider and more independent sway, acquired by his position as King of England. He
was, therefore, enabled with comparatively little resistance to introduce more than the
edge of the Episcopal wedge into Scottish ecclesiastical matters ; but this he did, not by
force, but by his acquired Imperial position and his cunning. Charles, his son, was a
more honest but far rasher man, and he soon ran tilt against the prejudices of the
people by his bold innovations. The incident in St Giles' Cathedral, when
Jenny Geddes threw the^stool at the prelate's head, was one of the turning points of
the struggle. The great English King was set at defiance ; a covenant was signed
by- the Scottish Presbyterians which it defied the King to overthrow. Cromwell
allowed the Scots to have their own way, after punishing them for their allegiance to
the youthful prince. But when that prince was restored to his throne he entered into
a most cruel persecution of theTPresbyterian Church — as short-sighted and disgraceful
a persecution as exists in any history. It is quite astonishing how they did not
succumb to such a fearful and exterminating process. The only good result we may
claim from it is its effect on the Scottish character. There is little question that
the sturdy individualism characteristic of the Scot, is due to the history of the seven-
teenth contury. His constant appeal to private judgment, his conservatism in
matters relating to religion itself, and his determined liberalism in regard to central
authority and most social matters, are features of his character due to his struggles for
religious independence in the seventeenth century.
Combined with all this defiance of kingly authority, the Scot professed great
reverence for the Crown in the abstract. BuT^it was left for the Celt to vindicate the
kingly right in the concrete and the Stuart dynasty in particular. The Highlanders
did not feel the oppressions of the century; they, indeed, were called down to oppress
Lowland Presbyterianism in the reign of Charles II. What the religious state of the
Highlands then was, we cannot gather from Mr Mackintosh's pages ; he has left the
seventeenth century history of the Highlands yet to be written, both ecclesiastically
and politically. The history of the two Rebellions he has traced well and graphically
within the limits he could devote to the matter, but they belong to the last century
and not to the period of history to which the volume is devoted, and where we should
wish to have some idea of the ecclesiastical state of the Highlands. We quite acknow-
ledge the difficulty of gathering the necessary information. The records of the period
lie still unpublished in the Presbytery records of our northern parishes. Mr Mackin-
tosh gives merely what he can get from already printed material, and we can only
testify to the excellent use he has made of it.
He details the political and ecclesiastical history of the seventeenth century
in the first half of his book, and describes fairly and graphically all the weary
details of that long period of strife — the Acts of Parliament, the persecutions, the
wars and the miseries of the time. He goes to the fountain-head ; he quotes the his-
torians of the time, and, the Acts of Council, Parliament, and Assembly. It is an
excellent historical account ; but it is lacking in the fact that though he " adorns the
tale," he " does not point the moral ;" at least not with that fulness and clearness which
we would like to see done by a historian of civilisation. We have indicated what we
290 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
believe the effect of that history has been on the subsequent Scottish character, but it
is not found in Mr Mackintosh's pages. His chapter on the social state of the
country is the most interesting in the volume Not merely is the subject interesting,
per se, but the author has showed himself at his best in his presentment of it and in
his selected examples. Every considerable town in Scotland is laid under contribution
to supply him with material; nor does Inverness escape. "In the year 1659, the
tailors of Inverness," we are told, " petitioned the Magistrates that they were much
injured in their trade by its being encroached upon and taken away by outlandish men
dwelling around the borough and evading the taxes, and yet they came and stole away
the trade of the place, 'to our great and apparent ruin.' The authorities listened to
their complaint, and empowered them to restrain all outlandish tailors and seize their
work. " But to no avail ; they had to make another appeal two years later against " un-
freemen " keeping apprentices and employing servants. That is a specimen of the
manners of the century in regard to trade ; guilds and monopolies were supreme.
Church discipline was greatly exercised, but its effect was but too often counteracted
by lawlessness and force. Sabbath desecration was strenuously battled with ; in 1609
the town piper of Aberdeen was forbidden to play his pipes on Sunday, and sport of
all kinds, especially fishing, was successfully put ^own. Mr Mackintosh gives inter-
esting details about the towns, their lighting and their sewerage (non-existent), and
about postal arrangements : " Till 1635 there had been no constant intercourse between
England and Scotland ;" "till 1669 there was no regular postal communication between
Aberdeen and Edinburgh," and in the same year "afoot-post was established be-
tween Edinburgh and Inverness, and was to go and return twice a week to Aberdeen,
and once to Inverness, ' if wind and weather served.' " The charge for a letter to In-
verness from Edinburgh was four pence.
Mr Mackintosh gives a good and concise account of the literature of the century,
which consisted mainly of ballad poetry and ecclesiastical pamphlets and histories.
He further extends his sketch of the ballad literature so as to include the "Jacobite
ballads," to whose pathos and Celtic characteristics of natural description, colour, and
humour he does justice. The chapter on education is cleverly written and exceedingly
interesting in its details of the subjects taught in the higher schools. The vernacular
tongue was a nuisance, which had to be endured in the school curriculum, because
without it Latin could not be learnt. The volume closes with a chapter of some eighty
pages on European philosophy in the seventeenth century, intended as an introduction
to the history of Scottish philosophy, and to Mr Mackintosh's next volume. We
cannot help admiring the success with which he has compressed into his space the
philosophic tendencies of the age, and the accuracy and grasp with which he has
sketched the leading features of the doctrines of Descartes, Spinoza, Locke, and
Berkeley. The volume is superior both in spirit and style to Mr Mackintosh's former
two, and that means giving the highest praise to its excellence as a work of industry,
great research, and unmistakable genius.
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES.
THE recent visit of Mr Mundella, the Minister for Education to Scotland, is likely
to prove of great importance to the cause of education in the Highlands. The con-
cession made in the Code a few years ago, of permission to teach Gaelic during school
hours, though hailed at the time as an important step in the proper direction, was, how-
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES. 291
ever, felt by many of those who knew the circumstances, . to be, after all, of little
practical value in the absence of any inducement to the teachers to teach the language,
and still further, from the inability of many of them to use it, even were more tang-
ible encouragement held out to them. Various important Highland Societies con-
sequently availed themselves of Mr Mundella's visit, and waited upon him, by deputa-
tion, to urge the matter still further upon his attention. The spirit and manner in
which they were received, and the intelligent and favourable view which Mr Mundella
takes of the whole situation, leaves little room to doubt that very important changes
will be introduced into the Code, at no distant date, to give full effect to the view of
those who have all along maintained the reasonableness and the propriety of using
the native language of the people, as well as the employment of native teachers, in
communicating instruction in the Highlands. Mr Mundella quite admitted the
absurdity of the system at present prevailing, and promised to give the matter his
careful and early attention.
The Committee in Inverness, charged with the selection of the Ettles lecturer,
have this year made a singularly appropriate choice. The gentleman chosen is Dr
Joseph Anderson, the learned Secretary of the Scottish Society of Antiquaries, and the
subject of his lectures will be one which will be looked forward to with keen interest,
and one which he has made specially his own — Celtic Art.
A specific grievance, requiring the most earnest attention of our educational
authorities, is the ruinously high rate of fees which the sparseness of the population
renders it necessary to impose in certain Highland districts, notably the Island of
Lewis, where it has actually been known to amount to los. in the pound. Attention
was called to this fact in a most pointed and forcible manner at the recent dinner of
the Gaelic Society of Inverness, by Mr Morrison, of Dingwall Academy. • One con-
sequence of such a state of matters is that, instead of the Education Act and the school
and schoolmaster being regarded as advantages, they are looked upon as a grievous
burden which impinges much more upon poor people than would the absence of the
complete educational machinery which now covers the length and breadth of the land
Another matter, not perhaps connected directly with education, but which comes
under the cognisance of Mr Mundella, and to which attention has been directed in Parli-
ment, is the attempts made, in the case of the Lewis at least, to enlist the aid of
the Board School teachers in support of candidates for election to Parliament. A
circular was recently addressed by Mr Mackay, Chamberlain of the Lewis, and
Chairman of all the School Boards in the Island, appealing to the teachers for their
assistance in promoting the political interests of one of the candidates for Ross-shire.
The unwisdom and impropriety of such interferences with public officials is so con-
spicuous that we wonder at the infatuation of those who practise them.
The whole subject of the present condition of Highland education is under in-
vestigation of a committee of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, with Mr Alexander
Macbain, M.A., as convener. The task imposed upon the committee is to collect
information, and report to a meeting of the Society.
Classes for the teaching of Gaelic are being conducted in Raining's School, In-
verness, by members of the Gaelic Society. There are upwards of 100 pupils in all
stages of advancement, and of both sexes, and admirable progress is being made.
The class-books used are Professor Mackinnon's Collection, Mr Lachlan Macbean
and Mr D. C. Macpherson's Grammars, and the New Testament.
292 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
An important paper, on the subject of the " Druidical " Circles, which
are so frequently met with over the face of the country, was read before the
Gaelic Society of Inverness last month, by Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A.,
Mr Macbain believes that the Circles in question are neither Druidic nor Celtic,
but are the work of a pre-Celtic race, probably the Finnish or Pictish, and were
erected for purposes of worship and burial ; his opinion being that the people
who erected them were ancestor worshippers. He illustrated his various positions by
pictorial and descriptive references to stone-circles in other countries which are de-
voted to similar purposes, even at the present day. The interest of the paper was much
increased by the aid of several illustrations supplied by Mr P. H. Smart, artist, Inverness.
A metrical English translation of the poems of Dugald Buchanan is in the press,
and will appear early this month. The translator is Mr Lachlan Macbean, well known
in Celtic circles as the author of a very handy and useful Gaelic grammar, and a suc-
cessful translator of Gaelic poetry. Several of his productions — very favourably noticed
at the time— appeared in Vol. I. of the Celtic Magazine, under the nom de flume of
" Minnie Littlejohn."
THE PROPOSED "SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."
WE are daily receiving batches of subscribers for the proposed " Scottish Highlander,"
often from very unexpected quarters It must, however, be kept in mind that the
number required is large, and cannot be got without the active aid of every friend of
the Highland cause in their respective districts and among their friends. It must be
distinctly understood that the paper cannot be proceeded with unless the necessary
number of subscribers send in their names, and this cannot be expected without an
effort on the part of leading men throughout the Highlands to secure names in their
several localities. Many gentlemen have already done handsomely in this way, and
we most heartily thank them. The following are a few extracts from hundreds of
of letters received, in a similar strain, from gentlemen sending in their names : —
Cluny Macpherson of Cluny says : — " It affords me much pleasure to add my name
to your list of subscribers to the 'Scottish Highlander,' and I wish you every success. "
M^r Joseph Dunbar, of the Huntly Express, writes: — "I trust you may receive
many thousand signatures, and every encouragement. Your object is worthy of all
support and sympathy, and ought specially to commend itself to Highlanders — nay,
to every true Scotchman."
Mr Evan MacColl, "The Bard of Lochfyne," writing from Kingston, Canada,
says : — " I wish you joy of your brave, patriotic undertaking — one which all true
Highlanders should look upon with favour, and do their best to make it a success.
With such outside literary support as you are sure to command, added to your own
indomkable pluck and ability, I feel quite confident that you will be able to make the
' Scottish Highlander' such a paper as all good Scotsmen should be proud to patronise."
Mr \Vill'::im Allan. Sunderland, writes : — '• This is a step in the right direction,
and merits the support of all Highlanders who have a heart and love their country.
I wish you all success — my son of the soil."
Mr John Macrae, Ballintian. Kingussie, writes:— "I trust your proposal of
starting an independent newspaper will meet with every success. Every individual
having a drop of Highland blood in his veins should put his shoulder to the wheel to
support such an arduous and patriotic undertaking, so that the Highlanders may have
an organ of their own to help them in exposing the injustice done to them for the last
century, and to make a repetition of these impossible in future. I am confident that
there is no other man in broad Scotland who can advocate the various claims of High-
landers with the same effect that you can."
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CIII. MAY 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XVI.
SIR EWEN CAMERON — Continued. — THE BATTLE OF
KlLLIECRANKIE.
DUNDEE having made his arrangements, marched forward to
meet the enemy, and never halted until within a musket shot of
Mackay's army, numbering about 3500 foot and two troops of
horse. After some preliminaries on the ground, necessary by the
enemy's formation, his Lordship, in a very short time, arranged
his brave little army in battle order.
Sir John Maclean, then a youth of eighteen years, with his
men, occupied the extreme right ; next him, on his left, were
the Irish, under Colonel Cannon ; on their left again were the
Tutor of Clanranald and his brave Macdonalds, and next to them
came Glengarry and his men. Then, in the centre, were the few
horse they had, including about forty of Dundee's old troops, in
very poor condition. To the left of the horse was placed Lochiel
at the head of his Camerons ; while next, on the extreme left,
was Sir Donald Macdonald leading his Islesmen. " Though
there were great intervals between the battalions, and a large
U
294 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
void space left in the centre, yet Dundee could not possibly
stretch his line so as to equal that of the enemy; and wanting
men to fill up the void in the centre, Lochiel, who was
posted next the horse, was not only obliged to fight Mackay's
own regiment, which stood directly opposite to him, but also had
his flank exposed to the fire of Leven's battalion, which he had
not men to engage, whereby he thereafter greatly suffered. But
what was hardest of all, he had only 240 of his clan with him, and
even of these sixty were sent as Dundee's advance guard, to take
possession of a house from which he apprehended the enemy
might gall them if they put men into it. But there was no help-
ing the matter. Each clan, whether small or great, had a regi-
ment assigned to it, and that, too, by Lochiel's advice, who at-
tended the General while making his dispositions. His design
was to keep up their spirit of emulation in point of bravery ; for
as the Highlanders put the highest value upon the honour of
their families or clans, and the renown of glory acquired by
military actions, so the emulation between clan and clan inspires
them with a certain generous contempt of danger, and gives
vigour to their hands and keenness to their courage."
By the time Dundee got his army in order, it was well on in
the afternoon, and his men, aggravated by the fire of the enemy
from the low ground, were anxious to be led into action ; but as
the sun was shining straight in their faces, they were held back
until near sunset. During this interval Lochiel visited his
men, and appealed personally to each of them, every one of
whom declared to him in turn that they should conquer or die
that day. He then told them to make a great noise by shouting
as loudly as they could. This they did with a hearty good will ;
it was at once taken up by the whole Highland army to right and
to left of them, and returned by the enemy. The noise of the
cannon and muskets, " with the prodigious echoing of the adjacent
hills and rocks in which there are several caverns and hollow
places," made the Highlanders fancy that their shouts were much
louder and more spirited than those of the enemy, when Lochiel,
taking advantage of this, exclaimed, " Gentlemen, take courage,
the day is ours, I am the oldest commander in the army, and
have always observed something ominous and fatal in such a
dead, hollow, and feeble noise as the enemy made in their shout-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 295
ing. Ours was brisk, lively, and strong, and shows that we have
courage, vigour, and strength. Theirs was low, lifeless, and dead,
and prognosticates that they are all doomed to die by our hands
this very night." These words went through the little army
like lightning, and, coming from Lochiel, greatly encouraged
and animated the officers and men.
At seven o'clock Dundee gave the order to advance, com-
manding that as soon as the Macleans moved on the right, the
whole body should instantly march forward and charge straight
in among the enemy. "It is incredible with what intrepidity
the Highlanders endured the enemy's fire ; and though it grew
more terrible on their nearer approach, yet they, with a wonder-
ful resolution, kept up their own, as they were commanded, till
they came up to their very bosoms, and, then pouring it in upon
them all at once, like one great clap of thunder, they threw away
thejr guns, and fell in pell-mell among the thickest of them with
broadswords. After this the noise seemed hushed ; and the fire
ceasing on both sides, nothing was heard for some few moments
but the sullen and hollow clashes of broadswords, with the dismal
groans and cries of dying and wounded men." The brave
Dundee fell, mortally wounded, by a shot about two hand-
breadths within his armour on the lower part of his left side,
from which it was concluded that he must have received his
wound, " while he raised himself in his stirrups and stretched his
body to hasten up his horse" at a point in the engagement, to
turn him to the right, to enable himself to wave his hat for some
of the men to come to the rescue of the Earl of Dunfermline,
and sixteen brave horsemen, who had succeeded in routing the
enemy's cavalry by a most brilliant charge. The Highlanders
though they lost about a third of their men, secured a complete
victory, and few of the enemy escaped; but having lost their
brilliant Commander, it was dearly bought, and the war may be
said to have been practically finished, before it was well com-
menced, by a Highland victory, perhaps the most brilliant on
record.
Lochiel, after having ordered his men to advance, seems to
have been much encumbered by the use of what Macaulay de-
scribes as " the only pair of shoes in his clan ;" for not being
able to keep up with his men, he commended them to the protec-
296 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
tion of God, sat down by the way, and deliberately pulling off
the encumbrances that pinched and crippled him, had the agility
to get up to his men as they were drawing their swords, in
close quarters with the enemy.
Stewart states that Lochiel was attended in this battle
by the son of his foster-brother, who saved him at Achadalew, by
receiving the shot intended for his chief in his own mouth. " This
faithful adherent," says the General, " followed him like his
shadow, ready to assist him with his sword, or cover him from the
shot of his enemy. Soon after the battle began, the chief missed
his friend from his side, and, turning round to look what had
become of him, saw him lying on his back, with his breast pierced
by an arrow. He had hardly breath before he expired to tell
Lochiel that seeing an enemy, a Highlander in General Mackay's
army, aiming at him with a bow and arrow from the rear, he
sprung behind him, and thus sheltered him from instant death."*
Macaulay's description of the brilliant charge of the High-
landers and its results is so spirited that we give it, though it is
entirely based on the "Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron," from which
we have already given the details at such length. Macaulay
says — " It was past seven o'clock. Dundee gave the word. The
Highlanders dropped their plaids. The few who were so luxuri-
ous as to wear rude socks of untanned hide spurned them away. It
was long remembered in Lochaber that Lochiel took off what pro-
bably was the only pair of shoes in his clan, and charged barefoot
at the head of his men. The whole line advanced firing. The
enemy returned the fire, and did much execution. When only
a small space was left between the armies, the Highlanders
suddenly flung away their firelocks, drew their broadswords, and
rushed forward with a fearful yell. The Lowlanders prepared to
receive the shock ; but this was then a long and awkward process,
and the soldiers were still fumbling with the muzzles of their
guns and the handles of their bayonets, when the whole flood of
Macleans, Macdonalds, and Camerons came down. In two
minutes the battle was lost and won. The ranks of Balfour's
regiment broke. He was cloven down while struggling in the
press. Ramsay's men turned their backs and dropped their
arms. Mackay's own foot were swept away by the furious onset
* Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. i., p. 70.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 297
of the Camerons. His brother and nephew exerted themselves
in vain to rally the men. The former was laid dead on the
ground by the stroke of a claymore. The latter, with eight
wounds in his body, made his way through the tumult and the
carnage to his uncle's side. Even in that extremity Mackay re-
tained all his self-possession. He had still one hope. A charge
of horse might recover the day ; for of horse the bravest High-
landers were supposed to stand in awe. But he called on the
horse in vain. Belhaven, indeed, behaved like a gallant gentle-
man ; but his troopers, appalled by the rout of the infantry,
galloped off in disorder ; Annandale's men followed, all was over,
and the mingled torrents of red coats and tartans went raving
down the valley to the Gorge of Killiecrankie." * Mackay's
whole army had vanished, all the men he could collect after the
battle being a few hundred.
Next morning the Highlanders, who had retired during the
night, returned to the field of the recent carnage, where, Drum-
mond informs us, the dreadful effects of the fury appeared in
many horrible figures. The enemy lay in heaps almost in the
order in which they were posted, but so disfigured with wounds,
and so hashed and mangled, that even the victors could
not look upon the amazing proofs of their own agility and
strength without surprise and horror. Many had their heads
divided in two halves by one blow ; others had their skulls
cut off above their ears, by a back stroke, like a night-cap.
Their thick buff belts were not sufficient to defend their shoulders
from such deep gashes as almost disclosed their entrails, several
pikes, small swords, and the like weapons, were cut quite through,
and some that had skull-caps had them so beat into their brains,
that they died upon the spot.-f* It was noticed that few, if any,
of the Highlanders were killed after they drew their swords, and
that the majority of those of them who fell were slain within a
* History of England, pp. 360-361, Vol. iii.
t "An Officer of the army," present at Killiecrankie, in a rare pamphlet, entitled
"Memoirs of the Lord Viscount Dundee," describes the terrible effects of the High-
land claymore, in very similar language to the above. He says that before the
battle "The Highlanders threw away their plaids, haversacks, and all other utensils,
and marched resolutely and deliberately in their shirts and doublets, with their fusils,
targets, and pistols ready, down the hill on the enemy, and received Mackay's third
fire before they pierced his lines, in which many of the Highlanders fell, including
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few paces of their enemies before they fled and fired their last
volley, as the Highlanders came to close quarters. Lochiel lost
one-half of his entire force, mainly through a furious fire, directed
on his flank as he charged, by Leven's battalion, which, as we
have already seen, had no Highlanders against it to engage it
in front.
In this connection, General Stewart of Garth records the fol-
lowing : — At the same time that Sir Ewen was distinguishing
himself so brilliantly in the service of King James, his second
son, Donald, was a Captain in the 2ist Scots Fusiliers, serv-
ing with Mackay in the army of King William. As General
Mackay observed the Highland army being drawn up on the face
of the hill to the westward of the Pass, he turned round to young
Lochiel, who stood next to him, and, pointing to the Camerons,
said — " There's your father with his wild savages ; how would you
like to be with them ?" " It signifies little," replied Captain
Cameron, " what I would like ; but I recommend you to be pre-
pared, or perhaps my father and his wild savages may be nearer
to you before night than you would like." And so, indeed, it
turned out.
Dundee had such complete confidence in the experience,
judgment, and prudence of Sir Ewen, that he unfailingly consulted
him on every important occasion, and he openly expressed the
opinion that " he was the fittest person in the kingdom " to com-
mand the Highland army.
Cannon, being the next highest officer in rank, on the fall of
Dundee assumed command. Having buried their great com-
mander and the leading officers who fell with him, in the church
of Blair-Athole, a large body of Highlanders joined the army, just
three days after the Battle of Killiecrankie — the very day ap-
pointed, before Dundee left Lochaber, for the general rendezvous
Dundee, the terror of the Whigs, the supporter of King James, and the glory of his
country. Then the Highlanders fired, threw down their fusils, rushed in upon the
enemy, with sword, target, and pistol, who did not maintain their ground two minutes
after the Highlanders were amongst them ; and I dare be bold to say, there were
scarce ever such strokes given in Europe as were given that day by the Highlanders.
Many of General Mackay's officers and soldiers were cut down through the skull and
neck to the very breasts ; others had their skulls cut off above their ears like night-
caps ; some soldiers had both their bodies and cross-belts cut through at one blow ;
pikes and small swords were cut like willows."
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 299
of the clans. Of this new body 500 were Camerons, under
Lochiel's eldest son, John, and his cousin, Cameron of Glendes-
seray. It was, however, all too late. The war was already
virtually over. Cannon mismanaged everything. The chiefs
had no confidence in him. He sent a party on an expedi-
tion to Perth, but they were so badly led that Mackay easily
overtook and defeated them. The Lowland officers and the
Highland chiefs disagreed in Council. Lochiel and the High-
landers proposed fighting Mackay at once. The Lowland officers,
who had scarcely any personal following, opposed this as impru-
dent, though Lochiel declared that he was prepared to fight the
enemy by his own clan, with the assistance only of three hundred
horse which had just joined them. In spite of this and the
urgent appeals of the other Highland chiefs, the Lowland officers
who all had a vote in the Council of War, carried their
proposal, that the army should march north into Aberdeen-
shire ; the only reason given for this cowardly conduct being
the expectation of increasing their forces by the accession of
more of their northern friends. Lochiel was disgusted, and retired
sullenly to Lochaber, leaving the command of his .clan to his
eldest son, John, but the Highlanders became so dispirited, and
Cannon, the commander, got into such disrepute, that after a few
skirmishes the army gradually melted away, and Cannon followed
the Camerons to Lochaber, where he remained during the winter.
On the ist of November 1689, James wrote a letter to
Lochiel, from Ireland, acknowledging his services, and that of the
other chiefs, in his cause, promising to send over the Earl of Sea-
forth, then in Ireland, " to head his friends and followers," and
at the same time to send the Duke of Berwick with consider-
able forces. These were never sent. The Earl of Seaforth
arrived in the following Spring, but brought nothing with him
except letters and commissions for the chiefs. The one to
Lochiel is dated "At our Court at Dublin," on the 3ist of March
1690. The usual liberal but empty promises of reward were
repeated by the King, but never redeemed ; he never had the
opportunity. A Council of War was held on the arrival of General
Buchan, who had come from Ireland, Cannon and other high
officers being present, to decide as to their future movements.
At this meeting several of the leaders proposed to make their
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submission to King William on such favourable terms as they
then knew they would be sure to obtain. Cogent and many were
the reasons urged for the adoption of this course, but, as usual,
Lochiel was implacable. He was supported by Sir Donald Mac-
donald of Sleat, Sir John Maclean of Duart, and Clanranald, in
his determination to hold out and fight for the ungrateful James,
though it was admitted by all that he sent them nothing but empty
promises ; and some doubted his inclination to redeem them, even
should he ever possess the power to do so. Lochiel addressed
them, and concluded an eloquent and spirited appeal to their
patriotism and loyalty in the following terms — " For my own
part, gentlemen," he said, " I am resolved to be in my duty while
I am able : and though I am now an old man, weakened by
fatigue, and worn out by continual trouble, yet I am determined
to spend the remainder of my life after my old manner, among
mountains and caves, rather than give up my conscience and
honour by a submission, let the terms be never so inviting, until I
have my master's permission to do it ; and no argument, or view
of interest or safety, shall prevail with me to change this resolu-
tion, whatever may be the event." On the conclusion of these
remarks all opposition vanished, and it was agreed that General
Buchan should in the meantime march south to the border of the
Lowlands, with twelve hundred men, but that the Highlanders,
except such as should volunteer to join Buchan, should remain
until they laid down their crops in the Spring. None
of the Highland chiefs joined him. He started about the
middle of April towards Strathspey, and was defeated by Sir
Thomas Livingstone, at Cromdale, early in May, with consider-
able loss. After this, on the i6th of June, two of the leaders —
Macdonald of Largo and MacAlastair of Loup — made their sub-
mission, and the Government sent emissaries to the Highlands
to sound the other chiefs as to whether they would submit on
any reasonable terms. They, however, with one voice, refused
to listen to any proposal, though they were all much disposed for
peace, without the full consent of King James. But they agreed
to meet the Earl of Bread albane, who had been appointed by
Government to negotiate with them, and consider terms, in view
of their obtaining the permission of James to give up the war; and
they had several meetings with the Earl at Achallader, near his
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 301
own property, where they agreed upon the following articles, as
the only terms on which they would give up the struggle and lay
down their arms : —
1st. As a preliminary article, they demanded full power and liberty to send such
a. person as they should choose to the Court of St Germains upon the Government's
charges, in order to lay the state of their affairs before King James, and to obtain his
permission and warrant to enter into that treaty.
2nd. This article being granted, they next demanded the sum of £20,000 ster-
ling to refund the great expenses and losses they had sustained by the war. In order
to obtain this they represented that the people were so impoverished that it would be
impossible to keep them from making depredations on their low-country neighbours,
unless they were enabled to stay at home, and apply themselves to agriculture and the
improvement of their country.
3rd. That King William should, at the public charge, free them from all
manner of vassalage and dependence on the great men, their neighbours, as King
James was to have done, for which they produced his letters ; so that, being free
from the tyranny and oppression of these superiors, they might have their sole depend-
ence on the Crown, and be enabled effectually to suppress thieving, and employ their
people in the service of their country.
4th. That King James's officers might have full liberty either to remain at home
or to go into foreign service as they pleased, and that they, and all others engaged in
his interest, should not only have passports for that purpose, but also be carried to
the port of Havre de Grace at the expense of the Government.
5th. That they be all allowed to wear and use their arms as they were used to
do ; and that no other oaths should be put to them except that of simple allegiance ;
and that they should have full and free indemnity for all crimes whatever committed
by them, or any of them, during the war ; and that in the meantime there should be
cessation of arms.
In September following, before any effect could be given to
the terms of this treaty, Argyll was ordered north by the Council
to join the Earl of Glencairn, with orders to reduce the High-
landers. These, gentlemen, however, hacl little success. But the
Government was determined ; an act of sequestration was taken
out against Lochiel and the other chiefs, and to execute it a com-
mission was granted, in the month of November, to Colonel Hill,
governor of Fort- William, to collect Lochiel's rents. He was,
however, as might be expected, quite unable to carry out his
instructions. " but remained confined within the walls of his fort "
until a treaty of peace was finally arranged.
King William ultimately agreed that Sir George Barclay
and Major Duncan Menzies should visit James at the Court of
St Germains, to obtain permission for the Highland chiefs to lay
down their arms and come to terms with the existing Govern-
ment ; and, on the 2/th of August, William wrote to the Privy
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Council, informing them of what he had agreed to, and intimat-
ing that, as the vassalage and dependence of some of the High-
land chiefs upon others in their neighbourhood had occasioned
many feuds and differences among them, which obliged them to
neglect the improvement and cultivation of their lands, that he
was graciously pleased now not only to pardon, indemnify, and
restore, all who had been in arms, and who should take the oath
of allegiance before the first of the following January, but that he
had also resolved to pay the cost of the purchase of the lands
and superiorities which were the subjects of those disputes and
animosities, so that in future they would be entirely dependent,
as its immediate vassals, on the Crown. He urged upon the
Council the utmost application of the Royal authority to carry
this arrangement into effect, and at once to issue an indemnity
such as he desired, without any limitation or restriction what-
ever, to all who agreed to take the oath of allegiance to him and
Queen Mary, before the first of January 1692, in presence of the
Council, or before the Sheriffs or their Deputies in the respective
shires wherein the chiefs resided. Those leaders who declined,
or were obstinate, were ordered to be prosecuted with the ut-
most severity of the law.
Notwithstanding these offers, which must be considered
liberal enough in the circumstances, not one of the Highland
chiefs took advantage of the indemnity offered to them, until the
return of their commissioners from the Court of James at St
Germains, a few days before the time stated therein expired.
The letter from James granting the required permission is ad-
dressed " To our trusty and well-beloved General, Major Thomas
Buchan, or to the officer commanding-in-chief our forces in our
ancient kingdom of Scotland," and is in the following terms : —
" James R., right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We are informed
of the state of our subjects in the Highlands, and of the condition that you and our
other officers there are in, as well by our trusty and well-beloved Sir George
Barclay, Brigadier of our Forces : as by our trusty and well-beloved Major
Duncan Menzies : And therefore we have thought fit hereby to authorise you to give
leave to our said subjects and officers, who have hitherto behaved themselves so loyally
in our cause, to do what niay be most for their own and your safety ; and so we bid
you farewell. St Germains, this I2th day of December 1691, and in the seventh year
of our reign."
Lochiel did not get his copy of this letter from Buchan, who was
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 303
at the time residing with Glengarry, until within thirty hours of
the expiry of the period allowed him under the conditions of in-
demnity to submit to King William's Government ; but by a
great effort he managed to arrive at Inveraray, where the Sheriff
of the County resided, on the very day on which the period of
the indemnity expired, and, with undoubted reluctance, made his
submission, and saved himself from a prosecution and possible
ruin ; but King William took advantage of his delay in not
coming forward until the last moment, " as a pretence to defraud
him of his share of the £20,000 sterling, promised and due to him
by the treaty, and of the superiority of his lands, which he stood
"engaged to purchase for him," as already described. In 1696 Sir
Ewen, then sixty-seven years of age, made over the greater part
of his estates to his eldest son, John, reserving the life-rent to
himself.
John was a thorough Jacobite, and he took part in all the
political intrigues and other proceedings of the Highland Chiefs,
which culminated in the Rising of 1715, for the restoration of the
exiled King. In 1706 a warrant was issued for his apprehension
on the charge of high treason, but it does not appear that it was
ever executed. About the same time John seems to have made
over the estates to his eldest son, Donald, afterwards so dis-
tinguished as the "gentle Lochiel " of 1745. John Cameron of
Lochiel, and his brother, Lieutenant Allan Cameron, are included
in a summons issued against all the Highland Chiefs, " and other
suspected persons," early in September 1715, to appear at Edin-
burgh, by a certain day, to find security for their good conduct.
Sir Alexander Erskine and Patrick Murray of Auchtertyre were
the only persons named who complied, and all the others, includ-
ing the brothers Cameron, were denounced and declared rebels.
John is said " to have had a greater genius for civil than for
military affairs," and we are informed that his leadership of the
Clan in 1715 " seems to have given but little satisfaction either
to his father or the clan, and it is reported that they expressed
an unwillingness again to serve under him." On the I7th of Sep-
tember, he, with a party of Macdonalds, Macleans, his own
clan, and a few others, attempted to surprise the garrison at
Inverlochy, when they took two redoubts in the vicinity of the
garrison, sword in hand, capturing a lieutenant and twenty men
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in one, and a serjeant and five men in the other, after which they
proceeded to Argyleshire. Having held out for a short time, the
Camerons submitted to General Cadogan in 1716, and delivered
up their arms John having been forfeited for his share in the
Rebellion of 1715, escaped to France, where he died in 1747,
at an advanced age, without ever after visiting his native land.
Sir Ewen seems to have retired entirely into private life
after his submission in 1692, his age and infirmities rendering him
quite unfit, even were he disposed, to take an active part in the
Rising of 1715, or in the proceedings which led up to it. He is
known to have owned a plantation in the West Indies for some
years before he died, a remarkable fact in the history of a man
like him. This he made over to members of his family, with
his landed property, several years before he died.
The following account of his latter years and of his death is
abridged from a copy taken by Miss Cameron of Lochiel from
one of the Balhaldy Papers, and reproduced in the Editor's Pre-
face to the " Memoirs," though it was not incorporated in
any of the manuscripts to which he had access. It will be
noticed that the writer of the original manuscript was personally
acquainted with Sir Ewen, and, therefore, his description may
safely be accepted as accurate. He informs us that: — His eyes
retained their former vivacity, and his sight was so good in his
ninetieth year that he could discern the most minute object and
read the smallest print ; nor did he so much as want a tooth,
which seemed as white and close as one would have imagined
they were in the twentieth year of his age. In this state he was
when I had the good fortune to see him in 1716, and so great was
his strength at that time that he wrung some blood from the
point of my fingers with a grasp of his hand. He was of the
largest size, his bones big, his countenance fresh and smooth, and
he had a certain air of greatness about him which struck the
beholders with awe and respect. He enjoyed continued perfect
health from the cradle to the grave, except the flux already re-
ferred to, by which he was laid up during the whole of the year
1674 ; and not a drop of his blood was ever drawn, except on
one occasion when a knife had accidentally pierced his foot.
The story which I am going to tell, the same writer con-
tinues, would be absolutely incredible were it not vouched by a
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 305
multitude of witnesses. Very early in the morning on which the
Chevalier de St George landed at Peterhead, attended only by
Allan Cameron, one of the Gentlemen of his Bedchamber, Sir
Ewen started, as it were, in a surprise from his sleep, and called
out loudly to his lady — who lay near him in another bed — that
his King was landed, that his King had arrived, and that his
own son, Allan, was with him ; she awoke, and, inquiring if he
wanted anything, he repeated the same statement over and over
again, and commanded that a large bonfire should be put on, and
the best liquor be brought out to his lads (as he called his
clansmen), that they might make merry and drink his king's
health. The lady, who at first fancied he was raving, took little
notice of him, but he was determined and positive, and gave his
commands with such authority, that she was at last obliged to
obey them. Not only his own grandchildren and his domestics,
but all the people in the neighbourhood, were convened to take
part in this celebration, which they continued " with uncommon
festivity and mirth " until the next day was nearly spent. His
lady was so curious that she noted down the words upon paper,
with the date, which she, a few days after, found verified in every
particular, to her great surprise.
It will be remembered that he had a somewhat similar
experience on the occasion of his visit to General Middle-
ton at Lochgarry ; and in the present case " his waking through
his sleep, his expressing the words, and giving the orders here
related, stand vouched not only by the lady and a servant
that lay near him, but likewise by the multitude convened to
the solemnity, who all came and kissed their chiefs hand, and
informed themselves of the truth of it. Besides, contrary to his
usual custom, he talked of nothing else all the next day; gave
orders from time to time to carry out more liquor to his lads, and
said that he would see his son Allan, but should never have the
honour of seeing his king." This landing of the Chevalier at
Peterhead took place in December 1715, just three years and a
few months before Lochiel died.
Pennant informs us that Sir Ewen outlived himself, that he
became a second child, and was even rocked in a cradle ; so much
were the faculties of his mind and the members of his body im-
paired. Tradition has it that he was even fed on woman's milk and
306 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
suckled as an infant before he died. The account given from
Miss Cameron's copy of the Balhaldy Papers, written by one
who was personally acquainted with the old chief in his latter
years, appear sufficiently conclusive on the point, though, it must
be admitted, that Pennant is remarkably accurate in everything
else he has written of his career. The fact of his mind continu-
ing unimpaired until late in life, except during the high fever
from which he died, is also corroborated in Patten's " History of
the Rebellion," published in 1717. When Sir Walter Scott pub-
lished his "Tales of a Grandfather," he made every inquiry to
ascertain if any trustworthy tradition or other account existed of
the cradle, and he found none ; but it was a current tradition
that Lochiel had lost the use of his lower limbs, and that he
turned himself about in bed by the assistance of a rope and
pulley.
Than Lord Macaulay's description of his qualities and
appearance nothing could be finer : — " Sir Ewen Cameron of
Lochiel, surnamed the Black, was," he says, " in personal qualities
unrivalled among the Celtic Princes. He was a gracious master,
a trusty ally, a terrible enemy. His countenance and bearing
were singularly noble. Some persons who had been at Ver-
sailles, and among them the shrewd and observant Simon Lord
Lovat, said that there was in person and manner a most striking
resemblance between Lewis the Fourteenth and Lochiel, and
whoever compares the portraits of the two will perceive that there
really was some likeness. In stature the difference was great.
Lewis, in spite of high-heeled shoes and a towering wig, had
hardly reached the middle size. Lochiel was tall and strongly
built. In agility and skill at his weapons he had few equals
among the inhabitants of the hills. He had been repeatedly vic-
torious in single combat. He was a hunter of great fame. He
made vigorous war on the wolves which, down to his time, preyed
on the red deer of the Grampians ; and by his hand perished the
last of the ferocious breed which is known to have wandered at
large in our island. Nor was Lochiel less distinguished by
intellectual than by bodily vigour. He might, indeed, have
seemed ignorant to educated and travelled Englishmen, who had
studied the Classics under Busby at Westminster and under
Aldrich at Oxford, who had learned something about the sciences
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 307
among Fellows of the Royal Society, and something about
the Fine Arts in the galleries of Florence and Rome. But
though Lochiel had very little knowledge of books, he was emin-
ently wise in council, eloquent in debate, ready in devising ex-
pedients, and skilful in managing the minds of men."* In another
part of the same work, Macaulay says that Lochiel was especially
renowned for his physical prowess; that his clansmen looked big
with pride when they related how he had broken hostile ranks
and hewn down tall warriors ; and that he owed quite as much of
his influence to these achievements as to the qualities which, if
fortune had placed him in Parliament or at the French Court,
would have made him one of the foremost men of his age.
Sir Ewen was married three times ; first to Mary, daughter
of Sir Donald Macdonald, eighth Baron and first Baronet of
Sleat, by Janet, daughter of Kenneth, first Lord Mackenzie of
Kintail, without issue.
He married, secondly, Isabel, eldest daughter of Sir Lachlan
Maclean of Duart, first Baronet, and sister of Sir Hector and Sir
Allan, second and third Baronets, by Mary, daughter of Sir
Roderick Mor Macleod of Macleod, with issue : —
1. John his heir.
2. Donald, a man " of great honour and merit," Major in the
service of the States of Holland. He fought at Killiecrankie,
with the rank of Captain, under General Mackay, against his own
father ; but we can trace nothing further of his history except
that he died, without issue, about the same time as Sir Ewen, in
1719.
3. Allan, " a man of extraordinary parts and great integrity."
He was a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to the Chevalier de St
George, and was one of those select few who landed with him at
Peterhead, in December 1715. After the Rebellion he was among
those summoned to appear in Edinburgh. He did not, of course,
obey, but returned with the Prince to France, where he remained
for several years at his Court In 1725 he came back to the
Highlands on a mission to the Highland Chiefs, and was em-
ployed in correspondence and negotiation with them on behalf
of the Chevalier until about 1729, when he appears to have
again returned to France, where he lived with his Royal master
* History of England, p.p. 319-320.
308 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
for several years. He died before 1745. He was married to
a daughter of Fraser of Lovat, with issue — three daughters,
one of whom married Campbell of Lochdochart, by whom she
had numerous issue. In a letter from the Chevalier, signed
" James R.," to Donald Cameron, younger of Lochiel, addressed
as "Mr Johnstone, junior," and dated April I ith, 1727, he refers
to his uncle thus — " Allan is now with me, and I am always glad
to have some of my brave Highlanders with me, whom I value
as they deserve." Allan himself writes to his nephew, young
Lochiel, "from Albano, October 3rd, 1729," a most interesting
letter, which will be given in full later on.
4. Margaret, who married Alexander Drummond of Bal-
haldy, with issue.
5. Anne, who married Allan Maclean of Ardgour, with issue.
6. Catherine, who married William, Tutor of Macdonald,
and brother-german of Sir Donald Macdonald, eleventh Baron
and fourth Baronet of Sleat, with issue — Ewen (with several
others), progenitor of the Macdonalds of Vallay.
7. Janet, who, about 1698, married, as his second wife, John
Grant of Glenmoriston, with issue — ten sons and five daughters.
She died on the 9th of February 1759, in the eightieth year of
her age, when her descendants numbered over two hundred.
Sir Ewen married, thirdly, Jean, daughter of Colonel David
Barclay, XVII. of Urie, with issue.
8. Ludovick, who acted as Major for his nephew, the
"Gentle Lochiel," in 1745. He was designed " of Torcastle,"
from his having his residence there. He married a daughter of
Chisholm, with issue — (i), Allan ; and (2), Catherine, who
married, first, Maclachlan of Coruanan ; and secondly, Macdonald
of Greenfield. He had also two other sons.
9. Christian, who married Allan Cameron of Glendesseray,
with issue — two sons and three daughters.
10. Jean, who married Lachlan Macpherson of Cluny, great-
grandfather of the present chief of Clan Chattan, with issue —
seven sons and four daughters. Three of these daughters married
respectively, William Mackintosh of Aberarder, Donald Mac-
pherson of Breakachy, and Lewis Macpherson of Dalraddie.
11. Isabel, who married Archibald Cameron of Dungallon,
with issue — three sons and three daughters.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 309
12. Lucy, who, as his second wife, married in 1707, Patrick
Campbell of Barcaldine, with issue — (i), Colin of Glenure, who
married, 9th of May 1749, Janet, daughter of Hugh Mackay of
Bighouse, son of George, third Lord Reay, F.R,S. On the I4th
of May 1752, Colin was murdered by the Stewarts of Appin,
leaving issue — three daughters, one of whom, Louisa, inherited
Bighouse, in 1770, on the death of her grandfather. She married,
on the nth of June 1768, George Mackay of Islandhanda, with
issue — nineteen children. (2), Donald, a surgeon in the Royal
Navy ; (3), Alexander, an officer in the army ; (4), Duncan, who
succeeded his father in the estates and carried on the succession,
and whose daughter, Lucy, married Sir Ewen Cameron, Baronet
of Fassifern, and was the mother of the famous Colonel John
Cameron, of the 92nd Gordon Highlanders, who fell at Quatre-
Bras ; (5), Archibald, an officer in the army ; (6), Robert, a
merchant ; (7), Allan, a general officer ; (8), Isabella, who
married Campbell of Auchallader ; (9), Mary, who married Mac-
dougall of Macdougall ; (10), Annabella, who married Campbell
of Melfort ; and (i i), Jane, who married Campbell of Edinchipp.
13. Ket, who married John Campbell of Auchallader, with
issue — two sons and four daughters.
14. Una, who married her cousin, Robert Barclay, XX. of
Urie, with issue — Robert, his heir, now represented by Barclay-
Allardice of Urie and Allardice ; two other sons, Evan and
Alexander, both of whom died without issue; and one daughter.
1 5. Marjory, who married Macdonald of Morar, with issue.
Sir Ewen died of a high fever, though it had left him a few
hours before his death, when " his memory and judgment returned
and he discoursed as sensibly as ever he was known to do in his
greater vigour. He called his sons, Major Donald and Ludovick,
and all his friends and domestics that chanced to be about him,
to each of whom he spoke a word or two, and then recommended
to them in general, religion, loyalty, patriotism, and the love of
their friends. In a word, his exit was suitable to his life, and he
left a memory behind him so glorious that his name shall be
mentioned in these countries with the utmost veneration and
respect."
He died in February 1719, having completed his ninetieth
year, when he was succeeded by his eldest son, John.
(To be continued.) X
310 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE DISARMING ACT AND PROSCRIPTION
OF THE HIGHLAND DRESS.
BY J. G. MACKAY.
II.
SEVERAL of the loyal chiefs remonstrated with the Government,
but to no purpose ; the fates were against them ; the Highlands
must be subdued ; it mattered little how, or at what cost of
human suffering. Lord President Forbes, who had done such
good service for the Government, in checking the rising of many
of the disaffected clans in the North, entreated the Government
on behalf of his countrymen, but his prayers and solicitations
were in vain. When beseeching the Duke of Cumberland to
spare the lives of the unfortunate rebels, he reminded the "Butcher"
" that the slaughter that was going on was not only inhuman, and
against the laws of God, but also against the laws of the land."
" The laws of the country, my lord ! " said the Duke. " I'll make
a brigade give laws, by God ! "
Provost Hossack, of Inverness, who had also rendered good
service to the Government, shared the same rebuff when craving
mercy for the unfortunate victims. The Duke, after the battle
of Culloden, accompanied by Generals Hawley and Huske, was
consulting as to the quickest mode of putting the prisoners to
death. The worthy Provost besought them — " As His Majesty's
troops have happily been successful against the rebels, I hope
your excellencies will be so good as to mingle mercy with judg-
ment." Hawley, in a rage, cried out, " D n the puppy !
Does he pretend to dictate here ? Carry him away." Such acts
as this, of which unfortunately there were many, could not but
impress Upon the Highlanders the hopelessness of their cause.
The Lord President had an equally unfavourable opinion of
the " Dress Bill." In a letter to Brodie of Brodie, then Lord
Lyon for Scotland, dated 8th July 1747, he says : —
" The garb is certainly very loose, and fits men inured to it to make very quick
marches, to go through very great fatigues, to bear out against the inclemency of the
weather, to wade through rivers, and shelter in huts, woods, and rocks upon occasion,
which men dressed in Low-Country garb could not possibly endure.
THE DISARMING ACT. 311
"But it is to he considered, as the Highlands are circumstanced at present, it
is— at least it seems to me to be — an utter impossibility, without the advantage of the
dress, for the inhabitants to tend their cattle and go through the other parts of their
business, not to speak of paying their landlords. Now, because too many of the High-
landers have offended, to punish all the rest who have not, and who, I venture to say,
are the greatest number, seems to me to be very unreasonable."
The value of any remonstrances on the part of the President
may be seen by the following quotation from the Anti-jacobin
Review, Vol. xiii. : — " When he visited London in the end of the
year 1746, for the purpose of settling the accounts he had run
with the loyal Highland Militia, he, as usual, went to Court.
The King, whose ear had been offended with the repeated ac-
counts of the conduct of the military, thus addressed him — 'My
Lord President, you are the person I most wished to see.
Shocking reports have been circulated of the barbarities com-
mitted by my army in the North ; your Lordship is, of all men,
the most able to satisfy me.' ' I wish to God,' replied the Presi-
dent, ' that I could, consistently with truth, assure your Majesty
that such reports are destitute of foundation.' The King, as was
his custom, turned abruptly away from the President, whose ac-
counts next day were passed with difficulty, and as report says,
the balance, which was immense, never fully paid up." This was
the treatment given to the man who of all others rendered the
greatest service to the Government in those critical times ; but
the House of Hanover had discharged its debt of gratitude, and
President Forbes was forgotten !
To provide against the possibility of their evading the law, a
form of oath was devised, by which all persons were required to
swear that they neither had nor should have any arms in their
possession, and should never wear any portion of the Highland
garb. This atrocious oath was as follows : —
" /, , do nvear, and as I shall have to answer to God at the great Day
of Judgment, I have not nor shall have in my possession, any gun, sword, pistol, or
arm whatsoever ; and never use any tartan, plaid, or any part of the Highland garb ;
and if I do so, may I be cursed in my undertakings, family, and properly — may I
never set my wife and children, father, mother, and relations — may I be killed in battle
as a coward, and lie without Christian burial, in a strange land, far from the graves
of my forefathers and kindred ; — may all this come across me if I break my oath.''''
If the framer of this oath was not himself a Highlander, he
at all events had a most intimate knowledge of their feelings and
312 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
character, of which he took the fullest advantage. He well knew
the Highlander's love for family and kin ; his dread of being
stigmatised as a coward ; his warm attachment to the land of
his birth ; and what an awful destiny he would consider it to
" lie without Christian burial in a strange land, far from the
graves of his forefathers."
It was not to be expected that the Highlanders would
submit to such treatment with a good grace; and though we have
no account of their making direct resistance, they took every
possible means of evading the law. "The obstinacy," says
General Stewart, " with which the law was resisted proceeded no
less from their attachment to the proscribed garb, than from the
irksomeness of the garb forced upon them. Habituated to the
free use of their limbs, the Highlanders could ill brook the
restraint and confinement of the Lowland dress, and many were
the little devices which they adopted to retain their ancient garb,
without incurring the penalties of the Act — devices which were
calculated rather to excite a smile than rouse the vengeance of
persecution. Instead of the prohibited tartan kilt, some wore
pieces of blue, green, or red thin cloth, or course camblet, wrapped
round the waist, and hanging down to the knees, like the
feildag" [The feildag was the same as the feileadli-beag or
kilt, but not plaited at the back.] " After being debarred the
use of swords, they seldom went without a stick, and as a sub-
stitute for the dirk, they carried a short knife stuck in the side
pocket of the breeches, or inserted between the garter and the
leg, by those who ventured to wear the hose. Some, who fearful
of offending, or wished to render obedience to the law, which had
not specified on what part of the body the breeches were to be
worn, satisfied themselves with having in their possession this
article of legal or loyal dress, which, either as the signal of sub-
mission, or more probably to suit their own convenience when on
journeys, they often suspended over their shoulders upon their
sticks ; others who were more wary, or less submissive, sewed up
the centre of the kilt with a few stitches between the thighs,
which gave it something of the form of the trousers worn by
Dutch skippers." We have to this day an instance of the con-
tempt in which the breeches were held in the dance, " Seann-
Triubhais," which is a burlesque on the awkward restraint of the
THE DISARMING ACT. 313
Lowland garb in comparison with their own free and handy
dress.
At first these evasions of the law were punished with con-
siderable severity ; but at length its officers seemed to have
assented to the interpretation put by the Highlanders upon the
Act. This appears from the trial of a man of the name of
Macalpin or Macgregor, from Breadalbane, in the year 1750, who
. was acquitted on his proving that the kilt was stitched up in
the middle.
The Dress Act remained in force for thirty-five years,
though latterly it may be said to have been in abeyance, par-
ticularly in the well-affected districts ; where, after the first strip-
ping process, it was not so rigidly enforced. "Although,"
remarks General Stewart, "the severity of this wantonness of
power began to be relaxed in 1757, it was not till the year 1772
that this Act, so ungenerous in itself, so unnecessary, and so
galling, was repealed. In the session of that year the Duke of
Montrose, then a member of the House of Commons, brought in
a bill to repeal all penalties and restrictions on the Celtic Garb
—it passed without a dissenting voice." We may well imagine
the jubilance with which this would be received in the High-
lands, particularly among the older people who had witnessed
the disgrace of their cherished costume.
Donnachadh Ban gave vent to his joy on the occasion. He
says in
ORAN DO 'N EIDEADH GHAIDHEALACH.
Fhuair mi naidheachd as ur,
Tha taitinn ri rim mo chrldh,
Gu faigheamaid fasan na duthch',
A chleachd sinn an tus air tim.
O'n tha sinn le glaineachan Ian,
A' bruidhinn air maran binn,
So i deoch-slainte Mhontrois,
A sheasamh a choir so dhuinn.
Chunna' mi 'n diugh an Dun-eideann,
Comunn na f&le cruinn,
Litir an fhortain thug sgeul,
Air toiseach an eibhnis dhuinn.
Piop gu loinneil an gleus,
Air soilleireachd reidh an tuim ;
Thug sinn am follais ar 'n eideadh,
A's co their reubail ruinn ?
3H THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Deich bliadhna fichead a's corr,
Bha casag de 'n chlo ma' r druim,
Fhuair sinn ad agus cle&c,
'S cha bhuineadh an seors' ud dhuinn.
Bucail a dunadh ar br6g,
'S e 'm barr-iall bu bhoiche leinn,
Rinn an droch f hasan a bh' oirnn',
Na bodaich d' ar 6igridh ghrinn.
Fhuair sinn an cothrom an drkst,
A thoilicheas grkdh gach duthch',
Comas ar culaidh chur oirnn
Gun fharaidh de phbr nan Itib ;
Tha sinn a nis mar is coir,
A's taitnidh an seol r'ar sdil,
Chur sinn a' bhrigis air lar,
'S cha tig i gu brath a cuil.
Chuir sinn a suas an deise,
Bhios uallach, freagarach, dhuinn,
Breacan an fheile phreasaich
A's peiteag de 'n eudach for,
C6t' a chadath nan ball ;
Am bitheadh a' charnaid dlu, ,
Osan nach ceangail ar ceum,
'S nach ruigeadh mar reis an glun.
The garb was now, however, so long forbidden, and the
habits and circumstances of the people so much changed, that,
even after the repeal of the Act, the dress was not universally
resumed. The younger generation had, by force of habit, be-
come reconciled to the change, while the older portion could
hardly be expected to resume the costume after thirty-five years
of proscription. The "March of Progress and Civilisation" which
followed the suppression of the rebellion, had brought so many
changes in its wake, that now, the people found themselves in
such altered circumstances that they could hardly resume the
dress, however willing they might be. These changes were
accelerated by the measures introduced by Government for the
abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, and the consequent over-
throw of the power of the chiefs, who now found time hanging
idly on their hands. They had no further use for the faithful
clansmen by whose claymores they had held their lands; their
ideas had become modernised and their expenditure had in-
creased to such an extent that to keep pace with their Saxon
compeers, their limited incomes must be increased, and to this
DONALD OG MACAULAY. 315
cause may be traced the many painful changes which subse-
quently took place.
The trusty clansman, who lived contented, comfortable, and
happy on his small patch of land, tending his flock and herds
with fearless confidence in the equity of the leader of the people,
had to make way for the speculative capitalists and land jobbers
from the South, to whose promises of large increase of rents, the
chiefs lent a willing ear. Thus began those changes which have
since exerted a most baneful influence on the character, comfort,
and independence of the Highlanders. Need we wonder then,
that the repeal of the Act found the Highlanders so much altered
in spirit as to prevent the dress again coming into general use.
" Considering the severity of the law against the garb," says
General Stewart, " nothing but the partiality of the people could
have prevented its going entirely into disuse. The prohibitory
laws were so long in force, that more than two-thirds of the
generation who saw them enacted passed away before their
repeal. The youth of the latter period knew it only as an illegal
garb, to be worn only by stealth, under the fear of imprisonment
and transportation. Breeches, by force of habit, had become so
common, that it is remarkable how the plaid and philabeg
( Feilead/t-beag) were resumed at all."
J. G. MACKAY.
DONALD OG MACAULAY.
DONALD OG MACAULAY, great-grandson of the famous Donald
Cam Macaulay, was left an orphan at the early age of fifteen, by
the death of his father, and on this child depended the welfare
of all the rest of the family. But notwithstanding the hardships
and cares of his youth, he became, when he grew up, a man of
gigantic size and corresponding strength, and of this latter
attribute many stories and songs are still extant in the Western
Isles. He had one defect, however — his swordmanship — which,
in comparison with the skill displayed by some of his contem-
poraries, was quite indifferent. He was too proud, however, to
acknowledge that he lacked the skill, or that he was second to
any man in the Highlands in the handling of the weapon.
316 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
At that period there lived at Berneray, in Harris, a far-
famed swordsman named Donald Roy Macleod, and a report or
some prodigious sword feats performed by him having reached
Donald Og Macaulay, the latter sent him a challenge. He pro-
posed that Macleod should meet him with twelve men at Tolma-
chan,then a hamlet between Amhainnsuidh and Bun-amhainnader,
in Harris, on a given day. " Tell Macleod," said Macaulay to the
messenger, " that I hear he is an expert swordsman, and that I
am determined to try his skill." " Tell your master," answered
Macleod, "that I never considered myself an adept in the
handling of that weapon, and that I thought, now that I am old
and grey-haired, I should go down to the grave without any
little skill I may possess being called into requisition. But,
little as my knowledge of swordmanship is, I accept Macaulay's
challenge with pleasure, and will meet him at his own time and
place." Early on the morning of the day appointed for the duel
at Tolmachan, Donald Roy and his twelve men took boat to
Rodel, and travelled thence to Torgabost, whence they again
took boat for Loch Meabhag-a-chuain — there is a Meabhag-a-
cJniain and a Meabhag-nam-beann in Harris — a loch close to
Tolmachan.
At the time there lived at Torgabost a man called Aonghas
'ic Dhonachaidh 'ic Aor.ghais, or Angus, son of Duncan, son of
Angus. He was not much to look at, being slender of build, and
small in stature, but what Angus wanted in size he possessed in
skill, especially as a swordsman. Angus's house was close to the
shore, and seeing Donald Roy and his men passing, and fearing
that some evil might befall them (for he knew where they were
going), he ran into his house, and bid his wife put a creap, i.e., a
lump of dough, into the fire at once, while he would get his
sword ready, as he was going to Tolmachan to fight a duel for
Donald Roy of Berneray. The creap, which was a common
lunch carried by persons going a journey in the Highlands in
those days, was only half cooked when Angus was ready, and
taking it out of the fire, and putting it into his pocket, he started
for Tolmachan.
Angus had to go by Tarbert, so that he had more than
eighteen miles to travel to the rendezvous. He was, however, so
light of foot, that he was at the place almost as soon as Donald
DONALD OG MACAULAY. 317
Roy and his party. On seeing Angus coming up, Donald Og
Macaulay, who had arrived with his men a short time before,
enquired of Donald Roy, Who was that insignificant creature
approaching them ? " He will speak for himself when he comes,"
said Donald, who at once recognised Angus, and guessed
his purpose. As soon as he came up to them, Angus said to
Macaulay: — "yS mise do dhuine (I am your man.) And I am
sure I am the smallest of all the men Donald Roy brought here.
The Harris motto is, ' The weakest to the front,' so here I am
guard yourself!"
Macaulay, stung by the taunt, rushed at Angus furiously,
~and a sharp fight followed. For some time Angus confined
himself to simply warding off Macaulay's blows ; but, at length,
observing an oportunity, he made a slash at his adversary's
face, taking the whisker, clean off his right cheek. Macaulay
now struck at Angus more recklessly than ever, but the latter by
another skilful pass, cut the button from the neck of Macaulay's
shirt. " This is your last chance, Macaulay," said Angus, "your
head shall come off by the next stroke." On this, Macaulay
thought discretion the better part of valour, threw down his
sword, and frankly acknowledged that he had met his match and
had been defeated.
Donald Og Macaulay parted with Donald Roy and Angus
on the best of terms, and this state of matters continued until
Macaulay's death, which took place soon after in the following
manner : — Donald Og had occasion to go to an island off the
coast of Lewis, and for this purpose he ordered his boat to be
ready at a certain time. From some cause or another his orders
were neglected, which, it is said, excited his feelings so much
that his heart burst, and he died almost immediately. The fol-
lowing dirge was composed to his memory : —
'S luath a thainig an fhras oirn,
'S og a rinn i ar 'n abhan aiseag o thiom ;
Is trie am bais oirn a bagairt,
'S e ri tighinn mar ghadaich san oidhche ;
Am fear as fearr tha air f haicionn
Tha e diobradh a bhrachd anns' gach ni ;
'S tha gach linn a dol seachad,
Eadar 'n Timbirn, an f haidhe, 's an Righ.
3i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Dhomhsa b'aithne do nadur,
Nuair a bha thu na d' ailleagan og ;
Sud a ri is bi' tu araidh,
Nan ceud armunn a 'g ol.
Cha robh cron ort ri arach,
Aig aon duine don alach tha beo ;
Ach nach fuilingeadh tu tamailt,
Do aon duine air na chaireadh an dorn.
*S beag an t-iognadh do cheile
'Bhi gu dubhach, trom, deurach, fo Icon ;
C' ait am faighear fear t'aogaisg,
Ann a fursuingeachd chuildean do shloigh ?
'S tu a chitheadh le cheile,
Far an stadadh an eucoir 's a choir ;
'S tu b'urrainn ga'n reiteach
Le uirigleadh ghleusta do bheoil.
Cha bu sgair' air mo naigheachd,
Gu 'm bu tu fear-tighe nach gann ;
An an gliocas is tuigse,
Thug Dia dhuit mor mhisneachd na cheann.
'S bha tlachd air do chosnadh,
'S cha 'n f haca' thu riamh cosgais no call ;
Bu trie iomradh do phailteis
An a cearnaibh nach f hacas thu ann.
Cha b'ann air islead a gharaidh
Bu mhaith leat bhi barcadh a steach ;
Ach air 'n aon mhir a b' airde
Far an ruigeadh do lamhan air streap.
Chuir thu romhad na b'aill leat
Do chriochanaibh asaid bha ceart,
'S cha b'e spiocaire 'n airdean
Bha stri ri' do nadar 'na gleachd.
Ann a bhi 'g ionndran do mhaitheas,
Tha rud againn ri ratha gu leor ;
Bu neo-stoirmeal do ghluasad
'S cha bhitheadh an tuagh mu do shroil.
Cha'n eil sinne dheth 'm buannachd
Ged tha d' anam-sa shuas an an gloir ;
Ach se dh -innseas sin fathast,
Am fear is faide gheibh latha dhinn beo.
We have often heard this lament sung in the West Highlands to
a beautiful and melancholy air. We do not think it was ever
written out in full until we did so between the years 1860-64.
MACIAIN.
319
MORE ABOUT SELLAR AND THE SUTHERLAND
CLEARANCES.
COLONEL STEWART of Garth, when collecting the materials for
his " Sketches of the Highlanders " — incomparably the best book
ever written on the Highlands — wrote, among others, to Colonel
Duncan Macpherson of Cluny, for information about the hair-
breadth escapes of his father after the battle of Culloden, and
other questions, especially those connected with the management
~of Highland property within his own recollection and experience.
Cluny was born in 1750, and was, therefore, at this date (1817),
in the sixty-seventh year of his age — full of knowledge derived
from personal observation and experience of the state of the
country, and the actual condition of the people. After detail-
ing a most interesting account of Cluny's wanderings, the de-
votion of his followers, his many and almost miraculous escapes
from capture by the Government troops, and the raising of the
Old 7 ist, or Eraser's Highlanders, in which he had himself long
and gallantly served, he concluded a long letter, dated " Cluny
House, 9th June 1817," in the following terms : —
" I am clearly of your opinion that much of the attach-
ment of the people to their superiors is unncessarily lost, though
I cannot impute the whole blame to proprietors. In many in-
stances the people themselves are entirely in the fault, and in
other cases factors abuse the trust reposed in them, and, of
course, the proprietor gets the whole blame of their oppressions.
You have given two very striking and opposite instances, which
may serve to illustrate the situation of landlord and tenant all
over the nation. I mean Sir George Stewart, and the Earl of
Breadalbane. The one has well-paid rents, and the offer of
a large sum of money besides for his accommodation, while
the other with difficulty gets one-tenth of his. If a tenant
has a fair bargain of his farm, it is an absurdity to suppose
that one bad year will distress him, but when the rent is so
racked that he is only struggling in the best of times, a very
little falling off in prices or seasons will totally ruin him, and
I am sorry to say that much of the present distress is to be
320 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
attributed to that cause. I am happy to have it in my power to
tell you that my rents were all paid, that is, to a mere trifle, and
even that trifle due by a few improvident individuals who would
be equally in arrear in the best of times. The Duke of Gordon
has not received more than one-half his rents either in Lochaber
or Badenoch, but I have reason to believe his Grace's rents were
better paid in the low country. Belville has not exceeded one-
tenth, and though I do not exactly know in what proportion the
Invereshie rent was paid, yet I know that it was a bad collection.
The conduct of the family of Stafford is certainly unaccountable,
for I am credibly informed that the old tenants offered a higher
rent than those that came from England, consequently they are
losers in every respect. I know it will be said by those who are
advocates for depopulating the country that they could not
stand to their offer, but neither could their successors, for a very
large deduction has already been given them, and one man in
particular has got Jive hundred pounds down. Upon the whole,
it is clear that the Marquis of Stafford was led into those arrange-
ments (so disgraceful to the present age) by speculative men that
wish to overturn the old system at once, without considering that
their plans were at least only applicable to the present moment,
and that such changes, even if necessary, should be done
gradually and with great caution. I cannot dismiss this subject
without making a few remarks on the conduct of Lady Stafford,
and you will be astonished to learn that when her old and faith-
ful adherents, who had given her such repeated proofs of their at-
tachment, were cruelly oppressed by a factor, that she should re-
fuse to listen to their complaints, and when that factor was tried
for his life on charges of cruelty, oppression, and murder, it is
most unaccountable that her Ladyship should exert all her in-
fluence to screen him from the punishment which he so richly de-
served. I have only to add that, as far as my own observations
extend, much of the evil complained of arises from the absence
of proprietors from their properties, by which they are in a great
measure unacquainted with the real state of their tenants, and
consequently open to every species of advice and misrepre-
sentation."
This letter was written within less than a year of Patrick
Sellar's trial at Inverness, and the comments of a landed proprietor
SELLAR AND SUTHERLAND CLEARANCES. 321
of Cluny's age, high social position, and experience, written at the
time, will be read with much interest at present Only the
substance of the letter was published by Colonel Stewart, in the
" Sketches ;" and the Editor of the Celtic Magazine, unfortunately
quite forgot that he had an authentic printed copy of it in his
possession, when writing The History of the HigJdand Clearances,
kindly given him several years ago by the present Chief.
The following communication from one of the leading minis-
ters in Nova-Scotia, and one of the most accomplished living
Gaelic scholars, will prove interesting in the same connection : —
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
BARNEY'S RIVER, NOVA SCOTIA, March 4th, 1884.
SIR, — I have received your "Isle of Skye," with Patrick Sellar's Trial. I have
read them with great interest. Sellar's deeds of cruelty were made known to me
before by the people from Sutherlandshire in my congregation here, but the one-half
was not told of his work. I read the trial to an old man of 75 years, who was an eye-
witness to some of the deeds of that time when he was a little boy. He remembers
seeing a party of soldiers marching up and down along the banks of the Brora River,
not far from Golspie. He said that a satire or lampoon had been composed on Sellar,
but he could repeat only one stanza of it. When he came to the chorus he almost
jumped up out of the chair ; the old spirit revived in him; his horror awakened at the
bare mention of Sellar's name, whose memory is held in execration by the people
here who came from Sutherland.
The song was long remembered, and used to be sung by the old people who had
been driven from their homes and came to live here, especially by the descendants of
John Sutherland of the Kilt, commonly called "Iain Muilleir." About the year
1735 John Sutherland was born in the parish of Clyne, and was a boy, about ten
years old, when the battle of Culloden was fought. He remembered the battle and a
skirmish also at the Little Ferry between Golspie and Dornoch. In his younger days
he was employed as a forester or deer-keeper by William, Earl of Sutherland, and he
lived on the Sutherland estate all his life, until the year 1820, when he was evicted
from his house and home by Sellar, at the age of 85. Because he would not willingly
remove he was forcibly ejected, and carried as a prisoner to Dornoch jail, where he
was confined for some time, with other persons, until he was liberated at the request
of the Countess Elizabeth, who, on consideration of the services he had rendered to
her father and family, ordered him to be set at libjrty.
He emigrated to Nova Scotia in 1821, and settled here at Barney's River with
his family, consisting of two sons and three daughters. He never wore a pair of
trowsers in his life, and as he always wore the kilt he was known here by the name of
" Bodach-an-fheilidh" the kilt-man, or John Sutherland of the kilt. He lived till
March 1840, and died at the age of 105 years. His wife, Elizabeth Mackay, was five
years younger than he, but lived sixteen years after him, so that she was 116 years old
at the time of her death, in March 1856. His eldest daughter, who was known by the
name of " Sine Mhor" Big Jane, lived to be 105 years old ; she died in 1877. This
Big Jane was a heroine ; and when the constables and officers were sent to
322 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
eject her father and other people, she, with a gang of women, opposed and
attacked them. Big Jane took hold of the summons in her teeth as Lochiel
did of the Englishman's throat at Achadalew, and though she was thrown
down on the ground by the constables who held her fast, she tore it in pieces with
her teeth. Her daughter "Sine Bheag" Little Jane, a girl of sixteen, was struck with
a stick by one of the constables; but the girl's uncle, Alexander Sutherland, rushed
in to protect his niece, and received a blow from Brander's staff on the top of the
head. These cruelties were never forgotten by the people ; they were indelibly im-
printed on their minds ; they are still remembered by the descendants of John Suther-
land of the Kilt, wht>se posterity live here to the sixth generation.
The satire on Sellar is now almost forgotten; some odd verses of it are remem-
bered by one here and there. I send you a copy of all I could collect of it. Likely
it will be remembered by old persons in the parish of Clyne, where it was origin-
ally composed. It is a curiosity in the history of that period. I would like to have
the whole of it. Whenever it is repeated here by any of the people, the old animus
towards Sellar appears and breaks forth. He has certainly gained for himself an
unenviable reputation.
As you have been taking so, much interest in Sellar's doings in Sutherland, I
thought the above worth sending to you. — Yours truly,
D. B. BLAIR.
[We may inform our reverend correspondent that twelve verses of the " Satire "
on Sellar were published last year in the Oban Times, and afterwards circulated in slips.
We shall try to procure and send him a copy. Mr Blair sends us some verses not in-
cluded in the published version. — ED. C. M.]
MACDONALD OF SCOTUS AND HIS SON IN 1745.— Macdonald of
Scothouse came to pass the day with me. He was endowed with a fine figure and a
prepossessing address, joined to that of an agreeable exterior, and had all the qualities
of soul which ordinarily distinguish the honourable and gallant man — brave, polite,
obliging, of fine spirit and sound judgment. As he was naturally of a gay disposition,
I perceived his melancholy on his entering my dwelling. On asking him the cause,
this worthy man looked at me, his eyes bathed in tears — " Ah, my friend, you do not
know what it is to be a father. I am of this detachment which must depart this even-
ing to attack Lord Loudon. You do not know that a son whom I adore is with him
an officer in his regiment. I believed myself fortunate in obtaining that rank for this
dear boy, not being able to foresee the descent of Prince Charles -Edward into Scotland.
Perhaps to-morrow I shall have the grief to kill my son with my own hand, and that
the same ball that I shall fire off in my defence may occasion from myself a death the
most cruel ! In going with the detachment I may be able to save his life ; if I do not
march, some other may kill him." The recital of poor Scothouse rent my heart. I
retained him the whole day at my house, endeavouring to dissipate his fears as much
as I possibly could, and making him promise on parting to come straight to my house
on leaving the boat. The next day, at evening, I heard a great knock at my door. I
ran thither, and perceived the good father holding a young man by the hand, of a jolly
figure, who cried to me, his ejes sparkling with joy, " Behold, my friend, the one
who yesterday caused all my alarms. I have taken him prisoner myself ; and when I
had hold of him he embraced me fervently, not regarding the others who were present."
I then saw him shed tears of joy, very different from those of the night before. —
Memoirs of the Chevalier de Johnstons .
3^3
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
XIII. — CELTIC WORSHIP AND RITES.
A BRIEF glance at the places and rites of worship and burial
among the ancient Celts will conclude the religious aspect of their
Mythology. The Celts worshipped in temples and in groves ;
both are frequently referred to in the classical writers. Unfor-
tunately no description of any Celtic temple is vouchsafed us ;
the natural conclusion we must come to is that they must have
been similar, however rude, to the temples of the kindred races
of Greece and Rome. Celtic houses were constructed of wood :
" great houses," says Strabo, " arched, constructed of planks and
wicker, and covered with a heavy thatched roof." They were
circular, high, and with either a conical or domed roof. This de-
scription applies to the very earliest Celtic buildings, those of
Britain and rural Gaul, for the Gauls of Caesar's time had towns
with walls, streets and market places, as opposed to the " dunum,"
the stockaded hill-top or fortified forest-clearing, of their insular
brethren. The Gaulish temples must, therefore, have been of
stone, but the British temples were most likely constructed, like
the houses, of wood. The earliest Christian churches were also
made of wood, and, for the most part, clearly consisted of the old
heathen temples consecrated to Christian use. " The temples of
the Idols in Britain," says Pope Gregory (A.D. 601), "ought not to
be destroyed ; but let the idols that are in them be destroyed ;
let holy water be made and sprinkled in the said temples ; let
altars be erected and relics placed." There are no remains of
either Celtic heathen temples or early Christian churches. The
theory that the so-called " Druid " circles were Celtic temples
is refuted by the two facts that the Celts were Aryans with
Aryan culture, and that they made use of metal — even iron —
tools from the earliest period we have record of them. The rude
stone circles are evidently not the work of a race well acquainted
with the use of metal. It is quite true that in religious ceremonies
old phases of culture, whether of dress, instruments, or buildings,
survive in a higher stage of civilisation. Thus the flint knife of
324 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the " stone " age was used on solemn occasions at the Jewish cir-
cumcision, and at the sacrifices of old Carthage and Rome ; and
the gowns of modern clergymen are the survivals of Middle- Age
dresses. This, however, operates but to a limited extent ; the
Jewish temple, unlike their rude stone altars, was built of hewn
stone, made ready before being brought to the temple, so that
" there was neither hammer nor axe, nor any tool of iron, heard
in the house while it was building." In this way a metal-using
people reconciled the old with the new phase of culture, and we
cannot suppose that the Celts, even if they did use stone circles,
which is most improbable, would not have reconciled them to
their state of culture by dressing and shaping the stones, as,
indeed, the Bronze Age builders of Stonehenge had begun to do.
Along with temples, the classical writers continually mention
" groves " as especial places where Celtic worship was conducted.
A grove was a secret recess embowered by tall trees, and marked
by votive offerings, insignia of the gods, and an altar of stone, or
some equivalent. The distinguishing features of a grove were
secrecy and sacredness. Groves are prior in time to temples, and
Grimm has analysed the Teutonic words for " temple" to signify
" wood" or even "grove." He says — "The earliest seat of heathen
worship was in groves, whether on mountain or in pleasant mead ;
there the first temples were afterwards built, and there also were
the tribunals of the nation." The classical words for temple —
Latin, temphim, Greek, temenos, both from the root tern, to cut,
mean, originally, a " clearing " — a forest clearing, in fact. The
Greek temenos, which may mean a sacred grove, is often used in
speaking of Celtic places of worship. The Gaulish word of like
signification was nemeton, which appears in several place-names in
Britain, Gaul, and Asia Minor; in the latter country the Galatian
council of the twelve tetrarchies met at a place called Drynemeton,
that is, " oak-grove." In old Irish, the word appears as nemed, a
chapel, and is the same in root as the Gaelic neamh, heaven, and
the Latin newus, a grove. Lucan, in the following lines, gives us
a vivid description of a Gaulish grove, dwelling on the superstitions
and miracles connected with it, and alluding to the worship of
the " secretum illud," the abstract existence, which Tacitus says
the Germans reverenced, who, here as elsewhere in religion,
differed but little from the Celts.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 325
" A grove, inviolate from length of age,
With interwoven branches' mazy cage,
Enclosed a darkened space of earth and air,
With chilly shades, where sun could enter ne'er.
There not the rustic gods nor satyrs sport,
Nor sylvans, gods of groves, with nymphs resort ;
But barbarous priests, on altars dire, adore
Their gods, and stain each tree with human gore.
If miracles of old can be received
And pious tales of gods can be believed,
There not the feathered songster builds her nest,
Nor lonely dens conceal the savage beast ;
There no tempestuous winds presume to fly,
Ev'n lightnings glance aloof, obliquely by.
Nor ever breezes lift or lay the leaves,
But shivering horror in the branches heaves :
The plenteous stream the darkened fountains leaves :
The images of gods, a mournful band,
Have ne'er been shaped so rude by artist's hand —
Misshapen forms with limbs lopped off forth stand.
The very place, with oaks all hoar and drear,
Inspires the gazer's soul with numbing fear :
'Tjs not the deities of wonted form
They worship thus 'mid terrors and alarm,
But gods unknown — it but increases fear
They do not know the gods they so revere.
Oft, as fame tells, the earth in throbs of woe
Is heard to groan from hollow depths below ;
The baleful yew, though dead, has oft been seen,
To rise from earth and spring with dusky green ;
With sparkling flames the trees, unburning, shine,
And round their boles prodigious serpents twine.
The pious worshippers approach not near,
But shun their gods and kneel with distant fear ;
The priest himself, when Phoebus, god of light,
Rolling, has reached his full meridian height,
Or night rules all, dreads to approach the place
And shuns the master of the grove to face. "
The favourite tree among the Gauls for groves was the oak ;
" the Druids," says Pliny, " choose groves of oak and conduct no
sacrifice without its leaf," and he suggests that the name Druid
is from the same root as Greek Drus, an oak, a derivation which
is yet the only one worth consideration of the many suggested.
The sacredness of groves and of trees has not yet died out among
the Celts. In Ireland it is counted especially unlucky to cut
down trees in raths and such early structures. Mr Kinahan, in
z
326 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the " Folklore Record " for 1882, says : — " A man, near Kilma-
ganny, County Kilkenny, came to me in a great state of mind
one morning, as the previous night some one had cut a thorn
tree in a rath on his land, and some ill-luck must come to him
before the end of the year. I tried to console him by saying the
year [it being October] was nearly out, so that he would probably
live out the charm, but curiously enough before Christmas he
buried a fine girl of a daughter."
The Celts made use of statues in their worship : Caesar
mentions that there were very many statues of Mercury, and
other writers, as Lucan, in the lines quoted above, bear testimony
to the same fact. Before they used images, they were content
with emblems of the gods ; thus we are told by a writer of the
second century that the Celts worshipped Zeus, and that a tall
oak represented his statue, a reference which again puts the Celts
on a level with the Germans of Tacitus, who had no statues, and
even thought it an impiety to represent celestial grandeur in
human shape. Some remains of Gaulish art in statue-making
have weathered the ravages of ages, and of these the statuettes of
Taranis are the most numerous and interesting. Uninfluenced
by Roman or Greek art, their statues were rude and unshapely,
as Lucan says : — " Simulacraque maesta deorum arte carent."
Gildas speaks of the grim-faced idols mouldering in the deserted
temples ; and idols of bronze to the number of nineteen were dug
up at Devizes in 1714. A true Celtic statue called by its Breton
votaries the " Groah-Goard," and known as the " Venus of Qui-
nipily" was worshipped in Britanny till the 1 7th century. It
was a huge misshapen figure, 7 feet high with a large and un-
couth body, a flattened bust, and eyes, nose, and mouth like
those of an Egyptian idol. We meet in Irish history with the
mystical figure of Crom or Crom-Cruaich, king-idol of Erin, first,
in the reign of King Tiernmas (1543 B.C.), who, we are told, died
along with three-fourths of his people whilst they were " ic adrad
Chroim-Chroich, rig idaill hErenn," and, a second time, in St
Patrick's life, who found at Mag Slecht (" adoration plain ") in
Cavan, Crom-Cruaich, the chief idol of Erin, covered with gold
and silver, and having twelve other idols about it covered with
brass. The saint caused the earth to swallow these up as far as
their heads, where they still were, as a sign of the miracle, when
the pious Middle-Age scribe was writing.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 327
The Gaulish altars and also the Gaelic altars were pillars of
stone inscribed with emblems of the sun and moon, or a beast,
bird, or something which symbolised some force of nature —
"dealba nan dula" — representations of the elements, as Cormac
calls them. Another feature of Celtic groves and temples con-
sisted of the many votive tablets and images, with representation
of limbs, faces, and bodily parts, hung up on the walls or sus-
pended from the trees. These were set up as thank-offerings
for rescue from some sickness or pain in the part represented, or
with a view that relief from pain might come.. The "rag-bush"
by the modern wells, and the crutches and other accessories of
infirmities left at holy wells, are a remnant of ancient and analo-
gous beliefs in the deities of the fountains. A more ghastly
sight, however, would be presented by the many heads of animals,
and, possibly, of men hung up in the groves, like trophies of the
chase, but really intended as votive offerings, and rendered, at
times, all the ghastlier by having their mouths prized and kept
open by sticks of wood. This custom is still kept in remem-
brance in modern architectural designs.
For Celtic religious rites we have to trust almost entirely, in
attempting to discover them, to the superstitions and customs of
Christian and modern times. Superstition is the survival, in
another phase of culture, of earlier religion and science. At
present we shall only deal with some customs and superstitions
that appear to bear on Celtic religious ritual, leaving the wider
question of quaint customs and superstitions to be dealt with
afterwards. The classical writers mention but little of Celtic
rites. The human sacrifices attracted most attention : " They
sacrifice men," says Diodorus, " striking them at the place above
the diaphragm [on the back, Strabo says], and from their fall, the
convulsion of the limbs and the flow of the blood, they predict
the future." When the Romans put a stop to their human
sacrifices, vestiges, however, remained, as Mela says, of the old
but abolished savagery, and "just as they refrain from going the
whole length of slaughter, they nevertheless touch and graze the
persons devoted to sacrifice after bringing them to the altars."
An interesting parallel to this in modern times occurs in the
Samoan islands. There cannibalism has for ages been unknown,
yet the punishment that carries the highest disgrace among them
328 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
is to put the delinquent into a cold oven, an evident survival from
the time when such a person would be roasted and eaten. The
remembrance of these old Celtic human sacrifices was until lately
kept up at the Beltane fires.
The only religious rites of any consequence that can be
pointed to are those connected with the worship of fire and the
changes of the year. It must not be supposed that the Celts
were greater worshippers of fire, sun, and moon than the other
European nations, and that this worship was distinctive of them.
The fire worship was equally as strong among Teutons, Romans,
and Greeks as among the Celts, and quite as long maintained into
modern times. But Celtic idiosyncracies bring some features of
the worship and practices into greater prominence. The custom
of showing reverence by walking round persons or things, keep-
ing the right hand towards them, is derived from the apparent
course of the sun, and is known as " deiseil " (dextralis), " right-
hand-wise." In India the old name for the custom is similarly
the " right-hand-turn," dakshiman kri. The " need-fire " — Gaelic,
teine-eiginn — is a " survival " from a very ancient phase of culture,
and, possibly, from a time when men lived in a warmer climate,
and the rubbing of sticks easily produced fire. It is also signifi-
cant that, in the best preserved form of the custom, the need-fire
makers must have no metal about them, a survival which points
to the Stone Age. Another general fact in regard to Celtic
need-fire was that all the district fires within sight had previously
to be extinguished, to be re- lighted only from the pure need- fire.
The need-fire was variously produced. In Mull, about 1767, a
hill-top was selected, within sight of which all fires were put out,
and then the pure fire was produced by turning a wheel over nine
spindles of wood until the friction caused combustion. Martin in
his " Western Isles " thus describes it : — " The tinegin they used
as an antidote against the plague or murrain in cattle, and it was
performed thus — All the fires in the parish were extinguished, and
then eighty-one married men, being thought the necessary num-
ber for effecting this design, took two great planks of wood, and
nine of them were employed by turns, who by their united efforts
rubbed one of the planks against the other until the heat thereof
produced fire ; and from this fire each family is supplied with
new fire, which is no sooner kindled than a pot full of water is
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 329
quickly set on it, and afterwards sprinkled on the people infected
with the plague or upon the cattle that have the murrain." In
Caithness the friction was produced by working a horizontal
wooden bar, supplied with levers, in two upright pieces of wood,
into which it was inserted at each end. In all cases, within
Christian historic times, the need-fire was lighted as a charm
against the plague, whether it attacked men or cattle. Fire has
always been considered the purifier par excellence, and clearly no
fire could be so pure as the need-fire, which was there and then
produced for the first time. But though latterly restricted to
being a charm against the plague, the need-fire shows clear traces
of a higher religious purpose. These fires were lighted at the great
festivals of the solar and lunar year, and from them all the fires
of the neighbourhood, previously extinguished, were re-lighted.
Priests, we know, presided at these sacred fires, and men and
cattle were passed through them, as Cormac and others tell us.
One of St Patrick's first struggles with King Loegaire was over
the sacred Beltane (?) fire. " Fire is kindled by him at that
place on Easter Eve," says a Middle- Irish life of the saint ;
" Loegaire is enraged when he sees the fire. For that was a pro-
hibition of Tara which the Gael had, and no one durst kindle a
fire in Ireland on that day until it had been kindled first at Tara
at the solemnity. And the Druids said ' unless that fire be
quenched before this night, he whose fire it is shall have the
kingdom of Ireland for ever.' " But that fire was not quenched,
and the boldness of the missionary, along with the inevitable
miracles, brought Loegaire and his people to the side of the Saint
and Christianity.
" THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS," now in the press, by Alexander
Mackenzie, Editor of the Celtic Magazine, will be issued in a handsome volume, uni-
form with his History of the Mackenzies and his History of the Macdonalds and Lords
of the Isles, in July, or early in August next. Price to Subscribers — whose names
will be printed in the book — One Guinea. Any remaining, unsubscribed, copies will,
immediately on publication, be charged £i. IDS. The issue is limited to 500 copies,
demy octavo. Seventy-five copies are being printed on large paper, demy quarto, at
a Guinea and a-half to subscribers; any remaining copies will be charged £2. IDS.
The complete work will contain, in addition to the General History of the Clan,
Biographies of General Sir Allan Cameron of Erracht ; Colonel John Cameron of
Fassiefern ; Dr Archibald Cameron ; and other distinguished members of the Clan.
The Camerons of Glenevis, Erracht, Callart, Fassiefern, and others, will be noticed at
length under separate headings. Intending Subscribers should send in their names
without delay, to A. & W. MACKENZIE, INVERNESS.
330 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
OLD HIGHLAND REMEDIES.
I.
RECENTLY a limited edition of a very rare book — Martin's
Western Islands of Scotland — has been published. It contains
many curious things, among them an account of the remedies
used in those days (1695), previously, and to some extent since,
in the Highlands and Islands of the West, for all kinds of ailments
to which man or beast was liable. It is thought that a brief
reference to some of these, with a few examples taken from other
sources, may prove interesting to the reader. We shall first deal
with those remedies used for the ailments of the people them-
selves, after which we may have something to say about those
applied for the cure of cattle, and other animals.
Two or three hundred years ago, such a person as a profes-
sional doctor was unknown in the Highlands. The people were
naturally healthy, and the little ailments which affected them were
quickly relieved by some simple concoction of herbs. They found
healing in the roots, stones, shells, and other objects of nature
which lay close at hand, and although at times their remedies
showed traces of superstition, in general they served their pur-
pose well enough. Some of these remedies are used in the
Highlands to the present day, and their efficacy is in many in-
stances undoubted. What, for example, can be better for a
cough than plenty brochan or gruel and butter, which was -and
is still the sovereign cure for that complaint in the Western Isles ?
Nettle roots and the roots of reeds boiled in water with yeast was
also used. Speaking of the men of Lewis, Martin says, when the
uvula falls they cut it in this curious manner — " They take a long
quill, and putting a horse-hair double into it, make a noose at the
end of the quill, and putting it about the lower end of the uvula,
they cut off from the uvula all that is below the hair with a pair
of scissors ; and then the patient swallows a little bread and
cheese, which cures him. This operation is not attended with
the least inconvenience, and cures the distemper so that it never
returns." He tells us that John Campbell, the forester of Harris,
when he had caught a cold, walked into the sea with his clothes
OLD HIGHLAND REMEDIES. 331
on, and then went to bed in his wet garments, but well wrapped
up in the bedclothes, and the perspiration thus induced cured his
cold by the next day. Another common remedy for a cold was
a decoction of colt's-foot. A cure for coughs and hoarseness was
to bathe the feet in hot water, and then to rub some deer's
grease to the soles of the feet in front of a good fire at bed-time.
The following recipe for a cold is taken from Nether-Lochaber : —
" Take a pint — say a tumblerful — of sea water that has been heated
to the boiling point, without having been allowed actually to boil.
Sprinkle over it some pepper, rather more plentifully than you
do in your soup ; drink this as hot as you can bear it as you
step into bed at night." This is said to be even yet a popular
cure in Lochaber.
Fresh wounds were dressed with a salve made of golden
rod, mistletoe, and fresh butter. A broken limb was first rubbed
with the white of an egg mixed with barley meal, and tied up in
splints for a day or two. An ointment composed of betony, St
John's wort, and golden rod, all pounded together in butter or
sheep's grease, was afterwards applied. Sometimes the fat of a
sea bird was made into a pudding, and being placed in the
stomach of the bird, was applied as a kind of poultice to fresh
wounds. This was called " Giben of St Kilda." The plant
called shepherd's purse was applied to cuts to arrest the flow of
blood, but yarrow was considered the best remedy for that
purpose. The latter plant was used also for headaches, the
leaves being pushed up the nostrils until the blood sprung, from
which very likely it took its Gaelic name of lus na fola, or the
blood-weed. In the Island of Gigha nettles were used to stanch
bleeding, and also the common fungi called puff-balls. Ribwort,
wood mercury, herb Robert, and bloody cranesbill were all used
for the same purpose, the Gaelic name of the last-mentioned
plant, according to Cameron, being creachlach dearg, the red
wound healer.
The following amusing cures for the jaundice among the
Lewis men are taken from Martin : — " The first is by laying the
patient on his face, and, pretending to look upon his back bones,
they presently pour a pailful of cold water on his bare back ; and
this proves successful. The second cure they perform by taking
the tongs and making them red-hot in the fire ; then pulling off
332 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the clothes from the patient's back, he who holds the tongs gently
touches the patient upwards on the vertebrae of the back, which
makes him furiously run out of doors, still supposing the hot iron
is on his back, till the pain be abated, which happens very
speedily, and the patient recovers soon after." In Shetland the
remedy for this disease was to mix powdered snails in the
patient's drink.
Diarrhoea and dysentery were treated in Lewis with a bever-
age composed of what Martin calls " the kernel of the black
molocca beans," ground to powder, and mixed with boiled milk.
Moderate doses of strong whisky and juniper berries were also
taken for these ailments. In Harris powdered cuttle-fish bone
was given to the patient in boiled milk ; and in Uist the great
cures were to eat seal, and drink plenty whisky in which a hectic
stone had been quenched. Another remedy for diarrhoea was red
coral and a roasted yolk of egg.
In cases of fever, whey, in which violets had been boiled,
was given as a cooling drink. Distilled raspberry and whortle-
berry juice were used for the same purpose. For what Martin
calls " spotted fever," probably measles, they drank freely of
brandy ; and for scarlet fever tlje same remedy was used in
smaller quantities. In the case of infants, the nurse drank the
brandy, to qualify the milk ; and, it is feared, the nurses of those
days frequently discovered symptoms of scarlet fever in the
infants under their care.
Serpent bites were cured in a variety of ways. The people
followed the old proverb — " Take a hair of the dog that bit you ;"
for Martin states that in Skye the principal cures for serpent bites
were to wash the wound in water in which the forked tongue of
the serpent had been steeped, and to apply the head of the reptile
which gave the wound. Another was to place the hind part of
a living cock to the bite, which was thought to draw out the
venom. New cheese, promptly applied, was found effectual ; as
were also juniper berries, ground ivy, and decoctions of oak bark,
acorns, and ash leaves.
In Harris the remedy for gravel was an infusion of wild
garlic. In Skye it was cured by taking broth made of dulse, or
ometimes of the large, pale whelk, pounded in its shell, boiled
and strained. Another remedy was water gruel without salt.
OLD HIGHLAND REMEDIES. 333
For sleeplessness after fever the patient washed his feet,
knees, and ancles in a warm infusion of chickweed, and on going
to bed a poultice of the same plant was applied warm to his neck
and between his shoulders. A poultice of chopped nettle-tops
and raw white of eggs applied to the forehead and temples at
bed-time was also used to induce sleep. A kind of heath called
Erica baccifera, boiled in water, and applied to the crown of the
head and temples, and the green sea plant, called in Gaelic lin-
nearach, were remedies for sleeplessness, and an infusion of thyme
was a certain preventive against nightmare and horrible dreams.
To raise a blister the Highlanders bruised spearwort, and
applied it in a limpet shell to the spot where the blister was
required. This very soon took effect, and when the blister burst
the wound was healed with linnearach. Another blister they used
was groundsel, applied much in the same way.
For consumption a common remedy was the broth of a
lamb in which the plants lovage and Alexanders were boiled ;
another being milk or water in which a red-hot hectic stone had
been cooled, to which they sometimes added yarrow. In Skye
they used an ale composed of hart's-tongue and maiden-hair
ferns boiled in unfermented beer, and sometimes also brochan
without salt. Lungwort was a very common cure. In Black's
Folk- Medicine, it is stated that " In the county of Moray
the people were formerly in the habit of paring the nails of the
fingers and toes of persons suffering from hectic and consumptive
diseases. The parings were put in a rag cut from the patient's
clothes, and waved three times round his head, with the cry
Deas soil [? Deas-iuil.~\ After this the rag was buried in some un-
known place."
The cure for fluxes in Uist was dried seal's liver, pulverised,
and taken with milk or whisky. In Skye a syrup extracted from
blackberries was used, and a decoction of plantain in which hectic
stone had been quenched.
For sciatica the Uist men bound a girdle of sealskin round
the hips, to which was also applied the fat of a sea-bird which
Martin calls a " bonnivochil."
Megrim and headache were cured by applying the sea-plant
linnearach to the side of the head affected, and also by a
plaster of cold dulse.
334 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Colic was relieved by taking broth made of dulse, and for
stitches the Skye-men, if bleeding was ineffectual, applied an
ointment composed of camomile, or brandy and fresh butter, or
a poultice of raw scurvy-grass chopped fine. It was cured in
Jura by a vapour-bath formed of the fumes of ladywrack and
redfog boiled in water, the patient sitting upon the vessel which
contained the herbs.
To expel worms the Highlanders took dried bruised dulse,
or an infusion of tansy in whey or brandy, taken fasting. Bog-
myrtle tea and the powdered roots of shield ferns in water were
also used with success. Worms were expelled from the hands
by washing them in salt water in which the ashes of burnt sea-
weed were mixed.
Regarding ringworm, N ether -Lochaber informs us that,
" There is a very wide-spread belief over the West Highlands and
in the Hebrides that ringworm can be readily cured by rubbing
it over and around once or twice with a gold ring — a woman's
marriage ring, if it can be had, being always preferred." In Folk-
Medicine, we are told that " in Shetland a person affected with
ringworm takes, on three successive mornings, ashes between the
forefinger and thumb, before taking food, and, while holding them
to the part affected, says —
•
' Ringworm, ringworm red !
Never may'st thou spread or speed
But aye grow less and less
And die away among the ase ' (ashes.) "
H. R. M.
(To be continued.)
THE CHIEF OF GRANT AND THE SEAFIELD ESTATES.— Intense
feeling has been roused among the Grants in consequence of the late Earl of Seafield
having left all the family estates unconditionally to his mother, the Countess Dowager.
The facts, stated simply, are as follows : — The late Earl, by will, left the whole
estates absolutely to his mother, without making any provision whatever for the
head of the House of Grant and the holder of the title. So far, then, as the late
Earl could, the estates were wholly alienated by him from his successor as Chief of
Grant and Earl of Seafield. His mother has, however, come to the rescue, and,
so far, saved the honour of the Clan by the execution of a deed in terms of which
the estates will, at her death, revert to the Chief and Earl. In the meantime, he is
to receive ^4000 a-year for his maintenance. This allowance is equal, as near as
possible, to ,£5 per cent, per annum on the gross rental of the family estates, which
amounts to about ^80,000 ! We fear this will scarcely be considered consistent with
the general idea hitherto entertained of what is necessary for upholding an ancient
Highland aristocracy.
335
TUIREADH AIR SON PRIONNSA DONNACHADH *
DIUC ALBANI.
LE MAIRI NIC-EALAIR.
O buailidh mi 'n tdud 6rbhuidh,
Fann bhuailidh mi 'n t£ud,
'S mi 'sileadh nan d6ur,
'O n' chuala' mi 'n sg£ul br6nach.
An t-ailleagan ciuin,
Am fiuran deas ur,
'Bha finealt'o thus 6ige,
'Bhi paisgt' ann an lion,
Gun aithne gun chli',
Ann an ciste na 'n tri bdrdan.
'Bhi an glais aig an dug,
An t-aintighearn' nach g&ll,
'S a chleachd feadh gach r6 foirneart.
O buailidh mi 'n t6ud 6rbhuidh,
Fann bhuailidh mi 'n tdud,
'S bean 6g a chuil r&dh,
A' sileadh nan deur br6nach.
'S beag ioghna' an saogh'l,
An diugh dhi bhi faoin,
'S nach faic i a gaol b6idheach.
Nach faic gu la' bhrkth,
Aghaidh mhin-mhaiseach mhkld,
'S nach cluinn i a dhkn ce61mhor.
A beadragan maoth,
Tha briodal ri 'taobh,
'S cha toir athair a gaoil p6g dhi.
O buailidh mi 'n t&id 6rbhuidh,
Fann bhuailidh mi 'n t6ud,
'S an duthaich gu l^ir,
A' sileadh nan d^ur br6nach.
Do mhathair tha caoidh,
O ! Bhanrigh ar gaoil,
'S luath sheargadh do chaoin r6s-geal.
'Se bu 'dealradh na gnuis,
Aig c&le do ruin,
Rinn sona an tiis d'oig' thu.
Duncan was the Highland name of the Prince.
336 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
'An gliocas 's an ciall,
'An ceanaltas gniomh,
'An tuigse 's am fior eolas.
O buailidh mi 'n tfcud 6rbhuidh,
O buailidh mi 'n te"ud,
Tha bolus 's an sp^ur,
Ged tha sinne air c6um ce6dhar.
'S a mhoch-thrath tha ghrian,
A lasadh nan sliabh,
Le h-6r-ghathan fial g!6rmhor.
'S i 'g innse 'gach Ik
Mu mhaduinn an aigh
'N oidhche a bhais f h&gradh.
Bi' am bas ann an daors'
Ceangailt' teann aig na maoir,
'S gheibh thu 'Bhanrigh do chaoin rds-geal,
Is buailidh sibh t&ud 5rbhuidh,
Ard bhuailidh sibh t&ud,
Gu suthainn le ch^il,
Aighearach, reidh, ce61mhor.
DUGALD BUCHANAN'S SPIRITUAL SONGS, TRANSLATED INTO
ENGLISH VERSE. By L. MACBEAN. Edinburgh: Maclachlan and
Stewart. 1884.
IT were a work of the veriest supererogation to commend to Highlanders the spiritual
poetry of Dugald Buchanan. There is no Highland poet so popular; and deservedly
so. His sacred songs have been the constant companion of, and have afforded
spiritual refreshment to, Highlanders in every part of the world from his own time to
the present day. Various attempts have been made to set forth the poems in an
English garb, both in prose and in rhyme. Some of these have been very successful,
but the translation now before us by Mr L. Macbean is vastly superior to them all.
It is both free and faithful ; and, notwithstanding the double difficulty of reproducing
in another tongue the forms of thought and expression peculiar to a very different
language, and of translating these into the identical rhythm and measure of the
originals, Mr Macbean has sacrificed little, if any, of the richness of the author's
imagery or the power of his thought and language. It may be said of Dugald
Buchanan's poetry that, though it may be some times quaint and familiar, reminding
one somewhat of George Herbert's oddities of rhyme and phrase, it never descends to
commonplace; and in "The Day of Judgment" there are verses of quite Miltonic
power. Indeed, there is a remarkable coincidence of language observable between
Buchanan and not a few of his poetic predecessors and successors. Mr Macbean in
his notes indicates a few of these, but a great many more might be added. A number
of stanzas from Pollock's "Course of Time" might be compared with the words in
which Buchanan, a quarter of a century earlier, describes the same event in his " Day
of Judgment." "The Skull," in which the poet moralises and conjectures as to the
life and character of the former tenant of the skull which he lifted from the heap of
earth at the newly dug grave, might have received its suggestion from Hamlet's con-
templations on a similar subject; and though it is true that Buchanan was quite familiar
with the works of the great dramatist, such promptings were not at all required in the
case of one of such fertility of imagination and artistic power as the schoolmaster of
Rannoch. As a specimen of his manner, and an instance of the admirable character
CROFTER ELOQUENCE IN SKYE. 337
of the translation, we subjoin a few stanzas. Referring to the skull which he held
in his hand, Buchanan says : —
" Or a lord of the land
Do I hold in my hand,
Whose acres were fertile and wide,
Who was generous and good,
And clothing and food
To the naked and needy supplied.
' ' Or wert thou wont to flay
Those under thy sway,
Sore grinding their faces with rent,
And pressing them sore,
Arresting their store,
Though their need might have made thee relent ?
" Poor men would not dare
With their heads bald and bare,
Pinched, pallid, and palsied with years,
In thy presence to stand
But with bonnet in hand,
Though the frost wind were piercing their ears.
" But now without fear
Thy slave may come near,
Nor honour nor power thou hast.
O blest be the tomb,
That conqueror by whom
Thy sway has been broken at last !"
For the work of the translator we have nothing but praise. He has placed his
countrymen under deep obligation to him, inasmuch as he has done justice to the
work of one of their best and most cherished bards. He has also afforded those who
could not understand Buchanan in the original Gaelic an opportunity of enjoying the
works of one whom Highlanders, very deservedly, delight to honour. The book is
very neatly got up, and will be highly prized.
CROFTER ELOQUENCE IN THE ISLE OF SKYE.
A LARGELY attended meeting of the Stenscholl branch of the H. L. L. R. Association was
held on the 6th of April, at Dun Raesburgh. Dun Raesburgh is a township in possession
of Alexander Macleod, tacksman of Scudiburgh, described as holding " every civil
office that can be imagined, from parish innkeeper and miller on the one hand, to
sanitary inspector and boarder of parish lunatics on the other, and who, in addition to
all that, is a land shark of no small voracity. " The following is a translation sent us
of the speeches made: —
Hugh Matheson, Stenscholl, after dealing at length with the injustice by which
they had been not only impoverished, but actually enslaved, pointed out the
necessity of united and earnest perseverance in agitating for the reforms that they
want, so that they may either receive justice or fall together. He spoke of the en-
couragement and sympathy they had so far received from all quarters. He insisted
that landlord was a false title, there being no absolute lord of the land but the One
Almighty Creator who made the land, and gave it to his own creatures to live on
during their pilgrimage here. He quoted from Scripture to show the land was meant
by the Creator to belong to the people, and he wondered how landlords would dare,
like so many gods, to say that the land was theirs, and that they would dispose of it
according to their pleasure. The fish that was yesterday miles away from land was
claimed by the landlord the moment it neared the shore, and so also were the birds of
338 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the air as soon as they flew over his land. The law made it so, because landlords
were themselves the law makers, and it was a wonder that the poor man was allowed
to breathe the air of heaven and drink from the mountain stream, without having the
factors and the whole of the country police pursuing him as a thief. He believed they
would soon have the landlords advocating wholesale emigration, but if the French or
Russians should invade the county would the landlords shake themselves like so many
Samsons against the Philistines, and put the enemy to rout with an army of factors,
ground-officers, tacksmen, and Cheviot rams. Even with all those they would not
be able to stand up for Queen and country as the men of Skye did seventy and eighty
years ago. The crofters were not met to plot against either life or property, but to
consider what should be done to secure redress of their grievances, and he hoped our
gracious Queen and her councillors would seriously consider' the matter, and put an
end for ever to the oppression and cruelty with which her loyal subjects were being
treated in Skye — a treatment which was a disgrace to the civilisation of the nineteenth
century. Think of a poor widow gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore for her children's
breakfast, and chased away by the landlord's orders, on the ground that she was tres-
passing. Think, too, of that poor delicate woman whose husband was far away earn-
ing the rent, while she was compelled to carry the peats on her back three-quarters of
a mile through sleet and snow, because the tacksman wanted the small bit of pasture
they used to rent. Here, too, was a poor old man in ragged trousers deprived
of his croft because he could not now pay double the rent he paid a few years ago.
He had a large family, but they had all been obliged to leave ; one of them was
wounded in the battle of the Alma, and some of them were still away fighting for
their country, while the poor old man and his wife had no one to cheer their last days.
He (the speaker), since he could no longer pay his full rent, saw no prospect before
him but the Sheriff Court and eviction, unless the Government would speedily legis-
late on behalf of the oppressed crofters. He denounced the conduct of those crofters
who were too chicken-hearted to join the agitation, and said they might frequently be
seen about the kitchens of their oppressors selling their birthright for a mess of pot-
tage. He eulogised the spirit of kindness and impartiality with which the Royal
Commission received their evidence last year, and hoped that some good would soon
come out of it. He condemned the action of landlords in Parliament, in making
special laws to suit their own selfish ends, and expressed the hope that the people
would soon be able to send their own representatives into Parliament.
Murdo Maclean, Lealt, said that many things had been said since these meetings
began, which had thrown light on the causes of the poverty now existing on various
estates in the Highlands, and that was one good thing that the meetings had already
done. He pointed out how, when the old chiefs lost the land, the new landlords
made it their aim to screw as much money out of the land as they possibly could, and
in this they were often assisted by traitors who were bribed from among the people
themselves. By-and-bye the landlords came to the conclusion that they could get
quite as much rent at less trouble by converting the land into large sheep farms, and
so the evictions began, and at the same time the rents of the crofters, who were al-
lowed to remain, were raised to an extraordinary extent, while at the same time the
crofts were reduced, and the result was now so much misery, that if the Queen would
only visit them, and see their women doing the work of horses, while the men were
away earning the rent, he felt sure that out of the nobleness and grea.tness of her
heart she would put a speedy stop to a system that has led to such cruel treatment of
her loyal subjects.
Norman Stewart, Valtos, in the course of a long speech, contrasted the treat-
CROFTER ELOQUENCE IN SKYE. 339
ment of the crofters by strangers who came among them with that by the native tacks-
men. He knew an Englishman who at one time had taken the farm of Scorybreck.
When this gentleman came to see the farm, he saw some of his shepherds gathering
a number of sheep into a fold. Upon being informed by his shepherds that they were
the sheep of the crofters who were about to be evicted from the farm which he had
taken, the generous Englishman said, ' ' Let the sheep out again to the grazing. I
shall have nothing to do with this place after Whitsunday. My bargain with the
landlord was for land already under sheep, and not for land from which poor people
were to be evicted. I shall never be the means of depriving a poor man of his
home." The good Englishman was as good as his word. ' He gave up' the farm at
once, and the crofters were left undisturbed. How many of our Scotch tacksmen
would have acted in that generous way ? Not one. A tacksman induced a cottar to
take a piece of land that had been fallow for years, on the border of his farm. The
cottar took the croft, drained it, and so greatly improved it that in a few years it was
the best croft in the neighbourhood, whereupon the tacksman stepped in and evicted
_ the crofter without giving him a single penny of compensation. In striking contrast
to the conduct of those land sharks, the speaker thought they should not forget to
mention Mr Johnston, of Montrose, lessee of the salmon fishing. Not only does Mr
Johnston pay his men liberally, but provides for them in their old age ; takes an
interest in the widows and orphans of his deceased servants, and has lately filled the
hearts of the children with gladness by providing substantial New-Year treats to them
in their schools. But what, continued the speaker, do our proprietors and factors do
to the widow and her orphans. When she fails in her rent she is forced to go and
take shelter by the dyke side. It would be. better for her to share the fate of the
Brahmin widow and be sacrificed on the funeral pile. The proprietor has reduced the
limits of our pasture land, and more than doubled our rents, and we are reduced to
such a state of poverty that we can't get credit for a single boll of meal, unless one of
our cows is put in pledge for it. Before we have barely finished our tillage we must
leave the country in quest of work to earn money to pay the mealdealer, otherwise
our miserable effects are sold, and we are ruined. Our wives in our absence have to
do the work of horses, attending to the crop, the cattle, and the peats, until we come
back to gather in the harvest, and as soon as that is done we must be off to earn
money to pay the rent. Our houses are so wretched that when it rains with a north
wind we have to shift our beds to the south side, and when it rains from the south
we have to shift our beds back again to the north side, so leaky are our roofs. If we
dare take a burden of heather or rashes for thatch we are prosecuted for theft and im-
prisoned. I have been in jail myself for a week for taking one burden. We have
suffered too long and too patiently, but a cloud of relief, at first no bigger than a man's
hand, has appeared, and is rapidly growing larger. Let us make our grievances
loudly and widely known. We know that all good men in England and Scotland,
so far as they know our circumstances, are on our side, but we must agitate more
loudly and more unitedly still, so that our cause may become still more widely known,
and by the help of God, our cause will yet triumph, and we shall receive justice.
Ronald Maclean, Elleshadder, said that, being from home lately, he met a gentle-
man who ridiculed this movement and said no good would come of it. I replied —
continued the speaker -that good came of a similar movement in another part of the
kingdom. -You mean Ireland, he said, the Irish are braver and pluckier than you.
I said that Skyemen were not prepared to take part in any such horrible deeds as the
Irish have been committing. The people of Skye are as loyal to their Queen and
country as ever their forefathers were, and on that account we think that we are en-
340 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
titled to justice ; and put a Skyeman on a footing of equality with an Irishman in one
of the colonies for instance, and the Skyeman will hold his own against the best man
that ever came out of Ireland. When, however, a man sees the hunger-pinched faces
of his wife and ragged children, and knows that it is all owing to the cursed land
laws, he is very apt to do things which, under more favourable circumstances, he
could even be ashamed to think of ; but I pray God, however, that our land may be
saved from the barbarous outrages which have been committed in another part of the
kingdom. But, fellow crofters, we must do something. Our bondage has been too
long and too heavy, and we must remain inactive no longer. I would propose in the
first place that no labour by crofter or cottar be given to the tacksmen. If that
system were carried out the tacksmen would soon find themselves in a rather awkward
fix. The tacksmen are the means by which the crofters are oppressed, by which they
are evicted, and by which the voracious pockets of the greedy landlords are being
filled, and therefore we must do all in our power to throw difficulties in the path of
the tacksmen. In the second place, I would propose that the land be revalued,
and that we pay no rent above this valuation. The proprietors have repeatedly
valued and revalued our holdings, and raised our rents, and now it is our turn to do
something. The last valuation was made by an entire stranger. This man knew
nothing of our circumstances, and so our rents were raised from 50 to 100 per cent.
I would now propose that we turn the tables on our oppressors, and revalue our land,
and as we do not want to do anything unreasonable, let us take the tacksman's farm
as our standard, and let us pay not a penny of rent above his valuation. I say let us
pay not a penny of rent above that valuation until the Government settles the ques-
tion. We have faith in the Government, and we hope they will do what is right.
Anyhow, let us never rest or stop the agitation until we have received justice.
Charles Macarthur, Elleshadder, said he had been moved from his croft in Kil-
muir to make room for sheep, to where he is now, on the top of the Kelt Rock. He
remembered the clearing of fourteen townships on that estate, and so much was
the competition by the tacksmen for those townships that he could compare them
to nothing but two solan geese, the one trying to get possession of the fish which
the other had caught. Before the man who cleared the townships got a lease, he was
deprived of his farm by another tacksman.
Murdo Nicolson, Brogaig, said when I went to pay my rent this year I was short
by ^3. I told the factor I had no more to give him, and that I had to go all the way
to Shetland in a boat to earn what I had ; but that I would put my cow in pledge for
the ^3, if he would let me. The tacksman of Duntulm, who was present, asked me if
I belonged to the Land League. I said I did not, but that I belonged to the High-
land Land Law Reform Association. He then told me that he would give me £3
and more, if I would give up my connection with that Association. I told him I
would not give up my connection with this Association until we got our grievances
redressed, even if I had to sell my very clothes. The factor then said I seemed to be
very well dressed ; but, if I must tell the truth, I had to tell him that I borrowed most
of the clothes I had on to go and see him. My wife would make cloth as well as any
woman if she had wool, but Major Fraser took our sheep pasture from us, and now we
cannot get any wool. Even if my wife could make a suit of clothes out of heather,
she could not get it except by stealing it.
Alexander Nicolson, Brogaig, said the cottars had joined the crofters in this agita-
tion, and would support them with their means to the utmost of their power. He
built a cottage and brought up a family there, although he never got a day's labour
nearer than Buckie on the East Coast. Even if his children could live on grass they
would not be allowed to eat it. The farmer who rented the land would not allow
them to sit on the grass, to say nothing of eating it. The crofters were badly off, but
the cottars were worse. They were next to the paupers, and he thought men had a
better right to the land than sheep. He urged upon the crofters not to accept any
settlement of the land question that would not better the condition of the cottars.
All the speeches were enthusiastically cheered throughout, while there were in-
terruptions of a very uncomplimentary nature against the lairds, factors, and tacks-
men. This is a fair specimen of what is going on in almost every township in the
West, though scarcely any notice is taken of it by the press, and the general public
are left in total ignorance.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CIV. JUNE 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XVII.
XVIII. — JOHN CAMERON, in 1706, made over the estates to his
eldest son Donald. They had previously, in 1696, been assigned
to himself by his father, Sir Ewen. We had thus Sir Ewen and
his son John both living, while the actual proprietor of the estate
was Donald XlXth Chief of the Clan, so prominently known
in connection with the Rising of 1745, and of whom presently.
It will be remembered that John commanded the clan after
Killiecrankie, when his father, Sir Ewen, returned to Lochaber.
For this act a warrant was issued, in 1706, for his apprehension,
charging him with treason ; but it does not appear to have been
executed, though, no doubt, it was in consequence of this warrant
that he, in the same year, transferred the estates to his eldest son.
He had been involved in all the schemes for the restoration
of the Stuart dynasty, but his forte seems to have lain more in
the civil than the military groove. He took part, as we have
seen, in the Rising of 1715. For this he was attainted and for-
feited, after which he left Scotland, and spent the remainder of
his life in France ; while his son, Donald, took his place at the
2 A
342 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
head of the clan in Lochaber. His personal attendant, Duncan
Cameron, was one of those who accompanied Prince Charles to
the Highlands in 1745, to pilot his ship and party to a suitable
place of embarkation, which he was well fitted to do, from his
accurate knowledge of the West Coast of Scotland. Duncan
wrote an account of the voyage, which has been preserved by
Bishop Forbes, and printed by Chambers in the Jacobite Me-
moirs. The military genius of the family seems to have gone
somewhat under a cloud in the person of John, but only to shine
more brilliantly in that of his immediate successor, and others of
his descendants. It is even said that his conduct in 1715 gave
but little satisfaction to his father or his clan, and that the latter
expressed unwillingness again to serve under him. It would,
however, in the nature of things, be difficult to satisfy those who
had served under such a successful and brilliant leader as Sir
Ewen, and this will probably account for any such feeling that
may have existed. He married Isabel, daughter of Alexander,
sixth, and sister of Sir Duncan Campbell, seventh of Lochnell,
with issue —
1. Donald, his heir and successor.
2. John of Fassifern, who married Jean, daughter of John
Campbell of Achallader, with issue — four sons and seven daughters,
The eldest son became distinguished as Colonel John Cameron,
of the 92nd Gordon Highlanders, who fell so gloriously at Quatre
Bras, and of whom, at length, under " The Camerons of Fassifern."
3. Alexander, who became a priest, and suffered for his sym-
pathies with the Rising of 1745. He was apprehended in Strath-
glass, and sent to the hulks on the Thames, where he died shortly
after, on board a ship, on her way to Hanover, carrying a batch
of Jacobite prisoners. Among them was an old and intimate friend
of Alexander Cameron — Father John Farquharson, in whose
arms he died. He had been removed from his own wretched
quarters by order of the Captain of the ship, through the influence
of his old companion, in whose arms he breathed his last*
4. Dr Archibald, executed at Tyburn in 1753, for his share
in the Rising of 1745, at the age of 46 years, and of whom,
with his family and descendants, hereafter.
* This incident, and the subsequent movements of Father Farquharson, are fully
described by Mr Colin Chisholm, Vol. VII., pp. 144-145 of the Celtic Magazine.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 343
5. Evan, who died a planter in Jamaica.*
6. Miss Peggy.
Two other sons of Lochiel died young.
He died in exile at Newport, in Flanders, m 1747 or early
in 1748, at a very advanced age, when he was succeeded as Chief
of the Clan by his eldest son.
XIX. DONALD CAMERON, of 1745 celebrity, known as
" The Gentle Lochiel." Though advanced into middle life, he
was called " Young " Lochiel, his father being still alive. For
several years before the Rising, Donald was in correspond-
ence with the Chevalier de St George. One of the letters re-
ceived by him from James is given in the Appendix to Home's
"History of the Rebellion," dated the nth of April 1727, in
which, addressing him as " Mr Johnstone, junior," the Chevalier
writes : —
I am glad of this occasion to let you know how well pleased I am to hear of
the care you take to follow your father's and uncle's example in their loyalty to me ;
and I doubt not of your endeavours to maintain the true spirit in the clan. Allan is
now with me, and I am always glad to have some of my brave Highlanders about me,
whom I value as they deserve. You will deliver the enclosed to its address, and
doubt not of my particular regard for you, which, I am persuaded, you will always
deserve. (Signed) .JAMES R.
On the 3rd of October, 1729, Allan Cameron, Donald's
uncle, referred to in the Chevalier's letter just quoted, writes to
young Lochiel, from Albano, as follows : —
Dear Nephew, — Yours, of September nth, came to my hand in due time,
which I took upon me to shew His Majesty, who not only was pleased to say that
you wrote with a great deal of zeal and good sense, but was so gracious and good as
to write you a letter with his own hand, herewith sent you, wherein he gives full and
ample powers to treat with such of his friends in Scotland, as you think are safe to be
trusted in what concerns his affairs, until an opportunity offer for executing any reason-
able project towards a happy restoration, which they cannot expect to know until
matters be entirely ripe for execution, and of which they will be acquainted directly
* " It appears that Sir Ewen of Lochiel obtained or purchased property in the
West Indies. How it was managed by him, or by his son, we know not ; but we see
from other documents that, in singular contrast to the contempt for commerce attri-
buted to the Highland gentry of the day, two of his grandsons, Evan and Alexander,
went to the West Indies to manage this property. Evan took with him in 1734 a
cargo of people from Maryburgh, as Fort-William was then called, to carry to the West
Indies, and it was believed in the country that he had made riches in Jamaica." — Z?r
Clerk^s Life of Colonel John Cameron of Fassiefern, p. 104. See also Editor's Preface
to the Memoirs of Sir E-juen Cameron of Lochiel, p. 29.
344 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
from himself; and, therefore, whatever they have to say at any time, either by you,
by the power given you by the King's letter, or by any other person, the account is to
be sent to His Majesty directly, and not to any second hand, as the King has wrote
to you in his letter. Dear Nephew, now that His Majesty has honoured you with
such a commission, and gracious letter, concerning himself and family, and that he
has conceived so good an opinion of your good sense and prudence, I hope this your
first appearance, by the King's authority, will answer the trust he has been pleased to
put in your loyalty, zeal, and good conduct, of which I have no reason to fear or
doubt, considering the step you have already made. By executing this commission
with prudence and caution, depend on it you have an opportunity of serving the
King to good purpose, which in time will redound to the prosperity of your friends
and family. I need say no more on this head, since you will see by the King's letter
fully the occasion you have of serving His Majesty, your country, and yourself. But
as I am afraid you will have difficulty to read it, his hand not been easy to those who
are not well acquainted with it ; the substance of it is, that he would not let you go
without shewing you how sensible he is of your good zeal and affection to his interest
and service ; that Scotland, in general, when it is in his power (hoping that happy
time will one day come) shall reap the fruits of the constant loyalty of his friends
there ; that you represent to them to keep themselves in readiness, not knowing how
soon there may be occasion for their service ; but that they take special care not to
give a handle to the present Government to ruin them, by exposing themselves to
their fury by any unreasonable or imprudent action, for that they shall have His
Majesty's orders directly, when it is proper ; and recommends entire union among
yourselves in general ; and towards the end of the letter, he is pleased to make your-
self and family particular promises of his favour, when it pleases God he is restored;
and while he is abroad all that's in his power. I hope this hint of the meaning of the
letter will enable you, by taking some pains, to read it through ; it being wrote in the
King's own hand, there was no occasion for signing it.
I think it proper you should write to the King, by the first post after you re-
ceive his letter. I need not advise you what to say in answer to such a gracious
letter from your King, only let it not be very long ; declare your duty and readiness
to execute his Majesty's commands on all occasions, and of your sense of the honour
he has been pleased to do you, in giving you such a commission. I am not to choose
words for you, because I am sure you can express yourself in a dutiful and discreet
manner without any help. You are to write, sir, on a large margin, and to end, your
most faithful and obedient subject and servant, and to address it, To the King, and no
more ; which enclose to me sealed. I pray send me the copy of it on a paper en-
closed, with any other thing that you do not think fit or needful the King should see
in your letter to me ; because I will shew your letter in answer to this, wherein you
may say that you will be mindful of all I wrote to you, and what else you think fit.
This letter is so long, that I must take the occasion of the next post to write
you concerning my own family ; but the King, as well as Mr Hay, bid me assure you,
that your father should never be in any more straits, as long as he, the King, lived ;
and that he would take care from time to time to remit him; so that I hope you may
be pretty easy as to that point.
I must tell you, that what you touched on in your letter to me of the I4th
August concerning those you saw there live so well, beyond what they could have
done at home, they must have been provided for some other way than out of the
King's pocket ; and, depend upon it, some others have thought themselves obliged to
supply them.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 345
You are to assure yourself and others, that the King has determined to make
Scotland happy, and the clans in particular, when it pleases God to restore him; this
is consistent with my certain knowledge. You are only to touch upon this irf a dis-
creet way, and to a very few discreet persons ; but all these matters I leave to your
own good sense and prudence, for may be sure there are people who will give account
of your behaviour after you return home ; but I hope none will be able to do it to
your disadvantage ; keep always to the truth in what you inform the King, and that
will stand; though even on the truth itself, you are to put the handsomest gloss you
can on some occasions.
You are to keep in good terms with Glengarry, and all other neighbours, and
let by-gones be by-gones, as long as they continue firm to the King's interest ; let no
private animosity take place, but see to gain them- with courtesy and good manage-
ment, which I hope will give you an opportunity to make a figure amongst them, not
but you are to tell the truth, if any of them fail in their duty to the King or country.
As to Lovat, pray, be always on your guard, but not so as to lose him ; on the
contrary, you may say that the King trusts a great deal to the resolution he has taken
to serve him ; and expects he will continue in that resolution. But, dear Nephew,
you know very well that he must give true and real proof of his sincerity, by perform-
ance, before he can be entirely reckoned on, after the part he has acted. This I say
to yourself, and therefore you must deal with him very dexterously ; and I must
leave it to your own judgment what lengths to go with him, since you know he has
always been a man whose chief view was his own interest. It is true he wishes our
family well; and I doubt not he would wish the King restored, which is his interest,
if he has the grace to have a hand in it, after what he has done. So, upon the whole,
I know not what advice to give you, as to letting him know that the King wrote you
such a letter as you have ; but, in general, you are to make the best of him you can,
but still be on your guard; for it is not good to put too much in his power before the
time of executing a good design. The King knows very well how useful he can he if
sincere, which I have represented as fully as was necessary.
This letter is of such bulk, that I have enclosed the King's letter under cover
with another letter addressed for your father, as I will not take leave of you till next
post. I add only that I am entirely yours, A. CAMERON.
The letter enclosed from the Chevalier has not been pre-
served, but we have the substance of it in Allan's letter to
his nephew. The reference to Lovat shows that his Lord-
ship's character had been correctly estimated long before 1745,
and that it was placed at its proper value by the friends of
the Stuart dynasty. It is to be regretted that we do not know
the exact nature of the promises made by Charles and his father
to Lochiel, for himself and for his family. We are told in the
Jacobite Memoirs that Donald, before agreeing to " come out," took
full security from the Prince for the value of his estates, and
that it was "to fulfil this engagement that Charles, after the
unfortunate conclusion of the enterprise," obtained a French
regiment for him. Chambers, who, in a foot-note, quotes this
346 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
from Bishop Forbes, says, regarding it, "that it is scarcely
necessary to remark, that the presence of generous feelings does
not necessarily forbid that some attention should be paid to the
dictates of prudence and caution. Lochiel might feel that he
had a right to peril his life and connexion with his country, but
not the fortune on which the comfort of others besides himself
depended, especially in an enterprise of which he had a bad
opinion, and which he only acceded to from a romantic defer-
ence to the. wishes of another person." In this view the majority
of people will agree.
The Jacobites, not only in the Highlands but in the Low-
lands, were acquainted with the contents of the letters which
passed between the Chevalier, Prince Charles, and young
Lochiel. In 1740 he was one of the seven Highland chiefs who
signed articles of association for the restoration of the Stuart
line, engaging to take up arms, for that purpose, provided suffi-
cient assistance was sent from France. These articles were
taken to the Chevalier at Rome by Drummond of Balhaldy.
A letter is given among the Stuart papers from Lochiel,
under the signature of " Dan," dated the 22nd of February 1745,
addressed to the Chevalier de St George, in which he refers to a
recent letter forwarded by him. He assures His Royal High-
ness of his steady adherence to whatever may conduce to the
interest of his family, and urges that, as "the season is now
fast advancing," and that, as they had as yet no return from
their friends in England, " how far it is necessary that we be in-
formed of what is expected from the French, and in how soon,
that we may have it in our power to settle matters so as will
enable us to make that assistance to your Royal Highness our
duty and inclination direct." Very soon after this Prince Charles
Edward embarked for the Highlands of Scotland, and shortly
after his arrival at Borrodale, he sent messengers to several of
the most influential chiefs, and, of course, among the rest, to his
trusted friend Lochiel, who, when told that the Prince had
landed without troops, arms, or ammunition, resolved to take no
part in what seemed so perfectly hopeless an enterprise. At the
same time he determined to visit His Royal Highness in person,
first out of courtesy, but particularly with the view to induce
him, if possible, to wait for the promised assistance from France,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 347
failing which to give up his intention, and return as quietly as he
could. Home informs us that Lochiel left Lochaber on this
visit quite determined not to take up arms, and that on his
way to Borrodale, he called at the house of his brother, John
Cameron of Fassifern, who, surprised to see. him at such an
unusual hour, asked what had brought him there so early in
the morning. When Lochiel explained the object of his
journey, Fassifern asked, " What troops had the Prince brought
with him? What money? What arms?" Lochiel answered
that he believed he had brought with him neither troops,
money, nor arms ; and, therefore, he was resolved not to
be concerned in the affair, and would do his utmost to prevent
Charles from making such a rash attempt. Fassifern approved
of his brother's sentiments, and applauded his resolution ; advis-
ing him, at the same time, not to go any further on the way to
Borrodale, but to come into the house, and impart his mind to the
Prince by letter. " No," said Lochiel, " I ought at least to wait
upon him, and give my reasons in person for declining to join
him, which admit of no reply." " Brother," said Fassifern, " I
know you better than you know yourself. If this Prince once
sets his eyes upon you, he will make you do whatever he pleases."
This conversation, Home informs us, was repeated to him in
1781 by Fassifern himself.
No sooner had Lochiel arrived at Borrodale than the Prince
and he retired together, when, according to the same authority,
a discussion to the following effect took place : — The Prince
began the conversation by bitterly complaining of the treatment
he had received from the French Ministers who had so long put
him off with vain hopes and deceived him with false promises of
active support ; their coldness in the cause, he said, but ill agreed
with the opinions he had of his own rights, and with that im-
patience to assert them with which the promises of his father's
brave and faithful subjects had inflamed his mind. Lochiel ac-
knowledged the engagements of the chiefs, but observed that they
were nowise binding, as he had come over to the Highlands
without the stipulated aid ; and, therefore, as there was not the
least prospect of success, he advised his Royal Highness to return
to France and to reserve himself and his faithful friends for a
more favourable opportunity. Charles refused to follow Lochiel's
348 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
advice, affirming that a more favourable opportunity than the
present would never come ; that almost all the British troops
were abroad, and kept at bay by Marshal Saxe, with a superior
army ; that in Scotland there were only a few newly raised
regiments, that had never seen any service, and could not stand
before the Highlanders ; that the very first advantage gained
over the troops would encourage his father's friends at home to
declare themselves in his favour ; that his friends abroad would
not fail to give their assistance ; and that he only wanted the
Highlanders, in the meantime, to begin the war.
Lochiel still resisted, entreating him to be more temperate,
and consent to remain in the meantime concealed where he
was, till he and his other friends should meet together, and
arrange as to what was best to be done. Charles, whose whole
mind was wound up to the utmost pitch of impatience, paid no
regard to this proposal, but answered that he " was determined
to put all to the hazard. In a few days with the few friends that
I have, I will erect the Royal standard, and proclaim to the
people of Britain that Charles Stuart is come over to claim the
crown of his ancestors, to win it, or to perish in the attempt ;
Lochiel, who, my father has often told me, was our firmest friend,
may stay at home, and learn from the newspapers the fate of his
Prince." " No," said Lochiel, " I'll share the fate of my Prince,
and so shall every man over whom nature or fortune hath given
me any power." Such was the immediate effect of this singular
conversation, on the result of which depended peace or war ; for
it is admitted on all hands, that if Lochiel had persisted in his
refusal to take up arms, the other chiefs would not have joined
the standard of the Prince without him, and the incipient spark
of the proposed rising must have there and then expired.
Lochiel now returned home, and dispatched messengers to
all his vassals able to bear arms, commanding them to get ready
at once to join him, and to march with him to Glenfinnan, where
it had been resolved to raise the standard of the Prince. In the
meantime, on the i6th of August, two companies of the ist
Regiment of Foot, under Captain Scott, which had been sent from
Fort- Augustus to reinforce Fort- William, were cleverly surrounded
and taken prisoners, by a small body of Keppoch and Gengarry
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 349
Macdonalds, at the end of Loch-Oich. Lochiel, to whom word
had been sent to come to the assistance of the Macdonalds,
arrived just as Captain Scott and his men surrendered, when
Donald, with a body of Camerons, took charge of the prisoners,
and marched them to his residence at Achnacarry.
On the i Qth, at the head of between 700 and 800 of his
followers, Lochiel marched to Glenfinnan, where the Prince was
anxiously waiting for the clans that he expected would have
met him there on his arrival at this place, which had been ap-
pointed for raising his standard. " At length," says Chambers,
" about an hour after noon, the sound of a pibroch was heard
over the top of an opposite hill, and immediately after the ad-
venturer was cheered by the sight of a large body of Highlanders
in full march down the slope. It was the Camerons to the num-
ber of 700 or 800,
' All plaided and plumed in their tartan array,'
coming forward in two columns of three men abreast, to the spirit-
stirring notes of the bagpipe, and enclosing the party of soldiers
whom they had just taken prisoners. Elevated by the fine ap-
pearance of this clan, and by the auspicious result of the little
action just described, Charles set about the business of declaring
open war against the Elector of Hanover." The standard having
been unfurled on the arrival of Lochiel, by the Marquis of Tulli-
bardine, he carried it back to the quarters of the Prince, sur-
rounded by a guard of fifty stalwart Camerons.
Some five hundred firelocks and a quantity of French broad-
swords having been landed from the " Doutelle " at Castle Tirrim,
250 of the Camerons were sent for them, and, with 300 of
Clanranald's men, they met the clans, who had marched from
Glenfinnan on the 2ist, at the head of Loch Eil, on their
way South. Here the Prince issued the famous proclamation
offering ^30,000 for the person of King William, " Given at our
camp at Kinlochiel, August the 22nd," and on the following
night, Friday, the 23rd, he slept at Fassifern House, on Lochiel-
side, the residence of John, LochiePs eldest brother, from whence
200 Camerons were dispatched in advance with the Prince's
baggage to Moy, in Lochaber.
The Highlanders continued- their march southwards. At
350 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Corrieyarrack they were informed by a soldier named Cameron
of Cope's march to Inverness. This man deserted from the
army of King William for the express purpose of conveying this
news to his friends, with whose movements he appears to have
made himself fully acquainted. The intelligence was received
with exultation, and the Highland army at once descended
the southern steep of Corrieyarrack, on their way to the Scottish
Capital, leaving Sir John Cope unmolested on his march to
the Highland capital. While bivouacked at Dalwhinnie, Dr
Archibald Cameron, who appears to have held the rank of Captain
in the Highland army, Macdonald of Lochgarry, and O'Sullivan
were ordered on an expedition against a small Government fort
at Ruthven, with instructions to take the barracks. In this
they failed, losing one man killed and two mortally wounded,
but on their return they brought in Ewen Macpherson of Cluny,
who had just the day before accepted a command under the
Government, and received orders from Sir John Cope to em-
body his clan, numbering about 300 able-bodied, righting men.
Cluny, it may be assumed, was not altogether sorry for his
capture, for he is found returning from Perth a few days after to
raise his clan for the Prince, who treated him with every con-
sideration during the short time he kept him prisoner.
It is not intended to give a continuous and connected ac-
count here of the proceedings and movements of the Highland
army. These are already so well-known as to render it quite
unnecessary, even did our plan admit of it. We shall only
deal with the points in the narrative where the Camerons, or
their leader, come prominently on the scene. From Blair Castle,
Lochiel, with Lord Nairne, and 400 men went on in advance,
entered and took possession of Dunkeld on the morning of the 3rd
of September. The same evening the City of Perth was taken
by the Camerons, and next morning, Prince Charles having
arrived, attired in a superb Highland dress of Royal Stuart tar-
tan, trimmed with gold, they immediately proceeded to the Cross
of the Fair City and proclaimed the Chevalier, amid the acclama-
tions of the people. Lochiel was then appointed, accompanied by
Macdonald of Keppoch, Stewart of Ardshiel, and Sullivan, to lead
900 men, comprising a large number of Camerons, sent forward
for the capture of Edinburgh, with instructions to blow up the
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 351
gates of the City, if necessary, to attain their purpose. *
They were soon in possession without the spilling of a
single drop of blood. When the inhabitants awoke in the morn-
ing, they found the government of the Capital transferred from
the Provost and Magistrates in name of King George, to the
Highlanders in name of King James, and everything in the City
was going on, to all outward appearance, as if nothing extraor-
dinary had occurred, the one guard having relieved the other as
quietly, according to Home, as one guard relieves another in the
routine of duty on ordinary occasions.
At the battle of Preston, fought on the 2ist of September,
Lochiel, at the head of his followers, occupied the left wing of the
army, whose " line was somewhat oblique, and the Camerons, who
were nearest the King's army, came up directly opposite to the
cannon, firing at the guard as they advanced. The people em-
ployed to work the cannon, who were not gunners or artillerymen,
fled instantly. Colonel Whiteford fired five or six field pieces with
his own hand, which killed one private man and wounded an
officer in Lochiel's regiment." The Camerons carried everything
before them ; the enemy fled, dragoons and artillery, and the
foot " were cither killed or taken prisoners," except about two
hundred, " who escaped by extraordinary swiftness or early
flight." The cannon, tents, baggage, and military chest of the
King's army fell into the hands of the Highlanders, whose total
loss only amounted to four officers and thirty men killed, and
about seventy wounded ; while five of the King's officers were
killed and eighty taken prisoners, many of the latter being
wounded. Their loss in men has been estimated at from four to
five hundred, with some seven hundred prisoners. Chambers
says that " the victory began, as .the battle had done, among the
Camerons. That spirited clan, notwithstanding their exposure
to the cannon, and although received with a discharge of mus-
ketry by the artillery guard, ran on with undaunted speed, and
were first up to the front of the enemy," who, with Colonel
Gardener and his dragoons, immediately reeled, turned, and fol-
* It has been stated that immediately before leading on the band, Lochiel met
with an accident, in consequence of which he was unable to execute the commission
entrusted to him in person, and that Cameron of Erracht took his place on the
occasion. We have not been able to procure satisfactory evidence on this point.
352 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lowed their companions. Lochiel ordered his men to strike at
the noses of the horses, as the best means of getting the better of
their masters ; but they never found a single opportunity of prac-
tising the ruse, the men having chosen to retreat while they were
yet some yards distant. Hamilton's dragoons, at the other
extremity of the army, no sooner saw their fellows flying before
the Camerons than they also turned about and fled, without hav-
ing fired a carbine. The whole action only lasted about four
minutes, ending in " a total overthrow, and the almost entire
destruction of the Royal army," and Lochiel, with his trusty
Camerons, had the principal share in securing this remarkable
result. Of the four officers killed in the action two were
Camerons — Lieutenant Allan Cameron of Lundavra, and Ensign
James Cameron, both of Lochiel's regiment*
( To be continued.)
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
DEAR MR EDITOR, — In your last instalment of the History
of the Camerons (Celtic Magazine for May), you are more than
unkind — you are unjust — to the Stewarts of Appin. Referring to
Colin Campbell of Glenure, you say that he was murdered by the
Stewarts of Appin, and this surely is a terrible charge to be
brought against the loyal and gallant Sliochd Mhic Iain Stiubh-
airt, a clan characterised by the contemporary seanachie of the
Macleans, as all of them gentlemen of honour, and all of them
true and trusty as the steel of the daggers in their belts.
Colin Campbell of Glenure was indeed shot dead by a Stewart,
but not by a Stewart of Appin. The assassin was Allan Breac
* Just as the army was marching to the attack the Chevalier appeared at their
head, very alert, and ready to lead them to the onset. Lochiel, however, who had a
great respect and esteem for him, earnestly entreated him to forbear exposing his
person, and advised him to take his stand upon a rising ground, under the guard of a
party, from whence he might send his orders to any part of the army during the en-
gagement as he should see occasion ; for if any misfortune should befal him they were
all ruined to a man ; and that too much depended on his safety to hazard his person
without more apparent necessity than there was ; which advice the Chevalier fol-
lowed, and retired with a party to a high field to the south-west of Seatoun. — Life of
Dr Archibald Cameron.
MURDER OF CAMPBELL OF GLENURE. 353
Stewart, of the family of Invernahadden, in Rannoch. Glenure, as
factor on the forfeited estates of Appin and Lochiel was, rightly
or wrongly, accused of being a cruel oppressor of the people. At
all events it is the case that at the time of his death he was pre-
paring to carry out " evictions " on a large scale, and of the fact
abundant evidence was found on his person after death. He was
furthermore accused of having borne false witness against some
of the gentlemen of the West for their share in the '45, and of
thus encompassing the death of far better men than himself. Be-
cause of all this Allan Breac shot him dead, and managing to
escape to France, another man, entirely innocent of the crime, as
is now known, was laid hold of and executed under every circum-
stance of ignominy that his hereditary foes — the Campbells —
could devise. If the manner of Glenure's death can only be
characterised as a deed of foul murder, a cowardly assasination, it
is equally true that the execution of James Stewart of the Glen
(Seumas-a-Ghlinne) was, as it has been characterised by a high
authority, with all the evidence of the case before him, neither
more nor less than " a judicial murder."
As a descendant of the gallant Invernakyles of Appin, and
brave MacRobbs of Letter-Shuna, I have to request that you
will withdraw your cruel and utterly unfounded indictment of
murder against " the Stewarts of Appin," a race, let me assure
you, far too proud and brave to be guilty of anything so cowardly
and mean as the assassination of Colin Campbell of Glenure, even
if he had been ten times over the heartless tyrant and oppressor
Allan Breac believed him to be. The whole history of the clan
goes to prove that when they had to deal with an enemy it was
always in honourable and open fight, never once by assassination.
My distinguished friend, the late John Hill Burton, was very
proud of his title of Historiographer Royal for Scotland. You,
Mr Editor, are now, by common consent, Historiographer Royal
of the Highland Clans; and very nobly and impartially, alto-
gether admirably, have you discharged your onerous and im-
portant duties, so far as your histories have yet gone. I there-
fore appeal to you in this matter with the utmost confidence that
you will do my claim justice ; that you will withdraw the charge
to which I call your attention, either by appending a foot-note
354 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to the text, or by an entire obliteration of the words to which I
take objection.
With hearty congratulations on the continued success of
your excellent Magazine, believe me, yours very faithfully,
NETHER-LOCHABER.
20th May 1884.
[We regret, in one sense, having roused the Royal ire of our
excellent friend, " Nether- Lochaber." In another sense we are
not ; for we confess to an inclination to " do it again," to draw an-
other letter from him; for we are always pleased to see any of his
productions in the Celtic Magazine, even when he hits hard. We
have, however, on this occasion, discovered the slip which moved
his patriotic soul, and had already corrected it for the separate
work, before his letter was received. It will be seen that the un-
pardonable crime complained of consisted in our having written
" Stewarts of Appin " for a " Stewart in Appin."— ED. C
OLD HIGHLAND REMEDIES.
II.
MARTIN describes several methods which the Islesmen had for
inducing perspiration. In Skye, the patient boiled his shirt in
water, and then put it on, and this soon had the desired effect.
Another way was to pile live peats upon an earthen floor until it
became sufficiently hot, when the peats were removed and a
quantity of straw substituted. Water was then poured upon it,
and the patient lay down upon the steaming straw until the per-
spiration came on. When it was desired to make any particular
part of the body perspire, a hole was dug in an earthen floor and
filled with dry sticks and rushes. A red-hot hectic stone was
placed upon these, and water being poured over the whole, the
patient held the special part of his person over the vapour evolved
until he obtained the desired result. A bowl of hot gruel and
butter was taken at bed-time to produce a copious perspiration
all over the body — a remedy common to this day.
OLD HIGHLAND REMEDIES. 355
Their cure for faintness of spirits cannot be better described
than in Martin's own words. It was performed by a blacksmith
in the parish of Kilmartin as follows : — " The patient being laid
on the anvil with his face uppermost, the smith takes a big
hammer in both his hands, and making his face all grimace, he
approaches his patient ; and then drawing his hammer from the
ground, as if he intended to hit him with his full strength on the
forehead, he ends in a feint, else he would be sure to cure the
patient of all diseases ; but the smith being accustomed to the
performance, has a dexterity of managing his hammer with dis-
cretion, though at the same time he must do it so as to strike
terror in the patient ; and. this, they say, has always the designed
; effect."
For costiveness there were a number of remedies, one of the
most common being to boil a quantity of dulse in water, and
drink the infusion with a good-sized piece of butter in it. Some
of the Skye people took an infusion of spearwort in melted
butter, but as this was rather a violent remedy it was not gener-
ally used. Wood mercury and horehound were often found
effectual. In St Kilda the natives drank the oil which the
fulmar, a species of petrel, spouted from its bill when alarmed,
and which contained valuable laxative properties.
For bloodshot and inflamed eyes, the Skye people applied a
poultice of yellow fern and white of egg laid upon coarse flax.
An infusion in milk of the plant called eyebright, applied with a
feather, was also used with success, and dulse eaten in liberal
quantities was thought to improve the eyesight.
In cases of toothache, spearwort was applied to the temples,
another remedy being to heat a turf and place it to the side of
the head affected as hot as it could be borne. In Folk- Medicine
it is stated that " to go between the sun and the sky to a place
where the dead and the living cross (a ford), and lift a stone from
it with the teeth, is thought in the North-East of Scotland a cure
for toothache."
The iliac passion was treated by giving the sufferer a drink
of cold water and oatmeal, and then suspending the patient by
the heels for some time, poultices of hot dulse being applied to
the abdomen, until relief was obtained.
To ripen a tumour or boil they used a warm poultice of
356 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
female jacobea, cut small, and mixed with fresh butter on a hot
stone, and this was also applied to hard and swollen breasts.
Benumbed feet were scarified with a lancet, and when
swollen and blistered with walking long distances they were
bathed in a decoction of alder leaves. Rheumatic pains were
relieved by rubbing the affected parts with fulmar oil, and the
juice of the crab-apple was considered good for sprains and
cramps. For flatulency the people ate the roots of knaphard and
lovage, taking nothing else, however, the same day.
In Colonsay, the people had a curious custom of fanning the
sick with the leaves of the Bible. Martin states that while he
was there the loan of his " book " was thrice requested and given
for that purpose, and he was informed next day that the patient
had benefited considerably by the use of it.
The remedies for the ills which afflict man have hitherto
been entirely dealt with. • We shall now give a few of those used
for the diseases of cattle, sheep, and horses.
In Harris, the sheep which fed upon sandy ground became
afflicted with a film which grew over their eyes and caused
blindness, and to cure this the eyes were rubbed with chalk or
powdered cuttle-fish bone. Lovage was a sovereign remedy for
sheep troubled with cough.
To cure cramp in cows, the part affected was bathed in
water in which a curious kind of stone found in clay banks had
been steeped for some hours. These stones were called cramp-
stones. For blindness, chewed wild sage was put into the
animal's ears. Costiveness was cured by giving the sea-plant
slake, boiled with some butter. . ,
Horses troubled with bots were washed with water in which
a peculiar stone, called by the Skye people bot-stones, had been
steeped. Wild sage chopped small, or an infusion of it, were
given to horses to kill worms, the animal being kept from drink-
ing for at least ten hours after the dose.
These are some of the most curious remedies given in
Martin's work, which contains a valuable store of information re-
garding the life, manners, and customs of the Western Islesmen
two hundred years ago.
H. R. M.
357
JOSEPH ANDERSON, LL.D., ON EARLY CELTIC ART.— THE Ettles
Lecture Trustees have this year devoted the funds at their disposal to a very
patriotic purpose, and our only regret is that the treat which they provided for all
who care to know the early history of their race, by inducing Dr Anderson, the Cus-
todian of the Antiquarian Museum in Edinburgh, to deliver three lectures on Ancient
Celtic Art, was not more fully appreciated and more widely taken advantage of. The
lectures were delivered in the Fraser Street Hall on the 28th and 3oth April and the
2nd May, to an audience which, if not large, was thoroughly appreciative, and the in-
terest of the lectures was greatly enhanced by the numerous beautiful coloured repre-
sentations of the various relics of Art described in the lectures. In the first lecture Dr
Anderson treated of the pre-Christian times, describing the various relics of Art work-
manship belonging to those times, which have come down to us, and demonstrating
that those objects exhibit a peculiar style and development of Art and Art workman-
ship, displaying not only the possession of great technical skill and boldness of con-
ception and design, but also a style and development of Art, no example of which
has been found outside the Celtic area, which exhibits no trace of any foreign influence,
and which must, therefore, have been of native origin. This, as the lecturer pointed
out, clearly shows that our ancestors at the time of the Roman Invasion of Britain
were not the rude savages we have been led to think by the descriptions of classical
writers, who classed all the world except the Romans as barbarians, but were a
people who had attained at least that amount of culture which is implied in the love
of beautiful objects of Art, in the faculty to design these, and in the technical skill to
make them. In the last two lectures Dr Anderson proceeded to treat of early Christian
times, and showed that in Ireland and the part of Scotland which had not been con-
quered by Rome, there continued a peculiar style of Art, exhibited in churches and
their attendant round towers, in bells, in sculptured stone monuments, in crosses,
reliquaries, and in the ornamentation of manuscripts, which was a continuation and
development of the style of Art of the pre-Christian period, and continued until
comparatively recent times to be entirely independent of external influence of any kind-
and which by its association with Celtic writing is shown to be Celtic, and to have
been Celtic in its origin, as in its continuous development. In the report of the
Crofters' Commission, the Commissioners, in noticing the rudeness of the houses of the
class about whom they were inquiring, remark significantly that they are not as a rule
discontented with their dwellings, and that the rudeness of these has not prevented
them being more moral and of more polite and gentle manners than the same class in
other parts of the country. In like manner Dr Anderson remarks of our remote
ancestors — " The men who produced this school of Art, though they may have lived in
beehive houses built of unhewn and uncemented stones, and worshipped in churches
scarcely more ornate in appearance or more architectural in construction, were not
men who were destitute of that variety of culture which is literary and artistic in its
character. On the contrary, we now see that they were men of such acquirements and
tastes, that they multiplied their books laboriously, and counted it a virtue to be dili-
gent in doing so ; that the skill they thus acquired enabled them to produce manuscript
volumes written with a faultless regularity and precision of character, rivalling the
best caligraphy of the most literary nations, which they adorned with illuminations of
exquisite beauty and intricacy of design, and enclosed in cases rich with the costliest
workmanship in gold and silver, in filigree work or embossed work, or covered with
gilded and engraved designs and precious stones." It is pleasing to all who take a
pride in their race to have such a picture of our ancestors from the hand of so high an
authority as Dr Anderson.
CHARLES FRASER- MACKINTOSH, M.P.
" THE MEMBER FOR THE HIGHLANDS.'
359
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION
(HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS)-
AN ANALYSIS.
THE long-looked- for Report of the Royal Commission appointed
last year to inquire into the grievances of the Highland crofters
has at last been issued. On the I7th of October 1877, the Editor
of the Celtic Magazine asked Mr Charles Eraser-Mackintosh,
M.P., in the Music Hall, Inverness, the following question : —
" Keeping in view that the Government has graciously con-
sidered the reputed scarcity of crabs and lobsters, and of herrings
and garvies, on oiir Highland coast, of sufficient importance to
justify them in granting two separate Royal Commissions of In-
quiry— will you, in your place in Parliament, next session, move
that a similar Commission be granted to inquire into the present
impoverished and ivretched condition and, in some places, the
scarcity of men and women in the Highlands ; the cause of this
state of things ; and the most effectual remedy for ameliorating the
condition of the Highland Crofters generally ?"
The subsequent history of the movement originated by that
question is already well known to the reader. It will, we think,
be readily admitted that, from our early association with the pro-
ceedings which resulted in the granting of the Commission, and
from several other facts connected with its history and progress,
we have a very special interest in the result of its labours, em-
bodied in the Report before us. The Commission was sanc-
tioned by her Majesty on the i/th of March 1883, "to inquire
into the condition of the crofters and cottars in the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland, and all matters affecting the same or
relating thereto," terms identical in meaning with those used in
the question addressed, as above, to Mr Eraser-Mackintosh, in
1877. The proceedings having wisely been carried on in public,
the manner in which they were conducted under the able, im-
partial, and sympathetic guidance of the noble Chairman, Lord
Napier and Ettrick, has been so fully recognised and appreciated
by all, and, on a previous occasion, gladly admitted by our-
360 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
selves, as to leave no room for saying anything now but the
expression anew of our most complete approval. While saying
this much with pleasure regarding the conduct of the Commis-
sioners during the inquiry, we are at liberty to differ from them,
and we do so very decidedly, in some of the conclusions at which
they have arrived. We are perfectly willing, however, to admit
that in some' of the recommendatiops of the majority, concessions
are made, in principle, far in advance of anything we had ever
hoped for, though far short of what the circumstances of the
country and people demand.
When the Commission was appointed we very pointedly
expressed disapproval of its composition, at the same time de-
claring the high respect in which the members were held — in
their private and public capacities by us and all who knew them
— apart from the duties which they were called upon to per-
form. We then wrote that — " nothing will satisfy the public
short of making the cruel evictions of the past impossible in
in future in the Highlands, by giving the people .a permanent
interest in the soil they cultivate. That a recommendation to
that effect can emanate from a Royal Commission, composed as
this one is, is scarcely conceivable. Nor is it expected that they
can rise so far above the common failings of humanity as to be very
anxious to procure evidence which will lead to legislation in that
direction. Are Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and Lochiel, for instance,"
we asked, " at all likely to recommend the modification of their
present rights of property, or the abolition or material curtailment
of deer-forests, from which they and their class derive a great
portion of their revenues ? If they do they will prove themselves
more than human." How has this forecast been verified ? In re-
ference to the receiving of evidence, the statement already made
admits in this respect to the full the fairness of the Commissioners.
But what about our expressed anticipations about evictions and
deer-forests ? The Commissioners unanimously declare that they
" have no hesitation in affirming that to grant, at this moment,
to the whole mass of poor tenants in the Highlands and Islands,
fixity of tenure in their holdings, uncontrolled management of
these holdings, and free sale of their tenant-right, good-will, and
improvements, would be to perpetuate social evils of a dangerous
character." Seeing that none of these things now exist, it is
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 361
i
difficult to conceive how they can be perpetuated as social
evils of a dangerous character, or at all ; and, on the other hand, it
cannot be doubted that the framers 6f such a thoughtful, able, and,
in many respects, excellent report, must have perceived that it
would be quite possible to secure permanent tenure without
necessarily granting the other good things named — the uncon-
trolled management of holdings, free sale of tenant-right, good-
will, and improvements — if these concessions were likely to lead
to the undesirable results apprehended by the Commissioners.
So much for the first part of our original prediction, with certain
important exceptions — at least in principle — relating to improv-
ing leases, which will be hereafter discussed.
Next, as to deer-forests. The Commissioners make some
very excellent proposals as to the formation of future deer-forests.
It is their unanimous opinion " that provisions should be framed,
under which the crofting class would be protected against diminu-
tion, for the purpose of afforestment, of arable or pasture area now
in their possession, and by which the areas which might hereafter
form the most appropriate scene for expanding cultivation and
small holdings should be preserved from curtailment,"- and that
no land should in future be appropriated for deer-forests below an
altitude of 1000 feet. These recommendations " are not intended
to apply to existing forests," not " even at the termination of cur-
rent leases " — not even to such as the Winans desolation, which
skirts the very shores of Loch-Duich, in Kintail, and the history
of which has become a public scandal and a shame. One cannot
help saying that what, in the opinion of the Royal Commission-
ers, must be so desirable in the case of future desolations, would
also be beneficial in the case of existing forests, many portions of
which are admittedly fit for arable and pastoral farming. The
formation, and we would say, the continuation, of deer-forests —
which, unlike fixity of tenure, do exist — "is also calculated to
perpetuate in an altered form an evil which has often been sub-
mitted to our attention, the absence of a graduated local repre-
sentation of the various orders of society. Under the system of
pastoral farming on a large scale this defect is deeply felt. The
labouring class is Vepresented by the crofter, the cottar, and the
shepherd ; the large farmer is the absent tenant of an absent
landlord. The minister, the doctor, the schoolmaster, and the
362 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
factor, thinly scattered at great intervals over the forsaken
country, are the only representatives of culture, of counsel, and
of power. This forlorn feature in the social aspect of some
remoter parts of the Highlands is changed, but not much miti-
gated, by the transfer of the farm to forest. For a brief space in
the year the sporting tenant appears at the lodge with company,
expenditure, and benefaction in his train ; but the area consoli-
dated in a single hand is greater still, the gulf between the
labouring people and the leaders of social life is as wide as ever,
the leaders are less concerned in local interests, and intermediate
social positions are blotted out." So say the Commissioners ;
yet they recommend the continuation of existing forests, on the
present conditions, while they suggest such excellent provisions
regarding future misappropriation of land for a similar purpose !
They unanimously agree that in the case of land ex-
clusively " devoted to the use of deer, not let or proposed to
be let to a sporting tenant, but reserved intentionally for the
enjoyment of the proprietor, the latter should be assessed on the
basis of the sporting rent, and not on the basis of the agricultural
value, as is at present the case." This is a righteous proposal,
long insisted upon by all disinterested, impartial people, but,
curiously enough, this is the last recommendatory paragraph in
the report immediately before we come upon the following : —
" The preceding remarks are not intended to apply to existing
forests. We would not think it equitable that these areas should
be subjected to special legislation, other than that which may be
made applicable to agricultural or pastoral lands." The explana-
tion for this curious and decidedly inequitable finding must
be accounted for by the weakness of human nature, and the com-
position of the Royal Commission, in the direction of our original
objections ; and the result realises to the full what we then so
pointedly anticipated on the question of deer forests. We shall
return to this subject; meanwhile we pass on to the portion of the
report, which deals with
THE EVIDENCE.
Before discussing the various proposals of the Commissioners,
it may be well to refer to what they state respecting the evidence
submitted to them — " depositions," the Report says, " regarding
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 363
acts and incidents often obscure and remote, in many cases de-
livered by illiterate persons speaking from early memory or from
hearsay, or from popular tradition, fleeting and fallacious sources,
even when not tinged by ancient regrets and resentments, or by
the passions of the hour." To this is to be added the fact that
the Commission " was anticipated by agents enlisted in the
popular cause," which " was to be expected in a free country,"
and which " may not have been without justification and even
utility among a population in a dependent and precarious con-
dition, unused to combination for a public purpose." From two
of these agents in advance — the writer being one of them —
the Commissioners received assurances that their influence was not
employed to intensify irritation, but rather in an opposite direction.
"We" (the Commissioners) "are willing to believe that there was
no conscious incentive to mis-statement" by the crofters, "nor
shall we deny to the individuals above mentioned, irrespective of
their opinions and connections, a genuine zeal for the good of
their countrymen." This is very condescending, in view of the
admissions made, immediately after, in the Report itself. Many
of " the allegations of oppression and suffering " made by the
crofters, it is said, would not bear a searching analysis. "Under
such a scrutiny they would be found erroneous," — not, be it re-
marked, in fact, but — " as to time, to place, to persons, to extent,
and misconstrued as to intention." This is a curious admission
following upon what had just been suggested respecting the agents
in advance. These gentlemen could not possibly know anything
about the details of the personal grievances of individuals ; they
could only know the general acts of " oppression and suffering."
It was simply beyond their power to instruct the people in ad-
vance, even had they the wish to do so, about the details. Yet
the Commissioners follow up the sentence just quoted by admit-
ting to the full the general accuracy of all the charges and com-
plaints, made by the people themselves, declaring that —
" It does not follow, however, that because these narratives
are incorrect in detail, they are incorrect in colour or in kind.
The history of the economical transformation which a great por-
tion of the Highlands and Islands has during the past century
undergone, does not repose on the loose and legendary tales that
pass from mouth to mouth ; it rests on the solid basis of con-
temporary records, and if these were wanting, it is written in
364 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
indelible characters on the surface of the soil. Changes of this
nature, going to the very foundation of domestic and social life,
are not anywhere accomplished without some constraint, resist-
ance, and distress, and if the instances produced for our informa-
tion are not specifically and literally true, they are akin to truth."
This is surely admitting, in the most complete manner, every-
thing that outsiders, who could only be acquainted with the
general history of the various districts — not with individual cases
— could possibly know or say. But this is not all. We are told of
the people themselves, who did, and who only could, speak in
detail of their own oppressions and sufferings —
" That even among the poorest and least educated class who
came before us there were many examples of candour, kindness,
and native intelligence, testifying to the unaltered worth of the
Highland people ;" while the depositions of " proprietors, fac-
tors, farmers, clergymen, and members of the learned professions
contain much that is valuable in connection with the industrial
history and moral and physical condition of the population" only
" subject to the powerful influences of prepossession or interest
belonging to their several conditions and employments."
It is plain that " the poorest and least educated " have decidedly
the best of the comparison, and the agents in advance need have
no hesitation, in all the circumstances, in preferring their com-
pany. It is clear, on the face of it, that great concessions have
been made on the part of individual Commissioners in the
preparation of the report, and, judging by the course of the ex-
amination pursued by certain of them, there may be no difficulty
in coming to the conclusion that the unsuccessful attempt to
throw discredit on the leaders of the agitation which brought
about the Inquiry was a sop by the majority to conciliate their
opponents. If these gentlemen are as satisfied with the result on
this point as we are with the result generally, they are happy
indeed.
The Commissioners have admitted unequivocally the exist-
ence of all the grievances, oppressions, and sufferings ever alleged
by the crofters or by their friends, and their conclusions, they tell
us, " are in no small measure founded on impressions derived
from personal observation, from the opinions of men of authority,
from books, and from previous familiarity with the interests at
issue." This is all that need be said on the grievances of the
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 365
people, and the evidence presented in support of them. Practic-
ally their substantial accuracy is admitted to the full in the Report.
The following is presented by the Commissioners as the
people's own conception of the condition of their forefathers in
the Highlands a hundred years ago. —
" A large extent of arable and pasture land held by prosper-
ous tenants in townships, paying a rent to the proprietor ; a
sufficiency of grain grown, ground, and consumed in the country,
in some places with an overplus available for exportation ; cattle
in numbers adequate to afford" milk in abundance, and young
stock for sale ; horses for the various purposes of rural labour ;
sheep, which yielded wool for home-spun and home-woven cloth-
ing of a substantial quality, and an occasional supply of animal
food ; fish of all kinds freely taken from the river and the sea.
The population, thus happily provided with the simple necessaries
of rustic life, are represented as contented with their lot, deeply
attached to their homes, but ready to devote their lives to the
service of the Crown and the defence of the country. Of the
terms under which the smaller tenants held their possessions no
definite account is presented, but it is assumed that they were
entitled to security of tenure, subject to rent and services, as the
descendants or successors of those subordinate members or de-
pendants of the family, who in former ages won the land for the
clan and maintained the fortunes of their chiefs by their swords.
This claim of security of tenure is held to have been in some sort
'transmitted to existing occupiers. If the picture thus sub-
mitted," continues the Report, " is a faithful likeness of any phase
of popular life that ever existed in the northern parts of Scotland,
it could only be in fortunate localities and in favourable seasons.
That it contains some of the lineaments of truth must be ad-
mitted, but it is a view drawn without a shadow." It then pro-
ceeds— " There have been in some districts from an ancient date
small tenants holding farms in common, and paying" rent direct
to the proprietor. Such undoubtedly existed in considerable
numbers in the latter half of the last century. In these cases the
small tenants occupying large areas at low rents, and little vexed
by services to the landlord, who was remote or indulgent, no
doubt enjoyed a life of tolerable ease and abundance, diversified
from time to time by the deprivations caused in years of scarcity."
This pleasant picture is followed by qualified remarks on those
holding as sub-tenants under the tacksmen, concluded by the
following, also painted by the Royal Commissioners themselves: —
"As a general view of the advantages and disadvantages
attached to the condition of the sub-tenant in the past, compared
366 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
with those belonging to the condition of the crofter of the present,
in many cases his representative, the sub-tenant had often the
benefit of more room ; in this case he held a larger arable area,
by which cultivation could be suspended, and the productive
properties of the soil, in consequence, to some extent preserved.
On the vast unappropriated waste he could pasture a greater
number of live stock ; he possessed the potato in a more prolific
and reliable condition as a main source of sustenance ; in the
manufacture of kelp he found the means of paying his money
rent. He had a greater freedom in regard to the natural produce
of the river and the moor. The intervals of leisure were passed
with great cheerfulness among a primitive people, to whom hard-
ships were familiar, who enjoyed their own traditional forms of
physical and intellectual recreation, and whose minds were not
embittered by an intelligent envy of the welfare of others, or by
the belief in rights from which they were debarred. The various
orders of society were more fully represented in the resident com-
munity ; the natural leaders of the people lived among them."
There were disadvantages no doubt, but they were small, even
as detailed in the Report, when placed against the picture here
presented. Let us now submit the contrast — the condition of
the present crofter, as pictured by the Commissioners ; and we
are not aware that his condition has ever been painted in
darker colours. —
" The crofter of the present time has, through past evictions,
been confined within narrow limits, sometimes on inferior and
exhausted soils. He is subject to arbitrary augmentations of
money rent; he is without security of tenure, and has only
recently received the concession of compensation for improve-
ments. His habitation is usually of a character which would
almost imply physical and moral degradation in the eyes of those
who do not know how much decency, courtesy, virtue, and even
mental refinement, survive amidst the sordid surroundings of a
Highland hovel. The crofter belongs to that class of tenants
who have received the smallest share of proprietory favour or
benefaction, and who are by virtue of power, position, or covenants,
least protected against inconsiderate treatment."
Several advantages now possessed by the crofters are then
enumerated, but with one exception — their direct relationship
with the proprietor — none of these advantages have been secured
for them by the landlords, but, in most instances, in spite of their
active and powerful opposition. It is satisfactory, however, to find
the Commissioners unanimously admitting, in spite of all they are
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 367
able to say of the modern advantages of the crofting classes,
that—
"Whatever has been the progress in the condition of the
Highland and Island population, we have not reached a point
which should satisfy their just expectations," and that the popu-
lation belonging to this class, "engaged in agricultural and
pastoral pursuits, in addition to the evils attached to an unpro-
ductive soil, high elevations, and a variable and boisterous
climate, suffer from various causes of indigence, discouragement,
and irritation, which are subject to remedial treatment."
These causes, they tell us, may be enumerated as follows : —
" Undue contraction of the area ofv holdings ; undue exten-
sion of the area of holdings ; insecurity of tenure ; want of
compensation for improvements; high rents; defective communi-
cations ; withdrawal of the soil in connection with the purposes
of sport. To these we may add " they say, " as contributing, in
our opinion, to the depressed condition of the people, defects in
education, defects in the machinery of justice, and want of
facilities for emigration." •
As regards the fishing population, which are generally the same
persons as the crofters, in the West Highlands and Islands, there
are in addition —
" The want of harbours, piers, boat-shelters, and landing-
places ; inability to purchase boats and tackle adapted for
distant and deep-sea fishing ; difficulty of access to the great
markets of consumption ; defective postal and telegraphic com-
munication."
This black catalogue — blacker than even we ever depicted it,
but now fully admitted by all the Commissioners — it would be
difficult to magnify; and the mere statement and admission of
its faithfulness by such an authority — a Commission composed
as this one was — is more than sufficient, not only to justify all
the agitation which was found necessary to direct the attention
of the Crown, the Country, and Parliament, to so lamentable a
state of things, but also to justify all and any agitation that
may be necessary to compel the Legislature to supply an early
and complete remedy, and pass a measure which will make its
continuance any longer absolutely impossible. It certainly more
than justifies all that has ever been alleged by the crofters and
their friends, and much more.
368 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
This leads us to consider the proposals made by the Com-
missioners to remove these evils.
THE TOWNSHIP.
The first remedy proposed is to re-organise the Highland
u Township," Village Community, or Baile, as a distinct agri-
cultural area or unit, endowing it with certain immunities, powers,
and privileges, by which it can " attain stability, improvement,
and expansion." The township in its past and present position
and relationships is fully and clearly described. " It has never
possessed any corporate existence in the law of Scotland," but it
" does nevertheless possess a distinct existence in the sentiments
and traditions of its component members, and by the customs of
estate management," in a manner accurately set forth by the
Commissioners, who further declare that, though it has no legal
status, it is yet " a reality in the habits of the people, and could
not now be set at nought without arousing public resentment and
opposition ;" and they entertain the belief that it " contains latent
capacities which are worthy of being studied and developed ;" and
that some evils may be thus prevented and benefits conferred,
which could not be prevented or conferred by dealing with
individual interests in the township apart from it as an agri-
cultural unit or area with such powers and privileges as it is
proposed to confer upon it by law ; which are briefly as follows : —
All inhabited places containing three or more agricultural
holdings possessing pasture lands in common, or which, within
forty years, have enjoyed the use of such, are to be registered in
the Sheriff Court books of the county as crofter townships ; a
plan of each township to be deposited in the office of the Sheriff-
Clerk, showing its boundaries, the dwelling-houses upon it, the
divisions between the various holdings in it, and other features of
occupancy ; these plans to be corrected from time to time as
changes in any of its features occur. The township, thus consti-
tuted and recorded, would not be liable to reduction in area, or
to be dissolved without the consent of two-thirds of its whole
occupiers, expressed by formal resolution, passed at a meeting
called for the purpose ; and no exchange of lands, or the division
of any one township into two or more, or its being joined with
another township, can take place without the assent, in a similar
way, of a majority of the whole members. It is proposed that in
the recognition of townships close to the sea a right should be
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 369
reserved by the proprietor to take township lands and shores for
the formation of houses and plots of land for fishing communities,
harbours, boat-shelters, and buildings, necessary for carrying on
and encouraging that industry, compensation being always
awarded, where possible, to the township, by grants of land equal
in value to that reserved, or by the reduction of rent to the indi-
viduals whose holdings may be depreciated in value by the cur-
tailment of their holdings. Proposals follow for the appoint-
ment of an officer, who is to act, under the designation of
constable of the township, to convene meetings, represent the
people in dealing with the proprietor and his representatives, to
act as arbitrator on behalf of the township in all cases of valua-
tion, and to co-operate with the sanitary inspector in all matters
connected with the improvement of dwellings and public health.
""By these. simple provisions" the Commissioners are of opinion
that " the stability of the township would be firmly founded, and
the 'Crofting class would be maintained in the possession of the
arable area still left to them, and protected against the further
alienation of common pasture." In addition to these rights, it is
proposed that provision should be made for the erection of town-
ship fences, for roads and paths, fuel, thatching material, and sea
ware. In the case of fences between the arable and pasture lands,
the proprietor on the one hand, or a majority of the occupiers on
the other, are to be empowered to call on each other to co-operate
— the proprietor, in the case of a stone dyke, to undertake the
expenses of building, while the tenants procure the stones and
place them on the ground ; in the case of a wire-fence, the
proprietor to supply the material and the skilled labour, while the
tenants would supply the carriage and the unskilled assistance
required. Provisions almost similar are recommended in the
case of fences between the pasture lands of the township and the
proprietor, or the adjoining proprietor, or their tenants, or be-
tween one township and another, the expense in the latter case
to be divided between the two townships. Roads and paths and
bridges are similarly provided for, with the main object of stimu-
lating the people " to shake off the torpor which besets them, and
use their own labour for their own benefit, obliging at the same
time the proprietor to make those pecuniary outlays and sacrifices
for the township which he is practically compelled to do for the
large farm," particularly in the case of a resident tenant.
Some excellent recommendations are also made in connection
with what will, perhaps, appear comparatively small matters in
the view of strangers to the necessities of a crofter's life in the
Highlands. Let the Commissioners themselves explain them —
"Among the minor subjects of complaint which seem to
370 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
rankle in the minds of the small tenants, and to exasperate their
relations with the proprietor or the neighbouring tenant in some
exceptional localities, are payments for peats, sea-ware, and
heather or grass for thatching. We think it desirable that all
specific charges for privileges, such as these, should cease. They
cause some irritation, they yield little profit, and as they involve
payments for commodities indispensable to the poor, but which
cost the landlord nothing, and have scarcely any marketable
value, they seem peculiarly oppressive."
The township, it is recommended, should have the right to
cut peats, sea-ware, and material for thatch, when such cannot be
procured within the bounds of the township itself, on any lands
most convenient to occupiers, and belonging to the same pro-
prietor, always free of charge, and under proper regulations ; in
sjome cases, failing agreement by the parties, to be settled by
the Sheriff-Substitute.
These provisions are designed for the preservation to the
small tenants of their present contracted area of arable and pasture
lands, but the Commissioners have also very properly concluded
that this is not enough ; and they propose to enforce the com-
pulsory application of more land-— arable and pastoral — for the
extension of the crofters' present domain, under certain con-
ditions and circumstances. They are " of opinion that the
condition of the crofting population in some quarters is such
that it would be justifiable in the public interest to introduce the
alternative of a compulsory process, in the absence of voluntary
concession," on the part of the landlords. They therefore re-
commend that —
The township should be able to claim an extension of
ground from the proprietor ; that the occupiers should be en-
titled to register their claim in the books of the Sheriff Court ;
that a period of one year should be allowed for a voluntary ar-
rangement ; that the Sheriff-Substitute should then investigate
their claim, and if he finds it well founded, that he should record
the township as an "overcrowded township," and the claim a
reasonable claim. The proprietor would then be held liable to
increase the land of the township from contiguous lands ; no hold-
ing under £100 rent to be liable to diminution for this purpose,
without the voluntary assent of the proprietor. The aggregate
value, however, of the land assigned for this enlargement is not
to exceed one-third of the annual value of the holding from
which it is taken — that is, when the annual value of the dimin-
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 371
ished holding is below £150 ; it is not to exceed one-half, when
the annual value is below .£300 ; and it is not to exceed two-
thirds, when the annual value is above £300. The enlargement
must not be used for creating fresh holdings in the township, but
only for the development, improvement, or transfer of existing
holdings. The Sheriff must be satisfied that the occupiers are
able to use the additional ground profitably, and to stock the hill
pasture. The rent of the enlarged ground is to be fixed by
valuation. This scheme would not involve any sudden or violent
change. In most cases it would mean merely "a moderate re-
storation of the hill pasture which the grandfathers of the exist-
ing hamlets enjoyed sixty years ago." New townships, to admit
of migration from one part of an estate to another, where no con-
tiguous land is available, may be formed with consent of the pro-
prietor. In these cases, the Commissioners recommend Govern-
ment to make advances not exceeding .£100 for every ,£"10 of
annual value in each new holding, and of £$ for each additional
pound of annual value, for the construction of dwelling-houses,
farm offices, and fences, at 3 per cent, per annum, the holdings to
be created not to be less than £10, nor to exceed £30 of annual
value ; these new townships to have all the rights and obligations
of existing ones, and not to be subject to sub-letting or division
in any form. No holding in a township of less than £20 annual
rent should be hereafter susceptible of subdivision, and. no new
holding of less than £10 annual rent should be constituted.
Holdings of less than £3 annual rent, on becoming vacant,
should be added to existing holdings."
The Commissioners anticipate that objection may be taken
to the proposed Highland township area and its extension, for
partaking " of a retrogressive character," as it proposes to give
legal sanction to a form of occupation and land tenure which has
almost everywhere given way before the gradual introduction of
individual industry and occupation. To this objection they, in
our opinion, conclusively reply —
" That pasture is indispensable to the small tenant in most
parts of the Highlands and Islands, the soil and climate being
such that he can never depend on cereal cultivation alone, either
for rent or sustenance, while the areas requisite for the grazing of
cattle, and especially of sheep, are so vast, and the surface so
rugged, that numerous enclosures are impracticable. The choice
is thus not between separate pasture and common pasture, but
between common pasture and no pasture at all."
By these proposals, it is fully conceded that Parliament may
properly interfere with the rights of landed property when the
372 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
condition of the people and the interests of the public demand it.
That is a great point gained in the present controversy between
landlord and tenant; and, if the proper means are used, it may be
turned to good account. It will, however, we think, be observed
with very general regret that, while it is proposed to preserve and
even extend the existing township lands, no provision whatever
is made to secure the individual tenants in their holdings in the
township, even after it has been registered and has acquired the
legal status recommended by the Commissioners. The land can-
not be taken away from the people, but the people can be driven
off the land. The people may be evicted, and the township
turned into a large farm or a mere sporting domain. The pro-
posed township, without security of tenure, is like a bundle of
sticks, each of which may be picked out and burnt, until the
whole bundle is consumed. So with the township crofters. They
can be evicted individually until the township area ceases to exist
for the purpose desiderated in the Report, as effectually as the
bundle of sticks. Security of tenure would make the proposal
logically complete and effectual, and the ultimate value of the
plan must be based on the right of the individual to remain, and
to demand from his landlord the remedies recommended, without
fear of being evicted out of the place as a troublesome, disagree-
able person, who claims a right to live in his native land. The
want of this necessary provision will appear incredible when so
much is recommended that, logically, can only be based upon
security of tenure, but the Commissioners themselves declare
its absence. After describing all the other conditions of the pro-
posed township tenancy, they say that " the occupier would, how-
ever, remain subject to the arbitrary removal in the absence of a
lease." This is, unfortunately, but too manifest.
We regret to find that, from the whole of this portion of the
Report — the portion which recommends the adoption of the
township unit or area — Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and Lochiel
enter their dissent in the most emphatic language ; while they
only sign others of its recommendations with hesitation and re-
luctance. [See separate article on the Dissents.]
With the object of providing, to a small extent, against arbi-
trary removals, and for other reasons, the Commissioners • re-
commend that —
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 373
IMPROVING LEASES
Should be granted, subject, however, to so many conditions, and
limited to tenants paying so high a rent, as to make them applic-
able to a very small number of the people. The proposal is
valuable, however, inasmuch as it clearly admits the principle of
Security of Tenure, which, if once conceded, cannot possibly be
confined to tenants paying a rental of from £6 to ^30. In these
proposals, the Commissioners themselves declare that : —
" There is undoubtedly some abridgment of the landlord's
power. In regard to the township, the owner is compelled to
restrict a portion of his estate to a specific purpose, to restore in
some cases a part of it otherwise appropriated to that object, it
may be, with some diminution in its return, and to co-operate in
certain works of no small charge for the benefit of the township.
He is held to concession, and he is held to expenditure. He is
subjected to the obligation to grant leases ; and in connection with
those of an inferior status we propose some other limitations
to his authority. In all this there is a sacrifice of the prerogatives
and freedom of proprietory management, as well as a sacrifice of
money."
Had the Commissioners carried this interference sufficiently
far to provide complete security to the tenants, they would not
have disturbed the equanimity of the landlords any more than
they have done with the more limited but practically inoperative
proposals made ; and they would have satisfied all reasonable
claims, and secured general peace and contentment among the
people. We have always held that, given security of tenure, every-
thing else required would naturally follow ; without it, any other
proposals will be found of little practical use, except in so far as
the admission of the principle involved in them will help the
people at no distant date to secure the thing itself. The Com-
missioners justly declare that —
" It would obviously be idle to set apart particular areas of
land as an asylum for a particular class of cultivators, and to
deny to the individual cultivator those securities which are
necessary to the safe and proper exercise of his industry. In
view of the sufferings endured in past times by the people
through inconsiderate removals of which they retain a lasting
impression, and to the dread which they express of similar treat-
ment, though that may be in some degree unreal [?] as well as
for the purpose of giving an impulse to ameliorations, we are of
2 c
374 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
opinion that special provisions would be here justified, which
would not be requisite on behalf of .other orders of men more
independent, and more capable of governing their own destinies."
They might have added that, as this state of things was brought
about by " inconsiderate" action on the part of the owners of land
in the past, and that as it is being intensified by similar conduct
by not a few of them now — notwithstanding the misplaced faith
which the Commissioners express in the exemplary conduct of
the landlords of the present and the future — the landlords have
no right to complain, if it is now proposed to slightly curtail their
powers of mischief to themselves and to the people placed at their
mercy by the one-sided class legislation of the past. The public
have not, like the Commissioners, forgotten Leckmelm, Loch-
carron, the " Brave Old Crofter," and scores of similar cases,
within the last few years ; to say nothing of the wholesale notices
of removal issued in Skye and elsewhere, simultaneously almost
with the Report of the Commissioners.
Though the principle conceded in the proposed improving
lease is a good one, the manner in which it is proposed to give
effect to it, will satisfy neither landlord nor tenant. The condi-
tions are far too onerous, and incapable of being carried out in
practice by the small tenant, while it is only to the better class
crofters — those who least require it — that it is proposed to extend
the application of the principle involved in the improving lease.
The principal conditions and requirements are, stated briefly, as
follows : —
Any occupier not in arrear, and paying £6 or more annual
rent, should be entitled to claim from his proprietor an improving
lease. The application is to be recorded in the Sheriff Court
books ; and on the expiry of six months the applicant will be
entitled to ask the Sheriff for an official lease extending over
thirty years ; the rent to be fixed by valuation, the oversman in
case of difference to be appointed by the Sheriff. At the outset
the holding is to be inspected by valuators, and any buildings on
it in serviceable condition and suitable for the holding which had
been erected by the occupier, or by his predecessors of the
same family within the previous thirty years, or paid for by him
or them — provided no assistance for their erection had been
received from the landlord, and that the tenant was not bound by
express conditions in estate regulations or otherwise in writing —
shall " be valued by arbitration, and the value awarded should
constitute a debt on the part of the proprietor to the occupier,"
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 375
but in no case shall this compensation exceed three years' rent
of the holding. During the first seven years of his lease the oc-
cupier shall engage to expend in money or labour an amount
equal to not less than ten years' rent in permanent improvements.
Two breaks occur, one at the end of three, and the other at the
end of seven years, at which the lease will lapse if the specified
conditions are not fulfilled. At the close of the lease the occupier
will be entitled to improvements executed during the last twenty
years of the lease — the first ten being excluded. He can also
claim a renewal of the official lease. If the tenant causes the hold-
ing to deteriorate, the landlord is to have a claim against him. A
full year's notice must be given by either of the contracting parties
to terminate the occupancy at the end of the lease, when, whether
the tenant removes or remains, an inquiry and valuation shall
take place to clear up and adjust the mutual relations of proprie-
tor and tenant, and settle the compensation due ; that for build-
ings not to exceed five years' rent, and that for improvements
made during the second ten years of the lease, not to exceed one-
third of their cost, while the compensation for the last ten years
shall not exceed two-thirds of the cost of the improvements exe-
cuted by the tenant. In the event of the tenant choosing to re-
move, the sum found due to him shall be paid by the proprietor ;
if he decides to remain in the holding, the money is to be paid to
him at once, or it may be constituted a debt against trie proprie-
tor, in a manner mutually agreed upon between the two. The
tenant can demand a new lease, and, failing agreement with the
proprietor, the rent and conditions are to be settled by arbitra-
tion. Permanent improvements must be held to comprise the
erection of a dwelling-house, with chimneys and windows, the
walls being of stone and lime ; farm offices substantially built of
stone ; subsoil drains with stones or tiles, dry stone dykes, pro-
perly built ; deep trenching and clearing of the ground, and no
other improvements but those named. They must all be for the
benefit of the holding, and whether they are so or not, in case of
dispute, is to be settled by arbitration.
So far good, subject to a reduction of the oppressive con-
ditions attached to occupation under the proposed leases ; but
these are mere matters of detail, easily settled by Parliament
once legislation is honestly attempted.
The limitation of the improving lease to the absurdly high
figure of a £6 rental is a much more serious matter, and would
confine its application within such narrow limits, even if the other
impossible conditions were removed, as to make the leases prac-
tically of little utility, satisfying but a very small share of the
fair claims of an extremely small section of the people. The
376 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Commissioners themselves are conscious of the fact ; for they
say that it may be objected to the scheme, " that the pro-
tection and encouragements afforded to the higher class of
crofters above the level of the £6 line are withheld from those of
an inferior condition, forming in most localities, we regret to say,
the vast majority, and who may need such safeguards equally
or more. This must be admitted " — the Report continues — " the
poorer sort are here endowed with no formal security against
eviction or excessive rents. The inequality of treatment is
manifest and may appear unjust." It not only appears, but it
is unjust ; and such a limit ought not for a moment to be listened
to by the people and their friends.
In a foot-note to the Report, we are told that this limit of
£6 was inserted "as a compromise between the opinions of
those in the Commission who favoured a higher, and those who
favoured a lower figure ;" and, like all other compromises, it will
satisfy no one, and it must and will be brushed aside with little cere-
mony by the people and the Legislature. Mr Eraser-Mackintosh,
in his dissent from the £6 limit agreed upon by the other Com-
missioners, proposes the more reasonable basis of £4, which,
" though high enough," he would consider a fair one, and, having
been recognised in the Valuation Act of 1854, he claims that it
has a distinct significance. Even £4. is far too high, and per-
haps the fairest compromise — if compromises there must be —
would be a £3 limit. This would include the bulk of the small
tenants ; and anything that does not admit that should be stoutly
opposed by all interested.
Let us see the result of the two limits proposed ; that of the
majority of the Commission at £6, and that in the Memorandum
by Mr Eraser-Mackintosh, at £4. The following table, pre-
pared from the Valuation Rolls of Inverness and Ross, applies
to all the parishes, in the two counties, in which the Commis-
sioners received evidence; and, for the purposes of comparison,
it will be found sufficiently accurate, though, in several instances,
it was found impossible to exclude " lands " held separately
from " crofts " — a fact by which the numbers appear consider-
ably higher than they really are, and which leaves the case
stronger against the recommendations of the Report than the
figures actually indicate.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 377
The population column is taken from the Census of 1881, as
printed in Mackenzie's History of the Highland Clearances. —
Parish. Population. £6 Limit. £4 Limit.
22
101
130
333
224
277
117
1182
48
357
239
180
824
87
150
155
547
102
26
124
136
170
1027
22
Il82
824
547
1027
3602
* Of these numbers there are on Sir Kenneth Mackenzie's property in the
Parish only 18 at £6, and 82 at £4. On Mrs Liot's property, 43 at £6, and 83 at £4.
Sleat
ISLE OF SKYE.
2060
28
Strath
2616
37
Bracadale
020
Duirinish
4.7IQ
06
Snizort
2I2O
126
Kilmuir
2^62
181
Portree (including
Raasay)
3101
SO
Total
I77O7
ciS
SOUTHERN PORTION OF THE LONG ISLAND.
Barra 2161 •zn
South Uist (including
Benbecula)
6078
187
North Uist
4.264
1 08
Harris
4.814
ee
Total
17,317
37O
LEWIS.
W2<(
12
Lochs
6284
e
10,380
7
Uig .
3480
27
Total
2^.487
ci
MAINLAND COAST OF Ross AND
Ardnamurchan 4ioc
INVERNESS.
6q
Glenelg '.
1601
24
Glenshiel
424
Kintail
688
IQ
Lochalsh
2OCO
61
Lochcarron
->"
14^6
62
Applecross
22 3Q
eg
Gairloch
4CQ4.
61*
Lochbroom
'wt-
4.IQI
83
Total
21,348
4.7-2
Small Isles
GENERAL TOTALS.
ceo
8
Isle of Skye . ...
17,707
518
Barra, the Uists, and
Harris
17.317
37o
Lewis
2C.487
ei
Mainland, West Coast
of Inverness & Ross
Total in Inverness,
Ross and the Isles
21,34.8
433
1380
82,400
378 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Will the people be satisfied with such a result ? They cer-
tainly will not, and ought not. It is the old story of " muckle
cry and little woo' " with a vengeance ! The Commissioners
evidently feel this. But how do they propose to remedy the
existing state of things? The Report proceeds to tell us, as
follows : —
" These people" [eleven-twelfths of the whole population !]
"ought either to pass, as crofters, to new holdings of a higher value,
or take their position among cottars as labourers, mechanics, or
fishermen, with a cottage and an allotment,or migrate to other seats
of labour here, or emigrate to other countries. Their case is con-
templated by the provisions for improved fishing and voluntary
emigration which will be embodied in other parts of this Report.
Meanwhile, we trust they will not be subjected either to arbitrary
eviction or rack-renting. From the former, they will be defended
by the humanity of landlords and public opinion, while their
rents cannot fail to be determined in some measure by the values
fixed by arbitration on the holdings of their better endowed
neighbours."
It is very easy to propose that the small occupiers should pass
on to holdings of a higher value, but are they likely to get them,
even if they have the means, when the landlords know that
the giving of a large holding carries with it legal rights and
a status to the tenant, which assuredly landlords generally will
be most unwilling to grant ! And, as to eviction and rack-
renting. Why should the "humanity of landlords and public
opinion" be still considered necessary in the case of the great
mass and the most helpless portion of the people, while provi-
sions are proposed to make the better-to-do minority, who least
require it, perfectly independent of both ? Why should these
reviled and terrible agitators be compelled, and even en-
couraged, to continue the very disagreeable, though, in present
circumstances, absolutely necessary, duty of fanning public
opinion against arbitrary evictions ? This is a duty from which
most of them will earnestly pray to be relieved ; and we protest
against the proposal that people should be compelled and en-
couraged thus to continue agitating, and rousing public opinion
to keep landlords from committing similar atrocities to those they
have committed in the past, while their conduct in that respect
is so emphatically reprobated in the Report, and when evictions
can be so easily put a stop to by the Legislature.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION 379
The suggestion is a virtual instruction to the agitators to con-
tinue agitating. Is this fair, is it wise, even in the interest of the
landlords themselves? It is certainly unjust to the crofters, and to
their friends — who must continue to excite public opinion in
future, to keep the people from being driven out of their native
land, failing such remedies as are now proposed to be given to a
small minority, composed of the most independent, and, there-
fore, those least requiring it of their number. That landlord
humanity is not an unknown quantity in the Highlands is true
enough ; but that it is, or has been, universally practised, in the
direction of keeping the people in their own country, by the class
and their officials generally, or to any large extent, is a view of
the case that, at this time of day, and in the light of history,
need not be discussed.
The Commissioners propose certain checks —
On behalf of crofters and cottars, not in possession of an im-
proving lease at a rent of £,6 and upwards, and " not being in arrear,
who being in actual occupancy, are summoned to remove by the
proprietor, for his own purposes ; such as a full year's warn-
ing, compensation for buildings and improvements on the hold-
ing excuted by the occupier or his predecessors of the same
family, within thirty years, and, in the case of emigration, an
obligation on the proprietor to purchase the occupier's stock by
valuation." It is recommended that an occupier should not be
summoned to remove for less than one year's full rental. He
should also receive six months' warning, with permission to pay
his arrears during that time, and to remain. " Arrears of rent in
excess of two full years' rental should not be allowed to count
against the occupier."
The following applies to a system common in the Isle of Skye
— the iniquity of which was repeatedly pointed out — during the
reign of "Tormore" and some of his predecessors, as factorial mag-
nates in the Isle of Skye. The Commissioners propose that —
" It should not be lawful for an incoming occupier to bind
himself to the proprietor to pay up the arrears due by an out-
going occupier, and no engagement to that effect should be enter-
tained in a court of law in estimating the amount of arrears due
by an occupier, or in any other way," and " no payment should be
received by the outgoing occupier or by the proprietor for his
goodwill of the holding, irrespective of the buildings or improve-
ments transferred to him." Any obligations for labour service
and for the sale or supply of any commodities whatever, are to
38o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
be commuted into money value, in the absence of voluntary
agreement, by arbitration.
Tenants sub-letting or dividing their holdings, without the
consent of the proprietor, will forfeit all their rights in connection
with their leases. Facilities are recommended for the purchase
of their holdings by the tenants, whether they hold leases or not,
and to the cottar fishermen for the purchase of their houses, on
the following terms :—
" Every occupant in a township paying £6 or more of annual
rent to the proprietor should have the right to enter his name
with the Sheriff-Clerk of the county as a claimant to purchase
the fee-simple of his holding for a price not exceeding twenty-
five years' gross rental of the holding, having first obtained the
consent of the proprietor in writing. The claimant, on depositing
one-third of the purchase money, should have a right to claim an
advance of the remaining two-thirds by Government."
So long as Highland estates continue to sell at from forty to
fifty years' purchase, this proposal must, we fear, continue a dead
letter ; for no proprietor would be such a fool, or so absolutely
unselfish, as to sell his land in small plots for little more than half
what it would sell for in the open market. Therefore, the
meaning of the proviso that "the consent of the proprietor in
writing " must be obtained before any purchase of a holding can
take place, is not far to seek. Many, it is to be feared, will
hold that it was never expected to come into active operation ;
and the impossible condition attached of getting the landlord to
consent to such a proposal " in writing," or otherwise, will go
far to strengthen that view.
Referring to the house accommodation of the crofting class,
the Commissioners declare, regarding the inconveniences which
the people suffer in connection with their position as occupiers of
land, that —
" The one which strikes the stranger as the most deplorable,
and which affects the native with the least impatience, is the
nature of their dwellings. It is difficult to say how far the
crofter or cottar is sensible of the disadvantages attached to the
darkness and deprivations of his primitive habitation, or how far
this feature in his life is actually prejudicial to his happiness or
welfare. In the main, his house does not make him unhappy,
for he does not complain ; it does not make him immoral, for he
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 381
is above the average standard of morality in his country ; it does
not make him unhealthy, for he enjoys an uncommon share of
vigour and longevity. Yet no one concerned for the .elevation of
the Highland people can fail to desire an improvement in this
particular ; no one can doubt that if they are well-conducted and
robust, it is in spite of their lodging, and in consequence of coun-
teracting causes, and that if they enjoyed the benefit of purer
and brighter homes, they would prosper more."
Having first described the worst forms of these dwellings, the
Commissioners continue —
" When seen in a superior form, the Highland cottage, though
thatched with grass or heath, floored with clay, and built with
untempered stones, may yet possess a chimney and a window in
the wall, a door unshared by the cattle, a partition between the
stall and the lodging, and when kept clean does not offer an
unpleasant aspect, animated as it often is by the loom or spinn-
ing-wheel, by a hospitable welcome, and by kindly faces. The
ancient model of Highland habitation may indeed be contemplated
with too much indulgence by those whose minds are not duly
possessed by considerations of utility and sanitation, for it is
associated in fancy with all that is most pleasing and romantic
in the manners and history of the people, while in form and
colour it is in perfect harmony with the landscape and the shore."
The rent, we are told, is now determined by the custom of the
estate and the discretion of the proprietor, who occasionally read-
justs the amount by valuation, conducted by the factor or a special
agent ; while in some cases, on the larger estates of the old families
of the country, considerable indulgence, often amounting to
benevolence, is said to be discovered in the rent of the smaller
holdings; but while the Commissioners think it right not to ex-
press any opinion respecting the conduct of individual proprie-
tors in the management of their estates, they say that the question
of rent assumes a "prominent position" in the case of the Ross
of Mull, Tiree, and lona, belonging to the Duke of Argyll; Kil-
muir, in the Isle of Skye, the property of Major Eraser; in the
Island of Rousay, the property of General Burroughs ; and at
Clyth, in Caithness, belonging to Mr Adam Sharp. Cases might
"probably be found of the inconsiderate imposition of increased
rent, or of rent being raised with a view to advantageous sale.
On a comprehensive view of the rents paid by small tenants in
the Highlands and Islands, we have not found, in the conduct of
382 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
proprietors, ground for proposing a general revision by official
authority ; nor would such a revision be of any substantial
benefit to tenants, unless it were accompanied by the concession,
in some form, of permanent tenure — a measure which we have
not been able to recommend, under the peculiar circumstances of
the population, except in the case of occupiers with improving
leases ;" and more's the pity.
We quite concur in the final conclusions arrived at by the
Commissioners, namely — That the mere recognition, improve-
ment, and enlargement of the township ; the concession of
improving leases with valuation of rents for a very limited
number of occupiers; compensation for improvements; and a very
slight mitigation of arbitrary removals, will appear inadequate,
not only to " those whose imaginations have been familiarised
with projects of an exaggerated or visionary character, such as a
general redistribution of the land," but to all those who, like our-
selves, would be satisfied, at present, with such a simple security
of tenure as would make the arbitrary evictions of the past im-
possible in future, and compensation for improvements, legally
secured to the tenants by some sure, simple, and expeditious
process. All else would naturally follow.
We have, however, much pleasure in admitting that, in our
opinion, the labours of the Commissioners and their Report will,
at no distant date, lead to these desirable results, and otherwise
vastly benefit the Highland people, if they continue to act wisely
themselves.
Consideration of the sections dealing with Fisheries and
Communications, Education, Justice, Deer Forests, Game, and
Emigration, must, in the meantime, be left over. In this con-
nection, however, it may be said that the recommendations of
the Commissioners are exceedingly valuable, and, on the whole,
of a most useful and practicable nature.
A. M.
[The Dissents of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and Lochiel are
dealt with in a separate article. The subject of the Report
occupies more of our space this month than we have ever given
to any other subject in a single issue, but we feel that its great
importance will fully justify us to the Celtic world.]
383
DISSENTS BY SIR KENNETH MACKENZIE
AND LOCHIEL.
SIR KENNETH MACKENZIE, in signing the Report of the Royal
Commission, " reserved the right to append a dissent from a part
of it," in which he was unable to concur, and to note certain
considerations material to the inquiry before he signed it.
He dissents in the most emphatic terms, "from all that part of
the Report which relates to the organisation of crofter townships
as agricultural units." This is much to be regretted ; for it is un-
doubted that Sir Kenneth's declaration against the leading
feature of the Report must tell strongly against the prospect of
early action by the Government on the lines laicf down by the
majority of the Commissioners, especially so when supported
in his opposition by Lochiel, who also records his "objec-
tions to that portion of the Report which deals with the con-
stitution and reorganisation of townships, and in which it is
proposed to confer certain powers and privileges on the occupiers
of such townships in their corporate capacity." He gives his
"general adherence" to Sir Kenneth Mackenzie's criticisms
on the same subject, though to him it appears desirable to
indicate more fully than Sir Kenneth has done, "the practi-
cal objections to the scheme, and the many obstacles which
stand in the way of its adoption." This he proceeds to do in a
remarkably lucid, and, from the landlord's point of view, able
manner ; but, after all, his criticisms point with any effect to
mere matters of detail. The only one of these objections to
which it is necessary to make special reference is that in which
he submits —
" That not only is the proprietor likely to be a better judge
than any other authority as to whether a township is over-
crowded ; but he is in a far better position to form an opinion as
to the chances of success, in an attempt to increase the area of
the township, or to relieve the congestion of the population by
the removal of individual tenants to other suitable places on his
property. No one," he continues, "can have the same oppor-
tunities of ascertaining the inclinations of his crofters, their means
or character. No one is better able to judge which of the crofters
would be most capable of profitably occupying land, which he
384 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
might be in a position to offer them, while he alone possesses the
requisite information to enable him to dispose satisfactorily of
the crofts thus vacated," with much more of the same kind, con-
cluding— " In this way alone, so far as I can see, would the danger
of perpetuating very small holdings with common grazing rights,
described in the Memoradum, by one of my colleagues (Sir
Kenneth Mackenzie), be removed, and a new system introduced,
alike pleasing to the people and founded on true economical
principles."
Whatever is to be done must, in Lochiel's opinion, be done on the
old landlord plan of borrowing Government funds, from the Public
Loan Commissioners, by the owners, and making the tenant pay
them. The following is Lochiel's proposal —
" The proprietor, when he is desirous of forming a new
township, or adding arable or pasture to an existing township,
and has selected a certain number of crofters, not less than four,
from his own estate, who are willing to settle on the lancjs pro-
posed to be dealt with, should make application to the Public
Loan Commissioners for a loan of money, repayable with interest
at 3 per cent, by instalments, extending over a period of thirty
years, to. provide houses, enclose and drain land, and purchase
stock, under the following conditions : — That the new tenants
shall be taken from the estate belonging to the proprietor, and
that their holdings, if vacated, shall be partitioned among or
allotted to the remaining crofters in the same township — that
leases of thirty years be granted to the tenants in a new town-
ship, and that their holdings shall be of not less value than £30
yearly rent — that the amount borrowed for the purpose be not in
excess of £20 for each pound of yearly rent, and that of this £20,
one-sixth shall be provided by the tenant. Thus, in the case of
a new holding of the annual value of .£30, the sum required to
establish him, and stock the land, might amount to £600, of which
;£ioo would have to be provided by the tenant. But I would
propose that even this £ 100 need not be provided in money or all
at once. It might take the form of labour on the farm, such as
the reclamation of land, or that expended on the erection of a
dwelling-house or offices, or the completion of the full stock of
cattle which it is intended to maintain by natural increase instead
of by simultaneous purchase. All these processes, whether of
labour, or providing bestial for the farm, should, however, be con-
sidered as completed before the expiry of the third year of the
tenancy."
Lochiel's plan is a very good one of its kind, but is it not
wonderful that a gentleman of his ability and clear-headedness,
ROYAL COMMISSION— DISSENTS. 385
cannot see that the time for this kind of tinkering has long passed
away, and was, for any practical settlement of the present difficulty
utterly and ridiculously effete, long before it was written into
shape. But, perhaps, the best reply is to tell him that he could
have done all this of his own accord, long before the Commission
was issued; and he may, perhaps, be good enough to tell us, why
it is that neither he nor his landlord friends in the Highlands did
so long ago. Lochiel's scheme is still-born, for any practical
purpose, except in so far as it shows what an excellent use he can
make of his pen, if he were only to use it in the interest of his
Highland countrymen.
On one point, however, we heartily agree with him. While
objecting to the part of the Report which proposes that Procura-
tors-Fiscal and Sheriff-Clerks should not in future be permitted to
engage in any other official work, by themselves, their partners,
or deputes, as law-agents, factors, bankers, or other situations of
the like kind, Lochiel strongly recommends, "that in all future
appointments to the office of Procurator-Fiscal in the Highlands,
a knowledge of the Gaelic language should be held essential."
Let us now see what it is that Sir Kenneth Mackenzie ob-
jects to, and in which Lochiel agrees with him. We shall quote his
own exact words. After stating his objections to have the town-
ship idea " stereotyped, by giving statutory recognition to the
village community as an industrial unit," Sir Kenneth proceeds —
" On the ground, therefore, that joint pastoral tenancies of
the character contemplated are adverse to the attainment of a
state of prosperity, and that the prospect of their ^eventual dis-
solution, if they now receive legal recognition, is visionary, I
must dissent from all that part of the Report which relates to
the organisation of the crofter townships as agricultural units."
He also thinks the details are open to objection; and so do we,
but surely that can easily be remedied. He then continues —
" My concurrence in some other parts of the Report was not
given without hesitation. I felt that it would be a misfortune if
any of the measures recommended should have the effect of per-
manently differentiating the Highlands from the rest of Britain,
and I doubted whether all of them would be suitable and likely
to be made applicable to the whole country. It is improbable
that if once " these other measures were " introduced, the period
of their operation in the Highlands could be limited."
386 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Sir Kenneth does not say, in distinct terms, what measures
he considers so objectionable, in addition to the township unit or
area ; but he is sufficiently clear and emphatic in his opposition
to anything but what would be " equally applicable to the whole
country " — the whole United Kingdom we infer. This will
appear more clearly by-and-bye, meanwhile let Sir Kenneth
proceed. He says —
" If exceptional privileges were to be conferred, if it were
only as the subjects of special favour that it was possible to con-
template Highlanders as thriving, the grant of such privileges,
while it might patch up existing evils for the moment, could
hardly fail also to protract artificially the existence of the causes
which had produced them, and ensure their recurrence. In my
opinion," he goes on, " the faulty tenure [? the present crofting
tenure] under which they have arisen should rather be brought
to an end as speedily as proper consideration for the crofters will
permit, and encouragement should be given to the gradual re-
placement [and, necessarily, the displacement ! ] of the crofting
system by one of small farms, to which the land law reforms de-
sirable for the rest of the country would be applicable."
What is this but a proposal to displace and get rid in the High-
lands of the crofters as a class ? Sir Kenneth adopts the idea
that " they are truly labourers, living chiefly by the wages of
labour, and holding crofts and lots for which they pay rents, not
from the produce of the land, but from wages." To ensure the
prosperity and consequent contentment of a wage-receiving
class, " it is of the first necessity that they should be able to find,
in the place of their residential settlement, full industrial employ-
ment," and Sir Kenneth truly asserts, that " this is just what the
crofters in the West Highlands and Islands cannot do." But
what remedy does he propose for this unfortunate and preventible
state of things ? Farms paying a rental ranging " from a mini-
mum of £15 in the Hebrides up to £50 on the mainland," with,
of course, an admixture of large farms.
" Such a distribution of the soil would clothe the Highlands
and Islands with the greatest population which could be main-
tained in prosperity ; but it will be evident to every one ac-
quainted with the country that it would not provide for the num-
bers who have come to be resident on it under the crofting
system."
Sir Kenneth then proceeds, in our opinion, to stultify what he
ROYAL COMMISSION— DISSENTS. 387
had just proposed ; except on the supposition that those who
cannot take such comparatively large farms as he desiderates
are to become mere fishermen, day-labourers: — where, admit-
tedly, there is no labour for them — or emigrate. He says that
"The crofters, whom it is proposed to turn into farmers
have no sufficiency of capital to make profitable use of a hold-
ing large enough to give the occupier a certain livelihood," and,
further, " that a sub-division of the large pastoral farms would
involve the erection of a number of small homesteads at an ex-
pense which neither proprietors nor tenants are very well able to
undertake ;" and, if built, these holdings " would be a standing
hindrance to that further consolidation which would be desir-
able."
Like Lochiel, Sir Kenneth, recommends cheap Government loans,
"for homesteads and for the stocking of farms," but he pro-
poses that a preferential security should be given to any one
supplying the tenants with the means of procuring stock, and
suggests, now that hypothec has been abolished, that this prefer-
ential security would frequently suffice to induce the landlord to
grant the necessary guarantee for the tenant. He also proposes
the use of State funds for the purchase of self-sustaining farms,
both measures which, " though of special advantage to the High-
lands, might form part of any general scheme of land law reform
for the whole country."
The proposal to lend State money to the tenants, guaranteed
by the landlords, for the stocking of their holdings, is certainly
novel, and, if it succeeded at all, would, in one respect at least,
be most effectual in making the tenant more helpless, and less in-
dependent of his landlord than ever, in any efforts to secure
remedial legislation for himself and his neighbours — a fact which
will no doubt recommend it, on that account alone, to a certain
class, if not to a large number, of proprietors. —
" In my own time," Sir Kenneth says, " the progress of the
Highlands, consequent on the spread of education and the in-
creased facilities of communciation, has been very great," and he
maintains that " an extension of these means if not artificially
impeded [by such proposals as the majority of Commission re-
commends, being the only legitimate inference] it will of itself
bring about developments which, in conjunction with general
reforms," (applicable to the whole country, as he previously states)
"will gradually place the land tenure of the Highlands on a
388 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sounder footing. If, in addition to this, the encouragements to
fisheries and the facilities for emigration, recommended in our
Report, should be afforded, provision would, to some extent, have
been made for the superfluous population, and the progress of
improvement would proceed with even greater rapidity."
That is, progress in the present system for the spread of educa-
tion, of the present facilities of communication, with the proposed
encouragement for fisheries, and the facilities for emigration,
recommended in the Report — in addition to his proposed plan
of "small farms," at from £15 to £50 rental, "for the gradual
replacement of the crofting system " — would, in Sir Kenneth's
opinion, be sufficient to bring about peace, contentment, and com-
fort, to the Highland people. We do not believe it would, and
we sincerely trust that such mere patching proposals will not be
for a moment listened to. Sir Kenneth, in short, emphatically con-
demns the whole crofting system. The districts where the system
prevails, he says, are " those districts in the Highlands and Islands
where the frequent recurrence of destitution has given evidence
of the prevailing poverty, and of the narrow margin, which, in
ordinary seasons, separates the people from want. These are the
districts," he says in conclusion, " where the crofting system is in
its fullest operation — a system which, however, valuable as afford-
ing a home, with pleasant surroundings, to the labourer in those
parts of the country where wage-paid labour is required [in
the south and east], is elsewhere a general cause of poverty " ;
that is, in the whole of the north-west Highlands and Islands !
Many people will hold that the present Land Laws are mainly
responsible for those undoubted evils — for all the poverty
existing.
It is but right that we should allow Sir Kenneth to state
the reasons, in his own words, for the position he has, we think
unfortunately, taken up on this question ; and of his admitted per-
sonal desire for the people's welfare. The latter will never be
questioned by any one who has the slightest knowledge of his
personal character and sympathies, though his political-economy
views have now landed him, we fear, for ever, as a public man, in
a position decidedly antagonistic to the crofting community, as
a class. That he takes up that position conscientiously, but with
regret, is sufficiently clear. He says —
ROYAL COMMISSION— DISSENTS. 389
" If I appear to concur somewhat reluctantly in the recom-
mendations of land legislation for the Highlands, which may
prove inapplicable to the rest of the country, it is not because I
am less earnest than my colleagues in my desire for the people's
welfare, but that I fear the evils that are likely to attend such
legislation."
As a matter of fact, he does not concur " reluctantly," or
otherwise, in the more important land legislation proposed, such
as the township unit and the privileges to be attached to it ; so
that it can only be the proposed improving lease that he is
referring to as receiving his concurrence reluctantly. And this,
after all, is only the natural outcome and complement of the
famous Glasgow speech, wherein Sir Kenneth declared that —
" Under our present system it seems evident that small farms
are as doomed as handlooms were when power was first intro-
duced, and that farming must fall more and more into the hands
of capitalists able to conduct operations on a great scale, with a
maximum of machinery and a minimum of labour. Those who,
at the present juncture, fancy they see signs that this process is
being reversed, are not reading facts aright."
The criticism of the Duke of Argyll, Lord Lovat, and others
at the time placed the impression naturally conveyed by the Glas-
gow speech beyond question, and Sir Kenneth's reply to the
Duke rather intensified than removed that impression. In his
letter, he said that —
" Unless, then, it can be shown that the small tenant will
not only offer, but will also in the long run be abk; to make pay-
ment of a higher rent than the large tenant, the landlord's pecuni-
ary interest will stand opposed to any philanthropic schemes for
increasing the number of agricultural occupiers ; and while human
nature remains what it is, I fear philanthropy will be the weaker
of these two motives."
Sir Kenneth then expresses regret for the diminution of the rural
population. The manner in which he proposes to avert what he
thus regrets, is sufficiently clear from his dissent to the Report of
the Commissioners ; but to his old admirers his position is simply
inexplicable, except on the assumption that he has looked at the
question too much from the economic, and too little from the social
point of view ; while, in the same sentence, in which he con-
demns that attitude on the part of others, he declares for him-
self " that no reform can be considered worthy of the name which
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390 THE CELTIC. MAGAZINE.
does not take both into consideration." We quite agree with him
in this ; but matters in the Highlands have been allowed to drift
so far that the social point of view must be by far the most pro-
minent in any reform attempted now ; while it is clear that Sir
Kenneth Mackenzie, perhaps unconsciously, gives the first place
to so-called political-economy ideas, and that to an extent which
must largely damage, if it does not completely neutralise, his
efforts for usefulness in the future, in connection with the neces-
sary reform of the Land Laws in the Highlands.
THE RIVER BEAULY.
BY EVAN MACCOLL.
Of all the witching scenes the North
Can boast of well and truly, —
Haunts which no bard of any worth
Would fail to honour duly, —
There's none, I ween,
To match that scene
Where quits it's Dream, the Beauly,
And laughing leaps into the plains
Where plenty smiles on happy swains.
I've stood by Foyers' thundering leap,
Seen Lora's rush astounding,
Heard the swift Brander's moaning deep
'Mong Cruachan's caves resounding :
These have their share
Of grandeur rare,
But, Beauly, thee surrounding
Are scenes that might Elysium grace,
The beauty-spots on nature's face !
'Tis grand thy crystal flood to view
Benvaichard's borders leaving,
Nor less to see the Strath below
Thy fuller flow receiving ;
But grander far
To see thee where
Its narrowing bounds thou'rt cleaving
Through rocky ridges opening wide
In very terror of thy tide.
THE RIVER BEAULY. 391
Now through the Dream's dark gorges deep
Methinks I see thee going,
Half hid 'mid woods that love to keep
Fond watch upon thy flowing
From rock to rock,
With flash and shock,
And fury ever growing ;
A giant fettered, it is true,
Yet bound all barriers to subdue.
O for a home on Agais fair
Nigh which, anon, thou wendest
Thy way, proud-rushing on to. where
In thy great might thou rendest
The one more chain
That strives in vain
To fetter thee, and lendest
Unto the Dream thy grandest gift of all,
The gleaming glory of Kilmorack's Fall !
O scene most magically wrought !
What minstrel pen can paint thee ?
Thy charms, fantastic beyond thought,
Art never could have lent thee :
Enchanting spot,
I wonder not
The muses love to haunt thee ;
And long, loved Dream ! may they delight to stray
Through thee with tuneful King-descended Hay.*
Majestic stream ! methinks I see
Thee now, past all commotion,
Like virtue to eternity,
Glide calmly to the ocean.
Soon in thy grave,
The German wave.
Shall ever cease thy motion —
Cease ? deathless flood ! till time shall cease to run,
Thy race is finished, and yet but begun.
DR MACKENZIE CHISHOLM.— In the Medical Journal of loth May, in
the list of registered medical practitioners, on whom the degree of M.D. of the Uni-
verersity of St Andrews was conferred, is the name of Kenneth Mackenzie Chisholm,
L.R.C.P., Edinr., L.R.C.S., Edinr., now of Rockhouse, Radcliffe, Manchester,
late of Flowerdale and Munlochy. Dr Chisholm is the son of our good friend, Mr
Simon Chisholm, Flowerdale Gardens, Gairloch.
* John Sobieski Stuart Hay, author of "The Bridal of Kilchurn," and other
poems of great merit, and who for some years resided in the vicinity of the scene here
alluded to.
392 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CELTIC AND LITERARY NOTES.
GAELIC seems to be asserting itself to good purpose on the American Continent. A
Celtic Society has been recently established in the City of Montreal. At its inaugural
meeting there were representatives present from the Celts of Wales, Ireland, the Isle
of Man, and the Highlands of Scotland, and some excellent speeches were delivered
on the occasion. When we mention that among those who took part were Professors
Mac Vicar and Campbell, and the Rev. Dr MacNish, it will be felt that the auspices,
under which the Society has been set up, are such as will ensure it permanence and
effectiveness. As the Society's ranks are to made up of members from the various
countries using the Celtic tongue, men of all shades of opinion and creed, it has been
wisely decided to exclude from its proceedings all controverted matters likely to lead
to unpleasant collision among the members. Literary and antiquarian subjects will
have the principal share of attention.
A Gaelic congregation has been set up in the City of Chicago. The R«v. Dr
Campbell, of Collingwood, Ontario, has accepted the pastorate, and the scheme
under his experienced and able ministry, is likely to prove a very great success.
FOUR PAGES EXTRA are given this month, notwithstanding which, it has been
found impossible to give the usual chapter of " Celtic Mythology," and several other
items.
ROYAL RECOGNITION OF A GAELIC BARD.— Mrs Mary Mackellar (the
Gaelic poetess) forwarded to the Queen a copy of the Celtic Magazine for May, in
which her lament (in Gaelic) for the Duke of Albany appeared, and her Majesty has
been graciously pleased to send a letter of thanks to the poetess, through Lieutenant -
General Sir Henry Ponsonby, dated Windsor Castle, May I2th, 1884.
" NETHER-LOCHABER."— The Rev. Alex. Stewart, F.S.A. Scot., Nether-
Lochaber, is preparing another volume for the press, made up of selections from the
Letters which he, at various times, contributed to the Inverness Courier during the
last quarter of a century. We have no doubt that this volume will meet with the
same success as the first. The work will contain some of the brightest and most racy
of Mr Stewart's Letters. The author has the rare power not only of seeing, but of
telling what he sees in graceful and pictorial language. By all classes, but especially
by Highlanders at home and abroad, the new volume will be looked forward to with
interest.
"AN ANALYSIS OF THE REPORT OF CROFTER COMMISSION."—
A pamphlet, under this title, extending to about 80 pages, by the Editor of the Celtic
Magazine, is now ready. Price, in Paper Covers, 6d. ; by Post, 8d. In Limp Cloth
Covers, is.; by Post, is. 2d.; from A. & W. Mackenzie, Publishers, Inverness.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CV. JULY 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XVIII.
THE 'FORTY-FIVE.
THE PRINCE, after spending several days in Holyrood, where
he daily consulted his Council of War in the drawing-room —
Lochiel, being, of course, one of the members — resolved to march
into England at the head of an army numbering between five
and six thousand troops, some artillery, and abundance of arms
and ammunition. On the 8th of November, the first division en-
tered England, when they raised a loud shout and unsheathed
their claymores. Lochiel, in the act of drawing his weapon, ac-
cidentally cut his hand, which was considered such a very bad
omen, that many of those present grew pale when they were told
of the mishap.
One curious incident which occurred to Lochiel on the march
through the North of England is recorded. The English people
were in utter terror of the Highland soldiers, whom they were
led to believe were inhuman beyond conception — that they were
cannibals, and were particularly fond of feeding on young infants.
Great surprise was experienced when it was found that, instead
of these wild charges being true regarding them, the Highlanders
actually paid for everything they required, and expressed great
gratitude for any refreshments given to them or favours shown
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394 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to them. Cameron of Lochiel, on entering the lodgings
which had been marked off for him, his hostess, a woman of
years, fell at his feet, supplicating him, with hands joined, and
with a flood of tears, to take away her life, but to spare her two
children. He demanded of her if she was mad, and to explain
herself. She replied that everyone said that the Highlanders
ate children, and made them their ordinary food. Cameron
having assured her that they would do no evil to her little ones,
or to any body, whoever they might be, she fixed her eyes for
a moment upon him with an air of surprise, and at once
opened a closet, calling out with a loud voice, " Come out, my
children, the gentleman will not eat you." The children came
out immediately from the closet where she had concealed them,
and fell at his knees.*
Lochiel accompanied the army all the way to Derby, and
on the return march to Scotland, he was present, and, with his
men, took a prominent part and did excellent service in the left
wing of the Highland army at the battle of Falkirk, where the
Highlanders again routed the enemy under General Hawley,
mainly composed of tried soldiers who had fought at Dettingen
and Fontenoy. Here Lochiel was slightly wounded, by a musket
ball, during the heat of the action, in the heel, which, being ob-
served by his brother, the doctor, who always kept near his per-
son, " he begged him to retire to have it dressed, which he accord-
ingly did ; but as the doctor was lending him his assistance, he
himself received a slight wound," ^ a ball having entered his
body, where it remained during the remainder of his life. Shortly
after the battle the Chief was able to lead a detachment into the
town of Falkirk, finding nothing but a few straggling parties in
the streets, whither he was followed by the Prince, who, with
Lochiel, took up his quarters in the town for the night.
Next day, during which the Highlanders remained in the
town, a curious incident occurred, which Home, himself an eye-
witness, thus describes : — " Lord Kilmarnock, in the morning of
the 1 8th, came to Falkirk, which is within half-a-mile of his
house at Callender (where he had passed the night), bringing
* Memoirs of the Chevalier de Johttstonc, translated from the original French by
Charles Winchester, vol. i., p. 60.
+ Life of Dr Archibald Cameron. London. 1753.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 395
with him a party of his men to guard some prisoners who had
been taken in the retreat, and carried to Callender. Lord Kil-
marnock left the prisoners and their guard standing in the street,
just before the house where Charles lodged, and going upstairs,
presented to Charles a list of his prisoners, who were the two
officers and some private men of the company of volunteers men-
tioned in the account of the battle. Charles opened the window
to look at the prisoners, and stood for some time with the list in
his hand, asking questions (as they thought) about them of Lord
Kilmarnock. Meanwhile, a soldier, in the uniform of one of the
King's regiments, made his appearance in the street of Falkirk,
which was full of Highlanders ; he was armed with a musket and
bayonet, and had a black cockade in his hat. When the volun-
teers saw a soldier with his firelock in his hand coming towards
Charles, they were amazed, and fancied a thousand things ; they
expected every moment to hear a shot. Charles observing that
the volunteers, who were within a few yards of him, looked all
one way, turned his head that way too ; he seemed surprised,
and calling Lord Kilmarnock, pointed to the soldier. Lord
Kilmarnock came down stairs immediately ; when he got to the
street, the soldier was just opposite to the window where Charles
stood. Kilmarnock came up to the fellow, struck his hat off his
head, and set his foot on the black cockade. At that instant a
Highlander came running from the other side of the street, laid
hands on Lord Kilmarnock, and pushed him back. Kilmarnock
pulled out a pistol, and presented it at the Highlander's head ;
the Highlander then drew his dirk, and held it close to Kilmar-
nock's breast. In this posture they stood about half-a-minute,
when a crowd of Highlanders rushed in, and drove away Lord
Kilmarnock. The man with the dirk in his hand took up the
hat, put it upon the soldier's head, and the Highlanders marched
off with him in triumph. This piece of dumb show, of which
they understood nothing, perplexed the volunteers. They ex-
pressed their astonishment to a Highland officer who stood near
them ; and entreated him to explain the meaning of what they
had seen. He told them that the soldier in the uniform of the
Royal was a Cameron. ' Yesterday,' said he, ' when your army
was defeated, he joined his clan; the Camerons received him with
great joy, and told him that he should wear his arms, his clothes,
396 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and every thing else, till he was provided with other clothes and
other arms. The Highlander who first interposed, and drew his
dirk on Lord Kilmarnock, is the soldier's brother; the crowd
who rushed in are the Camerons, many of them his near re-
lations; and, in my opinion,' continued the officer, 'no colonel
nor general in the Prince's army can take that cockade out of
his hat, except Lochiel himself.'"* Nothing could better illus-
trate the ties of clanship which existed in those days !
The Prince returned to Bannockburn on the evening of the
1 8th, leaving a portion of his army and the Highland Chiefs at
Falkirk. While there they prepared a document, which was signed
by Lord George Murray, Lochiel, Macdonald of Keppoch, Mac-
donald of Clanranald, Stewart of Ardshiel, Macdonald of Loch-
garry, Macdonald of Scotus, and Simon Fraser, Master of
Lovat, dated the 29th January 1746, urging upon the Prince, in
the strongest terms, to retire to the North. Charles at once
dispatched Sir Thomas Sheridan to argue against the recom-
mendations of the Chiefs. They in turn sent Macdonald of
Keppoch to reason with his Highness, who, in the end, most
reluctantly agreed to the proposed retreat to the Highlands.
The address to the Prince is in the following terms : —
We think it our duty, in this critical juncture, to lay our opinions in the most
respectful manner before your Royal Highness.
We are certain that a vast number of the soldiers of your Royal Highness's
army are gone home since the battle of Falkirk ; and notwithstanding all the endea-
vours of the Commanders of the different corps, they find that this evil is increasing
hourly, and not in their power to prevent, and as we are afraid Stirling Castle cannot
be taken so soon as was expected, if the enemy should march before it falls into your
Royal Highness's hands, we can foresee nothing but utter destruction to the few that
will remain, considering the inequality of our numbers to that of the enemy. For these
reasons we are humbly of opinion that there is no way to extricate your Royal High-
ness, and those who remain with you, out of the most imminent danger, but by retiring
immediately to the Highlands, where we can be usefully employed the remainder of
the winter, by taking and mastering the forts of the North ; and we are morally sure
we can keep as many men together as will answer that end, and hinder the enemy
from following us in the mountains at this season of the year ; and in spring, we doubt
not but an army of 10,000 effective Highlanders can be brought together, and follow
your Royal Highness wherever you think proper. This will certainly disconcert your
enemies, and cannot but be approved of by your Royal Highness's friends both at home
and abroad. If a landing should happen in the meantime, the Highlanders would
immediately rise, either to join them, or to make a powerful diversion elsewhere.
The hard marches which your army has undergone, the winter season, and
* History of the Rebellion, pp. 180-182.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 397
now the inclemency of the weather, cannot fail of making this measure approved of by
your Royal Highness's allies abroad, as well as your faithful adherents at home. The
greatest difficulty that occurs to us is the saving of the artillery, particularly the heavy
cannon ; but better some of those were thrown into the River Forth as that your
Royal Highness, besides the danger of your own person, should risk the flower of your
army, which we apprehend must inevitably be the case if this retreat be not agreed
to and gone about without the loss of one moment ; and we think that it would be
the greatest imprudence to risk the whole on so unequal a chance, when there are
such hopes of succour from abroad, besides the resources your Royal Highness will
have from your faithful and dutiful followers at home. It is but just now we are
apprised of the numbers of our own people that are gone off, besides the many sick
that are in no condition to fight. And we offer this our opinion with the more freedom
that we are persuaded that your Royal Highness can never doubt of the uprightness
of our intentions. Nobody is privy to this address to your Royal Highness except
your subscribers ; and we beg leave to assure your Royal Highness that it is with
great concern and reluctance we find ourselves obliged to declare our sentiments,
in so dangerous a situation, which nothing could have prevailed with us to have done,
but the unhappy going off of so many men.
We next find Lochiel and his Camerons — after the march of
the Highland army from the south — in the neighbourhood of Moy
Hall, where they, about a mile distant, sheltered Prince Charles
when he had to depart suddenly from " Colonel " Anne's hospit-
able roof on hearing of Lord Loudon's approach from Inverness
at the head of fifteen hundred men, with the object of making his
Royal Highness prisoner. This occurred on the morning of
Monday, the i8th of February 1746. Next day the Highlanders
took the town of Inverness, Loudon retiring across Kessock
Ferry. Two days after, the Castle, then called Fort- George,
was besieged, and fell into the hands of the Highlanders, with
sixteen pieces of cannon and a hundred barrels of beef. The
stronghold was immediately blown up.
Lochiel proceeded to Fort- William early in March in com-
mand of the Camerons, Keppoch Macdonalds, and Stuarts of
Appin, to besiege that fortress. They were joined by about 300
of the Irish pickets under Brigadier Stapleton, who had, on the
previous 5th of March, compelled the surrender of Fort-Augustus.
In consequence of the difficulty experienced in transporting
their cannon, the siege of Fort- William was not commenced
until the 2Oth of the month, and it finally proved unsuccessful,
notwithstanding the most vigorous efforts by Lochiel and his
friends ; for, on the 3rd of April, they received instructions to
raise the siege, and proceed to Inverness, where the main body of
398 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the Highland army was preparing to oppose the King's forces on
their way north under the Duke of Cumberland.
Secretary Murray had written to Lochiel from Fort- Augustus
on the 1 4th of March, where he was, on his way to Fort-William,
urging him from the Prince " to hasten the siege as much as pos-
sible ; and that over, he proposes your people, Keppoch's, Clan-
ranald's, Glengarry's, and the Stuarts should march through
Argyllshire, not only to correct that crew, but to give an oppor-
tunity to our friends to join, while he [the Prince] with the rest
of the clans and our Low-country people march by the Highland
road to get to Perth before Cumberland, or join with you at Men-
teith, or wherever shall be thought most proper. This our
scarcity of money renders absolutely necessary, as we have no
prospect of getting any, unless in possession of the Low-country ;
and as Cumberland must of necessity follow us, the coast will be
left clear to our friends to land." The order to return to Inver-
ness upset this arrangement. After a long and difficult march
Lochiel joined the main army, that " lay upon the ground among
the furze and trees of Culloden wood, on the evening of the I4th
of April." The Prince and his principal officers had taken up
their quarters in Culloden House.
At Culloden, the Camerons, who, with the Athole men, oc-
cupied the right wing, displayed their wonted gallantry, and though
great praise was afterwards heaped upon Barrel's and Munro's
regiments, who confronted them, for their fortitude in bearing the
attack of the Lochaber men, and for killing so many of them,
according to Chambers, " these battalions were in reality com-
pletely beat aside, and the whole front line shaken so much, that,
had the Macdonald regiments made a simultaneous charge, the
day might have had a very different issue." Of the five clan
regiments that charged, sword in hand, the Camerons, Stuarts,
Frasers, Mackintoshes, and Macleans, almost all the leaders and
front rank men were killed. Lochiel, however, escaped, but he
was so severely wounded in both ankles, as he was in the act of
drawing his sword, that he had to be carried from the field by
his two henchmen,* and afterwards led away on horseback by his
* Nothing could excel the love of the Camerons for their Lochiel, unless it was
that of the Macdonalds for their Keppoch; for, being wounded in the very height and
fury of the battle, two of them took hold of his legs, a third supported his head, while
the rest posted themselves round him as an impregnable bulwark, and in that manner
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 399
faithful followers. Home's version is that " Cameron of Lochiel,
advancing at the head of his regiment, was so near Barrel's, that
he had fired his pistol, and was drawing his sword, when he fell,
wounded with grape shot in both ankles. The two brothers,
between whom he was advancing, raised him, and carried him
off in their arms." Another writer describes the charge in
the following terms : — " Notwithstanding the dreadful carnage
in their ranks, the Highlanders continued to advance, and, after
giving their fire close to the English line, which, from the density
of the smoke, was scarcely perceptible, even within pistol shot,
the right wing, consisting of the Athole Highlanders and the
Camerons, rushed in, sword in hand, and broke through Barrel's
and Monroe's regiments, which stood on the left of the first line.
These regiments bravely defended themselves with their spontoons
and bayonets ; but such was the impetuosity of the onset, that
they would have been entirely cut to pieces had they not been
immediately supported by two regiments from the second line,
on the approach of which they retired behind the regiments on
their right, after sustaining a loss in killed and wounded of up-
wards of 200 men. After breaking through these two regiments,
the Highlanders, passing by the two field-pieces which had annoyed
them in front, hurried forward to attack the left of the second
line. They were met by a tremendous fire of grape shot from
the three field-pieces on the left of the second line, and by a dis-
charge of musketry from Bligh's and SempilPs regiments, which
carried havoc through their ranks, and made them at first recoil ;
but, maddened by despair, and utterly regardless of their lives,
they rushed upon an enemy whom they felt but could not see
amid the cloud of smoke in which the assailants were buried."*
The Rev. Dr Shaw, in his manuscript History of the Rebel-
lion says, that the attack of the Camerons and Athole men " on the
left wing of the royal army, was made with a view to break that
wing, and then to communicate the disorder to the whole army.
This could not easily be effected when a second and third line
were ready to sustain the first. But it must be owned," he con-
tinues, " the attack was made with the greatest courage, order,
carried him from the field, over the small River Nairn, to a place of safety. "—Life oj
Dr Archibald Cameron.
* The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans, and Highland Regiments, vol. ii.,
pp. 663-664.
4oo THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and bravery, amidst the hottest fire of small arms, and continued
fire of cannon with grape-shot, on their flanks, front, and rear.
They ran in upon the points of the bayonets, hewed down the
soldiers with their broadswords, drove them back, and possessed
themselves of two pieces of cannon. The rebels' left wing did not
sustain them in the attack, and four fresh regiments coming up
from the Duke's second line, under General Huske, they could
not stand under a continued fire both in front, in flank, and rear,
and therefore they retired." This is all confirmed in the Lock-
hart Papers, where almost the same phraseology is used.
By the assistance of his .friends, Lochiel soon found his way
to Lochaber, where he was followed by Secretary Murray and a
few others. For three weeks after the battle, no attempt was made
to penetrate the central and western Highlands, whither most of
the followers of the Prince ultimately retired. On the 8th of
May, a meeting of several of the chiefs and other gentlemen was
held at Muirlagan, in Lochaber, where they entered into a bond
for their mutual defence, and agreed never to lay down their
arms or enter into a general peace, without the consent of all
and of each other. Among those present were Lochiel, Young,
Clanranald, Barrisdale, Dr Archibald Cameron, John Roy Stuart,
Gordon of Glenbucket, Cameron of Dungallon, Lord Lovat,
Major Kennedy, and Secretary Murray. A few days before this
meeting, £30,000, in six casks of gold, had been received from
France, by two frigates, which arrived on the west coast.
It was resolved to raise as many men as possible and
agreed that the Camerons, Glengarry, Clanranald, Keppoch, and
Barrisdale Macdonalds, the Stewarts of Appin, the Mackinnons,
and the Macleods, should assemble on that day week, Thursday,
the 1 5th of May, at Achnacarry; while arrangements were made
for the other clans to meet at more convenient centres. Any one
making separate terms with Cumberland for himself was to be
held as a traitor to the Prince, and to be treated by all the other
leaders as their common enemy. For various reasons no one
attended on the appointed day. Some of the men refused to fol-
low their leaders, and others had, in the meantime, delivered up
their arms. On the 2ist and 22nd, Lochiel, with 300 men, and
Barrisdale, with 150, met at the appointed place, but on the 23rd
they were surprised by a force of 1500 Government troops, who
succeeded in taking one of Lochiel's officers and two of his men
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 401
prisoners. The Chief, who escaped across the lake in a boat,
seeing no further chance of resistance, wrote to his brother Chiefs
advising them to disperse in the meantime, but to preserve their
arms as long as possible, as he still hoped for assistance from
France.
While here, the first thing the Camerons did was to hide
their effects in the neighbouring woods and caverns, and, expect-
ing that Cumberland's troops would soon deprive them of their
cattle, they killed as many of them as they could use, and lived
plentifully while they remained at Achnacarry. The Prince was
hurriedly passing through the district at the time, and visited
his friends at Lochiel's residence, where he was prevailed upon,
though the King's troops were advancing, to sit down and par-
take of the repast at the time on the table, " which was plenti-
fully spread with provisions of all sorts, and wine, and other
liquors in abundance, which the Highlanders get at a very cheap
rate from France ; for their being no officers of excise in those
parts, except at Fort- William, where there is a garrison, prodigi-
ous quantities of liquors are run upon that coast, in exchange for
their cattle, which they slaughter and barrel up for that purpose."
After some discussion as to whether they would turn out and
give battle to the foe, Lochiel, who opposed this, said — " But
since the enemy is so near us, let us live as well as possible in the
meantime, lest those come to take up our goods who will give us
little or no thanks for them. Meanwhile my clan may be driving
their cattle to the securest places, and my servants concealing my
most valuable effects." His plate was buried in the ground, and
the best part of the furniture was put away in the neighbouring
caves and recesses. The clan went into the district of Morvern,
and the gentlemen soon after left the house, which, in a few days,
was burnt to the ground.
Cumberland, who arrived at Fort-Augustus on the 24th of
May, sent out detachments, with orders, to burn the seats of
Lochiel, Glengarry, Kinlochmoidart, Keppoch, Cluny, Ardshiel,
Glengyle, and others, which they did, and mercilessly plundered
the inhabitants. The excesses committed on helpless men,
women, and children, are universally admitted to be unparalleled
in history. They have made the name of Cumberland and his
villainous Lieutenant, Major Lockhart, for ever hateful to the
402 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Highland race. The latter blasphemously declared when re-
monstrated with for his atrocities, that " not even an order from
Heaven should prevent him from executing his orders." One
writer declares that " not contented with destroying the country,
these bloodhounds either shot the men upon the mountains, or
murdered them in cold blood. The women, after witnessing
their husbands, fathers, and brothers murdered before their eyes,
were subjected to brutal violence, and then turned out naked,
with their children, to starve on the barren heaths. A whole
family was enclosed in a barn and consumed to ashes. So alert
were these ministers of vengeance that in a few days, according
to the testimony of a volunteer who served in the expedition,
neither house, cottage, man, nor beast was to be seen within a
compass of fifty miles ; all was ruin, silence, and desolation.
Deprived of their cattle and their small stock of provisions by the
rapacious soldiery, the hoary-headed matron and sire, the
widowed mother and her helpless offspring, were to be seen
dying of hunger, stretched upon the bare ground, and within
view of the smoking ruins of their dwellings."* Chambers says
that, in addition to the burning of the residences of the Chiefs,
they plundered and burned those of many inferior gentlemen,
and that even the huts of the common people were similarly
destroyed. " The cattle, sheep, and provisions of all kinds were
carried off to Fort-Augustus. In many instances the women and
children were stripped naked and left exposed ; in some the
females were subjected to even more horrible treatment. A
great number of men, unarmed and inoffensive, including some
aged beggars, were shot in the fields and on the mountain side,
rather in the spirit of wantonness than for any definite object.
Many hapless people perished of cold and hunger amongst the
hills. Others followed, in abject herds, their departing cattle,
and at Fort- Augustus begged for the support of a .wretched ex-
istence, to get the offal, or even to be allowed to lick up the blood
of those which were killed for the use of the army. Before the
loth of June the task of desolation was complete throughout all
the western parts of Inverness-shire ; and the curse which had
been denounced upon Scotland by the religious enthusiasts of
the preceding century was at length so certainly fulfilled in this
* History of the Highland Clans.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 403
remote region that it would have been literally possible to travel
for days through the depopulated glens without seeing a chimney
smoke or hearing a cock crow."*
Some time after this, a party from Brigadier Houghton's
regiment came to Achnacarry, and finding destruction and
desolation reigning supreme, it occurred to them to make a search,
expecting to find some of the valuables which were amissing
when the castle was destroyed. At first not a soul was to be
seen, but by-and-bye they found the gardener, who had been
so anxious about his master's effects that he remained lurking
about the place. The poor fellow was soon secured, and severely
cross-examined, as to the whereabouts of the hidden trea-
sure. He pretended entire ignorance and inability to give any
information ; whereupon they " tied him to two halberts and
lashed him on the naked back with rods, till the smart forced
him to discover the place of concealment, where they found the
hidden treasure " ; and then dismissed the poor fellow, telling him
to go and inform his master of what had occurred — what he saw
and suffered.
Lochiel managed to elude those in search of him for about
two months, among his people in Lochaber, after which he
found it expedient to remove to the Braes of Rannoch. Here he
had the professional attendance of Sir Stewart Thriepland, an
eminent Edinburgh p'hysician, for the cure of his wounds. On
the 2Oth of June, they met with Macpherson of Cluny, who led
them to a more secure retreat in Benalder, on his own property.
In a miserable hut at Mellanuair, on the side of this mountain,
Lochiel and Cluny lived for several weeks, accompanied by
Macpherson of Breakachie, Allan Cameron of Callart, and two
of Cluny's attendants. The Prince, who had meanwhile been
wandering in the Long Island, and afterwards in Lochaber and
elsewhere on the mainland, proceeded to visit his friends on
Benalder, with Macdonald of Glengarry and Dr Archibald
Cameron as guides, with tw6 servants. These visitors were all
armed, and, at a distance, Lochiel mistook them for a party of
militia, who, he thought, had been sent from a Government
camp, a few miles distant, in search of him. From the state of
his wounds he was unable to escape, and he decided that there
* History of the Rebellion, p. 278.
404 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
was no alternative but to fight. In this there did not appear
to be much danger, for his party was equal to the strangers in
point of numbers, and they had the advantage that they could
fire the first volley without being observed ; and, as they had a
good stock of fire-arms, they could reload their pieces, and fire
the second round before the intruders could reply.
They at once prepared to defend themselves. Twelve
firelocks and pistols were prepared ; the Chief and his four
companions took up their positions, and levelled each his
piece : all was ready for saluting the approaching party with
a carefully aimed volley, when Lochiel recognised his friends.
Then, hobbling out as well as he could, he received the Prince
with an enthusiastic welcome, and attempted to pay him his
respects on his knees. This ceremony Charles at once forbade,
saying, " My dear Lochiel, you don't know who may be looking
from the tops of yonder hills ; if any be there, and if they see
such motions, they will conclude that I am here ; which may
prove a bad consequence!" Lochiel at once ushered him into his
hovel, which, though small, was well furnished with viands and
liquors. Young Breakachie had previously provided his friends
with a good supply of newly killed mutton, some cured beef
sausages, plenty of butter and cheese, a large well cured bacon
ham, and an anker of whisky. The Prince, upon his entry, at the
request of his friends, took a hearty dram, which he pretty often
called for afterwards, to drink his friends' health ; and when some
minced collops were dressed for him with butter, in a large sauce-
pan that Lochiel and Cluny carried always about with them, and
which was the only cooking utensil they had, he ate heartily
and said, with a very cheerful and lively countenance, " Now,
gentlemen, I live like a Prince," though he had to eat the collops
out of the saucepan, but with a silver spoon. After dinner, he
asked Lochiel if he had always lived, during his stay in that
place, in such a good way ; to which Lochiel answered, " Yes,
sir, I have ; for now near three months I have been here with
my cousin Cluny and Breakachie, who has so provided for
me that I had plenty of such as you see, and I thank Heaven
that your Royal Highness has come safe through so many
dangers to take a part." From this bothy they removed, two
days after, to another shieling, farther into the recesses of the
mountain, called Uisge-chiobair, which turned out " super-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 405
latively bad and smoky." Remaining here for three days, they
removed to the " Cage " at Leitir-na-lic, two miles distant,
in a more inaccessible part of Benalder, where there was barely
room for the seven persons, who now composed the party, " four of
whom were frequently employed playing at cards, one idle look-
ing on, one baking, and another firing bread and cooking." The
history and structure of this remarkable habitation is too well
known to require detail here. The party remained in it until
about one o'clock on the morning of the I3th of September,
when information reached them, by messengers sent from Loch-
aber by Dr Archibald Cameron and Cluny, who had gone there a
few days previously on some private business, that two vessels
had arrived at Loch-nan-uagh to carry the Royal fugitive and his
friends to France. They started immediately, and on the i6th
arrived at Lochiel's seat at Achnacarry, where they remained
until night. The accommodation was wretched in the ex-
treme, the house having, as already stated, been burnt to the
ground by the Government troops. They left the same night,
and, on the morning of the i/th, they picked up Dr Archi-
bald Cameron and Cluny, in a glen at the head of Locharkaig}
who killed a cow, on which, with good oaten cakes, they feasted
right royally. At daylight on the morning of the i8th, they
proceeded on their way, and next day arrived at Loch-nan-uagh,
where the Prince, Lochiel, Dr Archibald Cameron, Young Clan-
ranald, John Roy Stuart, Glenaladale, Lochgarry, Macdonald of
Dalily, his two brothers, and several others, went aboard the
" L' Hereux." In all, twenty-three gentlemen and a hundred
and seven men of humbler rank sailed in the two frigates, who,
" were seen to weep," as they sailed, most of them for the last
time, from their native shore.
Lochiel arrived safely on the coast of Brittany on the 3<Dth of
August 1746, and shortly after obtained from the King the com-
mand of Albany's French regiment, with power to name his own
officers. He was thus enabled, though his estate was forfeited, to
live in the style of a gentleman of his position and rank, and at
the same time to find suitable employment for many of his un-
fortunate friends, in a profession congenial to their tastes and
recent experiences. His brother Dr Archibald was appointed
physician to the regiment.
(To be continued.)
406 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION
(HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS)-
AN ANALYSIS.
II.
FISHERIES AND COMMUNICATIONS.
THE Report deals next with two subjects of paramount im-
portance, only next in interest to the primary question of the
position of the people on the land. The fisheries, and the means
of rapid and convenient communication among the Highlanders
themselves, and with the commercial centres of the country, are
so momentous and so closely allied to each other that they are
treated together in one section. Their importance is fully ad-
mitted by the Commissioners. " The greater number of the
crofters and cottars of the Highlands and Islands," they tell us,
" are wholly or largely dependent for their subsistence on their
earnings as fishermen." They derive a larger annual income
from the sea than from the land. The Commissioners directed
their inquiries to the discovery of the best way and means by
which this fishing industry could be improved. There are two
main branches of fishing, as at present carried on in the majority
of the districts covered by the inquiry — the herring fishing and
the white fishing; the latter consisting principally of cod and
ling. Within recent years the herring fishing on the north-west
coasts has greatly extended and developed. Fifty years ago it
was prosecuted with satisfactory results in the lochs and bays,
but, except in Lochfyne and Lochourn, during certain periods of
the year, the herring has practically disappeared from these in-
land, sheltered places, and that fishing has now to be prosecuted,
with success, out at sea. This also applies, to a great extent, to
the white fishing, which is found most remunerative on the banks
far out in the open sea, off Shetland, and the north and west of
Lewis and Barra, though considerable success is occasionally ob-
tained, at some periods of the year, off the west coast of Suther-
land, in Gairloch, the Isle of Skye, and Tiree. The open sea
fishing requires powerful boats, and these the Highlanders do
not possess ; and even if they did possess them they would, in
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 407
their present position — without any harbour or landing accom-
modation— be quite useless in most localities, for either the white
or herring fishing. The result is, that generally the natives only
benefit in so far as they are employed as hired hands in the
powerful boats of the east coast that, during a portion of summer,
fish in the west, and afterwards on the east and north-east coasts
of Scotland.
The Commissioners next describe the class of boats used for
the white and lobster fishings, and the terms on which they are
occasionally obtained from the curers; the smaller sort being
usually the property of the natives themselves, while sometimes
they enter into arrangements with the curer to buy the larger
boats, paying for them in three years or more. The leading
feature of the terms is that they bind themselves " to sell their fish
to the curer at a fixed price for the season, and to pay a certain
rate of interest for the unpaid portion of the price of the boat and
tackle." Often the curer in Shetland and in the Long Island
supplies the " white fisherman and his family with such provisions
and clothing as they require during the year, it may well be, at
prices higher than those which prevail in the open market." In
Lochfyne, where each man owns a share of the boat and of the
nets, the fishermen have special advantages in being able, early
the same morning on which it is caught, to have their fish sold
in the Glasgow market to the highest bidder; while they are also
able to buy their supplies in the cheapest market.
The Commissioners are of opinion that the fisheries of the
northern and western shores " are capable of vast extension and
development." The evidence on that point was unanimous.
For this purpose, and to improve the condition of the fishing
population, it has been represented to them, and they recom-
mend—
"(i) That harbours should be formed in suitable localities,
piers and landing places in others ; (2) That assistance should be
given towards providing suitable boats and tackle for fishermen ;
(3) That the postal and telegraphic system should be extended
to several outlying fishing stations and centres, and means of
communication with great markets of consumption improved or
created ; (4) That certain alleged grievances should be inquired
into and removed."
Piers and Harbours. — Having pointed out the numerous
408 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lochs and bays which exist in many places along the west
coast of the mainland and in the Isles — forming a series of
natural harbours and shelters, which for convenience and safety
cannot be surpassed — and, at the same time, that the most produc-
tive fishing grounds, both for herring and white fish, are generally
off the most inaccessible shores, they recommend that piers or
landing places should be erected, in the former, to make them
suitable fishing stations, and, in the latter case, in certain suitable
localities, and under certain conditions, they propose that Parlia-
ment should provide funds for making harbours and for acquir-
ing ground for fishermen's cottages and other necessary equip-
ments of a fishing station — harbours involving any considerable
outlay of money to be formed only in localities within reach of the
extensive and productive fishing grounds of the open sea. The
Commissioners then propose that, in addition to the tidal har-
bour in course of erection at the port of Ness, in Lewis, another
place of shelter should be constructed on the east side of the
Island, between Ness and Stornoway, and another on the west
side — Bayble, Portnaguirin, Gress, and Shawbost being mentioned
as convenient situations, any two of which might be selected.
Two similar places of refuge are recommended on the north sjiore
of Sutherland, at Talmine and at Port Skerray; while in Skye,
" a harbour is greatly needed on the north-east side, in the neigh-
bourhood of Staffin Bay." The same necessity exists in the
Island of Tiree. Hillswick in Shetland, Loch-Inchard in Suther-
land, and Loch-Poltiel in Skye, are mentioned as examples of
sheltered lochs and bays where piers or landing places might be
erected at little cost ; and it is also pointed out that the harbour
accommodation is insufficient between the entrance to the
Cromarty Firth and Portmahomack. It is proposed that Govern-
ment should institute a special inquiry, with the view of ascertain-
ing whether boat shelters of the simplest character, in which a
landing in rough weather could be effected, might not be ex-
cavated or constructed at Foula, Fair Isle, and St Kilda — places
whose isolated position and peculiar industries render them, in
the opinion of the Commissioners, of exceptional interest.
" It is open to discussion," the Report proceeds, " whether
Government aid should be invoked to promote works of local
usefulness, such as those to which we last adverted. In cases
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 409
where the pier and landing place is chiefly available for the ordin-
ary traffic of the district, it seems natural that it should be under-
taken by the proprietor, the people, or the trades chiefly concerned.
But in some localities these works would be mainly for the benefit
of a branch of imperial industry, for the accommodation of fisher-
men from all parts of the British shores — men who .have only a
transitory connection with a place which is indispensable to their
labour. In such instances we are of opinion that the co-operation
of Government might be legitimately asked for when no other
agency is available."
In selecting sites for harbours it is recommended that pre-
ference should be given to places where suitable ground for
fishermen's houses and gardens would be available, and where
the harbour could be best utilised for the convenience of the sur-
rounding districts. A certain amount of land should be acquired
by Government to be feued out to persons intending to devote
themselves entirely to fishing, in plots from half-an-acre to an
acre in extent, the pasture to be held in common, with the right
of a cow's grass to each family. It is pointed out that, on the
east coast, the fishing ground can be fished with profit, and in
Lochfyne with profit and safety, for the greater part of the year,
there being, in these localities, harbours and suitable places for
mooring boats, making it thus unnecessary for the fishermen to
drag their large boats beyond the reach of the tide, while generally
they have at the same time a near and ready market for their
fish in a fresh condition.
" If these conditions could be realised on the northern and
western shores, we are of opinion," the Commissioners say, "that
a race of fishermen would spring up, working their own boats
with the same skill which they now exhibit as hired hands in the
large fishing boats of Peterhead and Fraserburgh," and while, with
the facilities recommended for the enlargment of crofts, " fewer
will probably devote themselves to fishing in the future, these may
be expected to prosecute the calling with greater energy and per-
sistence than is commonly the case at present in many districts
of the North-West Highlands and Islands."
Discussing the question, " Whether the present system of
combining both occupations" — fishing and crofting — "was of ad-
vantage to the people or otherwise," the Commissioners say that —
" It would be difficult to express an opinion upon this ques-
tion applicable to all cases and circumstances. The system that
2 F
410 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
might suit one locality might not suit another. When the people
of the Northern Highlands were removed from their native glens
to the shore, in the hope that they would at once become fisher-
men, without either boats or harbours, or the knowledge how to
make use of such though they had them, they were provided with
crofts of sufficient size to support a family with difficulty in a
favourable season. The people naturally looked upon them-
selves still as crofters rather than fishermen ; and they took to
the sea only when it was absolutely necessary to supplement the
outcome of their stock and crops. After the failure of the
potatoes, it became necessary 'to devote their attention more and
more to the fishing, especially as the small crofts were being
yearly subdivided, and squatters multiplied among them. But
few of the crofters took to fishing except as a subsidiary employ-
ment engaged in with reluctance, to enable them to pay their
rents and the meal merchant. The fishermen of the north of
Lewis, again, have had to prosecute the fishing off an unbroken
coast washed by a tempestuous sea. Without harbours of refuge
or a safe landing place, these men can only use a craft of suffici-
ently light draught and weight to enable them to drag it through
the surf beyond the reach of the tide wherever they can effect a
landing. Even such small boats could fish the banks many days
when they cannot be launched through the heavy surf on the
beach, and under the most favourable circumstances these ex-
posed fishing grounds can only be reached occasionally in winter.
The Lewis fisherman, accordingly, considers it desirable to sup-
plement the earnings of the sea by the produce of the croft. The
crofters that skirt the lochs of the mainland and inner isles look
to the land and not to the sea for a livelihood. They say, and
with a considerable amount of truth, that the inshore fishing of
the west coast is precarious in the extreme."
This statement confirms in the most complete form the
charges of harshness and cruelty which had been made in this con-
nection against the evicting proprietors of the past, and the only
sentence of it to which we have the slightest objection is the one
which implies that, when evicted from their inland holdings, the
people were provided on the rough and rocky sea-coast "with crofts
of sufficient size to support a family with difficulty in a favourable
season." Generally the wretched patches allotted to them were
quite insufficient in any circumstances, on any conditions, and in
the most favourable seasons to support their families. The
negative — the "not" — must surely have dropped out of this
otherwise faithful description of the hardships then inflicted,
especially upon the people of Sutherland.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 411
Boats and Fishing-Gear. — In recent years more powerful,
and, consequently, more costly boats have been found necessary
for the prosecution of both the herring and white fishing farther
out in the ocean, and more nets and lines are also necessary.
The boats of the east coast have nearly doubled their tonnage
within the last few years. But " the Lewis fishermen cannot in-
crease the size of their boats until they are provided with har-
bours in which to moor them. The boats at present in use, though
for their tonnage exceptionally capable, are far too small and
light for fishing the stormy banks off the Butt of Lewis " — an
opinion sadly confirmed by the fact, that " during the last thirty-
five years not less than 293 Lewis fishermen were drowned at sea."
The class of boats required would cost, each, from £200 to
£250 ; the nets, lines, and hooks for herring and white fishing
about £180 — an amount beyond the means of the vast majority
in the West Highlands and Isles. They have, however, been
able in many cases to secure boats and nets by an agreement, in
terms of which both remain the property of the curer until the
whole cost is paid, with interest, the crew being bound to sell
.him, in the meantime, all their fish. The Commissioners express
qualified approval of this arrangement, " But they do not antici-
pate that in the immediate future all cases can be provided for
in this way ; " while they " consider it of paramount importance
that the fisherman should be allowed to sell his fish to whomso-
ever he pleases." They, therefore, recommend an arrangement
by which money shall be advanced to the fishermen themselves,
or some intermediate agency sanctioned for the purpose, for the
purchase of boats, on such conditions as the following —
"(i) That the crew to whom the money is advanced be men
who habitually maintain themselves by fishing ; (2) That the
amount of the loan shall in no case exceed the price of the boats,
with sails, etc., but exclusive of nets ; (3) That the loan, with in-
terest, at 3^ per cent, be paid back in equal annual instalments
in seven years ; (4) That the boat be fully insured, and that the
premium for the ensuing year be paid in advance by the parties
benefiting ; (5) That the boat be kept in good working order and
repair, to the satisfaction of the officer to whom the Government
may entrust the duty of inspecting it."
The Commissioners are of opinion that the boat, thus fully
insured, may be accepted as security for the money advanced.
412 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A large boat could not be so easily disposed of as live stock, and,
even if it were, it could be traced. The revenue officers of the
district could receive the annual instalments of the loan and the
insurance premiums. The registered numbers of the boats would
be furnished to the officers in charge at the various fishing stations,
and it would be their duty to report on each boat as to its state
of repair and its condition in other respects, as occasion offered,
until the loan was paid.
Facilities of Communication. — The importance of improved
communication by post, telegraph, roads, steam vessels, and rail-
ways, is considered of such great significance and preponderating
importance, in connection with the fishing industry, that the
Commissioners associate the consideration of the two subjects in
one section of the Report. They warmly urge the adoption of a
more generous policy on the part of the Post-office authorities
than they have hitherto followed. —
" One which would recognise the claims of a population
isolated and scattered by natural causes, and the condition of a
branch of national industry carried on in sequestered and perilous
situations, which requires for its safe and successful prosecution .
incessant vigilance and warning in regard to the vicissitudes of
weather, and every information concerning fluctuations in the
market," and they express the hope " that a department of ad-
ministration which has studied the convenience of the condensed
population in the urban districts with so much assiduity, should
now use its powers in order to anticipate the wants, and advance
the interests and welfare of those who suffer under the discour-
agements of distance and dispersion. The Post-office monopoly
would thus justify its prerogatives and its gains."
The defects of the mail service and the absence of telegraphic
communication with important centres, are next pointed out.
North Uist, Benbecula, South Uist, and Barra, are supplied by a
long circuitous route, part of which is by sailing packet, a distance
of 26 miles, (not 13 as printed in the Report), from Dunvegan to
Lochmaddy. Fair Isle and Foula, receive letters when the state
of the weather permits ; St Kilda, when the agents of the pro-
prietor, or tourist steamers, occasionally visit the Island. There
is no direct postal communciation between Strome Ferry, on the
mainland, and the Lewis. —
" The whole of the west and north of Sutherland from Loch-
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 413
inver to Tongue, the west and north of Lewis; Walls, Hillswick,
Ollaberry, and several other stations on the west and north of
Shetland ; South Ronaldshay in Orkney ; Barra, a capital resort of
the herring fleet from all parts of Scotland and Ireland, are still
without telegraphic communication."
The great loss and inconvenience of thisneglect are thus forcibly il-
lustrated : —"A letter might be six days, and a telegram three days,
in transit, from a place on the mainland to Castle Bay," in Barra.
" These delays placed the Barra traders at a great disadvantage
when compared with the curers on the east coast," and they are
"entitled, in common fairness, to call on the Government to
rectify this inequality," the Commissioners most emphatically and
justly declare; and they recommend that a comprehensive depart-
mental examination of the neglected districts should be under-
taken at once by the proper authorities, but that, meanwhile,
" Improved postal service should be provided for the whole
of the Long Island — that the telegraphic wire should be carried
at once to Castlebay; to the west and north of Sutherland; and to
the west and north of Lewis; to the west and north of Shetland;
to South Ronaldshay; and that one or other of the local steamers
should be engaged to call off St Kilda once in every two months
in summer, and at least once during the winter."
The Commissioners next deal with roads. There are many
instances of centres of crofting populations miles away from the
public road where the people are compelled to pay road taxes
without receiving any immediate or visible benefit in return. One
of the cases quoted is at Glens, near Portree, in Skye, where
there is a population of about 200, paying road money; they
are " without a branch road, or even any tolerable track," though
they are four miles from the public highway, and " repeated ap-
plications had been made to the local and county trustees, but
without effect." Another case is that of Keose, in Lewis, where
there are several townships on the south side of Loch-Erisort,
containing a population of about 1700 souls. "These people
have not a yard of road available for their local use, and they
have to go, if they go by land, as best they may, 14 miles round
the loch to reach the high road." In Applecross, on the north
coast, there is " an inhabited tract extending for twenty miles,"
possessing no road, though the inhabitants, numbering over 400,
are forced to pay road assessments ; and these are only specimens
4H THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of similar cases brought under the notice of the Commissioners
in other parts of the country. To remedy the evil, it is recom.
mended that —
"The Secretary of State might be provided by law with
authority, on petition from the ratepayers, to direct inquiry to be
made into cases of this nature, and to call on the Road Trust of
the county to make branch roads within reasonable periods to
such localities; and that he shall be empowered to reduce or sus-
pend the payment of road rates pending the execution of the
work prescribed."
It is expected that the extension and improvement of com-
munications by post and telegraph, and the erection of the new
harbours and landing places recommended, would eventually in-
duce steamboat companies to increase the number of their ports
of call on the north and north-west coast — from Lochinver in
Sutherland to Scrabster Roads in Caithness — along which there
are several good fishing banks, and in some places a lobster fish-
ing, while occasionally, some of the lochs between these places
swarm with herring ; but they are almost entirely useless at
present for want of any means of communication with the centres
of commerce, except by cart or mail gig, which, over the short-
est route in Sutherland, has to traverse some sixty miles to the
nearest railway station, at Lairg.
Railway communication, which " is the principal requirement
of the fishing population of the Western Coast," is considered
next. At present there is no communication between the termini
of the two existing railways — at Oban and Strome Ferry — and
the Outer Hebrides, and consequently no fresh fish can find its
way to the southern centres of consumption, from Tiree, Barra, or
the Lewis. Special steamers are run from Stornoway to Strome
.Ferry during the herring fishing in summer, but no white fish
from the north and west of the Island can be sent fresh to mar-
ket, and the fishermen of that coast actually use the finest turbot,
in which their fishing banks abound, and which would fetch high
prices in the South, as bait for cod and ling, which are chiefly sold
as dried fish. As temporary measures, it is recommended that the
harbour at Strome Ferry should be better lighted, to obviate the
delay of steamers arriving with fish after night-fall. The ex-
tension of the Skye Line terminus to Kyleakin, a distance of
twelve miles would be still more desirable.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 415
" A terminus at Kyleakin would be at all times accessible to
shipping, and would be available for the Skye traffic without any
long sea voyage, while a cheap narrow guage line through Skye
from the opposite shore of Kyleakin Ferry would minimise any
disadvantage under which the people thus lie from their insular
position. A similar line from the remoter parts of Lewis to Stor-
noway, with regular steam communication thence to Kyleakin,
would be of equal benefit to the northern part of the Long Island.
The southern part of the Long Island, along with Tiree and Coll,
should be connected by a daily service with the Oban Railway."
The Commissioners are, however, of opinion that the fishing
industry of the Outer Hebrides can never be fully developed
until the railway is extended to the sea at some central point on
the west coast of Inverness-shire, and daily communication estab-
lished between the new terminus and the various stations in the
outer isles. They are unable to determine what line or scheme
should be adopted, or what agency should be employed. The
extension from the nearest point on any line at present would
involve a branch line of 80 miles. If, however, the railway were
brought to Fort-William, as proposed last year, the distance
would be reduced to about 40 miles. This line would not, it is
stated, pay interest on capital, in the first instance, and if left to
the unaided efforts of railway companies, it might be indefinitely
postponed, leaving the Highland fishermen, as at present, half
idle, and the Lowland artisan imperfectly supplied. In these cir-
cumstances the Commissioners are of opinion that —
"Government, acting on the one hand on behalf of a people
crippled in their powers by the stubborn features of nature, and,
on the other hand, in the interest of an industry of national im-
portance as a source of food supply to the whole community,
might step in and grant financial assistance. This might be
afforded in the form of subsidy to some existing company, or to
some company to be formed hereafter. The possible loss to the
Exchequer would be small; the link between the toiler of the sea
and the toiler of the town would be profitable to both." The
Report then proceeds — " We need not seriously discuss, in
principle, the question of Government aid to useful enterprise
promoted by motives of general concern. The Highlands have
often felt the helpful hand of Government in public works. The
military roads in the beginning of the eighteenth century, the
Parliamentary roads in the Northern Counties of a later date, the
Caledonian Canal, were all executed at the charge of Government ;
416 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and in our own day harbours of refuge are being constructed at
a vast cost to the Imperial Treasury at various stations on the
British coast"
Respecting alleged grievances, brought under their notice,
the Commissioners recommend that it should be made illegal
to capture or sell lobsters under a certain size, and that the
Secretary of State should be empowered to make regulations for
the observation of a lobster close-time in the various localities
where this industry is prosecuted, and that the Fishery Board of
Scotland should have power to enforce the regulations when made.
It is also recommended that the officer having the supervision of
the fishing ground for the time being, should settle disputes
arising between trawl and net herring fishers. The same officer
should also be empowered to make inquiry and to settle disputes
arising between white fishers, whose lines are often dragged from
their places and sometimes cut adrift by the herring fishers, in
any manner which may seem to him reasonable and just. In
response to the fishermen of Lochfyne, it is recommended that a
standard quarter-cran measure should be legalised and supplied
to herring buyers, who shall be bound to use it, and also that the
law prohibiting fishing on Sunday should be more rigorously en-
forced in Lochfyne than it appears to have been hitherto, where
"to some extent" fishing is carried on on the day of rest, in
consequence of which the Monday fishing and the Tuesday
market are injured.
We next, in order, proceed to a most important section,
dealing with
EDUCATION.
The question of education in the Highlands receives large-
hearted and intelligent treatment at the hands of the Royal
Commissioners, notwithstanding their observation that it was not
pressed on their attention so prominently as its importance de-
manded. They find at the outset, despite the disadvantages
incident to the condition of the people of the Highlands, where
Gaelic is the only spoken language, and the stringent and burden-
some character of the educational machinery brought into opera-
tion under the recent Act, that the people " generally appreciate
the new order of things in a manner creditable to their intelligence."
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION 417
The Commissioners, however, in view of the conspicuously ad-
verse circumstances of a social and geographical kind which
prevail, recommend certain modifications of the stringency appli-
cable to more favoured and more densely populated localities,
and a careful consideration of the difficulties of the case. In this
connection the fair and generous spirit manifested throughout
the whole Report is evinced in the observation that notwithstand-
ing all the physical and industrial disabilities under which the
people suffer, their general character is not behind that displayed
in more favoured parts of our country.
" In no part of your Majesty's dominions," says the Commis-
sioners, " are there to be found, among the humbler ranks of
society, more intelligence, better manners, purer morals, than in
the remotest parts of the Highlands and Islands, from the Mull
of Kintyre in Argyllshire to the Skaw of Unst in Shetland."
The full effect of the Education Act of 1872 has not yet
reached all parts of the Highlands, but the Commissioners record
a very marked improvement in the means of education, as well
as an advancement in the attainments of the people. Another
gratifying fact, and one eminently creditable, is that a very large
proportion of the children attend school notwithstanding all the
disadvantages under which they labour. While the percentage of
the population receiving education in Scotland as a whole is I9'28}
Caithness shows a percentage of 21-91 ; Sutherland, 18-43 5 Ross
and Cromarty, 20*43 5 Inverness, 20-97 5 and Argyll, 20*04. It
will not be surprising, therefore, that the Commissioners should
interpose the remark that —
" Looking to the extraordinary disadvantages under which
a great number of the children in these counties labour, especially
in the Islands, this fact, with all due deduction from the value of
the figures, gives them a strong claim to liberal consideration
from the Education Department."
The rise in the remuneration of the teachers as well as the
comfort and attractiveness of the school buildings, as compared
with the state of matters existing not many years ago, are also
features calling for hopeful recognition as affording promise of
greater interest being taken in the work of the school on the part
of the scholars, as well as a more effective and intelligent style of
teaching. The extraordinary rise in the salaries of teachers
4i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" does honour to the ratepayers, who have to bear a great part of
the burden. It was a just recognition of the merits of a class of
public servants up to that time [the passing of the Education
Act] seldom remunerated adequataly, more often miserably." In
illustration of this, it is pointed out that in 1865 there were 47
schools in Lewis, with 62 teachers, whose total income was
^ISSS- 7s- iod., or an average of ^33. is. 8d. per school ; while in
1882 the number receiving the Parliamentary Grant was 36
schools, with salaries to teachers of .£3070. 43. id., or an average
of £85 per school. In 1865, £169. los. was paid by Government
Grant; in 1882 the sum amounted to £1999. 35. 4d. The fees in
the former year amounted in the whole Hebrides to .£657; in
1882 they amounted to £1183, in addition to the school rates,
which were unknown at the earlier date.
In view of the fact that " the essential elements of primary
education are being taught and learned more extensively and
efficiently, from year to year," the Commissioners do not find
that the injury arising from the comparative neglect of the
higher branches has been very serious. They recommend, how-
ever, that even this characteristic of the old parochial system
might be revived and extended by the devising of some " well-
framed bursary scheme," or by the equipment of at least one
school in every parish, with all facilities for teaching the higher
branches, and that " special encouragement in this direction
should be given by the Education Department and by School
Boards to the masters of such schools."
Only in one instance has any complaint been made as to
the religious difficulty. The Commissioners say —
" It has, however, been represented to us as a grievance, on
high clerical authority, that of the esteemed Roman Catholic
Bishop of Argyll and the Isles, that, under the present adminis-
tration of the Act in South Uist and Barra, where the majority
of the population are Roman Catholics, due regard has not been
shown, in the selection of teachers, to the religious principles
of the majority of the population. If this contention is well
founded, and if the School Boards, as at present constituted,
should not hereafter give due consideration to the wishes of their
constituents, the remedy," the Commissioners pointedly suggest,
" is in the hands of the ratepayers themselves at any ensuing elec-
tion of the Boards."
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 419
This is clearly the best and the most effective cure that could
be proposed.
Excessive School Rates. — The Report specially emphasises
the grievance of excessive school rates, which impinges so injuri-
ously on the poor people of the Highlands. The rate in some
parishes, as compared with other parts of Scotland, is exorbitant,
while the ratepayers are usually in very straitened circumstances.
Instances of this evil are given, such as in the parish of Barvas
in Lewis, where the rate in 1881 reached the ruinous figure of
6s. 8d. in the £. Out of 1 1 5 parishes in which the school rate
exceeded gd. per £, 76 were Highland and Island parishes; while
in no fewer than 12 insular parishes of Inverness-shire, Ross-
shire, and Shetland, it exceeded 2s. in the £. Much of this ex-
cessive taxation is due to the erection of new and costly school
buildings in localities where the parishes are wide, and the popu-
lation, though large, very widely scattered. These schools were
built " in a style and on a scale often beyond the requirements of
the people, and at an expense quite disproportioned to their
means." This also is illustrated by the case of Lewis, where
school accommodation has been compulsorily provided for a
population above 30,000, though the present inhabitants of the
island number only 25,487, at a cost, since 1873, of ^54,549. 133
7d., while the whole rental of the island last year was only
£24,231. 173. In Harris, with a population of 4814, and a rental
of £6194. 35. id., on ten schools, since 1873, the sum of £14,803
133. iod.; and in North Uist, with a population of 4299, and a
rental of £5469. i6s. iod., on nine schools the sum of £93^4- 7s
7d. was expended. The rate in some parishes in Lewis has been
already stated as high as 6s. 8d. in the £. In Harris it is 2s. 8d.;
in North Uist 33.; and there are many other similar cases in the
Hebrides.
The result of this extraordinary expenditure of money, and
its consequent and continuous burden upon the ratepayers, has
been very injurious to the already straitened conditions of the
people and their attitude toward the whole educational system
introduced by the Act of 1872. The Commissioners give expres-
sion to their regret and disappointment as follows : —
" So far, therefore, as such parishes are concerned, when the
outlay on education and the local resources are so painfully dis-
420 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
proportioned, the Education Act of 1872, otherwise so beneficial
to the nation, has laid a burden on the people quite beyond their
strength, with the sad result of rendering that which they are
naturally disposed to appreciate highly not only distasteful but
grievous. There could be no greater misfortune than so to ad-
minister the blessing of education as to make it oppressive to the
people."
School revenues suffer largely through loss of Government
grants in consequence of irregular attendance, but while the Com-
missioners do not free the parents from blame in this matter, they
are not blind to the obstacles and deterrent influences incident to
the surroundings.
" The excuses," they say, " for non-attendance are often
trifling ; but no humane person can blame those who keep their
children at home on days when they could not go a quarter of a
mile without being wet to the skin. The number of such days
in the Highlands and Islands is considerable, and so is the num-
ber of children whose clothing is scanty and poor. They are a
hardy race, and have little dread of weather ; but in the calcula-
tion of the average number of days entitling to a Government
grant we think there should be some consideration of the physical
facts peculiar to the district."
Under such circumstances, it will not be wondered at that
the compulsory clause of the Education Act is practically a dead
letter, and the expense of its enforcement such as to make School
Boards reluctant to apply the punitive powers which they possess.
An attempt to give effect to this part of the Act in the Lewis,
by the reprehensible method of adding the grant forfeited by the
defaulting child to the rent of the parent — an attempt well
calculated to add rebelliousness to discontent — is mentioned in
the Report, in the following gentle terms of deprecation : — " This
expedient, though well-meant, cannot be recommended, and has
been given up on the estate in question."
The smallness of the amount derived from school fees in the
northern counties is doubtless very justly ascribed to the poverty
of the inhabitants, and not to any want of appreciation of the
benefits of education. The Commissioners therefore suggest
that the present mode of augmenting the fees through the chan-
nel of the Parochial Authority — a mode which is open to the
objection of implied pauperisation — should be replaced by one
transferring the gratuitous education of the children into the
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 421
hands of School Boards, with power to remit fees altogether
in certain cases. They think it also
"Advisable that at the close of each quarter or half-year
payment of the fees should be summarily enforced, so long as
fees are exigible, or that the debt should be there and then wiped
out. Nothing has a more deterrent effect on attendance than a
burden of debt for fees hanging over the heads of a poor family."
The Report further recommends that greater relief than is pro-
vided for under the existing law should be given in parishes
where the school rate exceeds one shilling in the pound ; and
that where a rate of two shillings in the pound is insufficient,
with the fees and grants, to meet the educational expenditure of
the parish, the deficiency should be made up by a grant from the
Treasury. They also recommend that in parishes
" Where the cost of the school buildings and other expenses
under the Act have produced a rate exceeding one shilling in the
pound on an average of the last five years, that the debt so in-
curred should be thenceforth cancelled" — a recommendation
founded on the extraordinary expense incurred, as already stated,
in " the compulsory erection of school buildings on a scale and at
a cost disproportioned to the circumstances of the population for
whose benefit they were erected."
And they also propose an increase of the teaching staff beyond
the requirements of the Code, specially by the employment of a
larger number of female teachers.
" They are," gallantly observe the Commissioners, " not less
successful than male teachers, up to the measure of their qualifica-
tions; they can teach branches of which men know nothing, but
which are of great practical importance ; they cost less ; and they
contribute a little more of those civilising influences which women
exert, and which cannot be estimated by arithmetic."
Gaelic in Schools. — The place and function of Gaelic in the
work of the school is finally but more fully dealt with in the Re-
port than any other department of the education question ;
and it gives us much pleasure to say that the conclusions of the
'Commissioners are such as cannot fail to receive the cordial ap-
proval of all the friends of the Gaelic language, and, we believe,
of all intelligent and competent promoters of Highland educa-
tion.
It is quite probable the observations and recommendations
422 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of the Commissioners may not accord with the opinions of
School Boards, many of whose members belong to a class alien
to the country, and whose aim it has always been to repress
every sentiment native to the people, and to discourage every
agency calculated to prevent its decay. It is also undeniable
that many teachers are opposed to the utilisation of the Gaelic
language, from a conviction of their own incompetence to make
a creditable appearance in the vernacular, among a people who
can already cope with them in its appropriate application to the
business of every-day life. The same incompetence will also
account for the antagonistic attitude of certain inspectors of
schools. Nor should we blame teachers if they have a natural
disinclination to expend time and labour on the positive teaching
of a branch which yields them little or no pecuniary fruit, or if they
should shrink from the trouble of elevating, from pure patriotism,
into a position of paramount importance in their curriculum, a
language which our legislators and the framers of the Education
Code of 1878 deemed worthy of no higher recognition than that
implied in a place, as the Commissioners archly put it, " in a foot-
note along with drill and cookery."
Such, however, is not the place assigned to it in the estima-
tion of the Royal Commissioners themselves. Finding that
nearly three-fourths of the people of the Highlands, who still
habitually use the language — 184,230 of whom belong to the
four counties of Argyll, Inverness, Ross, and Sutherland — the
question they have to do with is, " Whether and how far that
fact should be taken into account in considering the provision
made for the education of the people." We shall let them sup-
ply the answer in their own words —
" For us it is not a question of sentiment nor of comparison
between the English and Gaelic language as vehicles of thought
and influence, but a practical question in education. The first
object of all the educational machinery set agoing in the High-
lands at the public expense is to enable every Highland child as
soon as possible to speak, read, and write the English language
correctly ; and the question is, can that be done efficiently in the
case of a child who hears and speaks nothing but Gaelic at home,
without making any use of the only language the child under-
stands ? The answer to that question seems so obvious as to
make it matter of wonder that any person claiming to be experts
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 423
in education should have answered it in the affirmative. The
time-honoured custom of teaching English boys to learn Latin
out of a Grammar composed in that language has been generally
abandoned. Even when such an absurd practice was followed,
explanations were vouchsafed in English. But the poor High-
land children have too seldom been allowed the privilege of being
addressed in the only language intelligible to them. They have
been treated as if endowed with the gift of unknown tongues;
and men specially entrusted with the duty of superintending
their education have considered this reasonable, for reasons satis-
factory to themselves."
In support of this position, they adduce the testimony of both
the friends and foes of the Highland people, beginning with
Dr Johnson, who, as early as 1773, saw the absurdity of the
~ system, which even then began to show itself — " the native
language proscribed in the schools, and the children taught to
read ' a language which they may never use or understand.' "
In 1824, the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge
took steps to counteract the evils of the system, which had even
by that time secured the consent, if not approval, of the illiterate
parents of the children who were being operated upon. In
1849, Sir J. P. K. Shuttleworth, secretary of the Privy Council,
expressed the opinion of the Committee on the subject, and its
interesting and impartial character entitles it to be quoted, if only
to show how impervious official red-tapeism is to improving im-
pulses from within, as well as to rational urgings from without.
He says : —
" The Committee of Council on Education are satisfied that
to instruct the children of the Gaelic population with lesson-
books written in the English language alone, by means of teachers
not familiar with the written and colloquial idiom of the Gaelic
language, as well as the English, must fail to give the scholar of
the Highland schools a grammatical knowledge of the Gaelic, as
well as any useful acquaintance with the English language."
Again the matter was referred to by the Scottish Education
Commission of 1865, in the following terms :—
" It may not be essential that a teacher should be able to
give instruction in Gaelic, when he is appointed to the charge of
a school in which a majority of the children can understand and
speak English; but it seems obvious that in districts where
Gaelic alone is understood, the teacher should be able to com-
424 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
municate with his pupils in a language the meaning of which
they can comprehend. It is a mistake to overlook the difficulties
of the scholar who is sent to learn what is to him a foreign
language, without having first acquired the art of reading his
own."
In 1877, on the motion of Mr Eraser-Mackintosh, M.P., a
Parliamentary return was obtained, from which it appeared that
65 out of 90 School Boards in the Gaelic-speaking districts of
the Highlands, which sent in returns, expressed the opinion that
the use of Gaelic in the instruction of the children was desirable.
It was not, however, till the year 1878 that any concession
was made, and that at the urgent solicitations of the friends of
the Highland people, conspicuous among whom, again, was Mr
Eraser-Mackintosh, M.P. In the Scottish Education Code for
that year it was permitted that " In districts where Gaelic is
spoken the intelligence of the children examined under any
paragraph of this article may be tested by requiring them to
explain in Gaelic the meaning of the passage read," and a foot-
note was added stating that " Gaelic may be taught during the
ordinary school hours, either by the certificated teacher or by
any person specially employed for the purpose." And once
more, with a frequency of recurrence to foot-notes on the part of
their Lordships of the Privy Council, which seems to us more
suggestive of kicks than halfpence, it is graciously conceded that
the income of the school " may include part of the salary of an
organising teacher, or a teacher of Gaelic, drill, cooking, or any
other special subject."
" This concession," says the Report of the Royal Commission,
" is good so far as it goes, but something more is required. If it
be expedient to use Gaelic in a Gaelic-speaking district to test
the intelligence of the children and the efficiency of the instruc-
tion they are receiving, by a habitual process of oral translation
from the one language to the other, the practice ought to be not
merely permitted but enjoined. It has, in point of fact, been
used by many of the best teachers, and with the best results ;
but it has not been sufficiently encouraged by persons in author-
ity. We believe it to be a matter so seriously affecting the
intellectual education of Gaelic-speaking children, and thereby
affecting the whole condition of the district to which they belong,
and the future prospects of its inhabitants, that we have no dif-
ficulty in making the subjoined recommendations."
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 425
These recommendations, with which this section of the Report
concludes, are so eminently wise and so important to the cause
of Highland education, and to moral and mental advancement,
that we quote them in full : —
" We are of opinion that, in the examination of a school
where Gaelic is the habitual language of the inhabitants, the in-
spector should be required to report specially that in examining
the children as to their intelligence, he had satisfied himself that
the teacher had during the year made profitable use of their
native language in testing their understanding of the English
they were being taught. In consideration of the difficulty and
disadvantage under which teachers and children in such circum-
stances labour, we recommend that the grants under Act 19, c.
I and 2 of the Code should be increased in these districts from 2s
per scholar to 45.
" We are further of opinion that the Gaelic language, in
virtue alike of its being the vernacular tongue of so considerable
a population, and of its now recognised place among ancient
languages, is entitled to something more than permissive recogni-
tion, and a place in a footnote along with drill and cookery. It
seems to us not less entitled to a place among specific subjects,
with special grants allowed for them, than any of the languages
so classed. Its literature is of limited quantity, and not to be
compared with that of the great nations whose languages are ex-
clusively recognised. But it is and ought to be of great interest
to the natives of the country in which it sprung, and a due ac-
quaintance with it ought to be encouraged rather than despised.
This has been done in Ireland, where the native language is
classed among specific subjects, along with Latin and Greek, and
a grant of IDS. is given for passes in any of these languages. We
recommend that the same grant as is allowed under the Scottish
Code for other languages should be given for Gaelic, where the
teacher has proved his ability to give suitable instruction, and the
pupil has been presented for examination in English literature.
"We think it very desirable that all children whose mother-
tongue is Gaelic should be taught to read that language ; and the
rule of the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, that
Gaelic should be taught first and English afterwards, s_eems
founded on reason. There are practical difficulties in the way at
present, such as the want of suitable lesson books, and the want
of a sufficient number of teachers for the purpose. We believe,
however, that these difficulties are not insurmountable ; and we
think that in the meantime pupil teachers duly qualified might be
profitably employed in teaching the younger scholars to read
their native language ; and that a small additional grant for those
so qualified and employed would be a beneficial expenditure.
2 G
426 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" We also recommend that teachers should be encouraged by
inspectors to submit some Gaelic songs among those to be sung
by the children on the examination day, in order to obtain the
music grant.
" We think the discouragement and neglect of the native
language in the education of Gaelic-speaking children, which
have hitherto so largely influenced the system practised in the
Highlands, ought to cease, and that a knowledge of that language
ought to be considered one of the primary qualifications of every
person engaged in the carrying out of the national system of
education in Gaelic-speaking districts, whether as school in-
spectors, teachers, or compulsory officers."
(To be continued.)
BELLE BORNE BROOK.
Rippling sings the burnie sweet
Adown the hawthorn glen,
As tuneful trills the robin's preet
To greet its fleecy train.
The sorel decks its tiny brink,
The wood-fern shades its breast,
As merrily round its bubbles link
To form a snow-white crest.
Tho' meadow-born it runs as clear
As mountain rill in spring,
And laughs to leap the headlong steep,
And round its foam to fling
Upon the land-slide's crumbling sides,
Which oft its bubbles stain,
Until at last it fearless rides
Across the river's main.
Long years* ago it turned a mill,
But now it only sings,
Or ripples thro' pine-scented pool,
To which it ever brings
The purity and health its own,
In which the birds may bathe
Their plumage in the early dawn,
Or spray-cooled air may breathe.
Alas ! for us its song's asleep
Within its winter's bed,
Till spring awakes its noisy sweep
With melting snows rage-fed.
But soon again we'll hear it sing,
To time the choral lays
Of Spencer Grange, whose woodlands ring
With nature-scented praise.
O_UE},EC. J. MURDOCH HARPER.
427
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
XIV. — CELTIC RITES AND WORSHIP— Continued.
THE need-fire and the sunwise-turn, " deiseil," are but the out-
ward embodiments of the great worship of fire and light. The
discovery how to make fire at will was a tremendous step in
human progress, and has impressed itself on the oldest mytho-
logies in the many myths in regard to the "descent of fire."
In India the god is taken down from his hiding place in heaven
and given to man, and his sign is the wooden fire-drill, pramantha.
Prometheus and history represent the Greek equivalent myth.
The sun was reverenced by imitation of its course — the " deiseil,"
though, also as still on the Continent any day, the ' Gaels at
Beltane morn worshipped the rising sun by taking off the caps,
and saluting him with " failte " or hail. For distinctive instances
of rites we must have recourse to the observances and customs
of certain festal days throughout the year.
The year is a solar period, the unit of which is 'the day, but
ancient peoples felt the want of an intermediate reckoner of
time, and this was found in the moon and its monthly period.
In fact, the moon was the measurer of time par excellence, as the
words for month in English, Latin, Greek, and Gaelic prove, for
they are from the root of " moon." Its four phases give rise to
weeks of seven or eight days, eight among the Romans; and the
Celts, as well as the Teutons and Greeks, reckoned their time by
nights, and not by days. Pliny informs us that the Celtic year
and the Celtic months began on the 6th day of the moon.
Customs and superstitions in regard to the moon and its waxing
and waning still survive in connection with the cutting of wood
or turf, the starting of new enterprises or of a journey, and such
like. The lunar time does not square with the solar time of revolu-
tion, and the ancients were in endless confusion in regard to their
calendars. The Celts corrected lunar by solar time every thirty
years, which Pliny tells us was their cycle. The month may
have been alternately 29 and 30 days^to suit the 29^ days of
lunar revolution, and possibly by having 1 3 lunar months for eleven
428 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
years of the thirty, they managed to make the solar fit with the
lunar time to within a few days. The year was originally
divided into two seasons — summer and winter, gam and sam, and
then spring was added, the name of which differs in root in the
two great branches of the Celtic race. The week is most probably
non-Celtic in idea, and also in names to a very great extent.
The Welsh names of the days of the week are Roman; the
Gaelic names are mixed, Roman and Christian. Sunday is Di-
domhnuich (dies dominica); Monday, Di-luain (dies Lunae) ;
Tuesday, Di-Mairt (dies Martis) ; Wednesday, Di-ciadaoin (dies
^nrmjejunii, "day of first fast;" for religious people, as Bede
tells us, fasted on Wednesdays as well as Fridays), a purely
church name ; Thursday, Di-ardaoin, or, Irish, Dia-dardaoin,
"day between two fasts;" Friday, Di-h-aoine, "day of fast;" and
Saturday, Di-Sathuirne (dies Saturni.)
Fire and sun worship, and along with these, the worship of
the earth-powers, fell on the four great solar periods, the two
solstices and the two equinoxes. Lunar time was made to fit these
by holding the feasts on the first full moon, or the I4th of the
month, after the equinox or solstice. The great winter feast on
December 25th, when the sun just turned on its northward
course again, was solemnised in honour of the .new birth of the
"unconquered sun," dies natalis invicti solis, and was held in
Rome in honour of the sun-god Mithra, of Persian origin, whose
festival was finally established by Aurelian as national and
Roman, about A.D. 273. A hundred years later the Christian
Church accepted it, doubtfully and reluctantly, as the natal day
of Christ, thus entering on a course which it consistently pursued
of christianising all pagan rites, festivals, and even temples. The
midsummer solstice was therefore dedicated to St John the
Baptist, and so on. The Celtic, or rather Gaelic festivals, of a
distinctive kind, are three in number; Bealltuinn (ist May),
Lunasduinn (ist August), and Samhuinn (ist November.) Why
these festivals should be a month later than the solar periods in
each case, is doubtful ; but it is clear that these periods suit the
climatic changes of the seasons in the North better than the
earlier, though truer, solar periods.
The great festival of Beltane occurred on May-day. Cor-
mac's reference to this pagan festival is the first and most im-
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 429
portant : — " Belltaine, i.e. bil tene, a goodly fire, i.e. two fires
which Druids used to make through incantations (or with great
incantations), and they used to bring the cattle to those fires as
a preservative against diseases of each year." Here we have to
note that the fire was made by Druidic incantations, which
means no more than that it was made by the " tinegin," or
need-fire method, and that it was a preservative against disease
in cattle. Cormac's derivation has the misfortune of making a
wrong division of the syllables of the word, which are beallt-
uinn, or belt-ane ; not bel-tane. We must reject any derivation
that so divides the word, and hold that the latter part of the
word has nothing to do with teine fire, but is, probably, the — n
termination of most words of time. Hence derivations which
connect the word with the fire of Baal or Bel are out of place,
granting that such a god as Bel is Celtic, and not invented for the
occasion. Belinus is the Celtic Apollo. Mr Fitzgerald's derivation
of Beltane, from bile-tineadh, " fire-tree," is to be rejected on the
ground of wrong division of the word, and his instances adduced
of the existence in Ireland of usages pointing to a belief in a
world-tree of the Norse type appear to be too slight and too
litcle founded on general Celtic, especially Scottish, traditions in
regard to the Beltane festival. The world-tree, and consequent
may-pole, are not distinctively, if at all, Celtic in this connection.
" The first of May," says M. D'Arbois de Jubainville, " was con-
secrated to Beltene, one of the names of the god of death, the
god who gave and took away life," the root in this case being
the pre-historic infinitive beltiu, to die. Why the festival of the
beginning of the summer, the outburst of nature, and the con-
quest of the death and winter powers should be sacred, not to
the god of life and light, but to his opposite, is a thing which
this derivation and theory cannot account for. The November
feast might well be one where the loss of the sun -god and vic-
tory of the god of death were commemorated, but the first of
summer is far from appropriate for this. Both in Welsh and
Gaelic myth the victory of the light-gods is indicated on the
first of May ; Gwyn fights for Cordelia, and the Tuath de Dan-
ann overcame the Firbolg, the Earth powers, on that day.
Grimm hesitatingly hints what appears to be the true derivation :
— The Norse sun -god is called Balder, and he suggests that this
430 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
is connected with Lithuanian baltas, "white." The connection
of Beltane with these two words is confirmed by the Gaelic
saying of "la buidhe Bealltuinn," "yellow May-day," which may
be a reminiscence of the primary meaning of Beltane.
We have numerous accounts of the Beltane rites, all pointing
to fire and sun worship — phases of purification, sacrifice, and
divination. One of the best accounts is given in the Old Statistical
Account of the parish of Callander. " Upon the first of May," it
says, "which is called Beltan or Bal-tein, all the boys in a. town-
ship or hamlet meet on the moors. They cut a table in the green
sod, of a round figure, by casting a trench in the ground of such
circumference as to hold the whole company. They kindle a fire
and dress a repast of eggs and milk in the consistence of a
custard. They knead a cake of oatmeal which is toasted at the
embers against a stone. After the custard is eaten up, they
divide the cake into so many portions, as similar as possible to
one another in size and shape, as there are persons in the com-
pany. They daub one of these portions all over with charcoal
until it be perfectly black. They put all the bits of the cake into
a bonnet. Every one, blindfold, draws out a portion. He who
holds the bonnet is entitled to the last bit. Whoever draws the
black bit, is the devoted person who is to be sacrificed to Baal,
whose favour they implore in rendering the year productive of
the sustenance of man and beast. There is little doubt of these
inhuman sacrifices having been once offered in this country, as
well as in the East, although they now pass from the act of sacri-
ficing, and only compel the devoted person to leap three times
through the flames ; with which the ceremonies of the festival are
closed." To this sensible account and its inferences, all but the
reference to Baal, we agree fully. Most authorities hold, with
Cormac, that there were two fires, between which and through
which they passed their cattle and even their children. Criminals
were made to stand between the two fires, and hence the proverb,
in regard to a person in extreme danger, as the Rev. D Macqueen
gives it, " He is betwixt two Beltein fires." Pennant adds some
interesting facts : the rites began with spilling some caudle on
the ground by way of libation ; whereupon "everyone takes a cake
of oatmeal upon which are raised nine square knobs, each one de-
dicated to some particular being, the supposed preserver of their
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY, 431
flocks and herds, or to some particular animal, the real destroyer
of them. Each person then turns his face to the fire, breaks off a
knob, and flinging it over his shoulders, says, ' This I give to thee,
preserve thou my horses ; this to thee, preserve thou my sheep,'
and so on. After that, they use the same ceremony to the noxi-
ous animals : ' This I give to thee, O fox ! spare thou my lambs :
this to thee, O hooded crow ! this to thee, O eagle.' " Shaw, the
historian of Moray, tells us that the fires were kindled with a flint;
the " Druidic incantations " of Cormac and the " tinegin " were not
used within the last century at least for lighting the Beltane fire ;
their use seems latterly to have been restricted to raising the
need -fire during cattle plagues.
The midsummer festival, christianised into St John's Eve
and Day, for the celebration of the summer solstice, is not a
specially Celtic, as it is a Teutonic, feast. The wheels of wood,
wrapped round with straw, set on fire, and sent rolling from a
hillock summit, to end their course in some river or water, which
thus typified the descending course of the sun onward till next
solstice, is represented on Celtic ground by the occasional use of
a wheel for producing the tinegin, but more especially by the
custom in some districts of rolling the Beltane bannocks from the
hill summit down its side. Shaw remarks — " They made the
Deas-sail [at Midsummer] about their fields of corn with burning
torches of wood in their hands, to obtain a blessing on their
corn. This I have often seen, more, indeed, in the Lowlands than
in the Highlands. On Midsummer Eve, they kindle fires near
their cornfields, and walk round them with burning torches." In
Cornwall last century they used to perambulate the villages carry-
ing lighted torches, and in Ireland the Eve of Midsummer was
honoured with bonfires round which they carried torches.
The specially Celtic feast or " Feill " was held some five
weeks later, on the ist August, Lammas Day. It is called in
Scottish Gaelic " Lunasduinn," in Irish " Lunasd," old Irish "Lug-
nasad," the fair of Lug. The legend says that Luga of the Long
Arms, the Tuatha De Danann king, instituted this fair in honour
of his foster-mother Tailtiu, queen of the Firbolgs. Hence the
place where it was held was called Tailtiu after her, and is the
modern Teltown. The fair was held, however, in all the capitals
of ancient Ireland on that day. Games and manly sports char-
432 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
acterised the assemblies. Luga, it may be noted, is the sun-god,
who thus institutes the festival, and it is remarkable that at
ancient Lyons, in France, called of old Lug-dunum, a festival was
held on this very day, which was famous over all Gaul.
Equal to Beltane in importance was the solemnity of Hal-
lowe'en, known in Gaelic as Samhuinn or " summerend." Like
Beltan it was sacred to the gods of light and of earth ; Ceres,
Apollo, and Dis also, must have been the deities whose wor-
ship was honoured. The earth goddess was celebrated for the
ingathering of the fruits ; Apollo or Belinus Proserpine were be-
wailed for their disappearing from earth, and Dis, who was god
of death and winter's cold, and who was especially worshipped by
the Celts, as Caesar says, was implored for mercy, and his subjects,
the manes of the dead, had special worship directed to them. It
was, indeed, a great festival — the festival of fire, fruits, and death.
The features that still remain in popular customs in regard to
Hallowe'en clearly show its connection with the gods of fire and
fate; bonfires and divination are its characteristics. The Statistical
Account, already quoted, says of Hallowe'en : — "On All-Saint's
Even they set up bonfires in every village. When the bonfire
is consumed, the ashes are carefully collected in the form of a
circle. There is a stone put in, near the circumference, for every
person of the several families interested in the bonfire, and what-
ever stone is moved out of its place or injured before next morn-
ing, the person represented by that stone is devoted or fey, and
is supposed not to live twelve months from that day." A some-
what similar custom is recorded by Pennant as existing in North
Wales, where every family made a great bonfire in the most
conspicuous place near the house, and when the fire was ex-
tinguished, every one threw a white stone into the ashes, having
first marked it. If next morning any of these stones is found
wanting, they have a notion that the person who threw it in will
die before next Hallowe'en. We can only refer to the various
laughable and serious methods of divination resorted to on
Hallowe'en night to read into the future ; our national poet Burns
has left us a graphic picture of the night and its ceremonies in
" Halloween." It may be remarked that the mystic apple plays
an important part in these ceremonies, as it also does in so many
Celtic fairy tales. The custom in various parts of keeping a heap
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY. 433
of cakes, called soul-cakes, to give away to all-comers, and more
especially to the poor, clearly commemorates the ancient offering
to the dead of food on this night. What was dedicated in Pagan
times to the manes of the dead, is in modern times converted into
doles of bread to the poor, as Mr Tylor points out.
Martin records a religious rite of the Lews people that must
not be passed over here. " The inhabitants of this island had an
ancient custom to sacrifice to a sea-god called Shony, at Hallo-tide,
in the following manner : — The inhabitants round the island came
to the Church of St Malvey, having each man his provision along
with him; every family furnished a peck of malt, and this was
brewed into ale; one of their number was picked out to wade
into the sea up to the middle, and carrying a cup of ale in his
hand, standing still in that posture, cried out with a loud voice,
saying, ' Shony, I give you this cup of ale, hoping that you'll be
so kind as to send us plenty of sea-ware for enriching our ground
for the ensuing year' ; and so threw the cup of ale into the sea.
This was performed in the night-time. At his return to land
they all went to church, where there was a candle burning upon
the altar ; and then standing silent for some time, one of them
gave a signal, at which the candle was put out, and immediately
all of them went to the fields, where they fell a-drinking their ale
and spent the remainder of the night in dancing, singing, etc."
This they believed to be a powerful means to procure a plentiful
crop. This superstition is but lately dead, though the sacrifice had
been repressed, for they proceeded in spring to the end of a long
reef and invoked " Briannuil" to send a strong north wind to drive
plenty sea-ware ashore. There are other instances of sacrifice
within the last two hundred years in the Highlands. An annual
sacrifice on the 25th August to St Mourie in Applecross and
Gairloch troubled the Dingwall Presbytery in the i/th century.
These rites consisted in immolating bulls, pouring of milk on
hills as oblations, visiting ruined chapels and " circulating" them,
divining by putting the head into a hole in a stone, and the
worshipping of wells and stones. The bulls were sacrificed " in
ane heathenish manner" for the recovery of man and beast from
disease. A Morayshire farmer some thirty years ago, in the case
of a murrain, lighted the need-fire with all due ceremony, then
dug a pit and sacrificed an ox to the " unknown" spirit. Sacrifice
434 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of cocks for epilepsy have not been infrequent in modern times ;
this is done by burying them alive.
Other festival days retain a spice of heathen Celticism about
them yet. The last night of the year the fire must not be
allowed to go out, and there is a particular dislike at this time to
give a neighbour a " kindling" or even light for a pipe, a feeling
which in some degree exists at Beltane and Hallowe'en. Candle-
mas day is known as La Fheill-Brighde, St Brigit's day, who is
really the canonised fire-goddess, the Vesta of the heathen Gaels.
Some customs in regard to her worship were mentioned already,
and Martin relates an interesting custom in the Western Isles on
Candlemas, showing St Brigit clearly on the aspect of Vesta, the
hearth and home goddess. The mistress and servants of each
family take a sheaf of oats and dress it up in women's apparel,
put it in a large basket and lay a wooden club by it, and this they
call Briid's-bed, and then they cry thrice, " Briid is come, Briid is
welcome." Next morning they look in the ashes to see the
impression of Briid's club there, and if they do they reckon it a
true presage of a good crop and prosperous year, and the contrary
they regard an ill omen. Shrove Tuesday was a great day in the
Highlands for cock-fighting : then each scholar brought cocks to
fight and decide who should be king and queen of the school for
the ensuing year. It was also a noted day for ball-playing. Its
popularity for nut-burning and marriage-divination by putting
symbolic articles into brose or cakes is yet great.
(To be continued.)
THE QUEEN'S NEW BOOK IN GAELIC. -The volume recently issued
by the Queen has been entrusted to Mrs Mary Mackellar, the well known Gaelic
poetess, for translation into Gaelic— a fact upon which we warmly congratulate
Mrs Mackellar and all Gaelic-speaking Highlanders, of whom her Majesty has
always written and spoken so kindly. We are quite sure that the poetess will do
the work the most complete justice. We are not, however, surprised to find, after
the mess made of the work by the translator of the previous volume, that special pre-
cautions should have been taken in this case to secure a competent Gaelic scholar for
the task. For this purpose, we understand that, some time ago, Sir Theodore Martin
requested Mrs Mackellar to translate about twenty pages of the book. The specimen
duly finished was returned, after which it was submitted to the ripe and scholarly
judgment of J. F. Campbell of Islay, who gave his opinion of the translation in the
most favourable terms, with the result that the poetess has been entrusted with the
delicate and difficult task. As to the final result we have no doubt whatever, and we
hope some day to see a correct translation, as well, of the first volume issued by her
Majesty.
435
GAELIC IN SCHOOLS.
A MOST interesting Memorandum, by the Commissioners of
National Education in Ireland, in reply to a Memorial from the
Gaelic Union, is published in No. 15 of the Gaelic Journal, issued
by the Union. The Memorial which called it forth had asked for
a fuller recognition of the Irish language as part of the legitimate
curriculum of the national schools. It was accompanied by a
letter of inquiry from the Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, and
it is to him that the Memorandum before us is addressed. In
reply to a similar memoria> presented in 1878, the Irish Education
Department resolved to place the Irish language on the list of
Extra Branches, or, as they are called in our Code, " Special Sub-
jects," with a results fee of los. attachable. The conclusion which
the Commissioners now state, on a consideration of the whole
question, is as follows: — "The Commissioners have now, in
conclusion, only to add that, reviewing the statistical and other
representations contained in this Memorandum, they are con-
fident that they have reached a limit to the steps which, in the
public interest, could wisely be taken in respect to the cultivation
of the Irish Language in the Primary Schools."
,. It will be interesting to Scottish Highlanders to recall the
fact that the admission of Gaelic to the list of Special Subjects,
for which they have been petitioning in vain in Scotland, has been
conceded several years ago to their Irish brethren, and they can
urge the circumstance to give force to the renewed demand,
which ought to be made without delay, in terms of the valuable
and important recommendations of the Crofters' Royal Com-
mission. There is some encouragement also to be derived
from the fact that, notwithstanding the apparently conclusive
non possumus of the Irish Commissioners, they have since made
a further concession by the adoption of the First, Second, and
Third Irish Books, prepared by certain members of the Gaelic
Union, and the placing of them on the list of text-books to be
used in conveying instruction in the Irish language.
In view of the exceptional advantages granted to the Irish,
and the liberal remuneration given to their teachers, in connection
436 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
with the teaching of the vernacular, the question will very naturally
interpose itself, How comes it that so little has been done for
Gaelic in Highland schools ? A variety of answers might be
given to the question, such as the apathy of the people and of most
of the societies which profess to represent popular sentiment.
There is no doubt, however, that a good deal of blame lies at the
door of the Inspectors of Schools for the Highlands, on account of
the lukewarm, and even antagonistic and unpatriotic attitude taken
by them, alike in their public reports, and in private communica-
tions to the Education Department. It is due to Mr Jolly, H.M.
Inspector of Schools, formerly of Inverness, and now of Glasgow,
to say that, though himself a Lowlander, he strongly advo-
cated the use of Gaelic in the schools of the North, and it will afford
him special gratification now to find that the lines of conduct so
long ago recommended by him and by us, have met with such
cordial approval at the hands of the Crofters' Royal Commission,
as the result of the most careful examination of the circumstances,
rights, and requirements of the Highland people.
Among much interesting matter in the Irish Memorandum,
we have opinions elicited by the Irish Education Department,
from two Scotch Inspectors in 1878, on the question of the use
of Gaelic in the public schools. The first is by Mr J. Macleod;
and we hope he is better able to express his sentiments in Gaelic
than he seems to be in English, judging from the following
enigmatical deliverance. He says —
" It is not ten clays since an active school manager had mentioned to me that he
never found School A (in a Gaelic-speaking district) so well taught as when under the
charge of a non-Gaelic-speaking teacher. Were it not for my experience of the useless-
ness or needlessness of this Gaelic instruction, I fear I should be on the side of those
who go in for its indispensableness."
The other extract in the Memorandum is from an opinion
elicited from our old friend, the late Mr Donald Ross, Inspector
of Schools. He says —
" Gaelic is becoming unpopular amongst the Gaelic population, who are regularly
lectured by apostles of localism and patriots— both in the Highlander newspaper and
on the platform — for their apostacy and disgraceful conduct in forgetting the language
and the ways of their fathers ; and, henceforth, any Gaelic teaching that is to be, shall
virtually be thrust upon the population by outsiders. The people know that English
is necessary to success in life, and really such demand for Gaelic teaching as there is,
is not the genuine expression of the wish of the Gaelic population.
GAELIC IN SCHOOLS. 437
" It is quite possible that in localities where some local magnate or some local
society gives a prize for Gaelic reading, the Gaelic Bible may be read, but that is for
the sake of the prizes, and not of the Gaelic The best teachers con-
fine their instructions to English, allow no Gaelic to be spoken in school, and are thus
not only more popular, but succeed better in stimulating intelligence
Gaelic literature is very meagre, consisting chiefly of translations of a few popular
religious books, of the Bible, and of a Scotch history, together with a little collection
of very indifferent Gaelic poets. Fingalianism apart (and even Fingalianism is not
equal to the Arthurianism of South-west Britain) the best thing that could be done
with Gaelic literature is to forget it. I say this after having analysed the most of it."
In this connection it may be interesting to quote Mr Ross's
opinion in his report to the Education Department for 1881, as
we find it in the Blue Book for 1881-82. He says, " I have always
advocated the placing of Gaelic amongst the Special Subjects if
there should be a genuine demand for its adoption ; and occasion-
ally the language may be of service in explaining their lessons to
the younger children." We are somewhat at a loss to reconcile
this opinion with that which Mr Ross vouchsafed privately to the
Irish Commissioners, that w the best teachers allow no Gaelic to be
spoken in school." Mr Ross did not seem to see that his sneers at
" patriots," his antagonism to " localism," and his depreciation of
the merits and utility of the Gaelic language and its literature,
written and oral, were themselves part and parcel of the snobbery
to which people are only too prone, and which he and those who
acted on the lines which he so strongly approved, did their best to
instil and develope in the minds alike of the Celts of Ireland and
Scotland, with the express purpose of alienating their affections
from everything native and local, and educating them into an ad-
miration of the fine feathers of far-away birds. It were no
difficult task to explain and refute what Mr Ross and his co-
adjutors have been writing in deprecation of the use of the
native Gaelic, and to explain the prejudices which have grown up
among the people themselves. Those who arrange our Codes,
however, must not be guided by the foibles and whims of an
easily swayed and simple people, but by an intelligent considera-
tion of the rationale of the matter. That they are guided by the
opinions of their Inspectors is, however, too true, and it is therefore
the more necessary that the people should be made to move in
the matter, and assert their right to get their education, where
necessary, through the medium which lies to their hand, and
which reason suggests as the best. That there is hope of good
43$ THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
results from the pressure of public opinion we see from the fact
that the Irish Commissioners have set aside the opinions of the
Inspectors, and acted in deference to the wishes of the people.
They say that "neither the Rule of the English and Scotch
Education Departments, nor the remarks of Her Majesty's
Inspectors upon the Welsh and the Gaelic languages, nor the
communications from the Ministry of Education in France upon
the Breton, nor the information at their command, derived from
their own Inspectors, afforded argument or encouragement to
place the Irish language upon the list of Extra Branches. In
deference, however, to the Memorialists of 1878, they did resolve
to place the Irish language in this favourable position."
Now that the Highlanders have got the intelligent and em-
phatic declarations of the Crofters' Royal Commission to support
them, and the example of the Irish Commissioners to encourage
them to press their claims, no time should be lost for a movement
among our Highland societies and communities in favour of
placing positive instruction in Gaelic among the Special Sub-
jects, and using it in the routine of the school in the conveyance
of ordinary instruction.
So pertinent to this question is the opinion which Sir Patrick
Keenan gave with reference to the wrong-headed policy of our
Government in the Island of Malta, and which is appended to
the Memorandum of the Irish Commissioners, that our readers
will be glad to have it at length. It is as follows : —
The Commissioners, at your desire, have requested me to append to their reply
to your letter of the 1st of January, a Memorandum in reference to my report upon the
teaching of Maltese to the children of Malta, more than once adverted to in the
Memorial of the Gaelic Union. I accordingly have the pleasure of doing so.
It was in my autumn holiday of 1878, I inquired, at the request of the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, into the Educational Institutions of Malta. As stated in my
Report, I found that the whole native population, from the noble to the peasant,
spoke the Maltese. The language of their homes, of their catechisms, of their books
of devotion, of the sermons delivered in their pulpits, and of their markets, was the
Maltese. In the Manoel Theatre at Valetta, vernacular representations were given
very frequently. Maltese, in short, was not the language of a mere section of the
people ; it was, as I have said, the language of all the natives.
But the system of education adopted by the Government was to ignore the
Maltese Language, which everybody knew, and to make Italian and English, which
very few knew, the language of the schools. The result was that education was in a
most disastrous condition. In the country districts of Malta, and in the Island of
Gozo, out of 83,776 people, only two per cent, could speak English, after three-
JAMES II. AND THE CATHOLIC RELIGION. 439
quarters of a century of English rule ; and only five per cent., after centuries of efforts
to establish the Italian Language, could speak Italian.
I asked myself, as stated in my Report, this question : —
If the children of the National Schools of England were required to learn German
and French, and their native English were treated as the Maltese language is treated
in Malta, what would be thought of such a policy ?
My course was very plain. It was not the first time I had to resolve such a
problem. I recommended that every child should be taught to read the language he
knew — his native Maltese ; in point of fact, that in the Maltese the foundation of his
education should be laid, and that through the medium of the Maltese he should
afterwards, for reasons very elaborately stated in my Report, be taught English.
More than a quarter of a century ago, I found vast districts in the Celtic parts of
the County Donegal very much in the condition in which I afterwards found Malta.
The children universally spoke the vernacular, and very few of them knew English.
The Irish Language, however, was so completely ignored in their education, that
teachers and managers, as I stated in my Reports, thought it contrary to the public
policy even to use an Irish word in elucidation of an English one. The bilingual
class — at that time not strong in their English — were also treated equally irrationally.
I very emphatically deprecated such a system, and recommended the measures quoted
from my Reports by the Gaelic Union. Unfortunately, public opinion was not with
me. The next best thing, however, happened. The unqualified right and incumbent
duty of the teachers to use the vernacular freely, whenever they themselves under-
stood it, as an aid to the education, of the children in English, was established by my
personal representations to managers and teachers, as well as by my own system of
examination of the pupils, and by my published Reports. This has produced salutary
results. The Donegal of to-day is entirely different from the Donegal of 1855.
There is now no parallel between Malta and any of the districts of Donegal, or,
indeed, of any part of Ireland.
W.
ROYAL REASONS FOR ADOPTING THE
CATHOLIC RELIGION.
THE following is a true copy of a Duplicate of the Protestation
made by James II., when he was Duke of York and Albany, for
renouncing the Protestant and embracing the Catholic Religion ;
Dated 2Oth August 1670: —
" Whereas I have beene ever from my infancy bred up in ye
English Protestant religion and have had very able persons to
instruct me in ye grounds thereof ; and I doubt not but I am
exposed to ye censure of an infinite number of persons, that are
astonisht at my quitting of it to embrace ye religion of ye
Romane Catholiques from which I have ever professed a great
aversion. And therefore I have thought fitt to give some satis-
440 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
faction to my friends by declaring unto them ye reason uppon
which I have beene moved to doe it, without engaging myself in
long and unprofitable disputes touching that matter.
" I protest therefore before God that since my comming into
England no person either man or woman hath at any time per-
swaded me to alter my religion, or hath used any discourse to me
uppon that subject.
" It hath beene onely a particular favour from God who hath
beene gratiously pleased to heare ye prayers I daily made unto
him, both in France and Flanders whilst I was there, that he
would vouchsafe to bring me into ye true Church before I dyed,
in case I was not in ye right. And it was ye devotion I ob-
served in ye Catholiques there which induced me to make ye
prayer, though my owne devotion during all that time was very
slendour. I did notwithstanding during all ye time I was in
those countreys believe I was in ye true religion, neither had I
ye least scruple of it untill November last, at which time reading
Doctor Hoy line's History of ye Reformation which had beene
highly recommended unto me, I was so farre from finding ye
satisfaction I expected, I found nothing but sacriledges. And
looking over ye reason there sett downe which had caused ye
separation of the Church of England from that of Rome, I reade
Three there which to me seeme great impietyes. The first was
that King Henry ye 8th had cast of ye Popish authority because
he would not permitt him to quitt his wife and marry another.
The 2nd that during ye minority of Edward 6th his uncle, ye
Duke of Somersett, who then governed all and was ye Principall
in that alteration, did greatly enrich himselfe with the goods of
ye Church which he ingrossed. And ye third consisted in this,
that Queene Elizabeth not being richtfull Heyre to ye Crowne
could not keep it but by renouncing a Church which would never
have allowed of such injustice.
" I could not be perswaded that ye Holy Ghost would ever
had made use of such motives as these were to change religion,
and was astonished that ye Bishoppes if they had no other in-
tention but to establish ye doctrine of ye Primitive Church had
not attempted it before ye schisme of Henry ye 8th, which was
grounded upon such unjustifyable pretence.
" Being troubled with these scruples I began to make some
JAMES II. AND THE CATHOLIC RELIGION. 441
reflections uppon these points of doctrine wherein we differ'd
from the Catholiques, and to that purpose had recourse to the
holy Scripture, and though I pretended not to be able perfectly to
understand it, I found notwithstanding severall points which to me
seemed very plaine and I cannot but wonder that I remained so
long time without taking notice of them. Among these were ye
reall presence of our Saviour in ye Sacrament, — ye Infallibility of
ye Church Confession and Prayer for ye dead. I treated of these
particulars severally with two of the most learned Bishoppes of
England, and discoursyng uppon these subjects as they both
tould me that it was to be wished that ye Church of England
had retained severall things it hath altered, for example Con-
fession, which without doubt is of Divine Institution. They
tould me also that prayer for ye dead had beene used in ye
Primitive Church during ye first centuryes ; and that they them-
selves did daily observe these thinges, though they desired not
publiquely to own those doctrines, and having presst something
earnestly, one of them touching these thinges, he frankly told
me that if he had beene bred up in ye Catholique religion he
should not have left it. But being now a member of ye Church
of England all ye Articles necessary to Salvation, he thought he
should doe ill to quitt it, because he was beholding to ye Church
for his Baptisme and he should thereby give great occasion of
scandall to others.
" All these discourses were a means to increas ye desire I had
to embrace ye Romane Catholique religion and added much to
ye inward trouble of my mind. But ye feare I had to be hasty
in a matter of such importance made me act warily withall pre-
cautione in such a Case. I pray'd incessantly to God he would
be pleased to informe me in ye trueth concerning these points
whereof I doubted. Uppon Christmas day going to receav ye
Sacrament at ye Kings Chappel I found myselfe in a greater
trouble than ever I had beene in. Neither was it possible for me
to be quiet untill I had discover'd myselfe to a certaine Catholique
who privately brought me a priest. He was the first of them
with whom I ever convers'd. And ye more I convers'd with him,
ye more I found myselfe confirmed in ye resolution I had taken.
It was I thought impossible to doubt of these words This is my
body. And I am verily perswaded our Saviour who is Treuth
2 H
442 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
it selfe, and hath promised to continue with his Church untill the
world's end would never suffer these Holy Mysteryes to be com-
municated to ye Laiety onely under one kind, if it were incon-
sistent with his Institution of that Sacrament. I am not able to
dispute touching those points with any body ; But if I were I
would not goe about to doe it. But I content myselfe to write
this to instruct ye change I have made of my religion and call
• God to witnesse. I had not done it had I believed I could have
beene Saved in that Church whereof till then I was a member.
" I protest seriously I have not beene induced to this by any
worldly interest or motives. Neither can ye treuth of this my
Protestation be rationally doubted, since it was evident that
thereby I lost all my friends and prejudiced my reputation. But
having seriously considered with myselfe whether I am not to
renounce my portion in ye other world to enjoy the advantage
of my present being here, I assure you I found no difficulty at
all to resolve ye contrary for which I render humble thanks to
God who is ye Author of all goodness.
" My onely prayer to Him is, that ye poore Catholiques of this
Kingdome may not be persecuted uppon my account And I
beseech God to grant me patience in my owne afliction and that
what tribulation so ever His goodness hath appointed for me I
may so goe thorough with them as that I may hereafter I may
enjoy a happyness for all eternity.
"Given at St James', this 2oth of August 1670."
THE LAST OF THE MACMARTIN CAMERONS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — As you are now drawing to a close with the " History of the Camerons," I
wish you to let me say a few words about the MacMartin Camerons of Letterfinlay.
Who represents that family at present ? I heaid it stated repeatedly in Inverness that
the family is extinct ; a statement which, in my opinion, is not correct. We had in
Strathglass a respectable family of the name of MacMartin, of the Camerons of Letter-
finlay. The traditions of the district state that they occupied the same farm for six
generations. The founder of the Strathglass Camerons was Eoghann Beag Mac-
Mhartainn. I heard old men saying that Eoghann Beag was a faithful servant of The
Chisholm, who, on one occasion, told Ewen that his chief, Lochiel, was in trouble from
an enemy. Instanter, Ewen asked and received permission to go to his aid. He
joined Lochiel's men on the day of battle. They wanted to ford an intervening river
to attack the enemy on his own ground ; but, to their confusion and dismay, they
THE DANCE OF SEANN TRIUBHAIS. 443
observed the enemy ready to receive them on the opposite bank. The opinion of the
leaders was that the first party attempting to cross the river would be annihilated.
In this predicament they watched each other anxiously for most of the day.
This sort of warfare was quite contrary to what little Ewen MacMartin expected to
see when he left Strathglass. Walking some sixty miles, to show his loyalty to his
Chief, he meant business ; and to break the monotony of the day, he deliberately
walked alone out of Lochiel's ranks, a short distance towards the river, and shouted
out at the top of his voice, " An dean fear agaibli malairt saighde rium?" " Will any
of you exchange an arrow with me ?" " Directly," was the reply. An archer stepped
out of the enemy's ranks, and shot an arrow across, which fell harmless behind Ewen,
who took it up, and asked his antagonist, "Co dhiu is fhearr leat do phlaigh fhein
no plaigh fir eile," Whether do you prefer your own or another man's arrow?
" Little man,'' said the adversary, "send back my own if you can." Ewen not only
sent it back, but sent it through his body. The archer fell, and rolled down into the
river. Ewen called out, " Save the man or he will be drowned." Another from the
enemy's camp ran down to save him ; but Ewen sent an arrow into his body also, and
both fell into the river.
After a long pause, Lochiel called Ewen up, and said they did not know who he
was or where he came from. When informed on these and other points, Lochiel said
— " My little man and great hero, if you stay with us in Lochaber I will give you a
choice farm on my estate." Ewen thanked his Chief, but said that he could not wish
for a better master than The Chisholm, and, therefore, he would return to him. At
that moment the enemy moved off the field, and Lochiel exclaimed — " Brave man, you
fought the battle single-handed. " On his return Ewen delivered a letter of thanks
from Lochiel to The Chisholm, urging him to befriend the little archer. Soon after-
wards Eoghann Beag MacMhartainn was placed in the fertile and arable farm of
Baile-na-bruich, Strathglass. His descendants continued in that farm for generations.
I well remember seeing the last members of the family evicted from the farm. Their
names were Rory, Ewen, and David. Another brother of theirs was a soldier, who fought
in the American War, and did not live to return home. Rory was also a soldier,
first in the Glengarry Fencibles, and afterwards in the regular army ; fighting in the
Peninsular War. He was married, and left one son, Hugh Cameron, now in his 85th
year, and living quite alone in one small room at 36 King Street, Inverness. Hugh had
an only son, also a soldier, who fought in the Sepoy War. The last letter he wrote to
his father was on the fall of Lucknow. Poor Hugh Cameron, now half blind, con-
fined to his room for months back, nothing is left of him but the mere remains of re-
spectability. He is very generally believed tc be the only living male representative of
the ancient MacMartin Camerons of Letterfinlay. The publication of this letter in
the Celtic Magazine may help to soften his remaining sojourn here, which cannot
now, in the natural course of things, be very prolonged.— Faithfully yours,
June 18, 1884. COLIN CHISHOLM.
THE DANCE OF " SEANN TRIUBHAIS."
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CELTIC SOCIETY OF DUNFERMLINE,
ST MARGARET'S HALL, DUNFERMLINE, 22nd May 1884.
SIR, — Mr J. G. Mackay, in his second article on the Highland Dress, says : —
" We have to this day an instance of the contempt in which the breeches were held
444 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
in the dance, ' Seann Triubhais,' which is a burlesque on the awkward restraint of the
Lowland garb. "
Surely this statement is hard to believe, and it is due from the author of it that he
should produce the grounds of his assertion.
The " Trews " is an article of Highland dress of much older date than 1745, as
Mr Mackay will find by reference to Logan's "Scottish Gael;" and in the Scottish
Highlands, as well as in Ireland, it has had its legitimate place for centuries.
Ancient stone sculptures prove " the trews " to be of equal antiquity with the kilt,
at least so far as existing representations of these habits show.
Then as to the dance of "Seann Triubhais," Mr Mackay is surely not serious
when he speaks of its " awkward restraint."
On the contrary, its six steps— although little known, and but seldom seen — are
universally admitted among both amateur and professional dancers to be at once
graceful and easy.
It is a fact that the late Lord Elgin, of Eastern fame, once danced the " Seann
Triubhais " at a ball in this city with the greatest 6clat.
The dance is well known in this Society, and in this country side, and we strongly
object to the disparaging remarks of Mr Mackay upon our ancient Celtic treasure. —
I am, &c., KENNETH MATHESON, Junior, Secretary.
THE GREENOCK TELEGRAPH ON MACKENZIE'S "ANALYSIS
OF REPORT OF CROFTER ROYAL COMMISSION."— "The most of us re-
semble the Home Secretary in at least one respect — we have not yet found time to
read the whole of the ponderous tomes that contain the Report of the Crofter Com-
mission. And the number is comparatively small that have any reasonable prospect
of ever achieving a task so great. The vast majority of readers must be content to
trust to a conspectus of the voluminous document. This they will find in a sixpenny
pamphlet which has been prepared by the man who, of all men, is best fitted for the
execution of such a task. We refer to Mr Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A. Scot., the
editor of the Celtic Magazine, who was the first to suggest that a Royal Commission
should be appointed, and who, after his proposal had been agreed to by the Govern-
ment, wrought with patriotic enthusiasm to make the Commission a reality. It has
pleased the so-called political economists of Edinburgh to subject Mr Mackenzie to
very harsh criticism, as if he were animated by motives as selfish as their own ; but
the Highland crofters know better, and so does every unprejudiced onlooker. By
producing a digest of the Report he has added another to the many valuable services
he has rendered to a good cause. It is a searching commentary as well as a careful
conspectus. The compiler frankly gives credit to the Commissioners for doing better
than he expected ; at the same time he points out the illogical and contradictory
character of some of their conclusions. The summary has been drawn up with con-
spicuous fairness, most admirable temper, and in a manner to which no one can take
the slightest exception. It is appropriately prefaced with a portrait of Mr Fraser-
Mackintosh, M. P. , the only pronounced friend of the crofters who had a seat on the
Commission, and who proved his fidelity by the manner in which he enraged the
Duke of Argyll. We are glad to see his honest face prefixed to a document which
he did so much to make the complete thing that it is. We hope that Mr Mackenzie's
pamphlet will be circulated in thousands all over the land. The more it is read the
more resolute and widespread will the demand be for immediate legislation to relieve
the oppressed and downtrodden population of the Highlands,"
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CVI. AUGUST 1884. VOL. IX.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION
(HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS)—
AN ANALYSIS.
III.
JUSTICE IN THE HIGHLANDS.
THE recommendations of the Commissioners on the admin-
istration of Local Justice in the Highlands, will meet with
universal approval outside official and interested circles. They
state that, in Sutherlandshire, Lewis, the Long Island district of
Inverness-shire, and in the Isle of Skye, containing a population
of close upon 84,000 souls,and having three local sheriff-substitutes
there are only nine procurators, or law-agents. Two of these are in
Skye, one being the procurator-fiscal, while the other is, practically,
factor for the whole Island, depute-clerk of the peace, bank agent,
distributor of stamps, collector of taxes, collector for road assess-
ments, member of five, and clerk and treasurer of all, the School
Boards in Skye, with, according to his own evidence, " a number
of minor offices" besides. The difficulty which the poor thus
"experience in securing professional advice is to be deplored."
This, however, " can scarcely be removed by legislation," but it is
recommended that small debt summonses, "the cost of which is
always quite disproportionate to the amount sued for," should be
served by registered letters. The Secretary of State is directed
2 I
446 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to consider the propriety of courts being held more frequently in
a greater number of populous centres, in those remote districts, to
meet the convenience of the inhabitants, for which ample statu-
tory powers already exist.
The office of sheriff-substitute, in the Highlands, is not always
considered a desirable one. This has the effect of limiting the
selection to a comparatively inferior class of practitioners, and
" the choice of the responsible authorities may often, and do fall
on parties altogether unacquainted with the peculiar condition of
life in the districts referred to, and ignorant of the habitual lan-
guage of the people." It is suggested that in making selections
for this office, Government would more frequently appoint local
practitioners, and that both the sheriff and procurator-fiscal, in
places where the offices are least coveted, should have a recog-
nised claim to more desirable appointments afterwards. The "im-
portant qualification of a knowlege of Gaelic " should not be lost
sight of in the appointment of sheriffs and procurators-fiscal.
These officials " are placed under many disadvantages with re-
ference to society and residence," and it is delicately insinuated,
" that there might possibly be in some cases an unconscious
admission of external influences; and, in other cases, the existence
of such influences might be suspected where it does not operate ;"
so, to secure "the perfect independence of the local sheriff, he
should be relieved as far as possible of all embarrassment and
obligations in his social relations, and be provided with an official
residence by Government." We shall leave the Commissioners
themselves to say the rest, in their own words : —
" There is a natural tendency in the poor and remote locali-
ties, to which we are adverting, towards a concentration of offices,
partly consequent on the inadequate remuneration of public
functionaries, partly on the paucity of qualified persons, and
partly, it may be, on the desire of local power, which is attached
to the cumulative possession of positions of this nature. The
clerkship to the School Board, the collectorship of rates, the office
of distributor of stamps, the clerkship of harbour trusts, the
local bank agency, the factorate for private estates, and others,
may be, and are in some measures, united in the hands of a single
individual, while other persons, perhaps equally deserving, hold
no offices at all. This, when carried to excess, is a state of things
to be deprecated, but Crown offices alone can be controlled by
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 447
authority, and those which are principally open to our remarks,
are the offices of procurator-fiscal and sheriff-clerk. We are of
opinion that these functionaries, so closely identified with the
administration of the law, should be prohibited from doing any
professional work or any business for profit, other than their
proper business respectively, either by themselves, or their part-
ners, deputes, or others, and that this restriction should contem-
plate functions performed in other counties, as well as the counties
in which they hold their appointments. If regulations of this
nature should, in some cases, involve the neccessity of higher
salaries being appropriated to the offices in question, the number
of the offices might be reduced by consolidation, but even if the
aggregate charge to the Treasury were slightly augmented, it may
be hoped that Government would not decline a concession re-
commended by the interests of justice."
Lochiel dissents from these recommendations, except as
regards the proposal to serve small debt summonses by registered
letters, and the desirability of a knowledge of Gaelic, on the
part of candidates, for future appointments of procurator-fiscal
in the Highlands. The latter he holds to be essential. He agrees,
in principle, that this official ought to be confined to his special
duties as public prosecutor, but opposes it, in practice, on the
ground that, where his work is light, his salary would have to be
very considerably increased, and provision would have to be
made for a pension after a certain number of years' service; and
further, that, from having, in most cases, so little to do, he would
be idle, and would consequently deteriorate in efficiency; or, on
the other hand, he would expend his energies in making work
for himself, to the great annoyance of his neighbours. Lochiel
objects still stronger to confine sheriff-clerks to the exclusive
performance of their official duties — a. fact for which he will, no
doubt, receive the warm acknowledgments of one of these
officials at least, the Sheriff-Clerk for the County of Ross, who is
at the same time the Conservative agent for the County of
Inverness, and paid Secretary for the Tory Newspaper Printing
and Publishing Company in the Capital of the Highlands. This
official is, apparently, specially referred to in the Report under
the proposed restriction which should "contemplate functions
performed in other counties," as well as the counties in which
they [sheriff-clerks] hold their appointments.
448 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
DEER FORESTS AND GAME.
The Commissioners, in the consideration of this part of their
subject, have gone beyond the effect of deer forests and game on
crofters and cottars, and have entered fully into the social and
economic aspect of both. The principal objections to deer
forests presented during the inquiry were —
1. That they were created to a great extent by the eviction
or removal of the people, and had been the cause of de-
population.
2. That land now cleared for deer might be made available
for profitable occupation by crofters.
. 3. That it might at all events be occupied by sheep farmers,
and that a great loss of mutton and wool to the nation
might thus be avoided.
4. That in some places, where deer forests are contiguous to
arable land in the occupation of crofters, damage is done
to the crop of the latter by the deer.
5. That deer deteriorate the pasture ; and
6. That the temporary employment of gillies and others in
connection with deer forests has a demoralising effect.
First. — There was not much difficulty in coming to the con-
clusion that generally it was sheep and sheep farmers who were
removed to make room for deer forests, just as the former had
previously secured the eviction of the people to make room for
themselves. No one who knew the country and the facts ever
had any other opinion on the subject; and it was not the friends
of the people or those who took up their cause, but the sheep
farmers and their friends, who raised the cry of depopulation
against the forests when righteous retribution came upon them-
selves for having driven out the inhabitants by being driven out
themselves in turn. Few will grudge them and those landlords
who encouraged them in their cruel work the misfortunes which
are now fast overtaking both. Deer forests within reasonable
limits are, in our opinion, much the lesser evil, though we trust the
day is not remote when, in many cases, deer will again give place
to man, as sheep and sheep farmers are now giving place to deer.
The Commissioners only found one clearly established case of
removal of crofters, "for the purpose of adding to an existing
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 449
forest, though other cases might be cited of the diminution of
crofting area for the same purpose, and on further examination
examples of the transfer might probably be discovered." The
particular case referred to, is the deer forest of Sconsar, in the
Isle of Skye, the property of Lord Macdonald," where eighteen
small crofters were removed," about thirty years ago. Particulars
of another glaring case are given in the Appendix to the Report —
which the Commissioners must have overlooked — where the Rev.
Angus Macrae states that, " about the year 1867, the whole town-
ship of Balmacaan, where there were over twenty families, who
were living pretty comfortably," were turned out in a body, " as
the place was added to the forest." Again, sixteen tenants dis-
appeared from Shewglie, the most of the pasture having been
added to the same deer forest* Further, the eviction of the old
inhabitants from Guisachan is so notorious that it is difficult to
understand the object of the statement in the Report. Mr Colin
Chisholm brought these evictions, to make room for deer, or
add to the amenities of a deer forest, prominently before the
Commissioners. There were sixteen tenants and eight cottars
removed. In his examination at Kingussie, Lord Tweedmouth
stated, " I at once say that Mr Chisholm was entirely correct in
stating I, when I took possession of Guisachan in 1855, found
sixteen tenants." The fact that, according to his Lordship, most
of these died in the district, after they were removed from their
holdings, does not affect the fact that these families, and others
in the place, numbering 227 souls, had everyone of them, been re-
moved from their holdings, which they had held on leases of 19
years, for the extension and " improvement " of the amenities of
a deer forest, and that those who are in their place now are mere
day-labourers, depending on day's wages. Other cases might
be cited, and it is a pity they are not named in the Report.
As to the number employed on sheep farms and deer forests,
the latter have, on the whole, the best of it ; the pay is also far
better, and the work much more agreeable than on sheep farms.
Second. — The Commissioners come to the conclusion that
not much of the land now under deer could be made available
for profitable occupation by crofters, " except as shielings or
summer grazing for cattle and sheep."
* Both these places are on the Seafield Estates, in the County of Inverness.
450 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" It is of course true that there are few deer forests where an
occasional spot of hard green land might not be found which
would be available for a crofter's residence and cultivation; but,
looking to the small proportion of arable pasture land in such
places, it may fairly be assumed that almost insuperable diffi-
culties would be offered to the settlement of crofters in these
deer forests, as they would find it impossible to defray the ex-
pense of purchasing the large sheep stock which the ground is
competent to carry, even though they would not in this case be
obliged to take over the stock on the ground at valuation."
Compare this with the facts submitted by Mr Colin Chisholm in
the case of Glencannich, one of Mr Winan's forests, in Strath-
glass. Many other similar instances could be given. Mr Chis-
holm gives the names of the following military officers and
clergymen born and bred of comfortable parents, who lived
on small holdings in the very heart of this one Glen, now a per-
fect desolation: — Colonel James Chisholm, 'Lieutenant Archi-
bald Chisholm, born at Lietrie; Major James MacLean, Captain
Rory MacLean, born at Carrie; Ensign Duncan MacLean, Ensign
Colin MacRae, and Angus MacRae, born at Carrie; Colonel
Alexander Chisholm, Colonel James Chisholm, Governor of the
Gold Coast of Africa ; Captain Valentine Chisholm, Lieutenant
Angus Chisholm, and Ensign John Chisholm, born at Mucrack;
Lieutenant Christopher MacRae, Lieutenant Theodore Mac-
Rae, Ensign Finlay MacRae, Ensign William MacRae, and
Lieutenant John and James Chisholm, born at Invercannich.
Mr Chisholm gives the name of the following Glencannich
Catholic clergymen, whom he himself remembers : — Bishop
William Eraser, Rev. William Eraser, and Rev. Archibald
Chisholm, born at Craskie ; Rev. Duncan MacKenzie, Rev.
Angus MacKenzie, Rev. Archibald Chisholm, Very Rev. Hugh
Chisholm, Dean of Paisley; and the Rev. James Chisholm, born
at Lietrie; and the Rev. Finlay MacRae, born at Carrie. " In
my humble opinion," says Mr Chisholm, " this list will show that
they were abreast of their neighbours in social position and in
general intelligence. However, the crude management of factors
and former proprietors cleared out every one of the forty-five
families, whom I have seen formerly in Glencannich."
It is a pity that the Commissioners did not themselves visit
some of these deer forests, under the guidance of people who
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 451
could have given them occular demonstration of the large amount
of excellent arable land which has been appropriated in some of
them, and which undoubtedly could now be profitably used for
agricultural purposes.
Third — The sheepish allegation against deer forests — that if
they were occupied as sheep farms a great loss of mutton and
wool to the nation would be avoided — is very ably discussed and
pretty completely disposed of. This was another of the allega-
tions of interested and selfish sheep farmers, with which we
never had the slightest sympathy. The Commissioners have
taken four sets of figures, compiled from as many sources, by
four different persons, all independent of each other, with different
objects and interests. The number of sheep displaced to make
room for deer are, according to these authorities, respectively
400,000, 320,000, 335,000, and 395,000; the latter brought
out as the result of a calculation of the acreage made by the
Secretary of the Commission, who gives the total area under deer
forests in Scotland at 1,975,210 acres, a larger area even than that
stated by the advocates of sheep.
" It may thus be assumed," the Report says, " in the absence
of any contradictory evidence, that the figure 395,000 fairly re-
presents the number of sheep which might be grazed on land
now occupied by deer forests. Before calculating the quantity
of mutton which would thus annually be lost to the country,
further deductions might be made which would no doubt be
legitimate, but which need not be here taken into consideration.
Suffice it to say, that as sheep in the Highlands do not come
into the market until they are three years old, and making no
allowance for losses, there would be an additional annual supply
of about 132,000 if all deer forests were fully stocked with sheep.
It is thus abundantly evident that in view of the sheep in the
United Kingdom amounting to 27^ millions, besides all the beef
grown at home, and all the beef and mutton imported, both dead
and alive, from abroad, the loss to the community is not only
insignificant but almost unappreciable ; while, owing to the large
importation of wool from abroad, the additional supply of home-
grown would be altogether unimportant if the area now occupied
by deer were devoted to sheep."
In this calculation no notice has been taken of the amount of
venison raised in the forests, which is said to equal about one-
fifth of all the mutton displaced to make room for deer.
452 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Fourth. — The next complaint is that arable land in posses-
sion of crofters in the vicinity of deer forests is liable to be ravaged
by the deer, " in which case the cultivator is exposed to a double
prejudice — substantial injury and the hardship of night watching."
To remedy this, the Commissioners propose that when the forest
belongs to the same landlord, " the proprietor should be bound
to erect a sufficient deer fence round the arable land of the town-
ship, or the individual crofter's holding, in so far as it is requisite
for the complete protection of the party or parties injured. This
fence should be maintained by the proprietor in regard to skilled
labour, transport, and purchased materials, the crofters being held
to afford unskilled labour on the ground."
In the case of deer coming from lands belonging to any pro-
prietor other than the landlord of the ground trespassed upon,
the Commissioners recommend the effectual and natural remedy
of killing the intruder. They say —
" Under such circumstances the only practical solution might
be to grant an inalienable right to the crofter to kill the deer on
his arable land when found injuring his crop."
This, of course, must mean that the deer is to be killed, in-
dependently of where he may come from, provided the animal is
on the ground and injuring the crop of the tenant, whether there
is a deer fence or not. The landlord should be held to maintain
the fence in a state of repair suitable for its purpose, or suffer
the consequence of his neglect by the killing of his deer.
Fifth. — On the question of the deterioration of the land
under sheep or deer, the Commissioners do not give a definite
opinion, but they say that if this takes place more in the case of
a deer forest than on land under sheep, the "deterioration is
obviously of a remediable nature ;" that this can be done by the
burning of grass of a ranker character than is usually left on
sheep grazings, and " so afford the only practicable mode of con-
veying to the tops and steep sides of mountains that artificial
manure in the shape of ash of which by universal consent they
stand so much in need ;" and, " whatever be the relative merits in
this respect of sheep and deer, there is a general concurrence in
favour of reverting to an admixture of black cattle as a means of
restoring the fertility of the soil."
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 453
Sixth. — As regards the alleged demoralising effect of sport-
ing employment on the character of the keepers and gillies en-
gaged in it, we have always held that, except in so far as this
occupation could be said to be of an unproductive character, the
charge otherwise was most unfounded ; and we quite agree with
the finding of the Commissioners, on this point, " that the allega-
tion is not consistent with experience."
The Report next discusses whether deer forests are of sub-
stantial benefits to the various classes which compose the com-
munity in the Highlands, and the Commissioners at once
reply that " there can be no doubt, that in the case of land-
owners this is so," and this " advantage is especially felt at the
present moment, when sheep farms are difficult to let"; that is
when the landlords are reaping the whirlwind. Having stated
the high price of sheep, low price of wool, and high valuations and
other reasons in explanation of the unwillingness of new tenants
to offer now for sheep farms, we are told, quite accurately, that —
" On the other hand, when the tenant of a large pastoral farm
comes to the end of his lease, and finds exceptionally high prices
going for sheep, there is a strong temptation to take advantage of
the opportunity and quit the farm. The proprietor thus finds
himself with a large sheep farm thrown on his hands, which he
does not want, and to enter upon which he has to provide many
thousands of pounds ; without much prospect of making such
profit as will pay him both his rent and a fair interest on his
capital."
Will any one be particularly sorry for this result ? These
gentlemen, or their predecessors, have been gambling, with heavy
stakes, and it is now their turn to lose. Can they complain ?
In ordinary gambling, the players themselves and their backers
are the only losers, but the Highland landlords have gambled
away the people whose ancestors secured their estates for them
— the inhabitants of those very districts — to win higher rents from
sheep introduced in their place, and they are now reaping the
righteous reward of that cruel and short-sighted policy; and yet
we are told in the Report " that it can hardly be a matter of
surprise, that in these circumstances, he" — the landlord, in con-
tinuation and aggravation of the old policy — "tries to let his
land as a deer forest, and secure a good rent, besides relieving
454 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
himself of what must involve great expense and a heavy responsi-
bility;" and that, were it not for deer forests, " much of the land in
the Highlands might be temporarily unoccupied, or occupied on
terms ruinous to the proprietors !"
It is urged that the difference between the sporting and
agricultural rents would make a difference of about 17 per cent,
on local taxation, quite overlooking the fact that people, having
the land under cultivation, in decent, comfortable homes, would
not only largely increase the present agricultural value of the
land — in many cases four or five fold — but that they would be
far better able to bear higher assessments, even should that be
necessary, than in their present miserable condition, when such a
large proportion of them is driven to the poor's roll, as the direct
consequence of this vicious system of deer forests and sheep farms
Under a proper system of land tenure the ever-increasing assess-
ment for the poor would soon be so much reduced as to be
practically unappreciable, as under the old system before the
clearances and the advent of sheep.
Considerable, indeed large expenditure has been made in
many places in consequence of the existence of deer forests,
which necessarily benefited the people for the time ; but this
outlay will not in all cases prove of permanent advantage either
to the country or people ; but to compare the advantages of sheep
farms with forests in this respect would be simply ludicrous,
even though by far the greater part of the money expended on the
latter is paid for imported labour from the towns — such as masons,
joiners, plasterers, plumbers, slaters, and other like tradesmen.
- The comparison has hitherto been made, however, only as
between deer forests and sheep farms ; not between deer forests
or sheep farms, and a numerous thriving tenantry with mixed
herds of black cattle and sheep as in the past, and such as the
Report recommends in future as the best means for restoring the
fertility of the soil. The force of this is felt by the Commissioners,
for they fully admit that the formation of deer forests are cal-
culated, in an altered form, to perpetuate an admited evil — " the
absence of a graduated local representation of the various orders
of society." This is specially felt in the case of the large pastoral
farm, and it "is not much mitigated by the change of the farm
to forest ;" the " area, consolidated in a single hand, is greater still
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 455
the gulf between the labouring people and the leaders of social
life is as wide as ever, the leaders are less concerned in local in-
terests, and intermediate social positions are blotted out." This
has been quoted at greater length already, but it is necessary to
repeat it, at least in substance, here; in fact, it cannot be repeated
too often.
The Commissioners conclude the portion of the Report
dealing with deer forests and game in the following terms : —
" Having said this much on the origin of existing deer
forests, and their effects on the various interests connected with
them, and by which they are surrounded, we cannot close this
branch of our Report without some reference to the results which
might attend an unjustifiable extension of the area thus employed.
It has been stated to us in evidence, that most of the land specially
adapted by its natural features, and by the habits of the deer, for
this purpose, and which can, without substantial injustice to other
interests, be thus applied, is now appropriated, and that the for-
mation of other forests, to any great extent, is not likely to take
place. This may be the case, if we regard the practice of the
sport over large areas, with the maximum amount of skill and
exertion, such as the best class of stalkers desire to use, but we
are not satisfied that, under the temptation of pecuniary induce-
ments, especially at the present time, the afforestment of the
country might not be expanded with sufficient opportunities for
sport at lower altitudes, on better land, in a better climate, nearer
to or within the zone of profitable cultivation and pasture,
especially within those limits which might afford a suitable situa-
tion for the establishment of small holdings, and the extension of
crofting cultivation. These considerations render it obligatory
on us to guard ourselves distinctly against certain inferences which
might be deduced from statements and admissions embodied in
our preceding remarks. We have considered it our duty to record
unequivocally the opinion that the dedication of large areas ex-
clusively to the purposes of sport, as at present practised in
the Highlands, does not involve a substantial diminution of food
supply to the nation, and we have amply recognised the various
benefits which are in many cases associated with the sporting
system, where it is exercised in a liberal and judicious spirit. In
doing this, our design has been to qualify and correct erroneous
impressions which are prevalent in many quarters on this subject.
We would not, however, have it thought that the views which we
have here expressed, imply an approval of the present appropria-
tion of land in all cases to unproductive uses, far less an indis-
criminating application of additional tracts to a similar purpose
in future."
456 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Having referred to the areas available for the supply of the
British markets, the means of transport, the powers of purchase
and of consumption, the Commissioners hold that " as long as the
sea is open, additional and more fruitful lands in our country
might still be sterilised, without any available effect on the
quantity or price of provisions accessible to the industrial classes."
" Yet," they ask, " who would admit that Scotland should be
made a wilderness, even if the inhabitants were provided with better
lands and more lucrative occupations elsewhere ? No one could
contemplate the conversion of the whole extent of good pasture
land, and of possible arable land, at a moderate elevation in the
Highlands into forests, without alarm and reprobation, and it is
scarcely necessary to say that any serious movement towards
such an issue would be arrested by the force of public opinion,
attended with an amount of irritation much to be deprecated.
We do not anticipate with any degree of certainty that the con-
tingency to which we have adverted would arise, but considering
the divergency of opinion expressed, the possibility of unfortunate
results, and the prevailing excitement in connection with this
question, we may well consider whether your Majesty's Govern-
ment and Parliament may not contemplate such legislative
restrictions as would restrain the progressive and immoderate
afforestment of land, and allay the apprehensions which are
widely felt upon this subject."
The Commissioners then proceed to indicate the lines on
which legislation might proceed. Provisions should be framed
by which the crofting class would be protected against further
curtailment of their present arable or pasture lands — as well as of
areas which might hereafter be found suitable for expanding
cultivation and small holdings — for the purposes of deer forests.
No land should be withdrawn from the crofting class for this
purpose in any circumstances, "except in exchange for other
lands of like value and convenience, and with the free consent of
the occupiers." The Report continues —
" The appropriation of land to the purposes of deer forests
might be prohibited below a prescribed contour line of elevation,
so drawn as to mark in a general but effective way the limit of
profitable root and cereal cultivation, of artificial pasture, and of
pasture adapted for wintering live stock — a line which, on the
east side of Scotland, in a high latitude, might be approxi-
mately fixed at an altitude of 1000 feet above the sea level, and
on the western seaboard, at a lower level than 1000 feet, making
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 457
allowance locally for the convenience of the march. The advan-
tage attached to this system would be, that the area of land
which could possibly be devoted to sport would be circumscribed
once for all, and all indefinite apprehensions, whether on the
part of the farmer, the crofter, or the public at large, would be
set at rest. The disadvantage attached to the hard and fast
boundary would, on the other hand, be that the line might in
some cases include for the purposes of sport exceptional spots
available for profitable use, and might in others, especially on
the West Coast, exclude rugged and precipitous tracts, extending
to the very verge of the salt water, of little use to the crofter or
farmer, from situation or quality, but yet well suited for deer."
An alternative proposal is made that, before any land is withdrawn
from arable or pastoral occupancy, a Government officer should
inspect and report upon it, and that any portions of it suitable for
cultivation or for wintering sheep should be reserved, while the
remainder could be used by the proprietor at his discretion. In
the case of the formation of a new deer forest, or of the addition of
new land to an existing one, at whatever elevation, it is proposed
that " The proprietor should be bound to expend a certain sum,
say not less than three years' agricultural rental of the area so
applied, in forming plantations or in the construction of buildings,
fences, roads, and other permanent works." Lands " exclusively
devoted to deer," not let or proposed to be let to a sporting
tenant, but reserved intentionally for the use of the proprietor,"
should be assessed " on the basis of the sporting rent, and not on
the basis of the agricultural value as is at present the case."
The Commissioners decline to recommend the adoption of a
proposal " frequently submitted " to them, " namely, that a special
rate of assessment should be imposed on the annual value of
lands used for the purpose of deer-stalking alone " ; for their
object is to control the abuse of forests — " not to punish or im-
poverish the landlord "; and they do not think that an additional
tax would go far to prevent afforestment, thought it might raise
the rent to the lessee, and diminish the return to the proprietor,
while it would act indiscriminately in all cases, whether the
appropriation of the land was harmless or injurious.
But, as already stated, a curious, inexplicable, and most in-
equitable finding follows these recommendations. It must be
given entire, in the words of the Commissioners. Here it is —
458 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" The preceding remarks are not intended to apply to ex-
isting forests. We would not think it equitable that these areas
should be subjected to exceptional legislation, other than that
which may be made applicable to agricultural or pastoral lands,
even at the termination of current leases. Existing forests here
have been cleared of sheep, consolidated, arranged for a specific
use, and furnished with appropriate buildings, roads, fences, and
other ameliorations, often at considerable expense, under the
sanction of existing laws. Valuable interests have thus grown
up, which could not be set aside without imposing on the proprie-
tor greater sacrifices than he could be justly required to undergo."
Criticising the township proposals of the majority of the
Commissioners, especially the proposal for the establishment of
new townships, Lochiel declares that to entertain the hope that
any proprietor will knowingly add to the crofting population on
his estate emigrants from other districts, is to assume that men
are governed by benevolent considerations to the total exclusion
of all motives of self interest, a theory in which he is " unable to
concur." We have already quoted Sir Kenneth Mackenzie where
he contrasts the landlords' " pecuniary interests " with phil-
anthropic schemes for increasing the number of agricultural
occupiers, and says that " while human nature remains what it is,
I fear philanthropy will be the weaker of these two motives."
No better illustration of this weakness and this view of personal
interests could be found than those exhibited by the excellent pro-
posals made by the Commissioners respecting future deer forests;
but which they recommend should not be applied to existing
forests. Oh no ! Lochiel's forests cover an area of 56,260 acres,
and Sir Kenneth Mackenzie's 45,540 acres, and from these they
draw large revenues, not to mention that weakness of human
nature which always stands up for the existing interests of a
privileged class. On no principle whatever, which excludes the
consideration of the weaknesses of human nature, can the distinc-
tion made in the recommendation of the Commissioners between
existing and future deer forests be explained !
Game. — The Report fully admits "the ravages of ground
game, and the mischief done to corn in stook by flying game.'
As to the latter they recommend that compensation should
" Be awarded to the sufferer in a manner more summary
than has hitherto been used, by means of valuation made on the
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 459
spot by two.arbiters, with an oversman to be appointed by the
Sheriff, whose decision should be final as to the amount in which
the adjacent proprietor is liable."
Referring to the loss inflicted on the tenant by hares and rabbits,
the Commissioners say —
" There appears to be some ignorance prevailing among the
small tenants as to the tenor and intention of the Act, and an
impression in some places that they cannot exercise their statu-
tory rights, with regard to the destruction of game on their hold-
ings, for fear of incurring the displeasure of their landlord. Nor
can we affirm," they say, " that this impression is entirely without
foundation. We have, indeed, met with no instance in which a
tenant has been disturbed on account of exerting his lawful
powers, but we have met with two factors who, when interrogated
on the subject, were not able to state unequivocally that the ten-
ants were at perfect liberty to act as they pleased in this respect
without any fear of bad consequences ensuing."
These two factors are, our old friend Mr Alexander Mac-
donald, of Isle of Skye proportions, and Mr Adam Hoon, factor
for Mr Hebden of Eday, in Orkney. Having heard the evidence
of the one and read that of the other, we are much surprised
at the extreme sensitiveness displayed by the Commissioners in
the Report by the negative form in which the refusal, and, in-
deed, the whole paragraph, is put; while the fact is notorious
throughout the whole Highlands that no tenant-at-will dare exer-
cise his statutory rights of killing a rabbit destroying his crop,
without endangering his position in his holding, on the great
majority of Highland estates. The Commissioners, however,
very emphatically declare that —
" It is very desirable that proprietors should make it clearly
known to the small tenants-at-will, who are imperfectly informed
and in a precarious position, that they can freely and safely use
their rights in the destruction of ground game."
It is to be hoped that this recommendation will be at once
given effect to; but it requires a stronger faith than we possess to
believe that proprietors, generally or largely, will do anything of
the kind. When it is done we shall be very glad to publish the
fact in each case, if requested to do so, free of charge.
( To be continued.)
460 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY.
BY ALEXANDER MACBAIN, M.A., F.S.A. SCOT.
XV. — CELTIC BURIAL RITES.
THE customs at burial and the disposal of the dead among the
early Celts can only be discovered in a general way. The
earlier Aryan races evidently burned the bodies of the dead,
preserved the bones in urns, and raised over them a circular
mound. The poems of Homer present us with what may be
regarded as typical examples of early Greek and Celtic burials.
A pyre of wood was constructed, and on the top of it the body
was laid. Sheep and oxen were slain, their fat was placed
about and upon the body, and their carcases were heaped around
it. Jars of honey and oil were placed on the pile. Horses,
favourite dogs, and captives were slain and cast on the pyre, and
the whole set on fire. A wail was raised and the dead addressed
by name. When the fire burned low, it was finally extinguished
with wine, the bones were collected — " the whitened bones," as
the poet says — and placed in an urn of gold. Then they dug a
grave, and raised over it a mound. In historic times, in Greece
and Republican Rome, the burning of the dead was the excep-
tion, not the rule; but in Imperial Rome the custom revived,
and became the rule, while inhumation, at least of the better
classes, was the exception. Christianity, however, finally stopped
the burning of the dead. The old mounds had also developed
into the elegance of built tombs, vaults, and monuments with
inscriptions and other accessories of civilisation Among the
Celts of Gaul in Caesar's time, evidently the Homeric age of
burial was still prevalent; all the classical writers of that and the
succeeding century testify to the burning of the bodies among
the Gauls, but they are silent as to the character of the tombs.
" Their funerals," Caesar says, " are magnificent and costly, con-
sidering their civilisation ; and all that they think was dear to them
when alive they put in the fire, even animals ; and shortly before
this generation the slaves and dependants that they were con-
sidered to have loved, were burned along with them in the
regular performance of funeral rites." Mela confirms this fully :
" They burn and bury along with the dead whatever is of use to
CELTIC MYTHOLOGY, 461
them when alive, and there were some who, of their own free
will, cast themselves on the funeral piles of their relatives, ex-
pecting to live along with them." Thus, we have not merely the
burning of the bodies, but also the burning of things useful in
this life, and more especially of slaves and relatives ; the latter
practice having become, previous to historic times, obsolete. No
trace of the remembrance of a time when the dead were burnt
can be found in the earliest histories and myths of Ireland or
Britain, although abundance of instances occur where personal
and other property has been buried along with the dead ; and
even the immolation of captives is not unknown, as when the
Munster hostages were buried alive around the grave of Fiachra,
about the end of the fourth century of our era. Sacrifice of
animals is referred to in the story of Etain, the fairy queen of
Eochaid Aiream, who was left to " dig the Pert (grave), to raise
the wail, and slay the quadrupeds," for Ailill the king's brother.
Burial of arms is mentioned more than once ; an old " Druidic"
poem celebrates the fall of Mog-Neid, King of Munster in the
second century of our era ; it says —
" The grave of Mog-Neid is on Magh Tualaing,
With his lance at his shoulder,
With his club, so rapid in action,
With his helmet, with his sword."
The Scottish Gaelic " Lay of Dargo" presents us with a much
more touching and important instance of devotion than any of
these. Dargo's wife expressed her love for her husband when
the concocted story of his death was brought to her, the effects
of which killed her, in these words —
" Chi mi 'n seobhag, chi mi 'n cu
Leis an d'roinn mo rim an t-sealg,
'S o na b'ionmhuinn leis an triuir,
Cairear sinn 'san uir le Dearg."
I see the hawk, I see the hound,
With which my love performed the chase,
And as the three to him were bound,
Let us in earth with Dearg have place.
What kind of tomb was erected over them ? In answer to
this question, we are at once referred to the numerous barrows
and tumuli scattered over the country, and more especially in
Ireland, where the remarkable mounds on the Boyne could not
fail to attract the attention of all ages. "The traditions and
462 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
history of the mound-raising period have in other countries passed
away," says Standish O'Grady very truly ; " but in Ireland they
have been all preserved in their original fulness and vigour, hardly
a hue has faded, hardly a minute circumstance has been suffered
to decay." A proud claim is . this, and one which for the very
uniqueness among the nations that it postulates for Ireland,
invites criticism and suspicion. The Euhemerist historians and
scribes of Ireland have woven an intimate chain of connection
between every event of their modest (!) four thousand years'
chronology and the topography of their country ; be it the for-
tunes of Cesair before the Flood, or of Partolan immediately
after, or of Brian Boromh a generation or two before the writer's
time, yet every event is chronicled with a minuteness of gene-
alogy, detail, and localisation that is quite oblivious of the per-
spective of time, the long roll of ages with their change of customs,
and the uncertainty as to the far distant past. We saw that the
Irish gods were changed to kings ; nay, more, their tombs can
still be seen on the banks of the Boyne ! There are the barrows
of the Dagda and his heroes, and there, too, Cuchulain rests
beneath his mound. But just about his time Eochaid Aiream
had introduced the practice of simple burial beneath the earth,
and had abolished the old custom of burying the dead " by rais-
ing great heaps of stones over their bodies." These barrows are,
mythologically considered, pre-Celtic ; they are beyond the ken
of Irish history and myth, just as much as the Cromlechs are,
which popular archaeology accounts for as the " Beds of Diarmat
and Grainne" or " Granna's Beds" — the beds occupied by this
pair in their flight before Finn. Considered, again archaeologi-
cally, they belong also to the races that preceded the Celts, as the
character of the interments and of the accompanying articles
proves. We have, however, continued reference in the myths
and tales to the burial of early Christian times — the grave, the
stone over it, and the inscription. How little the Irish writers
understood the change of customs wrought by time is seen in the
description by an Irish writer of the I2th century of the burial
of Patroclus at Troy ; Achilles " built his tomb, and he set up his
stone and wrote his name." Homer's account has already been
given. The Irishman described the custom of his own time as
existing in the time of the Trojan War.
463
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XIX.
THE 'FORTY-FIVE— (Continued)
SIR WALTER SCOTT, speaking of Lochiel's character, says that
he was one of the most honourable and well-intentioned persons
in whom the patriarchal power was ever lodged. " Far from en-
couraging the rapine which had been, for a long time, objected
to the men of Lochaber, he made the most anxious exertions to
put a stop to it by severe punishment; and while he protected
his own people and his allies, he would not permit them to inflict
any injury upon others. He encouraged among them such kinds
of industry as they could be made to apply themselves to, and in
general united the high spirit of a Highland Chief with the sense
of a well-educated English gentleman of fortune. Although pos-
sessed of an estate, of which the income hardly amounted to
seven hundred a-year, this celebrated Chief brought fourteen
hundred men into the Rebellion, and he was honourably dis-
tinguished by his endeavours on all occasions to mitigate the
severities of war, and deter the insurgents from acts of vindictive
violence."* The same writer says, referring to the Chief's
generous decision to join the Prince at the outset, against his own
better judgment : — " Thus was Lochiel's sagacity overpowered by
his sense of what he esteemed honour and loyalty, which induced
him to front the prospect of ruin with a disinterested devotion,
not unworthy the best days of chivalry. His decision was the
signal for the commencement of the rebellion ; for it was gener-
ally understood that there was not a Chief in the Highlands who
would have risen had Lochiel maintained his pacific purpose,"
and he adds that, as an example to the rest of his followers, he
went the length of ordering one of his men to be shot. After
passing the Forth, on the march from Perth to Edinburgh, abuses
were committed by the army — taking sheep in the neighbourhood,
and shooting them against orders. It has been stated that he
actually shot this man by his own hand, but the statement is not
* Talcs qf a Grandfather.
464 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
credible. It is, no doubt, founded on Dougal Graham's Metrical
History of the Rebellion. The Glasgow Bellman, who appears to
have been present, says : —
Here for a space they took a rest,
And had refreshment of the best
The country round could then afford,
Though many found but empty board,
As sheep and cattle were drove away,
Yet hungry men sought for their prey ;
Took milk and butter, kirn and cheese,
Of all kinds of eatables they seize ;
And he who could not get a share,
Sprang to the hills like dogs for hare ;
There shot the sheep and made them fall,
Whirled off the skin, and that was all ;
Struck up fire and boiled the flesh,
With salt and pepper did not fash ;
They did enrage the Cameron Chief,
To see his men so play the thief ;
And finding one into the act,
He fired and shot him through the back ;
Then to the rest himself addressed :
" This is your lot, I do protest —
Whoe'er amongst you wrongs a man :
Pay what you get, I tell you plain ;
For yet we know not friend or foe,
Nor how all things may chance to go."
Referring to the part Dr Archibald Cameron took in improving
the habits of the people of Lochaber, before Culloden, the author
of the Historical Account of his Life says, after describing the
former habits of the people, " that the whole Clan, by means of
his and his brother's instructions and regulations, were greatly
reformed in their morals ; honesty and industry increased every-
where by the encouragement given by their patrons, who took
all imaginable pains to instruct them in the principles of justice
and religion, and to civilise their manners by teaching them to
behave like rational and sociable creatures." The same writer
records the change which came over them under these in-
fluences, before the battle of Culloden: — "At the breaking out
of the Rebellion," he says, " the clan was judged to consist of
about 800 fighting men, fit to bear arms, bold, stout fellows, and
trained up in the exercise of arms ; but what was most to their
praise, they were not so addicted to pilfering and robbing their
neighbours, which most of the other clans in the Highlands were
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 465
notorious for, particularly the Macdonalds; for young Lochiel
being a man of honour and probity himself, took abundance of
pains, nor was his brother the Doctor less assiduous in reforming
the people of his clan and to infuse into them true notions of
justice and honesty, and as Lochiel was the Chief Magistrate
amongst them, he punished their excesses with a becoming
severity, and at the same time endeavoured to inculcate into
them better principles, and juster notions of right and wrong
than they had hitherto learned. So that though he was both
beloved and feared by great numbers of them, yet there were
many who hated both him and his brother, because they would
-not suffer them to spoil and plunder their neighbours, which was
allowed by most of the other chiefs of the clans ; but Lochiel
little regarded their clamour on that account. He knew his
authority was sufficient to keep them in subjection, and he gave
himself no trouble about anything they should report against his
administration."
Lochiel kept up a regular correspondence, both with the
Chevalier and the Prince during his residence in France. Many
of these letters are printed in the Stuart Papers, and t.hey help
to illustrate several incidents in Lochiel's latter days not generally
known. They will especially show how urgently he advocated
another expedition to the Highlands, to regain the British
Crown for the Stuarts, and how his services had been appre-
ciated by the Chevalier and Prince Charles; how a patent of
peerage was made out in his favour, though his father was still
alive; and various other facts in connection with himself, his
family, and friends. Several of these letters are given at length
in the now completed History of the Camerons, about being
issued in a separate volume.
In one of these the Chevalier de St George, writing to Prince
Charles, from Albano, on the 7th November 1747, says :—
I have received my dearest Carluccio's of the i6th October, and am very glad
Lochiel has at last got a regiment. I remark, and take well of you, that you do not
directly ask of me to declare Lochiel's title, for after what I already wrote to you on
such matters, you could not but be sensible that these were things I could not do at
this time, were I not to declare all the latent patents (which are in great number),
and which it would be highly improper to do. I should please but one, and disgust a
great many other deserving people, and in Lochiel's case I should particularly dis-
oblige the other clans, who have all warrants as well as he. Neither is Lord
Lismore's case a precedent for others, since his title had not been declared without he
466 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
had come to be about me in the way he is. Lochiel's interest and reputation in his
own country, and his being at the head of a regiment in France, will make him more
considered there than any empty title I could give him ; and as he knows the justice
both you and I do his merits and services, I am sure he is too reasonable to take amiss
my not doing now what would be of no use to him, and would be very improper and
inconvenient for us.
Donald Cameron was " a man of good parts, great probity, of an
amiable disposition, universally esteemed, and was at great pains
to soften and polish the manners of his clan."* He married
Anne, daughter of Sir James Campbell, fifth Baronet of Auchin-
breck, with issue —
1. John, his heir and successor, born in 1732.
2. James, a man " of great hopes and spirit," a Captain in
the Royal Regiment of Scots, in the service of France,- com-
manded by Lord Lewis Drummond. He died, unmarried, in
1759-
3. Charles, who succeeded his brother John as Chief of the
clan.
4. Isabel, who married Colonel Mores of the French service.
5. Janet, who died a nun in the Carmelite Convent, Paris.
6. Henriet, who married Captain Portin of the French ser-
vice, without surviving issue.
7. Donalda, who died unmarried.
The " Gentle Lochiel " died on the 26th of October 1748, at
Borgue, of inflammation in the head, having been Chief for less
than a year, when he was succeeded by his eldest son,
XX. JOHN CAMERON, described as " a man of extraordinary
merits, who inherited all the virtues of his worthy ancestors, and
was esteemed by all who knew him." When his father died he
was only sixteen years old. He held the rank of Captain in his
father's regiment, and afterwards in the Royal Scots. His
position in France will appear from the following correspondence,
which will also throw additional light on the events surrounding
the death of his father, and conclusively establish the esteem in
which Lochiel and his family were held by the ex-king and his
son.
On the 4th of November 1748, Drummond of Balhaldy,
under the signature of " Malloch," wrote from Paris to the
Chevalier de St George : —
* Douglas's Baronage.
HISTORY OF THE CAMER0NS. 467
It is so long since the situation of affairs I had any concern in, permitted my
troubling your Majesty directly with accounts from this place, that it becomes cruel
in me now to be obliged to begin to inform you of the loss your Majesty has of the
most faithful and zealously devoted subject ever served any Prince, in the person of
Donald Cameron of Lochiel. He died the 26th of last month of an inflammation
within his head at Borgue, where he had been for some time with his regiment,
and where I had the melancholy satisfaction to see all means used for his preserva-
tion, but to no valuable effect. There is no great moment to be made of the death
of people who continue in their duty to your Majesty, having no temptation to
swerve from it, or of others who have an affectation of zeal and duty to procure
themselves subsistence, nor even those whose distresses, when personal, or flowing
from oppressive tyranny, determine to be freed of the load by all reasonable means.
Lochiel was not in any of their cases. He had all the temptations laid in his way
that government could. The late Duke of Argyll, Duncan Forbes, the President,
and the Justice Clerk, never gave over laying baits for him, though they knew his
mind was as immovable as a mountain on that article, and since he came here he
has not been left at ease. The Duke of Cumberland caused information that, if
he applied in the simplest manner to him, he would never quit his father's knees,
until he had obtained his pardon and favour : this he disdained, or rather had a
horror at. I need say no more ; his own services and the voice of your Majesty's
enemies, speak loudly the loss. The Prince has very graciously interested himself
in procuring the regiment Lochiel had for his eldest son, which his Royal Highness
has charged Mr Lally to solicit for along with other officers. It is very unhappy
that this Lally has been for some time heartily hated by the Minister. I am afraid
his appearance will hurt the youth as well as the other affair he is charged with,
but there is no help for it. The Prince was positive, and would not allow Sullivan
to be employed in it, notwithstanding he had all along agented with the Court as
the public affairs Lochiel had since his arrival here. All I can do is to go to Foun-
tainbleau privately, and give what assistance I can for the support of that numerous
afflicted family. Had I had the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of that Regiment, as your
Majesty graciously inclined I should, and my deceased cousin [Lochiel] wished,
above everything on this side of the water ; this nomination could have met with no
difficulty, because the king and the minister of war would have confided in me for
conducting the regiment until Lochiel was of age to do it himself; but my being
named to that or any other thing while his Royal Highness continues here and
keeps Mr Kelly to advise him, is inconsistent with the duty and respect both
Lochiel and I owed him, and either of us would have suffered anything rather than
oppose his will in what regarded ourselves. ... I am afraid that I shall not
be able to continue the connexion and correspondence Lochiel and I had with the
Highlands ; what was easy for us to have done while he lived and had a regiment,
without putting your Majesty to any expense.
To this letter the Chevalier replied from Rome, on the 3rd
of December 1748, as follows : —
I received last week yours of the 4th November, I had already heard of Lochiel 's
death : it is a loss to the cause, and I am truly concerned for it ; if my recommenda-
tion to the Court of France comes in time and has its effect, young Lochiel will have
his father's regiment, and on this and all other occasions I shall be always glad to
shew him the great sense I retain of the merits of that family I desire
468 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Lochiel's lady, his brother, and his son, may find here my condolence on their late
loss, which I sincerely share with them.
On the 1 6th of December 1748, Dr Archibald Cameron
wrote to the Chevalier de St George, from Paris : —
I, upon having the honour, for the first time of troubling your Majesty with a
letter, or rather an apology for not writing sooner, to acquaint your Majesty that my
brother Lochiel died on the 26th of October last of ten days' sickness, at a time the
most fatal and unlucky for his family and his clan it could have happened, having just
completed his regiment at great expense and considerable exertions and upon the way
of reaping the benefits of it towards the maintaining his wife and six children, and
providing for some of his friends and dependents, who lost comfortable living to join
him in the late desperate and unsuccessful struggle we had in behalf of His Royal
Highness in Scotland, and for a little time in England ; but now, by his death, they
are reduced to the miserable situation they were in before the King of France was
pleased, through the application of His Royal Highness, to grant the regiment. Next
day after my brother's death I brought my nephew, of sixteen years of age, in order
to lay him flat at His Majesty's feet ; then, by His Majesty's approbation, to present
him to the King of France. Accordingly His Highness made application, and on the
7th of November gave in a memorial asking the Regiment for my nephew, and if
thought too young, that I, being at present Captain of Grenadiers, Commandant (in
absence of the Lieutenant-Colonel), and his uncle, would manage the Regiment till he
was of age, as I am resolved to attend and serve my brother's children and my own,
especially as that of Spain does not answer. I would have forwarded a letter I wrote
more regular and more fully on the I2th of November, designed for your Majesty;
but rather than add in the least to your Majesty's uneasiness by subjects of this kind,
and thinking that the Court of France would determine the fate of the Regiment long
ere now, I kept it from being sent, knowing His Royal Highness would be so good
as acquaint your Majesty before the present situation of affairs would induce His
Highness to leave Paris. All our corps, and all the remains of Lochiel's family, are
unanimously inclined to have my nephew, and Regiment if obtained, under my
directions at present, as is my nephew himself. I beg your Majesty will give assist-
ance towards it.
On the 23rd of the same month, Dr Cameron wrote him
again, urging similar reasons to those stated in his letter of the
1 6th as above.
On the 23rd of December 1748, John Cameron himself wrote
to the Chevalier de St George in the following terms : —
Mr Macgregor of Balhaldy was so good as to show me a paragraph of a letter
from your Majesty this day. It gives me the greatest pleasure to find your Majesty
has such a sense of the sufferings of the family I now represent and the death of my
father, and could anything add to my loyalty and attachment to your Majesty's royal
cause, your seasonable interposition to the Court of France in my favour requires it.
In principles of loyalty to your august family I was educated from my tenderest years,
and in the same (through God's assistance), I steadfastly purpose to live. And as
my nonage doth make me incapable of rendering your Majesty's service all the
assistance that could be expected from me and my family, I have appointed Archibald,
my uncle, curator and sole manages in all my affairs. I beg leave to inform your
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 469
Majesty the motives that induced me to this step, which are : he is my full uncle, so
that I believe his sincerity to be unexceptionable. He also, from the Prince's going
to Scotland, was equally concerned with my father, and then got so much the heart of
the clan I represent, that the cruelties committed on them by their barbarous enemies,
would not deter them from cheerfully engaging in the royal cause at any time, if,
during my minority, they should be commanded by him ; to this step I have the
unanimous consent of all rny friends from Scotland, by express, upon hearing of
my father's death, and the officers of the Regiment.
The Chevalier replied to these letters from Rome on the
1 4th of January 1749, addressed to Dr Cameron : —
I received, some days ago, your letters of the i6th December, and, since, that of
the 23rd, with one from your nephew, Lochiel, of the same date. It is true I took a
very particular share in the great loss you have lately made, being well acquainted
with your brothers, and your family's merit with me, and truly sensible of the many
marks they have given us of it, as I now am of the sentiments expressed in your
letters. By what I lately heard I am afraid Lochiei's regiment will be reformed, but
in that case I understand that the officers will be still taken care of, and your nephew
and his mother have pensions. I should be very sorry for this reform, neither do I
see what I can well do to prevent it, after the very strong recommendation I had
already made that the said regiment might be given to your nephew ; but you may be
sure that nothing that can depend upon me will ever be neglected which may tend to
the advantage of your family, and of so many brave and honest gentlemen. This
would be a very improper time to mention you to the Court of Spain, but some
months hence I shall be able to recommend you to that Court, and in such a manner
as I hope may succeed, if they are any wise disposed to favour you. The Duke [of
York] takes very kindly of you the compliments you made him, and I have often
heard him speak of you with much esteem and in the manner you deserve. I don't
write in particular to your nephew, since I could but repeat what I have here said,
and to which I have nothing to add, but to assure you both of my constant regard
and kindness.
On the 2/th of April 1753, John Cameron of Lochiel wrote
to the Chevalier de St George, from Paris : —
As your Majesty's enemies have taken possession of my estate in Scotland, and
since I have nothing to depend upon in that country till it pleases God to restore the
Royal family, I have now no resource but to push my fortune in the French service.
I have been a Captain since the year 1747, and am told, that, upon proper applica-
tion, I might obtain a Colonel's Brevet, especially as the recommendation His Royal
Highness, the Prince of Wales, gave my father, has made our family and their suffer-
ings known to them. If your Majesty would be graciously pleased to write in my
favour, I am hopeful it will have the desired effect.
In 1759, John returned to Scotland, where his affable and
obliging manner made him universally regarded and beloved.
He died of a lingering illness at Edinburgh, in October 1762,
unmarried. His next brother, James, having died before him, in
1759, John was succeeded, as representative of the family, by his
next surviving brother,
470 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
XXL CHARLES CAMERON, third son of the "Gentle Lochiel."
He had a commission in the Old 7ist, or Eraser Highlanders,
when it was first embodied, on which occasion he raised a Com-
pany, numbering 120, of his clansmen. He obtained leases of
parts of the forfeited family estates on easy terms from the
Crown. When his regiment was ordered on foreign service, in
1776, he was lying dangerously ill in London, but hearing that
his clansmen objected to embark in Glasgow, where they were
quartered, without him, he hastened north ; but on his arrival in
that city he was pleased to find that the persuasive eloquence of
Colonel Simon Eraser of Lovat, commander of the regiment, had
the desired effect upon his men, in getting them to return to
their duty, especially as Captain Charles Cameron of Fassiefern
had been appointed to command them ; but the exertion put
forth on the journey from London to Glasgow was too much for
his then delicate state of health, and he died a few weeks after,
universally respected and lamented. He was received in Glas-
gow, on his arrival, with great demonstration and enthusiasm,
where it was generally believed that it was his father who pre-
vented the city from being burnt and plundered in 1746, by the
followers of Prince Charles, on their return to the Highlands.
Lochiel, in 1767, married Miss Marshall, with issue : —
1. Charles, born in 1768, and died young.
2. Donald, his father's successor, born in 1769.
3. John, born in 1771.
4. Archibald, born in 1774.
5. Charles, born in 1776.
6. Anne, born in 1773, and married Vaughan Foster, a
Major in the army, with issue — a son, Charles Foster, married,
with issue.
Charles died in 1776, when he was succeeded by his eldest
surviving son,
XXII. DONALD CAMERON, a minor, seven years old, to
whom the estates, previously vested in the Crown by Act of
Parliament, were restored subject to a fine of £3432, under the
Act of General Indemnity, passed in 1784. This Lochiel built
the Mansion-House of Achnacarry, early in the present century,
after a design by Mr Gillespie, a distinguished architect. In Remin-
iscences of my Life tn the Highlands, by the late Joseph Mitchell,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 471
C.E., Inverness, we find a description of a visit to Achnacarry in
1837, in which he says: — "We went through the rooms. The
house had been built some thirty-five years previously, and was
all but finished when Lochiel's father became disgusted with the
place, left it, and never returned. We found that the plaster
ornaments of the ceiling lay all that time on the floor ready to
be fixed, and the doors of the rooms, of beautiful Highland pine,
grown brown with age, leaned against the wall ready to be
screwed on. They had remained in this position for thirty-five
years. The present year [1837] Lochiel arranged to have the
house completed, which has been done, and it is now a handsome
residence worthy of the Chief. With his French training and
education (he was then 54 or 55 years old) and his want of
acquaintance with the old clan, and the customs of the country,
it can easily be imagined how distasteful a Highland life must
have been to him."
He married, on the 23rd of April 1795, Anne eldest daughter
of the famous General, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, Baronet, of Tulli-
body. She died on the I7th of September 1844. By her
Lochiel had issue —
1. Donald, his heir, born on the 25th of September 1796.
2. Rev. Alexander Cameron, born in 1806, and educated
in Edinburgh and Oxford Universities. He graduated B.A.,
in 1834, and, in the same year, was ordained clerk in Holy
Orders. He married on the ist September 1835, Charlotte,
daughter of the Hon. and Very Reverend Edward Rice, D.D.,
Dean of Gloucester. She was raised to the rank of a Peer's
daughter on the succession of her brother, the Rev. Francis
William Rice, in 1869, to the title of Baron Dynevor. Mr
Cameron died in 1873, and his widow, the Hon. Charlotte
Cameron, in 1882, leaving issue — (i) Ralph Abercrombie, who
was born in 1839, and married in 1869, Charlotte Anne H. Yea,
daughter of the Rev. Henry Thompson, and grand-daughter of
the late Sir William Walter Yea, Bart, of Pyrland Hall, Somer-
set, with issue — Archibald Rice, born in 1870; John Ewen, born
in 1874; Ralph Abercrombie, born in 1877; Eleonora Yea; and
Christina Charlotte. (2) Edward Alexander, C.E., who, born in
1843, married in 1873, Emma, daughter of the late Rev. Edward
Bankes, of Soughton Hall, Flintshire, Canon of Gloucester and
472 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Bristol, and of the Hon. Maria Bankes, sister of the late Baron
Dynevor, without issue. (3) Anne Emily; (4) Catherine Charlotte.
3. Mary Anne, who, on the 22nd of September 1864, married
Lord John Hay, Rear-Admiral, R.N., C.B., third son of James,
seventh Marquis of Tvveeddale, without issue. She died on the
3Oth of November 1850; and he on the 2/th of August 1851.
4. Matilda.
Lochiel died in 1 832, when he was succeeded by his eldest son.
XXIII. DONALD CAMERON, a Captain in the Grenadier
Guards. He was present at Waterloo ; and he retired from the
army in 1832. Of him Mr Mitchell says, that "unfortunately he
was equally ignorant of the habits of Lochaber and its people"
with his father, and that he " was obliged from ill-health to reside
in England, and the administration of his estates was entrusted
to his relative, Sir Duncan Cameron, under whom Mr Andrew
Belford, a writer in Inverness, acted as factor, Sir Duncan placing
implicit confidence in his management.' With a view to increas-
ing the rental, Mr Belford followed the then prevalent custom of
removing the people and converting the hill-sides of Loch-Arkaig
into sheep-farms." This Belford afterwards purchased the estate
of Glenfintaig. " From time immemorial eight or nine families
had lived on this estate. They were a remarkably fine race,
distinguished for good dispositions, great size, and athletic frames.
' The Dochenassie men,' as they were called, were the beau-ideal
of magnificent Highlanders. They had their cottages and arable
crofts on the low ground near Loch-Lochy, and their sheep-farm
was in common divided into nine parts, of which Mr Belford,
when he purchased the estate, acquired one part. He granted
these men leases of nine years, by which, according to the first
Reform Act, he acquired nine votes in the County, and expected,
no doubt, that the tenants would vote for him. Unfortunately
at the first election the votes were found to be of no value, as Mr
Belford, from his economical habits, omitted to have the leases
stamped. By having a share of the sheep farm Mr Belford dis-
covered that it was a very profitable concern, yielding about
.£100 per annum to each tenant, or £900 in all, which he thought
he might as well secure to himself. Accordingly at the termina-
tion of their leases, all these men got notice to remove, and were
cleared off." He retained the farm in his own hands, and in the
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 473
first winter of his occupancy, in 1852, he lost not less than 600 of
his sheep in a severe snow-storm.
On the 3 ist of July 1832, Lochiel married Lady Vere
Catherine Louisa Hobart, daughter of the Hon. George Vere
Hobart, sister, of Augustus Edward sixth and present Earl of
Buckinghamshire, and grand-daughter of Alexander MacLean,
XIV., of Coll, by his wife Catharine, eldest daughter of Cameron
of Glendesseray. By this lady Lochiel had issue —
1. Donald, now of Lochiel, born on the 5th of April 1835.
2. George Hampden, born October 1840; died on the 23rd
of June 1874, unmarried.
3. Anne Louisa, who died, unmarried,on the 24th of June 1864.
4. Julia Vere, who married, on the I4th of June 1870,
Colonel Hugh Mackenzie, Commandant, Royal Military Asylum,
Chelsea, with issue — a son and daughter.
5. Sibella Matilda, born in 1838, and married the Rev. Henry
George John Veitch, eldest son of the Rev. William Douglas
Veitch, of Eliock, Dumfries-shire, with issue — George Douglas,
Vere Matilda Lisette, and Sybil Eleanor.
6. Albinia Mary, born 1840, and died in 1861.
Lochiel died on the 4th of January 1859, when he was suc-
ceeded by his eldest son.
XXIV. DONALD CAMERON, now of Lochiel, and M.P. for
the County of Inverness since 1868. In 1883-84, he was a mem-
ber of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the
Grievances of the Highland Crofters. He was educated at
Harrow, and was subsequently in the Diplomatic Service,
first as Attache to Lord Elgin's Mission to China, in 1857, and
afterwards to the Embassy at Berlin. From 1874 to 1880, he
was Groom-in-waiting to the Queen. He is D.L. and J.P. for
the County of Inverness, and D.L. for the County of Argyll.
On the pth of December 1875, he married Lady Margaret Eliza-
beth, second daughter of Walter, 5th Duke of Buccleuch, and
7th of Queensferry, K.G., with issue —
1. Donald Walter, his heir, born in 1876.
2. Ewen Charles, born in 1878.
3. Allan George, born in 1880.
[The families of Glenevis, Callart, Erracht, Worcester, Fassifern, and their off-
shoots, will be treated of at length in the separate work now being finished. An
account of Dr Archibald Cameron, of the Forty-five, and his descendants, will be
givea here, as well as in the separate work.]
474 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE THIRTEENTH ANNUAL ASSEMBLY OF THE
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
ON the evening of Thursday, roth of July, the first day of the
Inverness Sheep and Wool Fair, the Thirteenth Annual Assembly
of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, was held in the Music Hall,
Union Street — Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Baronet,
presiding, in the unavoidable absence of the Chief, Donald
Cameron, Esq. of Lochiel, M.P., who was suffering from a severe
attack of gout. The attendance of ladies and gentlemen was
large, and the enthusiasm displayed show that the Gaelic cause
is making rapid progress. The well known Gaelic poetess, Mrs
Mary Mackcllar, Bard of the Society, came all the way from
Edinburgh to attend the meeting, and occupied a prominent
place on the platform. Miss Watt acquitted herself with her
usual success, and Miss Hutcheson did her part well. Mr Paul
Fraser was fairly successful with " Mnathan a' Ghlinne" and other
Gaelic songs, while Mr Hugh Fraser was scarcely up to his usual
standard, there being more display than harmony in his per-
formances. Nothing need be said of the others, but it may be
stated generally, that there is much room for improvement in the
Gaelic song department of future meetings. The disappearance
of the Choir from recent Assemblies is a decided defect, and we
trust to see it re-introduced on future occasions. There are
many good Gaelic singers in our midst, if only they had sufficient
confidence to present themselves, and every effort should be made
to induce them to do so, and thus keep up the character of the
annual entertainments of the Society.
Captain Macra Chisholm of Glassburn, moved that, in the unavoidable absence
of Lochiel, Chief of the Society, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie should take the chair, a
proposal which was received with applause. The Chairman was supported on the
platform by Mrs Mary Mackellar; Captain Chisholm of Glassburn; Mr Reginald Mac-
leod, younger of Macleod; Rev. Gavin Lang, West Parish Church, Inverness; Rev.
A. C. Macdonald, Queen Street Free Church, Inverness; Bailie Macbean; Alexander
Mackenzie, editor of the Celtic Magazine; Mr Kenneth Macdonald, Town-Clerk; Mr
Chisholm, Kingston, Canada; Captain Burgess, Gairloch; Mr H. G. Cameron Corbett,
London; Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage, Inverness; Mr James Barron, editor of
the Inverness Courier; Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh; Mr Alexander Macbain,
M.A., rector, Raining's School; Mr Donald Davidson, solicitor; Mr Hugh Rose, do.;
Mr Wm. Mackenzie, secretary to the Society, etc. While the audience was assembling,
THE INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY. 475
excellent bagpipe music was supplied by a large band of pipers, composed of Pipe-
Major Maclennan, of the 2nd Battalion the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders; Pipe-
Major Ronald Mackenzie, of the 3rd Battalion Seaforth Highlanders; Pipe-Major D.
Ferguson, Inverness Highland Rifle Volunteers, and other pipers from each of the three
regiments. The platform was nicely decorated, two magnificent Scottish thistles
being placed on either side of the entrance to it. The Chairman first asked Mr
William Mackenzie, the Secretary, to read the letters of apology.
Mr Mackenzie said he had yesterday a letter from Lochiel, stating that he was
suffering from gout, and that it was possible he could not come North; but that he
would make a special effort. On Wednesday night he had a telegram, intimating
that Lochiel was worse, and that same afternoon he had received the following
letter : —
"Montague House, Whitehall, July 9, 1884.
"DEAR SIR, — The hope which I expressed in my letter of yesterday has, I re-
gret to say, not been realised, and this morning my foot is so painful that I can hardly
put it to the ground; much less ought I to attempt to travel. You cannot on my be-
half express too forcibly the extreme disappointment which my enforced absence from
the anniversary meeting of the Gaelic Society causes me, while, if it be not presump-
tuous to say so, the belief that this disappointment will be shared in by others, sensibly
aggravates my own regret. It is certainly most unfortunate that of all weeks in the
year I should be a prisoner during the present one, when business engagements, as
well as the duty which I owe to the Gaelic Society, demanded my presence in Inverness.
Trusting that my enforced absence may interfere as little as possible with the success
of your meeting, I am, yours very faithfully, DONALD CAMERON."
Mr Mackenzie, continuing, said — On learning this, the Council of the Society in-
structed him to communicate, by telegram, with Sir Kenneth Mackenzie — (Applause)
and he had put the Society under another debt of gratitude to him by acceding to the
request. (Applause.) Another gentleman, whom they hoped to be present, was
Lord Dunmore ; but he, like Lochiel, was also suffering from gout — (Laughter) — and
unable to move freely about. Mr Macdonald of Skaebost was also intended to be
present, but he telegraphed from Edinburgh as follows : — " Sorry I cannot be with
you to-night, as I am laid up with gout. (Loud laughter.) I wish you a most plea-
sant evening, which I am sure you will have with such a chief as Lochiel." (Ap-
plause.)
Letters of apology were also received from Mr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M. P. ;
Cluny Macpherson of Cluny, C.B. ; Sheriff Nicolson; Mr A. R. Mackenzie, yr. of
Kintail; Professor Mackinnon, Rev. Roderick Morison, Kintail; Rev. A. D. Mackenzie,
Kilmorack; Rev. L. Maclachlan, Glasgow; Mr Duncan Forbes of Culloden; Mr Angus
Mackintosh of Holme; Mr John Mackay, C.E., Hereford; Captain D. P. Macdonald,
of Fort-William ; Mr Clunas, Nairn ; and Captain O'Sullivan, Inverness.
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, who, on rising, was received with applause, said — Ladies
and gentlemen, — You will see from the programme that the first item is an address by
the Chief. Unfortunately, as you have heard, the Chief is not able to be present, and
I am not able to give you an address. (Laughter.) But there is one thing that you
will notice, and that is that the leading members of this Association belong to a highly
respectable class, for they are all afflicted with a highly respectable complaint.
(Laughter.) That complaint, however, though very respectable, is, I am afraid, a
very painful one, and one that is excessively exasperating under all circumstances, and
particularly so when it prevents people from fulfilling engagements of a social nature,
4/6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
such as that of this evening is. And as Lochiel cannot be here to-night, I am sure
you will sympathise with him in his unfortunate position, and will give expression to
that feeling at the close of the programme. (Applause.) Now, ladies and gentlemen,
I have been summoned here to-night by telegraph, but I must confess I have nothing
particular to say. Politics are properly forbidden. It does seem rather hard on one
who reads the papers, and sees nothing in them but politics, to find that he is not per-
mitted to touch upon what he sees and hears daily. (Laughter.) But this is alto-
gether a literary society, though I am afraid the literary duties are being mostly
deputed to Mr Mackenzie, and I think we are very fortunate in having so energetic
and able a secretary as he has proved himself to be. (Applause. ) I think the Society
recognises that the greater part of the papers in our Transactions comes from his pen.
I remember when I had the honour of presiding at the annual dinner a year and a
half ago, I made certain suggestions to the members of this Association as to subjects
which they might take up or read papers upon for our Transactions. I confess myself
that I felt incompetent, or had sufficient excuse to do nothing myself, but I was
anxious that some one else should do something. I suggested that somebody might
read an account of how. our Highland regiments were raised. Since that time very
nteresting evidence came out during the Crofter Commission as to how our Highland
regiments were raised, and we were also told in that connection that Highland pro-
prietors were then more tyrannical than those of the present day, even objectionable
as proprietors to-day are supposed to be. (Laughter.) Another subject has lately
occurred to me. I think it would be very interesting if any member of this Associa-
tion, and there are a great many here to-night from all parts of the country, would
take up and publish a treatise upon Highland surnames. There are a number of
curious English names in the West which do not correspond with the Gaelic names,
For instance, there is the name of Livingstone, which is translated as Mac-an-leigh.
I cannot myself understand what the connection between these two names is.
There are a great many similar translations. We have the surnames of Brown, Smith,
and Grey. I am told Brown is called Mac-'ille-dhmnu, and Grey Mac-'illc-ghlais.
This is an interesting subject, and I think it would be very desirable that some facts
regarding it should be put on record. (Applause.) Now, the efforts of this Associa-
tion have always been directed to get Gaelic introduced into our Highland schools,
and those of you who have taken an interest in the report of the Crofter Commission
will have seen that the Commissioners have recommended legislation pretty much on
the lines suggested by this Society. (Applause.) Whether anything will come of it,
I cannot say. But I think there is one way in which the Society might still do a
great deal of good with reference to this question of teaching .Gaelic in schools.
There is undoubtedly great difficulty in getting Gaelic-speaking teachers for our Hign-
land schools. Gaelic -speaking teachers are ambitious like other teachers. The best
men go where the best salaries are to be got, and the best salaries are not always to be
found on the West Coast. At all events it would require an unusual amoun of public
spirit to give salaries on the West Coast which would enable them to secure the
services of the best men. At the same time, it is eminently desirable that the best
Gaelic-speaking teachers should hold positions in Gaelic-speaking districts : and I
think that this Society should bring its influence to bear on Highland School Boards
in this respect. (Applause.) It is surely ridiculous to suppose that a man who can-
not understand the children, and whom the children cannot understand, could be able
to impart anything like a real education to these children. (Applause.) I do not
mean to say that there are not high class men who have not a knowledge of Gaelic
and who are able to do wonders; but there are teachers who discover that the children
THE INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY. 477
are stupid, because they do not understand the children, and the children do not
understand them. It seems to me that, in these circumstances, it is not at all remarkable
that the teacher should think that he found the children stupid. (Applause.) Now,
ladies and gentlemen, I am not here prepared with an address, and I feel somewhat
in the position of that unfortunate minister who did not know much Gaelic, and of
whom our friend, the Rev. Mr Mackenzie, of Kilmorack, told us a story at the meet-
ing when this Society was inaugurated. That unfortunate clergyman had great
difficulty in getting up his sermon, and when it was got up it was not very edifying
to the people. (Laughter.) His Gaelic was limited, and after preaching a quarter-
of-an-hour, he wound up by saying — "Tha mi cinnteach gu bheil sibhse sgith
dhiomsa, agus tha raise seachd sgith dhibhse." " I am sure you are tired of me,
and I am seven times tired of you." (Laughter and applause.) As this meeting is
one for amusement, and as there is an entertainment before you, I will say no more,
but I hope that any weariness you may have felt during the last few minutes will
speedily pass away. (Loud applause.)
The first part of the programme having been finished, Captain Chisholm of
Glassburn, entertained the audience during the usual interval by excellent Highland
airs on the bagpipes, after which
Mr Colin Chisholm introduced the second part of the programme, in a short
Gaelic address, well received, as follows:— A Phriomh a' chomuinn so, a bhaintigh-
earnan, agus a dhaoin-uaisle, is duilich learn innseadh dhuibh nach 'eil e air chomas
do'n phears-eaglais a bha dol a thoirt oraid Ghaidhlig dhuinn a bhi an so an nochd.
Na 'm biodh e air tighinn bu chinnteaclvdhuinn toileachdainn agus soillearachdainn
fhaighinn. An coimeas do'n duine urramach sin cha'n 'eil mise ach mar dhamh an ceo,
no mar fliear na aonar ann am bata air bharr nan tonn agus e gun stiuir, gun seol, gun
ramh, gun taoman. A bharrachd air so, cha d'fhuair mi ach fios piobaire ; agus air
an aobhar sin na gabhaibh iongantas ged nach 'eil mo chruit air dheagh ghleusadh, oir
cha robh duil agam ri mo bheul fhosgladh aig a' choinneamh so. Coma co dhiubh,
eadar dheoin a's ain-deoin, dh'aontaich mi. Ach, aon ni, cha chum mi fada sibh. Ma
bheir sibh eisdeachd fad naoi no deich a mhionaidean domh, innsidh mi mo bheachd
dhuibh air na comhairlean baigheil priseil a thug Ard-theachdairean na Ban-righ
dhuinn mu sgoilean Gaidhealtachd agus Eileanan na h-Alba. Anns a' chiad dol sios
tha na daoine glice, coguiseach so a' sealtainn air an trom dhlighe a tha ri phaidheadh
ann an cuid de na sgoilean Gaidhealach mar eallach a tha tuileadh's trom ri ghiulan.
Ann an cuid de 'n Eilean Leoghasach tha cain agus cis nan sgoilean a' tighinn gu sia
tasdain agus ochd sgillinn 's a' phunnd Shasunnach. Anns na h-Earradh tha a' chis
da thasdan agus ochd sgillinn, agus "ann an Uidhist-a chinna-tuath tri tasdain 's a'
phunnd Shasunnach. Agus cha 'n ann is na h-eileanan uile tha an t-olc ; tha da sgire
dheug eadar tir-mor Siorrachd Inbhirnis, Siorrachd Rois, agus Eilean Shealtainn
anns am beil dlighe nan sgoilean a' dol thairis air da thasdan 's a' phunnd Shasunnach.
Tha a leithid so de dh-ana-caitheamh nar — tha e buileachnar, an uaira chuimhnicheas
sinn gur ann aig daoine nach 'eil ro chomasach tha a' chuid mhor dheth ri
phaidheadh. Tha Ard-theachdairean na Ban-righ (ma tha Gaidhlig air Commissioners
cha chuala mise i) tha iad a' faicinn mar an ceudna nach 'eil aig cloinn luchd-labhairt
na Gaidhlig ach fior dhroch ceartas anns na sgoilean air son am beil iad a paidheadh
cho daor. Air an aobhar sin tha iad a' toirt am barrail gu saor, soilleir dhuinn air
gach seol agus gach doigh a bu choir a leantuinn a so suas gu Ian cheartas a bhuH-
eachadh air sgoilearan na Gaidhlig. Am meas nam ficheadan de dhoighean caomhail
anns am bheil iad a soillearachdainn an durachd do'n sgoilear Ghaidhlig tha iad gun
agadh, gun fhiaradh, a' comhairleachadh gu'm biodh e air a chur air an aon ruith ri
L
478 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sgoilear na Greugais agus na Laidinn. Tha a nis os cionn ceud bliadhna bho'n thug
sgoilear ainmeil aig nach robh mor bhaigh ris a' Ghaidhealtachd a bharail mu'n
amaideachd a bha arm a bhi a' sparradh na Beurla nach robh iad a' tuigsinn, a dheoin
no dh-ain-deoin, air an oigridh Ghaidhealaich. Mar tha fios agaibh tha cuid de na
sgoilearan so a' cosnadh suim mhaith airgid 's a' bhliadhna air son chanainean
coigreach, mar tha Fraingis agus Greugais ; agus c'arson nach biodh a' cheart
chothrom air a thoirt do'n Ghaidhlig ? Agus so gu seachd sonraichte an uair a chi
sinn gu'n do dh-fhaisg na h-Eirionnaich an t-sochair so as a' Pharlamaid air an son
fhein. Agus tha fhios againn gu bheil a' Ghaidhlig airidh air. Nach d'thuirt fear
de ard luchd-teagaisg Abar-eadhain o chionn ghoirid gu'n robh a' Ghaidhlig na
cainnt sgriobhte deich linntean m' an deachaidh facal Beurla a chur riamh air paipear.
Is e coire sluagh na duthcha a bhios ann, ma ta, mur cruadhaich iad air a' Pharlamaid
gu Ian cheartas fhaighinn dha'n sliochd. A dh'aon fhacal, ged bhiodh muinntir na
Gaidhealtachd a' taghadh riaghailtean gu sgoilearan math a dheanamh dhe'n cuid
cloinne cha b'urrainn daibh raghainn na b'fhearr a dheanamh na bhi Ian leigte
ri deagh chomhairlean Ard-theachdairean na Ban-righ. Mar is luaithe a chuirear
an gniomh iad is ann is cliuitiche a bhitheas e do'n Ghaidhealtachd agus is buannachd-
aile dha 'n Rioghachd gu leir. Mr Chisholm concluded amid loud cheering.
The programme was gone through as follows: —
PART I. — Address, the Chairman. Oran Gailig, " Mo run gach la," Mr Hugh
Fraser. Scotch Song, "The Cameron Men," Miss Watt. Oran Gailig, "Mnathan
a' Ghlinne" (by request), Mr Paul Fraser. Oran Gailig, " Mo run geal dileas, "Miss
Hutcheson. Scotch song, " My Nannie's awa'," Mr C. C. Macdonald. Dance,
"Highland Fling," Oganaich Ghaidhealach.
PART II. — Gaelic address, Mr Colin Chisholm. Song, " The Old Brigade," Mr
Paul Fraser. Oran Gailig, "Thug mi gaol do'n Fhear Bhan," Miss Hutcheson.
Dance, "Gillie Callum," Oganach Gaidhealach. Scotch song, "Tain Glen," Miss
Watt. Oran Gailig, " Theid i learn," Mr Paul Fraser. Dance, " Reel o' Tulloch,"
Oganaich Ghaidhealach. Oran Gailig, "Na'm Bithinn na m' Bhard," Mr Hugh
Fraser. Votes of thanks to the Chairman and performers, Reginald Macleod, younger
of Macleod.
In moving the vote of thanks, Mr Reginald Macleod, who was received with ap-
plause, said — I am very sorry to have to appear in the place of your old and most
esteemed member, Mr Lachlan Macdonald of Skaebost. (Cheers.) I am afraid we
received the news of his illness with more merriment than was right or becoming, but
since the malady is more unpleasant than dangerous, we were affected with something
like amusement on hearing that Lochiel, Lord Dunmore, and Mr Macdonald of Skae-
bost were all ill with the gout. I am sure we are all equally sorry that they are un-
able to be present to-night, and we earnestly wish for their speedy recovery from their
temporary illness. I myself am not sorry that Mr Macdonald is absent, because it
enables me to move a vote of thanks to Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, who has occupied the
chair with so much satisfaction. (Applause.) I suppose Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and
I will have the honour of addressing a good many audiences within the next twelve
months, and I hope that we shall have a great many votes of thanks, but I am equally
certain we shall not have the opportunity of giving a vote of thanks to one another.
Therefore, I take this opportunity, as the only one that is likely to occur, and I hope
we shall often meet in future, and always be friends in whatever kind of meeting we
may happen to find ourselves. (Applause.) I believe such a meeting as this cannot
possibly fail to have a very effective and favourable result upon the objects of this
THE INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY. 479
Society. It has been a large and enthusiastic meeting, and every Highlander must
desire that this grand old language, which I most unhappily must confess not having
been taught so thoroughly to understand as I should like— that this language should
live, and live with an increased interest among our people. I believe, if we take care
simply that nothing is done in our schools or otherwise to make the use of our Gaelic
language awkward or inconvenient, it will never die, because it is the language of
home, the language of the affections, and the language of childhood, and therefore it
must remain with us. I hope all in the Highlands who use English will put it on as
they put on their greatcoats (Laughter) — that when they go to the markets to do
business, or go to the South, they may then talk English. I am very anxious that the
Gaelic language should remain with our Highland people— the language which will be
their daily possession and their daily interest, and in which they exchange their daily
thoughts. (Hear, hear, and applause. ) If a people lose their language, they lose one
of the greatest and most important bonds of union, and I am sure that in the case of a
great people like the Gaelic race, if they lose their language, we shall lose from the
world one of the most interesting and one of the most competent languages which ever
existed in this island. (Applause.) I trust, however, that that will never be — that
each and all of us will do our utmost to encourage the teaching of the language both
in our elementary schools and otherwise, so that there will always be people com-
petent to teach our youth. (Applause. ) He concluded by moving a vote of thanks
to Sir Kenneth and the performers. (Applause.)
Sir Kenneth, who was received with cheers, said — On the part of the performers
and myself I beg to return you my best thanks for the kind reception you have given
us. In the early part of the evening there were one or two things which I ought to
have referred to. With reference to the appeal made by Mr Colin Chisholm as to a
grant of los. being paid in Ireland to those children who are properly 'taught the
native language, I may say that attention was directed to this subject in the Report of
the Crofter Commission. I am told that Mr Fraser-Mackintosh has given notice that
he will next Monday night ask Mr Mundella in the House of Commons whether the
privilege granted in Ireland will be granted to the Highlands of Scotland.* (Ap-
plause. ) I ought also to have referred to the Gaelic literature, which is every year
spreading — for we are constantly receiving fresh publications in Gaelic. The other
day I received a volume of Gaelic poems by Mr John Campbell, Ledaig, which, I
* The following is the notice given by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., in the House
of Commons, and referred to by Sir Kenneth Mackenzie : —
To ask the Vice- President of the Committee of Council, with reference to his
statement that the Department was not bound to teach Gaelic, thereby directly
traversing the Report of the Crofters' Commissioners on the point, whether it is the
case that, in the national schools in Ireland, the Irish language has been placed on
the list of special subjects, or, as it is termed, extra branches, with a results fee of IDS
attached; and if so, why a different rule is presently followed, and apparently meant
to be perpetuated, in those parts of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland where
Gaelic is the mother tongue.
To this question Mr Mundella replied— I do not know to what statement the hon.
gentleman refers, hut it is true that the Irish National Board gives a grant for the
teaching of the Irish language, but no grant has ever been made under the English or
Scotch Codes for the teaching of Gaelic or Welsh. But the Irish Board admits that
all the evidence is against placing the teaching on the list of extra subjects, and I
have been making inquiries as to the best means of familiarising the Gaelic- speaking
population with English. As to the desirability of providing teachers who can speak
Gaelic, with the object of the better instructing in English of the Gaelic-speaking
children, the question will be fully considered before the new Code is issued.
(Hear, hear.)
480 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
regret to say, I have not yet been able to go into, but the very publication of which is
n itself a subject of interest. It is quite unpardonable that I should have omitted to
mention that the Bard of this Society, Mrs Mary Mackellar, has been chosen by her
Majesty to translate into Gaelic the last volume of her journal in the Highlands. (Loud
applause.) It is said that the Highlanders are not generally great readers of books ;
but I am sure this volume will be read with the greatest interest and avidity. If there
is one thing more remarkable than another that came under my notice as a member of
the Commission, it was the simple faith that the West Highlanders seemed to put in
the Queen. They seemed to think of the Queen both as a noble lady of great private
worth and as a lady who had great sympathy for her Highland subjects. If she had
the land, they believed all their wrongs would be redressed. They have the most im-
plicit confidence in her, and I have no doubt that they will take the greatest possible
interest in this book when it is published in their own language. (Applause.) In
conclusion, Sir Kenneth asked the audience to testify their appreciation of Lochiel's
desire to attend the gathering. (Loud applause.)
The proceedings then terminated.
Miss Watt's rendering of " The March of the Cameron Men," was deservedly
received with enthusiasm, and she was very heartily encored. The Highland dancing
and the bagpipe music was a characteristic feature of the gathering, all the performers
being first prizemen or gold medalists. Miss J. B. Mackenzie, Church Street, ably
presided at the pianoforte.
It may be mentioned that the grand pianoforte used on the occasion was supplied
from Messrs Marr & Co.'s Music Saloons, Bridge Street; that the magnificent thistles
which decorated the platform were kindly sent by Councillor Alexander Ross ; and
that the tartan plaids which decked the platform were supplied by Messrs A. Mac-
bean & Sons, Union Street.
In this connection it will be appropriate to give the following Gaelic song, com-
posed by Mrs Mary Mackellar to Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, Baronet : —
O RAN
DO'N RIDIRE COINNEACH MAC-COINNICH, TRIATH GHEARRLOCH.
LE MAIRI NIC-EALAIR.
So deoch slaint' a' Ghaidheil ghasda,
Do 'm bu dualach a bhi gaisgeil,
Ard cheann-feadhna de Shiol Eachuinn,
Leis 'm bu chleachdadh a bhi m&r.
Mile failte air an uasal
Do 'm math a thig feile cuaiche,
Sporran a bhios trie ga fhuasgladh,
Leis an laimh nach cruaidh mu 'n or.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Gaidheal uasal de Shiol Choinnich,
Fine d' am bu dual bhi loinneil ;
Chuidicheadh an Righ 's gach oidhirp,
'S cha bhiodh coir' aca le 'n deoin.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
THE INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY. 481
Naile 's mo run an t-armunn,
Sliochd nan sonn d' an dual bhi'n Gearrloch,
Sealgairean nam fuar-bheann arda,
Rachadh dan air damh na croic'.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Cridhe fialaidh 'n com na feile,
A shiubhladh an fhrith gu h-eutrom ;
'S binne na na h coin 's a' cheitein
Uirghioll speiseil do bheoil.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Cairid islean, cairid uaislean,
Cairid dileas thu do'n tuath-cheath'rn ;
Ris an diobrach cha bhiodh gruaim ort,
'S tha thu suairce anns gach doigh.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Tha thu carthannach a's caoimhneil,
Tha do shuilean mar na daoimein ;
Do ghuth ciuin mar bhinn-ghuth maighdinn,
Bheireadh aoibhneas le a ceol.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Baintighearn' aillidh tha ri d' ghualainn,
Liomh an t-sioda air a cuailean,
Bian mar eiteag gheal nan cuaintean,
'S a da ghruaidh air dhath an rois.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Dorsan ibhri 'n cuirtean sirist,
Bho 'n tigeadh am manran milis ;
'S aoibhneach mi gur leat na bilean
Bho 'm faigh thu gun sireadh pog.
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Slat an coill i, 's cha b' i chrionach,
'S i 's gach doigh d' a fine dileas,
Sliochd nan Caimbeulach neo-chiosnaicht'
A bha 'n " He ghlas an fheoir."
So deoch-slaint', etc.
Saoghal fada 'm beatha shuaimhnich,
Guidhidh mi do 'n armunn uasal,
'S gu 'm bu fada beo ri 'ghualainn
Baintighearna a' chuailein oir 1
So deoch slaint' a' Ghaidheil ghasda,
Do 'm bu dualach a bhi gaisgeil,
Ard chcann-feadhna de Shiol Eachuinn,
Leis 'm bu chleachdadh a bhi m5r.
482
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE PROFESSOR BLACKIE TESTIMONIAL.
As our readers are aware, a proposal, originated in the Celtic
Magazine, to present Professor Blackie with a Testimonial in re-
cognition of his services to Highlanders, and to the country
generally, in the establishment of the Celtic Chair, is now before
the country ; and we have pleasure in giving in this issue a first
list of subscribers to the fund. The Celtic Chair, through the
untiring zeal of Professor Blackie, is an accomplished fact, and
for some time back its learned occupant, Professor Mackinnon,
has been discharging the duties of his office. The Chair will be
a valuable institution ; and the services of its founder deserve to
be specially acknowledged by lovers of our native land generally,
but especially by Highlanders. We would respectfully urge all
Highlanders and friends of the Celts, their language and literature,
to intimate their subscriptions without delay to
The Honorary Treasurer of the fund, Mr CHARLES ERASER-
MACKINTOSH, M.P., Lochardill House, Inverness, or to Mr
William Mackenzie (Secretary of the Gaelic Society of Inver-
ness), 5 Drummond Street, Inverness, Secretary to the Com-
mittee.
All subscriptions will be acknowledged in the Celtic Magazine.
The following is a list of subscriptions already intimated : —
Charles Eraser-Mackintosh, Esq. of Drummond, M.P.
John Mackay, Esq., C.E., Hereford
Lachlan Macdonald, Esq. of Skaebost ...
G. J. Campbell, Esq., solicitor, Inverness
The Right Hon. The Earl of Breadalbane
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.
The Chisholm, Erchless Castle
Field-Marshal Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B.
Cluny Macpherson of Cluny Macpherson, C.B. ...
D. Mackinnon, Esq., M.A., Professor of the Celtic Languages and
Literature, Edinburgh
Alexander Mackenzie, Esq. , Editor of the Celtic Magazine
Sheriff Nicolson, Kirkcudbright
Duncan Maclaren, Esq., Newington House, Edinburgh ...
H. C. Macandrew, Esq., Provost of Inverness ...
D. C. Macdonald, Esq. solicitor, Aberdeen
A. V. Smith Sligo, Esq., Inzievar, Dunfermline ...
Bailie Mackay, Inverness
D. Mackay, Esq., Reay Villa, Liberton
Archd. A. Chisholm, Esq., P.F., Lochmaddy ...
Ewen Maclean, Esq., Lochmaddy
Colin Chisholm, Esq., Namur Cottage, Inverness
Alex. Macbain, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. Scot, Inverness
Major Colin Mackenzie, 49 Pall Mall, London ...
Bailie Macdonald, Aberdeen ...
,IO IO
10 10
IO O
5
o
O
o
3
3
THE PROFESSOR BLACKIE TESTIMONIAL. 483
John Cran, Esq., Kirkton, Inverness ...
John Macdonald, Esq., The Exchange, Inverness
William Mackay, Esq., solicitor, Inverness
Dr F. M. Mackenzie, Inverness
Councillor W. G. Stuart, Inverness
Kenneth Macdonald, Esq., town-clerk, Inverness
The Right Rev. Angus Macdonald, Bishop of Argyle and
Very Rev. Canon Bourke, Claremorris, Mayo
Rev. Gustavus Aird, F.C. Manse, Creich
John Mackenzie, Esq., Auchenstewart, Wishaw ...
James Macdonald, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh
James Fraser, Esq., C.E., Inverness
Wm. Murray, Esq., Athole Bank, Hamilton, Canada
Mr Thomas Ross, Woodside, Aberdeen
£
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326
HISTORIC SCENES IN GLENDOCHART.
BY COIR-AN-T-SlTH.
ABOUT twelve months ago I was on a visit to Strathfillan, and
while being conveyed to Auchtertyre by Mr Currie of the Tyn-
drum Hotel, he pointed out a small field on the Achariach side
of the river and remarked, " That field is called Dail-nan-
Geoichein." I felt intensely interested in the name, which
sounded so like that of the two brothers who attacked King
Robert Bruce when he lost the famous brooch of Lorn, and I
resolved to have the place examined. John Barbour, Arch-
deacon of Aberdeen, in his History, calls the men " Macthoiks,"
and Dr Marshall, of Coupar-Angus, in his " Historic Scenes of
Perthshire," calls them " Mac-Keoch," but adds that the conflict
took place on the side of Loch-Dochart.
Examination of the locality has strongly convinced me that
the conflict could not have taken place at the side of Loch-
Dochart, because Loch-Dochart is seven miles east of Dail-nan-
Geoichein, and the retreat of Bruce from Dail-Righ, the King's
Field, can be traced up the Glen of Achariach or Glenducharig,
and down Glen-Falloch to Loch-Lomond ; whereas, had the King
and his party been driven so far down Glen-Dochart he would
then have been within the territory of another enemy, the
Macnab ; and to return in the face of Lorn and his forces to the
Glen of Achariach was an impossibility.
Modern historians may not have found any other " lochan "
in Glen-Dochart to correspond with the description given by
484 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Barbour ; but the " lochan " is there nevertheless, and its situa-
tion is in perfect keeping with the description given by the ancient
historian.
My belief that the name, Dail-nan-Geoichein, was given to
the field in memory of the " men " who there fell in conflict with
Bruce, has been confirmed by a comparison of the place with the
description given by Barbour. He relates that Bruce was defend-
ing the rear of his retreating army when he was attacked, " in a
narrow place between the loch-side and the brae." The Loch —
Lochan-nan-arm — has a very steep brae on the south side, and is
only two or three hundred yards from Dail-nan-Geoichein. The
name of the Loch itself goes far to prove that the field took its
name from the event. It is recorded that Bruce with his small
party was retreating from Dail-Righ, and that up the hill. Tra-
dition says that, to enable them to be more fleet of foot, and to
prevent their arms falling into the hands of the enemy, they
threw them into the Loch ; hence the name Lochan-nan-arm,
the Lake of the Arms. This lake is situated at so high an ele-
vation that very little labour would be required to drain it dry.
If this were done, and even a portion of the arms recovered, they
would form an interesting treasure for the Museum of the Anti-
quarian Society.
If it was the case that the heroes who attacked Bruce fell at
the spot indicated, and that the Lord of Lorn himself was an eye-
witness to the scene, it is by no means likely that he would have
allowed their bodies to be put into a moss bink ; he would rather
have given orders to have them carried away and laid in such
soil' as our ancestors invariably selected for the repose of their
departed friends ; moreover, he would also have given instructions
for the erection of a memorial stone or stones to mark the spot.
And this is no mere conjecture. Being recently in conver-
sation with Mr Duncan Maclean, a native of Glenlochy, now a
citizen of Glasgow, he informed me that when a boy he was at
school at Clachan, and afterwards shepherd on the farm of
Achariach. He well remembers that at that time there stood in
the field of Dail-nan-Geoichein obelisks, one of which was as tall
as a man, the others not high above the ground. About forty-five
years ago the farm of Achariach was tenanted by a Hugh
Christie. In making improvements, it seems, he removed the
HISTORIC SCENES IN GLENDOCHART. 485
obelisks and put them in the bank of the river to prevent its
encroaching on the field. The field, my informant said, was laid
out in five or six divisions, and the obelisks were near the top, at
the part farthest from the river, and in a line with the gate, west-
ward. The existence of these obelisks at that time ought to be
made known to Lord Breadalbane. Their removal by Hugh
Christie must have taken place before the late Glenfalloch
became proprietor; and it is not by any means likely that the
present Lord Breadalbane ever heard of their having been so
recently in the field.
Being desirous of completely establishing the truth of my
friend's statement, I recently paid a personal visit to Strathfillan
along with Mr Duncan Maclean. We were joined by an aged
native, Mr John Macintyre from Achadh-nan-Tuiridhean (the
Field of Lamentations), and by Mr Angus Fletcher. We pro-
ceeded to examine the field, and were shown the spot where the
monuments had stood. Thereafter we examined the river bank
where we found two of these old monumental stones, which were
identified by Mr Duncan Maclean, but the largest of the three could
not be seen ; it may have been broken up in removal. We next
visited the Lake, Lochan-nan-arm, and having with us Barbour's
history of King Robert the Bruce, we were quite satisfied that
the description of the scene given by the historian is in perfect
keeping with the appearance of the place, as well as confirmed
by the ancient nomenclature. The ford in the river, a short way
down, has also its legend, viz.: — That on the retreat of Bruce's
party from the battle-field (Dail-Righ), and while they were
crossing the River Dochart, the piper was killed in the ford by an
arrow from one of Lorn's men, and the ford, Ath-Chonachar
(Conachar's-ford) perpetuates his memory — Conachar being the
name of the unfortunate piper.
Some very peculiar marks are still visible on the steep sides
of a number of knolls in the vicinity of Lochan-nan-arm, all of
them facing the east, as if they had been used as some kind of
trench or breast-work for defence. It would be interesting to
have the opinion of an experienced military officer on this point,
who could indicate the probable position of both parties before
and after the conflict.
This is altogether an interesting district of the Highlands for
486 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the antiquary, as the old names still identify the places, and pre-
serve in the language of the Celtic race the most astonishing and
unmistakable traces of the career of King Robert the Bruce
after the lapse of 578 years.
There is, for example, the old priory of St Fillan, and the
graveyard in which, on one of the tombstones, the marks of the
bell of St Fillan were distinctly visible, it having stood in the
same position for this long period of time. On this stone, a few
years ago, a tracing of the shape of a bell could be seen, but the
stone has now unfortunately been removed. This bell, like the
crozier, has its history. It was taken to Scone to be used at the
crowning of King James the Fourth, in the year 1488. There is
still an entry in the Lord Treasurer's Accounts of i8s. having
been made " till a man who brought St Fillan 's bell at the king's
commands."
We inquired for the Clachan (the Stones), a circle of stand-
ing stones once used by the Druids as a place of worship, but we
failed to find it. We were, however, shown the ruins of a circular
building near the bridge which crosses the stream that divides
the lands of Clachan from Auchtertyre. This circular ruin (or
mod), is believed to be the seat of a court of justice, as we read
in the Transactions of the Antiquarian Society," vol xii, page
1 57 — "The record of the court of Glendochart, held at Kindrochat
(bridge-end), 9th February, 1468, when Lady Glenorchy de-
manded from John M'Molcalum M'Gregor the rents of Cor-
rheynan, to which John replied, that he held his lands from Deor
de-Messer, and was not liable for rents to her ladyship." This
circle if it was not the court referred to, is in sight and within a
short distance of the Gallow-hill where, on my first visit to Strath-
fillan, I saw the remains of the old gallows — a block of mountain
pine that was then much decayed, but it has now entirely disap-
peared.
There is no district in the Highlands that I have visited of
which the scenery is so intensely interesting as the historic scenery
of Strathfillan. While standing on a heathery knowe close by
Lochan-nan-arm, the spectator is within a few yards of the spot
where King Robert delivered himself from the grasp of " those
fellows-faes three," as they are called by Barbour the historian ;
men who were sworn to slay the king or perish in the attempt ;
HISTORIC SCENES IN GLENDOCHART. 487
and close by is the spot where these men are supposed to have
been laid in the earth. Near at hand is also the knoll where
stood the Lord of Lorn when he rebuked the Baron Macnauerhton
O
for expressing his admiration of the king when laying his
" fellows-faes " prostrate on the heath. A short way eastward is
the ford where fell the piper of King Robert. This ford was at
a more recent period used by the renowned Rob Roy, when in
the garb of a beggar he carried across a party of Englishmen, for
which he received a few coins, and acted as a guide to them on
their way to Crianlarich, where they were stripped of their arms
by the "dreadnought" Clan Gregor. Full in view, and within
the distance of one mile, is the ruin of the Priory of Strathfillan,
once an extensive pile of buildings where the Gospel of Truth was
first taught to the native races by the venerable Saint Fillan, who
left his blessing on the waters of the river, at a spot which pil-
grims from distant parts continued for a thousand years to visit,
to get bathed in the holy pools for the cure of some real or sup-
posed ailments. Nearer still is the battle-field of Dail-Righ, to
the east of which are the knolls on which were posted the sentinels
of King Robert the night before the battle. The name of these
knolls still commemorates the event, viz.: — Uchd-an-Righ-fhaire,
or the Knoll of the King's watchers.
Within a few yards of these can be seen the circle, supposed
to be the seat of the Court, where the claims of Lady Glenorchy
and John Malcolm Macgregor to the lands of Coryhenan were
settled, February gth, 1468.
Close to the holy pools, on the lands of Auchariach, may
be seen the place of execution, where criminals stood in full
view of the gallows, while on their trial at the court or mod of
by-gone days. About one mile to the west is Ari-Mhor, where,
according to tradition, the King's party passed the first night
after the defeat of Dail-Righ, and the King slept in a goat-hut
without the luxury of either bed or bedclothes.* To the east,
rises the massy crest of Benmore, towering above its neighbour
* On getting up the following morning, the King was so pleased and surprised
at finding his dress none the worse, nor requiring the use of the brush, he proclaimed
that goats would have for ever free pasture. In the recollection of men still living
there were large flocks of goats in Glen-Dochart, which were never charged for pas-
turing, even if straying on a neighbour's lands, while sheep and cattle were always
driven away if they crossed the march boundary.
438 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
mountains ; and to the west is the still higher Benluie, with its
chasms full of the winter's snow, bidding defiance alike to tor-
rents of rain, and to summer sunshine.
To the north, and full in view, as if threatening to invade
cloud-land, towers majestically the never-to-be-forgotten Beinn-
dorain, rendered classic by the poetry of the celebrated Donnacha-
Ban-Macintyre, whose song in praise of the Beinn must continue
to be a gem of the poetic gift while a remnant remains of the
native race, and so long as our indestructible Gaelic continues
to be the language of song.
A LEGEND OF ARDNAMURCHAN.
SEVERAL hundred years ago a wild and licentious Norwegian
Prince, named Muchdragan, took possession of the district of
Ardnamurchan, in Argyllshire, and very soon made himself a
terror to all the inhabitants. He brought along with him many
strange and barbarous customs of his own land, which the un-
fortunate natives were forced for a time to endure in silence.
One of the latter was a man known as " Eoghainn Cleireach," who
had lately married a very beautiful young woman. Unfortunately
for them, she had attracted the notice of Muchdragan. Accord-
ingly, one day Eoghainn received notice that the Prince was
coming at an early date to visit his house, and such a message
usually implied a warning to the husband "to be out of the way.
Eoghainn at once understood the terrible meaning of the mes-
sage, and apprised his wife of their danger. She soon set her
mind to work to find some means of escape from the dishonour
which threatened them. At last she unfolded a plan to her hus-
band, which promised not only escape but revenge, and no time
was lost in putting it into execution. Eoghainn procured a
cassock or long shirt, which his wife cut up into several pieces,
and sewed together again in such a loose manner as only to re-
tain the proper shape of the garment. Early on the morning
of the day which Muchdragan had appointed for his visit,
A LEGEND OF ARDNAMURCHAN. . 489
Eoghainn donned his cassock, and conveyed his wife and child
in a boat to the south side of Benheand, where he bade them
remain until his return. He then set off to meet Muchdragan,
armed only with a huge battle-axe. When he had reached the
north side of Benheand, he caught sight of the Norseman and his
followers resting at the base of the hill. Creeping cautiously
towards them, he launched his battle-axe with unerring aim at
Muchdragan's head, and instantly fled up a hollow in the face of
the hill, closely pursued by the murdered Prince's followers.
About half-way up, the foremost of his pursuers overtook him ;
but here his cassock stood him in good stead, for the Norseman,
seizing hold of the tail of the garment, the piece came away in
his hand, and the unlucky fellow rolled helplessly to the bottom
of the hill. Several more shared the same fate, and as Eoehainn
' o
reached the summit of the hill and sped down the southern slope
the last of his pursuers were floundering down the opposite side
holding on to the final remnant of Eoghainn's cassock. Eoghainn
reached the bottom of the hill in safety, and leaping into the boat
with his wife and child, he sailed away without casting anchor
until he reached Islay, where he received protection.
The hollow in the hill up which Eoghainn fled is still known
as " Glac-na-toiridh," the " hollow of the pursuit "; and the hill
itself is known as " Beinn-na-hurchrach," the Hill of the cast or
throw. A cairn marks the spot where the Norse Prince fell, and
is still called " Carn Mhucdragain."
H. R. M.
THE HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND
CLEARANCE S."
MR HENRY GEORGE, in the Nineteenth Century for July, makes
minced meat of the article which appeared in a recent number of
the same publication, from the pen of the Duke of Argyll, en-
titled " The Prophet of San Francisco." The completeness of
the reply will, no doubt, account for the fact that, while the milk
and water production of his Grace was reproduced in whole or in
490 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
part by the Scottish press, the reply has been almost entirely
ignored. Mr George, in concluding his lucid and powerful
paper, makes the following reference to Mackenzie's History of
the Highland Clearances : —
" Besides the essays and journals referred to by the Duke of
Argyll, there is another publication which any one wishing to be
informed on the subject may read with advantage, though not
with pleasure. It is entitled Highland Clearances, and is pub-
lished in Inverness by A. Mackenzie [A. & W. Mackenzie.]
There is nothing in savage life more cold-bloodedly atrocious
than the warfare here recorded as carried on against the clansmen
of those who were their hereditary proprietors. The burning of
houses, the ejection of old and young, the tearing down of shelters
put up to protect women with child and tender infants from the
bitter night blast, the threats of similar treatment against all who
should give them hospitality, the forcing of poor helpless creatures
into emigrant ships, which carried them to strange lands and
among a strange people of whose tongue they were utterly
ignorant, to die, in many cases, like rotten sheep or to be reduced
to utter degradation. An animating scene, truly ! Great dis-
tricts once peopled with a race — rude, it may be, and slavish to
their chiefs — but still a race of manly virtues, brave, kind, and
hospitable — now tenanted by sheep or cattle, by grouse or deer !
No one can read of the atrocities perpetrated upon the Scottish
people, during what is called the ' improvement of the High-
lands,' without feeling something like utter contempt for men who,
like lions abroad, were such sheep at home that they suffered
these outrages without striking a blow, even if an ineffectual one.
But the explanation of this recalls a lower depth in the ' seduction
to iniquity.' The reason of the tame submission of the Highland
people to outrages which should have moved the most timid is
to be found in the prostitution of their religion. The Highland
people are a deeply religious people, and during these evictions
their preachers preached to them that their trials were the visita-
tions of the Almighty, and must be submitted to under the
penalty of eternal damnation."
BOYD'S VISITORS' GUIDE TO OBAN, BY " STRAVAIGER."- Visitors
to Oban should not neglect to furnish themselves with this useful little book. It con-
tains pleasantly written descriptions of seven walks in the vicinity of the town, any of
which can be easily accomplished in one day. The walks are carefully described, and
the visitor who is guided by this book can hardly go astray. Its pages are agreeably
varied with scraps of poetry and legend, enlivened now and then by touches of humour.
The tables of local church and train services, and post-office arrangements at the end
will be found exceedingly useful. It is published in a cheap and handy form, and
ought to be possessed by every one who visits or intends to visit Oban.
491
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.
DRILLING THE MACDONALDS.
WHILE the Highlanders were being marshalled to arms for
the defence of our common country, companies of them might be
seen here and there at drill, or as they called it themselves aig
an ekercy ! English then was not so common as it is now, and
the Gaelic instructions in the use of arms have formed the theme
of many a ludicrous story since. Here is a specimen of calling
the roll. The company consisted almost entirely of Macdonalds,
and there was some difficulty in distinguishing the different men
from each other. They were thus known by certain cognomens.
No doubt the recorded version is exaggerated ; but it is not im-
probable, and it is curious : —
Serjeant (bawling at the top of his voice) — " Donald Mac-
donald, Mor ? (No answer, the man being absent.) I see you're
there, so you're right not to speak to nobody in the ranks.
Donald Macdonald, Ruadh ?" " Here." " Ay, you're always
here when nobody wants you. Donald Macdonald, Fada ? (No
answer.) Oh, decent, modest lad, you're always here, though
like a good sodger, as you are, you seldom say nothing about it.
Donald Macdonald, Cluasan mora ? (No answer.) J hear you,
but you might speak a little louder for all that. Donald Mac-
donald, Ordag ?" " Here." " If you're here this morning, it's no
likely you'll be here to-morrow morning ; I'll shust mark you
down absent ; so let that stand for that. Donald Macdonald,
Casan mora ?" " Here." " Oh, tamorst ! you said that yester-
day ; but wha saw't you ? You're always here if we take your
own word for it. Donald Macdonald, Odhar ? " Here " (in a
loud voice). " If you was not known for a big liar, I would be-
lieve you ; but you've a bad habit, my lad, of always crying
' Here ' whether you're here or no, and till you give up your bad
habit I'll shust always mark you down absent for your impudence.
It's all for your own good, so you need not cast down your brows,
but shust be thankful that I don't stop your loaf too, and then
you wad maybe have to thank your own souple tongue for a sair
back and a toom belly. Attention, noo, lads, and let every man
turn his eyes to the Serjeant."
THE OLD FRASER HIGHLANDERS.
Simon Lord Lovat lost his head for his conduct in the '45,
and his son Simon was exiled, and the estates forfeited. In 1757
Pitt, however, induced George II. to grant a commission to
young Lovat to raise a regiment among his clan on his forfeited
estates in Inverness-shire. In no time he found himself
at the head of 800 men from the Lovat estate, and 600
492 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
more from the neighbouring gentlemen's estates, whose sons
received commissions. They were forthwith sent to America,
with young Simon Eraser as their Colonel. On the voyage
across they were being daily drilled on board the vessel.
Before their landing an incident occurred which deserves to be
rehearsed. One of those who had enlisted was Iain Buidhe M6r,
from Innsemhuilt in Glenstrath-farrar, a noted deer-stalker, and a
crack shot of his time. As the vessel was nearing land, some on
board observed a Frenchman, and, believing him to be a spy,
exclaimed, " Seall ris an t-slaoightire ! " Iain Buidhe M6r, who
was at hand, replied, " Oh, mac an Diabhuil, ciod e 'n gnothach
a th'aige bhi 'gabhail beachd oirnne," and no sooner did he utter
these words than he raised his " Brown Bess," and, aiming de-
liberately, fired, and the poor Frenchman was in an instant rolling
down the face of the hill a lifeless corpse. General Eraser, on
hearing the shot, was at once at hand to see what was wrong,
and, having ascertained the fact, addressed the Innsemhuilt man
in a paternal sort of a way, " 0, Iain, Iain, cuimhnich f ekercy.
Na dean a leithid gu brath." " An Diabhul ekercy no ekercy ach
ekercy an fheidh," replied Iain Buidhe Mor, " far am faic mise
fear de na biastan bidh mo pheilear troimh chorp." At the close
of the American war, then in progress, this regiment was dis-
banded, and many of its officers were allowed to settle in Canada.
These officers and men were the progenitors of the Erasers in
Canada, who have now formed themselves into what is called the
new clan Eraser, and elected one John Eraser de Berry to be their
chief. This new chief, I am informed, is such an enthusiastic
seanachaidk that he traces his own family history back to a period
216 years before the birth of Christ ! — William Mackenzie in the
" Transactions of tJte Gaelic Society of Inverness"
POEMS. By JOHN CAMPBELL, Ledaig. Edinburgh : Maclachan & Stewart. 1884.
ANY one who has seen what the hand of Nature has done for Ledaig, and what Mr
John Campbell has done to improve and beautify his own corner of it, will not
wonder that such a lovely environment should conduce to the development of
the faculty of poetry and song. Mr John Campbell has been favourably known as
a successful writer of Gaelic songs for many years, and the present tasteful little
volume is a collection of a number of his most popular effusions. Mr Campbell has
a copious vocabulary of very choice Gaelic, and the gift of rhythmical and musical
expression. The reader will recognise several well-known songs in the volume,
which have been rendered popular alike by their intrinsic excellence, and by being
honoured with the touch of the deft hand of Professor Blackie, who early recognised
the talent and unceasing industry of the Ledaig bard, and translated some of his
productions into his own racy English. Among the best songs in the volume are
" Is toigh learn a' Ghaidhealtachd," " Naile, 's i mo ghaolsa 'n Ribhinn," " Gille mo
luaidh," and "Tuireaclh Seana Mhaighdinn." While the letterpress and binding of
the book are all that the most fastidious could wish, we are sorry to remark that the
pleasure of its perusal will be seriously marred by the carelessness of the proof-
correctors ; nor do we consider the portrait of the poet, which forms the frontispiece,
at all a good likeness or a creditable work of art. In spite, however, of these blem-
ishes, the book will be enjoyed very cordially by lovers of Highland song, and will be
cherished as a pleasing souvenir of one of the best and warmest-hearted of High-
landers.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
~ No. CVII. SEPTEMBER 1884. VOL. IX.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XX.
DR ARCHIBALD CAMERON OF LOCHIEL.
DR ARCHIBALD CAMERON was the fourth son of John Cameron,
eighteenth of Lochiel, the grandson of Sir Ewen Dubh, and
brother of the " Gentle Lochiel " of 1745. He was born in 1707,
and was originally educated for the Bar, but " observing that in
order to be properly qualified for an advocate he must be master of
all the quirks and sophistical reasonings that are usually made use
of to puzzle a cause and hoodwink the understanding with facti-
tious arguments," he applied himself to the study of a science
" more agreeable to his natural genius and bent of mind " — the
medical profession, which was finally chosen by him. He studied
anatomy under Dr Alexander Munro, then a distinguished pro-
fessor, like his father before him, in the University of Edinburgh;
while he studied physic under Dr Sinclair, one of the most
eminent professors of his day. He afterwards travelled abroad,
and studied for some time in Paris. Having thus fully qualified
himself for the practice of his profession, he returned to Loch-
aber, where he married and settled among his own people.
According to one authority, his services were much required
morally, as well as physically. The author of The Life of Dr
2 M
494 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Archibald Cameron, published in London in 1753, says that he
" who might have made a considerable figure even in a Court, or
a populous and well-cultivated city, contents himself with exer-
cising his talents among a people whose manners and fierceness
resembled them very much to the wild beasts of a forest ; yet by
his gentle and humane carriage among them, many were taught
to follow a more honest course of life than is generally ascribed
to the Highlanders, especially the Camerons, who have been
reckoned the most infamous of all the clans for their thefts and
plunderings. The Doctor therefore took as much pains in culti-
vating the minds of these poor ignorant wretches as he did of
their bodies in prescribing them proper remedies in all their
illnesses. So that the whole clan, by means of his, and his
brother's instructions, were greatly reformed in their morals.
Honesty and industry increased everywhere by the encourage-
ment given by their patrons, who took all imaginable pains to
instruct them in the principles of justice and religion, and to
civilise their manners, by teaching them to behave like rational
and sociable creatures." The author of the booklet from which
we quote is not known ; but it is beyond question that he was as
woefully ignorant of the character of the Highland people as he
undoubtedly was of the history of that family to whom Dr
Cameron belonged. Considering how severely the author writes
against the Highlanders generally, and the Camerons in parti-
cular, it is agreeable to find him writing so favourably of Dr
Cameron, who, he informs us, " was a man of no ambition but of
a quiet and easy temper," whom the reader must not expect to
find " engaged in any notable exploits, his only or chief business
in the army " of Prince Charles " being to attend his brother
Lochiel, and to assist him with his skill if any disaster should
happen to befal him in battle." The same writer also informs us
that " the doctor could not for a good while be prevailed upon to
join" Prince Charles, and that he strongly urged upon his brother
Donald to keep out of the rebellion. " He remonstrated in the
strongest terms upon the unsurmountable obstacles that he fore-
saw would attend the undertaking, and the terrible consequences
of a miscarriage. Lochiel, however, would take no denial, telling
him, that he did not want the assistance of his sword or his
valour, but only desired he would attend him as his companion,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 495
that he might always have the advantage of his advice and
skill, in case the fortune of war should render either of
them necessary. The doctor, how ill-soever he thought of the
cause, yet his affection for his brother, and the many signal
obligations he lay under to him, at length prevailed .over all
other considerations, and he submitted to share his brother's
fate whatever it should be. But though the doctor was, with
great reluctance, and, in a manner, forced to join his brother's
measures, yet he absolutely refused to accept any commission in
the army ; neither did he act there, as ever I could learn, in any
other capacity than as a physician.* He, was perfectly un-
acquainted with the military art, and therefore wholly unqualified
to give his advice, or even his vote in council, upon any operations
that were proposed by the chiefs or general officers. Yet as he
was always among them, it is supposed, at least in the eye of the
law that he countenanced, encouraged, and, as much as it was in
his power, assisted the rebels, in all their outrages against the
Government. Dr Cameron was of so humane a disposition that,
if credit be given to general report, when any wounded prisoners
were brought to him, he was as assiduous in his care of them, as
if they had fought in the cause he espoused; and it is affirmed
that he never refused his assistance to anyone that asked it,
whether friend or foe." This appears to be a very fair estimate
of Dr Cameron's character.
At Falkirk, Lochiel in the heat of the action was wounded
by a musket-ball in the heel, "which being observed by his
brother, the doctor, who always kept near his person, he begged
him to retire to have it dressed, which he did accordingly ; but
as the doctor was lending him his assistance he himself received
a slight wound." Lochiel's wound was, however, slight, for we
have seen that he was able to lead his men into Falkirk after the
battle.
We have also seen that Lochiel was severely wounded at
Culloden, in both ankles, when he was carried off the field by
his two henchmen, assisted by the doctor, who dressed his
wounds with every possible care, and followed him in his wander-
ings for some months after, doing everything that filial affection
and medical skill could suggest to affect a speedy cure of his
wounds.
* The writer is clearly wrong here, as will be seen hereafter.
496 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Dr Cameron finally escaped with Prince Charles, Lochiel,
and others, on the i8th of September, to France, where he
received an appointment as physician and captain in Albany's
regiment — to which his brother had been appointed Colonel — in
which position he remained until Lochiel's death in 1748, when
Dr Cameron was transferred to a similar position in Lord Ogilvy's
regiment, in the same service. We have already given some of
Dr Cameron's letters, referring to the death of his brother Lochiel,
and to the position in which his family and friends were left, in
consequence of that event. In a letter to the Chevalier de St
George, dated Paris, 23rd of December 1748, he says, referring
to a previous one of the i6th of the same month, and already
given in full : —
Upon my laying my nephew at his Royal Highness's feet, his Highness was so
good as to recommend to the Minister of War, Comte D'Argenson, the giving the
regiment to my nephew, in lieu of his family sufferings, upon which I, by the advice
of general officers of the army, and at the unanimous desire of all the captains of the
Albany Regiment, I gave in a memoir to the Minister, asking the regiment for my
nephew ; but if thought too young to command it, I would take charge of it in his
name during his minority, as his uncle, captain of Grenadiers, and commandant of the
Regiment of Albany, now upon the peace being concluded, I would undertake to
recruit the regiment of our numerous, though much reduced, clan, and other Scotch
we have interest with. Though the Comte has not given their answer as yet, in
relation to the regiment, yet as they all are well known to the merit and readiness to
serve of my brother and family when your Majesty's cause is in hands, and his swfjfering
upon the misgiving of the late attempt in Scotland ; also they are sensible of my share
in it, and of my having a wife and throng family of children to maintain. I plainly
understand they have compassion for us, which will give my nephew the better chance
for the regiment — which I attribute to your Majesty's being so good as to recommend
my nephew to them, of which I was advised this day by a letter from my wife, from
Graveline's, being told so by Major Ogilvie of our regiment, as also by our cousin,
Balhaldy, who acquainted me with your Majesty's sympathy in our loss through the
death of my brother, which gives us, the remaining part of Lochiel's family, great
pleasure to think that any assistance or little services our family was ready to offer
towards the royal cause should have such a grateful impression on your Majesty ; but
as there is no return in my power, for your Majesty's constant care of us, but what
in my duty I, as well as others, at all times will promise, which is my readiness to
serve your Majesty, the sincerity of which your Majesty cannot have proofs of except
the royal standard was displayed in British fields — but if that was the case, I hope I
will have the loyalty and courage to draw my sword — whereas, on this side of Dover,
I can be of no use, rather a trouble to your Majesty. As that of the Cabinet is above
my capacity and ambition, I never attempt dabbling in State affairs ; my whole study,
while abroad, is to keep as free as possible from being a burden on your Majesty, but
sorry to be obliged to trouble your Majesty in recommending the maintenance of me,
my wife, and family to this Court, to whom I am much obliged for my support, having
got no pay, nor no appearance of it as yet, from the Court of Spain : and the reason I
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 497
was not named lieutenant-colonel of my brother's regiment, as his Highness and my
brother intended long before the regiment was obtained, was, that at the time the
regiment was granted, it was thought my pay in Spain would punctually answer,
though I even all that time had not absolute faith in its being paid duly, which my
family would require. However, how soon Clunie was named upon the supposition
of my being provided for in Spain, both in obedience to his Royal Highness, and the
regard I had for Clunie, as a worthy, honest, and brave man, who suffered by the
common misfortunes, I not only succumbed but approved, and does still, of Clunie's
enjoying it — especially as it is reported that he will be over this winter ; but if either
he do not come over, or if the Court, despairing of him, will propose to name another
lieutenant-colonel, it's allowed by everybody as well as by all our corps that I have
the best title to expect it, especially as my nephew puts his whole confidence in me,
in relation to the management of his affairs during his minority.
On the i6th of January 1750, Alexander Macdonald,
younger of Glengarry, writing from Boulogne-sur-Mer to Mr
Edgar, referring to his recent visit to Scotland, says : " It is with
regret I find myself obliged to acquaint you, in order that you
inform his Majesty, of the conduct of Dr Archibald Cameron,
brother to the late Lochiel, whose behaviour, when lately in the
Highlands, has greatly hurt his Majesty's interest by acquainting
all he conversed with that now they must shift for themselves,
for his Majesty and Royal Highness had given up all thoughts
of ever being restored. I have prevented the bad consequences
that might ensue from such notions ; but one thing I could not
prevent, was his taking 6000 Louis-d'ors of the money left
in the country by his Royal Highness, which he did without
any opposition, as he was privy to where the money was
laid, only Cluny Macpherson obliged him to give him a receipt
for it. . . . I am credibly informed that he designs to lay
this money in the hands of a merchant at Dunkirk, and enter
partners with him." In another letter, addressed to Prince
Charles, young Glengarry refers to this subject and says, " as to
the account I sent of the embezzling of the money by Clunie
and Dr Cameron, with some others of his family, most of that
money is still in the country." He, however, appears to have
been himself charged with a similar offence, for he complains
that people "have spread a report that I touched considerably
of it when last in Scotland." And this is apparently true, for he
hopes his Royal Highness will " approve of the trifle I or any
of my friends received." In the same connection, Ludovick
Cameron of Torcastle wrote to Prince Charles, from Paris, on the
2 1st of November 1753, thus : —
498 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
I would not have troubled your Highness with these lines if I did not think my
honour was engaged to clear myself of an imputation which has prevailed too much
among my countrymen, and I am afraid may have made some impression on the
generous mind of your Royal Highness. My nephew, Dr Cameron, had the mis-
fortune to take away a round sum of your Highness's money, and I was told lately that
it was thought that I should have shared with him in that base and mean undertaking.
I declare, on my honour and conscience, that I knew nothing of the taking of that
money until he told it himself at Rome, where I happened to be at the time, and that
I never touched one farthing of it, nor never will, having been mostly ignorant of the
Doctor's proceedings, he never consulting me about anything he undertook since we
first came on this side of the water.
Dr Cameron's widow, writing to Mr Edgar, from Paris, on the
25th of January 1754, makes a charge against young Glengarry,
showing that a bad feeling existed between the parties ; which
must be held to account to a considerable degree for their reflec-
tions upon each other. She says that " Henry Pelham, brother
to the Secretary of State, declared to Sir Duncan Campbell of
Lochnell that in 1748-49 young Glengarry came to him offering
his most faithful and zealous service to the Government in any
shape they thought proper, as he came from feeling the folly of
any further concern with the ungrateful family of Stuart, to whom
he and his family had been too long attached, to the absolute
ruin of themselves and country." She intimated this information
under pressure from her friends, who thought it ungrateful on her
part to conceal it any longer from those who had so befriended
herself and her family.
In a letter to Mr Edgar, dated Douay, the nth of June
1751, Dr Cameron, after intimating the death of Sir William
Gordon of Park, lieutenant-colonel of Lord Ogilvy's regiment,
proceeds : —
I cannot, in justice to myself, but acquaint you that, at the forming of it first, in
January 1747, a little before I went with the Prince to Spain, my Lord Ogilvie,
having his Royal Highness's approbation, gave me a commission as oldest captain in
his regiment, which I enjoyed till, in October thereafter, I was made captain of
Grenadiers in my brother's regiment, and, ever since I got a company a second time
in this regiment, it is allowed by the most experienced officers in the army, that it is
my due to be oldest captain now, and as there is a lieutenant-colonel awanting, I
cannot help being so vain as to think myself more entitled to it than any other in the
regiment, and I find all the gentlemen in the regiment think it a great hardship upon
them if any shall be named who has not already a commission in the regiment, as it
may prove a precedent for a step of preferment being lost (both now and upon a
vacancy hereafter), to every individual from the lieutenant upwards, so if you think it
proper, I wish you would apply to the king for a recommendation to my Lord Clare
and my Lord Ogilvie (who were always my good friends) towards naming me lieu-
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 499
tenant-colonel. The principal advantage I propose by this is to be a means to
procure me a retreat if at any time I see occasion for it according as things turn out,
especially if the ball received at Falkirk, and is still in my body, give me as much
trouble and pain as it did in winter and spring last, which helped the continuance of
my sickness at that time — so I should propose, in case it may render me incapable of
serving, to live in the way it may give me the least trouble. However, I leave all to
your prudence.
When the Chevalier de St George was informed of the exe-
cution of Dr Cameron, he wrote, on the 9th of July 1753, to
Lord George Murray — "I am stranger in particular to the
motives which carried poor Archibald Cameron into Scotland ;
but whatever it may have been, his hard fate gives the more
concern, that I own I could not bring myself to believe that the
English Government would have carried their rigour so far." On
the following day, Mr Edgar wrote Prince Charles a letter from
Rome, in which he says : —
I had the honour to write you on the igth December last by the king's command,
which I hope has gone safe to your hands. As there happens now a subject of great
charity to write you about, and having still no other way than by you to mention it to
the Prince, I beg you will let his Royal Highness know as soon as you can, that the
king is persuaded he would be very much concerned for poor Archibald Cameron's
untimely and cruel death, and for the forlorn condition his wife and seven children
are left in, especially since the appointments of a Spanish colonel, in consequence of
a commission his Royal Highness obtained when he was at Madrid, for Archy, now
fails. It was a long while before his Majesty could, by frequent and strong recom-
mendation, bring the Court of Spain to begin the payment of these appointments.
Archy's family needs now the continuance of it more than ever. The king, therefore,
designs to recommend it in the strongest terms to the Court of Spain, to renew the
commission of colonel to Dr Cameron's eldest son, and that the appointments of it
should be paid at Paris, or to give an equivalent pension to his mother to be paid at
the same place. But as his Majesty foresees that this is a grace that will be very hard
to be obtained, he thinks, that, as the first favour was granted to the Prince, his
Royal Highness would write to him a few lines in French, such as he may s§nd to the
Court of Spain in recommending also the affair in his Royal Highness 's name, that if
anything could do, might prevail on that Court to grant the charity so much wanted
for poor Archy's family, when you inform the Prince of the contents of the letter, I
humbly beg. If the Prince should think fit to write, as is proposed, it will be charity
to do it as soon as he can, and the king, in expectation of his letter, will wait ten or
twelve weeks before he recommends the affair in question in Spain.
It is stated that a collection was made in R^49, "among
those who were friends to the Pretender's cause, for the support
of his unhappy adherents abroad. Dr Cameron came over to
England to receive a part of the money contributed. And a
collection was set on foot in 1753, for the same purpose, and the
doctor made advances to his friends in England for a part of it,
500 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
representing by his letters that his pay in the army was not
sufficient to support him and his numerous family. But after
many solicitations, not receiving any satisfactory answer, he came
over himself; and this, according to some authorities, was the
business that brought him to Scotland, when he was discovered,
apprehended, and taken to London." We have the following
account of the manner of his apprehension : — " On Monday,
March 26th, Dr Cameron, brother to Lochiel, who was engaged
in the last rebellion, and attainted, was brought prisoner to the
Castle of Edinburgh ; he was taken by a party of Lord George
Beauclerk's regiment, who was detached from the fort of Inver-
snaid in search of him ; this detachment was commanded by one
Captain Graven. They had information of the house where he
was to stay some days, but in their march to it were obliged to
pass through two small villages ; at the end of the first they saw
a little girl, who, as soon as she perceived soldiers, ran as fast as
she could ; a serjeant and two or three men pursued her, but she
reached the other village before they could overtake her ; and
there she sent off a boy, who seemed to be placed there to give
intelligence of the approach of soldiers. The soldiers then pur-
sued the boy, but finding they were not able to come up with
him, the serjeant called out to his men to present their pieces,
as if they intended to shoot him; the boy on this, turning round,
begged his life ; they, secured him, and then went to the house
where the doctor was, which they beset on all sides. The dis-
position the captain made was admirable ; he, with some of his
men, marched to the front of the house, but was soon discovered
from the window, where he was immediately secured by the
serjeant above-mentioned, who was placed there, as the captain
very judiciously suspected the doctor might attempt an escape
from that part of the house." After a short confinement in Edin-
burgh Castle, Dr Cameron was sent up to London, and con-
demned on the attainder passed against him, and the others en-
gaged in the Rising shortly after Culloden.
The author of the doctor's life, though quite unreliable when
dealing with proceedings in Scotland and in the Highlands, ap-
pears to have been well informed as to the details of Cameron's
imprisonment and execution in London. His account of these
we shall give at length. He says that, on " Thursday, May I7th,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 561
Dr Cameron was carried from the Tower, attended by several
of the warders and a party of the Guards, to the Court of King's
Bench, and then arraigned upon the Act of Attainder passed
against him and others, for being in the late rebellion, and not
surrendering in due time. The four Judges were on the bench,
and the prisoner not being desirous to give the Court any trouble,
readily acknowledged himself to be the identical person ; where-
upon, after due deliberation, the Lord Chief- Justice Lee pro-
nounced the following moving sentence: 'You, Archibald Cameron
of Lochiel, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, must be
removed from thence to his Majesty's prison of the Tower of
London, from whence you came, and on Thursday, the 7th of
June next, your body to be drawn on a sledge to the place of
execution, there to be hanged, not till you are dead ; your bowels
to be taken out, your body quartered, and your head cut off, and
affixed at the king's disposal, and the Lord have mercy on your
soul.' On receiving the sentence, he made a genteel bow, and
only desired he might have leave to send for his wife, who with
seven children, entirely dependent on him for support, are now
at Lisle in Flanders, which was granted. He said, that in 1746,
he came from France to surrender himself, agreeable to the Pro-
clamation, but was prevented by an accident happening to his
family. He behaved with great resolution before the Court, and
answered to every question with a becoming decency. During
the interval between the sentence and his execution, his wife
used all possible means to obtain a pardon, by delivering a
petition to his Majesty, another to her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales, and to several of the nobility ; but without
effect, for on Thursday, June 7th, he was conveyed in a hurdle
from the Tower to Tyburn, and there executed agreeable to his
sentence. His behaviour was all along firm and intrepid, yet
decent and solid, and becoming a man who expected, yet feared
not, the stroke of death. On Wednesday orders were sent to the
Tower that the gates should be shut at six o'clock in the evening,
and no persons whatever admitted after that hour, to prevent
any attempt that might be made to favour his escape. As soon
as his wife arrived from Flanders, she immediately repaired to
her husband, in the Tower, who received her with all that tender-
ness and affection which the greatness and solemnity of the
502 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
occasion could inspire. The grief and anguish of her soul is
much more easily imagined than described. She came to take
her last farewell of him, who, by all the ties of mutual affection,
was dearer to her than all the world. And as an aggravation of
her affliction, she not only saw herself about to be deprived of an
affectionate husband, but to be left destitute of a support for her-
self and her numerous family. Their children, the dear pledges
of their love, must now be exposed to all the necessities and
casualties of life, without the patronage of a kind and indulgent
father to have recourse to for advice and assistance. The con-
sideration of this train of evils now hastening upon her made such
a strong impression on her mind as to force a flood of tears
from her mournful eyes. The doctor comforted her as well as he
could, and desired her to use all the means in her power to save
his life ; which was to present a petition in his favour to his
Majesty, who, perhaps, might be prevailed upon to save him.
On the morning of his execution, she took her last leave of him ;
indeed it was a very mournful one, and melted those who 'saw it
into tears. The excess of her grief has so affected her senses,
that she is now distracted ; so great was her love for her husband,
and so intense her sorrow for his sad catastrophy. As soon as
she was gone, the doctor put himself in readiness to receive the
Sheriff and those who were sent to conduct him to his execution
Accordingly, about ten o'clock he was brought out of the Tower,
by a party of the Horse Guards, who delivered him to the Sheriffs
of London and Middlesex, as soon as he was come without the
Tower-Gate. He was then put into the hurdle, to which he was
fastened by the executioner. In this manner, he was drawn
through the city, attended by Sir Richard Glynn, one of the
Sheriffs, and under the care of the Sheriff's officers and constable,
to the place of execution. Sir Charles Asgill left the prisoner
at the Tower, and Sir Richard Glynn followed the sledge
from the Tower, in his chariot, to Tyburn. The doctor was
dressed in a light- coloured coat, red waistcoat and breeches, and
new bag-wig. In his passage through the streets, he was observed
to look about, as if in admiration of the vast multitude of specta-
tors that crowded the streets, windows, and balconies to see him
pass, and bowed to several persons ; about twelve o'clock he
arrived at the place of execution. Having arrived there, and
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 503
helped into the cart, he desired to speak to the Sheriff; who
being come to him, the doctor entreated the favour of him, that
he would give orders to his officers to let his body hang till he
was quite dead, before the executioner began his further opera-
tion. The Sheriff promised to oblige him in his request ; and
accordingly the body was permitted to hang full three-quarters
of an hour, and was not cut down before it was very certain
that no life was remaining in him. He had likewise some dis-
course with the executioner about the disposal of his body after
the execution was performed, which he desired might be de-
cently put in a coffin, and conveyed to Mr Stephenson's, the
undertaker, and that his clothes might be given to his friends,
in lieu of which, that he might not lose his usual perquisite, he
bid him take what money was in his pockets. While he was in
the cart, a gentleman in a lay-habit, came to him, and prayed
with him for about a quarter of an hour, and then left him to his
private devotions. From this incident, the spectators imagined
that the doctor was a Roman Catholic, and that the gentleman
who prayed with him was a priest. But whatever his religion
was, he died with great steadiness, constancy, and resolution,
without any visible alteration in his countenance or behaviour,
but perfectly resigned to the will of Heaven, and cheerfully ac-
quiescing with the sentence which the laws of his country had
passed upon him. He made no public profession of his faith, nor
declared what religion he was of; nor did he address the people
in a speech ; nor did he give any letters or papers to the Sheriff,
or any other gentleman present at the execution, so that if any-
thing of this kind should hereafter be published, we may look
upon it as spurious. His body being taken down from the
gallows, the executioner cut off the head, and took out the bowels,
but did not quarter the body. His body and head were put into
a coffin, with this inscription upon it: 'Dr Archibald Cameron,
suffered the 7th of June 1753, aged 46.'" A hearse conveyed it
to Mr Stephenson's, undertaker, opposite Exeter Change.*
Some interesting letters written by the Doctor, a statement
left with his wife on the day of his execution, and a genealogical
list of his descendants, will be given in our next.
(To be continued.)
* Life of Dr Archibald Cameron, London, 1753-
$04 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION
(HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS)-
AN ANALYSIS.
IV.
EMIGRATION.
ENCOURAGEMENT to Emigration, "principally from the Northern
Hebrides and to some extent on the adjacent coasts of Ross, and
perhaps even of Sutherland," is the last measure proposed in the
Report for the purpose of improving the condition of the High-
lands and Islands. From this recommendation Mr Fraser-Mack-
intosh dissents, on the ground that, "(i) No State help should be
given to individuals, but only to the entire family resident on the
croft proposing to emigrate;" and, (2) That the districts designated
are too wide, and that no " necessity for State interference, as re-
gards emigration, has been established, except in the Lewis, and
some of the minor islands of the Hebrides. Re-occupation," he
says, " by, and re-distribution among, crofters and cottars of much
land now used, as large farms will be beneficial to the State, to the
owner, and to the occupier. Until this is done, much as I deplore
the present position of congested districts, I must view with
jealousy State-aided emigration." These objections, most of
those who take an active interest in the welfare of the people, will
fully endorse.
The Commissioners say that the ridiculously large number
of 287 acres — 277^ pastoral, and 9 or 10 arable, is necessary
for a family to live upon in the Highlands, or — taking the
average number in a family at five persons — 57 acres per head ;
whereas .the whole acreage of the Western Isles would only give
about 19^ per head of the population, including, it should be
stated, such populous places as Stornoway and Portree. The
people would no doubt like to have the larger number of acres,
stated by the Commissioners, if they could get them. In the
western mainland parishes of Sutherland, to which it is pro-
posed to apply the State-aided emigration scheme, there is actu-
ally, according to the Report itself, an average acreage of over
90 acres per head, or nearly double what the Commissioners
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 505
themselves declare sufficient " for the maintainance of a family in
comfort," with an average rental of ^3. 95. 3^d. per head, or £19
i6s. S^d per average family; while Strathnaver, and other fertile
Straths, comprising the greater and best portion of the county, is
a large desolation, in possession of the Sellars, the Purveses, and
men of similar kidney !
Why, in the name of common-sense, should it be proposed
to give State aid for emigration from the county of Sutherland ?
Even in Skye we have one parish, Bracadale, with a population
reduced from 1824 souls to 920, paying a rental of £6965. 6s
2d., by three or four large sheep farmers, while the whole crofting
rent of the parish is £3. IDS. Farr, in Sutherland, has a rent roll
of £10,337. 8s. yd., of which the whole crofters or cottars only pay
£68 i. 1 33. 8d., or less than a fifteenth part of the whole rent of the
parish. Let us have State aid to enable the people to migrate
from one part of the Highland counties to another, and when
that has been done it will be soon enough to consider the pro-
priety of spending the public funds in sending the Highlanders
out of their native land, while so much is expended on the pro-
tection of the wild animals and vermin which take their place.
We have always been in favour of voluntary emigration, but
have no hesitation in saying that those who will play into the
hands of the proprietors by leaving the country, whatever induce-
ments may now be offered to them, are and ought to be held up
before public opinion as a cowardly set. The battle of land reform
is being fought out in the Highlands, and the man who runs away
before the victory is won should be considered as great a coward
as the Highlander, if such a being ever existed, who would run
away from the Russian or the Turk on the field of battle. Let
them fight the battle for those who cannot or do not wish to
leave the country of their fathers, and then let those desiring
to emigrate to foreign lands do so, and be encouraged, if need
be, to settle down in the Colonies.
The Commissioners admit that the people are at present
adverse to emigration, but they hold that the repugnance which
" has been expressed by Highlanders of to-day is due to a fluctu-
ation of opinion, and is not to be ascribed to an ineradicable
sentiment." Two reasons are given for the present attitude of
the people on this question —
506 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
"That those who go abroad encounter serious risks, and
have continuous difficulties to contend with there ; secondly,
that while emigration has always been spoken of as a panacea
for the ills of those that remain, it has ever left them just
as they were. Probably," the Report continues, "it is not
without some toil and hardship, at the outset, that an emi-
grant can make a position for himself in the colonies, but
the reward may be said to be sure." And here the Com-
missioners honour the writer by the following reference : — " In
his evidence at Inverness, Mr Alexander Mackenzie, editor of
the Celtic Magazine, stated that he had visited all the Highland
settlements of any note in Canada, and found their condition very
satisfactory, and that those who had emigrated in recent years
had only themselves to blame if they were not very prosperous;
and in an article published in his magazine in November 1879,
writing from Canada, he said — ' I have taken considerable pains
to find out the feeling here among those who came out themselves,
as well as among their descendants, and I cannot recall a single
instance in which any of them, who have settled down here on
their own lands, would wish to go back and live in the Highlands.'
Highland emigrants have been equally successful in Australia, and
the first of the crofters' objections may fairly be set aside as in-
sufficient. But it is quite true that the residuary population has
in the past received little benefit from the emigrations that have
taken place. When lands have been vacated during the present
century, it has generally been after a time of distress. Proprietors
had been put to expense in meeting the destitution, and had
come to dread an extension of the crofter population, which
seemed to them 'always augmenting and always trenching on
the verge of redundance,' and they usually made consolidated
farms of the vacated land. When the crofters had the capital to
put this land to a profitable use, it was doubtless a mistaken
policy not to give it to them, and in any case it would have been
desirable to have made some greater effort to improve their con-
dition than was done. The crofters have perhaps reason to com-
plain of neglect, and in the case of future emigration the policy
of the past would have to be reconsidered. We are inclined to
think, however, that the prevailing land agitation has not been
without considerable influence in prompting the expressed dislike
to emigration, and we hope that when overpopulation is clearly
shown under any distribution of the land that could take place,
and when the people are satisfied that the interests of those who
remain at home will be cared for, their aversion to emigration
will disappear. Emigration offers few difficulties to the young
and able-bodied, but it is obvious that it can be no benefit to a
country to lose its workers alone, and that it is only by the re-
moval of entire families that any serviceable relief from conges-
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 507
tion will be experienced. Comparatively few, however, of the
crofters in the districts under consideration are likely to have the
means of moving their families to a new home across the seas,
and of starting themselves there with something approaching a
certainty of success, nor can much direct assistance be expected
from the proprietors of these impoverished parts."
It is fully admitted that it would be " very imprudent for a
family in poor circumstances to attempt emigration without
previous arrangements having been made for them in the
Colony " to which ^they were going. To meet this difficulty it is
proposed, first, that contracts might be entered into with em-
ployers of labour in the Colonies, before they left home, by a
Scottish Government Emigration Department. " If the head of
the family should be destitute of means," the Commissioners
say, " there can be no objection to his being bound to serve a
certain employer till the cost of his passage has been repaid,
provided the engagement is voluntarily entered into after its
terms have been fully explained, and that it is afterwards fairly
carried out" Certain proposals are then made, by which this
arrangement would be carried into effect, with the aid of the
Colonial Governments and the Scottish Emigration Agency,
which we think are quite incapable of being carried out success-
fully in practice.
The Commissioners having thought our opinion on the
state of the Highlanders in Canada worth quoting in their
Report to the Crown, we may be permitted to give here, along-
side of it, another quotation from the same article, which the
Commissioners did not print in the Report. Writing of the earlier
emigrants to Pictou, Nova Scotia, and of the terrible hardships
endured by them on their arrival, the writer, from authentic
sources, wrote as follows : —
" It would be tedious to describe the sufferings which they
afterwards endured. Many of them left. Others — fathers, mothers,
and children — bound themselves away as virtual slaves in other
settlements for a mere subsistence. Those who remained lived
in small huts, covered only with the bark or branches of trees to
shelter them from the bitter winter cold, of the severity of which
they had no previous conception. They had to walk some eighty
miles, through a trackless forest in deep snow to Truro, to obtain
a few bushels of potatoes, or a little flour in exchange for their
labour, dragging them back all the way on their backs. Hugh
5o8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Fraser, after having exhausted every means of procuring food
for his starving family, resorted to the desperate expedient of
cutting down a birch tree and boiling the buds for his little ones.
On another occasion a small supply of potatoes, which had been
brought from a long distance for seed, were planted, but the
family were so severely pinched that they had to dig up some of the
splits and eat them after they were planted. . . . The remem-
brance of those terrible days sank deep into the minds of that gener-
ation, and long after, even to this day, the narration of the scenes
and cruel hardships through which they had to pass, beguiled, and
now beguiles, many a winter's night as they sit by their now com-
fortable firesides. . . . _A few of their children, and thousands
of their grandchildren, are now living in comfort and plenty. But
who can think of these early hardships and cruel existences
without condemning the cruel and heartless Highland lairds, who
made existence at home almost equally miserable for those noble
fellows, and then drove them in thousands out of their native
land, not caring whether they sank in the Atlantic, or were
starved to death on a strange and uncongenial soil ? Retributive
justice demands that posterity should execrate the memories of
the authors of such misery and horrid cruelty. It may seem
uncharitable to speak thus of the dead ; but it is impossible to
forget their inhuman conduct, though, no thanks to them — cruel
tigers in human form — it has turned out so well for the descend-
ants of those whom they banished to what was then infinitely
worse than transportation for the worst crimes. Such criminals
were looked after and cared for ; but those poor fellows, driven
out of their homes by the Highland lairds, and sent across
yonder, were left to starve, helpless and uncared for. Their de-
scendants are now a prosperous and thriving people, and retribu-
tion is at hand. The descendants of the evicted from Sutherland,
Ross, and Inverness Shires, and elsewhere, to Canada, are produc-
ing enormous quantities of food, and millions of cattle, to pour
them into the old country. What will be the consequence ? The
sheep-farmer — the original cause of the evictions — has already
suffered. The price of stock in Scotland must inevitably fall.
Rents must follow, and the joint authors of the original iniquity
will, as a class, now suffer the natural and just penalty of their
past misconduct."
This was written in 1879, and the prediction has been already
verified to the full !
The Commissioners are of opinion that a crofter with £150
at his command, might safely undertake to settle in Manitoba,
and they propose that Government should lend him ^100 of
this on certain conditions, including "pre-arranged local guid-
ance," on his arrival in the colony. The following specific con-
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 509
ditions, to be carried out under the control of the proposed State
Agency, are laid down : —
"(i) That each family should at once find means of subsist-
ence on the homestead from the day of his arrival ; (2) that the
cost of preparing the homestead, and removing the family to it
from this country, should not exceed what it might reasonably
be expected the family could pay in eight or ten years ; and (3)
that the Colonial Government should take an interest in the
success of the scheme, make provision for the immigrants on
their arrival, see them established, and undertake to recover
from them repayment of any advances made by the Imperial
Government."
Having explained the effect of these proposals at length, the
Commissioners continue —
"As the object of relieving the over-crowding is to assist
those at home as much as those who go abroad, we suggest that
it should be made a condition of granting an advance to a crofter
desiring to emigrate, that the landlord should undertake in all
cases, where practical, to utilise his vacated croft, if rented at less
than four pounds, for the purpose of enlarging other crofters'
holdings, and should be bound to accept and pay for his stock at
valuation, so as to enable him to realise at the time of year most
suitable for embarkation."
In bringing this section of the Report to a close, the Com-
missioners say —
" We think it important that assisted emigration should be
placed under the immediate direction of officers of the Imperial
Government, rather than under the control of local authorities. It
would be the interest of the latter to shift poverty from their own
locality, irrespective of the prospects of the poor who were re-
moved, and almost inevitably this interest would to a greater
or less extent prejudice the careful selection of emigrants. If
emigration by families is to be conducted successfully, the pro-
portion of dependants to bread-winners in the emigrant family
must not be lost sight of. A family that could advantageously
remove to one of the colonies in two or three years' time, might
attempt it very unsuccessfully to-day ; and it is only with careful
discrimination that State aid should be granted, or the system
will be brought into discredit. But believing, as we do, that
emigration properly conducted is an indispensable remedy for the
condition of some parts of the Highlands and Islands, we strongly
recommend that in connection with any measures which may be*
framed for improving the position of the crofters and cottars, such
provision should be made as we have indicated for assisting emi-
grants both by State advances and State direction."
2N
5io THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONCLUSION.
Concluding the whole Report, the Commissioners consider it
desirable to anticipate an objection to their recommendations,
' based upon general principles of public policy, which might be
urged on the part of that school of economists, who, in dealing
with social distresses, prefer to contemplate the operation of
natural causes and tendencies, rather than the action of artificial
remedies." To this and other objections they effectually reply
that though crofters do not probably number more than 40,000
families, or about 200,000 souls,
" They do, however, possess in their occupations and capa-
bilities certain distinctive features which, in the opinion of many,
entitle them to such exceptional attention and protection as has
been granted to other special interests. These people take a
considerable part in the fishing industry, a branch of national pro-
duction, not of the first magnitude, but still of material value, and
which should not be allowed to pass into other hands. This
industry has hitherto depended more on the hardy breeding,
hereditary aptitudes, and spontaneous association of the common
people acting with the help of local traders, and less on the direc-
tion and support of the large capitalist than any other depart-
ment of labour and traffic in the country. It is susceptible of
more perfect organisation and of immense extension, but these
developments must be the results of time, study, intelligent direc-
tion, and financial aid. Meanwhile, the dispersion of the fishing
population, the indispensable instruments of the craft, would be a
loss that could scarcely be repaired. It would be difficult to re-
place ihem by another race of equal ability and worth,
country. This great object is being partly realised in Scotland
among the elite of those workmen who are engaged in urban
industries by the regulated purchase of their habitations, but the
mass of dwellers and labourers in the country have still no per-
manent interest in the land, either as occupiers or owners. It is
in the Highlands and Islands that a partial exception to this
rule is chiefly found, in respect to occupancy; and it is here that
occupancy may, perhaps, be most readily converted into property.
The connection between the crofter and his holding is indeed of
an unsubstantial character, but the kindly custom of the country
in many cases gives a practical security of tenure, while the
cultivator is endowed with some of the simpler objects and
adjuncts of personal possession; furniture, such as it is; live
stock; boats; the implements of two pursuits, husbandry and
fishing; some knowledge of pastoral and agricultural processes;
habits of trade ; the practice of purchase and of sale. Men thus
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 511
equipped are, in some degree, prepared to become substantial
occupiers of small holdings under lease, or to be the managers of
land belonging to themselves. While the people are in this way
apt for a change of condition, there are, in the present division
of agricultural areas in the north, greater facilities for bringing
that change to pass than exist in other quarters. To suffer the
crofting class to be obliterated, or leave them in their present
depressed circumstances, if by any justifiable contrivance their
condition can be improved, would be to cast away the agencies
" It is not only in regard to fishing that the crofting and
cottar population have a peculiar value. They constitute a
natural basis for the naval defence of the country, a sort of de-
fence which cannot be extemporised, and the value of which,
in possible emergencies, can hardly be overrated. The sea-
faring people of the Highlands and Islands contribute at
this moment 443 r men to the Royal Naval Reserve, a number
equivalent to the crews of seven armoured war steamers of the
first class, and which, with commensurate inducements, could be
greatly increased. It may be added that most of the men incor-
porated in the corps of militia and volunteers would be able to
serve ashore and afloat with equal efficiency.
" The severance of the labouring classes from the benefits
and enjoyments of property (certainly one of the elements of
civilisation, morality, and public order), and their precarious and
dangerous conditions as dependants on capital and' mere re-
cipients of wages, is a question which engages the reflections of
those who reason and of those who govern. There is a general
desire that the labouring man in every sphere of activity should
be invested with a greater share of substantial possession and be
attached by deeper and more durable ties to the soil of his
and opportunities for a social experiment connected with the
land of no common interest.
" The crofter and cottar population of the Highlands and
Islands, small though it be, is a nursery of good workers and
good citizens for the whole empire. In this respect the stock is
exceptionally valuable. By sound physical constitution, native
intelligence, and good moral training, it is particularly fitted to
recruit the people of our industrial centres, who without such help
from wholesome sources in rural districts, would degenerate
under the influences of bad lodging, unhealthy occupations, and
enervating habits. It cannot be indifferent to the whole nation,
constituted as the nation now is, to possess within its borders a
people hardy, skilful, intelligent, and prolific, as an ever-flowing
fountain of renovating life.
" The claim of the crofter is, however, based not only on his
qualities but on his necessities. The crofter is not in his average
condition poor compared with the profounder poverty that exists
512 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
elsewhere, but he is exposed to unusual risks and, vicissitudes. A
good harvest or a. good haul may make him comfortable for a
season. A blight, an early frost, a wet autumn, a long winter, a
gale of wind, a wayward movement of the herring, may deprive
him of food for his family, funds for his rent, and seed for his
ground. In such emergencies he has heretofore appealed to his
fellow-countrymen for relief, or others have made the appeal on
his behalf. The relief has been granted, yet not always without
anxiety and doubt. A transitory and humiliating assistance thus
bestowed is but a poor substitute for permanent and honourable
encouragements, which might eventually enable the crofter and
cottar to support the strain of temporary misfortune.
" The last argument which we shall adduce in support of our
views on this subject, is the argument of public expediency. The
Highlands and Islands have recently been at some points the
scene of agitation, and even of disturbance. Acts of violence have
occurred on the occasion of the delivery of legal summonses re-
garding the occupancy of land, and the enforcement of lawful
claims on the part of the proprietors have been delayed or im-
peded by apprehensions of opposition. We do not palliate the
dangers attached to this condition of affairs. There are circum-
stances under which it is the plain duty of Government to carry
out the prescriptions of the law at all risks, and by every means
at their disposal. But collisions between proprietory rights and
popular demands are to be deprecated, for they leave behind them
lasting traces of resentment and alienation. The mere vindica-
tion of authority and repression of resistance would not establish
the relations of mutual confidence between landlord and tenant,
in the absence of which the country would not be truly at peace,
and all our inquiries and counsels would be expended in vain.
" The aspect of the present and the future, calmly considered,
presents the following features : — The dissatisfaction of the small
tenants in regard to their position, is of native origin, but it is
fomented by external influences. The land movement in the
Highlands, even if it were not spontaneously maintained by the
people themselves, would be aroused to further action by other
forces : it is impelled by the democratic and social aspirations
prevalent among various classes at home, and will probably enlist
the sympathies of Highlanders in all parts of the world. There is a
larger, richer, more active, and more enthusiastic Celtic community
beyond the limits of the Celtic region of Scotland than there is
within it, and it is one of the results of increasing knowlege and
expanding faculties of intercourse, that men who have forsaken
the seats of their birth and early associations continue, communi-
cate, and transmit the affections and passions of the race with
even greater warmth than those who remain behind. Endowed
with native vitality and fostered by such auxiliary powers, the
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION. 513
land agitation of the Highlands is not likely to pass away without
some adjustment of the claims of occupiers, acceptable to the
greater number who are not yet possessed with extravagant ex-
pectations. Only then may it be expected that the crofters, re-
stored to tranquillity, confidence, and the exercise of their natural
good sense, will fully avail themselves of the important benefits
which may be extended to them in connection with the other
remedial measures which we have proposed.
" In submitting the opinions enunciated above, we do not
mean to imply that the claims of the crofting people to legislative
protection are of an exclusive character. Special legislation has
been found necessary for the benefit of workers in plantations, in
mines, in factories, and in ships. It may be invoked for other
industries with equal justice. The case of the crofters and
cottars of the Highlands and Islands is the special matter con-
signed to our consideration by your Majesty's commands. In
the recommendations embodied in the present Report, we have
endeavoured to suggest appropriate provisions for their satisfac-
tion and relief, and thus, in the measure of our humble ability,
to give effect to your Majesty's gracious solicitude for a deserving
class of your Scottish subjects.
"All which we humbly submit to your Majesty's consider-
ation.
" NAPIER AND ETTRICK.
KENNETH S. MACKENZIE.
DONALD CAMERON.
C. ERASER-MACKINTOSH.
ALEXANDER NICOLSON.
DONALD MACKINNON."
THE TRANSLATOR OF THE NEW TESTAMENT INTO GAELIC.—
The Committee of the Perth Gaelic Society had under consideration recently the
proposal to erect a monument over the grave of the late Rev. Mr Stewart, Killin,
translator of the New Testament into Gaelic, when it was unanimously resolved that,
as many Highlanders and friends throughout the world might like to have a share in
perpetuating the name of one who had done so much good to his native land, the
Committee of the Perth Gaelic Society throw the subscription list open, so as to give
all who felt interested in the matter an opportunity of subscribing. Although the
Committee of the Perth Society have taken the initiative, it is proposed that the
monument should bear an inscription stating that it has been erected by Highlanders
and friends throughout the world. The Committee further suggested, in the event of
more money being received than may be required for the erection of the monu-
ment (about £$o), that the surplus be devoted to the foundation of a Gaelic bursary—
to be called the Stewart Bursary — in connection with one of the Scotch Universities.
Mr Charles Stewart of Tighn'duin, Killin, Chief of the Perth Gaelic Society, the
leading spirit in the movement, and Mr James Macleish, engineer, Mill Street, Perth,
have agreed to act as Honorary Treasurers ; and Mr Donald Farquharson, watch-
maker, High Street. Perth, as General Treasurer. Donations will be received and
acknowledged by either of these gentlemen, or by the Secretary, Mr Donald Scott, 45
Stormont Street, Perth. We understand that a number of influential gentlemen will
be asked to co-operate with the above, and that an appeal is also to be made to mem-
bers of Gaelic Societies in Scotland, America, and throughout the world. The
Society, we may add, will be glad to receive the names of any persons willing to help.
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CUMHA DO DH-FHEAR LONNDABHRA
LE AILEAN BALL.
AlR FONN — "Mile marbhaisg air an t-saoghal."
'S llonmhor suil a tha galach,
Dubhach, deurach, mu Fhear Lonndabhrk ;
'S goirt learn sgaradh do cheile,
Bho 'n la thainig an t-eug ort gun dail ;
Bhi ga d' mhilleadh b' e 'm beud e,
Gun do ghillean ad r«5ir 's tu 'n cruaidh-chks,
Dhol a chumail do shreine
'N uair a dh' fheargnaich a' bh6ist 'thug a' bhlath.
Tha do nighean fo ghruaman,
Snaim a cridhe cha 'n fhuasgail ach mall,
'S e mar chudthrom na luaidhe
Air tuiteam fo bhruaidhlein nach gann ;
Sior-shnidhe le 'gruaidhibh,
'S i drughadh troimh 'cluasaig fo ceann ;
'S goirt an sgaradh a fhuair i,
'N am dhi diisgadh, 's cha bhruadar a bh' ann.
'N uair a chaidh thu na d' dhlollaid,
Moch an Ik ud a' triall bho 'n Tigh-bhkn,
Lan tuigse' agus riasain,
Fhir a chumadh an riaghailt air each —
Faicleach, furachail, ciallach,
'N uair a ghlac thu do shrian ann ad laimh
Mar stiuir luinge 'n uair fhiathail,
'S i gun eagal, gun fhiamh roimh 'n ghaoith kird.
Chaidh an t-ainmhidh gu dhulan,
'S cha ghabhadh a' bhruid cur fo smachd ;
'S m' an deachaidh tu 'd churam,
'S ann thainig a' chuis ort gu grad ;
Leis an leum thug an curs-each,
Mar gu'n lasadh am fudar fo 'n t-sraid,
Bha do phearsa, 's b' i 'n diiibhail,
Air dhroch ckramh fo chruidhean a chas.
Bu tu marcaich nan steud-each,
Gun uireasbhuidh ce"ille na 'n dail ;
'S ged a thuislich do cheum ort,
Cha 'n 'eil fios nach e 'n t-eug a bha 'n dan ;
Ach sgeul craiteach ri leughadh,
Gun do chairdean bhi l^irsinn mar bhk.
'S tu call d' fhola, trom-chreuchdach,
Gun aon duin' ach thu f&n an gleann fas.
CUMHA DO DH-FHEAR LONNDABHRA. 515
'N uair a thainig do ghille,
Bha sud nkdurra 'thioma bhi truagh ;
Dhoirt a shuilean air mhire,
'S bu dluth 'dheoir s iad a' sileadh le 'ghruaidh ;
Cha robh ch6dhail ach sgiorrail,
'S e gun ch6mhnadh a' sileadh nam bruach,
Tigh'nn na 6nrachd bho 'n fhireach,
'S gun fhear-sgeoil aige dh' innis mar fhuair.
Air tus tighinn do 'n oigeir,
Cha d' fhuair e do ch&mhradh ach fann,
Bha d' fhuil chraobhach, gun fh&tus,
'S i mar chaochan a' dortadh le gleann ;
Do cheann sgaoilte gun ch6mhdach,
Ri neimh na gaoith-re6ta b' fhuar greann,
Mar gu 'n tuiteadh fear c&mhraig,
Anns an arfhaich le strdiceadh nan lann.
'S ma 's e bas bha mu d' chomhair,
Cha robh se61 air cur roimhe 's an km,
'S bidh mur-bhi air gach gnothach,
Co dhiubh bhitheas ann prothaid no call ;
'S ge b' e dh' atnhairceadh domhain,
Tha clach-thuislidh 's leac-shleamhain 's gach ball ;
An druim an iomaire threabhaidh
Faodaidh cuis tigh'nn thoirt sobhaidh dhuinn ann.
'S an treas latha de'n bhliadhna,
Fhuair thu 'n t-saighead a chriochnaich do chail ;
'S thainig teachdaire d' iarraidh,
. A's co dh' f haodadh do thearnadh bho 'laimh ?
Mar gu'n loit' thu le h-iarunn,
Do chorp uasal ga phianadh le cradh,
'S fhuair do chairdean an diachainn,
'S bu truagh, muladach, cianail, an cks.
Chiad Diluain de'n bhliadhn' uir,
A fhuair sinn naigheachd a's cunntas mu d' bhks ;
'S misde maithean do dhuthcha
Gu 'n do chaireadh do chulaobh ri lar.
An km reiteachadh ciiise
Bhiodh do threuntas air cul do luchd-grkidh ;
'S b' fhearr d' fhacal le d' dhurachd
Na Ian glaice do'n chuineadh bho chkch.
Ann an tagradh no 'n dloladh,
'S i do theanga bu shiobhalta cainnt ;
Bha do ghealladh cho cinnteach
'S ged a dheanadh tu 'sgriobhadh le peann ;
516 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
Cridhe soilleir, gun mhi-run,
Dekrr-lan soluis le firinn gun fheall ;
'S an ard-bhaile na ri6ghachd,
Sheasadh d' fhacal, 's cha diobradh do bhann.
Na 'm biodh e"iginn air caraid
Bha thu fuasgailteach, fearail, neo-chll ;
'N uair a ghluaiseadh tu mhala
'S mairg a bhuaileadh aon f hear dhiubh ri d' linn ;
'N km an cruadal a tharuinng
Bha do dhualchas ri fallaineachd sll,
. Bho Chloinn-Chamshroin an daraich,
'S tu 'shliochd lain-ic-Ailein nam pios.
Gnuis na feile neo-sgkthach,
Gheibheadh 6isdeachd an lathair a' mhoid ;
Fiosrach, euchdach 's na raidibh,
Ghleidheadh ceum troimh 'n bheul-ath far 'm bu ch6ir :
'S l&r a leus air do chairdean,
Bho 'n a rinn iad do charadh fo 'n fh6id ;
Chaidh an tobar a thraghadh,
'S leir an gaineamh, 's cha tar iad deur 61.
THE CAMERONS OF LETTERFINLAY.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ARDVERIKIE, KINGUSSIE, N.B., 3ist July 1884.
SIR, -I observe in the Celtic Magazine of this month a letter from Mr
Colin Chisholm, headed "The last of the Macmartin Camerons of Letterfinlay," in
which he says that it is generally believed that Hugh Cameron, 36 King Street,
Inverness, is the only representative of the ancient Macmartin Camerons of
Letterfinlay now living.
Now, Mr Editor, kindly allow me, through the columns of your esteemed
magazine, to correct such as may be living under such belief. The family that I am
of is of the direct male line of the Macmartin Camerons of Letterfinlay. Our family
lives in Brae-Lochaber, and has done so for many generations, probably since they
sprang out of the Letterfinlay family. When an heir was wanted for the Letterfinlay
estate about the beginning of the present century, my grandfather laid his just claim
to the property against another branch of the Macmartin Camerons, but he failed,
owing to the testimony of an important witness, on whose evidence the right to the
property was to be decided. This witness decided falsely against my grandfather,
and, of course, the property went to the wrong party. All this is well known in
Lochaber by Camerons and others, and the false witness I referred to had to leave
the district, owing to what he had done, for the people could not bear him.
Yours faithfully,
CATHERINE CAMERON.
THE GAELIC ORIGIN OF LOCAL NAMES.
THE following paper was read at the February monthly meeting of the Inverness
Scientific Society and Field Club : —
In the few examples of the original Gaelic meaning of local names which I shall
submit to the Club, no attempt will be made to deal with them in a strictly scientific
sense. To a Gaelic-speaking man many of the names will at once convey their origin
and meaning. Others are now so completely changed in spelling and sound that great
consideration and care are necessary in discovering the original word. It is not always
safe to deal with these names and explain their meaning from mere similarity of sound.
Without a knowledge of the local history, traditions, and contour of the country, that
style of accounting for the original name would, in many cases, be most misleading.
I shall begin with the name of the town in which we live.
Inverness. —Various origins have been suggested for this familiar name, but none
of them is yet so completely established as to secure universal assent. I believe there
is not much difference of opinion as to the first half of the name — Inver — Gaelic,
Inbhir, from In, an obsolete Gaelic word, according to Armstrong, meaning land,
and Bior, Irish and Gaelic, meaning water. Thus we .have Inverness, the land at the
confluence of the River Ness, not the confluence itself. Aber (as contradistinguished
from Inver), from Ab, water, and Bior, also water, would mean water to water, or
the confluence itself.
But what is the original meaning of the word Ness, from which the town, the
river, and the loch take their names? In one of the legends of Glen-Urquhart, by
Mr William Mackay, one of our vice- Presidents, published in the "Transactions of
the Gaelic Society," we are informed that on one occasion a famous spring in Glen-
Urquhart sprung at such a rate that it flooded the whole valley now occupied by Loch-
Ness, and that, on seeing this remarkable phenomenon, the people exclaimed ' ' Tha
Loch a nis ann j" that is, Now there is a lake in it. I fear that you will have some
little difficulty in accepting that theory in a scientific club ; especially as the inundation
was consequent upon the neglect of carrying out a Druidical behest — that a stone should
always be replaced on the well after water had been drawn from it.
In the same legends another theory is propounded, which Mr Mackay had since,
more than once, to defend in the Inverness Cottrier, namely, that the name is from
" Naois, MacUisneach," who is alleged to have built a house or stronghold on one
side of the lake, in Glen-Urquhart, so situated that he could fish for salmon from his
window and shoot a stag from his door.
I am of opinion that the origin of the word is from " Eas," a waterfall, and that
Loch-Ness is simply " Loch-an-Eas" the Loch of the Waterfall, from " Eas-na-
Smuid " (or the Fall of the Spray), as the Fall of Foyers is called in Gaelic. Loch-
Ness, or Loch-Nis, as it is now pronounced in Gaelic — though the oldest forms of it in
charters are " Inwernys " and " Innernes " — would be Loch-an-Eas, or the Loch of
the Fall. River Ness and Inver Ness naturally follow.
It may be as well that I should, next in order, deal with the modern name of this
fall, and of the lands lying on the low ground between it and the lake.
Fall of Foyers, I believe, means Eas-Fo-thir, the Fall Underground, from Fo,
under, and TV, aspirated Thlr, land or ground. This is an exact description of the
Fall and its surroundings. Before the Lower Dores Road was made, and when there
were no boats on Loch-Ness, the Fall could only be seen from the higher ground— the
Tir above— when it would truly appear as " Eas Fo-thir," or the Fall Under-
5i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ground. It may be interesting to state, in this connection, that above the Fall the
river is still called Feachluinn, and that only the Fall is named Foyers, or " Fo-thir."
This will also be found a true description of the lands and House of Foyers, all of
which presented themselves " fo-thir,' or underground, to the spectator of the olden
time. Even now, when one visits the Fall, it is found at the lowest point on which
one can obtain a standing position to look at it, still going underground.
Coming back to Inverness, I shall first refer to the famous
Clachnacudainn. — We hear many speaking of it as the " Clachnacudainn Stone."
This, of course, is the purest nonsense, and is equivalent to saying the Stone of the
Tub Stone. Clach-na-cudainn simply means the Stone of the Tub, from its having
been used by the matrons and servant girls of Inverness, to rest their " Cudainns " — a
description of tub with " lugs," or water-stoups — upon it, on their way from the
river, before there were any thoughts in Inverness of Water and Gas Acts, or of
Water Works. A tradition exists that the " Clach " was originally used for the in-
stallation of the Lords of the Isles as Lords of Lochalsh, from which district, in some
unknown manner, it is said to have found its way to Inverness, where its vicissitudes
and history are so well known that it is quite unnecessary to describe them farther to
the members of the Club. At one time it was the principal, if not the only, publish-
ing office in the town ; letters from friends in India and the Colonies were read beside
it, and their contents circulated by the lads and lasses that always met there ; while
the love-affairs, the gossip, and the scandal of the town found willing listeners and
retailers at its shrine.
Tomnahiuraich is, perhaps, the next place of interest in the neighbourhood. It
has been said to mean "Tom-na-h-iughrach," or the boat-hill, its shape being so like
a boat turned upside down. It was also said, and with greater probability, to mean
the Hill of Yews, from "lubhar," the Gaelic for yew, a class of trees which is said
at one time to have been abundant there. The late Mr Thomas Mackenzie, Broadstone
Park, discussing this and other local names, held that the meaning was really " Tom-
na-fiodhrach, " from "Tom," hill or knoll, and "fiodhrach," wood or wooded. He
said that it was only within the memory of persons not at all old, that the letter "f"
had been dropped, even in colloquial speech ; that the hill was resorted to, in his own
day, for firewood by the people of Inverness in hundreds, and that it was on account
of its timber that in was named "Tom-na-fiodhrach." He declared this view to be
based on his own experience as an ear and eye-witness ; and I am disposed to think
that, with such evidence, most people will be inclined to believe that Mr Mackenzie's
view is the one most likely to be correct.
The next name, in the same neighbourhood, is one which has undergone so much
change, that, without a knowledge of local history, etymologists would never make
anything of it. I refer to
Ballifeary. — In 1398 "Alastair Carrach" Macdonald, first of Keppoch, divided
the church lands of Kinmylies, including Ballifeary, between Reginald Macalyshander
and John de Chisholm, though he does not seem to have had any substantial right to
them, as appears from a "warning " issued against him by the Bishop of Moray, on the
2Oth November, in the same year. The Macdonalds of Keppoch continued, however,
their attentions to Inverness, down to the end of the seventeenth century — on one
occasion, at least, taking the magistrates prisoners, and keeping them in durance,
until released on the payment of a very heavy ransom. An outpost was in consequence
erected for watchers or sentinels, at Ballifeary, to give notice of the approach of the
Macdonalds or any of the other western tribes ; and from this the place was called
" Baile-na-faire, " or the town of watching, now transformed into Ballifeary. In a
THE GAELIC ORIGIN OF LOCAL NAMES. 519
charter of the lands of Kinmylies, by the Bishop of Moray, dated the I3th of May 1544,
the name of the place is given as ''Balnafare." This, in my opinion is conclusive.
The village of
Clachnaharry takes its name from a large stone in its immediate neighbourhood,
used for similar outpost duty to the erection at " Baile-na-faire. " Probably it was
originally " Clach-na-faire " — the stone of watching — though the " f " has since been
dropped even in Gaelic, in which language it is now called " Clach-na-h-aire," almost
identical in sound with the modern English form of the name. I may say as to the
question whether or not the letter "f " has dropped out of "faire," that in the West
we would never say "Clach-na-faire," but "Clach-na-h-aire," just as we would
say "Thoir an aire," not " Thoir faire/'
J&lvean, the Gaelic name for a portion of the lands of Bught, and
Torvean, in its neighbourhood, take their names from Saint Baithean, Columba's
cousin and successor.
Bught, which is found in a charter, dated I7th of August 1443, spelt " Buthe,"
is the Lowland Scotch form of the Gaelic " Bot," a bend, a reedy bog or fen, a river
bank, a word which gives a perfect description of what the locality would once have
been, and, in one sense, now is.
Kinmylies appears to be " Ceann-a-Mhile," or the Mile-end so often found in the
neighbourhood of towns in Scotland. The old road to the West passed through the
lands of Kinmylies (found in 1232 in a charter as " Kynmyly," or " Ceann-Mile "),
through the Leachkin, and across the ridge to the south of
Craig Phadruig. — This name no one has been able to explain, so far as I know,
unless it has some connection with the name Saint Patrick. It must, however, be
kept in mind that Craig Phadruig was an important station, as one of the principal
prehistoric vitrified forts, so numerous in the Highlands, several centuries before Saint
Patrick's time.
Leachkin is simply the Anglified form of the Gaelic word " Leacainn," or "Leach-
duinn," which is explained in the dictionaries as " the side of a hill ; a steep green
surface ; steep shelvy ground." Could anything be more perfectly descriptive of that
beautiful slope on which we look with so much pleasure from the Castle Hill of
Inverness ?
A good illustration of the difficulties met with in explaining the meaning of local
names will be found in the history of
Clachnahagaig, an important landmark now standing on the banks of the Cale-
donian Canal, mentioned in the Golden Charter granted by James VI, to the town of
Inverness, dated at Holyrood House, on the 1st day of May 1591, as the boundary of
the fishings conveyed by that famous instrument to the Burgh. No one could suggest
the meaning of " Clachnahagaig ;" but when it is explained that the transcriber of
the Golden Charter wrote "Clachnahagaig" for " Clachnahalaig," or " Clach-na-
faoileag," the stone of the seagulls, the difficulty at once disappears. It is said that
the gulls, possibly the representatives of its ancient habitues, frequent the stone and
pose upon it to this day, watching for a chance of procuring food.
Proceeding further south, on the west side of the Canal, we come upon
Dochfottr, now comprising Davochgarioch, Davochnalurgin, Davochfure, Davoch-
cairn, and Davochnacraig. Indeed, the whole property is called the Dochfour Estate,
while the mansion is called Dochfour House. The original Dochfour— " Dabhach
fhuar," or the more-exposed, cold Davoch, is where the mansion-house originally
stood, while the present mansion-house, although called Dochfour, stands in Dochcairn,
or "Dabhach-a-chuirn," the original name thus following the House to»its new site on
520 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Dochcairn, or the " Dabhach of the Cairn." This again illustrates the difficulty of
explaining these names without local knowledge. Doch-na-Craig is simply the
"Dabhach of, or with, the Rock," but I am unable to suggest the meaning of the
other two, Dochgarroch, pronounced "Dabhach Gearaiche," by the natives, and
Dochnalurg, pronounced " Dabhach-na-Lurgain." It may be explained that
" Davoch" is a measure of land equal to four ploughs, or as much as four ploughs will
plough in a year.
Bona, in the oldest existing document in which any mention is found of it, in
1233, is spelt "Baneth." About two hundred years later it is met with as
" Bonacht," "Bonoch," " Bonnache," and " Bannache ;" and within the last
hundred years it is found spelt " Bonath." Mr Fraser-Mackintosh says that- the
Gaelic definition is supposed to be "The white plain or field ;" made up, I presume,
of "Ban," fair, or white, and " Achadh," field. I doubt this derivation very much,
but I regret being unable to suggest a better. It is almost impossible, on any principle
to explain a name which has undergone so many changes. I next introduce to you
Abriachan, met with, for the first time, in 1239, spelt " Abirihacyn." Various
derivations have been suggested for this name, the prefix " Aber" forming an element
in most of them ; but it is scarcely possible that "Aber" can form any part of the
name of a place situated on such an elevation as Abriachan. The most probable
origin of the word is " Uaigh Briachain," Saint Briachan's grave, or tomb. There is
in the place a fine old tombstone on the site of the old Church of " Cill-Ianan,"
which is "sculptured and of great antiquity," and according to tradition, it covers the
grave, or "Uaigh" of Saint Briachan, by some corrupted . into "Bran." The con-
nection of this Saint, who was originally King Brude's Druid, with the district in the
time of Saint Columba, is well known. The transition from "Uaigh Briachain" to
Abriachan is exceedingly slight, and this etymology is highly probable.
As it is my intention in this paper to keep in the neighbourhood of Inverness, I
shall now ask you to return with me, and cross the Canal and the River Ness at
Aldourie. — I have been much puzzled with this name, until I was told that the
burn or "Allt," which enters Loch-Ness at the place, is called in Gaelic the "Dourag,"
or the little river, from "Dur, " in Gaelic, and in Irish, water ; the "ag" expressing the
diminutive. This root "Dur" is found in the names of many rivers throughout the world.
The Cornish has its "douar," and the Bretons exactly the same as in Irish and Scottish
Gaelic. It is also spelt "Dobhar" in Scottish Gaelic, from which "Dobhar-chu," an
otter — a river or water dog. You have also "Dobhar-lus," the Gaelic for water-
cresses or water-plants. The name may, however, mean the "Allt Odhar," the Dun
(coloured) or muddy burn, though I am not aware whether this is a characteristic of
the "Dourag" or not.
On our way down we have
Holme, Gaelic "Tolm," a mound, a hill, or knoll, of considerable height, and
rounded form. Gaelic-speaking people know nothing of Holme. They say "Tolm,"
"Fear an Tuilm," and "Muillinn an Tuilm," for Holme, Laird of Holme, and Mill
of Holme.
Drummond is, in charters and in Gaelic, "Drumdean." If we only knew it in
its modern form, I should say at once that it was simply the Anglified form of
"Druiminn," a ridge; but there is more than this comprised in "Drumdean" — the
original name of the place. Mr Fraser-Mackintosh says that it means the "Ridge of
Shelter." I cannot see any ground for this derivation ; but it may have been "Druim-
dithean," or the ridge abounding in darnels, or other wild flowers, or herbs, the same as
THE GAELIC ORIGIN OF LOCAL NAMES. 521
Altnasgiach, which runs alongside of it, means the Burn of Hawthorns or Briers
— Allt-na-sgitheach," or "Sgithche."
Castleheather is found in old documents as Castle "Lathir." This degenerated
later into the English Castle Leather, and now we have it in the more fragrant form
of "Castle Heather. " Could any thing show more clearly the danger of accepting the
modern form and pronunciation of these names as a safe guide in arriving at their
original meaning? There is a Gaelic word "Lathar," meaning a place of meeting.
This may have been the original meaning; but I prefer "Caisteal-Lethoir," or
"Lethoireach" — the "Castle aside,-" from the principal stronghold in the district —
the Old Castle of Inverness, or from the town itself, or, perhaps, "on the edge" or
the side of the slope or brae. John Mackenzie, in the "Beauties of Gaelic Poetry,"
referring to the place as the birth-place of Kenneth Mackenzie, the Gaelic bard, calls
it "Caisteal Leauir'"; and he would no doubt know how the name was pronounced
at the time in the district. It will be observed how closely the sound of this word is
to the original spelling of "Lathir," keeping in mind that the "th" is always silent in
Gaelic, and that the name would be pronounced as if it were spelt "Lahir." In any
case the name has nothing to do with Leather or Heather.
The next name which I shall submit is, I think, a still better illustration of my
contention in this respect ;
Diriebught. — Would any one ever suspect that this word did duty for "Tir-nam-
Bochd " — the poor's land ? Yet such is the case. These lands, at the time extending
to six acres of arable land, were on the i4th of September 1362, conveyed by Sir
Robert de Chisholm to "The Altar of the Holy Rood of the Church of Inverness ;"
and they are now in possession of the Kirk-Session, the revenue from them being to
this day applied to the relief of the Poor of the Parish. The earliest forms of the name
we meet with are "Dire na Pouchk" and "Deyrbowchte." Mr Fraser-Mackintosh,
in " Invernessiana," prints a letter addressed, in 1795, by Provost Inglis of Inverness,
to General Hutton, from which it appears that a "Saint John's Chapel " stood at one
time on the lands of Diriebught. At the date of the letter he says, " No vestige of
the chapel remains, but the field is to day called Dire na Pouchk, or the Land of the
Poor, and is in possession of the Church Session." It may be interesting to state that
the familiar name
Haugh is found in a feu-charter, dated 4th August 1361, written "Hale," and
that Gaelic-speaking Invernessians invariably call it "Talchan," never "Haugh."
I am unable to suggest the original meaning in the light of this discovery. We all
know the meaning of Haugh ; but clearly the modern name is but a corruption of the
original Gaelic, and not in this case itself a descriptive English name.
I have dealt with the strictly local names much longer than I had intended, when
I began to write my paper, and I shall not, on this occasion at any rate, go further
a-field. I may, however, read a list of a few names in the vicinity, the meaning of
which is at once self-evident to a Gaelic-speaking person, but which is quite incom-
prehensible to those who are ignorant of that language, without some explanation. I
shall only wait to give the name, as printed in the Valuation Roll, in one colunm, the
correct Gaelic spelling in a second, and the English meaning in a third column, as
follows : —
Scorguie
Balnafettack
Dunaincroy..
Balbarron....
Dalneich . . .
Sgor-gaoithe
Baile-na-Feadag
Dunan Cruaidh
Baile Bharoin
Dail-an-Eich...
Windy Sc&r or Rock.
Town of Plovers.
Hard (Bottomed) Hill.
Town of the Baron.
Horse's dale or portion.
522
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Speckled Dale.
Yellow Hollow.
Spotted or Yellow Torr or Hillock.
Town of the Bog.
Town of the Rock. '
Valley of the Flax, or Lint.
Field of Holly.
Big Town.
Yellow Field.
Town of the Rocklet.
House of Bleaching.
Little Town.
Town of the Shoemakers.
Dog's Knoll.
River Town.
Ridge.
Fern or Bracken Brae.
Back of the Island.
House of the Island.
Yellow Marsh or Bog.
Shore.
Back of the Moss.
High Quarter Lands.
Short Quarter Lands.
Town of the Hollow.
The Town of Heather.
Tufty.
Smithtown.
Hill, or Moor Town.
White Bog.
Red Bog.
The Town of the Fold.
Black River.
Town of the Bush.
Head of the Strath.
The Grey Cairn.
Land under the Sun, e.g., which
the sun does not reach.
Top of the Town.
Numberless other names of this class could be given, but I think I have given more
than enough. From what I have said it will be seen that, while it is quite safe in
many cases to take the present sound and form of a name to guide us in arriving at its
original meaning, in numerous other instances that plan would be found very unsafe
and misleading. I do not for a moment expect that you will accept my suggestions as
to the meaning of all the names dealt with, and I do not present them in any dogmatic
spirit. Indeed, in some cases they are only suggested as, perhaps, worthy of considera-
tion. The question is a difficult one, and no wise man will express himself dogmatically
upon the subject. Science is coming to our aid by-and-bye, but the Science of Celtic
Etymology is as yet a mere baby, and it is almost as necessary at present to guard
against its assumptions on this subject as it is to guard against the wild guesses made
by non-scientific people like myself, some of whom, I must admit, do sometimes
propound theories and explanations as to the meaning of names which deservedly make
us the laughing-stock of the enemy. There are several good Gaelic and Celtic students
present at this meeting, and if my paper will only produce an interesting discussion, or
lead to a thoughtful and more searching consideration of the original Gaelic meaning
of our local names, I shall personally be more than satisfied.
A. M.
Dalreoch
Dail-Riabhach
Slackbuie
S16c-Bhuidhe
Torbreck ..
T&r-Breac
Balloan
Baile-an-Loin
Balnacraig
Baile-na-Craige
Lagnalian
Achculin
Lag-an-Lm
Achadh-a-Chuilinn
Balmore
Baile Mor
Achbuie
Achadh-Buidhe
Balchraggan
Baile Chragain
Tye-an-Tore
Tigh-an-Todhair
Balbeg -...
Baile-Beag
Balnagriaschan .
Baile-nan-Griasaichean
Tomchoin
Tom-a-choin
Balnahaun. ...
Baile-na-h-aibhne
Druim
Druim .*.
Braerannoch ....
Braigh or Bruthach Rainich...
Culneilean .
Cul-an-Eilein
Tighneilan. ..
Tigh-an-Eilein
Feabuie
Featha Bhuidhe
Clattach
Cladach.
Culblair ,
Cul-a-Bhlair
Kerrowaird
Ceathramh Ard
Kerrowgair . . .
Ceathramh Gearr
Balnaglack . .
Baile-na-glaic
Ballinreich
Baile- 'n-f hraoich
Baddoch
Badach
Balnagown.
Baile-nan -Gobhann
Balvonie .. .
Baile-mhonaidh
Bogbain
Bog Ban
Boefrov
Bog Ruadh
Balnabual .
Baile-na-Buaile
Aandow.
Abhuinn Dubh -
Balfreish
Baile- Phris
Cantray
Ceann-an-t-Strath
Cairnglass
Carn Glas
Tirfogrein
Tir-fo-Ghrein
Braeval . . .
Braieh Bhaile....
523
THE SAILOR'S RETURN.
Ten thousand crafts were sweeping
On their undulating way
O'er the ocean's boundless bosom —
Where, from an eternity,
The countless myriad billows
On unceasingly have rolled,
And Time the tales of battles
And disasters dread has told ;
And the fisher folk were sheltered
On a Sabbath from the gale,
And their boats were high upon the beach,
And snug each mast and sail ;
For the Storm King had heralded
His coming on the wind,
And the dangers of his deadly wrath
Lay deep on every mind.
A patriarchal father heard
The thunder's rolling roar,
And the swelling, leaping breakers
On the mountain cliffy shore ;
And he thought of friends, the true and brave,
From birth sea heroes bred,
Who lay 'neath storm and tempest
On the ocean's rocky bed ;
And he pondered o'er the naval fight
Wherein his son had been,
And bleeding fell upon the deck
For country and Queen ;
His name, enrolled amongst the brave,
Was numbered, it was said,
'Mid the silent and the breathless,
On the rank-roll of the dead.
In the sable weeds of sorrow
Sat the parents well resigned,
Yet for their son in fitful pangs
They silently had pined ;
And a sad and stricken beauty
Was condoling by their side:
She was Ronald's dearest and betrothed,
And soon to be his bride.
A stranger raised the wooden latch
And gently oped the door,
Then a tinselled naval officer
Stood on the cottage floor ;
524 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
All eyes gazed round on him aghast,
Till, trembling o'er with fear,
His mother rushed into his arms,
And kissed her gallant dear.
The father saw with pride his son
Promoted in command,
As tears ran down his furrowed cheeks
He seized and wrung his hand ;
And the village beauty, who had loved
Her Ronald from a boy,
Raised her eyes with thanks to Him above,
And sobbed and wept with joy.
On their marriage day, rejoicing,
Came the villagers arounrl,
Heard their grave but kindly Pastor
Speak in solemn words profound,
As he put on them the sacred vows,
Had wedded them as one,
There came, as with the bliss of Heaven,
The smile beams of the sun.
Soon there was the marriage festival,
Life's great events and cheer,
We have, as at a wayside inn,
And stage of our career
And 'mid the sturdy Highland youths
That joined the rustic ball,
The blythe dame and her fisherman
Were happiest of all.
When dawn proclaimed another day
And night's gay revels past,
All gave the wedded twain their love,
With many joys to last ;
As parting for their future home,
The father good and grave,
Spoke of hopes and cares that come our way,
And battles we must brave.
Then counselled him, and said, my son,
The helm has control,
To every point the ship may steer,
The needle seeks the pole ;
Led by the compass of our lives,
I ever will believe,
Integrity's a noble guide,
Like Truth will ne'er deceive.
KENNETH MACLAUCHLAN.
GREENOCK.
525
"TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE"— A CAMERON
WARRIOR.
BY THE REV. PROFESSOR MALCOLM CAMPBELL TAYLOR, D.D.,
OF THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY.
A RECENT article * has identified the subject of this notice with
Donald MacEwen Beg, whose historical existence and position
in the Clan are not disputed. The identification — a not unim-
portant contribution to the History of the Camerons, is vouched
for by one who is understood to have had exceptional oppor-
tunities of handing down, in an authentic form, the Lochaber
traditions of the Clan. As, however, it is too late in the day to
expect for any one local tradition, the acceptance which it might
receive were it otherwise confirmed, the following considerations
are offered as a substantial confirmation of the tradition of Loch-
aber : —
i. There are, to begin with, considerations that arise out
of the silence, preserved by the author of " The Memoirs of Sir
Ewen Cameron of Lochiel," regarding Taillear . Dubh na
Tuaighe. The " Introduction " to the Memoirs, while professing
to give a summary of the previous history of the Clan from the ear-
liest times, makes absolutely 'no allusion to him.-f* Now, although
it can be shown that the author was, on some points, imperfectly
informed, and that, in others, he is corrected both by living tra-
dition and the public records, it is incredible that he could have
been ignorant of the quite exceptional place which is occupied by
the Taillear Dubh, in Cameron story. It is almost as incredible
that he can have omitted all notice whatever of the services
which he rendered. The natural inference is, that the family
historian, discarding the name or nickname by which, alone, the
valiant partizan was popularly known, reverted to, and made use
of, his more decorous proper name. There is evidence that this
would be quite after the author's mind ; for, although possessed
of several qualities of value in the historiographer of an ancient
* Celtic Magazine, April 1883, by Mrs Mary Mackellar.
+ These memoirs of date circa 1733, were written by John Drummond or
Macgregor, of the family of Balhaldy, Stirlingshire, believed to have been a grandson
of Sir Ewen.
2O
526 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
family, it is pretty clear that he would not willingly enter on
the family record, and so perpetuate, a sobriquet of the kind.
That is to be regretted. Yet he is hardly to be blamed, for a
sense of the value of folk-lore, in its genuine unsophisticated
forms, had not then been awakened. It was a time, besides, when
the patriarch chief of older times had developed into a feudal
lord, and was on his way to all the respectabilities of the great
landed proprietors of the present century. It was plainly the
author's conception of his task, to do his utmost, compatible with
truth, to enhance the dignity of the single family, with whose
fortunes he acknowledges himself to be chiefly concerned. On
the presumption, then, that a passing glance, at least, has been
bestowed in the "Introduction"* on the Taillear Dubh, under
a designation which may have commended itself to the author as
more becoming, we are at once struck by several points of resem-
blance, between the account which tradition has preserved of
Taillear Dubh na Tuaighe, and that which the author gives of
Donald MacEwen Beg. The latter, like the former, is described
as the illegitimate son of a former chief, as a great favourite with
the Clan, and as their leader and champion at a crisis of their
history. In short, of all the persons whom the author names in
his " Introduction," Donald MacEwen Beg is the only one who
can possibly be regarded as a tolerably good counterpart of the
Taillear Dubh.-f-
2. More important considerations arise from the fact that, in
the localities beyond Lochaber that have preserved the tradition
of the Taillear Dubh, the presence of Donald MacEwen Beg
can be traced by means of independent, documentary evidence.
So far as known, there are two, and only two, such localities,
viz. : Abernethy, on Speyside, and Stratheachaig, in Cowal. The
account given in the " Introduction " is that Donald MacEwen
Beg in his youth, or early manhood, found a home in the country
of the Grants, under the protection of his paternal grandmother ;
and that he was afterwards recalled from thence by the loyal
section, of the Clan, to head them in securing the succession of
their infant chief, and in expelling the hereditary enemy [p. 37].
* Author's introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheil, for
brevity's sake spoken of as the " Introduction" throughout this paper.
t The difference respecting the fate ascribed to each is afterwards noticed.
"TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE." 527
We are not told how long he remained with the Grants, but are
allowed to understand that he may have lived among them for
several years, and that his intention was to have settled in their
country.
Now, there is, at the present time, a very considerable body
of Camerons settled in that district. In the united parishes of
Abernethy and Kincardine, in the very home of the Grants, these
Camerons are a good second to the Grants in point of numbers,
and second to none, as their kinsmen elsewhere will be glad to
know, in respect of industry, probity, and independence. They
are known to this day as "Sliochd nan Gillean maola dubh,"* and
their account of themselves is, that they descend from twelve
young men who accompanied a daughter of the house of Lochiel,
on her marriage with one of the Barons Stewart, of Kincardine —
the date of which event is placed in the latter half of the i6th
century. They attended the bride to her new home, with the
double object of adding to her husband's strength in men, and
of being a source of confidence and solace to herself. As has
already been implied, they have fairly prospered, with one
noticeable exception ; for the family of the Ceann-tighe has
decayed. There is more to be told ; for their tradition adds, that
the captain of the original band of the "Gillean maola dubh" was
Taillear Dubh na Tuaighe ! There is still living, near the Manse
of Abernethy, an aged woman, Anne Cameron — the last of her
family — whose presence and intelligence suggest better days and
surroundings, whose father was acknowledged by all of the name
in that district, to be their Ceann-tighe, chieftain or head. Yet,
strange to say, according to her account and theirs, her father was
not of the " Sliochd nan Gillean maola dubh," but a descendant,
as she said, of " Taillear Dubh na Tuaighe, 'chuir an ruaig air
Macantoisich." Him the "Gillean maola dubh" had regarded as
their Ceann-tighe, just as their descendants had recognised his
representatives, from generation to generation. Their tradition
agrees with that of Lochaber, in representing him as the son of
* It has got into some book, and become current, that this meant the "bonnetless
black lads." It is more likely to contain a reference to the steel bonnet, or skull-
cap, which a bodyguard of the kind would wear, and which, worn over their black
hair, would give them the appearance of baldness. A long list is extant of Camerons,
who had engaged in a foray in 1598, all of whom wore steel bonnets, &c., &c.
Keg. of Privy Council, vol. v., p. 498.
528 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
a former chief of the Camerons, and as the champion of their
independence ; but draws him into closer relationship with the
Grants and their affairs. It also includes one curious episode,
according to which he was dispatched by Grant, in command of
a body of men, to assist Cluny and his Macphersons against
the Mackintoshes. Old Anne's belief was, that the Taillear
Dubh had settled for good among the Grants, but she could not
remember that any tradition pointed to his having been buried
in any church-yard, in that country. Yet although a descendant
of Taillear Dubh na Tuaighe, she knew nothing of Donald
MacEwen Beg. On the other hand, as we have seen, the
" Introduction " discloses the fact that Donald MacEwen Beg
resided for a considerable period in that same district. Were
they one and the same ?
The only other district which has had a steadfast tradition
connecting the Taillear Dubh with it, is in Cowal, where a group
of families, Macintaylor — later, Taylor — by name, have always
regarded themselves as his descendants.* It adds weight to
their tradition that one link suffices to connect the oldest sur-
vivors of the sept with their progenitor of 200 years ago. Their
grandfather -f who fought at Culloden in 1746, and died in 1817,
at the great age of 96, had the family account from his
grandfather, regarding whom there is unimpeachable evidence
of date 1685-6.^ It is also noteworthy that their tradition
carries them up by name to about 1580, when the first of
them is said to descend from the Taillear Dubh. Regard-
ing its general drift, no more need be said than that it corre-
sponds, in all main particulars, with that of Lochaber. Where
it differs, as in certain minor and unimportant details, the differ-
* It will be noticed that those who claimed descent from him in Abernethy re-
tained the name of Cameron. But in that case they were associated in the same
locality with a considerable body of Camerons. Besides, he was not then the famous
Taillear Dubh of a later period.
t The writer's great-grandfather. He was a keen sportsman, after the healthy
fashion, in which the tacksmen of those days enjoyed the privilege, and when over 80
was reckoned an excellent shot. After he had passed his goth year, it was nothing
unusual for him to set out alone " for the hill " to have a look at his cattle and sheep.
J An Account of the Depredations in Argyllshire (Ed., 1816) — A contemporary
record which gives a distinct view of the entire group, and shows them to have been a
body of substantial tacksmen or tenants occupying Garrochra, Inverchappel, and '
three or four other well-known Cowal farms.
"TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE." 529
ence, from a critical point of view, is in favour of the Cowal
version, as being- the simpler, and, therefore, presumably, the
older form. These Cowal people were wont to regard themselves
as Camerons of the Camerons, and to designate themselves,
down to the closing years of last century, as " Clann an Taillear
Dhuibh, Camronaich." It would appear to have depended
entirely on the scribes of the day, the notaries and clerks of
various kinds, whether their name should be done in English, and
transmitted to their posterity, as Macintaylor or as Cameron — a
contingency illustrated by numerous other instances in the High-
lands.
Let us turn once more to the " Introduction." It gives no
sign that Donald Mac Ewen Beg ever visited Cowal, but, as we
shall see, there is evidence to that effect in records that are even
more trustworthy. A brief survey of the posture of affairs among
the Camerons, during the third quarter of the i6th century, will
bring out the particulars. The difficulty of making this survey
intelligible is increased by two circumstances — that three genera-
tions appear simultaneously as the actors on the same stage, and
that they have only three Christian names among them. Thus,
there are the sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of Ewen
Alanson, who was beheaded in 1 547 ; and among them there are
several Donalds, Ewens, and Johns ; for the infant chief, Allan,
round whom all the storms of the period revolved, may be left
out of account. It is therefore not to be wondered at, that it
has been found almost impossible to assign to each of these his
proper part. The author of the "History of the Camerons," now
in progress, has done good service by showing that Ewen Alan-
son was twice married, first to a daughter of Lochalsh, and second,
to Marjory Mackintosh.* The double marriage, which is not
to be found in the " Introduction," and was probably unknown to
its author, is really the clue to the contentions in which the Clan
were for some years embroiled. Ewen Alanson, according to the
" Introduction," had four sons,-f three of whom survived him. It
gives the names of three of the four, viz., Donald, the eldest, who
died during his father, Ewen Alanson's, lifetime, and Donald and
John, whom it designates, perhaps incorrectly, of Erracht and
* Celtic Magazine, Feb. 1883, p. 155.
t Author's Introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheil, p. 33.
530 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Kinlochiel respectively ; the same who acted as tutors, during the
minority of the young chief, Allan. Who was the fourth son ?
Before answering that question, it is quite understood that Donald
was not the name of the progenitor of the Erracht family,* and
Gregory with the " Introduction " before him, changes " Donald
of Eracht " of the " Introduction " into " Ewen of Eracht."
This " Ewen of Eracht," or Ewen MacEwen, he represents
as having been murdered at Inverlochy ; but the records-f- seem
to show that the tutor or guardian who was put to death there
was not Ewen MacEwen, but Donald MacEwen. There is no
means of discovering how the latter was styled, whether of Erracht
or of some other place. As it is not disputed that John of Kin-
lochiel was the other guardian, the names given in the " Intro-
duction" ought to stand ; and as,by general consent, the progenitor
of the Erracht family was Ewen MacEwen,^: the inference is, that
this last was the son whose name has not been recorded in
the " Introduction." It would thus appear, that there were two
sons by Ewen Alanson's first marriage, Donald and Ewen ; and
two of second first marriage, Donald and John. Donald (i), had
pre-deceased his father ; his full brother, Ewen seems to have died
soon after young Allan's birth ; but, if alive when these con-
tentions in the Clan commenced, it goes without saying, that he
was not an abettor of Donald (2) and John, in their attempted
usurpation.
( To be continued.)
" COLONEL ANN " MACKINTOSH AND CUMBERLAND. - Lady Mack-
intosh, generally known as "Colonel Ann," was taken" prisoner after the Battle of
Culloden, and carried up to London, but was soon set at liberty. Cumberland, it is
said, gave a ball, to which he invited this lady. The first tune played was, " Up and
Waur them a', Willie," to which he requested her to dance. Having consented, she
asked, when they were done, if, since she had danced to his tune, he would dance to
hers. He could not refuse to a lady, and "Colonel Ann" asked for "The Auld
Stuarts back Again!" To this tune the singularly assorted couple also danced. —
Chambers 's History of the Rebellion.
* Celtic Magazine, April, 1883, p. 269. Gregory's History of the Western
Highlands and Islands (2nd Edition), p. 228-9.
t Record of Privy Council, vol. ii., 597.
J His son appears soon afterwards in the Records, as " Johnne Badach Mac Vc.
Ewne of Erach," which, unfortunately, does not settle the point. Reg. Privy Council.
vol. v., p. 498.
AT one time there raged a bitter feud between the Erasers of
Lovat and the Athole men. At the date of this story, the latter
had made a terrible raid upon the Lovat country during the
absence of nearly all its male inhabitants upon a similar expe-
dition. The Erasers returned only to find their houses pillaged
and burned, their women and children slain or chased to the
hills, and their cattle driven away by the invaders. As the
scene of desolation broke upon their view, and as they beheld
stretched around them the lifeless bodies of the few old men
whom they had left behind, a deep thirst for revenge took pos-
session of the Erasers, and they called upon their lord to lead
them at once into the Athole country. They brandished their
gleaming claymores on high, as if calling upon Heaven to
aid them in their purpose, while the weird, sad strains of the
coronach rose in the air, and mingled with their angry voices.
Lord Lovat, a man of fierce passions, swore solemnly on the cross-
hilt of his dirk that he would not return to his own lands again
until he had either captured or put to death every living creature
in the Athole country, from the human inhabitants to the very
barn-door fowls. The Clan were at once marshalled, and set off
determinedly on their expedition.
They were fortunate enough to find the Athole country in
the same unprotected state as their own had been, and for two
days they harried and burned and slaughtered to their hearts'
content. At the end of that time they commenced the return
march, laden with plunder, when, just as they were leaving the
boundaries of the blackened and wasted land, a cock was heard
to crow from some deserted farm-house a long distance behind
them. Faint though the sound was, it reached the quick ears of
Donald Eraser, the henchman of Lord Lovat, and he at once
reminded his Chief that his vow had not been fulfilled to the
letter.
An oath taken upon the dirk was then considered the most
binding of any, and it was reckoned a terrible crime to break such
an oath, so that Lord Lovat ordered Donald to go back with a small
party of men, and not to return until he had effectually silenced the
532 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
poor cock. The henchman accordingly set off, but on reaching
the place whence the sound had come, his party was attacked on
all sides by the furious Athole men, who had meanwhile returned,
and were only too glad to take advantage of the opportunity of re-
venge thus offered them. The party of Erasers were cut to pieces,
the only survivor being Donald himself, who, after a most vigorous
resistance, was overpowered by numbers and bound tightly with
cords. He was then commanded in no gentle terms to guide his
captors to where the rest of his Clan were awaiting him, but by an
almost superhuman effort he burst his bonds asunder, and broke
through his guards. He had not got a hundred yards, however,
before he was overtaken and slain. A few of the victorious Athole
men then proceeded to don the tartans of the dead Erasers, and
made straight in the track of the main body of Lovat's men, the
rest of their party following some distance in the rear.
After marching two or three miles they came in view of the
Erasers, encamped in a little hollow in the side of a hill, evidently
feasting on their booty, unconscious of danger, and totally unpre-
pared for an 'attack. The main body of the Athole men now made
a circuit round to the back of the hill so as to take the enemy in
the rear, while the advance party, secure in their borrowed tartans,
advanced boldly towards the Erasers. Believing them to be his
own men, Lovat beckoned them to come on, when, with a wild yell,
they threw off their disguises, and rushed furiously upon the as-
tonished foe. At the same moment, the main body charged down
from the brow of the hill and threw themselves upon the rear. A
scene of butchery ensued which it is impossible to describe. Lord
Lovat was shouting for his horse, when he was cut down by several
of his opponents at once. The rest of his Clan, disheartened by
the fall of their Chief, were quickly despatched, save a remnant
who managed to escape. The Athole men returned home with
all the booty which had been carried off by the Erasers. Before
leaving, however, they generously gave the rites of burial to their
fallen foes, and erected an immense cairn of stones over their
graves, which is known as Eraser's Cairn to this day. The country
people believe that at midnight the ghost of Lord Lovat can be
seen rushing madly round the cairn, calling loudly for a horse —
a horse !
H. R. M.
533
THE "SCOTTISH REVIEW" ON THE REPORT
OF THE CROFTERS' COMMISSION.
THE Scottish Review for the present quarter contains two
articles of special interest to Highlanders — the first to students
of Celtic Philology, and the second to Land Law Reformers.
The articles we refer to are those on the Scottish Language and
Highland Land Law Reform. The first-mentioned bears evi-
o
dence of coming from the pen of one who has kept himself quite
abreast — in some respects, indeed, ahead— of the most recent
disclosures in the field of philologic and ethnologic research.
His special subject is the Lowland Scottish Language ; but in
the course of his observations he makes digressions among the
tangled thicket of Celtic Philology, and his remarks on the
subject are full of interest. Very important, and even striking,
is the following remark, which lays down a theory that the
upholders of the old fashioned beliefs will find it hard to disprove.
He says — " The probability is that the race to which both the
Scots and the Picts belonged was neither Gaelic nor Celtic, but
non-Aryan. The Scots certainly spoke the Goidelic dialect of
the Celtic language, probably as an acquired or adopted tongue;
but many of the Picts did not understand it. Columba, who
spoke Goidelic, could make himself understood, it is true, to
King Brude and the men about him when he visited him in his
stronghold in the neighbourhood of the River Ness ; but when
he penetrated further into the Pictish country, and came in
contact with plebeians and peasants, he had to preach to them,
as Adamnan says, by means of interpreters. Their language,
there is reason to believe, was, like their race, non-Aryan." The
whole article will amply repay careful perusal.
The author of the article on Highland Land Law Reform
enters on an able and most sympathetic examination of the
Report of the Crofters' Commission. The author is one of the
few who seem to have properly grasped the idea expressed by
the Commissioners in the " Township " scheme, which they
recommend for the sanction of the Legislature. The proposal
has met with disfavour, very much because it has not been
understood by the critics. Opinions, the most various and
534 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
contradictory, have been expressed with respect to the scheme
according to the standpoint from which it is viewed. " It has
been stigmatised as retrograde, socialistic, and illusory. On the
other hand, it has been denounced with equal vigour as timid
and half-hearted." " It has altogether failed to satisfy the more
advanced advocates of Highland Land Law Reform, and it has
utterly disgusted the economists." The principle of the scheme
the Reviewer puts in a sentence — " It recommends an individual
occupancy of arable land with a common occupancy of pasture."
The origin of the idea is neither new nor foreign ; it " has been
for centuries, and is still ' a reality in the habits of the people,' a
reality which ' could not now be set at nought without arousing
public sentiment and opposition.'" References in proof of the
existence and practical operation of the Township system are
made to the very interesting contribution by Mr A. A. Car-
michael, which is appended to the Report of the Commission.
" It thus appears," says our author, " that the organisation of the
Highland Township, whatever the value of that organisation
may be, is entirely indigenous — a product of the past life
of the people, and an illustration of a deep-seated and far-
reaching race characteristic." To the objection that a system
involving " common occupancy " of pasture is retrogressive
and inimical to individual industry, the Commissioners give
the unanswerable reply " that pasture is indispensable to the
small tenant in most parts of the Highlands and Islands,
the soil and climate being such that he can never depend on
cereal cultivation alone, either for rent or sustenance, while
the areas requisite for the grazing of cattle, and especially of
sheep, are so vast and the surface so rugged that numerous
enclosures are impracticable." " Even Sir Kenneth Mackenzie,
the kindliest of proprietors, who would solve the problem by
increasing the number of farms with individual holdings, must
know that on his own Gairloch estate the cost of fencing the
pasture ground of each small farm would be such as to render
the scheme impracticable. The farms would need to be so large
that the country, if the occupiers of these farms were the only
inhabitants, would be desolate."
The Township of the past never possessed corporate ex-
istence in law. " The Township conceived by the Commissioners
"SCOTTISH REVIEW" ON THE CROFTERS. 535
is one possessed of an acknowledged corporate existence ; it is an
organism invested with a full legal recognition of the right to live."
The Commissioners seek to justify their proposals on grounds of
" social urgency and political expediency," but these proposals are
also in full accord with the impulses of popular feeling as reflected
in the verdict of speculative thought.
This remarkably able and opportune article concludes as
follows : —
When we look back on the schemes of society conceived by the Commissioners,
and compare it with the society now found in the North, we discover a contrast which
is nearly absolute. In the Highland society of to-day, we have the extremes of
inequality. On the one hand, we have enormous sheep farms, enormous deer forests,
"enormous properties; on the other hand, there is the " mingled multitude " which the
Commissioners declare to be " so slenderly furnished with the means of life." Between
these extremes there is scarcely any connecting link. But in the scheme of Highland
society submitted to us by the Commissioners there is a regular gradation of classes.
We have the cottar fisherman, the leasehold crofter, the small farmer, and the peasant
proprietor, we have the more substantial farmer and the large farmer, we have fishing
tenants and tenants of deer forests, and we have proprietors of all grades.
Such is the conception of Highland Land Law Reform developed in the Report.
It is a conception which has originated in an intelligent study of existing organisations;
a conception which is at once broad and statesmanlike, and, at the same time, just
and moderate in its spirit ; a conception which harmonizes both with the aspirations of
the people and with the tendencies of the age ; and, finally, a conception which, to the
Highland crofter, is full of bright promise of a happy future, in which sloth has given
way to industry, want to prosperity, and agitation to loyal contentment. The men
whose deeds of fidelity to chiefs and to princes are so full of pathos, who have always
been only too prone to place absolute faith in those whom they have regarded as their
leaders — these men are still as true at heart, and are still as ready to be devoted in
action, to the idea of law, and to the emblems of authority, and to the persons of
rulers, as they have ever been. The peasantry of the Highlands have endured long,
and they have endured well. Under " want and stripes " they have remained silent ;
and if, at last, they have spoken with courage and determination, they have spoken
also — at least from their own lips and from the lips of those in whom they trust — with
self-restraint and with moderation. Nor can we reasonably doubt, if just concessions
are made to their demands and the means of self-help placed within their reach, that
their industrial success in their own country will be as assured as it has been in
foreign countries, and that their sterling worth will prove as substantial in the ways of
peace as it has already proved in times of peril and on the field of battle.
w.
THE TORONTO CALEDONIAN SOCIETY.— An interesting demonstration
was given by the Toronto Caledonian Society, in July, when to the number of 550,
with pipers, bands, and banners, they made an excursion to the Falls of Niagara.
It is said to have been the most successful ever enjoyed by the Society.
536 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SUAICHEANTAS NAN GAEL; OR THE BADGES OF THE
HIGHLAND CLANS, IN GAELIC AND ENGLISH.
Buchanans j Braoileag, also Darach j ™®
Camerons Dearc Fithicli The Crow-berry .
Campbells Garbhag an t-sleibh Fir Club Moss.
Do Roid Wild Myrtle.
Chisholms Raineach The Fern.
Colquhouns Braoileag nan con The Dogberry.
Cummings Lus mhic Cuimein Cummin Plant.
Drummonds Lus na Macraidh Wild Thyme, the oldest.
Do ' Cuilionn Holly.
MacFarquhar or Ferguson, ) Ros-greine Little Sunflower.
and Farquharsons \ Lus-nam-ban-sith Fox Glove.
Forbes and Mackays Bealaidh Broom.
Frasers lubhar Yew.
Grants, MacGregors, Mac- j <,. h Jh g h f.
Kmnons, andMacQuarnes \
Gordons ladh-shlat, Eithann Ivy.
\ Buaidh - chraobh, no / T , ., ^ , ,T- .
Grahams j Laibhreis 1 Laurel, the Tree of Victory,
Hays Uile-ic Misletoe.
Macaulays and Macfarlanes . . . Muileag Cranberry.
Macdonalds Macalastairs, | Fraoch Common Heath
and Macnabs \
MacDougals Fraoch dearg Bell Heath.
Mackenzies and Macleans Cuilionn Holly.
MacLauchlans Faochag Lesser Periwinkle.
Do Uinnseann The Mountain Ash
Macleods, Gunns, and Ross. . . Aiteann Juniper.
MacNauchtans Lus Allabanach The Trailing Azalia
MacNeills and Laments _.Tri-bhileach Trefoil.
Mackays Luachair-bhog Bull Rushes
MacPherson, Mackintosh, ^
Macduffs, Macbeans, |
Shaws, Farquharsons, i r , , • ,, J Boxwood. This is said to be
Macqueens, and manyf" j the oldest badge.
others, as belonging to I
the Clan Chattan )
Do., Do j LU| ™^™^:.n* \ Red Whortleberry.
Menzies Fraoch na Meinearach. ...The Menzies Heath.
Munroes Garbhag nan gleann .Common Club Moss.
Murrays and Sutherlands Bealaidh Broom.
Ogilvies Boglus Evergreen Alkanet.
Oliphants Luachair The Bull Rush.
TM »u ru u \ Fine Leaved Heath. ' This is
Robertsons Dluth-fhraoch j &a[d {Q be the ok}est ^^
Do Raineach The Fern.
Roses R6s-mairi fiadhaich Wild Rosemary.
fThe Oak; also Cluaran, the
thistle, the present national
badge. That of the Pictish
Stewarts Darach -{ kings was Rudh (rue), and
which is joined with the
thistle in the collar of the
order.
Urquhar'ts Lus leth an t-samhraidh. . Wallflower.
537
LAND LAW REFORM DEMOMSTRATION
AT DINGWALL.
ON the 2nd and 3rd of September two meetings are to be
held in the town of Dingvvall on the subject of Land Law Reform
in the Highlands, which will inagurate a new departure, and
are certain to become historical. On the 2nd a Conference is to
take place, at which delegates will be present from the various
Highland Land Law Reform Associations in Great Britain, and
representative men, from all parts of the country, who take an
interest in the subject. Among those who have already intimated
their intention of being present are Professor Blackie, Charles
Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P. for the Inverness Burghs ; Dr Charles
Cameron, M.P. for Glasgow ; Sir George Campbell, M.P.; Pro-
fessor Bryce, M.P.; A. Cameron Corbet, late Liberal candidate
for North Warwickshire ; Dr Clark, candidate at next election
for the County of Caithness ; Dr Macdonald, late candidate for
the County of Ross ; Major Macleod, Eskbank ; John Mac-
donell, barrister, London ; Donald Murray, secretary of the
Highland Land Law Reform Association of London ; D. Cowan,
secretary of Highland Land Law Reform Association of Edin-
burgh ; the Rev. John Mactavish, president, and Bailies Elliot
and Mackay, and Dean of Guild Mackenzie, vice-presidents of
the Inverness Association ; John Macdonald, merchant, Inver-
ness ; John Macpherson, Glendale ; the " Brave Old Crofter,"
Kilmuir, Isle of Skye ; J. Macgilchrist Ross, Coul Cottage,
Alness ; and Angus Sutherland, Glasgow. The Scottish Farmers'
Alliance have also elected an influential deputation to attend the
Conference ; and so have the following Highland Land Law
Reform Associations : — Lewis, Halladale, Strathy, and others in
Sutherlandshire ; the Caithness-shire Associations ; Forres,
Grantown ; Lochalsh ; Kilmuir, and other Skye Associations ;
Culbokie, Mulbuie, Resolis, Knockbain ; Evanton, Milton, Port-
mahomack, Strathpeffer, Garve, Cromarty, and several others.
It is proposed to consider the future political programme
and prospects of Highland Land Law Reform; to concert united
action throughout the whole Highlands at the next General Elec-
tion ; to appoint a Consulting Political Committee for securing
538 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
suitable candidates, and ensuring united action in all the Northern
Counties and among the friends of the cause everywhere ; to
consider the propriety of starting an Independent Reform news-
paper ; and such other subjects as may come up, and must be
provided for, in connection with the great social question which
is now moving the minds of all thinking men in this country.
At the public meeting on the following day, under the
presidency of Professor Blackie, the following resolutions will be
proposed : —
First, Moved by D. H. Macfarlane, M.P., and seconded by
Charles Eraser-Mackintosh, M.P.: —
That, in the opinion of this meeting, the condition of the Highland crofters and
cottars, as detailed in the Report of the Royal Commission, is discreditable to this
great and wealthy nation ; and this meeting pledges itself to support the Highland
Land Law Reform Association in its efforts to effect such changes in the Land Laws
as will secure to the Highland people the right to live on their native soil under
equitable conditions.
Second, Moved by J. Macgilchrist Ross, Coul Cottage,
Alness, seconded by Dr Clark, candidate for the County of
Caithness : —
That this meeting expresses its gratification that the Royal Commissioners recom-
mend special legislation for the Highlands, in order to provide a remedy for acknow-
ledged and flagrant grievances ; and is of opinion that a measure on the lines of the
Irish Land Act, 1881, but applicable to the special circumstances of Scotland, will
alone provide a sufficient remedy.
Third, Moved by Sir George Campbell, M.P., seconded by
John Macdonell, barrister-at-law, London : —
That this meeting pledges itself to use its utmost power and influence to secure
the return to Parliament of such men only as are known to be in full and thorough
sympathy with the people on the great social question of Land Law Reform.
Fourth, Moved by Dean of Guild Mackenzie, Inverness,
seconded by Major Macleod, Eskbank, Mid-Lothian : —
That this meeting approves of the Franchise Bill, introduced by Mr Gladstone,
and passed by the House of Commons ; that it protests against the refusal of the
House of Lords to pass the Bill ; and that it records its emphatic opinion that the
power of veto possessed by the Lords is productive of much mischief when exercised
in opposition to the deliberate will of the people ; and recommends such constitutional
changes as will make this veto inoperative when any proposed measure is passed a
second time by the House of Commons.
In addition to the movers and seconders, these resolutions will
be spoken to by various well-known and influential Land Law
Reformers and members of Parliament.
539
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
"THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS." — Just published,
" The History of the Camerons," with authentic genealogies of
the principal families of the name, to the present time, by
Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A., Scot, editor of the "Celtic
Magazine," &c., &c., in a handsome volume of 494 pages, demy
8vo., printed in clear, bold old-faced type (small pica), on superfine
thick, toned paper, Roxburghe binding, uniform with the " His-
tory of the Mackenzies " and the " History of the Macdonalds
and Lords of the Isles," by the same author, has just been
issued, and is being delivered to subscribers. The issue is
strictly limited to 500 copies, at one guinea each (to subscribers);
and 75 copies, demy 4to., at a guinea-and-a-half. The work em-
braces the history and genealogy of the family of Lochiel, from
the earliest times to the present ; as also under separate headings,
of Erracht, Fassiefern, Glenevis, Worcester, Callart, Lundavra,
Dawnie, Barcaldine, Inverailort, Cuilchenna, and several other of
the minor branches of the Clan, with their marriages and other
connexions. The portion of the work which has passed through
the "Celtic Magazine" has been vastly improved, corrected, and
extended. In addition, the volume will contain some 200 pages,
which has not appeared in the Magazine. For any of the remain-
ing unsubscribed copies, application should be at once made to the
publishers, A. & W. Mackenzie, "Celtic Magazine" Office, Inverness.
THE KILLIN COLLECTION. — As we go to press we have received a copy
of the Killin Collection of Highland Music, compiled by Mr Charles Stewart of Tigh-
an-Duin. For the present we can only say that the work is tastefully prepared, and is
replete with interesting lore, as well as the most charming Highland Music.
THE VICTORIA CALEDONIAN SOCIETY, BRITISH COLUMBIA.—
A strong argument against the alleged sloth and want of enterprise of Highlanders,
is furnished by the activity and conspicuous success of Highlanders abroad, and under
circumstances which afford more scope and encouragement for the application of their
energies. Their native buoyancy of spirit re-asserts itself when relieved from the pres-
sure and depressing influences of their condition in their native land. A great gathering
of the Clans was recently held, under the auspices of the Victoria Caledonian Society,
British Columbia. One has only to read an account of the display on the occasion and
the prominence of Highland names among the prize-takers, to feel quite assured that
the Highlander is far from being "played out." His task-masters and traducers at
home had better beware —
" The ancient spirit is not dead,
Methinks old times are breathing still."
540 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A PIPER AND BAG-PIPES. — In Defoe's History of the Great Plague of
London we are told how a piper, who lay drunk in the street among the dead bodies,
was forked up in the usual way and pitched into the dead cart, pipes and all ; but the
fresh air and the jolting of the cart awakened him, and wondering where he was, he
sat up in the cart and began to play with all his might and main, whereupon the carter
fled in terror. The piper continuing to play, the people approached the cart, and
saw the piper seated upon the dead bodies. He roared out, " Where am I?" " In
the dead cart," was the reply. "But I am not dead, am I?" roared the piper, who
being helped out, went about his business, doubtless a wiser if not a better man, and
thoroughly sobered by his grim adventure.
CURIOUS VIEW OF "QUARTER."— A French officer at the Battle of
Waterloo knew but one word of English, and that was " Quarter," and knowing the
value of it, he determined to use it when the time came. It was not long in coming,
for his horse was killed before the battle had raged two hours, and he soon found him-
self engaged with a gigantic 42nd man, whose English vocabulary was nearly as
limited as his own, and who certainly had not the slightest idea of the meaning of the
word "Quarter" in a military sense. The Frenchman soon found that he was no
match for his antagonist, and he immediately commenced to call for " Quarter."
" Och, och, inteet," said the Highlander, " she's no' going to put you in quarters at all,
at all, but only shust in two halves, inteet !"
A WARNING. — In the course of the present autumn, in view of the possible
dissolution of Parliament should the House of Lords decline to pass the Franchise Bill,
the constituencies are likely to be approached by all descriptions of would-be candi-
dates, for the honour of sitting in the House of Commons. It would be well that our
Highland friends should be on their guard against the blandishments of such political
wooers, and that they should strenuously refuse to pledge themselves to support any
candidate who does not give a " certain sound" upon the great social questions which
must concern the interests of the Highland people.
ANALYSIS OF THE CROFTER COMMISSION.— The articles which have
appeared in the Celtic Magazine, during the last four months on this subject, have been
published in neat pamphlet of 80 pages, with an excellent life-like portrait of Mr Charles
Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P. , as a frontispiece. Price, 6d. ; by Post, 7|d.; or in cloth
cover, with gilt stamp, is.; by Post, is. 2d. It has been highly reviewed by the press,
and is described on the very highest authority as the best and by "far the most
accurate account of the import of the proposals" and recommendations of the Royal
Commissioners which has yet appeared anywhere.
A LIBERAL CANADIAN HIGHLANDER.— A wealthy and influential
Canadian, whose parents were born in Glenmoriston, in the County of Inverness, has
placed an order of a hundred copies at a guinea each of the " History of the Camerons,"
just completed by Mr Alexander Mackenzie, editor of the Celtic Magazine. This
splendid order is, we believe, unprecedented in connection with any work hitherto
published either in or on the Highlands of Scotland. Half the number is liberally
placed at the disposal of the author for presentation to public institutions connected
with the Highlands, for which application should be made.
THE 79TH AT FUENTES D'ONOR.— At this battle, when the regiment
was almost paralyzed by the fall of their adored commander, Colonel Cameron, the
Major seized the colours, and calling out, " There are your colours, my lads, follow
me !" The Highlanders at once rallied, and charged the enemy with the greatest success.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CVIIJ. OCTOBER 1884. VOL. IX.
JOHN MACKINTOSH,
Author of " The History of Civilisation in Scotland."
RECENTLY we had occasion to notice in the Celtic Magazine, the
third volume of the History of Civilisation in Scotland, by Mr
John Mackintosh, Aberdeen, when we accorded "the highest
praise to its excellence as a work of industry, great research, and
unmistakeable genius." Reviewing the preceding vo-lume of
the same work, the British Quarterly Review declares that the
author "has the fitness for the task which comes from a readiness
to appreciate the profounder, intellectual, and moral influences.
We accept his work with satisfaction, as a careful and praiseworthy
attempt to elucidate a deeply interesting historical problem."
The Inverness Courier truly declares that "the work throughout
bears the impress of an acute and discriminating mind;" while
the People's Journal states that "the style in which the second
volume is written is clear and concise, with occasionally a force
and intensity almost poetic, as if the author had warmed to his
wrork in proportion as the human interest in it augmented."
These are but a few specimens from a great many other favour-
able opinions of the invaluable work which John Mackintosh has
now nearly finished ; for his fourth and last volume is already far
advanced towards completion.
A few particulars of the life and antecedents of such a man
must prove interesting to the reader, especially so, when his
humble origin and heroic struggles to improve his mind under
2 P
542 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
almost insuperable difficulties and adverse circumstances, be-
come known. Of these early difficulties we are given a slight
glance in the Preface to the third volume of the work. We are
there told that the subject of it had occupied the mind of the
author for a period of twenty-three years, during the whole of
which he was employed at various other employments to enable
him to earn a livelihood. The final form which the work
assumed did not at first present itself to his mind, and only
afterwards arose out of other inquiries in which he became
engaged and deeply interested. Notwithstanding the great diffi-
culty he had at first in procuring books and the necessary original
material and documents for such a work, he soon succeeded in
laying a good foundation, preparing himself, " by a course of
philosophic study, embracing metaphysics, psychology, logic,
ethics, and politics, carefully reading hundreds of books on these
matters, both ancient and modern." His aim thoughout has
been, he informs us, to ascertain the essentials of everything that
had contributed to the development and to the progress of the
nation, and with this object, he says — " I have considered
nothing to be irrelevant which seems to have had any influence
upon the civilisation of the people. Merely to generalise or state
results without inquiring into facts and circumstances is altogether
alien to my conception and method, as I believe that in the
present state of historical knowledge, such a method would be
comparatively worthless." The result is an invaluable work, so
far, on a subject which has hitherto received scarcely any
attention, but which is of intense interest to the student of Scot-
tish History. It is, therefore, but natural that the reader would
like to know a little more about the author— this splendid speci-
men of Scottish pluck and perseverance in the pursuit of know-
ledge, and, better still, one who, when he had mastered the great
subject for himself, has had the courage to place the result of
his researches and studies at the disposal of his countrymen
in the handsome volumes already in the hands of the public
It is gratifying to state that this courage, and faith in his country-
men, have been so far very fairly rewarded, and that however
little he may benefit as yet financially by his researches and
labours, the patronage already bestowed upon him has more
than covered the cost of printing and publication
JOHN MACKINTOSH. 543
No better or more interesting subject than the Life of John
Mackintosh could be taken up by Mr Smiles, the fascinating
biographer of other self-made men, like our present subject. And
here we may be permitted to state, for the first time, that it was
the perusal of his splendid book, Self Help, that first roused,
in the present writer, the desire and ambition, even the hope and
possibility, of ever being able to write anything. Until that great
master of biographies takes the subject of these remarks in hand,
the following particulars may prove interesting to his High-
land countrymen.
The author of the History of Civilisation in Scotland was
born in November 1833, in the Parish of Botriphnie, in Banffshire.
His father, William Mackintosh, served his country for fourteen
years in the British army, during the greater part of which he
was on active service. He was present at the battles of Vimiera,
Corunna, Salamanca, and Vittoria, and was three times wounded—
once in the shoulder; on the second occasion he had his leg
broken below the knee, and on the third he had one of his thumbs
carried away. Shortly after the battle of Vittoria he retired from
the army with a pension, and for the remainder of his life he occu-
pied a croft on the estate of Drummuir, in which he was succeeded
on his death, in 1856, by his son, John's eldest brother.
Mackintosh, having received a fairly good English education,
as things went in those days, for one of his age, was sent out
to farm work when only ten years old, and he remained in this
occupation for the next seven years, with the exception of three
winters, during which he attended school. He was then, at the
age of seventeen, apprenticed to the shoemaking trade, at which
he continued to work for the next fourteen years, in various
places, throughout the Counties of Banff, Aberdeen, and Kincar-
dine. During this latter period he read much, speaking on and
discussing many subjects, not only at meetings of Literary and
other Societies, but with his companions in the various work-shops
in which he worked from week to week ; and by this means first
acquired a pretty wide and ready command of good and forcible
language. The leading part which he at this time took in Mutual
Improvement and Debating Societies, first directed his thoughts
into literary channels ; and even thus early, he introduced and
read papers at meetings of these Societies, on such subjects as
544 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
"The Ballad Literature and Early Poetry of Scotland," "The
Laneuag-e and Dialects of the British Islands," " The Politicians
• * o
of the Eighteenth Century," " The Laws of the Association of
Ideas," "The Beautiful and the Sublime," and various other
subjects of a like kind.
He now began to experience the want of the class of books
which, with an extended craving for the treasures of literature,
he desired most to peruse and examine, but these were not to be
found in the libraries of such rural societies as he was connected
with, nor in those of the Mechanics' Institutions of the period ;
though sometimes he managed to secure some of them for him-
o o
self, out of his small earnings at his last ; until, in time, he be-
came the possessor of a very good selection of philosophical and
other works. . Many of the books which he now began to crave
after were rare, and not in the market to buy, even if he had the
means to pay for them. He discovered where many such works
could be consulted long before he was in a position to secure
access to them, and it was not until he removed to Aberdeen in
1864, that the sources of knowledge opened up to the humble
country shoemaker, long determined to make up as much as
possible, by industry, indomitable pluck and perseverance, for
the defects of his early education. Here he still continued
at his last, but always reading, cultivating his mind, and search-
ing in every direction for original sources of information. In
1869 he opened a small stationery and news-agency shop, in
Broad Street, Aberdeen, where he has since remained, and on
the counter of which, during the intervals of business, he has
written the three volumes of the History of Civilisation in Scot-
land, which have already appeared, and a considerable portion
of the fourth and concluding volume, on which he is at present
engaged, and which, during a recent visit, we have seen in an
advanced state of preparation.
About 1871 he secured access to the Library of the Univer-
sity of Aberdeen, in consequence of which he said, with expres-
sions of gratitude of the authorities of that institution—" I have
been enabled to prosecute my special historical inquiries with
comparative ease and advantage," ever since ; and in his work he
says that " this Library has been of great and indispensable use
to me." He praises the Senatus and the Librarians for their
JOHN MACKINTOSH. 545
" uniform kindness and attention " in everything which could
facilitate his researches.
Besides a comprehensive course of philosophy, including
many works on the history of mental science in all its branches,
Mackintosh read and studied works on theology, the history of
religion, and the development of religious ideas and doctrines.
He carefully read various standard works on the growth of
language and universal grammar, on anthropology, ethnology,
and geology, especially in relation to the origin, age, and primitive
state of man. He has minutely examined the standard works on
archaeology, and the pre-historic ages of the world, particularly
the pre-historic ages in Britain. At a comparatively early period
of his life he began to read and to study the best works obtain-
able on method, criticism, and the principles of testing, estimating,
and appreciating evidence in general, and historical evidence in
particular. To these ends he read works on the classification of
the sciences, laws, and the modes and rules of interpretation and
exposition, as well as many works on history and general litera-
ture, for the purpose of attaining clear and comprehensive ideas
of method. Thus his critical faculty was improved and developed.
He made long and careful investigations, touching the causes
of human progress and civilisation, the results of which are partly
embodied in the three published volumes of his work. On this
great subject he holds that there has been, and still is, much pre-
mature generalisation, founded on insufficient data. Regarding
his special subject, the History of Civilisation in Scotland, he
has spared no labour or research in examining the original
sources of information. For the early periods reliable authorities
and records are few in number, and he soon discovered that the
influences of circumstantial evidence must be very carefully and
properly estimated in forming his conclusions. He has used
the lives of the saints, the records of the religious houses, early
charters, burgh laws and records, Acts of Parliament, and other
national records and proceedings, as well as the chronicles and
contemporary literature of different periods, and various other
cognate sources of information.
Besides his History of Civilisation, he has written various
articles for newspapers and periodicals, on such subjects as moral
culture, nationality, the study of English literature, national
546 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
education, trades unions and strikes, and militarism. From his
papers on the latter subject we may give a short quotation, which
will at the same time serve as a specimen of his literary style,
and of his thoughtful and robust treatment of the subject in hand.
After pointing out that it is of little avail to expect a permanent
peace, while the leading nations of Europe are armed to the
teeth, and the people groaning under the oppressive burdens
which militarism has entailed, he proceeds :—
" It has recently been argued that war is a concomitant of
evolution, and an essential element of the grand connective pro-
cess of the survival of the fittest. However much truth there
may be in this theory when applied to the early stages of society,
and to low degrees of social and political organisation, it con-
stantly loses its force as civilisation advances, and as moral
apprehension deepens, and human sympathy broadens. In the
course of ages the higher feelings and sentiments in some degree
supersede the lower, and the moral and intellectual power gradu-
ally modifies and subdues the brute instinct of cruelty, till at last
the moral sense of the higher civilised nations revolts against
cruelty. When, moreover, the industrial and commercial classes
have greatly multiplied, and interests, aims, modes of energy, and
enterprise have increased a hundredfold, then the theory which
makes war still a requisite to further progress is strangely
irrational and immoral, as it insists on continuing those predatory
habits and wild passions which really characterise the early and
barbarous communities, but which at the utmost arc only in-
cidental excrescences of the highest civilised nations. Upon an
exhaustive examination it will be found that war is rather an
effect of imperfect and defective social and political organisa-
tion in the constitution of the aggressive powers ; and instead of
being favourable to the higher aims of moral progress and civil-
isation, it frequently destroys both, and almost always retards
them."
And again —
" The theory that one race has a right, on the ground of their
military prowess, to trample upon another, may be very gratifying
to national vanity, although it is extremely gross and immoral.
Even when it is placed on a claim of superior culture and intellect,
it is fairly open to discussion whether the higher nation has any
right to force her government and modes of life on another
community at the point of the bayonet But the
theory that one race has a right to extinguish another is very
convenient for aggressive governments. It feeds a nation's vanity
to imagine themselves the greatest people upon the face of the
JOHN MACKINTOSH. 547
earth, so they can never be in the wrong, as the universe, or, at
least, this planet, has been specially created for them and their
interests."
Mr Mackintosh has always taken a warm and consistent in-
terest in all movements calculated to promote the welfare of the
Empire, and the good and happiness of the people at home and
abroad, and, in a quiet and unobtrusive way, firmly but judiciously
advocated whatever cause he deemed right and just, independently
of all other considerations.
In answer to enquiries as to his habits and manner of life,
he courteously replied —
" In my time I have done much hard work of various kinds.
All my life I have been in the habit of rising every morning be-
fore five o'clock, summer and winter. And I have found, from
long experience, that the early part of the day is the best time for
literary work. I have often had to sacrifice many of the plea-
sures and small enjoyments which most men hold dear ; but of
this I do not complain. I have had a fair share of enjoyment
throughout my life, notwithstanding all my toil. In searching
after truth, and in investigating a subject, and especially in
summing up results, the mind derives much pleasing feeling and
satisfaction. At one time of my life I made politics, or political
philosophy, a special study — theoretically and practically, and
composed a treatise on the forms of Government, which, however,
was never published."
He has been an industrious student of Continental history, and
is well acquainted with the past and present history of Europe.
A.M.
THE SEAFORTH HIGHLANDERS — FIRST OFFENCE IN THE
RANKS. — In the first battalion of the Ross-shire Highlanders there were nearly 300
men from Lord Seaforth's estates in the Lewis. Several years elapsed before any of
these men were charged with a crime deserving severe punishment. In 1799 a man
was tried and punished. This so shocked his comrades that he was put out of their
society as a degraded man who brought shame on his kindred. The unfortunate out-
cast felt his own degradation so much that he became unhappy and desperate ; and
Colonel Mackenzie, to save him from destruction, applied and got him sent to Eng-
land, where his disgrace would be unknown and unnoticed. It happened as Colonel
Mackenzie had expected, for he quite recovered his character. By the humane con-
sideration of his commander, a man was thus saved from that ruin which a repetition of
severity would have rendered inevitable. — Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders.
548 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
BRUCE AND THE BROOCH OF LORN.
THE brooch was formerly an essential article in the wardrobe
of a Highland gentleman or lady, and was of all sizes and
degrees of elegance, from the plain ring with a tongue in it, to
the brooch of complicated mechanism, ornamented with precious
stones of every kind and every hue. Brooches were also valu-
able heirlooms, transmitted for generations in the same family,
and in some instances bearing the names of as many as five
successive couples, who were united in the marriage tie — an
accumulation of domestic associations which amounted in some
instances to a sacredness, which conferred upon a brooch the
powers of an amulet, supposed to charm away diseases. Pennant
gives a drawing of a brooch belonging to Campbell of Glenlyon,
with the names of three Kings of Cologne — Caspar, Melchior,
and Baltazar, and the word "consummatim." In the middle
ages the names of these royal personages, when written on slips
of paper, were deemed a charm against epilepsy by the holders
of the slips, and it is quite possible that similar virtues may have
been ascribed to the Glenlyon brooch.
But without ascribing any such virtue to the brooch of Lorn,
it has a peculiar value of its own. It and the Quigrich of St Fillan,
are two of the oldest and best anthenticated relics of the past,
that have been transmitted to us, and round which cluster associa-
tions, secular and ecclesiastical, that to Scotchmen possess an
undying interest.
Robert Bruce was crowned King at Scone in March 1306.
Edward I. of England, who judged Scottish resistance to his
usurpations as at an end with the death of the heroic Sir William
Wallace, on hearing of this new start in favour of Scottish claims,
despatched the Earl of Pembroke— one of his most approved
generals, to nip it in the bud. Pembroke marched as far north
as Perth, where he learned that the newly crowned Scottish King
and his followers were within a short distance of him— in the wood
of Methven. Comyn, whom Bruce slew at Dumfries, was married
to Pembroke's sister, and he sent Bruce a personal challenge ;
and on the i8th of June Bruce drew up his little army in a field
not far from the fair city. But the crafty Earl, on the plea that
the day was too far advanced, declined the combat— or rather
BRUCE AND THE BROOCH OF LORN. 549
postponed it till the following day. It was a ruse. That very
evening, when Bruce and his followers were calmly awaiting,
and resolutely preparing for the morrow's expected contest,
Pembroke made a sudden, and unexpected attack, in which
Bruce was worsted, and lost many of his best friends — either
slain or taken prisoners. With the remnant of his little army
he retreated to Athole and the wilds of Rannoch ; where, for the
next three months, they subsisted on such supplies as they could
procure by their own efforts, or the liberality of their friends.
There was a local tradition that Bruce, during his Rannoch wan-
derings, constructed a lacustrine fort not far from Dunalister ;
and it goes far to confirm the accuracy of this tradition, that
when the ground — several years ago — was drained, the remains
of wooden piles were found, supposed, not without reason, to
be the remains of this ancient Royal retreat. But as the
barren wilds of Rannoch could in those days afford but scanty
supplies for an army, however small, Bruce, towards the beginning
of autumn, was compelled to move south, and join his partisans
in the Lennox and in Dumfries-shire. His route lay along the
Alpine defiles, or passes, between Rannoch and the head of
Loch-Tay. On arriving there he would have an easy passage
up Glendochart, and southward by Glenfalloch. But here, as at
Perth, the consequences of the slaughter of Comyn again faced
the heroic King. John, Lord of Lorn, another of Comyn's rela-
tives, and who watched Bruce's movements, met him with a large
force, determined to intercept his further progress. The battle
ground, about a mile from Tyndrum, still bears the name of
Dailrigh — the king's field. Bruce and his men were compelled
to retire before a much superior force — Bruce himself, with
his bravest officers, taking up the rear in defence of his retreat-
ing followers ; and it was on this occasion he is said to have lost
the celebrated " Brooch of Lorn." A local tradition has it that
he lost the brooch in a personal struggle with Macnab of Bovain,
chief of the clan. This Finlay Macnab — a man of Herculean
strength — laid hold of Bruce, and would have overpowered him,
but that he contrived to withdraw himself from his grip, leaving
his plaid and brooch behind. Another tradition has it that he
lost it in a struggle with the Lord of Lorn himself, whom Bruce
would have slain, but for the timely aid of three of Lorn's fol-
55o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
lowers who came to the rescue, and dragged the King away by
his plaid or mantle, which, with the brooch, remained in their
possession. Barbour makes no mention of the brooch, but his
account of the struggle in which he is supposed to have lost it is
as follows : —
" They abade till he was
Entered in ane narrow place
Betwixt a loch side and a brae,
That was so strait, I understand,
That he might not well turn his steed ;
Then with a will till him they gaed,
And ane him by the bridle hynt,
But he reached him such a dint
That arm and shoulder flew him frae.
With that ane other 'gan him ta'
By the leg ; and his hand 'gan shoot
Between the stirrup and his foot.
And when the King there felt his hand,
In his stirrups stoutly 'gan he stand,
And struck with spurs the steed in hy,
And he launched forth deliverly,
Sae that the tother failed feet,
And not forthy his hand was yet
Under the stirrup maugre his.
The third with fall great high, with this
Right till the brae side he gaed
And leaped behind him on his steed.
The King was then in full great press,
Syne him that behind him was
All maugre his will him 'gan he reach,
Syne with the sword such dint he gave
That he the head to the harns clave.
In this wise him delivered he
Of all these felon faes three."
Whether Bruce lost his brooch in 'conflict with Macnab, or
the Lord of Lorn, or the Macindrossers, as Barbour calls the
men who made the dead set on him, as described in our quota-
tion, we do not know. But in whatever way this relic of the
Dalrigh fight came into the hands of the Lord of Lorn, tradition
has uniformly maintained that it is a genuine memento of this
encounter. We have tried to identify the locality where this
royal struggle with the Macindrossers took place — knowing the
district, as we do, intimately. Barbour says it was on the margin
of a lake, with a steep brae to the right. There are places by
BRUCE AND THE BROOCH OF LORN. 551
the side both of Lochan-nan-arm and Loch-Dochart that answer
the description. But as Bruce and his followers would in all
likelihood retreat by Crianlarich and Glenfalloch, rather than by
the pass of Coirechaorach,, to Balquidder, the probability is that
this struggle with the Macindrossers took place on the margin
of Lochan-nan-arm, though we cannot at this time of day de-
termine the exact spot.
The ultimate ascendency of Bruce proved the ruin of the
Lorn potentates — styled successively of Argyle, Lorn, and Dun-
oily Castle — the picturesque ruins of the latter, in the vicinity of
Oban, so well known to tourists. In 1647 the Castle of Dunolly
was besieged by a detachment of General Leslie's troops, under
Colonel Montgomery, but from its strong position, it resisted the
efforts of the enemy. But Goalen Castle, another seat of the
Macdougall's, fell into his hands, and was sacked and burned;
and King Robert's brooch, which was part of the spoil, fell into
the hands of Campbell of Inverawe, who took part in the siege—
and in whose possession it remained for more than a century and
a-half. In the early part of the last century, Macdougall of Dun-
oily lost his lands, because of partizanship in favour .of the Old
Pretender — Bruce's descendant — but they were again restored to
him, on account of his loyalty to the Hanoverian Dynasty, in
1745. Amid all these family vicissitudes the " Brooch of Lorn"
remained safe in the strong chest of Campbell of Inverawe, and
unknown, we believe, to the Macdougalls themselves, who had
quite lost sight of it. About the beginning of this century it
passed into the hands of a cadet of the Inverawe family, who
decided to sell it on behoof of his family ; and in 1818 it was,
for this purpose, handed over to Messrs Rundell & Bridge, of
London, who advertised it for sale, at one thousand pounds.
George IV. offered £500, which was declined, and in 1825 it was
bought by General Campbell of Lochnell, who, by the hands of
the Duke of Argyll, presented it at a public meeting to the
original owner. Thus, after the lapse of centuries, it found its
way back again to the representative of the old family, by whom
we understand it is still preserved in Dunolly Castle. The writer
of this paper had the privilege of seeing this interesting and remark-
able relic, many years ago, at Taymouth Castle. The late
Marquis of Breadalbane, then President of the Antiquarian
552 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Society, had it in loan for some antiquarian purpose. It is a
large brooch, rather more than three inches in diameter, with
two concentric circles set with gems, and a raised circular stool
in the centre, surmounted with a stone which looked very like
a Cairngorm. We do not quite remember what the metal was,
but to the best of our recollection it was gold. Altogether the
brooch is a magnificent relic, as well as strong, and we are
quite sure it took a good tug on the part of Bruce's assailant,
whoever he was, to get possession of it.
Probably Sir Walter Scott had it in his mind when he
penned the following lines :—
" Whence the brooch of burning gold,
That clasps the chieftain's mantle fold,
Wrought and chased with rare device,
Studded fair with gems of price ;
On the varied tartan beaming
As through night's pale rainbow gleaming
Fainter now, now seen afar,
Fitful shines the morning star."
— LORD OF THE ISLES.
In February 1818, when workmen were clearing out the site of
the old Dunfermline Abbey, they came accidentally upon a vault,
which they inferred from its structure to belong to some distin-
guished individual. And as it corresponded in every way with the
place in which, according to the old chroniclers, King Robert was
buried, the discovery excited much interest, and the remains — to
identify them as his — were examined with great care, by well
known antiquarian experts. The result proved, to the entire
satisfaction of all of them, that the remains were really those
of the great founder of Scottish independence. In the inner
vault lay a large body, shrouded in fine linen cloth interwoven
with gold— probably the historical " toldour"— a corruption, ac-
cording to Dr Jamison, of the French " toil d'or," or cloth of gold.
When the headstone was removed, some of those who were
present observed round the head what appeared to be a crown,
but which suddenly vanished on exposure to the fresh air. In
1819, when the walls of the new church were sufficiently high to
exclude a crowd, a second inspection was made, and the skeleton
was again examined. The teeth in the under jaw were found to
be quite entire ; but four or five of the upper jaw were wanting,
and the jaw itself considerably fractured, no doubt in one of
Bruce's early hazardous adventures. The scull, which was of the
BRUCE AND THE BROOCH OF LORN. 553
ordinary size, was well formed. The breastbone was sawn longi-
tudinally— an operation performed after his death — that, as he
had willed, his heart might be extracted and deposited in the
Holy Sepulchre. His faithful coadjutor, Sir James Douglas,
perished in the attempt to carry out his Royal master's wishes,
and it is believed the heart of Bruce was eventually deposited in
the Abbey of Melrose. Altogether the skeleton indicated great
physical strength, as we would expect, from the extraordinary
feats of valour Bruce performed. All these circumstances, and
the fact that the remains were found " in medio choro," where
Fordun says Bruce was buried, make it certain that they were
those of this heroic king. After satisfying themselves of this, the
bones were carefully replaced in a coffin, into which liquid
pitch was poured to protect them from further molestation,
and they were then laid in their old resting place, where in all
likelihood they will remain undisturbed till " the crack of doom."
So much for the brooch and the body that wore it. A word or
two more anent other interesting Brucian relics — his sword and
helmet. The sword is a two-handed sword, the handle covered
with black leather. Both are of steel, and have, from age
acquired a clear, blackish colour. They were presented by King
David Bruce, to his cousin, Sir Robert Bruce of Clackmannan,
by whose descendants they have been preserved with the utmost
care and veneration. Bruce died at the comparatively early age
of fifty-five, of leprosy or scurvy, a disease contracted doubtless,
during his early wanderings and severe privations, subsisting as
he frequently did for months in succession on the scantiest and
poorest fare. He lived, however, to see the grand aim of his
heroic life accomplished, and to bequeath a memory ever dear to
all true Scottish descendants of those —
" Wha hae with Wallace bled,
Scots wham Bruce has aften led."
" O Thou who pour'd the patriotic tide
That streamed through Wallace's undaunted heart ;
Who dared to nobly stem tyrannic pride
Or nobly die the second glorious part.
The patriot's God peculiarly thou art,
His friend, inspirer, guardian, and reward.
O ! never, never Scotia's realm desert,
But still the patriot and the patriot bard,
In bright succession raise her ornament and guard."
Kenmore. ALLAN SINCLAIR.
554 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.
By the EDITOR.
XXL
DR ARCHIBALD CAMERON OF LOCIIIEL— (Continued).
IT has been repeated by several writers that Dr Cameron's
visit in 1753 was in connection with the money left in the
Highlands by Prince Charles, after the battle of Culloden,
and mention of which has been already made; while others
maintain that he came over in connection with another pro-
jected rising in favour of the Prince. For the latter there does
not seem to be any foundation whatever. Respecting the former
T. L. Kingston Oliphant, in The Jacobite Lairds of Gasky states
distinctly that it was the French money " that lured " him back
to Scotland ; and, in an account which the same writer gives of
what became of the money, immediately after the battle of Cul-
loden, he says that £5500 was " keept by Captain Archibald
Cameron." From this, as well as from several other known
facts, it is quite clear that he held a commission in the Highland
army, notwithstanding what has been said by others to the
contrary. That he conducted himself at the last in a manner
worthy of his race, is admitted by all. His fate was universally
lamented ; the friends and best-wishers of the government con-
sidered his execution, so long after the attainder, a most un-
necesssary and wanton act of barbarous cruelty, and the king
himself when asked to sign his death-warrant, partook of the
same feeling ; for he expressed his unwillingness to sign it, and
exclamed, " Surely there has been too much blood spilt on this
account already." His Majesty's advisers must have been a
cruel, blood-thirsty set.
Sir Walter Scott says that his execution, so long after all
hostilities were over, on his old attainder, " threw much reproach
upon the government, and even upon the personal character of
George II., as sullen, relentless, and unforgiving ;" for the
doctor was a man of mild and gentle disposition, and had uni-
formly exercised his skill as a medical man in behalf of the
wounded of both armies.* The government of France settled
* Tales of a Grandfather.
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 555
a pension of 1200 livres per annum upon his widow, and 400 upon
two of his sons, then in the French service, in addition to their
regimental pay.
Though it is quite true that, at the place of execution, he
did not hand any documents or papers to those about him, he
did so to his wife, before he left the prison ; and a copy of what he
" intended to have delivered to the Sheriff of Middlesex at the
place of execution, but which he left in the hands of his wife for
that end," has been found among the Cask papers, and is printed
in the appendix to the Jacobite Lairds, as follows : —
- On the first slip of paper : —
TOWER, 5th June 1753.
Being denied the use of pen, ink, and paper, except in the presence of one or
more officers (who always took away the paper from me when I began to write my
complaints), and not even allowed the use of a knife, with which I might cut a poor
blunted pencil, that had escaped the diligence of my searchers, I have notwithstand-
ing, as I could find opportunity, attempted to set down on some slips of paper, in as
legible characters as I was able, what I would have my country satisfied of, with
regard to myself a*d the cause in which I am now going to lay down my life.
As to my religion, I thank God I die a member, though unworthy, of that church
in whose communion I have always lived, the Episcopal Church of Scotland, as by
law established before the most unnatural rebellion began in 1688, which for the sins
of these nations hath continued to this day ; and I firmly trust to find, at the most
awful and impartial tribunal of the Almighty King of kings, through the merits of my
blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, that mercy (though undeserved) to my
immortal part which is here denied to my earthly by an usurper and his factions,
though it be well known I have been the instrument in preventing the ruin and
destruction of many of my poor deluded countrymen who were in their service, as I
shall make appear before I have done, if opportunities of writing fail me not.
On the second slip of paper : —
In order to convince the world of the uprightness of my intentions while in the
Prince of Wales's army, as well as of the cruelty, injustice, and ingratitude of my
murderers, I think it my duty in this place to take notice how much better usage I
might have expected of my country, if humanity and good nature were now looked
upon with the same eyes as in the times of our brave and generous ancestors ; but
I'm sorry to observe that our present men in power are so far sunk below the noble
spirit of the ancient Britons, as hardly at this day to be distinguished from the very
basest of mankind. Nor could the present possessor of the throne of our injured
sovereign, if he looked on himself as the father and natural prince of this country,
suffer the life of one to be taken away who has saved the lives and effects of above
300 persons in Scotland, who were firmly attached to him and his party ; but it seems
it is now made a crime to save the lives of Scotsmen. As neither the time nor the
poor materials I have for writing will allow me to descend to a particular enumeration
of all the services I have done to the friends of the Usurper, I shall, therefore, only
mention a few of the most known and such as can be well attested. In July 1745,
556 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
soon after the setting up of the Royal Standard, before our small army had reached
Corayarick, it was moved by some of the chiefs to apply to the Prince for a strong
detachment of clans to distress Campbell of Invera's house and tenants in that neigh-
bourhood, which my brother Lochiel and I so successfully opposed, by representing
to our generous leader (who was always an enemy to oppression), that such proceed-
ing could be no way useful to his undertaking, that the motion was entirely laid aside,
to the no small mortification of the proposer. My brother and I likewise prevented
another such design against Breadalbane, to the great satisfaction of our dear Prince.
And on our return from Glasgow
ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
On a third slip of paper : — *
My brother and I did services to the town of Glasgow, of which the principal
gentry in the neighbourhood were then, and are to this day sensible, if they durst own
the truth ; but that might be construed disaffection to a Government founded on and
supported by lies and falsehood. On our march to Stirling, I myself (though I am
like to meet with a Hanoverian reward for it) hindered the whole town of Kirkin-
tulloch from being destroyed and all its inhabitants put to the sword by my brother's
men, who were justly incensed against it for the inhuman murder of two of Lady
Lochiel's servants but two months before.
Here was a sufficient pretence for vengeance, had I been inclined to cruelty, but
I thank God nothing was ever further from my nature, though I may have been other-
wise represented. Mr Campbell of Shawfield likewise owes me some favours done to
himself and family, which at least deserve some return in my behalf; and Lady Camp-
bell of Lochnell, now in London, can, if she pleases, vouch for the truth of some of
the above facts. ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
On a fourth slip of paper : —
June 6th, 1753.
I thank kind Providence I had the happiness to be early educated in the prin-
ciples of Christian loyalty, which as I grew in years inspired me with an utter
abhorrence of rebellion and usurpation, though ever so successful ; and when I arrived
at man's estate I had the joint testimony of religion and reason to confirm me in the
truth of my first principles. As soon, therefore, as the Royal youth had set up the
king his father's standard, I immediately, as in duty bound, repaired to it, and I had
the honour from that time to be always constantly about his person till November
1748, excepting the short time his Royal Highness was in the Western Isles after the
affair of Culloden. I became more and more captivated with his amiable and princely
virtues, which are indeed in every instance so eminently great as I want words to de-
scribe. I can further affirm (and my present situation and that of my dear prince can
leave no room to suspect me of flattery), that, as I have been his companion in the
lowest degrees of adversity ever prince was reduced to, so have I beheld him too, as it
were, on the highest pinnacle of glory, amidst the continual applauses, and, I had
almost said, adorations of the most brilliant court in Europe, yet he was always the
same, ever affable and courteous, giving constant proofs of his great humanity and of
his love for his friends and his country. What great good to these nations might not
* Note by Cask. "Mr Cameron's custom was, when interrupted, to subscribe
his name, in order (as he told his wife) to authenticate what he had written, lest he
should not have another opportunity of adding anything further."
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 557
be expected from such a prince, were he in psssession of the throne of his ancestors !
And as to his courage, none that have heard of his glorious attempt in 1745, I should
think, can call it in question. I cannot pass by in silence that most horrid calumny
raised by the rebels under the command of the inhuman son of the Elector of Hanovt ,
which served as an excuse for unparalleled butchery, committed by his orders, in cold
blood after the unhappy affair of Culioden, viz., that we had orders to give no
quarter ; which if true must have come to my knowledge, who had the honour to serve
my ever dear master in the quality of one of his aide-de-camps. And I hereby declare
I never heard of such orders. The above is truth.
ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
I likewise declare, on the word of a dying man, that the last time I had the
honour to see his Royal Highness, Charles Prince of Wales, he told me from his own
mouth, and bid me assure his friends from him, that he was a member of the Church
of England. ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
On a fifth slip of paper : —
To cover the cruelty of murdering me at this distance of time from the passing of
the unjust Attainder, I am accused of being deeply engaged in a new plot against this
Government (which if I was, neither the fear of the worst death their malice could
invent, nor the blustering and noisy threatenings of the tumultuous council, nor much
less their flattering promises could extort any discovery of it from me), yet not so
much as one evidence was ever produced to make good the charge. But it is my
business to submit, since God in His all wise providence thinks fit to suffer it to be so.
And I the more cheerfully resign my life as it is taken away for doing my duty to
God, my king, and my country ; nor is there anything in this world I' could so much
wish to have it prolonged for, as to have another opportunity to employ the remainder
of it in the same glorious cause. ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
I thank God I was not in the least daunted at hearing the bloody sentence which
my unrighteou,s judge pronounced with a seeming insensibility till he came to the
words, "But not till you are dead" before which he made a pause, and uttering them
with a particular emphasis, stared me in the face, to observe, I suppose, if I was as
much frightened at them as he perhaps would have been in my place. As to the guilt
he said I had to answer for, as having been instrumental in the loss of so many lives,
let him and his constituents see to it that at their hands, not at mine, will all the blood
that had been shed on that account be required. God of His infinite mercy grant
they may prevent the punishment that hangs over their guilty heads, by a sincere
repentance and speedy return to their duty.
I pray God to hasten the restoration of the Royal Family, without which these
miserably divided nations can never enjoy peace and happiness, and that it may please
him to preserve the King, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York, from the power
and malice of their enemies, to prosper and reward all my friends and benefactors, and
to forgive all my enemies, murderers, and false accusers, from the Elector of Hanover
and his bloody son, down to Samuel Cameron the basest of their spies, as I freely do
from the bottom of my heart. ARCHIBALD CAMERON.
I am now ready to be offered ; I have fought a good fight, all glory be to God.
The following is added, at the foot, by his widow : — " The
above is a faithful transcript of what my husband left with me
as his dying sentiments." A monument was erected to Dr
2 Q
$58 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Cameron, by her Majesty's permission, in 1846, in the Chapel
Royal, Savoy, by his representative, the late Charles Hay Came-
ron, for several years Legal Member of the Supreme Council of
India.
Boswell, in the Life of Dr Johnson, relates the following
incident :— Johnson used to be a pretty frequent visitor at the
house of Richardson, the author of Clarissa. Hogarth one day,
soon after the execution of Dr Cameron, came to see Richard-
son, and, being a warm partisan of George II., he observed to
Richardson, that certainly there must have been some very un-
favourable circumstances lately discovered in Dr Cameron's
case, which had induced the king to approve of his execution
for rebellion, so long after it was committed, as this had the
appearance of putting the man to death in cold blood, and " was
very unlike his Majesty's usual clemency." While Hogarth was
talking he perceived a person standing at a window in the room,
shaking his head, and rolling himself about in a strange and
ridiculous manner. He concluded that this person was some
idiot whom his relations had placed under the care of Richard-
son. To his great surprise, however, this figure stalked forward
to where he and Mr Richardson were sitting, and all at once took
up the argument and burst out into invective against George II.,
as one who, upon all occasions, was unrelenting and barbarous,
mentioning several instances, particularly that, when an officer
of high rank had been acquitted by court-martial, George had
with his own hand struck his name off the list. In short, the
peculiar figure displayed such a power of eloquence, that
Hogarth looked at him with astonishment, and actually imagined
that this idiot had been at the moment inspired. Dr Johnson,
for it was he, and Hogarth were not introduced to each other on
this occasion. To this story, Boswell adds the following foot-
note : — " Impartial posterity may perhaps be as little inclined as
Dr Johnson was to justify the uncommon rigour exercised in the
case of Dr Archibald Cameron. He was an amiable and truly
honest man, and his offence was owing to a generous, though
mistaken principle of duty. Being obliged, after 1746, to give
up his profession as a physician and to go into foreign parts, he
was honoured with the rank of colonel both in the French and
Spanish service."
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 559
Dr Archibald Cameron married Jean, daughter of Archibald
Cameron of Dungallon, with issue —
1. John, a colonel in the French service.
2. Donald, a partner in the banking house of Harley,
Cameron & Son, George Street, Mansion House, London. He
resided for several years at Valentine, Essex, of which county he
was Sheriff in 1791. He married Mary Guy, the daughter of a
noted Jacobite, with issue — (i) Charles, who carried on the male
representation of the family, and of whom presently, with other
members of his family ; (2) a daughter, who died unmarried.
3. Margaret, who married Captain Donald Cameron of
Strone, with issue — a son, Captain Donald Cameron, an officer
in the 2ist Scots Fusilier Guards, who fought throughout the
whole of the Peninsular campaign. He married Anne, daughter
of Duncan Campbell, factor for Maclean of Ardgour, widow of
Allan Cameron, Inverscadale, well known among his countrymen
as " Alein Mac Sheumais," with issue — (i) Donald, late a lieu-
tenant in the Bombay Fusiliers, since retired, and emigrated to
Australia, where he resides, unmarried ; (2) Colin John Mac-
donald Campbell, late captain in the 24th Bombay Native
Infantry, who died, in 1884, at Nairn, unmarried ; (3) Charles, a
squatter, Netley, Wentworth, Australia, unmarried ; and (4)
Margaret Anne, who married the Rev. Mr Beaumont, Green-
wich, without surviving issue.
Dr Cameron had four other children, of whom we have been
unable to secure any trace. He was succeeded as representa-
tive of the family by his eldest son,
II. JOHN CAMERON, a colonel in the army, who married
Elizabeth, daughter of the Honourable George Hamilton (sixth
son of James, sixth, and brother of James seventh, Earl of Aber-
corn), M.P. for Wells, and Deputy-Cofferer for the Prince of
Wales, by his wife, Bridget, daughter and heir of Colonel William
Coward, Wells, county of Somerset. In Douglas's Peerage, where
the marriage is recorded, Colonel Cameron is described as " a
general in the French service." He predeceased his wife, who,
as her second husband, married the Comte de Fari.
By his wife Colonel Cameron had issue —
1. John.
2. Another son, who died unmarried.
560 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
3- Peggy > wh° died unmarried.
On his death Colonel Cameron was succeeded as represent
ative of the family by his eldest son,
III. JOHN CAMERON, a captain in the army, who died un-
married, when the male representation devolved upon his cousin-
german,
IV. CHARLES CAMERON, eldest son of Donald, second son
of Dr Archibald Cameron, Civil Commissioner of Malta, and,
afterwards, on the 22nd of December 1803, appointed Captain-
General and Commander-in-Chief of the Bahama Islands. He
married in 1789, Lady Margaret Hay (who died in 1832),
daughter of James, fourteenth Earl of Enroll, with issue —
1. Charles Hay.
2. Donald, who died young.
3. Isabella Hay, who married General Darling, Lieutenant-
Governor of Tobago, with issue — several sons, all of whom died
without surviving issue, except Sir Charles Darling, K.C.B.,
Governor of Victoria, who married three times, leaving issue —
Charles, a lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, and several other
sons ; also a daughter, who married Colonel Tyler, R.A.
4. Mary Hay, who, on the 7th of May 1814, married
Admiral the Hon. Philip Wodehouse (born on the i6th of July
1773, and died on the 2ist of January 1838), with issue — (i)
Edwin, born in 1817, C.B., and A.D.C. to the Queen ; a colonel
in the Royal Artillery, and a Knight of the Legion of Honour,
who, on the i6th of October 1845, married Catharine, only
daughter of the late Captain John Street. Colonel Edwin
Wodehouse died on the 6th of October 1870, leaving issue—
(a) Edwin Frederick, born on the 2Oth of February 1851, now a
captain in the Royal Artillery, married with issue ; (b) Catherine
Mary Phillipa, who, on the 27th of June 1877, married James
Andrew Thomas Bruce, commander, Royal Navy, youngest son
of Sir Henry Bruce, Baronet of Dowanhill, County of London-
derry ; and (c) Alice Katharine, who, on the 9th of December
1875, married James M. Carr Lloyd, only son of Colonel Carr
Lloyd of Lancing Manor, Sussex. (2) Constantine Griffith, who,
born on the 2ist of March 1847, married, on the 7th of April
1868, Fanny Isabella, eldest daughter of the Rev. Edward H.
Sawbridge, rector of Thelnethari, Suffolk, (3) Phillip Cameron,
HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS. 561
chaplain at Hampton Court Palace, born on the 22nd of January
1837, and married, on the I2th of April 1866, Mary, second
daughter of the Rev. Edward H. Sawbridge, of East Haddon
Hall, county of Northampton. Admiral Philip Wodehouse and
Mary Hay Cameron had also four daughters — Margaret, Agnes,
Jane, and Eleanor Mary, all of whom died unmarried. (4) Mar-
garet Hay, who died unmarried.
Charles Cameron was succeeded as representative of the
family by his only surviving son,
V. CHARLES HAY CAMERON, Legal Member of the
Supreme Council of India. In 1838, he married Julia Margaret
Pattle, with issue —
1. Eugene Hay.
2. Ewen Hay, of St Regulus, Ceylon, who married Annie,
daughter of Edward Chinnery, M.D., Lymington, Hants, with
issue — (i) Ewen Hay ; (2) Julia Hay.
3. Hardinge Hay, of her Majesty's Civil Service, Ceylon.
He married Katharine Ann, daughter of the Rev. Dr Norman
Macleod. She died without issue.
4. Charles Hay, still unmarried.
5. Henry Herschell Hay, still unmarried.
6. Julia Hay, who married Charles Loyd Norman, Bromley
Common, Kent, with issue — six children.
Charles Hay Cameron was succeeded as representative of
the family by his eldest son,
VI. EUGENE HAY CAMERON, major, Royal Artillery, who
married Caroline Catherine, daughter of John Dennis Browne,
sometime M.P. for County Mayo, with issue—
I, Archibald Dennis Hay. 2, Donald Hay.
3, Caroline Beatrice. 4, Caroline Margaret Hay.
THE MACLEODS.— The History of the Camerons having now been issued in
book form, it is not intended to continue the history of the various branches of that
clan in the Celtic Magazine any further ; but the History of the Macleods, by the
Editor, will be commenced on an early date. It is hoped that all those possess
ing information will communicate with Mr Mackenzie, so as to enable him to make
the work as complete and interesting as possible. He has been already kindly
promised access by Macleod of Macleod to the Macleod Charter Chest, and others
have also kindly volunteered their aid.
562 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE LEGEND OF CUMYN'S CAIRN.
ON the shore of Loch Loch, in Athole, there stands a large cairn
of stones, which is known as Cumyn's Cairn. This spot is
regarded with superstitious dread by the people around, who tell
the following legend concerning it.'
In the thirteenth century there were two great proprietors
in Athole, Cumyn, Earl of Badenoch, and Mackintosh of Tirinie.
The first of these was a grasping and avaricious man, and was
constantly engaged in feuds with his neighbours. Mackintosh
was an entirely different man, and as he kept his people at peace,
his lands were naturally more prolific and his cattle more numer-
ous than those of the warlike Earl, who, if he at any time brought
home a heavy creach from one of his forays, was very likely
despoiled of it next day. Cumyn was thus continually envious
of Mackintosh's prosperity, and the handsome present of twelve
cows and a bull, which the latter sent him on his wedding, only
served to arouse his cupidity the more. He at last resolved to
possess himself of his neighbour's whole goods, and at the same
time to gratify his malice by putting Mackintosh and all his
people to death. In furtherance of this ungrateful resolution, he
set out from Blair Castle one night with a band of men, and
quietly surrounded Tomafour Castle, where Mackintosh resided.
The watchmen, not expecting an invasion, were easily overcome,
and the marauders then rushed into the castle and slew everyone
they found in it. It is said that Cumyn himself plunged his dirk
into Mackintosh's heart as he sprang up to grapple with his mid-
night assailant. After this dreadful deed, the murderers decamped
with everything they could lay hands upon, and left the blood-
stained castle without attempting to hide the dead bodies or
efface the marks of slaughter.
Near Tomafour there lived an old man who held his little
bit of land from Mackintosh, and, under one of those curious
leases so common in the olden time, all the rent he had to pay
was a bonnet yearly. It happened that the day after the
massacre above described was this man's rent-day, and he
accordingly started off for the castle as usual with his bonnet.
THE LEGEND OF CUMYN'S CAIRN. 563'
Upon getting there he was astonished at the silence which
brooded over the place, and its apparently deserted state. He
entered the doorway, and was horrified to come upon the body of
one of the sentinels. The terrible truth now began to dawn
upon him, and a further search confirmed his fears. He wandered
distractedly through the lonely rooms, looking for some sign of
life, but only to be confronted at every threshold by the gory
remains of some one of the household. All at once he fancied he
heard a faint cry. He listened intently for a few moYnents, and
again the cry was repeated, this time evidently proceeding from
a chamber he had not yet entered. On going into this room he
found the corpses of the murdered chieftain and his wife stretched
upon their bed, whilst the cry he had heard appeared to come
from underneath a heap of bedclothes which the assassins had
rudely torn from the bed and left upon the floor. The removal
of this disclosed a cradle, containing Mackintosh's infant son,
who had thus been miraculously preserved, though well-nigh
smothered by the bedclothes. The old clansman seized the
child, and wrapping it in his plaid, he left the ill-fated house and
betook himself to Campbell of Achinbrsck, the nearest surviving
relative of the little orphan. This chieftain listened to the old
man's tale with horror, and immediately adopted the child as his
own. The Cumyns were too powerful to be interfered with, and
the boy grew up in ignorance of his birth and of the murder of
his family. His deliverer remained at Achinbreck, and took
great pains to instruct his young protege" in the use of the bow,
and other warlike accomplishments.
The lad soon became an excellent shot, and one day, after
he had hit a small mark from a long distance several times in
succession, the old man could keep his secret no longer, and
exclaimed, in a significant tone, " The gray breast of the man
that killed your father is broader than that target ! " This
remark aroused the lad's curiosity to the utmost, and he had no
peace until he had drawn out the whole story. The recital so
enraged him that he bitterly reproached his guardian for not
telling it to him before.
His only thought now was of revenge upon his father's
murderer. He at once left Achinbreck, and went to Tomafour,
where he gathered a band of his clansmen, delighted beyond
564 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
measure at the appearance of one whom they had considered dead,
and ready to lay down their lives at any moment in his cause.
With these trusty adherents he went to Blair, and challenged
Cumyn to come forth with his men and try a conflict in the open
field. The Earl was nothing loth, and a fierce battle soon com-
menced. The Mackintoshes saluted their adversaries with a
shower of arrows, which so thinned their ranks that the issue of
the conflict was not long doubtful. The Cumyns were defeated
with great slaughter, and the Earl himself took to flight, closely
followed by young Tirinie. At length Cumyn reached the brink
of Loch Loch, and took a deep draught of the water. Looking
back he saw the avenger of blood coming up fast, and raised his
hand to wipe the perspiration from his brow before renewing his
flight. Mackintosh, observing the action, let fly an arrow with
such unerring aim that it pinned Cumyn's hand to his forehead,
killing him instantly.
The Earl was buried where he fell, with the arrow still in his
brain, and a cairn was raised to mark the spot, which bears his
name to this day. Towering above the cairn is the huge Ben-y-
gloe, and the tradition of the witch upon the mountain-top, and
the fate of the Earl of Badenoch at the cairn, combine to render
the place uncanny, and scare the wayfarer from approaching it
too closely after the shades of night begin to fall. H. R. M.
HIGHLAND DEVOTION TO SUPERIORS.— In one of the battles of the
American war, the ;6th Regiment of Highlanders distinguished itself. At the moment
Lord Cornwallis was giving the orders to charge, a Highland soldier rushed forward
and placed himself in front of his officer, Lieutenant Simon Macdonald of Morar,
afterwards Major of the 92nd Regiment. Lieutenant Macdonald having asked what
brought him there, the soldier answered, "You know, that when I engaged to be a
soldier, I promised to be faithful to the king and to you. The French are coming,
and while I stand here, neither bullet nor bayonet shall touch you, except through my
body."
A HIGHLANDER'S RECOMPENSE FOR DESERTION. -A soldier of
the 98th Argyleshire Highlanders deserted, and emigrated to America, where he
settled. Several years after his desertion, a letter was received from him, with a sum
f money for the purpose of procuring one or two men to supply his place in the
regiment, as the only recompense he could make for "breaking his oath to his God,
and his allegiance to his King, which preyed on his conscience in such a manner, that
he had no rest night nor tey»-Stez,«rfs Sketchts of the Highlanders.
565
'TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE"— A CAMERON
WARRIOR.
BY THE REV. PROFESSOR MALCOLM CAMPBELL TAYLOR, D.D.,
OF THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY.
II.
COMING to the second generation from Ewen Alanson, we
find him succeeded by his grandson, Ewen Beg — Ewen Mac-
donald MacEwen — who died before 2nd March, 1554.^ Gregory
affects to doubt whether he was not executed under a commis-
sion given to Huntly, J whereas the " Introduction " attributes
his death to misadventure, when incarcerated at the instance of
Macdougall of Dunolly, in Inchconnel Castle — a statement which
seems, so far, to be confirmed by the fact, that Dunolly is himself
found to be in ward, two years later on, at the instance of Argyll.^
Ewen Beg was in turn succeeded by his brother, Donald —
Donald MacDonald MacEwen — also a grandson of Ewen
Alanson, so that we are still in the second generation from that
Chief. Gregory asserts that this Donald was put to death by
some of his own kinsmen, || but in this assertion, the references on
which he founded had quite misled him. One of them, that by
which he was mainly guided, is an entry in the " Register of
Privy Council," of date 26th Feb. 1577,* which makes mention of
" letters raised by the brothers and other friends of the late
Donald Dow MacKewin, by which Allister and Johnne were de^
nounced for the slaughter of the late Donald." The Donald of
this entry was, no doubt, a Cameron of some note, but certainly
not the chief of whom Gregory was thinking; for, apart from
several other reasons, the Chief was not Donald Dow MacEwen,
but Donald Dow MacDonald. Even Gregory has, in this in-
stance, succumbed to the difficulty of distinguishing the parties,
and, as his statement is the sole ground of belief that the Chief,
Donald, was murdered by his own kinsmen, the murder itself
t Reg. of Privy Seal, xxvi., fol. 57. J p. 183.
§ Coll. de Rebus Albanicis, 89-90 (lona Club). In a note, the Editor finds a
State reason for this ; but a prudent device, on the Earl's part, to secure the peace of
Lorn and Lochaber may have had something to do with it.
II P. 202. * Vol. ii. 597.
566 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
may now be dismissed as unworthy of credit* The date of his
death is approximately fixed by the gift to George, Earl of
Huntly "of the nonentries, mailis fermis, profittis and dewitties
of all, and sindrie the lands of Loch-Zeild," &c
"sen ye deceis of umquhile Donald Dow "f — dated 2ist April,
1567. He thus died about thirteen years after his brother,
Ewen Beg, and twenty years after the execution of his
grandfather, Ewen Alanson. The record of his death is im-
portant as fixing the date of the birth of his successor, the infant
son of his younger brother, John — Allan Maclanduy,^ as he is
called in the records, and as being otherwise a much needed
landmark. With him we come to the third generation from
Ewen Alanson, and to one of the most complicated periods in
Cameron history. Allan's natural guardians were now — say,
from 1567, onwards — not his uncles, nor yet his grand-uncles,
strictly so, for these, perhaps with one exception, were dead,
but his half-grand-uncles, viz.: Donald and John, sons of Ewen
Alanson, by Marjory Mackintosh. All accounts agree that there
was an attempt on their part to usurp the chieftainship, together
with the family estates. We need not suppose, that a supreme
regard for the precision of the feudal law of succession had
penetrated to Lochaber, and now inspired the Camerons, although
the contentions and bloodshed that ensued turned on the point
of lineage and blood. Both parties to the quarrel were of the
blood of Ewen Alanson ; but they were divided thus, that on
the one side was Allan, his descendant by a daughter of the
friendly house of Lochalsh, while on the other side were his
descendants by Marjory Mackintosh, with whose race, unfortu-
nately, there had been an inveterate and bloody feud. At this
juncture the cause of the minor, Allan, came to be represented,
both in counsel and in arms, by his relative, Donald MacEwen
Beg, described as the illegitimate son of that Ewen Beg
who met his death at Inchconnell. There was this to range
him on the same side, that he was of the blood of Ewen Alanson
by his first marriage. We have thus the survivors of the first
* The " Introduction " knows nothing of it.
t Reg. of Privy Seal, xxxvi. fol. 33.
t Celtic Magazine 1883, p. 268. Gregory, p. 203, had satisfactorily disproved the
statement of the " Introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewen Cameron" that Donald
was succeeded by his son, Allan.
"TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE." 567
generation from Ewen Alanson arrayed against certain members
of the third generation ; or otherwise, the lineage of Lochiel-
Lochalsh against that of Lochiel-Mackintosh;
The author of the " Introduction " passes lightly, over the
internecine struggle that followed. It is plain that he was very
inadequately informed, and only grudgingly accords his due meed
of honour to the leader who, through it all, bore the burden of the
young Chiefs cause. We are told by him that there was intoler-
able oppression by the tutors, and that, in consequence, Donald
MacEwen Beg was recalled from among the Grants ; that there
ensued a kind of civil war, during which Mackintosh marched
into the Cameron country, and imposed terms which the tutors
could not resist ; and that then there was talk of a counter
invasion of Mackintosh territory, which may, or may not, have
come off.* The tradition of Lochaber went considerably
further. By the aid of their relative, Mackintosh, and their own
immediate followers, the tutors aimed at a complete control of
their own tribe. They admitted the Mackintoshes, in force, into
the country, and allowed them to take up, and occupy, a fortified
position somewhere near Moy, on the verge of the lands that
had been long in debate between the two Clans. This was,
ostensibly, in pledge of the fulfilment of certain stipulations, to
which the Camerons had been unwillingly and unwittingly
bound by the tutors. The result was a rising of the majority of
the Camerons, against a minority of the same Clan supported by
a body of Mackintoshes, who had got firm hold on a parcel of
territory, which they, too, had long regarded as by right their
own. Nor was it till after numerous skirmishes, and several
bloody encounters on a large scale, which are said to have
drawn out the full strength of the Mackintoshes, that these were
beat back, and the Cameron minority quelled. Two of these
conflicts have left an indelible impression on the tradition of
that country, and were fought, the one at Moy, and the other at
Mucomer. Here again, contemporary records fairly support the
tradition of Lochaber, for they show that the strife must have
lasted for a considerable time, as they also show when it practi-
cally terminated. It may have begun any time after 1566, to
which year we may refer the death of the Chief, Donald Dow
* Author's Introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron, p. 37-8.
568 "TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE."
MacDonald MacEwen; the birth of Allan Maclanduy, his
successor, and the appointment of tutors ; but we must allow
some years to elapse, for the tyranny and designs of the tutors
to take effect. It looks, indeed, as if we could actually deter-
mine the year when these came to a height and were frustrated,
viz., 1576., i.e., there was an interval of ten years, or nearly
as many, during which these tutors were in power; for in
1576, as may be inferred from the record, a prominent member
of the Clan, Donald MacEwen, was put to death. * If we may
hold with the author of the " Introduction " that the name of one
of the tutors was Donald — and we have seen that he was probably
correct in that particular — then, this Donald MacEwen of the re-
cords was none other than the tutor, Donald, the son of Ewen
Alanson, by Marjory Mackintosh, f We also know who his
slayers were, for the event had excited the interest of the Earls
of Argyll and Athole — themselves, a short time before, at feud —
and in connection with the action of these magnates, the whole
story can be unravelled in the records of Privy Council. The
perpetrators of the slaughter were Allastir Dow MacAllan Mac-
Ian " of Camroun, and John Cam, his broder of surnawm," J
whom we may identify with " Allastir Dow MacAllane Vc. Eane
of Culchinny," and "Johnne Mor MacAllane Vc. Eane of Cal-
lardy," of a considerably later entry. § The same passage in the
records which misled Gregory seems also to have misled the
author of the " Introduction," 11 for whereas the former found in
it the murder of a Chief, which probably never happened, the
latter evidently found in it, and with a better excuse and greater
show of probability, the assassination of Donald MacEwen Beg,
for which also there seems to be no foundation, except in this mis-'
* Reg. Privy Council vol. ii., 597.
tThe « Introduction" may or may not be right in styling him Donald MacEwen
Eracht, for it is possible that he was succeeded in Eracht by Mac Vc. Ewen, the
progenitor of that family, since so highly distinguished.
%Reg. of Privy Council, vol. ii., p. 587-8, &c. In the Reg. it is Allaster Dow
MacAllane MacEwin-but we should read as above, for he appears by his/rffc*
h other, Ewen MacAne," captain of Inverlochy.
§ Reg of Ptivy Council, vol. v., p. 498 (year 1598)
That the author was largely guided by these records appears from his preface :
I have written to Bishop Keith and to Macfarlane to search the records for what
^ " rg ''-I » t0 Sir EWCn °r WS Predecess^- I myself have searched
Privy Council. "-Preface, xliii-iv.
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE. 569
take. Closely scanned, the passage itself shows, that as it does
not record the death of Donald MacDonald MacEwen, the Chief,
so neither does it register the fate of Donald MacEwen Beg ; *
for it speaks of the brothers of the dead man — a phrase which
cannot apply to Donald MacEwen Beg, who had no brother.
Then, the records clearly indicate that the perpetrators of the deed,
Allaster Dow and John Cam, were befriended by Argyll, who
succeeded in getting them out of Athole's hands ; and that they
were the partizans, and not the adversaries, of Donald MacEwen
Beg.-f- Besides, the " Introduction " states that Allan, the young
Chief, was about seventeen years of age when he returned to
Lochaber, and that it was after his return that " he gave way to
the death " of Donald MacEwen Beg, whereas at the death of
this other personage, Allan would be about ten years old.
This point, however, does not depend on minute criticism.
Allan Maclanduy had, in the meantime, been confided to the
care of his relative, Mr John Cameron, the minister of Dunoon
and Kilmun, in Cowal.J Thither, also, we find Donald Mac-
Ewen Beg following him about this time — a fact which was
unknown to the author of the " Introduction." The Earls of
Argyll and Athole having made up their feud, bonds of
assurance and friendship were signed in favour of each other,
by these lords, at Dunoon and Dunkeld, respectively. That
which was subscribed by Argyll bears date: "at Dunnone, the
xx day of Julii, the year of God, 1576 years," and is attested
" before thir witnesses, Donald MacEwen Vc Oneill, in Lochaber"
and others.§ It may be affirmed, that there was no prominent
member of the Clan Cameron to whom that designation applied,
at the time, except Donald MacEwen Beg. That was in July
1 576, six months, it is true, before the date of the entry which
* " Holyrood, 1576/7, 24th Feb. Mr Anclro Abercrumby, servitor of Johnne
Earl of Athole, presented in his master's name Allistar Dow MacAllane MacEwin
Camroun and Johnne Cam his brother, and also produced letters raised by the
brothers and other friends of the late Donald Dow MacKewin, by which the said
Allistar and Johnne were denounced for the slaughter of the said Donald.'' — Keg, of
Privy Council, vol. ii., 579.
t Reg. of Privy Council, vol. ii., pp. 587, 588, 597, 660, 6631
J Author's Introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Riven Cameron of Lochiel, p. 37.
§ It was not unusual for the Lowland scribe to write the Gaelic for MacDonald
in this way, e.g., one out of many, Angus MacDonald, of Dunyveg, appears as
"Angus Mack Oneill. — History of King James the Sext, pp. 217-330.
570 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
records the slaughter of Donald MacKewin (26th Feb., 1577).
But his slayers had been imprisoned by Athole " certain months
syne," as they complained, before the beginning of February,
1577; and they had been at the horn before they had been
caught and imprisoned by Athole -f — facts which pretty well
exhaust the interval of six months, and point to the conclusion,
not that Donald MacEwen Beg, who witnessed Argyll's bond at
Dunoon in the previous July, had hurried back to Lochaber, and
was put to death as soon as he arrived ; but that on the slaughter
of the one tutor, Donald MacKewin, at Inverlochy, and the escape
of the other, he had proceeded to Dunoon, where young Lochiel
and the Earl of Argyll were to be found. The author of the
" Introduction " relates that when the first tutor had been put to
death, it was by Donald MacEwen Beg's intercession with
Argyll, that the second tutor, John of Kinlochiel, was brought
to execution. One other document strengthens this view if,
indeed, it does not decide the point. A bond of maintenance,
by Angus Macdonald of Dunyvcgto Ninian Bannatyne of Kames
(in Bute, and separated from Cowal.by the Kyles of Bute), was
subscribed on the i6th May, 1577, "before these witnesses,
Donald Cameron of Lochaber," and others. That, at least, was
posterior to the slaughter of "Donald MacKewin." It can-
not be said, for certain, that the " Donald Cameron of Lochaber,"
who witnessed this deed at Kames in May, 1 577, was identical
with "Donald MacEwen Vc. Coneill in Lochaber," who wit-
nessed a similar deed, at Dunoon, in July of the previous year,
but there is a high degree of probability that he was. On the
one hand, there is no clue to any other to whom the designation
can be applied ; while, on the other hand, " Donald Cameron of
Lochaber" has just that touch of indefiniteness, and importance of
position in the Clan, at the time, that would accurately describe
him. The probability is that Donald MacEwen Beg, had again
visited Dunoon and Cowal, where young Allan still resided, on
affairs connected with the Clan. Now, although the " Intro-
duction " makes no allusion to his presence in Cowal, we have
traced him thither, apparently in the course of two successive
summers, those, viz, of 1576 and 1577. And as Allan did not re-
+urn from Dunoon till he was about 17 years of age, i.e., till say
t Reg. of Privy Council, vol. ii. 537-8.
"TAILLEAR DUBH NA TUAIGHE." 571
1583, it is probable that Donald MacEvven Beg was in that neigh-
bourhood on other occasions, of which no record exists. Of him,
however, under that name, no reminiscence has been preserved to
our time, in Cowal ; there nothing is known of him any more
than on Speyside, while, on the other hand, the memory of Tail-
lear Dubh na Tuaighe or Donald Dubh of Lochiel, has been
warmly cherished by his descendants in Cowal, down to the
present generation. Of his ultimate escape from Lochaber, no-
thing need be said for the present. So far, then, the case stands
thus. Beyond Lochaber, there are two localities, and only two,
in which a steadfast, living tradition regarding Taillear Dubh na
Tuaighe, together with a persistent claim of descent from him, has
been preserved. In both districts, there is independent evidence
of the presence of Donald MacEvven Beg. The tradition of
Lochaber identifies him with the Taillear Dubh. The traditions
of all three localities lead up to much the same period. The
reader must be left to judge whether there be two Richmonds in
the field, or whether we have here one and the same man, in
different guises, according as he was known to the scribes, or as
he was known by the people.
(To be continued.)
TO THE READER. — The present number completes our ninth annual volume,
a period of existence not vouchsafed to any preceding Celtic publication, in any shape,
Gaelic or English. The Highlander lived for eight years as a weekly newspaper, and
five numbers of it appeared as a monthly periodical. The Gael continued, at more or
less regular intervals, for six years. The Teachdaire Gaidhealach, and Cnairtcar nan
Gleann lived each for two years; the Teachdaire Ur Gaidhealach for seven months;
Bratach na Firinn for about two years. The High/and Pioneer, the Glasgow High-
lander, and the Highland Echo, had each a very short and precarious existence. Not
less than six of these died or were killed since we started the Celtic Magazine. Not
a few of them attempted to kick us aside, but we are still alive, alone in our glory,
more prosperous and influential than at any previous period of our history ; thanks
mainly to our kind contributors and other good friends. It is unnecessary to say that
we shall make every effort in future to deserve even greater success than we have yet
attained, and to secure the continued patronage and good-will of our Highland
countrymen at home and abroad.
572
HIGHLAND LAND LAW REFORM CONFERENCE
AT DINGWALL.
AT Dingwall, on the 2nd September 1884, in a conference of
delegates from branches of the Highland Land Law Reform
Associations of Ross, Inverness, -Argyle, and Sutherland shires,
and from Edinburgh, London, &c., Dr J. B. Clark, Chairman of
the London Highland Land Law Reform Association, was, on
the motion of Mr J. Macgilchrist Ross, Teaninich, called upon to
preside. Donald Murray, London ; Mr Walker, South Uist (in
Gaelic) ; John Macpherson, Glcndale (in Gaelic) ; John Mackay,
C.E., Hereford ; the Rev. John Mactavish, Inverness ; Neil Mac-
neil, Tirec ; Michael Buchanan, Barra ; the Rev. Mr Gumming,
Melness, D. Macfarlane, M.P., and Dean of Guild Mackenzie,
Inverness, addressed the meeting, expressing their views on the
objects of the conference, whereupon
Mr Dugald Cowan, Edinburgh, moved, and it was unanimously agreed that,
in the opinion of this conference, the condition of the Highlands and Islands, as de-
tailed in the Report of the Royal Commission (Highlands and Islands), and the evic-
tion, and threatened eviction, of crofters and cottars, necessitates: —
The introduction of a Bill, on the re-assembling of Parliament, applying to the
districts embraced in the Royal Commissioners' inquiry, suspending the power now
possessed by landlords of evicting crofters and cottars from their holdings and
dwellings.
Dean of Guild Mackenzie, Inverness, moved, seconded by Mr Samuel Maclaren,
merchant, Leith, and it was agreed to, that this conference expresses its thanks to the
Prime Minister for the declaration in his speech of Saturday last of his intention to
give earnest and sympathetic consideiation to the condition of the Highland peasan-
try, but while approving generally of many of the proposals contained in the Crofter
Commission Report, considers that alone these do not meet the wants of the people,
and desires that these should be supplemented and amended. This was done as follows :
On the motion of Mr Ross, Teaninich, seconded by the Rev. Mr Maccallum, Rou-
say, Orkney, and agreed to, that, at the earliest possible date, a measure be introduced
establishing a Land Court with judicial and administrative functions for the afore-
said district, with powers as between crofters and cottars on the one part, and land-
lords on the other.
That the Land Courts should determine what are fair rents.
On the motion of Dean of Guild Mackenzie, seconded by the Rev. John Mac-
tavish, Inverness, and agreed to—
That all tenants of holdings shall have a Durable Tenure; which means that they
shall not be subject to removal so long as the fair rents fixed by the Land Court are
paid, and the conditions of their tenancies fulfilled.
It was agreed that all tenants of holdings shall have the right of Free Sale of their
tenant right, the buyer of a tenant right being entitled to all the rights and privileges,
and subject to the same conditions as the seller.
LAND LAW REFORM CONFERENCE. 573
This- Conference approves of the compulsory enlargement of old townships, and
is of opinion that the formation of new townships should also be compulsory.
It was unanimously agreed that the recommendations of the Commission, in re-
ference to the purchase of holdings, should be compulsory, with the consent of the Land
Court.
It was also agreed that the recommendations of the Commission, in regard to
new deer forests, should be also applied to existing forests.
It was unanimously agreed that there should be such a modification of the Game
Laws as will entitle tenants to shoot deer and other game on land in their
occupation.
It was unanimously agreed that no Procurator-Fiscal should be permitted to
practise as an estate or law-agent.
It was unanimously agreed that immediate effect be given to the recommendations
of the Commission regarding education, fisheries, and communications, and such other
reforms as are of an administrative character.
It was agreed that the Land Tax, and other taxes for local and imperial purposes,
should be levied on the present valuation.
It was unanimously agreed that no candidate for Parliament should be acceptable
to a Highland constituency who will not accept the programme adopted by this con-
ference ; and that a bill be drafted to give it legislative effect.
It was unanimously agreed, on the motion of Mr U. Sinclair, Lochalsh, seconded
by Mr John Mackay, C.E., Hereford, that efforts should be made to establish a news-
paper, devoted to the advocacy of the Land Question, for circulation in the Highlands
generally. Dean of Guild Mackenzie, Mr John Mackay, C.E., Hereford ; Mr
Stuart Glennie, barrister-at-law, London ; Mr D. Sinclair, Auchtertyre, Lochalsh ; Dr
J. B Clark, London ; Councillor Nicol, Dingwall ; Mr Dugald Cowan, Edinburgh ;
and Mr Donald Murray, London, were appointed a Committee, with power to add to
their number, to consider the best means of successfully starting such a newspaper.
The conference closed with a hearty vote of thanks to the Chairman, to Mr
Donald Murray, London, and Mr John Macrae, solicitor, Dingwall, the joint-
secretaries.
At a conference of members of kindred societies, and others interested in the
Land Question, held the same evening, it was moved by Sir George Campbell, M.P.,
seconded by Dean of Guild Mackenzie, Inverness, and unanimously agreed to —
That all the Land Law Reform Societies unite on a common platform to make
this question of Land Law Reform a test one at the next election, and that two repre-
sentatives from each Society be appointed as a Committee for this purpose.
The following duly accredited Delegates attended the Con-
ference : —
The Pev. John Mactavish, Inverness.
Alexander Mackenzie, Dean of Guild, do.
John Macdonald, Exchange, do.
Rev. Mr Mackenzie, Farr.
Francis Macbean, Grantown.
Duncan Mackenzie, do.
Mr Calder, Strathspey.
Donald Nicholson, "The Brave Old Crofter," Solitote, Isle of Skyc.
Roderick Macinnes, Steinscholl, do.
Norman Stewart, do. do.
Murdoch Maclean, do. do.
Malcolm Mackenzie, do, do,
2R
574 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
John Nicolson, Tote, Snizort, Isle of Skye
Neil Shaw, Eyre, do.
Duncan Macrae, Snizort, do.
John Beaton, Snizort, do.
Hector Mackenzie, Solitote, Kilmuir.
Donald Beaton, do.
Murdo Gillies, do.
John Macpherson, Glendale, do.
Neil Macneil, Tiree.
Donald Sinclair, do.
Charles Macdonald, Kilmaluag.
Angus Sutherland, Halladale, Sutherlandshire.
William Mackenzie, Halladale, do.
Alexander Bain, Rogart, do.
John Sutherland, Rogart, do.
William Matheson, Rogait, do.
William Mackay, Strathy, do.
John Mackay, Strathy, do.
Rev. Mr Gumming, Melness, do.
Farquhar Macrae, medical student, Dingwall.
Mr Mackenzie, do.
Thomas Nicol, do.
J. M'G. Ross, Teaninich, Alness.
Duncan Mackay, Durinish, Lochalsh.
D. Sinclair, do.
Mr Macrae, do.
Donald Macdonald, do.
Duncan Macrae, Kin tail. . j
Mr Maclennan, Timaru, Strathpeffer.
Donald Macdonald, do.
Mr Macdonald, Rootfield, Ferrintosh.
Mr Forbes, Rootfield, do.
John Ross, Strath, Gairloch.
Alex. Macgregor, do.
Mr Grant, Resolis.
Mr Kemp, do.
Thomas Mackenzie, Logie-Easter.
James Matheson, Logic.
David Ross, do.
John Matheson, do.
Mr Macleod, teacher, Ardgay.
Mr Mackenzie, Craiglea, Culbokie.
John Fowler, Braefindon, do.
Malcolm Macqueen, North Uist.
Roderick Macdonald, South Uist.
Alexander Macdonald, do.
Peter Walker, do.
Angus Fraser, Uist.
M. Buchanan, Barra.
Rev. Mr Grant, Loanhead, Edinburgh.
Dugald Cowan, do.
Samuel Maclaren, do.
J. Mackenzie Macleod, Liverpool.
Rev. Archibald MacCallum, Rousay, Orkney.
James Macandrew, Glasgow.
And several others whose names we have not ascertained.
At the evening Conference there were present, in addition to the
foregoing delegates :— Mr Findlater, Balveny, Dufftovvn, and Mr
John Gordon, Balmuchy, from the Scottish Farmers' Alliance ;
LAND LAW REFORM CONFERENCE. 575
and Mr Shaw Maxwell, from the Scottish Land Restoration
League.
RESOLUTIONS CARRIED UNANIMOUSLY AT THE DEMONSTRATION ON WEDNESDAY,
3RD SEPTEMBER 1884 ; Professor Blackie in the chair.
D. H. Macfarlane, Esq. M.P., moved, and C. F. Mackintosh, Esq. M.P.,
seconded —
i. — That, in the opinion of this meeting, the condition of the Highland Crofters
and Cottars, as detailed in the Report of the Royal Commission, is discreditable to
this great and wealthy nation ; and this meeting pledges itself to support the Highland
Land Law Reform Association in its efforts to effect such changes in the Land Laws
as will secure to the Highland people the right to live on their native soil under
equitable conditions.
J. M'G. Ross, Esq. Teaninich, Alness, moved, and Sir George Campbell, M. P. ,
seconded —
2. — That this meeting expresses its gratification that the Royal Commissioners
" recommend special legislation for the Highlands, in order to provide a remedy for
acknowledged and flagrant grievances ; and is of opinion that a measure on the lines
of the Irish Land Act, 1881, but applicable to the special circumstances of Scotland,
will alone provide a sufficient remedy.
Mr Shaw Maxwell, of Glasgow, moved, and the Rev. Mr Gumming, Melness,
seconded —
3. —That this meeting pledges itself to use its utmost power and influence to
secure the return to Parliament of such men only as are known to be in full and
thorough sympathy with the people on the great social question of Land Law Reform.
Dean of Guild Mackenzie, Inverness, moved, and Major Macleod, Eskbank,
Dalkeith, seconded —
4. — That this meeting approves of the Franchise Bill, introduced by Mr Glad-
stone, and passed by the House of Commons ; that it protests against the refusal of the
House of Lords to pass the bill ; and that it records its emphatic opinion that the
power of veto possessed by the Lords is productive of much mischief when exercised
in opposition to the deliberate will of the people ; and recommends such constitutional
changes as will make this veto inoperative.
Mr D. Cowan, Edinburgh, moved, and Mr J. Mackenzie Macleod, Liverpool,
seconded —
5. — That a copy of each of the said resolutions and a copy of the programme
adopted by the Conference of Highland Land Law Reform Societies here yesterday,
be transmitted to each of, the Premier, Earl Granville, the Home Secretary, the
Lord Advocate, Mr Mundella, and each of the Scottish Members of Parliament,
Councillor Nicol, Ding wall, moved, and Mr John Mackay, C.E., Hereford,
seconded, a vote of thanks to Professor Blackie for his conduct in the chair.
In addition to the movers and seconders, the above resolutions were supported —
the first, by Mr Stuart Glennie, barrister-at-law, London, and the Rev. Mr Mac-
Callum, E.G., Waternish, Isle of Skye, by the latter, in Gaelic ; the second, by Dr
Macdonald, late candidate for the County of Ross ; and the third, by Dr J. B.
Clark, London, Land Law Reform candidate for the County of Caithness, and others.
It is computed that from 1200 to 1500 men joined in the procession from the
railway station to the park, and that over 3000 took part in the meeting held in the
open air, at which the above resolutions were enthusiastically passed without a
dissentient voice.
THE PROPHECIES OF THE BRAHAN SEER — THE FOURTH THOUSAND.— Messrs
A. & W. Mackenzie, publishers of the Celtic Magazine, have just issued a SHILLING
EDITION of this remarkable book, in paper covers, making the fourth thousand with-
in the last few years. The Scotsman " recommends it to the lovers of the 'marvellous
as a sweet morsel." Can be sent free by Post for is. ad. to any address in the United
Kingdom, Canada, the United States of America, and all places within the Postal
Union.
576 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE KILLIN COLLECTION OF GAELIC SONGS
AND MUSIC*
MANY labourers have appeared in the field of Gaelic music and
song, both in long past and recent years, and much excellent
work has been done. The names of not a few diligent and success-
ful workers will recall themselves at the mere mention of the fact
— names alike of authors of original melody and of lyric poetry,
of which our countrymen have produced no small store, and also
of successful compilers of the labours of the bards and singers of
the olden time. In truth the Highlanders are a musical people,
as is clearly evinced by the great proportion of their native
literature that has assumed the form of song. Ample, however,
as has been the harvest to be reaped, it cannot be said that very
much of the fruit has been placed beyond the power of " Time,
the destroyer," and, consequently, a great deal of our music and
poetry is being either lost or adulterated almost beyond recogni-
tion every day, as an alien tongue and foreign manners are
prevailing over the length and breadth of the North ; and may
we not also say that much of our loss is due to the mistaken
notions of our teachers, both lay and cleric. The latter supposed
that the spontaneous and natural indulgence of the propen-
sity for sonc-; which the Creator implanted in the bosom of the
Celt was inimical to the exercise of the religious sense which is
equally characteristic of the race. Our educationists, on the
other hand, with an assiduity and persistence worthy of a better
exemplification of common-sense, ably seconded the clergy in
the repression and entire exclusion of the native clement in the
work of the schools. We have not yet been able to change all
that, nor is it possible to undo the evil work of past years ; but
all honour to the men whose sympathetic and intelligent labours
are devoted to the task of resisting, or at least of retarding,
the baneful process of deterioration to which we have alluded.
When the Celt comes to reckon up the roll of his benefactors in
this respect, he will assuredly assign a conspicuous and honoured
place to Mr Charles Stewart of Tigh-an-duin. The work on our
table is not his first contribution to the conservative and truly
* The Killin Collection of Gaelic Songs, with Music nnd Translations, l,y
Charles Stewart, Tigh-an-duin, Killin. Edinburgh : Maclachlan & Stewait. 1884.
KILLIN COLLECTION OF GAELIC SONGS 57;
patriotic work of rescuing from decay, and adding to, our noble
heritage of song and story, and we sincerely express the wish
that he may persevere in the good work to which he has already
with so much success devoted himself.
In the work before us, Mr Stewart does not profess to
approach the subject of Gaelic music in the capacity of a
scientist or philosopher. The materials are not yet complete,
nor the modifying circumstances belonging to race and custom
and external influence sufficiently investigated to admit of an
authoritative and full pronouncement on the principles, modes,
habits, and peculiarities of Gaelic music. Mr Stewart has, how-
ever, thrown himself loose from the empirical lines and the
erroneous canons which were wont to be applied to the subject
in past times, and he has called to his aid in the work of present-
ing Gaelic song in true native simplicity and form, men such as
Professor Brown and Mr Merrylees, of Glasgow, whom High-
landers have already learned to trust as true exponents of the
native features of our music. With the results of the musical
jurisprudence of Mr Brown and the intelligent and sympathetic
treatment of our melodies by Merrylees, Mr Stewart has in this
collection given ample evidence of his own good taste in the
choice of his examples and the preparation of the words, both
Gaelic and English, for the delectation of his readers. The nett
result is a collection of music which will charm any one with any
capacity for musical enjoyment who is fortunate enough to
possess a copy, and also fortunate enough to have at command
an instrumentalist or a choir that can do justice to the merits of
the work.
The introduction to the volume giving, as it does, a succinct
view of the " root principles that govern Gaelic music and
poetry " is highly important to the student of Gaelic song.
These principles first pointed out by Mr Brown, and adopted by
Mr Stewart, are (ij that Gaelic music is entirely modal, each
melody being capable of having its sharps and flats placed in the
signature, or of being played in the scale of C, without recur-
rence to the black digitals of the piano. This, it will be seen,
effectually disposes of the perplexing sharps and flats so com-
monly introduced into our Highland melodies by former editors
who clung to the old idea of " flat sevenths," and persisted in
torturing all our music into the two modern major and minor
578 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
modes. Few things have been more disastrous to Highland
music than the rigid application of this mistaken notion.
We are not sure that, without further consideration, we
should be prepared to accept, without qualification, Mr Stewart's
second canon, namely, that " the words occupy the first place,
the music only the second." The universal tendency, at least
with our modern songsters, is to adapt their compositions to some
favourite air ; the words, in many instances, being painfully
destitute of merit, and merely an evidence of the author's intense
appreciation of the beauty of the melody, on .the popularity of
which he endeavours to float his doggerel down to future ages.
However, whatever grounds there may be for demurring to Mr
Stewart's second principle, we can afford to pardon his assertion
of it, in view of his vivid observations on the rationale of poetic
and musical composition, and the habit of musical recitation
and expression among the ancient Gael. We cannot forbear
quoting :—
The second principle brings us to the historical fact that the bards first com-
posed the poetry ; then, by that aesthetic instinct which connects poetry with music,
developed the melody ; and, lastly, with this united result of genius, spoke and sang
this glorious blending to the accompaniment of the harp. The most exalted function
of music consists in its being the interpreter and intensifier of the highest poetic
thought and feeling, combined with the aptest words for expressing that thought and
feeling. The original form of the music was, without doubt, that of the chant ; not,
however, the modern form of prose chant, in which, as usually sung, it is impossible
correctly to enunciate the words, but a chant where every word not only had its own
note, but that note so wedded to it as to bring out the full meaning. This was one
result of the poetry, music, and song emanating from one person, who threw into it
the life, love, and energy of his whole being. The bard was wonderfully equipped
for delivering his glowing message. He had not only the gifts of song in their
highest form, but was also a patriot and a hero, and spoke and sung from the grandest
and noblest conceptions stirring within his spirit.
The third principle enunciated by Mr Stewart, is that " the
words and music implicitly follow the idiosyncrasies of the lan-
guage." In amplifying this statement, however, Mr Stewart is
inaccurate in saying that it is a peculiarity in Gaelic that " all
words of more than one syllable have the accent on the penulti-
mate, and never on the last syllable." The real fact is that all
pure Gaelic words are accented on the 'first syllable. The
accent can, therefore, fall on the penultimate when the word
consists of two syllables. The general effect, however, is as Mr
Stewart describes it: there is a tendency to accent some syllable
before the final one. The final one can only have the accent
when it happens to be a monosyllable.
Besides the linguistic peculiarity referred to, there are other
KILLIN COLLECTION OF GAELIC SONGS. 579
influences which account for certain of the idiosyncrasies of
Gaelic music. The adoption of the bagpipe, with its very
limited gamut, as the national instrument, has had, we fear, a
most disastrous effect on our vocal music, cramping its scope,
and seriously affecting the free flow of its melody. It is, there-
fore, doubly important that more attention should be devoted to
the cultivation and preservation of our vocal melodies, many of
which, as Mr Stewart will admit, date from a time far anterior to
the introduction of the bagpipe.
Mr Stewart's selection of songs is large and varied. With
the aid of the English translations which accompany them, our
- Lowland friends will be able so far to enter intelligently into the
pleasures of the work. Many of the translations are really ad-
mirable, others are somewhat indifferent. In one or two we fear
the translator has quite missed the sense of his author. We are
sorry to mention as one of these, that exquisite lyric, " A
Bhanarach dhonn a' Chruidh." In the two concluding stanzas
quoted, the translator has completely murdered the sense — in the
first, by misunderstanding the grammatical arrangement of the
poet's words, and in the other, by mistaking cuachag, a milk-pail,
for cnach, the cuckoo, and daraibh, staves, for clarsach, a harp.
These may, by some people, be called small .blemishes in a work
of such general excellence, but it must be remembered that Mr
Stewart is no mere tyro, and would resent being criticised as a
raw beginner in Gaelic interpretation. We have also observed
a considerable number of errors of. the press, but these do not
so materially mar the reader's enjoyment of this otherwise admir-
able work. Mr Stewart further enriches the collection by prefixing
to many of the songs very interesting and trustworthy historical
and critical notes.
As we have already indicated, it is not necessary to do more
than to mention that the harmonies and musical arrangements are
by Mr Merrylces, to guarantee their being in every respect worthy
of confidence, and in keeping with the simple genius of the
melodies. This is a feature of the work which is in every respect
most satisfactory, and cannot fail to minister delight even where
the words would excite no appreciation. Our sincere wish is that
the rapid sale of the present work will lead to another and
another from the same competent hands.
The outward and mechanical part of the work leaves
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
nothing to be desired. The printing is clear ; the outward get-up
of the book is tasteful, and entitles it to a place on the drawing-
room table, altogether irrespective of its great intrinsic merit.
It should be mentioned that the volume is printed in both the old
and the new notations, and is arranged for four voices, with very
effective pianoforte accompaniments.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN THE ISLE OF
SKYE.
FOR years past the Skyeman's knowledge of civil law has been
confined pretty much to the fact that it has the power to evict
him and his family from their home. This, perhaps, is not en-
tirely the fault of the law, but the law gets the principal share of
the odium consequent upon the proceedings which it authorises.
One consequence of this is, that the agitation in Skye has hitherto
been directed, not so much against factors and landlords, who are
responsible for the wrongs from which Skyemen suffer, as against
the law which empowers them to act. There has been no question
with them about the purity of the administration of justice, al-
though the justice meted out to them has sometimes been scant
enough. A case which recently occurred suggests, however, the
existence of a state of matters which may change the current
of feeling on this subject. Skye is a slumbering volcano, but
'those who should be most alive to the mutterings around them
seem utterly deaf.
The Island rejoices in a Sheriff-Substitute and Procurator-
Fiscal all to herself, and in the voluminous evidence led before
the Royal Commission, nothing was said which in any way
affected the honour or integrity of these gentlemen, but the case
to which reference has been made, which came before the Inver-
ness Sheriff Court a few days ago, raises a question which does
not seem to have come before the Royal Commission, and it
very seriously affects the administration of criminal law in Skye.
The facts, so far as they came to light, seem to be these : Mrs
Macdonald, the wife of a schoolmaster, living near Broadford,
managed a croft tenanted by her husband at some distance
from his school. Sometime between the winter of 1882 and
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN SKYE. 581
the spring of 1883, she lost a ewe, and in June 1883, two
neighbouring shepherds brought her a ewe and a lamb which
they said they had found on the hill grazing, and had
brought to her in consequence of their recognition of her hus-
band's mark on the ewe. She recognised the mark also, and
kept the ewe and the lamb, had the former fleeced and the latter
marked. On /th August 1883, a neighbouring crofter, John
Macinnes, came to Mrs Macdonald's house in her absence, and
carried away the ewe and the lamb, saying they were his property.
Between that time and the month of May 1884, Mrs Macdonald
repeatedly claimed re-delivery of the ewe and the lamb, but
-Macinnes refused to give them up. In the month of May
1884, he wrote Mrs Macdonald a letter, requesting delivery of
the fleece of the ewe, or of another fleece equally good. To
this letter Mrs Macdonald replied by a letter, produced by Mac-
innes, and read in Court, substantially saying that neither ewe,
lamb, nor fleece were Macinnes's, but that she was willing to
refer the question of property to a third party, and to abide by
his decision. Macinnes then, as he stated in the witness-box,
spoke to the district policeman on the subject, and, on i6th of
July 1884, Mrs Macdonald was apprehended, and conveyed as a
prisoner to Portree, at the instance of the Procurator-Fiscal of
Skye, charged with stealing a sheep, a lamb, and a fleece. On
the following day she was brought before Sheriff Speirs at Port-
ree, and emitted a declaration, in which she explained that the
ewe and the lamb were her own property, that the former had
gone amissing between the winter of 1882 and the summer of
1883, and was recognised as hers by neighbours, who brought it
to her, and that, although she believed both ewe and lamb were
her property, that they had been in Macinnes's possession for
nearly twelve months before she was charged with stealing them.
One would have thought that an explanation of this sort would
have made the Sheriff-Substitute hesitate before committing to
prison a respectable woman of nearly 50 years of age, who had
lived in the Island all her life, without even the suspicion of
crime attaching to her, and whose husband held an important
public office in the Island, on such a serious charge as sheep-
stealing, but the Sheriff-Substitute seems to have had no hesita-
tion, and, apparently without waiting- for a prccognition of the wit-
nesses, committed Mrs Macdonald to prison on the very grave
582 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
charge preferred against her. An application was immediately
made to him for her liberation on bail, but this he had no power
to grant, and for eight days she remained in prison in Portree,
until the consent of the Crown Office was obtained to the
acceptance of bail. What the nature of the precognition after-
wards taken by the Procurator-Fiscal and sent to the Crown
Office may have been, it is impossible to say, but the result was,
that a trial by Sheriff and jury at Inverness was ordered. The
trial came off on 5th September 1884, and the result was, that,
in the middle of the cross-examination of John Machines, the first
witness for the Crown, the principal Procurator-Fiscal for the
County of Inverness, who had nothing to do with the getting up
of the case, abandoned the charge, asked the jury to return a
verdict of Not Guilty, and stated that Mrs Macdonald left the
bar without the slightest stain upon her character, a remark
which was concurred in by Sheriff Blair, the principal Sheriff-
Substitute of the County, who presided at the trial. Macinnes,
in his cross-examination, stated that he did not then charge, and
never had charged, Mrs Macdonald with the theft of the ewe
and lamb, which he had taken possession of. When she refused
to give up the fleece, he spoke to the policeman on the subject,
but apparently there was no charge of theft, even as regarded
the fleece. In the face of such evidence, it is hardly to be
wondered at that the Procurator-Fiscal should have made haste
to stop the cross-examination, and abandon the charge. But it
may be asked how the charge ever came to be made ? This is
a question which probably only the Procurator-Fiscal of Skye is
able to answer, and the public are entitled to get his answer.
The Report of the Crofters' Commission contains a recom-
mendation that Procurators-Fiscal "should be prohibited from
doing any professional work, or any business for profit, other
than their proper business." Probably, if that recommendation
were adopted as regards the Island of Skye, it would have little
practical effect, the attention of the Procurator- Fiscal there being
as it is, pretty much confined to his official duties. But in Skye,
and in some other parts of the Highlands, the terms upon which
Procurators-Fiscal hold office are such as should not attach to
the holding of any public office involving the exercise of the
enormous powers for evil entrusted to those officers. It is some-
what singular that it never seems to have been mentioned to the
Royal Commission that several Procurators-Fiscal in the more
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN SKYE. 583
sparsely peopled districts of the Highlands are paid, not by a
fixed salary, but by fees for specific work performed. The
Government in this way offers a premium for the multiplication
of criminal business, and it is too much to expect a public officer,
with, perhaps, nothing- to depend upon but his official income, to
deal in an entirely disinterested spirit with every complaint made
to him in his official capacity. We do not know the exact state
of the facts, but we believe there is also a higher scale of pay-
ment for the more important class of cases which are reported to
Crown Counsel, than for unreported cases. In this way a
direct inducement is held out to magnify trifling cases into the
"appearance of important ones. We do not mean to say that
any Procurator-Fiscal who is paid in this way is consciously
biassed in the performance of his public functions by the fact that
his remuneration depends upon the amount of crime in his district,
or that that element enters in any way into the case now in
question ; but we do say that a public office of such respon-
sibility as that of Procurator-Fiscal, an office, the holder of which
has the power to blast the happiness and reputation of innocent
members of the community, should not be held on terms which
provoke to the prostitution of public functions for purposes of
private gain.
When the recommendation of the Crofters' Commission al-
ready referred to, was brought under the notice of the House of
Commons, the Lord Advocate stated as a reason for not giv-
ing effect to it, the additional expense which the adoption of the
recommendation would involve upon the public. The reforma-
tion we now advocate, namely, the placing of all Procurators-
Fiscal on salary, is one which can be carried out without an
additional penny of expense to the public ; and we trust that
the ensuing Session of Parliament will see an end put to a
system which is liable to such terrible abuse.
The House of Commons last year, on the motion of Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh, M P., asked for a Return of all the cases
brought for trial to Inverness from the Western Isles and the
Fort- William district during the last twenty years, the number of
convictions obtained, and the cost of these cases. Why has this
Return not been printed ? We look forward to the information
which it is sure to disclose with much interest, and trust that its
appearance will not be further delayed. It will have a most
important bearing' on the subject discussed in this article.
584 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
GLENCAIRN'S DUEL.
THE following incidents occurred at the time of the Earl of Glen-
cairn's Highland expedition in 1653. After having, with con-
siderable trouble, raised a large body of men, he had to give up
the command to General Middleton, who was appointed com-
mander-in-chief. This appointment appears to have been very
unpopular with Glencairn's men, who \verc greatly attached to him,
and also to have caused considerable irritation on the part of the
officers, which found vent in more than one duel.
On General Middleton assuming command, he ordered a
review of the Earl's forces, to inspect the men, horses, and arms.
As was to be expected among irregular troops so hastily gathered
together, there were many deficiencies, which General Middlcton's
officers were not slow to observe and openly comment upon,
much to the annoyance of Glencairn and his officers. Their
angry feelings were, perhaps, still more inflamed by the fact of
their having just at this time an unusual quantity of wine at their
disposal; for, a day or two before, an English ship, laden with
about forty tuns of French wine, had been driven ashore on the
coast of Sutherlandshire, and was seized by General Middleton,
who distributed the wine among the different officers. While the
men were all assembled, Glencairn rode along the ranks, and told
them that he now held no higher command than a Colonelcy, and
while thanking them for the ready obedience they had given
to him, he trusted they would serve their new commander equally
well. The men were much moved by this address, and plainly
showed they did not like the change ; but vowed they would
follow Glencairn to any part of the world.
The Earl then invited the General and all the principal
officers to dine with him at his quarters, which were at the house
of the Laird of Kettle, four miles from Dornoch, where the head-
quarters were. After having entertained them to the best of
everything the country afforded, he turned to the General, and
pledging him in a glass of wine said, " My Lord General, you see
what a gallant army these worthy gentlemen here present and I
have gathered together, at a time when it would hardly be ex-
pected that any number durst meet together : these men have
GLENCAIRN'S DUEL. 585
come out to serve his Majesty at the hazard of their lives, and
of all that is dear to them. I hope, therefore, you will give them
all the encouragement to do their duty that lies in your power."
Before General Middleton could reply, Sir George Munro, who
had before made himself very disagreeable to Glencairn, by his
slighting remarks on the appearance of his men, started up, and
with an oath exclaimed, " my Lord, the men you speak of are
nothing but a number of thieves and robbers ; and ere long, I
will bring another sort of men to the field."
This most uncalled for and offensive speech threw the com-
pany into confusion. Glencairn's officers rose with their hands
on their swords, all speaking at once, demanding the remark to
be withdrawn and apologised for. Glengarry, who was present,
seemed to think the insult was specially intended for him, and
could only be with great difficulty restrained by Glencairn, who
commanded him to be quiet, saying, " Glengarry, I am more
concerned in this affront than you are ;" then, turning to Munro,
he exclaimed with heat, " You, sir, are a base liar ; for they are
neither thieves nor robbers, but gallant gentlemen and good
soldiers."
General Middleton now found it necessary to interfere, and
raising his voice, commanded them both, on their allegiance, to
keep the peace, pointing out the injury that would accrue to the
King's cause, if they thus quarrelled among themselves, "there-
fore," he continued, " I will have you to make friends at once,"
and filling a glass with wine, he turned to the Earl, saying, " My
Lord Glencairn, I think you did the greatest wrong in giving Sir
George the lie ; so you shall drink to him, and he shall pledge
you."
Glencairn, seeing the truth of the General's remarks, was
willing to overlook the insult to himself, and gracefully taking
the glass drank to Sir George, who, however, did not respond in
an equally agreeable manner, but in a surly way muttered some
indistinct words. The matter was then passed by, and the com-
pany broke up to return to headquarters.
Glencairn accompanied the General for about a mile, when
he returned with only two gentlemen, Colonel Blackadder and John
Graham of Deuchrie. He appeared to have quite recovered from
his annoyance, and laid himself out to be amused. The daughter
586 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of the Laird of Kettle was a good musician, and played on the
virginals, while the servants and attendants danced. Just as
supper was served, and the Earl going to sit down, a servant an-
nounced that Alexander Munro, brother of Sir George, was at
the gate seeking an audience of the Earl. Glencairn at once
gave orders for his admittance, met him at the door, shook hands
with him, and invited him to join them at supper, which he
did, and afterwards spent two or three hours very pleasantly, with
singing and dancing. Glencairn and Munro were observed to
have a few minutes private conversation together, but this
attracted no attention, as neither of them showed by their manner
that anything unusual was going on, although in those few
minutes the particulars of a deadly duel were arranged. Munro
at length took his leave, and the household retired to rest.
The Earl slept in a double-bedded room, he occupying one
bed, and Colonel Blackadder and Graham of Deuchrie, the other.
When all were sound asleep, Glencairn rose, and without waking
anyone but his servant, John White, whom he took with him,
went out to meet Sir George Munro, half \vay between his quarters
and Dornoch. Here Sir George met them, accompanied by his
brother, Alexander, who had taken the challenge to the Earl.
The duel was to be fought on horseback, with one pistol each,
and afterwards with broadswords. They both fired at once,
without any effect, and then, drawing their swords, they attacked
each other with concentrated fury. After a pass or two, Sir
George received a cut on his bridle hand, which caused him to
lose control of his horse ; on which he asked the Earl's permis-
sion to finish the duel on foot. Glencairn instantly dismounted,
exclaiming, "You base carle ; I will show you that I will match
you either on foot or horseback !" He soon proved this was no
idle boast, for in a few minutes Sir George was hors de combat,
with a severe cut on his brow, which bled so profusely that he
was quite blinded. Still, Glencairn was not satisfied, and made
a lunge with the intention of running his enemy through the
body ; but John White, with a quick movement interfered, and
forced up his sword, saying, " That is enough, my lord ; you have
got the better of him." Glcncairn, however, was so enraged that
he turned on his faithful servant and gave him a severe blow
across the shoulders for daring to interfere. However, he did
GLENCAIRN'S DUEL. 587
not resume the duel ; indeed, Sir George was quite helpless, and
his brother had great difficulty in getting him back to Dornoch.
The Earl and his attendant returned, and got into the house
again without anyone knowing anything of the matter.
When General Middleton heard of the tragic affair he was
exceedingly angry, and sent an officer, Captain Campbell, with a
guard to secure the Earl, take his sword from him, and keep him
a prisoner on parole, while he used every endeavour to heal the
breach between them. He might have been successful, had not
Glencairn been again deeply offended by the following circum-
stance : —
The recent duel was naturally the subject of discussion
among the officers, who took different sides, and two of them,
Livingston and Lindsay, got so angry over the dispute, that
nothing would satisfy them but fighting a duel themselves, with
the sad result that Livingston, who was a friend of Sir George
Munro, was killed. Lindsay was immediately arrested, tried,
and sentenced to be shot at the Cross of Dornoch at four o'clock
the same day.
The Earl made every effort to save his friend's life, but the
General turned a deaf ear to all his entreaties, and the sentence
was carried out.
Glencairn was very annoyed at the evident partiality shown
by the General to Sir George Munro, and finding it impossible to
co-operate with them, he determined to leave them altogether.
He accordingly marched away southwards with only his own
troop and a few gentlemen volunteers; not a hundred men in all.
On learning of their defection, the General sent a strong party
after them with orders either to bring them back or fight them.
Glencairn, however, pushed on to Assynt, and secured the passes,
so that he was able to defy double their number, and they
returned without attacking him. Glencairn then continued his
march to Kintail, thence to Lochbroom, Lochaber, Loch-Rannoch,
Loch-Tay, and on to Killin, where he was joined by Sir George
Maxwell with a hundred men, William, Earl of Selkirk, with
sixty, and Lord Forrester with eighty more, so that he found
himself at the head of about 400 horsemen. But the Earl was
too good a subject to allow his personal feelings to stand in the
way of his duty, so he sent the whole to General Middleton " so
588 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
that they might not be wanting in their duty to the King's
service where occasion might offer."
Glencairn was now taken seriously ill ; but still continued
his efforts to raise men for his sovereign, and within two months
had again got together two hundred horse. But all his loyal
exertions were in vain; the cause was doomed, General Middleton
was utterly defeated and his army scattered. Many of them came
to Glencairn and offered their services. He, however, saw the
inutility of further resistance, and decided upon capitulating
with the victorious General Monk.
He accordingly entered into a treaty with him, but it was
nearly a month before it was concluded ; indeed, at one time the
negotiation was broken off altogether, when the Earl made a
sudden raid upon Dumbarton, killed between thirty and forty
men, took twenty more prisoners, besides a number of horses
and two hundred loads of corn. This successful attack made
Monk anxious to complete the treaty of capitulation, which he
did on the following favourable conditions, as described by one
of Glencairn 's officers, who was present : —
" That all the officers and soldiers should be indemnified
as to their lives and fortunes, and that they should have passes
delivered to each to secure their safety in travelling through the
country to their own respective homes, they doing nothing pre-
judicial to the present Government. The officers were to be
allowed all their horses and arms, to be disposed of as they
pleased. They were also to have the liberty of wearing their
swords when they travelled through the country. The common
soldiers were allowed to sell their horses ; they were obliged to
deliver up their arms, but it was ordained that they were to
receive the full value for them, as it should be fixed by two
officers of Lord Glencairn's and two of General Monk's. All
which particulars were punctually performed by the General.
Two long tables were placed upon the green below the castle, at
which all the men received their passes, and the common soldiers
the money for their arms.
" This happened upon the 4th day of September 1654.
The Earl of Glencairn that same night crossed the water, and
came to his own house of Finlayston."
M. A. ROSE.
L .
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